Pie = = LT at ia a -— => oa! =. . ne . a T J = an of ica” Sree oa 9 eh Le \ Wey chet on 5 A Dictionary of the Bible A Dictionary of the Bible DEALING WITH ITS LANGUAGE, LITERATURE, AND CONTENTS INCLUDING THE BIBLICAL THEOLOGY EDITED BY JAMES HASTINGS, M.A., D.D. WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF JOHN A. SELBIK, M.A. AND, CHIEFLY IN THE REVISION OF THE PROOFS, OF A. B. DAVIDSON, D.D., LL.D. S. R. DRIVER, D.D., Lrrt.D. PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, NEW COLLEGE, EDINBURGH REGIUS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, OXFORD 156, Us}, SAAD AMDT © DRADER 1pm yet De BEGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY, CAMBRIDGE VOLUME I A—FEASTS NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS EpinzeureH: T. & T. CLARK 1923 Printed in the United States of Am PREFACE “GivE heed to... teaching.’ Perhaps the Church of Christ has never given sufficient heed to teaching since the earliest and happiest days. In our own day the importance of teaching, or, as we sometimes call it, expository preaching, has been pressed home through causes that are various yet never accidental; and it is probable that in the near future more heed will be given by the Church to teaching than has ever been given before. As a contribution towards the furnishing of the Church for that great work, this DicTIONARY OF THE BIBLE is published. It is a Dictionary of the Old and New Testaments, together with the Old Testament Apocrypha, according to the Authorized and Revised English Versions, and with constant reference to the original tongues. Every effort has been used to make the information it contains reasonably full, trustworthy, and accessible. As to fulness. In a Dictionary of the Bible one expects that the words occurring in the Bible, which do not explain themselves, will receive some ex- planation. The present Dictionary more nearly meets that expectation than any Dictionary that has hitherto been published. Articles have been written on the names of all Persons and Places, on the Antiquities and Archeology of the Bible, on its Ethnology, Geology, and Natural History, on Biblical Theology and Ethic, and even on the obsolete or archaic words occurring in the English Versions. The greater number of the articles are of small compass, for care has been exercised to exclude vague generalities as well as unaccepted idiosyncrasies; but there are many articles which deal with important and difficult subjects, and extend to considerable length. Such, for example, and to mention only one, is the article in the first volume on the Chronology of the New Testament. As to trustworthiness. The names of the authors are appended to their articles, except where the article is very brief and of minor importance; and these names are the best guarantee that the work may be relied on. So far as could be ascertained, those authors were chosen for the various subjects who had made a special study of that subject, and might be able to speak with authority upon it. Then, in addition to the work of the Editor and his Assistant, every sheet has passed through the hands of the three distinguished scholars whose names are found on the title-page. These scholars are not responsible for errors of any kind, if such should be dis- vii viil PREFACE covered in the Dictionary, but the time and care they have spent upon it may be taken as a good assurance that the work as a whole is reliable and authoritative. As to accessibility. While all the articles have been written expressly for this work, so they have been arranged under the headings one would most naturally turn to. In a very few cases it has been found necessary to group allied subjects together. But even then, the careful system of black-lettering and cross-reference adopted, should enable the reader to find the subject wanted without delay. And so important has it seemed to the Editor that each subject should be found under its own natural title, that he has allowed a little repetition here and there (though not in identical terms) rather than distress the reader by sending him from one article to another in search of the information he desires. The Proper Names will be found under the spelling adopted in the Revised Version, and in a few very familiar instances the spelling of the Authorized Version is also given, with a cross-reference to the other. On the Proper Names generally, and particularly on the very difficult and unsettled questions of their derivation, reference may be made to the article Names (PROPER), which will be found in the third volume. The Hebrew, and (where it seemed to be of consequence for the identification of the name) the Greek of the Septuagint, have been given for all proper and many common names. It was found impracticable to record all the variety of spelling discovered in different manuscripts of the Septuagint; and it was consideréd unnecessary, in view of the great Edition now in preparation in Cambridge, and the Concordance of Proper Names about to be published at the Clarendon Press. ‘The Abbreviations, considering the size and scope of the work, will be seen to be few and easily mastered. A list of them, together with a simple and uniform scheme of transliterating Hebrew and Arabic words, will be found on the following pages. The Maps have been specially prepared for this work by Mr. J. G. Bartholomew, F.R.G.S. The Illustrations (the drawings for which have been chiefly made in Syria by the Rev. G. M. Mackie, M.A.) are confined to subjects which cannot be easily understood without their aid. The Editor has pleasure in recording his thanks to many friends and willing fellow-workers, including the authors of the various articles. In especial, after those whose names are given on the title-page, he desires to thank the Rev. W. Sanpay, D.D., LL.D., Lady Margaret Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, who has read many of the articles and given valuable assistance in other ways, and whose name might have appeared on the title-page, had not illness prevented him for some time from carrying out his intention of reading the proof-sheets as they were ready; next, his own early teacher, Dr. DoNaALD SHEARER, who voluntarily undertook, and has most conscientiously carried out, the verification of the passages of Scripture; also Professor Manarry of Dublin, who kindly read some articles in proof; Professor Rye of Cambridge; Professor SatmMonp of Aberdeen; Principal Stewart of St. Andrews; and Principal Farrparrn and Mr. J. Vernon Bartiet, M.A. of Mansfield College, Oxford. *.* Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York, have the sole right of publication of this DicTioNaRY OF THE BrsBLE in the United States and Canada. SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION ARABIC HEBREW. S sal A “" iS * h c u, W 5 kh (e 5 ; d ra) rs =“ $ (a yi 5 k ei SUA a al a ee OO pe itn Clune | onal Clee (. po. re esse RDA OTe ey ee LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Sane ea L GeneraL Alex. = Alexandrian. Apoc. = Apocalypse. Apocr. = Apocrypha, Aq. = Aquila. Arab. = Arabic. Aram. = Aramaic. Assyr. = Assyrian. Bab. = Babylonian. c.=circa, about. Can. = Canaanite. cf. =Compare. et. =Contrast. D= Deuteronomist. E=Elohist. edd. = Editions or Editors, Egyp. = Egyptian. Eng. = English. Eth. = Ethiopic. f.=and following verse or page; as Ac 10% ff. =and following verses or pages; as Mt 1178 Gr. =teek. H=Law of Holiness, Heb. = Hebrew. Hel. = Hellenistic. Hex. = Hexateuch. Isr. = Israelite. J =Jahwist. J” =Jehovah. Jerus. =Jerusalem, Jos. =Josephus. LXX=Septuagint. MSS= Manuscripts, MT= Massoretic Text. nh. =note. NT= New Testament. Onk. = Onkelos. OT=Old Testament. P=Priestly Narrative. Pal. = Palestine, Palestinian. Pent. = Pentateuch. Pers. = Persian. Phil. = Philistine. Pheen. = Pheenician. Pr. Bk. = Prayer Book, R= Redactor. Rom. = Roman. Sam. =Samaritan. Sem. =Semitic. Sept. =Septuagint. Sin. =Sinaitic. Sar =Symmachus, = Syriac ie = Talmud. Targ. =Targum. Theod. = Theodotion. TR=Textus Receptus. tr. =translate or translation. VSS = Versions. Vulg. = Vulgate. WH= Westcott and Hort’s text. II. Booxs or THE BIBLE Old Testament. Gn = Genesis. Ca=Canticles. Ex = Exodus. Is=Isaiah. Lv=Leviticus. Jer=Jeremiah. Nu=Numbers. La=Lamentations. Dt= Deuteronomy. Ezk = Ezekiel. Jos=Joshua, Dn = Daniel. Jg=Judges. Hos = Hosea. Ru= Ruth. Jl=ZJoel. 1S8,2S=1 and 2 Samuel. Am=Amos. 1 K, 2 K=1 and 2 Kings. Ob=Obadiah.. 1 Ch, 2 Ch=1 and 2 Jon=Jonah. Chronicles, Mic = Micah. Ezr= Ezra. Nah=Nahum. Neh= Nehemiah, Hab= Habakkuk. Est= Esther. Zeph = Zephaniah. Job. Hag = Haggai. Ps= Psalms. Zec = Zechariah. Pr= Proverbs. Mal= Malachi. Ec = Ecclesiastes. Apocrypha. 1 Es, 2 Es=1 and 2 To=Tobit. Esdras. Jth=Judith. Ad. Est = Additions to Bal = Bel Esther. 1 = Bel and = the Wis= Wisdom. gon. Sir = Sirach or Ecclesi- Pre Maw = Prayer of asticus. Manasses. Bar= Baruch. 1 Mac, 2 Mac=1 and 2 Three = Song of the Macca Three Children. New Testament. Mt= Matthew. 1 Th, 2 Th=1 and 2 Mk= Mark. Thessalonians. Lk=Luke. 1 Ti, 2 Ti=1 and 2 Jn=ZJohn. Timothy. Ac= Acts. Tit=Titus. Ro= Romans. Philem = Philemon. 1 Co, 2 Co=1 and 2 He=Hebrews. Corinthians. Ja=James. Gal =Galatians, 1 P, 2 P=1 and 2 Peter. epee hesians. 1 Jn, 2 Jn, 3 Jn=1, 2 ippians. and 3 John Col = Colossians. Jude. Rev = Revelation. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS x IIL Enauisn Versions Wyc.=Wyclif’s Bible (NT c. 1880, OT c. 1382, ey's Revision c. 1388). Tind. = Tindale’s NT 1526 and 1534, Pent. 1530. Cov. =Coverdale’s Bible 1535. Matt. or Rog.=Matthew’s (t.e. prob. Rogers’) Bible 1537. Sran. or Great=Cranmer’s ‘Great’ Bible 1539. Tav.=Taverner’s Bible 1539. Gen. =Geneva NT 1557, Bible 1560. Bish. = Bishops’ Bible 1568. Tom. =Tomson’s NT 1576. Rhem. = Rhemish NT 1582. Dou. = Douay OT 1609. AV= Me ey eee, 4 F ‘ 7 aN : upqaus np 1 set aa 6 | o \ IK |g) -pqy sry ~_f/ devin g |e wey uapros / ie a S _ je al ypor JO SS au ula P22M | (yyomay-72) ° } 2 ure) WP Qiyeg-z uy e e2ay- 10 ~ \ iE po \ a \¢ ep aii \ \ ee ——~ —~ aie | Qainaie rat PULLER Nt ad, Ne, : ok | ) » | \aumurueny ure \ ° \e a Uonwoy Ty DICTIONARY OF THE BIBLE —_—+-—— A A.—This letter is used in critica] notes on the text of OT and NT to denote the Codex Alexandrinus, a MS of the Greek Bible written peroreutly in Egypt c. A.D. 450, placed in the library of the Patriarch of Alexandria in 1098, presented by Cyril Lucar, Patriarch of Con- stantinople (formerly of Alexandria), to Charles I. in 1628, and now in the British Museum. It con- tains the whole Bible except Gn 1414-17 151-5. 16-19 16°, 1 K (1 S] 12'8-14%, Ps 49 (5u)?°-79(80)4, Mt 17-258, Jn 650-852, 2 Co 418-127. The Psalter is intro- duced by a letter of Athanasius to Marcellinus, the Hypotheses of Eusebius, and various tables; and is concluded by a collection of Canticles from ’ OT and NT, and a Christian Morning Hymn. Rev is followed by two Epistles of Clement (want- ing 158-68 213-20), both apparently still in ecclesiastical use at the time when this MS. was written. Last of all, marked as extra-canonical, came eighteen Psalms of Solomon ; but this part has disappeared. Its readings in OT can be most readily ascer- tained from Professor Swete’s edition of the LXX. Its NT text was published by Woide in 1786, by B. H. Cowper in 1860, and by E. H. Hansell in a parallel text, 1864. The whole MS was published in a photographic facsimile by the Curators of the British Museum in 1879. J. O. F. MURRAY. & (Aleph), the first letter in the Heb. alphabet. This symbol in crit. app. denotes the Codex Sinaiticus, a MS of the Greek Bible discovered in the monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai by C. Tischendorf, 1844 and 1859. It was written towards the middle or end of the 4th cent. Four scribes at least were employed on it. The scribe who copied Tobit and Judith wrote also six cancel leaves in the NT containing Mt 169-18” 2456268, Mk 145%-Lk 1%, 1 Th 245%, He 4161, besides various headlines, titles, subscriptions, aul section numbers. This scribe Tischendorf fuither identified with the scribe who wrote the NT in Codex B, Vaticanus (which see). The MS shows marks of revision due to various hands from the 4th cent. to the 12th cent. One of these, x%, 7th cent., declares in a note at the end of 2 Es [Ezr- Neh] and at the end of Est, that he had compared the MS in these books with a very ancient cop transcribed by Antoninus the Confessor, and col- lated with Origen’s Hexapla by the holy martyr Pamphilus when in prison at Cesarea. The cor- rections introduced by him in these books, though VOL, J.—1 of an Origenic character, certainly do not embody the complete Hexaplaric text. There seems to be no clear evidence, to show either where the MS was written, or how it passed into the possession of the monks of St. Catherine. While in their possession it fell into decay, and long ago the outside sheets were cut up for book- binding purposes; and Tischendorf was convinced that the sheets he rescued in 1844 were only wait- ing their turn for use in the oven. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that the MS is now far from complete. It contains portions of Gn 23. 24 and of Nu 5. 6. 7; 1 Ch 977-1917, 2 Es 99-en4 [Ezr 9°-Neh], Est, To, Jth, 1 Mac, 4 Mac (3 Mac perhaps lost), Is, Jer, La 1-2”, Jl, Ob, Jon, Nah, Hab, Zeph. Hag, Zec, Mal, Ps, Pr, Ec, Ca, Wis, Sir, Tob The NT is complete, and is followed by the Epistle of Barnabas and part of the Shepherd of Hermas. The text has been published in facsimile type—- (1) in 1846, ‘Cod. Frid.-Aug.,’ containing the sheets of OT secured in 1844; (2) in 1862, ‘Cod. Sin.,’ containing, besides NT, the rest of OT, with the exception of a few verses (published in an appendix in 1867). Tischendorf also published the NT text in a handy volume in 1863. The OT readings are most easily accessible in Swete’s edition of the LXX (Cambridge, 1887-95, ed. 2, 1895-8). J. O. F. MuRRAY. A.—A symbol used in OT criticism by Dillmann to signify the Priestly elements of the Hex., more usually mown as P. See HEXATEUCH. F. H. Woops. A is frequently used in AV, and sometimes retained in RV, in constructions that are now obsolete. It is found both as an adj. (or indef. art.) and as a prep. 1. A, as an adj., is a worn- down form of the Old English adj. an, ‘one.’ (1) In modern Eng. a is used before a con- sonantal sound, av before a vowel sound.' In the Eng. VSS of the Bible this usage is not invariable. See AN. (2) A is found qualifying abstract nouns without affecting their meaning: Wis 12” ‘thou art of a full power’ (RV ‘ perfect in ower’); 129 ‘to be of a good hope’ (RV ‘of good ope’); 2 Co 10° ‘having in a readiness’ (RV ‘being in readiness’); 2 Mac 13" ‘commanded they should be in a readiness.’ Cf. Guylforde, Pylgrymage 7: § always in a redynesse to set forth when they woll.’ On the other hand it is sometimes omitted where it is required for individualising : Sir 3917 ‘at time convenient.’ (3) In Lk 9% ‘about 2 AARON an eight days (RV about eight days) after these sayings > the art. is used as in ‘a good many’; so 1 Mac 4" ‘there were slain of them upon a three thousand men’ (RV ‘about three thousand ’). 2. In other expressions A is a prep., being & worn-down form of an or on, aad stands for the modern ‘at,’ ‘in,’ or ‘on.’ 2 Ch 2'8 ‘three thousand and six hundred overseers to set the people a work’ (RV ‘awork’); 1 Co 9” ‘who goeth a warfare (RV ‘serveth’) any time at his own charges?’ Jth 7? ‘horsemen... and other men that were afoot.’ Most frequently with a verbal noun in ‘ing’ : 2 Ch 16° ‘ wherewith Baasha was & building’ (AV of 1611, later edd. ‘was Aira RV ‘had builded’); 1 Es 6” ‘Being still a building, it is not yet fully ended’; Lk 8 ‘She lay a dying.’ The full form an or on re- mained side ty side with this worn-down form: Ac 13% ‘David... fell on sleep’; Mt 4? ‘He was afterward an hungered ’(RV ‘ He afterward hungered.’ ‘An hungered’ occurs also Mt 12)* 25%: 37. 42.4, Mx 275, Lk 6%, and in all these places RV leaves it unchanged). LrreraTurs.—Besides the necessary edd. of the Eng. Bible, Skeat, Etymol. Dict. of the Eng. Lang.2; Murray and Bradley, Eng. Dict. on Hist. Principles (called the Ozford Eng. Dict.) ; Whitney, Century Dict.; Wright, Bible Word Book?; Michie, Bible Words and Phrases; Mayhew, Select Glossary of Bible Words; Trench, Select Glossary ; together with the Concord- ances to Shakespeare, Milton, etc.; and the Clarendon Press and Pitt Press edd. of the Eng. works of the period. . HASTINGS. AARON (jax, LXX ’Aapwv).—In the narratives of the Exodus, Aaron is, after Moses, the most prominent figure. Often appearing as the colleague or representative of the great leader and lawgiver, he is in particular the priest, and the head of the Israelitish priesthood. We must, however, distin- ish between our different authorities in the ent., for in the priestly narrative Aaron not unnaturally occupies a far more important place than in the earlier account of JE. In JE, Aaron is first introduced as Moses’ brother, and with the title of the Levite, in Ex 44 J, where J”, sending Moses on his mission to the Israelites, appoints him, on account of his fluency in speech, to be the spokesman of Moses to the people (vv.14-16), Aaron meets his brother in the mount of God ; together they return to Egypt and assemble the elders of the Israelites, before whom Aaron, instructed by Moses, delivers God’s message and performs the sponte signs. The people believe; but when Moses and Aaron re- fees Pharaoh to grant the people temporary eave of.absence, the king refuses to listen to them (Ex 4-6). In the account of the plagues Aaron occupies quite a subordinate place, being the silent companion of his brother. It is Moses who is sent to Pharaoh and announces the coming foe: (Ex 714% gid. 20f. gif. 18% [J mainly]—with 0 contrast 10° ‘he turned’). Aaron is merely called in four times along with Moses to entreat for their removal (8% 977 1016). Indeed it seems probable that the mention of Aaron in these assages is due, not to the original narrative of J, t to the editor who combined J and E; for in each case Moses alone answers, and in his own name; in 8” 9% 10!8 his departure alone is men- tioned, while in 8 it is Moses alone who prays for the removal of the frogs. In the history of the wanderings the passages relating to Aaron are for the most part derived from E, where indeed Miriam is described as the sister of Aaron (15”), With Hur he assists Moses in holding up the rod of God to ensure the defeat of Amalek (1712 E), and together with the elders he is called to Jethro’s sacrifice (18"E), At Sinai,while priests and people remain below, Aaron accompanies Moses up the mountain (19% J), together with Nadab, Abihu, AARON and seventy elders of Israel (241 9"); and when Moses with Joshua alone is about to approach still nearer to God, Aaron and Hur are temporarily 7 kane ace supreme judges of the people (241: * ). Moses’ absence being prolonged, Aaron, at the people’s request, makes a golden calf as a visible symbol of J”, for which he afterwards weakly excuses himself to Moses, throwing the blame upon the people (32). 2!-%), At a later period Aaron with Miriam opposes Moses, on the ground that they also are recipients of divine revelations, Miriam being apparently regarded as the leader on this occasion, since the punishment falls upon her (Nu 12 E). Some further par- ticulars relating to Aaron are to be learnt from — Dt, in passages ata tere f based on the narra- tive of JE; namely the intercession offered by Moses on his account after the making of the golden calf (Dt 9); the choice of Levi as the priestly tribe, probably in consequence of the zeal shown by them against the idolaters (10%); the death of Aaron at Moserah (site unknown), and the succession of his son Eleazar to the priestly office (107, the itinerary probably from E, cf. Nu 211. 16. 18f.), The last passage is important as showing that the tradition of a hereditary priest- hood in the family of Aaron was found even outside the priestly history. Comp. Jos 24% E, where mention is made of Phinehas, the son of Eleazar the son of Aaron. It is, however, in the priestly tradition, where the institution of the ordinances of divine worship is described at length, that Aaron figures most prominently as the founder of the Israelitish riesthood, and becomes, indeed, with Moses the joint leader of the people. _P records several details respecting Aaron’s family : he is the son of Amram and Jochebed (Ex 6”), and three years older than Moses (2). 77, Nu 33°). His wife was Elisheba, his sons Nadab, Abihu (ef. Ex 24'-° E 2), Eleazar (cf. Jos 24% E), and Ithamar. See Ex 6% ete. A slightly different representation of — Aaron’s first commission is given in Ex 67-7 P, from that in the parallel narrative Ex 4-6! JE. Here Aaron is appointed the spokesman of Moses, not to the people, but to Pharaoh (see 71), and it is before the king that Aaron works a wonder, turning his rod into a serpent. From this point onwards the importance assigned to Aaron in P becomes very marked. e regularly co- operates with Moses at the time of the gyp. plagues, usually bringing these to pass by means of his rod in accordance with Moses’ instructions (Ex 7! 85t- 16). Many commands of God are addressed to both leaders alike (Ex 9%? 12}, Ly 11! 13! 14% 150 Nu 2inci ites they are consulted be the people (Nu 9° 15%, cf. 13), and against both of them the murmurings of the Poors are directed (Ex 16%, Nu 14?, cf.% 16%! cf.18 207), All this, however, does not prevent distinct and characteristic ee: being assigned to each of them. Thus the first place is Nh to Moses throughout. He receives the ivine revelation on Mount Sinai respecting the appointment of Aaron and his sons to the priest- hood (Ex 281-4 2944), and upon the completion of the tabernacle solemnly consecrates them, and offers the appointed sacrifices (Ex 29, Lv 8. 9). Aaron, on the other hand, is specially ‘the priest’ (Ex 317° 35! 3821, Lv 13?, Nu 18%), who stays a plague by an offering of incense (Nu 16); to his charge the tabernacle is committed (2b. 45-1 27-88), and to him the Levites are given in exchange for the firstborn (ib. 3°). Aaron is distinguished from his sons, the inferior priests, by the anointin which he receives (Ex 29’, Lv 8, cf. Ex 29”, Ly 43: 5.16 620.22 1682 9110.12) Nu 3575); — passages which speak of his sons as being also anointed es a ee ee ee ae ea Ee es sie Suit Rte hh ol i til AARONITES robably belong to the later additions to the Priestly Code (Ex 284 30° 405, Lv 736, Nu 3%). Between the family of Aaron and the rest of the Levites a sharp distinction is drawn (see esp. Nu 3. 4). In this connection it is to be noticed that in the main portion of Nu 16 Korah’s com- panions in his rebellion are called ‘ princes of the congregation’ (167), é.¢. not all Levites (cf. Nu 27°); their complaints are directed against the exclusive claims of the tribe of Levi, and all mur- murings are finally silenced by the miraculous budding of the rod of Aaron, the representative of the house of Levi (Nu 17?"). But certain addi- tions seem to have been made to the chapter to emphasize a different point, and in these passages Korah’s companions are regarded as wholly Levites, who protest against the superior claims of the house of Aaron (Nu 16%-11-16-19.86-40)| See further, PRIESTS ; also AARONITES, AARON’S Rop, KORAH. For failing to show due honour to J” at Meribah Kadesh, in the fortieth year of the wanderings, Aaron was forbidden to enter the promised land (Nu 20%}%). Shortly afterwards, accompanied by Moses and his own son Eleazar, Aaron ascended Mount Hor, on the border of the land of Edom, and after being solemnly stripped of his priestly garments, which were put on Eleazar, died there at the age of 123 (Nu 207? 3338 P), The site of Mount Hor is uncertain, the traditional identification with Jebel Nebi Harun, S.W. of Petra, being very doubtful (see Dillm. on Nu 20%) ; the itinerary of P (Nu 33%-%) names six stages be- tween Moseroth (Dt 10° Moserah) and Mt. Hor. In the older literature outside the Pent., the mission of Moses and Aaron in Egypt is alluded to in Jos 245 FE, and 1 S 12% (a passage which has affinities with E), Micah (64) names as the leaders of the people at the time of the Exodus, Moses, Aaron, and Miriam, but Aaron is not mentioned elsewhere in the prophets. H. A. WHITE. AARONITES (19x ‘32 ‘sons of Aaron’),.—This phrase might, according to Sem. idiom, denote either the members of a class or guild (comp. sons of Korah, sons of Asaph, sons of the propa) or members of a family connected by b kinship. As used in OT it was understood in the latter sense, all the priests, at anyrate from the time of the second temple, tracing their descent from Aaron, as the head and founder of the Israelitish priesthood. The term does not occur earlier than the priestly portions of the Pent., where in certain groups of laws the epithet Aaronites is often given to the priests (see esp. Lv 1-3, and comp. 6° ‘ Aaron and his sons’), and a sharp distinction is drawn between the Aaronite priests and the Levites who wait upon them (see esp. Nu 3” 16® 1817), It is doubtful whether any mention of the Aaronites or seed of Aaron was to be found in the original H (Law of Holiness), the present text of Lv 17? 2]1-17-7.% 992.4. 18 being probably due to the R. The Chronicler divides the priests into the houses of Eleazar and Ithamar, assigning sixteen courses to the former and eight to the latter; and, probably without ood authority, he connects the former with the adokite priests of Jerus., and the latter with the family of Eli (1 Ch 24), though the name of one of Eli’s sons (cf. also 1 S 27’'-) would suggest a connexion between this family and Phinehas the son of Eleazar (Jos 24%). Throughout his work the priests are frequently termed the Aaronites (sons of Aaron)—viz. 1 Ch 654-57 154 23%. 82 241. 81, 2 Ch 13% 2618 9921 3119 354, Neh 10% 1247. In 1 Ch 12” 27" the house or family of Aaron is placed on a level with the other tribes; and similarly in some late Psalms, bythe side of the House of Israel and the House of Levi, the priestly ABADIAS 3 — class is described as the House of Aaron (Ps 115'13 118° 135). H. A. WHITE. AARON’S ROD.—Aaron’s rod is the centre of interest in an important incident of the desert wanderings—time and place are both uncertain— as recorded by the pay, narrator (P), Nu 17} (Heb. text 17!*-6). The passage should be studied in connexion with the more complex narrative in ch. 16, to the events of which the incident in GN ee forms the sequel (see Driver, LOT 59 f.). n obedience to a divine command, 12 rods, repre- senting the 12 princes of the tribes, each with the name of a prince engraved upon it, together with a 13th rod (cf. Vulg. fueruntque virge duodecim absque virga Aaron) to represent the tribe of Levi, but bearing the name of acon: were deposited by Moses before ‘the testimony,’ t.e. before the ark. The following morning it was found that ‘the rod of Aaron for the house of Levi was budded, and put forth buds, and bloomed blossoms, and bare ripe almonds’ (178 RV), by which it was miracu- lously proved that J” had Himself selected the tribe of Levi to be the exclusive possessors of the priestly prerogatives. The standpoint of the narrator is thus different from that of a later stratum in the foregoing section, which represents a party of Levites in revolt against the exclusive riesthood of the sons of Aaron. ‘ Aaron’s rod that udded’ was ordered to be put back to its former place ‘before the [ark of the] testimony’ (177) as a token to future generations of the divine choice. A later Jewish tradition, at variance with this command, and with the express statement of 1 K 8°, is found in He 9, and in later Jewish writers, that the rod, like the pot of manna, had a place with the tables of stone within the ark. A. R. 8. KENNEDY. AB.—See NAMES (PROPER), and TIME. ABACUC.—The form in which the name of the prophet Habakkuk appears in 2 Es 1”, ABADDON.—This word is found in the OT only in the Wisdom Literature. When it first appears, the old view of Sheol as a place where the family, national, and social distinctions of the world above are reproduced, had been partially displaced:; and in some measure the higher concep- tion had gained acceptance, which held that in Sheol at all events moral distinctions were paramount, and that men were treated there according to their deserts. In Job 31 Abaddon (jimax) bears the panera! meaning of ‘ ruin,’ ‘destruction.’ (But see illm. and Day. in loc.) In the other instances of its occurrence, however, it is specialised, and designates the place of the lost in Sheol. Thus in Job 265, Pr 15" 27” (max, in Keré ji738) it occurs in conjunction with ‘Sheol’ (x2), and in Ps 88" with ‘grave’ (nap). Again, in Job 28 a further development is to be observed. In this passage it is linked with death (mp), and personified in the same way as we find wo” in Dn 4” and Hades in Rev 6%, and o’ow and opp in the Talmud. The word is found once more in the Bible in Rev 9". In this passage it is used as the proper name of a prince of the infernal regions, and explained by the word ’Amo\- Avwy=* Destroyer.’ In the L prax is always rendered by dwé\eva, except in Job 31! where LXXx implies a different text. The first two meanings above given are found in the Aram. and later Heb. Finally, in the latter in the’ Emek Hammelech, f. 15. 3, Abaddon becomes the lowest place of Gehenna. . H. CHARLES. ABADIAS (’Afadlas), 1 Es 8*.—Son of Jezelus, of the sons of Joab, returned with Ezra from captivity Called Obadiah, son of Jehiel, Ezr 8°. H. St. J. THACKERAY. a ABAGTHA ABAGTHA (sxnpi2ax, Est 11), one of the seven chamberlains or eunuchs sent by Ahasuerus (Xerxes) to fetch the queen, Vashti, to his banquet. The name, which is apparently Persian, is probably akin to the names Bigtha (1?) and Bigthan (2). For the derivation, bagddna=‘ God’s gift,’ has been suggested, but cannot be regarded ascertain. In the LXX the names of the chamber- lains are quite different from the Hebrew. H. A. WHITE. ABANAH (733x, Keré myx, AV Abana; AVm Amana, RVm Amanah; 2 K 512). This ‘ river of Damascus,’ the Chrysorrhoas of the Greeks, is identi- fied with the Barada, to whose waters Damascus owes her life. Rising in the uplands near Baalbec, it drains the hollow in the bosom of Anti-Lebanon. ‘Ain el Barada, in the plain of Zebeddny, swells the stream, which then plunges down the deep picturesque gorge of Wady Barada. About 14 miles N.W. of Damascus, in a beautiful romantic spot in the heart of the hills, rises the aighity. fountain el Fijeh (Gr. yy, a spring); a river born in a moment, which, after a brief, foaming course, joins the Barada, more than doubling its volume. It then flows along the bottom of a deep winding valley, shaded by beautiful and fruitful trees; bare, yellow rocks towering high on either hand above the green. About half the water is led captive along the eastern bank towards the city, the Beyrout road passing between the streams. Just where the precipitous cliffs advance as if to close the gorge, it escapes from the mountains, and, throwing itself out fanlike in many branches, waters the plain, supplies the city, and drains off into the northern two of the marshy lakes eastward. One branch is called Nahr Banas, a reminiscence of the ancient name. W. EwInae. ABARIM (o%3y7).—A plural form of the word signifying ‘part beyond’; and with respect to the Jordan, on the E. side of it. It is used as a proper name preceded by 73 ‘mount’ (Nu 27”, Dt 32%), and by ‘27 ‘mountains’ (Nu 33%). It is also found with “y [see IYE-ABARIM] (Nu 21" 33). In all these places the def. art. is used with Abarim, but in Jer 22” (RV Abarim, AV ‘the passages’) the def. art. is not used. For the geogr. position see NeEso. The LXX translate A. by ré répav, except in Nu 33%, Dt 32 where they have ra (rd) ’ABapelv(u). For Ezk 39", and a very doubtful use of this word, see Smend, in loc. A. T. CHAPMAN. ABASE, ABASEMENT. — Abase is three times used in AV, and retained in RV to translate boy shaphél, otherwise rendered ‘bring low’ or ‘make low,’ ‘bring down’ or ‘bow down,’ ‘humble’; and once to tr. 73y, Is 314 ‘he will not be afraid of their voice, nor abase himself (=be cast down) for the noise of them.’ In NT it is five times used to render rarevéw, changed in RV into ‘humble,’ except in Ph 4 ‘IT know how to be abased,’ and 2 Co 117 ‘Commit a sin in abasing myself.” Abasement, meaning humiliation, occurs in Sir 20" ‘There is an a. because of glory ; and there is that lifteth up his head from a low estate.’ Cf. Sir 2573 RV ‘A wicked woman is a. of heart’ (AV ‘abateth the courage’). Notice that ‘abase- ment’ and ‘ basement’ (a mod. word) are distinct, both in derivation and meaning. J. HASTINGS. ABATE.—This verb occurs only six times in AV (all in OT), and yet it translates five different Heb. words. The meaning of the Eng. word is, however, the same throughout, to lessen. ‘His eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated’ [Driver: ‘neither had his freshness fled ’] (Dt 347), ‘It shall be abated (RV an abatement ABDA shall be made) from thy estimation’ (Lv 27%) (See EsTIMATION.) ‘The waters were abated (RV ‘decreased’) (Gn 8%). RV tr. still another Heb. word ‘abated’ in Nu 11?(AV ‘was quenched’), The word is also found with the same sense in Wis 16%, Sir 258, 1 Mac 5° 11%. Cf. Shakespeare— * Abate thy rage, abate thy manly rage.’ —EHenry V. Il. ii. 24. And Walton, ‘Lord, abate my great affliction, m™ increase my patience,’ Lives, iv. 288. J. HASTINGS. ABBA.—The transliteration (4884) of the Aram. word for ‘father’; see, for example, the Targ. of Onk. (perhaps of the lst cent.) at Gn 19% (cf. G. Dalman, Gram. d. jiid.-palist. Aramédisch, § 40, ¢. 3). It occurs three times in the NT, and always in direct address, viz. in our Lord’s prayer in Gethsemane as given by St. Mark (14°), and in the ‘cry’ of the Spirit as referred to by St. Paul (Ro 8%, Gal 45). The phenomena connected with the form and use of the word have occasioned divers opinions, the merits of which our present knowledge does not always enable us to pronounce upon with ositiveness. It has been held, for instance (see ohn Lightfoot, Hore Hebr. ad Me. l.c.), that when spelt with the double 0 and final a, the word refers to physical fatherhood; accordingly, our Lord’s choice of that form is thought to indicate special closeness of relation But the frequent use of Abba simply as a title of honour in the Mishna and Tosefta seems to disprove this opinion (Schiirer, HJP § 25, n. 30; cf. Jg 17, 2 K 2", Mt 23°), On the other hand, it has been asserted that in Syr. the word with the double 6 denotes a spiritual father, with a single 6 the natural. But this dis- tinction also seems not to be sustained by usage (see Payne Smith’s Lexicon, s.v.). Again, it is noteworthy that the Gr. equivalent, 6 rar%p, is appended to the term in all three instances of its occurrence. The second Evangelist, indeed, in other cases sometimes introduces the Aram. terms used by our Lord (see 541 711-84); but in those cases the added Gr. trans- lation is preceded by an explanatory phrase dis- tinctly marking it as such. Moreover, the Apostle Paul makes the same addition of 6 rarjp in both instances. Had the term ‘ Abba,’ then, basihe a uasi proper name? Indications are not wanting that it had already taken on a degree of con- ventional sacredness; servants were forbidden to use it in addressing the head of the house (Berachoth 168, cited by Delitzsch on Rom. J.c.). It seems to have been the favourite appellation of God employed by Jesus in prayer (cf. Mt 11%-%8 263% 42, Lk 102! 2942 2334 Jn 1141 192-28 17}. 1. 24. 25), This would greatly promote its use in Christian circles; and though the second word was probably added primarily by Gr.-speaking Jews in explana- tion of the first, usage doubtless soon gave the phrase the force of an intensified repetition and the currency of a devotional formula. Merely impassioned repetition, indeed, ordinarily adheres to the same term (as xUpie, xipte, Mt 77; Al, #at, 2745); such expressions, therefore, as val, duty, Rev 17 (cf. 2 Co 1%); ‘Amen, So be it’; ‘Hallelujah, Praise the Lord,’ are closer ana- logues. Rabbinical examples are not wanting of similar combinations; see Schoettgen, Hore Hebr. on Mark, l.c. J. H. THAYER. ABDA (x72y), ‘servant, sc. of the Lord’; cf. names Obadiah, Abdeel, Ebed.—1. ’Edpd B, ’ABaw A, *Hopdu Luc Father of Adoniram, master of Solomon’s forced levy (1 K 4°). 2. 7ABdds &, "Aids Luc. A Levite descended from Jeduthun (Neh 117). Called Obadiah (1 Ch 9"). Cc. F, BURNEY. ABDEEL ABDEEL (5x72y), father of Shelemiah (Jer 367°), one of those ordered by King Jehoiakim to arrest Jeremiah and Baruch. Sept. omits. ABDI (24, perhaps for 77729 ‘servant of Yah,’ cf. Palmyr. ‘ay).—1. Grandfather of the musician Ethan, 1 Ch 6“. 2. Father of Kish, 2 Ch 292, 8. A Jew who had married a foreign wife, Ezr 107 = Aedias, 1 Es 92, H. A. WHITE. ABDIAS (2 Es 1*).—Obadiah the prophet. ABDIEL (Sx-ray ‘servant of God *).—Sen of Guni (1 Ch 5). See GENEALOGY. ABDON (jir2y ‘servile’).—1. Son of Hillel, of Pirathon in Ephraim, the last of the minor judges, Jg 12%. 2. A family of the tribe of Benjamin dwelling in Jerus., 1 Ch 8% 3. A Gibeonite family dwelling in Jerus., 1 Ch 8” 9% 4. A courtier of Josiah, 2 Ch 34”; in 2 K 22! his name is Achbor. G. A. COOKE. ABDON (ji72y).—A Levitical city of Asher (Jos 21°, 1 Ch 6%), now (v. d. Velde) ‘Abdeh E. of Achzib on the hills (SWP, vol. i. sheet iii.). C. R. CONDER. ABEDNEGO (i323 tay ; 133=perh. 123 ‘servant of Nebo’; so Hitzig, Gritz, Schrader).—See SHADRACH. ABEL (537, “AfeA).—The second son (twin ?) of Adam and Eve, by occupation a herdsman (Gn 4?), offered to God a more excellent sacrifice than Cain (He 114), and out of jealousy was slain by his elder brother (Gn 48. See Carin). The current etymology (537 breath, vanity) has been disputed by the Assyriologists, who connect the name with ablu, ebal, ‘son’ (cf. Asurbanipal) ; but while this may well be the root, it does not follow that it gives the etymology in the mind of the writer. There would have been no point in naming the younger brother ‘son’ (Franz Delitzsch), and it is better to suppose that the proper name was here designed to suggest the idea of the short-lived or possibly the shepherd (ef. 53:). The representation of A. as a shepherd coincides with the OT tradition of the superiority of the pastoral life. The ground of the acceptance of A.’s offering (Gn 4*) is not its conformity to a revealed command, nor its character of blood, but the spirit of true piety which was expressed in his iving to God his best, viz. the firstl'ngs of the ock, and of these the fattest portions. Cain’s knowledge of God’s acceptance of A.’s offering implies a visible sign, probably the kindling of the sacrifice by fire from heaven (cf. 1 K 18°). In NT Abel appears as the first martyr (Mt 23°), and as a hero of faith (He 114), while his death is contrasted with that of Christ as calling, not for forgiveness, but for vengeance (cf. Westcott on He 12%, The character and the fate of A. reflect the Jewish consciousness of the enduring division of mankind into the two classes of the people and the enemies of God, and of the persecutions endured by His chosen people at the hands of their enemies (cf. 1 Jn 3}%). Lirrrator“.—Schrader, COT’; Dillmann, Genesis; Delitzsch, Genesis ; and Literature of SacriFicg. W. P. PATERSON. ABEL (¢:x), ‘meadow.’—The name of various laces in Pal. and Syria, situated by cultivable ands. In one passage (1 S 618) Abel stands apparently for Eben (j3x), ‘stone’ (see RV, AVm, , and Tar.), applying to a ‘great stone’ at Bethshemesh of Judah. 4. Abel-beth-maacah (AV maachah) (m2 Sax at » ‘Abel of the House of Maachah’ in Upper ilee (2 S 201415. 18), now ’Abil Kamh, ‘ Abel of wheat,’ on the plateau of the mountains a little W. ABIASAPH 5 of Tell el-Kadi (Dan). It was taken by the Syrians in the 10th cent. B.c. (1 K 15%, 2 Ch 16+), and b the Assyrians about B.C. 732 (2 K 15%) (SW, vol. L sheet ii.). 2. Abel-cheramim (0°72 52x), ‘meadow of vine- yards’ (Jg 11°*), on the Moab plateau near Minnith. 3. Abel-maim (07 day), ‘meadow of waters’ (2 Ch 16*), the same as No. 1. The mountains in this region are well watered, and the site noted for corn, as its modern name shows. 4, Abel-meholah (n}in> bax), ‘meadow of the dance,’ or of the ‘circle’ (Jg 7°, 1 K 4% 191), in the Jordan Valley near Srotinah oni In the Onomasticon (s.v. Abel Maula) it is placed 10 Rom. miles from Scythopolis (Bethshean), which points to the present “Ain Helweh, or ‘sweet spring,’ near which is a ruined mound. See SWP, vol. ii. sh. ix. 5. Abel-mizraim (0252 52), ‘meadow of Egyptians’ (Gn 50"), or (with different points 52x for ax) ‘mourning of Egyptians.’ There is a play on the word in this passage. It was between Egypt and Hebron, yet is described as ‘ beyond Jordan.’ It is difficult to suppose that such a route would be taken to Hebron, nor was the region beyond Jordan in Canaan. The site is unknown (see ATAD). [See Delitzsch and Dillm. in doc.; Driver, Deut. p. xlif., and Taylor in Expos. Times (1896), vii. 407.] 6. Abel-shittim (on Sax), ‘meadow of acacias’ (Nu 33%), in other passages Shittim only (which see). The place is described as in the plains of Moab. The Jordan plain E. of the river, opposite Jericho, is the site now called Ghér el Seisebdn, or ‘valley of acacias.’ The plain is well watered, and still dotted with acacias. (See SEP, vol. i.) C. R. CONDER. ABHORRING.—In Is 66% ‘abhorring’ means a thing that is abhorred, an abhorrence: ‘They shall be an a. unto all flesh.2 The same Heb, word (jixq2) is tr. ‘contempt’ in Dn 12? ‘Some to shame and everlasting contempt’ (Ik}Vm * abhor. rence’). J. HASTINGS. ABI (’2x, probably = ‘(my) father’* ; LX X ’Afov) is the name of a queen-mother of the 8th cent. (2 K 18?) who is called Abijah in the parallel passage 2 Ch 29'. The reading in Kings is the most probable. Abi was daughter of Zechariah (? cf. Is 87), wife of Ahaz, and mother of Hezekiah. G. B. Gray, ABIA, ABIAH.—See ABIJAH. ABI-ALBON (jiaby2x, A ’AcveASwv).—A member of ‘the Thirty,’ or third division of David’s heroes (2 S 23%). In the parallel passage (1 Ch 11*?) we find ‘Abiel’ (523); this is undoubtedly right, and is supported by B ([Tad]afiy\) and Lue. ((L'aAc]aBins). Klostermann has further conjectured that the final syllable ‘bon’ (3) of Abi-albon is a corruption of ‘Beth’ (m1), and belongs to the following word (‘naqyn). Wellhausen and Budde restore Abi-baal (bya-'3x). See ARBATHITE. J. . STENNING. ABIASAPH (fpwax ’Abhi-asaph = ‘father has gathered’), Ex 64=EBIASAPH (90:2 ’“Ebh-yasaph = ‘father has increased’), 1 Ch 6-97 9; cf. further 1 Ch 26!, where Asaph occurs by error for one of the two preceding forms ; see Bertheau, 4.2. The cericenes for the alternative forms may be thus sum marised :— For Abiasaph—Heb. text and Targ. at Ex 624; and possibly Vulg. (Abiasaph) in all places, and LXX (’Afsecep or *AG@iacep) in all places except cod. B in 1 Ch 62; but Vulg. and LXX are really ambiguous. For Ebyasaph—Sam. at Ex 624; Heb. text in all passages in Chronicles. Against the middle x of Abiasaph, and there- fore in favour of Ebyasaph, are the Syr. (amr5}, Ex * On the meanings of this name and the following names he ginning with Abi, see further art. NAMES, PROPER 6 ABIATHAR 6%, 1 Oh 6%; Aa], 1 Ch oF 919) and LXX, B (‘Afia6ép=773x) in 1 Ch 623, The evidence thus preponderates in favour of Ebiasaph. Ebiasaph is the name of a division of the Korahite Levites, and is mentioned only in the genealogies of P and the Chronicler. According to 1 Ch 9” 26! (in the latter passage read Ebiasaph for Asaph; see above), a section of the division acted as doorkeepers. On the difficulties which arise when Ebiasaph in the genealogies is (e1roneously) regarded as an individual, see the article in Smith’s DB. G. B. GRAY. ABIATHAR (7:34 ‘father of plenty,’ for 2x, or ‘The Great one is father’ [Bihr]).—A land- holder (1 K 2%) of Anathoth in Benjamin, a priestly city (Jos 21'8), whence also sprung the priest-prophet Jeremiah. He was son of the high priest Ahijah or Ahimelech, and is first mentioned in 1 § 22”, where it is implied that he alone escaped from the massacre of the priests at Nob. According to the Heb. text of 1 S 23°, he joined David at Keilah, in which case 22° would be pro- leptic, and 23?-¢ might be explained by supposing that David could inquire of ie Lord by a prophet (1 S 28°), e.g. Gad (225); but according to the LXX ‘he went down with David into Keilah,’ apparently from the forest of Hareth; and this seems to harmonise better with the story. David felt a special appeal to his affections in the young priest’s position: ‘I have occasioned the death of all the persons of thy father’s house. Abide thou with me, fear not; for he that seeketh my life seeketh thy life.’ The friendship thus cemented by a common danger was remembered long after- wards by Solomon when commuting A.’s death sentence into degradation : ‘thou hast been afflicted in all wherein my father was afflicted.’ The adhesion of A. was of signal service to David, inasmuch as he brought with him an ephod, which, whether it were the high priestly ephod containing the Urim and Thummim (so Jerome, Qu. Heb. in loc., and Jos. Ant. VI. xiv. 6) or a sacred image, was at all events a recognised method of ‘inquiring of the Lord’ (1S 1418, LXX, Vm). In this way A. was able to continue to David (1 S 23° 307) the services rendered before by his father (1 S 22%), Dean Stanley mentions (Jewish Ch. Lect. 36) a Jewish tradition that the power of thus inquiring of the Lord expired with A.; and possibly in virtue of this power he is men- tioned as one of David’s counsellors (1 Ch 27%4). In David’s flight from Absalom we find A. loyal, and only prevented by David’s request from sharing his master’s exile; and his son Jonathan, with Ahimaaz, used to convey from the priests to the king secret intelligence of Absalom’s plans. It is very doubtful if the words of Solomon, ‘Thou barest the ark of the Lord God before David my father’ (1 K 276), refer to the attempt made by Zadok and A. to carry the ark with David on his flight (Stanley), or to the commis- sion given by David to Zadok and A. (1 Ch 15}!-5) ‘o superintend the carrying of the ark by the l.evites from the house of Obededom to Mt. Zion ‘Lord A. Hervey). On both these occasions A. is not so prominent as Zadok (see esp. 2 S 15% °5, where Gratz reads, ‘A. went up’ for ‘stood still,’ ef. Jos 3!”). The reference is much more veneral, and alludes to the custom of the ark as the symbol of J”s presence accompanying the host to battle (see, e.g., Nu 31°, Jos 64, 1S 4°, 2S 114). The attempt made by Zadok and A. was an instance of this custom, and not a new leparture; and David refuses to permit it, not vecause it was a violation of the sanctity of the ABIATHAR ark, but as being himself unworthy to claim the special protection of J”. It may here be noted that a conjecture has been made, that as Zadok ministered at the tabernacle at Gibeon (1 Ch 16%), so A. may have been the custodian of the ark on Mt. Zion. On the defeat of Absalom, Zadok and A. smoothed the way for the king’s restoration (2 $ 19"). xp'3x, perhaps = ‘father is God,’ but the force of the D is uncertain) was one of the Joktanids or (S.) Arabians (see art. JOKTAN), Gn 10% (J), 1 Ch 1%. Nothing further is known of this tribe, but it is markworthy that another name of the same pues formation, viz. hyo», has been found on the S. Arabian inscriptions ; see D. H. Miiller in ZDMG 1883, p. 18. c RAY. G. B. ABIMELECH (3)>3x ‘Melech [Malki or Molech] is father’).—1. A king of Gerar mentioned in con- nexion with the history of Abraham, Gn 20!-!7 2172-82 (both E), and of Isaac, Gn 267-4) 4-83 (both J). With all their points of difference, it appears im- possible to resist the conclusion that we have in J and E two variants of the same story. In both the patriarch resorts to the same method of defence to ae himself from the same danger (20? 267); in th A. is righteously indignant at the deceit practised upon him (20°: 26") ; in both a treaty is entered into with A. (21%! 2678-); in both Phicol (214 265) and Beersheba (215? 26*) are mentioned. In all probability J has preserved the earlier form of the tradition, acc. to which Isaac, and not Abraham, was the patriarch concerned. The arallel story in Gn 121-2 (where Pharaoh of gypt takes the place of A. of Gerar) is also from a Jahwistic source, but scarcely from the same en as 267" If the title J! be adopted for the atter, we may designate the other J?, whether we accept or not of Kuenen’s theory that he edited a Judean recension of J. LITERATURE.—Comm, of Dillm. and Del. on Gen. Cornill, Hinleit.2 64f.; Wildeboer, Lit. d. A.T. UU. ctt.3 78, 138; Kautzsch u. Socin, Genesis; W. R. Smith, OTC? 416. Kuenen, Hexateuch, 234, 252. 2. A king of Gath ace. to title of Ps 341. Here A. is possibly a mistake for Achish (cf. 1 S 214), a better known Phil. name being substituted for a less familiar one, or it may be that Abimelech is less a personal name than a title of Phil. kings like Egyp. Pharaoh (see Oxf. Heb. Lew. s.v.). 3. This A. is generally reckoned one of the judges (so in Jg 10!, but probably not by editor of 9norin1§ 12"). Acc. to Jg 8! (R) he was a son of Gideon by a Shechemite concubine. Upon his father’s death he gained over ‘his mother’s brethren’ in Shechem, and with the aid of a hired troop of ‘vain and light fellows’ murdered all bis 70 brothers except the youngest, Jotham, wl.o con- trived to escape. A. then ascended the throne and assumed the kingly title (9!-*). Jotham, leav- ing his place of concealment, spoke at Mt. Gerizim his well-known parable (vv.7-"), which was calcu- lated to sow dissension amongst the Shechemites, who were partly of Can. and partly of Isr. blood. After three years both sections were weary of the rule of A., who seems to have taken up his residence elsewhere (vv.?2-%), Gaal, the leader of the Israelite faction (see, however, Moore on Jg 9%), made such headway in Shechem that Zebul, the governor, an adherent of A., was obliged to feign compliance with his designs. All the while, however, he was keeping A. secretly informed of the revolutionary movement, and sug- gesting methods of checking it (vv.2**), At length A. advanced to attack the city, and Gaal was ceo. routed, and after his defeat expelled by Zebul (vv.* #1). In a second day’s fight A. captured Shechem and put to the sword all the inhabitants that fell into his hands. A number having taken refuge in the temple of El-berith, he burned the building over their heads (vv.““*). Sometime afterwards A. met his death while besieging Thebez. Being struck down by a millstone which a woman flung from the wall, he ordered his armour-bearer to kill him in order to escape the disgrace of perishing by the hand of a woman (vv.%-57), The above is a reasonable and in general self- consistent narrative, but there are not a few points of detail where the course of events is involved in considerable obscurity. Zebul upon any theory plays a double part, but it is not quite certain whether there was to the last a complete under- standing between him and A. Kittel thinks there was, and supposes that Z. was put to death by the Shechemites after they discovered his treachery. Wellhausen, on the contrary, believes that he per- ished along with the Shechemites, A. having come to regard him as the real instigator of the revolt, and refusing to be propitiated by the offering of Gaal as a scape-goat. It is further doubtful whether A. himself acted in the interests of the Can. or of the Isr., but at all events Wellhausen rightly remarks that ‘the one permanent fruit of his activity was that Shechem was destroyed as a Can. city and rebuilt for Israel’ (cf. 1 K 12%). The story of A. in Jg 9 is the natural sequel of the version of Gideon’s hist. contained in 8*-*" (note also how the sentiments of Jotham’s parable agree with 8-2, unless, indeed, these latter two verses are an 8th cent. interpolation). The narrative is one of the oldest in or belonging to the same tyre as the narratives concerning the minor judges. It is free from Deuter. touches and turns of expression, and may in its present form date from the earliest ears of the monarchy. Its purpose is to show how the murder of Gideon’s sons was avenged on A. and the Shechemites, who were practically his accomplices (9°, cf. vv.% 1*%4), Budde attributes the preservation of the story to E, who, however, 10 ABINADAB himself composed the Jotham parable. Moore considers that it is possible to disentangle two narratives, (A) vv.22-2 42-45. 56f., coonate with which are vv.}-2, (B) vv.%-41, The first of these he would assign to E, the second to J. ‘lis scheme has the advantage of removing a good many difficulties presented by the chapter in its present form. LitsRATURE.—Cornill, Hinleit.2 56; Wildeboer, Lit. d. A.T. 83, 82, 232; Driver, LO7'157 ; Wellhausen, Comp. d. Hew. 227 ff., 353 ff.; Budde, Richt. u. Sam. 117ff.; Kittel, Hist. of Heb. ii. 13 n., 18 n., 82 n., 85 ff.; Moore, Judges, 237 ff. 4. A priest, the son of Abiathar, acc. to 1 Ch 1816, where, however, the reading of MT. ‘ Abime- lech the son of Abiathar,’ is obviously a mistake for ‘Abiathar the son of Ahimelech’ (cf. 28 8!7 and notes on it by Budde in Haupt’s Sacred Bhs. of OT, and by Kittel in Kautzsch’s A.7.). See ABIATHAR. J. A. SELBIE. ABINADAB (:7y2x ‘father is generous’; LXX always ’Apewaddp (A 'Awvaddf), except at 1 S 31, where B (but not A) reads ’Iwvaddg).—1. Owner of the house whither the ark was brought by the men of Kirjath-jearim after the catastrophe at Beth-Shemesh (1 8 71), whence it was subsequently removed by David, 2S 6%, 1 Ch 137. During its stay here it was kept by Eleazar, son of Abinadab. 2. The second son of Jesse, specially mentioned in the narrative of 1 S 16 as not being the elect of J” for the kingdom. He accom- panied his brothers Eliab and Shammah to join Saul’s army against the Philistines—1 S 16° 17%, 1 Ch 23, 3, A son of Saul slain in the battle of Mt. Gilboa, 1 S 31?=1 Ch 10%, Otherwise men- tioned only in the genealogies of Chronicles, 1 Ch 8 93, But cf. art. IsHvi. 4. On Abinadab in 1 K 44 (AV, not RV), see BEN-ABINADAB. G. B. GRAY. ABINOAM (oy!ax ‘father is pleasantness’), the father of Barak, is mentioned both in the song (Jg 5!) and the prose narrative (Jg 4°") of the campaign of Barak and Deborah against the G. B. GRay. ABIRAM (o7'38 ‘ my father is the Exalted One’). —1. The son of Eliab, a Reubenite, who with Dathan (which see) conspired against Moses (Nu 16!¢%, Dt 115, Ps 106”). 2. The firstborn son of Hiel the Bethelite, on whom the curse fell for rebuilding Jericho (1 K 16*). G. HARFORD-BATTERSBY. ABISHAG (3y'38, meaning uncertain; possibly ‘father has wandered ’).—A very beautif oun Shunammitess who was brought to comfort Davi in his extreme old age, according to the advice of his servants, 1 K 127% After David’s death, Abishag, as his father’s widow, was asked in marriage by Adonijah; the request was refused by Solomon, who appears to have seen in it a renewal of Adonijah’s claim to the throne, 1 K 212-4; cf. W. R. Smith, Kinship and Marriage, p. 898. G. B. GRAY. ABISHAYI (wx, but wax 2 8 10%, 1 Ch 2'6 11” 1812 1911-15 « My father is Jesse’).—A. appears from 1 Ch 2! to have been the eldest son of Zeruiah, David’s sister. More impetuous than the craft Joab, but equally implacable, ‘hard’ (2S 3% 19”), the first mention of Abishai (1 S 26°) presents him to us as already one of the most daring and devoted of David’s followers. He ’volunteers to go down with David to Saul’s camp by night, and is onl prevented by David’s veneration for the king’s sacred office from smiting Saul ‘to the earth at one stroke,’ We next find him (2 § 2! *) with his two brothers at that battle of Gibeon which had such fatal results, first to Asahel, and ultimately to Abner, in whose treacherous murder by Joab, Abishai shared as joint avenger of blood (2 S Canaanites. ABNER 35-89), The victory in the ‘Valley of Salt over Edom (ef. 2 K 147), which is ascribed to David in 2 S 8 (Syrians), and to Joab in Ps 60 title (1 K 115-16), is attributed to Abishai in 1 Ch 18”. In the war that was caused by Hanun’s insult te David’s envoys, Joab gave Abishai command of the second division against the Ammonites, while he himself opposed the Syrians (2 S 1014), Abishai’s character is well brought out in the story of David’s flight, when he retorts the abuse of Shimei in true Oriental style, and is impatient to slay the offender at once (2S 16%). Nor could Shimei’s subsequent abject submission induce Abishai to forgive the man that had ‘cursed the Lord’s anointed’ (197). In the battle with Absalom, Abishai shared the command of David’s. army with Joab and Ittai (18%5 4), In 28 208 the name Joab should probably be substituted for that of Abishai (so Jos. Ané. VII. xi. 6, the Syr. vers., Wellhausen, Thenius, and Driver), and v.’ read as in the LXX: ‘And there went out after him Abishai and Joab’s men,’ ete. It is natural to suppose that Abishai connived at the murder of Amasa by Joab, 2S 20” (so Josephus). His special exploits were, rescuing David from Ishbi-benob, 2 S 21", and slaying three hundred men, 23% These feats earned for him the first lace ‘of the three in the second rank’ (1 Ch 117, RVm), the other two being probably Joab and Benaiah ; the first three being Jashobeam, Eleazar, and Shammah. Abishai probably died before the rebellion of Adonijah. If he had been alive, he must have been mentioned among the leaders of either side. N. J. D. WHITE. ABISHALOM.—See art. ABSALOM. ABISHUA (}x2'28, meaning uncertain; perhaps ‘father is wealth.’—1. According to the genealo- gies of Chron., where alone the name occurs, son of Phinehas and father of Bukki, 1 Ch 6*-5, Ezr 75; cf. 1 Es 8? and art. ABISUE. 2. A Ben- jamite ; presumably the name was that of a clan, since other names in the context are certainly clan names, 1 Ch 84; cf. Nu 26%, G. B. GRAY. ABISHUR (72x ‘father is a wall’).—A Jerah- meelite described as ‘son’ of Shammai; Abihail was his wife, and Ahban and Molid his children (1 Ch 22-), ABISSEI (AV Abisei).—One of the ancestors of Ezra (2 Es 17), called in 1 Ch 6* ABISHUA, and in 1 Es 8? ABISUE. ABISUE (LXX, B ’ABewal, A ’ABicoval) 1 Es 8?, AY Abisum, is identical with Abishua. ABITAL (Sy2x ‘father is dew’), wife of David, to whom, during his residence in Hebron, she bore Shephatiah, 2S 34=1 Ch 3°, ABITUB (2:2), 1 Ch 84, and ABIUD (’Afiovs), Mt 1%, See GENEALOGY. ABJECT, now only an adj., was formerly also a subst. and a verb. As a subst., meaning the dregs of the people, abject is found in Ps 35” ‘The abjects (c'>3, RVm ‘smiters’) gathered them- selves together against me.’ Cf. T. Bentley (1582), ‘O Almightie God: which raisest up the abjects, and exaltest the miserable from the dunghill,’ Monu. Matr. iii. 328; G. Herbert, ‘Servants and abjects flout me,’ Temple : Sacrifice, 36. J. HASTINGS. ABNER, ¥28 (y2x 1S 14%), ‘my father ia Ner,’ or ‘is a lamp.’ Saul’s first cousin, accord- ing to 1 S 14-51 (the more probable account), 1 ] 4 ABNER ABOMINATION 1] but uncle according to 1. Ch 8-5 935-39, Jos, follows Chronicles in Ant. VI. iv. 3, but Samuel in vi. vi. 6. The language used of him by David, * Art not thou a valiant man, and who is like to thee in Israel?’ (1 S 26%); ‘Know ye not that there is a prince and a great man fallen this day in Israel?’ (2S 3%), is not inconsistent with the re- corded facts of Abner’s life, although the one speech was uttered in a tone of banter, and the other possibly dictated by motives of policy. As captain of the host (1 S 14° 175), Abner sat next Saul at the banquet (1 S 20”), and lay near him in the camp (26-7), A Jewish tradition (Jerome, Qu. Heb. in loc.) states that the witch of Endor was Abner’s mother. On Saul’s death Abner secured for Ishbosheth the allegiance of all the tribes except Judah (2 S 2°), He placed the feeble king at Mahanaim, while he himself conducted the war with David west of Jordan. One of the battles—that of the pool of Gibeon—is detailed on account of its fatal results. Here we have evidence of Abner’s comparative mildness of character. It is possible that the preliminary encounter of the champions of the two armies was suggested by him in order to decide the claims of the rival houses without unnecessary bloodshed. Then we have his reiterated reluctance to slay Asahel, and, finally, his protest against-the unnaturalness of the war: ‘Shall the sword devour for ever? . . . How long shall it be ere thou bid the people return from following their brethren ?’ As the war proceeded in David’s favour ‘ Abner made himself strong in the house of Saul’ (2S 3°). This rendering lends some plausibility to Ishbosh- eth’s insinuation that he was aiming at the crown by a liaison with the late king’s concubine (cf. 2 5 128 167, 1 K 238%), The indignation, however, with which Abner repelled the charge, and the absence of self-seeking in his eet ea conduct, support the paraphrase of AV and RVm, ‘showed himself strong for (2) the house of Saul.’ Be that as it may, the accusation alienated Abner, who forthwith declared that he would accomplish Js will by making David king over all Israel. He entered at once into negotia- tions both with David and the elders of Israel and ‘Benjamin. David, on his part, astutely demanded as a preliminary the restitution of Michal, who would be at once a link with the house of Saul and a living memorial of David’s early prowess. Ishbosheth’s shadowy authority was made use of to carry out this condition. Abner was now hospitably entertained by David at Hebron, and hed scarcely departed to fulfil his engagements to David when Joab returned from a foray. Asahel’s death was still unavenged; here was a plausible pretext for ridding himself of a dangerous rival; so Joab secretly recalled Abner, and with the connivance of Abishai treacherously murdered him in the gate of Hebron, a city of refuge. The enormity of this crime called forth from David a bitter curse (2 S 3”) on the Bet ghar and was never forgotten by him (1 82), Abner was buried in Hebron, amidst the lamentations of the nation. The king himself acted as chief mourner, and honoured the dead warrior with an elegy which pithily expresses the strange irony of fate by which the princely Abner died a death suitable to a pro- fane and worthless man. (Heb. ‘ was A. to die [t.e. ought he to have died] as Nabal dieth?’) The dismay caused by Abner’s death (2 S 4!) seems to prove that neither Ishbosheth nor his subjects in general had realised Abner’s defection. he inevitable crisis was hastened, and by a curious shance the head of the murdered Ishbosheth was buried in Abner’s grave (2 S 41). We learn from the Chronicler that Abner dedicated certain spoil for the repairs of the tabernacle (1 Ch 2678), and that his son Jaasiel was captain of Benjamin in David’s reign (1 Ch 2774), N. J. D. WHITE. ABODE.—1. The past tense of ABIDE (which see). 2. In Jn 14% (‘ We will come unto him, and make our abode with him’) a. is tr. of the same word (0v}) which in Jn 14? is rendered MANSION (which see). J. HASTINGS. ABOMINATION.—Four separate Heb. words are thus rendered in OT (sometimes with the variation abominable thing), the application of which is in many respects very different. (1) The commonest of these words is 73y\n, which expresses most generally the idea of something loathed (cf. the verb, Mic 3°), esp. on religious grounds: thus Gn 43° ‘to eat food with the Hebrews is an abomination to the Egyptians,’—a strong ex- ression of the exclusiveness with which the gyptians viewed foreigners, esp. such as had no regard for their religious scruples; thus, on account of their veneration for the cow (which was sacred to Isis), they would not use the knife or cooking utensil of a Greek, which might have been ee abe in preparing the flesh of a cow as food (Hdt. ii. 41); Gn 46% ‘every shepherd is an abomination to the Egyptians,’—shepherds, viz., were ranked, it seems, with the Bovxdr0x, whose occupation was deemed a degrading one, who from living with their herds in reed cottages on the marshes were called marshmen, and who are depicted on the monuments as dirty, unshaven, py. clad, and even as dwarfs and deformed (cf. el. ad loc.; Birch-Wilkinson, Anc, Eg. 1878, i. 288 f., ii. 444; Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, 1890, p. 371 f.; Erman, Life in Anc. Eg. p. 439); Ex 8” (6) the Israelites are represented as unwilling to sacrifice ‘the abomination of the Egyptians’ in Egypt itself, with allusion, probably, to animals which the Egyptians abstained religiously from sacrificing, though they were sacrificed freely by the Hebrews, as the cow, which was sacred to Isis, the bull, unless it was pronounced by the priests to be xa@apés, or free from the sacred marks of Apis (Herodotus’ statements on this point are not entirely borne out by the monuments, but there seems to be some foundation for them), sheep at Thebes, and goats [according to Wiedemann, ap error for rams] in Mendes (Hat. ii. 38, 41, 42, 46, ef. Birch-Wilk. ii. 460, iii. 108 f., 304 f.; Wiede- mann, /.c. pp. 180-182, 183, 187 f., 196 f., 218 f.). Two special usages may be noted : (a) the phrase Jehovah's abomination, of idolatry or practices connected with it, or of characters or acts morall displeasing to God, Dt 7% 12%! 17! 1812 295 9319 (18) 25 2715 (cf. 244, Lk 1615), Pr 3°? 111-2 1273 158 9. 28 16° 1735 201 33 (comp. in a Pheen. inscription, ap. Driver, Samuel, p. xxvi, the expression ‘‘Ash- toreth’s abomination,’ of the violation of a tomb) ; (6) esp. in the plur., of heathen or immoral practices, principally in H and Ezk, as Lv 1822 %- 27. - 80 9013, Dt 13% 04) 174 18% 12.9018, Jer 71° 39%, 1 K 14%, 2 K 163 2121, Ezk §% 11 78 4.8.9 gs. 18.18 ete, (43 times in Ezk), rarely of an actual idol, 2 K 2338 (of Milcom), Is 44°, and perhaps Dt 321*, (2) dp, the technical term for stale sacrificial flesh, which has not been eaten within the pre- scribed time, only Lv 78 19’, Ezk 44 (where the prophet protests that he has never partaken of it), and (plur.) Is 654. For distinction this might be rendered refuse meat; the force of the allusion in Ezk 4", Is 654, in particular, is entirely lost by the rendering ‘ abominable thing’ of AV, RY. (3) yay, the technical term for the flesh of pro- hibited animals (see article UNCLEAN), Lv 72 1] 10-18. 20. 28. 41. 42 (cf, the corresponding verb, v.14 1% 4 20%): this sense of the word gives the point to Ezk 8, Is 66". yey would be best represented by 12 ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION detestation, or detestable thing (cf. detest for the verb, Dt 775). Note that in Dt 14° abomination is agyin, not the technical ypy used in Lv 11. (4) pv, allied in etymology to (3), but in usage confined almost exclusively to objects connected with idolatry, and chiefly a contemptuous designation of heathen deities themselves: first in Hos 9!° ‘and became detestations like that which they loved’ (Baal of Peor, named just before); more frequently in writers of the age of Jer and Ezk, viz. Dt 2916 (9, Jer 4) 7% (=32*4) 1377 1618, Ezk 512 7% 1118-21 207. 8 30 3733, 1 K 115‘ Milcom the detestation of the Ammon- ites,’ v.77, 2 K 23-18 (not of Milcom), v.%; also Is 663, Zec 9%. In AV, RV, where this word occurs beside nzyin (No. 1), as Ezk 54 7” (and Ezk 373, even where it stands alone), it is rendered for distinction detestable thing; and either this or detestation would be the most suitable Eng. equivalent for it. 8. R. DRIVER. ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION, THE (7d éduvyya rhs épyudcews), Mt 245 Mk 134, ‘spoken of by Daniel the prophet,’ the appearance of which, ‘standing év rérw ayly (Mt), or d:ov ob det (Mk),’ is mentioned by Christ as the signal for the flight of Christians from Judza, at the time of the approaching destruction of Jerus. The Gr. phrase is borrowed from Dn 9” LXX BééAvypye tov épnuwocewe (so Theod.), 11! LXX Bdédrvyya épnudoews (Theod. Bd. jparccpuévov), 124 LXX 7d dédvypa ris éonudcews (Theod. 6. ép.) ; cf. 83 (LXX, heod.) 4 dyapria épnuwoews. The Heb. in the first of these passages 13 DP’ o'yipy, in the second pipyn ppwp, in the third on’ ppy, in the last ope yon. yey is the word explained under ABOMINATION (4), as being often the contemptuous designation of a heathen god or idol. opm and op are, however, difficult. opm elsewhere (only Ezr 9-4) means horrified ; op¥ means usually desolate (as La 1* 16), though it might also (as ec of oy, Ezk 2616 27% al.) mean horrified as well; in Dn, however (supposing the text to be sound), the exigencies of the sense have obliged many commentators to sup- ose that the Poel conjug. has a trans. force ; hence V 9% ‘one that maketh desolate’; 1134 ‘and they shall profane the sanctuary, even the fortress, and shall take away the continual burnt-offering, and they shall set up the abomination that maketh desolate’; 12" ‘from the time that the continual burnt-offering shall be taken away, and the abomination that maketh desolate set up’; so 8% op’ ywen‘the transgression that maketh desolate’ (the form op¥ might just be a ptcp. Poel with the p dropped ; Ges.-K. §§ 55 R. 1, 52. 2 R. 6). In spite, however, of the uncertainty as regards cow (or nown), the general sense of 11°! and 12” is clear. Dn 112 deals with the history of Antiochus Epiphanes, and v.*! refers to the desecration of the temple by the troops of Antiochus, the subsequent suspension of the daily burnt-offering and other religious scrvices (which lasted for three years), and ‘to the erection on 15 Chisley, B.c. 168, of a small idol-altar (Swuts) upon the Altar of burnt- offering (1 Mac 1-5), 124 (like 8%) is another reference to the same events. It is remarkable, now, that in 1 Mac 1 the idol-altar is called by exactly the same name that is used in the Bk. of Dn—gxodduncav Bddd\uyya épnuwoews emt rd Ovo.acrhpiov (cf. 67). Dn 9% is very difficult: but, as the reference in NT is rather to 11%! and 12", it need not here be further considered; LXX, Theod., however, it may be noted, have xal émt 7d lepdv BdéAvypa T&v épnudcewv. Of the perplexing expression ooy pip, now, a clever and plausible explanation has been suggested by Nestle (ZATW 1884, p. 248; cf. Cheyne, Origin of the Psalter, p. 105; Bevan, Dan. p. 193), viz. that it is a con- temptuous allusion to o'pw bya Baal of heaven, a title found often in Phen. and (with }’oe for o'op) Aram. inscriptions, and the Sem. equivalent of the Gr. Zevs: according to 2 Mac 6? Antiochus desired to make the temple a sanctuary of Zeds ’Odvprrvos,—as his coins show (Nestle, Marginalien, p. 42, who cites Babelon, Les Rois de Syrie, pp. xiv, xlviii), his patron deity,—who in the Syr. vers. of the same ea is actually called pow ya Baal of heaven. Upon this view, we are released from the necessity of searching for a meaning of ope in exact accordance with the context; the Bwybs (with, possibly, an image connected with it) erected by the Syrians upon the Altar of burnt-offering was termed derisively by the Jews the ‘desolate abomination,’ the ‘abomination’ being the altar (and image?) of Zeus (Baal), and ‘desolate’ (shémém) being just a punning variation of ‘heaven’ (shamaim). The Gr. trs. of Dn and 1 Mac, in so far as they supposed the expression to mean Bodvypa épnuwoews, ne doubt understood the idolatrous emblem to involve, by its erection, the desertion of the temple by its usual worshippers, and ultimately its actual ‘desolation’ (see 1 Mac 4°), 11%! and 8 (the subst. with the art., the ptep. without it), and still more (if, as is probable, the reference be to the same idolatrous emblem) 97" (the subst. plur., the ptep. sing. ), are grammatic- ally difficult ; but the text in these passages is perhaps not in its original form (cf. Bevan). As to the meaning of the expression in the prophecy of Christ, it is very difficult to speak with confidence. It would be most naturally under- stood (cf. Spitta, Ofenb. des Joh. 493-496) of some desecrating emblem, similar in general character to the altar or image erected by Antiochus, and of which that might be regarded as the prototype: but nothing exactly corresponding to this is recorded by history; the order which Caligula issued for the erection in the temple of a statue of himself, to which divine honours were to be paid, being not enforced (Jos. Ant. XVII. viii. 8). The three most usual explanations are—(1) the Rom. standards, to which sacrifices were offered by tha Rom. soldiers in the temple, after it had been entered by Titus (Jos. BJ VI. vi. 1) ; (2) the desecra- tion of the temple by the Zealots, who seized it and made it their stronghold, shortly before the city was invested by Titus (id. Iv. iii. 6-8, cf. vi. 3 end); (3) the desolation of the temple-site by the heathen, at the time of its capture by Titus (so Meyer). The term standing (which points to some concrete object) is a serious objection to the second and third of these explanted it is some objection, though not perhaps a fatal one, to the first, that it places the signal for flight at the very last stage of the enemy’s successes, when even the dwellers in Juda (in view of whom the words are spoken) would seem no longer to need the warning. he erection of the imperial statue in the Temple was, however, only averted in the first instance by the earnest Ayia of the procurator Petronius and of King Agrip a I., and afterwards by Caligula’s own untime cath (Schiirer, HJP I. ii. 99f.): the emperor's order caused great alarm among the Jews, who even after his death (A.D. 41) continued to fear lest one of his successors should revive and enforce it (Pfleiderer, Das Urchrist. pp. 403-407; Mommsen, Provinces, ii. 196 ff., 203 ff.) ; hence (as even the first explanation mentioned above leaves something to be desired) it may not be an unreasonable conjecture * that the language of the original prophecy was more general, and that, during the years of agitation and tension which preceded the final struggle of A.D. 70, it was modified so as to give more definite expression to such apprehensions; the masc. * The writer is indebted for this suggestion to his friend, Prof Sanday. ABOUT ABRAHAM 13 éornxéra, Which in Mk 13! is the best reading (x BL; so RV, ‘standing where he ought not’), would also lend itself more readily to this explanation than to any of those previously mentioned.* The supposition (Weiss) that the army of the heathen Romans is referred to, involves an unnatural application, both of the expression ‘ abomination of desolation,’ and of the verb ‘standing.’ In the parallel passage of Lk (212°) the phraseology of the earlier synoptists seems to have been not only (as in so many other cases) re-cast, but also coloured by the event (‘when ye see Jerus. encircled by armies, then know that her desolation hath drawn nigh’) ; a paraphrase such as this, however, cannot fairly be deemed an authoritative interpretation of the expression used in Mt and Mk.+ S. R. DRIVER. ABOUT.—As an adv. about is used in AV in the following obsolete expressions: —1. To lead about or go about = roam about, circuitously. The verb is mostly 232, which simply means to ‘turn’: Ex 1318 ‘God led the people about, through the way of the wilderness’ ; Jos 16° ‘ The border went about (RV ‘ turned about’) eastward ; 1S 154 ‘He set him up a place, and is gone about and passed on’; Ec 2”) ‘J went about (RV ‘turned about,’ 7.e. considered my past life) to cause my heart to despair.’ 2. To go about = here and there, up and down: Jer. 31” ‘ How long wilt thou go about (RV ‘hither and thither’), O thou backsliding daughter?’ 3. To go about = to seek, attempt: Jn 719 ‘Why go ye about to kill Me?’ RV gives ‘seek’ in Jn 71% 2, Ac 2131, Ro 108, ‘assay’ in Ac 24° 2621, and keeps ‘go about’ in Ac 92, 4, To cast about=to turn round: Jer 4114, ‘So all the people . . . cast about and returned.’ 5, Thereabout = about that: Lk 244 ‘They were much perplexed thereabout.’ J. HASTINGS. ** KBRAHAM.—The narrative of the patriarch Abraham is contained in Gn 115-2518, and, as it stands before us, consists of a series of con- secutive stories or scenes from the patriarch’s life. It make no pretence of being a complete biography. It may be doubted whether the compiler of the Hex. had any intention of pre- serving all the extant traditions respecting A. His purpose seems rather to have been to select from the traditions current among the Hebrews such narratives as would best illustrate the origin of the Isr. nation, and would best set forth how the divine Providence had shielded the infancy of the chosen race, and had predestined it both to inherit the land of Can. and to be a blessing among the nations of the earth. As would be natural under the circumstances, the traditions relating to A. have special reference to sacred localities in Pal. ; but unfortunately they do not afford any very precise data for determining the age in which he lived. The compiler gives us a picture of A. which he derived apparently from three groups of tradition. We will first briefly summarise the narrative, and then indicate the * Those critics who (as Keim, Jesus of Naz. v. 237-239 ; ef. Holtzmann, Handkomm.i. 259f., Hinl, zum NT®, p.388f., with the references) regard Mt 2415-28, Mk 131427, as an independent Jewish (or Jewish-Christian) apocalypse originating shortly be- fore A.D. 70, which has been incorporated with our Lord’s dis- course, can, of course, adopt still more readily the same explanation ; but it is difficult to think that even these verses, though particular phrases may have been modified in the course of oral transmission, are without a substantial basis in the words of Christ. + Bousset (Der Antichrist, 1895, pp. 14, 93, 106 f., 141 f.), treating Mt 2415 (=Mk 1314) as purely eschatological, sup- oses the reference to be to the future Antichrist, who is requently described (on the basis of 2 Th 2) as sitting in the Temple, and receiving divine honours (e.g. by Irenwus, v. 25.1, 30. 4; see further passages in Bousset, P: 104 f.); but it may be doubted whether the view of Mt 2415#, upon which this ex- planation depends, is correct. portions which belong to the separate sources of tradition, according to the generally accepted results of critical analysis. Abram, Nahor, and Haran are sons of Terah. Their home is in Ur of the Chaldees (Gn 11268), where Haran dies. A. marries Sarai, who was his half-sister (Gn 2012), A. and his wife, with their nephew Lot, Haran’s son, accompany Terah, who migrates from Ur of the Chaldees, and journeys to Haran, where Terah dies (Gn 11%! 8, Jos 242), Terah is said to have had Canaan in view when he set out upon his journey (Gn il®). A.in Haran receives the divine command to quit his country and kindred, and accompanied by Lot enters the land of Can. He traverses the whole country ; and we are told in particular of Shechem and Bethel being places at which he halted, and, as his custom was, built an altar to J’ (Gn 12!*). Driven by a famine, A. journeys to Egypt, where, in cowardly fear for his own life, he says that Sarai is his sister, and does not acknowledge her as his wife. The princes of Egypt bring the report of Sarai’s beauty to Pharaoh king of Egypt, who sends to fetch her, has her placed in his own harem, and loads A. with presents on her account. The intervention of J’’ alone delivers the mother of the promised race from her peril. Pharaoh learns of the wrong he is doing, through the plagues which befall his house. In great dudgeon he summons A., justly reproaches him for the decep- tion, and dismisses him and his belongings from Egypt Grea A. and Lot return from Egypt to the district of Bethel ; but their possessions in flocks and herds have greatly increased. It proves impossible for two such large droves to keep close together. Constant disputes break out between the retainers of the two chiefs. It is evident that they must separate. A., though the elder, proposes the separation, and offers Lot the choice as to the region to which he shall go. Lot chooses the rich pasture-land of the Jordan valley, and departs. A. remains on the soil which has been promised him, and receives as a reward for his unselfishness a renewal of the divine prediction that his de- scendants shall inhabit it as their own (18). A. removes to Hebron (13!8), and while he is encamped there war breaks out in the immediate neighbour- hood. The kings of the towns in the Jordan valley rebel against Chedor-Laomer (Kudur- Lagamar), the great Elamite king. The king of Elam with his vassals, the kings of Shinar, Ellasar, and Goyyim (?), march against the rebels, defeat them in a great battle, and retire, carrying off many prisoners and rich booty from Sodom and Gomorrah. Lot is.one of the captives. A. is no sooner apprised of this than he arms his 318 retainers, and summons to his aid Mamre, Eshcol, and Aner, the three chieftains of the Hebron district, with whom he is confederate. The com- bined force overtakes the victorious army at Dan, in the N. of Canaan, surprises them by a night attack, routs them, and recovers Lot and the other prisoners, and all the booty. On the way back A. is met in the plain of Shaveh by the king of Sodom, and Melchizedek king of Salem. Mel- chizedek solemnly blesses A. for his heroic deed ; and the Heb. patriarch, in recognition of Mel- chizedek’s priestly office, gives him a tenth of the spoil. On the other hand, he proudly declines the offer which the king of Sodom makes, that A. should receive the spoil for himself ; he asks only for the share that would compensate his con- federates, Mamre, Eshcol, and Aner, and their men (14). A., who by reason of his childlessness cannot entertain hopes of the fulfilment of the divine promise, receives in a special vision assurance of ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner's Sons eee a 14 ABRAHAM the great future of the race that shall spring from him. By the gracious condescension of the Almighty, a covenant is made by sacrifice between the patriarch and God; and during the night, when a deep sleep has fallen upon A., he learns the future destiny of his descendants, and the vision is ratified by an outward symbol (165 esp. 1217), Sarai, who has no hope of having children, per- suades A. to take Hagar, her Egyp. maidservant, as a concubine. Hagar, finding herself with child, is insolent towards Sarai, who thereupon treats her so harshly that Hagar flees into the desert. She is there stopped by an angel, and sent back, comforted by the promise respecting the child that is to be born. This is Ishmael (16). But Ishmael is not the promised son. ‘Thirteen more years elapse before God appears again to A., and again promises that his descendants will be a mighty nation. In pledge of the fulfilment of his word, he changes Abram’s name to Abraham, Sarai’s to Sarah, and ordains that the rite of circumcision shall be the sign of the covenant between God and the house of Abraham. ‘The promise that Sarah shall have a son, and the com- mand to call his name Isaac, prepare us for the long- expected consummation (17). But it is not to be yet. Another great scene intervenes, to try, as it were, the patriarch’s faith, and make proof of the character of the father of the Heb. race. J!’, accom- panied by two angels, appears in human form to A. as he sits before his tent by the oaks of Mamre. A.’s offer of hospitality is accepted; and as the three strangers partake of the meal, the one who is J/’ promises to A. ason by Sarah, who overhears, and laughs incredulously (18! 5). The two angels proceed to Sodom and Gomorrah; J’/ remains with A., and discloses to him the approaching destruc- tion of ‘the cities of the plain.’ A. pathetically intercedes, and obtains the assurance that if but ten righteous be found in the city it should be spared for their sake (1815-38). J!’ leaves A.; and then ensues the description of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, the vividness of which is enhanced by the brief reference to A., who in the morning looks forth from the hill country of Hebron, where he had stood during his colloquy with J’’, and sees thence the reek of the smoke rising as from a furnace (19). Strangely out of place though it seems, we find interposed at this point the story how A. journeyed to the South-land or Negeb, and dwelt in the territory of Gerar, where Abimelech was king, and how A. once more fears for his life on account of Sarah’s beauty, repre- sents her to be his sister, and temporarily loses her, when she is taken to Abimelech’s harem. As in the Egyp. story, Sarah is kept from harm by a special visitation; Abimelech is warned by God, releases Sarah, and rebukes A. (20). At length the long-promised son is born to A. of Sarah ; he is circumcised the 8th day, and receives the name of Isaac (21'-). Sarah takes offence at the sight of Ishmael playing with Isaac; and A. is instructed by God to yield to Sarah’s demand, and dismiss both Hagar and Ishmael from his tent (218). A.’s prosperity and success induce Abimelech to seek alliance with the patriarch. A covenant between them is struck; the well, which Abi- melech’s servants had taken by force from A., i restored to him, and receives the name of Beer- Sheba. A. dwells for some time in Phil. territory, encamped in the vicinity of the well (2122-3). Some years later, when Isaac has grown to be a lad, comes the last trial of A.’s faith. God orders him to sacrifice his only son upon a lofty hill, distant three days’ journey from his place of encampment. He does not hesitate. All is done in perfect obedience; the knife is raised to slay Isaac, when a voice from heaven is heard. God ABRAHAM wishes not a hair of the lad’s head to suffer; He is satisfied with this proof of the patriarch’s absolute trust in God, his readiness to sacrifice that which was most precious in his eyes. A ram is sacrificed in the stead of Isaac; and the holy covenant between J’! and A, is ratified anew (22118), Then Sarah dies; and A., whose seed is to possess the whole land, has to purchase a burial- place. ‘lhe field and cave of Machpelah at Hebron is the portion of ground which he buys with all due formality from Ephron the Hittite; and there he buries Sarah (235). Feeling his days drawing to a close, A. causes his steward to swear not to let Isaac take to wife one of the daughters of the land, and sends him to Haran, where he finds Rebekah, and brings her back to be Isaac’s wife (24). It is strange next to read that A. takes Keturah to be his wife, and becomes the father of six sons, the patriarchs of Arabian tribes (25'4). But at the age of 175 he dies, and is buried in the cave of Machpelah (2571), The foregoing outline shows the truth of what has been remarked above, that the life of A. in the Bk of Gn is not so much a consecutive biography as a series of scenes derived from groups of Heb. tradition, and loosely strung together. How far the three main groups of patriarchal narrative— the J, E, and P—overlapped one another we cannot say, but the fact that the existing account is derived from different sources sufficiently explains some of the chief difficulties and dis- crepancies that strike the ordinary reader. J.—The narrative of J opens with A. ie in Haran, and migrating with Lot to Can. at the command of J It mentions A.’s nomadic movements in Can., and the altars at Bethel and Shechem. It records the separation of A. and Lot, and A.’s sojourn at Hebron. he describes A.’s journey to Egypt, and his return to the S. of Can, It contains the promises made to A., and the covenant in ch. 15. It records the marriage with Hagar, Hagar’s flight, and the birth of Ishmael. It gives the long epic narrative of the visit of the three men to A.; A.’s intercession ; and the overthrow of the cities of the plain, : It narrates the birth of Isaac, and the mission of A.’s servant to Haran. J =1214- 6-135. 7-11a. 12b-18 15, 164-14 18. 19 (exc. v.29) 21. (partially) 24, E.—The narrative of E opens with A.’s wandering to and fro, with Lot, in Can. It reproduces, perhaps from some separ ate source, an account of the war between Chedor-Laomer and the rebel ‘ cities of the plain,’ A.’s rescue of his nephew, and Mel- chizedek’s blessing. It describes the blessing pronounced upon the patriarch in ch. 15. It records A.’s sojourn at Gerar, and the peril to which Sarah was exposed at the court of Abimelech (20). It contains an account of the birth of Isaac; and the mention of the banishment of Hagar and Ishmael implies that it also included an account of Ishmael’s birth. It records the alliance of A. with Abimelech at Beersheba, And, so far as A. is concerned, con- cludes with the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, E = 14. (possibly) 15. (partially ) 20, 21682 22, P.—The narrative of P isa mere skeleton outline of facts. A. is Terah’s son, Terah, with A. his son and Lot his nephew, leave Ur-Casdim, and set out for Can.; they stay at Haran, where Terah dies, 205 years old. A., 75 years old, accompanied by Lot, journeys to Can. A. settles near Mamre; Lot goes E. to the J ordan valley. A. marries Hagar ten years after enter- ing Can.; Ishmael is born in A,’s 86th year. In his 99th year God makes a covenant with him, and ordains the rite of cireum- cision, changing his name to Abraham, and Sarai’s to Sarah. A. laughs at the idea of Sarah having a son; and the son to be born to him is to be called Isaac. In his 100th year A. hasa son Isaac, who is circumcised. Sarah dies at Hebron 127 years old, and A. purchases the cave of Machpelah for a burying-place, He himself dies at the age of 175, and is buried by Isaac and Ishmael in the cave P=138- 11b. 12 161-3. 15. 16 171-27 1929 21 1b. 2b-5 23, 27-17, The combination of the three strata of tradition has only ina few instances led to apparent inconsistencies, The J narrative, which makes Haran A.’s native country (Gn 12. 24), contains no allusion to Ur-Casdim. J’s narrative contains the story of A.’s cowardice in Egypt; it is ’s narrative which contains the story of his cowardice at the court of Abimelech. The narratives of J and E, which speak of Sarah’s beauty attracting the notice of Egyptians and Philistines, do not mention the ages of A. and Sarah. According to J, A. very prob. had died before the return of the servant with Rebekah, since Y2N should prob. be read (oe ee " a ABRAHAM for WO in 2497; for we can hardly suppose that Isaac’s mourning for his mother would have lasted for three years. The mention of A.’s marriage with Keturah in the foll? ch. is derived from a different source. . The foll. are the chief difficulties arising from the Abraham narrative : — 1. The Home of A.’s People.—From the fact that Terah is said to have lived at Ur-Casdim, and that Ur has been identified by Assyriologists with Uru, the modern Mugheir, in S. Bab., the con- clusion has very commonly been drawn that A. migrated first from Chaldea. This, however, depends upon the correctness of the identification of Ur-Casdim with Uru, which has been much dis- puted on the grounds, (1) that the genealogy of Gn 11” brings the Sem. race as far as Mesopotamia, from which the next movement in the direction of Can. would be to Haran; (2) that the name Casdim was applied to an Armenian tribe ; and (3) that it does not appear in connexion with S. Bab. until much later (upon the whole controversy see Kittel, Hist. of Hebrews, Eng. tr.i. 180 f.; Dillmann, Genesis, p. 214f. As tothe position of Ur-Casdim, see art. Ur or THe CuaLpEers). The common early Heb. tradition seems to be expressed in Gn 24, according to which A.’s kindred were the dwellers in N. Mesopotamia ; and it is this belief which also is reiterated in the story of Jacob. Cf. ‘A Syrian (i.e. Aramzan) ready to perish was my father’ (Dt 265). Whether Ur-Casdim is to be placed in N. Mesopotamia or in Chaldea, the impression remains that ‘J’ believed A.’s home and kindred to have been in Haran. 2. The Character of the Narrative related in Gn 14.—There appears to be no reason to question the hist. probability of an Elamite campaign such as is here described. There is nothing inherently im- probable in the event as has sometimes, in some quarters, been asserted. A. did not defeat the EKlamite army in a pitched battle ; he made a night attack, fell upon an unsuspecting foe, and recovered prisoners and baggage,—a very different exploit from the conquest of Damascus, which late legend assigned tohim, ‘The primitive invasion of Chedor- Laomer has been claimed by some Assyriologists for an approximate date of 2150 (so Hommel, Bab.- Ass. Gesch. p. 3); and the invasion of W. Asia by an Elamite will naturally be associated with the Elamite empire of that remote time. But upon what principle the events of A.’s life can be carried back to the 22nd cent. p.c. has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Biblical chronology does not suggest the interval of nearly a thousand years between A. and the Exodus. 3. The Promises made to A. are found eight times repeated, (i.) Gn 12?°3 (ii.) 12° (iii.) 13! (iv.) 15 (v.) 17 (vi.) 18 (vii.) 211? (viii.) 221%. The promises fall under three main heads, (a) the land of Can. shall be possessed by the seed of A.; (b) the seed of A.shall become a mighty nation ; (c) A. shall have a son born of Sarah, and the son is to be called Isaac. The number of times that the promise appears is due to the compilers having selected this as the most conspicuous feature in the narrative of A. in each of the sources of tradition. The seemingly strange fact, that the narrative in ch. 17 should take no notice of the mention of the same promise in ch. 15, is at once accounted for when it is seen to be an instance of the manner in which the different narratives overlap one another. The promises, contained in the different traditions, seemed to the compiler so important in view of the general purpose of his book, that, at the risk of considerable repetition, he has incorporated them all. These promises ever ranked among the religious privileges of Israel (Ro 94). They pro- claimed God’s covenant with His people, according to which He required of them simple obedience and ABRAHAM 15 justice (Gn 181°); they also announced that through Israel all nations should be blessed. 4. The Sacrifice of Isaac marks the crowning event in the life of A. Obviously, it must rank as the surpassing act of the patriarch’s faith in God. But a difficulty arises in some minds from the wickedness of the act which God at first commands A. todo. Even though He never intended A. eventually to execute the terrible command, still is it consistent with divine goodness and justice to issue an order, to obey which seemed to have the result of placing blind trust in a positive command above the reasonable recognition of the natural demands of love, mercy, and justice? But there are two considerations which cut the ground from beneath this objection. (1) We are tempted to assume that in the patriarchal narrative the voice of God is an audible external communication. But then, as now, God speaks in different ways, and by conscience most directly. The question put by A.’s conscience was whether his complete trust in God extended even to the readiness to surrender his only son; it was in the truest sense a word of God to A. (2) That the answer to this questioning was given in the shape of human sacrifice on a mountain top, illustrates the importance of bearing in mind the imperfect development of the moral conscious- ness in that remote period. Human sacrifice was frequently practised in Sem. races. If the wor- shippers of other Sem. deities were ready to sacrifice their firstborn to their gods, was A. to be behind Assyria, Ammon, and Moab in devotion ? The moral standard of the age would not be shocked at a deed too fatally common. The ideas of mercy and justice were, in that period, low, and needed to be raised. ‘To propitiate the Deity by child murder was regarded as the height of religious devotion. The narrative, therefore, fulfils the twofold object of giving the crowning proof of A.’s absolute faith in J’’; and further, of demonstrating the moral superiority of faith in J’ over the religious customs of other Sem. races. J!’ forbade the sacrifice of the firstborn : J!’ upheld the instinct implanted in human nature which shrunk in horror from the act. He taught that J/’ had no pleasure in the infliction of suffering upon the innocent; that the character of J!’ was raised above that of the heathen gods by higher love and truer justice. ii, A. IN THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL. — The attempt has been made to deprive the story of A. of all hist. value, and to represent the patriarch either as a mythical personage or as the typical impersonation of the virtues of the religious Isr. ; but as yet no evidence has been found to connect the name of A. with that of a tribal deity, while the endeavour to find in his story a philosophical description of abstract qualities seems to pre- suppose a stage of literary development to which the materials of the Hex. can make no claim, and to desiderate a literary unity which those materials emphatically contradict. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that recollections of the nomadic age, committed to writing (in the form that has come down to us) in a post-Mosaic era, and evidently strongly coloured by the teaching of the prophets of J’’, are likely to have preserved the hist. facts of the remote past in a form in which personal details are inex- tricably intertwined with racial movements, and, for simplicity’s sake, the destinies of a future nation are anticipated in the features of family experience. According to this view, A. was the leader of a great nomadic movement of the Hebrews (Gn 1071 1418), who migrated from Mesopotamia into Canaan. These Hebrews penetrated as far as Egypt (Gn 12), but for the most part established themselves in the 16 ABRAHAM S. of Canaan, and in Hebron and Beersheba formed friendly relationships with the dwellers of the land (Gn 14. 2122), The story of Lot seems to indicate that the peoples of Ammon and Moab had originally belonged to the Heb. migration which was led by A., and, having separated themselves from their comrades, occupied the territory of the Rephaim, the Emim, and the Zamzummim (Dt oll. 1a Again, it is impossible to resist the conclusion that some of the references to Ishmael and the allusion to Keturah contain an Isr. picture of the relationship of the Arabian tribes and clans to the Heb. stock rather than the record of personal history. The Egyp. origin of Hagar (Gn 16!) and of Ishmael’s wife (Gn 21?!) will then indicate that the new settlers received into their community a con- siderable admixture of an Egyp. element at the time when they dispersed throughout N. Arabia. The fact that ‘the sons of Nahor’ (Gn 2220-24), ‘the sons of Ishmael’ (Gn 2517-18), ‘the sons of Edom’ (Gn 3615-19), form groups of twelve, and that ‘the sons of Keturah’ thus form a half-group of six, is an additional sign of the probability that the record is not only that of the domestic life of a family, but also that of the political distribution of a race. While this consideration must modify the accept- ance of a uniform literal historicity for the narra- tive of A., it is not incompatible with the view that in A. we have the great leader of a racial movement, and one who left his mark upon his fellow-tribesmen, not only by the eminence of his superior gifts, but by the distinctive features of his religious life, the traditional features of which were the devotion to one God, the abandonment of the polytheism of his ancestors, and the adoption of circumcision as the symbol of a purer cult. iii. A. INTHE THEOLOGY OF OT.—The scattered reminiscences of the patriarchs were collected and compiled, even more for the purpose of illustrating the fundamental principles of the Isr. revelation than with the object of retailing any exhaustive biography. The religion of Israel dates, according to OT, from A., not from Moses. A.’s servant addresses J’ as the God of his master A. (Gn 24!) ; J’’ is to Isaac the God of A. (Gn 26%); to Jacob He is ‘ the God of A. and the fear of Isaac’ (Gn 31#), A. never speaks of J’’ as the God of his fathers. A. is the founder of the religion ; he is the head of the family which had J’ for its God. There is no designation of the God of Israel which can go farther back to the origin of the Heb. faith than the often-repeated title ‘the God of A.’ (cf. Ps 47°). The story of A. reflects the belief in the free grace of God which chose the patriarch and brought him from a distant land, and in spite of his failures loved him and made His covenant with him. The call of A. and the promises made him thus represent the Election (éxAoy%) of Israel. A. as the chosen servant is the prophet, the instrument of J's purpose (Gn 20"). He is the friend of God (Is 418,2Ch 207. Cf. Arab. Hl-Khalil). God’s mercies towards him are appealed to by the prophets of the Captivity (Is 512, Ezk 3324) as the ground of con- fidence that J’’ would not forsake the heirs of the promises made to A. The unique relation in which A., in Isr. theology, stood to the God of revelation is indicated by the ref. of the prophets to A. as ‘the one’ (see Is 511-2, Ezk 3374, Mal 21°), In the Bk of Sir, A. is spoken of as ‘great father of a multitude of nations; and there was none found like him in glory ; who kept the law of the Most High, and was taken into covenant with Him: in his flesh he established the covenant ; and when he was proved he was found ABRAHAM faithful’ (441% 20), In these words are summarised the chief points upon which the later Jewish literature esp. insisted in any reference to the life and character of A. He was the founder of the race ; he was credited with a perfect knowledge of the Torah ; he was the institutor of circumcision ; he was tried, and in virtue of his faith was declared righteous. iv. A. IN THE THEOLOGY OF NT.—In NT, A. is referred to in a variety of ways. The words of John the Baptist in Mt 3°, Lk 38, and of St. Paul, Ro 9’, rebuke the popular Jewish supposition that descent from A. carried with it any special claim upon divine favour. Our Lord speaks of A. as one with whom all the partakers of divine redemption shall be privileged to dwell (Mt 81) ; and as of one who is both cognisant of things on earth, and is also entrusted with the special charge over the souls of the blest (Lk 1622). Our Lord employs the imagery of current religious belief ; A. is the typical representative of ‘the righteous’ who have been redeemed ; he is ‘ the father of the faithful.’ Hence He says (Jn 85), ‘Your father A. rejoiced to see My day; and he sawit, and was glad.’ He obtained a vision of the meaning of the promises, and rejoiced in the hope of their future fulfilment. Christ was the consummation of all the aspirations of A., the father of the race. According to the Jewish tradition (Bereshith Rabba 44,Winsche), A. saw the whole history of his descendants in the mysterious vision recorded in Gn 15°, Thus he is said to have ‘rejoiced with the joy of the law’ (Westcott on Jn 8°), The subject of the faith of A. seems to have formed a stock subject of discussion in the Jewish synagogue. It is alluded toin 1 Mac 252 *‘ Was not A. found faithful in temptation, and it was reckoned unto him for righteousness ?’? The ‘locus classicus’ for the subject was Gn 15%; and the question propounded by the Jewish teachers turned upon the nature of the faith which was counted to A. for righteousness. To Philo the whole history of A. was merely an allegory descriptive of the truly wise man whose inner nature is made one with the divine by teaching (éd:dacKkadla), as Isaac’s by nature (gvo.s), and Jacob’s by discipline (4cxno.s). In Philo’s treatment of the subject, ‘faith,’ which frees the soul from the dominion of the senses, was ‘the queen of virtues’ (de Abrah. ii. p. 89) ; and Philo refers to Gn 15° at least 10 times (see Lightfoot, Gal. p. 158, and Ryle, Philo and Holy Scripture, p. 55) for the purpose of indicating the supreme excellence of A.’s faith. Rabbinical Judaism did not adopt the symbolical and abstract explanation which satisfied the Alex. philosopher. It regarded A. as inseparable from A.’s seed, and the faith of A. as consisting in the fulfilment of the law. Against this Rabbinic interpretation St. Paul directs his argument in Ro 41-8 and Gal 3. Faith with the apostle is the motive power of the whole spiritual life, and he lays stress on the fact that the mention of A.’s faith precedes the institution of circumcision. The faith of the patriarch was not due to the rite; it was only ratified and con- firmed by it (cf. Ro 49-12 and the notes of Sanday and Headlam). The same subject comes under discussion in the Ep. of St. James; and there the apostle of the circumcision safeguards, as it were, the Christian position from a perversion of the Pauline teaching. With St. James ‘the faith’ of A. is not so much the motive power of spiritual life as the settled belief, the genuineness of which can only be tested by action (Ja 219, see Mayor, in loc.). Pst another reference to A.’s faith is found in He 118-4, where the patriarch is described as having been ‘enabled to work towards the fulfilment of 1 a ———_— ae eee See ee ABRAHAM God’s counsel by his trust in the unseen’ (Westcott, in loc.). The three features of the patriarch’s life which the writer of the Ep. selects for the illus- tration of this ‘faith,’ are (1) self-surrender, in the departure from his home (v.°) ; (2) patience, in the pilgrim’s expectation of a future abiding place (vv. 10); (8) influence, since his faith, affecting Sarah’s faith, led to the fulfilment of the promise (vy.11 12), Later Jewish teaching, dwelling on the same theme, says, ‘In like manner thou findest that A. our father inherited this world and the world to come solely by the merit of faith whereby he believed on the Lord’ (Mechilta on Ex 1481). y. JEWISH TRADITION.—It was natural that Jewish tradition should be busy with regard to the great founder of the people of Israel. From the fact that A. received the divine call in Ur of the Chaldees, and wr in Heb. meant ‘flame,’ the strange story was invented of his having been cast into a fiery furnace by Nimrod. This legend appears in various forms. One of the best known is that which is recorded in the Targ. of Jonathan on Gn 1178 ‘ And it was when Nimrod had cast A. into the furnace of fire because he would not worship his idol, and the fire had no power to burn him, that Haran’s heart became doubtful, saying, If Nimrod overcome, I will be on his side; but if A. overcome, I will be on his side. And when all the people who were there saw that the fire had no power over A., they said ia their hearts, Is not Haran the brother of A. full of divinations and charms, and has he not uttered spells over the fire that it should not burn his brother? Immediately there fell fire from the high heavens and consumed him ; and Haran died in sight of Terah his father, where he was burned in the land of his nativity, in the furnace of fire which the Chaldzans had made for A. his brother’ (Etheridge’s tr.). Another version of the story appears in Bereshith Rabba, where A. refuses to obey Nimrod’s command that he should worship fire; and suggests that it would be more reasonable to worship water that quenches fire, or the clouds that give the rain, or the wind that drives the clouds; finally, he exhorts Nimrod to worship the one God. Nimrod causes A. to be thrown into a fiery furnace ; but God delivers him from its flames. For other instances of the Rabbinic treatment of A.’s life, see Weber, System der Altsynagog. Paldstin. Theologie, Leipzig, 1880. In Pirke Abhoth (v.4) it is said, ‘ With ten tempta- tions was A. our father tempted, and he withstood them all; to show how great was the love of A. our father.’ For the ways in which the Rabbins reckoned up these ten temptations, see Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, p. 94. The facts that A. came from Haran, that he won his victory at Hobah, near Damascus (Gn 141), and that his servant was a native of Damascus (Gn 152), seem to have given rise to the legend that A. conquered Damascus. So Josephus relates that ‘Nicolaus of Damascus,’ in the 4th book of his history, says thus: ‘A. reigned at Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land of Babylon.... Now the name of A. is even still famous in the country of Damascus; and they show a village named after him, The habitation of A.’ Ant. 1. vii. 2). A.’s native country having been haldea, he was credited by the Jews with a know- ledge of secret arts and magic (cf. Philo, de prem. et pen.; Jos. Ant. 1. vii.) ; and Josephus records the tradition that A. first introduced into Egypt the knowledge of arithmetic and astrology which he had brought with him from Chaldza (Ant. 1. viii.). For the preservation of these and other legends, see Cod. DS Sppag igr. Vet, Test., J. A. Fabric., tom. 1 (1722), and Beer, en Ab. (1859). The Testament of A. (first ed. by James, ‘Texts and Studies,’ Camb. 1892) deserves especial mention as an apoer. VOL. I.—2 ABRAHAM’S BOSOM 17 (apparently of Egyp. origin) of apocalyptic character, first men- tioned by Origen, Legimus ... justitiw et iniquitatis angelos super Abrahami salute et interitu disceptantes, ete. (In Le. Hom. 35), and recently brought before the notice of students in a most interesting form by the learned editor. vi. THE NAME ‘ABRAHAM.’—The attempts to discover the etymology of this name can hardly as yet be said to have been successful, According to one very prob. explanation, Abram represents a contracted form of Abiram or Aburam, just as ‘Abner’ probably stands for ‘ Abiner’ or ‘ Abuner’ ; while Abraham may have been a local, or an Aramaic, dialectical variety of pronunciation. Abiram was a fairly common name (cf. Nu 161-12 26°, 1 K 1634) in Heb.; anditis said to be a recognised proper name in the Assyr. Inscriptions, under the form of Abu-ramu (so Schrader and Sayce). The analogy of other proper names, like Abi-melek, Abiel, Abi-jah, makes it exceedingly doubtful whether the name Abram can rightly bear the meanings traditionally assigned to it, ‘ Lofty father,’ or ‘the father of the lofty one.’ For (1) it stands to reason that no child, however lofty its descent, would have been called ‘father,’ or ‘the father of’ a god, whether Melech, or Jah, or Ram; (2) the feminine names Abi-gail, Abi-tal, show the impossibility of this explanation. Probably, there- fore, the right meaning of the name is ‘Ram (the lofty one) is father,’ as Hiram would mean ‘Ram is brother,’ of the owner of the name. Even so, the origin of the longer name Abraham remains still unexplained. The derivation of the name in Gn 17° is only a popular word-play, connecting the termination -raham with the Heb, yynn ‘multitude.’ Halévy (Rev. Et. Juiv. 1887, p. 177) ventured to propose that Abraham represents 07 W328 ‘the chief of a multitude,’ the first part of the name being derived, not from ab, ‘father,’ but from abir, ‘chief,’ and the second part from ham (root hamah), ‘multitude.’ For this theory there does not appear to be much probability. The deriv. of the longer name must be left uncertain, although the most likely explanation of it is to be found in the variant pron. of proper names in different localities or in different clans of the same people. Thus 07 may be a dialectical form of 511; and Abraham the same in meaning as Abram, just as Abiram is the same in meaning as Abram (cf. Oxf. Heb. Lew. p. 4, and Baethgen, Beitrdge zur Sem. Rel. Gesch.). LitpraturRE.—Besides the works mentioned above, the reader is referred to the Comm. on Genesis by Delitzsch, and Dillmann ; to the Histories of Israel by Ewald, Reuss, and Kittel; to the works on OT Theology by Oehler, Schultz, and Dillmann, For illustration from Assyr. sources, see Sayce, Patriarchal Pal. (1895) ; Tomkins, Zimes of Abraham (1878); Schrader, COT? (1885). H. E. RYLE. ABRAHAM, BOOK OF.—A work, consisting of 300 orixor, bearing this name, is found in a list of Jewish apocryphal writings, preserved from a much earlier period, in an appendix to the Chronographia Compendiaria of Nicephorus (¢. 800 a.p.). This list is printed in Credner’s Gesch. des Kanons, 1847, as well as in Schiirer’s HJP II. iii. 126. The so- called Synopsis Athanasii presents the same list, omitting, however, the number of orlyo, which is attached to each book in the Stichometry of Nicephorus. It is likely that this is the book from which Origen quotes as to a contest between the angels of righteousness and iniquity with regard to the salvation of Abraham (Jn Luc. Hom. 35); and James is prob. correct in identifying this Book with the Testament of A. (Texts and Studies, ii. 2, p. 27ff.). An Apoc. of A. is mentioned by Epi- phanius as used by the Ophites. J. T. MARSHALL. ABRAHAM’S BOSOM.—A term used of the abode of the righteous dead, defining it as a position of blessedness in intimate association with the father of the faithful, ‘the friend of God.’ In Scripture 18 ABRECH ABSALOM it occurs only in the parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus (Lk 167%), where it appears both in the singular (KéAros ABpadu) and in the plural («éddzoe *ABpadu). Taken from the practice of reclining at table, so that the head of the guest leant back upon the bosom of his neighbour, the place of distinction belonging to him who was seated in this way next the host, the figure expresses the ideas of nearest fellowship and highest honour. In the Rabbin. literature the phrase (17°38 o7728 bw 1pn) was applied to the place reserved for the pious departed, into which they passed immediately after death, and in which they dwelt free from the woes of hell (cf. 4 Mac 13!"), It was a Jewish belief that the intermediate state contained two distinct compart- iments—a place of relative preparatory reward for the good, and a place of relative preparatory penalty for the evil (cf. Bk of Enoch 22, 2 Es 776 ete.). Some of the Jewish books speak of certain receptacles (promptuaria) into which the souls of the faithful dead were taken (Apoc. of Bar 302, 2 Es 4%. 41 782 etc.). And in the theolony of the 3rd cent. and onwards it was taught that the circumcised should not be subject to hell. It was a saying of Rabbi Levi (of the 3rd cent.), that in the world to come Abraham would sit at the entrance to hell, and suffer no circumcised Isr. to ass into it. It has been usually supposed, there- ae that in NT the phrase ‘Abraham’s bosom’ refers to the intermed. state, and designates a division of the underworld, where the good enjoy a preliminary measure of blessedness. In this case it is identified with Paradise, the Jower Paradise as dist. from the heavenly, or is taken to describe a condition of peculiar honour in the Hades-Paradise. It is uncertain, however, when this idea of two separate localities within the underworld came to prevail. It was the idea of the later and medizval Judaism. But whether it was in circulation so early as our Lord’s time is doubtful. There seems reason to believe that the older Judaism spoke only of a Garden of Eden for the righteous dead, and a Gehinnom (Gehenna, Hell) for the wicked dead, identifying the latter with Sheol. Ifso, ‘Abraham’s lhosom’ in the parable would not be the name for a special compartment of Hades, or for an intermed. condition of blessedness distinct from and pre- liminary to the final state of perfect felicity. And in the parable itself it is only the rich man that is expressly described as ‘in Hades.’ LITERATURE.—Wetstein on Lk 1622.23; Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. p. 851, etc. ; Fritzsche u. Grimm, Haeg. Handb. zu den Apocry- phen, on 4 Mac 1316; Schiirer, HJP II. ii. 180; Hamburger, RE; Weber, System der altsyn. paldst. Theol. p. 828; Meyer- Weiss, Kom.8 p. 643, ete. ; Salmond, Christ. Doct. of Immor- tality, p. 345. S. D. F. SALMOND. ABRECH (773s).—A word called out before Joseph ax he passed through the land of Egypt in his official capacity of prime minister to the Pharaoh (Gu 41”). Its exact signification is not a matter of agreement amongst scholars. The LXX (éxijpvuéev éumpoobev avrod xnhpvt) and the Vulg. (clamante i rook ut omnes coram eo genu flecterent) are not iteral or direct translations. The Targ. of Onk. interprets it as ‘father of the king,’ on the ground sera of Gn 45% Jewish scholars who have derived it from Heb. refer it to the root 313 bend the knee, in the Hiph. Imv., where, for the usual 2», an ® has been substituted (cf. Jer 25%). Luther regarded the case as hopeless, in saying, ‘Was abrech heisse, lassen wir die Zaincker suchen bisz an den jiingsten Tag’ (Ges. Thes. p. 19). Of the many proposed Egyp. (and Coptic) Aesivatienst we need note only the following :—(1) Abrek (ampex) cuput inclinare (Rossi, Etymol. egypt. p. 1, in Ges. Thes. p. 19); (2) ap-rex-v, head of the wise (Harkavy, Berl. Afgypt. Zeitschr. 1869, p. 132); (3) ab-rek, rejoice thou (Cook, Speaker’s Com. in loco, p. 482) ; (4) ab(u)-rek, thy commandment is the object of our desire, t.e. ‘we are at ne service’ (Renouf, Pro- ceedings Soc. Bib. Arch. Nov. 1888, pp. 5-10). On the other hand, several derivations are suggested from the Asiatic-Sem. side: (1) Sayce compares it with an ‘ Accadian’ abrik, a seer, appearing in the Sem. form, on an unpublished tablet, of abrikku (Hibbert Lectures, 1887, p. 183, n. 3); (2) Delitzsch compares the Assyr. abarakku (fem. ab(a)rakkatu), a titled personage, possibly grand vizier (Paradies, p. 225; Heb. Lang. p. 26; Proleg. . 145; and Assyr. Worterbuch, Be 68f.); (3) Braue dissents from Delitzsch (COT? i. ,139); (4) Halévy derives it from paraku (Rev. d. Etudes Juives, 1885, p. 304). But of all the suggested sources of this much-abused word, the Heb. and the Assyr. above mentioned seem to with them the least number of difficulties. (The text of Gn 41“ does not indicate that there was any- thing more than a salute.) Itis, in either event, an Egyptianised Sem. word, probably carried down into Egypt during the centuries of Hyksos rule. This opinion receives support, too, from the evidence of the Tel el-Amarna tablets that there had been for many centuries before Joseph’s day free inter- national communication between Egypt and Asia. TRA M. PRICE. ABROAD. —In its modern meaning of ‘in (o1 ‘to’) another country,’ a. is not used in AV or RV. The nearest approach is Jn 11% ‘The children of God that are scattered a.’ On the other hand a. is used in senses now wholly or nearly obsolete. 1. It signifies specially outside one’s own dwelling, the opp. of ‘at home.’ Ly 18° ‘ Whether she be born at home or born a.’; La 1% ‘A. the sword bereaveth, at home there is as death’; Jg 12° ‘Thirty daughters he sent a., and thirty daughters he brought in from a. for his sons’; Dt 23! ‘ Then shall he go a. out of the camp’; Lk 8” ‘Neither anything hid that shall not be known and come a.’ (RV ‘to light’) ; Sir 268 ‘A drunken woman and a gaddera.’ Cf.— ‘Where as he lay So sick alway He might not come abroad.’ —Sir T. More, A Merry Jest. 2. On the outside of anything: Lv 134 ‘If a leprosy break out a. in the skin.’ 8. In the general sense of openly, freely, widely: Mk 1% “But he went out, and began to publish it much, and to blaze a. the matter’; Ro 16% ‘For your obedience is come a. unto all men’; 55 ‘ The love of God is shed a. in your hearts.’ J. HASTINGS. ABRONAH (7352y).—A station in the journeyings, occurs only Nu 33% *, AV Ebronah. ABSALOM (otbyax, in 1 K 152° n\by34 Abishalom, ‘father is peace’), the third son of David (2 S 33, 1 Ch 3%). We first comes into prominence in ton- nexion with the story of his sister Tamar (2 S§ 13). After the foul outrage done to the latter by Amnon, David’s eldest son, A. determined upon revenge, but concealed his purpose for two years. At the end of this period he gave a feast at the time of sheep-shearing, and invited the king and his sons. David declined for himself, but permitted Amnon and his brothers to go. While the feast was at its height, the servants of A., upon a signal given by their master, fell upon Amnon and slew him. Having thus avenged the affront put upon his sister, A. fled to the court of his maternal grandfather, Talmai, the king of Geshur, where he remained for three years. Then Joab, perceiving that David longed for a reconciliation with his son, contriv: through the medium of ‘a wise woman of Tekoah,’ to rocure a reversal of the virtual sentence of banish- ment, and A. returned to Jerus., but was not per- ee ABSALOM ABSALOM 19 mitted to #pproach the presence of the king. This unnatural condition of things continued for two ears, when A. applied to Joab to use his interest at court to procure a full reconciliation. David’s eneral had, however, for some reason become less earty in the matter, and declined even to meet A., until the latter resorted to the expedient of ordering his servants to set fire to Joab’s barley field. hen the owner of the field came in person to demand an explanation of this injury, he was at length persuaded to intercede with the king on behalf of his son, and his mediation proved success- ful. It is easy to conceive that David, by his injudicious mingling of leniency and severity, had completely forfeited the confidence of his son, and it was doubtless from this occasion onwards that A. began to hatch the plot that proved fatal to him, and which has gained for his name an unenviable immortality. He took advantage of a misunderstanding that seems to have existed be- tween David and the men of Judah, and set him- self sedulously to gain the confidence and affection of all visitors to the court. In particular, those who came to have matters of law decided were flattered by the attentions of the heir-apparent, who also was careful to drop hints that the king might do far more to expedite the administration of justice, and that if he (Absalom) were only judge, a very different state of things would be inaugur- ated. Thus he ‘stole the hearts of the men of Israel.’ He was greatly helped in the accomplish- ment of his scheme by the extraordinary personal charms he possessed (2 S 14%-?7), How long this preparatory stage lasted is un- certain. The forty years of 2 S 15’ manifestly cannot be correct, ana should perhaps be read four years. When at length he pueed that the time was ripe for the execution of his rebellious enter- rise, A. obtained leave of absence from his ather, on pretence of having to go to Hebron to y a vow he had made during his sojourn in Ceebur. His emissaries were at work throughout the whole land, preparing for a general rising, and his adherents became daily more numerous. At the very outset he gained over David’s famous counsellor Ahithophel the Gilonite, who may have had reasons of his own for deserting the king (see BATHSHEBA). So alarming were the reports which reached David, that he resolved to abandon the capital and save himself and his household by flight to the eastern Jordanic territory. He was accompanied by the faithful Cherethites and Pele- thites, to whom were added on this occasion a body of Gittites who had probably formed part of David’s followers in the old days at Ziklag. The offer of Zadok and Abiathar to accompany him with the ark was declined, and Hushai the Archite was also directed to remain at Jerusalem and do his utmost to defeat the counsel of Ahithophel. Upon Absalom’s arrival in Jerusalem, Hushai played the part of rebel so skilfully that he gained the com- plete confidence of the aspirant to the throne. Ahithophel first of all counselled A. to take a step which would make the breach between him and his father irreparable (2 S 167-*), and then advised that prompt measures should be taken to pursue and destroy David before he could rally around him of considerable number of troops. Hushai counselled delay and cautious measures, and his advice was followed, to the chagrin of Ahithophel, who, seeing that all was lost, went and set his house in order and hanged himself. The two sons of Zadok and Abiathar were despatched by Hushai with intelligence to David of what had transpired at Jerusalem. The young men were hotly pursued, and narrowly escaped capture, but evading their pursuers by stratagem reached David, who the same night with his whole company passed over Jordan. At Mahanaim, Barzillai the Gileadite and others supplied him liberally with provisions. Ere long a sutlicient number of troops was assembled to justify the king in joining battle with the forces of A., which by this time had also passed the Jordan. The decisive battle was fought in ‘the wood of Ephraim.’ David, yielding to the wish of his supporters that he should not expose his life by taking the field in person, arranged his army in three divisions, commanded respectivel by Joab, Abishai, and Ittai the Gittite. To each of these three generals he gave the charge, ‘ Deal gently, for my sake, with the young man, even with Absalom.’ From the very first the tide of battle set strongly against the rebel army, which lost heavily in the engagement, and still more heavily in its retreat through the forest. Absalom himself was hurried by his mule under an oak, and becoming entangled by the head in the fork of a branch, hung defenceless. In this situation he was discovered by a soldier, who at once informed Joab. The royal general, who appreciated the situation more justly than his master, unhesitatingly pierced the hapless youth to the heart. Having thus dis- osed of the rebel leader, Joab recalled his troops rom the pursuit of the vanquished army. When news of the issue of the battle was brought to David, he forgot everything else in grief at his son’s death, and exclaimed again and again, ‘O my son Absalom, my son, my son Absalom ! would God I had died for thee, O Absalom, my son, my son!’ This conduct, natural enough from one oint of view, might have had serious results but or the sturdy common-sense of Jeab, who pointed out that the king had to think of his soldiers as well as his son. The remonstrance was sufficiently rough in its expression, yet David recognised its wisdom, and, stifling his emution for the time, came out and thanked his troops for their gallant service in the field. A. was buried near the scene of his death, and the spot was marked by a great heap of stones. According to 2S 14%’ he had three sons, and a daughter named Tamar. The latter is with much probability identified with Maacah of 1 K 15, the wife of Rehoboam (cf. 2 S 3°, 2 Ch 11”), The sons must have predeceased their father, or else a different tradition is followed in 2S 181%, where we are told that A. had no son. The story of Absalom forms part of the section 2S 9-20 and 1 K 1-2, which, with the exception of a few passages, comes from a single pen. its dominating aim is to trace the progress of Solomun to the throne. Hence it has to explain how the three sons of David who seemed to have superior claims, Amnon, Absalom, and Adonijah, failed to secure the succession. The style is bright and flowing, the descriptions are graphic, and, with all the writer’s evident partiality for David and Solomon, the historical character of these chapters, down even to the minutest details, is established by proofs that are amongst the strongest in the O.T. LITERATURE.—Driver, Introduction, p. 172f.; Budde, Richter u. Samuel, pp. 247-255 ; Wellhausen, Composition des Hexateuchs, etc., pp. 258-268, also Hist, of Isr. and Jud. 50f. J. A. SELBIE. ABSALOM In Apocr. (’ABeocoddAwpos, “AWddwyos A).—1. A. was the father of Mattathias, one of the captains who stood by Jonathan the Maccabee when the main part of his army fled at the be- ginning of a battle against the Syrians at Hazor in Northern Galilee (1 Mac 11%=Jos. Ant. XII. v. 7). It is perhaps the same Absalom whose son Jonathan was sent by Simon the Maccabee to secure Joppa after his brother Jonathan had been imprisoned by Tryphon (1 Mac 134=Jos, Ant. XI. vi. 4). 2. According to 2 Mac 11”, one of two envoys sent by the eve to Lysias when he began to treat with them for peace after his defeat at Bethsuron 20 ABSALOM’S TOMB (Beth-zur) in 165 B.c. In 1 Mac 4%+=Jos. Ant. XIL. vii. 5, no mention is made of overtures for peace, but Lysias is stated to have withdrawn to Antioch for reinforcements. It is probable that the author of 2 Mac has made some confusion between the first expedition of Lysias and a second invasion two or three years later, when, after gaining a victory at Beth-zur, he made terms with the Jews in consequence of troubles in Syria. H. A. WHITE. ABSALOM’S TOMB.—See JERUSALEM. ABUBUS (“Afov8os, 1 Mac 16%) was the father of Ptolemy, the son-in-law of Simon the Maccabee, by whom Simon was murdered at Jericho. ABUNDANCE.—This word is used with great freedom in AV, translating ahout twenty Heb. and nearly as many Gr. words. Each occurrence should be considered in relation to the orig. word. Here it is necessary only to draw attention to the obs. use of a. to signify superfluity: Mk 124 * All they did cast in of their a.’ (RV ‘superfluity,’ Gr. 7d repic- cetov, as opp: to bcrépnors, ‘deficiency,’ said of the. k widow ; so 214); Ps 105” ‘Their land brought forth frogs in a.’ (RV ‘swarmed with frogs,’ Heb. yw; so Ex 8%, and cf. Gn 1-2! 97); 2 Co 127 ‘through the a. of the revelations’ (Gr. drepBon%, RV ‘exceeding greatness’). J. HASTINGS. ABUSE, ABUSER. —1. In NT abuse is used twice (as tr. of xaraxpdouwar) when the meaning is not a. but ‘use to the full’ regardless of con- sequences (see Thayer, N.T. Lex.): 1 Co 7% ‘Those that use the world as not abusing it’ (RV m. ‘using it to the full’); 9% ‘that I a. not my power in the gospel’ (RV ‘so as not to use to the full my right in the gospel’). 2. In OT a. is found thrice (as tr. of 5$y) with a person as object. In 1 § 314 and 1 Ch 104 the meaning is insult or dishonour, as in Milton, Sam. Ag. i. 36— ‘I, dark in light, exposed To daily fraud, contempt, abuse, and wrong.’ But in Jg 19” it is the old sense of defile or ravish ; ‘They knew her, and abused her all the night.’ Cf. Fordyce, Serm. to Young Women (1767): ‘ He that abuses you, dishonours his mother.’ Hence in 1 Co 6° dpcevoxoirns, ‘one that lies with a male,’ is tr’ ‘abusers of themselves with man- kind’ (RV ‘men’); and RV gives the same tr. at 1 Ti 1, J. HASTINGS. ABYSS.—The translation (in RV, not in AV) of d&Bvccos, a word compounded from a intensive and Bvoobs, Ionic form of Bvdds, depth (2 Co 11%), and connected (see Curtius) with Badv’s, deep, and the Eng. bath; primarily and classically an adj. = very deep, or even bottomless; applied to the yawning gulfs of Tartarus (Eur. Phen. 1605) and, metaph., to a sea of calamity (Aisch. Suppl. 470): in profane Greek used as a subst. by Diog. Laert. only (iv. 5. 27), on an epita h, ‘the black abyss of Pluto.’ (Comp. Job 41% LXX rév rdprapov Tis aBiaoov.) Once (perhaps twice) in LXX it is an adj. (Wis 10” the bottomless deep of the Red Sea: possibly also Job 366 metaph. =boundless) : elsewhere, LXX, NT, and eccl. Gr., a subst. ; in LXX the trans., with few exceptions, of ¢éhdém, the tumultuous water-deep (some thirty times), and, once each, of mézilah, sea-deep (Job 41°), of zilah (Is 4477), the deep flood (of Euphrates) and of rahabh, spacious place (Job 361° if subst.). Primarily in LXX it signifies (with tehdm) the waters beneath, by which the earth was at first covered (Gn 1%, Ps 1045), but on which it was afterwards made to rest (Jon 2; see Ps 24°), and ACCAD, ACCADIANS from which its springs and rivers welled up (Gn 71 49%, Dt 87: cf. Rev 9! ¢pdap). Not unnatur- ally it denoted also the upper seas and rivers connected with the subterraneous waters (Ps 107% 106°), the original notion of tumultuousness in téhém (Ps 42") being overlaid by that of depth in &Buooos (Sir 24%, Jon 2°, Ps 367). Secondarily, from the notion of subterraneousness and depth, it is the place after death, but is never in LXX the actual translation of Sheol (though this etymologi- cally =depth, Ps 71”; cf. Ps 86%); in this sense, SoRaent , itis not justifiable to eliminate alto- gether.the connotation of raging waters. [Comp. the contrast with heaven in Gn 74 (rqyal d48tacou) with that in Ps 1398 (Sheol) and in Ro 10? (4Bvocos); also Job 41% LXX, and Job 264 (vdaros).| The relation to Sheol, with its dull, shadowy monotony and even eral | coupled with the OT idea of Sheol as a pit dungeon (Is 24"), and with pre-NT apocalyptic usage (Enoch 10% chasm of fire; 21° prison of the angels; 184 abyss), prepared for the NT use of the word. It occurs only twice outside Rev: in Ro 10? it is simply the abode of the dead; in Lk 8* it is the prison destined for evil spirits. In seven passages of Rev (chs, 9. 11. 17. 20) it is a prison in which evil powers are confined (20-8), and out of which they can at times be let loose (117178), but is not the lake of fire (20%); nor is Satan regarded as himself cast into this prison, but only to be so cast (20?) for 1000 years. J. MASSIE, ACACIA.—See SHITTIM. ACCABA (B ‘AkcxaBd, A TaBd, AV mee! 1 Es 5°°,—His descendants returned among the ‘temple servants’ under Zerubbabel. Called Hagab (139), Ezr 2%; Hagaba, Neh 7*. ACCAD, ACCADIANS.—Accad (or Akkad), with Babel, Erech, and Calneh, was one of the chief cities in the land of Shinar. These four con- stituted the beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod (Gn 10”), The LXX reads’Apxydé. The Bab.-Assyr. inscriptions are the source of all our information on this name. It was at first supposed that Akkadd, occurring so frequently in the inscriptions in connexion with Sumer, referred only to a district or province. But it is now known that there was a city of that name (Hilprecht, Freibrief Neb. i. col. ii L 60). Its form is a = and is read af Akkad (or ‘non-Sem.’ Agade), city of Accad, the name under which the city was for long centuries known. It was the residence of the first historical ruler of all Babylonia, Sargon I., whose activity dates from 3800 B.c., according to the statement of Nabonidus (555-538 B.C.), an inserip- tion discovered in 1881 on the site of Sippar. Frequent references to two Sippars, ‘Sippar of the Sun-god’ and ‘Sippar of Anunit,’ indicate some strange fortunes in connexion with this site. The worship of Ishtar of Accad was Ser: by that of Anunit of Sippar. In very early times Sippar was the chief seat of sun-worship, and Accad of Ishtar worship. Gradually there was a political absorption, and all references seem to justify the assumption that of those two cities lying close together, Sippar with its Sun-god became the more power and practically absorbed Accad. The worship of Ishtar, however, did not lose its identity, but was continued under the name of Sippar of Anunit (McCurdy, Hist. Prophecy and the Monuments, § 94). It is possible, but still unproved, that the city of Accad lay opposite te Sippar on the left bank of the Euphrates. Its exact site is a matter of doubt, but it is thought to have been located near Abu-habba, about fifteen ACCAD, ACCADIANS miles west of Baghdad. Delitzsch eset that it may have been one of the two cities which bore the ‘name of Sepharvaim, but McCurdy locates this double city in N. Syria (§ 349). The Wolfe expedi- tion to Babylonia in 1884-85 (cf. Report, pp. 24, 25) located it at Anbar, on the Euphrates, N.W. of the ruins of Babylon. It was probably the capital city of mdt Akkadi. (Consult for greater fulness the literature named below.) From ancient times the kings of Babylonia, and the kings of Assyria who ruled over this territory, appended to their names sar Suméri u Akkadi, king of Sumer and Akkad. Now, what was the origin of this double title? It was probably not indicative of the two regions of Babylonia, 8. and N., as kings who ruled only over 8S. Babylonia claimed it. It was also claimed by conquerors who had not advanced farther S. than Nippur (cf. Winckler, Unterswch. z. altorient. Ges. 65 ff.). It seems, then, that ‘Sumer and Accad,’ in the titles of kings, may have been no more than a claim to the ancient territory and city of Accad, with additional territory (cf. McCurdy, § 110). (For other views of the question, cf. Schrader, Kedlinschriften u. Geschichtsf. p. 533f.; Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 198; Tiele, Gesch. Babyl.-Assyriens, part i. p. i6E ) Upon the identification of these names with eae localities has been built up the theory of the so-called Sumerians and Accadians. To the consideration of this theory we will now turn our attention. It is maintained by a certain school of Oriental historians and linguists, that the lower Mesopo- tamian valley was at an early day populated by the Aceadians, who were originally related to the Sumerians. They spoke, it is said, an agglutina- tive language. In the midst of these peoples Sem. tribes settled down, and adopted the languave and customs of their foresettlers. Step by step the Sem. language gained ascendency, and about 1200 B.C. the native tongue died out, except as a sacred and literary vehicle, in which capacity it served until a late date. It is claimed that those early non-Sem. peoples reached a high degree of civilisa- tion, that they left many traces of their culture in their monuments of art and language, and that we can readily interpret them. This supposed pre- historic people and their language are termed amon ng. Assyriologists, ‘ Accadians,’ among French and German ‘Sumerians,’ derived from the supposedly most important localities where the most ancient inscriptions are found. On the other hand, there is a growing school which maintains that the Semites, whom we know as possessing the cuneiform characters, were the inventors of these last and the developers of Sem. culture, and that the so-called ‘Sumerians’ and ‘Accadians’ are but figments of an over-zealous scientific spirit. A few only of the points can be noticed. We find in the inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia word-lists which give a twofold, and sometimes a threefold, explanation of cuneiform ideograms. These ideograms are found in all stages of the Bab.-Assyr. language. In these lists one column of explanations gives us regular Sem. words, and another, words somewhat unfamiliar fn sound, which are supposed to be of non-Sem. origin. But careful scrutiny shows that these strange words yield to Sem. roots, and that even the most unfamiliar are simply made up of possible word-forms of the same idiom, disguised according to regular ascertainable methods. Again, what can be said of so-called bilingual or unilingual texts? In both cases we meet with an abundance of these disguised Sem. words, and of Sem. gram- matical constructions and modes of thought. The evidence of the slight remains of prehistoric art in Babylon is not decisive. Again, the Sem. Baby- ACCEPT, ACCEPTABLE 21 lonians never in any way speak of or allude to any such people as the supposed Sumerians or Accadians. Still, the same language was used in Babylon dowr to the latest period of its history, with no name, nor even a tradition, of that supposed great and influential nation whose heritage fell to the Semites. Other peoples who came into contact with the Babylonians, and who exercised consider- able influence on them, ¢.g. the Elamites, receive frequent mention, but there is not the slightest allusion to an Accadian race. It is not impossible that new discoveries may remedy this defect, but it is certainly amazing that what is assumed to have been the most influential factor in early Bab. civilisation is entirely unmentioned. When we find that Sem. documents date from as early a period as the earliest so-called ‘Accadian,’ and that this hypothetical language was used along- side of the regular Sem. for nearly 3000 years, we are inclined to ask, ‘What does this mean?’ In an examination of the language, we find many Sem. words and values which at first sight do not admit of such an explanation. But it is a fact that the number which do admit of it is con- tinually increasing. Out of 395 phonetic values, Prof. Delitzsch names 106 which he regards as demonstrably Sem. (Assyrische Grammatik, § 25). Prof. McCurdy adds more than 40 others, running a the list to about 150 values. It is not impos- sible that further investigation may greatly in- crease the number. But do not the inscriptions from Telloh, which are plainly ideographic, furnish conclusive proof of the soundness of the Accadian theory? So one might expect; but we are already finding in them actual Sem. words, disguised ane the forms which are found in later bilingual texts. Besides, it is found that the oldest kings of ‘Ur of the Chaldees,’ the founders of the first Bab. kingdom, knew how to write Sem. as well as ‘ Accadian’ inscriptions, [Note By Ep1Tror.—Professor Price has been permitted to state his view of this question unre- servedly. For he is himself an accomplished student of Assyriology, and he has the support of some eminent scholars (see especially McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monuments, i. 87 ff.). But the Editor thinks it necessary to say that the weight of authority is undoubtedly on the other side, lead- ing Assyriologists everywhere having come to the conclusion that the view which Professor Price com- bats is substantially true. The reader should, how- ever, consult the literature which Professor Price has given below, representing both sides of the ques- tion, and the articles ASSYRIA and BABYLONIA.] LITERATURE.—Schrader, Zur Frage nach d. Urapr. d. altbab. Kultur, 1883; Haupt, Akkadische und Sumerische Keilschrift- texte, 1881 f.; Die Sumerisch-Akkadische Sprache, Verh. Sten Or. Cong. ii. pp. 249-287; Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze, 1879 ; Hommel, Zeitsch. f. Keilschriftforschung, vol. i. p. 214f.; Zimmern, Babylonische Busspsalmen, 1885, p. 71f.; Hommel, Ges. Bab.-As. 1885, 2401f.; Tiele, Bab.-As, Ges. 1886f., 68; Halévy, Apergu grammatical de U Allographie aa.-bab. 1883 ; Mélanges de critique et dhistoire relatifs aux peuples sémitiques, 1883; Delitzsch, As, Grammatik, 1889, § 25; McCurdy, Presb. and Ref, Review, Jan. 1891, Pp. 58-81; Hist. Proph. and Mon. 1894, i. §§ 79-85; Hommel, Sumerische Lesestiicke, 1894; several articles in Zeitschrift fur Assyriologte, by Halévy, Guyard, and others. TRA M. PRICE. ACCEPT, ACCEPTABLE, ACCEPTATION. — 1. Besides other meanings, accept is used in the sense of ‘receive with favour’: Gn 47 ‘If thou doest well, shalt thou not be accepted?’ Dt 33" ‘ Bless, Lord, his substance, and a. the work of his hands.’ It is then sometimes followed by ‘of’: Gn 32™ ‘I will appease him with the present. . . per- adventure a will a. of me’ (RV ‘accept me’); 2 Mac 13%‘ And the king accepted well of Mac- cabeeus.’ ‘Accept’ or ‘accept the person’ is often the translation of Heb. 0 xy} ‘to lift up the face,’ i.e. to look favourably on: Job 42° ‘The ee 22 ACCEPTANCE ACCOMPLISH Lord also accepted Job’; Pr 18° ‘It is not good to a. the person of the wicked.’ This Heb. idiom has been tr. into Gr., and is found in the NT as mpocwrov hauBdvw, always in a bad sense, ‘ par- tiality,’ ‘respect of persons.’ Lk 207 ‘ Neither acceptest thou the person of any’; Gal 2° ‘God accepteth no man’s person.’ Then this phrase is turned into xpogwrodjurrns (Ac 10% ‘respecter of persons’), tpoowmrod\numréw (Ja 2° ‘have respect to persons,’ RV ‘of persons’), and mpocwmroAnuyla (‘respect of persons’ Ro 2", Eph 6%, Col 3%, Ja 2'), three words found nowhere but in the NT and (thence) in eccles. writers. The English ‘accept the person’ is derived from the eccles. Lat. acceptare personam. 2. Acceptable is used in the sense of ‘favourable’: Is 49° ‘In an a. time have I heard thee’; 61? ‘To proclaim the a. year of the Lord’ (t.¢e. the year of cohovaks favour). 3. Ac- ceptation= favourable reception, is found in 1 Ti 1” 4° ‘ worthy of all a.’ fags pee aed sees on Gal 26; Sanday and Headlam on J. HASTINGS. ACCEPTANCE.—Accept and cognate words are used in Scripture to denote the relation of favour and approval in which one man may stand to other men, and especially to God. f the various pees employed to convey the idea, those of most Trequent occurrence are in OT, xv} ‘to raise,’ and my] ‘to associate with, have pleasure in,’ and in NT, evapéoros, ‘well pleasing.’ The conditions of A. with God appear in OT partly as ceremonial, partly as moral and religious. Purifications and sacrifices (which see) are necessary in view of human ignorance and sin. But the sacrifices must be offered in a spirit free from greed or deceit. To enforce the moral disposition which must accom- pany every eee is one of the great functions of the prophets. hen the covenant has been established between God and Israel, entrance into it becomes a condition of receiving, and especially of having a joyful assurance of, the divine grace and favour. Similarly in NT, A. is set forth as only in Jesus Christ and for His sake (Eph 1, 1 P 2°); and, as the history of the patriarchs presents us with living pictures of what is acceptable to God under the old covenant, so Jesus is Himself the Beloved Son in whom the Father is well pleased (Mt 317 175), and the type of all that God receives and approves. A. STEWART. © ACCESS.—This word (not found in OT) occurs in NT in Ro 5?, Eph 2" 3 as the rendering of mpocaryury}. The Gr. word may express either an actual ‘ bringing near,’ or ‘introduction,’ o7 merely a ‘means of access,’ or ‘a right to approach.’ In class. Gr. the idea suggested might be that of ‘introduction to the presence-chamber of a monarch.’ The OT associations of the kindred verb mpogdyew seem to connect the word rather with the peculiar relation in which Isr. stood to J”, and to give the term a special appropriateness in describing the admission of Gentiles into a new covenant relation with God (rhv yxdpw ravrny, Ro 53, cf. Eph 21”), ef. Ex 19° and 1 P 38; and the approach ot Christian worshippers to the Father (Eph 218 314), cf. Lv 1? ete., Lv 44, Mal 14, Ezk 4438 etc. This last idea is worked out in detail in He 1019-22, Our ‘right to approach’ or ‘our introduc- tion’ is uniformly described by St. Paul (cf. Jn 14°) as given us by Christ. J. O. F. MURRAY. ACCO, AV Accho (\2y).—This city, included in the lot of Asher (Jg 1%), was never taken by Israel. Known at different times as Ptolemais (1 Mac and NT), St. Jean d’Acre, Accaron, Acon, etc., the old Heb. ‘>y ‘Acco survives in the Arab ‘Akka. Josephus calls it ‘a maritime city of Galilee’ (BJ 11. x. 2). It was important as com. manding the coast road, and affording easy access to the great routes crossing the plain of Esdraelon. From the promontory of Carmel the shore sweeps northward with a beautiful inward curve, formin the Bay of Acre, on the northern extremity o which the city stands. From Ras en-Nakirah, in the north, the mountains recede some miles from the coast, leaving a fertile plain, which is bounded on the south by the Carmel range. It is waterea py the Kishon (el Makatta') and Nahr Na‘amdn, the ancient Belus. The plain furnishes Haifa, Nazareth, Tiberias, and Safed with half their supply of fruit and vegetables, sending also much to Beyrout. Of the 10,000 or 12,000 inhabitants, two-thirds are Moslems, the remainder being Greek and Catholic Christians, with a few Jews and Persians. It is the seat of a provincial governor, under whom are the districts of Haifa, Nazareth, Tiberias, and Safed. The chief trade is the export of grain brought by camels from Haurdn. About 1000 tons of ofl from the olive groves of Galilee are alsa annually exported. Entered from the south by a single gate, it is defended to landward by a double rampart, to seaward by a strong wall. The ancient inner harbour has disappeared, and the outer is used only by smaller vessels, the neighbouring anchorage of Haifa being more safe and convenient for larger ships. Few cities have had a stormier history. Allied with Sidon and Tyre in the days of Eluleus against Shalmaneser Iv. (Ant. IX. xiv. 2), it was taken by Sennacherib, and given by Esarhaddon to the kin of Tyre. Held in succession by Babylon an Persia (Strabo, xvi. 2. 25), on the division of Alexander’s kingdom it fell to Ptolemy Soter. Its strategic value was proved in the Syro-Egyp. wars. Betrayed to Antiochus the Great (B.C. 218), it was immediately recovered by Egypt. Simon Maccabzeus defeated and drove the forces of Tyre, Sidon, and Ptolemais into the city (1 Mac 5%; Ant. XII. viii. 2) Alex. Balas took it by treachery, and there married Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor (Ant. XIII. ii. 1, iv. 1, 2). Demetrius Nikator gave it to Jonathan ‘for the necessary expenses of the temple’ (1 Mac 10), Here Jonathan was perfidiously taken by Tryphon(Ant. xi11. vi.2). Besieged by Alexander Janneus, relieved by Ptolemy Lathyrus (Ané. XII. xii. 4), it was captured by Cleopatra, who gave it to the Syrian monarchy (Ant. XIII. xiii. 2). Tigranes the Armenian having taken the city, at once retired (Ant. xl. xvi. 4; BJ I. v. 3). Falling to the Parthians (Ant. XIV. xiii. 3; BJ I. xiii. 1), it finally passed under the power of Rome, and was raised to the rank of a colony, with the title, ‘ Colonia Claudii Czsaris Ptolemais.’ Herod built here a gymnasium (BJ I. xxi. 11). It is last mentioned in Scripture in connexion with St. Paul’s visit (Ac 21’). W. EwIna. ACCOMPLISH.—The primary meaning of a. is to bring to a successful issue. But the only examples of this in the AV are Ps 648, Pr 13¥9, 1 Es 127, Ac 215. Sometimes a. simply means to ‘do,’ ‘ perform’: 1 K 5%, Jth 28, Is 55" ‘it (God’s word) shall a. that which I please.’ It is occasionally used in the obsolete sense of ‘to complete a period of time’: Jer. 2512 ‘when seventy years are accomplished’; Is. 40? ‘her warfare is accomplished’; Job 14° ‘ till he shall a., as an hireling, his day.’ From this arises its most frequent meaning, to bring to an ideal or divine completeness, to fulfil: (a) rophecy (once only), 2 Ch 36”; (6) God’s wrath. ie 4 Ezk 6!2 78 13! 208 21; (c) Christ’s work, Lk 9%! 1250 198! 9957, Jn 19% The RV has sought to reserve this meaning for the word ‘fulfil,’ but unsuccessfully. J. HAstTInes ACCORD, ACCORDINGLY ACCORD, ACCORDINGLY, ACCORDING TO.— 1. ‘Of its own accord’ is used in the special sense of without human agency in Ly 255 ‘That which groweth of its (see ITs) own a.,’ and in Ac 12” ‘which opened to them of his own a.’ From the Gr. in both ner es (airéuaros) we get our word ‘automatically.’ In 2 Co 8” ‘of his own a. he went unto you,’ the Gr. (av@alperos) is lit. ‘self- chosen,’ of his own free choice. 2. In I[s 59% ‘Acc. to their deeds, accordingly he will repay’: “ace. to’ and ‘accordingly’ are translations of the same Heb. word, and have the same meaning. 3. In Ezk 42-12 ‘acc. to’ means ‘ corresponding to.’ 4. As verbal adj. ‘according’ is found only in Wis 18! ‘an ill a. cry’ (dcvpgwvos, RV ‘in discord’): ef. In Memoriam— *That mind and so rding May make one soe hatin ay = J. HASTINGS, ACCOS (‘Axydés, 1 Mac 81”).—Eupolemus, the son of John, the son of Accos, was one of the envoys sent to Rome by Judas Maccabiens in 161 B.c. Accos represents the Heb. Hakkoz (y'p2), which was the name of a priestly family (1 Ch 24 Ezr 2%); Eupolemus, therefore, may well have been of priestly descent. H. A. WHITE. ACCOUNT. — As a subst. a. is either literally the number counted, as Ec 7” ‘Counting one by one, to find out the a.’; or premphorcaly ‘reckon- ing’ (Gr. Aédyos, ‘ word’), as Ro 14” ‘ Every one of us shall give a. of himself to God.’ As a verb a. is used in rare or obs. meanings. 1. To estimate, as Dt 2” ‘That also was a“ a land of giants’; Ro 8% ‘We are a“ as sheep for the slaughter’ ; He 11° ‘a that God was able’; He 117 RV ‘ais (AV, ‘esteeming’) the reproach of Christ greater riches.’ Cf. 1 Mac 6° ‘He made a. (édoyloaro) that he should die.” Then it is sometimes followed by ‘of,’ as 1 K 10 ‘It (silver) was nothing accounted of in the days of Solomon’; 1 Co 4!‘ Let a man so a. of usas of the ministers of Christ.’ 2. To ‘reckon’ or ‘impute,’ as Gal 3° ‘It was a (RV ‘reckoned’) to him for righteousness.’ 3. To ‘seem,’ or ‘be reputed,’ as Mk 10% ‘they which area (Gr. of doxodvres) to rule over the Gentiles’ ; so Lk 22%, Cf. Gal 2% ‘those of repute’ (Gr. ol Soxodyres). J. HASTINGS. ACCURSED.—In AV op hérem is tr. ‘accursed’ in Jos 6!” 712%, and ‘a. thing’ in Jos 618% 71 dé. UL. 18.15 992%, 1 Ch 27. In all these places RV gives ‘devoted’ or ‘d. thing.’ For the hérem is not accursed from God so that we may make what secular use of it we please, but devoted ¢o God, and not to be used by us at all. A. is also the tr. of dvdbeua, anathema, in Ro 9° 1 Co 12? Gal 18% In these passages RV simply transliterates the Greek. See CURSE. J. HASTINGS. ACHAIA (’Axata), when Greece was free, was the strip of land bordering the Corinthian Gulf on the S.; but, by the Romans, the name Achaia was are to the whole country of Greece, because the Achzean League had headed Greek resistance to Rome. Conquered and united with the province of Macedonia in B.C. 146,* Achaia was in B.C. 27 made a separate province; and Thessaly, A‘tolia, Acarnania, and some part of Epirus, together with Eubeea and the western, central, and southern Cyclades, were included in it. It was governed by an Official with the title Proconsul (Ac 18"), who was appointed by the Senate from among the * This fact, hotly disputed for a time since 1847, is now gener- ally admi ; but A. was treated more easily than some pro- vinces; Athens (and Delos, which see), Sicyon (which received tel of the territory of Corinth), Sparta (which was free from xation and head of the Elsutherolakones) receiving specially favours dle terms; see 1 Mac 1523, ACHAN 23 ex-pretors ; and not less than five years must have elapsed between his preetorship and his vroconsul- ship. Corinth was the capital of the pra vince, and the proconsul’s ordinary residence (Ac 181"). As the severity of taxation was a subject of complaint, Tiberius, in A.D. 15, reunited Achaia with Mace- donia and Mesia under the administration of an imperial Jegatus ; but in 44, Claudius made it again a senatorial and proconsular province. Either at this or some later time, Thessaly was divided from Achaia and united with Macedonia, and Epirus with Acarnania was made a separate pro- curatorial province (as Ptolemy III., § 13. 44-46, and § 14, describes them). On 28th November, A.D. 67, Nero at the Isthmian games declared Greece free; but within a few years Vespasian again made it a senatorial province; and, so long as the empire lasted, it was governed by a proconsul, under whom were a legatus and a questor. The proconsul and his legatus were regularly annual officials, and so was the questor always, but an imperial /egatus governed for a much longer term (two ruled from A.D. 15 to 44). In ordinary Gr. usage, the term ‘Hellas’ corresponded approxi- mately to the Rom. sense of Achaia; and in that way Ads is mentioned in Ac 20%. But there was a wider sense of the epithet ‘Greek,’ according to which Macedonia could be thereby designated ; and thus Achaia and Macedonia together constitute the Gr. lands in Europe, and are sometimes coupled as a closely connected pair (Ac 197; cf. Ro 157, 2 Co 97, 1 Th 18). The existence of Jewish settlements and syn- agogues in Corinth and Athens, the two greatest cities of Achaia, is attested in Ac 17!7 18*7; and is suggested elsewhere by the rapid foundation of new churches in Achaia (1 Co 2!, Ac 1877). The presence of Jews is proved in Sparta and Sicyon as early as B.C. 139-138 through the letters addressed to dose States by the Rom. Senate, 1 Mac 15”; and in Beotia, Atolia, Attica, Argos, and Corinth by a letter of Agrippa to Caligula, Philo, leg. ad Gaium, § 36 (Mang. ii. 587). Jewish inscriptions have been found at Athens, Patra, and A’gina. LiTgRATURE.—There is a good article on Achaia in Pauly- Wissowa, RE: see also Marquardt, Rém. Staatsverw. i. p. 321f.; Mommsen, Provinces of Rom. Emp. (Rém. Gesch. v.) ch. vii. M. RAMSAY. ACHAICUS (’Axaitxés).—The name is Roman (see CoRINTH), and appears to have been perpetuated in the family of i Mummius, who earned it by his conquest of Corinth and Achaia, B.c. 146. The A. of 1 Co 16%” may have been a freedman or client of the Mummii. In company with Stephanas and Fortunatus he had appeared at Ephesus, and had ‘refreshed the spirit’ of St. Paul, and, he adds, of the Corinthians also; they thus ‘supplied’ something which ‘was lacking’ on the part of the Corinthians. This suggests that they were distinct from (1) the bearers of the Cor. letter (1 Co 7!) to St. Paul ; and from (2) of XAdqs (1 Co 1"), who had more recently brought back to Ephesus the disquieting news, under the fresh impression of which 1 Co was written. (See STEPHANAS, FoRTUNATUS, CHLOE ; CORINTHIANS, FIRST EPIS- TLE TO). A. ROBERTSON. ACHAN (j>y, in 1 Ch 2? 1py, Sept. ’Axdp, prob. the correct form of the name, cf. ‘Valley of Achor’).—A man of the tribe of Judah, son of Carmi, also called (Jos 22”) son of Zerah, who was his great-grandfather. After the fall of Jericho, he coveted and took a portion of the spoil, which had been devoted to utter destruction. This sin in the devoted thing, involving the breach of a vow made by the nation as one body, brought wrath upon all Israel, and their first attack upox Ai was repulsed with the loss of thirty-six men 24 ACHAR ACHOR Investigation was made by lot to discover who had sinned, and Achan was singled out. He made full confession of his guilt, and the stolen treasure was found hid under his tent. Instant execution fol- lowed. Not only Achan himself, but his tent, his goods, his spoil, his cattle, and his children, were taken to the valley, afterwards called the valley of Achor. There they stoned him, and all that belonged to him, afterwards consuming the whole with fire, and raising over the ashes a great hea of stones. This act of vengeance is represente as being in some measure an expiation of the crime, ‘The Lord turned from the fierceness of His anger.’ The supposition that his family were accessories to his crime finds no su port in the narrative. The language of Jos a (‘all Israel stoned him with stones, and they burned them with fire’) has been regarded as implying that Achan alone suffered the death penalty, the plural number referring to the oxen, asses, and sheep, and that his sons and daughters were brought to the valley merely as spectators, that they might have a terrible warning. It is doubt- ful if the text will bear this construction, and the sweeping nature of the act of judgment recorded is rather to be explained by reference to the stage of moval development which Israel had reached at the time (Jos 71-*). R. M. Boyp. ACHAR.—The form in 1 Ch 2’, 2 Es 7% of the name ACHAN (wh. see). ACHBOR (ni22y ‘mouse’ or ‘jerboa’).—1. An Edomite (Gn 36%). 2. A courtier under Josiah, mentioned as one of the deputation sent by the king to Huldah the prophetess; son of Micaiah (2 KK 2232-14), and father of Elnathan (Jer 26” om. [.XX, 363%), Called Abdon (2 Ch 34”), C. F. BURNEY. ACHIACHARUS (’Ax:dxapos B, ’Axelxapos 8, 7p'psx Aram. and Heb,, wns Syr.), the nephew of Tobit, was governor under Sarchedonus = Esarhaddon (To 1* ete.), or, according to the Aramaic text, ‘Rab over all that was his (the king’s), and Shalit over all the land of Assyria’; cf. Dn 2%, The nearest Hebrew name is Ahihud (any), 1 Ch 87. J. ‘I. MARSHALL, ACHIAS.—An ancestor of Ezra (2 Es 12), omitted in Ezr and | Es. ACHIM (’Axelu).—Perhaps a shortened form of Jehoiachim, an ancestor of our Lord (Mt 1"). See GENEALOGY. ACHIOR (’Axidp, rene ‘brother of light’).—4. In LXX Nu 34” for Ahihud. 2. In Jth (5° etc.), a general of the Ammonites, spokesman for the Jewish cause, and afterwards convert (ch. 14). 3. In Vulg. To 11 by mistake. F. C. PoRTER. ACHIPHA (B ‘AyeBd, A ’Axi¢d, AV Acipha), 1 Es 5*.—His children were among the ‘temple servants’ or Nethinim who returned with Zerub- babel. Called Hakupha, Ezr 2°1, Neh 7%. ACHISH (wax, ’Ayxous).—The king of Gath to whom David fled for refuge after the massacre of the priests at Nob. Finding himself recognised as the slayer of Goliath, David feigned madness, and so escaped from the Phil. court (1 S 212). (This incident belongs to one of the later documents of Samuel.) In 1 S 27? (belonging to the Judaic or earliest document) A. is called ‘the son of Maoch’ (possibly =‘ son of Maacah,’1 K 2°), receives David with his band of 600 men, and assigns him the city of Ziklag in the S. of Judah. Despite the wishes of A., the other Phil. princes refuse to let David take part in the final campaign against Saul. J . F. STENNING. ACHMETHA (xnony, ’ExBdrava), the cap. of Media, mentioned Ezr 6? as the place where State docu- ments of the time of Cyrus were preserved. The Aram. form of the name em noyee in Ezr (LXX *Auadd) closely resembles the Pehlevi be (Bunde- hesh, p. 23, i. 4), derived from the Old Pers. hang- matana (Behistan Inscr. II. xiii. 8), derived by Rawlinson from ham and gam, with the meaning ‘meeting-place.? This Old Pers. form, accommo- dated to the Greek pronunciation, gave rise to the name Agbatana or Dabatand (To 65, Jth 12), and survives in the modern Hamadan (34° 8’ N, 48° 3’ E), the cap. of the province of Persia bearing the same name, with hich the ancient cap. ef Media is ordinarily identified. Hamadan lies at the foot of Mt. Elwend, ‘ whence it derives a copious water supply, and in a plain thickly besprinkled with vineyards, panels and gardens, but whose elevation is 6000 ft. above the sea ; it enjoys one of the finest situations in Persia’ (Curzon, Persia, i. 566). This is Nepstl the Ecbatana of To 6°, where it is represented as lying midway between Nineveh and Phaged? and also of Strabo, xi. 523, who knows of it as the summer residence of the Parthian kings; for which its elevation and con- sequently cool climate suited it. But the ancient cap. of the Median empire, built, according to Herodotus (i. 98, 99), by the first king Deioces (c. 700 B.c.), ‘with walls of great size and strength, rising in circles one within the other,’ each wall being coloured to correspond with one of the seven planets, is to be sought, acc. to Sir H. Rawlinson (JRGS x., art. 2, and ad d.c. Herod.), not at Hamadan, but at Takht-i-Sulayman (36° 25’ N, 47° 10’ E) in Adherbijan, the ancient Atropatene, distinguished from Media Magna. The Armenian historian, Moses of Chorene (ii. 84, ed. Whiston), speaks of the ‘second Ecbatana, the seven-walled city’; and in the very learned paper quoted, Rawlinson (1) identifies that ri with the Gazaka of the Greeks and Ganzak of the Armenians; (2) identifies Ganzak with the Shiz of Mohammedan writers; and (3) localises Shiz at Takht-i-Sulayman, where a conical hill, surrounded by ruins, which enclose a lake that has attracted the observation of ancient and modern travellers, corresponds with the description of Ecbatana given by Herodotus, as well as with what that historian tells us of the char- acter of the surrounding country (i. 110). Hama- dan, which lies at the foot of a mountain, would not admit of being fortified in the way described ; and, though search has been made by numerous explorers (see Polak in Mittheilungen der Wiener Geograph. Gesellschaft, 1883, art. 1), no traces have been discovered of buildings such as Herodotus mentions. The description in Jth (1), to which no historical value attaches, would seem to refer to the same city as that of Herodotus; and another record of the impression created by the strength of its fortifications is, according to Rawlinson, to be found in the account of Var in the 2nd Fargard of the Vendidad. D. 8. MARGOLIOUTH. ACHOR VALLEY (73x poy ‘valley of trouble,’ Jos 7%: 26 157, Is 65, Hos 2!5),—In the last probably Wdady Kelt, a deep ravine close to the site of the Jericho of the Christian era. The stream becomes a foaming torrent after rains, and, issuing into the plains, runs between steep banks south of modern Jericho to the Jordan (SWP vol. iii. sh. xviii.). Cc CONDER. ACHSAH ACHSAH (7922 ‘anklet,’ 1 Ch 249A V Achsa).—The daughter of Caleb. She was promised in marriage by her father to the man who should capture Debir or Kiriath-sepher. Othniel, the brother (nephew ?) of Caleb, accomplished the feat, and obtained the promised reward. As the bride was being conducted to her home, she lighted off her ass, and besought her father to add ‘springs of water’ to the dowry of a south land (Negeb), which he had already given her. In response he granted her ‘the upper springs and the nether springs’ (Jos 1516-19, Jg 19-15), R. M. Boyp. ACHSHAPH (‘¥28).—There were perhaps two towns in Galilee of this name. 1. Noticed with places in Upper Galilee, may be the present Hi-Kesaf $. of the Leontes, on the mountains of Naphtali (Jos 11112»), 2. A city of Asher (Jos 19°), noticed with other towns near the coast, is more probably the modern #l-Yasif near Acre. ‘This is also noticed by the Mohar, an Egyp. traveller (14th cent. A.D.) on his way down the coast. The loss of the letter caph in this name may be compared with the well-known case of Achzib (2). See SWP vol. i. sheets ii. iii., and Chabas, Voyage dun Egyptien. C. R. CONDER. ACHZIB (3%!2%).—4. One of the 22 towns of Asher (Jos 19 B *Eyo(6B, A’Ax (elo, in Jg 131 B’Acyael, A *Acxeviel). It is identified as Ez-Zib on the coast between Acre and Tyre, near where the level line of sand is broken by the promontory of Ras- en-Nakurah. The present village — a mere huddle of glaring huts on one of the highest eminences of the sandy sea-wall—has nothing to indicate that it was once a place of some note. It is mentioned in Jg 181 among the towns and districts that Israel failed to conquer. A. was called Aksibi by the Assyr., and Ecdippa by the Greeks and Romans. Josephus and Jerome refer to it. The Rabbin. writers, hedging the Land as they did the Book, marked out three districts, indicated by A., Antioch, and Mesopotamia. They inclined to the view that A. was on the outside of the first boundary line, All within was Holy Land, where bread, wine, and oil could be found ceremonially clean, and where the dates of the months and their fasts could be accurately known in time for observance. 2. Another Achzib (B Ke¢ei8, A omits), situated in the Shephelah or ‘low-land’ of Judah, is men- tioned along with Keilah and Mareshah in Jg 15**, and with Mareshah and Adullam in Mic 114. This neighbourhood suggests a possible identification with ‘Ain-Kezbeh near Adullam. The name appears as Kezib (1"!2, XacBi) in Gn 38°, and as Kozéba (82), B Zwxnda, A Xw(mBd) in 1 Ch 422, Some literary interest attaches to Mic 114, where it is said that ‘the houses of Achzib shall be a lie (Achzab) to the kings of Israel.’ The resemblance seems to imply a play on the word. Occurring in a passage of vehement reproach, such derision corresponds to the spitting on the ground, which Orientals resort to when greatly excited and provoked —as an expression of uttermost nausea and contempt. G. M. MACKIE. ACQUAINT, ACQUAINTANCE.—Acquaint as a reflexive verb, meaning to make the acquaintance of, is found in Job 2271, Ec 23. Cf. Shak.’s Temp. II. ii. 39: ‘Misery acquaints a man with strange bedfellows.’ Acquaintance is both sing. and plur., Ps 554 ‘But it was thou, a’man mine equal, my guide, and mine a.’ (RV ‘my familiar friend’) ; Lk 23! ‘And all his a. and the women that followed him from Galilee. Acquainted, meaning ‘to be familiar with,’ occurs Ps 159°, Ts 538 ‘a, with grief.’ J. HASTINGS. ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 25 ACROSTIC.—A poem so composed that the initial letters of certain recurring periods (lines, distichs, etc.) follow some definite arrangement. In the OT all the recognised acrostics are alphabetical, i.e. the initials make up the Heb. alphabet. They are Pss 9-10. 25. 34. 37. 111. 112. 119. 145, Pr 3110-81, La 1. 2. 3. 4, Sir 511%30, See also Hab 12-2), The periods assigned to each letter may consist of one line (Pss 111. 112), two (Pss 34. 145, etc.), three (La 3, etc.), or even sixteen lines (Ps 119); or the lines may vary in number, as esp. in La 1 and 2, and to some extent in the Psalms, Where the period consists of several lines, the initial letter is sometimes repeated with each line (La 3) or distich (Ps 119). In other respects the acrostics vary very much in style and subject, and, though usually late, undoubtedly belong to very different dates. Thus Pss 37 and 119 from their didactic style are evidently late, while the Jahwistic Ps 25 is comparatively early. The acrostic character of these poems often throws indirectly an inter- esting light on their history, showing us unmistak- ably the hand of the reviser, who sometimes did not scruple to disturb their alphabetical character. The most striking example of this is in Ps 9-10, originally one alphabetical psalm of usually four lines to each letter. This the reviser cut into two, in Ps 9 adding vy.2?“!* as an appendix (comp. Ps 2572 348), and omitting two or three verses after v.56. In Ps 10 the verses represented by n—¥ were omitted to make room for the insertion of a very curious and ancient fragment in vy.?1, Somewhat similar, but less violent, alterations occur in Pss 25. 34 and 37. Thus in Ps 265 the insertion of »bx by the Elohistic reviser (see HEXATEUCH) in y.? gives x instead of 3 as the initial letter. It would seem also that v.18 has been substituted for a p verse, or else that the latter has been omitted. The omission of the 3 verse in Ps 145 appears to be accidental. It is interesting to notice that when the psalms are, from their style and position in the Psalter, likely to be of late date, there is little or no interference with their alphabetical arrangement. The trans- position of the letters y and » in La 2 and 3 cannot easily be accounted for. Bickell, Zeitsch. fiir Kathol. Theol. (Innsbruck) 1882, p. 326 ff., has shown that the conclusion of Sir, of which the original Heb. is now lost, was alpha- betical, the letters n—n, vv.21-29, being evident at once from the Syr. version. It has also been maintained that Nah 12-218 was originally alphabetical ; but if so, the text has been so altered by revision or corruption that very few traces of this remain. Some critics claim to have discovered a name acrostic in Ps 110, the initials of 1-4, after omitting the introductory words, spelling jypw; but this coincidence can hardly be considered conclusive. F, H. Woops. **ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.— 1 . Introduction. ii. Text and Transmission, iii. Literary History. iv. Modern Criticism. vy. Purpose and Contents. vi, Analysis. vii. Authorship and Date, viii. The Acts and Josephus. ix, The Historical Value of the Acts. (1) A Priori Objections. (2) The Acts and St. Paul’s Epistles, (3) The Archeological Evidence, (4) The Period of Transition. (5) The Early Community in Jerusalem. (6) The Speeches. x. Sources of the Acts. xi. Conclusion. xii. Literature. i. The ACTS OF THE APOSTLES, the fifth book in the English Canon, is unique in its character. * The verses are numbered in this article according to the Heb. Bible. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner's Sons 26 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES While we have four separate narratives of the life of our Lord, and a very considerable number of letters by different apostles, it is the only history of the early Church that can make any claim to be authentic. Some writers indeed, such as Holtzmann (Handkommentar, p. 807), suggest that it is to be put on the level of other works written in the second century recording the deeds of the apostles; but such a position is quite untenable. Even if some of them, such as the Acts of Pauli and Thecla, may rest on an historical basis, that is the most which can be admitted. The greater number of them, most notably the Clementine Romances, for which there was once claimed almost an equality with the Acts, are now decisively thrown to a later date. The Acts is the sole remaining historical work which deals with the beginnings of Church history; and _ this amongst other causes has made it a favourite mark of modern criticism. ii. TEXT AND TRANSMISSION.—Although our authorities for the transmission of the Acts are in the main similar to those tor the Gospels, they are fewer in number. Like the Gospels, it is contained in the five leading Uncials (x A B C D), in the Vulg., in the Peshitta and Harclean Syriac, in the two chief Coptic VSS, and there are quotations from it in the leading Fathers. Two sources are, however, defective. We have nothing corresponding to the Curetonian and Sinaitic Syriac, nor do we even know whether such a text existed ; and the Old Latin is very inadequately represented. On the other hand, we possess one other Uncial of considerable im- portance, namely, the Codex Laudianus (E) of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, a bilingual MS. of the Acts only. In later Minuscules it is generally found forming one volume with the Catholic Epistles. The inadequate representation of the Old Latin and the absence of an old Syriac text are to be reeretted, owing to the fact that the particular textual phenomena which they exhibit meet us in some authorities of the Acts in a very conspicuous form, namely, what is called the Western text (by Sanday and Headlam, Romans, p. 1xxi, the 5 text ; by Blass, Acta Apostolorum, p. 24, the B text). This is represented more or less definitely by the two bilingual MSS. D EK, by the marginal readings of the Harclean Syriac, by the Old Latin so far as we can recover it (Codex Gigas, Floriacensis, and similar fragments, with the Paris MS. Latin 321, edited by M. Berger), and by Western Fathers, esp. Irenzeus, ‘Tertullian, Cyprian, Lucifer, Augustine, Vigilius, Bede (some having a mixed text). The characteristics of this text are well known ; it adds passages of considerable length, it paraphrases, it sometimes seems to correct the shorter text; and all these characteristics appear, but in a very much more marked form, in the Acts ; it sometimes gives a different aspect to a passage by the variations from the shorter text, sometimes its variations give additional and apparently authentic information. The problem of the origin of this text has caused in recent years a consider- able amount of discussion. Some few critics, such as Bornemann (1848), have been bold enough to consider it the original text; but that opinion has found few followers. Rendel Harris, in 1891, started a series of modern discussions by suggesting that the variations of Codex Bezz were due to Latinisation, and implied the existence of a bilingual MS. at least as early as 150 1.p. He also found signs of Montanist influence. His main theory was adequately refuted by Sanday in the Guardian (18th and 25th May 1892), who ascribed the recension suggested by the Western text to Antioch. Ramsay, in 1892 (Church in Rom. Emp. p. 151, ed. 2), found evidence of a Catholic reviser | (ib. iv. 23). ACTS OF THE APOSTLES who lived in Asia before the year 150, a locality which had already been suggested by Lightfoot (Smith’s DB? i. p. 42), while WH suggest N.W. Syria or Asia Minor (Gr. Test. ii. p. 108). Dr. Chase, in 1893, attacked the problem from another side, accepting Antioch as the locality, and finding the principal cause of the variations in retranslation from the Syriac, a position he failed to make good. Lastly, Dr. Blass has suggested that the author issued two editions, and that both forms of the text are due to himself personally, the one representing a rough draft, the other a revision: again, a theory which is hardly satisfactory (see Chase, Crit. Rev. 1894, p. 300ff.; Blass’ reply begins in Hermathena, No. xxi. p. 122). » A definite solution of the problem has not been attained, nor has it yet been attacked in a really scientific manner. / f avnpén Kal mavtes Booe érelOovto avt@ SvedvOn- Tav, K.T.A. meta TovTov dyvéorn *Iovdas 6 TadiAatos év tais nuépais «= THS amorypapis kal améotnoe Aady driow aurov. mpos tovTos Sé kal of matdes lovda Tov TadtAatov anhxonoay Tov Toy Aady amd “Payalwy damoothoav- tos Kupwlov THs “lovdalas TINT EVOYTOS. Now, whatever plausibility this comparison may have at first sight is very much diminished when we remember that the two passages in Jos. do not immediately follow one another, but are separated by an interval of 20 lines or more. Nor when we come to examine them do we find any close resemblance in the language. There are words common to both accounts, but they are none of them characteristic ; it is not easy to describe a revolt without using the word dmroorjoa in some form, while the details are different in the two accounts ; the Acts give 4000 men, Jos. gives no number. This is recognised by Clemen (SK, 1895, p. 339), who is of opinion that the author of the Acts had read Jos. but forgotten him. Is this resemblance, or fancied resemblance, supported by any other passages? Keim and the author of Supernatural Religion have collected a large number of parallel passages, but they are not of a character to bring conviction. On the other hand, the argument of Zeller (Eng. tr. i. p. 232) on the discrepancy between the Acts and Jos. in the case of the death of Herod Agrippa is quite sufficient to prove inde- pendence ; and this argument has been very well brought out by Schiirer. Whatever the differences between the Acts and Jos. prove, they are only conceivable on the supposition of independence. Most of these do not affect our estimate of the historical character of the work; the difficulty about Theudas, even if it admits of no solution, may cast doubts on the historical character of Gamaliel’s speech; it does not really affect the question of the Lucan authorship of the Acts. Pas =e i al a aT i ils le f. : : : : . ACTS OF THE APOSTLES ix. THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF THE ACTS.—1. A priori Objections.—In investigating the historical value of the Acts, we must first of all clear the ground by putting on one side a number of @ priori objections. To say that the document is un- historical because it narrates miraculous events, or because it contains accounts of angels, is simply to beg the question. Even if we were quite certain that such events were impossible and never occurred, we have abundant evidence for knowing that the early Christians believed in them. St. Paul claims himself to have worked what were believed both by him and his readers to be miracles (Blass, Acta Apostolorum, p. 8f.). Again, all such difficulties as arise from an @ priori theory of Church history must be banished. To deny docu- ments because they conflict with one’s theories, is to argue in a vicious circle. Although there are few serious critics who now accept the Ttibingen theories, yet many of their assumptions have acquired a traditional hold on the minds of writers, and consciously or unconsciously affect their argu- ments. Similarly, objections based on the hier- archical or sacramental tendencies of a book assume that we can find the beginning of such tendencies in the Church ; which we clearly cannot do. Much the same may be said of the supposed parallelisms between St. Peter and St. Paul. According to Holtzmann, the strongest argument for the critical position is the correspondence between the acts of St. Peter and the other apostles on the one side, and those of St. Paul on the other. Both begin their ministry with the healing of a lame man; both work miracles, the one with his shadow, the other with napkins. Demons flee in the name of St. Peter and in the name of St. Paul. St. Peter meets Simon Magus ; St. Paul Elymas and the Ephesian magicians. Both raise the dead. Both receive divine honours. Both are supported by Pharisees in the council. St. Paul is stoned at Lystra, Stephen at Jerusalem. St. Paul is made to adopt the language of St. Peter, St. Peter of St. Paul, and so on. The value of such an argument is one which can only depend upon individual feeling. It is, of course, perfectly true that they both occupy prominent places, that they are, in fact, the writer’s heroes ; but that does not prove the unhistorical character. We may well refer to Plutarch’s lives. Because the writer finds parallels between the lives of two men, it does not prove that his narrative is fictitious. But, further, although there are resemblances, there are very considerable differences as well, and the resemblances arise largely from the positions in which the apostles were placed. ‘There is nothing unnatural in the points of similarity, and they are balanced by many points of difference. Lastly, all arguments against the Lucan author- ship, or the historical character of the work, drawn from the fact that the writer clearly has a definite plan and purpose, are quite beside the mark. The distinction between a history and a chronicle is just this, that a history has a plan. The writer, from personal knowledge or other sources, forms a conception of the course of events, and writes his history from that point of view. In the present case the writer wishes to illustrate and describe the steps by which the Christian Church has developed. From that point of view he selects his materials ; from that point of view he describes the events and the periods which are to him important ; from that point of view he emphasizes the careers of St. Stephen, of St. Peter, of St. Paul. His view may be right or may be wrong, but because a writer has a view he is not necessarily unhistorical. We hope to show that the merit of St. Luke lies in having brought out just the point of view which was important, and that, although there are points ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 31 in which he is perhaps incorrect, substantially his history is true and trustworthy. 2. The Acts and St. Paul’s Epistles.—A consider- able portion of the narrative of the Acts is con- temporary with certain of St. Paul’s Epistles. Here, then, we have some opportunity of controlling the narrative, and here we have to meet a very curious combination of arguments. It is now maintained that the Acts is late, and its narrative unauthentic because of differences from St. Paul’s Epistles, and then that these Epistles are its sources. To prevent these arguments conflicting, we have to suppose a deliberate falsification of the narrative of Galatians by the author of the Acts, and an extraordinary capacity on his part to conceal his obligations. The parallels quoted are very slight, but most numerous in the case of the’ Epistles of the captivity. Even here they have little value as implying literary obligations ; but if, as we believe, St. Luke, the author of the Acts, was St. Paul’s companion in captivity, and possibly acted as his amanuensis, it is natural that his phraseology should be influenced by that personal contact. There are three passages which demand a more exact com- parison. (a) Gal 127-24=Ae 926-80, (6) Gal 21-10 =Ac 151-88, (c) Gal 2U1f. =Ac 1535-89, (a) If we examine the first passages we notice quite definitely certain discrepancies. The Acts contain no reference to the visit to Arabia; we should not gather from the narrative that three years had elapsed before the visit to Jerusalem ; while the state- ment that he was unknown by face to the Churches that were in Judea, is supposed to be inconsistent with the fact that he preached in the synagogues of Jerusalem. But how far do these discrepancies take us? It is quite clear that St. Luke selects what he requires for his purpose, and it is possible that he knew of the journey to Arabia and did not think it necessary to record it; nor, again, does he give exact indications of the time elapsed. There is no necessary inconsistency ; but still the obvious impression created by the narrative is that the writer did not know of the Arabian journey, nor of the length of time which had elapsed before the Jerusalem visit, and the two narratives give a somewhat different impression. St. Paul wishes to emphasize his independence of the apostles ; St. Luke wishes to show that St. Paul was received by them. But each hints at the other side. St. Paul clearly implies that he was received by them; St. Luke as clearly, that there was some hesitation about doing so, and St. Luke’s language makes it plain that even if he had preached in synagogues in Jerusalem he had not preached in Judea. The accounts are different and to all appearance independent, they represent different points of view, they supplement one another; they are not incon- sistent. (b) The same may be said in the main concerning the next narrative (Gal 2!-10=Ae 151-83). The very careful examination of Lightfoot (Galatians, p. 109) represents, on the whole, a very fair historical conclusion. No sensible person will find any dis- crepancy if St. Paul, giving his internal motive, states that he went by revelation, and St. Luke gives the external motive. It is quite natural that St. Luke should give the public history, St. Paul the private. What is more important to notice is the incidental testimony that each account gives to the other. We gather from St. Paul his great desire to be on good terms with the leading apostles—if he is not, he fears he will run in vain and labour in vain; we gather that they receive him in a friendly manner—they give him the right hand of fellowship ; although they are looked upon by some of their followers as being antagonistic to St. Paul, St. Paul does not think so. Again, from the Acts we gather that the conclusion was not carried out without much dispute, and presumably was not acceptable to all; and we equally gather, as we would from St. Paul, that those who had caused the disturbance had claimed that they represented the opinions of the chief apostles. It has been assumed that Ac 15 refers to the same event as Gal 21-10; but this, although commonly, is not universally accepted. Why, it is asked, does St. Paul omit all reference to the visit recorded in Ac 1189? This is a genuine difficulty. It has been suggested that there has been a disarrangement in the Acts, and, owing to a confusion of sources, one of the later visits has been duplicated. The argument against this is that Barnabas is represented as the companion of St. Paul, and that he had left him at a later date. A mistake in chronology is probable, but not a mistake as to the companionship. On the other side, Ramsay (St. Paul, p. 48) identifies the visit of Gal 21-10 with that of Ac 113°, He lays great stress on the difficulty involved in supposing that St. Paul omitted all reference to this journey. But the reasons given by Lightfoot—that the apostles were not in Jerusalem, and that therefore there was no need for the visit to be mentioned—are accepted by Hort (Jwdaistic Christianity, p. 61) as sufticient. We must refer the reader to Ramsay’s own book for the discussion of the subject, but can only say that he has not succeeded in convincing us, A reasonable 32 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES ACTS OF THE APOSTLES criticism must say that the two narratives we are considering refer to the same events; that the accounts they contain are independent and supplementary, but not contradictory (see the discussion between Sanday and Ramsay in Hepositor, Feb. 1896, and foll, numbers). (c) The third point need not detain us long. that St. Luke does not record a narrative concerning St. Peter It is merely mentioned by St. Paul. He may have been ignorant of it; he may have thought that it did not answer his purpose; he may even have thought it better to omit an incident which he felt was discreditable. What is important to notice is that the narrative in Galatians proves conclusively that the standpoint of the Acts is correct. It was quite impossible that St. Paul could accuse St. Peter of hypocrisy unless he had already adopted his view. ‘It is clear from Gal 211%. that Peter then and for long before occupied in principle the standpoint of Paul’ (Harnack, Hist. of Dogma, Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 90). An examination of these narratives proves the independence of the two accounts, and each corroborates the other in various points. When we turn to the general narrative in the Acts and compare it with that which can be gathered from the Epistles, we find three characteristics—inde- pendence, broad resemblances, and subtle points of contact. All the Epistles which correspond to the same period will fit into the narrative, while the minute coincidences which have been brought out by Paley, whose argument is not out of date,— more particularly that concerning the collection for the saints,—have very substantial evidential value. 8. The Archeological Evidence.—A great test of the accuracy of the writer in the last twelve chapters is given by the evidence from archeology. Its strength and value are so great that we need only refer to it. The investigations of the last twenty or thirty years have tended more and more to confirm the accuracy of the writer. In almost every point where we can follow him, even in minute details, he is right. He knows that at the time when St. Paul visited Cyprus it was governed by a proconsul; this was the case only between the years B.C. 22 and some time early in the 2nd cent.; then a change was made, probably in Hadrian’s reign. He knows that the magistrates of Philippi were called orparnyol, and were attended by lictors, but that those of Thessalonica were roAfrapxa:. He knows that Derbe and Lystra, but not Iconium, are cities of Lycaonia. The subject has been worked out in considerable detail by Lightfoot and Ramsay, and it is sufficient to refer to them. It is enough, too, to refer here to the very complete investigations of the account of St. Paul’s voyage and shipwreck made by James Smith (Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul). We need not enter into details, as they are admitted. What we must emphasize is the bearing of this evidence. It proves, in the first place, that in the latter portion of the Acts the writer had good and accurate sources of information. It is quite im- possible that he should be correct in all these points unless he had good material, or was himself conversant with the events. But it also proves, however we think he acquired the information, that he was accurate in the use of his sources. It is quite inconceivable that’ a writer who is so accurate in a large number of small and difficult points could have, as is maintained, used Josephus, and used him with incredible inaccuracy. This evidence, on the other hand, does not prove that the writer is necessarily as trustworthy in the earlier portions of the history, where his sources of information were less good. It does suggest that he would get as accurate information as possible, and reproduce it correctly. 4. We pass backward to the transition period, which begins with the preaching of Stephen and extends to the end of the apostolic council. This is clearly the most important period in the history, and we have few means of controlling it. We have little independent evidence. What we can point to, in the first place, is the naturalness of the whole history. There were the germs of universal- ism in Christianity, but these needed opportunity to develop ; and the whole history shows that the expansion arose from the natural reaction of events on the Christians, not from any deliberate purpose or from any one definite event. Take first the per- secution. Zeller (Eng. tr. vol. i. p. 229) lays great stress on the fact that in the early chapters the Sadducees are the persecutors, in the later the Pharisees. But this inconsistency is thoroughly natural. At first the Sadducees oppose the Christians, because, being the official hierarchy responsible to the Romans for the order of the country, they fear disturbances; the Christians are merely a sect of devout and zealous Jews in favour with the Pharisees. But when once the universalist element inherent in Christianity is made apparent by the teaching of Stephen, the devout and zealous Jews are offended, the Pharisees take up the persecution, and it becomes a reality. We may notice again incidentally how it is the entrance of the freer Hellenic spirit in the person of Stephen which first brings out this universalistic element. The persecution leads quite naturally to a dispersion of the Christians, more particularly of those associated with Stephen, and consequently to the spread of Christianity. In all that follows St. Peter takes the lead, a position which is quite in accordance with what we know from Galatians (see above, § ix. 2). The stages work out gradually . and naturally, the pressure of faith and enthusiasm . leads the preachers of Christianity onwards. First come the Samaritans, then ‘devout men’ who are yet not circumcised ; then the preaching to Gentiles ; then the growth of a definite Christian community in Antioch, i.e. a community which the outer world clearly recognised as something distinct from Judaism, and which would naturally appear first in a place removed from older associa- tions ; then the first recorded journey of St. Paul, with its unexpected and far-reaching developments, and its subtle corroborations in the Romans (10). Naturally enough, there gradually arises a Juda- ising party in Jerusalem, and the older apostles find themselves acting as mediators between the two parties. The position which is ascribed to them by the Acts is always recognised by St. Paul, and he claims equally to be recognised by them ; while both the Acts and St. Paul recognise the extreme party as claiming their authority although without entire justification (Ac 164, Gal 21%). The whole story as told in the Acts is natural and consistent, and gives a much more credible account of the development of Christianity than any modern one constructed on &@ priori ideas. 5. The Early Community in Jerusalem.—The first section of the Ac (112-542) has been often treated as the least historical portion of the book. It is less true to say that it has been attacked. It is rather the case that it has been set on one side (‘the idealised picture of the Jerusalem com- munity,’ Holtzmann). And the examination of it is difficult, for we have little that is definite with which to compare it. The theory, however, put forward is that this was written from the point of view of the author’s own time, and from that aspect we can examine it. We know how the writer of the Clementine Homilies reproduces in the earliest days of the Church the doctrine and the organisation of his own time—he represents St. Peter as appointing bishops in every church. Now, at any rate, the writer of the Acts lived forty years later, and at a time when both the doctrine and the organisation of the Church were much more developed ; yet we find absolutely no traces of this either in the speeches or in the narrative of the first five chapters. es Ce — a a ee ACTS OF THE APOSTLES ACTS OF THE APOSTLES 33 To work this out in detail would be beyond the scope of the present article, but it may be illus- trated insome points. The Christology is through- out primitive. Our Lord is called ’Inoots Xpiords 6 Na(wpaios (222 36 419), a name which occurs in the Gospels, but elsewhere only twice, when St. Paul, in the later chapters of the Acts, is referring to his earlier life. So again the next phrase that meets us is mats Qeod (318: 25 427-80), which occurs nowhere else in NT of our Lord, and elsewhere is used of Him in the Didaché, which clearly represents very early tradition. Again, we notice how very markedly Xpicrds is not a personal name, roy mpokexXeiptauevoy wuiv Xp. Ino. (87), Kdprov avrdy Kab Xpicrov 6 Geds erolnoev (2%). One more phrase we may notice, apynydv (3!5 581), which occurs elsewhere in Hebrews twice (2! 127), and nowhere else in NT. We find nowhere the expression vids cov. Whereas St. Paul ‘placarded’ Christ crucified (Gal 31), we find here, as we might expect, that St. Peter has to take towards the death of Christ a purely defensive attitude (318). We have no reference to Christ’s pre-existence. We have, in fact, a re- presentation of what must have been, and what we have independent evidence to show was the eal_iest Christian teaching about Christ: — the proof that He was the Messiah, afforded by His resurrection, of which the apostles were witnesses, and by the Scriptures. Similar is the relation to the universal character of the Gospel. We are told that the Acts was written from a universalist point of view, and the statement is quite true in a sense; but we find that St. Peter’s speeches are not affected by it. God raised up Jesus to give re- pentance to Israel (58!) ; Ye are the sons of the prophets and of the covenant (8%). There are elements of universalism, but they are incidental. The promise is to Israel first (32) ; so (23") ‘to you is the promise and to your children, and to all those that are afar off’; 32° ‘in Israel all the families of the earth shall be blessed.’ The standpoint of these chapters is, in fact, that of the Jewish prophets. There is the germ from which future development can come, but the development is not there. One last point we may mention in this connexion is the eschatology. It is thoroughly Jewish and primitive, ‘that He may send the Christ, who hath been appointed for you, even Jesus: whom the heavens must receive until the times of the restoration of all things,’ 319 21; the Messianic kingdom is called the kapo) ava- Yitews. There is nothing about the personal resurrection, which, of course, is a point which would not trouble the primitive community in the first years of its existence; and it is difficult to understand how a Greek writer who had seen the Neronian persecutions, and knew the needs of a later generation, could have invented this primi- tive idea of things. If we pass to the organisation of the com- munity, again, it is quite unlike the conception which we should expect from a Gentile Christian of forty or fifty years later. It is perfectly true that stress is laid on the unity of the primitive community, and it may be that this is exaggerated with a purpose; but no object could be gained by the representation which is given of its form and character. There is no trace of any later organisation, nor mention of presbyters. The Christians have, in fact, not yet been cast out of the synagogues. ‘They are regular in their worship in the temple (Ac 24, Lk 2453), They take part in the morning and evening sacrifices. They observe the Jewish hours of prayer. They join in the synagogue worship (69 97), They are not only conforming Jews, they are devout (Ac 2129 2212), They do not yet realise that they are separate from Judaism. They are but a sect, the sect of VOL. I.—2 the Na(wpato. (Ac 245). One more point may be noticed, the community of goods; the exact char- acter of this it is unnecessary to discuss here. It is sufficient to point out that no reason has been suggested to explain why it should have so much emphasis laid on it, or why it should have been invented if it were not historical. It has been said that we have little evidence for correcting this. The archzological evidence which we found in ch. 13 f. here fails us. But we have a few indirect hints. The position of the Twelve we may gather from 1 Co 9° 155; of St. Peter from 1 Co 15°, Gal 29; of St. John from Gal 2°; of the brethren of the Lord fram 1 Co 95, A certain amount of incidental evidence is given by the Ebionite traditions concerning the position of St. James; and they correspond with what is suggested by the later parts of the Acts, where we have an account of the state of affairs by one who is presumably an eye-witness. It is clear that these early chapters give a picture of the primitive community which is quite different from what existed within the experience of the writer, and which is in itself probable. Is it then likely that this should be the result of the historical imagination of the writer, or is it not more pro- bable that it is historical in character and based on written evidence? We have no reason to doubt that we possess an historical account of the words of the Lord ; and the same witnesses who recorded these, either by tradition or in writing, would be equally likely to record the speeches and acts of the leading apostle of the infant Church. 6. The Speeches.—One more point under this heading demands investigation, namely, the speeches. Are these genuine records of speeches actually delivered, or were they written by the historian in accordance with the fashion of ths day ? We may notice two points, to begin with. They are all very short, too short to have been delivered as they stand, and for the most part the style in which they are written is that of the historian. They are clearly, therefore, in a sense his own compositions. But the same can also be said of a considerable number of the speeches in the Gospel. We can compare St. Luke’s account in this case with that of other authorities, and we find, indeed, a slight modification side by side with general accuracy ; we find the style of the author, but the matter of the authority. On the other hand, there is no reason for thinking @ priori that the speeches cannot be historical. As has jusi been pointed out, the speeches of the leading apostles would impress themselves on the growing community, and would be remembered as the words of the Lord were remembered. Putting aside @ priori considerations, we must as far as possible examine the character of the speeches themselves; and we must first see what light St. Paul’s Epistles throw on the subject. According to 1 Co 15! the main subjects of St. Paul’s preaching were the death and resurrec- tion of Christ, as proved by the Scriptures and as witnessed to by the apostles, and other incidental allusions in the Epistles support this (1 Th 1! 414). Now, if we turn to St. Paul’s speech at Pisidian Antioch addressed to the Jews (15!6-41), we find that the writer has exactly realised what was necessary for the situation. The basis is scriptural, and the central fact clearly is, the proof of the resurrection. Just at the end we have a definitely Pauline touch introduced (y.8°). This shows that the writer clearly grasps the situation as it is hinted at by the apostle in his own letters, and as was exactly in accordance with the demands of the situation ; and this is compatible either with his being a writer using a good source, and re- producing accurately a speech which he finds in 34 ACTS OF THE APOSTLES that source, or with his being a companion of the apostle, who knows the apostle’s preaching well, and gives a typical speech showing the general character of his argument. It is very difficult to conceive of it as a tour de force of historical imagi- nation. And this argument becomes stronger when it is found that it is applicable to all the speeches in the book. We have already touched on those of St. Peter, and have seen how clearly they re- produce an early stage of doctrinal development. Whatever difficulties there may be in the speech of Stephen, it certainly does not bear the marks of being a rhetorical composition. The speeches of St. Paul from first to last are singularly harmoni- ous with the situation. The transition in tone from that we have already examined to that addressed to the heathen at Iconium or to that at Athens, is most marked. When we come to the later speeches addressed to the Jews, to Felix, and to Agrippa, what we notice at once as very extra- ordinary is the repetition of the narrative of the conversion. Now that is comprehensible on the supposition that the narrative was repeated on two occasions, but is not so if we are dealing with rhetorical exercises. But St. Luke was, on our supposition, with St. Paul during all these events, and would therefore have accurate knowledge. These speeches then, although written in the author’s style, are clearly authentic ; and we may argue in the same way about the other speeches, all of which are, in different ways, suitable to the occasion on which they claim to have been delivered. The presence of the author’s hand in the speeches cannot be denied. Their literary form is due to him. He may possibly have summed up in a typical speech the characteristics of St. Paul’s preaching before certain classes of hearers. Some details or illustrations may be due to him, such as the mention of Theudas in Gamaliel’s speech, or that of Judas in Peter’s first speech. But no theory which does not admit the possession of good evidence, and the acquaintance of the author with the events and persons that he is describing, is consistent with the phenomena of the speeches. They are too lifelike, real, varied, and adapted to their circumstances to be mere unsubstantial rhe- torical exercises. x. SOURCES OF THE ACTS.—Until recently, critics seem to have contented themselves with either vague indications of the sources of the Acts, or a complete denial of the possibility of discovering them, at any rate in the earlier portions (Weiz- sicker, Holtzmann, Beyschlag, Pfleiderer, Baur, Schwegler). Recently, however, the problem has been attacked by a number of scholars, mostly of inferior rank, who do not seem to have attained any success, and whose method is not likely to lead to any substantial results. Of these, Sorof considers that Timothy, the writer of the ‘ we’ sections, has combined a genuine writing by St. Luke and a St. Peter source. According to Feine there was an original Jerusalem Christian source, which was used in the Gospels and extended to ch. 12'0f the Acts, but which knew nothing of the missionary jour- neys of St. Paul. The latter portion is partly due to the Redactor (R), partly to other sources. Spitta distinguishes an A source, the work of Luke, which contains about two-thirds of the Acts, and is also used in the Gospel, and a B source of Jewish- Christian origin, which runs parallel with the first through the whole of the Acts. Wan Manen distinguishes a third document, which contained, however, only the ‘we’ sections, and these very much edited, a Paul biography, and a Peter bio- graphy. The most elaborate theory is that of C. Clemen. He distinguishes an ‘ Urchristliche Predigt,’ an ‘Erste Gemeindegeschichte,’ and ‘Zweite Gemeindegeschichte,’ and Historia Helleni- ACTS OF THE APOSTLES starum, which has been worked into an Historia Petri; this was combined with an Historia Pauli which included the ‘we’ sections (Itinerarium Pauli) by a R who was free from party bias, then came a Judaising R, and then an anti- Judaising R. Jtingst distinguishes an A source, apparently the work of St. Luke; a B source, the work of an anti-Judaiser and a R. It may be added, that both Clemen and Jtingst consider that the original sources have been very much rearranged by the different redactors, and the true sequence of events destroyed. A very few words are necessary concerning these theories. The statement of them is really a suffi- cient condemnation. There is no harmony in the results obtained; and the method is so @ priori and unscientific that no result could be obtained. The unity of style of the book and its artistic completeness make any theory impossible which considers that it arose from piecing together bits of earlier writings. Somewhat more on right lines are the attempts of B. Weiss and Hilgenfeld, in the fact that they do not consider that more than one source is used in any separate passage. Weiss thinks there was one early history which contained an account of the early community, of Stephen, of Philip, of the journeys of Peter, of the council. Hilgenfeld has three sources, A Ac 115-542 93148 121-8, B Ac 6-840, C 91-80 1117-29; and both profess to be able to distinguish what is due to the source and what to the author, the method being for the most part absolutely arbitrary. A study of St. Luke’s Gospel shows us that the work is quite certainly a literary whole pro- ceeding from one author, that this author made use of materials partly written, partly probably oral, and that he reproduced them probably largely in his own style. If we compare a section from this Gospel with the parallel one from St. Mark, which clearly represents very nearly the original source, we shall find that the difference, although one not affecting the main sense, is of a character which would make it quite impossible to arrive at one document from the other. We may notice, again, that although there is a certain uniform- ity of style running through the whole Gospel, yet the character of the source used seems to a eee although undefined, extent to have modi- ed it. Now, in the Acts there is admittedly a certain difference in style between the earlier chapters and the later. The later, like the prologue to the Gospel and Acts and the ‘we’ sections, being written in a purer Greek style, the earlier being more Aramaic in character. Stated vaguely and generally, this is true, although no investigations have yet made it definite. The utmost it is at present safe to assert, is that there appears to be a difference in style in the earlier chapters, which suggests a written source. Starting from the conclusion that the author was St. Luke, we must ascribe to him the conception of the history as a whole, and presumably, there- fore, all the framework which is part of that conception, the object of the author being to mark the stages in the progress of Christianity. For the whole of the last section, from 20° onwards, the author was either an eye-witness or in close con- tact with those who were such; as also in the sec- tion 1610-49, and here we have the fullest and most detailed account. For all the remaining portions of St. Paul’s journeys he could clearly have access to the very best information ; and it is to be noticed here that generally, although not invariably, the information is perfectly accurate, so far as it can be tested, but not so full as in the later sections. For the stories concerning Philip in the first part of the book it is not necessary to go beyond ACTS OF THE APOSTLES personal information; there is no sign of great exactness of knowledge, and the incident recorded 218 will explain how that information was ac- quired. For the earlier history of St. Paul a source is not required; St. Luke had heard the story told at least twice, probably much oftener, and there is just that vagueness concerning chrono- logy which is almost invariably the characteristic of information dependent upon oral tradition. Of some other sections it is difficult to speak definitely. For the council the author would be able to supplement information gained from St. Paul by information gained in Jerus. It has been hinted that there is probably a written source behind portions of the first five chapters; we cannot define its limits in these chapters, nor say whether or no, as is possible, it included some later narratives, such as those of St. Peter (932-1118 and 12!8) ; it probably did not include chs. 6-7. No investigations have been made which authorise us to speak more certainly than this; but it has been suggested (see Blass on 1212-17) that these chapters had some connexion with St. Mark. It is doubtful whether any certain conclusions are possible, although a more scientific and more comprehensive study of the style of the Gospel and Acts may perhaps lead to some result. xi. CONCLUSION.—It now only remains to sum up the conclusion of what, owing to the variations of opinion, has necessarily been a somewhat con- troversial article. : 1. The Third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles are the work of the same person ; and all tradition and argument suggest that the author was St. Luke, the companion of St. Paul. 2. He wrote the Gospel to describe as accurately as he could the life and preaching of Jesus; he wrote the Acts to describe the growth and spread of the Christian Church. 3. He had formed a clear idea in his mind of the steps and course of this growth, and arranged his work so as to bring out these points. The object he had in view would influence him in the selection of his materials and the proportional importance he would ascribe to events ; but it would be taking far too artificial a view of his work not to allow some influence to various less prominent ideas, and even to the accidental cause of the existence or non- existence of information on different points. The extent to which he carried out his purpose would be in some measure dependent on his oppor- tunities. 4. Although he had a definite aim, and con- structed a history with an artistic unity, there is no reason for thinking that the history is therefore untrustworthy. He narrated events as he believed they happened, and he gives a thoroughly consistent history of the period over which it extends. 5. The exact degree of credibility and accuracy we can ascribe to him is dependent on his sources of information. From ch. 12 onwards his source was excellent; from ch. 20 onwards he was an eye- witness. For the previous period he could not in all cases attain the same degree of accuracy, yet he was personally acquainted with eye-witnesses throughout, and may very probably have had one or more written documents. In any case, his history from the very beginning shows a clear idea of historical perspective, and of the stages in the growth of the community, even if certain charac- teristics of the primitive Church in Jerusalem have been exaggerated. Literature. —(1) The Text. — Besides the general works of Tischendorf, Scrivener, and Westcott and Hort, the following, among other, special works may be mentioned :—J. D. Michae- lis, Curae in ver. Syr. Actorwm Apost. 1755; F. A. Borne- mann, Acta Apost. ad Cod. Cantabrigiensis fidem recensuit, 1848; Belsheim, Die Apostelgeschichte und die Offenbarung Johannis in einer alten lateinischen Uebersetzung, 1879; 8. ADAH 35 Berger, La Palimpseste de Flewry, 1889 ; extr. dela Revue de théol. et philos.; J. Rendel Harris, Study of Cod. Bezae Texts and Studies, I1.i.1891; P. Corssen, Der Cyprianische Text der Acta Apost. program of the Gymnasium of Schoenberg at Berlin, 1892; W. Sanday, Guardian, 18th and 25th May 1892; F. H. Chase, Old Syr. Element in the Text of Cod. Bezae, 1898 ; F. Blass, SK, 1894, p. 86, Hermathena, xxi. p. 121, 1895; 8. Berger, Un Ancien texte Latin des Actes des apotres retrowvé dansun Manuscrit provenant de Perpignan; Tiré des notices et extraits, 1895. (2) Commentaries. — Chrysostom (0b. 407), Beda (0b. 735), Calvin (0b. 1564), Grotius (1644), Bengel (1742), Olshausen (1882, ed. iv. by Ebrard, 1862), Meyer (1885, ed. vii. by Wendt, 1888, Eng. tr. by Gloag and Dickson), de Wette (1838, ed. iv. by Overbeck, 1870), Alford (1849, ed. vi. 1868), Wordsworth (1857, ed. iv. 1887), Ewald, Die 3 ersten Evangelien und die Apostelgeschichte (1871), Cookin the Speaker’s Oom. (1881), Nésgen (1882), Luthardt and Zockler in Strack and Zéckler’s Kom. (1886, ed. ii. 1894), T. E. Page (1886), Holtzmann in Hand-kommentar eum Newen Testament (1892); Blass, Acta Apost. sive Lweaead Theophilum Liber alter (1895); Rendall, Acts of Apostles (1897). (8) General Introductions.—S. Davidson (1848-51, and again, from a different point of view, 1868, ed. iii. 1894), Reuss (1860), F. Bleek (1864, Eng. tr. 1869), Ad. Hilgenfeld (1875), H. J. Holtzmann (1885, ed. iii. 1892), G. Salmon (1885, ed. vii. 1894), B. Weiss (1886, Eng. tr. 1888). (4) Special Treatises on the Acts.—John Lightfoot, Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations on the Acts of the Apostles (1678); Paley, Horae Paulinae (1770, ed. by Birks 1850); Zeller, Die Apostelgeschichte (1854, Eng. tr. 1875); J. B. Lightfoot, Galatians, 1865, pp. 81 f., 88 f., 109 f., 276f.; Supernatural Religion, vol. iii. (1877); J. B. Lightfoot in Smith’s DB? i. 25. (5) Works on Early Church History.—Neander, Pfilanzung und Leitwng (1832, ed. v. 1862, Eng. tr. 1842, 1846); Baur, Paulus (1845) ; Conybeare and Howson, St. Paw, ed. ii. (1856) ; Ritschl, Die Hntstehung der Altkatholischen Kirche (ed. ii. 1857); Lechler, Das Apostolische und Nachapostolische Zeit- alter (1857, ed. ii. 1885, Eng. tr. 1886) ; Ewald, Gesch. des Apost. Zeitalters (Eng. tr. History of Israel, vol. vi.); Renan, Les Apotres, p. x. (1866), Les Hvangiles, p. 485 (1877); Farrar, Life and Work of St. Paul (1872), Early Days of Christianity (1882); Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. Paul (1872); Weizsiicker, Das Apostolische Zeitalter (1886, 2nd ed. 1892, Eng. tr. 1894) ; Pfleiderer, Urchristenthwm (1887); Ramsay, The Charch in the Rom. Empire (1893); Hort, Judaistic Christianity (1894); Ramsay, St. Paul, the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (1895). (6) Monographs on Special Points.—James Smith, Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul (1848, ed. iv. 1880) ; J. B. Lightfoot, Essays on ‘Supernatural Religion,’ pp. 291-302, Discoveries illustrating the Acts of the Apostles (1889); J. Friedrich, Das Iukas-Evangeliumund die ApostelgeschichteWerke desselben Verfassers (1890); Th. Mommsen und Ad. Harnack, Zwr Apos- telgeschichte, xxviii. 16; Sitzwngsberichte der kéniglich Preus- sischen Akademie der Wissenschaft zw Berlin, p. 491 (1895). (1) The Acts and Jos. (see Carl Clemen, Die Chronologie der Paulinischen Briefe, p. 66, n. 53); Keim, Geschichte Jesu von Nazara, iii. pp. 184, 480 (1872), and ‘Jos. im Neuen Testa- ment’ in Aus dem Urchristenthum, i. p. 1 (1878); Holtzmann, Z. fiir W. Th. 1878, p. 85, 1877, p. 585; Krenkel, 7b. 1873, p. 441; Schiirer, 7b. 1876, p. 574; The author of ‘Supernatural Religion,’ Fortnightly Review, xxii. p. 496, 1877; Krenkel, Josephus w. Lucas, Leipzig, 1894; Boussetin Theol. Litzg. 1895, col. 391. (8) Sowrces.—Sorof, Die Entstehung der Apostelgesch. 1890 ; Feine, Kine vorkanon. Uberlieferung des Lukasin Kvang.und Apostelgesch. 1891; Spitta, Die Apostelgesch. ihre Quellen und deren geschichtlicher Wert (1891); van Manen, Paulus I., Die Handelinger der Aposteln (1890) ; C. Clemen, Die Chrono- logie der Paulinischen Briefe (1893), and SK (1895, p. 297); Johann Jiingst, Die Quellen der Apostelgeschichte (1895) ; Ad. Hilgenfeld, Die Apostelgeschichte nach ihren Quellenschriften untersucht, Z. fiir W. Th. 1895, pp. 66, 186, 384, 481. A. C. HEADLAM. ACUB (B ’Axovp, A ’Axovu), 1 Es 531.—His sons were among the ‘temple servants’ who returned with Zerub. Called Bakbuk, Ezr 251, Neh 753, ACUD (Axové, AV Acua), 1 Es 5%°.—His sons were among the ‘temple servants’ who returned from captivity with Zerubbabel. Called Akkub (2?2= ‘cunning’), Ezr 24; omitted in Neh 7. ADADAH (73%), Jos 15%2.—A city of Judah in the Negeb. ‘The site may be at the ruin ‘Ad'adah in the desert south-east of Beersheba. ADAH (77),—41. One of the two wives of Lamech, and mother of Jabal and Jubal (Gn 419-20), The name possibly denoted ‘brightness’ (cf. Arab. ghadat), Cain’s other wife being named ‘ Zillah,’ or ‘Shadow,’ ‘ Darkness.’ These names have been cited to support the view of the mythological basis of the Genesis narrative. But the name may simply denote ‘adornment’ (Lenormant, Les Origines, p. 183 f.). According to Jos. (Ant. 1. ii. 2) Lamech 36 ADAIAH | ADAM had 77 sons born to him of Adah and Zillah. | J gives an account of the Creation, Fall, etc., of 2. Daughter of Elon, a Hittite, and one of the wives of Esau (Gn 367); mother of Eliphaz, and ances- tress of Edomite tribes, Teman, Zepho, Gatam, Kenaz, Amalek. In Gn 26* (P) the daughter of Elon the Hittite, whom Esau takes to wife, is named Basemath. The names in Gn 36 have suffered in the process of redaction, and this may account for the confusion. Jos. (Ant. I. i. 2), though mentioning Esau’s age, and therefore referring to Gn 26*4, gives Adah and Oholibamah (’AX:Bdum) as the names of Esau’s wives. For a discussion on the name, see Baethgen’s Beitrage, . E. RY LE. ADAIAH (qv, ‘Jehovah has adorned’).—1. A man of Boscath, the maternal grandfather of king Josiah, 2 K 22). 2. A Levite descended from Gershom, 1 Ch 6", called Iddo in v.%, 3. A son of Shimei (in v.!% Shema) the Benjamite, 1 Ch 87, 4. The son of Jeroham, a priest, and head of a family in Jerusalem, 1 Ch 9% 5. The father of Maaseiah, a captain who helped Jehoiada to overthrow the usurpation of Athaliah, and set Joash on the throne, 2 Ch 23'. 6, One of the family of Bani, who took a strange wife during the Exile, Ezr 10”, 7. Another of a different family of Bani, who had committed the same offence, Ezr 10%. 8. A descendant of Judah by Pharez, Neh 11°, 9. A Levite of the family of Aaron; probably the same as (4), Neh 117%. R. M. Boyp. ADALIA (xvi, Est 9°), the fifth of the sons of Haman, put to death by the Jews. In the LXX the name is different, and the MSS vary between Bapod B, BapéX x A, Baped. H. A. WHITE. ADAM.—i. Name.—The word 07x is originally & common noun, denoting either a human being, Gn 25; or (rarely) a man as opposed to a woman, Gn 2”; or mankind collectively, Gn 1% The root 57% is variously explained as (a) make, produce, by analogy with the Assyr. addmu (Delitzsch, Assyr. Worterbuch ; Oxf. Heb. Lezx.). Man, therefore, as adam, is one made or produced, a creature, or possibly a maker or producer; (0) to be red, a sense in which the root frequently occurs in Heb., e.g. the account of Edom in Gn 25", and is also found in Arab. and Eth. and (?) in Assyr. This etymology would point to the term having originated among men of a red or ruddy race. Gesenius notes in support of this view that the men on Egyp. monuments are con- stantly represented as red. Dillmann on Gn 1. 2 also suggests a connexion with (c) an Eth. root= pleasant, well-formed, or (2) an Arab. root=to attach oneself, and so gregarious, sociable. It has also been suggested that adam is a derivative from adamah, ground, and describes man as earth-born, yryevi}s. he statement of Gn 2’, that man was formed from the dust of the adamah, indicates that this connexion was in the mind of the writer, but it can hardly be the original etymology. It is significant that A., as a term for man or man- kind, is by no means universal in Sem. languages. It oceurs in Phoenician and Saban, possibly in Assyr. (so Sayce, Gram. p. 2, and according to CM, p. 104, is the common Bab. word for man; ef, Del. Assyr. Wérterbuch). Of course the name A, has been adopted by all Sem. translations. It is possible that Edom is a dialectic variety of A. 1i..Adam as Common and Proper Noun.—The first man is necessarily the man, and in his case the generic term is equivalent to a proper name. In use, adam naturally fluctuates between a common and proper noun. ‘Thus in P’s account of the Creation, Gn 1)-2*, he describes the creation of ox. mankind, in both sexes; but in his first genealogy, Gn 5!“, nx is used as a proper name, p77 ‘the man’ (in 3” o1xd ‘to the man,’ should be read instead of 01x? ‘to Adam’), and in 4% uses o7w without the article as a proper name. iii. The Norratives concerning Adam, —P, in Gn 1!-2 by itself, simply describes the creation of the human species, as of the other species of living creatures, and says nothing of any particular individuals. But it is only in the case of man that the two sexes are specified, and Dillmann main. tains that mp2 72 is not to be taken collectively, ‘male and female,’ but as ‘a male and a female, i.e. the first pair.’ Gn 5'3, which is possibly from a different stratum of P, shows that the individual Adam, the ancestor of the nations mentioned in OT, and especially of Israel, is in some way identified with the human species, whose creation is described in Gn 1. This identification seems to imply that the human species pia ec consisted of a single pair; but P does not definitely commit himself to this position. Man is created last of all things on the same (sixth) day as the beasts, but by a separate act of creation and in the image of God ; he receives a special blessing, accord- ing to which he is given dominion over the earth and its inhabitants, and the vegetable creation is assigned to him, to provide him with food. While it is expressly said of the light, the heavens, earth, and seas, the vegetable world, the heavenly bodies, the birds, fish, and other animals, that saw that they were good, this is not separately stated concerning man, but is left to be inferred from the eneral statement that God saw that everything He had made was very good. In J, Gn 244%, ai e the earth is still a life- less waste, the man is created out of the dust, and Jehovah animates him by breathing into his nostrils. He is set to take care of the garden of Eden, and is allowed to eat freely of its fruit, except the fruit of ‘the tree of the knowledge of good and evil.’ The animals are created as his com- panions and assistants; but these proving inade- quate, the woman Eve is fashioned from his rib as he lies in a deep sleep. They live in childlike innocence till Eve is tempted by the Serpent, and Adam by Eve, to eat of the fruit of the tree of knowledge. Whereupon they become conscious of sin. Yet they have become like the Elohim, and might eat of the tree of life and become immortal. Hence they are cursed, and driven out of Eden. Man, henceforth, is to win his susten- ance with grievous toil from soil which, for his sake, has been cursed with barrenness. The only later OT reference to Adam is at the head of the genealogies in 1 Ch; in Dt 328 and Job 31 adam is @ common noun. iv. Significance of the Narratives.—In both narratives man is sharply marked off as a created being from God the Creator; and is not connected with Him by a chain of inferior gods, demi-gods, and heroes, as in the Egyp., Assyr., and Chald. dynasties, and in other mythologies. Yet man has a certain community of nature with God; he is made in His image (P), and receives his life from the breath of Jehovah (J). Similarly, man’s connexion with the animals is implied by his creation en the same day, his separate status by a distinct act of creation. He is lord of all things, animate and inanimate, the crown of creation (P). So, in J, the animals are made for his benefit; and the arden, with certain limitations, is at his disposal. VYoman is also secondary and subordinate to man, and the cause of his ruin, but of identical nature. The formation of a single woman for the man implies monogamy. Man is capable of immediate fellowship with God. Sin is not inherent in man but suggested from without; it is at once follow by stern punishment, which extends not only to it. Wd ADAM —_— the auman race, but to animate and inanimate nature. Compare EVE; and, specially for the Baby- lonian and other parallels to the Biblical narrative, CosmoGony, EDEN. W. H. BENNETT. ADAM IN THE NT.—Adam is twice mentioned in the NT in a merely historical fashion ; in Jude y.'4, where we read of ‘Enoch the seventh from A.,’ and in Lk 3**, where the genealogy of Jesus is traced up to him, and A. himself is ‘ the son of God.’ The extension of the genealogy beyond David or Abraham (as in Mt) is no doubt due to the univer- salist oy of the Pauline evangelist. There are two other passages in which reference is made to the OT story of the first man, with a view to regulating certain questions about the relations of men and women, esp. in public worship. The first fee oo li the other 1 Ti 2%, The use made of A. in these passages may strike a modern reader as not very conclusive; it has the form rather than the power of what may have suggested it—the similar use of part of the OT story by Jesus to establish the true law of marriage (Mt 19*-, comp. Gn 2%). Much more significant than these almost inci- dental references is the place occupied by A. in the theology of St. Paul (Ro Boel Om lps): The apostle institutes a formal comparison and contrast between A. and Christ. ‘As in A. all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive.’ ‘As by one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin, and so death passed upon all men, for that all sinned ’: so, though the sentence is not formally completed (Ro 5”), righteousness entered into the world by one man, and life by righteousness. ‘The first man is of the earth, earthy ; the second man is of heaven. . .. And as we have borne the image of the earthy, we shall also bear the image of the heavenly.’ In some sense A. and Christ answer to each other; each is the head of humanity, the one to its condemnation and death, the other to its justification and life. Yet it would be a mistake to put what St. Paul says about A. on a footing with what he says about Christ. He has experience to go upon-in the case of Christ; his gospel concerning Him has a certainty and scope of its own quite independent of the harmony he finds in some points between the mode of man’s re- demption and that of hisruin. Of the two passages referred to above, it may be said that the one in Ro deals directly with the work of A. and of Christ, and its effects upon men; the one in 1 Co, with the nature of A. and of Christ, as related re- spectively to the actual and the ideal condition of man. All we are told of A. is that he sinned (rapdrrwua, Ro 51°, implies the fall), and that his sin involved the world in death. In such a state- ment there is obviously a link wanting to an ethical interpretation : is it supplied in the difficult words é¢ @ mavres Hpuaprov—in that all (have) sinned? That this aorist may (grammatically considered) be a collective historical aorist, summing up the aggre- gate evil deeds of men, is Reon beet (Burton, V.7. foods and Tenses, § 55); but to take it so, and make jjaprov refer merely to the personal sins of men, is to dissolve the connexion with A. on which the apostle’s argument depends. To say, again, that all men die because involved in the guilt of A.’s sin (Omnes peccarunt, Adamo peccante, Bengel), is still to leave the moral link amissing. To say that all die because of inherited depravity, which seems the only other possible suggestion, is to offer a physical rather than a moral connexion, though one which may be assented to and appro- priated by the individual, and in that way become moral. It seems probable that St. Paul, although he is not explicit on the point, would have ‘accepted this view ; what he is concerned with is ADAM, BOOKS OF 37 the solidarity or moral unity of the human race, and for this there is undoubtedly a physical basis. Heredity is the modern name for the organic connexion of the generations; and as the fact was familiar to the apostle, it is natural to suppose that he found in it the connecting link between the personal sin and doom of A. and that of his whole posterity. A., in other words, was to him not only the type, but the ancestor, of men ag sinners ; it is in A.—or because of A. in us—that we are lost men. But A. is a ‘ type of him that is to come.’ ‘This idea (see Weiss, Romans, p. 243 n.) is found also in the Rabbins (Quemadmodum homo primus fuit primus in peccato, sic Messias erit ultimus ad auferendum peccatum penitus: and again, Adamus postremus est Messias). He is a type only in the sense that alike from A. and Christ a pervasive influence should proceed, ex- tending to the whole human race. We are what A. was and became, in virtue of our vital relation to him; we are to become what Christ was and became, in virtue of a vital relation to Him. This is the side of the subject treated in 1 Co 15. It can hardly be said to throw light on man’s original state, or on the apostle’s conception of it. The first A., in virtue of our connexion with whom we are what we are before we become Christians, was a living soul, psychical rather than spiritual, made of the dust of the ground—in other words, he was man as nature presents him to our experience; the last A., 6 émrovpdvios, whose image we shall fully bear when this corruptible has put on incorruption, and this mortal has put on immortality, was and is life-giving spirit. It is too much to say, in face of Ro 5” and the whole sense of the NT, that man’s mortality is here traced, not to Adam’s act, but to his nature. His act is not specially in view here any more than Christ’s redeeming acts, and hia nature is indeed conceived as weak, and liable to temptation; butit is not less capable of immortality than of death ; and it is the sin of our first father to which death as a doom is invariably referred by St. Paul. LiTERATURE.—Copious discussions of all the questions involved may be found (not to mention commentaries) in Beyschlag, N.T. Theology, ii. p. 48 ff.; Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Chris- tianity, ¢. vii. ; Weiss, Lehrbuch der, Bibl. Theol. des N.T. § 67. For Jewish points of connexion with St. Paul’s teaching, see Weber, Die Lehren des Talmud, cc. xv.-xvii. J. DENNEY. ADAM City (07x ‘red’).—In the Jordan Valley, ‘far off’ from Jericho, and beside Zarethan. The latter (see ZARETHAN) appears to have been near the centre of the valley (see Jos 315), and the usual site for Adam is at the present ruined bridge (built in the 13th cent. A.D.) at the DAmieh ford, called Jisr ed-Damieh, about half-way up the Jordan Valley. The Jordan being narrow, with high banks, might have been dammed Bp in this vicinity by an extensive fall of the cliff. SW P vol. ii. sh. xv. C. R. CONDER. ADAM, BOOKS OF.— Romance, with ethical intent, accumulated around all the prominent worthies of OT narrative, among both Jews and Christians; and, naturally, no one received more attention than Adam. This process of embellish- ing and ‘improving’ OT story began before NT times. The Talm. speaks of a Bk of Adam, and such legendary lore furnished suitable pabulum for Mohammedanism. The Apostolic Constitutions (vi. 16) mention an Spee "Addu. Epiphanius (Her. xxvi. 8) tells of a Gnostic work, Revelations a Adam, and the Decretum Gelasii_ prohibits hristians from reading the two works, Penitentia Ade and De filiabus Ade. The Cypriote Syncellus (Sth cent.) makes quotations from a Bids ’Addu which closely resemble the Bk of Jubilees. The Jewish Bk of Adam is lost; but it probably furnished matter for still further elaboration in the 38 ADAMAH ADITHAIM following Christian works which still survive. 1. The Ethiopic Bk. of Adam, pub. by Dillmann, Gottingen, 1853; tr. also by Malan, London, 1882. 2. A Syr. work, resembling the foregoing, entitled The Treasure-Cave, ed. by Bezold, Leipzig, 1883. 8. The dupynots cal modirela Adam cat Hias, ed. by Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocrypha, 1866; and condensed by Roénsch, Buch der JSubilden, pp. 468- 476. 4. ‘Vita Ade et Eve,’ a Lat. rendering of the same material, ed. by W. Meyer in Transactions of Munich Academy, vol. xiv. 1878. 5. The ‘Testa- mentum Adami,’ which has been published by Renan, Syriac text with French tr. in Journ. Asiatique, 1853. 6. The sacred boek of the Man- daites is called the Bk of Adam, but has little in common with the foregoing. Edd., Norberg’s, 1815; Petermann’s, Berlin, 1867. LiTERATURE.—Fabricius, Codex pseudepigr. Vet. Test. i. 1-94, ii. 1-43; Hort, art. ‘Adam’ in Smith and Wace, Dict. of Chr. etd ; Schtirer, HJP Il. iii. 81, 147f.; Zoéckler, Apocr. des AT. 422. 8; Zunz, Die gottesd. Vortrdge der Juden, 1892, p. 136. J. T. MARSHALL. ADAMAH (ap1x), Jos 19%, ‘red lands.’—A city of Naphtali mentioned next to Chinnereth. Prob- ably the ruin “Admah on the plateau north of Bethshean. See SWPP vol. i. sh. vi. C. R. CONDER. ADAMANT is twice (Ezk 3°, Zec 7!2) used in AV and RV as tr. of ny shdmir, which is else- where rendered either ‘brier’ (Is 5° 7% 24-25 918 1917 274 32)5) or ‘diamond’ (Jer 17!). Diamond, which arose from adamant by a variety of spelling (adamant or adimant, then diamant or diamond), has displaced a. as the name of the precious stone, a. being now used rhetorically to express extreme hardness. See under art. STONES (PRECIOUS). *Adduas occurs in LXX at Am 778% as tr. of 338 ‘plummet’; this is the origin and meaning of a. in its only occurrence in Apocr., Sir 161% AV. See PLUMMET. J. HASTINGS. ADAMI-NEKEB (27:9 ‘o7s}, Jos 393, ‘red lands the pass.’—A city of Naputali. It is dvubtful if the names show not be divided (see NEKEB). The site is probably at the present village Hd-Damieh on the plateau north-east of Tabor, where the basaltic svil is reddish. The site of Nekeb (Seiy4deh) is not far off. See SWP vol. i. sh. vi. C. R. CONDER. ADAR (77x Ezr 6%, Est 37-18 812 91-15%] Mac 74% 4, 2 Mac 15*, Est 10! 13° 162°).—The 12th month in the later Jewish Calendar. See TIME. ADASA (’Adacd).—A town near Bethhoron (1 Mac 7%, Jos. Ant. XII. x. 5), now the ruin ’Adaseh near Gibeon SPW vol. iii. sh. xvii. ADBEEL (5xa7x), the third son of Ishmael, Gn 258, 1 Ch 1”, eponym of the N. Arab. tribe, which ads in cuneiform inscrip. as Idiba’i or Idibi'al, and which had its settlements S.W. of the Dead Sea (Sayce, HCM 202; Schrader, KAT? 148; Oxf. Het, Lex. 8.v.). J. A. SELBIE. ADDAN (jx, ’A@adap A, [Xapa]afadray B, 1 Es 5°6).—Certain of the inhabitants of this place joined the body of the returning exiles in the time of Zerubbabel, but they were unable to prove their true Isr. descent by showing to what great clan or family they belonged (Ezr 2°), Prob- ably they were not admitted to the privileges of full citizenship. The naine does not appear in the later lists in Ezr 10, Neh 10. Some regard Cherub Addan as one name; v.™ suggests that Cherub, Addan, and Immer were three villages in one dis- trict in Babylon, from which the family of Nekoda came. In Neh 7® the name appears as ADDON. H. A. WHITE. ADDAR, 1 Ch 8*.—See ARD. ADDAR, AV Adar (7x), Jos 15°:—A town on the border of Judah south of Beersheba. There is a ruin east of Gaza which bears the name ’Adar, but this seems perhaps too far west. C. R. CONDER. ADDER.—See SERPENT. ADDI (’Addet).—An ancestor of Jesus Christ, Lk 33, See GENEALOGY. ADDICT.—‘ To a. oneself to,’ now used only in a bad sense, was formerly neutral, and is found in a good sense in 1 Co 16% ‘they have a. them- selves to the ministry of the saints’ (RV ‘they have set themselves to minister unto the saints’). Cf. Hist. Card. (1670) : ‘ The greatest part of the day he addicts either to study, devotion, or other spiritual exercises.’ J. HASTINGS. ADDO (A’Ad6, B’Eddelv).—T he grandfather of the prophet Zechariah (1 Es 61), 'The name is similarly spelt in LXX of Ezr 5! (A’Ad64, B’A64). See IDDO. ADDON (j'7x), Neh 7%, ADDUS.—1. (’Addovs) 1 Es 5*4.—His sons were among the children of Solomon’s servants who returned with Zerub. ; the name does not occur in the parallel lists in Ezr 2, Neh 7, 2. See JADDUS. ADIDA.(’Ad.d4).—A town in the Shephelah (Jos. Ant, XII. vi. 5) fortified by Simon the Hasmonwan (1 Mac 12% 135), The same as Hadid. ADIEL (yxy ‘ornament of God’).—1. A Simeonite prince who attacked the shepherds of Gedor, 1 ch 49m. 2. A priest, 1 Ch 9%. 3, The father of Azmaveth, David’s treasurer, 1 Ch 27%. See ADDAN. - ADIN (j*y ‘luxurious’ ?), Ezr 2 88, Neh 7” 10!8, 1 Es 5 §%2, The head of a Jewish family, of which some members returned with Zerub., and with Ezra. ADINA (xy y), a Keubenite chief, one of David’s mighty men, 1 Ch 11. ADINO ({KethibA ssp] ‘ssya wny ‘Adino the Eznite,’ B ’Adewwy 6’Agwvaios, A Ade 6 ’Acwvaos),— The Keré is clearly an peri to introduce some sense into the meaningless Kethibh. The present Heb. text of 2S 238 must be corrupt, the true reading being preserved in the parallel passage 1 Ch 11 ‘Jashobeam, the son of a Hachmonite, he lifted up his spear.’ The last. clause (myn nx any xn) was corrupted into .syn wy wn, and then taken erro- neously as a proper name, being treated as an alter- native to the preceding ‘Josheb-basshebeth, a Tahchemonite’ (see JASHOBEAM). B has the addi- tion ofros éordcaro Thy poupalay avrod; but this is not found in A, and is, as Wellhausen has pointed out, derived from the LXX tr. of Ch (ef. 2 § 2318, where B renders the same words by é&tyetpe Td Sépu atrod), J. F. STENNING. ADINU (A ’Adtvos, B’Adef\tos, AV Adin), 1 Es 54, called Adin (A ’Adiv, B ’Adelv), 1 Es 8°2.—His de- scendants returned with Zerubbabel to the number of 454 (1 Es 54, Ezr 2") or 655 (Neh 7”). A second parey of 51 (Ezr 8°) or 251 (1 Es 8) accompanied 2ra. They are mentioned among ‘the chiefs of the people’ who joined Neh. in a covenant to separate themselves from the heathen (Neh 10%), H. St. J. THACKERAY. ADITHAIM (ony), Jos 15%.—A town of Judah in the Shephelah. ‘The site is unknown. C. R. CONDER. ADJURE ADJURE.—The primitive meaning of a. (from late Lat. adjurare) is to put under oath. This is its meaning in Jos 67 ‘ had Joshua adjured them at that time, saying, Cursed be the man’ (RV ‘charged them with an oath’), and 1 S 14% ‘Saul had a‘ the people, saying, Cursed be the man.’ Cf. v.¥ ‘thy father straitly charged the people with an oath.’ But the word is also used in early writers in the sense of to charge solemnly, without the actual administration of an oath. Thus Caxton (1483): ‘ Raguel desired and adjured Thobie that he shold abyde with hym.’ This is the mean- ing of a. in the other places of the Bible where it is found (1 K 22'*, 2 Ch 185, Mt 26%, Mk 57, Ac 19%). RV gives ‘a.’ (for AV ‘charge,’ Heb. yay) at Ca 27 3° 58 * 84 and at 1 Th 57 (Gr. évopxléw). Adjuration (not in AV) is found in RV at Lv 5! (nby, AV ‘swearing’) and Pr 29% (aby, AV ‘cursing’). See OATH. J. HASTINGS. ADLAI dry, *Aéal), the father of Shaphat, one of David’s herdsmen, 1 Ch 27”. ADMAH (anqx), ‘red lands,’ Gn 10% 1428, Dt 29%, Hos 11%—One of the cities of the Ciccar or ‘Round.’ It is not noticed as over- thrown in the account of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gn 19), but is included in their catastrophe in the two later passages. The site is unknown. It might be the same as the city ADAM, which see. C. R. CONDER. ADMATHA (xnoqx, Est 1"), one of the wise men or counsellors of Ahasuerus. These seven royal advisers (cf. Ezr 7}4), who were granted admission to the king’s presence, and saw his face (cf. 2 K 251°), are perhaps to be compared rather with the supreme Persian judges (Herod. iii. 31) than with the representatives of the six families which took part with Darius against the pseudo-Smerdis (Herod. iii. 84). The name is possibly Persian, admdta=‘unrestrained.’ In the LXX only three names are given. H. A. WHITE. ADMINISTRATION in the general sense of ser- vice is now obsolete. But it is found 1 Co 12° ‘ there are differences of administrations’ (i.e. different kinds of Christian service, RV ‘ ministrations,’ the Jéheims NT word). In 2 Co 9”, though the Gr. is the same (diaxovia, sing.), the meaning is not service generally, but the performance of service (RV again ‘ministration’ from Geneva Bible). J. HASTINGS. ADMIRE, ADMIRATION.—These words occur in AV as the expression of simple wonder, without including approbation. 2 Th 1° ‘When he shall come to ie glorified in his saints, and to be admired (RV ‘marvelled at’) in all them that believe’; Jude v.!° ‘having men’s persons in admiration’ (Gr. @avudtorvres mpocwra, RV ‘show- ing respect of persons’); Rev 17° ‘When I saw her, I wondered with great a.’ (RV ‘with a great wonder’). Compare the version in metre of Ps 105° ‘Remember his marvellous works that he hath done,’ is rendered— ‘Think on the works that he hath done, Which admiration breed.’ J. HASTINGS. ADNA (x3qy ‘pleasure’).—1. A contemporary of Ezra, who married a foreign wife (Ezr 10”). 2. The head of the priestly house of Harim in the time of the high priest Joiakim, the son of Jeshua (Neh 121), H. A. WHITE. ADNAH.—1. (nny) A Manassite officer of Saul who deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12”). 2. (737) An officer in Jehoshaphat’s army (2 Ch 17%). J. A. SELBIE. ADONIJAH 39 ADO.—Mk 5° ‘Why make ye this ado?’ (RV ‘Why make ye a tumult ?’). The older form is at do, where ‘at’ is the prep. before the infin., found chiefly in northern Eng. and supposed to come from the Scandinavian. ‘We have other things at do,’ Townelcy Mysteries, p. 181. ‘At do’ was contracted into ‘ado,’ and then looked upon as a subst. Cf. Shaks. Tam. of Shr. V. 1— * Let’s follow, to see the end of this ado.’ While throwing it out of Mk 5%, the RV introduces ‘ado’ into Ac 20! ‘ Make ye no ado (AV ‘ Trouble not yourselves’), for his life is in him,’ though the Gr. (@opvBetcde) is the same in both places. J. Hastinas. ADONIBEZEK (773 *4y).—The name as it stands in Jg 1°" must mean, Bezek (an otherwise un- known deity) is my lord. The town of Bezek (which see) will then also have taken its name from that of the god. The chief of a Can. kingdom inS. Pal., he was defeated by the tribe of Judah, taken prisoner, and mutilated by having his thumbs and great toes cut off. His boast was that he had similarly treated seventy kings. The mutilation was intended, while preserving the captive as a trophy, to render him incapable of mischief. According to Plutarch (Life of Da. ), the Athenians decreed that every prisoner of war should lose his thumbs, so that while fit to row he should be unfit to handle spear. Hannibal is accused (Valer. Max. ix. 2, ext. 2) of mutilating prisoners, ‘prima pedum parte succisa,.’ These may be slanders, but they prove how conceivable such mutilation was even then, and what was its object at all times. A. C. WELCH. ADONIJAH (77s4y).—1. The name of the fourth son of David (2 S 34, 1 Ch 37). After the death of Absalom, Adonijah, who was next in order of birth, naturally regarded himself as the heir to the throne. His expectation was doubtless shared by the nation, and seems to have been for a time encouraged by his father. The situation had been altered, however, by the introduction of Bath- sheba into the royal harem, and by the birth of Solomon. The influence and the ambition of this latest of David’s queens rendered it certain that Adonijah would encounter a dangerous rival in his younger brother. It was probably his knowledge that intrigues against his interests were being carried on in the harem that led to the premature and ill-starred attempt of Adonijah to seize the crown before his father’s death. The narrative (1 K 1 and 2) is from the same pen as the section in 2.8 which contains the story of Absalom’s rebellion, and is evidently the work of one who had access to trustworthy sources of information. There are several features of resemblance be- tween the two narratives; and the two chief actors therein, Absalom and Adonijah, seem to have resembled one another in disposition and even in bodily characteristics (cf. 1 K 156 with 2S 14% 15'). At first Adonijah’s enterprise seemed likely to be crowned with success. He attached to his cause such important and in- fluential supporters as Joab the commander-in- chief, and a pathar the priest. In company with these and many members of the royal farnity and the king’s house, ee oeek held a great feast at En-Rogel, where the final arrangements were to be made for his coronation. But he had reckoned without his host. One whom he had not invitea to the banquet was destined to checkmate the conspirators ere their plans were matured. Nathan the prophet seems to have occupied much the same position at the court of David as Isaiah afterwards held at that of Hezekiah. Seeing that not a moment was to be lost, Nathan hastened to Bath. 40 ADONIKAM ADOPTION sheba, whose fears he easily awakened by pointing out the danger to which her own life and that of Solomon would be exposed if the attempt of Adonijah should succeed. Bathsheba, who seems to have already obtained from David a promise that Solomon should succeed him on the throne, immediately sought an interview with the aged king, and informed him of what was transpiring at En-Rogel; while Nathan, in accordance with a rearranged plan, came in opportunely to confirm er story. The prophet-counsellor played his 3 part with consummate skill, notably when (1 K 1%’) he expressed surprise that the king, if he had sanc- tioned the action of Adonijah, had not taken his old friends and counsellors into his confidence. Yielding to the representations of the queen and the prophet, David renewed his oath to Bathsheba in favour of her son, and took prompt measures to secure the accession of the latter. At such a juncture the support of the royal bodyguard was all-important, and fortunately their loyalty was beyond suspicion. Their commander was ordered by David to escort the youthful Solomon, mounted upon his father’s mule, to Gihon, and to have him anointed king by Zadok the priest and Nathan the prophet. his commission was executed amidst the enthusiasm of the people, who rent the air with shouts of ‘God save King Solomon !’ The unwonted noise reached the ears of Adonijah’s guests at En-Rogel, causing astonishment, which passed into consternation when Jonathan the son of Abiathar hurried in with the news that David had chosen Solomon to succeed him. The com- pany broke up in confusion, and Adonijah himself was so much alarmed that he fled for protection to the altar. Solomon, however, agreed to spare his life on condition of future loyalty. If Adonijah displayed no conspicuous wisdom in his attempt to seize the crown, his next act, which cost him his life, is hard to explain, except on the principle, Quem Deus vult peers prius dementat. After the death of his father he actually requested Solomon to bestow upon him in marriage Abishag the Shunammite, the maiden who had attended upon David during his declining years. And as advo- cate for him in this delicate matter he chose - Bathsheba! Noone who is acquainted with the notions of Eastern courts can wonder at the resentment of Solomon, or that he construed this request as an act of treason. Considering the re- lation in which Abishag had stood to David, the people would certainly infer that Adonijah in taking her for his wife still asserted his right to the crown. (Compare the story of Abner and Ishbosheth in 2 § 3’, and of Absalom in 2 § 1621.) Speedily was sentence pronounced, ‘ Adonijah hath Lege this word against his own life; surely he shall be put to death this day’; and the sentence was aeediovely. executed by the captain of the guard. 2. One of the Levites who, according to the Chronicler, was sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 178). 3. One of the ‘chiefs of the people’ who sealed the covenant (Neh 10'*), Same as Adonikam (Ezr 23 8, Neh 718). J. A. SELBIE. ADONIKAM (op's5x “my Lord has arisen’), Ezr 235 813, Neh 7!8, 1 Es 5% 8°. The head of a Jewish family after the Exile; in Neh 10'° Adonijah. H. A. Wire. ADONIRAM, ADORAM (07358, 075).—The latter name occurs 2 § 20%, 1 K 12!8, and is probably a corruption of Adoniram. The LXX supports this view, reading ’Adwrepay, 2S 20%, 1 K 4°54 (Heb. prix), 1 K 128 (B’Apapu, A ’Adwyipay), and in the parallel 2 Ch 10"8 Adwvreipaux (Heb. 0777, Hadoram). A. was ‘over the levy,’ that is, he superintended the levies employed in the public works during the reigns of David, Solomon, and Rehoboam. He waa stoned to death by the rebellious Isr. when sent te them by Rehoboam (1 K 12%), J. F. STENNING. ADONIS.—Strictly not a name buta title, jinx "Adén, ‘Lord,’ of ae god Tammuz (which see). Is 17° RVm ‘plantings of Adonis’ (03223 ‘yy nit'’é na‘amanim, text ‘pleasant plants’) and the setting of ‘vine slips of a stranger’ (strange god), is mentioned as the result of having ‘forgotten the God of thy salvation.’ So Ewald, Lagarde, Cheyne. With ‘ plantings of Adonis,’ cf. the Gr. *Adwvidos Kho, quick-growing plants reared in Pe or baskets (Plato, Phedr. 276 B), and offered to Aphrodite as emblems of her lover’s beauty and early death (Theocr. 15. 113). The meaning of na‘amdanim is, however, doubtful. Na‘aman is probably the name of a god ; cf. the name of the Syrian general (2 K 51), and Ar. Nu'm4n, a king’s name (Tebrizi’s scholia to Hamdsa). The river Belus is now called Nahr Na‘aman. Lagarde (Sem. i. 32) quotes Arab. name of the red anemone, Shaka iku-n-Nu'man, explaining as ‘the wound of Adonis’; but see Wellhausen, Skizzen, iii. p. 7. C. F. BURNEY. ADONI-ZEDEK (p33 ‘378 ‘ Lord of righteousness,’ AV Adoni-zedec), king of Jerusalem at the time of the invasion of Canaan by the Israelites under Joshua. After the Gibeonites had succeeded in making a league with Israel, he induced four other kings, those of Hebron, Jarmuth, Lachish, and Eglon, to unite with him against the invaders. First they attacked, as traitors to the common cause, the Gibeonites, who A 2 to Joshua for help. By arapid night march from Gilgal, Joshua came unexpectedly upon the allied kings, and utterly routed them [JosHUA, BETH-HORON]. Adoni-zedek and his associates sought refuge in & cave at Makkedah, but were taken and brought before Joshua. The Heb. chiefs set their feet upon their necks in token of triumph. ae were then slain, and their bodies hung up unt the evening, when they were taken down and flung into the cave where they had hid themselves, the mouth of which was filled up with great stones (Jos 10!-27). In Jos 10% LXX reads ’AdwBéfex, and some have identified the latter with Adonibezek of Jg 15, (See Kittel, Hist. of Heb. i. 307; Budde, Richt. u. Sam. 63f.; Wellh. Hinleit.4 [Bleek] 182.) R. M. Boyp. ADOPTION (vlodecia) is a word’ used by St. Paul to designate the privilege of sonship bestowed by God on His people. While Jesus Himself and the New Testament writers all speak frequently and emphatically of our blessings and duties as sons or children of God, no other of them employs this special term, which occurs in five places in the pistles of St. Paul (Gal 45, Ro 8%: 94, Eph 1°). It seems to express a distinct and definite idea in that apostle’s mind; and since adoption was, in Roman law, a technical term for an act that had specific legal and social effects, there is much probability that he had some reference to that in his use of the word. The Romans maintained in a very extreme way the rights of fathers over their children as practically despotic; and these did not cease when the sons came of age, or had families of their own, but while the father lived could only be terminated by certain legal proceedings, analogous to those by which slaves were sold or redeemed. The same term (manci- patio) was applied to a process of this kind, whether a man parted with his son, or his slave, or his oods. Hence a man could not be transferred om one family to another, or put into the position of ason to any Roman citizen, without a formal legal act, which was a quasi sale by his natural father, and buying out by the person who adopted ADOPTION him. If he was not in the power of a natural father, but independent (sui juris), as, e.g., if his father were dead, then he could only be put in the place of son to another by a solemn act of the sovereign people assembled in their religious capacity (comitia curiata). For each family had its own religious rites, and he must be freed by public authority from the obligation to fulfil those of one, and taken bound to observe those of another. That transaction was, however, properly called arrogatio, while adoptio strictly denoted the taking, by one man, of a son of another to be his son. This, though not requiring an act of legislation, had to be regularly attested by wit- nesses ; and in old form one struck a pair of scales with a piece of copper as an emblem of the rimitive process of sale. Adoption, when thus egally performed, put a man in every respect in the position of a son by birth of him who had adopted him, so that he possessed the same rights and owed the same obligations. No such legal and complete transference of filial rights and duties seems to have existed in the law of Israel ; though there may have been many cases of the informal adoption known among us, as when Mordecai took the orphan Esther, his uncle’s daughter, to be his (Est 2’). The failure of heirs was provided for by the levirate law. Now, since St. Paul represents the Christian’s adoption as carrying with it certain definite privi- leges which would not be involved in such an act as Mordecai’s, and since he may well have been acquainted with the Roman practice in this matter, it seems probable that he may have had it in view. (See Dr. W. E. Ball in Contemp. Rev., Aug. 1891). The earliest instance of his use of the word is in his Epistle to the Galatians, in a passage in which several names of human relations are used to illus- trate those between God and man, and where the pote expressly says, ‘I speak after the manner of men’ (315), ¢.e. I use a human analogy to make my argument plain. The term that he first employs after this remark is that rendered covenant, or testament (é:a04«n), here probably in the general sense of disposition, without emphasis on the peculiarities either of a covenant or of a testament. In virtue of this disposition, which was one of promise, given to Abraham and his seed, the blessing comes to all who are united to Christ by faith; for the promise, St. Paul argues, was rot to the pelaevad descendants of the atriarch as a multitude, but to a unity, the one essiah, who was to gather all nations to Himself. According to this disposition of God, believers are sons and heirs (37%), But before their faith in Christ they were kept in ward under the law, which was not intended to add a condition to the covenant of promise, but to bring their latent sin toa head in transgressions (31), so that they might not seek to be justified by works, but might accept the blessing as of God’s free grace through Christ, who became a curse for us that He might redeem us from the curse of the law (3'* *3-*4), This seems to be clearly the general line of the argument. But the position of men under the law appears to be repre- sented by St. Paul in two different ways, sometimes as bond-servants under the curse (31 18 47-8), and sometimes as children under age (4!%). The ex- planation of this may be found in the consideration that St. Paul never meant to deny that Abraham, David, and other believers in OT times were really justified (see Ro 4'§); while as many as were of the works of the law were under the curse. The former were like children under age, not yet enjoying the full privileges of sonship; the latter were like bond-servants. To both alike the blessing brought by Christ in the fulness of the time is called adoption ‘Gal 45), and this seems to ADOPTION 4] indicate that St. Paul holds the sonship, of which he is speaking, to be founded on the covenant promise of God, and not on the natural relation te God of all men assuch. We must not therefore lower the meaning of adoption, in his mind, to the confer- ring of the full privileges of sons on those who are children bybirth. Itis,as the whole context shows, a position bestowed by a disposition or covenant of God, and through a redemption by Christ. This probably led St. Paul to the use of the word ; for the Roman adoption was effected by a legal act, which involved a quasi buying-out. He also plainly regards it as like the adoption of Roman law in this, that it gives not merely paternal care, but the complete rights of sonship, the gift of the Spirit of God’s Son, and the inheritance. No doubt this legal analogy may be pressed too far; and St. Paul plain! indicates that what he means is really something far deeper; for it is founded upon a spiritual union to God’s Son, which is described as ‘putting on Christ’ (37); so that our adoption is not a mere formal or legal act, though it may he compared to such in respect of its authoritative and abiding nature. Some theologians of different schools (e.g. Turretin, Schleiermacher) have inferred from the connexion between redemption and adoption, in Gal 45, that adoption is the positive part of the complete blessing of justification, of Which re- demption or forgiveness is the negative part. But this is a ver precarious inference; and the two terms are so different in their meaning, that it is far more probable that St. Paul meant by adoption a blessing distinct from our having peace with God and access into His favour, which he describes in Ro 5! as the positive fruits of our justification. These blessings, indeed, cannot be separated in reality; they are only different aspects of the one great gift of life in Christ; but in order to understand clearly the evangelical doctrine of the NT, it is necessary to look at them separately. The next place where St. Paul speaks about adoption is in Ro 8°35, Here he is speaking of the believer’s new walk of holiness, and he has said, ‘If by the spirit ye mortify the deeds of the body, ye shall live’ (83). In proof of this he asserts that ‘as many as are led by the Spirit of God are the sons of God’ (8); and then he proves this in turn by saying, ‘ Ye received not the (or, a) spirit of bondage again unto fear, but ye received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father.’ The line of reasoning is the same as in Galatians, but put in the inverse order. Thi pro- mise of life is proved by the fact of our being sons of God; and that, again, because the spirit that He has given us is that of adoption, enabling us to address God as our Father, and so (8!*) witnessing with our spirit that we are children of God. In this pose there may be some allusion to the witnesses which were necessary to the solemn act of adoption according to Roman law and custom. Then, as in the earlier Epistle, it is stated that this adoption carries with it all the rights of true son- ship, ‘ If children, then heirs,’ ete. (8!”). St. Paul next proceeds to contrast this glorious prospect with the present sufferings of the people of God. These sufferings are shared by all creation; and the deliverance is to be at the revealing of the sons of God (8), when creation itself shall share the liberty of the glory of the sons of God (8). So in 8% he says, ‘we wait for our adoption, the redemption of our body.’ It is the resurrection of life at the coming of the Lord that is un- doubtedly meant; and that is called here the adoption, because it will be the full revelation of our sonship. Now are we sons of (rod, as St. John puts it; but the world knoweth us not, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be; but when it shall ADORA 42 appear, we shall be like Him (1 Jn 3'%). Another striking parallel is to be found in our Lord’s words, as recorded by St. Luke (20%: **), of those that are accounted worthy to attain to the resurrection from the dead, ‘ Neither can they die any more, for they are equal unto the angels, and are sons of God, being sons of the resurrection.’ As salvation is sometimes spoken of as a thing perfect here and now, and sometimes as only to be completed at the last, so St. Paul speaks of adoption. It belongs to the believer really and certainly now, but perfectly only at the resurrection. In Ro 94 St. Paul mentions ‘the adoption’ first among the privileges of Israel, which he there enumerates. This isin accordance with the fact that the nation as a whole is called in the OT God’s son, and individual members of it His children, sons and daughters. The term implies further, what is also taught in OT, that they had this relation, not through physical descent or creation, but by an act of gracious love on God’s part. And in 97-8, St. Paul teaches that not all the children of Abraham and Jacob are children of God, but they who are of the promise, 7.e., as he put it before, they who accept the promise by faith. It is not necessary to suppose that St. Paul speaks here of another adoption, quite distinct from the Christian one; it is, indeed, an earlier and less perfect phase of it, but he regards it as essentially the same; since the gospel was preached before to Abraham, and justification, though founded on the actual redemption of Christ, was by anticipation applied to him and many others before Christ came. The last place where St. Paul uses the term adoption is Eph 15, where he says that God eternally foreordained believers unto adoption as sons through Jesus Christ unto Himself. This refers to the eternal purpose, in accordance with which God does all His works in time, and corre- sponds to what he had said in Ro 8”, that ‘whom e foreknew He also foreordained to be conformed to the image of His Son, that He might be the first- born among many brethren.’ The conformity here mentioned probably includes moral likeness ; but the ultimate end is stated to be that there might be many brethren of Christ, among whom He is the firstborn. Our Lord, according to St. Paul, is, in a peculiar sense, God’s Son, His own proper Son, begotten before all creation (Col 1%), and the grace of adoption makes believers truly His brethren and joint-heirs with Him, though He has ever and in all things the pre-eminence as Son of God from eternity, by nature and not merely by grace. ~ For a fuller account of the Biblical doctrine of Divine Sonship, see GOD, SONS OF; CHILDREN OF. LrrrraTurE.—Comm. on the Pauline Epp. by Calvin, Meyer, Alford, Ellicott, Lightfoot, Sanday-Headlam; works on NT Theology by Schmid, Weiss, Beyschlag, Bovon; studies in Pauline Theology by Pfleiderer, Sabatier, Bruce. (See Lit. under Gop, Sons or ; CHILDREN OF.) J.S. CANDLISH. ADORA (*Adwpd) in Idumea (Ant. XII. ix. 1), noticed in 1 Mac 13”. The same as Adoraim. ADORAIM (ory), 2 Ch 11%.—A city of Judah fortified by Rehoboam on the S. W. of his mountain kingdom, now Dira, at the edge of the moun- tains W. of Hebron—a small village. SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. ConDER. ADORAM.—See ADONIRAM. ADORATION.—Under this term may be con- veniently considered certain phases of worship. The word itself does not occur either in AV or RV, but both the disposition of mind and heart, and ADORATION the outward expressions of that disposition, which are alike denoted by it, receive abundant illus- tration. I'rom one of the actions expressive of A., —namely, lifting the hand to the mouth, either in order to indicate that the worshipper was dumb in the sacred presence, or, more commonly, to kiss it and then wave it towards the statue of the god,— the term itself is often supposed to be derived (admoventes oribus suis dexteram, Apul. Met. iv. 28; cf. Pliny, NH xxviii. 5; Min. Felix, Oct. ii.). This practice of kissing the hand, accompanied by certain other gestures, was, among the Romans, the special meaning of adoratio as distinguished from oratio or prayer. It was, in antiquity, expressive of the deepest respect, and is alluded to in Job 317’, possibly also in 1 K 19%, Ps 2", Hos 13%. Adorare is however a compound verb, meaning, first, ‘to address,’ then, ‘to entreat, to supplicate,’ and, finally, ‘to worship.’ That A. should embrace at once a range of feelings and a series of acts is explained by a very simple consideration. The most profound and most intense feelings are just those which act or gesture expresses better than words. It is only, therefore, toa limited extent that A. finds expression in language, and then only in language of the most general and least objective kind. A. is, in the first place, the attitude of the soul which is called forth by the loftiest thoughts and realisations of God. Before His perfections the soul abases itself; it seeks to get beyond earth and earthly things and to enter into His nearer presence. A. belongs thus to the mystical side of religion; it includes the awe and reverence with which the soul feels itself on holy ground. Its appropriate expressions are therefore those which convey the feeling most adequately, even though when tried by any objective standara they might be prononeees meaningless, We dis- tinguish generally between A. and those parts of Prayer and Worship which are directed towards a special end,—from confession, supplication, thanks- giving. Hymns and Prayers of A. set forth the majesty, purity, and holiness of God, His ineffable perfections, and the soul’s loving contemplation of them. The adoring heart is ‘lost in wonder, love, and praise.” In the Psalms, nature in all its departments is repeatedly called upon to praise and glorify God. St. Paul, caught up even to the third heaven, knowing not whether he was in the body or apart from the body, and hearing un- speakable words, is an example of that self- abandonment of devotion which is implied in the highest form of A. Possibly a similar meaning attaches to the statement of St. John, that he was ‘in the spirit’ on the Lord’s day. Not only are angels walléd upon to bless the Lord, but A. is represented as the essence of the heavenly life. In Is 6 a scene of heavenly A. is depicted; and similar scenes are set forth in the Bk of Rev (4811 68-14 711-12), A. is here distinguished from service, as something even more truly funda- mental, even that from which the only acceptable service springs. God is the only legitimate object of A., since in Him only perfection dwells, and He only must be the supreme object of love and reverence. His worship must be spiritual (Jn 4%), and such wor- ane accorded to any other is uniformly branded as idolatry. Christ is adored because ‘God was in Him’ (2 Co 5”), and because God ‘hath highly exalted Him, and is Himself glorified when the confession is made that ‘Christ is Lord’ (Ph Yad), As regards the attitudes and acts expressive of A., these, as already stated, symbolised the feeling experienced, and varied therefore with the kinds and degrees of emotion indicated. Humilit was naturally expressed by prostration, kneel- ADORNING ADRIA 43 ing, or simply bending head or body; _ sub- mission and reverence, by the folded hands and downcast eyes; wonder and awe, by the uplifted hands with palms turned outwards; invocation and supplication, by hands and arms outstretched ; dependence and entreaty, by clasped hands or meeting palms. Among the Hebrews, standing was the more usual attitude in public prayer, as it is among the Jews to this day; it indicates, per- haps, more a consciousness of the presence of other men and less self-abandonment than kneeling (cf. the Parable of the Pharisee and the Publican), which therefore was more appropriate to private devotion. Solomon, it is true, knelt at the dedi- cation of the temple (1 K 8°4, 2 Ch 65). Ezra (Ezr 9°) and Daniel (Dn 61°) likewise fell upon their knees; and St. Paul knelt in prayer with the elders of Ephesus. In all these instances, however, the idea conveyed is rather that the spectators were overlooking or assisting at an act of private devotion, than that they were taking part in public or common prayer. In one instance (2S 7%=1 Ch 17") we read of sitting as an attitude of prayer; but this probably is a form of kneeling, the body being thrown back so as to rest upon the heels, as in other cases (1 K 18%) it was thrown forward until the head was placed between the knees. To fall at the feet of a person (mpocktvnois) was an act of extreme reverence, generally accompanying supplication (1 8 2544, 2 K 457, Est 83, Mt 289, Mk 5”, Lk 84), Jn 11%). Pros- tration before a human patron or benefactor was an Oriental, not a Roman, custom, and hence St. Peter declined to receive it from Cornelius, in whom it indicated a misapprehension as to the quality of the apostle. Of hands lifted to heaven we read in Is 1%, 1 Ti 28. The consecration of love was denoted, as we have seen, by the kiss. Moses and Joshua were commanded to remove their sandals (Ex 3°, Jos 515), because the presence of God made holy the ground on which they stood. In all these instances it is easy to discern how the outward act expressed, and, in expressing, tended to intensify in the heart of the worshipper the feeling with which it was associated. A. STEWART. ADORNING (mod. adornment) occurs in 1 P 38 ‘Whose a. let it not be that outward a. of plaiting the hair.’ The latest use of a. as a subst. is in H. More’s Seven Ch. (1669): ‘ Her prankings and adornings’ (Oxf. Dict.). A J. HASTINGS. ADRAMMELECH (3)917x).—4. A. and Anamme- lech, the gods of Sepharvaim to whom the colonists, brought to Samaria from Sepharvaim, burnt their children in the fire (2 K 17). Adrammelech has been identified with a deity frequently mentioned in Assyrian records whose name is written ideographi- cally AN. BAR. and AN. NIN. IB. This name has been conjecturally read ‘ Adar’; and if this con- jecture be right, ‘Adar’ may be identified with ‘Adrammelech’ (i.e. ‘Adar-prince’ or ‘ Adar- Molech’). ‘Adar’ is a name of Accadian origin, signifying ‘Father of decision’ (07 judgment). ‘ Adar’ was active in sending the waters of the Deluge. (Cf. Schrader, K.AT?, on 2 K 17*'), 2. (2K 19°", Is 378) mentioned with Sharezer as one of the murderers of Sennacherib. In Is (/.c.) and in all the versions of Kings (/.c.) the two murderers are described as the sons of Sennacherib, but the Kethibh of Kings omits ‘his sons.’ A Babylonian chronicle, referring to the murder, says simply, ‘On the twentieth of the month Tebet, Sen- nacherib, king of Assyria, was killed by his son (sing.) in an insurrection.’ (See E. Schrader, Keilin- schriftliche Bibliothek, vol. ii. p. 281, and C. H. W. Johns in Expository Times, vol. vii. ee 238 f., and p. 360. W. E. BARNES. ADRAMYTTIUM (Adpautrriov) was an ancient city of the country Mysia, in the Rom. province Asia, with a harbour, at the top of the gulf Sinus Adramyttenus. The population and the name were moved some distance inland during the Middle Ages to a site which is now called Edremid. It must have been a city of great importance when Pergamos was the capital of the kings of Asia; and hence, when Asia became a Rom. province, Adramyttium was selected as the metropolis of the N.W. district of Asia, where the assizes (conventus) of that whole district were held. Its ships made trading voyages along the coasts of Asia and as far as Syria (Ac 272); and a kind of ointment exported from the city was highly esteemed (Pliny, NA xiii. 2. 5). Its importance as a trading centre is shown by its being one of the cities where cistophori, the great commercial coinage of the east, were struck be- tween 133 and 67B.c. It suffered greatly during the Mithridatic wars, and rather declined in im- portance; but, even as late as the 8rd cent., under Caracalla, it still ranked sufficiently high to strike alliance coins with Ephesus (implying cer- tain reciprocal rights in respect of religious festi- vals and games). W. M. Ramsay. ADRIA (Ac 27”, RV Sea of Adria).—The sea ‘amidst’ which the ship carrying St. Paul was driven during fourteen days, before it stranded on Melita. After passing Crete, the voyagers en- countered a violent ‘north-easter’ (Ry Eura- quilo), before which they drifted, and running under the island of Clauda (RV Cauda, now Gozo), they were afraid of being carried towards the quicksands (RV Syrtis) dreaded by the mariner on the African coast; but eventually, on the four- teenth day, descried land, where they ran the shi aground on an island called Melita. The sea whic they traversed is termed 6 ’Adplas. Three questions arise—(1) as to the form, (2) as to the origin, and (3) as to the range or connotation, of the word. 1. WH prefer the aspirated form ‘Adplas; but while both forms occur in ancient writers (see the variations in Pauly-Wiss. RE s.v.), our choice must depend on the probable derivation of the name. 2. There were two towns of similar name—Atria or Hadria, in Picenum (now Afri), an inland town having no relation to the Adriatic (except indirectly through its port of Matrinum), and Atria, a town of early commercial importance near the mouth of the Po, with which the name is associated by such authorities as Livy (v. 33), Strabo (v. 1), and Pliny (HN iii. 120). his town, still called Adria, is described by Livy and others as a Tuscan settle- ment, but by Justin (xx. 1. 9) as of Gr. origin; and its early relations with Greece are (as Mommsen, in CL v. 1. p. 220, points out) yet more certainly attested by eae vases of Gr. style found in no small num- er there, but not elsewhere in that district of Italy. The Picentine town was in imperial times called Hadria, and earlier coins belonging to it are inscribed HAT., while in inscriptions from the town on the Po the first letter is represented by A, not by H, and Mommsen, for that reason, has latterly preferred the form Atria. 8. As Adrias was early used in the sense, to which Adriatic has again been confined, of the branch of the sea between Italy and Illyria, it was not unnatural so to understand it in Ac 27, esp. as an island off its Illyrian shore, Melita (now Meleda), might have been the scene of the ship- wreck. Bryant (Diss. on the wind Euroclydon), Macknight, and others adopted this view, which some, on their authority, have accepted, although Scaliger had pronounced it ridiculous and hardly worth refuting. Its chief champion is W. Falconer, 14 ADRIEL ADVENTURE whose Dissertition on St. Paul’s Voyage, published in 1817, was reissued in 1870 by the writer’s nephew, Judge Falconer, with copious additional notes controverting (though with little real success) the arguments of Mr. Smith of Jordanhill, in support of the tradition which regards Malta as the scene of shipwreck, and takes Adrias in the wider sense of the waters between Crete and Sicily (Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, 1848). The history of the strangely varying usage is well indicated by Partsch in Pauly-Wiss. s.v., and by Miiller in his ed. of Strabo, pp. 328, 335, 338. At first the name strictly belonged to the inner portion adjoining the mouths of the Po and the coast of the Veneti, while the lower or south portion was known as the Ionian Sea. But these names soon became interchangeable, or, if a distinction was drawn, it was that of two basins—the inner as far as Mount Garganus being more strictly ‘the Adrias,’ the outer the Ionian Sea. Strabo expressly recognises this distinction, but indicates that Adrias had now become the name for the whole (ii. 123, vii. 187). But while Adrias comes thus to include the Ionian Sea, the latter term in its turn obtained an extension to the sea lying between the west coasts of Greece and Sicily, which is called by Strabo the Sicilian, and was also termed the Ausonian Sea (ii. 123), and the name Adrias now received a corresponding, but even greater, exten- sion. A very clear light is thrown on the range or connotation of ‘the Adrias,’ as used in Acts, by the statements of Ptolemy, who flourished (not ‘immediately,’ as Smith Vas sald (p. 127), but) sixty or seventy years after St. Luke (he was alive 160 A.D.), and who presents an usage which must be presumed to have been not only existent, but current and generally accepted for some consider- able time, in order to find a place in such a work. Ptolewy places the Adriatic to the east of Sicily ‘iii. 4), to the south of Achaia (iii. 14), to the west and south of the Peloponnesus (iii. 16), and to the west of Crete (ili. 15), thus giving to it precisely the extent which Strabo assigns to the Sicilian Sea. We meet the same wider range in earlier as well as later writers. The only argument of weight adduced by Judge Falconer in opposition to the case thus established, is that elsewhere (iv. 3) Ptolemy places Melita (Malta) in the African Sea, which bounds Sicily on the south. But it is too much to construe this as though Ptolemy ‘dis- tinctly and unequivocally excluded the island from all seas but that of Africa.’ The alleged ‘exclusion’ is a mere inference by Falconer from the ‘inclusion’; not at all necessary where Melita, lying between the two seas called African and Sicilian, might easily be associated with either. At any rate, the main question concerns not the mere geographical assignation of Melita as such, but the meaning to be attached to ‘the -Adrias’ as the sea which the vessel traversed on its voyage. And here most commentators agree in holding that, in accordance with the current usage of the time when St. Luke wrote, the word is applied to the whole expanse of waters between Crete and Sicily. WILLIAM P. DICKSON. ADRIEL (5x*ry).—Son of Barzillai, a native of Abel-meholah in the Jordan Valley, about 10 miles S. of Bethshean. He married Merab, the eldest daughter of Saul, who should have been given to David as the slayer of Goliath (18 18%). Michal (2S 218) is a mistake for Merab. J. F. STENNING. ADUEL (’Aéov7y;A, Heb. bxx, Syr. Sxmsx), one of the ancestors of Tobit, To 14. variant form of bevy, 1 Ch 4%. J. T. MARSHALL. ADULLAM (ob), now ‘fd.’el-ma’ ‘Feast of water,’ or ‘/d-’el-miyeh ‘Feast of the hundred” | (see Clermont-Ganneau and Conder in PEF Mem, lii. 361-67; Conder, Tent Work, p. 276f.; Smith, Geogr. p. 229), in the valley of Elah, is frequently referred to in the OT. It was a city of the Canaanites (Gn 38'), in the district allotted to the tribe of Judah after the conquest (Jos 121%). It was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Ch 11’), and is mentioned later on by Micah (1). After the Captivity it was re-peopled by the Jews (Neh 11*°), and continued to be a place of importance under the Maccabees (2 Mac 12%). The Cave of Adullam, famous through its associa. tion with the early history of David, has usually been supposed to have had no connexion with the city of that name, and has been located by tradi- tion, as well as by many travellers, in the Wady Khareitun, about six miles south-east of Bethlehem. The most recent authorities, however, are strong] of opinion that an entirely suitable site for it can be found in the vicinity of the city, and that there is no reason for separating the two. Half- way between Shochoh and Keilah, and 10 miles north-west of Hebron, some caves have been found, the position of which suits all we are told about David’s stronghold, and which are at once central and defensible. It may be regarded as practically settled that the Cave of Adullam was not far from where David had his encounter with Goliath. _, Adullamite (*>)7y, ‘native of Adullam’) is applied to Hirah, the friend of Judah (Gn 38?). t the time of the conquest Adullam was a royal city, and if it was so in Hirah’s time, he was probab king. W. MUoIR. ADULTERY.—See CriImMEs, and MARRIAGE. ADUMMIM, Tue ASCENT OF (0°74 nbyD), Jos 15’ 18”, forming part of the eastern boundary between Judah and Benjamin, is the steep pass in which the road ascends from Jericho to Jerusalem. Its name, Tal‘at ed-Dumm, is still the same—‘ the ascent of blood’ or ‘red,’ and is most probably due to the red marl which is so distinctive a feature of the pass. In this pass, notorious for robberies and murders, is the traditional ‘inn’ of Lk 10%, and near by the Chastel Rouge or Citerne Rouge, built by the crusaders for protection of pilgrims from Jerusalem to the Jordan. A. HENDERSON. ADVANTAGE.—This is one of our numerous mis- ae) Eng. words. It comes fromavant, ‘before,’ with the suffix age. Hence it has no connexion with Lat. prep. ad (though the misspelling is found as early as 1523), and the meaning is not simple profit, but superiority. In this sense it is found in Ro 3! ‘What a. then hath the Jew?’ and 2 Co 2, to which RV adds 2 Co 7? 12)7-%8 In Job 35%, Jude v. ‘a.’ should be ‘ profit.’ And so the verb ‘to advantage,’ now obsolete, which is found in Lk 9%, 1 Co 15° ‘what advantageth it me?’ is rightly turned into ‘ profit’ in RV. J. HASTINGS. ADYENT.—See PARovusIA. ADVENTURE, now obs. asa verb, is found Dt 28" ‘ The tender and delicate woman among you which would not a. (intrans.=venture) to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness’; Jg 9!” ‘For my father fought for you, and a4 (transit. =risked) his life’; Ac 19%! ‘desiring him that he would not a. himself (doiva éaurév, ‘give himself’) into the theatre.’ Cf. Shaks. Two G. of Ver. III. i. 120— ‘Leander would adventure it’; and for the intrans. use Rom. and Jul. VY. iii. 1l-— ‘IT am almost afraid to stand alone Here in the churchyard ; yet I will adventur..’ ADVERSARY AFFLICTION 4 * At all adventure’ occurs Wis 27 ‘we are vorn at all a.’ (avrocxedlws, RV ‘by mere chance’) and ‘at all adventures,’ Lv 2672 m (‘, in the usual phrase oy "p 37). Cf. T. Wilson (1553) : ‘ which showte (shoot) . . . at all aventures hittie missie.’ J. HASTINGS. ADVERSARY. — Besides the general sense of opponent, a. occurs with the special meaning of an opponent at law (dvridixos), Lk 12°° ‘When thou oest with thine adversary to the magistrate’; Nt 5% Lk 18%, In the foll. passages it is used as the tr. of Heb. jpy Sdtan, Nu 22”, 1S 294, 2S 19%, 1K 54 11% 3-3, Cf. 1 P 5° ‘your a. (Gr. dvrldcxos) ‘the devil.” See SATAN. J. HASTINGS. ADVERTISE, ‘to give notice,’ ‘inform,’ Nu 24" *T will a. thee what this people shall do to thy pve in the latter days’; and Ru 4‘ ‘I thought a. thee’ (RV ‘disclose it unto thee’). In the last passage the Heb. is ‘ uncover the ear’ (jy 75a). See EAR. Advertisement, in the sense of precept, admonition, occurs in the heading of Sir 20. J. HASTINGS. ADYICE, ADVISE, ADYISEMENT.—‘To take advice’ in mod. Eng. is to consult with another and receive his opinion. But in Jg 19” and 2 Ch 25” ‘to take a.’ means to consult with oneself and give an opinion; Jg 19” ‘consider of it, take a. (RV ‘take counsel’) and speak.’ So Shaks. 2 Henry VI. I. ii. 67— * And that’s not suddenly to be perform’d ; But witii advice, and silent secrecy.’ Advise in the sense, not of giving advice to another, but of deliberating with oneself, is found twice, 2 S 243 ‘now a. (RV ‘advise thee’) and see what answer I shall return to him that sent me,’ and 1 Ch 212 (RV ‘consider’). ‘Well advised’ in Pr 13", ‘but with the well advised is wisdom,’ means not those who have accepted good advice, but those who are cautious or deliberate. Cf. Bacon, Essays, ‘Let him be . . . advisedin his answers.’ Advisement, now obs., occurs 1 Ch 12” ‘the lords of the Philistines, upon a. (s.¢. after deliberation) sent him away’; 2 Mac 14” ‘When they had taken long a. thereupon’ (RV ‘when these proposals had been Lay considered ’), . HASTINGS. ADVOCATE (wapdxdyros), only 1 Jn 2). See SPIRIT, HOLY. . AEDIAS (B ’Anéclas, A -dl-), 1 Es 9%. —One of those who agreed to hau away their ‘strange’ wives. The corresponding name in Ezr 10% is Elijah (x, ’HAla). The form in 1 Es is a corrup- tion of the Gr. (HAI4 read as AHAIA), and has no Heb. equivalent. H. St. J. THACKERAY. JENEAS (Alvéas) is the name of a paralytic at Lydda who was cured by Peter (Ac 9*-*). We find the name used of a Jew in Jos. Ant. XIV. x, 22. A. C. HEADLAM. ZENON (Alvdyv, ‘springs’) is mentioned only in Jn 33 as near to Salem (which see). As the name ‘springs’ is common, its locality must be fixed by that of Salem. Eusebius and Jerome lace Ainon 8 miles south of Scythopolis, now eisan ; and the name SAlim is said to attach toa mound some 6 or 7 miles south of Beisan, while three-quarters of a mile south of it are seven springs. ‘Rivulets also wind about in all directions... . I have found few places in Palestine of which one could so truly say, ‘‘ Here is much water”’ (Van de Velde, ii. p. 345, ete.). The chief difficulty in the acceptance of this identification is the naming of Salem (Jn 3%) as a well-known town, suggesting the well-known Salim, east of Shechem. Conder has one. out ‘Ainfin, bearing the name, situated in the WAdy Far’ah. ‘Here was once a large village, now completely overthrown. A great number of rock-cut cisterns are observed on the site’ (Survey Memoirs, ii. p. 234), A little to the south of ‘Ainfn is a succession of springs with flat meadows on either side, where great crowds might gather by the bank of the copious perennial stream shaded bY oleanders. Here were ‘many waters’ (Jn 3% RVm). It is accessible by roads from all quarters, and is situated by one of the main roads from Jerus. to Galilee, the road passing Jacob’s Well (Jn 4°) which our Lord may have taken to meet the Baptist in view of threatened misunderstandings and jealousies of his disciples. For a full description, see Conder’s Tent Work, ii. BP. 57, 58. The distance is about 7 miles from alim, which has been made an objection to thir identification; but there is no nearer town of importance by which to describe its situation. A. HENDERSON. FESORA (Alowpd), Jth 44 (AV Esora). — A Samaritan town noticed with Bethhoron, Jericho, and Salem (Salim). Possibly ’Asireh, N.E. of Shechem (SWP vol. ii. sh. xi.). C. R. CONDER. AFFECT, AFFECTION.—In its literal sense of ‘to act upon,’ affect occurs once, La 3°! ‘mine eye affecteth mine heart.’ In Sir 13" the meaning is to aspire, ‘Affect not to be made equal unto him in talk.’ Besides these, observe Gal 417 18, where the meaning is to have affection for, be fond of. Gal 4 ‘They zealously a. you, but not well (Gr. {mAodow bpyas ob Karas, RV ‘They zealously seek you in no good way’); yea, the would exclude you, that ye might a. them’ (R ‘seek them’). Cf. Bingham, Xenoph. ‘ Alwaies soure and cruell, so that Souldiers affected him as children doe their Schoolemaster.’ Besides these, a. occurs only Ac 14? ‘made them evil a°’ (xaxdw) ; 2 Mac 4% ‘not well a%’ (ddAérpios), RV ‘ill ac.’) ; 135 ‘well a’ (evuev7s). Affection in old Eng. is any bent or disposition of the mind, good or bad, as Col 3? ‘set your a. (Gr. dpovetre, RV ‘set your mind’) on things above.’ Hence, to tr. ma0os and the like, some adj. is added, as Col 35 ‘inordinate a.’ (Gr. mdé0os, RV ‘passion’); Ro 18 ‘without natural a.’ (Gr. dcropyos). But in the plu. affections means passions, as Gal 5% ‘ the flesh with the a. (Gr. ré0nua, RV ‘ passions’) and lusts’ ; Ro 1% ‘God gave them up unto vile a.’ (Gr. 1d6n driyulas, RV ‘vile passions’). Cf. the difference between ‘passion’ and ‘passions.’ RV gives ‘affec- tions’ in a good (7.e. the mod.) sense at 2 Co 6 (AV ‘bowels,’ which see). Affectioned is found in the neutral sense of ‘disposed’ in Ro 12” ‘kindly a. (Gr. gurdcropya, RV ‘tenderly a.’) one to another.’ Cf. Fuller, Abel Red. ‘He (Luther) was very lovingly affectioned towards his children.’ J. HASTINGS. AFFINITY.—In 1 K 3! ‘Solomon made a. with Pharaoh’; 2 Ch 18! ‘Jehoshaphat . . . joined a. with Ahab’; and Ezr 9 ‘Should we. . . join in a. with the people of these abominations?’ a. has the special sense of relationship by marriage, being distinguished from consanguinity or relationship by blood. Cf. Selden, Laws of ng. (1649), ‘ Many that by a. and consanguinity were become English- men.’ See MARRIAGE. J. HASTINGS. AFFLICTION is now used only passively ; the state of being afflicted, misery. So Ex 3’ ‘I have surely seen the a. of my people,’ and elsewhere. But it is also in the Bible used actively, as 1 K 227 ‘feed him with bread of a. and with water of a., until I come in peace’ (t.e. bread and water that will afflict him). Cf. More, ‘Let him... purge the spirit by the a. of the flesh.” J HASTINGs. 46 ees AFFRAY.—See CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. AFFRAY AFORE and its compounds.—Afore=before, is used as prep. Is 185 ‘afore the harvest’; as adj. 2 Es 5* ‘the night a.’; and as adv. Ro 1? ‘ which he had promised afore.’ Aforehand as adv.= beforehand, in anticipation, occurs Mk 148 ‘She is come a. to anoint my body’; and Jth 74. Afore- romised is now found 2 Co 9° RV ‘your a. borne (rpoernyyeduévos). Aforesaid occurs only 2 Mac 4% 148, Aforetime=formerly, as Dn 6” ‘(Daniel) prayed . . . as he did a.’ Aforetime is happily introduced by RV at Dt 2)% 12-2, Jos 418, 1 Ch 4, Jn 98 Ro 3% Eph 22}, Col 37, Tit 3%, Philem v.", 1 P 35, for various AV expressions, generally as tr. of 0°33) or rére. The a in these words is a worn-down form of the old Eng. prep. anoron. See A. J. HASTINGS. AFTER, AFTERWARD (‘After, orginally a compar. of af, Lat. ab, Gr. dré, Skr. dpa, with compar. suffix -ter, like -ther in “either,” ete.= farther off..—MurRRAy) is found in AV and RV in all the modern usages as ady., prep., and conj., both of place and of time. he only examples demanding attention are: 1. some pas- sages where after means ‘according to,’ as in Gn 126 ‘And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness’; esp. the following (where Gr. is card), Ro 2° ‘after thy hardness and impeni- tent heart’; 1 Co 7® ‘after my judgment’; 2 Co 1117 ‘That which I speak, I speak it not after the Lord’; Eph 4% ‘The newman, which after God is created in righteousness’; 2 P 3° ‘Scoffers, walking after their own lusts’; Gal 4% ‘he who was of the bondwoman was born after the flesh’; Tit 1! ‘the acknowledging of the truth which is after (RV ‘according to’) godliness’; and He 4" (where Gr. is év) ‘lest any man fall after (RVm ‘into’) the same example of unbelief.’ 2. Where after means ‘in proportion to’: Ps 284 ‘give them after the work of their hands’; Ps 90 (Pr. Bk.) ‘Comfort us again now after the time that Thou hast plagued us.’ So Ps 51) (Pr. Bk.). Cf. Litany, ‘ Deal not with us after our sins,’ and Wyclif’s tr. of Mt 167” ‘He schal yelde to every man after his works.’ 3. Where after is used for afterwards, as 1 K 173 ‘Make me thereof a little cake first, and bring it unto me, and after (RV ‘afterward’) make for thee and for thy son.’ So He 118, 2 P 2°. Afterward is the older form; when the AV was made, ‘afterwards’ was coming into use. Skeat says he has not been able to find it much earlier than Shakespeare’s time (but Oxf. Dict. gives one 1300, and one 1375). AV (Camb. ed.) has afterward 66 times, afterwards 13 times. J. HASTINGS. AGABUS ("Ayafos, of uncertain derivation; ey from either 135 ‘a locust,’ Ezr 2%, or aay ‘to love’), a Christian prophet living at Jeru- salem, Ac 1177-8 2]! Though the prophets were not essentially predicters of the future, the ease of Agabus shows that their functions some- times included the actual prediction of coming events. At Antioch, A.D. 44, A. foretold a famine ‘over all the world’ in the days of Claudius. Only local famines are known in this reign, though some were so severe as necessarily to affect indirectly the entire empire (Suet. Claud. xviii.; Tac. Ann. xii. 43; Euseb. Chron. Arm., ed. Schéne, ii. 252 et al.). Both Suetonius and Eusebius date a famine in the fourth year of Claudius, A.D. 45; and since Jud#a as well as Greece suffered, it is probably this to which Agabus referred. Josephus speaks of its severity, and of means taken for its relief (Ant. III. xv. 3, XX. ii. 6 and v. 2). The other prophecy of Agabus (A.D. 59) followed the OT AGAIN method of symbolism, and has a close parallel in Jn 21% He foretold to St. Paul his imprisonment in Jerusalem, but did not thereby divert him from the journey. Nothing more is known concerning Agabus, though there are traditions that he was one of the seventy disciples of Christ, and that he suffered martyrdom at Antioch. R. W. Moss. AGAG (33x, Nu 247 ax ‘violent (?)’ Assyr. agdgu, ‘displeasure’).—A king of the Amalekites, con- quered by Saul and, contrary to the divine command, saved alive, but put to death by Samuel (1 § 15). From the way in which the name is used by Balaam (Nu 247), it seems not to have been the name of any one individual prince, but, like Pharaoh among the Egyptians, and (possibly) Abimelech among the Philistines, a designation or title borne by all the kings,—perhaps by the king of that nation which stood at the head of the confederacy. Kneucker and others, without any reasonable ground, insist upon taking it as a personal name, and make its use by the writer of Nu 247 a reminiscence of the story from Saul’s time. J. MACPHERSON. AGAGITE ('3:s).—A term of reproach used to designate Haman, the enemy of the Jews at the Persian court of Ahasuerus (Est 312° 8%5 9%), In Josephus’ version of the story (An¢é. XI. vi. 5), Haman is described as ‘by birth an Amalekite.’ In Est 3} instead of Agagite the LXX reads Bovyaiov, and in 9% 6 Maxeddy, while in the other passages simply the name Haman occurs. Thus in the LXX the word Agagite does not occur. Some have argued (¢.g. Bertheau in Comm.) that the designation was used to indicate to a Hebrew what ‘Macedonian’ would to a Greek, and that it meant Amalekite in the sense of a contemptible, hateful person, but not as implying that Haman had any genealogical connexion with Amalek. The pro- motion of a foreigner to such a position in the empire as Haman occupied, even under the regime of the most despotic monarchs, must have been quite an exceptional occurrence. Apart from any other indication of Haman’s foreign extraction, it is scarcely safe to base an assumption of such a kind on the possible meaning of a mere appellative. Others (e.g. v. Orelli in Herzog) think that the connexion of this adjective with the proper name Agag is extremely doubtful. J. MACPHERSON. AGAIN.—The proper meaning of again, ‘a second time,’ is well seen in Rev 19? ‘And a. (Gr. devrepov, RV ‘a second time’) they said, Alleluia’ ; Jn 9% ‘Then a. called they (RV ‘so they called a second time, Gr. éx deuvrépov) the man that was blind’; Ac 11 ‘But the voice answered me a. (Gr. ék devrépov, RV ‘a second time’) from heaven’; Ph 416 ‘ye sent once and again’ (Gr. dfs, twice, as in Lk 18" f fast twice in the week’). But the oldest meaning of a. is ‘in the eee direction’ (now generally expressed by ‘ back’), and of this there are some interesting examples in the Bible: Jg 3% ‘He himself turned a. (RV ‘ back’) from the quarries’; Lk 10% ‘when I come a. (RV ‘back again’) I will repay thee’; Pr2! ‘None that go unto her return a.’; 2 S 22°38 ‘(I) turned not a. until I had consumed them’; Lk 6® ‘lend, hoping for nothing a.’ (RV ‘never despairing’) ; Gn 24° ‘Must I needs bring thy son a. unto the land from whence thou camest?’; Mt 11‘ ‘go and show John a. (=go back and show John) those things which ye do hear’; Ro 9% AVm ‘who art thou that answerest again?’ Cf. Ps 19° (Pr. Bk.) ‘It (the sun) goeth forth from the uttermost part of the heaven, and runneth almost unto the end of it a.’; and ®Turn again, Whittington, thrice Lord Mayor of London !° = HASTINGS, AGAINST AGE, AGED, OLD AGE 41 AGAINST.—1. In its primitive meaning of ‘opposite to’ against is rarely found alone, usually ‘over a.,’ as Dt 1! ‘in the plain over a. the Red Sea’; but we find Gn 15” ‘and laid each piece one a. another’ (RV ‘each half over a. the other’); ] Ch 25° ‘They cast lots, ward a. ward’; Ezk 3° ‘I have made thy face strong a. their faces’; esp. Nu 254 ‘Take all the heads (RV ‘chiefs’) of the people, and hang them up before the Lord a. the sun’ (RV ‘unto the Lord before the sun’); and 1 S 25” ‘David and his men came down a. her’ (i.e. opposite her, so as to meet her). 2. From the meaning ‘ opposite to’ of place, easily arises ‘opposite to’ of time, of which we have an example in Ro 2° ‘treasurest up unto thyself wrath a. (Gr. év, RV ‘in’) the day of wrath’; 1 Mac 5”. Cf. Spenser, Prothalamion— ‘ Against the Brydale day, which is not long.’ 8. In this sense a. is found as a conjunction in three places, Gn 43% ‘they made ready the present a. Joseph came at noon’; Ex 7!5, 2 K 161, J. HASTINGS. AGAR.—The sons of Agar are mentioned (Bar 3”) along with the merchants of Midian and Teman, as ignorant of the way that leads to the secret haunt of Wisdom. They are called Hagarenes (which see), Ps 83°; and Hagrites, 1 Ch 5% 2° 2731, Their country lay east of Gilead. J. T. MARSHALL. AGATE. See MINERALS AND PRECIOUS STONES. AGE, AGED, OLD AGE.—Respect towards the aged as such, apart from any special claims of kin- ship, wealth, or public office, has always been a characteristic feature in Oriental life. _In modern Syria and Egypt it has a foremost place among social duties, taking rank with the regard paid to the neighbour and the guest. Any failure to show this respect on the part of the young is severely frowned down as unseemly aad unnatural. In Israel the general custom was strengthened b the command in the law of Moses, ‘Thou shalt rise up before the hoary head’ (Lv 19%). This beautiful bond between youth and age may be described as a threefold cord of wisdom, authority, and affection. 1. Wisdom.—Where there is a scarcity of written record, personal experience becomes the one book of wisdom. As it is put by the Arab. proverb, ‘ He that is older than you by a day is wiser than you by a year.’ There is a similar emphasis on the value of experience when they say, ‘Consult the patient, not the physician.” Hence the diffidence and respectful waiting of the youth Elihu, ‘ Days should speak, and multitude At years should teach wisdom’ (Job 32"). Similarly the taunt of Eliphaz, ‘ Art thou the first man that was born?’ (Job 15’), and his claim, ‘With us are the grey-headed and very aged men’ (Job 15). Thus also Moses, though possessed of the learning of the Egyptians, receives helpful advice from Jethro; and later on, the tragedy of the divided kingdom in the days of Rehoboam turns upon the difference of opinien between the old and young advisers of the ing. 2. Authority. —It was natural that the voice of experience and wisdom should also be the voice of authority. It was the tide-mark of Job’s pros- perity that the aged rose up before him. From the dignity conferred on the father as lord of the house and head of the family, the title soon ose into one of public office. The old men ecame the ‘elders’ of Israel and of the Christian Church. Similarly among the Arabs, the family of the ruling sheikh (old man) bore the title of sheikhs from their youth—an extension of the brig. meaning that is seen also in the corresp. ecclesiastical term. When the Lord sought to set forth the high meaning of discipleship with regard to enmity, slander, immorality, and murder, He at once reached a point that seemed beyond the ideal when He alluded to the law revered by age and authority, and declared that even it must be vitalised and transfigured (Mt 5?!-), 3. Mutual Ajffection.—The teaching of the Bible on age appeals as much to the heart as to the head, and many affectionate interests are made to cluster around the relationship of old and young. In the language of endearment, ‘the beauty of old men is the grey head’ (Pr 20”), and ‘The hoary head is a crown of glory’ (Pr 16%). ‘The presence of the aged in a community is regarded as a sign of peace and goodwill, just as the rarity of old age and of natural death indicates a state of blood-feud and party strife (Job 221%), John, who in youth came to Christ with a petition of selfishness, lives to say in his old age, ‘ Greater joy have I none than this, to hear of my children wail in the truth’ (3 Jn y.4), The women of Bethlehem in their rejoicing over the child of Boaz and Ruth, bring the expression of their joy to her who would feel it most, and say, ‘There is a son born to Naomi’ (Ru 417), In the same spirit the aged apostle, in his appeal to Philemon on behalf of Onesimus, gives a redominance to love over law, saying, ‘I rather eseech, being such an one as Paul the aged’ (Philem v.°). The last and softest fold of this affectionate relationship is the feebleness of age, and its claim ee the protection of the strong. It was the absence of this that made Moses stand apart and unique. Barzillai is too old for new friendships and fresh surroundings. The limit is set at three- score and ten, and excess of that is increase of sorrow. Jacob’s retrospect is over days ‘few and evil.’ There are days in which there is no pleasure. Along with the recognition of long life as a mark of divine favour, the apostle can say, ‘To die is gain.’ Lastly, when heart and flesh fail, the prayer is made to the Almighty, ‘When I am old, forsake me not’ (Ps 71'8). Along with this devotion to the old and reverence for the past, the Bible keeps a large space for the fact of reaction against routine, and the superseding of the provincial and preparatory. Elihu occupies it when fe says with the intensity of epigram, ‘There is a spirit in man, and the breath of the Almighty giveth them understanding. It is not the great that are wise, nor the aged that understand eee ? (Job 327°). Cf. ‘A new commandment give unto you’ (Jn 13%). The old existed for the young, not the young for the old. As the wisdom of the man of years grew into the teach- ing of the historical past, it was discovered that the new was really the old, and that the latest born might be the most mature. The very rever- ence for the wisdom of the past set the limitation to its authority. The well-worn garment had to be protected against the loud predominance of the new patch. The old bottles were once new. Hence along with the exhortation to seek the ‘ old paths’ we have the announcement that ‘old things are passed away.’ Further, in the Via Dolorosa of the centuries along which the Word of God walked with the questionings and sorrows of men, as the light forced the darkness into self-consciousness, and the kingdom of God came nearer, it could not but happen that the august form would sometimes appear to block the way, and dispute the passage of the truth for which it existed. The appeal to the Burning Bush is always for some newer name than the God of the fathers. | Hence in the course of revelation, as the purpose of divine grace grows luminous, the infinite spirit chafes against the limited form, and a distaste is provoked towards regimental wisdom and macadamized morality. 48 AGEE The refreshment of the brook makes men think of the fountainhead. Hence in Israel the akedia of Ecclesiastes on account of the omnipresent past ; and in heathenism the inscription of religious despair, ‘To the unknown god,’ and the unrest that urged philosophy to ‘some new thing’ (Ac 1 The Bible witnesses throughout to this vital relationship between the new and the old ; for its last scene is a repetition of the first—the new creature stepping into the new heavens and new earth, and in the eternal service behind the veil new notes are heard in the song of Moses and the Lamb. As long as the power of vision remains limited, it is essential to the sublime that some- thing of blue haze and boundlessness should lie on the horizon both of life and landscape. G. M. MAcKIE. AGEE (x3x).—The father of Shammah, one of ‘the Three’ (2 S 234). We should prob. read ‘the Hararite’ here in conformity with v.* and 1 Ch 114, the Jonathan of v.® (as emended) being the grandson of Agee. Wellhausen, however, prefers the reading ‘Shage’ (1 Ch 11*) to ‘Shammah’ of 2 S 23%, and would restore ‘Shage’ here for ‘Agee’; on this view, Jonathan (v.**) would be the brother of Shammah. J. F. STENNING. AGGABA (A B*>™s- ’Ayya8d, B om., AV Graba), 1 Es 5”.—In Ezr 2“ Hagabah, Neh 7* Hagaba. The source of the AV form is doubtful. AGGAEUS (AV Aggeus), 1 Es 6! 7%, 2 Es 1, for Haggai (which see). AGIA (‘Ayd, AV Hagia), 1 Es 5.—In Ezr 2”, Neh 7° Hattil. AGONE.—1 S 30" ‘Three days agone I fell sick.’ This is the earlier form of the past part. of the verb agan or agon, ‘to pass by,’ or ‘go on.’ Only the part. is found after 1300, and after Caxton’s day this longer form gradually gave place to ago. Chaucer (Zrotlus, ii. 410) says— ‘Of this world the feyth is all agon.’ J. HASTINGS. AGONY.—In the sense of great trouble or distress, agony is used in 2 Mac 34 ‘There was no small a. throughout the whole city’ (cf. 31 21), In Canonical Scripture the word is found only in Lk 22" of our Lord’s Agony in the Garden. And there it seems to have been introduced by Wyclif directly from the Vulg. agonia, just as the Lat. of the Vulg. was a transliteration of the Gr. dywvla (on which see Field, Otiwm Norv. iii., ad loc.). Tindale (1534), Cranmer (1539), the Geneva (1557), the Rheims (1582), the AV (1611), and the RV (1881) all have ‘an agony’ here; pepe himself has simply ‘agony.’ J. HASTINGS. AGREE TO.—In the sense of ‘assent to,’ with a person as object, a. is found in Ac 5” ‘To him they a.’ éreloOnoay atrg. In Mk 14” it is used in the obsolete sense of ‘agree with’ or ‘correspond with,’ ‘Thou art a Galilean, and thy speech agreeth thereto’ (duodfea, TR; RV following edd. omits the clause). J. HASTINGS. AGRICULTURE. — Agriculture, which in ite wider sense embraces horticulture, forestry, and the pastoral industry, is here restricted to the art of arable farming — including not only ploughing, hoeing, etc., but reaping and threshing. s the savage phase has been followed by the pastoral, so the pastoral has been followed by the A®, in the history of the progressive peoples. The first important advance upon the primitive stage took AGRICULTURE the form of the domestication of wild animals, and this, by bringing man into closer and more deliberate contact with the soil, contained the promise of further progress. The domestication of wild plants naturally succeeded, and the neolithic man is known, not only to have reared cattle, goats, and swine, but to have cultivated wheat, barley, and millet, which he ground with mill- stones and converted into bread or pap. While the Aryans were still virtually in the astoral stage, the A®™ art was being actively Havleand in Egypt and Assyria. In the Nile Valley nature bountifully paved the way. The inundations of the Nile create an admirable bed for the seed by reducing the irrigated soil to a ‘smooth black paste,’ and the monuments exhibit the people as improving from the earliest times their great natural advantages. The early traditions of the Hebrews, on the other hand, were essentially nomadic. The association of Cain with A. (Gn 4) implies a disparagement of the calling. Abraham is represented as a pure nomad. And although, as is indicated in the histories of Isaac (Gn 26!2) and Jacob, the be- ginnings of A. would naturally have a place in the primitive period, it is only after the conquest of Can. that the Jews take rank as an A™ people ; and even then the tribes of the trans-Jordanic plateau, whose territory was unsuitable for tillage, continued to depend on cattle-rearing. The agrarian legislation of the Pent. in reference to the settlement of Can. doubtless embodies some ancient laws and customs regulating the tenure of the soil, although other enactments must be regarded as of later origin, or even as the unfulfilled aspirations of the exilic age. To the last class probably belong the institution of the sabbatical year (Bex 234, Lv 25%), the produce of which, or its ‘ volunteer’ crop, was reserved for the poor, the stranger, and cattle ; and that of the year of jubilee (Lv 25°), in which the dispossessed lieir resumed possession of his ancestral acres. Among the enactments of a greater antiquity and validity may be mentioned the law against the removal of landmarks (Dt 194), which was made urgent by the fact that the arable lands, unlike the vine- yards, were not divided by hedges (Is 5°). The climate of Pal., owing to the removal of forests, must now be much less humid than in early times. The summer is rainless and warm, the winter and early spring are rainy and colder. During the dry season the heat, esp. in the low country, is excessive, and rapidly burns up all minor vegetation; while any surface-water, as from springs, is evident in the spots of unwonted verdure which it induces on the foe landscape. In autumn the cisterns are near. Epes and the ground has become very hard. The husbandman must consequently wait for the rains before he can start ploughing. The rainy season begins about the end of Oct., and is divided into three periods— early rains (770), which prepare the land for the reception of the seed, heavy winter rains (o%3), saturating the ground and filling the cisterns, and late rains (vip>o), falling in spring and giving the crops the necessary moisture. Snow is often seen on the higher lands in winter, and hail is not infrequent. The coldest month is February, the warmest August. The soil of Pal. varies widely in texture and appearance. In the higher regions it is termed mostly from cretaceous limestone or decomposing basalt rocks; in the maritime plain and the Jordan Valley there are more recent formations. Like the sedentary soils, where of sufficient depth, the alluvial deposits are naturally fertile; and under the intensive and careful cultivation of ancient times the fertility was proverbial (cf. Ex 3%’, AGRICULTURE Jer 115, Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. c. 6). The lessened productiveness of modern times is due in part to the diminished rainfall, but mainly to political and social changes. The aie farming of antiquity took several forms, w walls, built alone hill-slopes to prevent ‘ soil-washing,’ gave rise to flat terraces. Various methods of irrigation were practised (Gn 2, Pr 211, Is 30% 322%), Canals conveyed the water from the natural sources to the fields, or water-wheels might be used. Other A* improvements were the removal of stones from the fields, and the utilisation of the ash residue of stubble and weeds. Ordina dung, made in dunghills by treading in straw He 251°), was also in common use (2 K 937), A bare fallow would be occasionally allowed to raise the tempo- ary fertility of the soil. he number of Crops under cultivation was large. The most important was wheat (npn). The supply exceeded the requirements of the country, and it was possible to export it in con- siderable quantities (Ezk 2717). econd in im- portance was barley (7vy), which was extensively used as food (Ru 315), esp. by the poorer classes. Spelt (npo>) was frequently vox on the borders of fields. Millet (725), beans (75), and lentils (o'wy) were cultivated and used as food (Ezk 4°, 2 S 17%), Flax (nny) was grown (Ex 9*1), and probably also cotton (0573). Among the statutory regulations relating to the crops, the most noteworthy are :—the TIGER Aaton against sowing a field with mixed seed (Lv 19”), a Seger implying considerable botanical know- ledge; the provision for damages in case of pasturing a beast in a neighbour’s field (Ex 22°); permission to the wayfarer to pluck from the standing corn enough to satisfy hunger (Dt 23%) ; reservation for the stranger and the poor of the corners of the field (Lv 19°), and other provisions dictated by humanity (Dt 241%). The A. of Pal. has not advanced or changed in any important particular since OT times. In consequence we can, apart from Biblical notices, largely reconstruct the A® picture of the past from the Syrian conditions of to-day. An additional source of information has of recent years been opened up in the Egyp. hieroglyphics, and esp. in the representations of A“ operations found in the Egyp. tombs; and in order the better to bind together this material, we shall now follow the process of cultivation of one of the common cereal crops from seed-time to harvest, giving some account of the implements employed and of the dangers incident to the growing crops. The year of the agriculturist was well filled up—from the middle of Oct. to the middle of Apr. with ploughing, sowing, harrowing, weeding ; from the middle of Apr. onward with reaping, carrying, threshing, and storing the grain. The interval between threshing and sowing was occupied with the vineyard pro- duce. It appears that the seed was sometimes sown without any previous cultivation, and after- wards ploughed in or otherwise covered, while at other times the seed was scattered on ploughed land, and covered by a rude harrow or iy cross- eb aga . The former method was common in it, where the grain, deposited on moist ground, might be covered by drag ing bushes over it, and afterwards trodden down Ry omestic animals (cf. Is 32”), Where cultivation preceded sowing, various implements were used. From the Egyp. monuments it is possible to trace the evolution of the Plough—the starting-point being a forked branch used as a hoe, which was afterwards improved into a kind of mattock, and finally was enlarged and modif‘ed so as to be drawn by oxen. The pogh was acawn by two oxen, and the draught was sometimes from the shoulders, some- vol. 1.—4 AGRICULTURE 49 times from the forehead, or even from the horns In some cases men with hoes may have pulverised (1) El-Kabisah, er ea in working by the left hand ; (2) el-akar, the handle or stilt ; (3) el-buruk, the m ; (4) el-naiteh, a support, secured by a wedge ; (5) el-sawajir, the coup ; (6) el-wuslah, the pole ; (7) el-sikkah, the ploug! the surface after the plough, as in Egypt. (See Wilkinson’s Ancient oyptians, 2nd series, vol. i. woodcut 422.) The old Heb. plough was of ve simple construction, consisting of a wooden ground- work (1 K 194) with iron wearing parts (Is 24, cf. 18 13”). Ithad one stilt to enue it (Lk 9®), leaving the other hand free to use the ox-goad (197). [oEfier eee OX-GOAD, The plough was drawn by oxen, é.e. the ox-kind, for the Jews did not mutilate their animals (Am 6), or by asses (Is 30%), but not by an ox and ass together (Dt 22”). On thin soil a mattock was sometimes necessary (1 § 13”). The unit of square measure was the area ploughed in a day by a yoke of oxen (753). é The season of Sowing was not one of joy (Ps 126°), owing to the uncertainty of the weather (Mic 6, Pr 204), and the toilsomeness of the work in a hard and rocky soil. A start was made with the pulse crops, barley followed a grulent later, and wheat after another month. Usually the sower scattered the seed broadcast out of a basket, but by careful farmers the wheat was placed in the furrows in rows (Is 28%). The summer or spring grain was sown between the end of Jan. and the end of Feb. Ina season of excessive drought the late-sown seed rotted under the clods (Jl 1”); in a wet season the early-sown grain grew rank and lodged, and the husbandman was accordingly counselled to make sure of a crop by attending to both (Ee 11°). Between poe exposed to severa the crops were these the chief and reaping, dangers. Of were the easterly winds prevalent in Mar. and Apr. (Gn 41°), hailstorms (Hag 2%), the irrup- tion of weeds—esp. mustard, thistles, tares, and thorns (Jer 12%), the depredations of crows and sparrows (Mt 134), of fungoid diseases, esp. mildew (Dt 28”), and of injurious insects, esp. the palmer-worm, the canker-worm, the caterpillar, and the locust. These names do not, as has been suggested, refer to the different stages in the life history of the locust (Pachytylus migratorius), but the first three are probably specific names for groups of pests. The crops were also in danger from the inroads of cattle (Ex 225), and as harvest approached, from fire (Jg 154). , he commencement of Harvest naturally varied, not only with the season, but according to elevation, exposure, ete. On the average it began with barley (2 S 21°)—in the neighbourhood of Jericho about the middle of Apr., in the coast lains ten days later, and in the_high-lying Jistriets as much as a month later. Wheat was a fortnight later in ripening, and the barley and 50 AGRICULTURE AGRICULTURE wheat harvest lasted about seven weeks (Dt 16°). The harvest was the occasion of festivities which in the later legislation were brought into close connexion with the religious history of the people. The crops were cut, as in Egypt, with the sickle. (See Wilkinson, op. cit. woodcuts 426 and 436.) Little value was put upon the Straw, which was cut about a foot below the ears (Job 244). The reaper left the grain in handfuls behind him (Jer 92), and the binder tied it into sheaves (Gn 37’), which, however, were not set up as shocks. The Egyptians usually cut the straw quite close under the ears, while some crops, such as dhurah, were simply plucked up by the roots. The method of MODERN SICKLE, palling the corn was probably also practised in al. when the crops were light (Is 17°). In OT there are apparently two kinds of Sickle referred to—v2q7 and Six. The wooden sickle, toothed with floor, and, according to one system, cattle—four or five harnessed together—were driven round and round, until a more or less complete detachment of the grain was effected (Hos 10"). To facilitate the process, the straw was repeatedly turned over by a fork with two or more prongs. A well-known picture gives a representation of this system as anciently practised in Egypt, noteworthy being the fact that the oxen are unmuzzled (ef. Be 25%). The group further shows how the oxen were yoked together that they might walk round more regularly. (See Wilkinson, op. cit.) Of the thresh- ing-machine two kinds were, and still are, employed in Palestine. THRESHING-MACIIINE, One (2% or p19) consisted of an oblong board, whose under side was rough with notches, nails, and sharp stone chips, and which, being weighted down TIRESHING-FLOOR. flints, supposed by Prof. I'linders Petrie to be an imitation of the jawbone of an ox, was used in Syria as well as in Egypt. The reapers were the owners and their families, along with hired labourers (Mt 9°), the latter of whom probably followed the harvest from the plains to the mountains. The workers quenched their thirst from vessels taken to the harvest-field (Ru 2°), and ate bread steeped in vinegar (2), and arched corn (Ly 234), the latter prepared by bane roasted and then rubbed in the hand. The Threshing usually took place in the fields, a custom made possible by the rainless weather of harvest. The Threshing-floor (}73) consisted of a round open space, probably of a permanent character, and peaterably on an eminence where it was exposed to the free sweep of air currents. For bringing in the sheaves, carts were employed in old times (Am 2"), Threshing was performed in various ways. Small quantities of produce, also ulse-crops and cummin, were beaten out with a |, stick (Ru 2!7). In dealing with large quantities of grain, the sheaves were spread out over the by stones and py the driver, not only shelled out the corn, but lacerated the straw (Is 41", Job 41°). THRESHING-WAGGON. The other kind of machine was the threshing- waggon, 773), (Is 28?7- 38), now seldom seen in Pal., but a AGRIPPA AHAB 51 ee still common in Egypt. It consisted of a low-built, four-cornered waggon frame, inside which were attached two or three parallel revolving cylinders or rollers. Each of the rollers was armed with three or four sharpened iron discs. There was a seat for the driver, and it was drawn by oxen yoked to a pole. After the threshing came the work of Winnowing (Job 21%, Ps 35°). The mixture left by the revious operation, consisting of corn, chaff, and roken straw, was turned about and shaken with a@ wooden fork (Is 30%), and advantage was taken of the winds to separate the grain from the lighter material. This often necessitated night work, as the winds usually blew from late in the afternoon till before sunrise. FORK, FAN, AND YOKE, At the later stage of the winnowing process the fork was less needed than the fan (7719), a kind of shovel; or the Sie might be scooped up, as shown in some Egyp. representations, by two pieces of wood. The chaff, after being separated, was burned (Mt 3"), or left to be scattered by the winds (Ps 1‘). From the heavier impurities the corn was cleansed by sieves (7732)—an operation oy necessary in view of the mode of threshing, after which it was collected into large heaps. To prevent thieving, the owner might sleep by the threshing-floor (Ru 37) until the removal of the grain, on waggons or otherwise, to the barns or granaries (Lk 121). It was often stored in pits (Jer 41°), the openings of which were carefully covered up to protect them from robbers and vermin. The straw remaining from the threshing was used for cattle fodder (Is 65°). Lrrgraturg.—On the general subject : Benzinger, Hebrdische Archeologie; Stade, Gesch. d. Volks Isr. Bd. i. Buch vii.; Landwirthsch. Jahrbicher; Nowack, Lehrbuch der Archceologie ; Thomson, Land and Book; Fellows, Asia Minor; Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, Bd. ix., ‘Ackerbau und Thierzucht’; Indexed Quart. Statements and other pubb. of the Pal. Explor. Soc. On Egyp. Agriculture: Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (2nd Series). On the Plough: Schumacher, ‘Der arabische Pflug,’ in Bd. xii. of above-named Zeitschrift. On the Threshing-machine: Wetzstein, ‘Die syr. Dreschtafel,’ in Bastian’s Zeitsch. f. Hihnologie (1873), 272 ff. J. W. PATERSON. AGRIPPA.—See HErop. AGUE.—See MEDICINE. AGUR (wm; LXX_ paraphrases arbitrarily ; Vulg. congregans). — Mentioned only in Pr 30}. The name of an otherwise unknown Heb. sage, son of Jakeh. The word has been understood from very early times as a pseudonym, used symboli- cally. So Jerome, following the Rabbis of his time. In this case it might be interpreted as akin to the Syriac dguéré=‘hireling’ (of wisdom), or derived from Heb. 71x, and understood as ‘col- lector’ (of proverbs). Cf. form wip: in Ps 91%, Pr 65, The description of Agur in Pr 30! is not easy to understand. With the Massoretic point- ing, the verse may be literally rendered, ‘The words of Agur, son of Jakeh, the prophecy: the oracle of the man to I[thiel, to Ithiel and Ucal.’ This sounds impossible. The conjunction of the words massa (=prophecy) and né’%im (=oracle) is unprecedented ; the use of the article with massa is inexplicable ; and the words which follow have no prophetic character, Consequently Massa has been understood as the name of a country (so Del.; and see RVm Jakeh of Massa); cf. Gn 254, Similarly, Lemuel would be understood to be king of Massa, Pr 314. Cheyne (Job and Solomon) and Strack (Kurzgef. Komm.) render Massa as LES ea Both the country and the age of this unknown philosopher are purely con- jectural. He may have been one of the ‘men of Hereluah) Pr 251. His name is probably to be associated, as compiler rather than author, with the gnomic utterances in Pr _ 307-319; 311031 forming a separate section. The chief mono- graph on the subject is Miihlau, De Prov. Aguri et Lem. origine (1869), and a full discussion of the subject is to be found in JDelitzsch’s Comm. in loco. W. T. DAVISON. AH, AHA.—1. ‘ Ah’ is used to express grief (esp. in face of coming doom), except in Ps 35% ‘ (RV ‘Aha’), so would we have it,’ where it expresses the exultation of an enemy, and Mk 15% ‘Ah (RV ‘Ha!’), thou that destroyest the temple,’ where it expresses mocking. The RV has introduced ‘Ah!’ into Lk 4% for ‘Let us alone’ of AV (Gr. “Ea, which may be either the imperat. of the verb é¢dw to let alone or an inde- pendent interjection, formed from the sound), *Aha (a combination of a, the oldest form of ‘ah,’ and Aa) expresses malicious satisfaction, except in Is 4418, where it denotes intense satisfaction, but without malice, ‘Aba, 1 am warm; I feel the fire.’ J. HASTINGS. AHAB (axny, "Axad8, Assyr. A-ha-ab-bu) signifies ‘father’s brother.’ (Cf. analogous uses of the same element nx ‘brother’ in Syr. proper names.) The meaning of the compound is probably ‘one who closely resembles his father.’ The father in this case was Omri, the founder of the dynasty, and from him the son inherited the military traditions and prowess which characterised his reign. ivmy ‘my brother is folly ’— Oxf. Heb. Lex.), was a native of Giloh, a town in the south-western part of the highlands of Judea, identified uncertainly with a village three miles north-west of Halhul. He was a very influential counsellor of David, his reputation Dor political pecney being unrivalled ; but he was destitute of principle, a man of craft rather than of character (2 S 15-17%, 1 Ch 27%), He joined the rebellion of Absalom, possibly through ambition, possibly out of sympathy with the resentment of his tribe of Judah at the decline of its tribal pre-eminence. It is hae by some that he was also the andfather of Bathsheba (cf. 2 S 23% with 11%); ut the identification of her father with the son of A. is open to question, though certainly possible. The policy he advised was that Absalom should take possession of his father’s harem, thus showing that no pardon could be expected from David, an that he should proceed at once in pursuit of his father. When Hushai’s counsel of delay prevailed, A. recognised the necessary failure of the enter- prise, withdrew to Giloh, and hanged himself (2 S 17%). There is no other case of deliberate suicide, except in war, mentioned in the OT, and the parallel in the NT is the case of Judas. Allusions to A. have been found in Ps 41° 5512-4 591 and elsewhere; but these must not be treated as designed, and no inference can be drawn from them as to the authorship of the psalms. The Talmud and Midrashim occasionally refer to him. In the latter he is classed with Balaam as an instance of the ruin which overtakes wisdom that is not the gift of Heaven; and in the former (Baba bathra 1. '7) the great lesson of his life is said to be, ‘Be not in strife with the house of David, and break off from none of its rule.’ R. W. M . Moss. AHITOB (B ’Axerwp, A ’Axir-, AV Achitob), 1 Es 82.—An ancestor of Ezra, son of arias and father of Sadduk [Ahitub]. H. St. J. THACKERAY. 58 AHITUB — AHITUB (any ‘brother is goodness’).—4. Son of Phinehas and grandson of Eli, the father of Ahimelech or Ahijah the priest who was put to death by Saul (1S 14° 229), 2. Ace. to2S$ 87 (= 1 Ch 185) the father, ace. to 1 Ch 9% Neh 11" the grandfather, of Zadok the priest who was con- temporary with David and Solomon. It is very doubtful, however, whether this A. does not owe his existence to a copyist’s error. The text of 2 S 8" should probably Tun W7O'nN ya way pr aeneyja: ‘And Zadok and Abiathar the son of Ahimelech, the son of Ahitub’ (so Wellhausen, Budde, Kittel, Driver). 3. Still more exposed to suspicion is the existence of another A., father of another Zadok (1 Ch 6-12, 1 Es 82,2 Es 11). 4. An ancestor of Judith, Jth 8!, AV Acitho. J. A. SELBIE. AHLAB (2)nx), Jg 13.—A city of Asher. The site is supposed to be that of the later Gush Halab or Gischala (Jos. Life, 10; Wars, x1. xxi. 1), now El-Jish in Upper Galilee ; but this is, of course, uncertain. See Neubauer, Géog. Tal. s.v, Gushhalab; and Reland, Pal. Il/ustr. p. 817. C. R. CONDER. AHLAI (‘ony ‘O that!’ ef. Ps 1195).—1. The daughter (?) of Sheshan (1 Ch 2*, cf. v.4). 2. The father of Zabad, one of David’s mighty men (1 Ch 11%). AHOAH (ning).—Son of Bela, a aot eee (1 Ch 8! = TTR of v.7). See AHIJAH (6). The patronymic Ahohite occurs in 2S 23°. AHUMAI (‘>:nx).—A descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4?). AHUZZAM (o%nx ‘possessor,’ AV Ahuzam).—A man of Judah (1 Ch 4°). AHUZZATH (nang ¢ possession ’).—‘ The friend’ of Abimelech, the Philistine of Gerar, mentioned on the occasion when the latter made a league with Isaac at Beersheba (Gn 267%), The position of ‘king’s friend’ may possibly have been an official one, and the title a technical one (cf. 1 K 45, 1 Ch 278). The rendering of the LXX gives a different conception, that of ‘ pronubus’ or friend of the bridegroom (’Ox0f40 6 vupdaryaryds airod). For the fem. termination -ath, cf. the Phil. name ‘Goliath’ (see Driver’s note on 1 § 17*) and the Arabian name ‘ Genubath’ (1 K 11”). H. E. RY.gE. AHZAI (nx for munx ‘J” hath grasped,’ AV Ahasai).—A priest, Neh 11°=Jahzerah, 1 Ch 9”. AI (‘y7), Jos 73% 8-29 101-3 129, Ezr 278, Neh 73 (Jer 49%, a clerical error for AR), called Hai in Gn 128 133 AV; and Aija (xy ‘Ayyd) in Neh 11°. In Is (10%) Aiath (n:y).—The name means ‘ heap,’ and it is not enumerated as an inhabited place after the conquest until about B.C. 700, but seems to have been inhabited after the Captivity. The situation is defined as east of Bethel, beside Beth Aven, with valleys to the north and west (Jos 84. 12), The site which agrees with these con- ditions is found at Haiydn, immediately south of a conspicuous stone mound called £t-Tell, ‘the mound,’ There is a deep ravine to the north, an open valley to the west, and a flat plain to S. and E. This site is 24 miles 8.E. of Bethel, and on the road thence to the Jordan Valley. It is evidently the site of an ancient town, with rock- zut tombs. See SWP vol. ii. sh. xiv. Some MSS read Aija for Gaza (i.e. my for my) in 1 Ch 7%, which appears to be the correct rendering. C. R, CONDER. AIAH (7x).—1. Son of Zibeon (Gn 36% (AV Ajah), 1 Ch 1%). 2. Father of Rizpah, Saul’s con- eubine (2 S 37 218 1% 1), ATR AIATH, Is 108; AIJA, Neh 11 —See At AIJALON (j\%x), AV Ajalon, Jos 102 19% 2 Ch 28; Aijalon, Jos 21%, Jg 1% 1212, 1 § 148, 1 Ch 6® 84, 2 Ch 11° (in Jg 12" a place of the name is noticed in Zebulun, otherwise un- known).—This town in Dan was in the Shephelah, beneath the ascent of Bethhoron. It is the modern village of Ydlo. The name appears to mean ‘ place of the deer.’ The town is clearly noticed in a lettér from the king of Jerusalem, in the Tel el- Amarna correspondence, as dialuna. It was known to the Jews in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Aialon) as less than 2 Roman miles from Emmaus-Nicopolis, on the road to Jerusalem. This agrees with the situation of Yalo and ’AmwAs. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. CONDER. AIJELETH HASH-SHAHAR, Ps 22 (title).—See PSALMS, AIM.—To ‘aim at,’ in the sense of ‘conjecture,’ ‘make penes at,’ occurs Wis 13° ‘For if they were able to know so much that they could aim at (croxdfouat, RV ‘explore’) the world.’ Cf. H. Smith (1593), ‘No marvel if he did aim that his death was near at hand.’ J. HASTINGS, AIN (y, usually spelled ‘Ayin, and represented in transliteration by ‘) is the sixteenth letter of the Heb. ALPHABET (wh. see), and so is used to introduce the sixteenth part of Ps 119. See PSALMS, AIN (j:y ‘an eye, or spring ’).—41. On the northern boundary of Israel, as given Nu 344%. It la west (S.W. ?) of Riblah. It is almost impossible now to describe the boundary there given. Riblah has been identified with the village still bearing that name, 20 miles south-west of Hums (Emesa) and Zedad, with Sad4d some 30 miles east of Riblah ; other points are unknown. Robin- son, following Thomson, places Ain at ‘Ain el-Asy, the main fountain of the Orontes, about 15 miles south-west of Riblah (Researches (1852), p. 538). Conder identifies this with Hazor-Enan (Heth and Moab, p. 7 ff.). A description of this fountain of the Orontes will be found in the passages referred to. On the whole question, see under PALESTINE, and other places named with Ain in Nu 347; also A. B. Davidson’s Hzekiel, pp. 351, 352. 2. Jos 15 197 and 1 Ch 4%. Here Ain and Rimmon should apparently be read as one name, Ain-Rimmon= En-Rimmon, which see. A. HENDERSON, AIR (c:py, ajp, ovpayds) is the first of the three divisions—‘ the heaven above,’ ‘the earth beneath,’ and ‘the water under the earth.’ Its usual sense is the atmosphere resting upon the earth, with special terms for the highest heavens and for air in motion, as wind, breath, ete. As the locality ot air is above the earth, so its language is that of the supernatural. As the emblem of the insub- stantial, and the antithesis of ‘flesh and blood’ (Eph 6), it is regarded as the dwelling - place of powers which, though under God, are over man. Satan is described as ‘the prince of the power of the air’ (Eph 2?), and the war of the Lord is there lifted out of all tribal provincialism, and declared to be a world-wide can thet between elemental good and evil. For safety and success in this battle ‘the whole armour of God’ is needed. In Dt 32!” the heathen gods are called Shedhim, the term by which modern Jews denote the malignant spirits that are considered to infest the air. The fear of offending them makes the uneducated Jewish woman say, : AKAN ALCIMUS 59 * By your leave’! when throwing out water from her door-step ; and the dread of their congregated power makes the Jews walk quickly in the funeral rocession. The same superstition passed into the hristian Church with regard to the efficacy of the passing bell. The Jews in the synagogue-worship, when ppoains the solemn watchword of Israel, ‘Hear, Israel, the Lord ed God is one Lord,’ prolong the pronunciation of the word 75x ‘one,’ as a protection against the hostility of the air-powers. See DEMON. G. M. MACKIE. AKAN (jpy).—A descendant of Esau (Gn 36”). The name appears in 1 Ch 1” as Jakan. AKATAN (‘Axardv, AV Acatan), 1 Es 8°8.—Father of Joannes, who returned with Ezra, called Hak- tan, Ezr 82, AKELDAMA (Ac 1” WH ‘Axeddaydx, TR ’Axed- baud, AV Aceldama).—The popular name of ‘the field of blood,’ bought with the money paid to and returned by the traitor, Mt 27°. The language of Ac 118 seems also to imply that it was so named as the scene of his suicide. It is not impossible that a spot so defiled would be eagerly sold and bought in the circumstances described. Such a place must have always been needed (Jer 26%), and at the time this ‘field’ was purchased, owin to the multitude of ‘strangers’ dwelling in an visiting Jerusalem, there may have been urgent need for a larger place of burial, and a difficulty of * Selatan land for such a purpose. The place had been previously known as ‘the potter’s field,’ and seems to be identified with ‘the potter’s house’ of Jer 18? 19?, which was in the valley of the son of Hinnom, the scene in earlier times of Molech- worship, and subse uently defiled as a place of burial (Jer 75%, 2 K 23). The traditional site is still known as Hakk-ed-Dumm ‘(in the 12th cent. called Chaudemar, a manifest corruption of the original). It is situated half-way up the hill, to the south of the Pool of Siloam, on a level spot. ‘It is now a partly ruined building, 78 ft. long outside and 57 ft. wide, erected over rock- cut caves and a deep trench.’ Originally there had been tombs cut in a natural cave, which forms the inner or southern part; and though these have been broken up to enlarge the space, six “loculi’ remain on the western side and two on the eastern. A deep trench has been cut in front of the original rock-tombs, 30 ft. deep, 21 ft. wide, and 63 ft. long. The wall built on the cuter edge of the crench is about 30 ft. high. A stone roof thrown over the trench joins the hill face (PEFSt, 1892, p. 283 ff.). Apparently there was a cliff here with a natural cave in the face of ic. This may have been used, as caves frequentty are, as a potter’s workshop. But the name of the gate, ‘Harsith,’ Jer 19? ‘the gate of potsherds,’ would rather indicate that the site of the potter’s workshop was close by the gate, and not across a valley from it; his work would also require a supply ot water to be at hand; nor can the Valley a Efnnean be said to be conclusively identified. According to Eusebius, Akeldama was on the north of the city ; Jerome (by a slip or of design) places it on the south. From the seventh century (Arculph) it has been pointed out on the presently accepted site. Krafft (Top. Jer. p. 193) Re he saw clay dug at Hakk-ed-Dumm; but Schick denies that potter’s clay is found there, and says that only a kind of chalk used to mix with clay is got higher up the hill; but even if it were, clay is not used where it is found, but where facilities for its use are greatest. The ownership of the spot has been more valued in later times than when purchased by the chief priests. In the 12th cent. the Latins got it from the Syrians, in the 16th cent. it was in the possession of the Armenians, in the 17th cent. of the Greeks, and it passed again to the Armenians, who at the close of that century paid a rent for it to the Turks. More strange is the virtue attached to its soil of quickly consuming dead bodies, because of which, notwithstanding its history, 270 shiploads are said to have been taken to form the Campo Santo at Rome, and seven shiploads to Pisa for a like purpose. Schick cal- culates the accumulation in it of bones and small stones at 10 to 15 ft. deep. A. HENDERSON. AKKOS (Acxds, A; ‘Ax8ds, B; AV Accoz), 1 Es 5° = HAKKOZ (wh. see). ; AKKUB (1:py).—1. A son of Elioenai (1 Ch 3%). 2. A Levite, one of the porters at the E. gate of the temple, the eponym of a family that returned from the Exile (1 Ch 9", Ezr 2%, Neh 7% 1119 12%), called in 1 Es 5% Dacubi. 3. The name of a family of Nethinim (Ezr 2”), called in 1 Es 5°° Acud. 4, A Levite who helped to expound the law (Neh 8’). LXX omits. Called in 1 Es 9* Jacubus. J. A. SELBIE. AKRABBIM (o'2ypy nbyn), Nu 344, Jg 1°%, Less correctly Acrabbim Jos 15° AV, ‘The Scorpion Pass.’—The name given to an ascent on the south side of the Dead Sea, a very barren region. See DEAD SEA. C. R. CoNDER. AKRABATTINE (’AxcpaSarrlyn) in Idumea (1 Mac 5°, AV Arabattine).—The region near Akrabbim. ALABASTER. ALAMOTH, Ps 46 (title), 1 Ch 15%.—See PSALMS. ALBEIT.—Albeit is a contraction for ‘all be it,’ and means ‘al(1) though it be.’ Properly it should be, and sometimes is, followed by ‘that’ ; but when regarded as a single word (=although), ‘that’ is omitted. It occurs only in Ezk 13’ ‘a. I have See Box, MINERALS. /not spoken,’ and Philem?® ‘a. I do not say to thee’ (RV ‘that I say not unto thee’); but is more freq. in Apoer., Wis 119 Sus! 55 1 Mac 129 15% 2 Mac 47, J. HASTINGS. ALCIMUS (o'75x ‘God sets up,’ grecised into *A\xipuos, ‘valiant,’ and abbreviated into o°p?, whence "Tdxecuos, Jos. Ant. XII. ix. 5, and "Idktwos, 1b. XX. x. 3) was the son (Baba bathra i. 33), or more pro- bably the sister’s son (Midrash rabba 65 et al.), of Jose ben-Joeser, the famous pupil of Antigonus of Socho. He was a native of Zeruboth, of Aaronic descent, but a leader of the Syrian and Hellenizin party. By Antiochus Eupator he was nominate to the high priesthood (B.C. 162), but was unable to exercise its functions on account of the in- fluence in Jerus. of Judas Maccabeeus. Retiring to Antioch, he gathered around him ‘the lawless and wegouly men of Israel’ (1 Mac 7°), De which is probably meant such members of the Hellenizing party as had been driven from Jerus. by the successes of Judas. As soon as Demetrius Soter had established himself at Antioch, the Perey of A. charged Judas with treason, and secured the king’s favour for themselves. Demetrius was persuaded to renominate A. to the high priesthood, and to send an army under Bacchides, governor of Mesopotamia, with orders to install A. and to unish the Maccabees. The march of Bacchides oes not appear to have been opposed; and at Jerus. it was found that many of the Hasidim were ready to support A., ostensibly because of his priestly descent, but really perhaps because of their suspicion of the dynastic designs of Judas. Sixty of their leaders, amongst whom is said (Midrash 60 ALEMA ALEXANDER ITIL rabba) to have been Jose ben-Joeser himself, were, however, soon after put to death together, by the order of the joint representatives of the Syrian king ; and on the part of Bacchides further cruelties followed. The efiect was to reduce the people toa condition of sullen submission; and Bacchides returned to Antioch, leaving a sufficient force to maintain A. in his priestly and vice-regal dignity. For a very short time the support of the Syrian troops enabled him to carry out his Hellenizing policy. Buta reaction soon took place in favour of the party of Judas, who forsook the retirement in which he had remained during the presence of Bacchides in the country, and made himself master of all the outlying districts. A. went in person to the king, and by means of large presents secured the despatch of a second force under Nicanor, who was appointed to the governorship of Judea. Nicanor at first formed an alliance, and apparently an intimate friendship, with Judas. But A., dis- pleased at the neglect to install him in his office, returned again to Demetrius, who sent strict orders to Nicanor to seize Judas and bring him, at once to Antioch. Judas managed to escape from an attempt to overcome him by treachery; and the two armies met at Adasa, near Bethhoron, on the 13th of Adar (March, B.c. 161). Nicanor fell in the battle, and the Syrian army was almost annihilated. Another army was collected by Demetrius, and sent into Judea under the com- mand of Bacchides. Judas was defeated and slain at the battle of Eleasa, and Bacchides proceeded to occupy Jerus. This time Bacchides remained in the country, and effectually protected A., who was at last able to discharge without hindrance his high priestly duties. His chief object appears to have been to abolish the separation of Jew from Greek. With that view he commanded the destruction of ‘the wall of the inner court of the sanctuary,’ and also of ‘the works of the prophets.’ The former has been identified with the Soreg, or low wooden breastwork before the steps leading between the courts’ but the allusion seems to be rather to the wall itself, marking the limits beyond which Gentiles and the unclean were not allowed to pass. This was one of the separatist characteristics of the temple, ascribed in tradition sometimes to Haggai and Zechariah, sometimes to the members of the Great Synagogue. But before the destruction was completed, A. died (B.C. 160) of paralysis. Pss 74. 79. 80 have been interpreted as reflecting the senti- ments of pious Jews during his priesthood. But the best authority for the period is 1 Mac 75-5 91-57, though cautious use may be made also of 2 Mac 14-27, and Jos, Ané. XII. ix. 5, XII. x. R. W. Moss. ALEMA (ey ’Addpos A, ’Adéuors 8), 1 Mac 577,—A city in Gilead. The site is unknown. ALEMETH (n>by).—4. A son of Becher the Benjamite (1 Ch 78, AV Alameth). 2. A descendant of Saul (1 Ch 8°*8 94), ALEPH (x).—First letter of Heb. Alphabet. See ALPHABET, PSALMS, and A. ALEXANDER (’Adé£avdpos),—The name occurs five times in NT, and apparently belongs to as many distinct persons. 4. Mk 152. pp terraces (m. highways or stairs, more properly a staircase, 2 Ch 9"), and rayon pillars (m. a prop or rails, more properly balustrade, 1 K 10%), and for harps and psalteries. Fifteen different candidates have been proposed, among them thyine wood, deodar, fir, bukm (Cesalpina Sappan). The majority of scholars, following the opinion of certain Rabbis, incline to the red sandal wood (Pterocarpus Santalina, L.), a native of Coroman- del and Ceylon. There is not, however, a particle of direct evidence in its favour. Against it is the fact that it occurs now in commerce only in small billets, unsuitable for staircases, balustrades, or even the construction of harps and psalteries. It is, however, possible that larger sticks might have been cut in ancient times. In the uncertainty which must ever remain as to the identity of the tree intended, and with the probability that a considerable number of trees which grew in Lebanon are now extinct there owing to denudation of forests, and the possibility that the Lebanon algum may have been a different tree with the same name, it is needless to suggest an interpolation of the passage ‘out of Lebanon” (2 Ch 28), G. E. Post. ALIAH (nby).—A ‘duke’ of Edom, 1 Ch 1)= Alvah, Gn 36”, ALIAN (roy). A descendant of Esau, 1 Ch 1“= Alvan, Gn 36”, ALIEN.—See FOREIGNER, ALL.—There are few words in the Eng. Bible the precise meaning of which is so often missed as the word ‘all.’ The foll. examples need special attention. 1. When joined to a pers. pron. all usually follows the pron. in mod. usage, in early Eng. it often precedes it. Is 53°‘ All we like sheep have gone astray’; but Is 64° ‘ We all do fade as a leaf.’ 2. Al’ stands for ‘all people’ in 1 Ti 4% ‘that thy profiting may appear to all.’ 3. Follow- ing the Ce (as), all is eed with a freedom which is denied to it in mod. Eng. In He 7’, ‘without all contradiction,’ all=any whatever. Cf. Shaks. Macbeth, ILI. ii. 11— ‘Things without all remedy Should be without regard.’ In Col 1 ‘unto al! pleasing’ is a literal tr. of the Gr., and means ‘in order to please (God) in every way.’ Similarly ad/ is used for ‘every’ in Dt 228 ‘In like manner shalt thou do. . . with all (RV ‘every ’) lost thing of thy brother’s’; Rev 18” ‘all manner of vessels of ivory,’ and even without the word ‘manner’ in the same verse, ‘all thyine wood.’ 4, Ali means ‘altogether’ in 1 K 14” ‘till it be all gone’; Nah 3! ‘ Woe to the bloody city ! it is all full of lies.’ Cf. Caxton (1483) ‘The lady wente oute of her wytte and was al demonyak.’ This is the meaning of ‘all’ in ‘ All hail,’ Mt 28°, literally, ‘ be altogether whole, or in health.’ 5, Ad/ appears in some interesting phrases. All along: 1S 28 ‘Then Saul fell straightway all along on the earth’ (RV ‘his full length upon the earth’) ; Jer 41° ‘weeping all along as he went,’ 1.e. throughout the whole way he went; cf. ‘I knew that all along,’ i.e. throughout the whole time. All in all: 1 Co 15% ‘that God may be all in all’ (Gr. rdvra év rao, all things in all [persons and] things). Cf. Sir 4377 ‘He (God) is all’ (7d wav éorw aitds). Different is Shaks. (Ham. I. ii. 198) ‘Take him for all in all, I shall not look upon his like again,’ where all in all is ‘altogether.’ All one: 1 Co 11° ‘that is even all one (RV ‘one and the same ALLAMMELECH thing’) as if she were shaven’; Job 9” RVj‘It is all one’ (Heb. x'a-nny), t.e. it is a matter of indiffer- ence. All the whole occurs in Ps 96! Pr. Bk. ‘Sing unto the Lorp, all the whole earth’ (AV and RV ‘all the earth’). This redundancy is found in various forms in old Eng., as ‘the whole all,’ ‘the all whole,’ ‘all and whole.’ For all: Jn 21" ‘for all (=notwithstanding) there were so many.’ Cf. Tindale’s tr. of Ac 16% ‘for all that we are Romans.’ Once for all: He 10” (Gr. é¢dmat); this is the only occurrence in AV, and it ives for all in ital.; but RV, which omits the italics here, gives the same tr. of this adv. in He 777 912, Jude °, and in marg. of Ro 6. In 1 Co 15° it is tr. ‘at once’ in both VSS. All to brake: Jg 953 «And a certain woman cast a piece of a mill- stone upon Abimelech’s head, and all to brake (RV ‘and brake’) his skull.’ This is the most interesting of those phrases in which the word ‘all’ is found. The meaning is not, ‘and all in order to break his skull’; the verb is in the past tense. The ‘to’ is not the sign of the infin., it goes with the verb, like the Ger. zer, to signify asunder, or in pieces. So we find to-burst, to-cut, to-rend, to- rive, etc. ‘ All’ was prefixed to this emphatic verb to give it greater emphasis. Hence ‘all to-brake’ means ‘altogether broke in pieces.’ Cf. Tindale’s tr. of Mt 7° ‘lest they tread them under their feet, and the other turn again, and all to rent you.’ Sir T. More says (Works, 1557, p. 1224) ‘She fel in hand with hym . . . and all to rated him.’ J. HASTINGS. ALLAMMELECH (35»$x).—Perhaps ‘ King’s oak,’ a town of Asher probably near Acco (Jos 198). The site is not known. ALLAR (B’A)\dp, A ’AX\dp, AV Aalar), 1 Es 5%, —One of the leaders of those Jews who could not show their pedigree as Isr. at the return from captivity under Zerubbabel. The name seems to correspond to Immer in Ezr 2°, Neh 7%, one of the places from which these Jews returned. In 1 Es Cherub, Addan, and Immer appear as ‘ Charaatha- lan leading them and Allar.’ H. St. J. THACKERAY. ALLAY, not found in AV, is introduced by RV into Ee 104 ‘yielding allayeth (AV ‘pacifieth’) great offences.” The meaning seems to be that a spirit of conciliation puts an end to offences more completely than a strong arm. Cf. Shaks. 2 Henry VI. IV. i. 60, ‘allay this thy abortive pride.’ J. HASTINGS. ALLEGE occurs but twice, Wis 18% ‘aire (vropvicas, RV ‘bringing to remembrance’) the oaths and covenants made with the fathers’; and Ac 178 ‘Opening and ain that Christ must needs have suffered,’ where it has the old meaning of adducing proofs (rapar.Oéuevos), like Lat. allegare, not the mod. sense of asserting. Allegiance, not in AV, is given in RV at1 Ch 12” as tr. of ny>n ‘ Kept their a. to (AV ‘Kept the ward of’) the house of Saul.’ J. HASTINGS. ALLEGORY.—i. History or THE WorD.— The substantive d\\nyopla, with its verb dAdryopetw, is derived from 4)Xo, something else, and dyopetw, I speak; and 1s defined by Heraclitus (Heraclides ?) —probably of the first century A.D.—as follows: GdAa pev ayopetwv rpdwos Erepa de Gr déyer onualvwy éxwvipws &ddAnyopla Kadetrac: ‘The mode of speech which says other things (than the mere letter) and hints at different things from what it expresses, is called appropriately allegory’ (c. 5). Neither substantive nor verb is found in the LXX; and the verb alone, and that only once (Gal 4%), occurs in the NT. The word, whether substantive or verb, appears to be altogether late Greek. Plutarch (flourished 80-120 A.D.) tells us (De Aud. Poet. 19 ALLEGURLY E) that it was the equivalent in his day for the more old-fashioned vrévoa, the deeper sense (or the figure expressing it), which was a special feature in the Stoic philosophy, with its @epamela (treatment, manipulation); and Cicero had not long before introduced a\\nyopla, in its Greek form, in two or three passages in his works (e.g. Orator 27; Ad Attic. ii. 20); .while Philo had freely used sub- stantive and verb early in the first century; and the verb is used in Josephus (Ant. Procem. 4) of some of the writings of Moses. li. DISTINCTIVE MEANING.—The provinces of allegory, type, symbol, parable, fable, metaphor, analogy, mystery, may all trench upon one another; but each has its speciality, and the same thing can only receive the different names as it is viewed from the different points. Allegory differs essentially from type in that it is not a premonition of future development, and that there is no neces- sary historical and real correspondence in the main idea of the original to the new application of it; from symbol, in that it is not a lower grade natur- ally shadowing forth a higher; from parable, in that it is not a picture of a single compact truth, but a transparency tkrough which the different details are seen as different truths, and in that it is not necessarily ethical in its aim; from fable, in that its lessons are not confined to the sphere of practical worldly prudence; from metaphor, in that its interpretation is not immediate and obvious, but has to be sought out through the medium of verbal or phenomenal parallels; from analogy, because it is not addressed to the reason so much as to the imagination; and from mystery, in that it does not await a new order of things to be specially manifested and truly discerned. All these tropes may indeed be classed under the allegorical or the figurative, so far as they all point to a sense different from that contained in the mere letter. But, conventionally and in practice, allegory has a sphere of its own. In the non-specific sense, it has to do with the general relations of life in its external resemblances, one thing being mirrored in another according to out- ward appearance, so that the appearance of the one can serve as the figure of the other. In other words, the thing put before the eye or ear repre- sents, not itself, but something else in some way like it. Thus the fish was early used as an allego of Christ ; it was not, strictly speaking, a symbol, or a type, or a parable, or any of the figures above compared, The resemblance was both far-fetched and outward, being evolved from the several letters of the word /x@vs as the initials of "Iycods, Xpiorés, Qcob, Tids, Zwryjp. Of allegory proper, more or less elaborated, we have within the bounds of the sacred books very little. In the OT may be instanced the pret: the Vine in the 80th Psalm, and in the those of the Door, the Shepherd (Jn 10), and the Vine (Jn 15). In the more confined, the technical and historical sense, it denoted, especially for Alexandrian Greeks and Jews, the system of interpretation by which the most ancient Greek literature, in the one case, and the OT writings (and subsequently the NT), in the other, were assigned their value in proportion as they meant, not what they said, but something else, and could be made the clothing of cosmo- logical, philosophical, moral, or religious ideas. This leads us to the third and final division. iii, ALLEGORICAL INTERPRETATION.—The ten- dency to allegorize has its foundations in human nature. Constantly and unconsciously we read into the creations of other men, as, for example, into a painting or a poem, our own thoughts, con- ceptions, and emotions, and are scarcely to be persuaded that they were not the original thoughts, conceptions, and emotions of the creator. Or, ALLEGORY ALLEGORY 65. again, when any literature has so seeps inwrought itself into the hearts and lives of a people as to have become a sacred and inseparable constituent of their nature, and when time has nevertheless so far changed the current of thought as to make that literature apparently inconsistent with the new idea, or inadequate to express it,—then the choice for the people lies between a ruinous breach with what is, by this time, part and parcel of themselves, and, on the other hand, forcing the old language to be a vehicle for the new thought. Hence the tendency to allegory, which is indigenous to human nature, becomes, in the absence of. his- torical criticism, also inzvitable, except to the indifferent iconoclast, if such there be. Allegory proved the safety-valve for Greek, Jew, and Christian. During and, perhaps, owing to the in- tellectual movement of the fifth century B.c.,—in spite of the severe critical deprecation of Plato, whose mind was set on higher things,—Homer, the ‘Bible of the Greeks,’ was saved for the educated by allegory; with the stories he told of the gods, if he was not allegorical, he was impious, or they were immoral. Hence, from Anaxagoras onwards, the actions of the Homeric gods and heroes are allegories of the forces of nature; and, in Heraclitus (first century A.D.), the ‘story of Ares and Aphrodite and Hepheestus is a picture of iron subdued by fire, and restored to its original hard- ness by Poseidon, that is, by water.’ Or else they are the movements of mental powers and moral virtues ; and so, in Cornutus (also first cent. A.D.), when Odysseus filled his ears that he might be deaf to the song of the Sirens, it is an allegory of the righteous filling their senses and powers of mind with divine words and actions that the passions and pleasures which tempt all men on the sea of life might knock at their doors in vain (Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, /1888, pp. 62, 64). But allegorizing was Jewish as well as Greek, and Palestinian as well as Hellenistic. Both sections of Jews used allegory for apologetic purposes, but not with identical aims. The Pal. Jews allegorized the OT, finding a hidden sense in sentences, words, letters, and (in the centuries after Christ) even vowel-points, in order to satisfy their consciences for the non-observance of laws that had become impracticable, or to justify traditional and often trivial increment, or to defend God against apparent inconsistency, or the writers or historieal Cinkadters against impiety or immorality ; or, adap for homiletical pur- poses. Thus Akiba (first and second centuries A.D.) claimed to have saved by allegory the Song of Songs from rejection. Allegory was a consider- able element in the Pal. Haggada (or inter- hala and there were definite canons regu- ating its use. The Hellenistic Jews, whose metropolis of culture was Alexandria, and who, in the neighbourhood of NT times, constituted the majority of Jews, directed their apologetic towards educated Greeks, for philosophical pur- poses, and allegorized the OT to prove that their sacred books were neither barbarous nor immoral nor impious, that their religion had the same rationale as Greek philosophy, and that Moses had been the teacher, or, at all events, the anticipator, of Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and the Stoics. The Hellenistic thinkers desired to be Greek philo- sophers without ceasing to be Jewish religionists. Thus the Alexandrian Aristobulus (second cent. B.C.), reputed to be the earliest known Hellenistic allegorizer, in his commentary on the Pent. ad- dressed to Ptolemy Philometor, sought (as Clement of Alexandria says) to ‘bring Peripatetic philo- sophy out of Moses and the Prophets.’ But the representative Alexandrian allegorizer was Philo ‘early in first century A.D.): he reduced allegory to VOL. I.—§ a system of his own, with canons similar to those of the Pal. Haggadists, but freely used, and adapted to philosophical ends by means of the Platonic doctrine of ideas. Professing to retain the literal sense as carrying in itself moral teach. ing, he nevertheless made the allegorical so tran- scendently significant (as the soul in the body) that both literal and moral were continually over- whelmed: before the writer’s determination to extract the allegorical at all costs and in any sense that at the time suited his mood, the facts often disappeared, the narrative was turned upside down, and, in the handling of the characters of OT story, the unities were entirely ignored. So, when it is said that Jacob took a stone for his pillow, what he did, as the archetype of a self-disciplining soul, was to put one of the incorporeal intelligences of that holy ground close to his mind; and, under the pretext of going to sleep, he, in reality, found repose in the intelligence which he had chosen that on it he might lay the burden of his life. Again, Joseph is made, in one aspect, the type of the sensual mind, and, in another, of a conqueror victorious over pleasure. We find the Alexandrian method employed upon the OT as early as the Book of Wisdom and its allegorical interpretation of the manna in the Pent. (16%), and of the high priest’s robe as the image of the whole world (18%). The early Christians therefore found this current and acknowledged method of interpretation to their hand in the arguments they drew from the OT against the unbelieving Jews; and, in particular, St. Paul and the Paulinists, in their efforts to turn the law itself against the law-worshipping Judaisers. But not till post-apostolic times, cul- minating in the times of Clement of Alexandria and Origen, does the allegorical method show itself in any luxuriance. The method of Jesus and the speakers and writers in NT is typical rather than allegorical, and Palestinian rather than Alex- andrian; and, in any case, is self-restrained and free from the characteristic extravagance of rabbi and philosopher. St. Paul, in his application of the method to the command as to oxen threshing (1 Co 9%), to the rock (1 Co 104), and to the veil of Moses (2 Co 3!8f-), is both Palestinian and Alex- andrian in disregarding the original drift of the passages and incidents, treating 1t as notnin (1 Co 9°) in comparison with the typico-allegoriva interpretation ; but he is Pal. in being homiletical in his aim and not philosophical, and in having persons and events in his perspective rather than abstract truth. In Gal 42" he openly affirms that Hagar and Sarah, Ishmael and Isaac, éorly 4)A7- yopotvpeva, t.e. are (1) spoken or written of in the Scriptures allegorically, or (2) interpreted allegori- cally (with his approval) in his own day; and, in treating them (somewhat after Philo’s manner upon the same subject) as representing two different covenants, one of the present and the other of the future Jerusalem, he approximates to the Alex- andrian philosophical practice of allegorizing con- crete things, persons, and events into abstract ideas: but only approximates; for not only is he clearly historical and typical in his basis, and homiletical in his aim, but, if cvora:xe? refers (as some think) to the numerical value of the letters according to the Rabbinic Gematria, he is, even here, Palestinian rather than Alexandrian in his method of interpretation. In the Ep. to the Hebrews the influence of Philo and Alexandria comes out more definitely. The writer is an ‘idealist whose heaven is the hone of all transcendental realities, whose earth is full of their symbols, and these are most abundant where earth is most sacred—in the temple (or tabernacle) and worship of his people.’ He is Alexandrian in his frequent contrasts between 66 ALLEMETH the invisible (117), imperishable (8° 9% 12%), arche- t; world (8), and the visible (115), perishable (1277) world of appearance (11°), the imperfect copy (srddevypya) of the former (9 85); or, again, between Judaism as the shadow (cxla) and Christianity as the nearest earthly approximation (elkwv) to the heavenly substance (ra éroupdvia) (85 10!); and the allegory of Melchizedek, based not on the historical personage so much as on the nature of the two passing allusions to him, combined with the signifi- cance of the great silence elsewhere in the OT as to his birth and descent, as well as of the two names Melchizedek and Salem,—all these together being made the foundation of a logical construction of the person and work of Christ as an em\iwdiment of the preconceived idea,—can hardly be considered without regard to Philo’s treatment of Melchizedek as an allegory of his apparently impersonal Logos. And yet, with the expression in the 110th Psalm be- fore us, ‘ Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchizedek,’ we must allow Dr. Westcott a certain margin of justification when he maintains that the treatment of Melchizedek is typical rather than allegorical; though he appears to be too sweeping when he affirms, ‘ There is no allegory in this epistle.’ J. MASSIE. ALLEMETH (npby), AV Alemeth, 1 Ch 6”; Almon (ji0by), Jos 21%,—A Levitical city of Ben- jamin. It is noticed with Anathoth, and is the present ‘Almit on the hills N. of Anathoth. SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. ConDER. ALLIANCE.—The attitude of the Israelites to forcign nations varied greatly at different periods in their history. In early times alliances were entered into and treaties concluded without the slightest scruple. Even intermixture with alien races Was 80 Er from being tabooed, that it was one of the principal means by which the land west of the Jordan was secured. Thus we are told that Judah married and had children by the daughter of a Canaanite (Gn 38°), the tradition embodying the history of the clan in a personal narrative. Again, the condemnation of Simeon and Levi (Gn 34”) is evidently due to the violation of a treaty previously entered into with Shechem (cf. the story of the Gibeonites, Jos 98, 2S 21%). For the earliest period, then, it may be held that treaties with Canaanitish clans were frequent and general. On the other hand, they played an important part in the internal history of the Hebrews. Israel was by no means at first so homogeneous as is often peppoked the tribes, practically independent of each other, were gradu- ally knit together by circumstances. Common dangers led to common action on the part of two or more of them: the leaders conferred together, or the chief of the strongest clan, or of the one most immediately threatened, assumed the headship, and the way was prepared for a close confederation. The times of the Judges furnish ample evidence of this, and the monarchy had no other foundation. A very curious alliance, and one that proves both the looseness of the Heb. confederacy and the readiness with which relations were entered into with foreigners, is that between David and Achish, king of Gath (1 S 277). Under it, David was pre- pared to fight, on behalf of the traditional enemies of his race, against the Benjamite kingdom of Saul. That he did not, was apparently due solely to the suspicions of his fidelity entertained by the lords of the Philistines. When the monarchy became settled and com- perettrely powerful under Solomon, treaties with oreigners, in the stricter sense, became frequent. Solomon himself formed an alliance with Hiram, king of Tyre (1 K 5), and-it is most probable that ALMIGHTY ee eeeeeEP$N_— some of his marriages, and especially that with the daughter of Pharaoh, cemented a political union. The frequency with which rebels and outlaws sought a refuge in Egypt made such a union desirable. On the other hand, the memorials of the capture of Jerus. by Shishak of Egypt disprove the conjecture that his attack on Rehoboam was made in support of Jeroboam. After the secession of the ten tribes, Israel and Judah both sought foreign assistance against each other. Asa, on being attacked by Baasha, bribed Benhadad of Syria ta dissolve the alliance he had previously formed with Israel, and to join him in his war with that country. It was not until the reigns of Jehoshaphat and Ahab that the two countries found themselves in accord, and fought side by side against the heathen. Their union was, of course, purely political: it had nothing to do with religious or sentimental con. siderations. Ahab could also form, or maintain, an alliance with the king of Pheenivia, and build an altar to Baal as the guardian and avenger of the treaty (1 K 16%). ith the entrance of the Assyrians on the scene, a new series of alliances is begun. Jehu’s tribute to Shalmaneser was that of a vassal rather than an ally, and Menahem seems to have bribed Tiglath-pileser to aid him against his own subjects (2 K 15%). At this point, how- ever, the prophets he a to inyelye against these alliances (cf. especially Hos 8°, Is 30!5), and the national exclusiveness is finally perfected by Ezra and his school. J. MILLAR. ALLIED (Neh 13* only) has the special meaning of connected by marriage. So Rob. cf Glouc.— ‘ And saide, that it was to hym great prow and honour To be in such mariage alied to the emperour.’ j J. HASTINGS. ALLON. —1. (B ’A\\dy, A ’Ad\dv, AV Allom), 1 Es 5*.—His descendants are the last named among the children of Solomon’s servants who returned with Zerubbabel. He may be the saine as Ami (‘px ’Hyel), the last named in the parallel list in Ezr 2°, or Amon (ox "Hyelu), Neh 7°; but the eight preceding names in 1 Es have no arallels in ihe canonical books, so that the identification is doubtful. Fritzsche conjectures vlol d\Awy, meaning ‘etc.’ 2. A Simeonite prince, 1 Ch 4, H. St. J. THACKERAY. ALLON BACUTH (ni33 j\bx, AV A. Bachuth, ‘oak of weeping’), where Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, was buried, was at Bethel (Gn 35%). See BETHEL, OAK. C. R. CONDER. ALLOW.—Two distinct Lat. words, allaudare, to praise, approve, and allocare, to place (the latter through the French alower), assumed in Eng. the same form ‘allow.’ Consequently in the five occurrences of this word in AV there are two distinct meanings. 1. To approve: Ro 7" ‘For that which I do, I a. not’ (Gr. ywadoxw, hence RV ‘know not’); Ro 14” ‘Happy is he that con- demneth not himself in that thing which he ath’? (RV ‘approveth’); 1 Th 24; and Lk 11% ‘Ye a. the deeds (RV ‘consent unto the works’) of your fathers.’ Cf. Fs 115 Pr. Bk. ‘The Lord acth (AV and RV ‘trieth’) the righteous.’ 2 To place before one so as to see and admit it, to acknowledge, accept: Ac 2415 ‘Which they them- selves also a.’ (Gr. mpocdéxouat, RV ‘look or,’ m. ‘accept’). Allowable (not in AV or RV) is found in Pref. of AV=‘ worthy of approval.’ Allowance is also in Pref. AV=approval, and has been intro- duced by RV at Jer 52* in the mod. sense of ‘portion’ (AV ‘diet’). Cf. 1 Es 1%. J. HASTINGS. ALMIGHTY is used in OT as tr. of ‘Ww 48 times (all the occurrences of that word) of wh. 31 are oe eee AL MODAD in Job. In NT it is used as tr. of ravroxpdrwp 10 times (all the occurrences of that word), of wh. 9 are in Rev. It is also freq. in Apocr. See Gop. J. HASTINGS. AL MODAD (TEP) the first-named son of Joktan, Gn 10,1 Ch 1”. The context seems to imply that some tribe or district of S. Arabia is meant, but the name has not hitherto been identi- fied with certainty. The first element has been yariously explained as the Arab. article (this is perhaps intended by the Massoretic punctuation ; so Dillmann on Gn 10”), as the Sem. Bi (‘God’ ; so Halévy), and as the Arab. @/ (‘family’; so Glaser, Skizze, ii. 425). The second element seems clearly to be a derivative of the verb wadd (to love), of the same stem as the name Wadd, a god of the Minzans and other Arabian races. As a word that can be read Maudad is applied in inscriptions to the Gebanites in their relation to the kings of Main, Glaser suggests that the name should be rendered ‘the family to whom the office of Maudad,’ $.¢. some priesthood of Wadd, ‘was assigned,’ and that the tribe should be identified with the Gebanites, whom he places in the S.W. corner of Arabia. Others have eet the word to be corrupt, and have corrected it Al-Murad, the well- known name of a tribe of Yemen. D. 8S. MARGOLIOUTH. ALMON.—See ALLEMETH. ALMON-DIBLATHAIM (noybarjbby, Nu 33: 4), —A station in the journeyings, prob. identical with Beth-diblathaim, Jer 48%. The meaning of the word Diblathaim is a double cake of figs; its application to a town may indicate the appear- ance of the place or neighbourhood. onder suggests ‘ two discs’ with reference to some altar- stone or dolmen (cf. Heth and Moab, p. 262). A. T. CHAPMAN. Shakéd is, like many ALMOND (1p9 shdkéd). ] names of plants, used for both the plant and its fruit. Thus in Ec 125 and Jer 14, the reference is to the tree, while in Gn 43", Ex 25%: 3719.2, Nu 175, the reference is to the fruit. The Arab. name for the almond is /awz. The same word occurs once in OT (Gn 30%), where it is wrongly translated in AV Hazel. The Heb. equivalent, nb, is undoubtedly another name for the almond, ieee y te more ancient one. The ond, Amygdalus communis, L., belongs to the order Rosacex, tribe Amygdalex, and is a tree with an oblong or spherical comus, from fifteen to thirty feet high. The branches are somewhat straggling, especially in the wild state. The leaves are lanceolate, serrate, acute, three to four inches long, and most of them fall during the winter. About midwinter the bare tree is suddenly covered with blossoms, an inch to an inch and a half broad. Although the petals are pale pink toward their base, they are usually whitish toward their tips, and the general effect of an almond tree in blossom is white. As there are no leaves on the tree when the blossoms come out, the whole tree appears a mass of white, and the effect of a large number of them, interspersed among the dark- green foliage and golden fruit of the lemon and orange, and the feathery tops of the palms, is to give an indescribable charm to the January and Febru- ary landscapes in the orchards of the large cities of Pal. and Syria. Soon after blossoming, the delicate petals begin to fall in soft, snowy showers on the ground under and around the trees, and their place is taken by the young fruit; and, at the same time, the young leaves begin to open, and the tree is covered with foliage in March. The young fruit consists of an oblong, flattened, downy aay, which often attains a length of two and a alf to three inches, and a thickness of two-thirds ALMSGIVING 67 of an inch. This pod is called in Arab. kur'aun el-lauz, and just before ripening it has a crisp, cucumber-like consistence, and a pleasant acid taste, which are greatly liked by the people. It is hawked about the streets during the months of April and ee and eaten with great relish, especially by children. At this stage the shell of the nut is yet soft, and the kernel juicy with a slight smack of peach-stone flavour. Very soon, however, the succulent flesh of the outer eee ae loses its juice, and dries around the hardening shell, to which it forms a shrunken, leathery envelope. The kernel acquires firmness, and in early summer the nut is ripe. It is then from an inch to an inch and a half long. Almonds are, and always have been, a favourite luxury of the Orientals (Gn 43"), They make a delicious confection of the hulled kernels, by beating them into a paste with sugar in a mortar. This paste, moulded into various shapes, is called hariset-el- lauz. The half kernels are spread over several sorts of blancmange, called mahallibiyeh, and nashawiyeh, and mughis. Almonds are also sugared as with us. There are several species of wild almond in Pal. and Syria. (1) The wild state of Amygdalus com- munis, L., a stunted tree, with smaller blossoms and pods, and small bitter nuts. Some of the varieties of this have leaves less than an inch long. (2) A. Orientalis, Ait., a shrub with spinescent branches, small silvery leaves, and bitter nuts, three-quarters of an inch long. (3) A. lycioides, Spach, a shrub with intricate, stiff, spiny branches, linear-lanceolate, green leaves, and a bitter nut half an inch long. (4) A. spartioides, Spach, a shrub with few linear-lanceolate leaves, and bitter nuts, a little over half aninch long. All of these share more or less the peculiarities of flowering and as which belong to the cultivated al- mond. The Heb. word for almond signifies the ‘ waker,’ in allusion to its being the first tree to wake to life in the winter. The word also contains the signifi- cation of ‘watching’ and ‘hastening.’ In Jer 1% the word for ‘almond tree’ is shdkéd, and the word for ‘I will hasten’ (v."), shékéd, from the same root. The almond was the emblem of the divine forwardness in bringing God’s promises to pass. A similar instance in the name of another rosa- ceous plant is the apricot, which was named from precocia (early) on account of its blossoms appear- ing early in the spring, and its fruit ripening earlier than its congener the yoney (Pliny, xv. 11). The usual interpretation of Ec 125 ‘the almond tree shall flourish,’ is that the old man’s hair shall turn white like the almond tree. To this Gesenius objects, that the blossom of the almond is pink, not white. He prefers to translate the word for flourish by spurn or reject, making the old man reject the almond because he has no teeth to eat it. But this objection has no force. The pink colour of the almond blossom is very light, usually mainly at the base of the petals, and fades as they open, and the general efiect of the tree as seen at a dis- tance is snowy-white. The state of the teeth has already been alluded to (v.°), ‘and the grinders cease because they are few,’ and ‘the sonnd of the grinding is low.’ We may therefore retain the beautiful imagery which brings to mind the silver hair of the aged, and draw from the snowy blossom the promise of the coming fruit. G. E. Post. ALMSGIVING.—i. The History of the Word.— This is interesting and instructive. The Gr. word éXenuootvn, from which alms is derived, is one of those words which owe their origin to the use of the Gr. language by Jews imbued with the religious and ethical ideas of OT. The LXX (including the 68 ALMSGIVING ALMSGIVING Apocr.) supplies the greatest variety of examples of, the senses given to it. In some passages it appears impossible to distinguish its meaning from that of eos ; but éXenpoo’vy, as derived from the adj. é\efuwv, which describes a merciful man, who is himself as it were a concrete example of mercy, properly denotes the exhibition of the quality, rather than the inward feeling. It is used of God both in the sing. (Is 17 281’, Sir 17”, Bar 4%) and in plur. [Ps 103 (Sept 102) °, To 37]. A deep sense that God’s goodness had been and would be proved in deeds, is 2 peas characteristic of revealed religion ; and the need for expressing this may, in part at least, have been the motive for coining the unclassical term which we are considering. It is used of men, also, to genty (1) the showing of kindness, the practice of works of mercy (Gn 47”, Pr 19% 20% 217}, Sir 7!° ete.); and (2) particular works of mercy (Pr 3°, Dn 4% [Eng. 427], Sir 35? [Sept. 324], To 1*%etc.). By the time at least that the books of Sir and To were written, it had come to be a quite specific description of deeds of compassion to the poor. The importance which this class of actions had acquired for religious minds is thus marked by the adoption of a special word to denote them. The LXX, however, ie not supply any clear instance of the transference of the word to the actual gifts bestowed. The LXX employs it as an equivalent not only for 109 (mercy), but sometimes for words denoting right- eousness, pq¥, 727s, 7P71¥ (Dn 44). The thought may suggest itself that we have here signs of a tendency to regard A., after the manner of the Talm., as the chief and most typical of the works whereby that righteousness may be acquired which makes man acceptable with God. But this is more than doubtful. It occurs several times where righteous- ness is ed orice of God (Is 127 28!" 5916), In one or more of the following passages, where words for righteousness are tr. In LXX by édenuoctvy, a human quality may be in view (Ps 33 [Sept. 32]5, Dt 6% 2413, Ps 24 [Sept. 23]5). But in each case a different interpretation, at least of the LXX, is possible. The conception of righteousness in OT 1s a, large one, and not wholly definite. Under one aspect it wears almost the character of mercy. And it may have been from a more or less clear consciousness of this that the renderings just re- ferred to were adopted. Neither in the Apocr. nor in the LXX of the canon. books do there appear to be examples of the use of dixaoctvn for ‘almsgiving,’ though it is true that éden- pootvn and dixkaoctvn are coupled at To 2! 128-9 in a manner which shows a strong association of ideas between them. We have, however, an indication of this Rabbinic usage in the best supported reading of Mt 61. n NT the word is used in Mt and Lk and in Ae, but always in the sense either of A. or of alms— the actual gift (for the latter see Ac 3* 8). The Lat. Fathers, from Tertullian and Cyprian onwards, and the Old Lat. and Vulg. VSS employ the word eleemosyna, transliterated from the Gr ; only, however, in those cases where they had no exact or convenient Lat. equivalent. From Lat. eccles. usage come the various derivatives in the languages of modern Europe (Eng. alms, Fr. auméne, Germ. Almosen, Ital. limosina). ii. Jewish Teaching.—Some consideration of this is necessary, if we would rightly appreciate the teaching of NT on the subject. Evidence of the importance which A. had acquired for religious minds among the Jews of the 2nd or 3rd cent. B.C. has already come before us in the fact that a special name was assigned to this class of actions. hey had become one of the common and acknow- ledged observances of the religious life, a matter to be attended to by the religious man in the same regular and careful manner as prayer and fasting, with which we find A. joined (see To 128, Sir 7, and cf. the conduct of the earnest proselyte Cor- nelius, Ac 10% 4). It is regarded as a specially efficacious means of making atonement for sin (Sir 3% 16), and obtaining divine protection from calamity (Sir 29%? 40%, To 141); the merit thereof is an unfailing possession (Sir 40!”); the religious reputation to be won thereby is held out as an inducement to the practice of it (Sir 31 [LXX 34]"). Such features in the estimate of A. are, if possible, still moremarked in the Talm.,wherenpis, righteous- ness, is a recognised name for A. The perform- ance of works of mercy is set forth as a means whereby man may be accounted righteous in the sight of God, like the fulfilment of the command- meits of the Law. It is even more meritorious tha: -he latter, because it is not exactly prescribed, but left, as to its extent and amount at least, to the individual. It must not, however, be supposed that all the Rabbinic teaching on A. tends to self- righteousness. It has a better side. Thesuperiority of those deeds of kindness in which personal sym- pethy is shown, and which involve the taking of trouble, over the mere bestowal of gifts, is clearly insisted on, and there are sayings which strikingly enjoin consideration for the self-respect of the recipients of poen iy (See F. Weber, System d. altsynagogalen Paldstinischen Theologie, p. 273f., and A. Winsche, Neue Beitr. z. Erléut. d. Evang. ie Talmud u. Midrasch, on Mt 6'4, Lk 114 123.) iii. The Teaching of the NT.—In the Sermon on the Mount (as recorded in Mt), our Lord, after setting forth His New Law asa true fulfilment of the Ancient Law (5!7-*), proceeds to treat of certain chief religious observances from a similar point of view (61"}8) ; and, in full accordance with the Jewish thought of the time, that one which He takes first is A. It may seem strange that He does not more directly correct the erroneous notions of merit and justification which had already become associated, in more or less definite form, with such works; and that He speaks of a divine reward for them without adding any warning against misunderstanding. He contents Himself with requiring purity of motive, indifference to and even avoidance of human praise, and self-forgetfulness. But, in truth, if we learn to test the quality of the motive for, and the manner of performing, each deed, with reference only to the judgment which God will pronounce upon it, that temper of mind, that faith and humility and sense of personal failure and sin, which alone are consistent with the principles of the gospel, will be secured. Another very signifi- cant saying of our Lord on A. is given Lk 11“. He there enjoins it as the true means of purifying material objects for our use; it is a counterpart to the ceremonial washings of the Pharisees. Lk 12* is the only other passage in the Gospels where the word édenuoctvy isused. But liberality in giving is frequently inculeated or commended (Mt 5% 19”, Mk 102, Lk 6-88 1415 169 1892), In the Acts the Jewish use of the term is illustrated ; it does not occur there in any Christian precept. But that feature of the life of the Christian community at Jerus. in the first days, as there pictured, which has been called communism, is more properly an example of abounding charity. In Christendom during many centuries the duty of A. (primarily, no doubt, from a desire of obeying the commands of Christ) received great, and sometimes exaggerated, attention. The danger now is rather that, through fear of the ill-effects of indiscriminate A., the disposition to give and the habit of doing so should be discouraged. A practice, however, enjoined as this one is, must permanently hold a ALMUG high place in the Christian rule of life. It is the function of modern economic and social knowledge only to make its exercise more wise and bene- ficial. V. H. STANTON. ALMUG.—See ALGuM. ALOES, LIGN-ALOES (mbnx ’ahdlim, nidox *ahdloth).—The word Aloes is used four times in the OT and once in the NT. In Nu 24° the Heb. word is o'bpx, the LXX cxnval, and the AV Lign-Aloes=Lignum Aloes. In Ps 45° the Heb. is nibox, the LXX oraxrj, and the AV Aloes. In Pr 7" the Heb. is ovbx, the LXX rdv 8¢ olkov, and the AV Aloes. In Ca 4% the Heb. is ni>px, the LXX 4\é6, and the AV Aloes (RV agrees with AV in all). It is clear that in the passages in Nu and Pr the LXX has followed a different reading from the MT, and has arbitrarily translated the same word stacte in the Ps and aloth (aloe) in Cu. In face of the practical identity of the words ’ahdlim and *ahdléth, it is fair to reject the various capri- cious renderings of the LXX, and assume that the word has the same meaning in all the four OT passages. In the last three of these passages, and in the NT (Jn 19%), the reference is plainly to the aromatic. Celsius (Hierobot. i. 135) argues that this sub- stance is the Aguilaria Agallocha, the Lignum Aloes or Aloes Wood of commerce. This wood was well known to the ancients, and is described under its Arab. name ‘dd in considerable detail by Avicenna (ii. 231), in brief as follows: ‘Wood and woody roots are brought from China and India and Arabia ; and some of it is dotted and blackish ; and it is aromatic, styptic, and peg atly bitter ; and it is covered with a leathery bark. The best variety is from Mandalay, and comes from the interior of India. The next best is that which is called Indian, which comes from the mountains; and it has this advantage over the Mandalay variety, that it does not breed maggots. Some persons do not distinguish between the Mandalay and the better kinds of Indian. Among the good kinds of ‘dd are the Samandury, which comes from China on the borders of India, and the komary from India, and the kakilly, and the kadmury, and of inferior species the Hillay and the Mabitay, and the Law4fy and the Rabta To sum up, the best ‘dd is that which sinks in water, and that which floats is bad. It is said that the trunks and roots of the ‘éd are buried until the woody fibre decays, leaving only the aromatic substance.’ Avicenna follows this description with a detailed account of the medicinal and other properties of the aloes wood. He alludes to the wood also under the heading Agh4liji, which is undoubtedly the dyd\doxov of the Greeks, and the Agallochum of the Romans. The substance is now known to the Arabs by the names ‘éd-es-salib, ‘tid-en-nadd, ‘d-el-bakhir, and el-‘tid-el-komari. The order Aquilariacee supplies several trees, which produce commercial aloes wood. The most noted of these is Aquilaria Agallocha, Roxb., a native of Northern India, which grows to a height of 120 ft. Aquilaria secundaria, of China, pro- duces some of the varieties alluded to by Avicenna. It is a well-known fact that the fragrance of the wood of the species of Aguwilaria is developed by ite i a process which is hastened by burying the wood, as above alluded to by Avicenna. While we have no positive proof that the aloes wood is the aromatic intended by the Heb. original, there is no good reason why it should not be. The similarity of ’ahdléth to dyd\doxov is sufficient to _ establish a strong probability in its favour, and in the absence of any other probable candidate ALOES, LIGN-ALOES 69 it may be received with a fair measure of confidence. It must be understood that the above-mentioned plant has no connexion philologically or botani- cally with Hacecaria SITS D.C., of the order of Euphorbiacez, an acrid, poisonous, non-aromatic plant. Nor has it anything to do with the officinal Aloes, of the order Liliacez, a plant not alluded to in the Bible. There remains the difficulty of the passage in Nu 24° ‘as gardens by the river’s side, as the trees of lign-aloes (0473) which the Lord hath planted, and as cedar trees (0198) beside the waters.’ The LXX has rendered the word cxnval as if written o>7k, which means tents; but besides the irregularity and inconsistency of the LXX in the translation of the word in the other passages in the OT, it would be strange that, in a triple parallelism of the intensive and climacteric order, beginning with gardens and _ ending with the prince of trees, the royal cedar, the word tents, instead of a kind of trees, should be interjected. We may dismiss this as wholly improbable. e have also to remember that the same names may be used for more than one object in nature. This is pointed out in detail in our article on the Algum. In the Eng. name Aloe, for the plant now under consideration, and for the officinal Aloes, we have an instance of two very different plants, of widely diverse properties, bearing the same name. It is then quite possible that the tree of Numbers might be totally different from the aromatic sub- stance of the other passages. In Eng. the labiate ike Melissa is called balm. Impatiens is called alsam. Populus balsamifera, L., var. candicans, is called balm of Gilead, a very different plant from the balm of Gilead of Scripture, and the word balm is applied to many diverse substances. There is nothing, however, to prevent the supposi- tion that the tree of Numbers is that which pro- duced the substance of the other passages. Itis true that the tree is one of Jd es Arabia, India, or China. But Balaam’s prophecy was uttered in full view of the tropical valley of the Jordan, where the climate would have made it quite possible to cultivate these trees. There is nothing to forbid the idea that this and other trees not now known in Pal. were cultivated in the then wealthy and Porsions Jordan Valley. At least twenty - five istinctly tropical wild plants are indigenous in this valley. In describing his bride, Solomon compares her with a garden in which were pomegranates, camphire (henna), spikenard, saffron, calamus, cinnamon, with all kinds of frankincense, myrrh, and all the chief spices (Ca 4% 4), Balaam might have looked over such a plantation when he made his tristich. On the other hand, it is not necessary to assume that he saw the trees to which he alludes, or that either he or the Israelites were familiar with them. In the climax he mentions the cedar, doubtless the cedar of Lebanon. It is unlikely that he had ever seen one. It is certain that the Israelites had not. But it was a well-known tree, and suitable for the comparison. The allusion to the ‘cedar trees be- side the waters’ shows that the picture is ideal and poetical, as cedars grow in dry places on the lofty mountain sides, and never by water-courses. The aloe tree might have been equally well known by reputation, although unfamiliar both to Balaam and the Israelites personally. It is quite certain that the spice trade was very active through the Syrian and Arabian deserts in ancient times, and the spices and aromatics therefore far more familiar to the people of the border land» of Pal. and Syria than now. So that whether the plants of Nu 248 and Ca 4!*14 were cultivated or not, they 70 ALOFT ALPHABET were well known, and comparisons based on them well undersvood. G. E. Post. ALOFT is found only inl Es 8" ‘and now is all Israel a.’; RVm ‘ exalted,’ with a ref. to Dt 28% ‘thou shalt be above (same Gr. word in LXX érdyw) only, and thou shalt not be beneath.’ J. HASTINGS. ALONG.—In Jg 7? we read ‘all the children of the east, lay a. in the valley like grasshoppers (RV “locusts ”) for multitude,’ and in v.# ‘ the tent lay a.’ The same verb (=to fall) is used in Heb., and the Eng. phrase was prob. intended to have the same meaning in both phrases, andlang (Ger. entlang), at length, all the length. Ci. Jth 13%. J. HASTINGS. ALPHA AND OMEGA.—This phrase is found in Rev 18 216 2215, In the first passage it is used of God the Father, in the other two of the Son. In the TR it wrongly appears in Rev 1". This hrase calls for treatment in two respects ; (1) as to its form, (2) as to its meaning. 1. That the form of the phrase was familiar, or, at all events, easily intelligible from the outset, is clear from later Heb. analogies. But before we touch on these it is worth observing that a kindred idiom is found in contemporary Latin literature. Thus in Martial v. 26 we find : Quod alpha. dixi, Codre, penulatorum - Te nuper, aliqua cum jocarer in charta ; Si forte bilem movit hic tibi versus, Dicas licebit beta me togatorum. Cf. also ii. 57, and Theodoret, AE iv. 8, quets pev éxpnodueba re ddAda péxpt ro0 w. Amongst the later Jews the whole extent of a thing was often ex- hase by the first and last letters of the alphabet. hus (Schoettgen, Hor. Heb. in loc.) n& was a name of the Shechinah, because it embraced all the letters. Acc. to the Jalkut Rub. fol. 17. 4 Adam transgressed the whole law n 131 'xp from aleph to tuu: ace. to fol. 48. 4 Abraham observed the whole law from aleph to tau; and, fol. 128. 8, when God blesses Israel He does it from aleph to tau (i.e. the initial and closing letters of Lv 26", in which the blessings on Israel are pronounced), but when He curses Israel He does so from vav to mem (see Lv 261443). We may therefore reason- ably infer that the title ‘Alpha and Omega’ is a Gr. rendering of a corresponding Heb. expression. 2. The thought conveyed in this title is essenti- ally chat of Is 448, pinx vas) pera ax ‘I am the first and I am the last’ (cf. 41+ 43°). The phrase thus signifies ‘the Eternal One.’ It is thus expounded by Aretas (see Cramer’s Catene Grace in NT on Rev 18: “AAga dia 7d dpxty elvar, bre kal rd ddga apxh tev ev ypdupatt oroaxelwv: w did 7d TédXos THY avrav. dpxyhv 6é cal rédos rls ovx Av évvojoo Td pwTos onualvecOar Kal rd Exxaros; dia Tod mpdros dé, 7d Gvapxos évvoetrar, ws Kal did rod éoxdrov 7d dredev- tytos. In Tertullian, Monog. 5, there is the follow- ing interesting exposition: Sic et duas Grecie litteras, summam et ultimam, sibi induit dominus, initii et finis concurrentium in se figuras, uti, quemadmodum A ad ® usque volvitur et rursus Q ad A replicatur, ita ostenderet in se esse et initii decursum ad finem et finis recursum ad initium, ut omnis dispositio in eum desinens per quem coepta est. per sermonem scilicet dei qui caro factus est, proinde desinat quemadmodum et coepit. f. also Cyprian, Testim. ii. 1, 6, 22; iii. 100; Paulinus of Nola, Carm. 19. 645; 30. 89; Pruden- tius, Cathem. ix. 10-12. Corde natus ex Parentis, ante mundi exordium Alpha et 2 cognominatus, Ipse fons et clausula Omnium quz sunt fuerunt queque post futura sunt. Although in Rev 1 this title is used of God the Father, it seems to be confined to the Son in Patristic and subsequent literature. R. H. CHARLEs. ALPHABET is a word derived from alpha and beta, the names of the first two letters in Greek, in which they are meaningless, being adaptations of the corresponding Sem. letter-names aleph, an ox, and beth, a house. This etymology discloses much of the history of the A., which originated among a Sem. people, by whom it was transmitted to the Greeks and by them to the Romans, wnose A., with a few trifling modifications, we still use. It is now known that all the alphabets in the world, some 200 in number, are descended from a primitive Sem. A., usually styled the Pheen. A., or the A. of Israel. The universal belief, or possibly the tradition of the ancient world, as reported by Plato, Tacitus, Plutarch, and other writers, was shat the Phceni- cians had obtained the A. from Egypt. This seemed so probable that after the hieroglyphic writing had been recovered and psig ek repeated attempts were made to show how the transmission might have been effected. This, however, proved to be no easy task. At the time of the Heb, Exodus,. the hieroglyphic picture - writing was already a venerable system of vast antiquity. Existing inscriptions make it possible to trace it back to the time of the 2nd dynasty, some 6000 years ago, when it already appears in great perfection, arguing a prolonged period of ante- cedent development. Setting aside a multitude of ideographic picture-signs, there are about 400 pictorial phonograms, of which 45 had emerged out of the syllabic stage, and had attained a sort of alphabetic character ; that is, they either denoted vowels, or were capable of being associated with more than one vowel sound. Of these, 25 were in more universal use than the rest, and it was mainly out of these, as we shall see, that the letters of the A. were developed. To a French Egyptologist, Emanuel de Rougé, belongs the honour of having discovered the prob- able method by which the Sem. A. was evolved out of the Egyp. writing. De Rougé pointed out that the immediate prototypes of the Phen. letters were not to be found, as had been supposed, in the pictorial Hieroglyphs of the monuments, or in the well-known cursive Hieratic of the Middle Empire, but in an older and more deformed Hieratic script which prevailed in the time of the Early Empire, —a form of writing so ancient that it had alread fallen into disuse before the Heb. Exodus. This obscure and difficult script is chiefly known to us from a single MS., now in the National Library at Paris. It goes by the name of the Pepe Prisse, having been presented to the Library by M. Prisse d’Avennes, who obtained it at Thebes, where it was found in a tomb as old as the llth dynasty, It is therefore older by many centuries than the time of Moses, older than the invasion of the Shep- herd kings, and older probably than the date usually assigned to Abraham. Forty-five of the Egyp. Hieroglyphics had acquired, as we have seen, a semi-alphabetie char acter, and De Rougé contended that the Hieratic representatives of 21 of the most suitable of thu-e Hieroglyphs were selected, and ee eis ly some Sem. people as the prototypes of the A. they constructed, only one of the 22 letters being due to a non-Egyptian source. These Hieratic characters, traced from the Papyrus Prisse, are given in col. 2 of the table, and the corresponding Hieroglyphs, which face the other way, will be found in oL Li The oldest Sem. forms with which we are acquainted are shown in col. 3. In comparing them with their assumed Hieratic prototypes it must be remembered that they are not contem- hd EVOLUTION OF THE HEBREW ALPHABETS. EGYPTIAN, = ARAMAAN. | HEBREW, Names. | Values, De) 2 | A | XX | ne *Aleph| a 2}a |= Sen Bei, aa Beth | & i a | 7 | »d Gimel ] g 4h | ol A [at Daleth] s| ma | mi a tn teh ; ep xa | nf ) Van |v | eS Gj is Y Zayin | z 3} eo | =| | ++ Heth | h 1 — | =| @ | Teth | ¢ ao’ | Sf Yod | y : i} << 4 yy. Kaph | & ee | || ft Lamed| £ { wl | F 'y Mem | m ; ie | ay 71 Nun | 2 15] —— | # ee) D pemeeyyas 16 ons Y Be ATO 17 4y 9) a | AY Poe ay is} ja Ir i if Zade | x mao | | - P v Koph | & 20| <— 914 bg =) Resh | + a} wt | % | w v v siabs ie z| \ | 5 s hn tu |e I Tra IV V VIL. EXPLANATION OF THE TABLE, Gol. I. Eayrrran Himroanyrutos, facing to the left. Col, II, Hrmratic Cuaracters, facing to the right. Col. III. Opest ISRAELITE OR PH@NICIAN Lerrers, from the ‘Baal Lebanon and Moabite inscriptions (sec. XI. to IX. B.c.). Col. IV. ARAMAN, right to left, from the coins of the Satr: apies and Egyp. inscriptions and papyri (sec. V. to I. B.c.). Col. V. OupEstT eee HEBREW, from inscriptic os near Jerusalem (Herodian period), Col. VI. SquaRE Husrew, from Babylonian bowls (sec. IV. to VII. a. D.). Ool. VII. Square Huprew, from Codex Babylonicus at St, Petersburg (916 4.D.). Col. VII. Moprrn Square HEBREW. 12 ALPHABET porary forms, but are separated by at least ten, or more probably by twelve centuries, a period during which eonerdnraule differences of form must almost necessarily have arisen, in addition to which the Hieratic forms are cursive, freely traced on papyrus with a brush, while the Sem. letters are lapidary types, engraved with a chisel upon stone or bronze, which would entail differences of form similar to those which exist between our printed capitals A, B, E and the script forms a, 6, e of our modern handwriting. This alone would account for the ulterations in the shapes of such letters as daleth, heth, resh, or mem, the change from a cursive to a lapidary type causing the characters to become more regular in size and inclination, bold curves being simplified, closed ovals becoming triangles or squares, and the curved sweeping tails becom- ing straight and rigid lines. lor 21 of the 22 letters of the Sem. alphabet De Rougé has found a prob. Hieratic prototype, in 18 cases taking the normal Egyp. equivalent of the Sem. sound, and in 3 instances only, aleph, beth, and zayin, having recourse to a less usual homo- phone. In one case he fails. The peculiar guttural breathing denoted by the Sem. letter ‘ayin did not exist in Egyp. speech. For this letter no Egyp. prototype has been discovered, and it is supposed that it was an invention of the Semites, the symbol © being regarded, as the name suggests, as the picture of an ‘eye.’ (See No. 16, col. 3.) How, when, or by whom the Sem. A. was thus evolved from the Egyp. Hieratic it is im- possible to say with precision. The possible limits of date are believed to lie between the 23rd and the 17th centuries B.c. It seems probable that the development was effected by some Sem. ie who were in commercial intercourse with the Egyptians,—possibly, it has been conjectured, the Semites of $8. Arabia, possibly the Hyksos, if vhese Shepherd kings were Semites, and not, as is now supposed, of Mongolian race, hardly the Hebrews, who seem to be excluded by the limits of date, but most probably a Phen. trading colony settled on the shores of Lake Menzaleh in the Delta. On the Egyp. monuments they are called Fenekh (Phoenicians), and also Char or Chal, a name used to designate the coast tribes of Syria. The native land of the Char was called Kaft, whence part of the Delta was called Caphtor, or the ‘greater Kaft.’ If the A. arose in Caphtor it would easily spread to Phenicia, and then to the kindred and neighbouring races. The art of writing must, however, have been known to the Hebrews at an early period of their history. Hiram, we are told, wrote a letter to Solomon, and David wrotea letter to Joab. From the lists of the kings and dukes of Edom, preserved in Gn 36 and 1 Ch 1, we gather that the Edomites, at the time when their capital was taken by Joab in the reign of David, possessed state annals, going back to a remote period. The list of the encamp- nents of the Israelites in the Desert, given in Nu 33, cannot have been handed down by oral tradition ; while it is the only incorporated docu- ment in the Pent. which we are expressly told was written down by Moses, and its geogr. correctness has been curiously confirmed by recent researches. ‘Lhe census of the congregation preserved in Nu 1-4 and 26 is also manifestly a very ancient written record which has been Incorporated in the text. All these documents were presumably written in the primitive Sem. A. But the discoveries of the last few years have led scholars to believe that non-alphabetic writing of another kind was used in Pal. long before the Exodus, as early as the reign of Khu-n-Aten, the recent excavations at Lachish and the discoveries at Tel el-Amarna proving that the governors of the Svrian cities ALPHABETr corresponded with the Eyyp kings in a cursive form of the Babylonian cuneitorm. The oldest known forms of the Sem. letters are shown in col. 3 of the table, where their names and their approximate phonetic valuesmay also be found. Thirteen may be represented by letters in our own Alphabet. These are beth, gimel, daleth, he, zayin, kaph, lamed, mem, nun, samekh, pe, resh, and tau, which correspond to our letters 6, g, d, h, 2, k, l, m, n, 8, Fe r,and ¢. The other nine letters repre- sent sounds which we do not exactly possess. Of these, two are called ‘linguals,’ or ‘emphatics,’ namely, feth, a gutturalised ¢, which is called the emphatic dental, and zade, a gutturalised s, called the emphatic sibilant. The letter koph was not our % but a & formed farther back in the throat, and here represented by & There are also four ‘faucal breaths,’ ‘aleph, he, heth, and ‘ayin, of which ‘aleph, the lightest, was a slightly explosive consonant, heard in English after the word No! when uttered abruptly, and nearly equivalent to the spiritus lenis of the Greeks; ‘ayin was a sound of the same kind, but harder than’aleph, approach- ing a g rolled in the throat; heth, called th ‘fricative faucal,’ was a continuous guttural, resembling the cA in the Scotch loch ; and he was a fainter sound of the same kind, approaching our h, The primitive sound of shin was probably that of our sh, but was subject to dialectic variation. Yod and vau were semi-consonants, or rather consonantal vo, els, usually equivalent to y and v, but passing readily into 7 and wu. None of the Sem. A.s have possessed symbols for the true vowels, which are now denoted, not by letters, but by diacritical points, a notation essentially non-alphabetic, and not of any great Pepe The vowels in non-Semitic A.s, such as Greek, Zend, Armenian, Georgian, Sanskrit, and Mongolian, have been developed out of char- acters representing the Sem. breaths and semi- consonants. Thus the Gr. alpha, whence our A, was obtained from ‘aleph, the spiritus lenis ; epsilon, whence our E, is from fe, an aspirate ; e/a and our H from feth, the fricative faucal ; iota and our I and J from yud, a semi-consonant; omicron and omega, and our O, from ‘ayin, the spiritus asper ; while wpsiion and our U, V, W, Y, and F, came from vau, a semi-consonant. Besides the absence of symbols for the vowels, most of the Sem. scripts, Heb., Syr., and Arab., agree in being written from right to left, the direction following the example of the prototype, the Hieratic of the Papyrus Prisse, whereas in the non-Sem. scripts the direction has mostly been changed. The Sem. A.s have also adhered to the primitive 22 letters, none of which have fallen into disuse, any additional notation required being effected by diacritical points, whereas in other scripts new forms have been evolved by differentia- tion, as in the case of our own letters V, U, W, Y, and F, which are all differentiated forms of the same symbol. The pictorial character of the Hieroglyphs had disappeared in the Hieratic of the Papyrus Prisse, and hence it is no matter for surprise to find that the Egyp. symbols were renamed by the Semites, on the acrologic principle, by words significant in Sem. speech, the new names being due to a resem- blance, real or fanciful, between the form assumed by the letter and some object whose name began with the letter in question, as in our nursery picture-books, in which O is an orange, S a swan, and B a butterfly. Thus the first symbol was no longer ahom, the ‘eagle,’ as in Egyp., but became ‘aleph, the ‘ox,’ from the resemblance to the front view of the head and horns of that animal; and the 13th, instead of being mu/wk, the ‘owl,’ became mem, the ‘ waters,’ what had been the ears and beak of “ee ALPHABET the owl coming to resemble the undulations of waves (see col. 2 and 3). The Sem. names are yometimes more peally, explained by the Egyp. forms of the Papyrus Prisse than by those in the oldest Sem. inscriptions. The Sem. names are usually interpreted as follows: ’aleph means an ‘ox’ ; beth signifies a ‘house’; and gime/, a ‘camel,’ the Hieratic form resembling a recumbent camel, with the head, neck, body, tail, ana saddle, of which only the head and neck are preserved in the oldest Sem. letter; daleth means a ‘door,’ not a house door, but the curtain forming the entrance to an Eastern tent; Ae signifies a ‘ window’; vawis anail, eg, or hook for hanging things on ; zayin probably enotes ‘weapons’; feth, a fence or ‘palisade’ ; teth, from a root meaning curvature, is supposed to have been a picture of a coiled snake; yod is the ‘hand’; kaph the ‘ palm’ of the hand, or the bent hand; Jamed is an ‘ox-goad’; mem, the ‘waters’; nun, a ‘fish’; samekh is probably a prop or support; ‘ayin is the ‘eye’; pe, the ‘mouth’; zgade is probably a ‘ javelin,’ or perhaps a hook ; koph is usually supposed to mean a ‘knot’; reshis the ‘head’; shin, the ‘teeth’; tau, a ‘ cross,’ or sign for marking beasts. It will be noticed that six of these names, gimel, he, yod, nun, pe, and samekh, must be very ancient, being most easily explained by reference to the Hieratic forms. he early history of the A. has to be recon- structed from inscriptions, many of which have only been discovered in recent years. Among the monuments of the older stage of the Phen. A. the great inscription of Mesha, king of Moab, ranks first in importance. In 1868 Mr. Klein, of the C. M. S., visited the site of Dibon, the ancient capital of the kingdom of Moab. Here he was shown a block of basalt, with an inscription in 34 lines of wr cing. The interest excited by this discovery, and the rival efforts of the European consuls to secure the treasure, unfortunately aroused the jealousy of the Arabs, by whom the stone was broken into fragments, some forty of which have been recovered, enough to lay the foundation of early Sem. palo. BEny. In this inscription, which must be fatorred | to the middle of the 9th cent. B.c., Mesha, in language closely akin to Bibl. Hebrew, gives an account of the wars between Israel and Moab, narrating more esp. those events in his own reign which took place after the death of Ahab in 853 B.c. The year 850 B.c. has been generally accepted by scholars as an oo date for the record. Somewhat earlier, though of less historical importance, are some inscribed fragments of bronze vessels, obtained from of oie in 1876, which proved to be portions of two bowls containing dedi- cations to Baal Lebanon. They must have been carried off to Cyprus as a part of the spoils from a temple on Lebanon. The writing on one of the bowls proves on paleographical grounds to be nearly of the same date as the Moabite inscrip- tion, while that on the other bowl exhibits more archaic forms of several letters, and may probably be older by a century, belonging to the close of the 10th or the beginning of the llth cent. B.c. It is from these bowls, supplemented by the evidence of the Moabite Stone, that the A. in col. 3 has been constructed. It is called the Israelitic A. in oider to avoid confusion with a much later A., which, having been first known to scholars, usurped the name of the Heb. A. It cannot be too carefully remembered that at successive periods in their history the Hebrews employed two A.s, identical in all essential particulars, but wholly unlike in the external appearance of the letters. From the earliest period of which we possess any knowledge, down to the captivity in Babylon, this Plien. A., of which the oldest monuments are the Moabite ALPHABET 738 Stone and the Baal Lebanon bowls, must also have been the contemporary A. of the Hebrews. This was ingeniously proved by Gesenius, long before these monuments were discovered. He contended that the earlier books of the OT could not have been written, as was formerly supposed, in what is now known as the Heb. A., since many obvious corruptions in the text could only have arisen from the errors of copyists, who confounded letters which are much alike in the old Pheen., but are quite dis- similar in the square Hebrew. For example, in the list of David’s mighty men, recorded in 2 S 23”, we have the name Heleb, which in the parallel passage in 1 Ch 11 appears as Heled. One of these readings is obviously corrupt, and the corrup- tion can only be due to the original record having been written in the older or Phen. A., in which the letters beth and daleth differ so slightly as often to be hardly distinguishable, whereas in the later or square Heb. A. the letters 1 and_> are unmistakably distinct. Hence, he argued, the record must be prior to the Captivity, when, according to the habbinic tradition, the new A. was introduced. When Gesenius wrote, the evi- dence as to the nature of the older Heb. A. was scanty in the extreme, being limited to a few engraved gems in the Phen. A., supposed to be Heb. because of their bearing names apparently Jewish. Now, however, all doubts have been set at rest by the accidental discovery in 1880 of the famous Siloam inscription, engraved in a recess of the tunnel which pierces the ridge of Ophel, and brings water from the Pool of the Virgin to the Pool of Siloam. The inscription which records the construction of the tunnel is in six lines of writing, manifestly later in date than the Moabite inscrip- tion, though of .he sametype. On paleographical grounds it has been assigned to the reign of Manasseh, B.C. 685-641, though it is possible that it may be as early as the reign of Hezekiah, and may refer to the conduit constructed by him at the end of the 8th cent., as recorded in 2 K 20” and 2 Ch 32°. This A. is of special interest, as in it most of the writings of the Jewish prophets must have been composed. This older A. lingered long, being employed on the coins of the Maccabees and on those of the Hasmonzean princes. It survives as the sacred script of the few Samaritan families at Nablfis, who still worship in their temple on Mt. Gerizim, and keep the Passover with the ancient rites. With this exception, the old Phan. A., the parent of all existing A.s, has become extinct. This earliest type of the Sem. A. graduall passes into another, somewhat more cursive, whic goes by the name of the Sidonian, its chief repre- sentative being the great inscription on the magni- ficent basalt sarcophagus of Eshmunazar, king of Sidon, now in the Louvre, which is assigned to the end ef the 5th cent. B.c. Out of this Sidonian type was evolved the Aramean A., which was destined to replace the Pheen. after the decadence of the Phen. power. The great trade route from the Red Sea and Egypt to Babylon passed through Damascus, Hamath, and Carchemish, and the trade fell into the hands of the Aramezans, the people of N. Syria. Hence, on the political decline of the Phen. cities, the Aramzean language and A. became the medium of carenionerA intercourse throughout W. Asia. At Nineveh in the 7th cent. B.C., and at Babylon in the 6th, the Sidonian type begins to be replaced by the Aramzan, whose continuous development may be traced from the 5th to the Ist cent. B.C., first on the coins struck by Persian satraps of Asia Minor, and then by the aid of mortuary inscriptions and papyri from Egypt, which carry on the record after the con- quests of Alexander had put an end to the Persian satrapies. An inspection of col. 4 in the table will 74 ALPHABET show that the chief characteristics of the Aramean A.—due evidently to the free use of the reed pen and papyrus—are a progressive opening of the Blades loops of the letters beth, daleth, teth, ‘ayin, koph, and resh; while he, vau, zayin, heth, and tau tend to lose their distinctive bars. At the same time the script continually becomes more cursive in character, the tails of the letters curving more and more to the left, while the introduction of ligatures led to a distinction between the final and the medial or initial forms of certain letters. These changes, while they made writing easier and more rapid, at the same time made it less legible. On the return of the Jews from the Bab. exile, the ancient A. of Israel, though retained on the Maccabeean coins, and possibly in copies of the law, was gradually abandoned for the more cursive but far inferior Aramzwan, which had become the mercantile script of the W. provinces of Persia. A Jewish tradition, preserved in the Talm., attributed this change to Ezra; but there can be no doubt that both scripts were for a time employed concurrently —the Aramean by the mercantile classes and the returning exiles, and the older A. by those who, He the Samaritans, had been left behind in the and. The older Phen. style had fortunately been transmitted to the Geese before the Aramzean de- formation had taken place. Consequently the Rom. A. which we have inherited, being a Western form of the Greek A., has retained in such letters as B, D, 0, Q, R, E, F, H those loops and bars whose disappearance in the Heb., Syr., Arab., and other A.s descended from the Aramzan, has contributed to make them so illegible. Our own capitals are, in fact, much nearer to the primitive Phen. or Isr. A. than any of the existing Sem. A.s, and it is to this retention of the archaic forms that they owe their excellence and general superiority. The closed loop of D and R and the upper loop of B repro- duce the closed triangles of the earlier Sem. script, which were lost by the Aramzean deformation, and are consequently much superior to the formless shapes 17.1 which we have in modern Hebrew. hen the Seleucidan empire had come to a close, the Aramzan broke up into national scripts, the A. of Eastern Syria developing at Bozra, Petra, and the Hauran into the Nabatzan, which was the parent of Arabic, while the Aramezan of N. Syria developed at Edessa into Syriac, and that of S. Syria, at Jerus. and Bab., into what is called Hebrew. e early form of square Heb. used at Jerus. in the time of our Lord, with which He must Himself have been familiar, and in which probably the roll was written which He read in the synagogue (Lk 4?"), is given in col. 5 of the table. This A. has been obtained from monuments of the Herodian period found in Galilee or at Jerus., all of which must be anterior to the siege by Titus. These inscriptions are chiefly from tombs; but one of them, of special interest, is a fragment of one of the notices, enjoining silence and reverent be- haviour, set up, as we learn from Josephus, when the temple was rebuilt by Herod. The materials for the history of the Heb. A. during the period of the dispersion, from the Ist cent. to the 10th, when it practically assumed its present form, have been gathered from regions curiously remote. Some are from the Jewish Catacombs at Rome, many from the Crimea, others from the Jewish cemeteries at Vienne, Arles, and Narbonne in Gaul, at Tortosa in Spain, Venosa in sae from Prag, Aden, Tiflis, and Derbend, and, not least in importance, the writing on some cabal- istic bowls found at Babylon, dating from the 4th to the 7th cent. A.D. (see col. 6). The earliest exist- ing codex, the A. of which is given in col. 7, dates from the beginning of the 10th cent., when the ALPHZUS letters had practically assumed their modern forms though not their modern aspect, the useless ornamental apices in our printed books (col. 8) being due to the schools of Heb. caligraphy which arose in the 12th cent. The square Heb. of our printed Bibles is thus one of the most modern of existing A.s, and was not, as was formerly be. lieved, the most ancient of all. The forms of these setters are thus neither legible nor venerable. Their adoption was almost a matter of accident. There were two styles, the Spanish and the German, and the latter was used in the Minster rinted Bible, the types being imitated from those in MSS. then in fashion. The result is that our eyes are fatigued with the fantastic and vicious erty of the 14th cent., a period when the odious black letter was developed out of the beautiful Caroline minuscule, to which in our ee books we have now fortunately reverted. o in Heb. it would have been much better to have reverted to the far superior forms of earlier times, such, for instance, as those in use in the 8th cent. The earlier forms are better, because the letters are free from useless ornamental flourishes which are so trying to the Sikes of students and compositors, and are more legible and more distinct. in the case of our own vicious black letter, some characters are assimilated so as to be difficult to distinguish—in particular 3 beth, 3 kaph; 3 nun, 1 gimel ; 1 daleth, sresh; 7 kaph final, | nun final; 1 vau, 1 zayin; or of 0 samekh, and o mem final; while na and a stand for h, h, and ¢. Six of the Heb. letters gradually acquired an alternative softer aspirated sound, and the harder primitive sounds are now denoted by an interna] point (Dagesh lene) 3113 5 A, representing the sounds 5, g, d, k, p, ¢, the same forms without the Dagesh, or with a superscript line called Raphe, standing for bh, gh, dh, kh, ph, th. The letter shin also split up into two sounds, distinguished by diacritical points, » approaching the sound of our s, and w that of our sh. The vowel points are late and of little authority. The Greek transliterations of Heb. names in the Sept. and in Josephus suffice to prove that there were no vowel points in the copies of the Heb. Scrip- tures then in use, and as late as the time of St. Jerome the Heb. vocalisation was only known by oral teaching. The Heb. points were suggested by those which fad been introduced into Syriac in the 5th and 6th cent. A.D. They merely represent the traditional pronunciation used in the syna- gogues of Tiberias in the 7th cent. A.D. (See art. LANGUAGE OF OT.) IsaAAc TAYLOR. ALPHAUS, ’Ad\¢aios (Westcott and Hort, Introd. § 408, assuming that the name is.a transliteration of the Aramaic ‘570, write it with the rough breath- ing, ‘A\¢aios), occurs four times in the Gospels and once in Acts. As thus used it is the name of twa different men. 1. The father of the Apostle Matthew or Levi (Mk 2"), not elsewhere named or otherwise known. 2. All the other references are evidently tc another man (Mt 108, Mk 338, Lk 6%, Ac 138), whe is represented as father of James the apostle, second of that name in the list. A considerable controversy has long been carried on as to whether this A. may be identified with the Clopas of Jn 19% and the Cleopas of Lk 24%. This question has been of special interest as involved in the discussion regarding James and the Brethren of the Lord (wh. see). Ewald boldly assumes that the Clopas of John and the Cleopas of Luke are one, but maintains that the identification with Alpheus is an unreasonable confounding of a purely Greek with a purely Hebrew name (Hist. of Israel, vi. 305, note 4). Meyer affirms the identity of the eee eee ee ee ae Pets rr ath Fe SAO TaN OY Se ae eee cae tS ALTAR of John with the Aramaic *57n, the Alpheus of the Synoptics. And Alford (on Mt 10%) regards the two Greek names as simply two different ways of expressing the Hebrew name ‘57. It seems better to distinguish the Cleopas of Luke from the Clopas of John. It is quite evident that Cleopas is simply a shortened form of Cleopater (KAcorarpos), like Antipas for Antipater. Lightfoot, indeed, while admitting this, still favours the identification of the two names. On the other hand, Clopas may with the highest probability be regarded as a simple transliteration of the Aramaic Halphai. Clopas (as in the Greek text and RV, not Cleopas as in the AY) is represented in Jn 19” as the husband of one of the Marys who stood beside the cross. If we assume that four women are there referred to, there is no indication of any relationship between the wife of Clopas and the mother of Jesus. The synoptic passages, however, all mention among the women at the cross this same Mary as the mother of James., There is no reason for supposing that this James, son of Mary, is any other than James the son of Alpheus. But the assumption that Clopas was husband of Mary and brother of Joseph, and the usual assumption that Mary was the sister of our Lord’s mother, are equally groundless, and have no support whatever from any statement in our Gospels. There seems no reason for supposing that James the little and James the brother of the Lord are one and the same person. Eusebius, indeed, mentions, on the autho- rity of esta pus, that Symeon, who succeeded James in the bishopric of Jerusalem, was son of ee the brother of Joseph; but Symeon is evidently ian not as a brother, but only as a relative, probably a cousin, of his predecessor James. LitERaTURE.—Besides the works referred to in the text, see Lightfoot, Galatians, 10th ed. London, 1890, p. 267; Mayor, The Byistle of St. James, 1892, p. xvif. See also an interesting and clever but perverse note in Keim, Jesus of Nazara, iii. 276. J. MACPHERSON. ALTAR.—i. ALTAR is the invariable rendering in the OT of n3}>* (Aram. n37> Ezr 71”), and in the NT of dvsiacrhpiov. In AV it also occurs as the rendering of by7n (Ezk 43%), RV ‘upper a.’, and of Symyx (Ezk 4315-16 — Kethib Swnx), RV ‘a. hearth.’ In the NT Bwyés is found once (Ac 17%) in the sense of a heathen a. This distinction is very clearly brought out in 1 Mac 1° ‘ they did sacrifice upon the idol altar (éml rdév Bwyutv) which was upon the altar of God (r. @vctagrnplov).’ Simi- larly the Vulg. and early Lat. Fathers avoid the use of ara, preferring altaria and altare. Another designation is met with, viz. jnbv, prop. ‘table,’ Ezk 417 4416, Mal 17-12, It would also seem that the appellation 193, prop. ‘high place,’ may in some cases be used to express ‘a.,’ as Jer 79! (LXX rdv Bwpor rod Taped), 2 23° (but here text is doubt- ful), ete. 0435 Is 65 is wrongly rendered in AV ‘a* of brick’; RV ‘upon the bricks.’ In one or two places in the OT n3)p of the present MT seems an alteration from an original 7232. So clearly Gn 33”, and most probably 2 K 12% On the other hand, nap ghould: perhaps be restored in 2 K 10% (Stade in ZATW. v. pp. 278, 289 f.). ii. ALTARS IN PREHISTORIC TimES.—According to the primitive conceptions of the nomad Semites, the presence of a deity was implied in every spot that attracted them by its water or shade, and in every imposing landmark that guided them in their wanderings. Every well and grove, every mountain and rock, had its presiding deity. The humble offering of the worshipper could be cast into the well, exposed upon the rock, or hung upon the sacred tree. It was thus brought into imme- diate contact with the nwmen therein residing. A great step in advance was taken when it was con- * Lit. ‘place of slaughter.’ ALTAR 75 ceived that the deity could not only reside in such objects of nature’s own creation as those above specified, but could be persuaded ‘to come and take for his embodiment a structure set up for him by the worshipper’ (W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem. p 189). The consideration of this all-important advance belongs elsewhere ; it is sufficient to note here that recent researches, esp. those of Well- hausen and W. R. Smith, have abundantly proved that the heathen Semite regarded the stone or cairn which he had himself erected, as a dwelling- place of a deity, a Beth-el (ox-ma, cf. Gn 2818; for the significance of this passage, see PILLAR), a name which passed, through the Pheenicians as intermediaries, to the Greeks (fair’idov) and Romans (detulus). Such a stone was termed b the Arabs, in the days before Islam, nusb (pl. ansab), a word identical in origin and signification with the Heb. a3yp (AV ‘pillar’). Beside it the victim was slaughtered; the blood was either poured over the stone, or with part of it the stone was smeared, while the rest was poured out at its base, the essential idea in this primitive rite being that in this way the blood was brought into im- mediate contact with the deity who, for the time being, had taken up his abode in the stone. Now there can be no doubt that the same primi- tive ideas were shared by the ancestors of the Heb- rews. Among them, too, the nusb or mazzcba must have been the prototype of the sacrificial a. ‘The rude Arabian usage is the primitive type out of which all the elaborate a. ceremonies of the more cultivated Semites grew ’ (fel. of Sem. Ist ed. p. 184. See also SACRIFICE). Even in hist. times we find among the Hebrews a survival of the primitive ritual above described. In the narrative of the battle of Michmash, Saul is shocked at the unseemly haste of his warriors in eating flesh ‘with the blood,’ and orders a great stone to be brought at which the beasts might be duly slain and their blood poured out at the extemporised altar. The next important step, the advance from the a. as a sacred stone to receive the blood of the victim to the a. as a hearth on which the flesh of the victim was burned in whole or in part, belongs to the history of SACRIFICE (which see, and cf. Smith, Rel. Sem. p. 358 ff.). If the above is a correct account of the evolution of the a. among the western Semites, the differ- entiation of pillar and a. must, as regards the inhabitants ai Pal., have taken pike in the pre- historic period. This seems the obvious conclusion from the existence, even at the present day, of immense numbers of megalithic monuments, the so-called menhirs and dolmens. These charac- teristic remains of antiquity, so numerous in Moab and in the W. Hauran, must undoubtedly have played an important part in the religious rites of those who reared them, and whom, for the present, we may assume to have been of a Sem. stock. The ‘cup-hollows” on the table-stone of the dolmens, connected in many cases by a network of channels, must have been destined to receive the blood of the victim.* iii, PRE-DEUTERONOMIC ALTARS. — A very marked distinction, as is well known, exists he- tween the attitude to sacrifice of the prophetic and riestly narratives respectively in our present Pent. The latter (P) limits sacrifice to the great central a.,t while the former (JE) relates numerous in- * See Conder’s report on the dolmen-fields of Moab in P.E.F. Qu. St. 1882, p. 75 ff. ; also in Heth and Moab, chs. vii. and viii.; Syr. Stone Lore, pp. 42, 43, 70, Another rich field has been described by Schumacher, The Jauilan, Jordan, p. 62ff. Of. Perrot and Chipiez, LAntiquité, iv. p. 376 ff. + The difficult section (Jos 2210-34) seems best explained as an endeavour to reduce a narrative originally written from the standpoint of JE to an apparent harmony with the fundamental postulate of P . 123 ff.; Across ist. de TArt dans 76 ALTAR ALTAR stances of sacrifice being offered and a* erected from the earliest times, and in many different places. Noah is represented as building an a. on quitting the ark (Gn 8”); Abraham erected several, viz. at Shechem (127), Bethel (12°), Hebron (13!8), and on a special occasion in ‘the land of Moriah’ (22°). Isaac (26%) and Jacob (357) do likewise. Even Moses, according to this source, erects an altar at Rephidim (Ex 17), and another, accompanied by twelve pillars (niayp), at Horeb (244). JE therefore clearly knows nothing in its narrative parts of the exclusive legitimacy of a central a. With this position the law-code which it contains, the so-called Book of the Covenant (see Driver, LOT 28ff.), is in complete accord. In the locus classicus (Ex 20) a plurality of a* is clearly sanctioned : ‘im every place (RV) where I record My name, I will come unto thee, and I will bless thee.’ And the same holds good through- out the history of the Hebrews until the time of Josiah. Again and again do we find a* built, ie and down the country, either by the recognise religious leaders themselves, or with their express sanction. Thus, to mention but a few, Joshua builds an a. on Mt. Ebal (Jos 8*°) in accordance with the injunction of Moses himself (Dt 27°), Gideon at Ophrah (Jg 6%), and Samuel at Ramah (18 7/7). Saul, we have already seen, extemporised an a. at Michmash, which the historian informs us was the first that Saul built, implying that this monarch had the merit of erecting several. David erected an a., by express divine command, ‘in the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite’ (2S 2418-25), Elijah, too, complains of the destruc- tion of the altars of J” as an act of sacrilege (1 K 19° 14), and had, but a little before, repaired, with his own hand, the a. of the Lord upon Mt. Carmel. These examples are sufficient to show that in pre-Deut. Israel a plurality of a* was regarded as a matter of course, there being not the slightest hint of disapproval on the part of the narrators, or of any idea in the minds of the actors in the history that they were guilty of the violation of any divine command. Prom the oldest hist. records of the Hebrews, therefore, it is evident that local sanctuaries abounded throughout the country (see HIGH PLACE, and esp. 1 Sam. passim), the most essential feature of which was undoubtedly the a. on which sacri- fice was offered to the national God, J”. Of the form of these pre-Deut. altars we have no precise information. Ko doubt, as wealth and culture in- creased, the a*, esp. at Bethel and the other great sanctuaries, would become more and more elabo- rate ; but in more primitive times they were simple in the extreme. A heap of earth, either by itself (2 K 5!) or with a casing of turf (see Dillmann on Ex 20%), a few stones piled upon each other, are all that was required. Simplicity is the dominant note of the law in the fundamental passage, Ex 204#-, It is there enjoined, moreover, that no tool shall be lifted to hew or dress the stone (cf. Dt 275, Jos 831, 1 Mac 447), In this many modern investi- gators have seen a survival of the primitive idea, already explained, of a numen inhabiting the altar- stone, who would be driven out or perhaps injured by the process of dressing (Nowack, Archdol. ii. 17; Benzinger, Archdol. 379). Another injunction, that the worshipper (for the command is not ad- dressed to the priests) should not ascend by steps (loc. cit.), is also a plea for simplicity. The a. must not be of such a height as to prevent the wor- shipper standing on the ground from manipulating his offering. The evasion of the injunction by a sloping ascent was an afterthought. * Of. the early narrative 1 K 228. where Joab is represented as grasping the horns of the a. (see below, v.), and at the same time etanding by the side of thea. Also 2 K 517 ‘two mules’ burden.’ To what extent the still existing dolmens (see above) may have been used as a‘ in this yeriod it is impossible to say. In the older narratives, how- ever, there are not a few instances of the earlier usage of a single stone (1 8 64—v.” is a later insertion—14*) or of the native rock as ana, (Jg 6” and esp. 13! 2° where “xa v.” is identified with 03:07 v.2). The site of David’s a., we can scarely doubt, was the Sakhrah rock, now enclosed in the so-called mosque of Omar. The ‘stone Zoheleth which is by En-Rogel’ was also an ancient altar- stone (1 K 1°). Solomon, finally, at the dedication of the temple, is said to have converted the ‘middle of the court’ into a huge a. (1 K 8). For Solo- mon’s brazen a., see TEMPLE.* This a. was re- moved by Ahaz (2 K 16-18) to make way for the stone a. (note 733 v.") which he caused to be built after the model of the great a. of Damascus (03)5n, ef. v.¢in RY). Ahaz’a., rather than the brazen a. of Solomon, was in its turn the model for the a. of Ezekiel (cf. 43°17), Of the other a* made by Ahaz we know nothing, nor of those set up by later kings (2 K 23” loc. cit.). As tothe a. to Baal which Ahab erected in Samaria (1 K 16%), we may assume that it re- sembled the a* erected by his Phen. neighbours to the same deity (cf. Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de ?Art dans l Antvq. iii. fig. 192 and passim). iv. Post-DEUTERONOMIC ALTARS.—The sanctu- aries and a‘, sanctioned, as we have seen, by the oldest law-code, ceased to be legitimate on the adoption of the code of Deut. (Dt 12ff.). The centralisation of the caitus, which was the chief aim of the Deut. legislation, seems to have been attempted under Hezekiah (2 K 18”), but it must be admitted that the complete abandonment of the local baéméth was never wn fait accompli until after the discipline of the Exile (1 K 22%, 2 K 15%). In theory, however, the a*, whether ‘upon the hills and under every green tree,’ or at places which had been seats of worship since the conquest, were no longer legitimate ; for sacrifice, as now for the first time officially distinguished from slaughter (Dt 12), could only be offered with acceptance on the a. of the central sanctuary at Jerusalem. It is not impossible that, as Conder has suggested (see ref. above), it is to the reforming zeal of Josiah that we owe the fact that not a single dolmen has been met with in S. Pal. (cf. Cheyne, Jeremiah, p. 60). The history of the a., therefore, from this time forward is merged in the history of the temple. It must suffice here to note that, as soon as practi- cable, the returned exiles built the a. on its former site (Ezr 37), which a. continued in use until its desecration by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mac 1%), Having by this act of sacrilege been rendered unfit for further use, it was taken down and another built in its stead (1 Mac 4), Thea. of Herod’s temple was the last built on Jewish soil. Accord- ing to Jos. (Wars, v. v. 6) it was built, in harmony with the ancient prescription, of unhewn stones. One other a. meets us in the history of the Jews; this is the a. erected by Onias Iv. in his temple at Leontopolis in Egypt (Jos. Wars, vil. x. 3; Ant. XIII. iii. 31), founding on a mistaken interpretaticn of Is 19, The a. of burnt-offering and the a. of incense which play so important a part in the ritual legis- lation of the Priests’ Code (P), will be discussed in detail in the article TABERNACLE. See also TEMPLE. v. THE ALTAR AS ASYLUM. — An important function of the a. among the Hebrews remains to be * W. R. Smith’s view, that ‘it is very doubtful whether thera was in the first temple any other brazen a. than the two brazen pillars, Jacbin and Boaz,’ is not supported by sufficient evidence. It is, besides, difficult to see why only one of the two pillara } should have on this theory, the functions of an a. assigned to it (Rel. Sem. i. pp. 358-359, and Note L, 466 ff.). AL-TASHHETH AMALEK, AMALEKITES noticed. The earliest legislation presupposes and | vet dwelling north of the Gulf of Akabah. See confirms the sanctity of the a. as an asylum. The right of asyluin, however, is there limited to cases of accidental homicide (Ex 21-14), This use of the a., which is not confined to the Sem. peoples, is also a survival of the primitive idea of the a. as the temporary abode of a deity. In clasping the a.. the fugitive was placing himself under the im- mediate protection of the deity in question. In this connexion, as well as in regard to an im- portant part of the fully - developed a. ritual (cf. Lv 47"), the horns of the a. are esteemed the most sacred part of the whole. It is difficult, however, to see how these could have formed part of the more ancient a. as prescribed in the Book of the Covenant (see above); yet their presence is amply attested in later times (cf. Am 3", Jer 17}, and the incidents recorded in 1 K 1 2%), The origin and primary significance of the horns are still obscure. Most recent writers seek to trace a connexion between them and the worship of J” in the form of a young bull (Kuenen, Rel. of Isr. i. 326; Stade, Benzinger, Nowack). In an case they are not to be regarded as mere append- ages, but as an integral part of the a. (see Dill- mann on Ex 27%). The view that they were originally projections to which the victims were bound, has no better al ort than the corrupt passage, Ps 118” (for which see Comm.). The comparison of the ‘horns’ of the Heb. with those of the Greek a, (evxépaos Bwyts) seems misleading, since the latter rather resembled the volutes of the Ionic capital (cf. art. ara in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire etc., figs. 410, 418, 422). The famous stele of Teima, on the other hand, shows the ‘horns’ rising from the corners of the a., and curved like those of an ox (see Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. tome iv. p. 392, Eng. tr. [see below] vol. i. p. 304) LrreraTurE.—Of the earlier literature the standard work is John Spencer’s De legibus Heb. ritualibus, etc. 1685. Of the modern works the most important are the works on Hebrew antiquities by De Wette, Ewald (Eng. tr. 1876), Nowack (Heb- rdisci Arohdo ve, 1894, Band ii. Sacralalterthtimer, § 73 ff.), and Benzinger (Heb. Archdologie, 1894, § 52, Die altisrael. Heilig- hi etc.), and the more general treatises of Wellhausen Vorarbeiten, iii., Reste arab. Heidenthums, 1887), and, in particular, W. R. Smith’s Religion of the Semites, 1889 (2nd ed. 1895). The student should also consult the standard work of Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de [Art dans [ Antiquité, tome iii. Phénicie, iv. Judée, etc. (Eng. tr. Hist. of Art in Phenicia, 2 vols. 1885, Hist. of A. in Judea etc., 2 vols. 1890). A. R. S. KENNEDY. AL-TASHHETH (novrbx, AV Al-taschith), Pss 57. 58. 59. 65 (titles). See PSALMS. ALTOGETHER is now only an adv., but was at first an adj., being simply a stronger ‘all.’ Asan adj. it is found in Ps 39° ‘ Verily every man at his best state is a. vanity’; Is 10° ‘Are not my He a. (RV ‘all of them’) kings,’ and perhaps u 16, Of its useas an adv. noticeable examples are Jer 30", where ‘I will not leave thee a. un- punished’ is given in RV ‘I will in no wise leave thee unpunished’; Ac 26”, where ‘ both almost and a.’isin RV ‘ whether with little or with much’ after the Gr. ; and 1 Co 5”, where ‘not a.’ (Gr. od mdvrws) is taken by commentators in two directly opp. senses, either ‘not wholly,’ or ‘not at all’; RY gives the first in text, the second in marg. J. HASTINGS. ALUSH (v:5x).—A station in the journeyings, occurs only Nu 33!*-4. (See SINAI.) ALYAN (p>y).—Son of Shobal, a Horite (Gn 36%), @ name appears in 1 Ch 1 as Alian (by). It is clearly the same as Alvah (mby) in Gn 36”, which ake in 1 Ch 1° as Aliah (my), one of the ‘dukes’ of Edom. Knobel compares the name with that of a Bedawin clan Alawin, said by Burckhardt illm. in loc. H. 3. RYLE. ALWAY, ALWAYS.—Alway (i.e. ‘all the way’) is originally the accus. of duration, ‘all the time’; while always is the genit. of occurrence, ‘at all times.’ And although by 1611 this dis- tinction was vanishing, there are some undoubted instances in AV. Cf. Mt 28% ‘Lo, Iam with you alway,’ with Ro 1° ‘I make mention of you always in my pra ers.’ RV gives alway for always at Ac 2416, 2 Th 18; and always for alway at Col 4° apparently capriciously, for these changes oblite- rate the distinction noticed above. When the dis- tinction was lost, always drove alway out of use. J. HASTINGS. AMAD (1ypy), Jos 19% only.—A city of Asher. The site is doubtful ; there are several ruins called ‘Amid in this region. AMADATHOUS, Est 12° 16)°1, DATHA. AMAIN only in 2 Mac 12" ‘the enemies... fled a.’ (so RV, Gr. els puyhv Spynoay). The mean- ing is ‘at once, precipitately.’ AMAL (Spy).—A descendant of Asher, 1 Ch 7% See GENEALOGY. AMALEK, AMALEKITES (pny, ‘pbpy).— A nomadic Arabian tribe, occupying the wide desert region between Sinai on the south and the southern borders of Palestine on the north. This district corresponds to what is now called the wilderness of Et-Tih. The Amalekites are represented as per- petually at feud with the Israelites, though such closely connected tribes as the Kenites and Keniz- zites appear from the first as friendly, and ulti- mately as peaceful settlers in the midst of the possessions of Israel. References to the Amalekites appear very early in the OT history. In the account of the cam- paigns of Chedorlaomer of Elam and his confeder- ates in Gn 14, ‘the country of the Amalekites’ near Kadesh is described as the scene of one of those desolating wars. Hengstenberg, followed by Kurtz, maintains that this does not imply that the Amalekites were in existence in the days of Abraham, but only that this country, lying be- tween Kadesh and the land of the Amorites, after- wards known as ‘the fields of the Amalekites,’ was at that early period overrun and destroyed by Chedorlaomer. Had there been no other hints of the extreme antiquity of the Amalekites, this ex- planation might perhaps be accepted. But we find again in the chant of Balaam (Nu 24”) that Amalek is described as ‘the first of the nations,’ which seems almost certainly to mean a primitive people to be reckoned among the very oldest of the nations. Most recent scholars are agreed in assigning to the Amalekites a high antiquity. This is the conclusion to which such passages as those referred to would naturally lead. The only reason why an attempt should be made to put any other interpretation upon these words is the idea that, in Gn 36%, the descent of the Amalekites is traced from Amalek, the grandson of Esau, and their origin thus brought down to a later period than that of Abraham. It is exceedingly hazardous to build any argument of this sort on an occasional statement in a genealogical table reproduced from some unknown source, seeing that it is impossible to determine what the point of view of the original compiler may have been. In many cases such genealogical lists seem intended to set forth simply certain interrelations of tribes, so that, though terms indicating personal and family relationships are See HAMME- 78 AMALEK, AMALEKITES AMALEK, AMALEKITES used, the names do not always belong to persons his- torically real. All that we need understand by this introduction of an Amalek, son of Eliphaz by a concubine, is that Timna the Horite, the concubine referred to, represents the importation or incor- poration of a foreign and inferior, probably a servile, element into the pure Edomite stock, the Horites being one of the tribes forming that federation, embracing the Amalekites, conquered by Chedor- laomer. The region in which the Amalekites first appear in history, near Kadesh, lies just about a day’s journey south of Hebron, on the undulating slopes and plain at the foot of the mountains held by the Amorites. It may be supposed that a branch of the tribe had settled there, or had begun to engage in agricultural pursuits. When driven forth from their possessions by the conqueror, they no doubt returned to their ane wandering modes of life, and rejoined their brethren who moved about through the wide extent of the great desert. The first meeting of the Israelites and the Amalekites took place in the southern part of the Sinaitic peninsula. At Rephidim, a broad plain to the north-west of Mount Sinai, the Amalekites came out against the Israelites, and a battle ensued which lasted throughout the whole day. Joshua commanded in the fight, and Moses on the hill top held up his rod in the sight of the people as the sign from God that they would conquer te His rie (Ex 17°'%), The Amalekites had at this time acted in a peculiarly bitter and exasperating manner towards the Israelites, harassing them on their rear, and cutting off the weak and the weary (Dt 25!7"*). In consequence, the Amalekites, to a greater extent than any of the other Can. and neighbouring tribes, were placed under the ban, so that J” Himself, as well as His people, is repre- soe as solemnly swearing eternal feud against them. The defeat of the Amalekites evidently put the fear of the Israelites upon the robber nomad tribes of the desert for a time, so that they were un- molested during their advance to Sinai, and during their year’s encampment there, as well as during their subsequent march northward to the southern border of Palestine at Kadesh. It was the intention of the Israelites to enter Palestine from the south, and so from this point, just outside of the southern boundary of Palestine, spies were sent to examine the land, and to bring back a report as to whether an entrance from that point was possible, and if so, how best the invading forces might conduct the campaign. These spies on their return reported that the Amalekites dwelt in the land of the south in the valley, z.e. in the southern portions of the region afterwards occupied by Judah and Simeon (Nu 13” 14%), in the neighbourhood of the lowland Canaanites and the highland Hittites, Jebusites, and Amorites. The Amalekites are represented as the leaders of the confederate Canaanites who resisted the entrance of the Israelites into the south of Palestine (Nu 14%), They were evidently at that time of considerable importance, and must have been for a long period in possession of those territories only a little way north of the district in which we find their ancestors, or, at least, a branch of the same great nation, settled in the days of Abraham. The bitter opposition shown by the Amalekites to the Israelites at Sinai and in Southern Pales- tine was distinguished from that of the other tribes by this, that they were really at the head of the confederated clans already in possession of the land, and the struggle between them and the invaders was to determine the whole future of the rivals, the success of the one necessarily meaning the utter destruction of the other. ‘It was the hatred,’ says Ewald (History of Israel, i. 250), ‘ of two rivals disputing a splendid prize which the one had previously geen and still partially possessed, and the other was trying to get for himself by ousting him.’ The bitterness must have been in- tensified by the secession to the ranks of Israel of such branches or families of the Amalekite stem as the Kenites and Kenizzites. These two families, with Jethro and Caleb respectively at their head, were the ancient allies of Israel, and ultimately settlers in the land. The defeat of the Israelites may have secured for the Amalekites and theiz immediate neighbours peace and prosperity throuyh- out a whole generation. When they were ayain attacked it was by a people already in possession of the northern regions, now pressing southward, How far they were interfered with by Judal: and Simeon is not recorded, but it would appeny that even after the Israelitish occupation of the country the Amalekites in considerable numbers maintained possession of the plateau and hilly regions in the extreme south, In the time of the Judges, however, we meet with the Amalekites in the company of the Midianites, as nomad tribes roaming about amon their old desert haunts, and pursuing their ol tacties of harassing peaceful agriculturists. When the crops sown by the Israelites were ripening, the Amalekite marauders descended and reaped the harvest, so that the unfortunate inhabitants were impoverished and discouraged (Jg 6°). They, along with the Ammonites, were allies of the Moabites in their conflict with Israel, and no doubt suffered in the defeat of the Moabites at the hand of Ehud (Jg 3). During this same period, it would seem that a branch of the Amalekite tribe had secured a settlement in Mount Ephraim. Pirathon, the residence of the judge Abdon, some 15 miies south-west of Shechem, bore the name of ‘the Mount of the Amalekites,’ or had in it a hill so called (Jg 1215). The settlers who had thus riven their name to the hill belonged in all prola- bility to a branch of the Amalekites, who, about the time that some of their bretliren settled in the south of Palestine, in what was afterward assigned to Judah, pressed farther to the north, and secured possessions among other Canaanite tribes in the very centre of the land. This is more likely than the suggestion of Bertheau, that these Amalekites of Ephraim were remnants of those expelled by the men of Judah from their southern settlements in the days of Joshua. They had evidently been some considerable time in possession before localities came to be popularly known by their name. This view is farther confirmed by the words of Deborah in her song (Jg 54), ‘out of Ephraim came pen down whose root is im (not against, as in AV) Amalek.’ The land of Ephraim was the territory once possessed by the Amalekites. In the early years of his reign, Saul was commis- sioned to carry on a war of extermination against the Amalekites and their king Agag (1S 15). This was intended to be the execution of the sentence assed upon them in the days of Moses (Ex 17%, Yu 24%, Dt 2517-19), No living thing belonyiny to the Amalekites was to be spared. This great battle was evidently fought in the south of Judah, as the pursuit is described as extending from Havilah in Arabia, far to the east, to Shur in the west of the desert on the border of Egypt. Whien worsted in battle they evidently passed over the southern boundary of Palestine, and betook them- selves to their ancestral haunts in the wild desert. During the period of their residence as a settled people in Southern Judah, they had a capital city, Ir-Amalek, ‘the city of Amalek’ (1 S 155). Robber bands of the yet unsubdued nomad Amalek AMAM ites of the desert, during the time of David’s stay among the Philistines, sacked Ziklag, in the tern- tory of Simeon, outside of the southern boundary of Judah (1 S 30). These were overtaken by David, and only 400 young men on swift camels succeeded in making their escape. The reference to the Amalekites in 2 S 87%, in the list of spoils dedicated to God by David, is probably to this sameincident. From this time onward the Amalek- ites seem to have been regarded as no longer formidable; and even as raiders from the desert we find no further trace of them. The last mention of them in the OT occurs in 1 Ch 4%, in the days of Hezekiah. There it is said that ‘the remnant of the Amalekites that escaped,’ and who had con- tinued till that day in Mount Seir, were smitten by 500 of the Simeonites, who took possession of their land. That the Amalekites are not men- tioned in Gn 10 is regarded by Dillmann as proof that before the time of the writer they had sunk into insignificance. Outside of the OT we have no reliable accounts of the Amalekites. In the works of the Arabian historians very extensive and detailed reports are iven of the progress and achievements of the iaalekites ; but these, as Néldeke has convincingly shown, are credible only in so far as they are based on the statements of the historical books of our own canonical Scriptures, LiTERATURE.—A very admirable and comprehensive sketch is given by Bertheau in Schenkel, Bibellexicon, Leipz. 1869, vol. i. 111-114. See also Dillmann, Com. on Genesis, on chs. x. and xxxvi.; Ewald, Hist. of Israel, Eng. tr. 1876, vol. i. 109f., 250f.; Kurtz, History of the Old Covenant, Eng. tr. 1859, tii. 48- 50; Néldeke, Ueber die Amalekiter wnd einige andere Nachbar- vilker der Israzliter, 1864. J. MACPHERSON. AMAM (omy), Jos 15% only.—An unknown city of Judah, in the desert south of Beersheba. AMAN.—1. (’Audv A) Is mentioned in Tobit’s dying words as the persecutor of Achiacharus, To 140, Cod. B, however, has ’Adadu; x NadaB; Itala, Nabad; Syr. Ahab. rey the allusion is to Haman and Mordecai. 2. Est 12° 16!%17, See HAMAN. . T. MARSHALL. AMANA (7y>x), Ca 4°. Probably the mountains near the river Abana or Amana, being connected with Hermon and Lebanon; or else Mount Amanus in the north of Syria. C. R. CONDER. AMARIAH (arpx, sAmox SJ” hath promised ’).— 4, 2 Ch 19%, high ead in the reign of Jehosha- phat, harp im chief justice ‘in all matters of the Lord,’ as Zebadiah, ‘the ruler of the house of Judah,’ was ‘in all the king’s matters.’ (Is this a precedent for the joint rule in later times of Zerubbabel and Joshua?) 2,3. In a genealogy in 1 Ch 6%15.00-63, Ezy 71-5, beginning with Aaron and ending with Jehozadak at the Captivity, which seems 28 much intended to be a list of the high priests as 1 Ch 3" is of the kings of Judah, and which ppepars to be the basis of Josephus’ very corrupt lists (Ant. vil. i. 3, X. viii. 6), the name occurs twice—(a) 1 Ch 67 grandfather of Zadok, and therefore a younger contemporary of Eli. Of this man we have no other record ; see ABIATHAR. (8) 1 Ch 64, Ezr 7,1 Es 8?,2 Es 1? (Amarias in Apocr.), son to the Azariah who is said to have ministered in Solomon’s temple. If, as is probable, this remark applies to the previous Azariah, then this Amariah may be the same as No. 1. But great uncertainty hangs over these lists. In Ezr 7'* six names are omitted, perhaps by homoioteleuton; in the full list important names (e.g. Jehoiada, Zechariah, the Azariahs con- temporary with Uzziah and Hezekiah arena rely Urijah) are omitted; the succession ‘ Amariah, AMAZED 79 Ahitub, Zadok’ occurs twice; only three hixh priests are given between Amariah under Jehosha- hat, and Hilkiah under Josiah. 4, A priest clan, ourth in the list of 22 in Neh 12 (v.?), who ‘ went up with Zerabbabel’ ‘in the days of Jeshua,’ and in the list of 21 (v."5), ‘in the days of Joiakim,’ and fifth in the list of those who sealed to the covenant under Nehemiah (Neh 10%), This clan is probably identical with that of ‘Immer,’ the sixteenth course in David’s time (1 Ch 24), and one of the four families of priests mentioned in ‘the book of the genealogy of them which came up at the first’ (Ezr 27 Neh 7%, Meruth 1 Es 5%, A ’Eppnpové), and in the time of Ezra (Ezr 10*'); see ABIJAH, No. 4. 5. 1 Ch 2319 24%, a Kohathite Levite in David’s time. 6. 2 Ch 31, a> Levite in Hezekiah’s time, one of the six assistants to Kore, ‘the porter at the east gate, who was over the freewill offerings of God.’ 7. Ezr 10%, a man of Judah of the sons of Bani (1 Ch 9%), one of thuse who ‘had taken strange wives.’ 8. Neh 114, a man of Judah, ancestor to Athaiah, who was one of those ‘that willingly otfered themselves to dwell in Jerus.’ 9. Zeph 11, great-grandfather of the pro- phet, son to Hezekiah, perhaps the king. N. J. D. WHITE. AMARIAS (A ’Ayaplas, B’ApapOelas), 1 Es 82.X—An ancestor of Ezra in the line of high priests, father of Ahitub. Called Amariah, Ezr 73. AMASA (xy. ‘burden’ or ‘burden bearer’).—41. The son of Ithra an Ishmaelite, and of Abigail the sister of king David. The first mention of him is in connexion with the rebellion of Absalom (2 S 17), who made him leader of his army. Joab, at the head of the king’s troops, completely route«| him in the forest of Ephraim (2 § 188). David not only pardoned him, but gave him the command of the army in place of Joab (2S 19). When he came to lead the royal forces against Sheba and his rebel host, he was treacherously slain by Joab at ‘the great stone of Gibeon’ (25 20°!%), 2. An Ephraimite who opposed the bringing into Samaria of the Jewish prisoners, whom Pekah, king of Israel, had taken in his campaign against Ahaz (2 Ch 28}%), R. M. Boyp. AMASAI (wpy).—1. A Kohathite, 1 Ch 6%: *, the eponym of a family, 2 Ch 29% 2. One of the riests who blew trumpets on the occasion of avid’s bringing the ark to Jerus., 1 Ch 15%. 3, One of David’s officers at Ziklag, 1 Ch 12}, pos- sibly to be identified with Amasa, No. 1. J. A. SELBIE. AMASHSAI (‘oyny, perhaps a combination of the reading ‘woy, ‘opy).—AV Amashai, Neh 11% A priest of the family of Immer. AMASIAH (mopy).—One of Jehoshaphat's coin- manders, 2 Ch 173°. AMAZED.—Amaze has a much wider range of meaning in old Eng. thanin modern. In conformity with its derivation (a-maze) it expresses confusion or perplexity, the result of the unexpected ; but this may give rise to a variety of emotions. 1. FEAR: Jg 20" ‘When the men of Israel turned again, the men of Benjamin were a.’ 2. AWE: Mk 10°? ‘And they were in the way going up to Jerus. ; and Jesus went before them, and they were a. ; and as they followed they were afraid.’ 3. EXCITED WonveER: Lk 5% ‘they were all a.’ (Gr. ékoracis éaBev Amavras; RV ‘amazement took hold on all’). 4. DrPRESSION : Mk 14% ‘(Jesus) began to be sore a., and to _be very heavy.’ Amazement occurs twice in AV, the expression in Ac 3° of great joy ; in 1 P 3° of great fear. J. HasTinas. 80 AMAZIAH AMAZIAH (mypx, smypx).—1. The name of a king of Judah who succeeded his father Jehoash Hy the assassination of the latter (c. 800. B.C.). The chief interest of his reign centres in his wars with Edom and with Israel (2 K 14, 2 Ch 25). In the first of these campaigns, Edom, which had revolted from Judah during the reign of Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, suffered a severe defeat in the Valley of Salt, and the capital Sela or Petra fell into the hands of the enemy (2 K 14”). Elated by this success, Amaziah challenged to a conflict his neighbour Jehoash, the grandson of Jehu. This powerful monarch showed no anxiety to try con- clusions with his presumptuous rival, to whom he addressed the ell Enoy parable of the thistle and the cedar (vv.*), Amaziah, however, stung by the moral of this parable, refused to listen to the well- meant advice, and rushed blindly upon his fate. At the battle of Beth-shemesh the forces of Judah were me routed, and the king himself taken prisoner. ehoash followed up his victory by capturing Jerusalem, partially destroying its walls, pileging the temple and the palace, and carrying k hostages to Samaria (vv."-4). How long Amaziah survived this humiliating defeat, it is not easy to decide. The statement (2 K 14”) that he outlived Jehoash fifteen years can hardly be correct, and there seem to be sufficient reasons for considerably reducing the number of years (twenty- nine) assigned to his reign by the chronological system adopted in the Books of Kings. His reign appears to have synchronised almost exactly with that of Jehoash, as that of his successor did with the reign of Jeroboam Ul. There is not a little plausibility in the conjecture of Wellhausen, that the conspiracy which issued in the murder of Amaziah at Lachish had its origin in the popular dissatisfaction with his wanton attack upon creel which cost Judah so dear. The death of Amaziah should probably be dated c. 780 B.c., the year when there is reason to believe his son Azariah or Uzziah ascended the throne. Besides the strictly historical details which he borrows from 2 Kings, the Chronicler adds certain particulars, the purpose of whose insertion is evident (2 Ch 25-14-16), (On these additions see Graf Die geschichtlichen Bucher des A.T. p. 157 ff., and Driver, LOT, p. 494.) 2. The priest of Jeroboam 1. who opposed and attempted to silence the prophet Amos when the latter delivered his message at the sanctuary of Bethel (Am 71°17, See Amos). 3. A man of the tribe of Simeon (1 Ch 4°4), 4, A descendant of Merari (1 Ch 6*). J. A. SELBIE. AMBASSADOR.—Three Heb. words are some- times tr. ‘ambassador’ in RV of OT: 4. axbn, a general term for messenger, used for (a) messengers of private men (2 K 5"); (4) messengers of God= angels (see ANGEL); (c) messengers of kings or rulers=ambassadors (2 K 19°, 2 Ch 35”), though sometimes tr. ‘messengers’ in RV (Dt 2%, Nu 2014). 2. vy, apparently a synonym of 1 (Pr 131"; cf. 251%), hence=herald or messenger from court (Is 18? 57°), and meta aarp an ‘ambassador’ of J” (Jer 49%; cf. Ob y.1). In Jos 94 the reading of RVm is to be preferred. 3%. 7°72, properly an interpreter, and so used in Gn 42%; cf. Job 3373 (?); hence tr? in Is 43” (in theocratic sense) ‘inter- preters’ RV text, ‘ambassadors’ marg.; in 2 Ch 3231 ‘ambassadors’ text, ‘interpreters’ marg. Ambassadors were not permanent officials, but were chosen from attendants at court for special occasions (see 2 K 19°). Their evil treatment was regarded then as now as 4 grave insult to king and people (2S 10'*). In the Apocr. the general term dyyedos, ‘messenger,’ is often used even in dealings with courts (Jth 1" 3!, 1 Mac 1“ 7°), but during the AMEN ee ee Maccabzean period, when embassies were frequently sent, the ordinary Gr. words for ‘ambassadors’ are eee : tpecBeurjs (1 Mac 137 1471-2), rpeaBevs (1 Mac 9” 11° 1314), and mpecBira (2 Mac 11%). The word mpeoBela, ‘ambassage’ (RV Apocr.), occurs in 2 Mac 44%, In NT (Lk 14*, 2 Co 5%, Eph 6”) the use is metaphorical. G. W. THATCHER. AMBASSAGE, mod. embassy; in AV only Lk 14", but RV adds Lk 1914 (AV ‘message’) where the same Gr. word (mpecBela) is used. The meaning is not a message sent by ambassadors, but the ambassadors themselves. In 1 Mac 14% the mean- ing is ‘message’ (Gr. Adyor, RV ‘ words’). J. HASTINGS, AMBER.—See MINERALS. AMBUSH, from in (which becomes im before 6, whence am) and boscus, a bush, wood, thicket, is used in various shades of meaning. 1. The abstract state of lying in wait in order to attack an enemy secretly. Jos 8 ‘(Joshua) set them to lie in a. between Bethel and Ai.’ 2. The place where the a. is set, or the position thus assumed. Jos 8’ ‘Ye shall rise up from the a.’; 1 Mac 9” RV ‘ And they rose up against them from their a.’ 3. The men that form the a. Jos 8 ‘the a. arose co out of their place’ ; Jer 51)? ‘ prepare the ambushes’ (m. ‘liers in wait’). The mod. va ne, is am- buscade. Ambushment, meaning a body of troops disposed in ambush, is used in 2 Ch 138%; also ambushments in 2 Ch 20” (RV ‘liers in wait’; but RV gives ambushment in Jos 8° for ‘lie in ambush,’ and in Jg 9* for ‘lying in wait’). J. HASTINGS. AMEN.—This word found its way bodily from the Heb. (jpx) into the Hellenistic idiom through the LXX, and strengthened its hold later on by its more copious use in the version of Symmachus. It is derived from j2x he propped, in Niphal (re- flexive) he was firm. So the adverb jpx, firmly, came to be used, like our surely, for confirmation, in various ways. (1) It is used for the purpose of adopting as one’s own what has just been said (this answering sense ‘being apparently the orig. one, Nu 5%)=‘so is it,’ or ‘so shall it be,’ rather than the less compre- hensive ‘so be it,’ though ‘so be it’ is occasional] the prominent meaning (Jer 28°), The word is limited to the religious atmosphere, being, on human lips, an expression of faith that God holds the thing true, or will or can make it true. Thus after the ‘oath of cursing,’ recited in Nu 5”, there is added, both in the orig. Hebrew and in the Greek of Sym., ‘The woman shall say, Amen, Amen,’ the word being doubled for emphasis; where the LXX, however, has the inadequate yévaro, yévorro, so be tt, as is the case in nineteen out of the twenty-three passages where the Heb. word occurs in this connexion: of the rest, three have dufv, and the fourth dA7Ods. It is put also into the mouth of the people at the end of each curse uttered on Mount Ebal (Dt 27). At the close, likewise, of public prayers, thanksgivings, benedictions, or doxologies the people used to say Amen (Neh 8°, Amen, Amen); not, apparently, however in the services of the beet oe where the response was different (Edersheim, Lemple Service, p. 127), but certainly in the services of the syna- Beane (Ps 41%, e.g., and Schiirer, HJP I. ii. 78, 82). hat this custom passed over from the synagogue to the Christian assemblies we gather from 1 Co 14'%, where St. Paul speaks of 7d dpi, the (customary) amen uttered by the listeners at the close of the extempore thanksgiving. (2) It is used in confirmation of one’s own prayers thanksgivings, benedictions, doxologies. Eater ee en ee ae ee se ——— ——s. 7) ax AMEN AMMIYUD 81 NT the word occurs only at the end of a private prayer in To 8%, and at the end of a personal ascription in the last verses of 3 and 4 Mac. _The AMERCE. — Dt 22! ‘They shall a. him in (Driver, ‘they shall fine him’) an hundred shekels of silver’; and 2 Ch 36° RV ‘and a4 (AV personal doxological or ascriptional usage is much; ‘condemned’) the land in an hundred talents of ge “more frequent in Paul and the Apoe., it is the only NT usage. in St. Paul’s Bpistles the word sometimes concludes a prayer for, or a benediction upon, his readers; but, except in Ro 15° and Gal 61, it is a later addition. onary 7 os ee it is Spperently jnire- ALC to.a doxology, but is, in reality, confirma- ea doxology.-So also ee Rev. 22” it a believing acceptance of the previous divine affirmation. (3a) It is used once aé the clos T (e.g. Ro 1* 9°), and, outside St eof an affirmation of one’s own, to confirm it solemnly in faith: Rev 1’, where it is the trustful climax of the more limited yal, yea (the bare personal confirmation): ‘ Yea, verily [He shall so come).’ (30) The use of Amen to introduce one’s own words and Clothe them with solemn 6 called an idiom of vhrist : @ use entirely to” Him in sacred literature. But the practice of the evan- gelists in this matter is not uniform. The Synopt- ists give invariably duh» Aéyw, the Fourth Gospel as invariably duny duh» Aéyw. Again, Matthew is richest in the phrase, using it thirty times; Mark less rich, using it thirteen times; Luke least so, using it only six times; elsewhere he gives narrower substitutes (dA70as thrice, éx’ ddnOelas once, val once), or more usually the simple Aédyw. The signal difference in Luke may be due partly to the non-Hebraic stamp of hisreaders. The double amen of introduction in John has its parallel elsewhere in the double amen of conclusion, instances of which have already been cited. But the invariableness of the doubling, as opposed to the invariableness of the single amen in the Synoptists, can be put down only to an idiosyncrasy of the writer, though he need not be unhistorical in all or even in man of his instances; for it is worthy of notice that all the sayings in question are peculiar to John except 13 (|| Mt Lk) and *8 (|| all Synopp., but Lk \éyw py See Hogg in JOR Oct. 1896. ut Christ’s uniqueness in using it as a word of introduction runs parallel with the uniqueness of its connotation when He does useit. (a) It is never the expression of His own Sorat a or expectant) faith ; it is rather an expression calling for faith: this view is supported by the invariable accompani- ment Aéyw vuiy, ‘He makes good the word, not the word Him’ (Cremer, Worterbuch, 8th ed. pp. 145, 146). (8) Consequently, in His mouth, it has ohare to do with His own person, either (a) as essiah, or (b) as demanding faith in His Messiah- ship in spite of outward appearances and mistaken views: it points not recent to intellectual or eventual verity, but to the fact that either the thing is true in Him or He will make it or keep it true. So it is the amen of fulfilment in Him or b Him, or the amen of paradox, or both (cf. Mt 5 16% 21*! 268, and other meee cited in Cremer). It is intelligible, therefore, how the evangelists preferred to leave duty untranslated; for Luke’s occasional dhn0as, like LXX yévoro, is but a partial equivalent for what Christ meant by the word. See Nestle in Expos. Times, viii. (1897) 190. (4) In close relation to Christ’s usage, so under- , is the use of amen as a name or description of Christ and of : of Christ, Rev 34, ‘the Amen, the-faithfuland true witness’ (cf. 2 Co 1”, where the yea, the promise, is in Christ, and the Amen, the ratification, is through Him): of God, Is 6516 (twice), ‘the God of the amen,’ t.e. of faith- fulness and truth (if the Heb. adverbial plas be correct: see Che on the passage); LXX (in- adequately): rd» Gedy roy ddnOurdy (cf. dAndwés and duty, Rev 3744), J. MASSIE. VOL, 1.—6 silver.’ .In Ex 21”, Am 2° RV translates the same verb (wy) ‘ fine.’ J. HASTINGS. AMETHYST.—See STONES, (PRECIOUS). AMI (*px=}'ox Neh 7°).—The head of a family of ‘Solomon’s servants,’ Ezr-2°7, AMIABLE (=/ovely, and now used only of per- sons) is applied to God's dwelling-place in Ps 84! ‘How a. are Thy tabernacles, O Lord of hosts’(RVm ‘lovely’ ; as at Ph 48 Rheims Bible has ‘ whatsoever amiable,’ AV ‘whatsoever things are lovely’). Cf. Howell (1644) ‘They keep their churches so cleanly and amiable.’ J. HASTINGS. AMITTAI (‘sox ‘true’).—Father of the prophet Jonah, 2 K 14%, Jon 1, AMITY, friendly relations between two nations, 1 Mac 12'* (RV ‘ friendship’). See ALLIANCE. AMMAH (7px), 2 S 2% only.—A hill near Giah, in the wilderness of Gibeon. It was probably to the east of Gibeon above the Jordan Valley, but the name has not been recovered. C. R. CONDER. AMMI (‘ey=‘ my people,’* LXX dads pov).—The name which is to be applicable to Israel in the time of restoration ; Lo-ammi(=not my people), the name given in the first instance by Hosea to Gomer’s third child, but in the prophetic fragment, Hos 1% [in Heb. 2!-*], referred to the people of Israel, is, according to the author of the fragment, to be replaced by the name Ammi of exactly opposite import, in sign of the changed relation of the people to J”. See Lo-AmmMi. G. B. GRay. AMMIDIOI (B‘Appldio, A, ‘Aupuldacoc; in Swete’s text with the hard, but in Fritzsche’s with the soft breathing; AV Ammidoi).—Of the three arallel lists (Ezr 2=Neh 7=1 Es 5) which give the amilies which returned with Zerubbabel from captivity, that in 1 Es (5%) alone mentions the Ammidioi. It has been suggested that they are the men of Humtah (Jos 154 nyon, A Kauuara). It may be questioned whether either the Chadiasai or Ammidioi were mentioned in the original Heb. lists, for it is to be noticed that in the case of these alone is the gentilic form used ; otherwise through- out the list we have equivalent expressions of the Heb. ... "33, + « 'w3R, €.g. vlol Pépos (v.*), ol ex Beroduw. G. B. GRAY. AMMIEL (5x2y ‘kinsman is God’).—4. Son of Gemalli, and spy of the tribe of Dan (Nu 13” P). 2. Father of Niachir (see art.), 2S 9% 1777. 3, According to the Chronicler, the sixth son of Obed. edom, who with his family constituted one of the courses of doorkeepers in the time of David; to them was alletted charge of the S. gate (of the temple) and tlre storehouse (1 Ch 26, esp. vv. 1). Presumably, therefore, Ammiel was the name of a division of the doorkeepers in the time of the Chronicler—c. B.c. 300. Cf. Driver, ZOT 500f. ; Graf, Die Geschicht. Biich. d. A.T. 213-247, esp 242 f., 246f.; Gray, Stud. in Heb. Proper Names, ch, iii. p. 49ff. 4. 1 Ch 3%. See ELIAM. G. B. Gray. AMMIHUD (nay ‘kinsman is majesty ’).—1, An Ephraimite, father of Elishama (see art.), Nu 2° 918 748.53 1922 (P), Presumably identical with A. * For fuller discussion of the meaning of this name, and the following names beginning with Ammi, see NAMES, PROPER. 82 AMMIHUR son of Ladan, 1 Ch 7%, 2. A Simeonite, father of Shemuel (see art.), Nu 34% (P). 3. A Naphtalite, father of Pedahel (see art.), Nu 34% (P). 4. Accord- ing to the Keré of 2S 13° and the AV, A. was the name of the father of David’s contemporary, the Geshurite king Talmai. The Kethibh, followed by RV, reads »n'ny—the closely similar letters n and 1 replacing and 7. Between the two readings it is difficult to decide; for while the Keré is better supported, the Aethibh, as a maine occurring nowhere else in OT, is the harder reading. 5. Son of Omri, father of Uthai (1 Ch 94). G. B. GRAY. AMMIHUR (1n'py).—See AMMIHUD, No. 4. AMMINADAB (27;'2y ‘kinsman is generous,’ or perhaps ‘my people is generous,’ *ApewaddBp, A’Amvadas; in NT Mt 14 (and Lk 3%?) ’ApwaddB, whence the name in AV of NT is spelt Aminadab). —1. According to the genealogy in Ruth, which ives David’s ancestry, Amminadab was son of am and father of Nahshon (Ru 4%=1 Ch 2”, Mt 1); as father of Nahshon he is also mentioned in Nu 17 23 732 104 (P). Through his daughter Elisheba he became father-in-law of Aaron, Ex 67 (P). 2. According to 1 Ch 6” A. was son of Kohath and father of Korah ; but in other state- ments about Kohath’s children (e.g. Ex 618, Nu 3%, 1 Ch 62) A. is not mentioned ; moreover, elsewhere Izhar appears as son of Kohath and father of Korah (Ex 6182, 1 Ch 618). There can be little doubt, therefore, that A. has accidentaily replaced Izharin 1 Ch6”; this may have arisen in compiling the list from a fuller list of the Kohathites which mentioneu the connexion of A. (No. 1) with them. 8. According to the Chronicler (1 Ch 151°) another A. was chief of a Levitical house in the days of David; he is described as a son of Uzziel, who was one of the sons of Kohath (1 Ch 6%). G. B. GRAY. AMMINADIB (3%; py) occurs in AV and RVm of avery obscure passage, Ca 6 ‘my soul made me like the chariots of Amminadib.’ RV and AVm do not regard the term as a pr. name, but render ‘my soul set me on (RV among) the chariots of my willing (RV princely) people.’ In Kautzsch’s tr. of OT the passage is omitted from the text, and is rendered in a footnote, ‘Mein Verlangen [ver-] setzste mich auf die Wagen meines Volkes, eines Edlen,’ with the remark that it is quite unin- telligible in its present context. The great variety of interpretation and exegesis of the words will be found exhibited in Reuss’ A 7, v. 391 ff. ; ef. Hitzig, d. Hohe Lied, 82 f., and comm. of Delitzsch, Ewald, bottcher, Zickler, Oettli, etc. See SONG oF SONGS. J. A. SELBIE. AMMISHADDAI (wy ‘kinsman is Shaddai,’ see GoD).—A Danite, father of Ahiezer (see art.), Nias 2575.78 1022): AMMIZABAD (121r~2y ‘kinsman for, my people) has made a present’).—Son of Benaiah, for whom he appears at times to have officiated ; but the statement in the only passage (1 Ch 27°) where he is mentioned is obscure. G. B. Gray. AMMON, AMMONITES (‘oy73, eva; in the inscriptions, Bit-Amm4n). — A people occupying territory east of the Jordan, between the Arnon on the south and the Jabbok on the north. The land lying farther to the south, separated from them byahe Arnon, was the possession of the Moabites. Before the arrival of the Israelites at the plains of Moab, the Ammonites had been driven back from the Jordan banks by an Amorite tribe from the west under Sihon. These Amorites estab- lished a kingdom, carved out of the Ammonite terri- tories, with Heshbon as their capital. In this way AMMON, AMMONITES a strip of land along the eastern bank of the river, varying in breadth from 20 to 30 miles, ceased to be regarded as belonging to the Ammonites, and was assigned to the transjordanic tribes of Reuben and Gad. The original territories of the Ammon- ites, extending from the Arnun to the Jabbok, and reaching to the eastern bank of the Jordan, had in earlier years been held by a giant race called Zamzummim (Dt 21), to whom it seems that Og, king of Bashan, also belonged (Dt 3%). As to the origin of the children of Ammon, an account is given in Gn 19%8, which has been inter- preted by some as genuinely historical, and by others as a reminiscence of a certain family rela- tionship, coloured by bitter hostility and national hatred. The latter position is maintained by such distinguished and moderate exegetes as Dillmann and Bertheau; but by them the myth is regarded as historically justified, and indeed suggested, by the lustful character and irregular habits of the Ammonites. On the other hand, Delitzsch perti- nently asks how such an origin can be assigned to the narrative, seeing that their supposed descent from Lot is made the one ground for exceptional treatment of the Ammonites and Moabites (Dt 2°19), The story of their origin certainly does not afford occasion for contemptuous or hostile treatment. This can be accounted for only by their unbrotherly conduct towards Israel, which caused such delay and hardship on the eve of the entrance into the promised laud (Dt 234). It appears to Delitzsch that the lewdness and moral corruption which characterized their later history resulted from their tainted origin, rather than suggested the story of that origin as given in our Scriptures. In any case, we must regard this notice as indicatin: a close relationship between the Ammonites an the Israelites. That such a family connexion really did subsist between the two nations is con- firmed by the fact that almost all the names of Moabite and Ammonite persons and places that have come down to us are easily understeod by the use of a Hebrew lexicon. From this cireum- stance Kautzsch quite fairly concludes that these nations caunot be reckoned among the Arab tribes, but must have a place given them among the races allied to the Hebrews. The name by which they were first known was ‘children of Ammon.’ Only in the literature of very late ages do we find the name Ammon used as the designation of the people (Ps 837). In this very late, probably Maccabzan, psalm * (the only place in OT outside the Pent. in which Lot’s name is found), a list is given of ten tribes confederated in open and violent opposition to Israel at the re-dedication of the temple, in which the names of Ammon and Moab occur. Itis then said of all these confederates that ‘ they have holpen the children of Lot.’ This latter designation is no doubt intended to apply to the Ammonites and Moabites. The meaning of the name Bené-Ammi, literally ‘sons of my people,’ points to derivation from parents both of whom were of one race. The statement in Nu 21%, that ‘the border of the children of Ammon was strong,’ + coming after a description of the destruction of the Amorites by the Israelites as reaching to that border, is under- stood by Kautzsch and others as indicating the reason why the Israelites did not carry their con- quests farther east, and as therefore opposed to Dt 2, which makes Israel avoid conflict with the Ammonites in consequence of a divine command. The earlier passage, however, ma; be read as giving the reason why Sihon and his * See Ewald, History of Israel, i. 312, and Cheyne, Origin of the Psalter, 1891, p. 97. t Dillmann and many oth ss ty ‘strong.’ read here sy ‘Jazer for ot eh ¥ va —- ‘ AMMON, AMMONITES AMON 83 Amorites had not pushed their conquests beyond this strip of land, with the possession of which they had rested satisfied. The Ammonites had retreated before the Amorites within the natural fortresses of their inland mountain region. But though they had thus under compulsion abandoned the fruitful Jordan Valley, the Ammonites never ceased to look upon the whole sweer of country down to the river banks as rightfully theirs. Some 300 years after the conquest of the land by the Isr., the king of the monites made the unreasonable claim that they should restore to him the country that had been taken so long before, not from his fore- fathers, but from their Amorite conquerors (Jg 11%). This the Israelites, under the brave Gilead- ite chief Jephthah, refused to do, inflicting upon the Ammonites and their allies a most humiliating and crushing defeat.* Previousto this, foreighteen years, the Ammonites had harassed those who occupied the coveted district; and so successful had they been in this that they were encouraged to venture across the Jordan, and there held in terror the war- like tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim. While this is reported primarily and mainly to show the depth to which the Israelites had sunk, it also affords proof of the prowess and military importance of the Ammonites. When we next hear of them, in the early years of king Saul, the children of Ammon fete a owerful nation under a capable ruler, king Nahash. One of the first distinctions in battle ined by Saul was his defeat of Nahash and the monites, and the deliverance of the inhabit- ants of Jabesh-gilead, to whose city they had laid siege (1 S 11). The LXX text here reads that this eonflict took place about a month after Saul had ascended the throne. During the earlier art of the reign of David, hostilities between esa and Ammon ceased, because in the time of his trouble, Nahash, either this same mon- arch or perhaps his successor, ‘showed kindness to David’ (2S 102). On the death of David’s friend, messengers were sent to condole with his son Hanun, who, suspecting that they were spies, treated them infamously, so that David was obliged to enter upon a war to wipe out the insult that had been put upon his ambassadors. The sense- less conduct of the Ammonite monarch evidently awakened among the Israelites all the old bitter- ness, so that in the hour of victory David and his men lost all control of themselves, and inflicted upon the vanquished children of Ammon the most cruel and revolting barbarities (2S 12731), Their capital, Rabbath-Ammon, was taken by Joab, David’s commander-in-chief, though he gave the honour to the king. This city (in Maccabsean times known by the name of Philadelphia), one of the cities of the Decapolis, lay about 20 miles east of the Jordan, just outside the eastern border of the territory of Gad, at the southern spring of the Jabbok. After the division of the kingdom, the country that had been taken from the Ammonites natur- ally fell with the rest of the transjordanic terri- tory to the nation of the ten tribes. The Ammonites, however, soon took advantage of the weakness of the divided kingdom to assert again theirindependence. They also joined eagerl with the Assyrians in their attack on Gilea A obtaining increase of territory as the reward of their service; and subsequently, when Tiglath- pileser defeated the Reubenites and Gadites, the Ammonites seem to have been allowed to reoccupy ae at least, of their old territory on the mks of the Jordan (2 K 15”, 1 Ch 5%). The cruelty which they practised in the war against * Acc. to some modern critics, however, Jg 111228 is a late in- terpolation (Moore, Judges, p. 283). Gilead as allies of the Syrians is deseribed as having been committed with the object of getting thei borders enlarged; and for this, and for their malignant exultation over Israel’s fall, they are denounced by the prophets (Am 1, Zeph 2*9, Jer 491-7, Ezk 21°82), We have a detailed account (2 Ch 20) of hostilities between the Am- monites, at the head of a powerful confederacy, and the southern kingdom of Judah under Jehosha- phat. Great preparations had been made for this campaign, which was intended to be decisive; but suspicions of treachery among the allies turned the arms of the panic-stricken hosts against one another in a great slaughter, so that the children of Judah did not require to draw a sword. After nearly 150 years we again find the Am monites at war with Judah (2 Ch 27°), when they were thoroughly beaten by Jotham, and laid unde1 a heavy tribute. During the years in which Judah was tottering on the verge of overthrow, the Ammonites appear among the vassal tribes used by Babylon to harass and plunder those that had revolted from her sway (2 K 24?). After the overthrow of Judah, Baalis, the king of the Am- monites, entertaining still the old unconquerable enmity towards the Jews, sent Ishmael, a man remotely connected with the royal family of Judah, who had been resident in the country of Ammon, to murder the popular and successful governor Gedaliah, under whom the Jewish colony, consisting of those who remained in the land of Judah, had begun to prosper (2 K 25-6, Jer 4014). In the days of Nehemiah, the Ammonites were active in their opposition to the Jews, maliciously endeavouring to ninder the building of the walls of the city and the restoration of the temple (Neh 4). Three hundred years later, in the time of Judas Maccabzeus, the Ammonites joined the Syrians against the Jews. The Jewish deader went through Gilead and inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Ammonites and their confederates under their com- mander Timotheus (1 Mac 5°). The Ammonites are referred to by Justin Martyr, about the middle of the second Christian cent., as even then a numerous people; but not more than a century later Origen speaks ponnely of them, as of Moabites and Edomites, classing them all with the Arab tribes; and with this doubtful allusion they pass altogether out of history. The Ammonites seem to have been notorious among the nations for their cruelty. Their religion was a genuine reflection of this infamous national characteristic. Their chief deity was Molech or Milcom (1 K 117 *). Ammonitess (n’32y), woman of Ammon, | K 14-*, 2 Ch 1218 246, LiteraTuRE. — Kautzsch in Riehm, Handwérterbuch, 1884, pp. 55, 56—an_ admirable and comprehensive sketch. See Dillmann and Delitzsch on Gn 1988 in thcir Commentaries ; Ewald, History of Israel, ii. London, 1876, pp. 295, 336, 398 ff. ; iii. 1878, p. 24, ete.; Ebrard, Apologetics, Edin. 1887, ii. 349-351. J. MACPHERSON. AMNON (jxpx).—1. Eldest son of David b Ahinoam the Jezreelitess. Hedishonoured his half- sister Tamar, and was, on that account, slain by ler brother Absalom (2S 3213). In 2S 13? he is called Aminon (}\3"2s), supposed by many (on the analogy of Arabic) to be a diminutive form, purposely camel Hey Absalom to express contempt ; pay it is only a clerical error. 2. Son of Shimon (1 Ch 4”). J. F. STENNING. AMOK (pipy ‘deep’).—A priestly family in the time of Zerubbabel and af Joiakim, Neh 127 *, See GENEALOGY. AMON (j\px, joe ‘a skilled, or master workman, Pr 8° RV).—1. One of the kings of Judah, son and successor of Manasseh. Two parallel accounts of his reign are given in 2 K 21'**6 and 2 Ch 38”, 84 AMON AMORITES His name occurs in the genealogical list of the house of David, 1 Ch 3!4, and in that of the ancestry of our Lord, Mt 1. It is also men- tioned in connexion with his son Josiah in Jer 1? 253, Zeph 11. A. came to the throne at the age of twenty-two, and his reign lasted two years (641-639 B.c.). It has been supposed that his name may have had some connexion with the Egyp. divinity Amon (see THEBES), and may thus be an illustration of the extent of his father’s heathen sympathies. There is, however, no other evidence that in his culti- vation of foreign forms of worship Manasseh was definitely influenced by Egypt, and the name A. may quite well be Hebrew. All that we know of A. is that during his short reign he repeated all the idolatrous practices of his father’s earlier years. He had been unaffected by Manasseh’s tardy repentance and futile attempts at reform, and when he came into power he gave full scope to the heathen proclivities with which his youthful training had imbued him. The state of matters under A. may be inferred partly from the fact that ‘he walked in all the way that his father walked in, and served the idols that his father served, and worshipped them’ (2 K 2121), partly from the evils that were found rampant at the time of Josiah’s reformation (2 K 23*14, 2 Ch 348%), and partly from the description which the prophets Zephaniah and Jeremiah give of the religious condition of Judah in the begin- ning of Josiah’s reign (Zeph 14% 8% 31, Jer 2-6). An Asherah stood in the house of the Lord; incense was burned to Baal; the sun, moon, and stars were worshipped; idolatrous priests were maintained ; and the name of Malcam was held as sacred as that of J’. Perhaps even human sacri- fice was not discontinued. Idolatry in religion was accompanied by lawless luxury, and by the corruption of morals in every part of society. The rulers were violent, the judges rapacious, the prophets treacherous, and the priests profane. A. was slain by conspirators, and was buried in the new burial-place in the garden of Uzza, where his father also lay. He was not the victim of a popular revolt, but of a palace intrigue; for the people slew his murderers, and set his son Josiah on the throne. It is possible that the plot against A. may have been connected with some attempt at religious reform, like the revolt of Jehu against Jehoram of Israel. If this was so, the attempt was a failure, and the popular reaction in favour of idolatry was strong enough to delay the revival of J's worship for nearly twenty years. But the record is so meagre that this must remain mere matter of conjecture. Literature.—For the last point, see Kittel, Hist. of Heb. ii. 878f. There is a reading by one of the hands in the Alex. MS of the LXX which gives twelve years instead of two as the length of A.’s reign. This has been defended as authentic by George, Duke of Manchester (The Times of Daniel, London, 1845), on grounds of prophetical chronology, in which he is partly supported by Ebrard (SA, 1847, iii. 652 ff.), For the other side, see Thenius, Die Biicher der Konige, in loc., and the note in Ewald (Geschichte, B. 3. 8. 715; Eng. tr. iv. 206). 2. A governor of Samaria in the days of Ahab, mentioned in 1 K 225 (728) and 2 Ch 1825 (})D8), The prophet Micaiah was given into his custody when Ahab set out with Jehoshaphat on his fatal attempt against Ramoth-gilead. The LXX has some singular variations on this name. In 1 K he appears as Seuhp Toy BaciAda THs méAews (Or acc. to another reading ’Auudy roy &pxovra). In 2 Ch he is "Eup (also Zeuuyp) upxovra. Josephus calls him "Axduwv. (See ZATW, 1885, S. 173 ff.) 3. ‘The children of Amon’ (1.8) are mentioned in Neh 759 among ‘the children of Solomon’s servants,’ in the list of those who returned from the Bab. Exile with Zerubbabel and Jeshua. In the parallel list in Ezr (257) the name appears as Ami (‘P8), 4. Amon (god). See THEBES, JAMES PATRICK. ** KMORITES (‘1°89 ‘the Amorite’).—The name has been supposed to signify ‘mountaineer’; but the two Heb. words ’émer and ’@mir, by which the signification is supported, mean ‘summit’ and ‘tower,’ not ‘mountain.’ In the Bab. and Assyr. texts, as well as in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, the name is written Amurra, ‘the Amorite,’ the country being Amurri; the Egyp. form is Amur, ‘ Amorite.’ Syria and Pal. were known to the Semites of Babylonia as ‘the land of the Amorite’ as far back as the time of Sargon of Akkad (B.C. 3800), and the Sumerian name Martu (which has been connected with that of the Phen. city Marathus and moun- tain Brathy) is probably a modification of Amurr4. According to an early Bab. geographical list (WAT ii. 50. 50), Sanir (the Senir of Dt 3°) was a synonym of Subartum or northern Syria. In Sumerian times ‘the land of the Amorites’ was also known as Tidnim or Tidanu. In the age of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (B.C. 1400) and of the Nineteenth Egyp. Dynasty (B.C. 1300) ‘the land of the Amorites’ denoted the inland region immediately to the north of the Pal. of later days. In many passages of the OT, however, the Amorites appear as the predominant population of Canaan, and accordingly (as in the cuneiform inscriptions) give their name to the inhabitants of the whole country (see 2 S 212, Am 2% 19), The Hivites of Gn 342, Jos 971119 are Amorites in Gn 4822, 2S 212; the Jebusites of Jos 1563 1828, Jg 121 1911, 2 S 56 2418 are Amorites in Jos 105-6 (cf. Ezk 16°); and the Hittites of Hebron in Gn 238 take the place of the Amorites of Mamre in Gn 1418 Strictly speaking, howeyer, according to Nu 13”, while the Amalekites, or Bedawin, dwell in the desert to the south, and the Canaanites in the coast- lands of Phoenicia and the valley of the Jordan, ‘the Hittites and the Jebusites and the Amorites dwell in the mountains.’ Amorite kingdoms also existed to the south and east of Palestine. In early days we hear of Amorites to the south-west of the Dead Sea (Gn 14’, cf. Dt 1744), but at the time of the Exodus their two chief kingdoms were those of Sihon and Og, on the eastern side of the Jordan (Dt 314, Jos 21), Og ruled in Bashan, Sihon more to the south, where he had driven the Moabites from the fertile lands between the Jabbok and the Arnon (Nu 2138.26), The overthrow of Sihon and Og, and the occupation of their territories, were among the first achievements of the Israelitish invaders of Canaan (Nu 212!%), e ie te) = Se eee te ee aT ity AMOS AMOS 81 unbrotherliness, nay even the failure to respect the sentiments of others (1°-24), are hateful to Him when heathens are guilty of them, and much more so when Israel is (37). As to the illegitimate methods of worshippin the Lord, he has but little to say; 34 4* 8% show the scorn with which he regarded them. But it is the spirit, not the method, which finds in him so stern an anta- gonist. His main contention is that ritual, as a substitute for the social virtues, is an abomination. True religion consists in doing good and abstaining from harm. As in the Epistle of St. James, ethical considerations are paramount. Righteousness is the keynote of the prophecy. The word Love does not occur. This bent was due primarily to his apprehension of the divine character. God, to him, was the God of Righteousness rather than of Love. Not, of course, that the sense of the Divine Love is absent ; ch. 7'*is a picture of the placableness which yields to the prophet’s intercession, even at the moment when the stroke of punishment is falling. But in this particular Amos stands far below Hosea. The circumstances of the time helped to fix his view. Jeroboam’s victories had brought wealth and power to the upper classes, but had left the poor worse off than of old. The basest advantage was taken of this; the wicked meanness of the powerful provoked Amos to con- tempt (25). Without being what is now called a socialist—for, indeed, he was in no respect a theorist—he felt deeply the rottenness of the social atate ; the dignity of man was being trampled on ; the prevalent luxury was founded on oppression, and was sapping the life of those who practised it. He attacks this luxury unsparingly (64°); even the custom of reclining at meals, recently introduced from the farther East, is twice rebuked (3! 64). The peasant, as well as the prophet, may be felt here. (3) The Coming Judgment.—The Book of Amos is the earliest writing in which the term ‘The Day of J”’ is used. Most probably it was current on the ie lips. They imagined that when the Lord arose in judgment it would be, not only for the establishment of His rule over the whole world, but also to their great benefit; all their sufferings would come to a perpetual end ; dominion as large as David’s would be restored to Israel. Amos saw that this ‘ Day’ threatened to be one of judgment on Israel itself (5!%-), and its coming appeared so inevitable that he speaks of it as ready present. Unlike his predecessors, he looks on the result as totally destructive of the common- wealth (214-16 312-15 42°3.12 57 6 assim, 78 91-47), Repentance would have averted this (4), but the opportunity has passed. The great world-power which will serve as God’s instrument is doubtless Assyria, but the prophet stops short of the mention of its name (57 64), Perhaps he was aware of the weakness under which the Eastern colossus then laboured, but believed that it would stand firmly on its feet again. (4) The Messianic picture in 98-,—One of the weightiest reasons for regarding this as a later addition is its incongruousness with the Visions of Judginent which have preceded. It shows us the land entirely purged of the sinners, the rich officials who had Ae their power. The Davidic kingdom is restored, no stress, however, being laid on the person or character of the prince at its head. The ancient bounds of the empire are re-established, foreigners, especially the hated Edomites, being reduced anew to subjection. The Israelite exiles aes been brought home, and have rebuilt the waste cities. Agriculture and vine-grow- ing flourish to a miraculous degree on a soil of immensely increased fertility. Israel has reached an earthly paradise, and will never be dispossessed. This is a picture which would have commended itself to the men who heard Amos, as his genuine predictions did not. One point there is in common; everything is human and earthly, there is no tracs of expectation of a future life. In so early a writer as Amos it is surprising to meet with so few signs of sympathy with the modes of thought and expression which were afterwards abandoned by the higher religion of the OT. At 7!” he appears to share in the common idea that other lands are unclean to an Israelite. At 9° he adopts the widespread myth of a dan- gerous serpent inhabiting the sea, the creature, eae which the dwellers on the Mediterranean coast-lands conceived of as swallowing, each evening, the setting sun. At 5° (a disputed passage) there is probably a mythical idea involved m the mention of the constellation of ‘The Fool.’ (See art. ORION.) At 6! (another disputed passage) the superstitious dread of pronouncing the divine name amidst inauspicious surroundings is referred to without reproof. 4. There was a time when Jerome’s verdict on the Style of Amos, imperitus sermone, sed non scientid, was generally acquiesced in. Now, however, it is seen that the Christian Father was prejudiced by his Jewish teacher, and that the rophet was as little deficient in style as in know- edge. In point of fact, he is very little inferior to the best OT writers. His language is clear and vigorous; his sentences are well rounded. His imagery, mainly drawn, as was to be expected, from rural life (threshing-sledges, waggon, harvests, grasshoppers, cattle, birds, lions, fishing), is vivid and telling. He knows how to use the refrain (4), and the ee lament (5?) ; he is skilful in working up toa climax. Two or three solecisms in spelling may well be set down to transcribers. An Eastern shepherd is not necessarily uncultivated, though his culture be not derived from books. This shepherd’s outlook was a wide one (1. 2. 97); his apprehension of the meaning of events uncommonly clear ; his knowledge born of reflection and the touch of the Divine Spirit. The boldness of his style was an expression of the boldness of the man and his thoughts. It required no small courage for a Judean to enter Israelite territory for the express purpose of inter- fering in the religious and social life of the nation, denouncing everything as corrupt, threatening swift and utter ruin. Nor is that all. No speaker ever ran counter to the most cherished convictions of his auditors more daringly than the prophet who told them that the destinies of other nations are as really guided by God as those of His chosen people; 9’ is almost a contradiction of 3°. His courage was derived from his conviction of the reality and dignity of his mission. When the Lord God hath spoken, the man who hears Him cannot but prophesy. And whoever else may fail to hear, the prophet does not; he is of the Privy Council (378, ef. Gn 18!”), That is the starting-point of Hebrew prophecy. LiTERATURE.—Calvin, Prelect. tn Duod. Proph. Min. 1610; J. Gerhardi, Adn. Posth. in Proph. Amos et Jon. 1676; J. O. Harenberg, Amos Proph. Exposit. 1763; L. J. Uhland, Annot. ad loc. qued. Am. 1779; J. S. Vater, Amos tibers. u. erkldrt, 1810; Juynboll, Disputatio de Amoso, 1828; Ewald, Die Proph. des Alten Bundes, 1840; Henderson, Minor Prophets, ~845, 1858; Baur, Der Proph. Amos, 1847; Gandell in The Speaker's Commentary, 1876; Hitzig-Steiner, Die Zwélf Kl. Proph. 1881 ; W. RB. Smith, The Prophets of Israel, 1896 ; Hoffmann, ‘ Versuche zu Amos,’ in ZAT'W, 1883; Gunning, De Godspraken van Amos, 1885; Davidson, Expositor, Mar. and Sept. 1887; Keil, Die Ki. Proph, 1888; Orelli, Die Zwélf Kl. Proph. 1888 (tr. by Banks) ; Bachmann, Preparationen zu den Kl. Pr. Heft 38, 1890; Farrar, The Minor Prophets; Wellhausen, Die Kl. Proph. 1892; Reuss, Die Propheten, Bd. ii. of A.7’. 1892; Michelet, Amos oversat. 1893; Billeb, Die wichtigsten Sdtze der n. a t Kritik von Standp. der £ Am. u. H. aus betrachtet, 1893 ; Guthe in Kautzsch’s A.7'. 1894; Cornill, Der Isr. Prophet 1895; G. A. Smith, The Bk. of the Twelve Prophets, 1896 ; Driver, &8 AMOZ Joel and Amos, 1897; last but not least, well deserving to be translated into Eng., Valeton, Amos en Hosea, 1894. J. TAYLOR. AMOZ (yiox), father of the prophet Isaiah (2 K 197, Is 1}, etc.), to be carefully distinguished from Amos (oipy) the prophet. See AMOs (p. 85” n.) AMPHIPOLIS (’Audlrods). —Amphipolis, men- tioned in Ac 17 as a stage in St. Paul’s mission- journey from Philippi to Thessalonica, was a city of facedonia. It was situated on the eastern bank of the river Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea, closer to which lay its seaport Eion. The river, on leaving Lake Cercinitis, winds in a semi- circle round the base of a terraced hill, on which the town was built, protected by the river on three sides, and by a wall along the landward chord of the arc. It was, as Thucydides (iv. 102) says, conspicuous (mepidarijs) toward sea and land ; and this is probably the import of its name, ‘the all- around (visible) city’ (Classen, in Joc., who suggests the parallel of Umbstadt in Upper Hesse). Its importance, already marked by its earlier name ‘Nine Ways’ (’Evvéa 660l), made its possession keenly contested, alike on military and mercantile grounds. The Athenians founded a colony under Hagnon in B.C. 437, which presented a history of chequered fortunes and varied interest, in its surrender to Brasidas, the fight under its walls between Brasidas and Cleon in which both fell, its refusal to submit again to the mother-city, its repeated attempts to assert its independence, till it passed into the pos- session of the Macedonians under Perdiccas and Philip, and eventually into that of the Romans. By these A. was constituted a free city, and made the capital of the jfirst of the four districts into which, in B.C. 167, they divided the province (Liv. xlv. 18. 29). The Via Egnatia passed through it. It was called in the Middle Ages Popolia (Tafel, Thessal. p. 498f.), and is now represented by a village called Neochori, in Turkish Jenikoei (see plan in Leake, N.G. ii. 191). Zoilus, the carping critic of Homer, was a native, and wrote a history of it in three books (Suidas, s.v.). WILLIAM P. DICKSON. AMPLIATUS (’Aurdcaros, RV correctly with x A BF G, Vulg. Boh. Orig., for TR ’Aumcas, DELP, AV Amplias, the abbrev. form).—A Chris- tian greeted by St. Paul (Ro 16°) as the ‘ beloved in the Lord.’ It is a very common Roman slave name. (Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 172; CIL vi. 4899, 5154, etc.) Some further interest attaches to the name. It occurs in one of the earliest chambers of the Cata- comb of St. Domitilla, inscribed in large, bold letters over a cell belonging to the end of the Ist or beginning of the 2nd cent. A later inscription in the same chamber also contains the same name. The simplicity of the earliest inscription suggests aslave, and the prominence Seigiod to the name suggests that it belonged to some prominent member of the early Roman Church, perhaps a member of the household of Domitilla. LITERATURE.—De Rossi, Bull. Arch. Chrit. Ser. III. vol. vi. 1881) pp. 57-74; Atheneum, March 4, 1884, p. 289; Sanday and eadlam, Romans, p. 424. A. C. HEADLAM. AMRAM. —(o7py ‘the people is exalted’). 4. A Levite, son of Kohath and grandson of Levi (Nu 3!719, 1 Ch 673-18), He married Jochebed his father’s sister, by whom he begat Aaron and Moses (Ex 618”) and Miriam (Nu 26°, 1 Ch 68). 2. A son of Bani who had contracted a marriage with a ‘strange woman’ in the time of Ezra (Ezr 10*). Amramites, The (‘p7py7).— A branch of the Kohathite family of the tribe of Levi. The name occurs in the account of the census taken by Moses AMULETS (Nu 32’), and again in the Chronicler’s account of the organisation of the Levites in the time of David (1 Ch 267), W. C. ALLEN. AMRAPHEL (s22>x), mentioned as ‘king of Shinar’ (Gn 14!). Schrader, who suggested that the name was a corruption for ‘ Amraphi’ (*272s), was the first to identify this king with Khammurabi, the 6th king in the lst Dynasty of Babylon. The cuneiform inscriptions inform us that Khammurati was king of Babylon and N. Babylonia ; that he re- belled against the supremacy of Elam; that he over: threw his rival Eri-aku, king of Larsa; and, after con- quering Sumer and Accad, was the first to make a united kingdom of Babylonia. He reigned 55 years. Winckler gives the date of his reign as 2264-2210: Sayce (Pair. Pal. p. 12) gives 2320 as the date of his uniting Babylonia. But the chron. is uncer- tain. The name is given by Hommel as Chammu- rapaltu (Gesch. d. Morgane p. 58), and it has sometimes been transcribed as Chammu-ragas. Mr. Pinches considers Amraphel to be a Sem. name=Amar-apla=Amar-pal (‘I see a son’), or Amra-apla= Amrapal (‘see a son’). It is clear that the identification is not free from difficulty, so far as the Biblical account is con- cerned. (1) The date of Khammurabi, according to the reckoning of Winckler and Sayce, etc., is 400 years earlier than the cent. to which Gn 14 is generally ascribed. (2) A. is described as ‘ king of Shinar’; and Shinar has generally been identified with Shumer, the S. part of Babylonia. Kham- murabi, while subject to tne suzerainty of Elam, was king of Babylon and N. Babylonia, but not of Shumer orS. Babylonia. Thisdifficulty has been met by the assumption that Shinar is to be understood to denote in Gn all Chaldza, of which Babylon was the capital. No great exactitude in geog. terms can be expected. Shinar (Sangar), in the nectie tions, seems to be situated in Mesopotamia. Possibly Heb. tradition confused the Shinar of Mesopotamia with the Shumer of §. Babylonia. It seems best at present to suspend ea see mae this much disputed identification. The results of Assyriological research in illustration of Gn 14 are still much disputed. Jos. (Ané. I. ix.) transcribes the name as ’Apapa- yléns, although the LXX has ’Apap¢dA. H. E. RYLE. AMULETS (ovwn> Is 3%, AV ear-rings). —1. Origin. The connexion with Jahash, to mutter as a snake-charmer (Ps 585), points to something that has had whispered or chanted over it words of power and protection. Cf. Heb. hartom, magician, and its connexion with heret, the graving-pen of the learned writer, and the Arab. ‘talisman’ similarly associated with the failasan or long robe of the sacred dervish. The same idea of power through secret lore and sanctity is exemplified at the present day in Jerus., where crucifixes, pictures of the Virgin, and rosaries are laid on the pavement at the door of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre so as to give them this hely value in the market. 2. Meaning. The central meaning of the a. is something that faith may clasp as a prophylactic against known and unknown dangers. It assumes a connexion between holiness and healing, between piety and prosperity, the first being appreciated or the sake of the second. It is a testimony to the sense of sin, for it is only that which is want- ing in holiness that requires to be covered or pro- tected. Hence the Arab. proverb says, ‘The eye of the sun needs no veil.’ Its he is pure, and therefore no protection is required. The a. unites the protector and the protected ; what lays a duty on divine power lays on human weakness a corresponding devotion. Fulness of consecration makes fulness of claim. Hence to q : 3 4 AMULETS AMULETS 89 the Oriental mind familiar with this amulet faith, the words seem very natural, ‘Be strong in the Lord, and in the power of His might.’ “Perfect love casteth out fear.’ ‘I can do all things in Him that strengtheneth me.’ Thus the a. has a true word of power, for it teaches, ‘When I am devoted, Iam endued.’ Byasimilar vehicle the apostle reaches the experience which says, ‘When I am weak, then am I strong.’ 3. Classification. This corresponds with the dangers and the points of contact. There is an a. for the heart (illust. 1) worn almost universally in the East. It isa locket suspended over the breast, and consists sometimes of a small metal case of With this may be classed the neck-amulet. See CRESCENT. Similarly, there were a’ for the nose and mouth for the dangers by inhalation ; for the ear and the temptations of hearing; for the eye and what meets its vision (illust. 3, 7, 8). And so the veil for the head and face, and the sheet enveloping the whole figure of the Oriental woman, now the formalities of modesty, were doubtless once full of superstitious meaning. See VEIL. Amulet articles among the Jews are chiefly the fringes of large and small tallith : the mezuza; the paper with Ps 121 and certain Abracadabra for- mule, which the Rabbi puts in the room where there is an infant less than eight days old ; and the AMULETS. 1. The ‘Shield of David,’ or ‘Solomon’s Seal,’ a favourite a. among the Jews. 2. Extract from Jewish Birth-A., which gives, under Ps 121, the names of the Patriarchs and their wives, with a formula at each side forbidding the approach of ilith or any witch. 3. Breast-a. (tawbeh). woman. 5, 6. Cactus, and black or red hand-as. bracelets, and armlet. gold or silver, but more freq. of a heart-shaped sheath of cloth ornamented with a design in gold thread. This may contain for the Moslem a few words from the Koran, called a hejab, covering, ae ; and if for a Christian, a picture of the irgm and Child, called a tawbeh, ‘penitence.’ 4, Eye-a., seen in the brass thimble-like ornament on the nose of the Egyptian 7, 8. As for nose and ears, worn by Bedawin women, along with necklace, phylacteries of the brow and arm. See PHyL- ACTERY. Amulets are also used for the protection, not only of animals such as camels and horses, but even for newly-built houses, such protection usually taking the form of a roughly-drawn human hand in black or red, or of a cactus plant or aloe hung 90 AMZI by the roots from the arch of the doorway and kept alive by the moisture of the air (illust. 5 and 6). G. M. MAcKIE. AMZI (*ypx).—1. A Merarite, 1 Ch 6% 2. A piiest in the second temple, Neh 114%. See GENE- ALOGY. AN.—1. An, called the indef. article, is the old Eng. form of the num. adj. one. As early as 1150 the n is found dropped before a consonant, and at the date of the AV the usage had become general to employ a before a consonantal sound (including u“ and ew pronounced yu), and an before a vowe sound (including silent 4). Some hesitation is found when the art. precedes a word beginning with wh. Thus we find ‘an whole’ in Nu 10? (ed. of 1611), but ‘a whole’ in Nu 11”; ‘an whore’ in Pr 2377 (ed. 1611), 2 Es 16% (ed. 1611), but ‘a whore’ elsewhere. Again, the ed. of 1611 gives ‘such an one’ in Job 14%, Sir 6'4 10° 20%, 2 Mac 67; but ‘such a one’ in Gn 41%, Ru 4}, Ps 507 687, Sir 26%, 1 Co 54, 2 Co 104 1275, Gal 6!, Philem%. Later edd. give ‘such an one’ in all these passages. More varied is the usage when the art. precedes h. In the ed. of 1611 (the later edd. have made many changes) we find ‘a habitation,’ Jer 331°, but ‘an hab.’ in Ex 15’, Is 22'* 3413 and other five places; ‘a hair’ in 1 K 1°, Lk 2138, but ‘an hair’ in Dn 3”, Mk 2138, Ac 27*; ‘a hairy,’ Gn 2711, but ‘an hairy,’ Gn 25%, 2 K 18; ‘a hammer,’ Jer 23”, but ‘an hammer,’ Jg 477; and so with many other words. The explanation of this inconsistency prob- ably is, not that the usage for @ or an was not fixed, but that there was no fixed pronunciation of h. On the whole, av is found more frequently than a before words beginning with h. 2. In ‘an hungered’ (‘a hungered’ is not found in AV 1611), which occurs Mt 4? 12}: 8 2535. 37. 42, 44, Mk 2%, Lk 6%, the an is not the indef. art., but the prep. an or on. See A%, J. HASTINGS. ANAB (21y ‘grapes’).—A city of Judah in the Negeb hills (Jos 11 15°), inhabited first by the Anakim. Now the ruin ‘Anaé near Debir. It is noticed as still a village in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Anab). SWPP vol. iii. sh. xxiv. C. R. CoNnDER. ANAEL (’Avaj\, but Sxun Syr. and Heb., and bxon Aram.) was brother of Tobit and father of Achiacharus, To 124, ANAH (my).—1. A daughter of Zibeon, and mother of Oholibamah, one of Esau’s wives, Gn 367. 14. 18.25 (R). The mention of a daughter in this genealogical list has been used to prove that kinship amongst the Horites was traced through women (W. R. Smith in Journal of Philology, ix. p. 50). As is pointed out, however, in RVm, some ancient authorities (including LXX. Sam. Pesh.) read son instead of daughter, which would identif this A. with 2. a son of Zibeon, Gn 36% (R), 1 Ch ]#.4, 3. A Horite ‘duke,’ brother of Zibeon, Gn 36-2 (R), 1 Ch 1%, If we take A. as an eponym rather than a personal name, and think of relationships between clans rather than individuals, it is quite possible to reduce the above three refer- ences to one. This can be done all the more readily by adopting with Kautzsch in Gn 36? the reading "ha ‘the Horite’ as in v.” instead of MT “ng ‘the Hivite.’ In regard to No. 2 the note is Hy etieee ‘This is A. who found the hot springs ( the mules) in the wilderness, as he fed the asses of Zibeon his father’ (Gn 36%). For the Heb. on7 which is a dr. dey., LXX offers the unintelligible rdv lapelv, Sam. has op’x7 ‘the Emim’ (an aboriginal race of giants mentioned in Gn 145, Dt 2’), and ANAMIM is followed by Onk. and Pseud.-Jon. It was simply the context that gave rise to the conjecture accepted by Luther and AV that the word meana mules. The Vulg. trn. (aguas calidas) prob. is correct (so Kautzsch, ‘die heissen Quellen’), and ‘the hot springs’ may possibly be identified with Callirrhoé to the E. of the Dead Sea. The chief difficulty in accepting this interpretation is that no root for the word can be discovered which would suit such a meaning (Oaf. Heb. Lew. s.v.; ef. Dillmann and Delitzsch on Genesis, /.c.). J. A. SELBIE. ANAHARATH (minx), Jos 19, mentioned with Shion (‘Aydin Si’ain) and Rabbith (&dba) on the east side of the Plain of Esdraelon in Issachar. It is the modern en-Na‘urah of Jezreel in the Valley of Jezreel. SWP vol. ii. sheet ix. C. R. CONDER. ANAIAH (a3y ‘J” hath answered’),—1. A Levite Neh 84, called Ananias 1 Es 9%, 2, One of those who sealed the covenant Neh 10”. ANAK, ANAKIM (piy, o'psy, Evd«-tu).—It is often said that Anak is the name of the person from whom the Anakim were regarded as having their descent. But the name Anak occurs without the article only in the descriptive phrase ‘sons of Anak’ Dt 9°, Nu 13% ‘And there we saw the Nephilim, the sons of Anak of the Nephilim.’ If we have any account of a person called A., this is the account; and he is said to be one of the ancient Nephilim or demigods. (See NEPHILIM). But probably here, as in all the other places (Jos 15'-* 214, Jg 1%, Nu 13728), we have a descriptive phrase for a race of men, rather than the name of an ancestor. In these other places the article is used. We have ‘the Anak,’ or ‘ the Anok,’ the word being used collectively, and denoting the race, just as does the plural Anakim. If a progenitor for this race is mentioned, be is Arba (which see), and not Anak. The Anakim were of the giant race (Nu 135%, Dt 1% 210. 11, 12.20.21 91.2), They had their seat notably at Hebron, but also farther N. , and near the Mediter. coast (Jos 1412-15 112-22), They seem to have been, however, rather a race of men than an independent people or group of peoples. Politically, they were Amorite or Perizzite or Philistine, as the case might be. The wars in which Joshua and Caleb conquered them were not separate from their wars against the Can. peoples. Presumably the Anakim were relatively unintellectual, were subordinate to the Amorite, and were for that very reason the more formidable as fighters against a common enemy. For additional particulars see GIANT and REPHAIM. W. J. BEECHER. ANAMIM.—The Anamim (oy, "Eveperielu, Alve- perveiu) are stated in the ethnographical list Gn 103, 1 Ch 14, to have been descendants, or a tribe, of Mizraim, te. Egypt. They have not yet been identified. The attempts to discover this people in one or other of the races represented on the Egyp. monuments have been based on some more or less striking similarity in the name. Ebers identifies them with the Aamn or Naamu (Ana- maima), ?.e. cowherds, who are included among the tribes ruled by the Pharaohs 15th or 14th cent. B.C. They occupy the second place in the procession (after the Rutu or Lutu), and are represented as reddish men of Sem. type, as is shown by the head of the man who represents them in the grave of Seti 1. They immigrated into Egypt before the Hyksos from Asia. Their capital was on the Bucolic arm of the Nile, and, in addition to being cattle rearers, they were importers of Asiatic pro- ducts to Egypt (see Riehm, WB), J. MILLAR. a eT ae ee ae PL em VR Te a ee Ce PO ae ER em ee " vil me ANAMMELECH ANANIAS 91 ANAMMELECH (3)»3y).—A god worshipped along with Adrammelech with rites like those of Molech by the foreign settlers brought by the Assyrians to Samaria (2 K 17%, cf. v.%). The worshippers are said to have come from Sepharvaim=Sabara’in, a Syrian city destroyed by Shalmaneser (Bab. Chronicle, col. i. line 28, in Winckler, Keilinschr. Textbuch. Cf. Halévy, ZA, ii. 401, 402). Winckler (AT Untersuchungen, r 97 ff.), doubting that Syrians would be settled in Samaria, a district so near their own land, takes Sepharvaim as a false reading, or false editorial correction, introduced from 2 K 18*4, for Sipar (Sippar), the well-known city of Northern Babylonia. ‘he first part of the word Anammelech contains perhaps the name of the Bab. god of the sky, or of a third of the sky, Anu. The whole name is taken by Schrader (KAT?, 1883, p. 284) to mean “Anu is prince,’ but the meaning is doubtful. Possibly the writer of Kings meant i the name to identify the Bab. Anu with the Ammonite Molech —Anu-Molech. W. E. BARNES. ANAN (j3y, cf. Sabean }33y).—1. One of those who sealed the covenant, Neh 10%, 2, 1 Es 5°°=Hanan, Ezr 25, Neh 7%, ANANI (yy =":2y).—A son of Elioenai, 1 Ch 3%. ANANIAH (-733y ‘J” hath covered’), Neh 3%,— The father of Maaseiah, and grandfather of Azariah, who took part in rebuilding the walls of Jerus. He was probably a priest. Cf. v.”%. ANANIAH (73337 Neh 115).—A town inhabited by Benjamites after the Captivity. According to Robinson, the present Beit Hanina, a village 2 miles N. of Jerusalem. The position near Nob and Ana- thoth, and east of Gibeon, renders this identification probable. See ELON; and SW vol. iii. sh. xiv. C. R. CONDER. ANANIAS.—A ‘disciple’ who lived in Damascus, and to whom the Lord appeared in a vision, bidding him go and baptize Saul of Tarsus. Saul had been ory ag for his coming by a vision. A. hesitated at first, knowing Saul’s reputation as a persecutor ; but, being encouraged by the Lord, went and laid his hands upon Saul, who received his sight, arose, and was baptized. Such is the account in Ac 91-18, In St. Paul’s speech to the multitude at Jerus. (Ac 2212-16) we are told that A. was a man ‘devout according to the law’ and one ‘to whom witness was borne by all the Jews that dwelt’ at Damas- cus; and some further words of his to St. Paul are iven in which he speaks of Christ as ‘the Just ne.’ He is not mentioned in St. Paul’s speech to Agrippa. The traditions about him are not of a primitive kind. In Pseudo-Dorotheus'’ list of the 72 disciples (and also in the Hippo- lytean list) he occurs fifth in order, after Thaddwus and before Stephen, and is represented as Bishop of Damascus. In the Bk of the Bee by Solomon of Basra (1222), (c. xlix. ed. Wallis Budge), A. is numbered among the seventy. He was the disciple of the Baptist, and taught in Damascus and Arbél. He was slain by Pél, the general of the army of Aretas, and was laid in the church which he built at Arbél. The Gr. Menwa (Oct. 1) say that he did many cures in Damascus and Eleutheropolis (being bishop of the former place), and was tormented with scourging and burning by Lucian the Prefect (Rom. Mart, Licinius), and was finally cast out of the city and stoned. The Basilian Menology adds that he was ordained by Peter and Andrew, and gives a picture of him being stoned by two men. The Abyssinian Calendar commemorates him on the 6th of Tekemt. In the Rom. Martyrology he occurs on Jan. 25 ; in the Armenian on Oct. 15. The full Gr. acts of his martyrdom have never been printed, but the Bollandists, under Jan. 25, give a Lat. VS of them, in which the scene of his preaching is said to have been Betha- gaure or Betagabra, near Eleutheropolis. He is likely to have been among the personal disciples of the Lord, and hasa better claim to stand in the list of the seventy disciples than most of those who appear in the work of Pseudo-Dorothens. M. R. JAMES. ANANIAS (’Avavias=Heb. rn ‘J” hath been gracious’).—1, A son of Emmer (1 Es 97!)= Hanani of Ezr 10”. 2. A son of Bebai (1 Es 9¥)=Hananiah of Ezr 10%. 3. One of those who stood at Ezra’s right hand at the reading of the law (1 Es 9%)= Anaiah of Neh 84. 4 A Levite (1 Es 98)=Hanan of Neh 87. 5, The name which the angel Raphael gave as that of his father, when he introduced himself to Tobit under the assumed name of Azarias (To 5!18), 6, An ancestor of Judith (Jth 8'). 7 The husband of Sapphira. He fell down dead at the rebuke of St. Peter, and the same fate, three hours afterwards, befell his wife (Ac 51#-), The intention of this narrative is some- times misunderstood as regards both the offence of these persons and the cause of their death. It is quite a mistake to suppose that a rigid system of communism was enforced in the Jerusalem Church, and that A. and Sapphira by ‘keeping back part of the price’ violated a rule they had pledged themselves to obey. St. Peter’s words suffice to refute this notion; ‘ Whiles it remained, did it not remain thine own ? and after it was sold, was ié not in thy power?’ But it was inexcusable hypocrisy to retain part of the price and pretend to surrender the whole. ‘They wished to serve two masters, but to appear to serve only one’ (Meyer). As to the fact of their sudden death, even Baur and Weizsiicker admit that a genuine tradition under- lies the narrative. As to its cause, whatever this may have been from a secondary point of view, there can be no doubt that in Acts it is traced to the deliberate will and intention of St. Peter. (Note esp. v.° and cf. the parallel case of St. Paul and Elymas in Ac 13".) LIvERATURE.—Baur, Paulus, i. 28ff.; Neander, Planting o; Christianity, Bohn’s tr. i. 27 {f.; Weizsicker, Apost. Age, i. 24, 55f.; Comm. of Alford, Meyer, etc. 8. See preceding article. 9. The high priest before whom St. Paul was brought by Claudius Lysias (Ac 23!™), and whose outrageous conduct upon this occasion provoked the apostle to apply to him the contemptuous epithet of ‘ whited wall.’ The same A. shortly afterwards appeared at Cesarea amongst St. Paul’s accusers before Felix (Ac 241#-), He was the son of Nedebeeus, and held the high priesthood from c. 47-59 A.D. He owed his appointment to the office to Herod of Chalcis. During his administration there were bitter quarrels between the Jews and the Samaritans, and these seemed on ene occasion likely to lead to his deposition. On account of a massacre of some Galilzans by the Samaritans, the latter had been attacked and many of their villages plundered by the Jews. A. was accused of complicity in these acts of violence, and was sent by Quadratus, the governor of Syria, to stand his trial at Rome. Powerful influence was at work at the imperial court on the side both of the Samaritans and the Jews; but, thanks to the efforts of the younger Agrippa, Claudius gave his decision in favour of the high priest, and A. returned to discharge the functions of an office which he disgraced by his rapacity and violence. It was no uncommon thing for him to send his servants to the threshing-floors to take the tithes by force, while he defrauded the inferior priests of their dues, and left some of them to die of starvation. His own end was a miserable one. His sympathies had always been with the Romans, and he had thus incurred the hatred of the nationalist party. When the great rebellion broke out which ended in the siege and destruction of Jerus., A. concealed himself, but was discovered, and murdered by the fanatical populace. LiTERATURE.—Jos. Ant. xx. v. 2, vi. ii. 8, 1x. ii. 3; Wars u xvii. 9; Schiirer, HJP 1 ii. 173, 188 f., 211, 1. i. 182, 200 ff. J. A. SELBIE. 92 ANANIEL ANANIEL (‘Avav4\), one of the ancestors of Tobit, Tol. A Gr. form of 5y32. ANATH (ny), the father of Shamgar, Jg 3°! 58, ‘An&t is the name of a goddess worshipped in Pal., cf. Jg 1, Jos 15, Is 10”; it is found on Egyptian monuments from the 18th dynasty. G. A. COOKE. ANATHEMA. See ACCURSED. ANATHOTH (riny).—1. A town in Benjamin assigned to the Levites (Jos 21'8, 1 Ch 6%), named from (possibly plural of) ‘Anath or ‘Anat, a Chaldzan deity worshipped among the Canaanites (Sayce, Hibbert Lect. pp. 187-189; Vogiié, Mel. 41 ff. ), now called'‘Andta. Itissituated 24 miles north-east of Jerusalem over the shoulder of Scopas. There are still twelve or fifteen houses on the spot, and the remains of what was apparently a handsome church. From its commanding position it has a fine view northward and also eastward over the broken hills of the wilderness, stretching down towards the north end of the Salt Sea. It was the home of Abiathar, 1 K 2%; of Abiezer, one of David’s thirty captains, 2 § 2377; of Jehu, one of his mighty men, 1 Ch 12%, and of Jeremiah the prophet, Jer 1. It was reoccupied after the Exile (Ezr 28, Neh 77, 1 Es 5). A quarry at ‘Anta still supplies building stone to Jerusalem. The vision of the dreary wilderness to the east, and the scorching of its dry winds which Jeremiah was familiar with in his native town, have imprinted themselves on his prophecies. To one standing upon Scopas, Anathoth is lying at his feet, Is 10°. 2. A personal name—(a) the son of Becher a Benjamite, 1 Ch 78 Possibly this and Alemeth following are names of towns in which sons of Becher dwelt. (6) Neh 10%, possibly stands for ‘men of Anathoth’ (7%). Anathothite (‘nn3ya) is the uniform designation in RV of an inhabitant of Anathoth. AV offers such variants as Anetothite, Anethothite, Anto- thite. A. HENDERSON, ANCHOR.—See SuHIp. In ANCIENT has now a narrow range of usage. AV it is freely applied to men, as Ezk 9° ‘then they began at the a. men’; Ezr 3 ‘many of the riests and Levites. . . a.(RV ‘old’) men.’ Ci, uttrell (1704), ‘Sir Samuel Astry (being very antient) has resigned his place of clerk’; and Penn, Life (1718), ‘This A.M.C. aforeseid, is an Ancient Maid.’ Following the Heb. (and LXX) a. is used as a subst., as Is 3? ‘the judge and the prophet and the prudent and the a.’; but esp. in the plur., as Ps 119! ‘T understand more than the a®’ (RV ‘aged’). In these places ‘the ancients’ are mostly a definite class, the Elders of Israel, or of some tribe or city. See ELDER IN OT. Wright (Word Book? p. 36) points out that ‘the ancient’ is used for the plur. in the Pref. of 1611; itis probable that in Job 12" we have an instance of the same: ‘With the ancient (RV ‘with aged men’) is wisdom’; while Sir 39! is unmistakable, ‘seek out the wisdom of all the ancient’ (rdyrwy dpxalwy, RV ‘ ancients’). J. HASTINGS. ANCIENT OF DAYS (ov pry).—A common Syriac expression, used three times of the Divine Being in Daniel (7% 4%), at first without the article (wrongly inserted by AV in v.°), and meaning simply ‘old,’ ‘aged,’ (see RV). The expression has no reference to the eternity of God, and does not bear upon the question of the date of the book, as if it carried a contrast to the New Divinities introduced by Antiochus Epiphanes. It isa repre- sentation natural to the fearless anthropomorphism ANDREW of the Bible, which never hesitates to attribute tc the Deity the form and features of man. The object is to convey the impression of a venerable and majestic aspect. PAY, ancient, is properly an Aram. word: in eb. it occurs once only, in the late passage 1 Ch 47, A. 8. AGLEN. ANCLE (Ezk 47%) and ancle-bones (Ac 37).— This is the spelling of AV after Coverdale and Tindale. Camb. Bible and RV spell ankle. In old Eng. the spelling is indifferent. Shaks. has even anckle. Besides the above, RV gives ‘ankle chains’ in Nu 31° (AV ‘chains’), and in Is 32°(AV ‘ornaments of the legs’). J. HASTINGS. AND is used in AV both as a copulative and as a conditional conjunction. 4. Asa copul. conj., the Oxf. Dict. points out the use of and to express the consequence, as Gn 18 ‘God said, Let there i light ; and there was light’; Lk 78 ‘I say unto one, Go, and he goeth’; Mt 88 ‘Speak the word only, and my servant shall be healed’ ; Lk 1078 ‘ This do, and thou shalt live.’ Cf. Scottish Paraphrases 35°— * My broken body thus I give For you, for all ; take, eat, and live.’ Thus and is often more than a mere copula. It even has an adversative force in ‘he answered and said, I go, sir: and went not’ (Mt 21%). 2. In middle Eng. and was used conditionally (=7/), a usage which Skeat and others believe to have been borrowed from Iceland. Cf. Bacon, Essays, ‘It is the nature of extreme self-lovers, as they will set an house on fire, and it were but to roast their egges.’ Of this use of and Wright points to Gn 44°, Nu 5% as examples. When and meant if, it was often spelt an, and was often strengthened by adding if. Hence we find and, an, an vf, and if, all=¥ In AV we have Mt 24% (Lk 12) ‘ But and if (RV ‘ But if’) that evil servant shall say in his heart’; Lk 20° ‘ But and if (RV ‘ But if’) we say’ ; 1 Co 7% ‘But and if (RV ‘But ii ) thou marry’ ; 1 P 3% ‘But and if (so RV) ye suffer.’ Except 1 P 3% (dA el cal), the Gr. is always dav 64. J. HASTINGS. ANDREW.—tThe first-called apostle, brother of Simon Peter: their father’s name was Jonas or John, anc their native city was Bethsaida of Galilee. ‘Their mother’s name is traditionally Joanna. NAME.—The name Andreas (’Avdpéas) isGreek. It is usually believed to occur first in Herodotus (vi. 126), where it is the name of the great-grand- father of Cleisthenes of Sicyon. It occurs also in Dio Cassius (Ixviii. 32), in the form ’Avdpelas, as the name of a rebel Jew in Crete in Trajan’s reign. There are other instances of the name, but it is not very common. REFERINCES TO HIM IN NT.—In the Synoptists the call of Peter and A. while they were fishing is narrated by Mt 418-33 and Mk 118, It tonk place at the Sea of Galilee. The narrative in no way implies that this was their first meeting with the Lord. The name of A. next occurs in Mk 1%, where Jesus enters the house of Simon and A. and heals the mother-in-law of Peter. Next in the list of the Twelve, where Mt and Lk place him after Peter and before James and John, while Mk’s order is Peter, James and John, Andrew. In Mk 13° he is coupled with Peter, James, and John in the question put to our Lord about the time of the End. His name does not elsewhere occur in the Synoptists. In St. John’s Gospel he is much more rominent. In ch.1 A. is a disciple of John the Baptist. He hears the words, ‘Behold the Lamb ot God,’ follows Christ, and spends a day with Him. He then brings his brother Peter to Christ, and may probably have had to do also with the ANDREW eall of Philip, who was of the same city. In ch. 6 it is A. who volunteers information about the lad with the loaves and fishes, on the occasion of the feeding of the five thousand. In ch. 12 the Greeks who desire to see Jesus apply to Philip; Philip tells A. ; and the two tell Jesus. In Ac 1 A. occurs for the last time, in the list of the apostles, follow- ing James and John, and preceding Philip (as in St. Mark). SUBSEQUENT TRADITIONS.—In the 2nd cent. A. was the hero of one of the romances attributed to Leucius, a Docetic writer. We have a fairly comprehensive abridgment of this book in the Miracula Andreae of Gregory of Tours, besides some episodes and fragments of the original Gr., in part yet unedited. ‘The fullest discussion of the literature is in Lipsius, Sroep ies Apostel- geschichten (i. 543-622): see also Bonnet’s ed. of some late Gr. Encomia, based on the Leucian Acts, in Analecta Bollandiana (xiii., and separately). Briefly summarised, the literature consists of :-— (1) Acta Andreae et Matthaei (or Matthiae), ed. by Tischendorf, Act. Apost. Apocr. Matthew or Matthias is a captive in the land of the Anthropophagi. Christ sends A. to rescue him: and then assumes the sed of a seaman and takes A. and his disciples (who seem to be Alexander and Rufus) to the country in question. Matthew is rescued, and A. is tormented by the savage natives for several days. He then causes a flood to overwhelm the city ; the result is a general conversion. The most interesting part of the story is perhaps the account of a miracle done by our Lord, which A. narrates during the voyage. We have this legend in Ethiopic, Syriac, and Anglo-Saxon : the last-named is a tical version by Cynewulf, the Northumbrian poet, preserved In the famous Vercelli Codex. (2) Acta Petri et Andreae, ed. Tischendorf in Apocalypses Apocryphae. Imperfect in Gr.; extant (as Acts of St. Jude) in Ethiopic, and complete in Old Slavonic. It contains a realisa- tion of our Lord’s saying about the camel passing through a needle’s eye. It is excee ingly doubtful whether this belonged to the original Leucian novel. (8) Miracula Andreae, by Gregory of Tours, ed. Bonnet, in the 2nd vol. of Gregery’s works in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. This must be coupled with the Gr. Encomia, which cover much the same ground. The scene of A.’s preaching is laid in the land of the Anthro- pophagi (Myrmidonia), then in Amasea, Sinope, Nicwa, Nico- media, Byzantium, Thrace, Macedonia, and Patra in Achaia, where the martyrdom takes place. The traditions of the martyrdom at Patre are fairly con- stant, A. is crucified by the pro-consul Aegeas or Aegeates, because by his preaching he has induced the pro-consul’s wife Maximilla to leave her husband. Until recently the best authority for the martyrdom was taken to be a certain Epistle of the priests and deacons of Achaia, first published by Woog in 1749, and then by Tischendorf. However, M. Max Bonnet has proved in an article in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift (1894) that this is a tr. from Lat. into Gr. The nearest approach which we as yet possess to the Gr. original is in the Miracula and EHncomia, coupled with some quotations made by Augus- tine and others. So much for our knowledge of the Leucian Acts. We possess Acts of A. in Coptic eepentty) and Ethiopic, some of which couple this apostle with Bartholomew and with Paul. The Acts of A. and Bartholomew seem to be modelled on those of A. and Matthew. Those of A. and Paul, which are incomplete, and exist only in Coptic, give an account of Paul’s descent into Hades by way of the sea, of his return, and of how a Scarabwjus (dizxaspov) was employed by the two apostles to obtain entrance for them into a city which the Jews had shut against them. The Egyp. Acts of A. assign crucifixion and stoning as the manner of his death. Other traditions aay be mentioned. Origen (ap. Eus. HE iii. 1) makes A. preach among the Scythians, that is, on the Black Sea; cf. the Leucian Acts. At Sinope an image of A., said to have been made in his lifetime, was long preserved ; and also the seat where he taught, which was of white marble. He was regarded as the apostle of Byzantium, where he or- dained Stachys as first bishop. Lipsius believes that the legend of the preaching in Achaia arose from a confusion between the Tauric branch of the Achmans on the E. shore of the Black Sea, and the Achzans in the N. of the Peloponnese. A. appears as the author of a gospel condemned in the so- called Gelasian Decree. No trace of it is to be found elsewhere. There are references to him in the Clementine Recognitions (i. 56, where he answers the Sadducees; ii. 62 sqqg.). He appears as legislator in the "Ope: xai xayvovss, and in the Apostolic Con- stitutions. He also figures in the Acts of Polyxena and Xanthippe. His relics were rediscovered in Justinian’s time at Constantinovle ; and remained there until 1210, when Cardinal Peter of Ca) brought them to Amalfi. They are said to have been brought from Patrae to Constantinople in 357 or 858 by Artemius. His cross, or part of it, is in St. Peter’s at Rome, enclosed in one of the four great piers of the dome. The appropriation of the decussate or saltire cross to St. Andrew is of very late date. In the 13th cent. (eg. in a statue at Amiens) he commonly holds the upright cross. Documents relating to the translation of the arm of St. Andrew into Scotland by St. Regulus (who is variously placed, in the 4th, 5th, and 9th cent.) may be seen in the Bollandists under Oct. 17. His festival in the Lat. and Gr. Churches is on Nov. 30; it occurs in the Lat. Martyrium, and in the Kalendar of Carthage. LiTERATURE. — Lipsius, Bonnet, Tischendorf, JW.cc.; Malan, Conflicts of the Holy Apostles; von Lemm, Kopt. Apokr. Apostelacten. M. R. JAMES. ANDRONICUS (’Avdpévcxos).—A Christian greeted Py St. Paul in Ro 16’ together with Junias. ey are described as being (1) ‘kinsmen of St. Paul,’ probably implying ‘fellow-countrymen.’ The word is used in this sense in Ro 9°. It would be unlikely that so many as are mentioned in this chapter (vv.” +21) should be kinsmen in a more literal sense. (2) They are called by St. Paul his ‘ fellow-prisoners.? They may have shared with the apostle some unrecorded imprisonment (cf. 2 Co 11%, Clem. Rom. ad Cor. v.), or, like him, been imprisoned for Christ’s sake. It is unlikely that the term is used in a metaphorical sense. (3) They were ‘distinguished among the apostles,’ a phrase which probably means that they were distinguished members of the apostolic body, the word APOSTLE (which see) being used in its wider sense. (4) a ey, were Christians before St. Paul, so that they belonged to the earliest days of the Christian community. The name is Greek, and like most others in this chapter was borne b members of the imperial household (CJL vi. 5325, 5326, 11,626). It would have been common in the East. (See the Commentaries, ad loc. For later traditions, which add nothing historical, see Acta Sanctorum, May, iv. 4.) A. C. HeADLAM. ANEM (oy), 1 Ch 6” only.—A town of Issachar, noticed with Ramoth. It appears to answer tn Engannim (which see) in the parallel list (Jos 21”) but might perhaps represent the village of ‘Anin on the hills west of the plain of Esdraelon. This place, which is well watered—whence perhaps its name, ‘two springs’—is the Anea of the fourth iat ie (Onomasticon, s.v. Aniel and Bethana), which had good baths, lying 15 Roman miles from Ceesarea. with Aner. SWF vol. ii. sheet viii. C. R. ConDER. ANER (137, LXX Ad’vdv, Sam. o73y).—One of the three Amorite chieftains, the other two being Mamre and Eshcol, who were bound, in virtue of their ‘covenant’ with Abraham, to render him assistance, when he was sojourning at Hebron (Gn 14}8- 24), As Mamre is an old name for Hebron (Gn 23?) and Eshcol is the name of a valley not far from Hebron (Nu 13%), it is natural to suppose that Aner also was the name of a locality aha gave its name toaclan. Dillmann (in Joc.) compares Neir, which is the name of a range of hills in the vicinity. H. E. Ryig. ANER (1y), 1 Ch 6” only.—A town of Manasseh, west of Jordan (not noticed in the parallel passage Jos 21*), The site is doubtful. Possibly ‘Hildr, north-west of Shechem. SW P vol. ii. sh. xi. C. R. CONDER. ANGEL (3x52 mal’ak, Sept. &yyedos and other- wise).—i. The word is frequently used of men in the sense of ‘messenger,’ especially in the plur. Gn 323, Nu 2171, Dt 27°, Jos 6”, In the sense of ‘angel’ the term is chiefly used in the sing. in earlier writings, but Bae Gn 19! (J), and ‘angels of God,’ Gn 28! 32!(E). In later books, particu- usebius, however, identifies this site larly the poetical, the plur. occurs oftener, Job 418, 1 103° 1044 1487, and in such books as Ps 78” 91 ANGEL Zee and Dn plurality is implied. So in Job 16 2); in Gn 32? they are a ‘camp’ or host, and in Dt 33? ‘myriads’; ef. Ps 68". In the writing P (Priests’ Code) no mention is made of angels. Like the existence of God, the existence of angels is presupposed in OT, not asserted. They are not said to have been created, rather they are alluded to as existing prior to the creation of the earth, Job 387 (Gn 1*°?, cf. 32 117). When they appear, it is in human form: they are called ‘men,’ Gn 18% 16-22 394 Jog 618, Ezk 923-1, Dn 3% 101618, the ‘man Gabriel,’ Dn 9 (cf. Lk 244, Ac 12°), and apart from the seraphim (Is 6”) are nowhere in OT represented as winged (Rev 8'* 146), though Philo so describes them (rrepopvodcr). In NT they are called ‘spirits’ (He 1%), but not soin OT, where even God is not yet called spirit (Jn 4*). To Mohammed the angel Gabriel was the ‘ holy spirit.’ When they appear they speak, walk, touch men (1 K 195), take hold of them by the hand (Gn 191°), and also eat with them (Gn 18%, though, on the other hand, cf. Jg 67° 1315). The statement Ps 78% that ‘men did eat the food of angels’ (lit. the mighty, Ps 103%, J1 34), a statement repeated in Wis 16”, 2 Es 1), can hardly be more than poetical colouring of the fact that the manna came down from heaven, as the parallelism both in Ps 78% and Wis. shows; cf. Jg 91%, Ps 10415, ii, In a number of passages, e.g. Gn 167-14 221. 14.15, Hix 32, Jo 2). 4 53 611-24 133, mention is made of ‘the angel of Jehovah,’ AV the ‘LoRD’ (J); and in others, e.g. Gn 21!" 311-5, of ‘the angel of God’ (E). Similar passages are Gn 18. 32%-°° com- pared with Hos 12, Gn 48-18, According to the general grammatical rule the rendering ‘an angel of the Lord’ is inaccurate, though some instances may be doubtful ; so ‘ the angel of God’ necessarily Gn 31", and even 21", cf. v.% The angel of the Lord appears in human form, Gn 18, or in a flame of fire, Ex 3?, or speaks to men out of heaven in a dream, Gn 31-18, It has been disputed whether ‘the angel of the Lord’ be one of the angels, or J” Himself in self-manifestation. The manner in which he speaks leaves little room to doubt that the latter view is the right one: the angel of the Lord is a theophany, a self-manifestation of God. In Gn 314.38 the angel of God says, ‘I am the God of Bethel’; in Ex 3*° the angel of the Lord says, ‘I am the God of thy father’... ‘and Moses was afraid to look upon God’; cf. Jg 13. In Gn 16 the angel of the Lord says to Hagar, ‘I will greatly multiply thy seed,’ and 218 ‘ the angel of God called to Hagar out of heaven. . . lift up the lad ; for I will make him a great nation.’ The angel identifies himself with God, and claims to exercise all the prerogatives of God. Those also to whom the angel appears identify him with God: Gn 168 Hagar ealled the name of J” that had spoken to her, thou art a God that seest’ (all- seeing); Gn 18 the angel is called ‘the Lord’; Jg 6" it is said ‘the angel of the Lord came,’ but in vv. 16 he is called directly ‘the Lord’; Jg 13” Manoah says, ‘ We shall surely die, for we have seen God.’ And to name but one other passage, Gn 48-16, Jacob says, ‘The God before whom my fathers did walk, the God who hath fed me all my life long, the angel which hath redeemed me from all evil, bless the lads.’ On the other hand, the angel of the Lord distinguishes between himself and the Lord, just as the Lord distinguishes be- tween Himself and the angel. The latter says to Hagar, Gn 16" ‘J” hath heard thy affliction’; cf. Gn 22. Nu 22%! ‘The Lord opened the eyes of Balaam, and he saw the angel of the Lord’ ; and in Mal 3! the ‘angel of the covenant’ is different from J”, and yet he is J” who cometh to His temple. So, on the other hand, the Lord says, Ex 237% 2 «J send an angel before thee,’ and ‘Mine angel shall ANGEL go before thee’ (Ex 324 332), But how these last eager as are to be interpreted appears from x 3314 15 (141%) « My face (I myself) shall go with thee’... ‘if thy Lave (thou thyself) go not with us, carry us not up hence.’ The ‘angel of His face’ (presence) is not an angel who sees His face or stands before it, but one in whom His face (pre- sence) is reflected and seen; cf. Ex 237 ‘My name (fulness of revealed Being, Is 30°’) is in him.’ The Sept. rendering of Is 63° ‘not an ambassador’ (reading 7y), ‘nor an angel, but Himself (Heb. His face) saved them,’ is scarcely the meaning of the original. The mere manifestation of J” creates a distinction between it and J”, though the identity remains. The form of manifestation is, so to speak, something unreal (Dt 4!*15), a condescen- sion for the purpose of assuring those to whom it is granted that J” in His fulness is present with them. As the manifestation called the angel of the Lord occurred chiefly in redemptive history, older theologians regarded it as an adumbration or premonition of the incarnation of the second Per- son. This idea was just in so far as the angel of the Lord was a manifestation of J” on the earth in human form, and in so far as such temporary manifestations might seem the prelude to a per- manent redemptive self-revelation in this form _ (Mal 3-2); but it was to go beyond the OT, or at any rate beyond the understanding of OT writers, to found on the manifestation distinctions in the Godhead. The only distinction implied is that between J”, and J” in manifestation. The angel of the Lord so fully represented or expressed J” that men had the assurance that when he spoke or acted among them J” was speaking or acting. iii. As ‘messengers’ (mal’akim) sent to men, angels usually appear singly, but in Gn 19 two visit Lot ; Gn 28!% ‘the angels of God’ ascend and descend upon the ladder, and Gn 32! ‘the angels of God’ meet Jacob, who says, ‘ this is God’s host’ (lit. camp); ‘and he called the name of the place Mahanaim’ (two camps, or as RVm plur., com- panies). In Job 1° 2} the ‘sons of God’ who present themselves to report upon their ministrations are numerous, Sometimes the plur. is used inde- finitely, as Ps 78* ‘evil angels,’ 91" ‘ He shall give His angels charge over thee,’ Job 33% ‘the de- stroyers’; ef. 2S 241617, Angels do not usually, at least in early writings, mediate the phenomena of the physical world, they operate in the moral and redemptive sphere; but the angel of the Lord smites with pestilence, 2 S 24; and with death, 2 K 19°; and Satan, on special permission of God, sets the lightning and whirlwind in motion against Job, and smites him with sore boils, 11619 27. It is perhaps rather a poetical and realistic conception of the special providence of God, though with reminiscences of early history, when it is said that the angel of the Lord encamps round about those that fear him, Ps 34’, and thrusts down their enemies, Ps 35° 6, and that the angels bear up in their hands the righteous, Ps 91", cf. Nu 201° More literal is the statement that they interpret to the individual the meaning of God’s afflictive pro- vidences in his life, Job 33%; and so Job 5! the idea is hazarded that they might interest them- selves in the afflictions of men and hear an appeal from them, or perhaps intercede or mediate in their behalf. In Ezk and Zec the angels interpret divine visions given to men; but see under § vy. Passages referring to the intervention of angels are such as these: 28 24!6 1 K 1957, 2 K 135 1995, Ezk 92. In some of these cases it may be difficult to decide whether the angelic manifestation be not the angel of the Lord. The passages 1 S 29%, 2S 1417-% 1927 are also somewhat obscure. The first passage, where Achish says that David is good in his sight, might be rendered ‘as an angel Se ee eS ee We ne ore ras eh ob hs han ANGEL of God,’ that is, probably in valour (Zec 128), wisdom (2S 14-®), and moral rectitude; in the others the natural rendering is ‘as the angel of God.’ The art., however, m comparisons often designates the class, while our idiom uses the indef. art. ‘an angel,’ or the plur. ‘the angels’ of God. The point in the comparison is the pene- tration and wisdom of the angel, and reference might be to some such ideal being as is spoken of J ob 157, If allusion were to the historical ‘ angel of the Lord,’ the original features of the phenome- non would have somewhat faded and the conception been generalised. iv. It belongs less to the sphere of redemptive history than to the conception of the majesty of J” the King (Is 6°), when God is represented as surrounded by a court in heaven, by multitudes of ministers that do His pleasure, and armies that execute His commands. He has a ‘council’ (7'0 Ps 89’, ef. the four and twenty elders, Rev 4‘); a ‘congregation’ (n1y Ps 82}, ba7 Ps 89°) surrounds Him, ‘hosts’ who are His ministers (Is 67, 1 K 221, Ps 103%: 1482). These superhuman beings are called ‘sons of Elohim’ (Job 1° 2!, cf. Dn 3%), or ‘sons of Elim,’ Ps 29!-® 89°, but possibly simply ‘Elohim,’ Ps 8° 979, and ‘Elim,’ Ex 15", The rendering ‘sons of God’ is possible, and Ps 82° ‘sons of the Most High,’ if said of angels, would be in favour of it; but, on the other hand, the word Elim (05x) seems nowhere an honorary plur. applicable to a single being, but always denotes strict plurality. The probability, therefore, is that the right rendering is not ‘sons of God,’ but ‘sons of the Elohim,’ ‘sons of the Elim,’ that is, mem- bers of the class of beings called Elohim and Elim, just as ‘sons of the prophets’ means members of the prophetic order or guilds (cf. sing. Dn 3”). The names Elohim and El are prehistoric, and their etymology is quite unknown; they are also the names for ‘God,’ and these beings around God’s throne are no doubt conceived of in con- trast with men as sharing in an inferior way some- ae of divine majesty. They are also called *Holy Ones’ (ow7p), though the term ‘holy,’ originally at least, did not describe moral char- acter, but merely expressed close relation to God. Cf. Dt 337, Zec 145, Ps 897, Job 5}, and often. The OT assumes the existence of these beings, and the belief goes back beyond the historic period. In- teresting attempts have been made to explain the origin of the idea. It has been suggested that these beings, subordiaate to J” and His servants, are the gods of the nations now degraded and reduced to a secondary place by the increasing oe of the monotheistic conception in srael (Kosters, TAT, 1876). There is little or nothing in OT to support this theory. Israel probably speculated little on the gods of the nations, except of those, such as Egypt and Baby- lon, with whom they came into contact ; and though J” be greater than all gods (Ex 18"), He nowhere regards them as His ministers, but manifests the strongest hostility to them, e.g. those of Egypt Ex 12!?, Is 191, Ezk 30, of Haliyion Is 219 46}: 2, and generally Zeph 2". The monotheism of Israel did not subordinate the gods to J” as His ministers, but rather denied their existence, and described them as vanities (nonentities), Ps 9645, Jer 10° 1. The fact that J” is compared or contrasted with the sons of Elohim in heaven, Ps 89*%8, and also with the Elohim or gods of the nations, Ps 868 9645 979, is certainly remarkable, but scarcely sufficient to establish the identity of the two; and if in later times the idea finds expression that God had subjected the nations to the rule of angels, while the rule of Israel was reserved for Himself Dt 32°-° in Sept., Sir 17!”, Dn 10%” 121, ef. t 419 29%, Ts 2421), this is hardly an old idea ANGEL 95 that the angels were the gods of the nations re. appearing in an inverted form, but a new idea suggested to Israel by its own religious superiority to the nations, and perhaps its way of explaining heathenism. Another view goes back to what was ey the oldest phase of Shemitic religion or an explanation. Men, conscious of being under the influence of a multitude of external forces, peopled the world with spirits, whose place of abode they thought to be great stones, umbrage- ous trees, fountains, and the like. Gradually these varied spirits came to be regarded as possess- ing a certain unity of will and action, and by a further concentration they became the servants of one supreme will, and formed the host of heaven. Such speculations regarding possible processes of thought among the family out of which Israel sprang, in periods which precede the dawn of history, are not without interest ; they lie, how- ever, outside OT, which, as has been said, assumes the existence of J’’s heavenly retinue. The God of Israel is above all things a living God, who influences the affairs of the world and men, and rules them. If He uses agents, they are supplied by the ‘ministers’ that surround Him. This is true (though denied by Kosters) even in the oldest eriod of the literature, Gn 28 and 32, Jos 5% and s 6, where one of the seraphim ministers purifica- tion and forgiveness to the prophet; and the same ether in the scene depicted in 1 K 22% The idea is even more common in the later literature : Ps 103” 21, J’’s hosts are also ministers who do His leasure, Ps 148%, In Job 1® 2! it is the sons of the lohim who present themselves to report upon the condition of the earth and men; in 33” the inter- proving angel is one among a thousand (5), and 418 is ‘servants’ are also his ‘angels’ (messengers). Naturally, however, as the idea of ministering hosts belongs to the conception of J” as sovereign, some of the breadth with which the idea is ex- pressed may be due to the poetical religious ima- gination, as when God’s warriors are represented as mighty in strength, Ps 103; as ‘heroes’ with whom He descends to do battle with the nations, J1 34, Zee 14°; as myriads of chariots, Ps 68"; and as chariots and horsemen of fire, 2 K 61° 17 Is 66%, Dt 33?, Dn 7°. (On the other hand, Hab 38 God’s chariots and horses are the storm clouds.) In particular, these hosts accompany J” in His self- revelation for judgment and salvation, Dt 33?, Zee 14°, J1 34, and in NT this trait is transferred to the parousia of Christ (Mt 25*). It is less cer- tain whether the divine name J” (God) of hosts be connected with these angelic hosts; it is, at any rate, a title correlative, expressing the majesty and omnipotence of J” (Sept. often wavroxpdrwp). Finally, to men’s eyes the myriads of stars, clothed in light and moving across the heavens, seemed animated, and there was a tendency to identify them with the angelic host—an identification made , , easier by the belief that man’s life was great ie under the influence of the stars (Job 38 ie Job 387 the morning stars are identical with the sons of the Elohim. Cf. Jg 5%, Is 14)? 2471 4026, and on ‘host of heaven’ 2 K 176 218, Jer 19%, Zeph 15. The idea that the stars are angels re- ceives large development in the Book of Enoch, e.g. 18!5-15, and even Rev 9" a star and the angel of the abyss are identified. v. About the time of the Exile and after the Return a manner of thinking appears which, though from the phraseology used it might seem a development in ange‘ology, is really rather a movement in the direction of hypostatising the Spirit of God. In the older period, as that of the Judges, J” rules His people through His Spirit, which inspires the leaders who judge and save Israel. And in the older prophets the Spirit 96 ANGEL ANGEL operates within the prophet, who is enabled to conceive J”s purposes and operations in thought and express them in language. But in Ezk 40 seq. ‘a man’ accompanies the prophet and explains to him his vision. This ‘man’ is the prophetic spirit objectivised. Even before this time, in Micah’s vision, 1 K 227, ‘the spirit’ who comes forth is the spirit of prophecy personified. The process is carried a step further in Zec: not only is the prophetic spirit hypostatised as ‘the angel that spake with me’ (1! 19 2%), but the operations of J” among the nations are personified as horsemen and chariots. That which in the older prophets was an inward spirit and thoughts, has become an ‘angel,’ and symbolical agencies which the ‘angel’ interprets. ut that much of this at least is more religious symbolism than strict angelology appears from the visions in 1'* 545, It is, how- ever, the Spirit of God—not only as spirit of prophecy, but in general, as God in operation, controlling the destinies of the nations and of His people—that is chiefly symbolised in Zee. This is most broadly seen in ch. 4, which is strangely misread when the seven lamps are supposed to represent the light shed by God’s peer e, their spiritual life. The seven lamps are the seven eyes of the Lord (4°), and the seven eyes are the seven spirits (the manifold spirit) of God. To be com- ared is Rev 1‘, where the salutation comes from Gel and Christ and the seven spirits ; Rev 4° ‘there were seven lamps of fire burning before the throne, which are the seven spirits of God’; and Rev 5° ‘a lamb having seven eyes, which are the seven spirits of God sent forth into all the earth.’ Zec 4 is an expansion of 3°, and its purpose is to sym- bolise that Spirit of God which goes out over all the earth, controls the history of the nations in the interest of His people, and secures the com- pletion of the temple, which the Lord shall enter and abide in, when He removes the iniquity of the land in one day (3°)—not by might nor by power, but by My Spirit (45). The two olive trees, ‘sons of oil’ (cf. Is 5! a hill, the son of oil=an ‘ oily’ hill), stand beside the Lord of the whole earth, ¢.¢. in heaven, cf. 6°, and cannot be Joshua and Zerub- babel. Whether the duality of the trees expresses some idea in the prophet’s mind obscure to us, or whether it be merely part of the symmetry of the symbol, may remain undecided. Other writings of this period give prominence to the Spirit of God, Jl 28, and show a tendency to hypostatise it, Is 6311 4816 Gn 13, Ezk 8° Be 1397. The ‘angel of the Lord’ in Zec. has the same double aspect as elsewhere, and as the angel of the cove- nant in Mal, cf. 1" with 3!“ vi. Two further developments complete what is said in OT of angels—(1) a moral distinction appears among the angels; and (2) a distinction of rank. The frst distinction is not carried far, and the second naturally follows from the idea of an army or host. In the earliest period angels seem morally neutral, they are so much the messengers of God and the medium of His relation to the world that their own character does not come into question. They have always something of the meaning of an impersonal phenomenon, Jehovah’s operations or providence made visible and sensible. Of course the angel of the Lord being Jehovah’s ‘face,’ and embodying His ‘name,’ exhibits also His moral nature, Ex 23%, But ‘evil’ ayn are angels who execute judgment, Ps 78%, Job 33%. The spirit from God who troubled Saul is called ‘evil’ merely from the effects which he produces, 1 S 16%, In 1 K 22 even the personified ve of prophecy becomes ‘a lying spirit,’ just as elsewhere J” Him- self deceives the prophets, Ezk 14°. In writings of the age of the Captivity, and later, however, a being appears called the Satan (opposer, accuser), one of the sons of the Elohim, who displays hos- tility to the saints and people of God, Job 1° 2}, Zec 3. Even in these books he has as yet little personal reality. He is a voice ‘bringing sin to remembrance’ before God The scene Zec 3 is greatly symbolical. The evil conscience of the people and their fear, suggested by their miserable condition, that their sins still lay on them, and that God’s favour had not yet returned to them, are symbolised by the accusing Satan ; while the angel of the Lord is God’s own voice assuring them of His gracious favour. There is perhaps an advance on the idea of Satan in Job, though even there he finds no place in the dénouement of the drama. In two ways, perhaps, the conception of evil angels became clearer: first, it was natural that the accusing angel should take on something of the nature of his office, and appear as the enemy of the saints and of Israel. This step seems already taken in Job. And, secondly, there was always a greater disinclination to ascribe moral evil in men to God. In no part of OT is God represented as the primary author of evil thoughts or actions in men; if Heinstigate them to evil, it isin punishment or aggravation of evil they have already committed. But at a later time the instigation to evil freely ascribed in earlier times to God (1S 26%, 1 K 22%) is attributed to Satan, cf. 2 S 24! with 1 Ch 21}. Further development hardly appears in OT. The ‘serpent’ of Gn 3 is identified with Satan in Wis 2% and in NT. In Dt 32", Ps 106% mention is made of ‘demons’ (0%), which, however, appear to be the false gods to which children were sacri- ficed, 1 Co 10”. In Assyr. shidu is the name given to the inferior deities represented by the bull- colossus. Popular imagination peopled, the desert with demons, Is 137 344, among which was a night- spectre, Lilith; and to the same category possibly belongs Azazel (AV scapegoat), to whom the live pone was consigned on the Day of Atonement (cf. ec 54), Lv 16 1 26 (Enoch 104), although this is by no means certain. These demons, however, do not belong to the angelic host, and lie outside the moral world. Relatively to God, the angels, though the purest beings, are imperfect, Job 41° 15!5 255, ‘ In Dn 1012-21 the various countries have their guardian or patron angels, Michael being the prince of Israel (Jude ®, Rev 127); later theology reckoned seventy of these angels (Dt 328, Gn 4677), And in Is 24 the universal wicked- ness of the world appears laid at the door of its rulers, whether angelic or human, and the judg- ment of God falls on ‘the host of the high ones on high, and the kings of the earth upon the earth’ (vv.71- 32); and many interpret Ps 58. 82 of the same angelic rulers. Apart from the idea suggested in § iv., several things led to this conception of patron and ruling angels. First, there was a tendency towards removing God far from any immediate contact with the earth and men, and to introduce intermediaries between them who mediated His rule. In Dn He no longer speaks to men directly, but only by the intervention of angels, who even interpret His written word to men (9794), And, secondly, there was a tendency to pee abstract conceptions such as the ‘spirit’ of a nation, and a further tendency to locate these personified forces in the supersensible world, from whence they ruled the destinies of men. The issues of the conflicts of the kingdoms of Persia, Greece, and Judah with one another on earth are all determined by the relations of their ‘princes’ in heaven ; and this idea is a ruling one in the Apoc. It belongs to a different class of conceptions when conflicts are referred to between God and other powerful beings. Such beings are ‘the Sea,’ ‘ Rahab,’ ‘Tannin’ or the Dragon, the ‘Serpent,’ ‘Leviathan,’ ete., comp. Is 51%, Pg 89-5, Job 9% 2612-18 (Pa Oe ee ee eee a ee an el dient lan | eco Cu — oe i” ae 7 ye T me Westin Pras Se ANGEL ANGER (WRATH) OF GOD 97 874, Is 30"), Ps 7412", Is 27! (Job 40%-™, Ps 68%), Job 713, Am 9%8 (Ezk 29%-§ 327%); also Job 257 ‘He maketh peace in His oy places.’ These passages contain reminiscences of Cosmic or Creation myths, victories of God, the principle of light and order, over the primeval darkness and raging watery chaos. They are referred to in order to magnify the power of God, and to invoke it against some foe of His people, which in its rebellion and menacing attitude recalls God’s ancient enemies, ani may be described under their names (Is 27}), In Gn 6! ‘the sons of the Elohim’ can hardly be anything but a part of the heavenly host, who fell through love of the daughters of men, as was already understood by Josephus (cf. To 3°64). The passage has no other points of contact in OT, but is greatly amplified in Enoch 6-15, etc.; and there, as well as in NT, the idea of the fallen angels appears combined with what is said of the imprisonment of angelic rulers, Is 247 (2 P 24, Jude °). nks among the angels appear in Dn, and there for the first time some of them receive names. In OT and NT only two are named—Michael, rince of Israel (101% #! 12!, Jude ®, Rev 12’), and briel (Dn 81° 971, Lk 19-25), Michael is named ‘the archangel,’ Jude °, and 1 Th 46 ‘the arch.’ is spoken of, though not named. Seven such angelic princes are spoken of, To 12% ‘I am Raphael, one of the seven oly angels’; in Enoch and 2 Es 5” Uriel is named as fourth. The number seven already appears in Ezk 9°, and there is no necessity to refer it to Pers. influence. In Bab. writings, grades among the celestial beings are referred to (Schrader, Hollenfahrt der Istar, pp. 102, 103), one class of whom Lenormant calls archanges célestes. According to Jewish tradition the names of the angels came from Babylon. vii. There is little advance over Daniel in the angelology of the Apocrypha. Raphael accom- panies Tobias as a paile: s one of the seven holy angels he ‘presents the prayers of the saints’ (To 12", cf. Rev 84), and says, ‘1 did bring the memorial of your prayer before the Holy One’ (12%). A ‘good’ angel is spoken of, To 57, 2 Mac 11°. Raphael binds the demon Asmodzus, To 8%, and the sentence of judgment on those who brin false accusations against the innocent is receive and executed by the angel of God (Sus 5); the angels are ‘blessed,’ and are called on to praise God, ‘Let all Thy angels and Thine elect bless Thee’ (To $5); and the sins of men cannot be hidden before God and His angels (2 Es 16%), Neither is there in principle any great development in NT. (1) The angels form an innumerable host, Lk 23, Mt 26°, He 12%, Rev 51; they are the armies of heaven, Rev 127 19-4, (2) They are beings ade in appearance, Lk 2°, Mt 28%, Ac 127, and in rank eve ‘glories,’ Jude *. (3) ign} minister to the saints, He 1, Mt 2 44, Lk ss Ac 5 8% 127; they are the medium of revelation, Rev 1) 22%, and carry the saints into paradise, Lk 16%, cf. 2 K 24, (4) As in OT theophany God was surrounded by angels, so they accompany the Son of Man at His parousta, Mt 167 25%!, 1 Th 46, 2 Th 17 (Mt 134-49 24%), In two or three points there seems an advance over OT. (a) The angels are spirits, He 1, (4) Satan is no longer isolated, but has a retinue of angels, Mt 25“, Rev 127. (0) Ranks in the angelic host are more distinctly suggested, Col 2”, Eph 3! (1 Co 15%, Eph 1%), (a) In the Apoc, angels are associated with cosmic or elemental forces, as fire and water, which the direct or into which they are sateen Rev 14!8 16°, vt. Ps 104". Christians are made along with Christ better than the angels, whom they shall judge, He 2°, 1 Co 6%. Angel worship is condemned, Col 218 Rev 191° 228-9 cf. Dt 6, Mt 4% The second Nicene Council decreed that Aarpela ought not to VOL, I.—7 (AV ‘rage’) against them.’ be offered to angels, but allowed dovdAela. The sense in which the Sadducees denied angels and spirits (Ac 238) is not quite clear. The Sadducees received the written Scriptures, but disallowed the oral developments gaeld by the Pharisees and scribes; and it is possible that they re- pudiated only that more modern luxuriant angel- ology current in their day, without questioning the ancient angelophanies. The great historical and ritual writing P contains no reference to angels: the Torah contained the revelation oj God’s whole will, and expressed all His relations to the world and men: special intervention of God . was not now needed. And this may have been the osition of the Sadducees. On the other hand, om the Sadducean inclination to freethinking, inherited from the pre-Maccabzan Gr. period, it is possible that they interpreted the angelophanies of the written Scriptures received by them in a tationalistic way as personified natural forces, LITERATURE.—Kosters, ‘Het ontstaan der Angelologie onder Israel,’ Th7', 1876, etc. ; Kohut, Die Jiidische Ang we U. Dédmonologie, Leipz. 1866 ; Weber, System der Altsynagogalen Paldst. Theologie, Leipz. 1880 See also Fuller, Excursus on Angelology and Demonology, Speaker’s Apocr. vol. i. p. 171 ff. A. B. DAVIDSON. ANGELS OF THE SEYEN CHURCHES.—If these angels are men, they cannot be less than bishops ruling their several churches. In favour of this we have—(1) Mal 2’ 3!, where the words may be used of men; (2) the nay 1°>y¥, who, however, was not an officer of the synagogue, but one of the congregation called up fer the occasion to pronounve the prayer ; (3) the settled character of episcopacy in Asia in the time of Ignatius. Against it are— (1) &yyedos, never used of men in NT, except Lk 9°?, Ja 2” of ordinary messengers; (2) the ative character of the Apoc. generally, and of this part in particular. There are seven angels for seven churches; and from the Saviour walking in a figurative tabernacle each of them receives a letter in figurative form, and full of figurative promises and threats. Whatever be said of the ‘ Nicolaitans,’ ‘that woman Jezebel’ (2) can hardly be other than figurative. Even if the allusion is to a living prophetess, its form is figurative; esp. if we read Thy yuvaixd cov—thy wife Jezebel; (3) the relation of the angels to the churches is one of close identi- fication in praise and blame, to an extent for which no human ruler can be responsible; (4) settled monarchical government of churches in Asia can hardly date back to the Neronian persecution, or even to Domitian’s. The imagery is suggested by the later Jewish belief in angels as guardians of nations (e.g. Dn 121) and of men (Ac 12"), like the geniit of paganism. As, however, this belief is nowhere definitely con- firmed by Scripture, the angels are best regarded as personifications of their churches. H. M. GwATKIN. ANGER, as a verb, occurs Ps 1068? ‘They a him also (35°¥p) at the waters of strife,’ and Re 10” ‘by a foolish nation I will a. (rapopy) you.’ And twice in Apocr.: Sir 31° ‘And he that a (RV ‘provoketh’) his mother is cursed of God’; 197 ‘he a** him that nourisheth him’; to which RV adds Wis 5” ‘The water of the sea shall be a J. HASTINGS. ANGER (WRATH) OF GOD. — Anthropopathi- cally described in OT by terms derived from the physical manifestations of human anger, 4x, 5p, 7, 772y, A¥R, ete.; in NT by the terms dpyi, Ovués, anger or wrath may be defined gener as an energy of the divine nature called forth by the presence of daring or presumptuous trans- gression, and expressing the reaction of the divine holiness against it in the punishment or destruction 98 ANGER (WRATH) OF GOD of the transgressor. latest parts of the Pent. (Lv 105 Nu 15 185; It is the ‘zeal’ (=x3p) of God for the maintenance of His holiness and honour, and of the ends of His righteousness and love, when these are threatened by the ingratitude, rebellion, and wilful disobedience or temerity of the creature. In this light it appears both in the OT (passim) and in the NT (Mt 3’, Jn 3°, Ro 18, Eph 5%, Rev 19" etc.), and is uniformly repre- sented as something very terrible in its effects. It is spoken of as ‘kindled’ by the sins and provoca- tious of men (Ex 4!4, Nu 11*?°, Dt 2977, 2S 67, Is 5% ete.), as ‘poured out’ on men (Ps 79%, Is 42%, Jer 44° etc.); its ‘fierceness is dwelt upon by psalmists and prophets (Ps 78” 886 Is 13°, Jer 25%7- 88 ete.); it burns down to the lowest Sheol (Dt 32). Similarly, in NT, God is represented as ‘a con- suming fire’ (He 12%; cf. Mt 3!2 13%, 2 Th 18 2°), At the same time, this a. is not pictured, as in heathen religions, as the mere outburst of capricious passion, but Sere appears in union with the idea of the divine holiness (that principle, as Martensen says, ‘which guards the eternal distinction between Creator and creature, between God aud man, in the union effected between them, and yreserves the divine dignity and majesty from bene infringed on,’ and which on its positive side is in the inflexible determination to uphold at all costs the interests of righteousness and truth); and as directed to the maintenance of the moral order in the world, and specially to the upholding of the covenant relation with Israel, an aspect of it which manifests its close alliance with righteousness and Jove. Asin the human sphere, so in the divine, the keenest provocation to a. is that which lies in wounded or frustrated love, or in injury done to the objects of love (Nu 323+ 15, 2 K 173318 Ezk 23, Am 3?, Ps 7 ete.). A. in God has thus always an ethical connotation, and manifests itself in subserviency to ends of tighteousness and mercy, by which also its measure or limit is prescribed (Jer 10%). In its action in providence, it uses as its instruments the agencies of nature, as well as the passions and ambitious designs of men (cf. Is 105 ‘O Assyrian, the rod of mine a.’), and afflicts the disobedient and rebellious with the calamities of war, famine, pestilence, and with evils generally (Dt 28%, Am 4%" etc. See analysis in Ritschl, Recht. und Ver. ii. p. 125). So far, accordingly, as the Biblical representa- tions are concerned, the divine a. or wrath is not to be weakened down, or explained away, as is the fashion among theologians (e.g. Origen, Augustine, Turretin), into a mere ‘anthropomorphism,’ or hiebey expression for God’s aversion to sin, and His etermination to punish it; but is rather to be re- arded as a very real and awful affection of the ivine nature, fitted to awaken fear in the minds of men (Ps 211-12, He 1081), When we look to the historical development of this doctrine in Scripture, we find nothing to modify materially the repre- sentations just given. No real distinction can be predicated between the earlier and later descrip- tions of the divine wrath in OT, except that, as Ritschl points out (Recht. und Ver. ii. p. 127), they tend in the prophets to become more eschatological (see JAY OF THE LORD; cf. Ro 25, Rev 61”). This, however, is not to be understood as if the divine wrath were not also manifested continuously through history in the punishment of those whose _ evil-doing calls it forth (Ps 74). The later repre- sentations in the Scripture are every whit as strongly conceived as those of an earlier date. When H. Schultz speaks of ‘the impression of the terrible God of the Semites’ in the earlier ages, and says, ‘the ancient Hebrews, too, tremble before a mysterious wrath of God’ (0.7. Theology, ii. p. 175, Eng. tr.), he strangely forgets that the passages he cites are, on his own hypothesis, from the very ANGER (WRATH) OF GOD ef. Ex 12) 30!2, Nu 8®—all from P). [he Book of Genesis, remarkably enough, has no men- tion of the wrath of God, though its equivalent is there in repeated manifestations vf God’s judgment on sin (expulsion from Eden, cursing of the ground, flaming sword, the Flood, Sodom and Gomorrah, etc.). Ritschl’s view of the Biblical development has features of its own. He rightly conceives of wrath as connected with the divine holiness, but would interpret the latter attribute as expressing originally only the notion of God as the exalted, powerful, unapproachable One, to draw near te whom would mean instant destruction for the creature; and sees the peculiar manifestation of wrath, accordingly, under OT conditions, in a sudden, unexpected, and violent destruction of the life of those who had violated the obligations of the covenant (Recht. und Ver. ii. pp. 93, 125, 135, 136). We can only urge in reply that there is no stage in the OT revelation in which the ideas of transcendence over the world, and of moral per- fection, are not already united in the conception of holiness. The instances which most readily suggest an outburst of destructive energy apart from moral considerations, are those in which individuals or companies are smitten for what may seem ve slight faults, or acts of inadvertence (e.g. 1 S 41%, 258 But even in these instances a careful examination will show that it is the moral sanctity of the divine character which is the ground of the special awfulness with which it is invested. When, finally, we pass from the OT to the NT, we find that the notion of God’s wrath is not essentially altered, though the revelation of love and grace which now fills the vision places it comparatively in the background. The Marcionite view, which would represent the contrast between the God of the OT and the God of the NT as that between a wrathful avenging Deity and a loving Father who is incapable of anger, is, on the face of it, incorrect. The pitying, fatherly character of God is not absent from OT (Ex 347, Ps 103%), but, even there, is rather the primary basis of God’s self-revelation, to which the mani- festation of wrath and judgment issubordinate. He is ‘slow to a.’ (Ps 103° e¢ al.), and ‘fury (w.) is not in’ Him (Is 274), On the other hand, the fatherly love of God in NT does not exclude the aspect of Him as ‘Judge’ (1 P 1”), and ‘a consuming fire’ (He 12”), whose wrath is a terrible reality, from which Christ alone can save us (Jn 3%, Ro 116-18 5°, 1 Th 1” etc.). Im this connexion Ritschl labours hard to show that ‘wrath’ in NT has (as in OT prophets) uniformly an eschatological reference, and does not apply to the present con- dition. He goes even further, and challenges its right to a place in the Christian system at all. ‘The notion of the affection of wrath in God,’ he says, ‘has no religious worth for Christians, but is an unfixed and formless theologoumenon’ (Recht. und Ver. ii. p. 154). It is no doubt true that the eschatological aspect of wrath is prominent in NT, and that for the reason already given the wrath of God throughout recedes into the background, and becomes, as it were, an attribute in reserve (Ro 25, 3%); but many indications warn us that it is only in reserve, and is still there in its unchanged character, and rests with its heavy weight upon the disobedient (Jn 3°, Eph 23); nay, that in a most real sense its effects are manifest in the terrible retributions for sin exacted from men even here (Mt 23%: 36, Ro 171-32, Ac 51-1 ete,). And if the objec- tion is urged, as it will be by many, that the attri- bution of wrath or anger to God (otherwise than as the reflection of the sinner’s distrustful thoughts regarding Him) is an pears mode of con- ception, and derogates from the divine perfection, ANGLE {t may at least with equal justice be replied that a Ruler of the universe who was incapaole of being moved with an intense moral indignation at sin, and of putting forth, when occasion required, a destroying energy against it, would be lacking in an essential element of moral perfection; nor would either the righteousness or the mercy of such a Being have any longer a substantive value. LITERATURE.—Weber Vom Zorne Gottes, 1862; Ritschl De Ira Dei, 1859, Recht. und Ver. ii. pp. 89-148; Oehler Theology af O.T. i. pp. 154-168 (Eng. tr.); Schultz 0.7. Theology, ii. PRs, 67-179; D. W. Simon The Redemption of Man—ch. v. e Anger of God’; Dale The Atonement, Lect. VIII.; Lux Mundt, pp. 285-288. J. ORR. ANGLE occurs only as a subst., Is 19% ‘all they that cast a. into the brooks’; Hab 1 ‘They take up all of them with the a.’ In Job 41}, the only other occurrence of the Heb. word (72n), the tr. is ‘hook’ (RV ‘fish-hook’). See FISHING. J. HASTINGS. ANGLO-SAXON YERSION.—See VERSIONS. ANIAM (oy34 ‘lament of people’).—A man of Manasseh (1 Ch 79). See GENEALOGY. ANIM (0%3y), Jos 15° only.—A town of Judah, in the mountains near Eshtemoh. It seems prob- able that it is the present double ruin of Ghuwein, west of Eshtemoh. The Heb. and Arab. guttural letters are equivalent. In the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Anab and Astemc) Anea or Anem is noticed as a large town near Eshtemoh ; and there were two places so called. It is identi- fied (s.v. Anim) with the town now in question. All the inhabitants were then Christians. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xxiv. C. R. CoNDER. ANIMAL KINGDOM.—See NATURAL HIstTory. ANISE (4vn6ov, anethum).—There can be no reasonable doubt that dv7@ov is the classical name of Anethum graveolens, L., which is translated in EV (Mt 23%) anise. There is the direct evidence of Rabbi Eliezer (Tract. Maaseroth, c. iv. 5) that the seeds, leaves, and the stem of dill are ‘subject to tithe.’ Dill is in the Talm. shabath. It is known in Arab. by the cognate name shibith, and is much cultivated in Pal. and Syria. The seeds of it are used in cookery as a condiment, esp. with beans and other seeds of the pulse kind, and their flavour is greatly liked by the natives of Egypt, Pal., Syria, and the East generally. It is also used by the natives as a carminative. Avicenna speaks thus of its virtues (ii. 258): ‘calmant for griping, carminative diminishes swelling, and its infusion is beneficial as a wash to indolent ulcers. Its oil is useful in joint affections and neuralgias, and also as a. ypnotic. Its juice calms pain in the ear. Eaten for a long time it injures the sight. The plant and its seed are galactogogues, but are esp. useful in over-distension of the stomach and flatulency. Its oil is also beneficial in hemorrhoids.’ Dill is an annual or biennial herb, of the order Umbelliferse, with a stem one to three feet high, much dissected leaves, small yellow flowers, and flattened oval fruits about one-fifth of an inch long, of a brownish colour, with a lighter-coloured wing- like border, and a pungent, aromatic odour and taste. It is found wild in cornfields in central and southern Europe and Egypt, perhaps escaped from cultivation. It has been sd teen from remote antiquity. The opinion of the translators of AV, in favour of anise (Pimpinella anisum, L.), is hardly to be weighed against the direct evidence above adduced for the identity of dill with dyyjéov. RV gives dill in the margin. G. E. Post. ANNAS 99 ANKLE-CHAINS (ninys, Arab. saldsil, AV ‘orna- ments of the legs,’ Is 3%).—The prophet refers to the practice of joining the anklets by a short chain, to produce a stilted, affected gait in walking. G. M. MACKIE. ANKLETS (o'p>y, Arab. khalakhil, Is 3%, AV ‘tinkling ornaments.’)—The ref. is to the metal twists and bangles of bracelet-like design worn on the ankles of Oriental women, esp. of the Bedawin and fellahin class. The musical clink of the anklets and their ornaments, which to the wearied peasant on the rough mountain path has th; refreshment of the bells to the baggage animals, is here alluded to as a social vulgarism when affected by the ladies of the upper classes, and as one of the marks of an artificial and unhealthy tone of life. G. M. MACKIE. ANNA ("Avva, the same name as the Heb. 3 Hannah, from a root meaning ‘ grace’).—1. The wife of Tobit: ‘I took to wife A. of the seed o our own family’ (To 1°). See TosiT. 2. prophetess, the daughter of Phanuel, of the trib of Asher (Lk 2°), This genealogical notic makes it clear that, though Asher was no one of the ten tribes which returned to Pale: tine after the Babylonian Captivity, individu. members of the trike had done so; and further that Anna belonged to a family of sufficient di tinction to have preserved its genealogy. In thu same connexion it is interesting to notice that the tribe of Asher alone is celebrated in tradition for the beauty of its women, and their fitness to be wedded to the high priest or king (for authorities, see Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah, vol. i. p. 200). Of Anna’s personal history all that we know is contained in the brief statement of St. Luke. Sha had been married for seven years, and at the tim spoken of was not merely, as the AV suggests, eighty-four years old, but, according to the mor. correct rendering of the RV, ‘had been a widow even for fourscore and four years’; so that, supposing her to have been married at fourteen, she would now be about a hundred and five. Throughout her long widowhood she had ‘departed not from the temple,’ not in the sense of actually living there—for that would have been impossible, most of all for a woman—but as taking part in all the temple services, ‘worshipping, with fastings and supplications night and day.’ It was thus that she sought to give expression to the longing which was filling her heart for the coming of the promised Messiah, and at length her faith and patience were rewarded. In the child Jesus she was allowed to see the fulfilment of God’s promise to His ancient poonle, and henceforth was able to announce to all like-minded with herself the ‘redemption,’ as distinguished from the political deliverance of Jerusalem. G. MILLIGAN. ANNAS (“Avvas, 39 ‘merciful.’ Josephus” Avavos), 100 ANNAS ANOINTING —1, Son of Seth, appointed high priest A.D. 6 or 7 by the legate Quirinius, and deposed A.D 15 by the procurator Valerius Gratus (Jos. Ant. XVIII. ii. 1,2). He thus lost office, but not power. ‘They say that this elder Ananus was most fortunate ; for he had five sons, and it happened that they all held the office of high priest to God, and he had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high riests’ (Jos. Ant. XX. ix. 1). We learn also from t. John (18'*) that Joseph Caiaphas, high priest A.D. 18-36, was his son-in-law. The immense wealth of these Sadducean aristocrats was, in part at least, derived from ‘the booths of the sons of Annas,’ which monopolised the sale of all kinds of materials for sacrifice. These booths, according to Edersheim (Life and Times of the Messiah, iii. 5), occupied part of the temple court; Dérenbourg (Essai sur histoire, etc., de la Palestine, p. 465 sqq.) with more probability identifies them with four booths on the Mount of Olives, a branch establish- ment of which might have been beneath the temple orches. It was the sons of Annas who made God’s ouse ‘a den of robbers’; and the Talmudic curse, ‘Woe to the house of Annas! woe to their serpent- like hissings !’ (or whisperings) (Pes. 57a), almost re-echoes the Saviour’s denunciations. sjonep ins, too (Ant, XX. ix. 2-4), gives a vivid picture of the insolent rapacity and violence of the younger Ananus. oreover, ‘forty years before the de- struction of the temple the Sanhedrin banished itself from the chamber of hewn stone (n130 n3¥7), and established itself in the booths’ (n\y3q) (Déren- bourg, p. 465), subsequently moving ‘from the booths to Jerusalem’ (Rosh ha-Sh. 3la), perhaps when the booths were destroyed, three years before the destruction of the temple, in the same year in which the younger anus was murdered. Such and so powerful was the faction of which Annas was the head. The NT consistent] reflects this state of things. Jesus, when arrested, is brought to Annas first (Jn 18'%). He takes the leading part in the trial of the apostles (Ac 4°). That Annas is styled ‘the high priest’ (Ac 4°, and probably Jn 18" 22) is not remarkable, since it is quite in accordance with the usage of Josephus, who applies the title, not only to the actual holder of the office, but also to all his living predecessors (Vit. 38; BJ. xii. 6; Iv. iii. 7, 9, 10; Iv. iv. 3). And in both Josephus and NT the more in- fluential members of those families from which high priests were chosen are all called dpycepets. But the phrase ‘él dpxvepéws “Avva xal Kaidga, in the high priesthood of A. and C.’ (Lk 3°), seems unparalleled. Ewald (H.Z. vol. vi. p. 430, n. 3) conjectures that it is due to the fact that when the author wrote, ‘ they had become memorable in this association through the history of Christ’s death.’ The chief interest in Annas centres in the notice of him in Jn 18, which is complementary to the narrative of St. Luke, and corrects an apparent mistake made by St. Matthew and St. ark. The first two evangelists obscurely indicate two stages in the trial of Jesus (Mt 26° 271, Mk 1458 151), but they transfer the events of the morning meeting of the Sanhedrin to the previous night. St. Luke avoids this apparent mistake, and leaves room (2254) for such an informal inquiry as that of Annas really was. ; When we bear in mind the predominant influence of the man, and the unscrupulousness of the whole proceeding, it seems unnecessary to oe that Annas was either deputy (sagan) of the high priest (Lightfoot, Temple Sern. v. 1) or president (xw3) of the Sanhedrin (Baronius, Annals, followed by Selden, de Success. Pontif. i. 12) or chief examining judge, } m3 38 (Ewald, H.J. vol. vi. p. 430) e interview of Jesus with Annas is described Jn 181-3, It could have only one issue. Jesus was sent as a condemned prisoner for a more formal trial before Caiaphas and the Sanhedrin, as described by the Synoptists, but merely implied by St. John. (This is obscured in the Received text of v.%, and still more in the AV, which renders the aorist as a pluperfect ; ody is read by BC* LX 1. 33.) We have seen that the Sanhedrin at this time met in the headquarters of the Annas faction, so that it may have been when passing through the court from the apartments of Annas to the council chamber that ‘the Lord turned, and looked upon Peter,’ Lk 22% (Westcott on Jn 18%). 2. 1 Es 9%, see HARIM. N. J. D. WHITE. ANNIS (’Avvels B, ’Avuids A, AV Ananias, RVm Annias).—The eponym of a family that returned with Zerubbabel (1 Es 51%). Omitted in parallel passages of Ezr and Neh. J. A. SELBIE. ANNUS (A “Avvous, B ’Avviov#, AV Anus).—A Levite, 1 Es 9%=Neh 87 [Bani]. ANNUUS (A “Avvouvos, B omits), 1 Es 8% (47, LXX).—The name does not occur in Ezr 8"; it may be due to reading tmx) (AV ‘and with him)’ there as 138). H. St. J. THACKERAY. ANOINTING.—1. The application of unguents to the skin and hair as an act of the toilet is an ancient custom; the oldest prescription extant is for this purpose, and professes to date from about B.C. 4200. Among the Jews a. was a daily practice (Mt 617), the oil being applied to exposed parts (Ps 104'5), soothing the skin burnt by the sun. The effects of oil are more enduring than those of water, hence a. was practised after bathing (Ru 3%, Ezk 16°). It was a mark of luxury to nse specially scented oils (Am 65), such as_ those ezekiah kept in his treasure-house (2 K 203%). Aas a. was a sign of joy (Pr 27°), it was discontinued during the time of mourning (Dn 10*); so Joab instructed the woman of Tekoa to appear un- anointed before David (2S 147). On the death of Bathsheba’s child, David anointed himself to show that his mourning had ended (2 § 12”°), The cessa- tion of a. was to be a mark of God’s displeasure if Israel proved rebellious (Dt 28%, Mic 6"), and the restoration of the custom was to be a sign of God’s returning favour (Is 61°). Anointing is used as a symbol of prosperity in Ps 92, Ee 9°. 2. Before paying visits of ceremony the head was anointed ; so Naomi bade Ruth anoint herself before visiting Boaz (3°). Oil of myrrh was used for this purpose in the harem of Ahasuerus (Est 2!%). On monuments in Egypt the host is seen anointing his guest on his arrival ; and the same must have been customary in Pal., as Simon’s failure of hospitality in this respect is commented upon by our Lord (Lk 7), This custom is referred to in Ps 23°, The Isr. showed their goodwill to the captives of Judah by anointing them before sending them back at the command of Oded (2 Ch 28"), Mary’s anointing of our Lord was according to this custom. 8. Before battle, shields were oiled, that their surfaces might be slippery and shining (Is 215, 28S 12 RV). This practice is referred to several times by classical authors, and is in use to this day among some African tribes. 4, Asa remedial agent a. was in use on the Jews in pre-Christian times; it was practised by the apostles (Mk 61%), recommended by St. James (54), mentioned in the parable of the Good Samaritan (Lk 10), and used as a type of God’s forgiving grace healing the sin-sick soul (Is 1%, Ezk 16°, Rev 318). In post-apost. times the oil was supposed to owe its virtue to its consecration by prayer, which might be done by any Christian ; thus Pe ee ree eo eee * ¢ « ANOINTING Proculus anointed Severus, and healed him (Tertull. ad Scap. iv.). By the 3rd cent. consecration of the oil could only be done by the bishop (Innocent, Decentio, viii.); although any Christian might apply the holy oil, and the oil from the church lamps was often taken for this purpose (Chrysostom in Me $2). Oil was also consecrated by being taken from the tombs of martyrs (1b. Homil. in Martyr. iii.). By the 5th cent. the priest alone could anoint (Labbe & Cossart, Concilia, ix. 419, § 10). This a. was intended as a means of cure even as late as the days of Bede (in Marci, i.c. 24). Thea. of the dying was a heretical practice of the Mar- cosians (Irenzus, i. 21. 5) and the Heracleonites (Epiphanius, adv. Her, xxxvi. 2) for purposes of exorcism. Theodoret says that the Archontici also use oil and water, but apparently in a different way (€mBdd\d\ovn, see Her, Kab. Compend. i. 11). In the Rom. Church by the 12th cent. the idea of healing had become obsolete, and the a. was restricted to the dying (Council of Florence, 1439) and applied before the Viaticum (lst Council of Mainz, Can. xxvi.). It is called extreme unction by Hugo de St. Victore (Swmma Sententiar. vi. 15), and its place as one of the seven sacraments of the Rom. Church was decided by the Council of Trent. Calvin calls it histrionica hypocrisis (Inst. vi. 19, § 18). The ceremonial of anointing the leper when cleansed was not remedial, but a sign of reconsecra- tion. In Scripture the application of any soft material, as moistened clay, to a blind man’s eyes, is called anointing (Jn 9°). §. Asin Egypt, the application of ointments and spices to the dead body was customary in Pal. (Ae 161, Lk 23%, Jn 19”); but they were only externally applied, and did not prevent decomposi- tion (Jn 11”). In later times the a. of the dead with holy oil is recommended (Dionys. Areopag. de Eccles. Hierarch. vii. § 8). 6. Holy things were by a. dedicated to God even in ancient times. Thus Jacob consecrated the stones at Bethel (Gn 2818, 354); and God recog- nised the action (31'*). In Greece, Egypt, and other countries dedication by oil was practised, and is continued in the Rom. and Gr. rituals for the consecration of churches. The tabernacle and its furniture were thus consecrated (Ex 3078 40!°, Ly 8"), and the altar of burnt-offering was re- consecrated after the sin-offering (Ex 29%), Some riodic hostia honoraria were anointed with oil v 2! etc.); but no oil was to be poured on the sin-offering (Lv 5", Nu 5%). It is not said that the temple was consecrated by a., but there was holy oil in the priests’ charge at the time (1 K 1), as there was in the days of the second temple (1 Ch 9”). 7. Priests were set apart by a. In the case of Aaron, and probably all high priests, this was done twice : first by pouring the holy oil on his head after his robing, but before the sacrifice of consecration (Ly 82, Ps 133?); and next by sprinkling after the sacrifice (Lv 8%). The ordinary priests were onl rinkled with oil after the application of the blood of the sacrifice. Hence the high priest is called the anointed priest (Lv 4°-5 and 6”). The holy oil for this purpose was made of olive oil, cinnamon, cassia, flowing myrrh, and the root of the sweet cane (Acorus Calamus). It was to be used only for these ceremonials, and its unauthorised com- pounding was strictly forbidden (Ex 30"). In Egypt there were nine sacred oils for ceremonial use. A. in the ordination of presbyters and deacons came into use in the 8th cent., but was not practised in the early Church. 8. Of designation to kingship by a. we have examples in Saul (1 S 10!) and David (1 S 167%). This act was accompanied by the gift of the Spirit ; ANOINTING 101 so, when David was anointed, the Spirit descended on him, and departed from Saul; and Hazael was anointed over Syria by God’s command (1 K 19"), Kings thus designated were called the Lord’s anointed. David thus speaks of Saul (1S 26") and of himself (Ps 2). This passage is used by the apostles as prophetic of Christ (Ac 4%), 9. By a. kings were installed in office. David was again anointed when made king of Judah, and a third time when made king of united Israel (2S 24 5%). Solomon was anointed in David’s life- time, and he refers to the a. in his dedication prayer. It is not said that those who succeeded by right of primogeniture were anointed; but when the succession was disputed, Jehoiada anointed Joash (2 K 11). Jehoahaz the younger son of Josiah was anointed (2 K 23%) in place of his elder brother Jehoiakim (see 23% %5), Kings of other lands were anointed. This was early known to the Israelites, as we learn from Jotham’s parable (Jg 9%). The kings of Egypt were anointed, and the a. is said to have been done by the gods (Diimichen, Hist. Inschrift, i. 12); hence they are called the ‘anointed of the gods.’ The king of Tyre is also called the ‘anointed’ (Ezk 28"). Jehu was anointed as beginning a new dynasty (2 K 9"). Zedekiah is referred to as anointed (La 4”). British kings were anointed in pre-Saxon days (Gildas, de excidio Brit. i. 19), as were the Christianised Saxons; but the first mention of a, at coronation elsewhere in Europe is in A.D. 636 in the Acts of the 6th Council of Toledo. Charlemagne, . A.D. 800, was the first emperor anointed (by Pope Leo 11.) A. is now a part of the ceremonial of coronation in most Christian kingdoms, 10. A. is used metaphorically to mean setting apart to the prophetic office; so Elijah is told to anoint Elisha. This does not appear to have been literally done (1 K 19!5). In Ps 105% the words anointed and prophets are used as synonyms. The Servant of the Lord calls himself anointed to preach (Is 61’), and Christ tells the people of Nazareth that this prophecy is fulfilled in Him (Lk 4!%), 11. Similarly in a metaphorical sense any one chosen of God is called an anointed one; thus the patriarchs are called God’s Messiahs (Ps 105"), and Israel as a nation (Ps 84°, Hab 3'%, Ps 89%8- 5), being promised deliverance on this account (Is 107, 1 S 2”). Cyrus is also called a Messiah (Is 45!). The name Christ is the Gr. equivalent of the Heb. Messiah=‘ anointed.’ The anointing of Ps 45’ is taken in He 1° as prophetic of the Saviour’s anointing. In this sense, a8 a chosen people, believers are said to be God’s anointed (2 Co 1%, 1 Jn 2? 27), the unction being the gift of the Holy Spirit. In post- tas times these words gave rise to the practice of anointing with oil at baptism. This was done by way of exorcism before the washing in the E. hare in the days of Cyril (Catech. Mystag. ii. D), as it seems from St. Augustine to have been the practice in Africa (see Tr. 44 in Joannis, § 2, refer- ring to anointing the blind man’s eyes before the washing). But'Tertullian puts thea. after the wash- ing (De resurr. Carnis, § viii.), as does Optatus, who says that Christ was anointed by the dove after baptism (de Schism. Donat. iv. 76). Upon these texts, quoted above, coupled with the ‘sealing’ men- tioned in Eph 1 4% and 2 Co 1”, the post-apostolic Church based the ceremony of confirmation, in connexion with which in the W. Church another anointing became customary in the 5th cent. LiTgRATURE.—Besides the references given above, see for fuller details concerning the above sections—1. Papyrus Ebers, p. 66; Erman, dgypten, 1835, p. 316. 4. Martene, de Ant. Ecel. Rit., Rouen, 1700, i. 7; Dalleus, de duobus Latinoruwm Sacra- mentis, Geneva, 1659; Decretum Hugenti IV. de Sept, Eccl. Sacram., Louvain, 1557. 6. Arnobius, adv. Gent. i. 319; Fabri- cius, de Templ. Christ., Heimstadt, 1704; Pausanias, vii. 22 102 ANON 7. Theodulfus, Epise. Aurel. Capit. de Presb., ed. Migne, 193; Ivo Carnotensis, vi. 121. A. MACALISTER. ANON, a contraction for ‘in one,’ is used in AV for ‘in one moment’ (RV ‘straightway’). Mt 13” ‘a. with joy receiveth it’; Mk 1* ‘a. they tell him of her’; Jth 13° ‘a. after she went fortli’ (RV ‘after a little while she went forth’). J. HASTINGS. ANOS ("Avws), 1 Es 9*.—One of the descendants of Baani, who agreed to put away his ‘strange’ wife: corresponding to Vaniah (7:3), Soar 10°, ANOTHER.—A. is ‘one other,’ but sometimes the idea is ‘a different one,’ of which there is a fine instance in Gal 1° ‘I marvel that ye are so soon removed from him that called you into the grace of Christ unto a. gospel’ (Gr. érepoy, RV ‘a different gospel,’ but v.7 ‘which is not a.’ Gr. ado; cf. 2Co 11‘). In2Ch 20% ‘every one helped to destroy s.’; mod. Eng. would say ‘the other’; so RV in Gn 15”, Ex 211° 37” etc., but not in Zec 11°. J. HASTINGS. ANSWER.—1. As a subst. a. is used in the sense of apology or defence (Gr. dodoyla) in 1 Co 9° ‘mine a. (RV ‘my defence’) to them that do examine me’; 2 Ti 46 ‘At my first a. (RV ‘defence’) no man stood by me’; 1 P 3% ‘ Ready always to give an a. (RV ‘give a.’) to every man.’ Compare the use of a. as a verb in Ac 24" ‘TI do the more cheerfully a. for myself’ (RV ‘I do cheerfully make my defence’), Ac 25% 16 261-2, Lk 12 2114, 2. In Ro 114 ‘what saith the a. of God unto him?’ a. means oracle or divine response (Gr. xpyya- triuds, the only occurrence of the word in NT, but it is found in 2 Mac 24 xpnuaricpod yernbérTos, ‘being warned of God’ AV and RV; see Sanday and Headlam, Romans, pp. 173, 313). 3. In 1 P 371 ‘the a. of a good conscience toward God,’ a. is prob. intended to mean defence, as above; but the Gr. is not drodcyla but érepdrnua, and in what precise sense the apostle uses that word is dis- puted ; RV gives ‘interrogation,’ with two alterna- tives in the marg. ‘inquiry’ and ‘appeal.’ See Thayer, N.T. Lex. s.v. 4. Asa verb a. is often used when no question has been asked. The most strik- ing instance is Ac 5°, where St. Peter ‘answers’ Sapphira, not only before she had opened her mouth, but by asking her a question. 5. In Gal 4% ‘For this Agar is Mt. Sinai in Arabia, and a> to Jerus.,’ a to= corresponds with (Gr. oweoroxet—lit. ‘belongs to the same row or column with’). Answerable occurs in AV only Ex 3818 ‘a. to the hangings of the court,’ i.e. ‘correspond- ing to’; but RV adds Ezk 408 ‘a. unto (AV ‘over peniey *”) the length of the gates,’ 457 4813 18dis, Cf Bunyan, Holy War (Clar. Press ed. p. 92), *This famous town of Mansoul had five Gates, in at which to come, out at which to go; and these were made likewise answerable to the Walls.’ J. HASTINGS. ANT (abn; némdalah, pbpunt, formica). The ant is mentioned only twice in the Bible. Once (Pr 6°) with reference to the industry of this insect, and again (Pr 30%) with reference to its wisdom and foresight. There has never been any dispute as to the industry of the ant. Sir John Lubbock (Ants, Bees, and Wasps, p. 27) says, ‘They work all day, and in warm weather, if need be, at night too. I once watched an ant from six in the morn- ing, and she worked without intermission till a quarter to ten at night. I had put her to a saucer containing larve, and in this time she had carried off no less than 187 to their nests. I had another ant, which I employed in my experiments under continuous observation several days. When I started for London in the morning, and again when I went to bed at night, I used to put her ANT Se into a small bottle, but the moment she was let out she began to work again. On one occasion I was away from home for a week. On my return I took her out of the bottle, placing her on a little heap of larvae, about three feet from her nest. Under these circumstances I certainly did not expect her to return. However, though she had been six days in confinement, the brave little creature immediately picked up a larva, carried it to her nest, and after half an hour’s rest returned for another.’ With reference to the wisdom and foresight of the ant there has been much discussion. Although not expressly stated that the ‘meat’ which the ant ‘prepares’ in the summer is for winter use, it is generally agreed that such is the meaning of the passage. The Greeks, Romans, Arabian natural- ists, and Jewish rabbis confirm this opinion. Yet many naturalists and commentators have disputed this fact, and say that the writer adopted a popular error, and that the ant does not store the seeds which it takes in such quantities to its nest as food, but only as a lining to its burrows, or for some other unknown reason. They argue from two considerations—(1) that the ant is carnivorous, and has no use for the seeds which it accumulates in its nest; (2) that the ant hybernates, and there- fore does not need food in winter. Both of these propositions are partially true and partially false. All ants eat flesh greedily, but they are all passion- ately fond of many things besides. Sir John Lub- bock has shown that ants derive a very important part of their sustenance from the sweet juice secreted by aphides, a product hardly to be called animal food more than honey. In the words of Linneus, ‘the aphis is the cow of ants.’ Other kinds of insects are utilised in the same manner. Many ants keep flocks and herds of aphides. The aphides retain the secretion until the ants are ready to receive it, and the ants stroke and caress them with their antenne, until they emit the sweet excretion. The ants collect the eggs and larvee of these aphides, store them with their own during the long winter sleep, that they may be hatched in the spring, and supply them again with their favourite food. Here then, says Lubbock, ‘our ants may not perhaps lay up food for the winter, but they do more, for they keep during six months the eggs which will enable them to procure food during the following summer—a case of prudence unexampled in the animal kingdom.’ But it is also true that ants eat many articles of pure vegetable food. Those of Palestine and yria certainly eat all kinds of cake, sweetmeats, more or less fruit, bread, meal, and seeds. In the neighbourhood of every threshing-floorand granary, and of stables, there are always immense numbers of ants, which abstract surprising quantities of grain, and store them in their nests. They often carry the grains many feet or yards away, along well-beaten roads, which cross each other in every direction from the heaps of grain. Similar facts have been observed in the warmer parts of Europe and in India. The Mishna lays down rules in regard to the ownership of grain so stored. Maimonides has discussed the question as to whether it belongs to the owners of the land or to gleaners, deciding in favour of the latter. The ants, however, differ from him, and are of opinion that the store belongs to themselves. 1 am assured by native peasants, well qualified to know, that the ants eat the grain during the season of non-production. After the first rains, the ants bring out their larve and the stored grains to be sunned. Indian ants do the same. Many of these grains are more or less enawed, or the edible parts entirely consumed. It was the opinion of ‘Aldrovandas and others of the ancients, confirmed by the French Academy —— — OS SS a ae ee oe, - ANTELOPE (Addison’s Guardian, 156, 157) and of N. Pluche (Nature displ. i. 128), that the ants systematically bit off the head of the grain to prevent its germina- tion. I think it unnecessary to ascribe to the ants s0 much intelligence as would be implied in this extraordinary measure, but it is no way improb- able that the head would be the first part attacked, as it is the softest portion of the grain, and the most accessible, being uncovered by the silicious envelope, as well as the sweetest morsel of the whole. Lubbock tells us of a Texan ant that clears disks, 10 or 12 feet in diameter, round the entrance to its nest, to allow certain grains known as ant-rice, and no others, to grow there. Thus the ants ‘are exceeding wise.’ Many of their nests also are marvels of construction, some eomposed of galleries and chambers underground, some built in the form of mounds or huts above the surface. These are grouped in towns, con- nected by surface roads, sometimes arched over at places, and by underground tunnels. No less than 584 species of insects are found in association with ants, serving them in various ways, some obvious, others not clear. But that they are tolerated by the ants for reasons known to them- selves is shown by the fact that ants will imme- diately attack and drive out or kill any living creatures which they do not like. Many of the insects furnish some form of food, as in the case of the aphides. Others rid the ants of parasites. Others seem to be congenial to them for reasons yet to be studied. In addition to these insects, not of their own family, ants make slaves of other ants. This is not done by the capture of adult prisoners, but by raids organised for the purpose of stealing the eggs, larve, and pupe from the nests of other species. These infant captives are taken to the nests of their abductors, and raised as slaves. These slaves do all or most of the domestic work of their masters, who reserve themselves for the noble art of war. Ants also have accurate methods of division of labour. To the younger ones are assigned some of the lighter tasks, while the older ones engage in the more serious and laborious work. In some cases individuals are appointed to collect honey and store it in large sacs in their bodies, to be distributed to their idle masters, who do not trouble themselves to leave their nests. Lubbock thus sums up the evidence that ants ‘are exceeding wise’: ‘The anthropwvid apes no doubt approach nearer to man in bodily structure than do other animals, but when we consider the habits of ants, their social organisation, their large communities and elaborate habitations, their road- ways, their possession of domestic animals, and even, in some cases, of slaves, it must be admitted that they have a fair claim to rank next to man in the scale of intelligence.’ G. E. Post. ANTELOPE.—See Ox. ANTHOTHIJAH (nny, AV Antothijah).—A man of Benjamin (1 Ch 8%), See GENEALOGY. ANTHROPOLOGY.—See Man. ANTICHRIST. —See Man oF SIN. ANTILI- BANUS.—See LEBANON. ANTIOCH (’Avridyea).—In Syria, under the Seleucids, there appear to have been at least five places which at one time or another enjoyed this title: Hippos on the hills above the E. shore of the Lake of Galilee (’A. 4 pds “Irmw), Gadara (cf. ent, De Urbibus; Reland, Pal. 774), Gerasa in E. Gilead (’A. 4 pds r@ Xpvoopdg), all of them in ANTIOCH 103 the Decapolis, and perhaps also Acco or Ptolemais (Head, Hist. Num. 677); but the Antioch in Syria was A. on the Orontes, distinguished as "A. 9 pds, or éml, Aadry, and entitled pyrpdmrods (vb. 656). Under an Eastern people like the Arabs, the natural capital of Syria is Damascus, on the borders of the Arabian desert. But when the Greeks poured into the land after Alexander, it was inevitable that they should establish the centre of their govern- ment nearer the Mediterranean and Asia Minor. Accordingly, when the Seleucid Empire was founded, Seleucus Nikator (Jos. c. Apion, ii. 4) selected a site 120 stadia from the sea (Strabo, Xvi.), where the Orontes, now El-Asi, and the great roads from the Euphrates and Cele-Syria break the long Syrian range and debouch upon the coast. The projected Euphrates-Levant railway is to pass by the same way. The valley is tolerably wide, and both fair and fertile. ‘The city was built partly on an island in the river, but mostly on the N. bank of the latter, and up the slopes of Mt. Silpius. By the time of Antiochus Epiphanes (175 B.C.) it consisted of four quarters (rerpdoXs, Strabo), divided by the long columned street which was a feature of every Greek city in Syria, and by a second which cut this obliquely. Temples and other large public buildings were erected from time to time by the Seleucids and their Roman successors. Daphne was a neighbouring grove sacred to Apollo (Jos. Ant. XVII. ii. 1; Pliny, HN v. 18; 2 Mac 4%). Under the Seleucids the city developed a mixed populace, essentially fickle and turbulent, who frequently rose against their rulers. There were Jews in Antioch from the time of its foundation, for Seleucus Nikator gave them the rights of citizenship (Jos, Ant. XII. iii. 1). Many others must have fled or been carried captive to A. during the Maccabzean period (ib. XII. XIII. passim). The Antiochenes expelled Alexander Balas, and offered the crown to Ptolemy Philometor, who, however, persuaded them to receive Demetrius Nikator (16. X11. iv. 7; but ef..1 Mac 113#-), They besieged the latter in his palace; but with the help of Jonathan Maccabeus and 3000 Jews he regained the city, yet soon after was obliged to yield it to Alexander’s son Antiochus and _ his general Tryphon (Ané. x1. v. 3; 1 Mac 11%), Under the Seleucids A. remained till B.c. 83, when it was taken by Tigranes of Armenia. When Pompey overthrew the latter, he made A. a free city, and it became the seat of the Prefect, and capital of the Rom. province of Syria. M. Antonius ordered the citizens to release all the Jews whom they had enslaved, and restore to them their pos- sessions (Ant. XIV. xii. 6). When Pompey fell, A. sided with Cesar, and after Actium with Augustus, Both of the latter, as well as Herod the Great (Ant. XVI. v. 3) and Tiberius, embellished the town with theatres, baths, and streets. The harbour of A. was Seleucia. The population was very vigorous. They revolted several times against Rome; and after the disastrous eartliquakes of A.D. 37 and subsequent years they quickly restored the town. Art and literature were cultivated so as to draw the praise of Cicero; but with the energy and brilliance of this people there was ever mixed a notorious insolence and _ scurrility. A large number of Romans settled in A., and the Jewish community speedily grew in numbers and in influence with the rest of the inhabitants (Jos. BJ 11. xviii. 5), who protected them in the first Jewish revolt against Rome, but afterwards displayed a bitter hate against them (ib. VII. v. 2), It was when A. was filled with these rich and varied elements of life—Josephus calls her the third city of the Empire, next to Rome and Alex 104 ANTIOCH andria (BJ Itt. ii. 4)—that she entered the history of Christianity. Antiochean Jews and proselyte Greeks must have come under the influence of the apostles’ ministry in Jerus. Nicolas ‘a proselyte of A.’ was one of the seven deacons (Ac6°). pon the persecution that arose about Stephen, the disciples were scattered as far north as A. (Ac 119), and among them some men of Cyprus and Cyrene, who began to preach to Greeks (many ancient authorities give ‘Grecian Jews,’ but surely Greeks are meant,—for otherwise the distinction made between the Cypriotes and Cyrenians and the other preachers in 11” is meaningless). To them at A. the Church at Jerus. sent Barnabas, who, after seeing the situation, went and fetched Paul thither from Tarsus. For a year they worked to- gether in the church, teaching; ‘and the disciples were called Christians first in A.’ The wit of the et was otha he famous for giving names. Prophets arrived from Jerus. predicting a famine ; and when this came to pass, the Church of A. proved once more the vigour of the population from which it was drawn, by sending supplies to Jerus. by the hands of Remmabes and Saul (1b. 77-%), These returned to A., and after their ministry ‘in the church’ they were sent forth by the port of Seleucia to Cyprus on Paul’s first great missionary journey (13'); and from this to A. they returned, with their report of faith among the Gentiles (14%). When Jews came down to teach the necessity of circumcision for the latter, the Church at A. sent Barnabas and Paul to Jerus. to claim for them freedom from the law (15™); and a deputation from Jerus. returned with the two ambassadors (15”*-). After ministering for a time in A., Paul and Barnabas set forth on their second journey by the Cilician gates (Ramsay) to Lystra (15%); Paul returned (18%); and A. was the starting-point of his third journey (ib.¥), which also was taken into Asia Minor, by the Syrian and Cilician gates, one great line of the advance- ment of Christianity westward. A. was not only the first Gentile Church, but may be called the mother of all the rest. This pre-eminence she con- tinued to enjoy ; for it was probably her missionary originality, rather than the tradition which made Peter her bishop for two years (cf. Gal 24), that gave her Patriarch precedence of those of Rome, Constantinople, Jerus., and Alexandria. A. was the birthplace of Ammianus Marcellinus, John Chrysostom, and Evagrius. As long as she remained part of an empire with its centre in Europe, A. continued the virtual capital of Syria. When the Arabs came, she, the city of the Levant, yielded to the city of the Desert; and though with the Crusaders‘she became once more the pivot of the West in its bearing on Syria, and the centre of the Exinalpelity of A. (from Taurus to Nahr-el- Kebir), she fell away again when they left, and Rare up to Damascus even her Christian Patriarch. Now Antaki (Turkish), or Antakiyeh (Arab.), she is a meagre town of 6000 inhabitants. Besides the ruins of Justinian’s wall there are no ancient remains of importance. LirERATURE.—(Besides the ancient authorities already cited), Reland, Paldstina, 119ff., where Jerome’s error, that A. was Hamath (Comm. on Amos 6), or Riblah (Comm. on Ezek. 47), is stated and opposed ; O. O. Miiller, Antiquitates Antiochene (Gottingen, 1839); Noris, Annus et Epoche Syromacedonum ; Gibbon and Mommsen, passim; Schirer, HJP I. i. 437, II. assim ; various lives of St. Paul, esp. Conybeare and Howson’s ; ewin, Fastt Sacri, passim ; Ramsay, Church in the Rom. Emp. chs, ii.-vii., xvi. On A, under the Moslems, see the extracts from Arab. geographers in Guy Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, esp. 367-877. On the A. of the Crusaders, Rey, Colonies Franques de Syrie aux 12me et 13me sitcles; ctf. also Benjamin of Tudela’s Travels, a.p. 1168, and Bertrandere de la Brocquiére’s in 1432; and on the modern city, see Chesney, Euphrates Eapedition; and George Smith, Assyrian Discover ies. G. A. aetna ANTIOCHIANS ANTIOCH IN PISIDIA (’Avriédyeca Teovdla, more correctly rendered ‘Pisidian Antioch’) is defined by Strabo (pp. 569, 557, 577) as a city o Phrygia towards or near Pisidia. It was ee ably one of the sixteen Antiochs founded by Seleucus Nikator (301-280 ; Appian, Syr. 57), and named after his father. The inhabitants claimed to be colonists from Magnesia on the Meander ; but traditions claiming Greek origin for Phrygian cities were fashionable and untrustworthy. In 190 B.C. it was declared free by the Romans; an its history is unknown until in 39 B.c. it was mad by Antony part of the kingdom of Amyntas (a we learn from Appian, Civ. v. 75, cf. Strabo, p. 569); on whose death in 25 it passed into Rom. hands as part of the province GALATIA. At some time earlier than 6 B.c. (C/L iii. 6974) Augustus made it a colonia with Latin rights (Digest, 50. 15. 8, 10) with the name Cesareia Antiocheia, the administrative centre of the southern half of the province, and the military centre of a series of colonie (Lystra, Parlais, Cremna, Comama, Olbasa) founded to defend the province against the unruly and dangerous Pisidi- ans in the fastnesses of the Taurus mountains. The region or district to which Antioch belonged is called Phrygia by Strabo (and also in Ac 16° 18, according to the South-Galatian theory, held by some scholars, disputed by others), Pisidian Phrygia by Ptolemy V., 5. 4, Pisidia by Ptolemy v., 4. 11, and by later authorities, showing that gradually that part of Phrygia, which was included in the province Galatia and separated from the great mass of Phrygia (which was part of the province Asia), was merged in Pisidia. Thus the name Antioch towards Pisidia (Strabo, A.D. 19), or Pisidian Antioch (to distinguish it from Antioch on the Meander or Carian A nttoony gave place to the name Antioch of Pisidia (Ptolemy V., 4. 11, and some MSS. of Ac 134). The influence of the preaching of Paul and Barnabas in Antioch radi- ated over the whole region connected politically with the city (Ac 13%). Antioch (as Arundel discovered) is situated about 2 miles E. from Yalowatch on the skirts of the long ridge called Sultan-Dagh, in a strong situation, about 3600 ft. above sea- level, overlooking a large and fertile plain, which stretches away S.E. to the Limnai (Egerdir Lake), and is drained by the river Anthios. The ruins, which are impressive and of great extent, have never as yet been carefully examined. An- tioch was a great seat of the worship of Men Askaénos; but the large estates and numerous temple-slaves ruled by the priests were confiscated by the Romans. Jewish colonists were always favoured by the Seleucid kings, who found them ood and trusty supporters; many thousands of cee were nated in the cities of Phrygia (Jos. Ant. xu. iii. f.; Cicero, pro Flacco, 28. 66-8); and a synagogue at Antioch is mentioned Ac 13", The influence ascribed to the ladies of Antioch (Ac 13°) is characteristic of Phrygia and Asia Minor generally, where women enjoyed great considera- tion, and often held office in the cities (see Paris, Quatenus femine res publicas attigerint, 1891). LrrzraTuRE.—Antioch is described by Arundel, Discoveries in As. Min. i. 281f., and by Hamilton, Researches in As. Min. i. 472f.; see also Ramsay, Church in Rom. Emp. pp. 25-35, St, Paul, pp. 99-107: inadequate articles in Pauly-Wissowa, Eincy- clop., and other geographical dictionaries ; many inscriptions in Sterrett, Epigraphic Journey in As, Mi epee, 121ff., Wolfe Ha- pedition in As. Min, p. 218ff.: Ritter, Erdkwnde von Asien, xxi. p. 468, collects all the earlier accounts of travellers. See the article on GALATIA. W. M. RAMSAY. ANTIOCHIANS (’Avtioyets, 2 Mac 4% 1%), — Tha efforts of Antiochus Epiphanes to spread Gr. culture and Gr. customs throughout his dominions were diligently furthered by a section of the Jews eae eee eee ot sl: ee eT ANTIOCHIS The leader of this Hellenizing party, Jason, brother of the high priest Onias I1I., offered a large sum of money to Antiochus to induce the king to transfer the high priesthood to himself, and along with certain other favours to allow the inhabitants of Jerusalem ‘to be enrolled as Antiochians,’ that is, to grant them the titles and privileges of citizens of Antioch. What was the precise nature of the desired privileges we donot know. Antiochus acceded to the proposal of Jason, and shortly after- wards a per of ‘Antiochians’ from Jerusalem was sent by him as a sacred deputation, to convey a contribution of money for the festival of Heracles at Tyre. H. A. WHITE. ANTIOCHIS (’Avriox!s, 2 Mac 4%), a concubine of Antiochus Epiphanes, who, in accordance with an old Oriental custom, assigned to her for her maintenance the revenues of the two Cilician cities, Tarsus and Mallus. This grant gave rise to disturbances among the inhabitants of the two cities, but we are not told what means were taken by Antiochus to allay their discontent. H. A. WHITE. ANTIOCHUS (’Avrioxos, 1 Mac 12)* 14”; cf. Jos. Ant, XI. v. 8), the father of Numenius, who was one of the envoys sent (c. 144 B.C.) by Jonathan the Maccabee to renew the covenant made by Judas with the Romans, and to enter into friendly rela- tions with the Spartans. H. A. WHITE. ANTIOCHUS I. (’Avrioxos, ‘the opposer’), sur- named Soter, ‘deliverer,’ was born B.C. 324, son of of Seleucus Nikator and of Apama, a princess of Sogdiana. He succeeded his father (B.c. 280) on the throne of Syria, but during the nineteen years of his ee was concerned chiefly with the prose- cution of his claims to the throne of Macedonia, with the maintenance of his empire against Kelts and eastern revolts, and with the repression of the Gauls who had settled in Asia Minor. He was slain by one of the latter in battle (B.c. 261). The Sea of Coele-Syria was a matter of dispute etween him and Ptolemy Philadelphus (1st Syrian War), but it remained under the sovereignty of the latter, and the S. districts do not appear to have been invaded by Antiochus. . W. Moss. ANTIOCHUS II. (surnamed Theos, ‘a god’) succeeded his father, A. I., as king of Syria in B.c. 261. His kingdom was invaded soon after his accession by the generals of Ptolemy Philadelphus (2nd Syrian War), who occupied several of the principal towns on the coast of Asia Minor. Peace was concluded (B.C. 250), probably on condition that A. should put away his wife Laodice, marry Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy, and transfer the auccession to her issue (Athen. ii. 45). In a short time either Laodice was recalled, or A. endeavoured to reconcile her; but, in mistrust or revenge for the insult passed upon her, she plotted against A., saused him (B.C. 246) to be poisoned and Berenice’s infant to be put to death, and secured the throne for her son Seleucus (App. Syr. 65; Justin, xxvii. 1; Val. Max. ix. 14. 1). Mare are strong evidences that A. conferred upon several cities of Asia Minor a democratic constitution and the rights of auto- nomy. His surname was given him by the Miles- ians in gratitude for his victory over their tyrar.t Timarchus (App. Syr. 65). The Jews in these cities, and notably in Ephesus, shared in these rights of citizenship; and this was the case, both in the arrangement of cities rebuilt during the Hellenic age, and in the reorganisation of older cities effected chiefly by A. 1. See Arrian, i. 17. 10 and 18. 2; Jos. Ant. XI. iii. 2; Apion. ii. 4; Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscript. Grec. nn. 166, W71. Dn 11° is traditionally interpreted of Anti. ANTIOCHUS IV. EPIPHANES 105 ochus (Jerome, ad Dan. 115), but the latter part of the verse is almost hopelessly corrupt. Re W. Moss. ANTIOCHUS III. (‘the Great’) was the son of Seleucus Kallinicus (B.c. 246-226), and succeeded to the throne of Syria on the death of his brother, Seleucus Keraunus (B.C. 223). Immediately after his accession he made war upon Egypt; and in two successive campaigns he led his army as far as Dora, a few miles to the N. of Cesarea. A truce suspended hostilities for a time (Polyb. v 60; Justin, xxx. 1, 2), during which he put down Molo’s rebellion in Media. In B.c. 218 he again drove the Egyp. forces southwards, and himself wintered at Piolamais: but the next year he was completely defeated at Raphia (Polyb. v. 51-87; Strabo, xvi. 759), near Gaza, and left Ptolemy Philopator in undisputed possession of Cwle Syria and Phenicia. The following years he spent in warfare against Acheus, whom he took in B.C. 214, and in Parthia and Bactria, where his suc- cesses gained for him his surname. But on Ptolemy’s death, in B.c. 204, he formed an alliance with Philip of Macedon for the partition of Egypt between the two powers (Liv. xxxi. 14). In Judiva he found a party among the Jews alienated from Egypt, and with their help he extended his king- dom to the Sinaitic peninsula. But an invasion of his dominions by cata king of Pergamus, checked his further progress; and in his absence Scopas, an Egyp. general, overran Judea, and recovered the lost territories. A. hastened to oppose him, and at Paneas (IIdveov, a grotto of Pan, which gave its name to the district), near the source of the Jordan, gained a decisive victory (B.C. 198), which made him again master of all Pal. (Polyb. xvi. 18, xxviii. 1; Liv. xxx. 19; Jos. Ant. XI. iii. 3). Judza was thus finally connected with the Seleucid dynasty. Syrian otparyyol, or military governors, were appointed; and regular taxes were imposed, and leased to contractors in the several towns. A. further guaranteed the inviolability of the temple, and provided by ample grants for the performance of its services (Jos. Ant, XII. iii. 4). With a view to pacify Lydia and Phrygia, he sent there 2000 Jewish families from Mesopotamia with grants of land and im- munity from taxation. The intervention of the Romans prevented any further expedition ayainst Egypt: and a treaty was made by which Ptolemy Epiphanes took in marriage A.’s daughter Cleo- patra, who was promised as her dower the three provinces of Ceele-Syria, Pheenicia, and Pal. (Polyb. xxviii. 17; App. Syr. 5; Liv. xxxv. 13; Jos. Ané. xu. iv. 1). The transfer of the provinces them- selves appears not to have taken place, though the queen for a time shared in their revenue. Judea was probably occupied by Syrian and Egyp. garri sons side by side; and the people were subjected to a twofold tyranny. A. retained the nominal sovereignty ; but in B.C. 196 he left PrJ. in order to conduct an expedition against Asia Minor (Liv. Xxxili. 19), and became involved in a long war with Rome. He was finally defeated in the battle of Magnesia (B.C. 190), and three years later was killed in an insurrection at Elymais. Dn 11179 is traditionally interpreted of him, and he is men- tioned in 1 Mac 1° 8*8, The statements in the latter passage should be compared with App. Syr. 36 and Liv. xxxvii. 44, 56. R. W. Moss. ANTIOCHUS IV. EPIPHANES (‘Emdar7s, ‘ illus- trious’; also named émyavyjs, ‘madman,’ Polyb. Xxvi. 10; vixnpdpos, ‘ victorious,’ and eds, on coins and in Jos. Ant. XI. v. 5), second son of A. the Great, was for 14 years a hostage at Rome, and, after expelling Heliodorus, succeeded his own brother Seleucus Philopator in B.c. 175. His 106 ANTIOCHUS IV. EPIPHANES policy was to spread Greek culture (Tac. Hist. v. 8) thiough his dominions, and so knit the various eoples into a compact and single-purposed unity. oon after his accession he was called upon to settle a dispute at Jerus. between the high priest Onias 1. and his brother Jason, the leader of the Hellenizing party. Onias was driven from Jerus. (2 Mac 44-6) ; and Jason secured the high priesthood by the payment to the king of a large sum of money and the promise thoroughly to Hellenize the city (2 Mac 496, 1 Mac 1°); Jos. Ant. xl. y. 1). A. soon after visited the city in person, and was received with every mark of honour (2 Mac 4”), In B.c. 171 Jason was himself supplanted by Menelaus, who offered larger bribes; but the next year he was encouraged by a rumour of the king’s death in Egypt to besiege Jerus. (2 Mac 5°). The tidings reached A. as he was in the midst of his second prosperous campaign in Egypt, and at once, ‘in a furious mind,’ he marched against Jerus. The city was taken, many thousands of the people were massacred, and the temple was robbed of its treasures (1 Mace 17-24, 2 Mac 541; Jos. Ant. XII. v. 3; Apion. ii. 7). Philip, a Phrygian of specially barbarous temper (2 Mac 5%), was left behind as governor of Jerus., and A. proceeded with the spoils of the temple to Antioch. In B.c. 168 A. set out on his last expedition against Egypt, and was approaching Alexandria to besiege it when he received from the Romans Pere pory, orders to refrain from making war upon the Ptolemies (App. Syr. 66; Liv. xlv. 12; Polyb. xxix. 11; Justin, xxxiv. 3) Reluctantly he withdrew from Egypt, and vented his rage upon Jerus. (see Dn 11%). Apollonius, one of the chief officers of revenue, was detached with an army of 22,000 men, with instructions to exterminate the Jewish people and to colonise the city with Greeks (2 Mac 5%, 1 Mac 1*-88). Availing himself of the Sabbath law, Apollonius chose that day for entrance into Jerus., es met with no effective resistance. The men were killed, except a few who took refuge with Judas Maccabeeus in flight, and the women and children sold into slavery. The city was set on fire, its walls thrown down, and their materials used to fortify anew the old city of David, which thenceforth uninterruptedly for 26 years was occupied by a Syrian garrison. Menelaus still remained high priest, but it is difficult to under- stand what his duties were, as the daily sacrifices are said to have ceased in the mor‘h of Sivan (June). A decree was then promulgated by A. through- yut his kingdom that in religion, law, and custom ‘all should be one people’ (1 Mac 1%; Polyb. xxxviii. 18). In Judea alone the edict seems to have met with serious opposition. Accordingly the observance of the Sabbath, circumcision, and abstinence from unclean food were specifically for- bidden under the penalty of death. Upon the altar of burnt-offering a smaller altar was built, and on the 25th of Chislev (Dec. 168) sacrifice was offered upon it to the Olympic Zeus (1 Mac 1™, 2 Mac 6?; Jos. Ant. xl. v. 4: see Dn 11%. The phrase in Dn, opt pipwn, may have other refer- ence, and is not without linguistic difficulty ; but its oldest interpretation, in the LXX, is Bdé\vyya épnudoews, which exactly agrees with the expression in 1 Mac 15), The courts, too, of the temple were polluted by indecent orgies. At the same time the worship of Zeus Xenios was instituted in the Sam. temple on Mt. Gerizim. The festivals of Bacchus were introduced into the various towns, and the Jews compelled to take part in them (2 Mae 67). A monthly search was made (1 Mac 1°*); and the possession of a or of the book of the law was punishable by death. Similar measures were taken in all the cities frequented by the Jews in ANTIOCHUS V. the Syrian kingdom, and even in Egypt (2 Mae 6°), The effect upon the better Jews was ta arouse a spirit of heroism, which showed itself at first only in an inflexible refusal to renounce Judaism. ‘They chose to die... and they died’ (1 Mac 1%); and 2 Mac 6"—7 records with licence certain instances which are further elaborated in 4 Mac, and of which Philo makes use in Quod omnis prob. lib. § 13 (Mang. ii. 459). Open resist- ance occurred first at Modin (Mwdéely or Mwéeely), a mountain village E. of Lydda and N. W. of Jerus. When the king’s commissioner came to see that the edict was obeyed, Mattathias, the head of the riestly Hasmonzan family, refused compliance, = . * 3 . | Ad. Dn xil. The Prayer of Manasses aie Greil 's . . | Pr.Man xiil, 1 Maccabees . 5 é . . Se - | 1Mac xiv. 2 Maccabees . ° . . . 2 Mac Both the collection, and the use of the word Apocrypha as its title, are distinctively Protestant, though having roots in the history of the OT Canon. The collection consists of the excess of the Lat. Vulg. over the Heb. OT; and this excess is due to the Gr. LXX, from which the old Lat. VS wasmade. The difference between the Prot. and the Rom. Cath. OT goes back, then, to a difference between Pal. and Alex. Jews. The matter is complicated, however, by the fact that the Vulg. was revised after the Heb. by Jerome, and that the extant MSS of the LXX differ much in contents and order. For clearness and for reference in the later discussion, the following tables are given. They represent the official Vulg. (ed. 1592); the two chief MSS of LXX; the Canon of Cyril, as a representative of the view of the E. Church ; and the Hebrew. The books of our A. are printed in italics, other uncan. books, not in the A., in capitals. 2 Es is not in the LXX. On the other hand, 3 and 4 Mac are commonly present in the LXX, but are not found in the Vulg. and A. The same is true of Ps151. Further, the many more or less significant variations of LXX from Heb. OT, in text and order, do not appear in this comparison, for, owing to Jerome, the Vulg. follows the Heb. in the can. books, the LXX only in the case of books not extant in Heb. The A., then, can be said only in a general way to represent the difference between the Heb. and the Gr. OT. The books of the A. are treated in this Dictionary individually under their titles. Under the heading Apocrypha two matters require consideration : the history of the use of the word ‘Apocrypha’ in reference to books ; and the history and significance of the collection now so called.* With these the present article will deal in the following order :— {. The word Apocrypha. 1. The Hidden Books of Judaism. 2, The words genuzim and hizonim. 8. The Hidden Books of Christianity, and the word Apocrypha. fi. The Apocrypha in Judaism, L The Origin of the Coliection, a. The Work of the Scribes. b. The A. in relation to the Hagiographa. ¢. Palestinian and Hellenistic elements in the A. 2. Its Use and Relation to the Canon, a. In Hellenistic Judaism. b. In Palestinian Judaism. : 8. Its Relation to the Religious Tendencies and Parties of Judaism. iii. The Apocrypha in Chriswanity. 1. In the New Testament. 2. In the Eastern Church, a. Original Usage. b. Scholarly Theory. c. Manuscripts, d, Versions. é. The Later Greek Church, 8. In the Western Church, a. Roman. b. Protestant. Vula. LXX. Hus. Cod. Vat. (B). Cod. Alex. (A) Pent Pent Pent i. ‘Torah’ (Law)— Jos Jos Jos 1-5. Pent ig 5 3B M. ‘Nebiim’ Prophets)— 1-4K 14K 14K Sat See a 1. 20h 1. 2 Ch 1. 20h 73 1 Es (=Ezr] 1Es XII 3 rd 2 Es (=Neh]) 2 Ks [=Eur+Neh] Is 9. K 0 Ps (151) Jer [with Bar La Ep. b. ‘ Latter* Pr Jer) 10, Is Est (Ad. 104-1674) Eo ae Pe (150) Sob Bot 4 1, 12, Ezk () I} '* ? Pr Wis To 13. XII Eo Sir Jth . iii. ‘Kethubim’ (Hagio- Ca Est [Ad.*] 1 Es 20. Jer Bar La Ep. Jer grapha)— Wis Jth 2 Es (=Ezr+Neh] 21, Ezk 14. Ps Sir To 1. 2 Mac 22. Dn [Ad. 7] 15. Pr Is 8. 4 Mao SS 16. Job Jer (La Bar) Is Ps (151and14Canticles,| i.e. 12 historical, 6 17. Ca Ezk Jer of which oneis Pr. | poetical, and 5 prophet- 18. Ru Dn (Ad, 824-90 Threa Bar Mant) cal books. The number 19. La }‘ Megilloth’ 13 Sus La Job of the Heb. Can. is 20. Ec 14 Bel) Ep. Jer Pr reduced by joining Ru 21. Est XII [¢.e. Minor Prophets) | Ezk Ec to Jg and La to Jer. 22. Dn L 2 Mac Dn [(Ad.] Ca 23. Ezr-Neh = Wis 24. Ch *The Ad. Est are in| Sir a gaia insmall type | their original places, and with new paging: | viz. 10411) after 103;| Af Pr. Man 112-126 before 11; 131-7 | originally, 8 Esdr [=1 Es] after 313; 138-18 141-19 4 Kedr (=2 Es}. 15 1-16 after 417; 161-24 after 842 Hymn. After the NT stood PsaLMs OF SOLOMON. + 9are from OT. The others—Magnijficat, Nune dimittis, dictus, and the Morning Some deviations from this order, which is that of the printed edd., are found in the case of the ‘latter’ prophets and the Hagiographa in Tal- mudic lists, which may be more original. But the three divisions and the contents of each remain fixed. Bene- It is to be noticed that of our A., land 2 Es and 4 *In-this article Apocrypha (A.) signifies this collection; Pr. Man are regarded also by Rome as a”. Of pocrypha (A.) the books originally so called ; apocryphal (a!) is used in either sense . APOCRYPHA i. THE WORD ‘APOCRYPHA.’—The werd dwxéxpugos, meaning ‘hidden,’ was no doubt at first applied to books in quite a literal sense, as the designation, whether by those who hid them or by those from whom they were hidden, of books kept from the public. The hiding of a book was easy when copies were few. It might be done upon two opposite grounds. An exclusive sect might hide its sacred books in order to keep from outsiders the secret laws or wisdom which they contained ; or the religious authorities of a community might hide books judged by them to be useless or harm- ful. The two grounds might indeed approach each other in the case of books judged unfit for public use, not because of the error, but because of the depth and difficulty of their contents. Indeed, a book judged wholly erroneous and harmful we should expect the authorities to destroy rather than to hide. A certain value, or at least a certain doubt, should naturally be attached to books hidden in this sense, while their peculiar value is the reason for their being hidden in the former— which is, in all probability, the more original sense of the Greek word. From the place of secret books in Judaism and in Christianity we may therefore hope to gain a knowledge of the original sense and use of the word ; and we shall find its first and proper applica- tion to be, not to the books of our A., but to the (chiefly apocalyptical) literature commonly desig- nated Pseudeprgrapha. 1. THE HIDDEN Books or JUDAIsM.—Esoteric doctrines and books do not belong properly to the Isr. religion. Their home is in heathenism, from which, however, they gained a foothold from time to time in Judaism. The occult lore connected with sorcery and magic lurked beneath the surface of old Israel’s religion. fife, but was condemned by law and prophets (Dt i8', Lv 1931, Is 8!9 19? etc.). No priestly religion, indeed, can be without a partly esoteric priestly tradition respecting rites, their form, and perhaps their meaning. But it was a characteristic of J asia that it was based upon a priestly law made public and openly adopted by the people (Neh 8-10). Yet Judaism did not escape from the charm which mystery exerts over the human mind. It was esp. in the after de- velopments of OT wisdom literature under Hellenic influence, on the one side, and of OT pro- phetic literature, under Pers. and Bab. influence, on the other, that the idea of the superior religious value of hidden things, mysterious] iaeloaed to the favoured few, took possession of the Jewish mind. Even Jesus, son of Sirach, the Palestinian, finds it the chief task of the wise man to discover the ‘apocrypha,’ the hidden things, of wisdom and of God (1421 39-7), and thinks that the hidden things of the world are greater than the manifest (43**). ‘ Apoc- ha’ was for him a word of honour (yet see 371-3 and 24-4), But it was esp. in Hel. circles that the love of hidden things was cultivated. Philo presents the results of his deepest study and reflexion, and of his highest insight, in the form of an exposition of the Pent., making of this a hidden book, which only the initiated could understand. There was, however, another way in which the love of hidden things and reverence for antiquity could be et ee Instead of hidden meanings in epeny. published books, it was possible to think of private teachings, by the side of the public, committed by peers or prophet to the few, and handed on to the present in a secret tradition, or a hidden book. is was the Pal. Jews who were interested in the secrets of the future, and in prophecy. The beginnings of the production of hidden books along this line can be easily traced. If a prophet committed the record of openly spoken predictions to the keeping 112 rocedure of those APOCRYPHA of his disciples, to await the time of their fulfilment (Is 81%), it would not be strange if he should give them fuller knowledge for which the public was not prepared. The Bk of Dan. is represented as havin ae ‘shut up and sealed’ by its author, until, long after its writing, the time came for its publication (Dn 124%), This may well be called ‘the fundamental passage for the conception of apocrypha.’* Daniel eppears as the publication of a book hitherto hidden. The justification of the claim lies in the revelation of the mysteries of Israel’s future which it contains, and in the mysterious manner in which the revelation is made in visions, through angels. It is indeed, in part, an interpretation of the hidden sense of Jer 25¥ 291° (Dn 9), but the interpretation is given by an angel. The way was prepared for Daniel by the later prophets, in whom the vision of hidden things plays an increasingly important part. Ezekiel’s vision (ch. 1) became the favourite and fruitful study of Jews who loved mysteries. Zee con- tains similar material. But the chief development of apo literature followed Daniel. Great numbers of books were put forth during the cent. before and the cent. after Christ, in the name of pata or prophets, as books that had been idden. They contain esp. disclosures of the mysteries of the spirit world, of the future of Israel, and of the abode and fortunes of the dead. In one of these books the tradition is related that Ezra was inspired to dictate to his scribes the sacred books that had been burned at the destruction of Jerus. ‘In forty days they wrote ninety-four books. And when the forty days were ended, the Most High spoke, saying: The earlier books that thou hast written, publish openly, and let the worthy and the unworthy read them; but the last seventy thou shalt keep, that thou mayest deliver them to the wise of thy people ; for in them is the spring of understanding and the fountain of wisdom and the stream of knowledge’ (2 Es 144-47), In the 70 esoteric books, valued more highly by the writer than the 24 books of open scripture, we have the original conception of apocrypha. The character of these books may be accurately known from those that have survived, e.g. Enoch, Assumption of Moses (in part), the Apoc. of Baruch, and 2 Est itself. Their material is largely foreign to Isr. traditions, and was com- monly felt to be so. Yet traditional it must, in the nature of the case, have been, and only in a very limited degree the free invention of the writers. That its source is, in an important measure, to be found in the Bab. and Pers. re- ligions, is highly probable. If we ask in what circles of Judaism these books, or the writings or traditions that lie behind them, were current, various lines of evidence point to- ward the obscure sect of the Essenes. The possessed a secret lore and hidden books, and too oath to disclose none of their doctrines to others, and ‘to preserve equally both the books of their sect and the names of the angels’ (Jos. BJ I. viii. 7). In regard to the contents of their secret books we are not left wholly in the dark. Jos. rks that the Essenes derived from the study of ‘the writings of the ancients’ (can. ?) a knowledge of the healing properties of plants and stones (§ 6), and that by reading ‘the holy books’ they were able to foretell future things (§ 12). He also as- cribes to them an elaborate doctrine of the pre- * Zahn, Gesch. d. NT Kanons, 1. 185, cf. 124f., who, however, does not put this observation to its natural use. t Notice the different applications given to the titles, 1 and 2 Es, in LXX, Vulg. and Eng. A. Still other confusions appear in certain MSS. Misunderstanding would be avoided by calling 1 Es [=Vulg. 8 Es; LXX 1 Es) Greek Ezra, and 2 Hs (=Vulg. 4 Bad the Apocalypse of Ezra (¢.e. properly ch. 8-14), a1 4 Ezr. oe ee a APOCRYPHA existence of souls, and of the lot of good and bad souls after death (§ 11). When, therefore, we find in books like Enoch, the Assumptio Mosis, and 4 Ezr, disclosures of the secrets of nature and of history, lists of angels, descriptions of heaven and hell, and of the experiences of the soul after death, beside other Essenic marks, such as the praise of asceticism and the unfavourable estimate of the second temple, the opinion seems not unfounded that ‘their secret literature was perhaps in no smal] degree made use of in the Pseudepigrapha, and has through them been indirectly handed down to us’ (Wellhausen). To attribute the apocalyptical literature exclusively to Essenism, however, as Jewish scholars wish to do, is without historical justification. It is true that a rela- tionship of Essenism with Zoroastrianism is prob- able (Lightfoot, Colossians; Cheyne, Expository Times, ii. 202-8, 248-53 ; Bampton Lect. pp. 417-21, 445-49); and Zoroastrianism treasured secret books, some of which certain Christian Gnostics claimed to possess. It is probable also that the foreign (heathen) character of these books was felt se many, since Judaism never gave these books official sanction ; and no apocalypse after Dn was preserved in Hebrew. Nevertheless, the foreign elements here dominant reach far back into OT literature ; and, on the other hand, Essenism was much more closely related to Pharisaism than to Zoroastrianism, being, in the first place, ‘only Pharisaism in the superlative’ (Schiirer). If the Essenes are to be understood historically as simply more consistent protestants against the high- nay of the Maccabzean princes than the arisees, ing their protest to the point of refusing all participation in the temple service,— then in the Hasidzans of 1 Mac 2* 727 we have the roots of both Pharisaism and Essenism, and the Book of Dn would stand near the beginning of each. The Messianic hope is the genuinely Jewish element in the apocalypses. That this had a far larger place in the mind of the Pharisee during the two centuries preceding the destruction of Jerus. than it had after that event,—and esp. after Akiba’s death,—is evident to all but Jewish scholars, who are apt to judge of the whole post- exilic period by the Talmud. The proces peice literature in question was, then, in all probability valued and cultivated by Pharisees, certainly by some circles of Pharisees, as well as by Essenes. Indeed, in spite of its rejection by rabbinical ism, germs of it survived, and afterwards came to new life, in the late Jewish Kabbala, or secret philosophy (12th cent.). It is a striking fact that while official Judaism rejected these hidden books, and declared for the exclusive recognition of the 24 books of the Canon, it yet proceeded to claim for itself the ssession of an oral law which Moses delivered to oshua when he gave the Pent. openly to Israel, and which passed on through the hands of the elders, the prophets, the men of the Great Synagogue, to an unbroken succession of scribes (Pirke Aboth), until it came to writing in the Mishna, and then un the Talmud. By the theory of a secret tradition the scribes sought to give their law the authority of Moses, and yet account for its late appearance. 2. THE WorDs ‘GENUZIM’ AND ‘ HIZONIM.’— The designation of these hidden books in Heb. we donot know. A Heb. synonym for dwéxpupa is 0322; but this word and the verb 11: are used in the Talm., not of the secret books just described, but usually of a hiding, by the authorities, of books judged unfit for public use. A possible exception is the reported ‘hiding’ by Hezekiah of & book of medical lore, in order that the sick might call rather upon God (Mishna Pesach iv. 9). But it was ery. used with referonce to some VOL. I. APOCRYIPHA 113 book of the Canon. Thus a worn-out roll of a sacred scripture was ‘hidden,’ perhaps because, though unfitted for use in the synagogue, it was yet sacred and not to be destroyed (Mishna Sa!h. ix. 6; Sanh. x. 6). But the word was commonly used in reference to the question whether some book should be withdrawn from the class of sacred Scriptures. Thus there were habbis who wished to ‘hide’ Pr, because of its contradic- tions; Ca, because of its secular character; Ee, because of its heresies. But th: objections were in every instance met. The case of Fst was more serious, and it is not improbable that 1t was put in the class of genuzim for a time among certain circles, though we have only the evidence of some Christian lists of the Canon, which claim (or seem) to follow the instructions of Jews (esp. Melito. See below). If there existed at any time a class of books called genuzim, the Talmudic use of the word would lead us to expect that it would contain the books nearest to the Canon in authority or common esteem: books which once stood within the circle of sacred writings, or made a fair claiin to stand there; in other words, books like tlie antilegomena of early Christian use. If there were such a class, Sir and 1 Mac, if not To and Jth, should stand in it; but the word is never applied to these books in extant writings. This is not, in- deed, a proof that it was not so used ; and the testi- mony of Origen ances that it was. He says that the Jews had hidden Sus and other books from the people, while Jth and To, they had told him, they did not possess even among their hidden books, or apocrypha (Ep. ad Afric.). For writings that stood wholly outside of the circle of sacred books, esp. for the books of heretics such as the Samaritans, the Sadducees, and Chris. tians (oyp ‘25p), the Rabbis had another name, hizonim (psn 0720), lit. ‘external’ or ‘outside’ books. The danger to Judaism of the reading of these books led Akiba, who had himself been attracted by them, to ah their use. ‘ Who- ever reads in the sepharim hizonim has no part in the world to come. Books, on the other hand, like Sir and other such, which were composed after the age of the prophets had been closed, may be read just as one reads a letter.’* Sir, then, and otaer such books, are not hizonim in Akiba’s view, the correctness of which is evident from the free use of Sir by Rabbis in Pal. for a century and a half after Akiba, and in Babylon still later. But it appears that the maintenance of a middle class of Books between sacred and profane involved dangers, and it was finally decided that ‘he who reads a verse which is not out of the 24 books of sacred scripture, his offence is as if he had read in the sepharim hizonim’ (Midr. r. Num. § 14, and at Koheleth 12", cf. Jer. Sabb. 16). It is possible that this practical transfer of books like Sir into the class of hizonim may have ob- scured the evidence of their having once been in the class of genuzim. 3. THE HIDDEN BOOKS OF CHRISTIANITY AND THE WorRD ‘ APOCRYPHA.’—Christianity was at its beginning, even less than Judaism, a religion of mysteries, to be hidden by the few from the many. Christ’s words in Lk 107, Mt 11” (‘hidden’ from the wise, revealed to babes), were a direct contradiction of esoteric religion. If there are apocrypha, hidden things, they are to be made known (Mk 4, Lk 8”, cf. Mt 131”). In Christ the hidden wisdom of God had become manifest, and the mysteries of the coming of His * For this rendering by Graetz of a corrupt text (Sanh. x. 1, and the Bab. and Jer. Talm.), see Buhl, Canon and Text of OT, p. 8; and cf. Hamburger, Real-Hncyc. ii. 68 ff. The Jer. Talm gives Sirach as an illustration of the higonim. 114 APOCRYPHA APOCRYPHA kingdom were disclosed by its realisation. Yet this faith gained a slow and hard victory. -In two ways the love of mysteries and of the Sooke that contained them was fostered. (a) The Christian religion made its start in the Jewish world in close connexion with the Messianic ideas as they had been developed, esp. in the apoca- lypses, from Dn onwards. Jewish Ch ristians clung to the Jewish apocalyptic literature, modifying indeed its references to the person of the Messiah, making room for His earthly life and death, but feeling the less need of radical changes because the proper fulfilment of the Messianic hopes was con- nected, not with the first, but with the second coming of Christ. This led, naturally, less to the production of new Christian revelations than to the keeping and Christian editing of the old. Jewish patriarchs and prophets were in this way made to testify to the truth, and to forecast the future, of Christianity. Thus the Book of Enoch and the Apoc. of Ezra were used as authentic revelations by many Church Fathers. Jewish apocalypses of Abraham, Moses, Elijah, Is, Jer, Baruch, and others in great numbers, in part extant, but chiefly known to us only by name, were treasured by early Christianity. Even when apocalypses in the names of Christian apostles were put forth, their material was of necessity largely traditional and Jewish in origin. These books, then, Jewish and Christian, are the earliest apocrypha of Christianity (cf. the lists below). They are books usually put forth as having been hidden (the pseudepigraphic form), and always contain accounts of hidden things miraculously disclosed. the Apoc. of St. John is called ‘a’ by Gregory of Nyssa (Or. de Ordin. ii. 44) and by Epi anne (Her. 51). The cultivation of such ‘hidden’ books by no means belonged at first to heretical sects, but was characteristic of early Christianity in general. It was opposed chiefly by those who fell under Gr. influence ; but among them another sort of mystery took the place of the Jewish apocalyptic, namely, the Gr. gnosis. \4) As Jewish Christians made Christianity less the fulfilment than the reaffirmation of Jewish hopes, so Hel. Christians made it less the solution of the mystery of existence than a new, supreme mystery. Christ was made the central figure—in one case in Jewish eschatology, in the other in Greek cosmology. St. Paul’s language in 1 Co 1 and 2 discloses the existence in Corinth of those who valued a hidden wisdom more than his gospel of the crucified Christ. And later, at Colosse, St. Paul urges, against an esrentially Gnostic tendency, as the word of God, ‘the mystery which hath been hidden from the ages and from the generations, but now hath been munifested to his saints’ (1%). The mystery of God is ‘Christ, in whom are all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden’ (daréxpugo., 2°). The special Colossian gnosis, with its worship of angels, ita asceticism, its visions, and its secret doctrines, reminds us of Essenism. The strongest influence on the development of a secret Christian gnosis came, however, from Alexandria: Gnosticism being daa ‘nothing but a Christian Hellenism’ (Har- nack). As the Jewish Apocalypse furnished one way of connecting the new faith with the old, Hel. allegorical interpretation supplied another ready means of finding Christ and Christianity in the OT ; thus making of it, as Philo did, a hidden book. But the allegorical nethod was capable of a further use. The Gr. Christian was less concerned to find Christianity in the OT than to find Gr. philosophy in Christianity. It was not an unnatural efiort, afier St. Paul, and in apparent connexion with him. In the latter sense even’ to set the OT wholly aside, and to apply alle to the person and ators of Christ. PG ostacieral indeed, based and pushed its claims on the ground of apostolic authority, and, with its rejection ot the OT, it was even the first to feel the need of new authoritative scriptures. But it established its position (1) by requiring an allegorical inter- pretation of the commonly received apostolic writings, making them books of hidden import; (2) by claiming to possess, besides the open apos. tolic writings, a secret apostolic tradition (Basilides and Valentinus claim to derive their secret gnosis from pupils of St. Paul; the Ophites, from a pupil of St. James, etc.) ; (3) by the production of greav numbers of books, chiefly gospels and acts of the various apostles;* (4) by the claim (like that of Hel. Judaism) to immediate prophetic inspiration, so that prophets and apocalypses played in some Gnostic communities an important part, though few traces of Gnostic apocalypses remain. Hel. Gnosticism stands as the extreme con- trast to the Jewish apocalyptic tendency. It re- nounced the OT on which the Apocalypse rests, and rejected the coming of Christ, the resurrection, and the earthly kingdom, in which the Apoc. centres. Yet both make of Christianity a mystery, and claim for the books that unfold the mystery especial sanctity. From these two sources came multitudes of a* books into Christian use. They were called A. by those who valued them, for the word contained no necessary disparagement, but described the character of the books; and they were by no means condemned at the outset as heretical. The Book of Enoch is directly cited by Jude (vv.!4-5), who also uses the Assumptian of Moses (v.°). From such books may have come other citations and references which are not found in known books (see Origen’s view below), The Book of Enoch was used as a genuine and sacred book by the Ep. Barnabas, Irenzeus, Tertullian, and Clement of Alex. Tertullian says, indeed, that it was not received by some Christians. He, however, defends its reception (7.e. among the books of sacred Scripture) by appealing to judas and explains its absence from the Heb. scriptures by saying that the Jews rejected it, as they did other books, because it spoke of Christ, —an explanation not, indeed, wholly unhistorical. lement of Alex. uses Ass. Mos. and 4 Ezr, and also many other prophetic A. unknown to us. He was a warm defender of the value ot secret traditions, and used not only Jewish, and even heathen, but Christian secret yoeka He believed in a secret tradition entrusted by Christ to His disciples, and valued it highly (Strom. i. 11. 13. 14; v. 60-4). Some of these traditions were preserved in secret books, among which he cites certain a#! gospels and acts. Though he knows that heretics make a bad use of such books (Strom. iii. 29), yet his view of A. as a whole is extremely favourable. Origen is more discriminating. He finds a use for A, in NT interpretation. In 1 Co 2, 2 Ti 3%, He 1187, Mt 23%. 87 979 he finds references to a™ books, and says that ‘not all A. current in the name of holy men are to be received on account of | the Jews, since they perhaps invented some for the destruction of our true Scriptures and the confirma- tion of false doctrines; but not all are to be re- jected, since some pertain to the demonstration of our Scriptures’ (Comment. on Mt 23%). Origen seems, however, to have been influenced in his use of the word by the Jewish genuzim, for in his Epist. ad Afric. he speaks of Sus as made a! b Jewish authorities, though the Christian Chure did not so regard it. Jth and To, he says, the Jews do not possess even among their A. * See Lipsius in Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christian Biog., arts. ‘Gospels’ and ‘ Acts of Apostles.’ lo APOCRYPHA APOCRYPHA 115 These books are not ‘secret’ in the proper sense, and can be called A. only in the sense of being withdrawn from publicity, and so from canonicity. The defence of A. proper became more and more a mark of heresy. Even Origen in Prol. in Cant. argues for their ex- clusion, because of the corrupt traditions, contrary to true faith, which they contain. They were long current in Gr., but found no permanent place in the LXX, though the Oriental VSS received some of them, and one became current in Lat., though Vulg. did not give it recognition (4 Ezr). Phiulaster of Brescia (on Heresies, c. 383-391 a.D.) condemns the ‘heresy which accepts only 4., t.e. secrets of prophets and apostles, not can. scriptures’; but he would allow A. to be read tor the = of manners by the perfect,’ not in the church, and not by all. Privcillianus (tract iii.) argues, from the generally accepted account of the restoration of the can. books by Ezra in 4 Ezr 14, for the value of the 70 secret books also, including 4 EKzr itself. Hpiphanius also justifies by the same reference the use of various a! books, which he thinks were translated by the Seventy in addition to the canonical. The conviction, however, gradually prevailed that the cultiva- tion of secret books was dangerous, both because of the errors they contained and because of the sectarianism they fostered. There could be no Catholic Church so long as sects could claim to possess either new revelations or a secret apostolic tradition. Secret doctrines and books were cut off by the two principles, that valid inspiration was limited to the apostolic age, and that only the books generally received in the churches were genuinely anostolic. No doubt a sense of the unchristian character of the books in question worked, together with the growing con- viction that their possession was uncatholic, to bring about their condemnation. The gradually prevailing Catholic prin- ciple (quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus) would give to the very word apocryphus the meanings: false, spurious, heretical. The principle that only what the churches generally receive isa lic is found in the Muratorian Fragment (2nd cent.). Treneus stands early in the line of this growing Catholicism. He opposes the theory, which Clem. Alex. defends, of the existence and value of secret traditions (ii. 27. 2, iii. 2. 1, 3. 1, 14. 2, 15. 1), and condemns the ‘countless multitude of aa! and gparous writings’ which the Marcosians, appealing to Dn 12%, claim to possess, but which they really fabricate for themselves. Hegesippus also speaks of ‘the so-called A.’ (i.e. so called by the heretics themselves), and says that ‘some of them were written in his own time by certain heretics’ (Eus. HE iv. 22. 8). Tertullian charges the heretics with adding to Scripture ‘secrets of A., blasphemous fables’ (Resur. Carnis 63) ; and writes a vigorous polemic against the Gnostic claim to possess a secret tradition (preescr. 22-27). He applies the word apocryphus to an apoc. which he regards as spurious (Shepherd), but not to Enoch, which he (as well as Irenzus) regards as geenine (de pudic. 10, de anima, 2). Cyril of Jerus., in his atechetics (iv. 83-6, ab. 848 a.p.), uses the word of all Jewish books except the 22 which are openly read in the churches. Oyril’s insistence that the A., 1t.e. the books not read in the churches, are not to be read even in private, is evidently aimed against the distinction of three classes of books —those read in church, those read privately, and those wholly rejected. This distinction is as old as the Muratorian Fragment, which puts the Shepherd in such a middle class. It is implied by Origen, in his discrimination among 4A. It is definitely Roranlaved by Athanasius, who, in his 39th Easter Letter (367 i gives the name A. only to the third class of books written by heretics as pleased their fancy, and put forth as old, to lead astray the simple. Athanasius gives no list of these A., but later lists teach us the current understanding Bate hrchogroph of Nicephorus (p h of Consta 1 ie Chronography tcephorus (patriarch of Constantinople 806-815), in a ‘Sa sad form which originated in Jerus. about 850, contains a stichometric list of Biblical books which has inner marks of a much earlier date (Zahn, ‘perhaps before 500’). It contains (1) the can. books of OT and of NT; (2) the antile- mena of OT and of NT; (3) A. of OT and of NT. Under © last heading the following list is given:—Apocrypha of OT : (1) Enoch, (2) Patriarchs, (3) Prayer of Joseph, (4) Testa- ment of Moses, (5) Assumption of Moses, (6) Abram, (7) Eldad and Modad, (8) Elijah, the prophet, (9) Zephaniah, the prophet, 10) Zachariah, father of John, [11] Pseudepigrapha of Baruch, jbakkuk, Ezekiel, and Daniel. Apocrypha of NT ;(1) Itinerary of Paul, (2) Itin. of Peter, (3) Itin. of John, (4) Itin. of Thomas, ‘5) Gospel according to Thomas, (6) Teaching of the Apostles, , 8) Clement’s [two Epistles], (9) [Epistles] of Ignatius, of olycarp, and of Hermas. Of the A. of OT, Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5 are, in whole or in part, extant ; Nos. 3, 7, 8, 9 are cited as genuine ‘by Origen or some still older Church Father.’ They are all Jewish apocalypses, i.e. A. in the earliest sense, but the word now carries an adverse judgment. This list is repeated in the so-called Synopsis of Athanasius. Similar, but in some degree inde- pendent, is the summary of A. in the anonymous ‘ List of sixty’ can. books, which may represent the views of the Eastern Church in the 7th cent. After the can. books follows the intermediate class of ‘those outside of the sixty’; and then ‘apocrypha’ as follows :—({1) Adam, (2) Enoch, (3) Lamech, (4) Patriarchs, (5) Prayer of Joseph (6) Eldad and Modad, (7) Testa- ment of Moses, (8) Assumption of Moses, (9) Psalms of Solomon, (10) Apoc. of Elijah, (11) Vision of Isaiah, (12) Apoc. of Zeph- aniah, (13) Apoc. of Zachariah, (14) Apoc. of Ezra, (15) History of James, (16) Apoc. of Peter, (17) Itinerary and Teachings of the Apostles, (18) Epistle of Barnabas, (19) Acts of Paul, (20) Apoc. of Paul, (21) Didascalia of Clement, (22) Didascalia of Iynatius, (23) Didascalia of Polycarp, (24) Gospel acc. to Barnabas, (25) Gospel acc. to Matthew. With reference to these lists, it is to be noticed that they contain in general just those books, Jewish and Christian, which were eae forth in the first place as A. in the proper sense. Not the application but the interpretation of the word is changed, in accordance with a changed estimate of une books, Once valued by some as even super-can., they are now set apart not only from the Canon, but from the class of books that are good for i bes reading. Nevertheless, they still stand in a recognised class by themselves under the old title Apocrypha, and are distinct not only from secular or heathen books, but from later heretical literature. The great part they played in early Church history has so much recognition. The Latin Church was further removed from the traditional use of the word, and it is not strange that we find there various novelties in its applica- tion. The greatest extension of its use is found in the Decretwm Gelasti, which presents a list of Bibl. books that may be regarded as that of the Rom. Synod of 382, under Damasus. After lists of OT and NT, and a list of patristic works approved by the Church, follows, under the heading Notitia librorum apocryphorum qui non recipiuntur, a list of some 60 titles. Only NT A. are given, and to these are added (perhaps in later revisions of the work) a miscellaneous collection of books con- demned by the Church, including even the works of Eusebius, Tertullian, Clement of Alex., etc., to each of which, as to the earlier list, the adjective apocryphus is added. Almost equally novel in Christian usage is Jerome’s extension of the word in the opposite direction to cover the books of our A., though this rests upon Heb. usage, as we know it from Origen. ‘Quidquid extra hos [the 22 books of Heb. Can.] est, inter dméxpvga esse ponendum’ (Prologus Galeatus). Jerome, in practice, how- ever, gives to our A. an intermediate position (see below), in substantial harmony with Ru/finus, who attempted to introduce the Eastern threefold divi- sion into the West, and gave the name apocrypha to the third class. The Western Church, however, did not adopt the threefold division. Against Jerome’s theory, it included the second division in the first. Neither did it extend the word apocrypha to heretical books in general, but retained practically its original application. Another estern novelty, how- ever, maintained itself through the middle ages, namely, the interpretation of the word apocrynhus as meaning obscurity of origin or authorship. According to Augustine, the A. were so called ‘because their obscure origin was not clear to the Fathers’ (de Civ. Det, xv. 23), and he opposes this ase teat We to the idea of heretics, that they ‘are to be held in a certain secret authority’ (c. Faust, xi. 2). This brought confusion, for the word had come to mean practically non-can., but obscurity of origin was not a corresponding conception. So, during the middle ages, it was variously modified by extending the idea of obscurity or uncertainty from the authorship to the truth of a book, or to its reception by common consent of the Church. Jth, a™ in the sense that its author is un- known, was received (can.) because its truth is evident (Hugo de St. Caro, 1240). Job, a* in the same sense, is in the Canon because not uncertainly confirmed by the authority of the Church (Hugo de St. Victore, d. 1141). The usage of Protestantism is prepared by Carlstadt in his De canonicis scripturts, 1520. He reviews the opinions of Augustine and Jerome, and sides with the latter in respect both to the inter- pretation of the word and its application to our A. Not uncertainty of authorship, but simply non-canonicity, is the meaning of the word apocry- 116 APOCRYPHA vhal, He applies the word to the books of our A. as an adjective, not asatitle. Through Protestant edd. of the Bible, beginning with Luther, the word came, by a natural misunderstanding, to be re- garded as the title of this particular collection, and the word ‘ Story eres a’ was used of the A. proper, which neither Jerome, Carlstadt, nor Luther thought of depriving of their old name. On the other hand, the name ‘ Apocrypha,’ to which a bad sense adhered, contributed to a gradu- ally diminishing regard for the books now so called. ‘onclusions.—(1) The word apocryphal was used before the Reformation quite consistently of a certain class of books, namely, the Jewish and Jewish - Christian Apocalypses, which we call Pseudepigrapha, and the Apocrypha of the NT, still so called, made up largely of the books of Gnostic and other sects. These are properly secret or hidden books in their formal claim and in their contents, if not originally in their actual use. (2) Jewish Rabbis applied a synonymous word, genuzim, to books ‘hidden,’ t.e. withdrawn and withheld from public (synagogue) use by the Jewish authorities, and so made uncanonical. This ‘hiding’ (the verb is used more often than the adjective) might happen to books in no sense of hidden origin or meaning. Through Origen and Jerome, the Jewish word seems to have had some influence upon the Christian. (3) The Catholic Church, however, did not first make books a” by excluding them from the Canon (the verb is not used), but it decided that the A. already existing under that name were not to be regarded as sacred scriptures, since publicity and universality were marks of genuineness and truth. The secret books of sects were, as such, spurious and false. (4) It was therefore easy to forget that A. was the original name of these books, and to regard it as expressing the judgment of the Church concern- ing them. Those books were hidden which belonged to sects, which lacked common, open usage by the Church. A” meant, not received by the Church. But since books which the Church received were thereby proved apostolic, a non-apostolic and obscure origin was a mark of A. (5) Protestantism went over to the Jewish usage, applying the word to the books withdrawn by it from the commonly accepted Canon, though this no longer meant withdrawn from public reading and common use, but only from full authority for doctrine. Protestants thus came to apply the word to books used with the canon in church service, not disapproved but recommended as good and useful, not secret or hidden in origin, meaning, or use. The evil name, however, helped to lower the first estimate of the books. ii, THE APOCRYPHA IN JUDAISM. —1. ORIGIN OF THE COLLECTION.—In order to under- stand the origin and historical significance of the collection of books which we call the A., it is necessary to survey the work of the Jewish scribe, for in the scribe the literary history of Judaism centres. (a) The Work of the Jewish Scribes.—This can, in a general way, be divided into (A) the collecting he editing of the sacred books, (B) the production of new books. The transition between the two was made by the tr. or eet and the interpretation of the sacred books. More particu- larly, (A) the scribes collected and edited (1) the Law; (2) the Prophets, ‘former’ and ‘latter’; (3) the rest of the religious literature of the nation, the so- called Hagiographa. (B 1) In connexion with this 3rd Canon, which contains some independent work of the scribes, the production of other books of similar character was encouraged (e.g. the A.); (2) with the Maccabzan crisis came a revival of APOCRYPHA prophecy, and the production of books interpreting and imitating those of the 2nd Canon (apocalypses, or apocrypha proper) ; (3) the interpretation of the Ist Canon, the Law, always a chief task of the scribes, was especially stimulated after the de- struction of Jerus., and resulted in the Mishna and Talmud. The synagogue was the centre of the scribe’s literary activity ; and the centre of the synagozue service was the Law. The religious instruction of the people in the religion of the law was his aim. His collection of other sacred books was for the sake of their public reading in the synagogue service, in exposition and enforcement of the Law. Such public reading was the mark and meaning of canonicity. The translations (Targumim) and commentaries (Midrashim) that accompanied the reading were for the same end, the religious teach- ing of the community, and were free and oral before they were fixed in writing. The order of the independent work of the scribes sketched above (B) reverses the order of their work as editors (A). This sequence is not to be over- pressed. The editing of the scribes involved, especi- ally at first, independent work, in the way of com- ment as well as selection and arrangement ; on the other hand, their independent writing was always based on tradition. Perhaps in the case of none of the books of the scribes have we original works in the proper sense. The stories of haggadists and the visions of seers are revisions and elaborations of traditional material. Further, the three lines of independent work outlined existed side by side, and the order given is only that of the first preval- ence of each kind of work. Gr. influence favoured the first, the Maccabzean reaction the second, and the fall of the nation the third. Of the products of the first kind, some gained admission into the 3rd Canon (Hagiographa), and so became the com mon property of Pal. and Alex. Judaism and Chris- tianity. But as they were especially congenial to Jews who fell most under Gr. influence, some of them were preserved, others contributed, by Alex. Jews. So far as they gained a place in the Gr. Bible, these, too, passed over to Christianity (the A.). Products of the 2nd class we have con- sidered under i. 1. Writings of the first and second kinds are called by Jews Haggada, while the third, the elaboration and definition of the Law, is called Halacha. The A., then, are to be viewed in close connexion, on the one side, with the Hagiographa, and, on the other, with later developments of the Jewish Haggada. (6) The Apocrypha tn relation to the Hagio- grapha.—That the three divisions of the Jewish Canon (compare the list at the beginning of this article) represent three successive collections, widely separated in time, and that they stood originally, in the Jewish view, in a decreasin order of authority and importance, are ascertaine facts in the history of OT Canon. The Hagio- grapha is, then, a relatively late collection of books on the whole late in origin, and, according to the Jewish view, inferior in authority to Law and Prophets. The order of books composing it is variously given, and the limits of the collection were open to dispute long after the Law and Prophets were closed. In regard to Ca, Ke, and Est, there were still differences of opinion up to the time of Akiba (ec. 110-135 A.D.). The Bk of Ps owes its place here to the fact that its use was in the temple, not in the synagogue. Apart from Ps and La, the Hagiographa consists of (1) history, in continuation of that told in Kings (Ezr-Neh); (2) history retold with a view to instruction (Ch)*; (3) stories, based on history *In the Midrashic treatment of history, Ch follows still older attempts (see 2 Ch 2427 1322), APOCRYPHA or tradition, told to illustrate religious truth (Ru, Est, Ca(?), Dn). In Job the transition is made one to (4) ethical and philosophical books Pr, Ec). Under similar headings fall the contents of the A. (1) History proper is found in 1 Mac. (2) History and ag are retold with edifying em- bellishments. 1 Es is made up of extracts from 2 Ch (35. 36), Ezr, and Neh, with an additional story of the wisdom of Zorobabel (3-5%). This Midrash perhaps preceded the literal tr. of Ch, Ezr, Neh, into Greek. Such an Haggadic addition to history was Pr. Man (suggested by 2 Ch 33! 3%), Est appears in the LXX only in the form of a midrash, in which, among other things, are supplied the letter referred to in 3%, prayers of Mordecai and Esther at 41’, the decree mentioned in 8?” Dn is similarly enlarged by a prayer and song at 3”, and the new stories of Daniel’s wisdom, Sus and Bel. Even the late Maccabean history is treated in the Haggadic way in 2 Mac, an epitome of a larger work by Jason of Cyrene, which adorns the history with legendary elements to make of it asermon on the Pharisaic religion. 3 and 4 Mac are found usually in the LXX, though not in the 3 Mac is a poor example of moralising under the form of history ; and 4 Mac makes an incident in the Maccabean oy the text for a philosophical treatise on the lordship of the religious reason over the passions. (3) Of new stories the A. contains two famous examples, To and Jth; Tobit teaching the reward for the individual of a faithful life of Pharisaic righteousness; Judith connecting a patriotism like Esther’s with regard for a ceremonially correct life. (4) Direct moral and religious instruction (‘ethical Haggada’) is represented by Sir and Wis, the one a Pal. con- tinuation, the other a Hel. development of the earlier wisdom books. As in the Hagiographa one book, Dn, makes the transition from story to rophecy, so in the A., Bar and the Ep. of eremy are prophetic in character. It is not, however, with prophecy nor with law, but with history and story, that both Hagiographa and A. have chiefly to do (cf. the use made of Dn by Hellenists [LX X] and by later Palestinians [Enoch, etc.]. The line between history and story is in both an uncertain one, as history, too, is told for religious, not for scientific purposes. With stories and with proverbial sayings the Jewish Rabbis long continued to occupy themselves. The value of these forms of religious instruction no one will question in view of the gospels. As to the relative worth of their use in the Hagiographa and the A., & fair judgment, apart from doctrinal considera- tions, will strongly justify the choice of the Pales- tinians, taking the two collections as wholes. A relation between them is, however, not to be denied, and is grounded in their history. (c) Palestinian and Hellenistic Elements in the Apocrypha.—The a" books of the LXX were in part translations of Pal. (Heb.) books, in part original writings of Greek Jews; but it is not possible to draw the line between the two with security. As the LXX was recognised asa tr., one would expect that translations would more readily find their way into it. Yet the Hel. scribes were busy writers, especially in the lines which the A. follows (history, story, wisdom). Sir contains its own testimony that it was written in Heb. and tr. by the writer’s grandson into Greek. 1 Mac was undoubtedly a Heb. book, and Jerome (if not Origen) knew it in the original. Jth and ‘o, Jerome knew in ‘ Chaldee,’ and a Heb. original is almost certain. The Ad. Est may be Heb., or at least similar additions may have arisen in Pal. in connexion with the yearly celebration of Purim. Pr. Man may have been Heb., and even 1 Es, if it APOCRYPHA 117 eae the LXX 2 Es [Ezr-Neh], may have ad a Heb. precursor, Of the Ad. Dn, Sus turns on a Gr. play on words. Wis and 2, 3, and 4 Mac were certainly Greek. 2. USE OF THE APOCRYPHA AND ITS RELATION TO THE CANON.—(a) In Hellenistic Judaism.— The a® books are found in all MSS of the LXX, scattered among the books of the Heb. Canon without discrimination. These MSS are, indeed, all of Christian origin, and some of them even contain Christian songs; but, apart from these, they undoubtedly represent the O'l which was current among the Gr. Jews and used in Gr. synagogues in the apostolic and early post-apostolic age. The additions to the Heb. Canon are not only of Jewish origin, but are, as a whole, books which would interest Gr. Jews, but would not specially interest Christians, since the prophetic element in them is conspicuously small. The addition of these books by Christians would be inexplicable. The preservation of this longer OT by Christians only, is naturally ed Ae by the fact that soon after 70 A.D. Hel. Judaism in the distinct sense ceased to exist, giving place either to rabbinical Judaism or to Christianity; so that the earlier difference regarding the limits of sacred Scriptures between Pal. and Alex. Jews survived only as a difference between Jews and Christians. We must not, however, conclude that the A. had been in the strict sense canonized by Alex. Judaism. Their place among Scriptures is rather due, in part, to the supreme dignity of the Law; in part to the broad view of inspiration current among Hellenists. In a more exclusive way than in later Pal. Judaism, the Pent. was to Alexandrians the sacred Scripture, the Canon by pre-eminence. It was such to Philo. In this respect the Alexandrians perhaps remained at the standpoint of the earlier Palestinians of the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.c. When Alex. Judaism was founded, the Law was the Canon of Judaism. The work of the 70 concerned it alone (Aristeas). The tr. of the other books into Greek in Egypt went on, in part, side by side with the formation of the 2nd and 3rd Canons in Pal. That the suc- ceeding translators disregarded the Pal. distine- tion of Prophets and Hagiographa, and arranged the books, after the Law, topically, though in no fixed order, indicates their different view of these books. The relatively freer tr. points in the same direction; and this freedom passes over by natural degrees into the incorporation of explana- tory and illustrative additions of less or greater extent. For this procedure the Pal. translators of OT into Aram. (Targumim) had perhaps already set the example. That, finally, Sir and Wis should be put in connexion with the Solomonic books, making, with Ps and Job, a volume of poetry, or that, in connexion with Est, Jth and To shone be inserted, cannot seem strange. This was made easier by the Hel. view of inspiration. While Palestinians inclined to limit inspiration to the age of the prophets, long ended, the Alexandrians regarded the divine spirit as still active, and viewed as inspiration the experience of the thinker and writer in moments of special clearness of insight and exaltation of feeling. Against the evidence that the LXX contained a*! books, Philo’s silence is inconclusive. Philo’s text is the Pent. It is true that he cites none of the A., but in the prophetic Canon he passes by Ezk and all the minor prophets except Hos and Zee; and of the Hagiographa, except Ps, he makes almost no use, citing Pr twice, Job and Ch once, and Dn and the five Megilloth not at all. (6) In Palestinian Judaism.—Here, too, the Law, long the only Canon, remained supreme. The 118 APOCRYPHA APOCRYPHA Jewish scribes regarded the prophets as those who eaye an authoritative interpretation of the Law, anding on the Mosaic tradition from the elders to the scribes. The Law has always had the chief lace in the synagogue service, the prophets an important secondary place, the Hagiographa a place altogether subordinate. For a long time these different collections could not be written on the same roll. As they did not form one volume, it was the easier to keep them distinct in use and estimation. The books of the 2nd and 3rd Canons were, however, according to the Jewish view, inspired, and this in the end distinguished them from all later books. Jos. (c. Ap. 1. 8) says that the prophets ‘learned the earliest and most ancient events by inspiration of God, and wrote down the events of their own times plainly, as they occurred.’ ‘But from Artaxerxes [Est] to our times all events have indeed been written down ; but these late books are not deemed worthy of the same credit, because the exact succession of the prophets was ee By the use of the formal eee that with Malachi prophecy ceased (cf. 45-6 Zec 138, 1 Mac 4*° 9*7 1441), though they could use the test only uncritically, the scribes drew the line between Hagiographa and A., or justified the line already drawn by the popular religious sense. All the Hagiographa could be regarded as meeting this test,* but Sir and 1 Mac, which were the most valued books of the A., could not. It is true that Jesus Sirach himself does not share this (later) view of inspiration. He ma fates the earlier Pal. standpoint, from whic Alexandrianism took its start. For him the Law is supreme. It is the embodied Wisdom of God (24%). In some sense his knowledge is all derived from it (391-8 243°), Qn the other hand, between the prophets and the high priest of his own time he makes no sharp distinction (44-49); and for himself he claims an inspiration like that of the prophet (cf. 39°* with 48%, and see 11° 2451. 83 5] 15#.), he step from Sir to the Hellenistic Wis is not great. Here, too, the Law is the supreme revelation (e.g. 184),+ and here, too, in answer to prayer (cf. Sir 39°), the spirit of wisdom is given to men, that spirit which is the life and reason of the world, and which ‘generation after generation enters into holy souls and makes friends of God and prophets’ (777, cf. chs. 1. 6 ff.). Apart from 4 Ezr, which, not being in the LXX, does not deserve consideration at this point, the other books of the A. make no claim to be reckoned among sacred Scriptures. It is not easy to estimate the significance of the fact that we have no evidence in Jewish books that they were ever so regarded. Disputes are recorded regarding the exclusion of books of the Canon, but none regarding the admission of a“ books. Yet it should be said that the Jewish Rabbis usually covered up the tracks of past wanderings from the straight path that led to their own position. That additions to Dn and Est, and books like To and Jth, were once current among the Hagiographa in Pal. isnot impossible. Josephus uses 1 Mac, 1 Es, and Ad. Est, without distinction from can. books as historical sources, and even says that he has written his whole history ‘as the sacred books record it’ (Ant. xx. xi. 2, cf. Pro. §3). Yet he counts 22 books, and excludes from the first rank all later than Est. In his time, then, the line had been drawn. In the rabbinical writings there are many * Baba bathra 14 ascribes Job to Moses, Ru to Samuel, Ps to David, Ca and Ec to Hezekiah and his friends, Dn and Est to the men of the Great Synagogue, Ch to Ezra and Nehemiah. t The identification of Wisdom with the Law is found also in Bar 39ff-4, Judith and Tobit and his son are examples of the glorification of the Law in life. citations from Sir; Zunz* counts 40, among them some ‘in a manner usual only of Scripture passages,’ and some as late as the 4th cent., which speak of it as one of the Kethubhim. Some doubt, at least, regarding its perie is robable. Of Ad. Est some traces exist in Heb. iterature. Haggadic stories concerning Dn, among them traces of Bel, are found. The Mae. cabean legend of the mother and seven sons (2 Mac, 4 Mac) was a favourite theme of rabbinical Midrashim. Yet 1 Mac, which Jerome knew in Heb., seems to have left no trace in rabbinical books. The legend of Judith is found, though in a form very different from the LXX, and Tobit is still extant in Heb. Jerome says the Jews had Jth and To, and regarded them as _ historical but not as canonical; while Origen says they did not possess them even among their A. 3. THE RELATION OF THE APOCRYPHA TO THE RELIGIOUS TENDENCIES AND PARTIES OF J UDAISM. —Of a theology of the A. it is unhistorical to speak. The collection presents the ideas of no one man or party, of no one period or place. The theology, or the religious ideas of each book, may be treated (see separate articles), or a history of the religious ideas and movements in Judaism in a given period (e.g. 200 B.c.-100 A.D.) may be under- taken, in which these books will be important sources; but the historian of theolo cannot separate the A. from the later can. books on the one side, and from Philo and Josephus, the Pseudepigrapha and the early rabbinical literature, on the other. A few suggestions may, however, be made regarding the relation of these books to the chief religious tendencies and parties of Judaism. The main distinction in the post-exilic Jewish religion was that between the priest, whose sphere was the temple and its cultus, and the scribe, whose activity centred in the synagogue and the law. The centre of gravity seems to have shifted gradually from the temple to the synagogue, from priestly ritual to the legalism of the scribes, whose work made it possible for Jews in the Dispersion, out of reach of the temple, to live religious lives, and prepared Judaism to survive the loss of its temple. The Hagiographa stands, as a whole, at the earlier stage, beginning with the Ps, the book of temple devotion, and ending with the great temple history of Ch, Ezr, Neh. The five Megil- loth also came into connexion with the cultus by their use at the national feasts, though it is not known how early this happened. On the other hand, there is no early evidence of the regular use of Hagiographa in the synagogue service, and of the scribes’ legalism they contain little. Only Dn, perhaps the latest book in this collection, can be called Pharisaic in tendency. In the A., on the other hand, the legal pre- dominates over the priestly interest. Sir, perhaps its oldest book, shows a transition from the priestly standpoint of Ch (to which belongs 1 Es) to the legal standpoint of the scribes (Zunz). The writer delights in the temple and the high priest’s impressive ceremony, and dwells upon Aaron much more at length than upon Moses (ch. 45), and with still more enthusiasm upon the Simon whose minis- trations he had himself witnessed (ch. 50); while Ezra, the patron saint of the Rabbis, is passed by in his praise of famous men. Yet he praises also the law as the wisdom of God (see above), and glorifies the office of the scribe (38%-*4 391-4). But it was especially the Maccabzan crisis that sharpened the contrast between the two tendencies. The desecration of the temple by Antiochus was the occasion of the war. The recovery and recon- secration of the temple was the great deed of * Gottesdienstlichen Vortrdge der Juden 2 Aufl. 1892, p. 106. 7d setehy ¢ political independence. ‘about its temple. APOCRY PHA Judas. This meant to the scribes the re-observance of the law, and with that they were content. It meant to Judas the first step toward a recovery of udaism was organised Its supreme authority was the high priest. So that the Maccabzan princes coveted the high priesthood as a political power, and finally gained it. But this was a violation of the law, and alienated the legalists, who became a party of separatists, Pharisees, with the scribes at their head and the synagogue as their institution. Against them the adherents of the temple and the new high priests became an opposing party, the Sadducees. The priestly tendency issued in a political party, the scribal in a religious party; and in the conflict of these parties the inner his- tory of Judaism chiefly consisted until the fall of Jerusalem. Since Sadduceism was bound up with the temple and the national life, it ceased to be after the destruction of temple and State; and since its views were as obnoxious to Christianity as to sur- viving Judaism, none of its distinct literary pro- ducts could survive. The A., however, owing partly to its Alex. selection, partly to its com- paratively early date, is not a purely Pharisaic soles and stands aside from the controversy etween the two parties of which we know (from the Pharisaic side) in Ps-Sol, Enoch, ete. Two books of the A. are Sadducean in tendency. Sirach writes before the Maccabzean wars, so that his book can be called Sadducean only by anticipa- tion. Sadducean in tone was not o is attach- ment to the temple and the pHacthood | (above), but also his reserve in regard to angels, his sceptical attitude as to demons (21*’) and the future life (e.g. 1727-82 141-19 4]1-4), perhaps his insistence on the entire freedom of man (15-7 177), and his spirit of liberality toward outside sources of knowledge and culture (e.g. 39‘), There is, indeed, a polemic against a Pharisaic spirit of ceremonialism in 3418-26 351., 1 Mac follows the crisis out of which the parties arose, but precedes their serious conflicts. The writer’s admiration for Judas and his brothers, ‘through whose hand salvation was given to Israel,’ is unbounded (5%, cf, 3}-® 921f- 133-6 14257. 16? etc.), He paints Simon’s reign in thoroughly Messianic colours (14‘-!5), and in the decision that ‘until a trustworthy prophet should arise . . . Simon should be their prince and high priest for ever,’ his political and religious creed was summed up. It was the creed of Sadduceism. Sadducean also is the writer’s attachment to the laws and customs of the nation, and his opposition to innovations (2! 37. 2 6°? etc,); but laws are for the strengthening and safety of the nation, and, when the observance of even so sacred a law as the Sabbath exposed the nation to danger, its non-observance was decreed (2°21), He looks to the valour of the hero to win Victories (no miracle even in 9™- 54 119-74); as Jos, says, ‘The Sadducees take away fate... we are ourselves the causes of good,’ etc. (Ant. XIII. v. 9). His interest is in man more than in God, and in the present more than in the future. The essence of Pharisaism was that it gave religion (i.e. legalism) the first place. The Sadducee attempted to further the welfare of the individual and of the nation by direct means (politics, war, etc.) ; the Pharisaic faith was that if the individual and the community kept the law, God would by a supernatural act secure their welfare. The Saddu- cees would set aside the law in smaller things (Sabbath), or in greater (high priesthood), when circumstances required. To the Pharisee the law was inviolable, whatever the extremity. This is the principle of Pharisaism. Out of it various developments issued. That the law might never be broken by inadvert- APOCRYPHA 119 Neste ence, the scribes put about it a ‘hedge’ of addi- tional precautionary rules, the Halacha, or oral law, which the Sadducees did not recognise. The belief that well-being was God’s reward for the observance of the law, and misfortune His punish- ment for its transgression, though applied at first to the present life and lot of men and nations, might easily be referred to the future, and foster the thought of a coming national glory for I[srael, and of an individual life after death. It might also stimulate the belief in miracles and in angels and demons as agents of God’s blessings and judg- ments. Yet these marks of later Pharisaism are not uniformly or conspicuously present in the A. Fasting is almost the only addition which we find to the Mosaic law (To 12°, Jth 8° etc., cf. Dn 9° 10°), with a further ascetic emphasis upon (he laws regarding food (Jth 10° 111? 12!:2, To 1%, Ad. Est 1417, 2 Mac 5? 67), The creed of the Bk of Jth is that no enemy can prevail against Israe] so long as it keeps the ceremonial law, but if it breaks it, under whatever stress, it will fall (517-2 119-19 817-20), Moreover, Judith’s deliverance of the nation is conditioned upon her individual fulfilment of the law even amid the greatest difficulties (8** 12)-*). This is true Pharisaism, and yet the book contains neither Messianic hope, nor rewards afte1 death (1617 is not to be so understood), nor miracle, nor angel. Tobit illustrates the Pharisaic prin- ciple in the life of an individual. Legal righteous- ‘ness is rewarded by deliverance from evil, long life and prosperity ; while sin is always punished by evil, and all evil is due to sin (3-6 1% 21 ]144-8.15), Here angels and demons play a far greater part than in any other book of the A. The national hope also is expressed (13. 14+”), but there is no resur- rection. The Bk of Bar contains the national hope (230-85 425-87 51-9) but no individual resurrection. 2 Mac views the work of Judas as an illustration of Pharisaism. It knows of no laxity regarding the law (cf. 5% 6% 8% 12% 151). The history is helped forward by angels and miracles and signs (325%. 8 §2f 95 102 118 15124), The national hope finds frequent expression (177-2 2%18 etc.); and, here only in the A., the resur. of the bodies of the righteous is insisted upon (7% 11-14 86 1215f. 1.446), It is evident that the later marks of Pharisaism (cf. Ac 23**) were not uniformly present. Legalism stands as the characteristic mark. ‘This is the book of the commandments of God, and the law that endureth for ever. All they that hold it fast are destined for life, but such as leave it shall die’ (Bar 41). And since the law of life was Israel’s law, with legalism went particularism. ‘O Israel, happy are we! for the things that are pleasing to God are made known unto us’ (Bar 44). Of this feeling, and the corresponding contempt for other peoples, passing over, in times of trouble, into ealousy and hatred, there is enough in the A. t inspires Ad. Est as it does Est itself. Jth and 2 Mac are dominated by it. It is a presupposition of To (4? etc.). Even Sir shares it, though his ruling interest is in the individual, not in the nation (esp. 361-17, cf. 24, and in 44-50, e.g. 47%). Only the Hel. Bk of Wis rises to a broader view. In chs, 10-19 the special care of God for Israel is shown. ‘In every way thou didst magnify thy people, and glorify them, ... standing by them in every time and place’ (19). But while Israel is God’s son (1818, ef.4), He also loves all men (1174-28 67 113), and His judgments are remedial (122%), Nor, in spite of the first impression of 3%" 517-2 (cf, 47-19), does the writer hold to a future earthly glory for Israel. The consummation is heavenly (immortality of the soul, here first in Jewish Fookey and is morally conditioned. The Essenic type of Pharisaism is represented only in 4 Ez, which does not properly belong te 120 APOCRYPHA = the collection. Here only do we find a personal Messiah. Hel. Judaism, which stood at one side of the conflict between Pharisee and Sadducee, is represented by Wis, which, though it sets the religious life and faith in contrast to worldliness and scepticism, puts no stress on ceremonialism, but interprets the law in a more ethical sense, and reviews the history of Israel to illustrate the beneficent rule of God’s wisdom, rather than the inviolableness of His law. But 4 Ezr cannot be treated apart from other apocalypses, nor Wis apart from other products 0 Helleniaite It is chiefly in these two isolated books that foreign elements are preminent. Apart from these, and the (Pers. ?) angelology of To, the A. stands in the main on (later) OT ground in its views of God, of man, and of the world. iii. THE APOCRYPHA IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.—1l. IN THE NEw TESTAMENT.—The writers of NT used almost exclusively the LXX OT, and we have no reason to suppose that a” additions were wanting at that time. There are no direct citations from A. ; this, however, is true also of the disputed books, Song, Ec, and Est as well as of Jos and Ezr-Neh. The Pent., the Prophets, and the Pss were, for obvious reasons, most frequently cited. The other books of the Hagiographa, and the A., offered far fewer material points of contact with Christianity, and would not be allowed the same value in argument by Jews. An acquaintance with a® books is, how- ever, generally recognised in the case of some NT writers. Thus there are parallelisms between Ja and Sir (eg. Ja V® and Sir 5"), between He and Wis (e.g. He 1° and Wis: 7”), and be- tween Paul and Wis (cf. Ro 92 with Wis 15’; Ro 1-82 with Wis 11. 13. 15; 2 Co 5+4 with Wis 9), which reveal familiarity with this literature, but which do not imply that authority was ascribed to it. The question of the relation of the A. to the Canon cannot be decided on the ground of NT usage. 2. IN THE EASTERN CuuRCH.—There is peculiar difficulty in determining the place of the A. in relation to the Canon in the E. Church because of the conflict between different lines of evidence. We shall consider (a) Original Usage, (6) Scholarly Theory, (c) Manuscripts, (d) Versions, (e) The later Greek Church. (a) Original Usage.*—The Christian Church used the LXX as its OT Scripture, and the Church Fathers cite all parts of it with similar formulas. 1 and 2 Clement, Barnabas, Ignatius, and the Teaching of the Twelve, contain allusions to a” by the side of can. books. Irenzus cites Ad. Dn, Bar, and Wis; Tertullian—Sir, Wis, Ad. Dn, and Bar; Clem. Alex. —Sir, Wis, Bar, To, Ad. Dn; Cyprian—Sir, Wis, To, Bar; all with the formulas (‘it is written,’ ‘Scripture says, etc.) used of can. works. This usage con- tinues to be the prevailing one, and Origen can ppesal to the universal practice of the Church from the beginning against the appeal of Africanus to the authority of the Heb. Canon. (6) Scholarly Theory.—The LXX came to Chris- tianity from the synagogue of Hel. Judaism, and with it was accepted the theory of the inspiration ay! sacredness of this translation. The story of its origin, told by Aristeas of the Pent., was ex- tended to the whole, and heightened into absolute miracle. (Justin, Dial. 68. 71. 84; Iren. iii. 21. 24; Tertul. Apol. 18; Clem. Strom. i. 38. 148. 149; Origen, ad Afric. 4; Cyril, Cat. iv. 34; Epi- phanius, de mens.). But on the other hand, when- ever the books of OT are counted, the number is given as 22 (24), and is expressly derived from the * See the references in Schiirer, HJ P §§ 82. 33. APUCKRY PLES Jewish (Heb.) Canon. That the LXX was a tr. of the Heb. was, of course, never lost sight of, but it was an inspired tr., sanctified by Christian use from the apostles onwards. The discrepancy between the two was obvious, and yet could not be given its natural weight. The question of the status of the A. depended upon the relative im- portance given to traditional Christian usage and current Jewish usage, summarily expressed in the number 22, or to practice and theory, and upon new theories devised for their adjustment. Five possibilities seemed open: (1) To insert the A. in OT in such a way as to retain the number 22. (2) To introduce some of the most valued A. into NT (as distinctively Christian posses- sions), or to append them at the end. (3) To make a third class of books, between can. and uncan. in dignity. (4) To give up the Heb. for the LXX Canon, making theory square with practice. (5) To give up the LXX for the Heb., making practice square with theory. The first three ways are followed, with more or less combination, in the East, the fourth finally by Rome, the fifth finall by Protestantism, though in neither case wit entire consistency, since, in the Vulg., the LXX has been considerably modified in accordance with the Heb., and in the Prot. Bible the order of the Vulg. (and LXX) has been retained. It is important to set forth the place of the A. in the various theoretical Canons of Eastern writers somewhat in detail. Melito, Bishop of Sardis (c. 150-170 a.p.) learned from Jews or Jewish Christians in Pal. the contents of OT. His list (Euseb. iv. 26. 13, 14) contains only the books of the Heb. (omitting Est), but the titles and order (?) are from the LXX (Oh after K, Proph. after Poet. books; so in general: (1) History, (2) Poetry, (3) Prophecy]. It cannot be certainly inferred that Jer and Dn were without the al additions. The Muratorian Fragment (175-200 a.D.) contains only NT (whether OT was originally given is uncertain); but it inserts Wis between 2 Jn and Rev (as by Philo?), and gives to the Shepherd the position of a book that is to be privately, not publicly, read. Its place is not among prophets or apostles, but also not among heretical books. The writer makes use of the ¢econd solution of the problem and suggests the third. : Origen (c. 185-254) deals with the problem with the fullest knowledge. His great Hexapla testifies to the importance of the problem presented by the deviating texts of OT Scripture, and gave him minute familiarity with the divergence of the L.XX from the Heb. In his Com. on Psalms (Eus. vi. 25. 1) he wives a list of the 22 books of the Heb. Canon, apparently like Melito’s, with the addition of Est. But he begins the use of the first solution of the problem above suggested by including in Jer not only La, but Ep. Jer (Bar?). Moreover, he says that 1 and 2 Ezr were counted as one book. This would he understood by Gr. readers as referring, not to the Heb. zr and Neh, but to the LXX 1 Es and 2 Es [= Ezr+ Neh). He mentions ‘the Maccabean books’ at the end of his list as outside of the Canon. But from the Ep. to Africanus we learn that this Heb. Canon was not regarded by Origen as of final validity for Christians. He criticises the theory of a Heb. Canon on the ground of traditional Christian practice (i.e. he sup- plements the first by the fourth solution). His view is that the present is not the original Heb. Canon, since Jewish rulers and elders hid from the people passages that might bring them into discredit (§ 9). On this ground Susanna is defended, though it is now among the Jewish A. But To and Jth, which the Jews do not possess even among their ‘hidden’ books, are to be retained simply on the ground of Christian usage. Providence must have guided the practice of the Church, and Judaism is not to dictate to Christianity (the Catholic principle). ; Cyril, Bishop of Jerus. (Cat. iv. 83-86, ¢. 348 a.p.), insists with equal stress upon the number 22, that of the Heb. Canon, and the authority of the usage of the Church. His list of 22 (12 historical, 5 poetical, and 5 prophetical) he seems to regard as that of the LXX in current use. His Jer includes Bar, and his Dn (and Est?) the additions. He declares that the books not read in the churches are not to be read in private, and, after all, himself cites Wis as by Solomon (Cat. ix. 2, 16) The Synod of Laodicea (c. 360) affirms Cyril’s list, «1th minor changes of order. The list in Apost. Canon, 85, is ase Ovril’s, with the addition, at the end of the histories, of 1-2 Mac. On the other hand, the metrical lists of Gregory of Naz. ‘d. 890) and Amphilochius, though following the same order, seem to have omitted the a@! additions as well as Est. Epiphanius (c. 315-403) moves in the opposite direction. Like Cyril, he regarded the LXX as the inspired tr. of the 22 books of the Heb. Canon; but besides 1 Es, Bar, Ep. Jer and Ad, Dn, he seems to have included, under Est (with Ad. ?) T» and Jth; and, against Cyril, he introduces an intermediate c 1ss of writings, not ‘in the ark,’ but yet ‘good and useful.’ Here belong Wis and Sir, which he puts after NT in his list | : ee a ee ee ———eae ee ee ee ll APOCRYPHA APOCRYPHA 121 (Her. 76, ct. Her. 86, de mens. 4). He thus provides for the ractical recognition of all the A. except Mac and Pr. Man. ere are still other books, apocrypha proper, some of which the Seventy translate, upon which he does not wholly shut the door (de mens. 5. 10). Athanasius, in his 39th Easter Letter (367 a.p.), carries through more consistently the third solution. His 22 books include Bar, Ep. Jer, 1 Es (?), Ad. Dn. But after NT he edds, ‘for greater exactness,’ that there are other books outside of these, not canonized, but stamped by the Fathers as books to be read by catechumens for their instruction. These are Wis, Sir, Est, Jth, To, 4:3. and Shepherd. They are called avayi- veoxousve, books to be read, t.e. by catechumens. The threefold division is followed by the list in the Chron. of Nicephorus, which, after the 22 books of OT and the 26 of NT, gives ‘disputed’ books of OT, viz. 1-3 Mac, Wis, Sir, Ps—Sol, Est, Jth, Sus, To. There follow the disputed books of NT (Apoc. of Jn and of P, Ep. Bar and Gospel of Hebrews), and, finally, the ‘apocrypha’ of OT and NT (above). Here the A. are books whose canonicity is in dispute, dvriAryo- piyva, The name and the estimate differ essentially from Athanasius, though both are copied in the Synopsis of (Pseudo) Athanasius, In the ‘ List of 60,’ after the 60 can. books of OT and NT, follow, as ‘outside of the 60,’ Wis, Sir, 1-4 Mac, Est, Jth, To. After these come the ‘apocrypha’ (above). We find then in the lists of writers of the E. Church, from the 2nd to the 6th or 7th cent., a practically unanimous adherence to the Heb. Canon of 22 books, and efforts to harmonise this with the Christian LXX by making the 22 as comprehensive of LXX additions as Rega: and by assigning to other books of the A., so far as they were valued, a separate ee usually after NT, but distinct from heretical, rejected books. (c) Manuscripts.—It_is a striking fact that no extant MS of the LXX represents even 4 ae mately the Canon of veg or Athanasius. In no known Greek text do the A. stand by themselves. The codices ce with the usage, not with the theory, of the E. Church. Of the 9 uncials in which a! books are found, the Vat. and the Alex. are given at the beginning of this article. Next in importance (3) stands the Sin., which originally contained the whole Bible. Of OT the extant parts are: ip eg dud of Gn, Nu, 1Ch, and Ezr), Neh, Est, To, Jth, 1 Mac, 4 Mac, Is, Jer, La rt), XII (except Hos, Am, Mic), Ps, Pr, Ec, Oa, Wis, Sir, Job. 4) Cod. Ephremi Syri (5th cent.), contains fragments of Job, , Ec, Wis, Sir, Ca. (5) Cod. Venetus (8th or 9th cent.) contains Job (end), Pr, Ec, Ca, Wis, Sir, XII, Is, Jer, Bar, La, Dn [Ad.]}, To, Jth, 1-4 Mac. (6) Cod. Basiliano-Vaticanus (9th cent.) contains second half of Pent., historical books, includin 1 He and Ad. Est. (7) Cod. Marchalianus (6th or 7th cent. contains the prophets in the order of B (so Bar, Ep. Jer, Ad. Dn). (8) Cod. Oryptoferratensis (7th or 8th cent.) contains the rophets. (9) Palimpsest fragments of Wis and Sir, of 6th or th cent. Swete does not cite 6 and 9, but adds cursive Cod. Chisianus (9th cent.?), which contains Jer, Bar, La, Hp. Jer Dn, according to the LX X [all other MSS have substituted Theo- dotion’s Dn), Hippolytus on Dn, Dn according to Theod., Ezk, Is. Both texts of Dn contain the additions. It is noteworthy that several cursives of the poetical books give Ps—Sol in the order, Job, Pr, Ec, Oa, Wis, Ps-Sou., Sir. [Swete, vol. iii. p. xvi. f.] (d) Versions.—The Oriental translations of OT were pearly all made from the LXX, and were inclined rather to enlarge than to reduce its Canon. The old Syr. Peshitta was an exception to this rule. Its OT was from the Heb., and so con- tained no A. It also lacked Ch. The influence of the LXX was, however, so great that the Pesh. was early revised in accordance with it, and the a"! books were incorporated with some further additions. The chief codex (Ambrosianus) contains Wis, Ep. Jer, \and2 Ep. Bar, Jth, Apoc. BAR. [here only) poe. of Ezra (=2 Es), 1-5 Mac. [5 Mac=Jos. BJ vi.). Mm other MSS are found 1 Es, To, Pr. Man. A MS of the 6th cent. has a ‘book of women,’ viz. Ru, Est, Sus, Jth, THECLA. Whoily exceptional, on the other hand, was the critical view of the Nestorian school at Nisibis, which put Sir in the class of fully can. books, and regarded as of intermediate authority, Ch, Job, Ezr, Neh, Jth, Est, 1 and 2 Mac, Wis, Ca. _ : Exceptional also is a Syr. MS at Cambridge, in which an attempt is made to arrange OT in chrono- logical order. This naturally throws most of the A. at the end. Wis is after Solomon’s books, Bar and Ep, Jer after Jer. After the prophets, follow Dn [and Bel], Ru, Sus, Est, Jth, Ezr-Neh, Sir, 1-4 Mac, 1 Es, To. The Ethiopic version not only adopted the LXX Canon without criticism, but added various books besides 4 Ezr, several of which survived in no other collection, ¢.g. Enoch, Jubilees, Ascension of Is, etc. The Armenian version also draws no line between Canon and A. (e) The Later Gr. Church.—The views of the Fathers of the Eastern Church could not be without permanent influence, but their failure to reach consistency made it possible for the LXX to retain its currency. At the time of the Reformation some Eastern scholars, appealing to Cyril and Athanasius, declared the a® books to be uncan. So Metrophanes Critopulos (1625) and Cyril Luca (1629). gainst them the Synods of Constanti- nople (1638), Jaffa (1642), and Jerus. (1672) sus- tained the older usage, and declared the full canonicity of the A. It appears, however, that clearness and consistency have never been reached, for Philaret’s Longer Catechism of the Orthodox Catholic E. Church (1839, ete.), which has official sanction, gives to all books outside of the 22 a subordinate place, as meant for the reading of those just entering the Church (citing Athanasius) ; while the official Bible of the Gr. Church contains (after Ch) Pr. Man; (after Neh) 1 Es, To, Jth; (after Ca) Wis, Sir; (after La) Zp. Jer, Bar; (after Mal) 1-3 Mac, 4 Ezr. 3. IN THE WESTERN CHURCH. —(a) Roman Catholic.—In the Lat. Church there was a stronger inclination to let Christian usage, rather than scholarly ery, determine the place of the A. in the Canon; and this in spite of the fact that Rome produced the man of all antiquity who most strongly pressed the sole validity of the Heb. Canon (Jerome), and committed to this very man the revision of its OT Scriptures. The earliest Lat. tr. (Itala) was made from the LXX, and seems to have contained all the A. of the LXX except 3 and 4 Mac, and to have added 2 Es. Jerome first revised the Itala after the LXX, but then tr. the OT anew from Heb. In thistr. the A. would fall out. And this Jerome demands. In the famous Prol. Galeatus he gives a list of the 22 books of the Heb. Canon in the Heb. order, and adds, ‘whatever is beyond these is to be put among the A.’ So Wis, Sir, Jth, To, and Shepherd ‘are not in the Canon. Of Mac, I have found the first book in Heb. ; the second is Greek,’ etc. This explicit denial that even an intermediate position should be given to the A. would, in con- sistency, require their entire removal from the Bible. But Jerome elsewhere gives these books an intermediate position. For he says (Prol. to Bks of Sol), ‘as the Church reads Jth and To and the Bks of Mae, but does not receive them among can. Scriptures, so also let it read these two books [Wis and Sir] for the edification of the eople, not for confirming the authority of Church Rogan? Only by such a view can we understand Jerome’s revision of Jth and To, which he under- took, indeed, under protest and with careless haste, excusing himself by the fact that they were extant in Chaldee, and that the Council of Nica counted Jth in the number of sacred Scriptures (of this there is no other evidence). Jerome also inserted the Additions to Dn and Est, distin- eee them by marks, and collecting the Ad. st together at the end of the book, where they have remained, out of their proper place, ever since. After these concessions by Jerome himself, it is not strange that the other books of the A. gradually found their old place in his version as it gained recognition. APOCRYPHA APOCRY PHA Of other Lat. Fathers, Hilary of Poitiers (d. 368) reaffirms Drigen’s Can., but shows some inclination to add Zo and Jth, or which Origen’s position gave ground. Rujinus (d. 410), who studied at Alexandria and Jerus., gives the E. list of 22 books, and puts the A. in an intermediate class, which he calls (for the first time?) Ecclesiastici, viz. Wis, Sir, To, Jth, Bks of Mac, and, in NT, Shepherd and Two Ways lalso Judgment according to Peter?]. These the Fathers wished to be read in the churches, but not brought forward for the confirmation of faith. ‘Other Scriptures they named aa which they wished not to be read in the churches.’ The three- fold division is E., but the name ‘ecclesiastical’ and the explanation (which is practically the view of Jerome also) are new. The A. are to be read not privately, but in the churches. This would originally have meant full canonicity. Buta dis- tinction is attempted in degrees of authority for doctrine among books which, in their text and in their church use, are not distinguished. it is not strange that the theory of an inter- mediate class gained no firm footing in the W., and that the A. went into the first, not into the third class. The early Lat. lists are characterised by the two groups, (1) Ps, Pr, Ca, Ec, Wis, Sir ; (2) Job, Z'0, Est, Jth, 1 and2 Mac, land 2 Es, in which, apart from the additions to the prophets Jer and Dn, the books of A. are usually found. They are found in the Can. of Mommsen, which perhaps represents the average Western Can. of c. 3604.D. It includes the A., and still counts 24 books (Rev 410) by the device of reckoning the 5 Solomonic books as one. ‘The West had not, however, the interest in the number 24 that the East had in 22, and generally disregarded even this formal agreement with the Jews. Cassiodorus (Institutio, etc., chs. xii.-xiv., c. 644 a.D.) gives Jerome’s (Heb.) Can., then Augustine’s, and finally the Can. of the antiqua translatio, which represents Lat.usage before Jerome, viz. Gn-Ch ; Ps, Sol 6 (Pr, Wis, Sir, Ec, Ca); Prophets ; Job, To, Est, Jth, 1. 2 Es, 1. 2 Mac, The two groups are to be noted. The divergence of the three lists from each other seems to cause the writer no trouble. Similar to this is the list of the Decretum Gelasii, which, if it is that of the Synod of 382, is the first official Can. of the Roman Church. It puts Wis, Sir with Solomonic books, Bar with Jer, and ends with an ‘order of histories,’ which is gue cee group, as follows: Job, Zo, 1.2 Es, Est, Jth, 5 ac. The next official OT Can. was that of the African Councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397): Gn-Ch, Job, Ps, Sol 6, 12 prophets, Is, Jer, Dn, Ezk, Zo, Jth, Est, 1. 2 Es, 1. 2 Mac. Here Job is separated from the second group and put in its old connexion with Ps, Pr. These councils were dominated by Augustine, whose weight on the side of Church tradition over- bore the influence of Jerome’s learning. Augustine stands for the Catholic principle as determining the Can. (de doct. ii. 8, 12), even when he feels the objections, e.g. to Wis and Sir, that the ancient Church has received them is decisive (de civ. xvii. 20,1). Augustine gives, in de doct. ii. 8,13, a list of 44 books of OT—22 historical, made by adding to Gn-Ch, as a secondary list, our second group: Job, 7Z'o, Est, Jth, 1. 2 Mac, 1. 2 Es. ; and 22 prophetical, made by prefixing to the 16 prophets our first group: Ps, Pr, Ca, Ec, Wis, Sir. In his last book, how- ever (Speculum), he seems inclined to put the A. at the end of OT Can., separating Wis, Sir from group 1, and Job from group 2. This may reveal a growing sense of the secondary authority or security of the A. Innocent 1. of Rome, in a letter to the Bishop of Toulouse 405), gives a list in which the two groups still appear: Gn-4 K with Ru); Prophets; Solomon 5, Ps; ‘of histories,’ Job, To, Est, Jth, 1. 2 Mac, 1. 2 Es, 1. 2 Oh. The outcome of the matter in the Lat. Church was the Vulg., and the leading MS of it (Cod. Amiatinus, ¢c. 700) gives, tm the name of Jerome, a list identical with that sanctioned at Trent (see the list at the beginning of this article). The order is nearer to that of Augustine in de doct. ii. 8 than to that of the Council of Hippo. The secondary group of histories follows the primar (Gn-Ch), and the group of poetry follows it, preced- ing the prophets. Job, however, is put between the two, so that it might belong either to history or poetry, and 1. 2 Mac are separated from the exc and put at the end—a partial compromise tween the topical place given to this group by Augustine, and the more chronological place assigned it in the Old Latin, and at Hippo. The result is that the A. are found chiefly in the middle of OT, distinguished in no way from other books. Until the decree of Trent, however, it was still possible to regard the A. as of inferior authority, and, when can. was understood to mean authoritative, even as not in the Canon. The middle ages furnished some followers of Jerome (e.g. Hugo of St. Victor, d. 1140; Clugny, d. 1156; Nicolaus of L gnticipate the view of Cardin Peter of ‘a, d. 1340) who Ximenes (1437- 1517), who says in the Preface to the great Com- plutensian Polyglott, that the a*! books are outside of the Canon, and are received by the Churchasuselul reading, not as authoritative for doctrine. Erasm s (1467-1536) also follows Jerome, though expressing himself with his usual reserve and formal sub- mission to the judgment of the Church. ‘ Whether the Church receives them as possessing the ame authority as the others, the spirit of the Church must know.’ Cardinal Cajetan, Luther’s opponent at Augsburg (1518), would interpret the decision of Councils and Fathers by Jerome. Though the Vulg. Canon had been reaffirmed by Pope Eugenius Iv. and put forth as a decree of the Council of Florence (1439), it is not probable tha the Roman Church would have taken the decisive step of 1545, against the views of its own best scholars, if it had not been for Luther. The Council of Trent declared the Vulg. to be in all parts of equal authority, and definitely rejected the efforts of Ximenes and others to put the A. in a separate class, ‘ecclesiastical’ or ‘deutero-can.’ In the Bibliotheca Sancta of Sixtus Senensis the case is correctly stated. The distinction of Proto- can. and Deutero-can. or ecclesiastical books is given (to the latter class belong, in OT, Est, To, Jth, Bar, Ep. Jer, Wis, Sir, Ad. Dn, 1 and 2 Mac; in NT, Mk 16°”, Lk 228-4, Jn 7-8", He, Ja, 2 P,2and3 Jn, Jude, Rev), but the distinction has only historical significance. These books, it is said, were not known till a late period ; were even formerly held by the Fathers to be a*! and not can. ; were at first permitted to be read my before catechumens Athauasent then before all believers (Rufinus), but only for edification, not for the con- firmation of doctrine; but were at last adopted among Scriptures of irrefragable authority. This consistent position is deserted by modern Catholics for the unhistorical view that the LXX Can. was the original one, which was shortened by Jews for an antichristian purpose; so that the words proto-can. and deutero-can. reverse the true state of the case, and have not even an historical justification (Kaulen, in Wetzer u. Welte, Encyk.? art. ‘ Kanon’). (b.) Protestant.—Even on the ground of Catholic scholarship those who denied the authority of the Church must give the A. a secondary place. The first Prot. effort to fix the place of the re was made by Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt, in his De canonicis scripturis, 1520. He discusses the views of Augustine and Jerome, and vindicates Jerome’s position. He gives the Heb. OT Can., Law, Pro- phets, and Hagiographa, thinks these divisions indicate a decreasing order of value, and makes cerresponding discriminations in NT. OT A. he divides into tyo classes: (1) Wis, Sir, Jth, To, 1 and 2 Mac; ‘Hi sunt apocryphi, te. extra canonem hebrzorum, tamen agiographi.’ (2) 3 and 4 Ezr, Bar, Pr. Man, Ad. SDoi ‘Hi libri sunt lane apocryphi virgis censoriis animadvertendi.’ his significant effort remained almost without effect. In contrast to this attempt to solve the problem by historical means (to return to the original posi- tion), Luther wavered between a free criticism of the Can. by the Christian consciousness, and, for poise purposes, the acceptance of the current ible. He wished 1 Mac had the place of Est in the Canon. Of Jth, To, Sir, is, he judges favourably. Even Ad. Dn and Ad. Est have much good in them. Bar and 2 Mac, on the other hand, he condemns. In Luther’s Bible (completed 1534) the A. stand between OT and NT, with the title: ‘A., that is books which are not held equal to the sacred Scriptures, and nevertheless are useful and good to read.’ They include our A. with the exception of APOCRYPHA APOLLONIUS 123 land2Es. Luther's jud was especially unfavourable, but for their omission he had the authority of Jerome, whose view per- haps affected their exclusion at Trent. The Reformed Church took a somewhat less favourable view of the A. In the Ziirich Bible (1529-1530) they stand, in Leo Jud.’s tr., after NT, as an appendix to the Bible, with the non-committal preface ; ‘These are the books which by the ancients were not written nor numbered among the Biblical books, and also are not found among the Hebrews,’ Here 1 and 2 Es are included, as well as 3 Mac; while Three, Pr. Man, Ad. Est were added only in later edd. The French Bible of Calvin (1535) puts the A. between OT and NT, with the title: ‘The volume of the a® books contained in the Vulg. tr., which we have not found in Heb. or Chaldee.’ Here 1 and 2 Es are included. A preface, doubtless by Calvin, reaffirms Jerome's view as to the value of these books. Coverdale was the first to tr. the A. from Gr. into Eng. (1536). He put them between OT and NT, with the title: ‘Apocripha. The bokes and treatises which amonge the fathers of olde are not rekened to be of like authorite with the other bokes of the byble, nether are they fofide in the Canon of the ebrue.’ Matthew’s Bible (1537) reproduces Coverdale’s A., and translates Calvin’s Preface, stating that these books are not to be read publicly in the Church, nor used to prove doctrine, but only for ‘furtherance of the knowledge of the history, and for the instruction of godly manners.’ Cranmer’s Bible (1540) divides OT into three ts: (1) Pent., (2) Hist. books, (3) Remaining oks; and adds, ‘The volume of the bokes called erent, so called ‘because they were wont to be read not openly and in common, but as it were in secret and apart’! But in the reprint of 1541 they appear as A., and simply as ‘the fourth part of the Bible.’ The Bishops’ Bible (1568) treats the A. still more favourably. The table of contents gives it as ‘The fourth part called Apocryphus.’ The separate title-page reads, ‘The Volume of the bookes called Apocrypha.’ But a classified list of ‘the whole Scripture of the Bible,’ under the headings Legal, Historical, Sapiential, and Prophetical, is given, which follows the Vulg., with two changes of order due to its scheme (puts 1 and 2 Mac after Job, and Ps before Is), and with the addition of 3 and 4 Ezr, with the explanation in the case of these two books only that they are apocryphal. In the Authorized Version (1611) ‘the bookes called Apocrypha are marked by the running title ‘Apocrypha’ at the top of the page, but have no preface or separate table of contents; and in the table of lessons at the beginning they are included under OT. The edd. so far seem to indicate a growing rather than diminishing regard for the books. It was not long, however, before edd. of AV began to appear in which the A. was omitted (1629, etc.). The Confessions of Lutheran and Reformed Churches agree substantially with Article vi. of the Eng. Church (Lat. 1562, Eng. 1571), which, with the list of A., explains: Oatid the other books (as Jerome saith) the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine.’ But a less favourable judgment, held at first by few, has wy, through much controversy, prevailed in otestantism. At the Synod of Dort (1618) a strong, though unsuccessful, effort was made to re- move the A. wholly from the Bible. In England the Opposition came especially from the Puritans, and took final form in the Westminster Confession ent on these two books (1648): ‘The books commonly called A., not being of divine inspiration, are no part of the Can. of the Scripture ; and therefore are of no authority in the Church of God, nor to be in any otherwise approved, or made use of, than other human writings.’ This means the exclusion of the A. from the Bible and from use in Church service, which the Puritans demanded in 1689. It was not until 1827, after two years’ sharp dispute, that the British and Foreign Bible Society decided to exclude the A. from al] its publications of the Bible. Within the Church of England the number of readings from the A. has been reduced. Origin- ally covering Sept. 27-Nov. 23, in 1867 selections from Wis, Sir, and Bar only are assigned for Oct. 27-Nov. 17, beside some selections for certain holy days. The latter, with readings from To, Wis, and Sir for Nov. 2-20, are retained by the Amer. Epis. Church, while the Irish removes all. Among non-Episcopal Churches the A. has had in recent years practically no recognition. On the Continent the movement toward the ex- clusion of the A. from edd. of the Bible has been slower. The decision of the British Society in 1827 met with a storm of disapproval. The con- troversy revived in 1850, when numerous works appeared for and against the retention of the A. in edd. of the Bible. Its ablest champions were, among Conservative scholars, Stier and Hengsten- berg; among Liberals, Bleek. In the Revision of Luther’s Bible (1892) it still stands, with Luther’s title. The long controversy regarding the canonicity of the a™ books, in which the power of tradition and the weakness of reason in matters of religious concern are conspicuously illustrated, may be said to have ended for Protestantism. The modern historical interest, on the other hand, is putting these writings in their true place as significant documents of a most important era in religious history. LITERATURE.—1. Text: Fritzsche, Libri Apoerpphi Veteris Testamenti Greece (Lipsiw 1871); Edd. of the LXX, esp. Swete (Camb. 1887-1894). 2. TRANSLATIONS INTO EnauisH: Ball, The Variorwm A. (AV, with various renderings and readings), 1892; A Revised tr. by Bissell (below); Churton, Uncan. and Apocryphal Scriptures (1884); The RV of the A. (1895). 8. INTRODUCTION aND CommeEntarigs: Schiirer, HJP, tr. by Macpherson, et al. 1885-1890, §§ 32, 33; Fritzsche and Grimm, Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen des Alten Testaments (Leipzig, 1851-1860); Bissell, ‘The A. of the OT’ (Lange-Schaff, Com. vol. xv. 1880); ‘The Apocrypha,’ edited by H. Wace (Speaker’s Com. 1888). 4. GENERAL: Art. on the A. in Herzog, RE 2 Aufl. (b Schirer); Smith, DB? (by Ryle); Wetzer und Welte, Encyk. d. Kathol. Theol.2 (by Kaulen); Hamburger, RE [Jewish]. See also articles Bisua, SEPTUAGINT, CaNoN, and literature there cited. FRANK C. PORTER. APOLLONIA (’Aro\Awria).—A pollonia, in Ac 17}, a town through which St. Paul passed, after leaving Amphipolis, on his way to Thessalonica. It was an inland Greco-Macedonian town in the district of Mygdonia, distant from Amphipolis a day’s journey (Liv. xlv. 28) or about 30 miles, and from Thessalonica about 38 miles. It lay not far from the Lake Bolbe, and the Via Egnatia passed through it. Little is known of its history. Its name (so common as to be represented by 33 entries in Pauly-Wiss. RE, three in Macedonia itself, while the most important was A. in Illyria) seems preserved in the modern Pollina (Leake, N.G. iii. 458). WILLIAM P, DICKSON. KPOLLONIUS (’AmodAdvos). — Apollonius, a personal name of frequent occurrence (under which 129 entries appear in Pauly-Wiss. AZ), is borne by several persons mentioned in 1 and 2 Mac. 4. The first, in the apparent order of time, is described (2 Mac 3°) as son of Thraseus (uv! 124 APOLLONIUS Thraseas ;—the RV notes the text as probably corrupt, and suggests, as perhaps the true reading, ‘Apollonius of Tarsus’), and governor (crparyyés) of Cele-Syria and Phenice under Seleucus Iv. Philopator (B.c. 187-175). One Simon, designated as governor (RV guardian) of the temple (2 Mac 34 xpoordrys), having had differences with the high- priest Onias concerning ‘market-administration’ (dyopavoulas seems preferable to the common reading rapavoulas), took his revenge by suggest- ing to Apollonius that the temple at Jerus. con- tained untold treasures, which might tempt the king’s cupidity. A. conveyed the suggestion to Seleucus, and induced him to send Heliodorus his chancellor (RV; not ‘treasurer,’ AV), to Jerus. to plunder the temple. The devices of Heliodorus, the consternation occasioned by his purpose, and the apparition by which it was bafiled, are narrated in 2 Mac3. In4 Mac 4! the attempt is presented as the act of A. himself, and not of Heliodorus. 2. At 2 Mac 473 an A., son of Menestheus, appears, sent by Antiochus Epiphanes as envo to Egypt on occasion of the ‘enthroning’ (which seems the best interpretation of mpwroxdlowa or mpwroxdjoa, literally the first ‘sitting on,’ or formal ‘call to’ the throne) of Ptolemy Philometor (in B.C. 173). He may not improbably be the same A. whois mentioned by Livy (xlii. 6) as having headed an embassy sent by Antiochus to Rome. 3. At 2 Mac 5% we find an A. sent by Antiochus Epiphanes (in B.C. 166), with an army of 22,000 men, to Judea, under orders to slay all that were of age for military service, and to sell the women and children. Coming to Jerus. under pre- text of peace, he took advantage of the Sabbath, when the Jews were keeping their elt of rest, to massacre ‘ great multitudes.’ He is characterised as ‘that detestable ringleader’ (RV ‘lord of pvodpxnv, not occurring elsewhere, ‘ruler of the Mysians,’ but probably pollutions’ ; possibly ‘leader in foul deeds’), while the use of the article seems to point to one previously mentioned, and so suggests his identity with the ‘governor of Cole- Syria’ (in ch. 35 and 4*: No. 1 above). The interval of nine years leaves this at least doubtful ; but there is less reason to question his identity with the person not named but described at 1 Mac 1” as ‘chief collector of tribute’ sent by the Hellenizing king to carry out his policy of destruction. Jos. (Ant. xu. vii. 1) designates him as commandant (crparnyss) of Samaria (apparently = provincial governor, pepddpyns, XII. v. 5), and records his sub- sequent fall, in conflict with Judas Maccabzeus, as does also 1 Mac 32°12, %. At 2 Mac 12? A., ‘son of Gennzus,’ appears as one of the local commandants who, notwith- standing the covenant that the Jews should have rest and leave to observe their own laws, continued to vex them, and to countenance such attacks on their liberties as the treacherous massacre at Joppa, which Judas hastened to avenge. Nothing more is known of him. The pgtronymic ‘son of Gennzeus’ distinguishes him from (1) the son of Thraszeus and (2) the son of Menestheus; and the suggestion of Winer (RWB s.v., following Luther’s rendering edlen), that Tevvafov might be taken as an adjective, ‘the well-born,’ used ironically (presumably of the latter), is highly improbable; or, as Grimm remarks, the irony would be too covert, and Genneus occurs elsewhere as & proper name (Pape, 8.v.). 5. en Demetrius 11. Nikator came forward to claim his father’s crown in rivalry to Alexander Balas (about B.c. 148), we learn from 1 Mac. 107-86 that he appointed (xaréorncev) A., who was over Ceele-Syria; who gathered a great force, challenged Jonathan the high priest as a supporter of Balas, but, after a series of successful manceuvres on the APOLLOS part of Jonathan with the support of his brother Simon, was defeated in battle at Azotus (B.C. 147). From the mode of expression, he would seem te have been previously governor under Balas, and won over by Demetrius; which is the more prob- able, if he is to be identified with the A. mentioned by Polybius (xxxi. 19. 6 and 21. 2) as the ovvtpodos Hontert arather) and confidant of the elder Demetrius, who shared in the plot for his escape from Rome, and may readily have sympathised with the claims of the younger, when he came to assert them. Jos. (Ant. XIII. iv. 3) calls him a Daian, t.e. one of the Dai or Dahw near the Caspian Sea, and speaks as though he fought against Jonathan in the interest of Balas; but this, as Grimm (in loc.) shows, is much less probable. The circumstance that the A. of Polybius had two brothers, Meleager and Menestheus (xxxi. 21. 2), is a somewhat slender ground for assuming relation- ship to the son of Menestheus (No. 3 above). WILLIAM P. DICKSON. APOLLOPHANES (’Amo\\ogdvys, 2 Mac 10%"), a Syrian killed at the taking of Gazara by Judas accabeeus. This Gazara is not the well-known town in the Shephelah, near to Nicopolis and Ekron; probably it should be identified with Jazer on the farther side of Jordan, in the Ammonite country (so Rawlinson). See 1 Mac 5°, H. A. WHITE. APOLLOS (’Amo\\ds).—An Alexandrian Jew (Ac 18%). Apollonius, of which Apollos is a natural abbreviation, is the reading of Cod. D, the chief representative of the Western text of the Acts, which is here very interesting, and ptt! presents a genuine tradition. He is escribed as ‘fervent in spirit’ (see Ro 12"), as ‘an eloquent man’ (for Aéyos means this rather than ‘ learned’), and as ‘mighty in the Scriptures,’ i.e. well versed in the Gr. Or. He seems to have been connected with Alexandria by early residence as well as by race, for D records that his religious instruction was received éy rp rarpilé. He came to Ephesus in the summer of 54, while St. Paul was on his third missionary journey, and there ‘he spake and taught accurately the things concerning Jesus, knowing only the baptism of John; aid he began to speak bo oe) in the syna- ogue.’ The precise character of his religious nowledge is not easily determined from these few wanda It has been generally held that A.’s instruction in ‘the way of the Lord’ (v.”, see Is 408, Mt 3%) was such as any well-educated Jew might have gathered from teaching like that of the Baptist, based on the Messianic prophecies, This view is confirmed to some extent by the account of what happened when St. Paul returned to Ephesus after A.’s departure. He there found twelve disciples, who being asked, ‘ Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye believed?’ returned an answer which showed their ignorance of any dis- tinctive gift of the Holy Spirit. They explained that they had fore received John’s baptism, but willingly accepted the Christian rite at St. Paul’s hente It is probable that these men were disciples of A., and that, having been influenced by his teaching in the synagogues of Ephesus, their knowledge of Christian truth fairly represented his. But Blass (in Joc.) points out that the words “aAyral and mioredcavres used of them are never used save of Christians, and thus some knowledge at the least of the Christian story may be supposed to have been theirs. Indeed is said (v.2) to have taught dxpBds the things concerning Jesus, al- though he knew only of the baptism of John. And so Blass suggests that, laces: from a written Gospel which had reached Alexandria, A. had learnt the main facts of the Lord’s life, and that his ignorance of Christian baptism may be Pe ee a a ae a APOLLOS — explained by his not having come in the way of Christian teachers. Taking this view, the narra- tive proceeds naturally : ‘But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of God dxpiBéorepov.’ It would seem probable, though the fact is not stated, that A. received baptism at their hands, as his followers in a like case did at the hands of St. Paul. After some stay in Ephesus, A. determined to go to Corinth, an invitation to do so having come to him, according to the Western text, from certain Corinthians who were in Ephesus at the time. They gave him letters of commendation, and when he arrived in Corinth ‘he helped them much which had believed through grace; for he ee ally confuted the Jews and that publicly, showing by the Scriptures that Jesus was the Christ’ (Ac 1878), In the spring of 57, A. having returned to Ephesus, we learn from 1 Co (see as 12 and 3°) that there were divisions among the Christians at Corinth, the names of Paul and A. (as well as of Peter) being used as those of party leaders.* The question at issue may have been Gan as to the relative importance of Paul and A. in the founding of the Corinthian Church ; but it seems likely that there was also a difference in the manner in which the gospel was presented by each. Possibly the eloquence of A. as contrasted with St. Paul’s rugged style (see 1 Co 2!-?, 2 Co 11°) appealed to a certain cultivated class at Corinth, and it may be (though for this there is no proof) that some doctrinal differences appeared after the lapse of ears. The teaching of A.’s followers may, ¢.g., ave degenerated into Antinomian Gnosticism. However that ey be, the Corinthian Church was agitated by bitter Mi opposed factions as late as the time of Clement of Rome. But it is unlikely that there was any personal disagreement between St. VYaul and A. It has indeed been suggested that in 1 Co 2!, St. Paul has the eloquent x in his mind, and again in 2 Co 3}, where he declares that he at least needed no commendatory letters; and it is curious that A. is not mentioned at all as one of the founders of the Christian society at Corinth in 2 Co 1'*. But however we explain these passages, they do not prove anything like serious estrange- ment. In 1 Co 16!2, St. Paul, probably in answer to an invitation for A., says, ‘As touching A., the brother, [ besought him much to come unto you with the brethren, and it was not at all his will to come now for ‘not God’s will that he should come now’); but he will come when he shall have opportunity.’ A. may well have been unwilling to return at a time when his presence would inflame party spirit. The last mention of A. in the NT is in Tit 3%. He was then (A.D. 67) in Crete, or was shortly expected there; and St. Paul urges Titus to set him forward on his journey with Zenas,—a kindly message which, while it does not suggest ies intimacy, does not suggest either any ifference of interest or hostility of sentiment. Jerome (in loc.) thinks that A. retired to Crete until he heard that the divisions at Corinth were healed, and says that he then returned and became bishop of that city. It was first suggested by Luther, and the opinion is now widely held, that A. was the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews. See HEBREWS. Liverature.—Conybeare and Howson, St. Paul, vol. ii. ch. xiv. Neander, Planting, bk. iii. sh. vii. Retan, St. Paul, . 240, 87217. Blass, Com. on Ac.2, pp. 201-3, and in Expos. moe vit SAA Weicht. ih tx. 8. . H. BERNARD. * Field, following Chrysostom, on 1 Co 46, suggests that the names of the real party leaders are not known to us, and that St. Paul substituted for them his own name and that of Apollos. But, gee his note is interesting, we prefer to follow the simpler more usual interpretation in the text. APOSTASY 125 APOLLYON (‘Avo\\vwy ‘ Destroyer’).—Thie tr. of the Heb. name ji738, the angel of the Abyss in Rev 9*, who was king over the destructive locusts. In the Talm. tract Shabbath 55* we find reference to the angels of destruction (aban ’axbn) who accom- plish Lod Yaad on the wicked. They are six in number; Wrath, Indignation, Anger, Destruction, Desolation, and Consumption. Over these are laced Abaddon and Maweth (mp Death). See eber, System der Pal. Theol. p. 166. These are obviously later Judaic Revetoriente of the simpler ideas of OT; for the tendency of Judaism after the Exile, and esp. during the Gr. period, was to interpolate personal mediating activities between the supersensuous and the phenomenal world. But though this enormous development of angelology was stimulated by Hellenic speculative ideas, its ultimate source must be traced to Bab. religion (cf. Schwally, Das Leben nach dem Tode, pp. 146 f.). Respecting the plague-demons of Bab. exorcism and personifications of evil, see Sayce, Hibbert Lect. pp. 306-312; cf. also 327-335. Another name of like signification to that of A. is the Hellenic ’Acpodatos Asmodeus, a name which occurs in To 3° as that of the evil spirit which slew the seven husbands of Sarah, daughter of Raguel. This is the Greecised form of the Heb. ‘1p#x, ‘ Des- troyer.’ The derivation of this name must obviously be sought in the Heb. 1% ‘to destroy.’ The etymology which connects it with the Pers, Aéshmn daéva, leader of the devas, adopted by Levy in his Chaldee Lex. from Windischmann (Zoroastr. Studien), is by no means so probable. This personi- fication ee to be the same as 6 ’Ododpetwv of Wis 18”. In the Targ. on Ec 1"? he is called x30 ‘tw ‘king of evil spirits.’ It is not necessary to refer to the Jewish fables which represent Asmodeus as the offspring of Tubalcain and his sister Noéma. Respecting Paul’s use of éAoOpeuris (nv of Ex 12%), introduced by him into the narrative of Nu 16%, see Heinrici- Meyer on 1 Co 10”. The OT conceptions respecting Abaddon may be gathered from a comparison of the passages Job 26° 28% 311% In the first of these the word Abaddon stands in parallelism with Sheél or the underworld (Hades), just as we find in Pr 15", Delitzsch in his comment on this last passage endeavours to draw a distinction between Sheél and Abaddon, the latter designating the lowest depth of Hades; but I see no warrant for this in OT, though in later times we know that such a distinction was made (Schwally, ibid. p. 166, on Lk 1672-5, and Wendt, Teaching of Jesus, i. p. 169). Moreover, in Job 31 the same conception prevails in the mind of the writer as in the previous OT assages to which we have referred. So also in s 88", where Abaddon and the grave stand in parallelism. On the other hand, it is worthy of notice that in Job 28% we find the beginnings of that personification which in later times was to have so extended a development. For in that passage both Abaddon and Death are personified, and words are ascribed to them. Cf. the vivid and dramatic portrayal of the devouring Sheél in Is 54, On the use of ;i724 in the Wisdom literature of OT see art. ABADDON. OwEN C. WHITEHOUSE. APOSTASY.—The Eng. word does not occur. The Gr. dmocracia is used twice: (1) in defining the charge made against St. Paul (Ac 217") that he ‘taught all the Jews which are among the Gentiles to forsake Moses’ (so AV, RV; Gr. dzocraclavy did Maveéws, lit. ‘a. from Moses’) ; and (2) as the word used for the ‘falling away’ (so AV, RV) which precedes or rte the revelation of the ‘Man of Sin’ (2 Th 2%). See Comm. im loc. and art. MAN OF SIN. J. HASTINGS. —_ 126 APOSTLE APOSTLE.—The proper meaning of dwécrodos is an ambassador, who not only carries a message like an d&yyedos, but also represents the sender. So Herodotus (i. 21) of Alyattes to Miletus; (v. 38) of Miletus to Sparta. The influence of Athens diverted it for a time (e.g. Demosth. p. 252) to mean a naval squadron; and in later law darécrodo were the littere@ dimissorie by which a case was re- ferred to a higher court. In Hel. Greek it returns to its other meaning. This is not very distinct in 1 K 148 (Ahijah dz. oxdnpés to Jeroboam’s wife), the only place where it is found in LXX, though Symmachus has it clear in Is 18?(that sendeth ory Ly the sea). So there seem to have been diécroho sent from Jerusalem to collect the temple money, and dméoro\o sent by the foreign Jews to bring it to Jerus. Later on, the patriarch at Tiberias had arécrokon at his disposal (Epiph. Her. 30, p. 129; Cod. Theod. xviii. 8. 14, where Honorius, in 398, abolishes the whole system of taxation. See Gothofred, ad Joc.). In NT it is found Mt 10? (ray 62 dwdexa dr.), Mk 6* (ol da.—those sent forth, v.”), Jn 1316 (in the eneral sense), and frequently in Luke and Paul. ie (He 3!) of our Lord Himself, which is the thought of Jn 1738, After the ascension the number of the Lord’s apostles was not fixed at twelve, except in the figurative language of Rev 21". Setting aside envoys of men (2 Co 8” dm. éxxdyorGv, Ph 2% vudv 62 dw.) and false apostles (2 Co 11%, Rev 2?) who needed to be tried (contrast ¢relpacas with 1 Jn 4! doxiudtere), we have first Matthias, though it is best left an open question whether he was permanently numbered with the Eleven. Of Paul and Barnabas there can be no doubt (e.g. Ac 144 ol dw. B. xal II.), and of James the Lord’s brother very little (Gal 1%, 1 Co 15’ and perhaps 9°). Andronicus and Junias at Rome seem to be ‘notable’ apes (Ro 167 érionuo év rois dr.), and possibly Silvanus also was an gars On the other hand, Timothy is shut out by the greetings of 2 Co, Col, Ph, and ossibly 2 Ti 4° (evayye- Xworo), and Apollos (1 Co 4% is indecisive) by Clement (Zp. 47), who most likely knew the fact of the case. The first qualification of the apostle was to have ‘seen the Lord’ (Lk 2448, Ac 18 22, 1 Co 9%), for his first duty was to bear witness of the Lord’s resur- rection (e.g. also Ac 2°2), Matthias, Paul, and James (1 Co 15’) had this qualification ; probabl Barnabas, Andronicus, and Junias, who were a of the earliest disciples ; and very possibly Silvanus also. On the other hand, it is unlikely of Apollos, hardly possible of Timothy, who were not apostles. We have no reason to suppose that this condition was ever waived, unless we throw forward the Teaching into the 2nd cent. The second qualifica- tion was (2 Co 121%) the ‘signs of an apostle,’ which consisted partly in all patience, partly in signs and wonders and powers, and partly again (e.g. 1 Co 9?) in effective work among his own converts. These, however, were only qualifications which others also held. A direct call was also needed, for (1 Co 12% ero 6 Beds, Eph 44 atrés éSwxev) no human authority could choose an apostle. In the case of Barnabas and Saul (Ac 13°) an outward commission from the Church was added; and if Matthias remained an apostle, we must for once assume that the outward appointment somehow included the inward call of the Spirit. The work of the apostle was (1 Co 1!") to preach, or (2 Co 5”, Eph 67°) to be an ambassador on be- half of Christ. He was (Lk 244) to be a witness to all nations, and (Mt 281) to make disciples of them, so that the whole world was his mission field. There is no authentic trace (legends in Eus. H# iii. 1, and apocryphal works) of any local APPAREL division of the world amongst the apostles, though (Gal 2°) it was settled at the Conference that the Three were to go to the Jews, Paul and Barnabas to the Gentiles. St. Paul’s refusal (Ro 15”) to ‘build on another man’s foundation’ was due rather to courtesy and prudence than to any pen ticular assignment of districts to another apostle. It follows that the apostle belonged to the Church in general, and had no local ties. He had a right indeed (1 Co 9*° 14) to eat and drink and live of the gospel, and to lead about a Christian woman as a wife; but this was all. His life was spent in journeyings, in labours, and distresses (2 Co 64), standing in the front of danger like (1 Co 4°) some doomed bestiarius of the amphi- theatre. Certain dwelling-place he had none. The Teaching goes so far as to declare him a false rophet if he stays a third day in one place. St. aul worked for months together from Corinth and Ephesus; but they were only centres for his work, no settled home for him. Only the unique posi- tion of Jerus. seemed to call for a stationary apostle in James the Lord’s brother, who, more- over, was not one of the Twelve. John and Philip, and possibly Andrew, only settled down in Asia in their old age. The apostle’s relation to the Churches he founded was naturally indefinite. He would (Ac 14%) choose their first local officials, start them in the right way, and generally help them with fatherly counsel (1 Co 44-15) when he saw occasion. There is no sign that he took any share in their ordinary administration. St. Paul interferes with it only in cases where the Churches have gone seriously wrong. All that he seems to aim at is (1) to up- hold the authority committed to him ; (2) to chee teachings which made the gospel vain, like the duty of circumcision, the denial of the resurrec- tion, or the need of asceticism; (3) to stop cor- porate misconduct which the Churches themselves would not stop, as when the Corinthians saw no ean: harm in fornication, or turned the Lord’s upper into a scene of disorder. Questions referred to him he answers as far as possible on general principles, giving (1 Co 7) a command of the Lord when he can, and in default of it an opinion of his own, and sometimes a hint that they need not have asked him. regular ruler in the same sense as a modern bishop, but an occasional referee like the visitor of a college, who acts only in case of special need. LitrraturE.—Lightfoot, Gal., Excursus on The Name and Office of an Apostle ; Harnack, Texte u. Unters. ii. 1, pp. 93-118 ; Weizsicker, Apost. Zeitalter2 584-590; Haupt, Zum Verstdnd- niss d. Apostolats im N.T., 1896. H. M. GWATKIN. APOTHECARY is found Ex 30”: ® 37, 2 Ch 16%, Neh 38, Ec 10!, and in every case RV gives per- Sumer instead. For the ref. is not to the selling of drugs, but to the making of perfumes (np spice, perfume ; np] to mix spice or manufacture perfume; | np a perfumer). But in Sir 38° 49! (uupeyds) RV retains a., though from 49! it is evident that the perfumer is meant. J. HASTINGS. APPAIM (o:5x ‘the nostrils’).—Son of Nadab, a man of Judah (1 Ch 2° #1), See GENEALOGY. APPAREL.—In early Eng. a. is used of house- hold furniture, the rigging of a ship, and the like, but in AV it is confined to clothing. Although the word is now practically obsol., RV (following older VSS) has introduced it some ten times, In 1 S 17%-8 a. replaces ‘armour’ of AV, very properly, for the reference is to Saul’s military dress, not his armour. 1 P 34 RV ‘the incorrupt- ible a. of a meek and quiet spirit’ is the only in- stance of a fig. use of the word in the Bible. (Cf. In general, the apostle is not a | PS eee eli Chee, DSA . Aes Sr Ler nl APPARENTLY APPHUS 127 Ph 28, Tindale’s tr., ‘and was found in his a. as a man,’ AV and RV ‘ fashion’). Apparelled occurs 2S 138, Lk 7%; to which RV adds Ps 93! >is (both fig.). See Drgss. J. HASTINGS. APPARENTLY, only Nu 128, and in the old sense of ‘openly,’ ‘evidently,’ not as now, ‘seem- ingly’: ‘With him will I speak mouth to mouth, even a. (RV ‘manifestly’), and not in dark speeches.’ Cf. Shaks. Com. Err, Iv. i. 78— ‘If he should scorn me so apparently.’ J. HASTINGS. APPARITION.—This word does not occur in AV except in the Apocr., Wis 178 (Gr. tvdadua, RV ‘spectral form’), 2 Mac 3™ (Gr., émpdvea, RV ‘apparition, RVm ‘manifestation), and 54 (Gr. éem@dvea, RV ‘vision, RVm ‘manifestation’). The Revisers have introduced a. at Mt 1476, Mk 6” as tr. of pdvtacua (AV ‘spirit’), J. HASTINGS. APPEAL,—I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.—There is no provision made in the OT for appeal in the proper sense of the word, that is, for the recon- sideration by a higher court of a case already tried. The distinction made in the Law between the com- petence of higher and lower courts is of a different nature. A ‘great matter’ must be reserved for the supreme court, while the lower officers are competent to decide a small matter. This dis- tinction is found in one of the oldest parts of the Pent. (Ex 187-22 [E]), and in Dt 17% [D]. And the allusion to the delays in legal proceedings of which Absalom took advantage, 2 S 15°, also points to the antiquity of what is, after all, an obvious device inevitable in a growing nation. The supreme court for the hardest cases was either the king or pe roe or the prophet, as the mouth- piece of J” Himself. The law of Dt 19%} is more like real appeal, for there a ‘controversy’ and ‘false witness’ seem to be presupposed before ‘the judges make diligent inquisition’; but prob- ably the first proceedings were rather admini- strative than fadicial. and it hardly amounts to a second hearing of the case on appeal. According to 2 Ch 19" Jehoshaphat placed Zebadiah over the judges whom he appointed city by city through- out Judah; but it does not follow that he was to hear poe from the local courts. For the appellate jurisdiction of later times, see SANHEDRIN. Il. IN tHE NEW TESTAMENT.—Ac 25, 26, and 28! St. Paul was liable to be tried either by (1) a Jewish, or by (2) a Roman court. (1) The Roman government at this period allowed the authorities of each synagogue to exercise discipline over Jews, only they were not allowed to put any one to death. The Sanhedrin at Jerusalem appears to have had more moral weight and a wider juris- diction (Ac 9? 26"), but not larger legal powers (Jn 18*1); and the incidents of Ac 7°8 224 26! are to be regarded as in the eye of the law cases of lynching, at which the Roman government con- nived. Roman citizen was entitled to claim exemption from the jurisdiction of the synagogue, but nevertheless St. Paul submitted to it five times (2 Co 11%, Ac 281%), (2) He was also liable to be brought before the Roman governor in charge of the province or dis- trict (Ac 18}? etc.). When, then, Festus asked him whether he was willing to go up to Jerusalem and there be judged *betore me’ (Ac 25%), it is not clear whether the es was that he should be tried (1) by the anhedrin in the presence of Festus, or (2) more probably by Festus himself at Jerusalem rather than Cesarea, on the pretext that the charge could be better sifted there; but if so, why is the prisoner's consent necessary (Ac 25%)? In the one case St. Paul ‘appeals’ from the Jewish tribunal to the Roman, invoking Cesar himself as supreme magistrate, because Festus was about to surrender him to the Jewish authorities (see Ac 25"), In the other case he ‘ appeals’ from Festus the delegate (procurator) to the legal governor of the province, viz. Cesar himself. It is further not clear whether the alternative in Ac 251” was that St. Paul should be released at once (Ac 2672 2818), or that he should be compelled, in spite of his ‘appeal,’ to stand his trial at Jerusalem. This last is not impossible, for we learn from other sources (e.g. Suetonius, Galba 9) that at this time even a Roman citizen could not insist on being sent on to thesupreme court from that of a provincial governor, who had the power of life and death (jus gladiit) ; but only it was at his peril that the governor refused such an appeal. It was not uncommon for the governor in such a case to write to the emperor for instructions. The appeal in St. Paul’s case has no connexion with either the provocatio ad populum, or the appeal to the tribunes of the plebs, as they existed under the Roman Republic. (See Momumaen, Rdmisches Staatsrecht?, ii. 258, 931.) W. O. BURROWS. APPEASE.—To a. in its mod. use is to pro- itiate an angry person. In this sense is Gn 32” ‘IT will a. him with the present’ ; 1 Mae 13" ‘Simon was a“ toward them’ (RV ‘reconciled unto them’); and Is 578 RV ‘shall I be a‘ for these things?’ Everywhere else in AV a. has the obs. meaning of to quieten (which is the orig. meaning, ad pacem, to ‘ bring to peace’), as Ac 19 ‘ when the town-clerk had a* (RV ‘quieted’) the people’; Pr 15 ‘But he that is slow to anger a* strife’; Est 2! ‘ when the wrath of king Ahasuerus was a®’ (RV ‘ pacified’); Sir 43% ‘he at® the deep’ (RV ‘hath stilled’); 2 Mac 4%! ‘Then came the king in all haste to a. matters’ (RV ‘settle matters’). J. HASTINGS. APPERTAIN.—To ‘a. to’ is (1) to belong to, of actual possession: Nu 16% ‘all the men that a®t unto Korah’ (mipp Wx o737°92); Lv 6° ‘give it unto him to whom it a%*’; Neh 28 ‘the palace which a to the house.’ (2) To belong to, of right or privilege: To 6 ‘the right of inheritance doth rather a. to thee than to any other’; 2 Ch 268 ‘Tt act’ not unto thee, Uzziah, to burn incense’ (1611 ed. ‘pertaineth not,’ so RV, Heb. a)-X>); Bar 2° «To the Lord our God a*+ righteousness’ (RV ‘belongeth’); 1 Es 8%, 1 Mac 10 42, 2 Mac 15%. (3) To be ieee Jer 10’ ‘Who would not fear thee, yang of nations? for to thee doth it a.’ (mpy? 49); 1 Es 12 ‘they roasted the Passover with fire, as a’ (so RV; Gr. ds KxadhKe, as is fitting. Cf. Lv 5” nsyn2 ‘according to the ordin- ance’), See PERTAIN, PURTENANCE. J. HASTINGS. APPHIA.—A Christian lady of Colosse, a member of the household of Philemon, very probably his wife. Her memory is honoured in the Greek Church on Noy. 22, as having been stoned to death at Colosse with Philemon, Archippus, and Onesimus in the reign of Nero; but the authority for this fact is unknown. The name is Phrygian, being frequent in Phrygian Inscriptions under the varying forms ’Am¢la, ’A¢dla, *Amrdlas. In Philem. (v.?) the best attested reading is ’Amdla; but ’Addia, Aude, "Armia are also found, and the Latin VSS vary between Apphie, A pphiadi, Appi. In the latter case it was probably assimi- lated to the Latin Appia (Lightfoot, Coloss. p. 372; Menzeon, November, pp. 143-147). W. Lock. APPHUS (’Ar ois, Zag¢pots A, Zamrgpots x V, Apphus (Vulg.), henna: (Syr.), 1 Mac 25 ’Addots (Jos. Ant. XII. vi. 1)), the surname of Jonathan the Mas. 128 APPIUS, MARKET OF APPOINT cabee. The name is usually thought to mean ‘Dissembler’ (573); and some suppose that it was iven to Jonathan for his stratagem against the tribe of the Jambri, who had killed his brother John (1 Mac 9#7-#), H. A. WHITE. APPIUS, MARKET OF (’Armlov ddpov, AV Appit Forum, Ac 28'°), was one of the two points on St. Paul’s journey to Rome at which he was met by Christian brethren from the capital. It was situated 43 miles from Rome, on the great Appian military highway, which formed the main route tor imtercourse with Greece and the East. As a station where travellers halted and changed horses, it naturally became a seat of traflic and local jurisdiction. It was, moreover, the aorthern terminus of a canal (fossa) which was cairied alongside of the road, and was used, as we learn from Strabo (v. 233), for the conveyance, chiefly by night, of passengers in boats towed by mules. Horace has (Sat. i. 5) preserved a vivid picture of the place, with its boatmen, innkeepers, and wayfarers, cheating, carousing, and quarrelling, amidst an accompanying plague of gnats and frogs from the Pomptine marshes. WILLIAM P. DICKSON. APPLE (msn tappuah).—The conditions to be fulfilled by the tappuah are that it should be a fine tree, suitable to sit under (Ca 2°): ‘As the apple tree among the trees of the wood, so is my beloved among the sons. I sat down under his shadow with great delight.’ It should be of size sufficient to overshadow a booth or house (Ca 8°): ‘I raised thee up under the apple tree; there thy mother brought thee forth ; there she brought thee forth that bare thee.’ It had a sweet fruit (Ca 2%): ‘and his fruit was sweet to my taste.’ It also had a pleeent smell (Ca 7°): ‘and the smell of thy nose ike apples.’ It was used to revive a person who was languid (Ca 2°): ‘Stay me with raisins, comfort me with apples; for I am sick of love. The apple fulfils all the conditions perfectly. It is a fruit tree which often attains a large size, is planted in orchards and near houses, and is a special favourite of the people of Palestine and yria. It is true that the fruit of the Syrian apple is far inferior to that of Europe, and especi- city tw that of America. Nevertheless it is a favourite with all the people, and in a few places fine varieties have been introduced and thriven well. Doubtless such an epicure as Solomon would have had many of the choicest kinds. Almost all the apples of Syria and Palestine are sweet. To uropean and American palates they seem insipid. But they have the delicious aroma of the better kinds, and it is for this queliy that they are most prized. Itis very common, when visiting a friend, to have an apple handed to you, just tosmell. Sick people almost invariably ask the doctor if they may have an apple; and if he objects, they urge their case with the plea that they only want it to smell. If a person feels faint or sea-sick, he likes nothing better than to get an appletosmell. It is an everyday sight to see an apple put over the mouth of the small earthenware water pitcher (called in Arabic abriq) to ge a slight aroma of apple to the water. The first thing with which hs capricious appetite of a convalescent child is tempted is an apple, which he fondles and squeezes with his fingers to hed ¢ the aroma, but perhaps never so much as bites. very favourite preserve is also made of the apple. It will be seen by these facts that the apple fulfils all the conditions of the tappuah. Add to this that the Arabic name ¢i/dh is identical, and noway ambiguous as to its signification, and the evidence is complete. There is no other fruit which at all realises all these cunditions. The quince has a sour, acerb taste, never sweet. The citron was probably introduced later than OT times; it has a fruit with a thick rind, eatabie oink after a very elaborate process of preserving with sugar. The pulp is never eaten in any form. The orange is a fruit introduced from the Spanish Peninsula during the Middle Ages. Its name, burdekdn, is a corruption of the Arabic name for Portugal, bartughal. It was probably not known to the Hebrews. The apricot is not a fruit with any special fragrance, and is never used as the apple to refresh the sick. A further confirmation of the identity of tappuah with aah, the Arabic for apple, is the present name Zeffah for Beth- tappuah (Jos 15%), The ‘ pictures of silver’ (Pr 25") in which apples of gold are said to be placed, may have been filigree silver baskets for fruit. The Oriental silversmiths excel in the manufacture of such ware. G. E. Post. APPLE OF THE EYE (lit. ‘child [j\vx, dim. of wx man] of the eye’; sometimes n3 ‘daughter of the eye.’ Ps 178, in combination, py-na pwx> ‘as child, daughter of, the eye.’ Once, Zec 28, 133 ‘ the opening, door, of the eye’) is the ‘eyeball,’ or globe of the eye, especially the pupil or centre, the organ of vision; composed of exceedingly delicate and sensitive structures, carefully shielded from external injury. It is enclosed in the bony orbit, supported behind and on the sides by a quantity of loose fat, protected above by the eyebrows, and in front by the eyelashes and eyelids, the lids closing instine- tively in presence of danger. The surface is kept continually moist by an almost imperceptible flow of tears. ence its preciousness makes it a fitting emblem of God’s unceasing and tender care for His people, as in Dt 32, Ps 178, Zec 28. In Pr 7? the same figure represents the preciousness of th divine law; and in La 2° continuous weeping is enjoined because of the terrible calamities that had befallen the inhabitants of Jerusalem. 8. T. GWILLIAM. APPOINT.—In earlier Eng. this word had a con- siderable range of meaning, and there are many bre in AV of obsol. or archaic uses. To a. is literally ‘to bring to a point,’ t.e. fix or settle. 1. If the point in question is between two or more persons, then it means to agree, as Jg 20 ‘ Now there was an a sign between the men of Israel and the liers in wait.’ Cf. Job 2" ‘Job’s three friends. . . had made an appointment together come to mourn with him and to comfort him.’ 2. If it is one’s own mind that is to be brought to a oa or settled, then a. means to resolve, as 28 174 ‘The Lord, had a% (RV ‘ordained ’) to defeat the good counsel of Ahithophel.’ 3. If it is other persons or things, then a. means (a) to make firm, establish, as Pr 8” ‘He a4 (RV ‘ marked out’) the foundations of the earth.’ (6) To pre- scribe or decree, as Gn 30% ‘A. me thy wages, and I will give it’ ; 2S 15% ‘ Thy servants are ready to do whatsoever my lord the king shall a.’ (RV ‘choose ’); 2 Es 37 ‘thou at death in (RV ‘for’) him’; Is 308 RV ‘every stroke of the a staff’ (Heb. 710:0 ayn ‘ staff of foundation,’ AV ‘grounded,’ RVm ‘of doom’); 1 Co 4° ‘a (RV ‘doomed’) to death’; 1 Th 5° ‘God hath not a us to wrath.’ (c) To set apart, as Job 7° ‘wearisome nights are at to me’; Ac 1% ‘they a% (RV ‘put forward’) two, Joseph. ..and Matthias.’ ence (d) to assign to some purpose or position, as Lk 10! ‘the Lord a other seventy also.’ In this sense a. is used with ‘out’ in Gn 24“ ‘the woman whom the Lord hath a* out (RV ‘a*4’) for my master’s son’ ; Jos 20? A. out for you (RV ‘assi: ou’) cities of refuge.’ Last of all (e)in Jg 18%. ” a. means to furnish or equip: ‘six hundred men a4 (RV ‘ girt’) APPREHEND with weapons of war.” With which cf. Shaka. Tit. And. Iv. ii. 16— ‘You may be armed and appointed well’; and Tindale’s tr. of Lk 178 ‘Apoynt thy selfe and serve me.’ J. HASTINGS. APPREHEND is twice used in AV in the still customary sense of ‘making prisoner,’ Ac 12+, 2 Co 11; but RV turns a. into ‘take’ in both passages, in order to make the tr. of the verb (mdfw) uniform. See Jn 73 32 44 g20 (39 1157 21% 10 Ac 37, Rev 19%. In Ph 3}% 3 9. is found in the nearly obsol. sense of ‘laying hold of,’ and is used fig., ‘If that I may a. that for which also I am a® of (RV ‘was a by’) Christ Jesus’ (Amer. RV ‘laid hold on’). To those, the only examples of a. in AV, RV adds Jn 15 ‘And the light shineth in the darkness, and the darkness ac it not’ (AV ‘comprehended,’ RVm ‘overcame,’ with a ref. to Jn 12% ‘that darkness overtake you not,’ where the Gr. verb xara\auBdvw is the same) ; and Eph. 3° ‘that ye... may be strong to a.’ (game Gr. AV ‘may be able to comprehend’), ‘a rainute and over-careful change,’ oie Mou.e. See COMPREHEND, . HASTINGS. APPROYE.—This word has now settled down into the meaning of ‘to think well of’; examples are Ps 49%, La 3%. But in other passages we see it only approaching this meaning, and that from two sides. We may a. of a thing if its worth is tested by us, or if it is demonstrated to us. Hence (1) to test, or a. after testing (Gr. doxiudtw or ddxiuos): Ro 16 ‘Salute Apelles, a% in Christ,’ 28 and Ph 1° ‘thou a“ the things that are excel- lent’ (RVm ‘provest the thicgs that differ’), Ro 1438, 1 Co 11 16%, 2 Co 10'8 137, 4 Ti 2'5, and in RV Ro 14”, 1 Th 24, Ja 1".* And (.’) to demonstrate, or a. after demonstration; Ac 2% 2umana%of God among you (RV ‘unto you’) by micacles’ (darodedevy- Héevov eis buds, ‘a strong word=ciearly shown, pointed out specially or apart from uthers; it ex- presses clearness, and suggests certwinty.’—Page and Walpole, Acts, p. 18); 2 Co 64 ‘ix all things a8 ourselves as the ministers of God’ wwuvlornue, RV ‘commending’); 74 ‘Ye have a ysurselves to be clear in this matter’ (cvvlcrnm, RV «s AV). Cf. Pref. to AV (1611) ‘We do seek to a. ow-selves to every one’s conscience,’ J. HASTINGS. APRON (an, Gn 37; cipsxlyOcor (semicinctirim), Ac 19!),—The OT instance is sufficiently explaived by the context. That of Ac 19!? was a wrappe of coloured cotton, in shape and size resembling « bath-towel, worn by fishermen, potters, wate. - carriers, sawyers, etc., as a loin-cloth; worn alsv by grocers, bakers, carpenters, and craftsmen generally, as a protection to their clothes from dust and stains, and as something to wipe their perspiring and soiled hands upon. St. Paul would wear an a. when making tent-cloth. The labori- ousness of his life at Ephesus for the support of himself and others is referred to in the farewell words at Miletus (Ac 20%). Handkerchiefs and aprons were chosen (Ac 19!) because they were nent and portable, and of the same shape for all. The incident referred to is in intimate agreement with Oriental feeling. Superstition carries it to * Craik (English of Shakespeare, p. 147) points out that a. in the sense of prove or test is very frequent in Shaks. He quotes Two Gent. of Verona, v. iv. 43— *O, ’tis the curse of love, and still approved, When women cannot love where they’re beloved.’ And he says: ‘When Don Pedro in Much Ado about Nothing (1. i. 394) describes Benedick as ‘of approved valour,” the words cannot be understood as conveying any notion of what we now call approval or approbation; the meaning is merely that he had proved his valour by his conduct.’ VOL. I.—a AQUILA 129 disgusting excesses, as when the foam is taken from the lips of one fallen insensible after the Moslem religious dance (zikr), or when torches are frantie- ally lit from the holy fire at Jerusalem. But the underlying thought is that healing power being from above must prefer consecrated channels. G. M. MackIr. APT has lost its orig. meaning of ‘fitted,’ which has been taken up by the compound ‘adapted.’ This, however, is the meaning of apt in the Bible: 2 K 246 ‘all of them strong and a. for war’ (nanbn py, ) 1 Ch 7; ‘a. to teach’ (didaxrexds), 1 Ti 37, 2 Ti 2%, J. HASTINGS. AQUILA (’Axv)as, ‘an eagle’).—The first mention which we have of Aquila in Scripture is in Ac 18?, where he is Hescribad as ‘a certain Jew...a man of Pontus by race.’ It has been conjectured that St. Luke here fell into a mistake, and should rather have described A. as belonging to the Pontian gens at Rome, a distinguished member of which bore the name of Pontius Aquila (see Cic. ad Fam. x. 33; Suet. Jul. Ces. 78). But for this there is no warrant beyond the similarity of the names; while, as further confirming A.’s connexion with Pontus, we know that the A. who in the 2nd cent. trans- lated the OT into Greek was a native of that country (compare also Ac 2°,1 P14). Along with Priscilla or Prisca his wife (see PRISCILLA), A. had taken up his abode in Rome, but had to flee owing to a decree of Claudius, in A.D. 52, expelling the Jews (Suet. Claud. 25 says, ‘ Judzos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit.’ For the meaning to be attached to the passage, see Neander, Pflanzung, I. p. 332, note 2; Lightfoot on Philippians, p. 16, note 1; Plumptre, Bibl. Studies, . 419). That the decree, however, did not remain ong in force, is proved by the mention of a number of Jews in Rome shortly afterwards (Ac 28'"), and by A.’s own return (Ro 16’). From Rome A. sought refuge in Corinth, where he received the apostle Paul on his second missionary journey. tt has been debated whether A. had embraced ristianity before meeting Paul, or whether he owed his con- version to the apostle. Against the former view it is urged, that 1f he had been a Christian at the time of Ac 18?, he would have been described by the common name of yadyrijs or disciple ; against the latter, that if Paul had brought him to the truth, the fact would hardly have remained un- recorded, and further, that community of occupa- tion rather than community of belief is specia. Ly mentioned as having brought the two together. In the absence of fuller information it is impos- sible to decide the question with certainty; but the ready welcome which A. evidently accorded to one whom the bulk of his fellow-eountrymen viewed with such disfavour as Paul, inclines us to the belief that when he came to Corinth he had at least accepted the first principles of the Christian faith, though his progress and growth in it he doubtless owed to the apostle. If so, he and his wife may be ranked as amongst the earliest members of the Christian Church at Rome; and it would be from them that Paul would learn those particulars regarding the state of that Church to which he afterwards refers in his Ep. (see Ro 18 1617-19), After about eighteen months’ intercourse in Corinth, A. and Priscilla accompanied Paul on his way to Syria, as far as Ephesus, where they remained behind to carry on the work, amongst those coming under their influence being Apollos (Ac 184-28), They were evidently still at Ephesus when 1 Co was written; and their house had come to be regarded as the meeting-place ot one of those little groups of believers into which, without any definite organisation, the Church was then divided (1 Co 16%; cf. Ro 16% 6), From Ephesus Aquila and Priscilla returned to Rome, partly perhaps on 130 AQUILA’S VERSION ARABAH account of some great danger they had run on Paul’s behalf, the warmth of the apostle’s greeting proving, further, the general esteem in which they were held (Ro 164). Eight years later we find them again at Ephesus (2 Ti 4"). The frequency of these changes of abode has caused difficulty, but, apart from—the fact that an itinerant life was strictly in accord with all that we know of the Jews of that day, what more natural than that A. and Priscilla should again desire to revisit the city whence they had been driven, as soon as it was safe to do so, even supposing they were not specially sent by St. Paul to prepare for his own coming? (See Lightfoot, Philippians, p- 176; Sanday and Headlam, Romans, p. xxvii and p. 418 ff.). After 2 Ti 4% A. is not again mentioned in Scripture, and the evidence of tradition regarding him is very scanty. G. MILLIGAN. AQUILA’S VERSION.—See GREEK VERSIONS. AR (.y Dt 2°, comp. ‘y ‘city,’ or axio-ny Nu 2178, Is 15!), on the south bank of the river Arnon, on the northern border of the Moabite territory, situated in a pleasant valley where two branches of the river united (Nu 21! 22° ‘ the city of Moab’= Ar of Moab). It is possibly the same as Kerioth (Am 22, Jer 48%-4!), It is also almost certainly referred to in Dt 2% as ‘the city that is by the river,’ AV, or rather, ‘in the valley,’ RV (Heb. bm, LXX ¢dpayt). The ruins of Rabbah, though often identified with Ar, lie, not on the banks of the Arnon, but at least 10 miles farther S., and represent a later city built after the old Ar had been destroyed by an earthquake in B.C. 342. LireRATURE.—Driver, Deut. p 86 (on 29) and p. 45 (on 236); Dillmann on Nu 2115; Delitzsch on Is 151; Dietrich in Merx, Archiv, i. 320 ff.; Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 111; and see turther under ARNON, KERIOTH, RABBAH. J. MACPHERSON. ARA (x x).—A descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7%), See GENEALOGY. ARAB (3738 ‘ambush’ (?)), Jos 155.—A city of Judah in the mountains near Dumah. Perhaps the ruin Er Rabiyah near Démeh. SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. CoNDER. ARABAH (73990).—This word occurs only once in the AV (Jos 188) in the description of the border of the lot of Benjamin; but in RV it has a more extended meaning, and is applied to at least a portion of the great valley (Wady el Arabah) which stretches from the Gulf of Akabah into the Jordanic basin. 1. In the former sense the name applies to the broad plain of alluvial land stretching from the N. shore of the Dead Sea along the right bank of the Jordan for a distance of about 50 miles, and bounded on the W. by the broken line of steep slopes and precipitous cliffs which close in the valley from its junction with the Wady el Jéseleh south- wards to the heights of Kuruntfi] and the shore of the Dead Sea itself. The surface is composed of suc- cessive terraces of seous mar] and loam, rising by steps from the river’s edge to a height of 600 ft., and marking the successive levels at which the waters stood when they were receding to their present limits. Nearly all authorities are now agreed that the plain we are considering was the site of the doomed cities Sodom and Gomorrah, and afterwards of the Jericho of Joshua and the more modern city in the time of our Lord. The climate is tropical and the soil rich; and bein abundantly supplied with water from the Wady e ‘Aujah, the Kelt, and the Makuk, with natural fountains such as the ‘Ain es Sultén and ‘Ain Dak, it may well have deserved the title bestowed upon it even in the days of Lot, ‘the garden of the Lord’ (Gn 13). Near the banks of the Kelt is situated the miserable village of Er-Riha, probably the ancient Gilgal, surrounded by gardens producing lemons, oranges, bananas, figs, melons, and castor- oil trees. The copious spring of Es Sult4n breaks out near the base of the limestone escarpment of Kuruntfil, and its waters are caught in a basin of solid masonry forming the ancient baths. The temperature of the water in the pool, taken on 15th January 1884, was 71° Fahr., but that of the spring itself is doubtless higher. The locasity is rich in natural history objects, especially birds, of which Tristram records the bulbul (los xanthopygius), the hopping-thrush (Crateropus chalybeus), the Indian blue kingfisher (Alcyon smyrnensis), the sun- bird (Cinnyris osea), Tristram’s grakle (Amydrus tristrami), besides innumerable doves, swallows, and commoner species. 2. In the latter sense the Wady el-Arabah corre- sponds to the § Wilderness of Zin’ in part (Nu 34°), where it went up to the border of Edom on the E. Its limits are stated above; and from the Gulf of Akabah to the Ghor the distance is about 105 miles. At its S. end the Wady el-Arabah rises adually from the shore of the Gulf of Akabah, ined by a grove of palms, for a distance of 50 miles, and with an average breadth of 5 miles; and at this point, near] ee ee Mount Hor, it attains its summit level of (approximately) 723 ft. above that e the Red Sea, or 2015 ft. above that of the Dead ea. * On the E. the Arabah is bounded by the high escarpment of Edom (Mount Seir), often broken through by deep ravines which descend from the table-land of the Arabian desert; except along these ravines, the valley is almost destitute of herbage. On the W. side the Arabah is bounded by terraced cliffs of cretaceous limestone, along which the great waterless plateau of the Badiet et-Tih (Wilderness of Paran, Gn 217, Nu 12%*) terminates. The floor of the Arabah is generally formed of gravel, blown-sand, or mud flats; and these are sometimes hidden beneath vast débdcles of shingle brought down by torrents from the heights above and spread fan-like over the sides of-the valley at the entrance tothe ravines. The surface of the sandhills is often marked with the footprints of gazelles, and, to a smaller degree, of hyzenas and leopards; and at intervals water can be had at springs or wells, of which the best known are the ‘Ain el-Ghudy4n and the ‘Ayun Ghurundel at the entrance to the valley of that name. Near the watershed (or saddle) at the limestone ridge of Er-Rishy the Arabah is contracted to a breadth of half a mile; but to the N. of this as it begins to descend towards the Dead Sea basin (the Ghor) it widens out to a breadth of 10 miles, and follows the course of the principal stream, El-Jeib, which receives numerous branches from the Edomite mountains on the E. and the Badieb-et Tih on the W. These streams are fed by thunder- storms in the winter months; but the Jeib is prob- ably perennial; and along its banks, from the ‘Ain Abu Werideh for several miles, thickets of young palms, tamarisks, willows, and reeds line the course of the stream. At this spot, which is 24 miles from the banks of the Dead Sea, and at the level of the Mediterranean (1292 ft. above the Dead Sea), are to be found those remarkable lacustrine terraces of marl, sand, and gravel, with numerous semi-fossil shells of the genera Melanopsis and Melania, which attest the extent to which the waters of the Dead Sea had risen in the Pleistocene period. Other * The height of the watershed above the sea-level was deter- mined by Major Kitchener and Mr. Armstrong in 1888 to be 660 ft., and by M. Vignes in 1880 to be 240 métres, or 787 ft., mean 723 ft. ; or 2015 ft. above the surface of the Dead Sea. —— Ee ARABAH terraces of mar! are to be found at intervals as the | traveller descends towards the margin of the Ghar ; and here the valley breaks off in a semicircular line of cliffs formed of sand, gravel, and marl, which encloses the Dead Sea shore, and seems to be re- ferred to in Jos 15° as the ‘ Ascent of Akrabbim.’ Geology.—The Jordan-Arabah depression owes its existence mainly to the presence of a line of ‘fault,’ or fracture of the crust, which may be traced at intervals from the G. of Akabah to the E. shore of the Dead Sea and onwards towards the base of Hermon. This line follows closely the base of the Edomite escarpment, and its effect is to cause the formations to be relatively elevated on the E. and depressed towards the W. ‘Thus the ecretaceous limestone (corresponding to the English chalk formation) which forms the crest of the Edomite escarpment and the plateau of the Arabian desert above Petra, at an elevation of 3000- 4000 ft. above the valley, is brought down on the W. side of the same valley to its very floor at Er-Rishy, and forms (as stated above) that side of the valley throughout its whole length, breaking off in clifis of nearly horizontal strata. The more ancient rocks which lie at the base of the Moabite and Edomite escarpment never reach the surface along the W. side of the Wady el-Arabah.* These consist of red granite and gneiss, various meta- morphic schists, seamed by dykes of basalt, diorite, and porphyry ; above which the carboniferous and cretaceous sandstones are piled in huge masses of nearly horizontal courses, the whole surmounted by the pee yellow beds of cretaceous limestone reach- ing to the summit of the escarpment. The richness of the colouring of the cretaceous sandstones, vary- ing from orange through red to purple, has been a source of admiration to all travellers, particularly as it is yl pap hee amongst the ruined temples and _ tombs of the city of Petra.t Historical. othe Wady el Arabah appears to have been twice traversed by the Israelites : first on their way from Horeb to Kadesh Barnea, and afterwards when obliged to retrace their steps owing to the refusal of the king of Edom to allow them to pass through his land (Nu 207}, Dt 28). No passage for the host by which to circumvent Mount Seir was practi- cable till they reached the stony gorge of the Wady el Ithem, which enters the Arabah 4 miles N. of Akabah. Traversing this rough and glistering ravine under the rays of an almost vertical sun, it is not surprising that (as we read) ‘the soul of the peo le was much discouraged because of the way’ (Nu 214). In later times the Arabah became a caravan route from Arabia to Pal. and Syria. The fort and harbour of Akabah (Ezion - geber) now constitute an outpost for the Egyp. Govern- ment, beyond which its authority does not ex- tend ; the Arabah, as well as the Arabian desert, being held by independent Arab chiefs. Literature. — Burckhardt, Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, 1822; De Laborde, Voyage en Orient, 1828; Hull, Mount Seir, Sinai, and Western Palestine, 1889; ‘The Physical Geol. and Geog. of Arabia Petra,’ etc., in Mem. PEF, 1886; Lartet, Voyage d'Exploration de la Mer Morte, t. 3me, 1880; Robinson, BRP, 1855; Stanley, Sinai and Pal.5, 1860; Blankenkorn, ‘Ent- stehung u. Gesch. des Todten Meeres,’ in ZDPV, 1896. Dean Stanley concurs with the view expressed above, that it was through the Wady el Ithem (W. Ithm) that the Israelites passed on their way to Moab after their retreat from Edom ages 85). E. HULL. * Except at Ras el-Mugry, close to W. shore of G. of Akabah. ¢ Stanley speaks of these colours as ‘ gorgeous,’—red passing into crimson, streaked with purple, yellow, and blue like a Persian carpet. Sinai, p. 87. } The head waters of the G. of Akabah are fringed by an extensive grove of the date palm (Phenia dactylifera), together with some specimens of the rarer doum palm (Hyphene Thebaica), which is also found in Upper Egypt and on the banks of the Atbara., These trees are probably indigenous, as the old name ' of Akabah was ‘ lath,’ which means a ‘grove of trees’ (Dt 28). ARABIA 13] ARABIA (a7y, ’Apafia), the name given by the Gr geographers to the whole of the vast peninsula which lies between the mainlands of Asia and Africa. Of the application of the name in the Bible some account is given under ARABIAN; this article will contain a brief account of the country itself, and of the references to it in the sacred books, i. GEOGRAPHY AND GEOLOGY.—The shape of A. was compared by Pliny to that of Italy, but the breadth of the former is greater in comparison with its length ; the length of the W. coast-line is about 1800 miles, while its breadth is about 600 miles from the Red Sea to the Pers. Gulf. The Sin. peninsula, which divides the Red Sea at its N. end into the Gulf of Suez on the W. and the Gulf of Akabah on the £., is ordinarily reckoned to A., of which the sea forms the boundary on the W., S., and E. sides. On the other hand, the N. limit.is not so easily fixed. Some writers would draw an imaginary line from the head of the Gulf of Akabah to that of the Pers. Gulf; but this would cut the S. extremity of the Hamad, or stony plain which rises from the level of the Euphrates, and a little N. of 29° suddenly alters into the broken dunes of red sand called by modern writers Nefud. It seems best, therefore (with the most recent authorities), to extend the application of the name A. through- out the Hamad, making the Euphrates for the greater part of its course the N. boundary ; Syria, which separates it from the Mediterranean, forming, between about lats. 32-36°, its E. neighbour. For an incalculable period the sea has been re- ceding from the Arabian coast, at a rate reckoned at 22 métres yearly. Hence the peninsula is, esp. on the W. and Rf sides, freed with lowlands, called by the Arabs Tihamah ; yet on parts of the E. coast the mountains rise directly from the sea. Of the long coast-line on the W. side, much is fringed with coral reefs, greatly endangering navi- gation. Between these and the shore in man pee a narrow passage allows only ships of small urden to pass. The reefs commence in the Gulf of Akabah, where alone has their nature as yet been made the subject of minute investigation (see Valter, ‘Die Korall-riffen der Sinait. Halbinsel,’ Abhandl. d. Stichs. Akad., Math. Klasse, vol. xiv.). The inlets in the coast form not a few harbours, of which, however, owing to the paucity of towns in the interior, only a few are of any importance: Yanbo, the port of Medina; Jiddah, the port of Mecca; Hodaida, the port of San‘a, on the W. coast; Aden on the S.; Mascat on the E. Of these, Aden perhaps is the same as the port which bears the name Eden in Ezk 27%, called Athene by Pliny, and Eudaimon Arabia by the author of the Periplus; while Yanbo may be the ’Iaufla of Ptolemy. The rest were not known to the ancients, whose ports have for the most part disappeared with the advancing coast-line. Of these, the chief port of the incense country, Moscha according to the Periplus, Abissa Polis according to Ptolemy, has been recently identified by Mr. Theodore Bent (Nineteenth Century, Oct. 1895) with a creek two miles long and in parts one wide near the village of Takha. Others that played an important part in ancient times, Leuke Kome, Charmotas or Charmutas, Okelis, Muza, and Canneh (Ezk J.c.), have been located with more or less certainty by Wellsted, Sprenger, Glaser, and other explorers. While the W. and S. coasts are broken by no very striking peninsulas, the sea which lies between A. and Persia is divided by the peninsula which ends in Ras Mesandum into the Pers. Gulf and the Sea of Oman, while the Pers. Gulf is again broken by the peninsula of Katar, to the W. of which lies the island of Bahrain, with the exception of Socotra 133 ARABIA ARABIA on the S. side, the most important of the islands which lie off Arabia, The geological character of A. is thus described by Mr. Doughty : ‘The constitution of the Arabian peninsula appears to be a central stack of Plutonic rocks which are granited with traps and old basalts, whereupon are laid sandstones (continuous with those of Petra, and probably ‘‘ cretaceous”), and limestones (sometimes with flints) overlie the sandstones. Newer rocks are the volcanic, and namely of the vast ‘‘ harrahs”: the flint land of gravel (upon limestone with flint veins) that is A. Petrawa, in which were found flint instruments (as those of Abbeville) by Mr, Doughty at Ma‘n, 1875; and ancient flood soil, block drift, \nams or clays in the valleys and low grounds.’ The land won from the sea constitutes the low- lands (called by the Arabs Tihamah), which fringe the peninsula, and beyond which there rise ranges of mountains on all three sides. On the N. the great Nefud, which succeeds to the stony plain, occupies the centre of the peninsula, with a greatest breadth of 150 miles, and a greatest length of 400 miles. Of this wilderness of red sand the most accurate description has been given by W. H. Blunt (in Lady Blunt's Pilgrimage to Nejd, vol. ii. app. i). Far greater, however, is the untrodden desert (Ahkaf) which cuts off Central A. from the E, and S.E. provinces. The sand of these wastes has peculiar properties, which, according to Blunt, render them as different from other deserts as a glacier is from a mass of snow. To theS. of the former Nefud rises the Jebel Aja, a red granite range, stretching E. by N. and W. by S. for some 100 miles, with a mean breadth of 10-15 miles, and rising to a height of 5600 ft. (Blunt, /.c.). To similar heights do the mountains rise which shut in the peninsula on the W. and E. sides; Wellsted gives the measurement 6500 ft. for the peak of Mowilah (S. of the Gulf of Akabah), while 9000 ft. is the height of some ‘portions of the Jebel Akhdar, or Green Mountains, which tower over Oman in the E. (according to the latest researches of Mr. Theodore Bent, Contemp. Rev. Dec. 1895). To the same height, according to W. B. Harris (A Journey through Yemen, 1894), do the passes by which Yemen is entered from the S. rise in places; and if the measurements of this writer are correct, the plateau of central Yemen, in the S.E., has an average altitude of 8000 ft. Farther to the E. this southern range sinks till, where it separates the incense country from the desert (about 55° long. E. of Greenwich), its eleva- tion is not above 3000 ft. Between the mountains and the Nefud in North A. lies El-Hisma, the great sandstone country, described by Doughty as ‘a forest of square- built platform mountains, which rise to 2000 ft. above the plain; the heads may be 6000 ft. above sea-level.’ Between lat. 26° and 20° vast tracts form what are called harrahs, beds of basalt, where the sandstone is covered with lava. The most northerly of these volcanic platforms, called‘Uwayrid, stretches for 100 miles in length, its middle point being about 120 miles from the Red Sea. It is thickly strewn with the craters of extinct volcanoes, so thickly that in places as many as thirty can be seen at once. The highest cf these peaks, called Anaj, is 7600 ft. About lat. 16° this phenomenon is repeated. We owe descrip- tions of it to Doughty ana Glaser. Of the rivers of A. none are navigable; few are rennial, or reach the sea. Some such, however, ave been marked in South A. by the travellers Wellsted and W. B. Harris. Most of them dis- appear in the sand at some part of their course. Instead of a river system there is a system of wadys, great receptacles for the water brought down by the mountains, of which the surface for large portions of the year is dry, but where water can be got by digging. Such in North A. is the Wady Sirhan, which bisects the country in a line parallel with the Euphrates; in Central A., the Wady el- Dawasir and Wady el-Rummah, N. and S. of Yemamah respectively, both issuing in the Pers. Gulf—with the former of these, or with one great tributary of it, Glaser (Skizze, ii. p. 347) would identify the Biblical Pishon; and the Wady el- Humd, first traced by Doughty, which traverses the Hijaz, and issues in the Red Sea. At Saihut (long. 51°), on the S. coast, there issues the Wady of Hadramaut, once probably an arm of the sea, which in its course of 100 miles receives a series of wadys that drain the mountains behind it; while the mountains of Yemen pays are drained by wadys called Maur, Surdud, Siham, Kharid, ete., of which the course was traced by Glaser (‘Von Hodaida nach San‘a,’ in Petermann’s Mitthetlungen, 1886). The classical writers divided A. into A. Felix, A. Petrma, and A. Deserta. This division was based on the political condition of A. in the 1st cent. a.p., the first being free, the second (inclusive of Idumza) subject to Rome, the third subject to Persia. In the native divisions different Priactales as Sprenger (Alt. Geog. Arab. p. 9) has pointed out, have been con According to a tradition which he quotes, Mohammed, standing at Tebuk (about 28° 0’, 37° 40’), said that all to the N. was Sham (lit. the left, ordinarily used for Syria), all to the 8S. Yemen (the right). According to this, the name for the province of Mecca, Hijaz (lit. ‘the barrier’) would mean the land between Sham and Yemen. More probably it meant the ‘middle region’ between the lowlands and the Nejd (highlands). These last, then, are terms of physical geography ; and as those by whom they were applied iad no accurate instruments for determining heights, it is natural that the limits of these provinces should be very inexactly fixed. According to Blunt (/.c. i. 23s8qq.), —_ includes all the land that lies within the Nefuds, ‘the o doubt being whether it includes the Nefuds or not.’ The treble division, Hijaz, Nejd, and Yemen, would thus include all A. within the Tihamas; Nejd itself being subdivided into seven provinces, whose names need not be Lyte here. Ordinarily, however, it is not customary to extend the application of the name Yemen beyond 45° E, of Greenwich. Yet the name Hadramaut, applied in European maps to the vast region which extends hence to the S.E. of the peninsula, has been shown by Wellsted and Bent to be properly applied to a wady about 100 miles in length. Great discrepancies exist as to the delimitation of the province of Oman on the E. side, which, according to Palgrave (7'ravels, ii. 255), ‘touches Hadramaut on the 8., and Katar, or at least its immediate vicinity, on the N., forming a huge crescent, having the sea in front, and the vast desert of South A. for its background’; while the travellers Wellsted and Bent give the name a very limited application. ii. CLIMATE, FLORA, AND FAUNA.—The fertility of portions of Yemen is so great as to have become proverbial in antiquity; and the few modern travellers who have climbed the mountains which tower above the S. coast, and have reached the table- lands beyond, speak with enthusiasm of the wealth of the soil, and the high degree of skill displayed by the natives in cultivating it. The peti part of the peninsula, however, is capable of supportin but a small population. ‘Nothing like one-th of its surface,’ says one of the most capable ex- plorers, ‘is cultivated without irrigation, the task of extending which beyond the valleys and natural oases is poe beyond the power of Turk or Arab. ast spaces of unchangeable and un- changing barrenness spread themselves over it. Joining themselves to these are larger and scarcely less dreary regions, econ by ead moun- tains accessible only to the goat; by labyrinthine area ravines or gorges nena only the hardiest shrubs; and by tepid cultivated palm-oases, thick with semi-tropical vegetation’ (Tweedie, The Arabian Horse). It must be observed that even in Yemen, according to Glaser (Petermann’s Mittheit ungen for 1884), cultivation even in this century has been steadily diminishing. Thus the plateaus between the basalt peaks were once cultivated, but are so no longer. Cultivation is indeed confined to the oases, which, of varying extent, enliven the stony plain, and to the valleys which intersect the central plateau, ‘some broad, some narrow, some long and winding, some of little length, but almost all bordered with steep and sometimes precipitous banks, and looking as though they had been arti- ficially cut out of the limestone mountain’ (Pal- grave). In some of the more northerly oases ARABIA not only cereals, but fruits such as the plum, the omegranate, the fig, the great citron, sour and sweet emons, are cultivated. The palm, which has been compared to the camel for its small need of water, is widely spread, and its dates form the staple food of the nomad population. No part of the country, however, except perhaps the desert called Ahkaf, is quite destitute of vegetation; this has been . in the case of the Nefud by Blunt, and Youghty assures us that the harrahs form better Kedawin country than the sandstone. The flora and fauna of A. are still imperfectly known. Glaser (Von Hodaida nach San‘a) states that he has himself collected out of South A. more than a hundred specimens of animals and birds previously unknown. In the Nefud, Blunt ‘ascer- tained the existence of the ostrich, the leopard, the wolf, the fox, the hyzna, the hare, the jerboa, the white antelope, and the gazelle; and of the ibex and the marmot in Jebel Aja; of reptiles the Nefud boasts, by all accounts, the horned viper and the cobra, ee the harmless grey snake ; there are also immense numbers of lizards. Birds are less numerous... yet in the Nefud most of the common desert birds are found.’ Of animals the most characteristic of A. is undoubtedly the camel, the ability of which to go without water ‘twenty-five days in winter and five in summer, working hard all the time,’ renders it of unique service in the desert; the ‘observations on the camel’ in Baron Nolde’s Reise nach Inner- arabien, 1895, ch. vii., form the latest contribution to our knowledge of this creature, with which the early Arabian pects are fond of parading their acquaintance. No less elaborate are their descrip- tions of the Arabian horse, seen at its best in the highlands of Nejd, of which special studies have been made by recently Tweedie, many English travellers, and most by the English officer, Major-General who would seem to have proved that the home of this animal is elsewhere. The ass is to be seen at his best in the province of Hasa, to the N.W. of the Pers. Gulf. iii, History AND ETHNOLOGY.—Of the history of A. during the period covered by OT, little is known, since the records begin much later. Some notices, however, have been collected by Assyri- ologists from the cuneiform inscriptions of cam- paigns in which the ‘Arabs’ were concerned. In 854, Shalmaneser II. met in battle a confederation in which was ‘Gindibu the Arab’ with 1000 camels. In the next century Tiglath-pileser 111. makes an expedition into A., and in the latter half of it we find Assyr. influence extending over the N.W. and E. of the peninsula; and in the following century many tribes which can be identified with more or less certainty as occupying localities in inner A. were defeated by Esarhaddon at Bazu (Buz). From these inscriptions, interesting as they are, we learn, however, little more than the names of states and occasionally of kings, many of which offer easy Arab. EL yinslovios. The peninsula might seem to have been occupied by a number of inde- pendent tribes, subordinate to no central authority, —a state of things to which the difficulty of com- munication has very frequently reduced it. Nor is much more light to be obtained from the classical authors, who till the beginning of the 3rd cent. B.C. had only vague ideas about the penin- sula. Great collections of inscriptions have, how- ever, been made both in N. and S. Arabia by Euro- pean scholars, esp. Arnaud, Halévy, and Glaser ; and although many of the most remarkable of these still await publication, the Arabian states, of which merely the names had been recorded by Pliny and Ptolemy, and of which only a vague tradition circulated among the Arabs, have become far more familiar than formerly, and something ARABIA _— has veen learnt about their lines of kings, the extent of their territory, and their wars and alliances. To the Eng. travellers Wellsted and Cruttenden belongs the merit of having first called attention to the existence of the ruined cities in South A., whence the most important of these docu- ments have been brought. Of the nations thus rescued from oblivion the most important were the Minzeans (the o-nyo of the Heb. records) and Sabieans, whose dialects differed in certain par- ticulars, while both had more in common with Heb. than with Arabic. A third monarchy, of which the indigenous name was Lihyan, has left traces of its existence and its language in North A., but far less distinct in their nature than those of the former two. The chief towns of the Minwans were Ma'in, Karnau, and Yatil, all of them in South A. ; yet the presence of Minwzan inscriptions at El-Ula in North A. would seem to show that their power was not confined to the S. of the peninsula, and some scholars would extend it as far N. as Gaza. While D. H. Miller would make the Minwan empire simultaneous with the Saban, argu- ments are adduced by Glaser and Hommel which make it prob- able that the latter State was one of several that sprang out of the ruins of the Minwan empire. Of these arguments, besides the greater antiquity of the Minewan character and dialect, may be noticed the fact that most of the names occurring in the Mingwan inscriptions are prehistorical, while those in the Sahwan inscriptions can frequently be identified; that the Minzans are not mentioned in the Assyr. inscriptions, and must therefore have been powerful at an epoch prior to the inter- vention of the Assyrians in the affairs of A. ; that whereas Saba is mentioned in some Minezan inscriptions, the Minwans are never mentioned in those of Saba. It is urged, on the other hand, that the acquaintance with the Minwans shown by Gr. writers and in late parts of the Bible (1 Ch 441, Job 211 LXX) is inconsistent with the hoary antiquity assigned them ; to which the answer given by Glaser, that the classical writers are acquainted with them as a nation but not as an empire, is per- haps insufficient. The Minwan rule of El-'Ula is thought to have extended over at least nine generations (Hommel, Au/sdtze, p. 27); and the statement in Jg 1012 (cf. 2 Ch 201), that the Israelites before they had kings had been saved from the Minzsans implies that their power extended farnorth. Like other Oriental States, it is probable that the power of Ma‘in varied greatly with the capacity of particular rulers; for, while from the Inscr. Halévy 504 it might appear that the Minzan king Wagqah-il Yatha’ was a vassal of the king of Kataban, his son Il-yafa-Yathar was a great conqueror, who extended his rule over the whole region S. of Jauf from E. to W._ Lastly, we ma notice as of great historical interest the Inscr. Halévy 535, whic tells us of their successful resistance of an invasion of Saba and Haulan, and how their god Atthar saved them from trouble in a war that broke out between the king of the N. and the king of the S. This invasion of Saba was, if Glaser’s theory be correct, one of a series of attacks continued for a period of 200 years, during which the princes of Saba were endeavouring to undermine the Minzan power,—an end achieved (according to the same scholar’s reckoning) about 820 B.c. Both the inscrip- tions and the Bible tell us more of Saba, the tribe whose kings were the chief power in the south of A., till about a.p. 300 they gave way to the Abyssinians. Their capital was Marib (Mariaba of the classics), some 45 miles E. of San‘a, famous for the great dam, the breaking of which was regarded by the Arab chroni- clers as the immediate cause of the decline of the Sabean empire (Sheba, Saba). The Sabwan empire was, without doubt, simultaneous with monarchies of Kataban, Hadramaut (with its chief town Sabata), Raidan, and Habashah, all of which are mentioned as included in a treaty in an interesting inscrip- tion commented on by Glaser (Die Abyssinier in Arabien, p. 68 ff.), and assigned by him to the 2nd cent. 8.0. Habashah, corresponding with the region now known as Mahra, was, according to the same author’s calculations, absorbed by Hadramaut about a.p. 45; the Katabanian state (with Timna for its capital) was ruined at some time in the 2nd cent. B.c. ; and from an inscription of extraordinary interest, published on p. 118 of the work last quoted, we learn how the prince of Raidan and Himyar was defeated by the king of Saba in spite of the former’s alliance with Habashah, and from that time (8.0. 115?) the kings of Saba style themselves kings of Saba and of Raidan. When the Katabanians disappear from the inscriptions, the Himyar (the Homeritw of the classical authors) come into prominence ; and at the commencement of our era the south of A. was shared by three monarchs, of Himyar, Hadramaut, and Saba with Raidan. Aided by the Sassanians, the Himyars presently became all-powerful in South A. ; in the middle of the 4th cent. the monument of Adulis tells us that the Sabsan power had been overthrown, and the Abyssinians became rulers of Yemen; in 378 the Arabs had made head against the Abyssinians, and indeed confined them to the Tihamah, but in 625 the Abyssinians, with the countenance of the Byzantine empire, in a victorious campaign killed the king of the Himyars. The condition of A., as represented by the authors of the inscriptions, is very different from 134 ARABIA the nomad and patriarchal condition which we ordinarily associate with the name Arab, and which is certainly associated with it in the Bible. The Sabeeans and Mineans are people of fixed habitations; they build fortresses, and live in walled cities; they raise massive temples, and con- struct works of irrigation on a grand scale. War forms only an occasional incident in their lives ; the main source of their wealth is commerce; and besides agriculture, they carry on mining and manufactures. Texts containing ‘ordres de police’ give evidence, says M. Halévy, ‘d’une haute per- fection d’organization civile, et de l’existence d’un code pénal chez les Sabéens.’ Their inscriptions are, many of them, specimens of the most finished workmanship, and show signs of the cultivation of other fine arts; nor can their civilisation be shown to have been derived from any other nation. Their Pantheon, says the same writer, was marvellously rich, and of prodigious variety. The temples of both the chief races were built east of the towns, which would point to the worship of the sun; yet this cannot be shown to have existed among the Minzans ; neither do the Minean documents show the worship of Al-Makah, the chief Sabzean deity. Common to both was the worship of Attar (the male Ashtoreth), who in Minean texts appears in the two forms of ;pw and j27y, which, in the opinion of D. H. Miller, mean the rising and setting sun. Two female deities, Wadd and Nikrah, interpreted by the same writer as ‘Love’ and ‘Hate,’ also occupy an important place in the Minzean Pantheon. Yet from the nature of things civilisation of this kind can only have existed in South A. and the cases; the life of the dwellers in the ‘ black tents,’ as described by Burckhardt and Doughty in this century, must have existed from immemorial time in the desert. Several writers, indeed, suppose the difference between the nomad Arabs and the stationary Arabs to be one of race; and, strange as it may seem, the purest Arab blood is supposed to be found in the latter (a@ribah) ; while the name of the former contains the idea of Arab by adoption (muta‘arribah). Neither half of the Arab stock can be traced with any probability to any other country ; and ethnologists are now with something like unanimity making A. the home of the whoie Semitic race; and the emigrations of the Shammar and Anezah clans northwards in search of richer pasturage than the A" deserts afford, emigrations which have taken place within the last century, represent the continuation of a series of similar waves of which the commencement is prehistoric, all brought about by the same causes, though not all following the same direction. The fact that the names by which they call their towns and villages, as well as the natural features of their country, are all Arabic, and bear no trace of the memory of another home, is, as Gen. Tweedie has pointed out, strikingly in favour of the theory which makes the Arabs autocthonous. This autocthony naturally does not exclude the resence of a certain number of colonists. Four reek colonies are mentioned by Pliny, Ampelone, Arethusa, Chalkis, and Larissa, of which the first cnly seems capable of identification ; Glaser (Skizze, ti. 154) tries to find it on the coast of Hijaz. Being a Milesian colony, it must have been planted not later than the 6th cent. B.c. The name Javan, mentioned in Ezk 27! in a context which points to A., is possibly to be interpreted of a Gr. colony in the peninsula; and the statement of Diodorus (iii. 43), that a tribe on the W. coast of A. culti- vated friendly relations with Greeks of Beeotia and the Peloponnesus, may have been rightly connected with the existence of these colonies by Glaser (d.c. p. 155). Jewish colonies also existed in A. long before the time of the Prophet Mohammed ; in the ARABIA 3rd and 4th cent. A.D. they would seem to have been favoured by the Persians in opposition to the Christian communities which had the support of the W. empire (Die Abyssinier in Arabien, p. 175). The ethnological tables of Gn would seem to take special note of the inhabitants of A., who are assigned places in the human family in the following passages: Gn 107 (children of Cush), 1022.23 (children of Shem), 1025-30 (children of Eber), 251-4 (children of Abraham and Keturah), 2512-18 (Ishmaelites). The eminent explorer Carsten Niebuhr argued from the number of places in Yemen and Hadramaut mentioned by ‘ Moses’ in these places that the legislator must himself have travelled in the country ; but his attempts at identifying them do litiie towards confirming this proposition. More elaborate attempts ha ve been made in more recent times, notably by Glaser in his Skizze, ii. 314-470, without, however, producing many convinving results. The tables are not quite consistent, as the same names are assigned different pedigrees ; but this Glaser would account for by supposing the tables compiled at different periods between the 11th and the 6th cent. B.c. Some of the names, such as Sheba and Dedan, are known from other parts of Scripture, and are otherwise famous; a few, e.g. Hadramaut (m)p"xsn), can be identified with certainty ; several, esp. Ophir and Havilah, are frequently mentioned in Scripture, but are difficult to localise. Most of the names, however, occur in these tables only; and as we are quite ignorant of the sources from which their compiler drew, endeavours to localise them would seem to have little scientific value. They doubtless signified to the compiler tribes or nations ; but the ordinary rule for the interpretation of these patronymic pedigrees, according to which the fathers stand to the sons in the relation of genus to species, cannot be applied to them. Thus the great nation of Sheba is called a son of Ra'mah (probably the Regma of Ptolemy, a town on the Pers. Gulf, Glaser,.p. 252), which is co-ordinated with it in Ezk 2722, and Ra'‘mah itself a son of Cush. Still stranger is it that the patri- arch of the Arab nations, including Ophir and Hadramaut, Joktan, should have left so little trave in A. that Sprenger (Geog. p. 50) is fain to identify the name with Bishat Yakzan, a station on the incense road. Glaser, perhaps with greater probability, connects it with Katan, a town of Hadramaut. It is probable, therefore, that these tables, so far from being exact, are as vague as might be expected in the case of so vast and un- explored a country. Even Saba, which we know to have been a powerful empire, is vaguely spoken of by the pee as & distant country (Jer 620, J] 38), in NT as at the ends of the earth (Mt 1242, Lk 1131), iv. TRADE AND COMMERCE.—The chief import- ance of A. to the ancients lay in its exports, of which the most renowned was incense, a gum obta.ned from a certain tree by incisions made in the bark. The country where this product is culti- vated is a narrow strip of the S. coast from about 53-55° long. E. of Greenwich, its headquarters being the ancient city of Dafar (probably the 150 of Gn 10). After doubts had been cast even on the possibility of A. producing incense (see the excursus on this in Ritter, Erdkunde von Arabien), this region was visited by Mr. Theodore Bent in 1895, who described the industry in the Nineteenth Century for Oct. of that year. It is uncertain whether its cultivation ever extended over a much greater area than now. Sprenger (Geog. p. 299) regards the incense country as ‘the heart of the commerce of the ancient world,’ owing to the vast amount of it required for religious rites, and terms the Arabs, or, more nearly, the inhabitants of the incense country, ‘the founders of commerce as it existed in the ancient world.’ It is perhaps noteworthy that the verb ‘Arab’ and its derivatives are used in Heb. to signify ‘commerce.’ The incense traffic of A. is alluded to by all the ancient writers who speak of that country, and it formed the basis of the proverbial wealth of the Sabszeans, who regu- lated it with the utmost precision and severity (see Sprenger, /.c. pp. 269-303). Reference is made to this in the locus classicus for ancient commerce, Ezk 27%. Other scents and spices are also men- tioned as Arabian exports; but we notice as interest- ing the observation of Glaser (l.c. p. 426), that the articular spices mentioned in Ezk 27! as exported rom a place we have grounds for locating in South A. do not really grow there. Almost as famous as the incense was the Arabian gold. The gold used oy Solomon for gilding the temple is stated (2 Ch 3°) to have come from Parwaim, which is plausibly a a ARABIAN identified by Glaser (/.c. 347) with Sak-el-Farwain, a place mentioned by the Arabian geographer Hamidani, who has preserved many notices of gold Mines at one time worked in Central A. (see Sprenger, pp. 49-63, and Glaser, p. 347 11.). And since in Gn 10” Ophir, which by the time of the composition of the Bk of Job has become a synonym for gold, is called a son of Joktan, various scholars have attempted to localise that famous gold-pro- ducing region somewhere in Arabia ; and there are stil] more forcible reasons for placing there the land of Havilah, ‘where is gold, and the gold of that land is good’ (Gn 2"), which Glaser has en- deavoured to identify with the province Yemamah. Precious stones, as well as gold and spices, were brought by the 8S. Arabien queen to Solomon (1 K 10°); and these are mentioned by Ezk (27*) as the merchandise of Saba. The exportation of iron from Uzal, if that be the right reading, and if the tradition which identifies Uzal with San‘a be cor- rect (Ezk 27'*), would agree with the fact that the steel of San‘a is still in high repute; moreover, Mr. Doughty found places in Central A. where iron might be worked with profit. In the same passage of Ezk, Kedar and North A. are made to deal in cattle, and Dedan in horse-cloths. There is further mention’ in 27%, if the text be correct, of embroidered textures ‘in well-secured chests’ from Eden (and perhaps other 8. Arabian ports). This would correspond with the high state of civilisation which from the inscriptions we know theS. Arabians at early times to have attained. Sprenger, ZDM/G xlii. 332, states that before the time of Islam leather was the chief export of Arabia. D. 8. MARGOLIOUTH. ARABIAN.—This word is used in different senses. 1. In Is 13° and Jer 3? it stands for ‘an inhabitant of the desert or steppe’ (Heb. ‘27y, from 737y), with- out any indication of nationality. 2. In the pre-exilic authors we read occa- sionally of a tribe called collectively 19», ren- dered in the EV ‘Arabia’ (1 K 10", Jer 25%, Ezk 277). As the consonants of this word are the same as those of the word rendered ‘mingled people’ (Jer 25” ete.), and also of the word rendered ‘evening,’ it is not always certain which should be read. Thus in Is 21% the word rendered in EV ‘Arabia’ should more probably be tr. ‘evening’; while in 2 Ch 9" the punctuation which signifies A. is substituted for the ‘mixed tribes’ intended by the punctuators of 1 K 10%. These ‘ Arabians’ are also mentioned in the Assyr. inscriptions (see ARABIA), where the name of one of their kings is given. Herodotus (iii. 5) also speaks of an Arabian king through whose territories the Pers. king Cambyses had to obtain a pass before he could cross the desert to Egypt; and the same historian gives us the name of a port on the Mediterranean belonging to the Arabs, of which the name (Ienysus) can be easily interpreted from the Arabic (cf. anisa), but of the existence of which We possess no other notice. The Arabian territory, according to this author, was wedged in between lands belonging to the ‘Syrians.’ In the Bible this tribe is connected with Dedan and Kedar, and is probably therefore to be located in N. Arabia; the fact that it had a king makes it probable that it possessed some fixed habitations or towns, since that word is ordinarily associated with a royal residence. The etymology of the name, like most names of nations, 1s hidden in obscurity. 3. In the post-exilic records, where we meet with the word, it ordinarily signifies Nabatean. In 2 Mac 58 we read of Aretas, the king of the Arabians ; now Aretas was the name of several of the Nabatzean kings, as we know from their own inscriptions ; and Procopius speaks of Petra as the capital of the Arabs, whereas it was famous as the capital of the ARABIAN 135 Nabatieans. The Romans, who from the time of the ill-starred expedition of A‘lius Gallus (B.C. 24), in which the Nabatieans were their allies against the Arabs, had good cause to distinguish the two races, do not often confuse them; yet both Diodorus and Procopius (quoted by Quatremére) fall into this mistake. By the term ‘Arabia,’ then, St. Paul (Gal 1" 4%) probably means the territory of the Nabateans, which in the period of their greatest prosperity extended from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. One of their kings was the Aretas whose ethnarch in Damascus endeavoured to arrest St. Paul (2 Co 11°). The misapplication of ethnic names is exceedingly common; and in this context it may be noticed that in the Saban inscriptions the Sabseans distinguish themselves from the Arabians (ja1y; see J. Dérenbourg in CJS iv. fase. 2, p. 93), with whom classical antiquity identified them. Perhaps ‘Nabatzan’ is the sense to be attached to the name ‘Arabian’ applied to Nehemiah’s opponent Geshem (Neh 2”), or Gashmu (Neh 6°), whose name in its latter form bears a genuinely Nabatean appearance. The important art played by this,race was first pointed out by Dane oe in his Htude sur les Nabatéens (1835), the results of which were condensed by Ritter in his Erdkunde von Arabien (1846, i. p. 111 ff.). The inscriptions discovered at Madain Salih by Mr. Doughty (Documents é¢pigraph. recueil. dans le nord de VArabie, Paris, 1884), and recopied by Euting (Nabat. Inschrif. 1885), have thrown con- siderable light on their language, institutions, and history. Having originally come from Mesopo- tamia, this tribe. profited by the weakness of the last Bab. kings to seize Petra, the ancient capital of the Idumeans. The unique prey of this fortress at the meeting-place of three great commercial routes was the source of the wealth which enabled them to attain a remarkable degree of civilisation and luxury. Their first appear- ance in history is in B.C. 312, when, according to Diodorus (xix. ch. 95 sqq.), they successfully resisted Athenzus, the genefal sent against their fortress by Antigonus, king of Syria; their last in A.D. 106, when A. Petraea was turned into a Rom. rovince by Cornelius Palma. The possession of amascus Aretas Iv. (‘ Philopatris,’ mentioned in several of the Madain Salih inscriptions) is to be ascribed to a temporary arrangement of the emperor Gaius. The fact that the Nabatean empire extended to E]-Hijr, called afterwards Madain Salih, is certified for the time of Augustus by the Rom. records. The notices of the Naba- teeans in ancient literature are put together by von Gutschmidt in the appendix to Euting’s Nabat- eische Inschriften. 4, The employment of the name Arab for an inhabitant of any portion of the vast peninsula known to us as Arabia: begins somewhere in the 8rd cent. B.c., though the only trace of it in OT is in 2 Ch 2128, where the ‘ Arabians that are near the Ethiopians’ would seem naturally to refer to the neighbours of the Habashah, whom there are grounds for placing in the extreme S. of Yemen , it is not, however, clear how these tribes could interfere in Jewish politics. In 2 Ch 267 God is said to have helped Uzziah against ‘ the Arabians who dwelt in Gur-Baal,’ and the Minwans ; as this notice is not found in 2 K, its accuracy is open to suspicion ; moreover, the name Gur-Baal bears no trace of Arabian nomenclature, and only vague conjectures can be hazarded about its situation. Equally uncertain is the use of the name in 2 Ch 17. An Arab prince Zabdiel is mentioned in 1 Mac 1127 as murdering the Syrian king Alexander Balas, who had taken refuge in ‘ Arabia’; anil another Imalkue, or Iamblichus, as rearing the same Alexander’s son (11%). The residence of 136 ARABIC VERSIONS thege princes, according to Diodorus (Excerpt. 32. 1), was called ’ABat. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH. ARABIC YERSIONS.—Arab. VSS of the Bible have been made from various sources, chiefly Gr., Syr., and Coptic. It is, however, most improbable that any Christian Arab. literature is as old as the time of Mohammed. There were Christians in the Arab. kingdom of Ghassin, E. of Damascus, and at Nejrfn in 8. Arabia, but, to judge from our very scanty historical information about the progress of the Church in these regions, the ecclesiastical lan- yuage was Syriac.* It was not till after the success of the Koran had made Arabic into a literary lan- guage, and the conquests of Islam had turned large portions of Christian Syria and Egypt into Arabic-speaking provinces, that the need of trans- Jations of Seripture in the Arabic vernacular was really felt. The extant forms of NT in Arabic are best divided according to the languages from which they are derived. Thus we have—(i.) translations from the Syriac; (ii.) translations directly from the Greek; (iii.) translations from the Coptic; at a later period we have also (iv.) eclectic com- binations of the first three classes. It will be con- ee to take the various divisions of NT separ- ately. : THE Four GosPELs.—(i.) Ts. from the Syr.—The oldest representative of this class, perhaps the oldest monument of Arab. Christianity, is the tr. of the Gospels in a MS formerly belonging to the Convent of Mar Saba near Jerus., now Cod. Vati- vanus Arab, 13, called by Tischendorf arv@t (Greg. vod. 101), and generally assigned to the 8th cent.t From some Gr. Iambics at the end of the MS we learn that it originally belonged to a certain Daniel of Emesa, and contained the Psalter, the Sospels, the Acts, and all the Epp. ; of these only fragments of the Gospelst and the Pauline Epp. now remain. The style is somewhat paraphrastic, but internal evidence conclusively shows that the Gospels have been tr. not directly from the Gr., but from the Syriac Vulgate (Peshitta).§ This free tr. from the Syr. Vulg. was probably made in some locality where Syr. had been the ecciesiastical language, and seems to have been *Ibn Ishac about the middle of the 8th cent. a.p. (Wiisten- feld’s Jbn Hisham, p. 150) quotes Jn 1523-161 as a prophecy con- cerning Mohammed ; but the words are only a rough rendering from the ‘ Palestinian’ Syr. version, not a quotation from an already existing Arab. tr. See Guidi, Hvv. p. 6. + The only accurate description of Vat. Arab. 13 is in Guidi, Evv. p. 8. Considerable extracts from the MS are given in Scholz, Krit. Reise, pp. 118-124. t Mt 1027-middle of 26, Mk 519-168a, Lk 711-beginning of 10. § E.g. in the account of the Temptation (Lk 41-13), Syr. Vulg. and ar. vat exactly agree in the names of the Evil One. In vv.1. 8 6 and 13 6 d:éBodos is rendered by Syr. Vulg. ‘the Accuser’; ar. vat has Slavs ‘the Slanderer,’ and in y.1 stl Ay) Shaul ‘the calumniating Slanderer’ (for the rendering of _)\qqJ! see 2 Ti 89 in all Arab. VSS). But in v.5 Syr. Vulg. has ‘Satan,’ so ar. vat. has cy honcdl. Th: Arab. VSS not derived from the Syr. have in all these passages Cas! (=: Boros), but in v.8 they insert bent L to render the Gr. saravz, a word here omitted by both Syr. Vulg. and ar. vat. It is worth noticing in this connexion that Syr. Vulg. and ar. vat alone among critical authorities agree in inserting the name ‘ Jesus’ in Lk 417. Ar. vat has been wrongly cited (e.g. by Tischendort) as omitting the ‘last twelve verses’ of Mk. It is owing to acci- dental loss of leaves that the MS breaks off just before the end of Mk 168, thus: —LulS lng} Lats aod Yee, ant as Prof. Guidi has been kind enough to ascertain for this article. ARABIC VERstONS — soon discarded at Mar Saba for a more literal version made directly from the Greek. In other words, the Gospel text of ar. vat was already obsolete by the 9th cent. A.D. No other Arabic version can claim such a high antiquity.* Another tr. from the Syr. Vulg. is found in cod. Tisch. 12 at Leipzig (Greg. a 75), a bilingual Syr.-Arab. MS of the 10th cent., brought to Europe by Tischendorf from the Syrian Convent of St. Mary Deipara in the Nitrian desert. A few leaves are at the British Museum (addl. 14467), This MS has been fully described by Gildemeister. The tr. keeps closely to Syr. Vulg., but some renderings recall the phraseology of ar. vat, ¢.g. bb ce U~») in Mt 10°" for ‘is not worthy of me.’ This idiomatic phrase is not used in the later Arab. VSS. Here may be noticed the Arab. VS of Tatian’s Diatessaron, which has been edited in full from two MSS at Rome by Ciasca (Eng. tr. by Hamlyn Hill). This VS was made, in the early part of the llth cent., by the well-known scholar Abuw’] Faraj ibn et-Tayyib from a form of the Syriac Diatessaron in which the text had been almost wholly assimilated to Syr. Vulg. It is therefore nearly worthless as an authority for the text, though most valuable for recovering the arrange- ment of Tatian’s Harmony. (ii.) T'rs, from the Gr. ma Arab. tr. made en from the Gr. appears in some MSS of the 9t cent., such as cod. K. ii. 31, in the Propaganda at Rome, and the fragments of Tischendorf’s ‘ Lec- tionary’ now at Leipzig (Greg. cod. 76). Both MSS come from Mar Saba.t Very similar to these is the Sinai MS Arab. 75.t These MSS have the Gr. rirAo. and liturgical notes. They are perhaps ultimately derived from a bilingual Gr.-Arab. uncial MS generally quoted as 65, of which only four leaves remain, one in its original home at the Convent of St. Catherine on Mt. Sinai, and three in the collection of Bp. Porphyry.§ (iii.) T's. from the Coptic.—Most MSS of the see (Bohairic) NT are accompanied by an Arab. VS. Among these cod. Vat. Copt. 9, written in 1202 A.D. (Greg. cod. Copt. 30) seems to have been used as a kind of standard text.|| We shall see later on that the text of this MS is the ultimate source of all the printed edd. of the Gospels in Arabic. (iv.) Zhe two Eclectic Revisions.—None of the Arab. texts hitherto considered have been in any sense an official VS, and they present all the con- fusing variety natural in such independent pro- ductions. The need of a more fixed type, and one which took account of all three great national Vulyvates of the E.,—the Gr., the Syr., and the Copt.,—was felt by the 13th cent., fe aoe in Egypt, where Arabic had quite supplanted the native dialect. The first revised ed. of this kind was made about 1250 A.D. at Alexandria by Hibat Allah ibnel-AssAl. This work, of which several MSS survive, consists of a revised text of the Gospels with various read- invs from the Gr., the Syr., and the Copt.4]_ It was, however, found too cumbrous for a popular VS, and towards the end of the 13th cent. was *Some of the missing portions of ar. vat in Mt have been supplied in a hand of the 10th cent. From the style and vocabulary they seem to have been copied from the original MS before the leaves were lost. + Guidi, Zvv. pp. 9, 10; ZDMG@ viii. 585. ments of this VS, see Guidi, pe oe Ly ee t Mrs. Gibson, Cat. of Arab. MSS, frontispiece. § The Arab. text of the Sinai leaf is printed by Dr. Rendel Harris in Mrs. Lewis’ Cat. of Syr. MSS, Appx. p. 105. It seema to be the conjugate of one of Bp. Porphyry’s leaves. || Guidi, Evo. pp. 17, 23. {| For detai!s of Ibn el-‘Assal’s work, see Guidi, vv. pp. 18-22 and Prof. Macdonald in Hartford Seminary Reord, April 1893 For later develop- + Li wile eke rile ganig ar neh antares Se ARABIC VERSIONS ARABIC VERSIONS 137 superseded by the modern ‘ Alex. Vulgate.’ This is little more than the text of Vat. Copt. 9, filled out by inserting from the Syr. or the Gr. those numerous passages where the ancient Copt. VS did not contain words found in Syr. Vulg. and in the Gr. text of the Middle Ages. In many MSS of this Alex. Vulg. (ar. alex.) these passages are indicated by marginal notes.* Besides these main types of text there are several later MSS of the Gospels in Arabic in which the language has been corrected or em- bellished. Guidi (Hvv. p. 29) also mentions some late MSS from Spain which appear to present a tr. of the Latin Vulgate. The printed edd. of the Gospels in Arabic are all forms of the Alex. Vulg. Of these the chief are the Rom. ed. of 1591, the ed. of Erpenius (Leyden, 1616), and Lagarde’s ed. of the Vienna MS (Greg. cod. 36). The last is the only ed. containing the marginal notes which belong to ar. alex. Some edd. of Syr. Vulg. for use among the Maronites, of which the most accessible is the Paris reprint of 1824, contain also a Carshfini VS (ar. carsh). This, however, is simply ar. alex. slightly modified to suit the Peshitta. THE PAULINE EPIsTLEs.—({i.) T's. from the Gr. of the fourteen Epp. of St. Paul are found in ar. vat (8th or 9th cent., see above), and in a Sinai MS (ar. sin.-Paul) of the 9th cent., the text of which was published by Mrs. Gibson in 1894. Ar. vat has the so-called ‘Euthalian’ sections, etc. + ; ar. sin, which is quite independent of ar. vat, is remarkable for having no ‘ Euthalian’ matter, but nevertheless it represents the late An- tiochian text mixed with a few good readings. } (ii.) A Tr. from the Syr. is found in a MS now at St. Petersburg (Greg. cod. 134), brought by Ti- schendorf ‘from the i? It is dated 892 A.D., and appears to have been rendered from a Nestorian copy of the Peshitta,§ but with glosses and addi- tions like the Gospel text in ar. vat. From the VS found in this MS (ar. pet) is ultimately derived that of the printed edd. of Erpenius, and the Car- shfini ed. of 1824. The latter agrees very closely with B. M. Harl. 5474 (dated 1288 A.D.). THE ACTS AND CATHOLIC EPISTLES.—No direct Arab, tr. from the Gr. is known for the Acts and major Cath. Epp. The chief edd. (ar. erp and ar. earsh) seem to abo: as in the Gospels, an eclectic mixture of the Copt., the Gr., and the Syr. In the disputed Cath. Epp., which had no place in the * Guidi, Hvv. pp. 22-24. He also points out (p. 35 ff.) the highly important fact that the late text from which most MSS of the Eth. VS have been corrupted is none other than ar. alex. t For Ro (Scholz, Krit. Reise, p. 122) the numbers are: 5 sect., 19 capp., 34 (sic) quot. from OT, and 920 sticht. Scholz also transcribes the whole of Philem and a few other passages. As ar. vat has been wrongly quoted in 1 Tim 316 for fhés, I give the whole passage (from Scholz): pr wl laa, weal sel gill pyle ya alll guts The fact that the two dots of } are never written in this MS 7G ‘ seems to have prevented Schol from recognising that did. FAN) simply represents scifue. Scholz’s text has sel + (tor Csaul), 1 See, oe Ro 165, Gal 615, § See ZDMG viii. 584; Delitzsch, Hebrder, pp. 764-768, who quotes the extraordinary rendering of ar. pet in He 29: and 80 he without God, who had united Himself with him as a temple, tasted death for all men. The variant xyapis Oso is not found in Syr. Vuly. except in Nestorian copies. In ar. erp this is emended to express y«pirs Uso, and in ar. carsh we have ‘God by His grace,’ as Syr. Vulg. See Gildemeister, p. 1 (n.), who brings forward He 58 as another instance where ar. erp and ar. carsh have a corruption of the text of ar. pet. Peshitta (2 P, 2and 3 Jn, Jude), the tr. appears to have been made directly from the Greek. A tr. from the Syr. of Ac and all seven Cath. Epp. (in the Gr. order) is found in a 9th cent. Salen MS at Sinai (Mrs. Gibson’s Cat., No. 154). In this text, while the other parts are from Syr. Vulg., the disputed Cath. Epp. are translated from the Pocockian VS (Syr. Poal.), now generally printed in edd. of Syr. Vulg., and which is prob- ably a fragment of the Philoxenian VS before its revision by Thomas of Harkel.* This MS is thus perhaps the oldest witness for Syr. bodl., though it does not contain the purest text. THE APOCALYPSE. The Apoc. was not a canoni- cal book among the E. Churches; the Arab. VSS, therefore, vary pel, Ar. erp is here perhaps a combination of the Gr. and the Copt. Ar. carsh contains some peculiar double renderings (e.g. Rev 1°: *), but their source is not very clear. It is not a tr. of the printed Syr. text. THE OLD TESTAMENT.—Arab. VSS of OT fall under four heads, viz. trs. from the Gr., from the Syr., from the Heb., and from the Sam. Of these the greater bulk still remains in unexamined MSS, only a portion of the various sources having been printed. The great Paris Polyglott contains a complete Arab. text of the whole OT except the Apocr., and this text has been repeated with minor variations in Walton’s Polyglott and in the New- castle ed. of 1811, but it presents a singularly mixed text. The Pent. is the version of Saadya (see below). Jos is also from the Heb., but it does not directly appear that Sa‘adya was the translator. Jg,S, K, and Ch are all from the PeshittA, as is also the Book of Job. The Prophets, Psalms, and Pro- verbs are from the Greek, the Prophets being a tr. made by a priest of Alexandria from a good uncial MS resembling cod. A. This curious jumble rests upon an Egyp. MS of the 16th cent. used by the editors of the Polyglott(see Cornill’s Ezechiel and Slane’s Cat. des. MSS arabes de la Bibl. Nat. p. 1). Of the trs. from the Peshitté there are several MSS. The Psalter was printed in Carshfini by the Maronites in 1610 at a convent in the WAdy Qizhayya (‘Psalterium qtzhayyensis’), and re- rinted by Lagarde. Some lacunz in the Paris olyglott (Cornill enumerates Ezk 1112 134 246-27 27% 4217. 18) are supplied in Walton from an Oxford MS of this class. There are also MSS containing a tr. from the Copt. VS of the LXX. Of this Lagarde has pub- lished Job (Psalterium, ete., 1876). An ed. of the Psalter and Cant. with critical notes similar to the work of Ibn-el-‘Assal (see above), is to be found in B. M. Arund. Or. 15. Several MSS present an Arab. tr. made from the Sam. Pent. Specimens (incl. Ex 3, 4) are to be found in a Programm by van Vloten, Leyden, 1803. The best MS is peSbably that in the Cambridge University Library (addi. 714). The Arab. tr. of certain books of OT made direct from the original Heb. have an interest of their own for the history of interpretation, though the almost invariably conform strictly to the MT. Most of these trs. are from the pen of Sa‘adya (ayo, Ar. Xrx.) the Ga’dn, a learned Rabbi, born in the Fayyfim in Upper Egypt (A.D. 892-942). His Babtioal rat have ete published as rollers the Pent. at Constantinople in 1546, and again in the Polyglotts (see above) ; Is. by Paulus, 1790-91 ; + Cant. by Merx, 1882; Pr. capp. 1-9, by Bondi, 1888 ; Job, by Cohn, 1889. In addition to these there is the tr. of Josin the Polyglotts mentioned above. Other VSS from the Heb., such as that in the * Gwynn, Trans. of R. Irish Acad. xxx. pp. 375, 376. t ‘ Very faulty... . Solomon Munk made important contribu: tions to a more accurate text in vol. ix. of Cohen’s great Bible (Paris, 1838)’: Cheyne’s Isaiah, vol. ii. p. 269. 138 ARAD 17th cent. MS of the Pent., Ps and Dn, in B. M. Harl. 5505, seem rather to belong to the era of modern trs. LITERATURE.—CRITICAL Discussions. — Guidi, Le Traduzioni degli Evangelit in Arabo e in Etiopico (Reale Accademia dei Lincei, anno cclxxxv.), Rome, 1888—the one indispensable work for a general view of Arabic VSS; Gildemeister, De Hvangelirs tn Arabicum e Simplici Syriaca translatis, Boun, 1865— contains an account of the Leipzig MS, together with much valuable information about the printed edd. of the Arab. Gos- ls; Cornill, Hzechiel, Leipzig, 1886, Introd. pp. 49-57—con- ins a careful investigation of the texts of the Polyglotts so far as concerns Ezekiel. [De Sacy, Mém. de ? Académie des Inscrip- tions, tom. xlix. anc. série. On Arab. VSS of the Pent.) PUBLISHED TExtTs.—Gregory, Prolegomena to Tisch. N.T., Leip- zig, 1894, contains a useful list of all the then known Arab. MSS of NT. Care must, however, be taken to look for the bilingual MSS under the other language. Among the various catalogues of public libraries I have found the British Museum Catalogue (compiled by Cureton, 1846) especially valuable for the length and number of extracts from the MSS. For tux OT.—Paris Polyglott (see above, p. 137>) ; Walton’s Polyglott, London, 1652, the Arab. repeated in the Newcastle ed. of 1811; Lagarde, Psalt., [ob, Prov., Arabice, Gottingen, 1876—contains three VSS of the Ps from the Gr. and the ‘ Psalterium Qazhayyensis’ from the Peshitté, a VS of Job from the Copt., and Job and Pr from the Paris Polyglott. (For Sa’adya, see the edd. enumerated on p. 137%.) For tax NT.—Ed. Princeps, Rome, 1591 (repeated 1619, 1774), with a Lat. tr. by Antonius (sic) Sionita; Hd. of Erpenius, Leyden, 1616 (=ar. erp); Hd. of the Polyylotts (re- peated in the Newcastle ed. of 1811); Ed. Carshunica, Rome, 1703 (repeated in the Paris ed. of 1824 issued under the super- vision of de Sacy=ar. carsh); Lagarde, Die vier Evangelien arabisch, Leipzig, 1864 (see p. 1378); Scholz, Biblisch-Kritische Reise, Leipzig, 1823: pp. 118-124 contain considerable extracts from ar. vat (see pp.136,137>); Gibson (Mrs.), Studia Sinaitica, ii., Cambridge Univ. Press, 1894, contains the text of ar. sin.-Paul.; Stud. Sin. i. Appx. p. 105, contains the Sinai leaf of @h; Stud. Sin. iii., Frontispiece, contains a page of ar. sin. 75 (see p. 1374) ; Delitzsch, Hebrder, Appx. v. (pp. 764-769), contains extracts from ar. pet.-Paul (see p. 137»). THR DIATESSARON (see p. 136>).—Ciasca, Tatiani Evangeliorum Harmoniae Arabice, Rome, 1888; Hill, The Earliest Life of Christ, Edinburgh, 1894. F. C. BuRKITT. ARAD (77).—A Benjamite who helped to put to flight the inhabitants of Gath (1 Ch 8"). ARAD (7y).—A city of one of the kings of the Canaanites, assigned to the tribe of Judah (Jos 124), on the north-west border of the wilderness of Judah, to which place (if the present text be correct) a family of Kenites migrated from Jericho (Jg 1%). It has been identified with certain ruins on the top of a hill, Tell ‘Arfd, about 16 miles south of Hebron, on the plateau to the south of the Dead Sea. Eusebius and Jerome describe Arad as 20 Roman miles south of Hebron in the wilderness of Kadesh. The king of Arad fought against the Israelites as they were turning away from the south of Palestine, but was defeated at Hormah (Nu 21: 33°). In these passages in Nu where the RV, agreeably to the Heb. text, reads ‘king of Arad,’ the AV less happily renders ‘king Arad.’ LITERATURE.—Robinson, BRP? ii. 101, 201; SW iii, 403, 415; Budde, Richt. u. Sam. 9ff.; Moore, Judges, 32ff. J. MACPHERSON. ARADUS (“Apados), 1 Mac 15%,—The Greek form of the Heb. Arvad (wh. see). ARAH (n7x ‘traveller’?).—1. In the genealogy of Asher, 1 Ch 7%. 2. His family returned with Zerubbabel, Ezr 2°, Neh 68 7}, 1 Es 5!™, See GENEALOGY. H. A. WHITE. ARAM, ARAMAEANS (o7x, Zvpo, Syri. AV ‘Syrians’ and ‘Syria’).—In Gn 10”+*% Aram is the son of Shem, and father of Uz, Hul, Gether, and Mash, the last of which is Arabia Petrzea, the Mas of the cuneiform inscriptions (cf. Gn 2514), In Gn 227 Aram is the son of Kemuel, the son of Nahor, the two elder brothers of Kemuel being Uz(AV Huz) and Buz (Bazu in the Assyr. texts). In the OT Aram includes the northern part of Mesopotamia, Syria as far south as the borders of Pal., and the larger part of Arabia Petriva. ARAM, ARAMANANS The inhabitants of this region were mainly of Sem. origin, and spoke a Sem. language, which, with its dialects, is known as Aramaic. Im some parts of it, however, as at Kadesh on the Orontes, near the lake of Homs, and at Carchemish (now Jerablis or Jerabis) on the Euphrates, the Hittites had occupied the country; and on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of Carchemish, the powerful kingdom of Mitanni was established, with a language of a very peculiar type. An Aram. dialect was spoken by the Nabateeans of Petra, and it is probable that the Ishmaelite tribes must be classed as Arameans. In the Assyr. inscriptions the name appears as Aramu, Arumu, and Arimu, as well as Arma. In a text of Tiglath-pileser 1. (B.c. 1100) the waters on the east side of the Euphrates and westward of Harran are termed mami mat Armd, ‘the waters of the land of the Arameans.’ Assur- nazir-pal II. (B.C. 883-823) states that he restored to Assyria certain cities which a former Assyr. king had fortified in the land of Nahri, towardsthe sources of the Tigris and Euphrates, and of which the “Arumu’ had taken possession. Among the Aramvean princes whom he subdued here were Ammi-baal and Bur-Hadad, t.e. Bar-Hadad or Ben-Hadad. There were many Aramzean tribes in Babylonia (Pukuduor Pekod, Nabatu or Nabateans, Ru'ua, ete.) who lived under sheikhs on the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates as well as on the coast of the Persian Gulf. They were partly traders partly pastoral nomads, and were collectively called Arumu. The Assyrians never gave the name to the populations westward of the Euphrates, who were included under the general titles of Hittites and Amorites. In the OT, on the contrary, the name is applied to the inhabitants of Syria as well as to those of Mesopotamia. The different Aramzan districts or states are distinguished by special titles. Meso- potamia is known as Aram-naharaim, ‘Aram of the two rivers,’ Tigris and Euphrates. It eorre- sponds in part to the Nahrima of the Egyp. in- scriptions, though the latter term deno the district between the Euphrates and Orontes, as well as the kingdom of Mitanni on the eastern side of the Euphrates. In the Tel el-Amarna tablets, however, it is confined to Mitanni. The Assyr. country of Nahri lay in a different direction, in the mountains of S. Armenia. Cushan - rishathaim, king of Aram-naharaim (AV Mesopotamia), who oppressed the Israelites for eight years shortly after their entrauce into Canaan (Jg 3°-!°), was a king of Mitanni. We learn from the Tel el-Amarna tablets that in the 15th cent. B.c. the kings of Mitanni or ‘Nahrima’ had already interfered in the affairs of Palestine, and had intermarried with the royal family of Egypt. The troops of Mitanni accompanied the northern hordes who attacked Egypt in the reign of Ramses Il. (c. B.C. 1200); and as the king of Mitanni is not named among the conquered in- vaders, it is probable that he did not actually enter Egypt, but remained behind in Canaan. This would have been just before the Israelitish conquest of that country, and would throw light on the presence there of Cushan-rishathaim. In certain passages of the Pent. assumed to belong to P (Gn 25% 2875-7 3]18' 3318 (35% 35487); the name of Aram-naharaim as applied to the northern part of Mesopotamia is replaced by Pad[dJan-aram, of which S’déh ’Ardm, ‘the field of Aram,’ in Hos 12”, is supposed to be & translation. Paddan is the same word as the Syr. and Arab. padddn, a measure of land which can be ‘ploughed’ by oxen in a day, and is found in Assyrian under the form of paddnu. Padanu is explained in the cuneiform lexical tablets as Riss — — ae : ‘tablets (B.C. 1400). ARAM, ARAMA‘ANS ARARAT 139 meaning ‘field’ or ‘ garden’ (WAT ii. 62. 33), from a root which signifies to ‘cleave’ or ‘plough’ the ground. It is also brought into connexion with sharrdnu, ‘a high-road,’ whence the name of Harran (Gn 11*! 28! 2745), and is the equivalent of a Sumerian word signifying ‘foot’ or ‘plain,’ which was used to denote ‘the land of the Amor- ites’ (WATii. 50. 59). An early king of Babylonia, Agu-kak-rimi (c. B.C. 1700) calls himself ‘king of Padan and Alman.’ On the western side of the Euphrates the Aramzan states and language extended, eastward of the Jordan, as far south as Mizpeh in Gilead (Gn 314’, where the cairn is described as forming a boundary between the languages of Aram and Canaan). In the north was Aram of Zobah (the Tsubité of the Assyr. texts, which place it east- ward of Hamath). In the time of Saul (1S 14*) ‘the kings of Zobah’ are mentioned, but soon after- wards Zobah appears under the sole rule of Hadad- ezer, son of Rehob (2 S 8?!2). Hadadezer, who had ‘had wars’ with Hamath, was defeated by Dayid ‘as he went to recover his border at the river Euphrates.’ Subsequently, in spite of assist- ance from the Aramzans of Damascus (2 S 8°), and of Mesopotamia ‘beyond’ the Euphrates (2S 10°), the army of Hadadezer was again overthrown at Helam (perhaps Aleppo, Assyr. Khalman), and ‘the kings that were servants to Hadadezer’ became the vassals of Israel. Josephus transforms the place Helam, which he calls Khalaman, into a prince of Mesopotamia. Among the citiesof Hadad- ezer captured by David were Tibhath (1 Ch 183, ealled Betah in 2 S 88) and Berothai (Cun in 1 Ch 18%). Tibhath seems to be the Tubikh of the Tel el-Amarna tablets and the preeroo a list of Tahutmes It. at Karnak, the Tebah of Gn 22"4, The whole district is probably that which is termed Nukhasse in the Tel el-Amarna texts (Anaugas in the Egyp. inscriptions). Adjoining Aram-Zobah was Aram Beth-rehob or Aram-rehob (2 S 10*%8), which may have de- rived its name from the father (or ancestor) of Hadadezer. Rehob is associated with Ish-tob, ‘the men of Tob’ (see Jg 11°-5); but in 1 Ch 198 Aram-naharaim takes the place of both. To the south came Aram-maacah or Maacah, which, along with the adjoining Geshur, was assigned to Manasseh, eastward of the lakes of Merom and Gennesaret (Dt 3!4, Jos 12° 131-18 2 § 33 1337), Like Tebah and Tahash, the Takhis of the Egyp. monuments, Maacah was a descendant of Nahor (Gn 22%). Between Maacah and Zobah was the city of Damascus (As. Dimaska) which wasconquered by the Egyp. king Tahutmes II. (B.C. 1480), and was still subject to Egypt in the age of the Tel el-Amarna Damascus is called Aram- Dammesek in 2 S 8°, when it sent aid to Hadad- ezer. The defeat of Hadadezer made it tributary to David, but it recovered its independence early in the reign of Solomon under Rezon the son of Eliadah, who had been a vassal of the king of Zobah (1 K 11%), Damascus soon became a dangerous neighbour of the northern kingdom of Israel, and at one time even exercised a sort of suzerainty over Samaria. The other Aramezan states of Syria were absorbed by it, so that eventu- ally the name of Aram was applied to it alone; but its power was finall aera by the Assyrians, Foremost among the Aramean deities was Hadad or Addu (also Dadu or Dadda), the sun- od, identified by the Assyrians with their mman (Rimmon), the air-god, also called Amurru, ‘the Amorite.’ We find the combination Hadad-Rimmon in Zec 124, By the side of Hadad stood his divine son Ben-Hadad, as we learn from the cuneiform inscriptions. At Sendschirli Mention is made, besides Hadad, of Resheph the fire-god, of El, Shamas, Or, and Rekeb-el or Rekub-el, which may possibly denote ‘the chariot of El.’ Numerous deities are referred to in the Palmyrene inscriptions, such as Baal-samen, Agli- bol, and Yarkhi-bol ; but several of them, like Bol, or Nebo, or Sin the moon-god of Harran, were borrowed from the Babylonian. So also was the goddess Atar, the Bab. Istar, who, in combination with the Syrian ‘Ati, produced the hybrid Atar- gatis. In the south the Nabateans of Tema, Petra, and the Sinaitic Peninsula had several deities of their own, such as Aumos(?), Katsiu (Kas- sios), and Zelem (As. Zalmu); but others, like Du- sares and Allft, Manét, Kais, and Kaisah, they shared with the Arabs. The gods of Syria are mentioned in Jg 10°. For the Aramaic Language, see LANGUAGE OF THE OT. LirERATURE.—Renan, Histoire générale et systéme comparé des Langues sémitiques (1863); Mittheilungen aus den orientalischen Sammlungen, pt. xi., Ausgrabungen im Sendschirli i. (1898); Baethgen, Beitrdge swr semitischen Religionsgeschichte (1888). A. H. SAYCE. ARAM (o7x).—1. A grandson of Nahor (Gn 221). 2. An Asherite (1 Ch 7*). 3 AV of Mt 13, Lk 3°, See ARNI, Ram. ARAMAIC YERSIONS.—See TArcums. ARAMITESS (mx, Zdpa, Syra), a feminine form which occurs in both AV and RV of 1 Ch 74, for the elsewhere frequent term Syrian. ARAM MAACAH.—1 Ch 19%, The more southerly part of Syria. See ARAM. ARAM-NAHARAIM, ARAM-REHOB, and ARAM- ZOBAH.—See ARAM. ARAN (778, Sam. 7x).—Son of Dishan the Horite (Gn 36%, 1 Ch 1*), a descendant of Esau. The name denotes ‘a wild goat,’ and Dishan ‘an antelope’ or ‘ gazelle’ ; while Seir the ancestor is ‘the he-goat.’ On the subject of Totem-clans in the Bible, see Jacobs’ Biblical Archeology (1894), ip. 64-103, and Robertson Smith on ‘ Animal orship and Animal Tribes among the Ancient Arabs and in OT’ (Journ. of Philology, No. 17, vol. ix., 1880). H. oi RYLE. ARARAT (n798, ’Apuevia).—The Biblical A. is the Assyrian Urardhu (Urasdhu in the Persian period), the name given to the kingdom which had its centre on the shores of Lake Van. The name seems to be connected with Urdhft, which, a cuneiform lexical tablet (WAT ii. 486, 18) ex- plains as ‘ Highlands’ (7id/a),* and which appears as Urdhes in an inscription of the native king Sar-duris II., who describes it as in the neigh- bourhood of Lake Erivan. In Herodotus (iu. 94) the word takes the form of Alarodians. The cuneiform writing of Assyria was borrowed by the inhabitants of the country in the 9th cent. B.C., and we learn from the inscriptions composed in it that the native name of the kingdom was Biainas or Bianas, the Byana of Ptolemy, now Van. The capital of the kingdom, now repre- sented by the modern city of Van, was called Dhuspas; this gave its name to the district termed Théspitis in classical geography, now Tosp. It was upon ‘the mountains of A.’ that the ark rested (Gn 84), and in Jer 51” A. is associated * This is the explanation hitherto given by Assyriologists. But I believe that the true explanation is different. Urdhfa or Ararat was denoted by an ideograph, which usually represented Accad in Babylonian, and signified ‘a mound’ or ‘tel,’ in Assyrian tilla, because Tilla happened to be the name of a city in Ararat with which the Assyrians were acquainted in early times. It is called Tela by Assur-nazir-pal, and is still known as Tilleh at the junction of the Sert and the Tigris. 140 ARARAT with Minni and Ashkenaz. Minni, in fact, called Mann4 or Minné in Assyrian, Mana in the Vannic texts, adjoiued Ararat on the E., being separated from it by the Kotur range, and Ashkenaz is probably the Asguza of the Assyr. monuments, which was situated in the same neighbourhood. The name of Armenia, written Armina in Old Persian, Kharminuya in Amardian, first appears in the cuneiform inscriptions of Darius Hystaspis, but the origin of it is quite unknown. It may be connected with the Vannde word armani-lis, ‘a stéle,’ or with Arman (‘the land of the Aram- zeans’?), an Aramean district south of Lake Van. Geographically, however, Armenia corresponds with Ararat. The supreme god of A. was Khaldis, who was worshipped under a variety of forms, and from whom the inhabitants of the country took the name of ‘ people of Khaldis.? Frum this was derived the name of Khaldei or Khaldeans, assigned by classical lean to the Armenian population who bordered on Pontus, and which was still preserved as late as the fifteenth century in the name of Khaldia applied to Lazistan (Belek in Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, ix. 1, p. 89). The kingdom of Biainas or Ararat was originall bounded on the north by the Araxes, and although some of its kings made conquests still further north, it never seems to have comprised the Mount Ararat of modern times. This is still called Massis by the Armenians themselves, and the extension to it of the name of Ararat is of comparatively modern date. Its great height, the larger of its two peaks being 17,000 feet above the level of the sea, while the smaller peak, 7 miles distant, is 13,000 feet above the sea-level, has doubtless had much to do with the belief that it was the spot on which the ark rested. Arghuri, the only village which stood on its slopes, is even pointed out as the spot on which Noah planted his vineyard. It was first ascended py Parrot in 1829, and the ascent has since been achieved by Bryce and others. The original site of the resting-place of the ark lay towards the south of Ararat in the Kurdish mountains, which divide Armenia from Mesopotamia and Kurdistan. According to the Bab. account of the Deluge, the ‘ship’ of Xisuthros, the Chaldzean Noah, rested on the eak of ‘the mountain of Nizir,’ which la of Assyria, between 35° and 36° N. lat. Similarly, Berosus the Chaldzan historian fixed the spot in ‘the mountain of the Kordyzans’ or Kurds (Jos. Anfé. I. iii. 6), and the Syriac version replaces Ararat by Kardu in Gn 84%. Nicolaus Damascenus also stated that the ark had rested on ‘a great mountain in Armenia, beyond Minyas, called Baris’ (Jos. Ant. I. iii. 6). Minyas is Minni, and Baris is more accurately given as Lubar in the Book of Jubilees (ch. v.). Lubar was the boundary between Armenia and Kurdistan (Epiphanius, Adv. Her. i. 5). The Jebel Judi is still regarded by the Kurds as the scene of the descent from the ark. It would seem, therefore, that the spot has been successively shifted from the mountain of Nizir (possibly Rowandiz) in the east, to Jebel Judi or Lubar, and then to the modern Mount Ararat in the far north. The great plateau of Armenia, rising to a height of from 6000 to 7000 feet above the sea, was naturally a district which appeared to the dwellers in the southern plains beyond the reach of the Deluge. Intensely cold in the winter, it is equally hot in the summer. The vine is indigenous there (as it isin the Balkans), and the whole district is marked by the results of voleanic action. It is note- worthy that the present Armenian words for ‘gold’ and ‘tin’ are identical with the Sumerian or proto- Chaldean names of the same objects (oski, ‘gold,’ Sumerian, guski, wuski; anag, ‘tin,’ Sum. nagga). ARARAT The cuneiform characters of Assyria were intro- duced into the kinedom of Ararat in the 9th cent. B.c. The syllabary was greatly simplified, each character having only a single phonetic value attached to it, and the greater number of charac- ters expressing closed syllables being rejected. The vowels were usually denoted by separate characters, and a good many ideographs were borrowed. It is to the use of these ideographs that the decipherment of tle Vannic inscriptions is mainly due. The inscriptions are carved on rocks, altar-stones, columns, and the like, and are in a language which shows little resemblance to any other with which we are acquainted, though it may be distantly related to modern Georgian. The introduction of the cuneiform Boon was paruly the result of the campaigns of the Assyr. ings Assur-nazir-pal and Shalmaneser II. in the north, and it seems to have been connected with the rise of a new dynasty which established itself on the shores of Lake Van (about B.c. 840). The founder of the dynasty was Sar-duris 1. the son of Lutipris, who appears to have displaced Arame, the earlier antagonist of Shalmaneser 1. Sar-duris was suc- ceeded by his son Ispuinis (‘the settler’), who, towards the end of his reign, associated his son Menuas with him on the throne. Menuas was a great conqueror and builder; he carried his arms as far as Mount Rowandiz in the east, and beyond the Araxes in the north, and he also claims to have defeated the Hittites and the king of Mala- tiyeh in the west. An inscription commemorative of the event was engraved on the cliff overhangin the Euphrates near Palu. Menuas was follow by his son Argistis I., who has recorded in a long inscription on the rock of Van the campaigns he made year by year, and the amount of spoil he brought back from them. The kingdoms of the Minni and other nations in the neighbourhood of Lake Urumiyeh were ravaged, and the Assyr. forces are stated to have been overthrown. Sar- duris I1., the son of Argistis, continued the con- uests of his father, and extended his empire as ar as the borders of Cappadocia. But his career was suddenly checked by the revival of Assyria under Tiglath-pileser 11. The northern league, which the king of Armenia formed against the new power, was shattered, and the Assyrians swept the country up to the gates of the capital, Dhuspas or Van. RusasI., the son and successor of Sar-duris, was equally unfortunate in his attempt to check the progress of Assyria, and after the overthrow of his allies by Sargon, and the fall of the city of Muzazir, he ‘cilled himself in a fit of despair. His successor, Argistis I1., however, managed to pre- serve his independence, as also did Erimenas, against whom Esarhaddon was carrying on war, when Sennacherib was murdered by his two sons, It was to the court of Erimenas that the murderers fled. His son Rusas I. improved the water-suppl of Van, and built a palace, on the site of whe various objects of Vannic art, such as ornamental shields and man-headed bulls of bronze, have been discovered. A few years later Sar-duris 1. made alliance with the Assyr. king, Assur-bani- al (B.C. 645). Ararat suffered soon afterwards, ike the rest of W. Asia, from the invasion of the Kimmerians and Scyths, in the wake of which it is probable came the immigration of the bet fe Armenians, and the fall of the old kingdom of Ararat. According to the classical authors, these Aryan Armenians were a Phrygian colony (Herod. vii. 73; Eustath. on Dion. v. 694). ‘The conquest of Armenia by Cyrus took place in B.C. 546. Lireratorr.—Sayce, ‘The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van,‘ in the JRAS xiy. 8, 4, xx. 1, xxv 1 (1893), xxvi. 4 (1894). A. H. SAYCE ARATHES ARCH 141 ARATHES ( Apiapdéys, x, AV Ariarathes; ’Apdé7s, A, cursives, incorrectly, 1 Mac 15”), v. PHILCPATOR, formerly called Mithridates, was king of Cappadocia B.C. 163-130. He was a firm ally of the Paar and, in accordance with their wishes, rejected the roposal of a marriage with the sister of Demetrius oter. The latter made war upon him, and expelled him from his kingdom, setting up in his stead Holo- hernes, a supposititious son of A. Iv. Philopator Hed to Rome about B.C, 158, and by Rom. aid he was restored to a share in the government. A few ears later he again became sole king. In B.c. 139, in consequence of an embassy sent by Simon Mac- cabeeus, the Romans wrote letters to A. and certain other eastern sovereigns in favour of the Jews (1 Mac l.c.). See Diodor. xxxi. 19. 28. 32; Justin xxxv. 1; Polyb. iii. 5, xxxii. 20, 23, xxxiii. 12; Appian. Syr. 47. H. A. WHITE. ARAUNAH (3px, also ax 2 8S 248 jnx 1 Ch 2135, 2 Ch 3!).—A Jebusite who owned a threshing- floor on Mount Moriah. When David numbered the people, and the pestilence was sent as a punish- ment for his sin, this spot was indicated by the prophet Gad as the place where an altar should be erected to J”, because the plague had been stayed. David went to A. and bought the threshing-floor and oxen for 50 shekels of silver. The AES paid is given in 1 Ch 21% as 600 shekels of gold—a discrepancy which we have no means of explain- ing. M. Boyp. ARBA (ys7x) is described as ‘the great man among the Anakim’ (Jos 1415), ‘the father of the Anak’ (15"8), ‘the father of the Anok’ (21"), This may mean that he was regarded as the progenitor of the Anakim, and it certainly implies that he was regarded as the great man in their traditional history. Presumably he was regarded as the founder of the city that bore his name, and as having founded it seven years before the Egyp. Zoan (Jos 1518, Gn 23? 357”, Nu 1372). See ANAKIM, GIANT. Arbah, or Arba, City of. This phrase occurs in AV in Gn 35”, Jos 15% 214. It is simply a tr. of the name which elsewhere appears as Kirjath-arba, or Kiriath-arba(which see). This city is Hebron. W. J. BEECHER. ARBATHITE (‘naqv7 2S 231), Klostermann sug- gests ‘nawya n'a [see ABI-ALBON] ‘a native of Beth- arabah,’ a town in the wilderness of Judah (Jos 15° © 1822); but ‘nanya occurs without na 1 Ch 11°, and 7377 Jos 18%, J. F. STENNING. ARBATTA (éy ’ApBdrros, AV Arbattis), 1 Mac 53.—A district in Palestine. The situation is doubtful. It may be a corruption for Akrabattis —the toparchy of Samaria near ’Akrabeh E. of Shechem. C. R. CONDER. ARBELA.—The Syrian army under Bacchides, which came from the N. upon Jerus. B.c. 161, is described by the Gr. of 1 Mac 9? as proceeding ‘ by the way that leadeth to Gilgal, and encamping before Mesaloth, which is in Arbela (év ’ApSAa1s) ; t possession of it and destroyed much people.’ e sites represented by all these names are disputed, and there are several alternatives for the line of the Syrian march. The most natural direction for Bacchides to take was along the coast, and up the vale of Aijalon. On this route there lay a Gilgal, the present Jiljuliyeh, on the plain of Sharon, but no trace is now discover- able of Mecadd@ or of “ApByd\a. Jos. (Ant. XII. xi. 1) supposes that they came through Galilee, which he reads instead of Gilgal. On this route stands the modern Irbid, the identity of which name with Irbil or Arbela is proved by the medi- eval Arab geographers (Nasir-i-Khusrau calls it Irbil, but Yakut and others Irbid; ef. Reland, Pal. 358); and Robinson (BR ii. 398) suggests that Mecadé@ or Maicadd@ stands for nidpp, a term he thinks appropriate to the precipices, honey-combed with caves, that always made Arbela a place of Sey importance. But this identification is doubtful. Again, Bacchides, having passed through Galilee, might have approached Jerus. across Es- draelon by the trunk road through Samaria, a direction which is called in the Bk of Jth (47) the dvaBdoes to Judea. On this route there lay a strong fortress, Gilgal, the modern Jiljilia, which might well have given its name to the route; and Ewald identifies this with the Gilgal of our passage (Hist. Eng. ed. v. 323). On the same road, much farther N. than Gilgal, stands a Meselieh, taken by some to be the Bethulia of the Bk of Jth, and therefore a fortress that Bacchides, if advan- cing by this direction, would certainly have to reckon with; while close to Meselieh stands Meithalin. These two offer a probable identifica- tion for Meca\w#. The latter is said to lie & "ApBAos, and this form of the phrase suggests that Arbela (observe the plural) was the name, not of a town, but a district. Now Eus. (Onom. art.”ApBy\a) notes the name as existing in his time in Esdraelon, 94 miles from Lejjun, a position which suits the entrances from KEsdraelon upon Meselieh and Meithalin. It is just possible, therefore, that “ApBnda was the name of the whole district. A fourth alternative for the route of Bacchides was through Gilead, which name is read for Gilgal by the Syr. of 1 Mac 92. In the E. of Gilead there lies to-day a point of strategic importance known as Irbid ; but there is neither a Mesaloth nora Gilgal, unless the latter be taken to be the Gilgal by Jericho, which Bacchides might have passed had he come upon Judea through Gilead. The Gilead route, however, is much the least probable of the four suggested. See BETH-ARBEL and GIL- GAL. G. A. SMITH. ARBITE (‘27x7).—The LXX (2 S 23%) apparently reads ‘27x7 (the Archite), ef. Jos 16? and ‘Hushai the Archite,’ 2S 15; but a place ’Arab, in the S. of Judah, is mentioned Jos 15%. In the parallel passage 1 Ch 11% we find ‘the son of Ezbai’ (-3187]3), @ reading which is supported by several MSS of the LXX 28 lc, (ulds rod “AcB.), and which is probably correct, J. F. STENNING. ARBONAI (ApBwvds, Jth 2%4).—A torrent appar- ently near Cilicia. It cannot be represented by the modern Nahr Ibrahim, since the ancient name of that river was the Adonis; nor does the latter answer to the term ‘torrent’ (xeluafpos) applied to the Arbonai. C. R. CONDER. ARCH.—1. Of the Temple. The word ‘arch’ is used in the plural (‘arches’) 14 times in Ezk 40, That neither ‘arch’ nor ‘arches’ has any right to appear in the Eng. Bible at all, an examination of Ase Heb. word, of the versions, and of the context, will make clear. The Heb. word is according to the Mass. pointing 092°" ’élammim, which is the lur. of 07's ’élam; the word is, however, onl ound with suffixes, and as the text stands it is sing. not plur.; it is the Keré or corrected reading that makes the word plural. Twice indeed (40%* ®) does the fem. plur. nisby occur ; but Smend (Comm. p. 326) suspects an error. (Cornill in y.6 reads 07s sing. ; v.® he rejects, following most Heb. MSS.) In all the remaining 12 places the written text makes it singular and not plural. The word occurs nowhere outside this chapter, and it is almost certainly either a synonym of ox lam, porch, or a clerical error for this last word. 142 ARCHANGEL That the translators of the LXX had before them, in all the instances where either 2?°S or obi is now found, one and the same Heb. word in the text, is suggested by the fact that these translators use but one Greek word, and that a mere translit. of D?'s, viz. aiAdu. Cornill in his amended text of Ezk reads Dory, never 22)%, and trs. by Vorhaile (porch). It should be stated, however, that aiadu trs. the Heb. word ‘2 saph, ‘threshold,’ in Ezk 465, and boy *ayil, ‘post,’ in 4019 14.16.49 and 411, The Vulg. uses one word vestibulum for ’élam and *ilam. The Targ. also uses but one word, this being, however, RODIN -“lamma’, not, as the LXX would lead us to expect, 8228 ’élamma’. It is certain that ’élam is used in the sense of ’é%am in Ezk 4031. 81.35, prob. also in 40-23, where the ’élam is said to be toward the outer court. The Douay Version, which follows the Vulg. more closely than the latter does the LXX, uses in all cases the Eng. word porch. In the mod. Gr. version, crod, porch, is the uniform rendering. In addition to Cornill, Smend, A. B. Davidson (see their Com- mentaries), Fried. Delitzsch (Prolegomena, p. 139), the Lexicons of Miihlau and Volck, Buhl, Oxford, and the majority of recent critics, accept the view that both Heb. words have but one meaning, viz. porch. What is intended by ‘porch’ in this connexion see under PORCH and TEMPLE. 2. General. It is a debatable point whether the Israelites in OT times were acquainted with the arch as an architectural device, and whether they used it. There is no corresponding word in Hebrew ; but indeed few architectural terms are found in this language. Heb. is the language of poetry, of ethics, and of religion, and not of science t. See ARCHITECTURE. ane ss T. W. DAVIES. ARCHANGEL.—See ANGEL. ARCHELAUS.—See under HEROD. ARCHERY.—Though bows are mentioned with tolerable frequency in the OT, one is tempted to think that the Israelites were not distinguished above the surrounding nations by their skill in the use of this weapon. The battle of Gilboa was probably lost through the superiority of the Philis- tine archers. David, after the battle, endeavoured to encourage archery practice in Judah (2 § 13, Reject RV and compare Driver, Notes on Samuel, in loco). Elisha on his deathbed (2 K 1315419) promised Joash victory over Syria by the use of the bow. Probably the revival of Israel’s military power under Jeroboam, son of Joash, was due to improve- ment in archery; Hosea, a contemporary, speaks (1°) of the bow as the national weapon of Israel. The most effective and scientific use of the bow, however, was that shown by the Assyrians. The terror caused by their archery is hinted at in Is 528 and 3733, To judge from Assyr. reliefs, it seems to have been the practice of Assyr. armies to over- whelm their enemies with the bow, and to use the spear and sword only when the foe was already in flight. W. E. BARNES. ARCHEVITES (82}278).—‘ The people of Erech,’ a town identified with the Bab. Uruk (modern Warka), on the left bank of the Euphrates. It is mentioned in Gn 10, between Babel and Accad, as the second city of importance in Nimrod’s kingdom ; and its name occurs, in the inscriptions, along with that of Accad, as one of the principal towns in N. Babylonia. Some of the inhabitants of Erech were ‘ deported’ as colonists to Samaria by king Assurbanipal (668-626). Their name is mentioned in Ezr 4° along with dwellers in Babylon ; and the ‘ deporta- en ARCHITECTURE tion’ of Archevites most probably indicates that Erech sided with Babylon in the revolt of Samas- sum-ukin against the Assyr. king (cf. Ryle, Hzra and Nehemiah). H. BE. RYLE. ARCHIPPUS.—Archippus is mentioned only twice in NT. The short letter sent by St. Paul to Philemon is addressed not only to Philemon and Apphia, but also to ‘A., our fellow-soldier,’ as well as to the church in Philemon’s house (v.2). The position here assigned to A., between the mention of Philemon and that of the church in his house, renders it highly probable that he was, if not a near relative (perhaps a son or brother), at any rate one belonging to the household circle. ‘ Fellow- soldier’ is doubtless applied to him (as to Epa- phroditus, Ph 2%; cf. also Ph 4%, 2 Ti 28) as enduring conflict in the service of the Church or the gospel, probably in some official position ; but what that position was, we have no means of knowing. Nor is much more light supplied by the other passage (Col 4!7) which speaks of his ‘ministry (daxcoviay) in the Lord.’ ‘The term diakovia need not necessarily be taken in its technical sense of the office of deacon, or in that of bishop or presbyter or evangelist; it may denote ~ any service, but the adjunct év Kupfm defines it as specially undertaken for the Church by one ‘living and acting in the Lord under the sense of holy obligation’ (Meyer). The form of the admoni- tion has been thought to imply some misgiving or doubt or censure, as though A. were still young or subordinate, weak or too indulgent, or inclined to be remiss, and so in special need of warning or stimulus; but it need not convey more than that the ‘service’ was a difficult one, in which he might well be strengthened by the encouragement of the Church acting on the apostle’s message. The suggestion of Lightfoot, among others, that A. was a Laodicean teacher, on the ground that 417 is joined by «ai to the context in which the Laodicean Church is spoken of, seems improbable ; for, apart from other difficulties, why should St. Paul have taken this roundabout way of reaching A. (if not himself a Colossian) through a strange church, when he was almost simultaneously addressing him directly (Philem?)? There seems little historical basis for the tradition that A. was one of the 70 disciples, who became bishop of Laodicea and suffered martyrdom at Chone. WILLIAM P, DICKSON. ARCHITE (°?787).—The native of a town (Erech?, not Archi as in AV of Jos 16?) situated on the north border of Benjamin, probably the modern ‘Ain ’ Arik, west of Bethel. Hushai, David’s friend (2S 15%), belonged to this town. See WP vol. iii. sheet xvli. C. R. CONDER. ** ARCHITECTURE.— The influences which formed the architecture of the Hebrews were very diverse. Besides the highly developed structures of Egypt and Babylon, there was the native Amorite building, and the starting-point of the people themselves from a nomadic life. The great tent of the taber- nacle, with its chamber of wood, must have been } the ideal type for a long period to the Hebrews. | It is, according to Fergusson’s rendering of it (see } TABERNACLE), strictly in accord with what may | be seen as the system of development from the Bedawi tent at present. A widespread low tent is pitched, fencing of reeds or piles of stone is | built around it to make a shelter from storms; the tent is then carried out over the shelter walls, or | else enclosed in a courtyard, and settlements are | thus formed which are compounded of walling for | the sides and tent for the covering. Such seems to have been the principle of the tabernacle; and long after the entrance into Pal. the Hebrews, in | ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner's Sons ARCHITECTURE the south at least, continued to depend on tents and skins, instead of building and pottery. The closely inhabited region south of Hebron, where at every mile or two a name of an OT village is to be found, is absolutely bare of any early building, and not a fragment of Jewish pottery is to be found there. This shows that the people retained the nomadic type of life although settled on the land. The Amorite buildings of brick were massive and imposing to a desert people: ‘cities great, and fenced up to heaven’ (Dt 178). The thick walls of well-laid brickwork, as seen at Tell Hesy, were very strong defences, and quite wide enough to have considerable houses built upon the wall (Jos 245). Woodwork was largely used (Jos 8?) ; but probably for roofing, as no trace of vaulted brick roofs has yet been found. This system of mud- brick building continued to be used throughout the Jewish history, as is seen at Tell Hesy, and alluded to by Ezekiel (13!°-12); and such building was probably in type, as well as material, a con- tinuation of the Amorite style. What the external appearance of these buildings was, is shown by the figures of forts conquered by the Egyptians in Syria, and represented on the monuments. High blank walls gave no opening or hold for an enemy ; pilasters and towers strengthened the faces and corners of the forts; and projecting chambers overhanging the more important points enabled the defenders to prevent any sapping or scaling. The gateway was a.projecting building in front of the entrance, a plan which enabled the defenders to make it a death trap to any attacking party ; for on forcing the outer gate the besiegers would be confined in a narrow space exposed to ceaseless attack overhead. Defence at this age seems to have been far superior to attack; and without a siege train such forts could be reduced only by stratagem (as at Ai) or by starvation. When stone building was required, it appears to have been probably of masonry hewn to fit on the spot, or at least of irregular courses ; for the Jews were astonished at proper construction, with hewn stone all cut regularly in advance, and they remark when neither hammer nor axe nor any tool of iron was heard in the house while it was in building (1 K 67). The mechanical Phoenicians appear to have planned the temple entirely in advance, as the Egyptians did in early times, marking each stone with its place; Hiram’s builders and the Gebalites being responsible for this work (1 K 5!8), The stone was sawn with saws, as in the best Egyp. work (1 K 7°). ‘The cause of this Phoen. superiority in stonework is probably from their occupying a rocky coast where brick is less attainable, and a wet coast where stone is the more needful. Of the architectural forms very little is known directly. The only carvings yet seen, which are zertainly of the period of the monarchy, are the slabs of Tell Hesy. There a cavetto cornice, like the usual Egyp. form of the nineteenth dynasty, is carved on a thin slab, which was placed over a doorway as a lintel. From the want of solidity, and the curve of the back, manifestly following that of the face, it is evident that this was not a structural, but only an ornamental member ; like the similar thin stone lintels attached by (wooden ?) pegs to the brick wall behind, in the palace of Akhenaten at Tel el-Amarna. What the real nature of the door-crown was has not been preserved ; it may have been of wood, but looking to Egyp. usage it is more likely to have been an arch of brickwork, like the walls. The sides of the doorways have also been pre- served, though reversed in re-use in a later building. They are decorated with pilasters, which ARCHITECTURE 143 show the form of the columns in use at that age, A rounded low stone base supported the stout and clumsy cclumn, which is even represented as equal in diameter to the base. At least the ideal was very different from that of the Egyp., whose column was far narrower than its base. The column diminished greatly upward, and was capped at the top by a volute of Ionic nature. In the stonework this volute seems to imitate a coil of metal; but the whole design appears to come from a decorating of wooden posts with rams’ horns, a similar idea to the bucrania in Gr. use. On Assyr. monuments, capitals are represented which have been considered to foreshadow the Ionic; but the horn form (if it ever existed in these) has been lost, whereas in the earlier Jewish example, which is probably Solo- monic, the coil is much more isolated and pronounced. These pilasters show by their shortness that a dado existed below them, and was an important feature in the building; but no stonework of a dado has been preserved. A peculiar feature of, Jewish design is the duplication of the doorway. In the rock tombs there is a general tendency to a double entrance ; sometimes only carried out in the porch, where a pillar will stand directly in front of the doorway. The same duplication is seen in the building at Tell Hesy in which the stone slabs were re-used, as above described: the object of the building is not known, but on three sides, if not four, it had two doors. As these doors required to be secured by locks or fastenings, the taste for double entrances must have been very strong. Such a duplication occurs both in Assyr. and Persian buildings, and belongs therefore to an established system. Of other ornament the drafting of the walls was the most prominent, and is likewise known in Persia. The edges of the stones were dressed to a straight line with flat faces, while the middle of each external face was occupied by a projecting boss. This boss was sometimes left quite rough— like the rusticated work of the Pitti palace; but usually it was dressed flat, thus leaving the joint lines recessed half an inch to 3 inches from the main face of the wall, according to the scale of the work. The great stones of the temple substructure are the best known example of this work, but they are not certainly older than Herod. On a smaller scale this same work was found in the lower courses of a door of the fortress at Tell Hesy, which takes it hack to the middle of the Jewish monarchy ; and from the persistence of the type to the present day it appears to truly belong to the country. Of the plans of buildings we know even less than of the decoration. The temple, as Fergusson has pointed out, was simply a doubling of the dimensions of the tabernacle, and we may carry the parallel further. The great tent pitched over the tabernacle sides extended beyond them, and the covered space thus left around the tabernacle would doubtless be used for subsidiary purposes. This space was reproduced in the temple as a chain of chambers all round the sides, a construction which was not favourable to any grand treatment of the exterior. The plan, therefore, was ruled by its development from the previous sacred place. In the later temple of Herod the great porch was the most striking feature, and accords in taste with the enormous porticoes of the Herodian rock- tombs at Jerusalem, which are often much larger than the tomb inside the rock. Minor buildings of the age of the monarchy have been found in the only excavations yet made in a city,—those at Tell Hesy. One building already mentioned was square, with two doors on each side. Another— perhaps a barrack—was a long hall with two rows 144 ARCTURUS of columns from end to end. Until further excavations may reveal more examples, we can glean but little about the usual arrangements of Jewish architecture. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. ARCTURUS.—A star of the first magnitude in the constellation Bodtes or the Herdman. Arcturus is the rendering of AV for ¥¥% ‘Ash, Job 99, and wy The identification of ‘Ash, ‘Ayish, has formed subject for wide conjecture. Versions: LXX "Eorepov im both places (agreeing with Pesh. in placing 72°?, Maeda, before “2 in 9%); Pesh. Do 12025 ‘Jyyfithd of doubtful meaning, explained by Arabic Lexx. as Capella Aurigze, but placed in Taurus; Vulg. 9° Arcturum (whence AY), 3822 Vesperum; Targ. 9° transliterates, 38°? ‘the hen \ 9 a with her chickens,’ ¢.e. the Pleiades ; Sa‘adya, wis ys, i.e. Ursa Major. In the Talm. Berachoth 58b, R. Yehuda explains ‘Ash as xn» Yatha, and later Talmudists interpret this as ‘the tail of the Ram,’ i.e. Pleiades, or ‘the head of the Bull,’ #.e. Aldebaran with the Hyades. Ibn Ezra, ‘the Bear.’ Among moderns there are two main explanations. 1. The great Bear or Wain; Ges., Del. RV, etc. With the Arabs the four stars of this group which form the quadrilateral are known as Na‘sh ‘the bier,’ the three stars of the tail being ‘the daughters of the bier,’ a phrase which resembles that of Job 38%2 ‘‘Ayish with her children.’ It is, however, impossible philologically to identify the root of Arab. Na‘sh with Heb. ‘Ash, and still more so with ‘Ayish. 2. The Pleiades ; Stern in Geiger’s Jiid. Zeitschr. iii, 258 ff. ; Hoffmann, ZAT7'W. iii. 107 f.; Noldeke. Stern points out that Job 3822-8 deals with weather phenomena, and that therefore the constellations mentioned vv.1- 82 appear to be regarded as marking or influencing the changes of the seasons. Since the Bear is visible in the N. hemisphere throughout the year, it could scarcely be thought of as a season prognosticator. Thus Job 3822 is rendered, ‘Alcyone with her children,’ i.e. the principal star of the Pleiades group with its companions, the other constellations mentioned being interpreted as the Hyades, Orion, and Canis Major with Sirius. We then have allusion to four groups regarded by the Greeks as signs of the seasons, and rising in close succession one upon another. The form ‘Ayish is thought to be correct (so Dillmann) rather than ‘dsh, and Hoffmann vocalises ‘Ayyfish, thus connecting with Pesh. ‘Tyytitha. C. F. BURNEY. ARD (18).—Benjamin’s son, Gn 4671, but his grandson, Nu 26°=1 Ch 8% (Addar). Patronymic Ardites (Nu 26%). G. HARFORD-BATTERSBY. ARDAT (2 Es 92° AV Ardath), ‘a field’ in an unknown situation. ARDON (1'")8).—A son of Caleb (1 Ch 218), ARELI (2878 ‘lion’ or ‘hearth of El’).—A son of Gad (Gn 4616, Nu 2617). Patronymic Arelites (Nu 2617), G. HARFORD-BATTERSBY. AREOPAGITE( Apeorayirns, Ac 17 only), applied to Dionysius (wh. see) as member of the Council of the Areopagus. AREOPAGUS (“Apewos Mdyos, AV ‘ Areopagus’ Ac 1719, ‘Mars’ hill’ 1722).—The Hill of Mars is an ARETAS eminence nearly due west of the Athenian Akro- polis, and separated therefrom by a low, narrow declivity. Here sat from the earliest antiquity the council of the Areopagus, at first a mainly judicial body composed of Eupatride recruited annually from the retiring archons. After the Macedonian subjugation of Athens, and under the Roman rule, this council probably retained more authority within Attica than any other representative body, and references to it in later Attic inscriptions are numerous. The hill rises gradually from the W., but drops abruptly on N. and E. On the summit remain the benches cut out of the rock on which the Areopagites sat in the open air (dmalOpior eduxd- (ovro, Pollux, viii. 118). Sixteen worn steps cut in the rock lead to the summit; and the two stones, called the dpyol Aléo., the Aldos dvaidelas ‘of im- placability,’ and #Spews ‘of ill-doing,’ still remain, on one and the other of which sat the accuser and the accused of murder. The council is termed in Inser. Attic. iii. 714, ‘the most holy,’ 7d ceuvdrarov suvédpiov ; and to us the awful associations, which attached to the hill and to the cave of the Furies at its foot, made it a fitting background for St. Paul’s solemn declaration of a new faith in the unknown God. However, there is no reason to suppose that the curious idlers who led St. Paul thither had any other end in view than to gain a quiet spot, far removed from the hum of the busy Agora below, where they might hear in peace what this newest of enthusiasts had to say. The state- ment of St. Luke, that the philosophers took St. Paul by the hand (érAaBduevor, Ac 1719, cf. Ac 927 2319, also Mt. 1431, Mk 88), is not appropriate to accusers bringing to trial a religious innovator. Nor, if the meeting which St. Paul addressed had been a judicial court, would it have dispersed in the way related; some mocking, while others said, ‘We will hear thee again of this matter.’ There- fore Chrysostom’s view, that St. Paul was formally arraigned before the Areopagite council, must be dismissed. There is every reason, moreover, for believing that in Ac 172-81 we have the actual gist of what St. Paul said, and in tone it is not the defence of a man forcibly apprehended and puton his trial for blasphemy.* Standing on the Areopagus and facing N., St. Paul had at his feet the Theseion, and on his right hand the Akropolis, with its splendid temples intact. Such surroundings would fill with en- thusiasm every cultured Christian of to-day. Wherever St. Paul turned, his glance must have fallen on the severe and lovely works of art which still adorned the decadent city. Thus a table was spread before him of which nineteenth century humanists are laboriously but thankfully gather- ing up the scattered crumbs. To St. Paul’s Semitic imagination nothing of all this appealed. It was to him just gold or silver or stone, graven by art and man’s device, the work of a period of ignorance at which God had mercifully winked. For a fuller disquisition on this point, and for a description of the view of Athens from the Hill of Mars, see Conybeare and Howson, Life and Ep. of St. Paul, ch. x. F. C. CONYBEARE. ARES (‘Apés), 1 Es 51°.—756 of his descendants returned with Zerub.: they correspond to the 775 (Hizr 2°) or 652 (Neh 7!°) children of Arah (28), H. St. J. THACKERAY. ARETAS (Aram. nnn, Gr. ’Apéras, more correctly *Apébas, aS in the name of the famous bishop of Cesarea Mazaca; the analogy of dperx probably influenced the commoner spelling).—1. King of the ‘ Arabians,’ 2 Mac 58 (see below). 2. King of the Nabatzan Arabs, whose ‘ethnarch’ qr gover- * See, however, Ramsay in Hwpos, 5th Ser, ii, 209 f., 261 f, ARETAS nor, apparently at the instance of the Jews (Ac 91. , his wife may well have been a proselyte), was guarding the city of Damascus to capture (widoor, 2 Co 11°?) and destroy (Ac 9) St. Paul. He escaped the ethnarch’s hands by the aid of the disciples, who lowered him in a basket from a window in the wall. This was shortly after St. Paul’s conversion, which event, rather than his escape from Damascus, would seem to be the terminus a quo of the werd tpla érn of Gal 18 (see Lighté. in loc.). Ifso, the escape may have taken lace at any point of time during the three years. if the escape itself is the point from which they are reckoned, the conversion can hardly lie far behind. How Damascus, a town within the Rom. prov. ia, came to be guarded by the officer of an king, is a much-debated question. The most probable solution is the hypothesis of a temporary extension of the Arab kingdom to Damascus. The facts are as follows :— The Nabatzeans (1013) are possibly identical with the NEBAIOTH (nv13) of OT (so Jos, Ant. I. xii. 4. The main difficulty is the unvarying distinctness of the final consonants » and n). They were prob- ably of Arab race, but used the Aram. language for writing and inscriptions (Néldeke in Schenkel, BL, 1872, s.v. Nabatier, and in ZDMG xvii. 703 8qq., Xxv. 122 sqq.). We first meet with them as a formidable power in connexion with the wars of Antigonus, B.C. 312, centred in the former Edomite stronghold of SELA (Nabat. ‘Sal,’ Gr. Ilérpa, hence the name for their country, ’ApaBla 7 pds rp Ilérpg, or ‘ Arabia, Petraea’), whence their power ually extended itself N. and S. Their first own ruler is the Aretas of 2 Mac 5%, with whom Jason was imprisoned (éyxAe.oGels) or, per- haps, ‘ accused’ (adopting the conjecture éyxA7Gels), B.C. 169. A. is répavvos, not yet a recognised ane A few years later the Nabatzans appear as frien to the Maccabean party (1 Mac 5% 9%). With the decay of the Gr. kingdoms of Syria and Egypt the Nabatzans increase in power ; about B.C. 105 their ‘king’ Erotimus ‘nunc Aegyptum nunc Syriam infestabat magnumque nomen Arabum viribus finitimorum Be eaceaivas fecerat’ (Trog. Pomp. ap. Justin, XXXIX. v. 5-6). By B.c. 85 A. III. is master of Damascus; to him belong the coins Bao:déws ae @AAAnvos struck at Damascus (Schiirer, JP I. ii. 353, n. 11). He took the side of Hyrcanus against Aristobulus, B.C. 65-62, and in the latter year was attacked by Scaurus whom Pompey had left as legate of Syria; Scaurus obtained a nominal submission and a payment of money (Jos. Ant. XIV. v.1; BJI. viii.1). Damascus had elicady fallen into Rom. hands (An¢é. XIV. ii. 3; BJ 1. vi. 2), in which it remained, with the excep- tion to be noticed below, as part of the prov. of Syria, but with certain liberties of its own (for ad in detail see Schiirer, n. 14, in part modifying ommsen’s important note, Provinces, Eng. tr. vol. li. p. 148 sqg.). A. II. was succeeded by Malchus (c. 50-28), Obodas I. (c. 28-9 B.c.), and A. Iv. (c. 9 B.C.-A.D. 40), the subject of the present article. His original name was Aeneas, but he assumed the name of A. on taking the kingdom (Jos. Ané. XVI. ix. 4). In B.c. 4 he sends some unruly auxili- aries to aid the expedition of Varus against the Jews (BJ a. v. 1; Ant. Xvi. x. 9). After A.D. 28 he attacked and defeated Herod Antipas, partly in revenge for the divorce of his daughter by the latter (see HERODIAS, and Jos. Ant. XVIII. v. 1, 2: the victory was transferred in Christian legend to Abgar of Edessa ; Gutschmidt, Kleine Schriften, ili. 31). Tiberius ordered Vitellius, propraetor of ia, to chastise A. for this attack, but the news of Tiberius’ death (A.D. 37) put an end to the ex- pedition (Jos. ibid. § 3). This brings us to the period of St. Paul’s escape, VOL. I.—I0 ARGOB 145 which was within 3 years of his lirst visit to the Church at Jerus., which latter again was within 14 years of the visit recorded in Gal 2. Taking the latter (against Ramsay’s view, St. Paul the Traveller, but see Sanday in Expositor, Feb. and Apr. 1896) as identical with that of Ac 15, and working back with the data of the Ac from the arrival of FESTUS, A.D. 60, we time Gal 2 about the year 51. ‘ Fourteen years’ previous, ¢.¢. about 38, comes St. Paul’s first visit to the Church of Jerus., and the three previous years again, viz. 38, 37, and 36, bring us to the time of his conversion, and cover the time of his escape from Damascus. At some time, then, during the three years in question, Damascus had come under A. It cannot have been long before, as there are coins of Damas- cus with the image and superscription of Tiberius down to A.D. 34; but there are none with those of Gaius or Claudius. The image of Nero begins in 62-63. The inference is natural that the acces- sion of Gaius marks the transfer. That A. could have seized it by force in the face of Vitellius is out of the question. But it is not improbable that it was granted to him by the new emperor. Gaius was not kindly disposed towards Herod Antipas, and would not be unlikely to grant a mark of imperial favour to his bitter enemy. It is true that the deposition and banishment of Herod took place only in the summer of 39 (Schiirer, I. ii. 36n.), a date scarcely early enough for St. Paul’s escape from Damascus. But the grant to Agrippa of the tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias, with the title of king, appears to have been one of Caligula’s first acts (Ané. XVIII. vi. 10), and in 38 the emperor ranted an Iturzean principality to Soemus (Dio ass. lix. 12). A similar grant may well have been made to Aretas. A. must have lived till about A.D. 40, as of the 20 dated Aretas-inscriptions of el-Hegr, two be- long to his 48th year, as also do certain coins. No other Nabatzan king has left so rich a legacy of coins and inscriptions. On both, his standing title is Rahem-ammeh, ‘lover of his people’ (the contrast with the @AéA\nv of A. Ill. supr. is suggestive). Under him the Nabatzan kingdom extended from the Euphrates to the Red Sea (cf. Jos. Ant. I. xii. 4). By 62 Damascus had again been taken over by the Romans, and belonged to the province of Syria when, in 106, the Nabatean kingdom itself was added to the empire as the province of Arabia. What is greatly wanted is a coin (or coins) of Damascus between 37 and 54 A.D. Meanwhile, it should be noted that 2 Co 11 is our solitary iece of positive evidence for Damascus having ormed part of the Nabatzan kingdom at any time after the Christian era. The fact, as has been shown above, has an important bearing on Pauline chronology. The best collection and discussion of the evidence is in Schiirer, HJP I. ii., esp. his indispensable Append. ii. on the Nabatwan kingdom, pp. 345- 362, to which the above article is principally indebted. LiTERATURE.—Schiirer gives ample references to the lit. of the Nabatewan kingdom. In more special relation to A. Iv. see Clemen, Chronol. d. Paul. Briefe, § 22; Conybeare and Howson, vol. i. ch. iii. appendix ; Euting, Nabatdische Inschriften aus Arabien, Berlin, 1885 (containing a reconstructed list of kings yd von Gutschmidt) ; J. G. Heyne, de Ethnarcha Aretae rabum regis (Wittemb. 1755); Anger, de temporum in Act. App. ratione, pp. 173-182; Wieseler, Chronologie, pp. 167-175, and in PRE, s.v. Aretas ; Meyer-Wendt on Acts, Hinl. § 4 n.; Rohden, de Palaestina et Arabia Provinciis Romanis (1885). Also, in addition to the references in the body of this article, see ARABIA, PauL, DamMasous, NEBAIOTH, ETHNARCH. A. ROBERTSON. ARGOB (2:58).—Apparently an officer of Peka. hiah, king of Israel, assassinated by Pekah together with the king his master and one Arieh 146 ARGOB (2 K 15%); so Ewald, Thenius, Keil, and most. Another explanation makes Argob and Arieh conspirators with Pekah. Probably the passage is corrupt. See Klostermann, who suggests the emendation 733 nk yzqN-ny ‘with his 400 warriors’; —by a sudden cowp Pekah and his 50 surprise 400. C. F. BURNEY. ARGOB (2398; once, Dt 3, with the art. 1397).— A district mentioned in Dt 3* 3-4, 1 K 438, and de- scribed as situated on the E. of Jordan, in Bashan, in the kingdom of ‘Og, and as containing three- score cities, all strongly fortified, ‘with high walls, gates, and bars, besides very many cities of the country folk’ (¢.e. unwalled cities : see Ezk 3814). The particular district intended is uncertain. The Targums of Onk. and Jon. represent Argob by x27 (Pseud.-Jon. x31»), t.e. the Trachonitis, or 6 Tpaxwr, of Greek writers (see Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 10ff.; G. A. Smith, Geogr. 543), some 25 miles S. of Damascus, a remarkable volcanic formation, in shape resembling roughly a pear, about 25 miles from N. to S., and 19 miles from E. to W., the ragged surface of which consists of innumer- able rocks or boulders of black basalt, inter- sected by fissures and crevices in every direction (see TRACHONITIS). This formation, which owes its origin to the streams of lava emitted from the Jebel Hauran, on the S.E., rises some 20-30 ft. above the surrounding plain; and ‘its border is as clearly defined as a rocky coast, which it very much resembles.’ It forms a natural fortress, which a small body of defenders could hold even against a determined invader; and hence its modern name the Leja (i.e. laja’ah, refuge, retreat). Some modern writers have accepted the identifica- tion thus suggested by Onk. and Jon., supporting it further, partly by the fact that the Leja contains the remains of several ancient cities, partly by the philological arguments that pe 3 signifies stony,’ and that the term 9an(AV ‘ region’), used regularly in connexion with it in the OT, is in- tended as a designation of its rocky boundary spoken of above. The identification 1s, however, extremely doubtful, and has been abandoned b the best recent authorities. To take the latter point first, the philological arguments appealed to are exceedingly precarious. Argod can be inter- preted stony only upon the questionable assump- tion that the root 239 is cognate with 037: to judge, however, from 139 clods of earth (Job 2133 38°8), it would denote naturally a rich and earthy soil rather than a stony one, and so (Smith, Geogr. 551) is ‘probably equivalent to our word ‘‘glebe.”’ And ban is a cord (Jos 2!5), or measuring-line (Mic 25), fig. a measured portion or allotment (Jos 174 19°), applied to a particular district or ‘region’ (RVm), Zeph 2&7; there is consequently no ground for supposing it to have been used speci- ally on account of the rocky border of the Leja. Secondly, the remains of ancient cities in (or about) what must have been the biblical Bashan are by no means confined to the Leja ; on the con- trary, they are much more numerous on the sloping sides of the Jebel Hauran (S.E. of the Leja), which, covered by a rich and loamy soil, sinks down gradu- ally, especially on the 8. and W., to the level of the surrounding plain. The whole of this region is studded with deserted towns and villages—accord- ing to Wetzstein, who has described it most fully (Reisebericht iiber Hauran u, die Trachonen, 1860, p. 42), the E. and S. slopes of the Jebel Hauran alone contain the remains of some 300 such ancient sites; they are also numerous on the W. and S.W. slopes (cf. Porter, Five Years in Damascus ?, p. 229, 239, 251, 253). The dwellings in these Auaereen localities are of a remarkable character. Wetzstein distinguishes four kinds—(1) some are the habitations of Troglodytes, being caverns ARGOB hollowed out in the side of a hill, or of a Wady, in the soft volcanic rock, and so arranged as te form separate chambers: these are chiefly on the E. of Jebel Hauran (Wetzstein, Pp. 22, 44 f. who names three, viz. Umm Dubéb, ‘Ajéla, and Shibikke).* (2) Others are on a ree scale, being subterranean chambers entered by shafts invisible from above, and capable of forming a secure retreat from an invader ; these are frequent on the W. of the Zumleh range (ib. p. 46f. ; ef. Oliphant, Land of Gilead, pp. 103, 108f. [about Irbid]) ; an extensive underground city of this kind at EDRE'I (at the N.E. foot of the same range) was explored by Wetzstein (p. 47f.) and Schu- macher (p. 121 ff.). (3) A third kind, of which Wetzstein saw but one example, at Hibikke, on the E. of J. Hauran, about 8 miles N.E. of Salchad, consists of chambers cut out in an elevated plateau of rock, and covered with a solid stone vault, producing outside the appearance of a cellar or tunnel, Hibikke was originally surrounded with a wall, in the manner of a fortress (p. 48 f.), (4) The fourth and commonest kind consists of dwelling-houses built in the ordinary manner above round, but constructed of massive well-hewn looks of black basalt,—the regular and indeed the only building material used in the locality, —with heavy doors moving on Be outside staircases, galleries, and roofs, all of the same material : of this kind are the remains described by Porter (/.c. chs, x.—xiii.) at Burak, on the N. page of the Leja, Sauwarah, Hit, HeyAt, Bathani- eh, Shuka, Shuhba, east of it, Kanawat and Savoie on the W. slopes of J. Hauran, Bosra, Salchad, and Kureiyeh, on its 8. slope (cf. Heber- Percy, A Visit to Bashan and Argob, 1895, pp. 40, 47, 60, 71, ete., with photoeapae Many of these cities are in such a good state of preserva- tion, that, as Wetzstein observes, it is difficult for the traveller not to believe that they are inhabited, and to expect, as he walks along their streets, to see persons moving about the houses. The archi- tecture of these remains (which include temples, theatres, aqueducts, churches, etc.) is of the Greco-Roman period, and is such as to show that between the first and the seventh centuries A.D. the cities in question were the home of a thriving and wealthy population. Can, now, any of these deserted localities be identified with the ‘three- score cities, with high walls, gates, and bars,’ of the ancient kingdom of ‘Og? The spectacle pre-. sented by many of them is so singular and impres- sive that amongst those who visited and almost re-discovered them, in the pee century, there were some who assigned them confidently to a remote antiquity, and who boasted that they had themselves traversed the cities ‘ built and occupied some forty centuries ago’ by the giant race of the Rephaim: so, in particular, J. L. Porter, who visited the district in 1853 (Five Years in Damas- cus, 1855, ii. 206 f., ed. 2, pp. 257f., 263 f. ; Grant Cities of Bashan, 1882, pp. 12, 13, 30, 84, etc.), and Cyril C. Graham, who visited it in 1857 (Journal of the Royal Geogr. Soc. 1858, p. 256 f., Cambridge Essays for 1858, p. 160f.). The emphatic contra- diction which Porter’s theory received from Douglas Freshfield in The Central Caucasus and Bashan, 1869, ch. ii., led to a somewhat heated correspondence in the Atheneum for 1870 (June, pp. 774, 837; July, pp. 18, 117, 148; cf. also * The habit of dwelling in caves in these parts is illustrated by an interesting but unfortunately mutilated inscription i) (Le Bas and Waddington, Jnseriptions Grecques et Latines recueillies en Grece et en Asie Mineure, iii. 1, No. 2329) from Kanatha (Kanawat), on the W. slope of J. Hauran, which seems it to speak of an attempt made by ne Agrippa (proh. Acros 1) a to civilize rods tvgwAsiclavrxe], and reclaim them from theiz |} Ov piadys xareoracis (cf. Jos. Ant. xIv. xv. 5; also, of the Leja, bu liees gg epre aa ht AKGOB ARIMATH AA 147 Porter, Damascus*, Preface). There can, how- ever, be little doubt that Porter and Graham much exaggerated the antiquity of these remains. As has been stated, the prevalent style of architecture is Greco-Roman ; in many of the cities Greek in- scriptions, dating from the time of Herod onwards, have been found, and, in the opinion of the best and most independent judges, the extant remains, at least in the great majority of cases, are not of a more ancient date than the Ist cent. A.D. De Vogné, the principal authority on the architecture of the Hauran, in the preface (p. 4) * to his collec- tion of 150 plates, called Syrie Centrale, Architec- ture Civile et Religieuse du i au viit siecle (1867), expressly states that he had found no structures of an earlier date: Burton and Drake (Unexplored Syria, 1872, i. 191-196) declare that even a careful examination of foundations disclosed to them no specimen of ‘hoar antiquity.’ Wetzstein and addington express a similar judgment, though not quite in the same Munaalitied terms: the former (pp. 103 f., 49) agrees that in the main there are no edifices earlier in date than the Christian era, but allows that the Troglodyte dwellings, and those found at Hibikke (see above), may be of very great antiquity, and also that very ancient building materials may be preserved in such places as Bosra and Salchat; the latter writes (op. cit. p. 534): ‘Malgré les recherches prolongées et minutieuses te jai faites pendant un séjour de cinq mois ans le pays, je n’ai pu découvrir aucun monu- ment antérieur au régne d’Hérode. Il y a sans doute des habitations grossitrement construites en ierres brutes, des cavernes fermées par une evanture en pierres séches, qui peuvent étre de toutes les époques, et dont quelques-unes sont peut-étre fort anciennes, mais, Je le répéte, il n’y a ~ trace de civilisation réguliére, de temples, *édifices publics, avant le régne d’Hérode.’ And the majority even of such buildings, he adds, are later than this, and belong to the period be- tween Trajan and Justinian. The caves and tunnel-like dwellings, described by Wetzstein, however, can hardly be the strongly fortified cities mentioned in Dt. Whether the low private dwellings, built with ‘ ponderous blocks of roughly hewn stone,’ on the antiquity of which Porter (Damascus*, pp. v, 257) insists, are identical with the ‘habitations grossitrement construites en pierres brutes,’ which Waddington allows may be ancient, can hardly be determined by one who has not visited the country.t On the whole, it may be safely concluded that the existing deserted cities are not those of the ancient Argob;{ though it does not seem improbable that some of the cities built in the Greco-Roman period may have stood upon the sites of cities belonging to a far earlier age, and that in their construction the dwellings of the ancient cities of ‘Og may have been, in some cases, utilised and preserved. Perhaps future explora- tion may prove the substructures to be of earlier date than has been hitherto suspected.§ The site of Argob cannot be determined with certainty. Guthe (ZDPV, 1890, p. 237f.), in- ferring from Dt 3'4 that Argob extended to the W. as far as Geshur and Ma‘acah, places it, though not without hesitation, in the country about Der‘at (Edre‘i), and northwards as far as Nawa, in which he says that there are sufficient ruins of * Cited at length in Merrill, Hast of Jordan, p. 63. + Heber-Percy, pp. 92, 95, states that at Roum (E. of Kanawat) he found ruins different from any which he had hitherto seen, viz. a village consisting of one-storied houses, built almost entirely of rough unhewn stones; he thought that this had been a village of peasants. So iso G, A. Smith, Geogr. p. 624 f. § W. Wright (Palmyra and Zenobia, p. 251) mentions that he descended some 16-18 ft. in Burak, and found the walls there to consist of enormous un stones, unlike those on the surface. ancient sites to justify the biblical description. The inference based on Dt 3 is perhaps doubtful : the verse seems to be written with a harmonistic motive (see Comm., and JAIR), and hardly says distinctly that Argob reached to Geshur and Maacah. Dillm. suggested a site more towards the E., between Edre'i and ‘Ashtaroth, and J. Hauran. If there is reason in the supposition that the deserted cities referred to above stand upon the site of the ancient cities of ‘Og, the part of Bashan in which they are most numerous would seem to be the W. declivities of J. Hauran, N. of Salchah (the S.E. limit of Bashan), the soil of which—a disintegrated lava—is rich and fertile (Wetzst. p. 40f.), such as might be described by a deriva- tive of 139.* LirERATURE.—On the cities of Hauran, see further (besides the works already quoted), Merrill, Hast of Jordan, 1881, chs. ii.-v.; and for inscriptions, Wetzstein, Ausgewdhite Griech. und Lat. Inschriften gesammelt auf Reisen in den Trachonen und um das Haurdngebirge, in the Abhandlungen of the Berlin Academy, 1863, pp. 255-368 ; hile ang dat op. cit. Nos. 2071- 2548; Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d’Archéol. Orient, i. (1888) pp. 1-23; G. A. Smith, Critical Review, 1892, p. 55ff.; W. Ewing in the PHF'St, 1895, p. 41ff., 131 ff., 265 ff., 346 ff. ; de Vogué, Syrie Centrale, Inscriptions Sémitiques, 1868, chs. ii-iii. p. 89ff.; the CIS un. i. fasc. 2, Nos. 162-193 (chiefly repeated from de Vogué). The best map of the district is that of Fischer (constructed chiefly on the basis of Stiibel’s Survey) in the ZDPV, 1890, Heft 4. S. R. DRIVER. ARIDAI (‘17% Est 9°), the ninth of Haman’s sons, put to death by the Jews. The name is prob. Persian, perhaps haridayas, ‘delight of Hari’ (Ges. Thes. add.); but LXX has a different text. H. A. WHITE. ARIDATHA (xpq7y Est 98), the sixth son of Haman, put to death by the Jews. The name is pegs from the Persian Hariddta, ‘given by ari’; but the LXX has @apaiéd6a, this name coming fourth. H. A. WHITE. ARIEH (77x87, with def. article, ‘the lion’).— Mentioned with Argob in a very obscure passage (2 K 15%). See ARGOB. C. F. BuRNEY. ARIEL (dxnx, ’Apuj\).—1. The name of one of Ezra’s ‘chief men,’ Ezr 8'°, It doubtless signifies here ‘lion of God.’ 2. The name, in RV (so LXX and most moderns), of a Moabite whose two sons were slain by Benaiah, one of David’s mighty men, 2S 23%,+ 1 Ch 11% (LXX, in later passage, has rovs dvo dpijA) 3. A name, in Is 29-7 (four times), for Jerusalem. The original meaning is quite uncertain. It may be (see RVm) either (1) ‘lion (or lioness) of God,’ so, among others, Ewald, Cheyne (Comm.), Dillm.; or (2) ‘hearth of God,’ so the Targum, Del., Orelli, W. R. Smith (OTJC? . 356), Konig (Lehrgeb. d. Heb. Spr. ii. 1, p. 416). he latter seems the more probable, in view of bx»x (God’s hearth=altar, RV ‘altar hearth’), Ezk 43%, and $x.x with the same signification on the stele of Mesha (1. 12). Duhm (Comm. in loc.) takes / as a formative letter, and suggests aryal as original form (=sacrificial hearth). Cheyne (In- trod. to Is. p. 187, n.) now favours this, and writes Arial. A. R. 8. KENNEDY. ARIMATHAA (‘Appabala), Mt 275-®,—The situation of this place is not indicated. In the Onomasticon (s.v. Armathem-Sophim) it is identi- fied with Ramathaim-zophim (1 S 1’), and placed near Thamna and Lydda. The village Rantieh * The Onom. (p. 216) identifies "Apye8 with a village “Epya, 15 miles W. of Gerasa, which may well be er-Rujéb, on the W. Rujéb, at just that distance from Gerasa; but this is clearly too far south for the Argob in Bashan, + AV has ‘two lion-like men of Moab.’ For other suggested emendations, see Klostermann’s Comm. in loc., whose ingenious conjecture has been accepted by Budde (in Haupt’s Bible) ; Sayce, Atheneum, Oct. 9, 1886; and W. R. Smith, 469. 148 ARIOCH seems intended, but the various traditions disagree and have no value. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xiv. See also ARUMAH. C. R. ConDER. ARIOCH (3'78).—41. ARIOCH was the vassal-king of Ellasar, under the Elamite king Chedor-laomer, when the latter invaded Canaan in the time of Abraham (Gn 14!) The name has been found in the cuneiform inscriptions of Babylonia.* When the country was still divided into imore than one kingdom, Eri-Aku, ‘the servant of the moon-god,’ was king of Larsa (now Senkereh, between the Tigris and Euphrates in the south of Babylonia, a little east of Erechi: Larsa is evi- dently the biblical Ellasar. The name of Eri-Aku was transformed by his Sem. subjects into Rim- Sin (pron. Riv-Sin, whence the 1 of Arioch), and ex- plained as a Sem. compound, like the names of other Bab. kings of the period. He was the son of an Elamite, Kudur-Mabug, who is called ‘ the father of the land of the Amorites’ or Syria, and the son of Simti-silkhak. Inscribed bricks of his exist, as well as contracts drawn up during his reign. In his inscriptions he calls himself ‘the shepherd of the possessions of Nippur, the executor of the oracle of the holy tree of Eridu, the shepherd of Ur, the king of Larsa, and the king of Sumer and Accad,’ and in one of them he mentions his conquest of ‘the ancient city of Erech.’ He was attacked by Khammurabi, king of Babylon, and in spite of the assistance furnished by the Elamites was defeated and overthrown. Khammurabi an- nexed his kingdom, and from henceforth Babylonia became a single monarchy, with Babylon as its capital. Mr. Pinches has lately found a tablet, belonging, however, to a late period, in which mention is made of Eri-Aku, Tudkhula or Tidal, the son of Gazza (ni?), and Kudur-Lagamar, the Chedor- laomer of Genesis. 2. The ‘captain of the king’s guard’ in the time of Nebuchadrezzar, according to Dn 2'*, The name, however, was Sumerian, and not used at that period of Bab. history. It has been taken from Gn 141. 3. King of ‘the Elymeans’ or Elam, acc. to Jth 18. The name has been borrowed from Gn 14!, where it stands beside that of Chedor-laomer, king of Elam. A. H. SAYcE. ARISAI (‘pn Est 9°), the eighth son of Haman, put to death by the Jews. The LXX has ’Apcaios, in the ninth place. H. A. WHITE. ARISTARCHUS (’Aplcrapxos), the devoted fellow- labourer of St. Paul, was a native of Thessalonica (Ac 204 27?), He is first mentioned as having been seized along with Gaius during the great riot at Ephesus. e accompanied St. Paul from Troas on his last journey to Jerusalem (Ac 20*), and thereafter on his passage to Rome (Ac 277). He was with St. Paul at Rome when he wrote the Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon (Col 4, Philem 4). It has been suggested that he shared St. Paul’s im- prisonment voluntarily, and that he and Epaphras (cf. Col 41°, Philem™) may have participated in the apostle’s bonds alternately. The word used by St. Paul in these passages (cvvatxuddwros) has led to the further suggestion that the reference is to spiritual captivity, that in common with the apostle they were held captive by Christ; but that is not likely. Tradition affirms that Aris- tarchus suffered martyrdom in Rome _ under Nero. W. Moir. ARISTOBULUS (’Apiord8ovd0s).—1. Amongst the list of persons greeted by St. Paul at the end of the Epistle to the Romans (16"°) are certain called rods éx r&v “ApioroBovAov, ‘members of the household * But see Winckler, Ketlinsch. Bibliot. Bd. iii. 1 Halfte, 92 ff. ; Schrader, COT?, ii. 301, Crit. Rev. Apr. 1894, p. 126. ARK OF NOAH of Aristobulus.’ The following is the explanation of this phrase given by Bishop Lightfoot. ~ A., son of the elder A. and Berenice, grandson of Herod and brother of Agrippa. (see HEROD), lived and died a private man, was a friend of the Emperor Claudius, and apparently a resident in Rome. It is suggested that the ‘ household’ of A. were his slaves, who after his death, which must have taken place before this time, had become the propery of the emperor, probably by legacy. We now that in other cases members of households which became the property of the emperor, retained their name. We find Maecenatiami (CIL vi. 4016, 4032), Amyntiani (ib. 4035, cf. 8738), Aerppion, Germaniciani. So, too, there might be Aristobuliani, and this would be trans- lated of ’ApusroBovhov. This household would pre- sumably contain many Jews and other Orientals, and would therefore be a natural place in which to find Christians. The name Herodion following, was that of a Jew, and suggests a member of the Herod family. See HERODION, NARCISSUS. LiTrraTuRE.—Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 172; Sanday and Headlam, Romans, p. 425. For later traditions, which have little value, see Acta Sanctorum, March, ii. 374, 2. Ptolemy’s teacher, 2 Mac 1%, A. C. HEADLAM. ARIUS (*Apys, 1 Mac 127-%), a king of Sparta, In y.7 the name he in the corrupt form of Aapetos ; inv. many MSS read ’Ovdpys or ’Overdpys, a form produced by the combination of ’Ovig “Apys (so v.29 in AV Onwares); but x*’Ovaapys, Vet. Lat. Arius; in Jos. Ant, XII. v. 8, the reading varies between “Apecaos and ’Apevs, the latter being the more correct form. The person referred to is Areus I., the grandson and successor of Cleo- menes II., who was king of Sparta from 309 B.C, to 265 B.c., and was contemporary with the high riest Onias I., the successor of Jaddua. The Spartans were at that time engaged in a struggle against Antigonus and his son Demetrius Polior- cetes, and they probably hoped to create difficulties for their opponent by raising disturbances in the East. Friendly letters were interchanged between Areus and Onias (probably about 300 B.c.); and Jonathan Maccabeus refers to these communica- tions in a letter which he sent by his ambassadors to Sparta (about 144 B.c.), 1 Mac 127#-19%, Cf, Schiirer, AJP I. i. 250f. H. A. WHITE. ARK OF INFANT MOSES.—A box (n3n tébhah), made of bulrushes or pap reeds, the stems of a succulent water plant, rendered watertight by layers of slimeand pitch, in which Moses when three months ~ old was placed and committed to the river (Ex 2°), The oe seemingly is of Egyptian origin, primarily meaning ‘hollow,’ ‘a concave vessel,’ and the possible source of the obscure Heb. root which appears in ’0b, ventriloquist, necromancer, ghost. Papyrus reeds were commonly used in Egypt for | the construction of light boats. A very similar story of a remarkable preservation is told on a Babylonian tablet from Kouyunjik, about Sargon L., a monarch who reigned in Agade, one of the cities of the Euphrates valley, c. 3500 B.c. It is said (see Smith, Chaldean Genesis, 880, p. 319) that | his mother placed him in a basket of rushes, sealing up his exit with bitumen, and launchin him ona river which did not drown him, from whic: he was taken and brought up by his preserver. J. MACPHERSON. ARK OF NOAH.—The vessel built by the patriareh | at God’s command for saving life upon the earth during the great Flood. The perio 84 P); hence it was necessary that large accommo- dation should be provided for the storage of | The ark, in short, is to be conceived | provisions. of detention | within it is said to have lasted over a year (Gn 74 | il i ee tee Jong, 874 ft. broad, and 524 ft. high. ARK OF THE COVENANT ARK OF THE COVENANT 149 of as an immense floating store, fitted to he | Had these sources come down to us intact, we solidly on the surface of the waters. Its dimeusions were: 300 cubits long, 50 cubits broad, and 30 eubits high. The length of the cubit is six hand- breadths, and is usually reckoned at 21 inches. In our measures, therefore, the ark would be 525 ft. In 1609, Peter Jansen of Horn in Holland built a vessel of the same proportions, and found that it would stow one-third more cargo than other ships of ordinary structure. It has been calculated that it would contain a space of 3,600,000 cubic ft., and that after 9/10 had been set aside for storage of food, there would be over 50 cubic ft. each allowed for 7000 pairs of animals. Such calculations, though in earlier times treated with all seriousness, now receive little consideration. The measurements iven in the biblical text are not sufficiently Gatatlod, nor is the description of the whole con- struction sufficiently explicit, to form the basis of such conclusions. (See BABYLONIA, FLOOD.) The ark was built of gopher wood, supposed to mean pitch wood, and possibly, as Delitzsch suggests, the conifer cypress, much used by the Phenicians for shi buaain on account of its lightness and durability. it was divided into ‘rooms’ or ‘nests,’ 0°37. The whole structure was three storeys in height, and was lighted by windows under the roof on each side. The pitch used to render the ark watertight was not vegetable, but mineral pitch or asphalt. Berosus, writing about B.c. 300, asserts that remains of the ark were then found in Armenia, which were used in making bracelets and amulets. Between the announcement to Noah of the coming Flood and the actual fulfilment of the judgment, there intervened, ace. to Gn 6? (J), 120 years, and during that time the ark was building, and Noah was, by word and by act, a preacher of righteousness to his generation (1 P 3, 2 P 2°). J. MACPHERSON. ARK OF THE COVENANT.—i. NAME.—The ark (783) was the most ancient and most sacred of the religious symbols of the Heb. nation. Its name in the oldest sources is ‘the ark of J’’ (m7 jx), or ‘the ark of God’ (o'nbx “x). In Dt we first* meet with the designation ‘ark of the Covenant of J”’ (" n2 “x), Dt 108 31% 2-26 shortened elsewhere to the familiar ‘ark of the Covenant,’ Jos 3% etc. In several passages of the older hist. books (cf. LXX text of 1 S 4°) which have been edited by writers of the Deuteronomic school, the earlier form ‘ark of J”’ has been expanded to ‘ark of the Covenant of J” (as is clear from such grammatical impossibilities as we find in Jos 3-17), and the favourite expres- sion ‘ark of the Covenant’ intentionally or unin- tentionally substituted for the earlier forms. A still later designation, ‘ark of the testimony’ (mya “x), occurs only in P, Ex 252 etc. The rest of the names occasionally met with are merely variations of these. Throughout all the books we find ‘the ark’ as the popular and universally intelligible designation. ii, HisToRY OF THE ARK.—In this article we propose to confine ourselves to the history and significance of the ark as given in the pre-exilic literature. Its place in the scheme of the Priests’ Code will be discussed in the article TABERNACLE. In the prophetic narrative of the Pent. (JE) the ark first appears as an object of peculiar sanctit in the important passage Nu 10%#.+ Here it is expressly recognised as the leader of the host in the march through the desert, in virtue of its being, in some sense, the dwelling-place of J”. In another passage from the same source, Nu 14, the ark is intimately associated with Moses. * nvia in Nu 1033 (J) 1444(E) (cf. Bacon, Triple Trad. of the Ezod. pp. 171, 189) is almost certainly an editorial insertion. t Probably J, see n.* should have had much earlier information than anything which we now have regarding the origin and construction of the ark. No one can read the present text of Ex 33 without being struck with the abrupt transition from vv.}6 to v.™, and with the sudden introduction of ‘the tent’ (v.7) as of something already explained. We may therefore consider it a matter of certainty that the compiler of the Pent. has omitted from the prophetic source the accounts of the erection of ‘the tent of meeting’ as inconsistent with the much fuller account in P. Another question now emerges. Did the excised portion of JE also contain an account or accounts of the construction of the ark ? To this an affirmative answer must be given; for if we read carefully the retrospect given in Dt 10°, and bear in mind that the whole of D’s historical references are taken from the prophetic naiTatives, we can scarcely have any doubt that in JE, as it lay before the author of D, there must have been a record of the construction by Moses of ‘an ark of wood’ (Dt 10!) before his ascent to the mount. In the absence of the original text of these older sources, it is no longer possible to nee with certainty as to their mode of conceiving ”s relation to the ark. The most probable view seems to be that already referred to as found in the antique poetical fragment, Nu 10%, where J” is conceived of as personally present in the ark, and guiding the march of His chosen people. The same representation is met with somewhat later in the composite narrative (chiefly JE)* of the passage of the Jordan, in which the ark, borne by the priests, shows the way, while the people follow at a considerable distance (Jos 3°*-), uring the subsequent conquest of W. Pal., as related in the Books of Jos and Jg 1-2 from materials of various dates, the ark and the tent of meeting must have had their headquarters in the standing camp at Gilgal (Jos 9° 10%), the former we may suppose frequently accompanying the tribes to battle. Thus we know the prominence given to the ark in the siege of Jericho (Jos 6); and the sacrifice in the presence of the ark on Mt Ebal (Jos 8° from D?) may be taken as a typical episode in the history of the conquest. From Gilgal the head- quarters were moved by divine command to Bethel (Jg 2). + The next resting-place of the ark was at Shiloh, in the territory of Ephraim. Here, according to P (Jos 181), it was deposited by Joshua himself, and here it is found at the close of the period of the Judges (1 S 3%). The original tentt is now replaced by a temple (1S 1° 3°), the guardians of which are members of an ancient priestly family (18 27), with Samuel the Ephraimite as attendant. The following section (chs. 4!-7') is a document of the first importance as a record of the popular conceptions of the ancient Hebrews with regard to the ark. The various incidents in the narrative are too familiar to need repetition. The leading thought throughout is the conviction that the resence of the ark secures the presence of J” Himself in the ey of the Hebrews.§ The capture of the sacred object by the Philis- *See Bennett’s ‘Joshua’ in Haupt’s Bible; Kittel, Hist. i., Eng. tr., pp. 282, 283; Driver’s art. ‘Joshua’ in Smith’s DB2, t+ See Moore’s Comm. ad loc. ; Kittel, Eng. tr., pp. 270, 275. So most moderns, MT Bochim. The tradition that the ark once had its home in Bethel may be recognised in Jg 2027» 28a, a late marginal gloss, t The words of 1 § 22%, wanting in LXX, are admittedly a very late addition to the original text (Wellh., Driver, Klost., Budde). § This is clear from the whole tenor of the narrative without our requiring to read, with Klost., ‘our God’ (13°75x) for ‘unto us’ (43). It is also more than probable, in view of the femin. construction in v.17, that we should render, ‘that he may come and save us.’ Of. 60 150 ARK OF THE COVENANT ARK OF THE COVENANT tines, the effect of the news on the aged Eli, the incidents of its sojourn in Phil, territory, and its restoration, are graphically told by the narrator.* After a short stay at Bethshemesh, the ark is removed to Kiriath-jearim and deposited in the house of Abinadab ‘in the hill,’ while Eleazar, his son, is set apart as its guardian. Here it remained, according to a later addition to the text, for twenty years, a period admittedly too short by at least a generation.t Why an object of such sanctity was nvt restored to its proper home in the temple of Shiloh we can only conjecture. Most probably the temple had been destroyed, and Shiloh{ itself occupied by the Philistines. As a result a period of spiritual declension followed, lasting well into the reign of Saul § (ef. 1 Ch 13%). The centre of the purest teaching must have been the home of Samuel at Ramah (1S 72”), the fruit of which we may perhaps trace in the nig religious con- ceptions that mark the reign of David. his sovereign, once securely seated on the throne of ‘all Israel,’ took active steps for the removal of the ark to his new capital on the slopes of Ophel, as related at some length in 28 6 and lovingly expanded in 1 Ch 13. The text of the former passage has suffered greatly, but the general sense is clear, From the house of Abinadab at Kiriath-jearim [otherwise Baalath (of Judah), Jos 15°] the ark is brought in state on the way to Jerus. The sons of Abinadab, Uzzah and Ahio, are in charge of the new cart on which the ark has been peeed the former walking|| beside the ark, the atter guiding the oxen in front. Dismayed by a sign of the divine displeasure, David desists from his purpose for a time, leaving the ark in the custody of Obed-edom the Gittite. After three months, however, the removal is successfully accomplished, and the ark safely deposited ‘in the midst of the tent that David had pitched for it’ (v."). After this, in the epigrammatic words of the Chronicler, the ark had rest (1 Ch 6%). For the last time we meet with the ark as the re- presentative of J” on the field of battle in the campaign against the children of Ammon (25 11). Somewhat later, on the occasion of Absalom’s rebellion, when the priests Zadok and Abiathar 7 (2 S 157), in accordance with ancient custom, wished to take the ark as the guarantee of J’’s presence with them, the king shows that he has attained to a worthier view of the divine nature by ordering the restoration of the ark to its proper abode in Jerusalem. the ast chapter in the history of the ark opens with its removal by Solomon from its modest tent, and its installation in the inner sanctuary of the temple, ‘under the wings of the cherubim’ (1 K 8). From this point onwards there is no mention of the ark in the older histor’cal books. Was it, as some think, among ‘the treasures of the house of the Lord’ which Shishak carried off “It is important to observe that the MT of 619 will not bear the rendering put upon it by AV and RV, ‘because they looked into the ark.’ The text, however, is corrupt. Adopting Klostermann’s ‘happy suggestion’ (Budde) we render, ‘ But the sons of J. did not rejoice among the men of B. when they beheld the ark of J’, and he smote,’ etc. t There is no ground in the text for the statement in Smith’s DB? ‘that to Kiriath-jearim ‘‘all the house of Israel” resorted to seek J’.’ Whatever may be the meaning of the obscure and probably corrupt 173, 72, the verse serves as the introduc- tion to the following narrative of Samuel’s prophetic activity. { It isa mistake to base the assertion that ‘in the early part of Saul’s reign Ahiah was the Lord’s priest in Shiloh’ (Smith’s DB2Ark) on 18 143, for the qualifying phrase refers, not to Ahiah, but to Eli. Equally groundless is the supposition (op. cit.) that the ark may have been at Nob. §In 1 8 14188 where the true rendering is clearly ‘the ephod’ (LXX; cf. v.3), the retention of ‘the ark’ in RV is Inexcusable. V.18b ig, of course, an explanatory gloss like Ig 2027, 1 Emend. abit nity, v.48, Then., Dr., Kitt., Bud. ¥ The text is again uncertain ; see Driver, in loo. so early as the reign of Rehoboam? (1 K 14%). Or was it first removed by Manasseh to make way for his image of Astarte (2 Ch 337), and reinstated by Josiah (35°), to perish finally in the destruction oh city and temple by Nebuchadrezzar? The latter seems on the whole the more probable view (cf.. 2 Es 10”), if the single reference, Jer 3!%17, really implies (which is doubtful) the existence of the ark in the prophet’s day, although it must be confessed that the silence of the rest of the pro- hetic literature is difficult to explain (cf. Kuenen, vel. of Israel, i, p. 233). The fable of 2 Mac 2¢ is evidently based on the passage of Jeremiah just quoted. There was no ark in the second temple (Jos. Wars, V. v. 5). iii. From the analogy of other objects bearing the same name,” as well as from the measurements in the scheme of the priestly code (Ex 251°), wa may best think of the ark as an oblong chest of acacia or shittim wood (so Dt 108, doubtless following the other sources JE ; see §ii. above). In the absence of the original text of these sources in Ex 33. 34 it is impossible to say with absolute certainty whether the ark was represented by them as furnished with figures corresponding to the cherubim of P (Ex 25%), They are not mentioned in Dt 108, nor in the Books of Sam. or Kings —the phrase ‘that sitteth upon the cherubim’ (RV) of 1 S 44, 2 S 63, if not a late gloss (so Kuenen, Smend, Nowack, ete.), bein capable of another explanation. The language o 1 K 8% further seems to imply the absence of cherubim on the ark itself. This result is con- firmed by what we may infer as to the size of the sacred chest, for we find it carried by two priests (2 S 15%, also in corrected text of v.%4, 1S 4#), An important difference of representation exists between the provisions of the Priests’ Code—by which the ark had to be carried by Levites (Nu 33! 41), as distinguished from a higher caste of Aaronic priests—and those of the older legislation of Dt. First, indeed, among the privileges of the whole priestly tribe of Levi enumerated in Dt 10 —privileges assigned to them, we can _ scarcely doubt, as the reward of their zeal and fidelity in the cause of J” (Ex 32°f-)—is that of bearing ‘the ark of J”’ (cf. Dt 31%). And this is in accord with the evidence of the older historical books in which the priests are the bearers of the ark [see reff. above, and cf. Jos 3° (E), & (J), 6%22 (KE), 833, 1 K 276 836+ ete.]. As to the precise relation of the ark in early times to the ritual of sacrifice, we have no contemporary evidence. iv. Every student of OT who has realised to what extent the pre-exilic literature has been worked over by later editors, will appreciate the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of gaining an accurate estimate of the conceptions entertained of the ark in the earliest times. So much depends also on the opinion we may form of the historical value of even our oldest sources. however, seems clear. The ark is in these sources something more than a mere symbol of the diwne presence. By the popular mind, at least, J” was conceived as actually residing in the ark,—a conviction clearly reflected in the ancient fragment, Nu 10-36, That the ark was regarded as, in some sense, the abode of the Deity, is apparent also, as we saw above, from the early narratives in the Books of Samuel. Even by David himself, if we can trust the reading, the ark is still spoken of as God’s habitation (2 S 15%), Only on the basis of this conception can we * Viz. the outer coffin of Joseph’s mummy (Gn 5026), and en rid fags up by Jehoiada the priest in the temple (2 K 129ff. In 1 K 84 and is a late insertion (see 2 Ch 65). In | passages, such as 1 § 615, the original practice has been to conform to the requirements of the priestly legislation. This much, | $$$ = . Middle ARKITES — explain the fact that in all the passages we have studied, ‘before the ark of J”’ is identical with, or parallel to, ‘before J”’ Himself (cf. e.g. Jos 6° with 6°*). What is done in close proximity to the ark is everywhere represented as done in the resence of J”, as sacrifice (2 S 6"), casting of lots (Jos 18° 1°), dancing (2S 6'”), and the like. With the spread of more developed views of religion under ts influence of prophetic teaching, the importance of the ark undoubtedly decreased, a fact to which we may perhaps ascribe the silence of later writings regarding it. The ark in any case must be regarded as from the first a national and not a merely tribal sanctuary.t Its loss is bewailed as a national calamity (1 S 47+). Nor does the writer see reason (even granted that 1 K 8° may be a gloss) for rejecting the ancient tradition which the author of Dt found in his sources, that the ark contained the tables originally deposited there by Moses himself (Dt 10’). The view now generally adopted by continental writers, that if the ark really contained anything at all, it was a stone or stones of fetish origin, involves a conception of Moses and his teaching which the writer cannot share. On the other hand, the statement that the ark contained also the pot of manna and Aaron’s rod that budded (He 9*), seems based on a late Jewish tradition. LiTgRaTURE.—The Comm. of Dillmann on Exodus, Driver on Dt, Klostermann on Sam. and Kings; the critical works of Wellhausen and Driver on the text of the Books of Sam. ; the treatises on Heb. archwology of Benzinger and Nowack iret. ii.); articles in Stade’s Zeitschrift by Kautzsch, 1886; eyring, 1891; and esp. Couard, 1892 (‘Die religidse nationale Bedeutg. der Lade 23 also art. ‘Bundeslade’ in Riehm’s Hand- wort.2; Kostersin Theol. Tijdschrift, 1893 ; and R. Kretzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im A.T. (1896), c. 7, ‘Die Bundeslade,’ - A. R. S. KENNEDY. ARKITES (‘p7v, Gn 10”, 1 Ch 15), represented as descendants of Canaan, founders of the Phen. city of Arka, in later times Cwsarea Libani, birth- place of the Roman emperor Alexander Severus, about 12,miles N. of Tripolis. Arka is also men- tioned in the inscription of Tiglath-pileser II. as one of the towns reduced by that monarch (Schrader, COT? i. 87, 246). Jos. (Ant. I. vi. 2) states that Arueas, one of the sons of Canaan, possessed Arce, situated at the N.W. base of the Lebanon. It was still a place of considerable importance in the ges, and sustained a severe siege in A.D. 1138, but was taken by the Crusaders. Its site is now marked by the ruins of Tell Arka. See Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 201 f. J. MACPHERSON. ARM (vit; zeréa'), the outstretched arm ; also the straight foreleg of an animal. 1. As a unit of measurement arm follows the hand with its digit, palm, span, and gives the standard length called the ‘ammah (see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES, s.v. *cubit’). As this seems to have varied from 17°6 in. to 25°19, it is possible that besides the reckon- ing of the fore-arm, there was another of the arm’s-length, the latter corresponding to the modern Arab. dhird‘a, 24in. The kindred Arab. word for full-arm (dhard‘a) also means, like the fig. use of zerda’, capacity, influence, power. 2. Fig. ‘| use of Arm.—Among Orientals the extended arm is a familiar sign of animation and action. During the excitement of discussion, it is an understood prelude to speech, and implies the possession of something that ought to be heard. Throughout the Bible the a. is an expressive emblem of power to direct, control, seize, overcome, and hence also describes the purpose, either of punishment or protection, towards which the power is employed. Thus the Exodus is freq. referred to as the ‘ out- * Of. also Jg 20259, where for ‘stood before it’ render ‘stood re him’; see Moore, in loc. nN + Wellh., Stade, and others have suggested that the ark was the palladium of the tribe of Joseph. ARMENIAN VERSION 151 stietched a.’ of God. Similarly the a. of Pharaoh is said to be broken; and the doomgf Eli’s famil is called the cutting off of his a., and that of his father’s house. In the same way, the unwelcome novelty of the spiritual kingdom and its living sacrifice raises the prophetic lament—‘to whom hath the a. of the Lord been revealed’? (Is 53'). Further, the original meaning of power is some- times transcended, and by frequency of special association the motive of holiness is transferred to the a.—‘The Lord hath made bare his holy arm’ (Is 52!°). On the other hand, utter powerless- ness is the a. ‘clean-dried-up’ (Zee 11"), Cf. Job’s imprecation on the abuse of power (Job 31”). So the appeal of the helpless is ‘Put on strength, O arm of the Lord!’ (Is 51°), Hence, finally, the contrast between the man who makes flesh his arm, and Israel for whose security ‘underneath are the Everlasting Arms’ (Dt 33”). See also HAND. G. M. MAcKIE. ARMENIA.—See ARARAT. ARMENIAN YERSION OF THE OT. — The following points need discussion as regards the Armenian OT, i. The text from which it was translated. ii. Its value for critical purposes. iii. Its date, and where it was made. iv. Its contents, and order of books. i. The Arm. OT is a version of the Gr. LXX, the text of which it everywhere fits closely as a love the hand that wears it. This statement has een controverted ;* but its truth is apparent if we anywhere open the Peshitta or Massora and, noting their peculiarities, look for them in the Armenian. Let us test it then by a few cases where the Syriac Peshitta varies from the LXX; but where the LXX is exactly rendered by the Arm., the sense of which I occasionally add within square brackets. Gn 1! esse coli et esse terrm.—2 deserta et inculta [invisibilia et non preparata].—§ et fuit divisitque [et sit dividere]—% om. nod tyévero ob'tas.—! om. 6 sds after disxspietv.—8 OM. wad s]d0v 6 ~~ oe xadév.—9 in locum unum—9 om. xa) evr4zOy as far as agin n Erpa, Gn 201 Racem et Gedar [Cades et Sur]—alt. Gedar [in Geraris and so in v.3].—4 populum innocentem [ignorantem et iustum). —5 En ipse [nonne ipse]—5 om. mihi after dixit—5 om. sed ego before in simplicitate.—6 cohibui te [peperci tibi].—? om. vir before propheta.—8 om. omnes before homines. Ex 18! Jethron [Iothor] — Median [Madian] — Deus Moai [Dominus M.]—add. Filios before Israel.—? add. filiam suam.— 3 Gerson [Gersam]—quoniam dixerat [dicit]. ; 341 om. et ascende ad me in montem.—3 in manu sua [secum). —stetit ibi cum eo [stetitque coram eo ibi]—nomen hoc, Dominus [in nomen Domini]. Lv 301 add. ad eum—Dicito filiis Israel [loquere ad filios I. dices].—2 et ex iis [vel de iis] —proiecerit ex semine suo in alienigenam [dederit semen suum principi, and so in 203}— 2 add. vir eius modi.—3 dabo furorem [statuam faciem]—sanctu- arium [sanctitatem]—sanctitatis mes [sanctificatorum meorum], Nu 36! capita patrum familie [principes tribus filiorum}— Gelaad (Galaad]—de familia Manasse filii Ioseph [de fam. fil. Ios.) —magnatibus congregationis, capitibus patrum filiorum [prin- cipibus domorum patriarcharum fil.). t 311 Abiens igitur Moses, locutus est [et consummavit M. loquiJ—ad_universum Israelem [ad omnes filios Israel}—? add. filius—et Dominus [nam eee Jos 221 Rubil [Ruben].—? vos custodistis [vosmet audistis).— 3 ecce multis abhinc diebus [tot dies] —ad presentem usque diem, et custoditis [immo plus usque hodie temporis cust. ].— 4 add. quandoquidem—Deus [D. noster}—revertimini ergo et abite aa civitates vestras [nunc igitur revertentes redite in domus vestras]—quam possedistis [possessionis vestrw]—add. ab oriente. 2 Ch 833 Secundum opera [de omnibus abominationibus}— Israelitarum [filiorum Israel].—3 remdificavit enim [et revertit et edificavit]—altaria idolis [statuas Baalimez]. Fabricavit tigres [fecit lucos]—add. et adoravit eas—omnes coli copias [omnem potentiam coli). Ps 1102 om. év xiow.—3 Populus tuus laudabilis [=with thee is the beginning]—sanctitatis [sanctorum tuorum]—ab antiquo te *H.g. Dr. Ars’ak Ter Mikelian (Die Armenische Kirche. Leipzig. 1892) writes, p. 85: ‘Die Biicher des Alten Testamenves kénnen unmoglich aus den LXX tibersetzt worden sein ’ 152 ARMENIAN VERSION filium ae [ante Luciferum genui te).—4 non mentietur [non ee it eum]—sicut Melchizedec [=*‘ according to the order of .’).—§ implebit cadavera [= ‘he maketh many the blows’) Is 33— Syniac Version. Vae diripienti: vos ne diripiatis, et deceptor nequa- Armenian Version. Woe unto those who distress you, but yourselves no one can | quam decipiet vos, cum distress: and he that despiseth, volueritis diripere, diri- | despiseth not you. For they piemini. Domine miserere , shall be given over unto defeat nostri, quoniam in te est fiducia nostra: esto adiutor ! noster in matutino, et salva nos in tempore angustiw. who despise you, and like the moth upon the garment, s0 shall they be given over to de- feat. Lord, pity us; for in thee have we hoped. The seed of the unfaithful hath come to destruction ; but our salvation is in thee in time of straits. In all these cases the Arm. is faithful, as against the Syr., to the LXX. In spite of this general con- formity, however, there are numerous cases in which the Arm. supplies omissions of the LXX ; e.g. Is 66° runs thus in the Arm.: ‘But the law- less who offers to me an ox as offering [is just as if one should smite the head of a man, and he that offers the sheep as offering] is just as if one should slaughter a dog.’ Here the words bracketed have dropt out of the ordinary LXX text ; but they were added to the LXX text by Sym. and Theod. In Jeremiah the traces of correction by direct or indirect use of the Massoretic or Syr. texts are frequent, e.g. ch. 16? the Arm.=et ne gignantur tibi filii et filie. In v.4it=sed in exemplum erunt super faciem terre. In gladio cadent et in fame consummabuntur. Et erunt cadavera eorum in cibum volatilibus celi et bestiis terre. In the above the plural gignantur .. . filii et filize in v.?, and in v.* exemplum, belong to the LXX; but the arrangement of clauses in v.4, as also the addi- tion cadavera eorum, are due to the Syr. or to the Massora., It may be noticed that Jerome, who con- sulted the Heb. text, combines it with the LXX in just the same way, only reading with the Heb. sterquilinium for es In order to demon- strate this composite character of the Arm. text, I ive a collation with Tischendorf’s text of ch. 23. herever the variants of the Armenian reflect the Massoretic or Syr. texts, or both, I add M or S or SM. Jer 231 eirdéy) Arm. cov: mews SM—ibid. add. gyal Kipios SM. —2 Kipios 04666 "lopaga SM—éal rods woipeévos rove woiaivovros SM—vuav) + Atyes Kipios SM.-—4 xronl.] + neque erunt neglecti: 8+neque aberrent: M+neque deficient.— 5 dimeiev] dIixasocurns S. —6 ‘laotdex)+7 dizosoourn yuay: iustitia nostra (t.e. losedek) SM —ibid.+iv ros xpogyraig, and vv.7 8, which in the LXX come at the end of the chapter, are added here by the Arm. as by SM.— ® before cuverpin Arm, add. exi robs xpogyras.—l” before ors aad +nam impleta est tellus adulteris as in M; (S adulteris et raptoribus)—rotray) ‘of sweuring’: M has periurii—wovpés) sig rovnpiav.—t] tr. poo, x. ispeb¢ M—eldov] 3 poy.—l2 ixiox. avrav]+ Aeyes Kipsos SM.—13 Sa wepeies] ‘of Shmrn.’ SM.—15 Kipioc]+exer- cituum erga prophetas SM—'¥x, see Oxf, Heb. Lex. and Davidson on Ezk 13") is doubtful, but the word in AV means the armpit, as it is now called. J. HASTINGS. ARMLET (1212 kimdz, AV tablet, Ex 35%, Nu 31°).—A flat open clasp worn on the upper arm, mentioned among the votive offerings of geld for the tabernacle (see BRACELET). G. M. MAcgIg. ARMONI (*35x).—Son of Saul by Rizpah (2S 21%). ARMOUR, ARMS.—I. nOT. The Heb. nearest equivalent to ‘armour’ is maddim (no 1 S 17%), rendered ‘clothes’ in 1 S 4 (a fugitive arrives from the battle ‘ with his clothes rent’). It is a plural word signifying the different parts of asoldier’sdress. The coat of mail, shiryén (ji), would be chiefly meant, but the helmet and shield and the loose cloak, simlah (nboy Is 95), are in- cluded. Ehud (Jg 31%) wears a dagger under his maddim, i.e. between the shiryén ant the simlah. The Heb. nearest equivalent for ‘arms’ is kélim (0°22), @ word of general significance, ‘ move- able property, instruments of any kind, arms,’ in- cluding the quiver (Gn 27), and probably the shield (hence the common phrase, ‘bearer of ‘ 4.€. armour-bearer), A third word rendered ‘armour’ is halizah (nyy>q 2S 2"). It describes the equipment of a soldier which an adversary would strip off as spoils, and is rendered (in the plural) ‘spoil’ in Jg 14% (AV and RV). II. With regard to armour and arms in use ig NT times among the Romans, two passages, one from Polybius (c. 167 B.C.) the other from Josephus (c. 70 A.D.), may be left in an abridged tr. to speak for themselves, and to illustrate ihe language of St. Paul (esp. Eph 64”), Polyb. vi. 23: (a) ‘The Roman panoply consists in the first place of a shield (9upeds), the breadth of which, measured b the are which it forms, is 24 ft. and the len, is 4 ft., while the depth (thickness) reaches 3 inches . . . And there is fitted to it an iron boss which wards off great blows from stones and from pikes, and in general from darts though hurled with violence. (6) And along with the shield is a sword (udxapa); now this a man wears on his right thigh, and it is called the Spanish sword. And this has an excellent point; and a powerful cut can be delivered with both its edges, because the blade is strong and durable. (c) Next come two jJavelins (i.e. the pila), and (d) a bronze helmet (meptxepadala), and (e) a greave* (N.B. sing.). And in addition to all this they are adorned with a crown of feathers and with three upright purple- red or black feathers about a cubit in length, so that when these are added to the crest the soldier in full armour appears to be double his own height. - - - (f) Now the majority when they have further put on a bronze plate, measuring a span every way, * It was worn on the right leg (Vegetius, bk. i. c. 20). ORT eel re me ey See en ee Re el eee ee, ee ee Ae ey ar SE ieee i has * ARMOUR-BEARER which they wear on their chests and call a heart- guard (xapd.0ptdaé), are completely armed; but those citizens who are assessed at more than 10,000 drachme wear, together with the other arms mentioned, cuirasses made of chain-mail.’ Josephus, BJ Ul. v. 5 (vol. iii. p. 236 of Bekker’s edition): ‘ Now the infantry are armed with cuirasses (@épat) and helmets (xpdvos), and wear swords (paxatpodopéw) on both sides. But the sword (éigos) worn on the left is much the longer of them, for that on the right is not more than a span in length. And the infantry escort of the general carry lance (Aéyx7) and buckler (dozis), but the rest of the array a spear (fvorév) and a shield (@vpeds), and in addition to these a saw and a basket, a mattock and an axe, and further a thong, and a reaping-hook (dpéravov), and a chain, and three days’ provisions, so that the infantry are little short of beasts of burden. And the cavalry have a long sword (ud¢a1pa) on the right side, and a long lance (xovrés) in the hand, and a shield (@upeds) held slantwise by the side of the horse. And from & quiver (xara ywpurod) hang three or more darts (4xkwv) having broad points, and in size little less than spears (ddpv); and all have helmets and cuirasses like the infantry.’ LiITERATURE.—(@) For OT, Nowack, Heb. Arch. (1894), pp. 362- 367, and Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, 1894 (Illustrations of weapons found at Tell el-Hesy, i.e. Lachish). (b) For NT, Polybius, vi. 23; Josephus, BJ iii. 5, and Lindenschmit, Tracht und Bewajinung des Rémischen Heeres rend der Kaiserzeit, Braunschweig, 1882. W. E. BARNES. ARMOUR-BEARER.—The office is mentioned in very early times in connexion with Abimelech (Jg 9°) and Saul (1 S 314). An armour-bearer’s functions were various; he slew those whom his chief struck down (1 S 14%); he carried the great shield (zinnah) in front of a champion to protect him from treacherous arrows (1 8 17’, and Homer, Il. iii. 79, 80) ; or, again, he collected arrows aimed against his chief for his chief to discharge again. This last function was executed by Mohammed when a lad in attendance upon his uncles (Ibn Hishim, p. 119, l. 1, quoted by We R. Smith, OTJC? p. 431). . E. BARNES. ARMOURY.—There was naturally no store of arms nor place for keeping them in Israel before the Sta thabiment of the nucleus of a standing army under Saul. Saul found the nation, or at least the southern tribes, almost destitute of arms in the true sense (1 S 131°): no doubt he remedied the defect as far as possible (1 S 8%). mahcnch, properly ‘an army encamped’ ; 72379 ma‘drakhah, ‘an army in array’). — The history of warfare among the Israelites may be divided into two periods. During the first of these, which was closed by the establishment of the kingdom, Israel had fighting men, but no army, i.e. no permanent organised force ; during the second period, which lasted to the fall of the Southern kingdom, there always existed the nucleus at least of an army, both in the north and in the south, attached to the person of the sovereign. There was no doubt a ARMY 155 partial revival of military organisation at the revival of independence under the Hasmcneean princes. No standing army existed before the time of the kings. But the beginnings of the formation of a fighting caste appear under Saul, consisting of (1) picked ‘regulars’ to form the nucleus of an army (1 S 14°"), and (2) ‘regular’ officers to com- mand the militia, who formed the bulk of the army in the field. How, then, in the earlier period was an army formed to meet an emergency? Under the most rudimentary conditions four elements are required to make a fighting force, viz. (1) men, (2) officers, (3) arms, (4) commissariat. 2 i, MEN.—It was difficult, before the kingdom was established, to collect a sufficient number of men even for small border wars. The sons of Israel were, indeed, numerous enough to cope in turn with such adversaries as Moab, Midian, Ammon, and Philistia ; but Israel was a group of tribes rather than a nation, and the bond of union was so feeble that single tribes, or groups of two or three, were left to bear unaided the brunt of invasion or oppression. The work of the Judges and of Saul, the earliest king, was to unite, as far as was possible, the tribes of Israel, and to bring border wars to a speedy conclusion by the application of organised force. But authority had to be won before it could be exercised, and the leader had to assert his leadership by some striking deed or sign before his countrymen would rally round him. Ephraim rallied round Ehud the Benjamite after he had assassinated the king of Moab (Jg 3%), Gideon roused N. and E. Israel by destroying the altar of Baal, and appearing as the champion of the worship of J” (Jg 674-*4). In the civil war against Benjamin the warlike passion of all the remaining tribes was stirred by the sight of the remains of the murdered concubine (Jg 19). Saul gathered his first host by the pictured threat to destroy the oxen of every man who failed to present himself. Even remote Judah on this occasion, we are told, sent thirty ‘thousands’ to the relief of Jabesh- gilead (1511), Against the Amalekites, Judah was not so keen (1 § 15%), having perhaps family relations with them ; in any case Judah sent only 10,000 (MT), 30,000 (LXX). The difficulty regarding the numbers of the Israelite armies must be mentioned here. These numbers are often surprisingly high. Thus in 1 § 118 it is stated that Saul numbered over three hundred ‘thousand’ men in Bezek for the relief of Jabesh-gilead. If we take ‘thousand’ in its literal numerical sense, we get a number equal to more than one-tenth of the whole popula- tion of the land—a number improbably large. ‘Thousand,’ however, is used (Mic 5?) to designate the chief towns of Judah, perhaps as each con- taining, together with its de endent hamlets, a population of about a thousand, The men of such a town would probably be called a thousand (4x) when they went forth to war, and their headman would be called the captain of a thousand. The actual number of this tactical unit would va: much according to the urgency of the danger. It would probably, however, never exceed 300 men, and might conceivably fall below 100. According to this reckoning, Saul’s army of relief was not in any case more than 90,000 in number, and it may have been but 30,000. Side by side, however, with this loose reckoning, the Israelites may have had a stricter system of counting. Thus the number of men of war carried into captivity with Jehoiachin, viz. seven thousand (2 K 24"), is quite probable in itself, and consist- ent with other indications of number. Similarly ‘thousand’ is no doubt to be understood in its ordi. 156 ARNA nary numerical sense in 2 K 13’, where it is said that the Israelite army was reduced by Syrian ravages to 50 horsemen, 10 chariots, and 10,000 infantry. The existence of two reckonings side by side, one based on the numerical sense of ‘thousand,’ the other on ita territorial sense, is not a serious difficulty. To an Oriental, numbers are important only either when they are sacred numbers of mystic meaning, or when it is necessary to indicate generally the relative proportions of things. The example set by Saul of gathering picked warriors round him was followed by David, who on his accession already had a band of some 600 armed vassals. At the time of Absalom’s revolt David’s guard must have grown in number, if we rightly read 2 S 158 to mean that the Gittites belonging to it amounted by themselves to 600, without reckoning the numbers of the Cherethites and Pelethites, The strength of the whole guard may be guessed from the fact that Ahithophel thought it useing to take 12,000 chosen men to ensure success in his proposed pur- suit of David (2 S 17). ii. OrFicERS. — After the host was collected under its commander, some organisation had to be given to it. Captains of ‘thousands’ and ‘hundreds’ had to be appointed. The army ‘was numbered,’ or, according to the Heb., ‘ appointed officers over itself’ (papn Jg 20). Two results were gained. fficers were appointed under the eye and influence of the commander over thousands and hundreds; and, secondly, the com- mander learnt the number of these tactical units, ‘thousands’ or ‘hundreds,’ under his com- mand. Besides these ‘regimental’ officers, one or more officers bearing the title of ‘scribe’ were attached to the army in the field to aid in its organi- sation, to serve as provost-marshals, and to make » list of the booty taken (Jg 514 and 1 Mac 5%). iii. ArMs.—In the earliest days, no doubt, each man brought his own arms, for we hear of no store of arms till after the establishment of the kingdom (see ARMS). There is nothing to show that the Israelites had horses and chariots until after Saul’s day. An Israelite army in the time of the J ae was probably a crowd of men carry- ing bows, slings, and rustic weapons, such as clubs and oxgoads (Sg 58, 1 S 13). Though individu- ally equal in valour, they were probably far inferior in armament to a people like the Philistines, who were sufficiently advanced in the art of war to possess chariots, swords, and spears, and perhaps an organised corps of archers (1 S 31°). iv. COMMISSARIAT. — Commissariat is twice alluded to in the OT. In Jg 20” a tenth of the assembled Israelites are sent ‘to fetch victwal’ (gédah my, ‘food taken in hunting’) that the Pas may carry out their expedition against ibeah. Again, in 1 K 20” the children of Israel ‘were mustered mt wees victualled’ (RV) for a campaign against the Syrians. Oe W. E. BARNES. ARNA.—One of the ancestors of Ezra (2 Es 1), cerresponding apparently to Zerahiah of Ezr 74 and Zaraias of 1 Es 87, ARNAN (}nx).—A descendant of David (1 Ch 371). While MT has 378 "33, LXX reads ’Opvd vids abrod (se. preceding ‘Papdé\)= Orna his son. See GENEALOGY. ARNI (WH ’Apvel, TR ’Apéu, AV Aram).—An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3%), called in Mt 14 Ram (RV). Cf. Ru 4, 1 Ch 2%), and see GENEALOGY. ARNON (jinx). —Two streams unite about 13 miles E. of the middle of the Dead Sea to form the A., now known as Wady el-Mojib. Of these the N. one (Wady Waleh) is formed by a number AROM of brooks—often dry—rising near the Haj route, N. of 31° 30’ N. TheS. branch, which is the more important, drains most of the country between the Haj route and the Dead Sea, between 31° 30’ and 31° 10’, and is formed by the streams now known as Seil S’aideh, Wady es-Sultan, Seil Lejjun, and Wady Bali‘a. These are all united before reaching the neighbourhood of ‘Ar‘air, and flow theree almost direct W. for about 20 miles, when they are joined by the Wady Waleh. The E. half thus forms a complete network of streams (the pax *bna). For the greater part of its course the river flows through a deep trench some 2 miles in breadth at the top and about 40 yards at the bottom. The rocky and precipitous banks consist of limestone capped with basalt, and rise in places to a height of 1700 ft. Their slopes are fringed with oleanders, tamarisks, and willows, and near the mouth with castor-bean and cane. Like most rivers in Pal. its stream varies in width and velocity according to the season of the year. Where it issues from its steep banks to the flat shore of the Dead Sea it ranges from 40 to 100 ft. in width, and from 1 to 4 ft. in depth, while near ‘Ar‘air, where the old road from Heshbon to Kircrosses it, and where the remains of an old bridge still exist, it is almost dry in July. The A. formed a strong natural boundary, and early separated the territories of the Amorites and Moab (Nu 213, cf. Jg 11"); later those of Reuben and Moab (Dt 3!%). Isaiah mentions the ‘fords of A.” (16), and Jeremiah uses ‘A.’ as the name of a district (48”). The river is also mentioned on the ‘Moabite Stone.’ On the N. edge of the S. stream was the town Aroer (see AROER), and between the N. and S. streams Dibon (see DIBON). LirgraTurRE.—Robinson, Phys. Geog. of Pal. 164-166; PEFSt (1895), 204, 215. G. W. THATCHER. AROD (7\7x).—A son of Gad (Nu 26!")=Arodi (nx), Gn 4636, Patronymic Arodites (Nu 261). AROER (ry\y).—1. A oly in the portion assigned to the tribe of Judah (1 S 30%), prob. in what is now the Wady Ararah, 20 miles S. of Hebron and 12 miles to the S.E. of Beersheba. To the elders of this city David sent a share of the Pe taken from the Amalekites who had attacked Ziklag. 2. A well-known city on the N. bank of the Arnon, generally described by its situation in order to dis- tinguish it from other cities of the same name (Dt 2 3}2 448, Jos 12? 139, Jg 1176, 28 245). It was part of the region conquered by the Amorite king Sihon, and so, at the time of Israel’s attack, it lay to the N. of the Moabite territory. It was assigned to the tribe of Reuben, and formed the S. frontier city of that tribe. It is this Reubenite city that is named with the S. towns as having been built by the children of Gad before the definite settlement and distri- bution of the land (Nu 32%). When the Syrians under Hazael conquered all the trans-Jordania district, Aroer is named as the S. limit (2 K 10%). In later times the Moabites, from whom it had been taken first by the Amorites, regained possession of it from the Israelites (Jer 48"), Eusebius speaks of it as still standing in his day. 3. A town in the portion assigned to the tribe of Gad, in the valley of Gad, originally an Ammonite city (Jg 11%), in the district watered by the Jabbok, east of Rabbah (Jos 1375). The cities of Aroer, referred to in Is 17?, are evidently the two trans-Jordanic cities of the Moabites and the Ammonites. Gentilic name Aroerite, 1 Ch 11, J. MACPHERSON. AROM (’Apéz), 1 Es 5'*.—His descendants are mentioned among those who returned with Zerub- babel. The name has no parallel in the lists of Ezr and Neh, unless it represents Hashum (B ‘Aeéu, A ‘Aoovy) in Ezr 2”, H. Sr. J. THACKERAY. ARPACHSHAD ARPACHSHAD (1¥257s).—The third son of Shem, A. was the father of Shelah, and grandfather of Eber, from whom the Hebrews traced their descent (Gn 10”-*4111°13), Gesenius regards the name as also pe venating a people or region, and thinks the con- jecture of Bochart not improbable, that this is ’Afja- waxirts, Arrapachitis, a region of Assyria near Ar- menia (Ptol. vi. 1), the native land of the Chaldzans. Jos. (Ant. I. vi. 4) says that from him the Chaldeans were called Arphaxadeans (’Ap¢atadatous). R. M. Boyp. ARPAD (15>x).—A city of Syria north-west of Aleppo, 2 K 18% 1913, Is 10° 36” 373, Jer 493, Now the ruin Tell Erfid. The city stood a two years’ siege by Tiglath-pileser 11. C. R. CONDER. ARPHAXAD (’Apdaéd5).—1. A king of the Medes (Jth 1%), He reigned at Ecbatana, which he strongly fortified. Nebuchadrezzar, king of Assyria, made war upon him, defeated him, and put himtodeath. Some Pave identified A. with Deioces, the founder of Ecbatana, and others with his son Phraortes. But the former of these died in peace, and the latter fell while besieging Nineveh. The narrative in Judith would accord better with the Poepoattion that he was Astyages or Ahasuerus, the last king of the Medes according to Herodotus. 2. The spelling of Arpachshad in AV, and at Lk 6 by RV also. See ARPACHSHAD. R. M. Boyp. ARRAY (formed by prefixing ar to the subst. rot, rat, order, arrangement) is common in AV for the arrangement or order of an army in battle, always in the phrase ‘set in a.’ or ‘putina.’ (But RV gives once ‘order the battle a.’ 1 Ch 12%.) The subst. is also used once for dress, i.e. garments arranged in order on the person, instead of the common word raiment (=arrayment), 1 Ti 2° ‘not with braided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly a.’ (luaricuds, RV ‘raiment’). And in this sense the verb is frequent, as Gn 41 ‘a him in vestures of fine linen’ (Heb. #3), as always, except Jer 43! any) ; Mt 6” ‘Solomon in all his glory was not a like one of these’ (repBd\d\w, so Lk 12” 234; but évdtw, Ac 122 ‘Herod, a in royal apparel’), ‘Array’ does not mean in the Bible, as it does now, ‘to dress up with display,’ but simply to put on raiment, to dress. J. HASTINGS. ARROGANCY.—Arrogance, though quite as old as arrogancy (both being forms of arrogantia, the assertion of more than one has a right to), is not used in AV, but RV givesit at Job 35" (ws, the only occurrence of the Heb. word, AV ‘extremity’). Arrogancy is found in AV 1S 2°, Pr 8%, Is 134, Jer 4829 RV retains these, and adds 2 K 19%, Is 166 37”, Wis 58, giving also arrogant, Ps 5° 73° 754 (for ‘ fool- ish’ or ‘fool’ of AV), and arrogantly, Ps 754 944, . HASTINGS. ARROW (y7).—The arrow of the Hebrews was probably like that of other early nations in con- sisting of a light shaft with a head of flint or metal. Owing to the suddenness with which the arrow inflicted wounds, and to the fact that such wounds often came from an unseen hand, the arrow was used as a symbol of the judgments of God. Job, in his sickness, complains that he is struck by the poisoned arrows of the Almighty (Job 64). God overthrows the mischievous plotters by wound- ing them suddenly with an arrow (Ps 64”). Again, the secret mischief done by slanderers is compared to the wound of an arrow (‘whose teeth are spears and arrows, and their tongue a sharp sword,’ Ps 57‘). Children begotten in their father’s youth are likened to arrows (Ps 127°). Arrows are also a symbol of that which is care- font guarded and highly valued; thus, Israel itself is God’s polished arrow, ‘he hath made me a ART 457 polished shaft, in his quiver hath he kept me close’ (Is 49? RV). W. E. BARNES. ARROWSNAKE (Is 34% RV for AV ‘great owl’). —See SERPENT. ARSACES (’Apcdens, connected possibly with the Armen. Arschag) was a Scythian (Strabo, xi. 515) from the banks of the eee who founded the Parthian empire and the dynasty of the Arsacid (Justin, xli. 5; Strabo, xv. 702). The sixth king of the name (known also as Mithridates I.) subdned Persia and Media, and when eprored by Demetrius Nikator, who thought the people would rise in his favour and afterwards assist him against Tryphon, deceived him Ws a pretence of negotiations, and in B.C. 138 took him prisoner (1 Mac 14!*; Justin, xxxvi. 1). Demetrius received in marriage Rhodo- gune, daughter of A. (App. Syr. 67), but died during his captivity (Jos. Ant. XII. v. 11; Justin, xli. 6; Oros. v. 4). In 1 Mac 15” A. is mentioned among the kings to whom was sent an edict (Jos. Ant. XIV. viii. 5) from Rome forbidding the per- secution of the Jews; but there is a lack of con- firmatory evidence of this, though the incident would, notwithstanding the independence of Parthia, accord with the practice of Rome. R. W. Moss. ARSIPHURITH (B ’Apcecgoupel0, A ’Apordp., AV Azephurith), 1 Es 5'°.—112 of his sons returned with Zerubbabel (B omits the number). The corresponding name in Ezr 28 is Jorah (jv, B Ovpd, A "Iwpd); and in Neh 7* Hariph (4, B ‘Apelp, A ‘Apelu). It has been conjectured that the name in 1 Ks is due to a mistaken combination of the two forms in Ezr and Neh, the ¢ in the second syllable being due to confusion between c and e. H. St. J. THACKERAY. ART.—The Hebrews, like many other nations, did not excel equally in all branches of art. In litera- ture and poetry they have shown great ability in all ages down to the present time. In music they were apparently quite the equal of their neigh- bours, judging from the variety of instruments named and the frequent references to singing and playing, and in modern times they fully sustain this character. But, on the contrary, in mechanical arts, in form and design, and in representations, they showed an inability amounting to positive aversion. That this aversion was not on religious grounds alone is evident on seeing that, when sculptured figures were made for the temple, the chief artist in metal was a Tyrian half-breed, and there was not among the Jews ‘any that can skill to hew timber like the Sidonians’ (1 K 5°). Probably the aversion and the prohibition to imitate natural forms acted and reacted on each other, so that all ability was lost. We find in earlier times that, on the contrary, artistic work is attributed entirely to Hebrews shortly after the Exodus, when the Egyp. training and skill would be still possessed (Ex 35%). There does not appear to be much that can be distinctively marked as Jewish or Palestinian in the motives of design ; many of the elements that we can trace in the scanty remains showing E or Bab. origin. What original style Pal. possessed among the Amorites was mostly destroyed by the Heb. invasion. This can be traced best in the ottery, as, though simple in forms and material, it is the most continuous series that we nave. The Amorite shows good and original forms of a pure style ; the Pheenician is entirely different, but also well shaped and original ; but the Jewish pottery has no original motives, and is merely a degra- dation of the Amorite, running down into complete ugliness and baseness (see POTTERY). In architec- tural forms there appears to be little that is distinct from Egyp. sources. The details have 158 been noticed under ARCHITECTURE; but the general impression is that a plain and simple masonry with some locad features was overlaid by foreign designs. The motive of a row of bucklers hanging over a parapet is sugested in the modifi- cation of Gr. metopes and triglyphs on the so-called ‘Tomb of Absalom’ ; and it appears to be an early [Some JEWISH DECORATION, HERODIAN ‘TOMB OF ABSALOM.’ ART feature, as Solomon made two hundred targets and three hundred shields of beaten gold for the house of the forest of Lebanon. The shields were used by the guard (1 K 14”), but the targets may have been cecorative. The tapering form of the Moabite Stone is rather akin to Assyr. than Egyp. types. And the horns upon the pillars (Ionic volutes) belong to the same source. In surface decoration some late examples seem to reflect a national style, as we do not know of any external source for them. The graceful design of plant forms decoratively treated over the door of the so-called tombs of the Judges (perhaps Maccabeean), the later and more classical foliage work of the so-called tombs of the kings (Herodian), and the great golden vine which Herod placed over the front of the temple, point to a treatment of surfaces which is most nearly akin to some Egyp. work that is probably of Mesopotamian motive. In the plant Teeoraes of the columns, etc. of Akhenaten’s palace at Tel el-Amarna there is the same flowing style of foliage covering the surfaces, and the motive of this may well have come from norther.. Syria or Mesopotamia, like other influ- ences of that reign. In the absence of any details about early Syrian art, it seems that we may per- haps see in this one of its features, which lasted until the Greek period. That surface decoration was a main feature of the richer Jewish work is shown by the details of the temple: ‘ He carved all the walls of the house round about with carved figures of cherubim, and palm trees, and openings of flowers, within and without’ (1 K 6”), and the doors were likewise decorated (vv.*” *). On the bronze bases of the lavers were ‘lions, oxen, and cherubim’ (1 K 7”), and ‘cherubim, lions, and palm trees’ (v6), This frequent decoration with palm trees is singularly un-Egyp., and points to a Mesopo- tamian influence, as palm trees and winged genii are very characteristic of that style. Of sculpture in the round the most striking examples must have been the great cherubs of olive wood, plated with gold, which stood in the most holy oS Fe Their height of ten cubits, or fifteen to twenty feet, shows that they were joined and built up of many pieces, like the hoe statues in Egypt. The wings, stretching out to a width equal to the height, were also, of course, joined on. The position of these cherubs was not at all like that described of the similar figures on the mercy- seat of the ark; the latter were face to face, but those of the temple stood side by side, both facing one way. The most holy place was twenty cubits wide; of each cherub ‘from the uttermost part of one wing unto the uttermost part of the other were ten cubits,’ and they stood ‘so that the wing of the one touched the wall, and the wing of the other cherub touched the other wall, and their wings touched one another in the midst of the house’ (1 K 6%”), They appear to have only had two wings each, like those of the merey-seat, and in this resembled Egyp. cherubic figures, while ARTAXERXES the Assyr. many-winged figures are more akin to the four-winged of Ezekiel or the six-winged of Revelation. Inactual artistic work only two-winged figures appear to have been made. But we must not hastily suppose that these were direct copies of the winged figures of Egypt; the Heb. figures were male, while the Egyp. poe winged figures were always female, and often specialised as Isis and Nepthys. The symbolic meaning of these statues is outside of our scope here; but the strange duality of two equal figures placed side by side is parallel to the two great columns before the temple, and the curious feature of a double entrance to porches with a central pillar, as seen in the tombs. Figures of animals were also made, as the brazen serpent, which was still treasured and wordt down to the time of Hezekiah; also the twelve oxen of Solomon, which seem to have been done away with by Ahaz, as there is no mention of them in the plunder (Jer 52) after he had removed the brazen sea from them (2 K 16”). This unnatural motive of placing a great vessel on the backs of animals is unknown in Egypt, unless in some of the Asiatic goldsmith’s work; but the same idea appears in Syria, where the goddess Kedesh stands on a lion’s back. In embroidery we see another sign of Asiatic rather than Egyp. influence. No embroidered robes appear on Egyp. figures, at least until post-Exodic times ; whereas in Babylonia and Assyria dresses are constantly represented as being embroidered with elaborate patterns. The Egyp. system was that of appliqué work of leather, which was elaboratel carried out in complex patterns ; and such a style of decoration still survives in the usual tent-lining of Egypt, where pieces of various coloured cloths are all stitched on to the backing in a pattern, and elaborate inscriptions cut out and applied in the same way. The mention of large figures upon the curtains and vail of the tabernacle appears as if they were appliqué; but they are only on the linen curtains, so that leather work of this kind is not implied. On the other hand, the making of gold wire by cutting up sheet gold is specially described for the ephod (Ex 39%), and this shows that dresses were certainly embroidered with thread. ew LOTUS AND BUD PATTERN (Egyptian), misnamed in Palestine as BELL AND POMEGRANATE. Until some extensive and well-directed excava- tions may open up for us the remains of Syrian and Jewish art, it is hepeless to do more than indicate the mere outlines. These seem to show | a native Syrian style, influenced mainly by | Mesopotamia, but also in some respects by Egypt. A single good slab of stone might teach us far more than all we know at present. i W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. ARTAXERXES (xpyvnmy, xaovnmy).—The name is written Artakhshatra in Old Persian, Artaksatsu and Artaksassu in Bab. cuneiform, and is derived from the Persian arta, ‘great,’ and khshatra, ‘kingdom.’ The meaning of ‘ great warrior,’ there- fore, given to it by Herodotus (vi. 98) is incorrect. Ardeshir is the later Persian form of the name. — The only Artaxerxes mentioned in the OT is | Artaxerxes I. Longimanus (or ‘Long-handed’), | the son of Xerxes, who reigned B.C. 464-425, | ARTEMAS Ewald, Hitzig, and other commentators have oS pen that in Ezr 4’-% the pseudo-Smerdis (B.C. 522) is meant under the name of Artaxerxes. But the ee scenery of the cuneiform inscriptions has shown that the Persian kings did not bear double names of the kind implied by the theory, and the difficulty felt by the commentators has been occasioned by the insertion of letters which relate only to the rebuilding of the city and walls of Jerusalem into the narrative of the rebuilding of the temple. The 24th verse of the chapter ought im- mediately to follow the 5th. (See ZERUBBABEL.) It may have been in consequence of the letters whieh passed between the Persian king and his tepresentatives in Palestine that in his seventh ear Ezra was allowed, with other priests and emple-servants, and a ge from the imperial ex- chequer, to go up from Babylon to Jerusalem and there settle the affairs of the community (Ezr 7. 8). Thirteen years later (B.C. 444), Nehemiah, the cup- bearer of Artaxerxes, was allowed to leave Susa for Jerusalem for a similar purpose, the first result of his mission being the restoration of the city walls. Artaxerxes was the third son of Xerxes, and ' after the assassination of his father made his way to the throne by crushing the Bactrians under his brother Hystaspes, and murdering another brother, Darius. In B.c 460 Egypt revolted; but in spite of the assistance rendered by Athens to the rebels, the revolt was suppressed in B.c. 455. In B.c. 449 the war with Greece was ended by a treaty, known as that of Kallias, by which Athens gave up Cyprus, and Persia renounced her claims to the Gr. cities of Asia Minor. Not long afterwards Megabyzos the satrap of Syria revolted, and compelled the Persian king to agree to his own terms of peace. erxes was succeeded by his son Xerxes II. A. H. SAYCE. ARTEMAS.—A trusted companion of St. Paul, uy the later part of his life (Tit 3). According to Dorotheus (Bibl. Maxima, Lugd. 1677, iii. p. 429) he had been one of the 70 disciples, and was after- wards bishop of Lystra, but there is no extant evidence to support either statement. An Artemas is honoured in the Greek Menza for April 28, but pe eently he is not the same. though Jerome (de nom. Hebraicis) treats the name as Hebrew, and explains it as ‘anathematizans sive conturbans,’ it is undoubtedly Greek, formed from “Aprejus (cf. ‘Epuds, "ONuuras, Znvas, Eradpas), perhaps by contraction from Artemidorus, a name common in Asia Minor. W. Lock. ARTILLERY (1 S 20% AV, ‘weapons’ RV).-—A general word, including in its meaning both bows and arrows. The word still survives in the name of the Honourable Artiilery Company of London, which was originally a guild or club of archers. In 1 Mac 6" ‘artillery’ (‘mounds to shoot from,’ RV) is the tr. of Bedoordcas, ‘ranges of warlike engines’ set against a besieged oat 7. E, BARNES. ARUBBOTH (niss7), 1 K 4! only.—A district, apparently in the south of Judah, near Hepher and Recah. he Negeb plains are perhaps intended. C. R. CONDER. ARUMAH (ax), Jg 9.—The refuge of Abime- lech when driven out of Shechem, supposed to be the ruin Z/ ’Ormeh, on the hills S.E. of Shechem. In the Onomasticon (s.v. Ruma) it is placed at Remphis, in the region of Diospolis (Lydda), which was ‘by many called Arimathea.’ The village Rentis seems to be meant, near Rantieh. See SWP vol. ii. sheets xii. and xiv. C. R. CoNDER. ARVAD, ARVADITES (17x, 7), northernmost city of the Canaanites, and race inhabiting it (Gn 10*, 1 Ch 17%), The city was built on an island, ASA 159 Arvad or Aradus, now Ruwad, off the Syrian coast, about 2 miles from the mainland, 3 or 4 miles north-east of Tripolis, scarcely a mile in circum- ference, on which houses were built close together and very high, so as to accommodate a large popu- lation in a small space. On the mainland opposite, at some distance from the coast, lay the town of Antarados. According to Strabo, figures from Sidon settled there and built the city in B.C. 761, but these can only have dispossessed or reinforced older inhabitants, probably like those of Sidon from around the Persian Gulf, under whom it had already risen to a position of some importance. As far back as about B.c. 1100, we find Tiglath- pileser I. speaking of sailing into the great sea in ships of A. (Schrader, COT?i. 173). In Ezk 278" the men of A. are mentioned along with those of Sidon as supplying mariners and warriors to Tyre in the time of her glory. In B.c. 138 the Phen. town Aradus was one of those named in a circular from the Roman Senate as containing a large Jewish ete oe towards whom the kings of Egypt, Syria, ete. (to whom the despatch is aieendl. are enjoined to show favour (1 Mac 1516-33, See Schiirer, HJP I ii. 221). J. MACPHERSON. ARZA (xy7x).—Prefect of the palace at Tirzah, in whose house king Elah was assassinated by Zimri at a carouse (1 K 16°). C. F. BURNEY. ARZARETH (2 Es 13®).—A region beyond the river from which the ten tribes are to return. It has been Ais to represent the Heb. noinx yx (Dt 1978), and became the subject of many later Jewish legends concerning the Sabbatic River beyond which the lost tribes were to be found— variously identified with the Oxus and the Ganges. The true site of the Sabbatic River is, however, in Syria, north-east of Tripoli, the present Nahr es Sebta. Northern Syria appears to be called the Land of Akharri or ‘westerns’ in cuneiform texts. C. R. ConpDER. AS.—There are some obs. uses of this conj., but they are mostly quite intelligible. 4. As concern- ing occurs Lv 4”, 1 Ch 2671, Ac 28°2, Ro 9° 1178, 1 Co 84, 2 Co 112, Ph 4%; and as concerning that, Ac 13% ‘as c. that he raised him up from the dead’ (Gr. simply érc); as pertaining, Ro 41, He 9°; as touch- ing, Gn 27%, 1 S 20%, 2 K 228, Mt 18192931, Mk 12°6, Aci5" 2155 Rolls, leCo $1 162)21Co 94 Phr3' 1 Th 4°, 2 Es 15%. In these phrases (the Gr. is generally a simple us érl, card, and esp. mepl) the as is now dropped. So in whenas, Sir Prol. i. ‘whenas therefore the first Jesus died,’ Sir 337, 2 Mac 15°; while as, He 98; what time as, Bar 1, 1 Mac 5, 2 Mac 17; like as, Jer 23” ‘Is not my word like asa fire?’,Wis 18"; as it were, Rev 8” ‘burning as it were a lamp’ (RV ‘as a torch’); cf. Ps 148, Pr. Bk. ‘eating up my people as it were bread.’ On the other hand as=‘as if’ in Ac 10", Rev 5° ‘a Lamb as it had been slain’ (ws, RV ‘as though’), 13%. As stands for ‘that’ in 1 Mac 10% 125 ‘so as we are delivered from our enemies.’ In Lk 2" it is an adv. ‘as the angels were gone away from them into heaven’ (#s, RV ‘ when’). J. HASTINGS. ASA (xox, perhaps ‘ healer’).—1. King of Judah c. B.C. 918-877. The history of his reign as given in 1 K 15%, when compared with that in 2 Ch 14 16, presents an excellent illustration of the different view-points of the two writers. For convenience we shall keep the two narratives apart. (A) Ace. to 1 K 15° A. did what was right in the eyes of the Lord, opposing every form of idolatry, putting away the kédeshim or lepddovdos out of the land, and removing the idols which his fathers had made. He even degraded the queen- 160 ASADIAS ASARA mother because of ‘an abominable image’ (nybzn) which she had made for (an) Asherah. Being attacked by Baasha, king of Israel, he used the treasures of the temple and the palace to buy the alliance of Benhadad, king of Syria, who, by the vigour of his attack 8 ¥8 the N. kingdom, speedil compelled Baasha to leave Judah in peace. With the materials of Baasha’s abandoned works at Ramah, A. built Geba of Benjamin and Mizpah. (In Jer 41° there is mention of a pit at Mizpah which A. had made ‘for fear of Baasha, king of Isr.’) In his old age A. suffered from a disease in his feet. He died in the 41st year of his reign, and was succeeded by his son J St octap hae (B) In 2 Ch 14-16 Asa’s reforming zeal is placed in a still more favourable light. Cf. 2 Ch 14° (but see 151”) with 1 K 154. As a reward for this zeal A. enjoyed peace and prosperity in the early years of his reign, and during this period he built fortresses and made other warlike preparations, assembling an army of 680,000 men (14°). He was thus enabled to meet and conquer Zerah the Ethiopian (which see). (The historicity of this campaign there is no reason to call in question, although the numbers must be excessive). After this victory A. was met by the prophet Azariah, the son of Oded, who exhorted him to carry out further religious reforms (151-8). In obedience to this call, a popular assembly, representing not only Judah, but certain districts of the N. kingdom, was held at Jerus. in the 3rd month of the 15th year of A.’s reign. A solemn covenant was entered into to seek the Lord with all their heart and all their soul (15'2), On account of A.’s conduct in this matter, another period of peace was enjoyed by the land, which continued till the 35th year of his reign (15%). In his 36th year (16*-) war broke out with Baasha, king of Israel, and A. hired the help of the king of Syria. This action was viewed by Hanani the seer as indicating a want of faith in God, and he addressed reproaches and threatenings to the king, who thereupon cast the faithful pro- phet into prison, and at the same time began to oppress some of his subjects (167). As a punish- ment for this he was, in his 39th year, attacked by a disease in his feet, which led him to seek not to the Lord, but to physicians (16!). Upon his death in the 41st year of his reign he was buried with most gorgeous funeral rites (161). The Chronicler’s additions to the earlier narrative comprise, then, A.’s building of fortresses and other warlike preparations, his victory over the Ethiop. king, more detailed specifications of time, his severity towards Hanani and others, and the details as to his obsequies. The subjectivity of the Chronicler is marked throughout, but there is no reason to doubt that for the basis at least of these additions he had documentary authority, although very serious difficulties, which have never been satisfactorily explained, attach to the chrono- logy of his narrative. These are fully discussed in the literature cited below. 2. A Levite, the father of Berechiah (1 Ch 9"). See GENEALOGY. LITERATURE.—Graf, Ges, Bich. d. A.T. 187 ff. ; W. R. Smith, OTJC2 141, 147; Sayce, HCM 363f., 465f.; Wellhausen, Ges. Ter. (1878) p. 212 ; Kittel, Hist. of Heb. ii. 248 ff. J. A. SELBIE. ASADIAS (‘Acadtas, prob. =7107, ‘J” is kind,’ cf. 1 Ch 3”).—An ancestor of Baruch (Bar 1). cI ASAHEL (dxnvy) is the name of four men men- tioned in OT. 1. The youngest son of Zeruiah, David’s sister, and the brother of Joab and Abishai. He war famous for his swiftness of foot, a much valued gift in ancient times. He was one of David’s thirty heroes, probably the third of the second three (2 S 23%), He was also commander of a division in David’s army (1 Ch 277). He was slain by Abner (2 8 238-5), 2. A Levite, who with other ten Levites and priests went throughout all the cities of Judah and taught the people in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 178). 3. A subordinate collector of offerings and tithes in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Ch 31). 4. Jonathan, son of A., opposed Ezra’s action in connexion with the divorce of foreign wives (Ezr 10%). MvIr. ASAIAH (ny, ‘J” hath made’).—41. One of the deputation sent by Josiah to consult Huldah the prophetess, 2 K 22!2-14 (AV Asahiah), 2 Ch 34”. 2. Cine of the Simeonite princes who attacked the shepherds of Gedor, 1 Ch 4°. 8. A Merarite who took part in bringing the ark to Jerus., 1 Ch 6” 15%1, 4. The first-born of the Shilonites, 1 Ch 9°, called in Neh 115 Maaseiah. J. A. SELBIE. ASANA (A ’Acavd, B ’Aoo-), 1 Es 5*.—His de- scendants were among the ‘temple servants’ or Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel: he is called Asnah (m3px, ’Acevd), Ezr 25, Nehemiah omits. H. Sr. J. THACKERAY. ASAPH ("ox ‘gatherer’).—4. The father of Joah, the ‘recorder’ or chronicler at the court of Hezekiah (2 K 18! *7 etc.). 2. The ‘keeper of the king’s forest,’ to whom king Artaxerxes addressed a letter directing him to supply Nehemiah with timber (Neh 28). 3. A Korahite (1 Ch 261), same as Abiasaph (wh. see). 4. The eponym of one of the three guilds which conducted the musical services of the temple in the time of the Chronicler (1 Ch 15! ete.). The latter traces this arrange- ment to the appointment of David, in whose reign Asaph, who is called ‘the seer’ (2 Ch 29%), is eg) bat to have lived. We ay know practi- cally nothing about the worship in the first temple, although the probability that the musical service was even then to a certain extent organised, is witnessed to by the fact that at the return from exile ‘the singers, the sons of Asaph’ (Neh 7“, Ezr 2*), are mentioned as a class whose functions were recognised and well established. At first the Asaphites alone seemed to have formed the temple choir, and in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah (wherever we have the memoirs of the latter in their original form) they are not yet reckoned among the Levites. At a later period they share the musical service with the ‘sons of Korah’ (see KORAHITES). When the latter become porters and doorkeepers, the guild of Asaph appears supple- mented by those of Heman and Ethan; and as, in the estimation of the Chronicler (c. 250 B.c.), Levitical descent is necessary for the performance of such functions, the genealogies of Asaph, Heman, and Ethan are traced respectively to Gershom, Kohath, and Merari, the sons of Levi (1 Ch 68-47), W. R. Smith (OTJC p. 204, n.) remarks that the ‘ oldest attempt to incorporate the Asaphites with the Levites seems to be found in the priestly part of the Pentateuch, where Abiasaph, “the father of Asaph,” or in other words the oon of the Asaphite guild, is made one of the three sons of Korah (Ex 6%).’ Pss 50 and 73-83 have the superscription 4>x?, which means in all robability that they once belonged to the hymn- books of the Asaphite choir (see PSALMS). LiTeRatuRE.—Kuenen, Rel. of Israel, ii, 204, iii. 77; Graf, Geschicht. B. des A.T. 223, 239 ff.; Wellhausen, Geschichte, 152, n.; Herzfeld, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, i. 387 f.; Schiirer, HJP ti. i. 225f., 271f.; Cheyne, Origin of Psalter, 101, 111. J. A. SELBIE. ASARA (’Acapd, AV Azara), 1 Es 5*.—His sons were among the temple servants or Nethinim who returned under Zerubbabel : omitted in the parallel lists in Ezr and Neh. H. St. J. THACKERAY. e \ oo we ASARAMEL ASCENSION 161 ASARAMEL (‘Acapapé\ x» V, Zapayné A, AV Saramel).— A name whose meaning is quite uncertain (1 Mac 14%). See RVm. ASAREL (>sqvx, AV Asareel).— A son of Jehallelel, 1 Ch 41°, See GENEALOGY. ASBASARETH (1 Es 5®).—A king of Assyria, probably a corrupt form of the name Esarhaddon, which is found in the parallel passage Ezr 4’. AV form Azbazareth comes from the Vulg.; LXX has ’AcBaxag¢d0 B, ’AcBacapéO A; Syr. (Ashtakphath). H. A. WHITE. ASCALON.—Jth 27, 1 Mac 10% 11 1253, for ASHKELON. ASCENSION.—Ascension is the name given to that final withdrawal of the Risen Christ from His disciples which is described in Ac 1°. There is no account of anything exactly like it in the OT, though the same word has been applied to the de- cera of Enoch and of Elijah from this life. In ir 441° as in He 115 Enoch’s removal is called a translation (“ereré0n), but in Sir 49 as in Ac 1! it is an assumption (dveAjugbn dd ris yfjs). This last alone seems to employed of Elijah. In the LXX of 2 K 2" we have dvediug¢0n “Hrxod ev svaceoup ws els roy ovpaydy, and in Sir 48° Elijah is 6 dvahnudéels év Nalham rupds. Cheyne’s Hallowing of Criticism treats this last as ‘the grandest prose poem in the OT,’ but, even so, it opened the mind to the idea that human life might have another issue than that which awaits it in the ordinary course of nature. In the NT the A. does not bulk largely as an independent event. In Mt it is not mentioned at all. In Mk it is found only in the dubious appendix (16°), and there it is narrated in OT words, a fact which suggests that the writer is recording what he believed, not what he had seen. The first half of the verse—dverjuddn els tov ovpaydy —is from 2 K 2"; and the second— éxdbicev éx detiGv rod Oeoi—from Ps 110!. The explicit reference in Lk 24°) (diéorn dm’ atrdv cal dvepépero els tov otpavdv) has the last five words doubly bracketed in WH. ‘The A.,’ they say in a note, ‘apparently did not lie within the proper scope of the Gospels, as seen in their genuine texts ; its true place was at the head of the Acts of the Apostles, as the preparation for the day of Pente- cost, and thus the beginning of the history of the Church.’ The insertion of the words, dvegpépero els rdv ovpavér, in Lk 24°!, would thus be due to some one who assumed that ‘a separation from the disciples at the close of a Gospel must bethe A.’ But it can hardly be doubted that Luke means in these verses (24°°->) to describe the final separation of Jesus from His disciples, so that the assumption in ques- tion wouid be justified ; and the difficulty remains untouched, that this final separation, whatever its circumstances, seems to take place, on the most natural construction of the whole passage (vv.13-53), on the evening of the Resurrection day, whereas in Ac 1 it is forty days later. In the Fourth Gospel there are more explicit references to the A. than in any of the rest, but no narrative. ‘What if ye shall see the Son of Man ascending (dvaBalvovra) where he was before?’ (6%). More notable still is the language of 20”, where Jesus says to Mary Mag- dalene, ‘Touch me not; for I have not yet ascended (dvaBéBnxa) to the Father: but go to my brethren and tell them, I ascend (dvaBalyw) tomy Teather and your Father, and my God and your God.’ The resent tense in this last clause is not quite clear. t might describe what was imminent, an A. close at hand: but Westcott renders it, ‘I am ascend- VOL. I.—II ing,’ as if the process had actually begun. ‘In one sense the change symbolised by the visible A. was being wrought for the apostles during the fort; days, as they gradually became familiarised wit the phenomena of Christ’s higher life’ (Com. on Jn 20”). But it is confusing to combine with the visible A. the idea of something going on in the apostles’ minds for six weeks before. Christ’s manifestations of Himself during those weeks to His disciples, undoubtedly familiarised them with the idea that now He no more belonged to this world, but had another and higher mode of being ; but the A., as a separate event, is more than this. It is the solemn close of even such manifestations, and the exaltation of Christ into a life where con- tact with Him may be more close and intimate than ever (this is the force of ‘Touch me not; for I am not yet ascended’), but must be purely spiritual. In the Book of Acts (1°) the A. narrative is most complete. Jesus had been speaking to the disciples about the universal destination of His kingdom, and the promised gift of the Spirit, and as He finished He was taken up (ér7/p6)—here only in NT applied to the A.) while they looked on, and a cloud received Him out of their sight. Two men in white raiment assured the apostles that He would come in like manner as they had seen Him go into heaven. The Epistles may be said to look at Christ in His exaltation, ‘seated at the right hand of God,’ and rather to involve the A. than to refer directl toit. Yet there are passages in several in whic allusion seems to be made to the same event as is described in Acts. Eph 4°? is one. Christ is there spoken of as 6 dvaBas trepdyw mdvrwy roy ovpaydy. Similarly, though there is perhaps a more poetic and less historical flavour in the words, we read of Him in He 4" as dteAndvOdra rods wvpavous and in 7% as bWyAédrepos TOv ovpavdy yevduevos. There is less dubiety as to the reference in 1 P 3” és dor év dekiG Oeod mwopevOels els ovpavdy, and in the hymn cited in 1 Ti 3° dvedjugdn ev 54¢y, where the same word is used as in Mark and in Acts. It is quite true to say that the A. is not separ- ately emphasized in the NT as an event distinct from the Resurrection, or from the state of exalta- tion to which it was the solemn entrance. But it is quite false to say that it is identified with either, or that Resurrection, A., and sitting at God’s right hand, are all names for the same thing. Certainly each of them might be used in any age, and they might be used still as a comprehensive name for the glory of Christ, but this does not abolish the distinction between them. When Jesus rose from the dead, He ‘manifested himself’ to His disciples. Already He belonged to another world, and it was only when He would that He put Him- self in any relation with those who had loved Him in this. After each manifestation He parted from them; how, we cannot tell; the NT only sug- gests that it was not in that way which marked the A. When faith in the Resurrection was as- sured in the apostles’ hearts; when He had ex- ounded to them the Christian significance of the br, and the universal destination of the gospel ; when He had again promised the Holy Spirit to endue them with power from on high, He parted from them for the last time in such a way that they knew it was the last; He passed with some- thing like ey state to the right hand of the Father. To talk about Copernicanism in thi> connexion, and to object to the whole idea of tne A. because we cannot put down the heaven into which Jesus entered on a star-map, is to miscon- ceive the Resurrection and everything connected with it. The Lord of glory manifested Himself to His own, and at last put a term to these manifesta- tions in a mode as gracious as it was sublime; but 162 ASCENSION ASENATH the whole series of events is one with which as- tronomy has nothing to do. Neither is there any reason to argue back from the phenomena of the Epistles, through those of the Gospels, to the conclusion that the Christian belief in the exaltation of Jesus created the beau- tiful myth of the A. Westcott and Hort may be right in their suggestion that the A. does not belong to the idea of a Gospel, though the sugges- tion does not of itself seem conclusive ; but even if the final parting of Jesus is referred to in Lk 24°), and even if the date is not the same as in Ac 1, it does not follow that the story in Acts is mythi- cal. Luke may have learned the details more accurately in the interval that elapsed between the composition of his two works ; and in any case it is highly improbable that a myth-producing spirit, which had the same motive to impel it from the first hour the Resurrection was preached, should have suddenly (as it would be in this case) gener- ated an A. myth at the very moment when it would dislocate St. Luke’s histories. Neither is there any reason to oppose to each other, as many do, the A. narrative and what is called the religious idea underlying it, as husk is opposed to kernel. The Christian faith certainly holds that ‘Christ, as the transfigured One, is absolutely exempt from the limitations of earth and nature, and that He, the ever-living One, is the head of humanity, exalted in glory, in whom humanity is conscious of its own exaltation’ (Schenkel, Bibel-Lexicon, s.v. Himmelfahrt Jesu). But the A. story is not the husk of which this faith is the kernel. It is the record of the last and apparently the most impos- ing of those manifestations of the Risen One to which this faith owes its origin. No kind of ob- jection lies against the A. which does not lie also against the Resurrection. Its historicity is of the same kind, though the direct attestation of it is less; and the manifestation of Christ, at a later date, under quite exceptional circumstances, to St. Paul at his conversion, while it is in harmony with the fact of the A., does not really affect its signifi- cance as the formal cessation of this mode of mani- festation. In itself the A. is no more than a point of transition: its theological significance cannot be distinguished from that of the Resurrection and Exaltation of Christ. If we regard Christ merely as ideal man, the A. may be said to complete the manifestation of human nature and its destiny : this exaltation, and not the corruption of the grave, is what God made man for. Man is not revealed in moral character simply ; there is a mode of being which answers to ideal goodness, and the A. is our clearest look at it. If we regard it in relation to the work of Christ’s earthly life, it merges in His exaltation as God’s acknowledgment of that work, and the reward bestowed on him for it (see Ph 26-11), If we regard it in relation to the future, it seems to be, judged by our Lord’s own words in Lk 24", Ac 18, and Jn 14-16, the condition of His sending the Spirit in the power of which the apostles were to preach repentance and remission of sins everywhere. It enthroned Him, not only in their imaginations, but in reality ; He was able now to exercise all power in heaven and on earth. ‘ Being therefore exalted, and having received of the Father the promise of the Holy Ghost, He hath poured forth this which ye seeand hear. For David ascended not into the heavens’ (ov« dvéBy). This is the aspect of the subject which prevails in the NT. LiTERATURE.—The subject is discussed in all the Lives of Christ: as typical on opposite sides may be named Neander (p. 484ff. Eng. tr.) and Hase, Geschichte Jesu, § 118. See also wete, The Apostles’ Creed, p. 64 ff., the commentators on Ac 19ff. 5 Milligan, Ascension and Heavenly Priesthood, Lect. I. ; aad Knowling, Witness of the Epistles, p. 397 ff. J. DENNEY. ASCENT is the rendering in AV of three Heb. words. 1, aby ma‘dleh, used of the ‘ ascent (pass) of Akrabbim’ (Nu 344), and the ‘ ascent of the Mt. of Olives’ (2S 15), Besides these two instances (all that occur in AV), RV correctly gives the same rendering ‘ascent,’ where uses such gare as ‘the going up to,’ in Jos 10 15*7 1817, g 83,18 94,258 15%, 2 K 977, 2 Ch 2016 32%, Is 155, Jer 48°, in all of which the same Heb. term 1); employed. The pe niby of the cognate fem. form occurs in the well-known title of several Psalms (mbypn vv, AV ‘Song of degrees,’ RV ‘Song of ascents’). See PSALMS. 2. ny ‘6lah, is rendered ‘ascent’ by both AV and RV in 1 K 105, ‘his ascent by which he went up into the house & the Lord,’ although RVm offers as an alternative rendering, ‘ his burnt-offering which he offered in,’ ete. This last is certainly the usual meaning of n?y, and there appears to be no sufficient reason for departing from it in the present instance. Bolawion offered sacrifices on the colossal scale referred to in 1 K 8, the admiration of the queen of Sheba was natural enough. This is the view of the passage taken by Kittel, Reuss, Kamphausen, Kautzsch, etc., and it has the support of LXX (dAckavrwow), Syriac and Vulg. 3. In the parallel passage 2 Ch 9 we find aby anes This word signifies elsewhere an fies as chamber’ (vzrepgov), and it is so rendered, or by ‘chamber’ alone, in 1 K 17% 2 K 4101, 9 § 1833 1 Ch 28", 2 Ch 3° Neh 3, Ps 104% 48, Jer 221 4 (in Jg 3% ® both A and RV have ‘ parlour ’).* If we retain the MT, we must understand the reference to be to an upper chamber which Solomon was building (observe the imperf. 7by:) upon the temple. This, however, yields an improbable and unsuitable meaning, and in all likelihood the text ought to be corrected from in‘by to rmby (LXX édoxavrdyara) in conformity witli 1 K 10° (see notes on 2 Ch 9 by Kittel in Haupt’s Sacred Bks. of OT, and by Kautzsch in Heil. Schr. an ALT); J. A. SELBIE. ASEAS (’Acalas), 1 Es 9*2—One of the sons of Annas who by te to put any, his ‘ strange’ wife, called Isshijah (7y:=‘ whom J” lends’), Ezr 10%. ASEBEBIAS (’AceSnBlas, AV Asebebia). — A Levite who accompanied Ezra to Jerus., 1 Es 8, ASEBIAS (A book fe B omits, AV Asebia).—A Levite who returned with Ezra, 1 Es 8%. ASENATH (nox).—The daughter of Poti-pherah, priest of On, and wife of Joseph. She was the mother of Ephraim and Manasseh (Gn 41 © 46), The name may mean ‘belonging to (or favourite of) Neith’ (Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v.). She is com- memorated by the Greek Church apparently on Dec. 138, and by the Ethiopian on the Ist of Senne. The story of A. has been made the subject of a remarkable novel which exists in Greek (the original language), Syriac, Armenian, and Latin, as well as in many medieval European versions made from the Latin. The Latin is itself not older than the 13th cent., and is the work, as is believed, of Robert Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, or of one of the scholars associ- ated with him. The name of the romance is either the History of A. or The Book of the Con- Session of A. It has been assigned by its last editor, P. Batiffol, to the 5th cent. It is certain, however, that the Syriac version is as old as the | 6th cent., and the probability is that the origina] — is at least as early as the 3rd cent. In its present form it is a Christian version of a Jewish legend. A full account of the story may be seen in Hort’s article in Smith’s Dict. Christ. Brogr. — Summarised it runs thus: A. is the proud and beauti- > is ASH ful daughter of Pentephres of Heliopolis. She lives in magnificent seclusion and despises all men. Her father and mother propose that she shall marry Joseph, now prime minister to Pharaoh. She rejects the thought with scorn. However, Joseph soon arrives at the house on one of his journeys through Egypt to collect corn. Asenath sees him and at once falls in love. But Joseph, who has a horror of all women, will have nothing to say to her, and can- not even kiss her, since she worships idols. He blesses her, and then she retires to her room. Here she shuts herself up for seven days in sack- cloth and ashes, throws her idols out of the window, and does strict penance. On the 8th day she utters a long prayer. Thereafter an angel comes to her in the form of Joseph and blesses her, and gives her to eat of a mystic honeycomb, on which ae of the cross is made. A., then accepted of , arrays herself in beautiful garments, and goes forth to meet Joseph, who now returns to the house. The parents are away, but the be- trothal takes place in their absence ; and then the wedding in Pharaoh’s presence. At this point the Armenian version makes a break, and ends the first part ; here also in Syr., Arm., and Lat., but not in any known Greek MS, occurs a lamentation of Asenath for her former pride. The second part of the book contains the story first of A.’s introduction to Jacob when he came to Egypt, and then, at great length, of an attempt on the part of Pharaoh’s firstborn son to abduct A.,— an attempt in which he enlists the services of Dan and Gad, and in which he is baffled by Benjamin, Simeon, and Levi, and loses his life. This part of the story, which is very well told, has hardly any religious interest, save in the forgiveness of Dan and Gad by A. But in the first part of the book the religious element is far more prominent. Stress is laid on purity and on repentance. The raison d’étre of the book, or rather, of the Jewish legend which lies behind it, is to evade the difficulty of Joseph’s marriage with a heathen wife: and, as Batiffol and Oppenheim (see Lit.) have shown, the ety eons legend made A. a Jewess by birth. It identified her with the daughter of Dinah, Jacob’s daughter, and of Shechem. This has been slurred over in the Greek novel; but it is implied by certain words in the Syriac, where A.’s visit to Jaceb is described. The romance is altogether one of the most successful, from a literary point of view, that the apocryphal literature affords. It was widely known in Europe by means of the extracts from it which Frater Vincentius (Vincent of Beauvais) included in his Speculum Historiale in the 13th century. LirsraTuRE.—Vincent’s Lat. version and a fragment of the Gr. in Fabricius’ Cod. Pseud. V. T. ; Syriac in Land’s Anecdota aberieg iii. 1870; Lat. tr. of Syriac by Oppenheim, Fabula osephi et Asenetha, 1886; Gr. by P. Batiffol from four MSS in 8 Studia Patristica, 1889 ; Lat. (complete version) from two Cam- bridge MSS communicated by the present writer to M. Batiffol, and published by him op. cit.; Armenian recently published at Venice by P. Basile. M. R. JAMES. ASH (nk, ’oren, wlrvs, pinus) (Is 444%, AV. RV has fir, with ash in m.).—The conditions to be ed by this tree are that its wood should be suitable to be carved into an image, and used for fuel; that it should be a familiar tree, planted, as distinguished from the forest trees mentioned in the former part of the verse; and that it should be nourished by rain, and not b artificial irrigation, as in the case of almost a the Ealtivated trees of Syria and Palestine. These conditions exclude several of the candidates. They make it improbable that the unknown tree ’aran, described by Abu Fadli as growing in Arabia trea, is intended. Sush a tree would not be ASH 163 likely to be planted, nor to thrive out of the stations where it is indigenous. Salvadora Per- sica, proposed by Royle, is a desert shrub, with a trunk out of which it would be impossible to find a piece large enough to carve into a graven image, and in every other wey quite Gascdocie Luther’s surmise, that the final 1 of the Heb. original is a 1, and that the tree is a cedar, is forbidden by the revious mention of the cedar in the same passage. he en ash of AV has no support from philology. It is wholly improbable that ’oren has any connexion with ornus. There are three species of ash in Syria—Fraxinus Ornus, L., which grows in the mountains from Lebanon to Amanus ; fF, excelsior, L., Amanus and northward; and F, oxycarpa, Willd., var. oligophylla, Boiss., Tel-el- Kadi (Dan) to Antilebanon, Lebanon, and Aleppo. The modern Arab. name for the last is dardar Ape, the elm). It is a fine tree, with a hemispherical comus, 15 to 45 feet high, and has a trunk which would furnish wood suitable for the requirementa of the text. But it grows wild, usually near or by water, and therefore would not likely have been selected as a tree which the ‘rain doth nourish.’ Fir is an unfortunate guess, as there are other words which correspond to the different sorts of fir. Pine has the authority of the LXX. There are three species of pine growing in the Holy Land—Pinus elie pail Mill, the Aleppo Pine; P. Brutia, Ten.; and P. Pinea, L., the maritime or stone pine. The latter tree fulfils best the condi- tions of the ’oren. It is a tree well known by the Arabic name gsnowbar, with a resinous, hard wood, capable of being carved, and much used for fuel, especially in the public ovens. It produces large cones, and an edible seed, for which it is cultivated, and the taste of which when roasted resembles that of a roasted peanut. Moreover, it is a tree which is very extensively planted, and always in sandy places or on dry hillsides, where it receives onl the rain. It is one of the few cultivated (planted) trees in this land which are never watered except by the rain. It is never planted in irrigated ground. The seed is sown in low-lying districts along the coast after the first rains, when the vents is softened, and in the mountains in the atter days of February, when all danger of the tender sprout being nipped by frost has passed away, but when there is prospect of rain sufficient to ‘nourish’ the seedling for its exposure to the blazing sunshine during the eight long rainless months that are to follow. The explanatory clause of our passage has very peculiar force with refer- ence to this tree. The objection of Celsius, that the pine does not bear transplanting, is futile, as it is only said that they were planted. The same word is used for the lign-aloes (Nu 24°), and the cedars (Ps 104!6), both of which it is said the ‘Lord planted,’ t.¢. sowed, for they were certainly not transplanted. Also God is represented as planting the desolate places (Ezk 36°). Vast groves of snowbar have been planted at points along the coast to arrest the movement of the sand dunes. Such a grove was planted by Ibrahim Pasha in 1840 near Beirfit, and is one of the most picturesque features of the beautiful plain between the city and Lebanon. Large numbers of these groves are planted on the red sandstone of Lebanon, and in parts of Palestine. As the tree grows, the lower branches are lopped off, and only a pinshtonoi shaped top is left. The trees grow near together and very uniformly, so that the top of a large grove such as that near Beirfit, when looked upon from the mountain, presents a flat green surface, which constitutes a very marked and attractive feature of the landscape. When planted on steep mountain sides, as in Lebanon and on 164 ASHAN ASHER the Apulian coast of Italy, the tall trunks, sur- mounted by their dense crown of evergreen leaves, fringe the tops and dot the sides of the rugged grey peaks witha beauty hardly rivalled by any other tree. G. E. Post. ASHAN (jx), Jos 15*2 197, 1 Ch 4% 65°,—Per- haps the same as Cor-ashan, which see. It was a town of Judah, near Libnah and Rimmon, belonging to Simeon, and not far from Debir. It must have been on the slopes of the hills east of Gaza, but the site is doubtful. C. R. ConpDER. ASHARELAH (nbywwx, AV Asarelah). — An Asaphite (1 Ch 257), called in v.14 Jesharelah (see Kittel’s notes on 1 Ch 414 25% 4), ASHBEA (va¥x) occurs in an obscure passage (1 Ch 47 ‘house of A.’) where it is uncertain whether it is the name of a place or of aman. See GENEALOGY. ASHBEL (53zx, perh. corrupted from $yavx ‘man of Baal’).—The second son of Benjamin (1 Ch 8'; ef. Gn 4671, Nu 26%). In Nu 26% Ashbelite, in- habitant of Ashbel, occurs. ASHDOD (77x ‘fortress’?).—One of the five great Philistine cities. Jos 1122 138 154-47, 1 § 51-7, 2 Ch 268, Neh 4713%, Jer 257 475, Am 18, Zeph 24, Zec 9°, Azotus, 1 Mac 58 10%, Ac 8“. It is now the mud village Zsdid, on the edge of the plain, close to a large hillock of red sand, backed by dunes of drifted sand which extend to the shore cliffs. A few ae grow near, and water is supplied by apond. The sand probably covers the site of the ancient city. The inhabitants, in type and dress, resemble the Egyp. rather than the Pal. peasantry. A small gem was found here in 1875, representing Dagon as a fish-man; but this may be comparatively recent, resembling Gnostic gems of the 2nd cent. A.D. A. was not taken by the Hebrews, and was the refuge of the Anakim (Jos 11”). The villages near it belonged to Judah (Jos 15+), The inhabitants were still independ- ent in the time of Samuel (1 S 51), but A. was attacked by Uzziah (2 Ch 26°). Its inhabitants were enemies of the Jews after the Captivity (Neh 4’), and it is mentioned as a reproach that the children of the mixed marriages spoke ‘ half in the speech of A.’ (Neh 13%). The city is said in the 7th cent. B.c. to have sustained a 29 years’ siege by Psammitichus (Herod. ii. 157). In B.c. 711 ‘A was besieged by Sargon after the capture of Samaria. Its king, Yavan or Yamanu, had been set up in place of the Assyrian nominee Akhimiti, whom Sargon placed on the throne instead of a certain Azuri who had refused tribute. The Philistines, Jews (Ja’udu), Edomites, and Moabites were allied, and had sent for aid to Pir’u (Pharaoh?); yet A. was obliged to submit to the Assyrians. In B.c. 702 Sennacherib, according to his own record, freed Mitinti (who seems to have been also king of Ashkelon about thirty-four years later) from Hezekiah, and ha became tributary for a time to Assyria. In B.C. 668 the name of the king of A., tributary to Assurbanipal, was Ahimilhi or Ahimelech. The city was taken by Judas Mac- cabzeus (c. 165), and again (c. 148) by Jonathan (1 Mac 5® 10%). It became a bishopric in the 4th cent. A.D., but its importance gradually decreased, and the site was not generally Enawil in the Middle Ages. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvi. C. R. ConDER. ASHER (7x ‘happy ’).—This was the name of Jacob’s eighth son, the second born to him by Zilpah, Leah’s handmaid ; her elder son being Gad (Gn 35%). Asher had four sons and one daughter (Gn 46" R), A ‘ happy’ lot was predicted for him in Jacob’s blessing, ‘his bread shall be fat, and he shall yield royal dainties’ (Gn 49” J). His good fortune is also foreshadowed in the blessing of Moses, ‘Blessed be Asher with children; let him be acceptable unto his brethren, and let him dip his foot in oil’ (Dt 33%). When Israel left Egypt the adult males of the tribe numbered 41,500; more than either Ephraim, Manasseh, or Benjamin. Before the invasion of Western Pal. the numbers had grown to 53,400 (Nu 1* 26% P). The tribe appears in the name-lists with the others throughout the earlier books. The posi- tion of Asher in the desert march was between Dan and Naphtali on the N. of the tabernacle (Nu 2-89 P), Sethur, the chief, went with the head men of the other tribes from the wilderness of Paran to spy out the land (Nu 13%). Of Asher in future days little is deemed worthy of record save his inglorious failures. As his rich territory lay close to the Phoenician cities with their open markets and prosperous commerce, he seems ve soon to have identified his interests with theirs. This may account for his failure to take posses- sion of many of the cities that had been allotted to him (Jg 1%), and also for his na when, in opposition to Sisera and his host, Zebulun ‘ jeoparded their lives unto the death, and Naphtali upon the high places of the field,’ while he ‘sat still at the haven of the sea, and abode by his creeks’ (Jg 5!7- 18), The decline of Asher was so rapid that the name does not appear in the list of chief rulers in the days of David (1 Ch 27!*-4), He shares with Simeon the reproach of having given no hero, judge, or ruler to Israel. Not wholl lost, a few from Asher with others from Manasse and Zebulun ‘humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem’ in response to the call of Hezekiah (2 Ch 30"), Of this tribe was the saintly Anna, whose lofty piety sheds a ray of glory upon the family in the gathering evening of the nation’s life (Lk 255-8), We cannot accurately trace the boundaries of the territory of Asher. Even if the towns appor- tioned to it (Jos 19%!) Jg 1-33; see also Jos 17! 11) were all identified, which they are not, the difficulty would remain. Each town carried with it the land belonging to its citizens, the limits of which it is impossible to determine. Dor, the modern Tanturah, on the seacoast S. of Carmel, although inhabited by Manasseh, was in the lot of Asher (Jos 17'11), Nahr ez-Zerka, known also as the ‘ Crocodile River,’ would there- fore form a natural boundary to the south. The border may then have passed over the S.E. shoulder of Carmel. Touching the western point of Esdraelon, the territory of Issachar, it pro- ceeded northward in an irregular line, at a distance of eight to ten miles from the sea, skirting the western edge of Zebulun and Naph- tali. early opposite Tyre, probably, it bent eastward, taking in a large part of what is now called Beldd Beshdrah and Beldd esh-Shukif, turning seaward again in the direction of Sidon. This agrees with the account of Josephus (And. v. i, 22), ‘The tribe of Aser had that part which is called the Valley [by which he evidently means the low land along the seaboard], even all that part which lay over against Sidon.’ This includes much of the finest and most fruitful land in Palestine. Grain, excellent in quantity and quality, is grown on the Phoenician plains. The orchards of Acre and the orange groves of Sidon are justly held in high repute. Even in the decay of the country it continues to yield ‘ royal dainties,’ many tons of oil being sent annually to the palaces in Constantinople, the produce of these deep, rich valleys in Upper Galilee, where the hardy pecs cultivate the olive as of old. W. Ewina. Oe eee a ees) at Ss Ay * is 24 B? a. ASHERAH ASHERAH (m7wx).—1. A Phoenician and Canaan- ite goddess (Ex 34!8 RVm) (a) the same as or (6) distinct from ‘Ashtéreth. The name occurs (1) in two Pheen. inscriptions, one from Kition, ZDMG xxxv. 424, the other from Ma‘sub, Rev. Archéo- logique (1885), v. 380. In the first, as read by Schréder, one ‘Abdosir dedicates a statue to ‘the Mother ’Ashérah.’ The second speaks of ‘‘Ash- toreth in the ’Ashérah’; (2) in the Tel el-Amarna inscriptions (RP 2nd Ser. ii. 67, iii. 71, v. 97, vi. 50). In these mention is made of one ‘Abad- *Ashrat, t.e. Servant of ’Ashrat, and the latter word is said to be emphasized as a divine name (Schrader, Leitsch. fir Assyr. iii. [1888] 364) ; (3) in the OT, Jg 3’ ‘the children of Israel... served the Baalim and the Asheroth’; 1 K 15%=2 Ch 1516 *‘Maacah... made an abominable image for an Asherah’?; 1 K 18% ‘the prophets of the Asherah’; 2 K 217 Manasseh ‘set the graven image of Asherah’ in the temple; 234 ‘vessels that were made for Baal and for the Asherah’; 23° Josiah ‘brought out the Asherah from the house of the Lord’; 237 ‘the women wove hang- ings for the Asherah.’ (For’Ashérah as a goddess, see Kuenen, Rel. of Israel, ii. 88; Movers, Die Phénizier, i. 560; Sayce, HCM 81.) But the existence of this goddess is a disputed oint. The evidence, it must be admitted, is very imited, and not decisive. With regard to the Phen. sources, the word on the Kition inscription supposed to represent ’Ashérah is differently read by Stade, 7A WP (1881) 344 f., and in the C/S i. 1.13; whilst the phrase in the Masub inscription is obscure, ans can be explained in different ways (Halévy, Rev. des Etudes Juives, xii. 110; Hoffmann, Ueber einige Phon. Inschr. 26 ff.). Again, the value of the evidence of the Tel el-Amarna inscriptions pen this point is as yet uncertain (Nowack, Hed. reh. ii. 307, n. 2; W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem. 173 n). And, lastly, the OT passages are perhaps best ex- lained by supposing that the compilers of the hist. oks misunderstood the term ’Ashérah, and con- fused it with ‘Ashtodreth (Stade, Gesch. des Volkes Isr. i. 460; Nowack, p. 19; W. R. Smith, p. 173; Montefiore, Hibbert Lect. 89). 2. A sacred tree or pole. The ordinary furni- ture of a Can. high-place or shrine consisted of the altar, near to which stood a stone pillar or Mazzé- bah, and a sacred tree or ’Ashérah, 1 K 14%, 2 K 184. For an altar and an ’Ashérah of Baal, cf. Jg 6%-%, When the Israelite invaders appro- riated for their own religious worship the igh-places of the Canaanites, they adopted also the Mazgzébahs and ’Ashérahs, Mic 5!}4, Is 178 97°, Jer 177, 1 K 14%, 2 K 17716 Not until the centralisation of the cultus at Jerus., carried out by Josiah, did the high-places, and with them the pillars and sacred trees, become illegal, Dt 167. An idea of the appearance aad nature of an *Ashérah may be obtained from a comparison of some of the passages in which the word occurs. It was a tree, or stump of a tree, planted in the earth, Dt 162; it could be artificially made, Is 178, 1 K 14° 16%; it was made of wood, Jg 6%; it might receive an image-like form, 1 K 15!8; it could be ‘cut down,’ Ex 34!%, ‘plucked up,’ Mic 64, ‘burnt,’ Dt 12%, or ‘broken in pieces,’ 2 Ch 344, What are supposed to be representations of such sacred trees may be seen in Rawlinson’s An ient Monarchies, ii. 37, or in Nowack, ii. 19. The original signification of the ‘Ashérahs is not clear. Some have held that they were symbols either of a supposed goddess ’Ashérah (Kuenen, Rel. Isr. ii. 75, 88, 247), or of ‘Ashtoreth (Baethgen, Beitrdge, 218f.; Oettli on Jg 37 in Strack and Ziéckler’s Kurzgefasster Momm.). Others believe them to have been connected with Phallic worship (Movers, Collins, PSBA, June ASHIMA 165 4, 1889, 291; M. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Cyprus, the Bible, and Homer, 146, 170); but against this, see W. R. Smith, p. 437. Perhaps the most probable view is that which sees in the ’Ashérahs a survival of tree-worship, whilst the Mazzébahs represent a survival of stone-worship (W. R. Smith, p. 169; Stade, Gesch. i. 460 ff.; Pietschmann, Gesch. der Phomizier, 213; Nowack, ii. 19). The rendering ‘grove’ (plu. ‘groves,? RV Asherim) of AV comes from LXX d)oos, a trans. which, though possible in some cases, is obviously inappropriate in others, e.g. 1 K 143 1518 2 K 238, LiTERATURE.—Driver on Dt. 1621; Moore on Jg 37 6%; and the reff. above. Fora fresh attempt to connect tree and pillar veneration with Phallic worship, see Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant (1896), p. 228 ff. W.C. ALLEN. ASHES.—1. ‘Sackcloth and ashes’ are, in OT, Apocer., and NT alike, the familiar tokens of humi- liation and penitence, generally accompanied b fasting (Job 42°, Is 58°, Dn 9%, Jon 3%, Est 4}, Jt 44,1 Mac 3%, Mt 117, Lk 10% ete.). Ashes were also, with earth and dust, the usual signs of mourn- ing, 28 1%, Job 28-13, Jer 6%, Is 61%, In both cases the penitent or mourner took the ashes and cast them with ee gesture ‘toward heaven,’ so that they fell on his person, and especially on his head, a custom not confined to the Hebrews (cf. Iliad, xviii. 23 ff.). In extreme cases the mourner sat upon a heap of ashes (Job 28). References to the custom are freq. in Scripture (see, in addition to passages already quoted, Job 2!? 428, Jer 67, Ezk 27”, Est 4°, Jth 4" 91, 1 Mac 347 4%), The priests in times of great affliction seem to have put ashes on their ‘mitres,’ Jth 4% Ashes upon the head were also a sign of physical humiliation and dis- grace (2 S 13%, Ezk 2818, Mal 43). Ashes are used in OT, alone or with ‘dust,’ * as a natural synonym of worthlessness and insignificance, Gn 1827, Is 44”, Job 13” (proverbs of ashes= worthless, trashy pro- verbs) 30", Sir 10%. 2. The same term (15x, o7r0dés) is employed in Nu 19%! (P) to denote the mixture composed of the ashes proper of the red heifer and those of ‘cedar wood, hyssop and scarlet,’ and used for the preparation of the so-called ‘water of separation.’ See PURIFICATION, RED HEIFER. 3. The priestly term. tech. for the ashes of the animals burnt in sacrifice is 1¥3 (lit. fatness, LX X meérns), Ly 11° 4 6-11 (P); the corresponding verb denotes the clearing away of the accumulated fat ashes, Ex 27°, Nu 45. See TABERNACLE. 4%. The word rendered ‘ashes’ in Ex 981° (m5 of uncertain origin, and only found here) more probably signifies ‘soot,’ as in the m. of RV. See Commentaries. 5. In 1 K 20%: 41 ‘ashes’ in AV is a mistranslation, from a confusion of 72x, a bandage, with 758 ashes ; RV correctly, ‘with his head-band over his eyes.’ For the use of ashes in the preparation of bread, see BREAD. . R. S. KENNEDY. ASHHUR (1nvx, AV Ashur).—The ‘father’ of Tekoa (1 Ch 2* 45), See GENEALOGY. ASHIMA (xox, 2 K 17).—A deity of the Hamathites, who introduced its worship into Samaria, when settled there by Sargon in place of the exiled Israelites. Many conjectures have been made as to its identity, but none has been generally accepted. Jewish tradition has repre- sented it as a hairless goat, or, again, as a cat to which the ram of the guilt-offering was sacri- ficed. Similarity of sound has led to comparison with the Pers. asmdn, Zend. azmano, heaven, with Eshmun, the eighth of the Phen. Kabirim, and with the Bab. Tashmetu, goddess of revelation, *Ges. Lex. (12th ed.), following Barth’s suggested connexion (Etym. Stud. 20) of 7X with Arab. ghibar ‘dust,’ would render by ‘dust’ in all the passages above, by ‘a.’ only in Nu 199. 10, 166 ASHKELON aon. wife of Nebo. As Hamath was occupied by the Hittites, the name very possibly is of Hittite origin. J. MILLAR. ASHKELON (j\9pvx, in AV Eshkalon, Jos 13°; Askelon, Jg 138, 1S 6", 2S 1”; Ashkelon, Jer 25” 477, Am 18, Zeph 24, Zec 9°; in Apocr. Ascalon both AV and RV).—One of the five chief cities of Phil- istia, between Joppa and Gaza, standing on low clifis close to the shore, and without a harbour. It con- tinued to be under the rule of native chiefs or kings down to the Greek period. It is first noticed monumentally in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, about B.C. 1480-1450, the inhabitants being said to have offered tribute to the Khabiri. Letters in this collection from Yamir-Dagan and Dagan-takala, chiefs of Ashkelon, subject to the Pharaoh, show the early worship of Dagon among its inhabitants. A. was reconquered in the 14th cent. B.c. by Ramses 1. In the 7th cent. B.c. its king is noticed as a tributary of Esarhaddon, and of Assurbani- al, and was named Mitinti. It was captured by onathan, brother of Judas Maccabeus (1 Mac 10% 11%), Herod the Great was born at A., and beautified it with new buildings (Jos. Wars, I. xxi. 11). In the 4th cent. A.D. it became a bishopric, and was conquered by the Moslems in the 7th cent. The Crusaders took it in 1153, and it submitted to Saladin in 1187. The latter demolished its walls in 1191, but they were rebuilt by Richard ‘ Lion-Heart’ next year, and subsequently again destroyed by agreement with Saladin At the present day the ruins of these later walls enclose only gardens supplied by wells and half-covered with sand. The modern name is ‘Askelan. A curious bas-relief, representing Ashtoreth with two attendants, has been excavated in the ruins, and a gigantic statue Pee Roman) was found and destroyed by Lady Hester Stanhope. Until the 13th cent. A.D. A. was an important fortress in all ages, and a depot on the trade route to Egypt. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvi. C. R. CoNDER. ASHKENAZ (132¥x, Gn 108, 1 Ch 15).—The eldest son of Gomer, giving name to a Japhethite people, referred to along with Ararat and Minni in Jer 51%’, and therefore apparently in or near Armenia, somewhere between the Black and the Caspian Seas. Ashken is an Armenian proper name, and az is an Armenian name ending. Ascanios, the Homeric hero, was a Phrygian, while there is an Ascanian lake in Phrygia as well as in Bithynia. Later tradition associates the name of Scandinavia with that of this race. See F. W. Schultz in Herzog, art. ‘Gomer,’ vol. v. 271 f., and comm. on Gn 108 by Delitzsch and Dillmann. J. MACPHERSON. ASHNAH (73x). The name of two towns of Judah. 1. Jos 15°83, near Zorah; the site is unknown. 2. Jos 15%, near Nezib, farther south than the preceding, also unknown. In the Ono- masticon @ village, Asan, is noticed, 15 (or, in the Greek, 16) miles from Jerusalem. The direction is not stated, and it may be the Heb. Jeshanah, though identified with Ashan. C. R. CoNnDER. ASHPENAZ (135¢x, etym. uncertain).—The chief of Nebuchadrezzar’s eunuchs (Dn 1°). ASHTAROTH (ninpy, in .orm the plural of Ashtéreth; cf. ‘Andthoth from ‘Andth; the name is no doubt an indication that the place was once a notable seat of the worship of ‘Ashtoreth),—A place mentioned in OT as (with Edre'i) one of the two royal cities of ‘Og, the king of Bashan (Dt 14, Jos 91° 124 131-81), and as a Levitical city (1 Ch 67 () ; the parallel text Jos 2177 has BE ESHTERAH, i.e. probably House, or Temple, of ‘Ashtoreth) assigned (according to P) to the Gershonites. So ASHTAROTH far as the biblical dat« go, ‘Ashtaroth might be identical with ‘Ashteroth-Karnaim (the name being merely abbreviated from it); if, however, the statements of Euseb. (in the Onom.) be correct, the two places were distinct. In the Onom., namely. we read: ‘(1) Ashtaroth Karnaim: there are still two villages [of this name] in Bashan, 9 miles distant from each other, between Adara (Edre'i) and Abila (p. 209, Lag.). (2) ‘to his god ‘Ashtart’ (2b. 45). It is in accordance with the leading position thus accorded to ‘Ashtart at Sidon that on Sidonian coins the goddess is often figured standing on the prow of a galley, with her right hand, holding a erown, stretched forward, as though pointing the vessel on its way.t According to Menander, as reported by Jos. (Ant. vill. v. 3; ¢. Ap. i. 18), Hiram built in Tyre a Soke to Herakles (Melkart), and afterwards one to ‘Ashtart, whose priest was Ithobal, Jezebel’s father: in Tyre, however, Melkart was the principal god, and ‘Ashtart took the second place. The worship of ‘Ashtart is also widely attested in the Pheen. colonies on the coasts and islands of the Mediterranean, esp. in Cyprus, Sicily, and Car- thage. At Kiti (Kition) in Cyprus we read of an image erected by a worshipper ninvyd nad ‘to his lady, to ‘Ashtart’ (CIS 1 11); from the same locality we have an Inscription (16. 86) giving par- tic ulars of the provision made for the service of her temple, including builders, door-keepers, barbers, scribes, and other attendants. In Gul (Gaulus, near Malta) we hear of a ninwy na w7pp, or ‘sanctu- ary of the tome of ‘Ashtart’ (CJS ib. 1382); and her worship at Eryx, in Sicily, is attested by two Inscriptions, one found in Eryx itself, the other from Sardinia, beginning with the words, ‘To the lady, to ‘Ashtart,’tand ‘To ‘Ashtart of Erekh,’ respectively. At Carthage, one‘Abdmelkart styles himself (1b. 255) ‘servant of ‘Ashtart, the glorious (nvixn)’; and we read (7b. 263) of Am'‘ashtart wx nainvy wx noya ‘who is of the people of the men of ‘Ashtart,’ t.e¢. who belonged to the people attached tohertemple. Of names compounded with ‘Ashtart we find Am‘ashtart (¢b. 314 a/.), and Ammath'‘ashtart (46° al.), ‘handmaid of ‘A.’; Ger‘ashtart, ‘client [Cheyne on Ps 151] of ‘A.’ (138? and often); ‘Abd'ashtart, ‘servant of ‘A.’ (115'),§ usually con- tracted to Bod'‘ashtart (475 35° and very often); ‘Ashtartyathan, ‘‘A. has given’ (721+2); see further references in Bloch, Phan. Glossar (1891).|| * Name=manifestation (cf. Ex 234, Dt 124, etc.). Others, however (as Halévy, E. Meyer, Dillm., Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. 307), render ‘ Ba‘al’s Celestial ‘Ashtart’ (cf. below), pronouncing bY; and in1.16 group the letters into DIN ODw nanwy ‘'Ashtart of the glorious heavens.’ Cf. B. V. Head, Hist. Numorum, p. 678; Babelon, Les Rois de Syrie, p. cxliii, 152, 162, with the two spirited representa- tions, Plate xxii. 6 and 22. The goddess is also represented on the coins of other Phen. cities, as Aradus, Berytus, Botrys, Byblus, Tyre, etc. (Head, U.c. pp. 668, 669, 674, 676). t Followed by the words nm 7hn, t.¢. (probably) ‘of long life,’ an epithet of the goddess, whence it has been plausibly conjectured that the city Eryx—on inscriptions and coins (CIS L i. p. 1738) J7N—received its name. § The name also of Hiram’s grandson (Jos. 6. Ap. 1. 18,— "“ABdaorparoe). || With the precedfng paragraph cf. Bathgen, Sem. Rel.-Gesch. 1883, pp. 31-37. ASHTORETH Although, however, ‘Ashtart was thus a dis. tinctively Pheen. goddess, Phoenicia was not her original home. he prototype of ‘Ashtart was Ishtar, a deity who had for long held a conspicuous lace in the Pantheon of Assyria, and who was ocalised, with special attributes, in many different cities of Assyria and Babylonia.* In a prayer of Asshurnazirpal, purporting to date ¢. 1800 B.c., Ishtar of Nineveh is addressed by him as ‘queen of the gods, into whose hands are delivered the com- mands of the great gods, lady (dilit) of Nineveh... daughter of Sin (the moon-god), sister of Shamash (the sun-god), who rules all kingdoms, who de- termines lecteoe the goddess of the universe, lad of heaven and earth, who hears petitions, hee sighs, the merciful goddess who loves justice’ ; he, her ‘ priest-king,’ protests that she had called him to his throne, “A had restored and beautified her temple ; and he calls upon her now to hear his cry, and to heal him in his sickness. Other monarc (Shalmaneser II., Sennacherib, etc.) place Ishtar next to Asshur, and speak of both together as marching at their side, directing them in their wars, and giving them victory over their foes. Esarhaddon, for instance, says,t ‘Ishtar, the lady of onslaught and battle, who loves my priest- hood, stood at my side and brake their bows.’ Shalmaneser I. also styles her ‘ princess (rishti) of heaven and earth’;+ and Esarhaddon calls her equees (sharrat) of all.’§ Another aspect of Ishtar’s character is brought before us in the curious mythological poem, which recounts her descent into the Underworld in search of the heal- ing waters which should restore to life her bride- groom Tammuz, the young and beautiful Sun-god, slain by the cruel hand of winter. Here it is related how, as she journeys towards the realm of Allat, queen of the dead, ‘ the land without return, the house of darkness,’ she is stripped in succession, as she passes its seven gates, of all her attire, her crown, ee earrings, her necklace, her mantle, her girdle, her bracelets, and her tunic: while she is there all intercourse between male and female ceases in the animal creation; at last, at Ea’s command, she is released, her adorn- ments are restored to her, and she returns to earth. Here Ishtar, who is evidently conceived as the goddess of fertility and productiveness, symbolises, it seems, the lifegiving earth, which loses, one by one, its adornments as it passes into the dark prison-house of winter, to have them restored to it at springtime, as nature eyo with the returning love of the youthful sun-god.|| Another Ishtar is Ishtar of Arbela, daughter of Asshur, and sister of Marduk, styled by Esar- haddon ‘lady of ladies, terrible in onslaught, lady of battle, queen of the gods,’ a martial goddess, who appears to Asshurbanipal in a vision, armed with quivers and a bow, and brandishing a sword, and promises him victory against his foes. Ishtar of. Uruk (Krekh) plays an important part in the legend of Izdubar (Gilgamish): when the hero has delivered Uruk from an: Elamites, who have been besieging it, and won for himself the crown, Ishtar offers him her hand: he refuses it, reproaching her with the levity with which she bal chosen and * The following quotations from Assyr. sources are taken from G. A. Barton’s study, ‘The Semitic Ishtar Oult,’ in Hebraica, April-July, 1893, and Oct. 1893-Jan. 1894, where the ino in which they occur are translated at length. Cf. also Tiele, Bab,.-Ass. Gesch. 526-528. Nana is also identified with Ishtar ; but it has not seemed necessary, for the purpose of the preseut article, to pursue this subject. i Scheeder KATA 117 (on Jg 213), $ Schrader, p. 117 (on Jg § KAT2 33317, || The poem may be read also in Sayce’s Hibbert Lectures, P. 221 ff.; or in A, Jeremias, Die Bab.-Ags. Vorstellungen vow eben nach dem Tode (1887), p. 10 ff. =.) 7, -= es ees Fe hee EPS a laa eal ASHTORETH discarded her former husbands.* Here Ishtar is not only lavish with her love, but appears almost as a polyandrous goddess.+ In other respects the ‘lady ot Uruk’ resembles Ishtar of Nineveh. Ishtar of Babylon is addressed in a hymn as ‘mother of the gods, fulfiller of the commands of Bil, producer Aa verdure, lady of mankind, be- gettress of all, mother Ishtar, whose might no god approaches,’and whose aid and sympathy asuppliant may expect to receive.t This was the goddess under whose protection, in virtue of a singular custom—reported independently by Herodotus (i. 199),§ the author of Bar 6, and Strabo (xvi. 1. 20), —the women of Babylon placed themselves by the sacrifice ot their chastity. Lastly, Ishtar is identified with the planet Venus: on this aspect of her nature it will be sufficient, however, to refer to the passages trans- lated in Schrader, KAT? on Jg 235, or in Sayce, Hibb. Lect. p. 253 f. (cf. p. 269=Jeremias, Izdubar- Nimrod, p, 62). Though Ishtar was thus variously localised, her general attributes remained the same. She occupied a place in the Assyr. Pantheon next to Asshur himself :|| in particular, she was (1) the lady (or mistress) of the locality in which she was wor- shipped ; (2) queen of the gods, and princess of heaven and earth ; (3) a warrior goddess; (4) the goddess of generation and productivity ; (5) she was identified with the planet Venus. These aspects of her nature are retained as her cult travels westwards, sometimes one being more prominent than the other, sometimes several being combined. 7 From the notices contained in OT itself, it would not be possible to determine the ideas associated with the Phen. ‘Ashtart, or the character of her rites ; but there are many independent indications which make these clear. She must have been pre- eminently the goddess of sexual passion. By Greeks and Pheenicians alike she is habitually identified with "Agpodirn ; and there are sufliciently definite allusions to the unchaste character of the rites with which she was worshipped.** Lucian (De dea Syria, § 4) visited a great temple of Aphro- dite in Byblus (Gebal), in which the rites of Adonis (who corresponded to TAMMUZ, q.v.) were per- formed: here such women as would not shave their hair in commemoration of his burial, were obliged to sell themselves to a stranger, the money received being expended on a sacrifice to Aphrodite (cf. the Bab. custum referred to above). At Aphaka in the Lebanon there was a temple of Aphrodite,tt the rites practised at which were of such a character that they were suppressed by Constantine (Euseb. Vit. Const. iii. 55). Again, as we saw, Ishtar was ‘queen of the gods, and princess of heaven and earth’; and it scarcely admits of doubt that the ‘Queen of * Barton, Hebraica, Oct. 1893-Jan. 1894, p. 1ff.; Sayce, l.e. p. 246 ff.; Jeremias, 7zdubar-Nimrod (1891), p. 24 f. + W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem.2 p. 56, ? Barton, pp. 15-17; Jeremias, U.c. p. 58f.; Zimmern, Bab. Busspsalmen, p. 33 ff. § Moaurre, as Hdt. calls the goddess (whom he identifies with Aphrodite), is probably Belit,—the word rendered ‘lady’ in the extracts cited above, and the fem. of Bel (Ba’al), lord. || How fully, in the popular creed, Ishtar became the goddess mat’ iLoxy», may be inferred from the fact that the plur. tshtardt was used to express the idea of female divinities in general (KAT? 180). §] The etymology of Ishtar, as of ‘Ashtart, is obscure: there is no apparent Sem. derivation, and the conjectures that have been offered are not satisfactory ; the Arab. ‘athara (Barton, Pp. 71) is not to fall simply, but to stumble or trip. It is, perhaps, of non-Sem. origin (KAT2179; Sayce, Hibb. Lect. 252f.). The gender of the deity, after it was adopted by the Phonicians, tea oda externally by the addition of the fem. termina- ** Hence her worship may be alluded to in passages such as Hos 413.14, Jer 220 etc, oom Ecel. Hist. ii. 5; Zosimus, i. 58,—cited by Barton, p. 82, ASHTORETH 169 Heaven,’ to whom, in Jeremiah’s day, the women of Judah offered cakes (o°2, a peculiar term) and other sacrifices (Jer 7}8 4417-19) was either the Assyr. Ishtar,* or her Phen. counterpart ‘Ashtart. ‘Celestial,’ now, is an epithet applied to ‘Ashtart elsewhere. Sanchoniathon (p. 80) speaks of Astarte as daughter of Ovpavés; and Sozomen remarks that the Aphrodite mentioned above as worshipped at Aphaka, was called ther« Ovpavla. The temple of Ovpavia ’Agpodirn, also, ix Ashkelon, mentioned by Herodotus (i. 105), and stated by him to be the oldest of that goddess of which he could learn, can hardly be any other than the temple of ‘Ashtart, referred to in 1S 31%.+ All this becomes clearer if we supplement the some- what scanty notices which we possess of ‘Ashtart herself by the more abundant materials relating to Aphrodite. For not only did Aphrodite correspond in general character to ‘Ashtart, but nothing is more certain than that her attributes were largely moulded upon those of ‘Ashtart, and that many elements in her cult were of Phen. origin. Alread y Homer frequently speaks of Aphrodite as Kumpis (Zl. v. 330, etc.) and Kuépea (Od. viii. 288, ete.), and alludes to her temple at Paphos,t which, then and afterwards, was so celebrated that no term is more frequently applied to Venus by classical writers than Paphia or Cypria. Cyprus, however, is known independently to have been not only colonised from Pheenicia, but also (see above) to have been devoted to the worship of ‘Ashtart ; and according to Herodotus (/.c.), the Cyprians them- selves declared their temple (at Paphos) to have been founded from that of Ovpavia ’Adgpodirn at Ashkelon ; while the temple of the same deity in Cythera, the island off the S. coast of Lacedzmon, reputed to be the oldest and most sacred of Aphro- dite in Greece (Pausan. iii. 23. 1), is stated likewise by Herodotus (ib.) to have been a Phoen. founda- tion. Cicero also speaks (N. D. iii. § 59) of four distinct Venuses, one being ‘ Syria Cyproque con- cepta, que Astarte vocatur, yuam Adonidi nupsisse proditum est.’ That A piredite was the goddess of sexual passion, needs, of course, no proof; and Cyprus was the chief centre, whence her worship was diffused through the Gr. world. But, secondly, she often bore in Greece also the title Ovparta ; temples of ’Agpodirn Ovpavia are thus mentioned, not only at Cythera, but also at Athens, Argos, Corinth, Thebes, and elsewhere ;§ and speaking of the one at Athens, Pausanias expressly remarks (i. 14. 7) that Ovpavla was reverenced first by the Assyrians, then by the Paphians of Cyprus, and the Phcenicians dwelling in Ashkelon, from whom * See the essays on the ‘Queen of Heaven’ by Schrader in the Berichte of the Berlin Academy, 1886, p. 489 f., andin the Z. fiir Assyr. 1888, pp. 356-360; and by Kuenen in his Abhandlu en, 1894, p. 206. These scholars point to an inscription in which among 20 titles ot ‘the lady (bilit) of countries, the queen eb Ishtar, there actually occurs that of ‘ queen malkatu) of heaven. Schrader further remarks that there is independent evidence of an ‘Ashtar, conceived specially as a celestial goddess, being prominent at the same time in the name ‘‘Athar of Heaven,’ mentioned in the inscriptions of Asshur- banipal, as the goddess of a N. Arabian tribe (KAT? on Jer 718 ; on 'Athar='Ashtar, see below). Of. also Sayce, Hibb. L. pp. 261, 269 f. (=Jeremias, .c. 62 f.). 1 Cf. how, on a bilingual votive tablet found at Athens (CJS 1 i, 115), an Ascalonite 'Abd'ashtart (nbpex nmainvyry) is called in the Gr. text ’Agpodicios. Certain types of the coins of Ashiselon also exhibit the head of Astarte: B. V. Head, Hist. Nuimorwm, 1887, p. 679f.; De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, 1874, pp. 179f., 202 (No. 13), 206 (No. 2). The dove, which (see below) was sacred to ‘Ashtart, is also a standing feature on the imperial coins of Ashkelon; see De Saulcy, /.c. p. 179, Nos. 9 and 10 (both with head of the goddess), 189-191 (Augustus), Nos. 8, 10, 11, 13, etc., and Plate ix. 5, 6. t Od. 8, 362: 4 3° a&px Kiapov txave Qiroupssidie "Agpodiry "Es Tle gov, tvice d¢ of réevos Bayeds rs Ounsis 3 ct. En. i. 415-417. § Paus. i. 14. 7, 19. 2; ii. 23. 8; vi. 20. 6, 95. 1; viii. 32. 2; ix. 16. 3. The Greeks often understood Oivcayia to be the goddess of loftier, purer love, as opposed to "Agpodiry warvdnuos, wha represented the merely sensual passion (Xen. Symp. Bie Paus. ix. 16. 4, Bekk.). 170 ASHTORETH her cult was introduced into Cythera. Then, thirdly, Ishtar, as shown above, was also a martial goddess. From the mere fact that Saul’s armour was deposited by the Philistines in the temple of ‘Ashtart at Ashkelon, it could hardly be inferred that ‘Ashtart bore there a martial character (for trophies of a victory might be dedicated to any deity); but there are some other indications which support this supposition. In the temple of Cythera, which, as we have seen, was founded from Pheenicia, if not from Ashkelon, the statue of the goddess was a féavoy wricpevor (Paus. iii. 23. 1). At Corinth and Sparta also there was an ’Adpodirn amrdcpevn (10. ii. 5. 1; iii. 15. 10, Bekk.); several epigrams in the anthology (Jacobs, ii. 677-679) describe Aphrodite as armed with helmet and spear; she also receives the epithet wxndédpos, and is revresented with the weapons of Ares (as in the well-known statue called the Venus of Capua).* Nor was the influence of the Phen. ‘Ashtart con- fined to the Gr. world. The worship of the Rom. Venus, originally a goddess of springtime, of gardens, of blossoming vegetation, assimilated many elements from her cult. Mention has been made already of the great Phen. temple of ‘Ashtart at Eryx in Sicily ; and this seems to have formed a centre as influential for the diffusion of her rites in Italy as Paphos or Cythera had been for their diffusion in Greece. That the goddess worshipped at Eryx was identified by the Romans with Venus, can be readily shown: who does not recollect Horace’s ‘ Erycina ridens, Quam Jocus cireumvolat et Cupido’ (Carm. i. 2. 33f.), or the passage in which Virgil connects her with the Venus of Cyprus, ‘Tum vicina astris Erycino in vertice sedes Fundatur Veneri Idalie’ (4’n. v. 759f.)?+ Venus Victrix and Venus Genetrix, also, just develop ideas which we have already seen com- bined in ’Agpodirn Ovpavia, viz. that of the martial goddess of victory, and that of the fertile mother ot all.t Some account of the temple and rites of the Paphian Aphrodite is given by Tacitus (Hist. ii. 2.3).§ Kwupas, a personage who plays a consider- able part in Cyprian mythology (cf. Jd. xi. 19-23), was its reputed founder ; the priests of the goddess, who were also kings, were styled Kivupadat. Only male victims were offered in sacrifice to her, kids being accounted the best for purposes of ewtz- spictum, for their skill in which her priests were famed. No blood, however, was shed upon the altar, which, though standing in the open air, was supposed never to be rained upon. The goddess herself was symbolised by a cone.|| Her devotees were initiated with impure rites.? Doves were * Preller, Griech. Mythol.8 i. pp. 2792. 8, 2808, 2811, ¢ Votive tablets found at Eryx bear also the inscription Vanersi Erveinat (C/ DL 7253-5, 7257). $ See further, Preller, Rim. Mythol.3 i. pp. 435, 437, 442 f., 445. § On the site, dimensions, etc. of the ancient temple, in so far as they can be recovered by excavation, the report of the Cyprus Exploration Fund in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1888, pp. 149-224, supersedes everything that had been previously written. (The statements of Di Cesnola in his work on Cyprus are highly untrustworthy; see tb. p. 204f.; Gardner, New Chapters in Greek History, p. 175.) The principal ancient notices respecting the temple are collected by M. R. James, ib. p. 175-192. || Simulacrum dea non effigie humana, continuus orbis latiore initio tenuem in ambitum metw# modo exsurgens, et ratio in obscuro. Upon the coins of Cyprus, struck under the Rom. emperors, in the name of the xowéy Kuapiwy, this sacred cone, standing in its temple, with a dove, or doves, on the roof, is a constant feature ; see Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. of Art in Cyprus and Phen. figs. 58, 199, 202 (Eng. tr. i. pp. 123, 276, 281); Rawlin- son, Hist. of Phoen. p. 145; or Head, p. 628. Stone cones about a yard in height, also, no doubt, symbolising the goddess, have been found at Athiénau (Golgi), and in Gozzo (Gaulus) and Malta (Perrot et Chip. figs. 205, 223); and a cone is often figured on gems, etc. (7d. figs. 29, 232, ch. iv. end). 4 Clem. Alex. Protrep. pp. 12, 13; Arnob. adv. Gentes, v. 19; Justin, xviii. 56. Cf. the close of the passage of Hdt. (i. 199) Feferred to above, ivayy di xa) vis Kispou ies) wapardaciog Teery v6 p05. ASHTORETH La sacred to her.* A large number of inscriptiona have been found at Paphos, headed Iadig ‘A¢po- diry: in many of these parents dedicate thei children to the goddess.t ‘Ashtart appears to have been generally repre- sented asa female figure, somewhat short in stature, usually naked, with rounded limbs, but sometimes draped, the hands Sorpos ay the breasts, t or some- times with one holding a dove in her bosom ;§ terra-cotta statuettes of this description are found not only in Cyprus, but also upon most of the isles and coasts of the Aigean Sea. Figs. 381, 382 in Perrot and Chipiez’ work are particularly interesting. The right hand here supports the breast, while the left hand is extended pict eo in front: may figures of this kind, one is tempted to ask, have formed the type out of which the Venus of Medici was ultimately developed?|| Clay figures, of the same general type, usually con- sidered to represent Ishtar, are also found in large numbers in the ruins of Mesopotamia, and at Susa.9] In some localities ‘Ashtart seems further to have been regarded as a moon-goddess. Thus Lucian (De dea Syria, § 4), speaking of the temple at Sidon, mentioned above, says, ws puév avrot Aéyouow, "Aordpryns éorly: ’Aordprny 6 éyd Soxéw Ledyvalny éupevat; and Herodian declares (v. 6. 10) that Ovpavlavy Polvixes ’Aorpodpxny dvoudtoucr, cedhvny elvas Oéovrtes.** How this transformation of the character of Ishtar tt took place is not perfectly certain. It is conceivable that Ba‘al, as Ba‘al Shamaim (Ba‘al of heaven), was identified with the sun; and hence his consort ‘Ashtart might not unnaturally be regarded as the moon. Another explanation is, however, possible. There was great intercourse in antiquity between Pheenicia and Egypt; and the influence of Egypt is palpably impressed upon Phen. art. The Egyp. goddesses Isis and Hathor, now, are habitually represented as supporting upon * Cf. Antiphanes, ap, Athen. vi. 71, p. 257, xiv. 70, p. 655 ; and the Paphiw columbz of Martial (viii. 28), etc. Many representa- tions of doves in marble and terra-cotta have been found in and about the site of the temple. The dove is also often figured on the coins of Paphos, sometimes with the head of Aphrodite on the obverse: see J. P. Six’s Essay on the Coins of Oyprus in the Revue Numismatique, 1883 (p. 269ff.), pp. 355-357, 364 nee No. 36 = Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, x. 47), and Pl. vii. 18. + Le Bas and Waddington, Inscriptions recueillies en Grece, etc., 2794, 2798 (here 6 apyos trav Kivupwday dedicates his grand- son), 2801: Journ. of Hell. Studies, l.c. p. 225ff. Nos. 8, 33, 35, 39, 41, 42, etc.; p. 259. } Perrot et Chipiez, fig. 291, from Tharros in Sardinia; fig. 321, from Cyprus; figs. 374, 375, with strange heads, and huge ears and earrings; figs, 379, 380; fig. 417=Rawl. p. 204 (four well-modelled figures, on a sarcophagus, from Amathus); fig. 550 (two figures, on a decorated patera, now at Athens, with an Aram. inscription, y5‘p 73 7235: Euting, Punische Steine, p. 33f.). In fig. 150, from Cyprus, the hands are on the waist; similarly in a bas-relief from Ashkelon, fig. 314 (Eng. tr. ii. fig. 88 [fig. 277 of the orig. =fig. 1, vol. ii. of tr.}). § Fig. 20; fig. 142—Rawl. Phen. p. 327; fig. 323, from Sardinia. The figures, similar in general appearance, but holding a disc on the breast, may represent the same goddess (2b. fig. 193; fig. 233, from Sardinia (these two also in Rawl. p. 142); fig: 290, from Tharros ; fig. 324; likewise the seated figures, with the hands on the knees (fig. 299, fig. 322). Whether figures of the repre- sented in fig. 345, draped, with the hands straight down the sides, also represent her, is uncertain. || E. Curtius, ‘Das Phén. Urbild der Mediceischen Venus,’ in the Archdol, Zeit. 1869, p. 63; cf. Perrot et Chip. pp. 556f., 627 [Eng. tr. ii. 155, 225). { See Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 477 ; Loftus, Chaldea and Susiana, p. 379f. (of the Persian age); Perrot and Chip. Hist. of Art in Chald. and Ass. i. 80, 83 (fig. 16); Rawl. .4ne. Mon.4 i, 140; Heuzey, Les figurines anti de terre cuite du Musée du Louvre (1883), Plate ii. 3, 4; iii. (cf. those from Oyprus, iv., ix. 4, 5, x. 7, xi. 6; and Rhodes, xii. 5); and in the Rev. Arch. xxxix. (1885), pp. 1-10. ** Whether the name ASHTEROTH-K ARNATM contains an allusion to this aspect of ‘Ashtart (‘the ‘Ashtarts of the two horns’) is uncertain ; Karnaim may be the name of a locality (‘‘Ashtaroth of—i.e. near—Karnaim'). tt For Ishtar, though sister of Shamash (the or acl daughter of Sin (the moon-god), not the moon-goddess h f ASHTORETH their head, between two cow-horns, the solar disc.* Isis, further, is stated by Plutarch to have jour- neyed to Byblus (Gebal), where she was called by some ’Aordprn ;t and in the famous Stele of Yehaw- melek, king of Gebal, the king is represented as making his offerings before a horned goddess, closely resembling the Egyp. Isis, while the accom- panying inscription is a petition addressed by him to his ‘mistress, the lady of Gebal.’t Philo of Byblus says also that ’Aordprn 7 meylorn . . . emeOnre TH idiakepads Bacirelas mapdonuov KEPaArAhHy Tavpov (Sanchoniathon, ed. Orelli, p. 84). In the light of these facts it is not impossible, as Meyer suggests, that the disc and horns with which ‘Ashtart was represented may have been misunderstood, and taken to be the symbols of the full and crescent moon respectively. ‘Ashtart, then, if what has been said abeye be correct, was the link connecting Ishtar with Aphro- dite and with Venus. Born originally in the far E., the goddess was born again, for the Greeks, from the foam (aégpés) by Cyprus; and once brought under touch of the creative genius of Greece, her character was transformed ; particular aspects of it were made more prominent; if in one direction she was identified more and more with the sensuous side of human nature, in other directions her attri- butes were idealised; she furnished art with its most attractive ideals of female grace and beauty (see already JJ. xiv. 214-217—her keordy indvra) ; she became even the personification of the all- pervading, living force of nature. ‘Comme la nature méme dont se résumaient et se personni- fiaient sous ce nom toutes les énergies, Astarté, vraie souveraine du monde, dans son activité sans repos, ne cessait de détruire et de créer, de créer et de détruire. Par la guerre et par les fléaux de tout genre, elle ¢éliminait les étres inutiles et vieillis ; en méme temps, par l’amour et la généra- tion, elle présidait au perpétuel renouvellement de la vie.’§ This far-reaching conception of the range of her activity is exhibited strikingly in a passage placed by Plautus in the mouth of an Athenian woman,|| and in the fine exordium, addressed to the ‘ Ayneadum genetrix,’ with which Lucretius opens his great poem, De rerwm natura.J Traces of a corresponding Sem. deity elsewhere.— There was a S. Sem. male deity, ‘Athtar (which agrees phonetically with Ishtar; cf. wow, XS, etc.), mentioned in the Sabzan inscriptions (from San‘a, the capital of Yemen); but little definite is at present known about him, except that the gazelle or antelope was sacred to him.** There are also some compound names of deities, in which ‘Ashtar (or ‘Ashtart) forms part. Mesha‘ relates (Stone, l.c.) that he ‘devoted’ 7000 Isr. captives to wnatnwy, t.e. ‘Ashtar-chemosh, or‘Ashtar of Chémiésh. Among the Phoenicians, also, we find Milk'ashtart, a deity formed by combination of the * See representations in Rawlinson, Hist. of Anc. Eg. i. 365, 868; or Maspero, The Dawn of Civilisation, pp. 132, 175, 177, 187. + De Osir, et Iside, § 15. + CJS 1. i. 1. See representations in Rawlinson, Hist. of Phen. p. 340; or Perrot et Chipiez, i. p. 69; ef. also the impos- ing bronze figure in the last-named work, p. 78 (fig. 26). The name of this goddess is not given; but it is highly probable that it was ‘Ashtart; coins of Byblus exhibit habitually a cone (which, as has been shown, was her symbol), standing in the court of a temple (see the excellent representation in Perrot et Chip. fig. 19 (p. 61), or Rawl. Phan. p. 146). § Perrot et Chipiez, p. 69; cf. 321, and esp. 626-628 [Eng. tr. i. 69 f., 831 f., ii. 224-226]. | ‘ Diva Astarte, hominum deorumque vis, vita, salus: rursus eadem que est Pernicies, mors, interitus. Mare, tellus, ceelum, sidera, Jovis quecumque templa colimus, eius ducuntur nutu, illi obtemperant, Eam spectant’ (Mercator, IV. vi. 825 ff.). q See parallels from earlier Gr. poets in Munro’s notes ad loc. ** Mordtmann and Miller, Sab. Denkmdler, 1883, p. 66; W. R. Smith, RS? p. 466. Cf. Barton, /.c. p. 58 ff.; Bithgen, pp. 117- 121. The epithet ]P1W seems to indicate that he was viewed as oe oe (morning) star ; cf. Hommel, Siid-Arab. Chrestom., » P. So. attributes of Milk (Molech) * and ‘Ashtart (CTS I. i, 8! 2505; and in the Inscr. of Ma‘subt), and Eshmun‘ashtart (ib. 245). Among Aram.-speak- ing peoples rnvy became rnny (cf. av, xxdn, etc.), which was soon written 1ny,{ whence ’Atapydris (Palmyrene anyrny, § Syr. 1852, also represented by Aeprerd), t.e. ‘Athtar of ‘Ati,\| the name of a deity much worshipped in parts of Syria, esp. at Hierapolis (between Antioch and Edessa), and also (2 Mac 1276) at Karnion (probably either near to, or identical with, ‘Ashteroth-Karnaim: see ASHTAROTH). See, further, Roscher’s Ausf. Lexicon der Griech. wu. Rim. Mythol. (1884-1890), arts. Astarte (by E. Meyer), and ApHro- pire (by Roscher and Furtwingler), pp. 396 ff., 400 ff. ; Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, chs, xxi,-xxiii. (which appeared since the above article was written). S. R. DRIVER. ASHURITES (‘Y'"82, B @aceipe!, A @acortp, Luc. ’E(p).—One of the tribes over whom Ishbosheth ruled (2 S 29). The name is clearly corrupt, for neither the Assyrians (YS), nor the Arabian tribe aw Gn 258) can be intended. Ewald, Thenius, Wellh. follow the Pesh. and Vulg. in reading ‘the Geshurites’ (‘"¥39), whose territory bordered on that of Gilead (Jos 125 13!), and who might there- fore be suitably included here. It has been urged, however, against this view, that Geshur was an independent kingdom at this time (cf. 2 S 33 1387), so that Ishbosheth could not have exercised control over it. We must therefore read, with Kohler, Klost., Kirkp., and Budde WS? ‘the Asherites,’ i.e. the tribe of Asher (cf. Jg 182); this reading is supported by the Targ. of Jonathan (ws nya 5y), and agrees well with the context ; according to the latter, the dominions of Ishbosheth extended from Asher to Benjamin on the W. of Jordan, and further included the large tract of Gilead on the E, J. F. STENNING. ASHVATH (")%2),—An Asherite (1 Ch 7), ** ASIA (CAola) was the Roman province which embraced the W. parts of the great peninsula now called Asia Minor, including the countries Mysia, Lydia, Caria, and great part of Phrygia, with the Dorian, Ionian, and olian coast-cities, the Troad, and the islands off the coast (Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Patmos, Cos, etc.). The name, as thus used, was created by the Rom. administra- tion. The Gr. geographers generally employed the name Asia to denote the whole continent ; but the Romans during the 2nd cent. B.C. were accustomed to term the Pergamenian sovereigns (with whom they were in close political relations) ‘kings of Asia’; and when Attalus II. bequeathed his kingdom to Rome in 133, it was formed into a province, and named Asia. With rare excep- tions, historians and geographers under the earlier Roman Empire use the name Asia only in two senses,—either the Roman province or the entire continent. About A.D. 285, Asia was greatly reduced in size, Caria, Phrygia, Lydia, and Mysia (Hellespontus) being separated from it; and the name Asia was then restricted to the coast-cities and the lower valleys of the Meander, Cayster, Hermus, and Caicus. In the NT, as is generally agreed, ‘Asia’ means the Rom. province (Ac 29 being a possible exception). At first Pergamos was the capital of the province; * See the writer’s note on Dt 1810, + Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d’ Archéol. Orientals, i. (1888) 81 kadovar]; and see Néldeke in the ZDMG, 1870, pp. 92, 109 ; E. Meyer, 2b. 1877, pp. 730-784, The N. Arabian ‘‘Athar of Heaven’ has been already mentioned above. § De Vogiié, Syrie Centrale, No. 8, p. 8. See further Bithgen, pp. 68-75. || On the deity called ‘Adé, cf. Biithgen, p. 70 f. a Cr. Strabo, p. 785, eran yene 5é thy ’A@apav ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Song 172 ASIARCH but after a time the superior advantages of Ephesus gave it the pre-eminence, and the rule was that the governors must land there. Under Augustus, and even earlier, Ephesus was the supreme ad- ministrative centre of Asia, and the headquarters of the great provincial officials; but the title ‘First of Asia’ (rpdéry ’Aclas) was keenly contested also by Pergamos and Smyrna. ‘The governor, who bore the title proconsul, was appointed by the Senate by lot from among the senior ex-consuls ; not less than five years must have elapsed between consulship and proconsulship ; and, owing to the number of ex-consuls, the usual interval became longer as time passed (being twelve or more years in the 2nd cent.). As a rule, the office was annual; but in exceptional cases a second year, and still more rarely even a third year, of office was permitted. Asia was one of the most wealthy and populous and intellectually active of the Rom. provinces; hence the natural sequence of the work done by Paul and Barnabas on their first journey was to preach in the great cities of Asia; and this was evidently St. Paul’s intention on his second journey, until he found himself prevented from speaking the word in Asia (Ac 16°). The evangelisation of Asia was reserved for the third journey, when, during St..Paul’s residence of two years and three months in Ephesus, ‘the entire population of Asia heard the word’ (Ac 19!) ; partly on account of the frequency with which the provincials came to Ephesus for trade, religion, law, or festivals; partly through missions of St. Paul’s coadjutors to the leading cities of the province. In OT Apocr., dating before the forma- tion of the Rom. province, the term Asia denotes the continent. On the Asian Jews, see the cities Cos, EPHESUS, LAODICEA, etc. LiterATuRE.—The best article on Asia is in Ruggiero, Dizio- nario Epigrayico di Antichita Romane: see also Marquardt, Rim. Staatsverwaltung, i. pp.333-349 ; Mommsen, Provinces of the Rom. Emp. (Rém. Gesch. v.) ch. viii. ; and Ramsay, His- torical Geography of Asia Minor, chs. A-E: the account of the proconsuls of Asia given by Waddington, Fastes dela Province d’ Asie, requires to be supplemented by the list of governors in the Dizionario. W. M. RAMSAY. ASIARCH (Acidpyns) was the title of certain officials of the Rom. province Asia, whose nuin- ber, tenure of office, and mode of appointment are most obscure. Such widely divergent views are still held about the Asiarchate that it is hardly possible to give any adequate account of it in our limited space. The Asiarchs (like the analogous officials, Galatarch, Syriarch, Lykiarch, Pam- phyliarch, etc.) were provincial, not municipal officials; and they exercised certain powers in the Association in which the whole province of Asia united for the worship of Rome and the Emperors, called Commune Asiw (Kowdv *Actias). That the Asiarchs were the high priests of the temples of the Imperial worship erected by the Commune Asie in Pergamos, Smyrna, Ephesus, Cyzicus, Sardis, and perhaps other cities (apyiepeds Tis Aolas va@v TAY, OY vaovd Tov, év Tlepyduy, K.T.A.), 1S denied by some good authorities, but seems to us highly probable: we take the term A. as a popular conversational name, which gradually established itself even in official usage, for these ‘high priests of the temples of Asia.’ We also regard it as probable (though it cannot be definitely proved) that, beyond the high priests of the temples in the individual cities, there was a supreme high priest as head of the entire provincial cult. ‘These high priests seem, along with probably some other officials, to have formed a sort of Council, which managed the business of the Commune Asiw, and had the disposal of certain funds intended for the maintenance of the Imperial temples and cere- monial. The Commune Asie celebrated in the ASMOD.AUS el great cities of the province festivals with games, called Kowa ’Acias év Sur'pyn Aaodiuceig, x.t.A.; and the games were presided over by an A., perhaps the supreme A., if we are right in supposing his existence. It is not improb. that the Council of the Asiarchs sat at stated periods in the great cities alternately ; and that they assembled at the city where the Kowd ’Acias were being held. In that case the Asiarchs were prob. assembled at Ephesus for such a purpose when they sent advice to St. Paul to consult his safety (Ac 19%) ; and perhaps the festival had both brought together a vast crowd of the Asian populace, and shown Clearly to the artisans that their trade in selling small shrines to the pilgrims and devotees who had flocked to the festival was dwindling. ‘he tenure of oftice of the Asiarchs, acc. to our view, was four years (a term which was very common for such offices in the E. provinces) ; but some high authorities hold that the Asiarchs were appointed annually. It is certain that the proconsul governing Asia (which see) took some part in the appointment; but the details are doubtful and disputed. An A. enjoyed great dignity in his native city, and coins or in- scriptions of very many cities in the province com- memorate the names of Asiarchs sprung from thence. They acted, doubtless, as presidents in local festivals as well as in the provincial games (Kowd Actas), and, of course, incurred in such cases con- siderable expense, part of which was compulsory, but most was voluntary (from ambition, or gener- osity, or ostentation). LiterAtuRE.—Brandis in Pauly-Wissowa’s Real-Eneyclope- die, arts. ‘Archiereus’ and ‘A siarches’; Monceaux, De Communi Asie; Biichner, De Neocoria; Mommsen, Provinces of the Rom. Emp. (Réimische Geschichte, vol. v.) ch. viii.; Lightfoot, S¢. Ignatius and St. Polycarp, ii. p. 987 ff.; Beurlier, Le Culte Invperial; Guiraud, Les assemblees provinciales del’ Empire Romaine ; Hicks, Ancient Gr. Inserip. in the Brit. Mus. iii. ps 87; Ramsay, Classical Rev. iii. p, 174 ff., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. pp. 55-58, and ii. ch. xi. W. M. RAMSAY. ASIBIAS (A ‘Aoi Bias, B ‘AccBetas), 1 Ks 92,—One of the sons of Phoros or Parosh who agreed to put away his ‘strange’ wife; answering to Malchijah (2) in Ezr 10% (7272, but A’AgaBid, 8 Sa8-, B om.). H. ST. J. THACKERAY. ASIDE, that is, on (or to) one side, has a moral sense=astray, in Ps 14% ‘They are all gone a., they are all together become filthy’; Sir 27 ‘go not a., lest ye fall.’ J. HASTINGS, ASIEL (78’Y.).—1. Grandfather of Jehu a Simeonite ‘ prince’ (1 Ch 4%). 2. (Asihel) One of five writers employed by Ezra to transcribe the law (2 Es 1424), 8. CAcufa; Heb. 5x»y; AV Asael) A forefather of Tobit (To 11). Probably a corrupt form of the name Jahzeel (7339) Gn 46%4), a son of Naphtali; A. is said to belong to this tribe. J. T. MARSHALL, ASIPHA (A ’Aceipd, B Taceupd), 1 Es 529, —His sons were among the temple servants who returned with Zerubbabel. Called Hasupha (8P2) Ezr 248, Neh 7%. H. ST. J. THACKERAY, ASMODZAUS (‘12U8 To 38 17) is probably identi- cal with the evil demon of the ancient Persian religion, Ashma deva = the ‘covetous’ or ‘lustful demon,’ When the Hebrews borrowed the name, they connected it with V.%, to destroy. Hence this is the being called 6 cAcOpedwy in Wis 18, and 1123 =6 amodAdtwy in Rev 91, In the latter passage he is styled ‘angel of the abyss’ and ‘king’ of the destructive creatures shaped like locusts, but with men’s faces and flowing hair. The only mention of Asmodzus in the Gr. Bible is in Tobit, where he is described as md movnpdy damdviov; Vulg. demonium nequissimum; but in the Aram. and Heb. VSS ‘King of the Shedhim.’ By this name he is known in the Bab. Talmud (Pesachim 110a), and in the Targ. of Ec 1%. In To 6 (B. Syr. Itala) we are told that he ‘loved’ Sarah, the daughter of Raguel, and that he slew seven men to whom she was married as soon as they entered the nuptial chamber (38), When Tobias visited Raguel, he also at once loved Sarah, and yet naturally was afraid to marry her; but his companion, Raphael in disguise, taught him how to exorcise the demon by a fumiga- tion of the heart and liver of a fish. The demon fled to Upper Feypt, where he was pursued by Raphael and bound (To 8°), after which the pious couple lived in peace. The Shedhim are the da:uéna of the Gospel narrative. They were conceived by the Jews as distinct from the fallen angels of the Book of Enoch, in being mortal, of both sexes, and, according to some, the offspring of those angels and human mothers (Chagigah 16a; Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus, ii. 759-763). As Sammael was head of all the Satans, so Asmodeus was king of the demons, and the long-haired Lilith was their queen (Hrubin 1000). In Talmudic legends, Asmodzeus was implicated in Noah’s drunkenness ; and after revealing to Solomon the whereabouts of the worm Samir, which noiselessly shaped the stones of the temple, he dethroned that monarch for a while, assumed his appearance, and was the real author of the offences which history ascribes to Solomon. LiTERATURE.—Gfrérer, Urchristenthum, 1. 878-424; Kohut, Jiidische Angelologie und Dédémonologie, p. 72; Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, 1893 edition, ch. xvi. J. T. MARSHALL. ASNAH (ajox=Aram. 39% ‘thorn bush,’ ’Acevd). —The head of a family of Nethinim which returned _ with Zerubbabel (Ezr 2, 1 Es 56°"), ASOM (‘Acéu), 1 Es 9*.—His sons were amon those who put away their ‘strange’ wives. Calle Hashum (o%9), Ezr 10%. ASP.—See SERPENT. ASPALATHUS (dorddados, balsamum, Sir 241). —The name of an aromatic associated with cinnamon in the Peete cited, but impossible to identify. Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii. 52, ae xxiv. 68, 69) speaks of a thorny plant known by this name, and which in the first passage he identifies with the Erysisceptrum, and in the second seems to distinguish from it. The same plant is alluded to by other ancient authors, but with such indefinite- ness that we are unable to identify it with any known plant. It is probable that there were two or more plants, and more than one _ vegetable product, known by this name. G. E. Post. ASPATHA (xpsox, Est 97).—The third son of Haman, pet to death by the Jews. The name is perhaps from the Persian aspaddta, ‘ even by the (sacred) horse’ (so Ges, Thesaurus, add.). H. A. WHITE. ASPHALT.—See BITUMEN. _ASPHAR Pool (Adxxos ’Acddp), 1 Mac 98.—A 1 in the desert of Tekoa, or Jeshimon, where Névathan and Simon the Maccabees encamped. The site is doubtful. ASPHARASUS (’Acddpacos), 1 Es 5°.—One of the leaders of the return under Zerubbabel. Called Mispar (15>), Ezr 2?, and Mispereth (nq37>), Neh 77. ASRIEL (xx, in AV of 1 Ch 7 Ashriel).—A Manassite (Jos 172, Nu 26%; in the latter the patron. Asrielite occurs). Acc. to the LXX of 1 Ch 7% A.’s mother was an Aramitess, a concubine of Manasseh. J. A. SELBIE. C. R. CONDER. ASS.—4. (ron, 757 Adimér ; vos, brotiryov, asinus). Hamér is the generic name for the ass, and the specific designation of the he-ass (Arab. himdr). Few animals are mentioned more frequently in the Scriptures than the ass. It was used for a variety of purposes. (1) For riding. For this purpose it was used by both rich and poor. Moses took his wife and two sons on an ass to Egypt, passing through the Sinaitic desert (Ex 4°); Balaam rode a she-ass (Nu_ 2271-3); the unnamed prophet rode an ass (1 K 1313-23. 24. 27-29); gq did Achsah (Jos 1518, Jg 1), the thirty sons of Jair (Jg 104), the sons of Abdon (Jg 12), Abigail (1 8 25%. 3), Ahitho- hel (2 S 17%), and Mephibosheth (2 S 19%). hen it is said that Christ is ‘lowly,’ because He should ride on an ass (Zec 9°; comp. Mt 21%), the reference is not to any degradation in the riding of an ass, but to the peaceful nature of His advent. The horse was used in war, and a king coming on a horse would be surrounded by military circumstance and pomp. Asses are yet ridden by persons of rank in State and Church. There are many fine breeds of them, and every large city of the interior boasts its special strain. Many of these are sold at very high prices. They have a rapid walk, and an easy shuffling pace or short canter. They are exceedingly sure-footed. Some of them are breast high, and weigh as much as a small horse. White asses (Jg 5) fetch specially high prices, and are very handsome beasts, while their caparisons are often quite magnificent. These consist of a thick stuffed saddle, often covered with crimson, or dark green, or other rich coloured cloth, bound with braids of brighter colours, and with silver ornaments and dangling tassels of woollen twist. The headstall and bridle are like- wise decorated with shells, silver studs, and plates, and not infrequently composed in part of silver chains. A callae of silver links, with a breastplate of the same metal, completes the adornment. (2) For burdens. Abraham probably loaded his ass with wood (Gn 223); the sons of Jacob loaded their asses with corn (Gn 42%-%7); Joseph sent twenty asses bearing the good things of Egypt to his father (Gn 45%); Jesse sent an ass-load of provisions by David to Saul (1 S 16%); Abigail oaded her present to David on asses (1S 251), as also Ziba (2S 161); the provisions for the feast at David’s coronation at Hebron were brought on asses (1 Ch 12”); asses were used in harvesting (Neh 135), The ass is still the most universal of all beasts of burden in Bible lands. Small ones can be bought for a pound or two. There is a great variety in the breeds of pack-asses. Some are no larger than a Shetland pony, while others are as large as a small mule, and carry very heavy loads. They are very economical to keep, living on straw, thistles, stubble, and a very small quantity of grain, and standing any amount of exposure and harsh treatment. (3) For ploughing. The expression ear (Is 30%) means to plough (comp. 32). It was not allowed to plough with an ox and an ass together (Dt 22), The writer has seen a camel and an ass yoked together to a plough. The equation of force was made by tethering the ass at the long end of a cross- bar, which was fastened to the front of the plough. Doubtless the reason of this prohibition was the principle of the Mosaic law, that there should be no intermixtures. Thus priests could not have patched or parti-coloured garments. Piebald cattle could not be offered in sacrifice. Cattle could not gender with a diverse kind. A field might not be sown with mingled seed. A garment could not be made of two different sorts of stuffs, as linen and woollen. A person with patches of leprosy, mixed with patches of clean skin, was unclean, while one 174 ASSAMIAS ASSEMBLY covered all over with leprosy was clean. This rinciple enters into the whole symbolic economy. Tt is intended to illustrate simplicity and purity. Asses’ milk is used as food by the Arabs, and is recommended for persons of scrofulous and tubercular tendencies. The flesh of the ass was not allowed to the Hebrews as food, because the animal does not divide the hoof and chew the cud. In the famine at the siege of Samaria, however, ‘an ass’s head was sold for eighty pieces of silver’ (2 K 6%). In Jg 15° Samson says, ‘with the jawbone of an ass, heaps upon heaps.’ In the Heb. there is a fine alliteration, oq 7g Non ‘nda ‘with the jawbone of an ass a heap, two heaps,’ the word for ass and heap being the same. 2. The she-ass (jinx Q@thén; 7 8vos, bvos O7rela; asina, Arab. ’atdn) was Balaam’s mount (Nu 2271-83), Saul went to search for the stray she- asses of his father Kish (1 S 9°). The Shunammite rode one (2 K 4%-%), It has always been custom- ary to separate the females of the flocks and herds at times. David had an officer charged with the care of the she-asses at such times (1 Ch 27%). It is said that the vigour of the stock of the Egyp. ass is maintained by tying the she-asses at the border of the deserts on either side of the Nile Valley, so that they may receive the visits of the Asinus Onager, Pall., the original of the domestic ass of the East. 8. The Heb. term “y, ‘ayir; ros; pullus asine ; Arab. jahsh, corresponds to four Eng. equivalents in the AV.—(1) Foal (Gn 32" 49") ; (2) ass colt (Gn 494, Jg 10 12"); (3) young ass (Is 30°%4); (4) colt (Job 1177, Zec 9°). The Arab. equivalent of the Heb. ‘ayir is, as before said, jahsh, i.e. young ass, and not ‘ayir, which means the ass in general. The stupidity of the ass is proverbial in the East as well asin the West. The allusions to this quality in the Bible are not, however, unequivocal (Is 1°, Pr 26°). 4. Two words are used in the Heb. for the wild ass—(1) x78, pere’ (Gn 16%, where Ishmael is called a wild ass man, Job 6 111? 24° 395, Is 324, Jer 274, Has 8°); (2) sy, ‘drédh (Job 39°, Dn 5, Chald. x-77y). We have no philological grounds for determining the species referred to, nor any certainty that the terms are more specific than their Eng. equivalents. The parallelism in Job 39° does not necessarily imply two species. The Arabs have a large or Aa of names for the lion, the camel, the horse, the ass, and other familiar animals. Tris- tram gives two species of wild asses as found in the deserts contiguous to Palestine, Asinus Onager, Pall., which he considers to be ‘drédh, and Asinus hemippus, St. Hil., which he regards as pere’. For neither of these specifications does he give any philological authority. It is safe to believe that the scriptural writers had no particular species in view, but the general characteristics of all known wild asses. G. E. Post. ASSAMIAS(B‘Accaplas, A‘Acaulas, AV Assanias), —One of twelve priests entrusted with the holy vessels on the return to Jerus., 1 Es 8%, ASSAPHIOTH (B Accadelw0, A ‘Acadgutsé, AV Azaphion), 1 Es 5*.—His descendants returned with Zerubbabel among the sons of Solomon’s servants. Called Hassophereth (B ‘Acepfpaé, A “Aceddpaé), Ezr 25; Sophereth, Neh 7°” (B A LZapdpab, x -0). St. J. THACKERAY. ASSASSIN.— Used in RV of Ac 21% as a transla- tion of the Greek otxdpiuos (AV ‘murderer’). St. Paul is said to have been mistaken by Lysias, the chief captain, for the EGYPTIAN who had ‘led into the wilderness the 4000 men of the Assassins.’ According to Jos. there arom? in Judea during the procuratorship of Felix a body of men called o.xdpio. They were robbers, who carried under their garments a short sword, about the size of a Persian scimitar (dx:vdxys), curved like a Roman sica, whence their name, which was of Latin origin. They used to commit their murders openly, and by day, mingling in the crowd at feasts. Their first conspicuous exploit was the murder—accord- ing to Josephus at the instigation of Felix—of Jonathan, son of Annas, who had been high priest (prob. in 55 or 56 A.D.). After this, men lived in constant dread of them. They were conspicuous under Felix, who sent troops against them, and at a later date they took a leading part in the Jewish War, and in the disturbances which led to it, being always amongst the most violent of the combatants. They held Masada, and from thence pees the country. Eventually some of them ispersed to Egypt and Cyrene, where, under the combined influence of want and fanaticism, they introduced a reign of terror. Josephus never definitely connects them with the EGYPTIAN (wh. see), as does St. Luke. Apart from the illustration afforded to the narrative of the Acts, the robbers and impostors who were so numerous at this time, illustrate the fanaticism, both religious and political, which culminated in the fall of Jerusalem. LirgraTuRE.—Jos, Ant, xx. viii. 6, 10, ix. 8; BJ wu. xiii. 8, xvii. 6, Iv. vii. 2, ix. 6, vu. viii. 1, 2, 4, 6, x. 1, 2; Schiirer, AJP t ii. 178 fi. A. C. HEADLAM. ASSAULT.—See CaImEs AND PUNISHMENTS. ASSAY is not found as subst. As verb it has two general meanings: 1. Test, prove, of which tle only example is in the Preface, 1611, ‘Toa. whether my talent . . . may be profitable in any measure to God’s Church.’ 2. Set oneself to do (more than merely attempt) ; so all the occurrences in AV; Dt 4% ‘ Hath God a® to go and take him a nation ?’ Job 4? ‘If we a. to commune with thee’ (both 7193) ; 18 17® ‘David girded his sword upon his armour (RV apparel), and he a® to go’ (982) 5 Ac 9% ‘he a? to join himself to the disciples,’ 167 ‘they a“ to go into Bithynia,’ 2 Mac 2” (all wepdtw); He 11% ‘which the Egyptians a'™® to do’ (metpay \aBortes). RV retains all these, and adds Ac 24% ‘ who, more- over, a to profane the temple’ (repdtw, AV ‘ who also hath gone about to’); 267 ‘the Jews. . . aed to kill me’ (wetpdouar, AV ‘ went about to kill me’). J. HASTINGS. ASSEMBLE, now almost entirely intrans., is trans., intrans., and reflex. in AV, as Mic 4° ‘In that day, saith the LorD, will I a. her that halteth, and I will gather her that is driven away’; Dn 61! ‘Then these men a® (RV ‘a together’), and found Daniel’; Nu 10% ‘all the assembly shall a. them- selves to thee’ (RV ‘gather themselves unto thee’). ‘A. together’ occurs as tr. of the same verbs without change of meaning; and even ‘a. together with,’ Ac 1‘ ‘and [Jesus] being a to- gether with them’ (cuvadifdwevos, with atrois under- stood; AVm and RVm ‘eating with them’ after Vulg. convescens. The reference would then be to Lk 2441, Jn 2113, where Jesus is spoken of as ‘eating with’ the disciples. But this meaning of ovvadl{w, as if derived from dys, ‘salt,’ instead of ad%s, ‘crowded,’ is scarcely made out). In He 10% ‘not forsaking the a of yourselves together,’ the Gr. is a noun (émovvaywyi). ‘A. into’ is found Jer 214 ‘I will a. (RV ‘gather ’) them into the midst of the city.’ J. HASTINGS. ASSEMBLY.—A. is employed in AV as the rendering of several Heb. words, the two most important of which are m1y and $y. The Re zisers, however, have endeavoured (as they have ‘hem 5 Pn a an ee ee eee OO ASSENT selves explained in their Preface) ‘to preserve a consistent distinction’ between the words ‘assembly’ and ‘congregation,’ ‘without aiming at absolute uniformity.’ This they have done by rendering m2 and its cognate verb by ‘assembly’ an ‘assemble,’ retaining ‘congregation’ for 77y. This last is the older word of the two, denoting a thering or assem bly of any kind, whether for eliberative (as Gn 49°) or other purposes. Gradu- ally, however—mainly through the influence of Dt— 7p assumed a more technical signification as denoting the Israelitish community, in whole or in part. Thus m7 dap, Dt 23%, denotes the theo- cratic community. ‘The assembly’ par excellence is frequent in P in the sense just given, although not so characteristic of this document as the synonymous term 77y, which occurs over a hundred times in the technical sense of the theocratic community or congregation of the Exodus. It is doubtful if s7y occurs in any genuine pre-exilic text in this sense. See CONGREGATION. LirgraTuRE.—Moore, Judges, 201, crit. note; Giesebrecht in Btade’s Zeitschrift, i. 243t. On dip read Holzinger, ibid. ix. 105. On ivveuos ixxAneia (Ac 1939), Ramsay in Expos. 5th Ser. iii. 137 fi. A. R. S. KENNEDY. ASSENT, the subst., in the archaic sense of accord or consent, occurs 2 Ch 18}? ‘the words of the prophets declare good to the king with’ one a.’ (73, ary caiouth *), &. Carlyle, Past and Present, ‘Travelling with one a. on the broad way.’ The verb is found Ac 24° ‘the Jews also a’ (TR ow- é0evro, edd. cvveréSevro, RV ‘joined in the charge’). J. HASTINGS. ASSESSOR.—An a. is one who sits beside a magistrate to act as his adviser. The word occurs only 1 Es 9 RV, ‘Mosollamus and Levis and Sabbateus were a* to them’ (cuveSpdBevoar avrois, lit. ‘judged alongside of them’), The simple verb BpaBevw, ‘to act as umpire, arbitrate,’ occurs Col 3% Let the peace of Christ rule in your hearts,’ RVm ‘arbitrate’; see Meyer and Lightfoot, in loc. The compound karafpaB8evw is found Col 2!‘ Let no man beguile (RV ‘rob’) you of your reward’; «.=‘to decide against one, and ‘to decide against one unjustly,’ hence ‘to rob.’ J. HASTINGS. ASSHUR.—See Assyria. ASSHURIM (ovmwx).—An Arab tribe, descended from Abraham and Keturah (Gn 25%), whose identity cannot be traced. (Cf. Dillmann and Delitzsch /.c.). J. A. SELBIE. ASSIDUOUS, only Wis 8 RV ‘in a. commun- ing with her is understanding’ (év cuvyyupvacia oudlas, t.e. ‘in constant exercise of fellowship.’ The simple yuuvacla is used 1 Ti 4° swyarikh ¥., ‘bodily exercise’). _ J. HASTINGS. ASSIR (7ox).—1. A son of Korah (Ex 6%, 1 Ch 6”), 2. A son of Ebiasaph (1 Ch 6%-%7). 3. A son of Jeconiah (AV and RVm of 1 Ch 3”). It is prob., however, that RV correctly renders ‘Jeconiah the captive’ (198). See Oaf. Heb. Lex. s.v. J. A. SELBIE. ASSOCIATE.—Only Is 8°, and there reflex., ‘A. urselves, O ye people.’ Heb. wy, not from ay ‘ to friendly,’ ‘combine together,’ as Targ., Vulg., AV, ete.; but from yyy ‘to make a noise,’ RV *Make an uproar’; though Del. prefers yy7 ‘to be evil’; while Cheyne follows LXX, yvGre (i.e. 37), ‘take knowledge.’ J. HASTINGS. ASSOS ("Acoos), in the Roman province of Asia, was an ancient city on the coast of the Troad, some miles E. of Cape Lectum ; the Aolic dialect was spoken in it ; and it was said to be an AEolic colony. It was planted on a hill that rises ASSURANCE 175 with a long steep ascent from the water’s edge and the natural strength was increased by walls. which still stand in wonderfully good preservation. The sculptures of the temple of Athena on the summit of the hill (most of which are now in Paris, the rest being in Constantinople and Boston, U.S.A.) are among the most important remains of archaic Gr. art. The harbour of A., formed by ap artificial mole, was situated at the foot of the hil on which the city stood ; and beside it now cluster the houses of the modern village Behram. This harbour gave the city considerable importance in the coasting trade of ancient times (Ac 20"), as ie attested by its coinage, which begins early in the 5th cent. (when the city was released from the Persian domination), and continues as late as A.D. 235. The importance of A. under the Pergamenian kings is shown by its re-foundation with the name Apollonia, a favourite Pergamenian name (Pliny, NH vy. 123). The trade of great part of the S. Troad has passed through the harbour of A. at_all periods of history. It was connected by a Roman road with Troas and the coast of the Troad generally, and the road from Troas to A. re- quired less time than the voyage round the long projection of Cape Lectum (Ac 20"). Wheat was extensively grown in the district, according to Strabo, p. 735; but valonia is the chief modern export. LITERATURE.—The best account of A. is by J. T. Clarke, R on the Investigations at Assos, Boston 1882. Many inscriptions are published by Sterrett in Papers of American School at Athens, i. pp. 1-90. W. M. Ramsay. ASSUR (2 Es 2)=AssHuR, ASSYRIA. ASSURE, ASSURANCE.—Assure in the sense of ‘give confidence to,’ ‘confirm,’ is used in 1 Jn 3” ‘hereby we know that we are of the truth, and shall a, our hearts before him’ (zel@w, lit. ‘ per- suade’), Cf. 2 Ti 3 ‘Abide thou in the things which thou. . . hast been a® of’ (mo7dw), and Ac 17% *He hath given assurance (xlo7is) unto all men.’ Assurance is RV tr. of brdcracis (AV ‘ sub- stance’), He 111, a word of great importance in Gr. hilosophy and Chr. theology, and which occurs in T 2Co94, RV ‘confidence’; 1127 RV ‘confidence’ ; He 1° RV ‘substance’; 3 RV ‘confidence.’ ‘ Full a.’ is the tr. of wAnpodpopla, Col 27, He 64 (RV ‘fulness’), 107 (RV ‘ fulness’); but the same word is tr. ‘much a.’ in 1 Th 1% A. is found also Wis 6" ‘ the a. of incorruption ’ (BeBalwors dpdapalas). Cf. Ac 16! ‘assuredly gathering’ (cvyfiBatovres, RV ‘concluding’). . HASTINGS. ASSURANCE.—The religious and moral value of firm conviction is fully recognised in Scripture. It is the very aim and object of the divine message in whatever form it comes to produce it. Without it there cannot be that peace and joy in the sov) which constitute the highest blessing of religiun, nor that inward strength which alone can fit man for moral conquest. The want of it makes the ‘double-minded man,’ who is compared to the ‘surge of the sea, driven by the wind and tossed’ (Ja 1°), Even in OT times it was realised, as shown in the beautiful description of Isaiah (321), where for AV ‘quietness and assurance’ RV reads ‘ quiet- ness and confidence,’ the original word denoting ‘to hang upon something,’ hence fig. ‘to trust.’ A word ty which St. Paul expresses this state of mind is wéreipat, ‘I am persuaded,’ whether he refers to the certainty of God’s love in Christ (Ro 8%), or to that which he had committed to his Lord (2 Ti 1?*). The term, however, most fre- quently used for A. in NT and also in patristic writers is mAypodopla. From the fact that the cognate verb appears probably for the first time in 176 ASSURBANIPAL the LXX of Ec 811, where it is a tr™ of the Heb. x2P, Cremer (Bib. Theol. Lex.) infers that it was of Alex. origin. It means ‘to be fully persuaded, to be fixed and firm’ (Ro 14°, Col. 4!2). The noun occurs in Col 27, mA. ris cuvécews, “full a. of understanding’; 1 Th 15 év mA. roaaw; He 64 wa. THs éAntdos ; He 1072 ra. aicrews. In the last two passages RV (also Westcott in loc.) renders ma. by the simpler word fulness rather than full assurance (as AV), ‘the full measure or development of hope,’ ‘faith which has reached its mature vigour.’ A. STEWART. ASSURBANIPAL.—Esarhaddon, king of Assyria, died in B.C. 668, while on his way to suppress a re- bellion in Egypt. Samas-Sum-ukin (Saocdodbxivos of Ptolemy ), an illegitimate son, had been set over the province of Babylon. Assurbanipal was heir to the throne of Nineveh. A Heb. writing of the name is probably found in Tizr 419 1218 (Schrader, COT ii. 65; Delitzsch, Paradies, 329; contra, Halévy, Revue Etudes /Juives, ix. 12). His own cuneiform annals and letters give us an abundance of information regarding his long reign. His first expedition was the prosecution of the unfinished campaign of his father against the Ethiopian Tirhakah. ‘This rebellious leader fled to Ethiopia only to await the withdrawal of the Assyr. forces. The native governors of the provinces, as Necho and Sarludari, were aroused by ‘Tirhakah to form a coalition against foreign authority. But Assyria pounced down upon them, carried off prisoners, and drove Tirhakah back to his lair, where he died about B.C. 664. Egypt was again tranquil, though hiding a volcano. An invasion of Egypt by Tantitamon (Assyr. Urdamant) precipitated the last and decisive campaign of A. In B.C. 662 the Assyr. army fell upon Egypt, and drove Tantit- amon out of its bounds, captured and plundered Thebes, and carried off to Nineveh great booty. This concluded the sway of Ethiopia over the land of the thrifty Egyptian. A.’s next expedition enveloped the E. coast of the Mediter. Sea, which rendered him submission. The king of Lydia, Janus-like, gave presents to A.,and made a league with TuSamilki of Egypt. This combination succeeded finally in throwing Assyria out of Egypt. The country of Van next fell before the arms of A. Elam, which had for centuries stood as a peer of its neighbours, fell at last, after several bloody battles continuing through a course of years, at the feet of the conqueror from Nineveh. His half-brother at Babylon, elated with flatteries and thirsting for independence, threw off the yoke of Nineveh. A. swept down upon Bab., overthrew the opposition, and captured the city. The seceding ruler, fearing the wrath of A., took refuge in his palace, and burned it over his head (B.0. 648). The secession of Samas-sum-ukin is probably (Schrader, COT ii. 538-59) but a hint at a general uprising against Assyria throughout the 8.W., in which Manasseh of Judah was involved (2 Ch 331), The Arabians likewise were forced to sub- mission, and A. was again lord of his empire. This ‘oreat warrior was also an enthusiast in other occupations. With the help of Assur and Istar he was able to cope with and slay lions. One of his chief sports seems to have been fighting lions, either those which were wild in the forests or those which were loosed from cages for the purpose. But the most important feature of his career for us was his interest in literature. His library in Nineveh, which was uncovered by G. Smith, has preserved for us thousands of clay tablets, which were copied from older tablets in other libraries of his land. The topics treated are historical, ethical, linguistic, religious, aud many otlers—all pertain- ing to Assyria and Babylonia. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons ASSYRIA As a builder, he was equal to his predecessors. The remains of his palace at Kouyunjik testify to the architectural ingenuity and taste of the monarch. In many cities of his empire he built beautiful temples to the gods, and adorned all with exquisite pieces of art. He laid every available source under tribute to his royal enterprises. As a ruler and warrior, as a builder, as a littera- teur, he is well deserving the title given him in Kizr 4°, The last years of his reign are compara- tively wrapped in obscurity. Lirzrature.—In the original, G. Smith, Hist. of Assurb., original and interlinear tr. 1871 ; As. Disc. p. 817 ff.; Rawlinson, West. Asiatic Inscrip. iii. 17-27, 30-34, v. 1- 10, iii, 28, 35-38, iv} 4547; S. A. Smith, Keilschrifitente Asurb. Heften ii. und iii. In tr. RP vol. i. 1st series, p. 55 f.; Keilinsch. Ratha) pp. 152-269 ; 8. A. Smith, Keilschrifiteate Asurb. Heft. i IRA M. PRICE, ASSWAGE (so AV, after the common, though not invariable, spelling of the 16th to 18th cent., RV ‘assuage’) is used trans. Job 16°°5, Sir 1816 ‘shall not the dew a. the heat ?’; and intrans, Gn 8! ‘the waters aed,’ J. HASTINGS. **ASSYRIA (7's).— i. Natural Features and Civilization. ii. History. 1. Sources, 2. Chronology. 3. Annals of the Kings, fii. Literature. A. is the country, famed in antiquity, on the east of the middle Tigris between 35° and 37° N, lat. The only town on the west of the Tigris, on the Mesopotamian tableland, was the old capital of the kingdom, Assur, from which the whole land takes its name. Its northern boundary is formed by the wilds of the Armenian-Kurdish mountains, in which the Tigris rises, and through whieh it flows till it enters the plain near Nineveh, over against the town which is now called Mosul. On the east it is bounded by the ranges of Zagyros, which derive their name from the Assyrian zakru, ‘pointed, high.” These ranges form a continuation of the Armenian mountains, and reach as far as Elam. They are the source of the great and little Zab, which flow into the valley of the Tigris. Of the other tributaries of the Tigris the Khusur may be mentioned (the Hhéser, Ehosr-Su of to-day), which empties itself into the Tigris between the ruin-mounds of Kouyunjik and Nebi-yunus, and thus flows right through the midst of ancient Nineveh. Ancient Assyria ex- tended in later times beyond these narrow boundaries ; on the north-west to the left source of the Tigris, the Subnat (now Sebbeneh-Su) ; on the west to Khabur and Belikh, two well-known tributaries of the Euphrates in Mesopotamia ; and on the south to the Radanu and Turnat, tributaries of the Tigris—one of which is to be identified with the modern Diyala. The Climate of Assyria—as.we might imagine from its comparatively northern situation—may be said to be really very temperate. The general nature of the country is preponderatingly moun- tainous. Only the capitals were situated on the Tigris in the valley, e.g. ancient Assur, Nineveh, and Kalakh (Calah Gn 101%). The new royal residence built by Sargon, Dur-Sarrukin (Sargon’s castle), the modern Khorsabad, was situated to the north of Nineveh, just at the foot of the mountains; while the well-known city of Istar, the market-town Arbela (Arbailu, 7.e. Town of the Four Gods—now called Erbil), together with the ereat military place to the south-west of it, Kakzi (modern Shemamek), etc., were situated in the higher parts of Assyria. With regard to the Flora of Assyria, the slopes of the last-mentioned mountain districts were pxp wos 3y ampr “YSINGUIp A “HELO LVL ae emonsuy ouplesSoan ySanqeaps ayy, ——) ae | OoT og 0 a FH SeTy Usmoug — “VIMASSV ‘VINO'LE: SSID | U Ad SARC OTYYp LT va ‘ ASSYRIA covered with oak, plane, and wild pine trees; while on the plain proper, besides abundance of nuts, fig and olive trees flourished, together with the vine plant. ‘These last were originally unknown to the Hast-Semitic districts, and were first imported by the Assyrian kings from Syria. Agriculture was coufined mainly to the cultivation of wheat, barley, hemp, and millet. The Fauna was formerly far more varied than it is to-day, as the pictures on the monuments and the statements in the inscriptions prove beyond the possibility of doubt. In addition to hares, roes, stags, and mountain goats, lions and wild oxen (rimu, Heb. ré’@m) were found in great numbers—the former in the tall reed plantations on the banks of the Tigris, the latter in the moun- tain districts, the happy hunting-grounds of the Assyrians. Magnificent horses—the famous Assyrian chargers, which were probably of the Medo-Elamite type—and cattle, goats, and sheep pastured on the slopes ; while wild asses and camels are known only in later times, through the Assyrian incursions into the Syro-Arabian desert. The culture of bees was also actively carried on. Of domestic animals, the dog may be mentioned ; of wild beasts, the panther, the wolf, the bear, and some others. With regard to kinds of stone—alabaster (pilu), which was employed for the Assyrian bas-reliefs, wasfound on the left bank of the Tigris in abundance. Of metals—iron, copper, and lead were found in any quantity in the Tiyari mountains near Nineveh. Not only is Assyria far more rugged by nature than Babylonia, which is much more southerly and lies nearer the sea, but the in- habitants of the two countries differed in character, the Assyrians being of a much more powerful and rugged type than their Babylonian brothers, in spite of the fact of their common Semitic origin and speech. The Babylonians have been very appropriately called the Greeks, and the Assyrians the Romans of the ancient East. Especially striking is the resemblance between the Assyrian type of face, as it appears in pictorial representa- tions on the monuments, and the features which we meet with to-day in the majority of Jews; while the pictures of the Babylonian kings suggest no such associations to our minds. The ancient Assyrians had purer Semitic blood in their veins than the Babylonians, for the latter in very early times show traces of an admixture of other races. The best authorities advocate the view implied in the table of races in Gn 10, which reckons only Assur and Aram (not Babel or Shinar) among the sons of Shem. In proof of this, v.41 may be cited (‘out of that land,’ viz. Shinar or Babylonia, ‘he [t.e. Nimrod] went forth into Assyria and builded Nineveh,’ etc.), a statement which is confirmed by the monuments. As Assyria was originally only an offshoot from Babylonia, its language—at any rate the language of its litera- ture, which is the only one known to us—is also Babylonian. The writings themselves, as well as the art and science, bear the clearest witness that they are equally dependent upon the motherland of Babylonia. It is noteworthy that while the oldest Assyrian inscriptions exhibit most clearly the old Babylonian cuneiform characters, after the time of Tiglath-pileser 1. (c. B.C. 1100) they evolved a style ot writing which fell back upon what can be proved to be a debased form of Babylonian writing, which previously existed only in North Mesopo- tamia. Hence there arose, in distinction from the new Bab. writing, a special form of new Assyr., in which were written most of the Assyr. royal inscriptions, and, above all, the many clay tablets of the Assyr. court libraries, up to the time of Assurbanipal. VOL. I.—I2 ASSYRIA The Assyrian Religion, too, is essentially the same as the Babylonian, with some modifications. When, for instance, on the so-called Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser II. (B.C. 859-825) mention is made of the following gods: Asur, Anu, Bel, Ea, Sin, Ramman, Samas, Merodach, Nindar (or Ninib), Nergal, Nusku, Belit, and Istar, this list is identical with the Babylonian Pantheon (see BABY- LONIA), with the exception of the god Asur, who heads the list, but is entirely wanting to the Babylonians. This Asur, the chief god of Assyria, was originally only a differentiation of Anu, or the god of heaven. His name An-sar, which after- wards became Assar, Assur, Asur, ‘Host of Heaven,’ appears in the Bab. cosmogony, but plays in the Bab. religion a far less important part. Probably on account of the similarity of sound between the name of the god and the name of the country Assur (originally Asur, from the Sumerian A-usar ‘ water plain’), the originally more abstract god of heaven, Asur, was exalted to the highest place and became king of the gods. Special reverence was also paid to the storm god Ramman, who in the most ancient times cannot be very clearly dis- tinguished from the god of the air, In-lilla or Bel. Assur and Ramman, therefore, held a similar place in Assyria to Anu and Bel, who were the two chief divinities of the old Babylonians. Further, we find an Istar of Nineveh, an Istar of Arbela, and an Istar of Kitmur, the two former being goddesses of war, while the latter appears to be a goddess of love ; and finally, two masculine divinities of hunting and war, Nindar (Nin-ib) and Nergal. Proper names, especially those of the kings, always serve as a test which enables us to determine the amount of favour meted out to the different divinities. Here we meet most frequently with Assur and Ramman (= Bel, cf. Rammdan-nirari, ‘Ramman is my help,’ with Bel-nirari). In the case of the word Shalman-asarid (Shal- maneser), the name Shalman appears to be a cognomen of the god Nindar. The latter the Assyrians preferred to call Asharid Ilani, ‘ Prince of the gods.’ The pronunciation Adar instead of Nindar (written Nin-ib) has no foundation to rest on. While in Babylonia, the mother-country of Assyria, the priests were always more powerful than the kings, in Assyria the king himself was also chief priest, and upon him the priesthood was completely dependent. Primarily, however, the king of Assyria was a general. The army always played the chief rdle in Assyria. The king was also the chief judge. All his subjects might come direct to him with their petitions and suits, which were always decided with the strictest impartiality and in accordance with the provisions of the laws, to which the king himself always bowed. Hence disobedience and rebellion were severely punished, as all the enemies of the king were regarded as rebels against Assyria as well. In the treatment of captives and prisoners the Assyrians displayed an inhumanity which we rightly regard as revolting. The court, as the political power of the nation increased, became ever more and more magnificent. In Architecture, again, the Assyrians seem, in course of time, to have surpassed their original teachers, the Babylonians. It is characteristic of the Assyrians, that far more magnificence and wealth were expended on the palaces than on the temples. For although the kings in their inscrip- tions never omit to lay due emphasis on the temples which they built, yet, as a matter of fact, the excavations (see below) have brought to light the remains of far more palaces than temples. The statues of the kings, like those of the gods, were made with great skill and care, but pre-eminence was reached by the Assyrian artists in bas-relief, with ASSYRIA which the walls of the palaces were adorned. The older specinicns are rather stiff and clumsy ; but the productions of the age of Sargon and Sennacherib show a very marked improvement, and the highest perfection was reached in the reign of Assurbanipal. The British Museum affords the best opportunity for admiring the war scenes, the triumphal processions, the pictures of private life, and especially the realistic hunting pictures, which form the masterpieces of the Assyrian artist. But the impulse to this development of Assyrian art will probably have cone from with- out. With the increasing growth of the Assyrian empire, immense treasures of merchandise and art poured into Nineveh and Kalakh (cf. Nah 2°) from the newly-conquered provinces ; and these import- ations stand in direct relation to the refinement that took place in the taste for art. In Literature the Assyrians entirely followed Bab. models, as, to take a single illustration, the prayer of Assur-nazir-pal I. (c. B.C. 1050) to the goddess Istar proves. In most cases they con- tented themselves with simply copying out Baby- lonian literature. But in this way they did us a greater service than if they had composed 100 or 1000 poetical imitations of a second-rate char- acter. For it is owing entirely to the activity of the Assyrians as collectors of books, and especially of Assurbanipal, the Mecenas of literature, that the bulk of Bab. literature has been preserved for us. In scientific literature too—astronomy, mathe- matics, medicine, grammar, lexicography—all alike were simply copies of Bab. originals. It was only in practical mechanics that the Assyrians advanced beyond their Bab. masters, as can be proved from the process they adopted for transporting the colossal images of bulls, as it is depicted on the bas-reliefs. In this connexion brief reference may also be made to the convex lenses found in Nimroud, used perhaps for the purpose of magni- fying the writing on the clay tablets, which was often very minute. As far as Agriculture is concerned, Assyria was not, owing to its more northern aspect, the rich corn-bearing land that Babylonia was; but all the more on this account efforts were made on the part of the kings, by the construction of canals and weirs, to increase the fertility of the soil. The water needed for the land, which was supplied in such abundance by the mountain streams, was in this way properly regulated and distributed. HISTORY OF ASSYRIA.—Thanks entirely to the excavations of the ruins of the old cities, especially Nineveh and Kalakh, the history of Assyria from its earliest beginnings, c. 2000 B.C., to the fall of Nineveh, can be set forth with great detail and exactness. The great number of inscriptions * which have been brought to light puts us in the position of being able to write an uninterrupted history of the Assyr. empire for many centuries. In these Discoveries the palm belongs without doubt to Englishmen—especially to Sir Austin Henry Layard (d. 1894) and Hormuzd Rassam. It was Claudius James Rich who first discovered the ruins of Nineveh, and drew the attention of investigators to this city, which is of such import- ance to antiquarians. After visiting Mosul three times (the first visit being paid in 1811), and super- ficially examining the rubbish-mound which is to be found on the opposite bank of the Tigris, he resolved in the year 1820 to make a thorough examination of it, the results of which were published sixteen years later (1836), in accordance with the terms of his will. The scanty remains of * With regard to the decipherment of these inscriptions, without which they would remain a dead mass, see the article on the subject in Hommel, Geschichte Bab, u. Assyr., Of. the literature of the subject at the end of this article. ASSYRIA sculptures and inscribed stones brought by him to Europe formed the basis of the Assyrian collection in the British Museum, which has since become so splendid, and confirmed the conjecture made by Joseph Hager in 1801, that the same cuneiform writing which had been found in Babylon at the end of the previous century was the foundation of the culture of the Assyrian world-empire. New paths of rich promise were thus pointed out to Oriental archeology. The excavations of the Frenchman P. EZ. Botta, 1848-45, at Khorsabad, a village five miles to the north of Nineveh, and, above all, of the English- man Austin Henry Layard at Nimroud, the site of ancient Kalakh (end of 1845 to middle of 1847), and at Kouyunjik, ancient Nineveh (1849-51), brought to light a whole series of Assyr. palaces and a multitude of sculptures and inscriptions, after a slumber of 2500 years. It was Layard who urged Botta to persevere with his excavations, which at first were fruitless; and some years afterwards, when Layard himself commenced to excavate, he found in the consul, Hormuzd Rassam, an indefatigable helper—a fact which was first clearly recognised and duly acknowledged some ten years later. At Khorsabad, Botta had the good fortune to lay bare the first Assyr. palace, which had been built by king Sargon (Is 201), Dur-Sarrukin (castle of Sargon), the bas-reliefs and inscriptions of which now embellish the Louvre in Paris; while Layard, in Nimroud and Kouyunjik, excavated no fewer than five great palaces, of which the antiquities were brought to the British Museum. By this stroke of good fortune the greater part of the famous clay tablets of the library of king Sardanapalus (Assurbanipal) now came to light. Additions were made in the following years to these discoveries of Botta and Layard by the after-gleanings of Rassam, from 1851-54, in Kou- yunjik, and of the French architect Victor Place in Khorsabad. In 1854 Rassam excavated the North Palace of Assurbanipal, and by this stroke of fortune discovered a fresh portion of the library mentioned above. During the next decades Assyr. excavation was at a standstill; but, to make up for this, the first three volumes of the great work on Assyr. inscrip- tions, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia (1861, 1866, 1870), were published during that period by Henry Rawlinson, Edwin Norris, and George Smith. This book was preceded by a volume of Assyr. inscriptions, edited by Layard, 1861, a work which, it must be admitted, was not nearly so accurate as that of Rawlinson. To this period also belongs the preliminary settle- ment of the grand problem of decipherment inaugu- rated by Rawlinson, Hincks, and Oppert. In the years 18738 and 1874 the excavations in Nineveh were resumed, the unfortunate George Smith, who died of fever in Aleppo on Aug. 19, 1875, making two journeys of investiga- tion, which produced rich results. Amongst many other finds, this enthusiastic and gifted young investigator discovered a number of clay tablets belonging to the library of Assurbanipal, amongst them being the Bab. account of the Flood and other allied mythological texts (see BABYLONIA). These discoveries won for him a celebrity and popularity such as few others have attained. The work which had been resumed by Smith, and which was unfortunately cut short by his premature death, was continued by the veteran Hormuzd Rassam in a further expedition in the years 1877-78, from which he came back with far richer spoil than even G. Smith’s. Mention must here be made of the discoveries of a temple in Nimroud, the famous bronze gateway of Bala- | ASSYRIA wat, with its sculptures dating from the 9th cent. B.C. (see below, under Shalmaneser II.), and 1400 more tablets from the library of Assurbanipal, not to speak of the ‘finds’ on Bab. ground made in 1878-79 and 1880-81. Since then no further systematic excavations have been organised in Assyria, but every year some fresh Assyr. relics are brought to England through the agents of the British Museum. Several Assyr. monuments and inscriptions have also come to light outside Assyria. To this class belong, first of all, the statues of the Assyr. kings found at Nahr el-Kelb, or Dog River, two leagues north of Beirut; next, some inscriptions of the kings found in the district at the source of the Tigris, and in the ruins of Kurkh, 20 miles beyond Diarbekr; and, above all, the tablets, dating from B.C. 1500, discovered about the end of 1887 at Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. Among these were the letters written in cuneiform charac- ters and directed to the Pharaohs Amenhotep IIL. and IV., the greater number of which are now in the Berlin Museum, though a good many are in the British Museum, and a few in Cairo. The last included a letter written by the Assyr. king Assur-uballit to Amenhotep IV. It may be here remarked that the letters of the kings of Mitanni (on the middle Euphrates), which belong to the Tel el-Amarna find, are also written in Assyr. cuneiform characters, as is the case with the so- called Van inscriptions of the Armenian kings, which belong to a later time, B.C. 800. Assyr. inscriptions have also been found in Cappadocia, which probably date about B.c. 2000, but unfor- tunately they do not contain the names of any kings. Finally, a short account must be given of the valuable find some years ago—also made outside Assyria—in Zinjirli near Mar‘ash, on the borders of Cilicia and Syria, by the Oriental ethnologist Felix von Luschan. After the discovery by L. Ross in 1845 of a stele of Sargon in Cyprus, Luschan found in the neighbourhood of Zinjirli (the Assyr. vassal state of Sam’al) a monument of the Assyr. king Esarhaddon, with a full inscription, besides eighteen Hittite sculptures and three old Aramaic inscriptions. Both the monument of Sargon and that of Esarhaddon are in the Royal Museum at Berlin, which also contains the many relics dug up in Zinjirli. The excavations just described have brought to light Assyr. inscriptions which constitute our primary sources for Assyr. history. ‘These sources are most copious, being composed not only of annals and the so-called votive inscriptions which form the most important element, but also of decrees, letters, reports, sale-contracts, ete. Chronicles too, which date from the first beginnings of real historiography, were discovered. While the inscriptions of the kings were written either on the walls of the palaces or on obelisks and monoliths, or even on the sides of rocks, the chronicles were found in the Assyr. libraries. The two most complete works that have come down to us are: (1) the so-called Syn- chronistic History of Babylonia and Assyria, from c. B.C. 1400-800, in which there is unfortunately a great gap between B.c. 1050-900; and (2) the Babylonian Chronicle, which covers the time from Nabonassar to Assurbanipal (744-668). Since Babylonia all through this period was subject to the supremacy of Assyria, the last-mentioned document, which is of paramount importance, ' affords far more valuable contributions towards Assyrian than towards Babylonian history. Most welcome light is also thrown on Assyrian history by other Babylonian documents, of which we may mention a long inscription, which has been brought to Constantinople, of the Babylonian king Nabo- ASSYRIA 179 nidus, dealing with the invasions of Assyria by the Medes. Second in importance as sources for the history of Assyria come the Books of the Kings of Isiael, which form a most valuable complement to the official account of the Assyr. kings, the latter being sometimes a little coloured and not always absolutely true to fact. Furthermore, we have the Prophetic Literature of the OT, which is in many respects more important for our subject than the historical records. Last of all may be mentioned the records of the Classical Historians, which, how- ever, with the single exception of the famous Canon of Ptolemy, as it is called, are of very little use. This table of rulers, which begins with Nabon- assar, B.C. 747, brings us to the question of Chron- ology. It contains the list of Bab. kings (including also the Assyrians Poros [Puru, Tiglath-pileser], Sargon, and Esarhaddon), with accurate particulars of the dates of their reigns, down to Nabonidus. Then it gives their Achemenidzean successors down to Alexander the Great, and ends with the rulers of Egypt (the Ptolemies and the Romans). The Canon of Ptolemy was appended to the well-known astronomical work of Claudius Ptolemzus, as a commentary (based on Bab. and Alex. computa- tions) upon the eclipses of the sun and moon alleged to have been seen; and consequently it bears within itself the guarantee of its trust- worthiness. ‘The statements of the Bab. Chronicle and the many chronological notes on Assyr. and Bab. inscriptions were confirmed by it, and, con- versely, confirmed its accuracy. It also furnished the key for determining the chronology of the most im- portant Assyr. chronological document, the Zponym Canon, found in the library of Assurbanipal. ’ From B.C. 900 to 667 (that is, to the time of Assurbanipal) these incomparable and invaluable lists give year by year the chief officers of state, and always make a special point of noting the accession of every new king to the throne. After the time of Samsi-Ramman IY. (B.C. 824-812) this list is further supplemented by the contents of the so-called ‘List of Expeditions’ (extending to B.C. 700), in which, opposite to every naine, there is a short notice of the different campaigns carried out in each year. But it was by the help of the Canon of Ptolemy that we were first able to bind the Eponym Canon together in chronological order from beginning to end, and thus establish the fact that the first officer mentioned in it, Assur- dan, belongs to the year B.C. 902, the last, Gabbaru, to B.c. 667. It is therefore possible to fix the exact dates of the reigns of all the Assyr. kings who fall within this period, from Rammén-nirari II. to the accession of Assurbanipal. The earlier epochs, also, can be dated from these fixed points, at any rate partially and approxi- mately. The rulers of Assyria have left us some special chronological notes in their inscriptions which refer to kings who lived long before them. (a) Sennacherib relates that the Bab. king Marduk-nadin-akhi carried off to Babylon, at the time when Tiglath-pileser I. was king of Assyria, two images of gods, which he himself, 418 years later, had brought back. It is clear, therefore, since this statement belongs to the year of the destruction of Babylon by Sennacherib, viz. B.c. 689, that the year B.C. 1107 may be definitely fixed as a certain date in the reign of Tiglath-pileser 1. (¢. B.C. 1120-1100 ?). (b) The same Sennacherib remarks, on another occasion, that he recognised amongst the Bab. treasures a seal of Tuklat-Nindar, the son of Shalmaneser I., which had been taken to Babylon 600 years before. This fixes the reign of Tuklat- Nindar somewhere about B.C. 1300 (more exactly 1289). We must take into consideration, how- ASSYRIA 180 ever, the fact that the round number 600 may, if necessary, stand for 560, or even 550; in this latter case, we should have the average date of B.C. 1250. (c) Finally, Tiglath-pileser I., whose date is approximately fixed by consideration (a), says that, 60 years before, his great-grandfather, the long-lived Assur-dan, pulled down a temple which had fallen into ruins, and evidently had not finished rebuilding it when death overtook him. Thus Assur-dan died somewhere about B.C. 1175. (d) The same ‘Tiglath-pileser, in the same passage, had previously remarked that the temple in question was built by the old high- priest Samsi-Ramman, son of Ismi-Dagan, 641 years before. ‘The date of Samsi-Ramman is therefore fixed about B.C. 1815. A series of specially important dates for Bab. chronology is to be found in the inscriptions of the Bab. king Nabonidus (B.C. 555-539). (See BABYLONIA.) We possess also a list of the kings of Babylon, which unfortunately is not quite complete, beginning c. 2000 B.C., as well as the so-called ‘Synchronistic History’ (see above), which gives side by side a complete enumeration of the kings of Babylon and their Assyr. con- temporaries. From these sources we secure, although indirectly, some fresh basal points for Assyr. chronology. Finally, we conclude, from some astronomical notices in Egyp. inscriptions, that Tahutmes III. reigned from 1503-1449, and further obtain B.C. 1400 as the date of the death of Amenhotep ITI. and the accession of Amenhotep IV. Thus the date of both these kings, with their Bab. and Assyr. contemporaries, is approximately fixed (see above, on the discoveries at ‘Tel el-Amarna). The first beginnings of Assyrian History will probably always remain veiled in darkness. That the Assyrian state was originally an offshoot from Babylonia may be regarded as certain from its writing, language, and religion, as well as from the witness, by no means to be despised, of Heb. tradition (Gn 10!1), which confirms this inference, and which is itself of Bab. origin. It is certain, too, that the oldest rulers of Assyria known to us styled themselves ‘priest (Sumerian, pa -te- si; Assyr. issaku) of the god Assur.’ Besides the two priest-kings mentioned in the chronology, viz. Samsi-Ramman* and his father Ismi-Dagan, f we know of others whose tablets have come down to us, viz. a certain Jriswu and his father Hhallu, as well as of a second Samsi-Ramméan and his father Igur- (or Bel-) kapkapu.t It is noticeable that the title ‘Patesi’? is not bestowed on the last-named, so that it looks as if he or his son Samsi-Rammdan was the first founder of the Assyr. state. In that case we must, of course, place this Samsi-Ramman before B.C. 1816, probably about B.C. 1850 or even B.c. 1900. On the other hand, the later king, Rammé@n-nirari lil. (c. B.C. 800) calls himself ‘the descendant of the old king Bel-kapkapu, who ruled even before the primitive period of the reign of the Sulili.’ Finally, Esarhaddon, grandson of the usurper Sargon, claims to be ‘the perpetual descendant of Bel-bani, son of Adasi, king of Assyria.’ By this Bel-bani is probably meant one of the kings who sat on the Assyr. throne during the period between B.C. 1800 and 1500. It was during this period that the rulers of Assyria assumed the official title ‘King of Assur,’ instead of the old title ‘ Patesi.’ About B.c. 1800 we find in Assyria * J.e, ‘my son is Ramman’ (Bel). + I.e. ‘Dagan heard.’ Dagan is another name for Bel. old Bab. king of Nisin bore the same name. t¢ Ze. ‘Bel is mighty.’ Igur (Ocean of Heaven) is another name for the god Bel. z An ASSYRIA the arrangement by which the year (limmu) was called after the chief officer of state; and even at that time Assyria, which, owing to the position of its old capital Assur on the west bank of the Tigris, had begun to gravitate unduly towards the north-west, must have cultivated commercial relations with Cappadocia. Only on this supposi- tion can we account for the fact that a considerable number of Assyr. contract-tablets, containing lists of contracts in ancient writing, which belong to this period, have been discovered in Cappadocia. We may also infer that the intermediate territory, especially Mesopotamia and Harran, was probably at times under Assyr. rule, or, at any rate, Assyr. influence. To the period when the Assyrian rulers bore the title ‘Patesi’ probably belong most of the half - mythological, half - historical narratives which have been preserved for us in the Assyrian libraries. In one of these a description of the building of temples in Sirgulla, Nippur, and Nisin is followed by an account ‘of terrible wars, and a famine so fearful that brothers ate one another, and parents sold their children for gold, and the treasures of Babylon were carried to the land of Su, the king of Babylon allowing the treasures of his own palace to be handed over to the prince of Assur.’ It is of some importance that in this text the ruler is called, not ‘king,’ but ‘prince’ (ruba@) of Assur at that time. The so-called ‘Legends of the Plague-Demon’ (see BABYLONIA) seem to refer to the same events. The inhabitants of Su, the wild Sutzans, who at that time possessed the greater part of Assyria, and a part of Mesopotamia as well, are proved to have been the originators of the fearful devastations in Babylonia; and it appears from the same text, that not the Sutzans, but the Elamites, those old foes of Babylon and Assur, were the instigators. Finally, the dis- astrous wars were diverted from the territories of the Euphrates and Tigris to the west, from which we may surmise that the predatory Sutzeans poured also over a part of Syria and Palestine. As a matter of fact, some centuries later, in the Tel el- Amarna letters, the Sutzans are mentioned as the enemies of the Phan. town Gebal (Byblos). In the Egyp. inscriptions of the New Kingdom (somewhere about B.C. 1600) a similar name (Setet) proves that the Asiatics in general, and more particularly the Asiatic hunting tribes, as well as the Bedawin of the Syro-Arabian desert, ex- tended their marauding expeditions at that time, just as they do to-day, to Palestine and Phoenicia, on the one side, and beyond Mesopotamia and the territory to the east of the Tigris, on the other. Accurate and uninterrupted knowledge of Assyr. history begins about the year B.C. 1500. Possibly, however, the two kings Assur-nirart and Nabu- dan belong to the previous centuries, which as far as our knowledge is concerned are complete blanks. All that we know about these kings is that they were contemporaries of a king—about whom also we know nothing—Ramman-musheshir of Kar- dunias (i.e. of Babylon, at the time of the Kassite rulers). From B.c. 1500 to B.c. 1480 ) succeeded in robbing the Assyrians of the images of Ramman and his consort Shala which belonged to the (Mesopo- tamian?) town Ikallati, but Tiglath-pileser in- flicted a signal defeat upon him in his own country. Amidst all these expeditions, architecture and the material welfare of the country were not neglected by Tiglath-pileser, who bestowed special attention upon the restoration of the old temple of the gods Anu and Ramm4An in the ancient capital Assur (cf. above, p. 180). Tiglath-pileser was succeeded by his son Ashwr- bel-kala (‘ Assur is Lord of All’), who removed the royal residence from Kalakh to Nineveh. He married the daughter of the Bab. king Ramm4an- pal-idina, but evidently died without children, since his brother Samsi-Rammdan III. succeeded him on the throne. We possess an earnest petition of the son of the latter, Assur-nazir-pal IL, to the goddess Istar of Nineveh, in which he prays that he may be cured of an illness. After this (c. 1050) Assyria underwent a period of decline, ASSYRIA 183 during which not even the names of the kings have been preserved. We only know of one of them, Assur-irbi (c. 990?), who set up an image of himself at the Gulf of Issus, and from whom the Arameans took away the two fortresses on the Euphrates, Pitru (Pethor, Nu 225, Dt 234) and Mutkinu, which had been conquered in the time of Tiglath-pileser I. The powerful development of the Aramzans at this time is also clearly reflected in OT, in the history of David (see 2 S 10!6, where Hadadezer brings Arameans from the other side of the Kuphrates). The growth of the power of Israel under Saul, David, and Solomon forms a striking contrast to the decline of Assyria about B.C. 1000. Probably the immediate successor of this Assur- irbi was Tuklat-pal-ixyarra (‘Viglath-pileser) JZ. After him we have an accurate and genealogical list of kings, without any gaps at all. Tiglath-pileser Il. c. 970. Assur-dan II. (son of above) c. B.C. 980-918. (Here the Eponym Canon begins). Ramman-nirari 11. (son of above) B.C. 912-891. Tuklat-Nindar If. (son of above) B.C. 890-885. Assur-nazir-pal III.'(son of above) B.C. 884-860. Under the last named king a new period of development commenced for Assyria. Of the four predecessors of Assur-nazir-pal, we only know that Ramman-nirfri II. waged some wars against his Bab. contemporaries Samas-mudammik and the latter’s successor Nabu-sum-iskun; and that Tuklat-Nindar advanced to the sources of the Tigris, and threw his heart into the task of again reducing to subjection the mountainous districts in the north, a work which was continued by Assur-nazir-pal and Shalmaneser II. For the con- quests made by Tiglath-pileser I., after so much effort, had been lost again long ago. Assur-nazir-pal rebuilt Kalakh, and selected it for his royal residence in memory of his great predecessor Shalmaneser I., after whom he also named his son (Shalmaneser II.). His main ambi- tion was to annex the whole of Mesopotamia to Assyria, which he succeeded at any rate partially in accomplishing. The little Araimean principality Bit-Adini (which is. called Bené-Eden 2 K 19”, and is situated between the Euphrates and Belikh) offered strong resistance to the Assyrians, and Assyria only succeeded in getting the payment of a temporary tribute from it. Greater results, however, were achieved among the mountain tribes on the east, between the lakes Van and Urmia, in the countries of Mannai (Minni, Jer 5177, which certainly ought to be vocalised °22, near Ararat), Kirrur, and Zamua, the last-mentioned being situated to the south of the lake of Urmia. In North Syria further opposition was experienced from the little states that had sprung up on the wrecks of the Hittite empire, whose princes still bore Hittite names, though the populations were Canaanite. The most noteworthy of these was Karkhemis, where king Sangar reigned ; and next to that the land of Unki (‘Amk) or Khattin* on the Orontes, the capital of which was called Kunulua, and the king Lubarna. Both these territories were traversed by the Assyrians. ‘The Assyrians advanced right up to Lebanon and the coast of Phoenicia, so that the towns of Tyre, Sidon, Gebal, Arvad, etc., were compelled to send valuable presents in order to induce the hostile forces to march away. The Bab. contemporary of Assur-nazir-pal was Nabu-pal-idina. (See BABY- LONIA.) The reign of Assur-nazir-pal’s son Shalmanu- asharid (Shalmaneser If.), B.C. 859-825, marks a turning-point in Assyr. history in several direc- * Written Pa-ti-in, but probably Khattin (the Hittite) is the right reading. 184 ASSYRIA tions. Instead of being satisfied with merely sending threatening expeditions to exact a fresh payment of tribute, he introduced a systematic plan—afterwards always adopted—of placing governors over conquered territories, and thus making them actual provinces and putting them under direct Assyr. control. Moreover, it was in his reign that the first contact between Assyria and the kings of Israel (Ahab and Jehu) took place. Lastly, it was his reign that saw the first beginnings of the Armenian empire under the kings Arimi and Sarduri (Siduri, or, more accur- ately, Sarduw’arri), whose successors gave Assyria so much trouble, till they brought it to the brink of ruin. Tiglath-pileser Ill. and Sargon were the first to succeed in breaking its power, and in helping Assyria forward to new development. The oldest Armenian inscriptions, which date from Sarduri |., are written in Assyr. cuneiform characters and Semitic-Assyrian, while his suc- cessors employ their own Armenian dialect (related to the Georgian), though they use the Assyr. method of writing as well. We are very fortunate in possessing pictorial representations of several events in the reign of Shalmaneser. These are to be found chiefly in the magnificent reliefs on the bronze doors of Balawat (Imgur-Bel), and also in the remarkable pictures on the ‘Black Obelisk,’ as it is called. In five series and on four panels are to be seen ambassadors from Gurzan (on Lake Urmia), from king Jahua (Jehu) of Israel, from the land of Musri in West Armenia, from Marduk-pal-uzur of Suchi, and from Karparunda of Khattin. Both monuments are in the British Museum. The in- scription on the series devoted to the land of Musri says: ‘Tribute from Musri. Camels with double humps, oxen from the river Sakiya (or Ivkia ?), asiswu (ikind of antelope), female elephants, and apes.’ The words of the inscription are con- firmed by the pictures, which actually contain double-humped camels, wild steers, an antelope, an elephant, and four apes. This land of Musri, which must be looked for neither in Afghanistan nor in India, but to the north-east of Cilicia, is mentioned in the Bible, 1 K 1028, according to Which Solomon brought his horses from Muzrim and from Kwi (Cilicia), as the emended reading runs. Double-humped camels (Assyr. udrati, from the Arm. uldu, Sansk. ustra) were to be found in different parts of Armenia, and Assur-nazir-pal boasted, as did also Tiglath-pileser I. and Tahut- mes LII., that he had killed elephants in Mesopo- tamia. Shalmaneser made his way into the land of Tabal (the biblical Tubal), which lies to the west of Malatiyeh, where he took possession of the silver, salt, and alabaster works which he found on the mountains, and took the opportunity of exacting tribute from the neighbouring Musri; then he invaded the land of Ku’i (on the Cilician coast), reaching the city of Tarzi, the well-known Tarsus, the birthplace of the apostle Paul. He advanced into Armenia as far as the sources of the Euphrates; then he proceeded eastward to Parsua, the motherland of the Persians, lying to the east of Lake Urmia, and southwards to Namar, which was formerly a protectorate of Babylon, lying to the south of Lake Urmia. His journeys were thus more extensive than those of any of his predecessors. In Babylonia, in the year B.C. 853, Nabu-pal-idinaé was overthrown by his son Marduk-shum-idina, whose brother Marduk- bel-usati, however, raised a revolt against him. Thereupon Marduk-shum-idina relinquished to his brother the southern part of Babylonia, formerly known as the land of Kaldu* (or Imgi), at the same * The name existed at an earlier date in an older form, Kardu (whence Kardunias), The form Kasdu (Heb. Kasdim) is only ASSYRIA time calling upon the king of Assyria for assist- ance. Shalmaneser attacked and killed the re- bellious brother of the Babylonian king, and naturally claimed an extension of frontier in return for his services. Of far greater interest for biblical history is the campaign of Shalmaneser against the town of Hamath (Amattu or Amatu) on the Orontes, and its allies, in B.C. 854, the sixth year of his reign. Shalmaneser had scarcely conquered (B.C. 856) and imprisoned one of his most stubborn op- ponents, king Akhuni of Bit-Adini (see above), when a powerful army came out to meet him near Karkar (on the line of march from Aleppo to Hamath) : Chariots. Horsemen. Foot. i! Bir-idri of Damascus 200 1200 20,000 Irkhulini of Hamath . : 700 700 10,000 Akhabbu of Sir’il . . : 2000 ae 10,000 Gui . : 5 ye 5% 500 Musri. 2 F oe ann 1,000 IrKanat . 5 5 10 10,000 Matin-ba‘al of Arvad aie ate 200 Usanat . : = dg ae 200 Adunu-ba‘al of Shiana , 80 are 10,000 Ba’sa (son of Rukhub) of Ammon. F . . , 1,000 Camels Gindibu the Arab . : Ras As 1,000 A mere glance at this table shows that the three most important princes of this league were Bir- idrt (Benhadad) of Damascus, Irkhuliniof Hamath, and Akhabbu of Sir’il. Besides these, two Phoen. cities were prominent in supplying troops, Irkanat (probably =‘Arka, 2)2 Gn 1017) and Shiana (or Siana, *)° of Gn 10!7, which must be corrected to “N2). Akhabbu of Sir’il is no other than king Ahab of Israel, who chose Jezreel (the modern Zer’in) for his royal residence ; and who, in his last year (B.C. 854), before he went to the war against the Syrians, in which he lost his life, had undertaken the obligation of leading an army against the Assyrians. Shalmaneser’s victory over Damascus and Hamath does not seem to have been very permanent, since on two occasions, in B.C. 849 and 846, his annals give an account of the repulse of the Syrians and their twelve allies. On the first occasion (B.C, 849), in all probability, the Israelites were present in the battle under the leadership, not of Ahab, but of his son Joram. Joram, how- ever, soon after was attacked by Benhadad, and Samaria was in a state of siege. The Syrians withdrew only upon receiving information that a hostile force was marching against Damascus. The foes, however, were not Hittites and Musrites (2 K 78, i.e. from the land of Musri in West Armenia), as the Syrians in their panic at first believed, but there is the highest probability that they were the Assyrians who, in the year 846, made a new expedition against Damascus. Finally, in the year 842 Shalmaneser made a fresh attack on Syria, this time against Bir-idri’s (Benhadad’s) successor Khaza-ilu (Hazael), whom he defeated, and ultimately besieged in Damascus. The sur- rounding country was devastated, and Shalmaneser took the opportunity of exacting tribute from Tyre, Sidon, and ‘ Jahua of the house of Omri.’ On the black obelisk already mentioned there are pictures of the ambassadors of this same Jahua, bringing gifts, with the following inscription: ‘Tribute of Jahua, son of Khumzi: silver, gold, a vessel of gold, a ladle of gold, golden drinking cups, golden buckets, tin (or lead), a staff for the king’s hand, and spear-shafts (budilkhati) I received.’ That this Jahua, in spite of the inaccuracy of the expression ‘son (i.e. according to the Assyr. use of the word, ‘of the dynasty’) of Omri,’ must be identified with Jehu of Israel, is a fact which does a dialectic variant. By this we see, at the same time, that the Heb. expression Ur-Kasdim had its origin long before the time of Shalm. u. a : 7 ASSYRIA not admit of the least doubt. Although at first a good deal of difficulty was felt on account of the dates (Ahab B.C. 854, Jehu 842), the identification of Ahab with Akhabbu of Sir’il, and of Jahua with Jehu, must now be regarded as settled. The chronology of the period of the kings of Israel, as is generally admitted, has been confused by later redactors, a fact which is clearly proved from the summary of the length of the reigns * alone. Now that the dates 854 and 842 have been absolutely fixed, we have obtained data of the highest value for restoring the original numbers in the text of the Bible (see below, under Tiglath-pileser I11). The great Shalmaneser I1., who lost his life in a rebellion, was succeeded by his son Samsi- Ramman IV. B.C. 824-812, who led expeditions against the Bab. kings Ba’u-akhi-idina and Marduk-balat-su-ikbi, and also against the land of Kaldu. Advancing into Media as far as the so- called ‘ White Mountain,’ Elwend, near Ecbatana (Hamadan), he sought to make the lands of Mannai and Parsua, to the north and east of Lake Urmia, secure against the ambition of the Armenian king Ispuinis, son of Sardu’arri I., who was eager to conquer them. His son Ramman-nirart LI. (B.0. 811-783) suc- ceeded in advancing still farther into the heart of Media—right up to the Caspian Sea. He was very young when he came to the throne. In all probability his mother, the Bab. princess Sammu- ramat (the Semiramis of Greek legend), held the regency for him at first. In Armenia, his powerful rival Menuas, who lived at Turuspa (Thosp) on the Lake of Van, caused him much trouble, wrest- ing from the Assyrians several powerful vassal states, e.g. Khani-rabbat (Melitene) and Dayaini. It is to be regretted that the account of Ramman- nirari’s campaigns against Syria and Palestine are so very scanty: ‘From the upper part of the Euphrates to the land of Khatti (North Syria), Amutiri (Coelesyria) to its farthest borders, Tyre, Sidon, the land of Omri (Israel), Udumu (Edom), and Palastu (Philistia), right up to the great western sea, I reduced to subjection and exacted tribute and imposts: I marched against the ‘‘land of asses’? (Damascus), and shut up Mari’a, king of the land of asses (mat imiri-sw), in his chief town Damascus. Dread of renowned Assur struck him to the earth: he clasped my feet and gave himself up.... His countless wealth and goods I seized in Damascus ; his residence in the midst of his royal palace.’ The Assyr. list of officers for the year 804 mentions an expedition to the town of Batali (= 12bya at the foot of Hermon ?), and for the year 797 one to Manzu’ati (332? ?), which is evidently a town of the Israelites. In one of these years Ramman- nirari’s expedition against Damascus, Edom, and Philistia must have taken place. It happened either at the end of the reign of the Isr. king Jehoahaz, or at the commencement of the reign of his successor Joash. According to the Bible, Benhadad son of Hazael was king of Damascus at the time. lf this be so, Mari’a is only a title, ike the Aramaic Marya’, ‘ Lord,’ unless we see in Mari’a a brother of Hazael of whom nothing else is known. Under the successors of Ramman-nirari, Shal- maneser III. B.C. 782-773), Assur-dan III. (B.C. 772-755), and Asswr-niraxt IL (B.C. 754-745), Assyria was always losing more territory to the Armenians. Armenia was ruled at this time by * From Rehoboam to the sixth year of Hezekiah there are 260 years, while from Jeroboam r. to Hoshea (conquest of Samaria) there are only 241. As s matter of fact, from the death of Solomon to u.o. 722 there are only 218 years. The mistake arises with regard to Pekah. Instead of Pekahiah 2 years, Pekah 20 years, we ought simply to read Pekah 2 years. Pekahiah is only the fuller form of the name Pekah. ASSYRIA 185 the mighty kings Argistis (c. B.C. 780-760) and Sardu’arri II. (B.C. 760-730), and ultimately all ‘the lands of Na’iri’ to the north of the Tigris, from Melitene to Lake Urmia, came into its possession. This period of deepest eclipse (whilst Israel flourished at the same time under Jeroboam I.) was followed by an era of prosperity, which lasted for a long time without a break under the usurper Palu or (to give him his official title) Tuklat-pal- isharra I1f., called in the Bible TViglath-pileser (B.C. 745-727), who raised Assyria to a height unreached before, and may therefore be called, and with much reason, the real founder of the great Assyrian monarchy (in its largest sense). For the first time in history Tiglath-pileser brought Babylonia, where Nabu-nazir (Nabo- nassar) reigned from B.C. 747-732 and Nabu-nadin- zir from B.C. 733-732, directly under the sway of the Assyr. sceptre. He also reconquered the territories that had been lost to Armenia, and annexed to the Assyr. empire a great part of Syria, where before there had only been at the best of times some vassal states—never any properly constituted provinces. In Babylonia, Tiglath- pileser had next to deal with the Aramezean tribes on the frontiers of Babylon and Elam, among whom the Pukfdu (Pek6éd, Ezk 2378, Jer 5021) and Gambulu played the chief part, and to whom also belonged the Nabatu,* who at later times emigrated to the north-west of Arabia. The in- stigators of this rebellion were probably the small states of the Kaldi, or Chaldeans, in the south and middle of Babylonia. The prime mover was a certain Ukinzir (Chinzeros) from Bit-Amukkan, who ultimately, in B.C. 731, succeeded in seizing the Bab. throne. Already after the defeat of the Arameans in 745, Tiglath-pileser had assumed the title ‘King of Sumer and Akkad,’ but now, after his victory over Ukin-zir, he got himself crowned ‘King of Babylon’ with great solemnity at the new-year festival of B.C. 728. In the year B.C. 744 Tiglath-pileser marched through the land of Namri (see above) right into the interior of Media to the Bikni mountains, to Demavend, that lies to the south of the Caspian Sea, in order to reassert Assyr. influence, which had been destroyed by the Armenians. He re- conquered also (B.C. 787) the provinces of Parsua and Bustus, that lie between Armenia and Media. In the North of Syria the Armenians had been driven out by Mati-el of Jakhan (also written Akhan), who was called, in accordance with his descent, Prince of Bit-Agtsi. Tiglath-pileser besieged him in his royal residence at Arpad (Tell Erfiid, north of Aleppo, the biblical Arpad), which, after three years’ resistance, fell into his hands in B.C. 740. He had previously (B.C. 743) repelled the Armenian army which tried to impede the siege of Arpad, and had defeated it in a de- cisive battle on the Upper Euphrates. Tiglath-pileser was now able for the first time to advance into the interior of Syria. In the year B.C. 7388 he conquered the town of Kullant (Calno, Is 10°), which lies to the north of Hamath, and overpowered ‘Asriya’u of Ja’udi.’t Nineteen districts of Hamath fell before him and were captured, while Kullani, which was evidently the residence of Asriya’u, became the seat of an Assyr. governor. Thereupon all the independent kings of Syria who lived in the neighbouring regions (Kustaspi of Kummukh, Razunnw of Damascus, * The Arabian Vabaydti mentioned in Assurbanipal’s inserip- tion are a totally different people. They are the Nebaioth of the OT. The Nabatu (Arab. 033), on the other hand, are the well-known Nabatwans. They were of Aramean origin, as the Nabateean inscriptions inform us. + Not Judah (7717) but a country in the north of Syria YN), as the inscription of king Panammu of Sam’al makes obvious, ASSYRIA Minikhimmi of Samirina, Hiram of Tyre, Sibitti- bi’il of Gebal, Urik of Ku’i, Pisiris of Carchemish, Ini-el of Hamath, Panammu of Sam/’al, Tarkhulara of Gurgum), and some also who lived in more re- mote districts, viz. the princes of Milid (Malatiyeh) and Tabal (Tubal), and a North-Arabian queen, Zabibi,* came to do homage to the great king. Another expedition to the West followed in the year B.C. 734, which was specially directed against Philistia, where king Khanunu (Hanno) of Gaza was defeated. The main campaign against Damascus and Israel, however, belongs to the years B.C. 733 and 732. In Israel, Pekah (Assyr. Pakakhu) had just succeeded Menahem on the throne. Rezin (Ra- zunnu), king of Syria, was defeated. Damascus was besieged (B.C. 733) and captured (B.C. 732). In Israel, Tiglath-pileser took a series of towns, in- cluding the whole land of Naphtali (2 K 1579), and Pekah was compelled to pay a very considerable tribute. In the year B.C. 731 he was murdered, and Hoshea (Assyr. Ausi’t’) was confirmed by Tiglath- pileser as king of Israel. After the fali of Damascus (B.C. 7382), which forthwith became the seat of an Assyr. governor, the following princes, Sanib of Ammon, Salaman of Moab, Mitinti of Ashkelon, Jw ukhazi (i.e. Joahaz=fuller form of Ahaz) of Judah, and Kaus-malak of Hdom, were compelled to pay tribute. Ahaz had some time previously called in Tiglath-pileser to protect him against Pekah and Rezin, who had robbed him of the harbour of Elath. The Arabian queen Samsi was also conquered by the Assyrians, who took the opportunity of advancing into the north of Arabia for the first time. ‘Thereupon certain Arab tribes, even the remote Sabzeans, sent him rich presents. The following synchronisms in Tiglath-pileser’s annals, which may be safely trusted, are of supreme importance for the chronology of Israel and Judah :— 738 3B.C., Menahem of Israel. Pekah of Israel. 732 3, Ahaz of Judah. 731(?) ,, Hoshea of Israel. To this it may be added that Rezin of Damascus, as is stated both in the Bible and in the inscriptions, was the contemporary of all these kings. If we accept B.C. 854 as the last year of Ahab, B.C. 842 as'the first year of Jehu, and B.C. 722 as the date of the destruction of Samaria, we may construct the chronology of Israel as follows :— 842 B.C., lst year of Jehu, who reigned 28 years. 814 lst year of Joahaz, no tld 797 1st year of Joash, eee LO 782 16th year of Joash and 1st year of Jeroboam Il. ,, 41 41st year of Zechariah reigned 6 months. Shallum one month. 1st year of Menahem, 10th ee Aa ” 1st year of Pekah. 731 2nd year of Pekah 730 lst year of Hoshea as 9 722 9th year of Hoshea and conquest of Samaria. There is room in this arrangement for only a two- years’ reign of Pekah. Exactly the same things are related of Pekahiah as of Pekah, and the two names are virtually the same (see above). It is clear that the original text of the Bk. of Kings had only one Pekah (or Pekahiah), who reigned 738-2 ,, * Probably she was the princess of the Bir’wans (for which we may, however, substitute Sab’wans, N3D, not to be con- founded with the Sab’wans, xni), an Arabian tribe which is always mentioned first in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser that speak of the tribute of the Arabians. (Mas’xans= xwnp, Temeans = Xp )n, Sabeans= x3w, Khayappwans =7p»y, etc.) ASSYRIA two years, between Menahem and Hoshea. The addition of Pekah’s twenty years to Pekahiah’s two was the work of a later editor, and, as a result, all the synchronisms of Israel and Judah for this period naturally fell into disorder. Instead of there being an irreconcilable antagonism between the Bible and the inscriptions in relation to chronology, the latter rather help us to correct an old error in the text of the Bible (not in the Bible itself as the word of God—only in the text), while they have essentially confirmed the truth of the biblical narrative throughout. We have still to speak of a policy which Tiglath- pileser was the first to introduce, and which essentially contributed to the strengthening of the Assyrian empire. In forming new provinces, he and his successors adopted the following plan. As the cuneiform inscriptions and the Books of Kings (e.g. 2 K 159 176) relate, all sections of the population were transplanted into distant pro- vinces, and, conversely, the territories thus left empty were settled with other prisoners of war. Finally, with regard to king Panammu of Samal, mentioned above in connexion with the year B.C. 738, the Berlin Museum now possesses several inscriptions from Zinjirli (south of Mar‘ash, Assyr. Markasi) belonging to Panam- mu’s son Bir-Rokeb (2293), which are written in old Phen. characters, and composed in a dialect which is a mixture of Can. and Aramaic. These inscriptions mention Tiglath-pileser,—the word being spelt in the same way as in the OT, apbandan (it is also on one occasion spelt >pyypnban) —calling him ws 75n, and on one occasion ‘Lord of the four quarters of the earth’ sx 1p xp rsx oyan (Assyr. shar-kibrat-irbitti, king of the four quarters of the world). Panammu, son of Bir-zur, died in the camp of Tiglath-pileser at Damascus B.C. 783 or 732, whereupon Bir-Rokeb was appointed king of Sam’al by the Assyr. king. The inscriptions of Zinjirli relate that Bir-ztr, the grandfather of Bir-Rokeb, was murdered by a usurper (probably the Asriya’u mentioned in the annals of Tiglath-pileser) from the neighbouring country of Ja’udi (1s‘), whereupon Panammu turned to Tiglath-pileser for protection. It seems that in previous times another Panammu, son of Karal, had ruled over Ja’udi (181), one of whose inscriptions (in somewhat ancient writing) has lately been found. Both these Panammu belonged to the dynasty of Gabbar, which in the time of Shal- maneser II. was in possession of Sam’al, and whose kings were called 133 129 (kings of Kabbar). The gods of Sam’al and Ja’udi are Hadad-El, Rokeb- El (who was also called na bys=Lord of the House), Shemesh, and Reshep—the last-named being a special god of Ja’udi. The name of the usurper Asriya’u (most probably=*rny) points to an Israelitish descent. A usurper of Hamath in the time of Sargon was called sometimes J1@- bi‘di, sometimes Ja’u-bi‘di, which also points to his Isr. origin. The redactors of the Books of Kings appear to have possessed information about this Asriya’u of Ja’udi, since they evidently identified him with king Uzziah* of Judah, and in many places the name »yy has been substituted in the text for ayy. Sam’al, too (=Northland), was not unknown to the Bible, for Nu 2424 evidently ought to read: ‘A vessel (?) shall come from Sam/’al (sxnwp) and boats from Kittim (Cyprus) which shall afflict Asshir (not Assyria, but=Asshurim, Gn 258, 2 S 2%), and shall afflict Eber ; moreover, he himself also (=Og of Bashan, ef. LX X) shall come to destruction.’ The whole passage refers to the attacks made by the populations of the Mediter. * Prophetic literature clearly shows that Uzziah was his onl name, as also does the well-known old Heb. Seal ‘ of Shebanyé, servant of Uzziy6,’ yy say yaw. alia dl | ASSYRIA : (Europe and Asia Minor) upon Syria and Egypt in the days of Ramses III. Tiglath-pileser was followed by Shalman-asharid Iv., the Shalmaneser of the Bible (B.C. 726-722), who was probably his son. As king of Babylon he was called Ululai (Kluleus), 7.e. ‘he who was born in the month Elul.’ Immediately after his accession to the throne, before the year B.U. 727 was over (726 was the first oficial year of his reign), he conquered the Assyr. town Shabarain(Sepharvaim, 2K 17%?). In the year B.C. 724 he began to invest Samaria, which fell at the end of a three years’ siege, in the first month of the reign of his suc- cessor Sargon, who took all the credit for this achievement, as well as for the transportation of the ten tribes, without thinking of his predecessor. The Bible account, however, very justly connects the name of Shalmaneser with the fall of the Northern Kingdom (B.C. 722). Israel now, like the kingdom of Damascus before, became an Assyr. province, Samaria being the seat of the governor. The zenith of Assyr. power was reached in the reign of the usurper Sargon* (Assyr. Sharru-ukin = ‘the king has restored order’), B.C. 721-705, who is only once mentioned in the Bible (Is 201), in connexion with the taking of Ashdod. In the very year that he entered upon his reign (‘at the beginning of his reign,’ as the official expression runs), B.C. 722, he carried of the inhabitants of Samaria, 27,290 men, to the rivers Belikh and Khabor, the river of Gozan, and the cities of Media (2 K 17°), settling Babylonian (Cuthaites) and other colonists in the territories of the conquered city. Sargon’s main political ambition was the con- solidation of Babylonia, as well as the provinces of Assyria which bordered upon Armenia, and finally Syria. This ambition was realised by the final reduction of Armenia, whose king at that time was Rusa (or Ursa), the son of Irimenas, and also by the humiliation of the Manneans t+ (712 Jer 5127), who were the most powerful allies Armenia possessed, and of the Sagarteans (Assyr. Zikirtu), an Eranian nomadic tribe which lived to the east of the Mannzans; and finally by the war against Elam. The last-named state was henceforth the most dangerous foe the power of Assyria possessed, and was always in firm alliance with the small states of South Babylonia (the so- called Chaldzeans), and above all with Bit-yakin. The prince of Bit-yakin, Marduk-pal-idina, im- mediately after the death of Shalmaneser, had seized the throne of Babylonia for himself. In B.c. 721 Sargon, who had till then been occupied with other duties, marched against him and his ally Khumbanigas of Elam. The battle was inde- cisive; and Sargon had to march against the Armenians; so that it was not till B.c. 710 that he was successful in defeating Marduk-pal-idina, and getting himself crowned king of Babylon (B.c. 709-705). This Marduk-pal-idina is the Merodach- baladan of the Bible, whose embassy to Hezekiah, which is related in 2 IK 2012 as a supplement to Sennacherib’s campaign, belongs either to B.C. 715 (first year of Hezekiah’s reign) or to 708, in which year Merodach-baladan was king of Babylon a second time. Of Sargon’s other campaigns, those against * The Hebrew ]\17D is based upon a similar word in popular use, Sarginu (=‘ mighty Be + In the year .c. 745 a Manneean governor Daiukku is men- tioned in the annals of Sargon, and in B.c. 713 a land of Bit- Daiukku between Man and Illip (in the west of Media). In Assyrian it is called Mdt Bit-Daiukku, ‘Land of the Dynasty (House of the Prince) of Daiukku.’ This Daiukku is evidently the Dejokes (Deivces) of Greek tradition, who, according to the later story, was the first king of Media. Gamir also (Gomer, Gn 10?) is mentioned as haying broken into Armenia even in the time of Sargon. ASSYRIA 187 Syria, Palestine, and Arabia have special interest for the OT student. The first, B.C. 720, was an expedition to suppress an insurrection which a certain [-bi'di,* who is also called Ta’u-bi’di, had raised in Hamath. This Ilt-bi'di had not only induced the Assyr. provinces of Arpad, Simyra, Damascus, and Samaria to revolt, but had also formed an alliance with Khantinu (Hanno) of Gaza and Sib’i (x1D 2 K 174, 7.e. Sev’e) of Hgypt. Probably Judah, where Ahaz was still on the throne, was also included in the alliance, since Sargon once calls himself (indeed before he speaks of Hamath at all) the ‘Conqueror of the remote land of Judah.’ The Egyp. army was, however, defeated at Rapikhu (Raphia, south of Gaza), and Hanno found himself in an Assyr. prison, while Ilfi-bi’di and his other allies were defeated and destroyed at Karkar (in the neighbourhood of Hamath). In the year 715 Sargon undertook a campaign into the interior of North Arabia ‘against the remote Arabians of the Desert, of whom the wise and learned knew nothing.’ The tribes of Thamtd, Ibadid, Marsiman (Gn 265!8 owan, according to LXX Macoap, 1 Ch 4% Macewau ?), and Khayappa (78%, LXX Taléa) were conquered, and partially settled in Samaria. Thereupon Pir’u (cf. ox 45 Jos 108, scarcely equivalent to Pharaoh) of Musur (the territory called Ma‘in-Muzran of the South Arabian inscriptions, in the north of the peninsula of Sinai ?), queen Samsi of Aribi (a part of North Arabia), and the Sabeean Ita’amar (1Dxyn) of the South Arabian inscriptions), ‘ the kings of the sea- coast and the desert,’ brought rich presents, among which were ‘sweet-smelling spices of the moun- tains’ (frankincense), gold, precious stones, horses, and camels. In the year B.C. 711, the same year in which the North Syrian state Gurgum (capital town Markasi, modern Mar‘ash) became an Assyr. province, t a certain Yamani, who is also called Yatna, ¢ over- threw king Akhimiti of Ashdod. When the Assyrians despatched an expedition against Ash- dod (ef. Is 20), Philistia (Pilistu), Juda (Ja’fidu), Edom (Udumu), and Moab (Ma’ab), instead of sending their presents to Assur, sent them to king Pir’u of Musur, who has been already mentioned, because they trusted to him and to Arabia (Cush, Is 203 and often in the OT). Ashdod and Gath (Gimtu) were conquered and made into an Assyr. province, but Yamani fled to the ‘king of Milukh’ (north-west of Arabia, cf. Job 39° ane, parallel to 312). It is evidently the same Pir’u of Musur who is alluded to in a parallel passage which runs, ‘He (Yamani) fled to the territory of Musur which belongs to the district of Milukh,’ the last phrase being added to distinguish this Musur from the Musur which is the equivalent of Egypt. Besides these campaigns of Sargon’s, which are of great importance for the study of the Bible, we may further mention that in B.C. 709 he received presents from seven Cyprian kings. An image of him, which is now in Berlin, was dis- covered on the island of Cyprus (see above, p. 178*). The new residence which Sargon built for him- self in Khorsabad (see above, p. 178>) was conse- crated in the year B.C. 707. In the year B.C. 705, however, he fell by the hand of an assassin, who was probably instigated by his own son Sennacherib. The latter, strangely enough, never mentions his father in his inscriptions. As far as the character of Sargon is concerned, it is sufficiently clear from * On this name, see above. Others read Ilu-ubi‘di and Ja-ubi‘di (or Ilia-ubi‘di) with much less probability. + Already, in 8.0. 717, a similar fate had befallen the powerful town of Carchemish (cf. Is 10%). Kummukh (Commagene), too, came under the power of Assyria in B.c. 708. t+ Compare the Assyrian name for C prus, Jatnana, of which perhaps Jaman, Javan (Ionia) is a parallel (dialectical) form. 188 ASSYRIA ASSYRIA his inscriptions that as ‘Father of his country’ he deserves the praise of being called a ‘righteous and noble prince’ (cf. especially on this point the very instructive cylinder inscription which has been translated by Lyon). Sin-akhi-irba (‘Sin multiply the brothers’), the biblical Sennacherib, reigned from B.C. 704-681. He it was who removed the royal residence from Kalakh back again to Nineveh, which, by exten- sive building operations, and at the expense of Babylon, which he destroyed in a very barbarous fashion, he elevated into the capital of the united empire of Assyria and Babylonia. The great palace, too, in the south-west of Kouyunjik deserves to be specially mentioned—the ‘peerless palace,’ which in later times the grandson of Sennacherib, Assurbanipal, surrounded with buildings. Nor must we forget the great arsenal (bit kutalli) at Nebi-yunus, which Esarhaddon extended, and the magnificent waterworks in the neighbourhood of Nineveh. The most important political undertakings of Sennacherib were his wars against Elam and Baby- lonia on the one side, and his expeditions to the West on the other. The only other campaign worth mentioning was one against Cilicia (properly Khilakku, the mountain district in the interior * of Cilicia) and Tabal (the biblical Tubal), which probably belongs to the year B.C. 695. Probably it is this expedition that is referred to in the re- mark of Berosus, that Sennacherib, ‘after a severe struggle conquered the Ionians who dwelt on the Cilician coast, and then [re]founded Tarsus.’ The Assyrians had also to deal with this district a second time in the days of Sennacherib, in the year B.C. 681; for at the moment when Sennacherib was murdered, the crown prince Esarhaddon was in Khani-rabbat (east of Tabal) with his troops. In Babylonia, Merodach-baladan the Chaldee, who is so well known from the inscriptions of Sargon, had established himself once more upon the throne, having allied himself for this purpose with Kudur- nankhundi of Hlam and the Aramzan nomad tribes. Sennacherib conquered Merodach-baladan and his allies, and placed a certain Bel-ibni on the throne of Babylon. After several vicissitudes, when the Elamites, as allies of Babylonia, always had a hand in the game (Merodach-baladan himself on one occasion taking part in the struggle again), in B.C. 691 the bloody battle of Khalélin, which ended unsuccessfully, or at any rate indecisively, for Sennacherib, was fought against the united armies of the Elamites, Babylonians, Aramzans, Chal- deans, and certain districts of Media. The Median districts Anzan (also written Anshan), where the dynasty of Cyrus originated, and Illip, were now, as allies of Elam, for the first time called after Parsua, the motherland of the later Persians. At last, in the year B.C. 689, Sennacherib succeeded in taking possession of Babylon, and in wreaking fearful vengeance upon it. It was levelled to the ground, and only rebuilt again in later times under Sennacherib’s gentler and nobler-hearted son Esar- haddon. Sennacherib’s great expedition to the West, which was undertaken in the year 701, began with the punishment of king Luli (Eluleus) of Sidon, who fled ‘into the sea,’ possibly to Cyprus or else to the island of Tyre, which, if we are to trust our Greek sources of information, was besieged by the Assyr. king in vain. In Sidon a new king, Tuba’al (Ethobaal), was appointed, to whom Sarepta, Akko, and other Pheen. states were given. Arvad and Gebal * Ku’i (4)P 1 K 1028), on the other hand, is the Cilician coast- land, Khilakku probably occurs in the Bible, Ezk 271 79m) 7108, ae Khelak. Thus both names for Cilicia are found in the OT. (Byblus), however, like Ashdod of Philistia and the states bordering on Judea, Ammon, Mvuab, and Edom, offered a voluntary tribute. ‘The town of Ashkelon in Philistia, whose king Sidka (Zedekiah) refused to pay tribute, together with Joppa (Yappti) and other towns, were conquered and plundered. The town of Ekron (Amkarrina) handed its king Padi, who had submitted to the Assyrians, over to Hezekiah (Ahazakiya’w) of Judah. Ekron and Judah called in to their assist- ance the king of Musur (see above) and the archers of the king of Milukh, but were defeated by Sennacherib at Eltekeh (Altaku). Sennacherib next besieged and conquered 46 fenced cities and villages of Judah, and carried off 200,150 of their inhabitants as prisoners, until at last he pitched his camp in Lachish (Assyr. Lakishu), the extreme south-western corner of Judah. Up to this point the passage in 2 K 1818 acrees with the Assyr. narrative: ‘In the fourteenth year of king Hezekiah (B.C. 701) did Sennacherib, king of Assyria, come up against all the fenced cities of Judah, and took them.’ Then the Bible account goes on to say that Hezekiah sent a message of peace to Sennacherib at Lachish, and that Senna- cherib promised to abstain from further hostilities on the payment of 300 talents of silver and 30 talents of gold (2 K 1814-16), In spite of this, as the biblical narrative continues (2 K 1817 to 198), Sennacherib sent his chief officer with an army to invest Jerusalem, but was obliged to return to Assyria again without having effected his purpose. The main points of this record agree with Senna- cherib’s own account: ‘and Hezekiah himself I shut up like a bird in a cage in Jerusalem (Ur-Salimmu), his royal city. I threw up entrenchments against him, and when any one came out of the gate of the city, I punished him. The cities that had been taken away from him I cut off from his land and gave them to the kings of Ashdod, Ekron (Padi), and Gaza. In addition to his former assessment (see above, ‘the 300 talents of silver and the 30 talents of gold’), I added other tribute, and exacted it from him. Dread of the greatness of my majesty overwhelmed Hezekiah; while the Be- dawin (? Assyr. amel Urbi) and his own special warriors, whom he had collected together to defend Jerusalem, rendered him no assistance (irsw batlati). In addition to the 30 talents of gold and 800* talents of silver, precious stones, antimony t . .. his daughters and women from his harem, male and female slaves, he sent his ambassadors after me, to bring to Nineveh an extra gift of tribute and an expression of his fealty.’ To a later period (this we must infer from the fact that mention is made of the Ethiopian king Tirhakah, called Tarkfi by Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal), belongs the account given in the Bible (2 K 19°87), It really appears as if Sennacherib had undertaken, shortly before his death, an ex- pedition against the Arabians (cf. the inscriptions of Esarhaddon, and Herodotus If. 141), and had made use of the opportunity to march a second time against Hezekiah as well. Shortly after this, on the 20th of Tebet 681 B.c., he was murdered by his own son, or, according to the account in 2 K 198’, by his two sons, Adrammelech and Sharezer. The rebellion lasted till the 2nd of Adar, about a month and a half, because Esar- haddon, who had been appointed by Sennacherib to succeed him, was at that time absent in Armenia, whither the conspirators marched against him, only, however, to be defeated. Esarhaddon thereupon ascended the throne * The annual tribute of 300 talents of silver imposed on Hezekiah was thus increased by 500 talents. + Here follows an enumeration of a series of other special presents. ASSYRIA amidst general rejoicing, on 18th of Adar 681 B.c., and set himself to the task of rebuilding the town of Babylon, towards which he had always shown special favour. Ashur-akhi-idina (i.e. ‘ Asur give still a brother’), the Hsarhaddon of the Bible, reigned from B.C. 630-669. During his reign a great danger threatened Assyria, on account of an invasion of the Cimmerians (Gimirrai; their land was called Gamir ; see above, p. 1874, note), who joined with the Medes and burst like a storm upon the country. These Cimmerians were Eranian nomads, who, according to classical tradition, had originally come from the north coast of the Black Sea, and who had threatened even in the time of Sargon to cross the Caucasus into Armenia. ‘There was a certain Dusanni of Saparda (1222, Ob v.?), an Ispakat of Ishktiza (n>vs), a Median chief Mamitiarsu, and a Kastarit of Karkassi (the Karkasia of the inscriptions of Sargon) in Media, who, in conjunction with the Mannzans, and with Tiuspa, leader of the Gimirrai, threatened the east frontier of Assyria, and more especially Kishassu, which, since the time of Sargon, had been an Assyr. town, and which probably they were suc- cessful in taking. Ashur-akhi-idina, however, ad- vanced into Media as far as Patus’arra (Marei- xopes, Strabo xv. 3), ‘to the borders of the salt desert at the verge of the Bikni mountains’ (or Demavend). In the north-west he conquered the Cilicians, who had allied themselves with Ishkallu of Tabal, Muggallu of Milida, and the Kuzzurakai, enlisting Greek soldiers against them, as Berosus narrates. Ashur-akhi-idina’s chief successes, however, were inthe West. After he had conquered and beheaded (676) the king of Sidon, Abdi-Milkut, he besieged king Ba‘al in Tyre, and brought to a successful issue a very hazardous expedition to the remote land of Bazu (13 of Job 327), in the interior of Arabia. He also led on two occasions (B.C. 674 and 671) expeditions to Egypt against the Pharaoh Tirhakah. He conquered Memphis (B.C. 671), and established over it an Assyr. vassal-king, Necho by name. The Assyr. troops advanced as far as Thebes (Nii, 83), so that Tirhakah was compelled to flee into his Ethiopian motherland. Ashur-akhi-idina was the first Assyr. king able to assunie the proud title ‘King of Assyria, Egypt, Paturisi (=Upper Egypt, pins), and Kis (Nubia or Ethiopia).’ He boasted of the palaces he built, and especially of the great arsenal in Nebi-yunus, for the rebuilding of which, he tells us, 22 kings (of whom 10 were princes of towns in Cyprus) were compelled to send materials : Ba‘al of Tyre, Manasseh (Minasi) of Judah, Kausgabri of Edom, Musur of Moab, and the kings of Ammon, Gaza, Ashkelon, Ekron, Ashdod, Gebal, and Arvad. Manasseh is also mentioned in the time of Assurbanipal, though only briefly, at the commence- ment of his reign (B.C. 668); and as the Bible account says that he reigned till 642, his trans- portation to Babylon, mentioned in the Books of Chronicles, must have taken place under Assur- banipal, and not under Esarhaddon. Esarhaddon was about to invade Egypt a third time, in B.C. 669, when he was taken ill on the journey. He died on the 10th of Arahsamna (Marcheshvan) in the same year. His son and successor, Assur-bani-pal (the Sarda- napalus of the Greeks, the Osnappar of the Bible, Ezr 41°), B.c. 668-626, was marked out by Esar- haddon as heir to the throne with great solemnity on the 12th of Iyyar B.c. 669. After coming to the throne, he allowed his brother Samas-sum-ukin (Sammughes, or Saosduchinos), in accordance with Esarhaddon’s wishes, to be crowned king of Babylon (in Iyyar B.C. 668). He was the last great king of ASSYRIA 189 Assyria. In his reign we clearly see the downfall of the Assyr. world-empire approaching. Assur- bani-pal had been educated from early youth in the arts and sciences of the Babylonians, and it is entirely owing to his literary tastes that we possess sO many remains of old Bab. literature in new Assyr. copies (see above, p. 178°). He was a real Oriental despot, keeping his generals and armies busy in the provinces and along the frontiers, while he himself lived at home, with his wives, his sciences, and the service of his gods. One of the first of Assur-bani-pal’s under- takings was directed against Egypt. ‘Tirhakah had regained possession of Memphis. The expedition, which had been broken off owing to the death of Esarhaddon, was resumed. ‘Tirhakah was de- feated and pursued to Thebes, whence, however, as before, he escaped to Ethiopia. The smaller princes of the delta were enrolled as Assyr. vassal-kings. Some of them (such as Necho of Sais) who tried to throw off the Assyr. yoke, and called in Tirhakah to help them, were compelled to go in chains to Nineveh. Necho obtained favour with Assurbanipal again, and was reinvested with the rule of Sais.* Meanwhile Tirhakah had died, and his nephew Tandamani (Tanut-Amon), son of Sabako, conquered Thebes and On (Heliopolis). Assurbanipal marched against Egypt a second time, drove out the king of Ethiopia, and made Necho’s son Psamtik (Assyr. Pisamilku) Pharaoh B.C. 663. Afterwards Psamtik, by the help of the Jonian and Carian troops which Gyges, king of the Lydians, had sent to him, succeeded in freeing himself from the control of Assyria. The Gyges, just mentioned (Assyr. Gfigu), requested help from Assurbanipal, when the Cimmerians (see above) invaded Lydia in B.C. 657. His son Ardys drove out the Cimmerians from Lydia, and after- wards conquered the whole of Asia Minor up to the river Halys. The might of Assyria spent itself, in the time of Assurbanipal, in the conflict with Babylonia and Elam. It was only after a furious struggle that Assurbanipal succeeded in defeating his insurrec- tionary brother Samas-sum-ukin (who in B.C. 648 threw himself, in despair on account of his defeat, into the flames of burning Babylon), and his allies the Elamites, and in conquering Susa B.C. 640, thus putting an end to the kingdom of Elam. Samas- sum-ukin’s other allies, the Chaldeans, the Baby- lonian Aramzans, the kings of the West (probably Manasseh was amongst them) and of Arabia (specially of Kidru, z.e. 172, and Nabayati, 7.e. ™ 22) were also subdued. These contests, however, so weakened the resources of Assyria, that revolt following on revolt was the order of the day, especi- ally in the Mannan and Median districts (between Armenia and Elam). Some expeditions against Akhsir, king of the Manneans, against Biris- khadri, a Median, and against the sons of Gdagi (cf. Ezk 38 and 39, Gog and Magog, i.e. the land of Gog) and of Sakhi (the Sakes ?), could not keep back for many decades the storm that was even now beginning to rage. With regard to the attacks instigated by Tugdammi (cf. Lygdamis, captain of the Cimmerians, Strabo i. 8. 21?) and his son Sanda-kshatra against Assyria, our information is based on dark hints contained in a prayer of Assurbanipal to Merodach, the god of the city of Babylon. Whether Assurbanipal reigned from B.C. 648-625 over Babylonia, under the name Kandalanu, known to us from contract-tablets and through Ptolemy, or whether this was the * The same thing also probably happened in the case of Manasseh, only at a later time, when Assur-bani-pal was staying in Babylon (instead of Nineveh), probably shortly after the death of his rebellious brother Samas-sum-ukin (B.0. 648), whose ally Manasseh had been. ASSYRIA name of a rival king, cannot be definitely deter- mined. We only know that after the death of Assurbanipal, the Chaldean Nabopolassar (Nabii- pal-uzur), who was originally one of Assurbanipal’s generals, obtained for himself the Bab. throne (8.C, 625-605). In Assyria itself Assurbanipal was succeeded by his son Aswr-itil-ila@ni (the fuller form of which was Assur-itil-ilani-ukin), who ruled at least four years, and by his other son Sin-shar-ishkun (at least seven years), who was probably the Sarakus of Berosus, and hence the last king Assyria ever had. It was in his day that the swamping of anterior Asia, by the Sakean Scythians (men- tioned in OT), the Umman-manda (or hordes of the Manda) of the Assyr. inscriptions, took place. This was only the prelude to theend. As anewly- discovered cylinder of the Bab. king Nabonidus relates, fifty-four years before the consecration of the temple of Sin in Harran, which had been destroyed by the Manda hordes, a Manda king, who was probably called Arbak,* working in con- junction, as the cylinder just mentioned clearly proves, with Nabopolassar (Belesys), razed to the ground the famous Assyrian capital. Nineveh probably ‘fell into the hands of the Medes in 607, after a two years’ siege, since the comple- tion of the temple of Sin seems to belong to some- where about the third year of Nabonidus (553). Nahum’s prophecy was literally fulfilled, and the whole of Western Asia breathed freely again when the stronghold of their tyrants was demolished. The small remaining territory (since the Pharaoh Necho I. had taken away Palestine and Syria) was divided between the Scythians, to whom the Medes of classical tradition (Cyaxares) belonged, and the Babylonians, Mesopotamia falling to the latter. The names Assur and Nineveh survived, to a large extent, because of the lasting effects of the influence of the Assyr. empire in politics and culture alike. Even down to the Christian era this is proved by (among other reasons) the fact that the whole district of the Euphrates and Tigris (including Babylonia) was called Assyria by the Greeks and Romans, and even to-day we call the science which has to do with the antiquities of both Assyria and Babylonia, and which has thrown new light on many important passages in Holy Writ—-Assyriology. LITERATURE.—(A) Excavations AND INsorteTions.—C.J. Rich, Residencein Koordistan and on theSiteof Ancient Nine- veh, 2 vols. 1886; A. H. Layard, Vin. and its Remains, 1848 ; The Monuments of Nin., 1849, 1853 ; P. E. Botta, Monwments de Ninivé, 5 vols. Paris, 1849-51; A. H. Layard, Inscriptions in Oun. Char. 1851; P. H. Gosse, Assyria, her Manners and OQustoms, London, 1852; A. H. Layard, Discoveriesinthe Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, 1853; Felix Jones, Topography of Nineveh (3 large maps of the whole country between the Tigris and the Upper Zab), 1855; H. Rawlinson, Cun. Inser. of W. Asia, 5 vols. 1861-84; G. Smith, Assyr. Discoveries - Hxplor. and Discov.on Siteof Nineveh, 1875; Delitzschu. Haupt, Bettr. 2. Assyriologie wu. sem. Sprachwissensch. 8 vols. Leipzig, 1889- 96; Assyr. Bibliot. 13 vols. Leipzig, 1881-96. (B) Tue Laneuaar.—Oppert, Lléments de la Grammaire Aasyr. Paris, 1860; Sayce, dn Assyrian Grammar for Com- parative Purposes, London, 1872; Friedr. Delitzsch, Assyrian Grammar, tr. by Kennedy, Berlin, 1889; also Assyr. Hand- worterb. Leipzig, 1894-96 ; C. Bezold, Kwrzgf. Ueberblick tiber die Bab.-Assyr. Literatur. Leipzig, 1896. ((’) ComprLatrions(periodicals, journals, ete.).— 7SBA. London, 1872-18938, 9 vols.; PSBA. London, 1878-1896, 18 vols. ; Zetitsch. f. Keilschrififorschung, founded by F. Hommel, edited by OC. Bezold and F. Hommel, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1884 and 1885; Zeitsch. f. Assyriologie (continuation of above), edited by O. Bezold, Leipzig, 1886-96, 11 vols.; Recueil de travaux relatifs ad la philologie et av Archéologie Egyp. et Assyr. ed. by G. Maspero, Paris, 1879-96, 18 vols.; Revue d’ Assyriologie et d’ Archéologie, ed. by Oppert and Ledrain, Paris, 1884-96, 3 vols.; Bab. and Orient. Record, a monthly magazine, ed. by de Lacouperie, * According to Ctesias, he was called Arbakes. A clear allusion to this name is found in Nabonidus’ cylinder inscription, ‘Vengeance took (riba tukt?) the fearless king of Manda’; ef. turru tukty (=shakan gimilli), to take vengeance, and Heb. 2°9, 158 2539, Justini.3 gives the fuller form Arbactus (prob. the Eranian Arba-tukhta, of which Arbak is a form of endearment), ASTONISHED 1887-93, 6 vols.; RP, being Eng, tr. of the Assyr. and Egyr. Monuments, vols. 1,3, 5, 7,9, 11, London, 1878 fol. ; New Series, London, 1888, fol. ; Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, collection of Assyr. and Bab. Texts, inscribed and translated, ed. by E. Schrader, vols. 1 and 2 (Assyr. Kénigs-inschr.), Berlin, 1889-90. (D) Arr.—Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de V Art dans UV Antiquité, vol. ii. Chaldéens et Assyriens, Paris, 1884; 8. Birch and T. G. Pinches, Bronze Ornaments from Balawat, 4 pts. 1880-82. (2) GroGkapny OF ASSYRIA, AND ITS RELATIONS TO THE OT.— Schrader, Keélinsch. und Geschichtsforschung ; Hin Beitrag zur monumentalen Geogruphie, Geschichte, und Chronologie der Assyrer, Giessen, 1878 ; Delitzsch, Fried. Wolag das Para- dies? (pp. 169-329 give a detailed description of the geography of Upper Asia, based on the Assyr. Royal Inscriptions) ; Delattre, LD Asie Occidentale dans les inscriptions Assyriennes, Brux- elles, 1885; Schrader, COT"? tr. from the Germ. by O. C. White- house, 2 vols. London, 1889. (f) Spnctat Booxs on THE History or Assyr1A.—George Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World, 4 vols. London, 1862-67 ;4thed, 1879 (Assyria= the second “monarchy) ; George Smith, Assyria from the Harliest Times to the Fall of Nineveh, London, 1875; Hommel, Geschichte Bab. uw. Assyr., Berlin, 1885-89 (pp. 58-184 give a detailed account of the decipherment and excavations); C. P. Tiele, Bab.-Assyr. Gesch. 2 vols. Gotha, 1886 and 1888; Winckler, Gesch. Bab. wu. Assyr., Leip. 1892; Altorient. Forschungen, Leip. 1893-95 ; Lincke, Assyrien wnd Nineveh in Geschichte und Sage nach B.0. 607, Berlin, 1894. F, HOMMEL. ASTAD (A’Acrad, B’Apyat, AV Sadas).—1322 or 8622 of his descendants are mentioned as returning with Zerubbabel (1 Es 518), He is called Azgad (72!) in the can. books; and 1222 descendants are mentioned in the parallel list in Ezr 212 (B ’Aoyd8, A?’AByd5), 2322 in Neh 7!7(B ’Agydd, & "Aordd, A ’"Ayerdd). He appears as Astath (Acrdé), 1 Es 888, when a second detachment of 111 return under Ezra (=Ezr 8!2, B’Aordd, A’A¢yd6). Azgad appears among the leaders who sealed the covenant with Neh. (Neh 10% B ’Aayad, A ?AGyd3). H, St. J. THACKERAY. ASTATH.—See ASTAD. ASTONIED, the past part. of the old verb astony, of which astonish is a later corruption,* is found only in OT, but there ten times, Ezr 93: 4, Job 178 18”, Is 5214,+ Jer 149, Ezk 417, Dn 3% 419 69, RV retains ‘astonied’ (and even changes ‘aston- ished’ into ‘astonied’ at Ezk 31); but Amer. RV prefers ‘astonished,’ except Dn 5° where RV and Amer. RV give ‘perplexed’ (¥2¥, the only occurrence). See ASTONISHED. J. HASTINGS. ASTONISHED.—This part. (the finite verb does not occur) had undoubtedly more force when AV was made than it has now. Perhaps the verb astound, which started off later from the orig. astonien or astunien, has carried away some of its strength. The orig. idea was to stun or stupefy as with a thunderbolt (Lat. extonare ‘to thunder’; ef. Milton, Hist. of Britain, ‘Astonished and struck with superstition as with a planet’; and the Argument to Par. Lost, Bk. i., ‘Satan with his Angels lying on the burning lake, thunderstruck and astonished’) ; then to shock mentally, bewilder. The earliest occurrence of the part. seems to be in Coverdale’s Bible (1535) at Jer 2!2, which was re- tained in AV, ‘Be a., O ye heavens, at this, and be horribly afraid.’ It is used 14 times in OT astr. of 92%, once (Job26") of N29, In NT it is tra of extArjoow 10 times (9 times in Gosp., and always in ref. to Christ’s words, except Mk 7% of His works; once in Ac 13! ‘being a. at the teaching of the Lord’) ; of ét/arnu: 6 times, of dauBéw and AduBos * ‘The suffix ish is, in most other words, only added where the derivation is from a French verb ending in -¢7, and forming its pres. part. in -issant; so that the addition of it in the present case is unauthorized and incorrect. It was probably added merely to give the word a fuller sound, and from some dislike to the form astony, which was the form into which the M.E. astonien had passed.’—Skeat, Hiymol. Dict.? 8.0. + In this great passage (Is 5214) the edd. of AV subsequent to 1638 have generally changed what Scrivener calls ‘the pathetic astonied ’ into ‘the more commonplace astonished.’ The Camb, Bible restores it. ASTROLOGIAN ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY 191 weptexe. once each.” RV retains ‘a.’ throughout On, but in NT changes it into ‘amazed,’ when the Gr. is other than ékzAjcow. Astonishment is found only once in NT, Mk 5® ‘they were a with a great a.’ (RV ‘amazed with a great amaze- ment,’ Gr. éxcraots) in ref. to the raising of Jairus’ daughter. But RV adds Mk 16° ‘trembling and a. had come upon them’ (Gr. ékoracis, AV ‘they trembled and were amazed’). In OT a. is more frequent. In Ps 60° ‘thou hast made us to drink the wine of a.’ (abyna, RV ‘staggering’), the obs. ay sense of stupefaction is conveyed. (Cf. s 51" ‘thou hast drunken the bowl of the cup of staggering [same Heb.], and drained it.’) As tr™ of apy ‘a.’ freq. means an object of a., and always in a strong sense; esp. in Jer., as 2518 ‘to make them a desolation, an a., an hissing, and a curse.’ J. HASTINGS. ASTROLOGIAN is the more accurate form, having the classical termin. -anus added to a class. root. But while the analogous form theologian held its ground, astrologer with the Eng. term. -er drove this out. It is found in Dn 2%, AV 1611, and Camb. Bible, but is replaced by astrologer in nearly all mod. editions. . HASTINGS. ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY. — Heavenly bodies, in Genesis, are called ‘lights’ or ‘ bodies giving light’ (7ixp, pl. nhkp ma’ér, médroth). Dill- mann (Genesis) remarks that in no other work (of creation) is the object of their creation so fully indicated, and asks whether a silent contrast to heathen superstition, which was attached to the stars, may not lie therein. The object of the heavenly bodies is stated to be ‘to divide between the day and the night,’ and ‘for signs, for seasons, and for days and years,’ and it is for this purpose that they are fixed (lit. ‘given,’ opk jan, ‘and he [Godj gave them’) in the firmament. The whole account of the creation and placing of the heavenly bodies is, in fact, based on the old geocentric view of the ancient astronomers, which mainly prevailed until the birth of modern astronomy. The account as given in Gn, however, is correct for the time at which it was written, and suited the needs of the people to whom it was addressed. The heavenly bodies were among the great marvels of the creative power of God, and they are taken purely and simply from the point of view of what they are for us, and the effect they have upon our minds, regardless of any precpnceived or acquired scientific ideas and theories that we may possess. Not less than the Hebrews did the Babylonians and Assyrians regard the heavenly bodies as for signs and: seasons, days and years; and this view was associated with their usual heathen ideas that the heavenly bodies were divinities. The following translation of the portion of the Bab. creation story, corresponding with Gn 1, will form a basis of comparison with the two accounts :— “He (Merodach) formed the stations of the great gods— stars were their likeness ; he caused the lwmasi + to be set; he ok Bed the year; be outlined the forms (of the constella- he Caneel Niece stars { to be assigned to each of the 12 months; from the day of the year § he formed the figures ; he caused the station of Jupiter || to be founded to make known their limits, that an error might not be made, that none might sin. * Besides izicrnus (Jth 1116 1317 151, Sir 4318, 1 Mac 1622) and Ocepej3iw (Wis 173, 1 Mac 68), the Apocr. gives ‘a,’ as tr™ of rapéccw ‘Jth 147), eretw (Jth 1611), ixranoow (Wis 134), and zetarAjoow 2 Mac 3%), thereby showing more clearly the force of the Eng. word. + The Zumasi were seven in number, and seem to have been constellations, among them being Arcitenens. ¢ Or, possibly, constellations. ; § Apparently =new year’s day. {So Jensen. The original word is Nibiru, regarded by Fried. Delitzsch in 1885 as being=Heb. 132 ma’abhar, ‘place of passing,’ here =‘ zodiac.’ He set with him the station of Bel and fa; he opened then great gates on both sides, the bolt he made strong on the left and the right— in its middle-point the zenith. He caused Nannaru (the moon) to shine, (and) he ruled the night, he semcuated him also as the thing of the night, to make known the time. Monthly, without failing, he enclosed (him) in a ring, at the beginning of the month to shine in the evening, the horns proclaiming to make known the division (of time}— on the seventh day with a (half)-ring.’ At this point the text is mutilated ; but after the placing of the moon, the chief god of the Babylonians is represented as turning his attention to the sun, and ‘when the sun arrived on the horizon of heaven,’ he seems to have addressed and directed him as to his course. Imperfect as the Bab. text here is, it is nevertheless easy to see that it is the account of a nation who knew much more of astronomy, on the whole, than the Hebrews. This is, in fact, indicated by the large number of tablets from Babylonia and Assyria referring to astrology that have been found, as well as those referring to astronomy proper, in which the stars and planets are enumerated and classified, and their positions sometimes described. Catalogues of these works were made, and explanations how to use them were given. References, not only to stars, but also to comets, are found, but they are comparatively rare. The Hebrews, in OT, do not seem to have looked on the stars from an astronomical or astrological point of view, but rather as signs placed in the heavens, one of their most important func- tions being to show the power of the Almighty. Thus we are told that He created them (Gn 116, Job 99, Ps 88 ete.), counts them, names them (Ps 1474), and has the whole of them in His power (Job 97). To the horrors of His judgment-day it belongs that the stars lose their brightness (Is 1310, Ezk 327, Lk 2125, Jn 320, Rev 812), fall from heaven like withered leaves (Is 344—the stars are here called ‘all the host of heaven’),—a simile in all probability derived from the observation of falling or ‘shooting’ stars, just as the reference, in Jude v.13, to ‘wandering stars’ possibly derived its origin from the comets which came to excite the wonder and terror of the world. In the expression ‘courses’ of the stars (Jg 5?) it is the planets that are referred to. The distance of the stars from the earth seermn to have struck the nations of the ancient world, hence the mention of the stars in Job 2212, cf. also Is 1418. The com- parison of their brightness is made in 1 Co 1641, and their great number referred to in He 1113, - The stars are, as a rule, indicated by the usual word 33:2 kékab, Arab. kawkab, Syr. kawkebd, Eth. kawkab and kokab, Assyr. kakkabu. One of the poetic expressions for ‘stars’ is 772 °35'3 ‘ stars of the morning,’ an expression applied apparently to the angels (Job 38’); and the words ‘ morning star’ could also be applied to a man who was con- sidered to be great, like the high priest Simon (Sir 50°); to a thing greatly to be desired, as ‘salvation’ (2 P 1") and ‘heavenl glory > (Rev 2”) ; and, finally, to Christ Himself (Rev 22'°). The date at which the stars were divided into constellations is very remote, and there is consider- able uncertainty as to the pea period and the people with whom this division had its origin. In all probability, however, it is due to the Chal- dzeans, who seem to have had it from the Ak- kadians, most of the names of the signs of the zodiac and constellations being written in the non- Sem. dialect of ancient Babylon. The Hebrews, in their turn, may have obtained their knowledge of the constellations from the Chaldzans, but we have no real evidence of the fact. The well-known constellation of the Great Bear, wy ‘ash (Job 9°) or wy ‘ayish (fem. Job 38%),* is said to be connected with na‘sh ‘a bier,’ the name of that constellation in Arabic. The ‘sons’ of ‘Ayish (vy) are spoken of in Job 38%, and are regarded as the three stars in the tail of the bear, a parallel to the Arab. expression banat na'‘sh ‘the daughters of the bier,’ which means the * For ‘ the bear’ of the RV the AV has ‘ Arcturus’ 192 ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY same thing. The Arab. legend connected with the constellation of the Great Bear is as follows :— Na‘sh having been killed by Gedi (the pole star), the children of Na’‘sh (the sons in front with the body of their father, the daughter behind with the nurse, who carries a child in her arms) go round nightly seeking the murderer, with the hope of avenging their father’s death. Canopus VERS Suhél), how- ever, wishes to go to the help of Gedi, but, having set out too late, finds himself always foiled, not being able to reach his point in time to prevent the approaching catastrophe. Whether some legend similar to this was attached to the constellation by the ancient Hebrews is uncertain, and, whilst admitting a likeness in the Heb. and Arab. names, the differences in their forms must, nevertheless, not be forgotten. Fried. Delitzsch points out that the Heb. wy elsewhere (Job 4” etc.) means ‘a moth,’ and that a star bearing that name (sdsu ‘moth ’) seems to have been known to the Assyro- Saal atren (WALT ii. 49,64). M. A. Stern (in the Jiid. Zeitschr. 1866) regards this constellation as the Pleiades. Another constellation mentioned is Orion, in Heb. bpp (Job 9° 38%, Am 58), pl. opp (Is 13%).* The word means, literally, ‘the fool,’ or ‘ impious one,’ corresponding with Arab. jabbar, Syr. gabbara,t Chald. niphla ‘the giant,’ the name given to this constellation by the Semites of old because regarded as the figure of s man—probably one of the larger male figures seen on those Bab. boundary-stones which show figures of the constellations. Gesenius suggests that they (the Hebrews, etc.) seem to have looked on this constellation as the figure of an impious giant bound in the sky, whence Job 38! * Canal thou loose the bands of Orion?’ The plural in Is 13 ‘ constellations,’ means, literally, ‘the Orions ’—the giant constellations of the sky, prominent by their brightness. A very ingenious suggestion is that quoted in the Chronicon Pas- chale, Cedrenus, John of Antioch, and others, from Pers. sources, that Chesil or Orion is the impious giant Nimrod chained to the heavens. This, however, is late, and probably has no solid basis as its origin. The well-known passage in Job (9°) supplies us also with the fab for the Pleiades, 122 kimah, Syr. kima, Arab. thurayyd, words meaning ‘ heap,’ ‘cluster,’ ‘plenty,’ ‘multitude,’ from the seven larger stars and the smaller ones closely grouped therewith. The Arabs also call the Pleiades an-najm ‘the star,’ or ‘cluster’ par excellence, said to be so named on account of their monthly conjunction with the moon, by which they served to measure time, and thus rule the calendar. In Job 38%, mp2 nw, ‘the cluster (AV ‘sweet influences’) of the Pleiades’ is mentioned, corre- sponding with the Arab. ‘akd ath-thurayya. The Rabbis (see R. David Kimchi in his Lexicon) thought that the ‘ bands of the Pleiades’ referred to their influence upon vegetation, kimah having eat cold, and binding up the fruit, though R. saac described the influence of the Pleiades as being the reverse of this, ripening the fruits. In the Pers. pects (Sadi, Hafiz, etc.) these stars are regarded as a brilliant rosette with a central star, etc. The popular name used by Luther, ‘ die Glucke,’ t.¢. ‘ the clucking hen,’ reminds one of the English name ‘hen and chickens,’ and the French poussi- niére, O.F. pulsiniére. The appearance of the constellation of the Pleiades being conventionally that of a large star surrounded by several smaller * The LXX has “Errspos in Job 99; ’Qpiay in Job 3831, The ee Amos 58 differs entirely from the received text of e Heb. + Also called in Syr. ‘iyatha, a word which is said also to mean Aldebaran, Capella, and the Pleiades. ones, was likened to a brood-hen with her chickens under her wings, hence this name; and for this reason the Pleiades were also supposed to be the same as Succoth-benoth, which is rendered by R. David Kimchi ‘hen (with) chickens.’ This name for the Pleiades, which occurs in the Targ. to Job, is said also to be usual with the Arabs, ether the Hebrews of ancient times had also this idea, is uncertain, and seems to be improbable. It is to be noted that Fried. Delitzsch denies the meaning ‘star-cluster’ for this constellation, and connects p'2 kimah with the Assyr. kimtu ‘family,’ ex- plaining it as the ‘ family of stars,'—an etymolo which does not invalidate, as will be seen, the popular legends concerning it. m3 wp; ‘the fleeing serpent,’ or ‘swift serpent’ (Job 261), has been regarded as the sign of the dragon, between the Great and the Little Bear; but this identification is very uncertain. It would seem, however, to be something connected with the sky, as is indicated by the first part of the verse: ‘ By his spirit are the heavens garnished’ (RV), or, ‘ beauty ’ (m). The sign of the Twins (Castor and Pollux, AV; The Twin Brothers, RV; Gr. Acédcxovpor) is men- tioned as the name of a ship in Ac 28",* The word ni} mazzdréth (a plural form, Job 38*3), is, with common consent, regarded as signi- fying ‘the signs’ of the zodiac, which come forth in their season,’ and, as is implied, could not be led forth by aman. In 2 K 23° occurs the word nibyo mazzaloth, translated ‘planets’ in the AV and RV, with the marginal reading ‘ twelve signs’ of the zodiac. This word is compared by Jensen and others with the Assyr. manzalts, WAI iii. 59. 35, a comparison which is not without its difficulties, as, if correct, it would imply complete ignorance of the root of the Assyr. word on the part of the Heb. scribes, manzalti being for manzazti,t by a common law of interchange between z and /— ignorance which would not, however, be altogether inexcusable, as the Chaldee form is xtbyp mazzda- laya, and, though unprovided with the feminine ending, would present the same root, the individual signs being 732, mazzal. The Chaldee forms them- selves, however, seem rather to increase the diffi- culty of connecting nibyp with the Assyr. manzalti. That expression in Job 9° which accompanies the names of the constellations, namely, jpn 275 hadré témdn, ‘the chambers of the south’ (=Arab. akhadir al-janib or mukhadi’ al-janiub), is one of peculiar interest. Gesenius would render it ‘the most remote southern regions’; but it seems better to regard it as meaning ‘the southern con- stellations,’ some of which, in all probability, re- ie aes pictorially ‘chambers, from which eathen (divine) creatures looked out, similar to the reliefs representing the constellations on the Bab. boundary-stones. Should this explanation be correct, ‘the chambers of the south’ would be in contradistinction to mazzaroth or mazzaloth ‘the constellations’ (of the north), but the un- certainty of the exact signification of the two expressions makes every attempt at explanation unsatisfactory. A point to be noted is that an Arab. translation of Job 9° mentions ‘ the heart of the south,’ a name of Suhel or Canopus, the princi- pal star in the constellation of the Ship (Delitzsch, Job, 2nd ed. p. 128 n.), which marks, by its rising, *The Bab. names of the signs of the zodiac were (about B.0. 500) as follows: The Workman=the Ram; Mulu and the Bull of Heaven=Taurus; Stb-zi-anna, and the Great Twins= Gemini ; Allul=Cancer ; the Great Dog=Leo; the Ear of Corn= Virgo; Zibanit = Libra; the Scorpion = Scorpius; Papi = Arcitenens ; the Fish-goat=Caper ; Gula=Amphora; the Water- channel and the Tails=Pisces. There were also many other constellations, the number of which is uncertaing ae changes would be i, manzarti, manzalti, mas i. ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY the season in which the fruit becomes ripe through the increase of the heat. The ‘heart of the south’ would seem to go with and explain the ‘ chambers of the south.’ Venus is apparently mentioned (Is 141%) under the name 557 Aélél, ‘the shining one,’ with the addition v2 ‘son of the morning,’ t.e. Lucifer, the day-star, a name of Venus as the morning star, to which the king of Babylon is, in this passage, compared. This Heb. word agrees in meaning with that used for Venus in Arab., namely, zwharah ‘ splendid (star),’ and is from the same root as the Assyr. é/élu ‘to be bright.’ Strange to say, however, no Assyr. name for Venus from this root has been as yet found, the word generally uoted, mustiilu, being a ghost-word, due to a aulty copy.* As the Assyrians knew, from the earliest times, that Venus as a morning and as an evening star was the same, it is probable that the Hebrews were aware of the fact also.t In Am 5%, where it is said, ‘Yea, ye have borne Siccuth your king, and Chiun your images, the star of your god, which ye made to yourselves’ (RV), there is oy any doubt that Chiun (}3 kiyytin) is the Assyr. kdawanu (or, as read by some, kaiwanu), the planet Saturn, which was known to the Bab. and Assyr. under that name, preserved in Arab. under the torm kaiwdn, and in the Peshitta as kaiwdand, and of which the ‘Paddy of the LXX is supposed to be a corruption. The pointing of the Has, form is regarded by Schrader as incorrect, and he therefore writes, upon the model of the Arab., ete., "2 kéwan.$ Chiun or Kéwan does not properly belong to Heb. astronomy, but it probably cives us the name of the planet Saturn among the Hebrews, who seem to have worshipped him under the form of the star which represented him. Mention of the sun is common, but the passages in which it is referred to are rather general than truly astronomical. It is used to indicate the time of the day, as ‘when the sun went down’ (Gn 151”), ‘ till the sun be hot’ (Neh 78) ; comparison, as ‘clear as the sun’ (Ca 6%), ete. ete. In the account of the Creation it is called the ‘ greater’ of the ‘two great lights’ (Gn 18), made ‘to zule the day,’ and set in the firmament of the heaven ‘ to ive light upon the earth,’ and, with the lesser ight, ‘to divide the light from the darkness’ (vv.1619), The sun would also be included among the lights in the firmament of the heaven in v.™, which were ‘for signs, and for seasons, and for days and years.’ It will be seen from this that the astronomical ideas of the Hebrews with regard to the sun were strictly those of an observer on the surface of the earth, and were based upon the strictly practical view of its value in the matters of everyday life—in fact, they were the ideas Senaially held by the people of that and succeeding ayes until the birth of modern astronomy. If we had the Bab. account of the Creation complete, we should in all probability find therein views em- bodying those in the first chap. of Genesis. What may be regarded as a poetical astronomical view of the sun in his course is that contained in Ps 19*-5, where the ‘tabernacle of the sun’ is men- tioned, and he is compared to ‘a bridegroom coming out of his chamber,’ and ‘rejoicing as a strong * The Assyr. word for the planet Venus is generally read Dilbat, more correctly Delebat (Asdé¢ger), explained as Nabat kakkabu ‘the star Nabat,’ or ‘(she who) proclaims.’ 1 It is to be noted that the Heb. word hélél is masc., and in this resembles Heosphoros (Hesperus); but the name in Assyr., Arab., etc., is fem. The name Lucifer, applied to Satan, is due to Hieronymus and the Fathers of the Church, and apparently had its origin in the legend of the fall of the angels, introduced into the works of Bishop Avitus, the poet Cedmon, and Milton in Par. Lost (cf. Lk 1018, Rev 127"), t Schrader reads in the same passage Sakkath for Siccuth, and compares this word with the cuneiform Sak-kut, one of the names of the god Ninip, worshipped of old in Babylonia. VOL. I.—12 ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY 193 man to run his course.’ This poetical description of the sun, however, reminds one of those Bab. cylinder-seals on which the sun-god is represented as a man, from whom rays of light stream forth so dazzling that the divine attendants who open the doors which enclose him are obliged to look the other way whilst performing this duty.* The going forth of the sun ‘from the end of heaven,’ and the ‘circuit unto the ends of it’ (v.‘), refer, naturally, to the daily journey of the sun, which, as it would seem from this passage, had been noticed to be a curved course in the heavens. As with the Babylonians and Assyrians, the sun was used to mark the points of the compass, east being ‘the rising sun,’ west ‘the setting sun,’ ete. The indication of the different parts of the day from the position of the sun was, no doubt, from actual observation, the use of sun-dials (see below) not being by any means common in the ancient East. For further information see SUN. There is no express mention of eclipses in the Bible, but certain expressions, such as ‘ I will cause the sun to go down at noon, and I will darken the earth in the clear day’ (Am 8%), have been regarded as referring to something of the kind. In the case of the above quotation, the fact that noon is mentioned in connexion with the sun going down might well refer to an eclipse; but in the case of Mic 3%, Zec 14°, Joel 2! 8! 35, which were formerly taken to refer to eclipses, this can hardly be the reference, as the phenomena accompanying the obscuration of the sun and the moon do not favour that view. So also the passing reference in Jer 15° ‘her sun is gone down while it was yet day,’ can only mean that ‘ good fortune has ceased for her.’ Reference to an eclipse has heen seen also in 2 K 204, Is 388, where the shadow going back ten degrees on the dial of Ahaz is spoken of ; but real observation under natural conditions would be necessary before accepting this as being conclusive or even probable. This supposed eclipse has been identified with an annular eclipse ut the sun in 689 B.C. (Bosanquet in the Trans. Soc. Bibl. Archeology, vol. iii. p. 31 ff., vol. v. p. 261, etc.). The same writer also understands Ezk 3018 327: § to refer to the total eclipse of the sun in B.C. 556; but there is the same objection to this as to the supposed references in Micah, Zech., and Joel. e Hebrews had more than one word for the moon (see Moon), serving to designate the luminary in a general sense, when full, and when new. The apparent motions of the moon were well known to the Hebrews, as it was by that heavenly body that their festivals were fixed; and it has a special importance, because the Heb. year, like that of the abylontanit was lunar, and was used to fix ‘signs and seasons’ more, provesty than any other heavenly body. The moon played a part just as pee in Bab. astronomy, for there was not only a large series of forecasts connected with its movements, but it was also used, as with the Hebrews, to determine the beginning of the month, and thus to fix the dates of the various festivals, etc. (FESTIVALS). The Heb. idea of the moon as ‘the lesser light to rule the night,’ finds its echo in the Bab. account of the creation of the heavenl bodies (translated above), in which she is describe as the ruler of the night, the indicator of the beginning of the month, and apperenuy (by her changes) the divider of the month into weeks. It is not unlikely that the Hebrews learned these astronomical uses of our satellite from the Baby- lonians, probably at some early period, and also during the Captivity, by which time Bab. * ical hymn to the sun-god, from Borsippa, Ransitee ban when going to rest, and a of the peeceical of the bolts and the satisfaction of the door of heaven on his arriva] at the end of his daily journev. 194 ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY astronomy had made great progress. Eclipses of the moon seem not to be referred to in the Bible. In all preanty most of the nations of the ancient East had, like the Babylonians and Assyrians, professional astrologers, by whom the stars were consulted, horoscopes drawn, and lucky days predicted, for such as wished to know what the future had in store for them, so that they might ‘know the ordinances of heaven,’ and their ‘ dominion in the earth’ (Job 38%). The Hebrews, however, seem to have been less of astrologers than the nations around, for the prophet Jeremiah (10?) exhorts them not to learn the way of the nations, and not to be dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the nations were dismayed at them, implying that the Hebrews, at least at that time, did not imitate ‘the nations’ in the matter of astrology to any great extent, though there was, in truth, a tendency todoso. The antiquity and reality of the belief in the influences of the stars in the ancient East is well brought home to us in Deborah’s triumphal song, where she says ‘the stars in their courses fought Ape Sisera’ (Jg 5°), which, though only a poetical figure, is sufficiently characteristic. Older, however, than the above, are the many tablets of the Babylonians and Assyrians referring to forecasts. Through a long series of years, prob- ably extending into four millenniums, these nations seem to have carried on observations, which they _ quoted, with the omens derived from current events, for future reference. Again and again, moreover, we meet with communications which assed between the Assyr. kings and the astrologers, in which the former inquired what the stars indi- cated with regard to Assyria and the nations around. Thus we meet with such predictions as, ‘If, upon the 16th day (of the month Ab), an eclipse happen, the king of Akkad will die, Nergal (z.e. pestilence) will destroy the land.’ ‘If, on the 16th day (of the month Elul), an eclipse happen, the king of a foreign land or the king of Hatte will come and take the throne. Rain from heaven and flood from the channel will overflow.’ The planets and the sun and moon also furnished omens of a similar nature, for it was supposed that what had happened before would, under similar astral influences, es again. When, accordingly, the Hebrews came into close contact and relationship with the Assyrians and pabylonians, they found them to be nations among whom astrology, far from being forbidden and in disfavour, was a recognised institution, resorted to by all, from the king downwards—a venerable ‘science.’ The desire to know the future was, no doubt, as strong in the breasts of the Hebrews as in those of their conquerors, and they must often have resorted to those ‘astrologers,’ ‘stargazers,’ and ‘monthly prognosticators’ (Is 478) of whom the prophet speaks so contemptuously. The astrologers are called oy 3h (Keré), generally rendered ‘ dividers of the heavens’; the stargazers o'33129 oh, lit. ‘those who gaze on the stars’; the monthly prognosticators py owind, AVm ‘that give knowledge concerning the months’ — probably those who predicted at every new moon what was likely to happen during the coming month. In Dn 1” 2? ete., the RV has rightly ‘enchanters’ for the ‘ astrologers’ (D’Ayx) of the AV, and the same remark holds good for the Aramaic form j’5yx in v.”” etc. These iblical expressions for the various kinds of astrologers, it must be noted, are, to all appearance, true Hebrew words, not borrowings from the Assyrians and Babylonians, showing, in all pro- bability, that celestial forecasts were far from being altogether novelties with the Hebrews. Nevertheless, as has been already remarked, they seem to have been generally averse to divination of this kind, partly on account of the general pro- ATARGATIS hibition against the use of divination and the ractice of augury (Dt 184, 2 K 21°), partly ecause such $ the people as were rigid monotheists (and among these we must class all OT writers) looked upon the heavenly bodies as the objects of adoration by the heathen nations around, and mentioned them therefore but seldom —partly because they had but little need to speak of them, but also because they wished to avoid reference to those things likely to call up in the mind of the reader heathen practices. T. G. PINCHES. ASTYAGES (’Acrudyys, 80 Herodotus, Xenophon ; Assyr. Istuvigu) was the son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes, and succeeded to the throne on the death of his father, B.c. 584. His wife was the daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, his sister was the queen of .Nebuchadrezzar of Babylon, and - Cyrus was his daughter’s son by a Persian father. According to Bel and the Dragon (v.1), when A. was gathered to his fathers, ‘Cyrus of Persia re- ceived his kingdom.’ Not, however, in the way of ordinary succession. Herodotus (i. 127-130), con- firmed by the Annalistic Tablet af Cyrus (RP 2nd Ser. v. 159) records that when A. marched against the disaffected Persians under Cyrus, his own troops deserted him or would not fight, and he was de- feated and taken prisoner, thus losing his crown in B.C. 549, after a reign of 35 years. He was the last of the line of Median kings (known,on the monuments as kings of the Manda), \ffio had reigned 150 years—the list being as foliows :— Deioces (Daiukku), B.c. 699-646 ; Phraortes (Fra- vartis), B.C. 646-624; Cyaxares (Kastariti), B.C. 624-584 ; Astyages (Istuvigu), B.C. 584-549. Leen eee = po ae bs ie fet vol fii . .); Stor e Nations, Media, . Viil., ix. ; Sayce, yom p. Nin ff. rg Bab.-Assyr. Geschichte, Pr iN ies” . NICOL. ASUR (‘Acovp, AV Assur), 1 Es 5°!.—His sons returned among the temple servants under Zerub- babel. Called Harhur (xn7p, ‘Apovp), Ezr 2, Neh 7°, ASYLUM.—See REFUGE. ASYNCRITUS (’Actyxpiros, "Aove-, Asyncritus), Ro 16'4,—A Christian greeted by St. Paul with four others ‘and the brethren that are with them,’ erhaps members of the same small community. The name occurs in Rom. Ins. CUZ vi. 12,565, of afreedman of Augustus. See Sanday and Headlam, Romans, p. 427. For later traditions, which may be neglected, see Acta Sanct., April, i. 741 ; June, iv. 6. A. C. HEADLAM. ATAD (7x7 373, ‘thorn’), Gn 50!-".—Appears to have been ‘ over Jordan’ (see ABEL-MIZRAIM), a threshing-floor on the road to Hebron. The site is unknown. ATAR (A ’Ardp, B omits, AV Jatal), 1 Es 5%,.— His sons were among the porters or coor eee who returned with Zerubbabel. Called Ater, 2, Neh 7*. ATARAH (77), of Onam (1 Ch 2°). ATARGATIS.—The worship of this Syrian oddess is nowhere named in the canonical books, ut in 2 Mac 12 mention is made of a temyile of Atargatis (RV Atergatis) at Carnion in Gilead (Arapyaretov,’ Arepyaretov, A, the former being shown by inscriptions to be the more correct form of the name). In inscriptions discovered at Delos this goddess is generally joined with Adad, and once she is styled ’Adpodirn ’Ardpyarts. In Palestine the principal seat of her worship wasat Ashkelon, where she was probably identified with the Heavenly wife of Jerahmeel and mother ATAROTH Aphrodite (whose temple is named by Herodotus, i. 105). Another famous shrine of Atargatis was at Hierapolis, or Bambyce (Mabug), on the Euphrates (Lucian, De Syria Dea, 14; Pliny, Hist. Nat. v. 23). At both these shrines sacred fish were kept, and at Ashkelon the goddess herself was represented as a woman with a fish’s tail (Lucian, l.c,; comp. Ovid, Metam. iv. 44-46). According to the Gr. version of the legend, Atargatis, or Derceto (to use the shorter form of the name, more commonly found in Gr.), was a maiden, inspired by Aphrodite with love for a youth who was worshipping at her shrine. him Derceto became the mother of a daughter; but, filled with shame, she threw herself into the water at Ash- kelon, or at Hierapolis, whereupon she was changed into a fish (Diod. Sic. ii. 4). According to Hyginus, Astron, ii. 30, she was saved by a fish. The child, who had been exposed, was brought up at the temple of Aphrodite, and became the famous Assyrian queen Semiramis. Older derivations of the name have become obsolete since the discovery on coins and Pal- myrene inscriptions of the true Sem. form of the hame Anyjny or wnyany. In the first part of this word we may recognise the Aram. form of the name which appears in Assyr. as Ishtar, in Heb. as shtareth (nzayy), and in Phoenician as Astarte (p7eyy). Comp. also ’A@dpa in Strabo, xvi. 27, The second portion of the name is usually under- stood to be the title of another deity, Ati or Attah, whose name is found in Melito, Apology (Migne, Patr. Gr. vy. 1228), on inscriptions from Pheenieia and fn proper names) from Palmyra, and perhaps also in such personal names as Alyattes, Sadyattes, etc. For the compound name we wight then compare Astar-Chemosh of the Moabite Stone. Lagarde, however, shows (Mittheilungen, i. 77) that this explanation is not free from difficulties. The Gr. legend, the sacred fish at Ashkelon and Hierapolis, and the representa- tions of Atargatis as half woman, half fish, all point to an original connexion between this goddess and the water; and she is probably a personification of the fertilising power of water. Carnion, a town which may probably be identified with Ashteroth-karnaim (Gn 14°), was taken and destroyed by Judas Maccabeus during an expedition into Gilead about B.c. 163, and. the inhabitants who fled to the temple of Atargatis were put to death (2 Mac 12)8-9, cf. 1 Mac 5%“; Jos, Ant. XII. viii. 4). LirgraturE.—On Atargatis, see, further, Baudissin in Herzog's Real-Encycl.? i. 786-740; Vigouroux, Dict. de la Bible, R 1199; Schiirer, HJP u. i. 18f., Index, p. 91 f.; W. R. Smith, Sp. 159f. H. A. WHITE. ATAROTH (nrinypy, nivyy, ‘crowns’), the name of several towns east and west of Jordan.—1. Ataroth, Nu 323-4, is in both places named next Dibon, which is identified with the present Dhibdn (see Dison), and Ataroth is doubtless Khirbet ‘Attards on Jebel ‘Attards, which latter may be the Atroth- shophan of v.®, It is 3 or 4 miles east of Ma- cherus, where the Baptist was imprisoned and murdered. The objection that it is said to have been built by the children of Gad, while this site is in the territory of Reuben, would apply alse to Dibon and Aroer; it only proves that the tribes were greatly intermingled, or at first aided one another (as Jg 1*) in conquering and possessing their territories. 2. Jos 16%, a town on the border of Benjamin and Ephraim, towards its western ex- tremity. Conder recognises it in the modern Ed-Dérich, on the W. slope of the hill which lies south of Bethhoron-the-nether. 3. Ataroth-addar, Jos 165 181°, apparently the same as the preceding. 4. Jos 16’, a town on the same boundary of Ephraim ATHALIAH and Manasseh, but towards its eastern extremity next Naarath (which see). Conder suggests Teli et-Trfiny in the Jordan Valley, or Khirbet Kaswal, also called Kh. et-Taiyireh. The name is lost. Démeh, the Edumia of the Onomasticon, with its ancient rock-cut tombs, is about the place one would look for it. Three places, one 4 miles north of Samaria, a second, 6 miles north of Bethel, a third, 7 miles north of Jerusalem, now bear the name Atéra, but are unnamed in Scripture. 5. Atroth-beth-Joab, 1 Ch 2°4, possibly = Atarites. A family is more probably meant than a place. A. HENDERSON. ATER.—41. (7px ‘ binder’ ?) The ancestor of certain temple porters who returned with Zerubbabel, Ezr 216%, Neh 77+, 2. (A ’Artp, B’Agtihp, AV Aterezias, reading ’Arhp ’Efexlov as one word) 1 Es 5%; cf. Ezr 26%. His sons returned with Zerubbabel. The title ‘(son of) Hezekiah’ was probably given to distinguish him from Ater (4). H. St. J. THACKERAY. ATERGATIS.—See ATARGATIS, ATETA (A ’Arnrd, B om.: AV Teta, from the Aldine Tyrd), 1 Es 5%=Hatita, Ezr 2, Neh 7, ATHACH (zpy), 1 S 30°.—An unknown town in the south of Judah. ATHAIAH (*:py).—A man of Judah dwelling in Jerus. (Neh 11‘), See GENEALOGY. ATHALIAH (mbny ‘whom J” has dragged roughly ’),* daughter of Ahab and Jezebel (2 K 8'8), called daughter of Omri, 2 K 8%, 2 Ch 22%, She married Jehoram, son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah (2 K 818, 2 Ch 18! 215); and as she inherited her mother’s strong character, her influence for evil was predominant over both her husband and her son (2 818.27, 2 Ch 22°4), Under her influence the cult of the Zidonian Baal prevailed in Judah to such a degree that the temple of J” was ‘ broken up’ (2 Ch 247),—the materials being probabl used for the temple of Baal,—so that a thoroug restoration was needed in the following reign. On the death of Ahaziah, Athaliah, who enjoyed already much authority as queen mother, and probably had a considerable following amon the people, procured the massacre of all her grand- children, Joash alone escaping, and Athaliah was queen of Israel for six years. No particulars are recorded of her reign, but the circumstances of her deposition are related eye According to 2 K 11, the high priest Jehoiada, having won over ‘the captains over hundreds, of the Carites and of the guard,’ apeneed that the portion of them wha formed the temple guard on the Sabbath day should be posted in three equal divisions at the three main approaches to the temple, i.e. (a) the entry from the nar (Jos.; cf. 1 10°, 2 K 1638); (6) ‘the gate Sur’; (c) ‘the gate behind the guard’ (Ewald’s idea [HI iv. p. 135], that ‘the watch of the king’s house’ means the usual palace guard, seems inconsistent with Jehoiada’s words in v.°); while the other two companies should not go off guard as usual, but ‘compass the king round about’ wherever he went. Additional solemnity was given to the proceedings by the use made of David’s dedicated armour. See JOASH. Roused by the unusual noise caused by the acclamations which greeted the coronation of Joash, Athaliah came into the re alone, her guard having been revented from following her (Jos. Ant. IX. vii. 3). The truth flashed upon her at once; ‘she rent her clothes, and cried, Treason, treason!’ Any * Cheyne suggests the Assyr. root bry “to be or become great (as in etellitu, ‘lady,’ ‘queen’); then Athaliah=‘J” is exalted. (See Expos. Times, vii. 484, 568, viii. 48.) 196 ATHARIM ATHENS syrapathy that might have been evoked was cowed by the overwhelming display of force. The sacred precincts might not be polluted with her blood, ‘so they made way for her,’ and she passed out, and was struck down ‘by the way of the horses’ entry to the king’s house.’ The variations of the Chronicler (2 Ch 23) from this account are characteristic. Under the second temple, uncir- cumcised foreigners were not permitted to approach holy things; he therefore substitutes for ‘the Carites and the guard’ the courses of priests and Levites whose weeks of service began and ended respectively on that Sabbath. They are posted at (a) ‘the king’s house,’ (6) ‘the gate of the foundation’ (1\07 for 0), (c) ‘the doors.’ The captains—five in number, whose names are given— having been thus deprived of their men, are re- presented as ‘set over the host’ (v.'4), @.e. the whole population capable of bearing arms, and are obliged to ‘go about in Judah, and gather the Levites out of all the cities of Judah, and the heads of fathers’ houses,’ to Jerusalem. The young king is publicly presented to ‘all the congregation,’ not, as in Kings, secretly to the captains alone. The people, who take a very subordinate part in Kings, fill, with the Levites not on duty (cf. 2Ch 5"), the temple courts. Thus, while.in Kings the deposition of Athaliah is effected by a sudden coup d’état carried out by the high priest and foreign mercenaries, and every precaution is taken against a popular rising in Athaliah’s favour; in Chron. it is the act of the whole nation, constitutionally represented by the ecclesiastical and civil authorities, and it is exe- cuted in the most deliberate and orderly fashion. ‘The sons of Athaliah,’ 2 Ch 247, has been explained to mean (a) Ahaziah and his brethren before they were carried away, 2 Ch 21” (Jos, Ant. IX. viii. 2); or (5) the priests of Baal (Jerome, Qu. Heb., in loc.) ; or (c) her illegitimate children. 2. 1 Ch 8%, a Benjamite dwelling in Jerus. 3. Ezr 87, father of Jeshaiah, who was one of Ezra’s companions. N. J. D. WHITE. ATHARIM (o-px7 477), Nu 21!.—Either, a proper name of a place from which the route was named ; so RV ‘the way of Atharim,’ as LXX,—or, ‘the way of tracks,’ i.e. a regular caravan road (cf. Arab. ’Jthr, a trace). The rendering of AV, ‘ way of the spies,’ follows Targ. and Syr. ; ons may then be a plur. of 77x in a sense slightly different from that given above, or=o", ‘spies.’ The ‘way of Atharim’ will then be that described in Nu 137!-%, See HORMAH. A, T, CHAPMAN. ATHENIANS (’A@nvaia, Ac 177); “Avdpes ’AOnvato., 17% AV, RV ‘men of Athens’),—Inhabitants of ATHENS. ATHENOBIUS (’A@nvdfBc0s, 1 Mac 158-4), a friend of Antiochus vit. Sidetes. When Antiochus had gained some successes against Tryphon, he sent Athenobius to Jerusalem to remonstrate with Simon Maccabzeus for the occupation of Joppa, Gazara, the citadel of Jerusalem, and certain places outside Judea. Simon was ordered to sur- render his conquests or to pay an indemnity of 1000 talents of silver; but he refused to promise more than 100 talents, and with this answer A. was obliged to return in indignation to the king. H. A. WHITE. ATHENS (’A@jva1).—St. Paul having sent Timo- theus away, ‘thought it good to be left at Athens alone’ (1 Th 3). From Ac 17 we learn what he did and said during his solitary stay. Leaving aside the history of A., I shall describe the aspect of this famous city in St. Paul’s epoch. St. Paul, like Apollonius of Tyana, landed at the Pirzus, and, like him, would have walked to A. by the new road, called Hamaxitos, which ran north of the ancient roadway, already encumbered with the ruins of the great wall of Pericles. Pausanias, in his description of A. (i. 1. 4), and Philostratus,* relate that along this road were raised at intervals altars to the unknown gods. St. Paul marked these, and worked them into his argument against ple addressed upon the Areopagus to the Stoics and Epicureans. On his left hand, as he entered the Pireus gate of the city, St. Paul skirted the Ceramicus or ancient burial-ground, where we still see, bared b recent excavations, some of the old sculpture tombstones ; to look upon which is a revelation to us of the noble and, in its calm self-restraint, almost divine regret with which, in the fourth century B.C., Athenian workmen could depict death and the last farewells of mortals. Innumerable booths of olive, fruit, and fish sellers were no doubt set up then as now round the entrances to the city. St. Paul would pash his way past these, and, leaving to his left the noble temple of Theseus, which remains intact in its grandeur, he would enter the Agora. Here his eye fell on portico after portico, painted by the brush of famous artists, and adorned with the noblest statues. But St. Paul would not have admired these so much as the tower and water- clock of Andronicus, telling out to him the hours of his solitary waiting. This still stands to-day, along with a few ruinous arcades, the sole remnant of an architectural splendour which eclipsed that of the Piazza del Duomo of Pisa, or of the Piazza di San Marco of Venice. The impression which the latter makes on one of us to-day might be compared with that of which St. Paul would have been sensible as he entered the Athenian Agora ; if at least he could, in spite of his Semitism, have felt the charm of the highest plastic art. The Agora was dominated on its south side by the abrupt hill of Mars and the still more impressive heights of the Acropolis, and it was such a place of resort as is to-day the Pi San Marco at Venice. There St. Paul found himself amidst the throng of ‘all the Athenians and strangers who spent their time in pian 7 but either to tell or to hear some new thing.’ In the Stoa Poecilé he met with the successors of Zeno, the Stoics, with whom, as with the Epicureans, he, like a second Socrates, ‘disputed daily.’ And perhaps when he wearied of these discussions, and of the noise of the rich men’s slaves chaffering over their purchases, or of the porters +Drour eg round, of the quack doctors and barbers, he may have passed on by the Via Tripodum and have gained the theatre of Dionysus on the south side of the Acropolis, there to witness, perhaps, the performance of a play of Euripides or Menander ; or he may, from the other end of the Agora, have gone up by the temple of the Furies to the Acropolis, and have mounted the steps of the Propylea of Mnesicles, whose columns still remain to awe us with their sublime harmony. Having thus gained the platform of the Acropolis, he would wander through a forest of the most perfect statues, pacing round that most glorious shrine and monument of all, the temple of the virgin goddess Athene, whose power and attri- butes were destined with the triumph of St. Paul’s new gospel, and, after an epoch briefer than that which had already elapsed since its erection, to ass on by seeming inheritance to the Blessed irgin of the orthodox Greek Church. * Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. 6. 2: cagpéverriper yap v8 wel whicey Otay oS Aiyuy xu) ratve *AOhynesy, Pe nas byrberen mete Buco) Wpuvras. This, of course, refers to St. Paul's own y. ee "+ ATHENS St. Paul ‘disputed in the synagogue with the Jews, and with the devout persons’ (Ac 17"). It has been thought that the site of this synagogue ney ve fixed by a slab found in the ancient district of Koropus at the foot of Hymettus, bearing the legend : airy 4 wvdAn Tod Kuplov, Sixaroe eloehevoovTm év airy (Ps 118”).* But this is a monument only of the third or fourth century, and is of Christian origin. Other slabs, however, have been recovered in A. bearing Jewish inscriptions, and marking the burial-places of Greek Jews. And we have in the writings of the Jew Philo, by a single generation earlier than St. Paul, and, like him, an ardent apostle of monotheism, some graplic allusions to A., whither, no doubt, he went, like Horace, as to the chief centre of art and philosophy. For A. was the university city of the Roman world, as it was also the focus from which the sacred rays of learning radiated to Tarsus, Antioch, and Alexundria. In his youthful essay on the theme that every good man is free, Philo declares the Athenians to be the keenest-sighted mentally of the Greeks (‘EA\jvwy d&vdepkéorara didvouay), and says that A. is to Greece what the pupil is to the eye, or the reason to the soul.t And in these words, which follow in the same context, he doubtless describes a scene which he had actually witnessed— *It was only yesterday that the actors were exhibiting tragedy, and were reciting those famous lines of Euripides— “* For Freedom is a name all precious, Even if a man hath little thereof, Let him esteem himself to have great riches.” Then I beheld that all the spectators stood up on tiptoe with excitement, and with loud cheers and sustained cries prolonged their applause of the sentiment no less than their applause of a poet, that not only glorified Freedom in deed, but glorified its very name.’ Such was the impression which A. made on a cultured Jew, who yet reprobated not less keenly than St. Paul the worship by man of the works of his own hands ; and we may well believe that St. Paul’s heart also beat high as he entered so famous a city. Contemporary writers give the Athenians the same characteristics of over-religiousness and versatile curiosity as does St. Paul. One of these witnesses is himself a Jew, namely Josephus the historian, who declares (Contra Ap. ii. 12) the Athenians to be the most pious of the Greeks (rods evoeBeovdrous r&v “EA\jvwv). Testimony of like effect is rendered by Livy, xlv. 27: Athenas inde plenas quidem et ipsas uetustate fame, multa tamen uisenda habentes; arcem, portus, muros Piree~m urbi iungentes. . . . Simulacra Deorum homimamgue, omni genere et materiz et artium insignea. Petronius Arbiter, Sat. c. 17, unkindly hints shat it was easier to find gods in A, than men: Utique nostra regio tam priesentibus plena est Muminibus, ut facilius possis Deum, quam homisem inuenire.t Nor was the desire of the Athenians to hear something new unnatural. For theirs was a city without commerce, but whose traditions and memories led many who had leisure and liked diseassion to resort thither. Among Alciphron’s Le*ters (ii. 3) is one by Menander the poet, relating tow he had declined the invitation of Ptolemy to Jleuve A. and settle in Alexandria. In _ this charming jeu d’esprit we zet a picture of A. in its decadence, which shows how delightful a place it was to live in for religious persons of leisure and cultivation. * See Inser. Attic. et. Romane, 404 and 3545-3547. +Of. Milton, Paradise Regained, iv. 240: ‘ Athens the eye of Greece, mother of arts.’ $ Philostr. Vit. Apollonit Tyane, iv. 19, says of his prophet that he ray ueby 3% romrny diccActiv, ivecdy, CrAobbT ag Tovs ‘Alinvaciovs dav, batp ispdiy 3uerizaro. The experiences of Apollonius—a ore spiritual teacher than most—in Athens were curiously similar to those of his contemporary St. Paul. ATONEMENT 197 LITERATURE.—Conybeare and Howson, ch. x. ; Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica; and the classical works of Leake, Grote, Thirlwall, Curtius, Wachsmuth, Gregorovius, Stadt Athen im Mittelalter ; A. Mommsen, Athene Christiane. F. C. CONYBEARE. ATHLAI (ny, perhaps for aboy).—A Jew who married a foreign wife (Ezr 10%, 1 Es 9%™), See GENEALOGY. ATIPHA (‘Ave¢d), 1 Es 5°.—See HATIPHA. ATONEMENT.—By its derivation this word de- scribes the setting ‘at one’ or reconciliation of two parties who have been estranged. It is used in the English Bible as the equivalent for various forms of the root 153} in OT, and for cara\\ay7 in NT. The verb 153 (to cover) is used to describe the effect of the sacrifices at the original conse- cration of the high priest and the altar (Ex 29%, Ly 84, Ezk 43” etc.), and of the annual sacrifices for the renewal of the consecration of the high priest and his household, of the people, and of the tabernacle (Lv 16” etc.), on the day called expressly ‘the Day of Atonement.’ It is used also to describe the effect of the sacrifices offered on behalf of the nation and of individual Israelites, peeeonally in connexion with the ‘ whole burnt-offering’ (Lv 14), but more frequently in connexion with the various forms of ‘sin’ ed ‘trespass’ offerings (Lv 4” etc., Nu 5%), the prescribed acknowledgment of guilt or de- filement incurred accidentally or in ignorance. It is used, besides, to describe the effect of the intercession of Moses at Sinai (Ex 32%), of the incense offered by Aaron (Nu 16"), and of Phinehas’ summary judgment on Zimri (Nu 25%). The offences for which atonement is accepted in these cases go far beyond anything with which the Levitical sacrifices were appointed to deal, and so the way is prepared for the hope of atonement for ‘moral offences as such’ expressed in Ps 65* 78% 79°, cf. Pr 168, Dn 9%. The same verb when it describes the direct action of God is translated ‘to pardon’ (2 Ch 30%, ef. Ezk 16°). The subst. 123 (LXX ddrpov=‘ ransom,’ cf. Mk 1045) is used of ‘blood money’ (Ex 21%, Nu 35%), sanctioned on behalf of a man gored by an ox, but not in a case of homicide; and of the half-shekel paid at a census (Ex 301). n> (LXX 7 lAacrhpiov) =the mercy-seat. Two points in regard to the provision for atone- ment under the old covenant deserve especial attention. First, this provision is ascribed directly to divine appointment. The sacrifices, therefore, while bearing witness to the existence of an obstacle in the way of man’s communion with God, were guarded against the gross misinterpretation which would represent them as human devices for overcoming God’s reluctance to forgive. Second, the power of atonement resided in the blood, as containing the life of the sacrificial victim (Lv 172). Under cover of the blood of a victim slain by his own hand in acknowledgment of the righteousness of the divine judgment on his sin, and in virtue of the life still quick within it, liberated rather than destroyed by death, and brought by consecrated hands into direct contact with the symbols of the divine presence, the wor: shipper, in spite of his defilement, might himseli draw nigh to God. In NT, though the thought is fundamental, and finds expression in a variety of forms, e.g. Forgive- ness, Propitiation, Redemption, the word Atone- ment or its equivalent Reconciliation (karaddary7}, in LXX practically confined to 2 Mac 5”) is found only in 2 Co 58", Ro 5! 1115, cf. Col 17. Here, as in OT, the use of the word presupposes an estrange- ment between God and man. On man’s side this 198 ATONEMENT estrangement is the direct consequence of his sin. On God’s side it is the direct consequence of His holiness and His love. Because He is holy and lovir.g, He cannot be indifferent to sin. His wrath must rest upon the disobedient (Jn 3*, cf. Ro 1). Now in human wrath there mingles almost inevitably a feeling of personal irritation, pique, or resentment, The lancaags of the NT is carefully chosen to guard against the supposition that any such shadow mars the purity of the divine indig- nation. Men are spoken of as God’s enemies (éx4pol, Ro 5”, cf. 87), but God is never spoken of as the enemy of man. Men are invited to accept the offered reconciliation; God is never brought beforeus as Himself needing to be appeased or reconciled. On the contrary, the atonement originates with Him. See esp. 2 Co 5 ‘God was in Christ reconciling the world unto himself,’ Ro 3% ‘whom God set forth to be a propitiation.’ The atonement, there- fore, of which the gospel speaks, cannot, any more than the means of atonement provided under the law, be regarded as a device i overcoming any reluctance on God’s part to forgive. It is the provision which He Himself has made for the removal of the obstacle to communion which sin has introduced. Let us consider a little more closely what this obstacle is. Sin is lawlessness (1 Jn 3‘). It is the refusal on man’s part, a refusal now as it were ingrained in his very nature, to remain in subjection to the law of God (Ro 8’). Each act of sin, therefore, is the outward sign of a spiritual alienation from God. But yet more. Each act of sin reacts upon the sinner, and increases his alienation. It not only weakens his power of moral self-determination, and so makes him more than ever a slave to his sin (Ro 714); it incurs fresh guilt, and so adds new terror to the curse of the law (Gal 3!) ; it deepens his defilement, and so makes him shrink more than ever from the presence of God. And the wages of sin, which from another point of view express the peserent of God upon it, is death (Ro 6%). The power by which this obstacle has been over- come springs from the person of Christ. He Himself is our peace (Eph 214), He, the Eternal Son of the Eternal Father, is the Lamb ‘ foreknown before the foundation of the world’ (1 P 1”), and the restora- tion of the broken harmony of the universe (Col 1”, cf. Eph 1”) springs from His eternal surrender of Himself to do the Father’s will (He 10%). This eternal sacrifice, which is thus seen to have its roots deep in the inmost mystery of the divine nature, was manifested in time, and became effectual for our redemption, when the Word was made flesh and revealed at once the relation in which mankind stands to Him and His own eternal relation to the Father, through a life on earth of perfect obedience to the Father’s will. This obedience reached its final consummation when He shed His blood upon the cross, and His life, even as the life of the sacrificial victims in the OT, was set free by death for the work of our recon- ciliation. The atonement, therefore, is ascribed specificall to His death (Ro 5”), His cross (Eph 2'6), and His blood (Col 1”). The cost of the atonement is represented from two sides,—as it affected the Father, who ‘spared not His own Son, but freely gave Him up for us all’ (Ro 8%); and as it affected the Son, who ‘suffered for us’ (1 P 274), and by ‘ whose stripes we are healed’ (1 P 2%, cf. Is 535). The cost to the Father we clearly have no power to conceive, and the Bible makes no effort to define it. The sufferings of the Son in our flesh were human sufferings. We are able therefore in some measure to conceive of them. They were the direct result of His perfect acceptance of all the consequences that the ATONEMENT presence of sin in the world entails upon us. They culminate on the one side in an agonising and shameful death ; on the other in an unfathomable depth of spiritual suffering, when for a moment it seemed as if even God had forsaken Him (Mt 27%, ef. Mt 26°%-44 and parallels, He 5’). Such light as we can receive on the relation of these sufferings to the work of our atonement is derived chiefly from the typical ritual of OT sacrifices. This included, as we have seen, (1) the presentation of an offering with an acknowledg- ment of guilt, (2) the slaughter of the victim, (3) the symbolic use of the blood so shed. Each of these elements found a place in the sacrifice on the cross. (1) Christ Himself, as the Head of our race, pees Himself as an offering on our behalf, he laying down of His life is represented as His own deliberate voluntary act (Jn 10%), He made His soul an offering for sin (Is 53", cf. Mt 268). He gave His life (yux7) a ransom for many (AvTpov dyrl mrokAdv, Mt 20%). This presentation involved, according to OT analogy, the surrender to death of an appointed victim, together with a con- fession of our guilt, and the acceptance, with a full acknowledgment of its justice, of the sentence of death which has been pronounced upon us for our sin. (2) He was at the same time not only the Offerer but the Victim. His whole life was (as we have seen already) a life of perfect self-surrender to the loving service of His brethren in trustful obedience to His Father’s will. His voluntary submission to the death of the cross for the redemption of His murderers, was the ultimate expression at once of His obedience and of His love. It is therefore the culminating point in His offering, and the final test of its completeness, (3) The blood of the offering, which, again according to OT analogy, is regarded as the special seat of the atoning power, is represented as being sprinkled on those who enter the new covenant (He 12%, 1 P 1’). It is brought into the most intimate and impressive relation with each one of them when he takes into his hands the Cup of the covenant (Mt 26” etc., cf. Ex 248) and drinks of it according to the commandment. In the power of the same blood, our Lord, as the eat High Priest, has entered into the inmost eaven, and there without ceasing offers inter- cession (He 7%) on our behalf. The blood thus becomes a living bond reuniting man to man and the whole race of man to God. The etiect of the atonement is therefore to re- move altogether the obstacle introduced by sin, to undo the work of the devil (1 Jn 3°), and to open anew the way by which sinful men can return into communion with their Father in heaven (He 10”). The blood of Christ, understood in the full measure of its spiritual reality, reveals the true law of man’s being, and brings home to him the extent of his degradation. By its revelation of the love of God triumphant over sin, it wins men back from their spiritual alienation, making them ready to return to their allegiance, and willing to give up their sin. It cleanses their consciences from the stain of sin, and sets them free from the curse of the law, by the assurance that a perfect satisfaction has been offered to the righteous claims of the divine justice, and by enabling them to make their own the perfect confession of their sins that has already been offered in their name. It is the wellspring of a new power of moral self-determination by which they may be enabled, in spite of the tyrannous domination of past habits acquired and inherited (1 P 18), and in the midst of an atmosphere of temptation, to live henceforward in obedience te (od’s will, submitting in patience and in hope te ee ee oe ee Be ATONEMENT, DAY OF ATONEMENT, DAY OF 199 all the suffering that He may require from them, whether by way of discipline or of service. It thus robs even death itselt of its sting. It is true that we can but dimly see why such a sacrifice as the death of Christ should have been necessary, and guess in the light of partial human analogies at the secret of its power. But it is enough for our present guidance to know that the sacrifice itself has been offered, and that there have been men in every age who, from their own experience, have borne witness that it is effectual. See also FORGIVENESS and PROPITIATION. LiTERATURE.—Among English treatises on the Atonement it will be enough to mention M‘Leod Campbell, On the Nature of the Atonement; R. W. Dale, The Doctrine of the Atonement ; F. D. Maurice, The Doctrine of Sacrifice; H. N. Oxenham, The Catholic Doctrine of the Atonement; B. F. Westcott, The Victory of the Cross. See also Bruce, Humiliation of Christ, 817-400; Fairbairn, Christ in Modern Theology, 479-487 ; Simon, Redemption of Man; Dorner, System of Christian Doctrine, iv. 1-124 et passim (see Index); Weiss, Bib. Theol. of NT, i. 419- 452, ii. 202-216; Ritschl, Christ. Lehre von d. Rechtfert. u. Versihn. (Ung. tr. of Pt. i., History of the Christian Doctrine ¥ Justification and Reconciliation); Baur, Lehre von d. ersohn. tn ihrer gesch. Entwickelung ; Thomasius, Lehre von Christi Person u. Werk; Harnack, Luther's Theologie mit bes. Bezieh. auf seine Versohn.-u. Erlis.-lehre. J. O. F. Murray. ATONEMENT, DAY OF (on=27 ov Ly 2377 259, tpépa (é&)iNacwod, dies expiationum, or (Lv 23”) pro- pitvationis).*—The principal passages relating to this great annual fast of the Jews are Lv 16 and 23*6-34; but some additional particulars are to be found in Nu 297-4, Ex 30; ef. Lv 25%. All these ee, though probably belonging to different ates, are connected with the priestly code. The Day of Atonement, which was a day for the assembling of the people for divine worship (a ‘holy convocation’ Ly 2377), was kept in the autumn, on the 10th day + of the 7th month, or, according to our reckoning, from the evening of the 9th till the evening of the 10th. The people were charged (Lv 237-*?, cf. 16% 31), under pain of extermination from the community, to rest from every kind of work, and to ‘afflict their souls,’ the last res denoting the strict abstinence from food and drink which marked a day of fasting and self-humiliation. The special offerings for the day (in addition to the regular burnt-, meal-, and drink- offering), are prescribed in Nu 297"; they consisted of a young bullock, a ram, and seven lambs of the first year, as burnt-offerings, with their appropriate meal-offerings, viz. three-tenths of an ephah for each bullock, two-tenths for the Tam, and one-tenth for each lamb, also of a he- goat for a sin-offering. These additional offerings are similar to those for the Ist day of the month, and the 8th of the Feast of Booths (vv.1-& 35-38), The distinctive ceremonial of the Day of Atone- ment is described at length in Lv 16. The high priest first selected for himself a young bullock for a@ sin-offering, and a ram for a burnt-offering; then, having bathed, he discarded his distinctive golden vestments, and arrayed himself in gar- ments of white linen. After this he took from the people a ram for a burnt-offering, and two an for a sin-offering, and ricecenod to choose y lot from the two goats one for J” and one for AZAZELYt (Lv 16°), This done, he offered the * Oalled by the later Jews nny the day, 725 Nov (cf. Is 118 LXX) the great day, ox ov the fast-day, Menachoth, xi., end, R39 NDI the great fast; ct. 4 ynersia, Acts 279, Ep. Bar- nab. 73. 4, Jos. Ant, xvil. vi. 43 4 rie », wietpe, XIV. iv. 3 (on xIv. xvi. 4, cf. Schiirer, H/P 1. i. 398 n.); 4 Asyouéyy »., Philo, ii. 138, 691; yorsings toprh, ii. 296. t Apparently the 10th day of this month was at one time regarded as, New Year’s Day ; see Ezk 401 and cf. Lv 259. t voy ne, to make atonement for it, because, probably, by standing before J” during the ceremonial which follows, it shares in the atonement made thereby for the sanctuary, and so becomes fitted to bear away the sins of the people. So Hengst., Riehm, Keil, Nowack (Heb. Archdol. ii. 192), a bullock, which he had selected previously, for him- self and his family; and having filled a censer with coals from the altar of burnt-offering, and taking with him a handful of incense, he entered the Most Holy Place, where he threw the incense upon the burning coals, causing thereby a cloud of smoke to envelop the ark and_the mercy seat; after this he dipped his finger in the blood of the bullock, and sprinkled the blood once on the front (or east) side of the mercy seat, and seven timesin _ the vacant space in front.of the mercy seat (vv.""¥4), Having thus completed the atonement for himself and his house, the high priest returned to the court ; and after killing the goat of the people which had been allotted to J”, he again entered the Most Holy Place, and sprinkled its blood, in the same manner as that of the bullock, on the front of the mercy seat and before the mercy seat. The puri- fication of the Most Holy Place being thus accom- po the high priest went out into the Holy ‘Place (called the “tent of meeting” v.""), and there performed a similar atoning ceremony. The de- tails of this ceremony are not described in Lv 16; but in Ex 30”, which seems to be a later addition to P, we learn that the blood of the sin-offering of atonement was to be placed on the golden altar of incense, which is nowhere mentioned in Lv 16. During this time no one except the high priest_ was allowed to be present in the tabernacle. “When thé-high priest again~came™ out into the court, he completed the atonement of the sanc- tuary by placing on the horns of the altar of. burnt-oflering * some of the blood both of the bullock and of the goat, and with his fingers sprinkling the blood seven times on the altar (v.59), The living goat was then brought near ; and the high priest, having placed both hands upon its head, confessed over it all the sins.and offences of the Israelites ; after Which the goat was led away; by a man standing in readiness, into the wilderness for Azazel, that it might bear the iniquities to a land ‘cut off,’ i.e. to one remote tom human habitations, from which there was no chance of its bringing back again its burden. of ruilt (v.22), ‘The high pace then returned to ie Holy Place, and after bathing, and putting on his usual priestly garments, came out and offered the two burnt-otterings (vv.* 5) for himself and for the people (vv.%").” Finally, the fat of the sin- offerings having been consumed in sweet smoke upon the altar, the rest of their flesh (in accord- ance with the general rule, Lv 4! 2! etc.) was carried outside the camp and destroyed by fire; those to whom this service was ntciaten and also the man who had led away the goat for Azazel, being not permitted to return to the con- gregation till they hac bathed, and washed their clothes (vv.5): Two main questions arise in connexion with the Day of Atonement, which, as we shall see, are in some measure connected with each other: (1) to what date is the ceremonial enjoined in ch. 16 to be ascribed? (2) is the chapter describing it homo- geneous in structure? (1) We hear nothing of the observance of the Day of Atonement in pre-exilic times, nor is any mention made of this day in the earlier legal codes (‘Book of the Covenant,’ Dt, H). On the other hand, there are several points in the law regulating its observance which seem to connect it with the period after the exile, when the ceremonial aspects of sin and atonement at least occupied a more prominent ‘place in the life and * The altar of v.18 cannot be the altar of incense. The purifi- cation of the Holy Place has been described in v.16f For “before J”’ (v.18), cf. Lv 15: J” dwells in the tabernacle (Ex 258. 22), and the great altar stands in front of this. + V.25 seems to be misplaced. Its natural position would be immediately after v.19 (cf. 48-10. 19. 28 etc.). 200 ATONEMENT, DAY OF tinought of the people than was the case pre- viously. The phrase ‘to afflict the soul’ (wp) nyy, see Ly 1679 81 237. 29. 82, Ny 297) occurs elsewhere only Is 58% 5 1° (exilic) and Ps 35 (influenced by Jer). Fasting as a religious observance was prac- tised among the Hebrews in ancient times; but we first hear of annual fasts on stated days in connexion with th fall of Jerusalem (Zec 735 8}%), The elaborate ritual of the blood probably points to a comparatively late date (cf. Ly 4!!, one of the later portions of P; and contrast 9°"); while the nearest analogies to the public confession of sins (16?!) are to be found in post-exilie writings (Ezr 9, Neh 147.98, Dn 94°), Moreover, the priestly prophet Ezekiel, in his legislation for the restored people (ch. 40-48), prescribes a ceremonial, which, while its general aim is similar to that of the Day of Atonement, is much simpler in character; he enjoins, viz. (451%), two solemn purifications of the sanctuary on the Ist day of the first month, and on the Ist of the seventh month (so LXX ; see RVm), when a young bullock was to be slain for a sin-offering on behalf of all who might err through inadvertence or natural slowness (728 w'xp np), and the blood of the victim was to be placed on the doorposts of the temple, on the corners of the ledge of the altar, and on the gateposts of the inner court. The prophet, in his legislation for the future, attaches himself largely to existing usage ; if, therefore, the law of Lv 16 had been in his day a time-honoured institution, would he have either disregarded it or stripped it of so many of its significant rites? Does it not seem more probable that the law of Lv 16 is a develop- ment of the simpler ceremonial prescribed by Ezekiel? Indeed, there are reasons for supposing that its introduction was decidedly later than Ezekiel’s time. In Neh 8-10 we possess a fairly cir- cumstantial account of the events of the 7th month of B.c. 444, including, for instance (8?- 18-18), notices of what happened on the Ist and 2nd days of the month, and the observance, in accordance with Lv 23°9-42, of the Feast of Booths from the 15th to the 23rd days; that being so, it is remarkable, if the fast of the 10th day had been an established institution, that no mention should be made of its observance, especially when we are expressly told (91*-) that the 24th dae was observed as a day of fasting and of confession of sins. Reuss, indeed, on the ground that the fast of the 24th would have been superfluous, if the fast of the 10th had just preceded, argued (Hist. sainte et la loi, i. 260) that Lv 16 did not even form part of the law-book read by Ezra; but, as Kuenen (Hew. § 15. 32; cf. Dillm. NDJ p. 673; Stade, Gesch. ii. 182) points out, this argument is hardly decisive; the fast of the 24th is manifestly intended as a special token of humiliation for national shortcomings, prepara- tory to the conclusion of the covenant (9°) ; it has thus little or nothing in common with the annually-recurring Day of Atonement, and it might have been appointed whether Lv 16 was contained in Ezra’s law-book or not. But Kuenen agrees that the non-mention of the day on the part of the well-informed narrator of Neh 8-10 is ‘very strange,’ if it were an established institution, and considers it to be an indication that it was intro- duced for the first time in the law-book of Ezra, though not observed at once, on account of its forming part of a new system, which had not yet been formally accepted by the people. Whether this argument be satisfactory or not, it is import- ant to recollect that the argument against the antiquity of the Day of Atonement is not, as it is often represented as being (e.g. by Delitzsch, in his study on the subject, ZK WL, 1880, p. 173 tf.), solely an argumentum e silentio: that, as Kuenen observes (TA. Tijdschr. 1883, pp. 207-212), is but one ATONEMENT, DAY OF — argument out of many; the Day of Atonement is art of a system, the ceremonial system of the riest’s Code; when, therefore, the question of its antiquity is raised, it cannot be treated by itself, but forms part of a larger question, viz. the antiquity of that system as a whole, and must be answered in the same sense as that in which the wider question is answered. (2) The second question is whether Ly 16 forms a_homogeneous whole. The chapter is connected with the narrative of the death of Aaron’s sens for offering strange fire (ch. 10; cf. 16 ‘that he die not,’ and }-!3; and contrast ‘ fire from the altar,’ v./2, with ‘strange fire,’ 10'); but it treats of two distinct subjects, without clearly indicating the transition from one to the other. It opens with a warning addressed to Aaron against rashly enter- ing the Most Holy Place, and prescribes the pre- liminary rites to be performed, whenever he may have occasion to do so.* It passes on to describe a solemn atoning ceremony to be per- formed’ for the tabernacle itself, and for the worshippers; and it concludes with the institution of an annual fast on the day of the atoning cere- mony. This change of subject suggests a doubt whether the chapter in its present form can be wholly the work of one writer. Dillmann explains the change of subject, and the connexion with ch. 10, by the supposition that originally the chapter contained the description of a ceremony of urification, to be performed in consequence of the pailan ene brought upon the tabernacle by the sin of Nadab and Abihu. He supposes that directions were given for the repetition of the rite after any subsequent desecration ; that in later times it had become the practice to perform this service once, and once only, in every year; and that the chapter was altered to suit the later practice. This ex- planation, however, requires us to supply a good deal which is not stated, and only indirectly suggested, by the present text. A different solution of the difficulty is proposed by Benzinger. In an interesting and suggestive study on Lv 16 (ZA7'W, 1889, p. 65 ff.), Benzinger points out that the literary form of the chapter is imperfect. Thus v.° and v.1* are really doublets, suggesting that vv.7 are derived from another source; there is a sharp break between v.* and v.22; vv."9-#4¢ are not really a summary of the fore- going verses, for they introduce some new points (fasting and the date), and, while mentioning the white garments of the high priest, say nothing about the more important ceremonies connected with the sprinkling of the blood, and the goat for Azazel ; finally, v.#> suggests the immediate carrying out of some definite command given to Moses. (regula- tions defining the conditions under which Aaron, when occasion required, was to enter the Holy of Holies), and vv.?** (a law prescribing a relatively simple rite of atonement—substantially identical with the inaugural ceremony of 97—to be re- peated annually on behalf of the people and sanc- tuary, and specifying the manner in which the day was to be observed publicly). In this form, he points out, the law for the Day of Atonement would agree closely with Lv 23*°%, where also stress is laid on the necessity of fasting and ab- stention from work, but no allusion is made tc the special ceremonies prescribed in the centra: portion of ch. 16. The ‘offering by fire’ of 23”, * With vy.2 13 (‘that he die not’), comp. Ex 2835 (the con ditions under which Aaron may enter the Holy Place); alec Kx 3020. 21, Nu 419, ATONEMENT, DAY OF ener ee EEE ATONEMENT, DAY OF 2U) and the ‘sin-offering of atonement’ of Nu 29”, would both be explained by the sacrifices alluded to in Lv 16*-% (or Nu 1574-6) and described more fully in Lv 9. The more elaborate ritual pre- scribed in the rest of the chapter (vv. 7-1 14-28)* ig, upon Benzinger’s view, a subsequent development of that enjoined in vv.™-*, which, as it now stands, is interwoven with directions relating to Aaron alone, on account of its having become the custom for the high priest to enter the Holy of Holies on the Day of Atonement only. That the ritual prescribed in this chapter was of gradual growth is indeed highly probable; but it may be doubted whether a merely literary analysis can adequately indicate its successive stages. The words not at all times in v.? suggest that even when the supposed earlier law was formulated, there were restrictions on the occasion as well as on the manner of the high priest’s entering the Holy of Holies, and the terms of vv.””* appear to presuppose some preceding regulations, defining more particularly the character of the atoning ceremonies there alluded to.t It is true, 2376-% is parallel to 167-**, in the stress which it lays upon the manner in which the Day is to be ob- served by the people; but it also presupposes in v.4 some Batiél atoning rites, the nature of which it does not itself more closely define.t + Hence it seems that to limit the original regulations of the Day of Atonement to v.”-** would leave them less systematic and erpicte than is probable. The more elaborate ritual prescribed for the blood, as compared with 97-%15, and even with 4% 7-17-18, is not necessarily due to its being a later develop- ment: it may be due to the special solemnity of the occasion, a ceremonial enacted once a year only on behalf of the entire nation. The chapter Eadoabtedly deals with two distinct subjects (the conditions under which the high priest might enter the Most Holy Place, and the annual Day of Atonement for the sins of the nation), which it imperfectly connects together. We may conjec- ture that the association of these two subjects is due to the fact that the occasions of the high priest’s entry into the Most Holy Place came gradually to be limited to the single annual Day of Atonement: it is also highly pee (esp. in view of Ezk 45'8-°) that the ritual of this day was originally simpler than that now prescribed in Lv 16; but it may be doubted whether the successive stages in the amalgamation and development of the two ceremonials can be distinguished by means of a literary analysis. The Mishnic treatise Ydmd (t.e. the Day) gives several fresh details respecting the ceremonies observed on the Day of Atonement in the time of the Second Temple.§ Minute directions were given to ensure the ceremonial purity of the high priest on that day. For the seven days preceding he dwelt in a special chamber, and not in his own house. It is expressly stated that he entered four times into the Most Holy Place, viz. on the three occasions suggested by Lv 164-15, and again after the evening sacrifice, to bring out the censer, and the plate which had held the incense. Tt is said that a stone three fingers high stood in the * Except v.17> and v.%b> (from and make), which Benzinger treats as later harmonistic glosses. + The circumstantial enumeration of v.33 must surely pre- suppose something more than either the ordinary sin-offering of the community (Nu 1522-26), or even Ly 99-15; moreover, it exactly summarises the principal present contents of vv.1+28, } The ‘ offering made by fire’ of 2327 will not be the special atoning sacrifice intended ; for that offering is common to most of the sacred seasons mentioned in ch. 23 (y.8.18b. 25.36), Nu 297-11 also alludes (v.11) to the ‘sin-offering of atonement’; but the calendar of sacred seasons, contained in Nu 28-29, may be of later date than the present form of Lv 16. § Cf. Ep. Barnab. c. 7 (with Gebhardt and Harnack’s notes), where some of the same details are alluded to. a Holy of Holies in the place of the ark (v. 2). Im mediately before slaying the sin-offering for him. self, the high priest, laying his hands upon it, made the following confession: ‘I beseech ‘Thee, O Lorp, I_haye done iniquitously, T ave trais- gressed, I have sinned before Thee, I, and my house, and the sons of Aaron, Thy holy people. | beseech Thee, O Lord, forgive (153), now, the iniquities, and the transgressions, and the sins, wherein I have done iniquitously, and trans- gressed, and sinned before Thee, I, and my house, and the sons of Aaron, Thy holy people’ (iv. 2). The blood of each of the siu-offerings was sprinkled by the high priest, once upwards and seven times downwards, first on the Holy of Holies, and after- wards been the veil in the Holy Place: lastly, mixing the blood of the two victims, he put some of the mixture on the altar of incense, and poured out the remainder at the foot of the altar of burnt- offering (vi. 1,2). With regard to the two goats, we are told that they were to resemble one another as closely as possible (vi. 1; ef. Barnab. 7 éuolovs). The lots were made of boxwood, and afterwards of gold ; the high priest drew out one lot in each hand, and then tied a ‘tongue’ of scarlet cloth * upon the neck of the goat destined for Azazel. ne done ef ae ok riest’s confession were, ‘We beseech thee, O Lorp, Thy_people,.the house of Israel, have done pa aaiy trans- gressed, and sinned before Thee. We_ beseech Thee, O Lorb, forgive, iow, the iniquities, the transgressions, and the sins, wherein Thy people, the house of Israel, have done iniquitously, trans- gressed, and sinned before Thee’ (vi. 2). The goat ‘was led away, accompanied by some of the nobles of Jerusalem ; and its arrival at a place which was regarded as the edge of the wilderness was sig- nalled back to the high priest in the temple. Finally, the goat was conducted by a single man to a steep place called Suk, where it was thrown backwards over the edge of the cliff, and dashed to pieces among the rocks (vi. 6-8). The site has been identified by Schick (ZDPYV iii. 214 tf.) with a crag near the village of Bét-hudédfin, on the road running through Bethany into the wilder- ness, 12 miles east of Jerusalem (see AZAZEL). The Day of Atonement represents the culminat- ing institution of the Levitical system. Not only, from a merely formal point of view, does Lv 16 form the climax of the sacrificial and purificatory ordinances contained in Lv 1-15, but the cere- monial itself is of a peculiarly comprehensive and representative character. It was a yearly atone- ment for the nation as a whole (including the priests) ; and not only for the nation, but also for the sanctuary, in its various parts, in so far as this had been defiled during the past year by the sins of the people, in whose midst it stood. The sins thus atoned for must not, however, be sup- posed to be those committed ‘with a high hand’ (Nu 15%), ¢.¢e. defiantly and wilfully; but sins of ignorance and frailty (dyvojjuara, He 97), such as human nature, even when striving after God, is ever liable to.t * pear by pwd : Barnab. 78 +3 ipsov +0 xdxxivoy. + The Jews, as Danz [see ad jin.], pp. 1010-1012, shows from. the Mishna (Shebw' oth 18), Maimonides (Comment. on Yéma 42), and Abarbanel (771n7 w17"5, Venice, 1584, fol. 251, col. 3, 1. 14 ff.), in view of the comprehensive terms of Ly 1616.21.30, held that the sacrifices of this day made atonement for all sins of every kind, whether done involuntarily or deliberately ; but this is an exaggeration which is in conflict with the general theory of the Jewish sacrifices. The sin-offering made atonement only for sins committed ‘in error,’ t.¢, accidentally and involuntarily (Ly 42. 13.22.27, Nu 152429), not for those committed ‘ with a high hand’ (Nu 1589), t.e. defiantly and deliberately ; and it is in- credible, in spite of the terms of Lv 1616.21, that the sacrifices of this day can have so far deviated in principle from the general theory of the priestly legislation as to have been supposed te atone, e.g., for the sin of an impenitent murderer. The cere- monial of the Day of Atonement was designed in fact to effect 202 ATONEMENT, DAY OF The ceremonial was enacted at the central sanctuary ; but the individual Israelites, by their abstention from labour and fasting, not only ex- ressed at the same time their humiliation for sin, bat also signified their co-operation in the offices of the day; provision was thus made for the ceremonial being more than a mere opus operatum. As it was the highest atoning ceremony of the year, the blood was not merely applied, as in other cases (Lv 4), to the altar of burnt-offering, or even to the altar of incense; it was taken into the Holy of Holies, and sprinkled, not once only, but seven times, as close as possible to the place immediately associated with the presence of J” (Ex 25°, Nu 78). Once a year the sins of the people were thus solemnly atoned for, and the nation’s lost holiness was restored (v.*° ‘to cleanse you: from all your sins shall ye be clean before J”’). The slain goat made atonement for the people’s sins, and restored their peace and fellowship with God ; the goat over which the people’s sins were confessed, and which was afterwards sent away to Azazel in the wilderness, symbolised visibly their coniplete removal from the nation’s midst (Ps 103”, Mic 7): ‘a life was given up for the altar, and yet a living being survived to carry away all sin and uncleanness’: the entire ceremonial thus symbolised as completely as possible both the atonement for sin, and the entire removal of the cause of God’s alienation. As regards the part taken in the office by the high priest, it is to be observed especially that the ceremonial of the Day of Atonement was the highest exercise of his mediatorial office: he per- formed an atoning rite on behalf of the entire ree le; and, represented by him, the entire people access on that day to the presence of J”. As the representative of a sinful people, he natur- aur ‘discarded his gorgeous high-priestly~dréss,* and assumed~an-attire, which, being plain and destitute~ofornament, was such as became a suppliant suing for forgiveness; while, being white, it symbolised.the purity and innocence required in those who appear in the immediate presence of the Holy One (cf. the angels in Ezk 9% 11 1026.7, Dn 105 1287). Nor can he, even then, complete the atonement for the people, until he has first offered atonement for his own sins; and when he enters the Holy of Holies, the incense burnt by him there forms, further, a protecting cloud, coming as a veil between himself and the holiness of J’, and at the same time possessing a propitiatory efficacy (Nu 16%). Jos. (Ant. Il. x. 3) gives a short account of the ceremonies of the Day of Atonement; and Philo, in his treatise repl rijs éBdoujs, § 23 (II. 296, Mangey), draws out the ethical teaching which he understands them to imply. Allusions to the holy day are also found in Sir 505*, Ac 279, He 97-2, The later Jews were not unconscious of the deeper spiritual truths of which the ceremonial of the Day of Atonement was the expression. Philo, for instance (/.c.), speaks of it as an occasion for the discipline of self-restraint in regard to bodily indulgences: the more effective, as it came at a season of the year when the fruits of the earth had just been gathered in, and the temptation to an tdeal_atonement and reconciliation on behalf of the nation, as such ; its benéfits extending to idividuals, only in so. far “as they had sinned involuntarily, or were trul ee Comp. Oehler, § 140 (Eng. tr. ii. 43 ff.); Riehm, A "heol. § 37. 2; v. Orelli, in Herzog2, xvi. 414; R, W. Dale, The Atonement, pp. 85, 466-470 ; C. G. Montefiore, The Bible for Home Readvng, 1896, p. 144 ff. (where the ancient significance of this annual rite is well pointed out). * His dress became, in fact, almost that of the ordinary priests, except that he had still a ‘turban’ (n5)y2)—though only one of white linen, not his usual decorated one (Ex 2836!-)— instead of a ‘cap’ (713D, Ex 2840), and a plain linen ‘sash’ (8338), instead of a coloured one (Ex 2849), “efficacy of the work of Christ. ATROTH-SHOPHAN indulgence would be naturally the stronger; ab- stinence at such a season would raise men’s thoughts from the gifts to the Giver, who could sustain life kal da rovrwy xal dvev ro’rwy. Those who took part in the prayers for the day asked for forgiveness, not in dependence upon their own merits, dda did Thy Dewy piow rod auyyvdunvy wpd koddcews dplfovros (cf. Vit. Mos. ii. 4, 1. 188; Leg. Cat. 39, 1. 591). The Mishna also is careful to teach that the ceremonies of the Day of Atone- ment are ineffectual unless accompanied by_re- pentance. ‘Death and the Day of Atonement work atonement, where there is repentance (Ai1wha), Repentance makes atonement for slight trans- gressions, both of omission and of commission ; and in the case of grave ones, it suspends punish- ment till the Day of Atonement comes, and brings atonement. If aman says, ‘‘I will sin, and (then) repent, I will sin, and (then) repent,” Heaven does not give him the means of practising repentance ; and if he says, “‘ I will sin, and the Day of Atone- ment will bring atonement,” the Day of Atone- ment will bring him no atonement’ (Yémd, viii. 8-9). The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews con- .trasts..(9%":) the work of the high priest on the priest Day_of Atonement with the superior atonin The Jewish hig ‘priest entered once yearly* into the Holy of Holies, with the blood of appointed victims: Christ entered once for all into.the true sanctuary, the He obtained not a temporary, but an liyerance (9"-!), His blood o far more efficacious for the cleansing and renovation of human nature (941-14. 28-8) than that which was offered under the Jewish law. And whereas, under the Law, full access to God was limited to the high priest, and to him, moreover, under many restrictions of time and mode, Christ has opened a new and living way, by which those whose hearts are properly purged from an evil conscience may at all times have free access to the Father (9%! 1019-22), LITERATURE.—(a@) The treatise of the Mishna, Yémd, with Lat. tr. and notes in Surenhusius’ ed. of the Mishna, 1699, ii. p. 206 ff. ; also ed. by Sheringham, 1648, ed. 2 (with an elabor- ate comparison [p. 105 ff.] of the work of the high priest with that of Christ, by J. Rhenferd), 1696; and (with Heb. text pointed, and short notes, and glossary) by H. L. Strack (Berlin, 1888): many passages of the Gemara on the same treatise are also translated by Wiinsche, in Der Babyl. Talmud in seinen Haggadischen Bestandtheilen, i. (1886), pp. 840-389 ; see further, on the Jewish ritual of the day, Otho, Lea. Rabb. 1675,2 1757 (s.v. Expiationis Festum); J. Lightfoot, The Temple Service, c. 15 (Works, 1684, ii. 961-4); J. A. Danz, ‘ Functio Pontif. M. anniversaria,’ in Meuschen, NT ex Talm. tilustr. 1736, pp. 912- 1012 (with copious extracts from Jewish sources), followed, pp. 1013-39, by Rhenferd’s ‘Comparatio’ (supr.); Maimonides, Hilchoth yém hak-kippurim, etc., at the end of Delitzsch’s Comm. on the Hebrews ; Edersheim, The Temple: tts Ministry and Services, pp. 263-288. (b) J. Spencer, de Legg. Hebr.2 (1686), 1. viii. ; Bahr, Symb, des Mos. Cultus, 1839, ii. 664 ff. ; Oehler, OT Theol. §§ 140, 141; Schultz, OT Theol. i. 367 f., 402-6; Dill- mann on Ly 16; Nowack, Hebr. Arch. ii. 183-194; Delitzsch, ZEWL, 1880, pp. 173-183; Kuenen, Th. T. 1883, pp. 207-212, and Hex. $15. 82; Wellh. Hist. 110-112; Stade, Geach. ii. 182, 258- 260; Benzinger, ZATW, 1889, pp. 65-88. S. R. DRIVER and H. A. WHITE. ATROTH-BETH-JOAB.—See ATAROTH. ATROTH-SHOPHAN (jw nowy. LXX has Zwddp and yiv Zwddp, as well as DwPdv [Swete’s notes]).— A town of Gad (Nu 32%). The identification is doubtful, as the tribes of Gad and Reuben seem confused, Dibon, Ataroth, and Aroer being given * gaeouk rov ivevrou (97). Exactly the same expression is used by Philo (Leg. Gat. l.c.; cf. De Mon. ii. 2, 11. 223; and e#ag xar’ ivievtov, Jos. BJ v. v. 7 end, 8 Mac 111), The meaning is, of course, on one day in the year, not on one occasion: Ly 1618-15 implies more than one entrance on the day; according to the Mishna, the high priest entered four times, viz. with the incense (Yéma, vy. 1), with the blood of the bullock (v. 3), with the blood of the goat Me 4), and at the close of the day, after the ordinary evening burnt-offering, to fetch out the censer and incense-dish, which he had left there (vii. 4). actual presence of God, through His own blood i : se ee ee ey ATTAI Sat as cities of Gad, while they certainly were in euben’s territory. If Atroth-shophan lay near Ataroth, it may be, as Tristram suggests (Late 0 Moab, p. 276), that the cone-shaped Jebel ‘Attards represents the former and Khirbet ‘Attaris the latter. If it lay near Jazer and Jogbehah (which see), named immed. after it, it must be sought farther N.—possibly at Saffit beside the latter. A. HENDERSON. ATTAI (‘ny).—1. A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch 25-36), 2. A Gadite warrior who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12"). 8. One of Rehoboam’s sons (2 Ch 11”). ATTAIN has now lost its literal meaning ‘to reach a place,’ which occurs in Ac 27}? ‘if by an means they might attain to Phenice’ (RV ‘ Hach Phenix’). Elsewhere in AV the meaning is fig., asnow. In Ph 3" the same Gr. verb (xaravrdw) is used as in Ac 277 just quoted, ‘if by any means I might a. unto the resurrection from the dead.’ But in the next verse (‘not as though I had already a°’) the verb is different (AauBdvw, RV ‘ obtained’), being connected rather with the verb (xaradapuBdvw) tr’ ‘apprehend’ in the same verse. See APPRE- HEND. In Ph 3 ‘whereto we have already a*,’ there is no word corresp. to ‘already’ in Gr., ‘already a%’ is an attempt to tr. ¢@dvw, which, in Ro 9* is tr¢ ‘attain’ simply. But in Ph 3 an adv. (#5n) is used. In 1 Ti 4° AV gives a wrong direction to the thought: ‘ good doctrine, where- unto thou hast attained’ (Gr. rapaxodovdéw, RV cor- rectly, ‘which thou hast followed,’ adding wnti now to complete the sense). J. HASTINGS. ATTALIA (’Arradla) was ‘a city on the coast of Pamphylia, founded by Attalus m. Philadelphus (B.C. 159-138), as the harbour (Ac 14%) through which the S. parts of the great Pores . sea, adage might communicate with the with Syria, and with Egypt; and throughout subsequent history it has retained its name and its importance as a seaport. It is now (or at least was until steamships revived some other harbours like Mersina) the chief harbour of the S. coast of Asia Minor, bearing the name Adalia. In the Byzantine ecclesiastical system A. was originally subject to Perga, the metropolis of Pamphylia Secunda, but in 1084 it was made a metropolis ; there can be no doubt that this elevation in rank was due to the fact that Perga had completely decayed, and was a mere name, giving a title to the metropolitan bishop. The aaah harbour of A. is still used by boats, though steamships anchor out- side, and it was in use in the end of the 12th cent. (Anna Commena, ii. p. 113). The river Catarrhactes flowed into the sea near A., though it has now been diverted into so many channels for irrigation and other purposes that it hardly de- serves to be called a river. The cults mentioned at A. seem all to spring from its Pergamenian origin, as Zeus Soter, Athena, Apollo Archegetes. LITERATURE.—The best account of A. is in Lanckoronski, Stddte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, i. pp. 6-82 and 153-163 : see also Beaufort, Karamania ; Spratt at § Forbes, Lycia. W. M. Ramsay. ATTALUS (“Arrados, 1 Mac 15”).—Attalus I1. Philadelphus was king of Pergamum 159-138 B.c. He promoted the imposture of Alexander Balas, who claimed to be a son of Antiochus Epiphanes (Justin, xxxv. 1), and sent a body of troops to Syria to support the pretender. hen the embassy sent by Simon Maccabzeus came to Rome (B.C. 139), the Senate passed a decree in favour of the Jews, and wrote to the kings of Pergamum, Egypt, Syria, Cappadocia, and Parthia, and to several small autonomous States, instructing them to respect the independence of the Jewish territory. Josephus (Ané. XIV. viii. 5) records a decree of the AUGUSTUS 203 Senate in favour of the Jews, which he assigns to the time of Hyrcanus 11, But the terms and cir. cumstances of this decree resemble so closely those of the decree referred to in 1 Mac 15!8“, that many modern scholars consider that the Senatus- consultwm preserved by Josephus is really to be connected with the embassy of Simon. f. esp Schiirer, HJP 1. i. 266 ff. H. A. WHITE. ATTENDANCE in the obs. meaning of attention is found 1 Ti 4% ‘Till I come give a. (RV ‘heed ’! to reading.’ Cf. Barrow, Works, vol. iii. sec. 22, ‘What is learning but diligent attendance to in- struction of masters?’ Thesame Gr. verb (rpocéxw) is used He 7!* ‘no man gave a. at the altar’; but it is generally tr4 ‘ give heed to,’ as Ac 8% 10.11; in 1 Ti 3° it is used in a bad sense ‘given to much wine.’ In 1 Mac 15* attendance= retinue. J. HASTINGS, ATTENT and ‘attentive’ were both in use, and both are found in AV without difference of mean- ing, the former in 2 Ch 6® ‘ let thine ears be attent unto the prayer,’ and 7%, J. HASTINGS. ATTHARATES (A ’Ar@apdérns, B’Arrapar}), 1 Ea 9*,—A corruption of the title ‘the Tirshatha,’ cf. Neh 8°, and see Attharias. ATTHARIAS (‘Ar@aplas, AV Atharias).—A cor- ruption of xpyano ‘the Tirshatha,’ which appears as a proper name in 1 Es 5”, cf. Ezr 2 ‘Adepoadd, A (‘Aéepoad, B). The mention of ‘ Nehemias and Atharias’ in 1 Es is doubly a mistake ; Zerubbabel the Tirshatha is referred to. H. St. J. THACKERAY. ATTIRE.—See DRrEss. ATTUS (A ’Arroés, B om., Tisch.? Aarrots, AV Lettus), 1 Es 8” called son of Sechenias.—He was andson of Shechaniah (1 Ch 37%). The same as Foe Ezr 8?, where ‘of the sons of Shecaniah’ has been wrongly attached to the next clause. The form in AV and Tisch. is due to confusion of A and A. H. St. J. THACKERAY. AUDIENCE.—Now ‘the people gathered tohear,’ signifies alwaysin AV after Lat. audientia, the act of hearing or attention to what is spoken. In OT the word is simply ‘ears’ (o'3)x), as Gn 23! ‘in the a. of the children of Heth.’ In NT ‘give a.’ occurs Ac 13'6 1512 22, where the Gr. is simply dxovw, hear ; so Lk 20* ‘in the a. of all the people’; but Lk 7! ‘when he had ended all his sayings in the a. of the people,’ the Gr. is els ras dxods, ‘in the ears.” J. HASTINGS. AUGIA (Atyia), 1 Es 5*.—A daughter of Zorzelleus or Barzillai. Her descendants by Jaddus were among the priests who could not trace their gene- alogy after the return under Zerubbabel, and were removed from the priesthood. Her name is not iven in the lists of Ezr and Neh, and is omitted eas by the Vulg.; perhaps it has arisen out of ‘the Gileadite,’ echt follows Barzillai in those lists. H. St. J. THACKERAY. AUGURY.—Lv 19%, Dt 18"™, 2K 215, 2 Ch 33%, all RV, for AV ‘times.’ See DIVINATION. AUGUSTUS (Atyovoros, Lk 2! ; ZeBaoréds, Ac 257%), —1. The first Roman emperor. His original name was that of his father, Caius Octavius; as the heir of Caesar, who was his grand- uncle, he received the names Julius Cesar; in his subsequent career he was designated Caius Julius Cesar Octavianus. The title Augustus was given him by the Senate after he had attained to supreme power. Augustus was born B.C. 63. 204 AUGUSTUS’ BAND After spending a studious youth, he came suddenly to the front at the death of Ceesar (B.C. 44), when he began to manifest the singular adroitness of character by which he made and maintained his position. Marching against Antony ostensibly in defence of the republic, he came to terms with the usurper. At first he had the chief place in a triumvirate. But one after another his rivals were removed out of his way, till the defeat of Antony at Actium (B.C. 31) left him undisputed master of the Roman world. InB.c. 29 he returned to Rome, and thenceforth ruled autocratically under the forms of republicanism, establishing and preservin, order throughout his wide dominions, till he die in old age, saddened by family trouble, morose and suspicious, leaving Tiberius, whom he had already associated with himself in the government, as his successor (A.D. 14). As the Jews were subject to Rome, Augustus became their supreme ruler. After the battle of Actium, Herod, previously a supporter of Antony, passed over to the victorious side, and was confirmed in his kingdom by Augustus, who added to his territory on the occasion of a subsequent visit to Syria (B.C. 20, Jos. Ant. XV. x. 3). In honour of the emperor, Herod erected a marble temple at Panias, built the capital, Ceesarea (B.C. 10), and rebuilt Samaria, calling it Sebaste. After Herod’s death Augustus carried out his wishes in the division of his king- dom among his sons (Jos. Ant. XVII. xi. 4), but subsequently joined Judea and Samaria to the province of Syria, exiling their ruler Archelaus (Jos. Ant, XVII. xiii. 2). Jesus Christ was born in the time of Augustus, and was about eighteen years old when the emperor died. Augustus ordered a more or less complete census to be taken on four oscasions, viz. in B.C. 26 and 6, A.D. 4 and 14 (Lk 2!). 2. The title of subsequent Roman emperors. The Augustus (ZeBacrds) mentioned in Ac 257}-% (AV) is Nero. In RV the word is translated ‘the emperor.’ LirERATURE.—Dion Cassius ; Suetonius ; Tacitus ; Josephus ; Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire; Duruy, His- tory of Rome (edited by Mahaffy); Gardthausen, Augustus und Seine Zeit; H. Schiller, Geschichte der rémischen Kaiserzeit ; Hertzberg, Geschichte des rdmischen Kaiserreiches. W. F. ADENEY. AUGUSTUS’ BAND (Ac 27! ocreipa ZeBaorh, RV ‘the Augustan Band’).—A similar name is the Italian , ee (Ac 10! ometpa "Iradcxyj). In each case RVm has ‘cohort’ for ‘ band.’ The two designations have been fully discussed by E. Egli(to whom I am chiefly indebted in the fol- lowing article) in ZWTh. xxvii. (1884) p. 10ff. In both cases it may be said that there is no reference to Roman legionaries. Judea from 6 A.D. to shortly before 70 A.D. was in the position of the ‘inermes provincie,’ and was petonnes only by auxiliary troops. The bulk of these auxiliaries were pro- vincials ; thus, in the case of Cesarea, Josephus tells us (BJ 1. xiii. 7; cf. Ant. xIx. ix. 2) that the larger part of the garrison consisted of Syrians. The Augustan and Italian bands (cohorts), there- fore, were not in any case legionary. The latter, no doubt, was one of the many ‘cohortes civium Romanorum,’ ‘ cohortes Italicorum voluntariorum,’ which consisted of volunteers recruited in Italy, i.e. for the most part of Italians who had been unable to find service in the Pretorian Guard. The Augustan band (which may or may not be identical with the Italian band) had the name ‘ Augustan’ asa title of honour. We read on an inscription: ‘Ala Aug(usta) ob virtutem appel- lata’ (Orelli’s Corpus, No. 3412), Egli, following Schiirer, is inclined to accept as proved that this title of honour was sometimes borne by auxiliary as well as by legionary troops. We have, how- AVENGE ever, no monumental evidence to prure that any Cesarean cohort was called ‘ augusta.’ As regards strength, a cohort sometimes num. bered 1000, sometimes 500 men. As regards com- osition, a cohort was sometimes made up of 760 infantry and 240 cavalry. Such a cohort was called a ‘ militaria equitata.’ See BAND, CAPTAIN. W. E. BARNES. AUL is the spelling in mod. edd. of AV. The spelling of 1611 was ‘aule.” Wyclif (1382) has ‘alle,’ Ex 21° ‘he shal thril his ear with an alle’ (ed. 1388 ‘a nal,’ a mistake arising from joining the 7 of ‘an’ to ‘awl,’ the forms nal, nall, nalle, and nawl being found. Cf. Topsell (1607), ‘The worm... must be pulled out by some naul or needle’), Geneva Bible has ‘awle,’ (Coverdale, ‘botkin’), RV ‘awl.’ See AWL. J. HASTINGS. AUTEAS (Atralas, Hodiah RVm, Hodijah AVm). —A Levite who taught the law under here (1 Es 9%), Called Hodiah, Neh 87. AUTHORIZED VERSION.—See VERSIONS. 8 A AYARAN (Avapdy, Vulg. Abaron, Syr. GQ, (Hauran), 1 Mac 2°, but in 68 Zavapdy A, Adpay x V, Vulg. Saura, Syr. as before), surname of Eleazar, the brother of Judas Maccabeus. The name probably signifies ‘pale’ (j})1, from “sn, to be white, or pale). H. A. WHITE. AYEN (j1).—A place-name occurring in this form in Ezk 30%, The LXX gives ‘H)ov é\s, the usual Gr. name of On, and it is evident that the name was intentionally distorted from On to Aven, ‘idolatry’ (see Oxf. Heb. Lew.), by a punning change of vocalisation quite permissible in Heb. The slight was the more contemptuous, as On was snosndctalte the most important city in Egypt. With regard to the context it should be remembered that On, lying on the main road between the heart of Egypt (at Memphis) and Syria, has been a notable battle- field on many occasions, even since the ruin of the a See BETH-SHEMESH and ON. , he Plain (aypa bikah) of Aven (Am 15, RV ‘the valley of Aven’) is probably the Plain of Ceele- Syria, so called from the idolatrous worship of the Sun in the great temple of Baalbek. F. Lu. GRIFFITH. AVENGE is found in AV both as trans. and intrans. verb, 1. Asa trans. verb the object may be (1) a person, and then the meaning is ‘ to vindi- cate’ by punishing the offender. Thus (a) actively, Lk 18° ‘A. me of mine adversary,’ Nu 315 ‘a. the Lorp of Midian’ (RV ‘execute the LORD’s ven- geance on M.’); (0) pass., 1 S 14% ‘that I may be a‘ on mine enemies’; (c) reflex., 2 S 18! ‘the LorD hath a him of his enemies.’ The prep. that overns the offender is indifferently on or of. (2) he object may be a thing, and the meaning ‘ to take satisfaction for,’ as Be 328 ‘he will a. the blood of his servants.’* 2. As an intrans. vb. it is rare, and occurs in AV once only, Ly 1918 ‘Thou shalt not a. nor bear any grudge against * Once the person on whom the vengeance falls is made the subject of the verb, Gn 424 ‘If Cain shall be avenged seven- fold, truly Lamech seventy and sevenfold.’ This is the sense in which the passage is taken by the Douay Bible, which translates, ‘Sevenfould vengeance shall be taken of Cain,’ and adds the comment, ‘by prolongation of his miserable life til his seventh generation, when one of his own issue slew him.’ AV follows the Geneva, which has the marg. note, ‘He mocked at God’s sufferauce in Kain, jesting as though God would suffer none to punish him, and yet give him licence to murther others.’ But the Heb. means, ‘if Cain shall take vengeance for any wrong done him, Lamech (perhaps with the use of the new weapons) much more.’ So Del. : ‘ Denn sieben- fach wird Kain geracht,’ Dillm., etc. Of.G. W. Wade, The Bock of Genesis (1896), p. 214, ‘The Song of Lamech celebrates tlie invention of weapons, and implies that the possession of then confers the power of exacting greater vengeance than tha demanded by God against anyone who might slay Kain.’ = a the children of thy people. In mod. usage ‘a.’ is retained for the sense of just vengeance, while ‘revenge’ is used for the gratification of resentment. This distinction does not obtain in AV, but RV has endeavoured to introduce it. Thus Jer 15° ‘a. me of my persecutors’ (for AV ‘revenge me’), Nah 1? ‘ The LorD is a jealous God and a*® (AV ‘revengeth’), and 2 Co 10° ‘ being in readiness to a. all disobedience’ (AV ‘ revenge’). Cf. also ‘avenger’ for ‘revenger’ in Nu 35}% 1.4 3.2795 14%, Ro 134, and ‘avenging’ (subst.) for ‘revenge,’ 2 Co 74. Again, Lv 1918 ‘thou shalt not a.’ (RV ‘take vengeance’); in Ro 12” ‘ Avenge not yourselves, beloved,’ is retained, because the ref. 1s to righteous vengeance. Avenger of blood. See GoEL. Avengement is found 2 S 22%™, and avengements Ps 18*"™ for ‘vengeance.’ Cf. Edward Irving, Babylon, ii. 319, ‘The Lord, in all His avengements, hath... aneye... to the reforma- tion of the wicked.’ J. HASTINGS. AYITH (nny), Gn 36°.—A Moabite city. The site is unknown. AYOID.—This verb is used thirteen times in AV {counting Wis 16416 one), yet it does not twice translate the same word. In1S 18" there is an instance of the intrans. use, ‘ David a® out of his presence twice.’ Cf. North, Plutarch, ‘they made proclamation ... that all the Volsces should avoid out of Rome before sunset.’ In this sense ‘avoid’ is most frequently used in the imperative. Thus Coverdale’s tr. of Mt 16% is ‘ Auoyde fro me, Sathan.’ Cf. Shaks. Comedy of Errors, Iv. iii. 48— * Satan, avoid! I charge thee, tempt me not!’ J. HASTINGS. AYOUCH.—Dt 261”-* only, ‘Thou hast at the LORD this day to be thy God . . . and the Lorp hath a thee this day to be his peculiar people.’ Advocare became in French first avouer, whence Eng. ‘ avow,’ and then avochier, whence ‘ avouch,’ the latter with a more technical meaning, ‘ to call on one in law as defender, guarantor,’ etc. In AV avouch is scarcely to be distinguished from the use of ‘avow’ with a person as obj. ‘to acknowledge, declare to be one’s own.’ J. HASTINGS. AYVA, AYYIM, AYVITES (o wn, of Evaito.).—The ae 2 Avim, Avites is incorrect. 1. A people which lived in villages near Gaza, and was super- seded by the Caphtorite Philistines (Dt 2%). In the Sept. their name is confounded with that of the Hivvites, and some scholars have regarded them as a branch of the Hivvites. That they were not so, but were of the giant peoples of Pal., is rendered probable by two considerations: (1) they are spoken of in Dt 2 precisely as are the other giant peoples, ely that they are not ex- pressly said to be rephaim; (2) the name is uniformly used in the plural (‘the Avvim,’ that is, the Avvites, not the Avvite), a usage by which the Philistines as a whole, and the several giant ples, are distinguished from the Can. peoples. That they once had possessions in the mountain country, as well as near Gaza, may be probably inferred from the fact that one of the towns of Benjamin was called ‘the Avvim’ (Jos 18%). The statement that the Caphtorim destroyed them does not necessarily imply that they were then exter- minated ; and we oe them mentioned among the peoples that Joshua failed to conquer, along with the Philistines but not of them, the Avvites going along with the Gazite, the Gittite, the Ekronite, etc. (Jos 13%). Presumably, these Avvim are to be identified with the Anakim who were left over in Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod (Jos 11**), and were the ancestors of the giants of David’s time. See GIANT, REPHAIM. 2. People from Avva (cf. Ivvah, 2 K 18% 19}, In 37%), whom the king of Assyria settled in N. Israel after the capture of Samaria, and who set up idol- atrous worship there (2 K 17%: 31), W. J. BEECHER. AYYIM (oxy), Jos 182.—A town of Benjamin, unknown. See preceding art. AWAIT.—Only Ac 9* ‘their laying await (Gr. h émtBovdh atrdv, RV ‘their plot’) was known of Saul.’ Await is often read as if it were an adv.; it is, however, a subst. Tindale has simply ‘ There awayte wer knowen of Saul.’ Blount, Law Dict. (1691), says, ‘ Await seems to signify what we now call waylaying or lying in wart, to execute some mischief.’ J. HASTINGS. AWAY WITH.—41. Is 1? ‘the calling of assem- blies, I cannot away with.’ Although with the force of a verb, it is really an adv. with the verb elided, get away with, t.e. get on with, tolerate. Cf. More, Utopia, p. 165 (Arber ed.), ‘He could not away with the fashions of his country folk’; and Sanderson, Serm. (1621), ‘ He being the Father of lyes . . . cannot away with the Truth.’ The Heb. has a still greater ellipsis than the Eng., being simply d2wx> I cannot. Such verbs, how- ever, as 55: to be able, xp to refuse, are really trans. in Heb. See Davidson, Syntax, p. 129. 2. Other elliptical expressions, as Ex 19% ‘ Away, get thee down’ (RV ‘Go, get thee down’), Ac 2273 ‘ Away with such a fellow from the earth,’ are easily ex- plained and still in use. 3. ‘Make him away’ in 1 Mac 16%=‘make away with him’ (RV ‘destroy him’; cf. Wis 12? AV ‘to destroy them at once,’ RV ‘to make away with them at once’), J. HASTINGS. AWE —Besides He 12% RV (for AV ‘reverence,’ Gr. dé0s), only in the phrase ‘stand in awe.’ AV gives Ps 44 (129), 338 (733), and 11916! (1n5). RV re- tains these, changing also ‘fear’ into ‘stand in awe’ in Ps 22% (x7:), Is 29 (pry); and ‘ was afraid’ into ‘stood in awe of’ in 1 S 18% (m3), Mal 25 (nog). Ruskin (Mod. Painters, Il. mm. i. 14, § 26) says that awe is the contemplation of dreadfulness from a position of safety, as a stormy sea from the shore; while fear is the contemplation of dreadfulness when one is obnoxious to danger from it. Perhaps it was with a feeling for some dis- tinction of this kind that RV made those changes ; but in old Eng. awe stood for fear or dread even of an acute kind, and no such distinction can be discovered in AV either from the Heb. or the English words. Cf. Shaks, J. C. 1. ii. 95— ‘I had as lief not be as live to be In awe of such a thing as I myself. ’ J. HASTINGS. AWL (yy7>).—An instrument mentioned in Ex 21° and Dt 15” in connexion with the boring of the ear of aslave. In Syria the awl is used only by shoemakers and other workers in leather. tt is straight, and tapers to a sharp point. W. CARSLAW. AX, AXE (in most modern editions of AV spelt az, although the edition of 1611 had aze through- out) is EV tr. of seven Heb. words, the distinction between which cannot always be discovered, 1. 73 (probably ‘pick-axe’) Dt 19° 20, 1 K 67, Is 10%. 2. 339 (properly ‘sword’) Ezk 26°, 3, Swip (RV ‘hatchet’) Ps 74% 4. a1379 2S 12%, The same word should be read in the parallel passage 1 Ch 20% for 5. 73, which means ‘saw’ (cf. 3° and 2S 12%), 6. 1yyp Is 4442 (AV ‘ tongs’), Jer 10°. 7. omp Jg 9%, 15 13 *- 21, Ps 745, Jer 4672, In NT aze occurs twice (Mt 3”, Lk 8°) as tr. of délyn. See also the following article. J. A. SELBIE. 206 AXE AZARIAH AXE.—Two types of axe were known in both | AZAREL (5yn1y).—1. A Korhite fol! ower of David Egypt and Palestine. One was developed from the stone axe, and is longer from back to edge than it is across. BRONZE AXE, (From Tell el Hesy.) * The other type was purely metallic, and was developed from a sharp edge of metal inserted into a stick, as seen in early Egyp. forms. OOPPER AXE (BATTLE AXE?) (From Tell el Hesy.)* Probably the first type was used as a tool, the second as a weapon. In Egypt the axe was attached to the handle, but neither passed through the other. In Assyria the axe appears to have passed through the handle (Bonomi, Nineveh, fig. 69). But the handle passing through the axe, as in modern usage, is unknown until the Roman age. The material of axes as tools was first stone, then copper, bronze, and, lastly, iron. The latter metal was unknown for tools in Egypt, and still rare in Assyria at 700 B.c. Hence the use of the word ‘iron’ for axe-head among a party of peasants in Pal. two centuries earlier (2 K 65), seems as if it were a variation due to a later copyist. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. AXLE, AXLETREE.—See WHEEL. AZAEL (’Afdn\os).—Father of the Jonathan who with Ezekias undertook the investigation of the matter of the foreign marriages (1 Es 9", cf. Ezr 10° Asahel). AZAELUS (B’Afdndos, A ’Afajr), 1 Es 9*%.—One of those who put away their ‘strange’ wives after the return under Ezra. There is no corresponding name in Ezr 10%. AZAULIAH (imbyx ‘whom J” hath set apart’; 2 K 228, 2 Ch 348).—Father of Shaphan, the scribe under Josiah. AZANIAH (mu ‘J” hath heard’).—-A Levite (Neh 10°). See GENEALOGY. AZARAIAS (B’A¢apalas, A Sapalas, AV Saraias), 1 Es 8!.—Seraiah, the father, or more prob. a more remote ancestor, of Ezra (Speaker's Com. on 2 Es 1), H. St. J. THACKERAY. * By kind permission of the Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund. at Ziklag (1 Ch 128). 2. A son of Heman (1 Ch 2538), called in v.4 Uzziel. 3. Son of Jeroham, prince of the tribe of Dan when David numbered the people (1 Ch 27”). 4. A son of Bani, who had marie a foreign wife (Ezr 10%). 5. A priest, the son of Ahzai (Neh 113%). 6. One of the Levite musicians who marched upon the right at the dedication of the walls (Neh 12%). (AV has in the first five instances Azareel, and in No. 6 Azarael.) J. A. SELBIE. AZARIAH (nm, any, ‘Whom J” aids’).—1. King of Judah; see UzzIAH. 2.2 Ch 22° for Ahaziah. 3. 2 Ch 15'® a prophet, son of Oded, who met Asa’s victorious army, on their return from defeating Zerah the Ethiopian, at Mareshah, and urged them to begin and persevere in a religious reform. His speech is a general illustration, from the experience of the past, of his opening words; ‘The Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him, he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.’ It is conceived in the same spirit as the historical retrospects in Jg 24-23 and N eh 9, ‘Now, for long seasons’ (v.*), ‘in those times’ (v.°), refer to periods of national defection; ‘the inhabitants of the lands,’ ‘nation against nation’ (vy.° 6), are magniloquent indi- cations of the foreign oppressions, or the civil wars between the various tribes of Israel (cf. Gn 251°). Kamphausen renders the whole passage in the future; but a prediction seems irrelevant here. In v.® ‘ Azariah’ should be read for ‘Oded,’ with Pesh. Vulg. A; B has ’Aédé, but ’Q6%6 in v.}, where A has ’Add6 (in 289 both have ’2576). 4. High priest in the reign of Solomon, 1 K 4%, where he is called son of Zadok, though really of Ahimaaz (1 Ch 6°). The note in 1 Ch 6" ‘he it is that executed the priest’s office in the house that Solomon built in Jerusalem,’ is misplaced, and must refer to this man, and not to his grandson of the same name. 5. 1 Ch 6, Ezr 78, father of Amariah, who was high priest under Jehoshaphat. This man, therefore, must have held the office in the reign of Asa; on this list see AMARIAH, Nos. 2, 3. 6. High priest in the reign of Uzziah (2 Ch 268°), who with his attendant priests with- stood and denounced the king when he pre- sumptuously attempted to usurp the priests’ office of burning incense upon the altar. The wrath of Uzziah at being thus resisted, and his persistence, were at once divinely punished. An earthquake took place (Jos. Ant. Ix. x. 4; cf. Am 1}, Zee 145); ‘the leprosy brake forth in his forehead’; the riests ‘looked upon him’ (ef. Lv 13%), and thrust im out of the temple. In 2 K 15° we only read that ‘the Lord smote the king, so that he was a leper.’ The conclusion is almost inevitable, that here, as often elsewhere, the Chronicler has supplied a justification for the afflictions of a good man. The narrative acquires additional signifi- cance when we note that in expanding 1 K 9”, he omits the statement that Solomon ‘burnt incense upon the altar that was before the Lord.’ 7. 2 Ch 31, high priest in the reign of Hezekiah, described as ‘chief priest, of the house of Zadok,’ and ‘the ruler of the house of God’ (v.38). This last phrase is also found in 1 Ch 9", Neh 114, where it is uncertain whether it refers to Ahitub 11. or to Azariah (Seraiah), t.e. Eliashib, as representative of that house (Rawlinson). A very similar title is applied in Jer 20! to Pashhur, who was not high priest. Perhaps the office indicated is that of the ‘Captain of the temple’ (Ac 4! 5%-%6). To this high priest and to Hezekiah the Chronicler ascribes the building of store chambers in the temple to receive the oblations of the people. 8. In the genealogy. of Jehozadak, 1 Ch 6'*14, and in that , Ezr 71, Azariah (Ezerias, 1 Es 81; Azarias, of Ezra ets me ees , A AZARIAS eee eed 2 Es 1%) is son of Hilkiah, high priest under Josiah, and father of Seraiah, who was killed by Nebuchadrezzar. There is room in the histor for such a high priest; but in 1 Ch 9", Neh 114, in a list of those priests who dwelt in Jerusalem in the time of Nehemiah, is found an Azariah or Seraiah, whose genealogy is traced up to the second Ahitub, and is all but identical with that of Jehozadak and Ezra. This Azariah must be the riest clan, second in the list, Neh 10?; called Vay (wa) in the lists, Neh 121-18, where it comes third. In Neh 12*%, where both Azariah and Ezra are mentioned, perhaps the former is the same as Seraiah; see No. 7. 9.1 K 45, a son of Nathan, who ‘was over the officers,’ t.e. the twelve com- missariat officers (v.7). 10. 1 Ch 28, son of the Ethan whose wisdom was surpassed by that of Solomon (1 K 4%), 44. 1 Ch 2%, a man of Judah who had Egyptian blood in his veins (v.*4), 12. 1 Ch 6%, a Kohathite Levite (called Uzziah in 1 Ch 6%), an ancestor of the prophet Samuel. 13, 14. 2 Ch 212, Azariah and Azariahu, two of the six sons of Jehoshaphat, to whom their father gave ‘creat gifts’ and ‘fenced cities,’ and who were slain by their elder brother Jehoram on his acces- sion (B om. both, but A has them). 15,16. 2 Ch 231, Azariah and Azariahu, two of the five ‘ captains of hundreds’ who assisted Jehoiada in the restora- tion of Joash. It is just possible that the second of these, ‘the son of Obed,’ may be the same as No. 11, who was the grandson of Obed. 17. 2 Ch 2814, one of the four ‘heads of the children of Ephraim,’ in the reign of Pekah, who supported the ae het Oded when he rebuked the army of Israel for purposing to enslave the captives of Judah. He and his fellows treated the captives kindly, and conducted them back to Jericho. 18, 19. 2 Ch 292, two Levites, a Kohathite and a Merarite. The son of the former, Joel, and the latter, were among those who took a leading part in cleansing the fepple in the reign of Hezekiah. 20. Neh 3%, one of those who repaired the wall of Jerusalem, probably a priest. 24. Neh 7’, called Seraiah, Ezr 2?; Zacharias, 1 Es 5°; one of the twelve leaders of Israel who returned with Zerubbabel. 22. Neh 87 (LXX om.); Azarias, 1 Es 9%, one of those who helped the Levites to ‘cause the people to understand the law.’ 283. Jer 43%, son of Hoshaiah (the Maacathite, 40%), also called Jezaniah (408, 421), Jaazaniah (2 K 25”), ete. He was one of the ‘captains of the forces’ who joined Gedaliah at Mizpah. They warned him of his danger (Jer 40'%), and endeavoured to avenge his murder (41%). But, the assassin escaping, they feared lest they should be implicated in the affair, and prepared to flee into Egypt. . They then went through the form of consulting Jeremiah; but when he advised them to stay in Judza, ‘all the proud men’ refused, and carried off the prophet to Egypt. 24. The Heb. name of Abednego, Dn 1* 7-11-19 217 (see HANANIAH). N. J. D. WHITE. AZARIAS (’Afaplas).—1. 1 Es 9”), called Uzziah, Ez 107, 2. 1 Es 9%, one of those who stood beside Ezra at the reading of the law: the name is omitted in Neh 84. 3.1 Es 9%, called Azariah, Neh 87, 4. Name assumed by the oC Raphael (To 5)? 6% 18 78 92), 5. A captain in the army of Judas Maccabzeus (1 Mac 51: 56 6), AZARU (B “Agapos, A” Agoupos, AV Azuran), 1 Es 6'5,_The progenitor of a family of 432 who re- turned with Zerubbabel. There is no corresp. name in the lists of Ezrand Neh. Heis perhaps identical with Azzur (B’Adovp; & A ‘Afgovp) in Neh 10”. AZAZ (iy), a Reubenite, the father of Bela (1 Ch 6°). See GENEALOGY. “AZAZEL 207 AZAZEL (5ixy).—The name of the spirit (Lv 168: 1°- 25), supposed to have its abode in the wilder- ness, to whom, on the Day of Atonement, the goat laden with the sins of the people was sent (1d. v, 20-22), ‘Azazel is not mentioned elsewhere in OT; but the name occurs in the Book of Enoch (2nd cent. B.C.) as that of the leader of the evil angels who (Gn 64) formed unions with the daughters of men, and (as the legend is developed in the Book of Enoch) taught them various arts, and whose offspring, the giants, filled the earth with unright- eousness and blood. On account of the wicked- ness wrought by ‘Azazel upon earth, the four archangels, Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, and Raphael (9! Gr.), are represented as impeaching him before the Almighty, who thereupon (ch. 10) bids Raphael bind him hand and foot, and secure him, under ‘rough and jagged rocks,’ at a place in the desert called ‘Dudael,’ until on ‘the great day of judgment’ he is cast into the fire.* hether this legend is developed from the notice of ‘Azazel in Lv, taken in connexion with the fact that the goat was actually, in the time of the Second Temple, led away to lsc at the spot referred to, or whether the belief in the existence of such a spirit, bound in the wilderness, had already arisen at the time when the ceremonial of Lv 16 was framed, we do not know: the latter alternative is supported by Cheyne (ZATW 1895, pp. 153-156), who supposes that the aim of this part of the ritual of the Day of Atonement was partly to pews the ignorant people with a visible token of the removal of the sins of the year, partly to abolish the cultus of the se‘trim (Lv 177, 2 Ch 115, 2 K 238 [reading uy he- goats, for onye gates] ; ef. Is 1371 3414), by substitut- ing a single personal angel, ‘Azazel (evil no doubt by nature, but rendered harmless by being bound), for the crowd of impersonal and dangerous se‘trim. But whatever the precise attributes with which ‘Azazel was invested at the time when the ritual of Lv 16 was framed, there can be little doubt that the ceremonial was intended as a symbolical declaration that the land and people are now purged from guilt, their sins being handed over to the evil spirit to whom they are held to belong, and whose home is in the desolate wilderness, remote from human habitations (v.22 ‘into a land cut off’). No doubt the rite is a survival from an older stage of popular belief, engrafted on, and Neoomimiodated to, the sacrificial system of the Hebrews. For the expulsion of evils, whether maladies or sins, from a community, by their being laid symbolically upon a material medium, there are many analogies in other countries (see J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, ii. 182 ff.).t The belief in goblins, or demons (jinn), haunting the wilder- ness and vexing the traveller, is particularl common in Arabia (see Wellhausen, Ppeste Arab. Heidentums, pp. 135-140) +: in OT it is found in Ly 177, Is 137 3414 (‘satyrs,’ lit. he-goats, and Lilith, the night-monster), ‘Azazel must have * Of. 545f. 554. 67 and 81, which also mention ‘Azazel, but treat him not as first but as tenth in command, are considered by Dillm. and Charles(Hnoch, p. 61) to belong toa later stratum of the work, The first part of the name Duda-el has been ingeniously explained by Geiger (Jtid. Ztschr. 1864-1865, p. 201) as a cor- ruption of Hadiudé in ‘ Béth Hadudo’ (‘place of sharp rocks’), the place 12 miles from Jerus., to which, anoonhng to the Mishna (Yoma 646.8), the Targ. of Ps.-Jon. (on Lv 1610. 22), and other authorities, the goat was led on the Day of Atonement, and precipitated over the rocks that it might perish. Béth Hadudé has been identified, with great probability, with a ruined site now called Bét-hudédin, on the edge of a chalk range, overhanging a steep and rocky chasm, nearly due E. of Jerus., and at the required distance (Schick, ZDPV, 1880, 9 . 218). + In the OT the aim of the rite described in Lv 146f. 51-58 (the living hird let loose in the ritual of purification after leprosy) is probably similar (Dillm. p. 5382; Nowack, Arch. ii. 291f.; W. R. Smith, Rel. Sem. p. 422). t The ghdi (‘surpriser’; plur. ‘aghwdl) was one of them (Lane, Arab. Lex. p. 2911). See also Smith, Rel. Sem.? p. 126 ff. AZAZIAH 208 been such a spirit, sufficiently distinguished from the rest, in popular imagination, to receive a special name, and no doubt invested with attributes which, though unknown to us, were perfectly familiar to those for whom the ceremonial of Lv 16 was first designed. The meaning of the name is very uncertain. No root Siy is known in Hebrew; but ‘azala in Arab. means to remove, place far apart; hence it has been conjectured that the name may have signified the averter of evil (Ges.),* or have denoted a spirit, supposed to separate travellers in the desert from their companions, or divert them from their way (Steiner, and, with some reserve, Dillm.).+ Cheyne considers that the name was originally bxny ‘God is strong’ (ef. samy 1 Ch 15%),t but that it was afterwards deliberately altered, to conceal the true derivation of the fallen angel’s name.§ LiTERATURE.—Ges. Thes. 8.0. (p. 1012f.); Dillm. on Lv 168; Nowack, Arch. ii. 186f. (where further references are given): also Ewald, Alt, . 479f.; Lehre von Gott, ii. 291f.; Oehler, OT Theol. § 140; Schultz, OT Theol. i. 403-406. S. R. DRIVER. AZAZIAH (iny).—4. A Levite musician who took part in the proceedings when David brought up the ark to Jerus. (1 Ch 15”). 2. The father ay Hoshea the prince of Ephraim when David numbered the people (1: Ch 27). 3. An overseer of the temple in Hezekiah’s reign (2 Ch 31"), AZBUK (piziy Neh 31*).—Nehemiah, the son of A., took part in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem. AZEKAH (nay ‘a place hoed over’).—A city of Judah, named Jos 10-4, 18 171, 2 Ch 119, Neh 11°, It was evidently near the valley of Elah and near Gath, and was a frontier fortress of Rehoboam. The Jews inhabited it ‘and the villages thereof’ after the Captivity. The later notices would agree with a site in the south, where the name might be traced at Tell el ‘Azek; but this would not suit the earlier notices. The name El “Azek is stated to occur in the hills north of the valley of Elah, but * Averruncus. So Olsh. § 188, Stade, § 1249, treating ‘azd’zél as (anomalously) softened from the intensive form ‘azalzél. t The form of the word is peculiar, and resembles one of the types of Arab. ‘broken,’ or collective, plurals. This was re- marked long ago by Bochart (Hieroz. i. 750,—with many examples), though he assigned to it an improbable meaning: Steiner (Schenkel, Bibellew. v. 599), adopting the same sug- gestion, but interpreting more probably, conjectures that originally ‘azazél was a collective designation of such spirits of the desert (from a sing. ‘azzal: Wright, Ar. Gramm. i. § 305, IT.), and that it only gradually became the name of a single spirit. t Not only Gabriel and Michael in Dn, but also many of the other names of angels in the Book of Enoch, are compounded with El ‘God’ (Ariel, Raphael, Kokabiel, Tamiel, etc.: see vi. 7). § The rendering of AV scape-goat, inherited from the ‘Great Bible’ of 1539, may be traced back through Seb. Miinster (‘caper abiturus’), Coverdale (‘the free sees Luther (‘der ledige Bock’), and Jerome (‘caper emissarius’) to the rpéyog darepyo peavoc (V,10 cguéwevos) of Symmachus (2nd cent.) ; but implies a derivation Oia, =)bix Wy ‘the going goat’) opposed to the genius of the Heb, language (which does not form such com- porns). besides being inconsistent with the marked antithesis etween for ‘Azazel and for Jehovah, which does not leave it open to doubt that the former is conceived as a personal being, to whom (cf. v.26) the goat is sent. The Targ. of Ps.—Jon. (on v.10} and other Jewish authorities interpret ‘Azazel as the name of the ‘strong and difficult place’ (wp) *4pn an¥,—implying the view that the first part of the word was in some way connected with 1) strong) in the wilderness to which the goat was sent: the LXX (v.8 42 dxorourain, V.10 gly shy &rorourgy, v.26 sie &gsewv) seems to have rendered freely, treating the word in v.8 as meaning the one sent away (see Field, Hexapla, Auctarium, . 60), and in v.10. 26 as meaning dismissal ; the latter rendering as also been adopted by some moderns. But these explana- tions are equally open to philological or other objections, which place them out of the question, All the principal modern authorities agree in explaining ‘Azazel as a personal name. Scape-goat is, however, a felicitous expression; it has become classical in English ; and there is no reason why it should not be retained as a term descriptive of the goat sent into the wilderness, provided it be clearly understood that it is in no way a rendering of the Heb. ?inty, AZZUR the repeated investigations of the Survey parties failed to establish its existence. C. R. CONDER. AZEL (byx ete ‘noble’).—4. A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8°7-%—9#.44)) See GENEALOGY. 2. (AV Azal) The name of an unidentified site in the neighbourhood of Jerus. (Zec 145), possibly the same as Beth-ezel of Mic 14. J. A. SELBIE. AZETAS (’Afnrds), 1 Es 5%.—The head of a family which returned with Zerubbabel. There ig no correspending name in the lists of Ezr and Neh. H. St. J. THACKERAY. AZGAD.—See ASTAD. AZIEI.—One of the ancestors of Ezra (2 Es 1%) celica’ Azariah, Ezr 7*, and Ozias (AV Ezias), 1 Es 87. AZIEL (xy, B’Otesr, A -t-).—A Levite skilled in the use of the psaltery (1 Ch 15”). A shortened form of Jaaziel (>x"1y:), as he is called 1 Ch 15%, H. St. J. THACKERAY. AZIZA (xy, cf. Palmyr. y).—One of the Jews who had taken oe wives (Ezr et Called ZARDEUS (wh. see) 1 Es 9%, H. A. WHITE. AZMAYETH (nypv).—1. A descendant of Saul (1 Ch 8%), 2. One of David’s mighty men (25 23%, 1 Ch 11*), prob. identical with A. of 1 Ch 12%, whose sons joined David at Ziklag, and A. of 1 Ch 275, who was ‘over the king’s treasuries.’ J. A. SELBIE. AZMAVETH (my, given in 2 § 23%1,1 Ch 8%, as a personal name), 1 Ch 12’, Ez 2%, Neh 7%2,—A town of Benjamin, the same as Beth-azmaveth in the last-cited passage, inhabited by the Jews after the meget et Now Hizmeh, a small place on the hills S.E. of Gibeah. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. ConDER. AZMON (jor), Nu 344, Jos 154. Ezem, Jos 15” 19°.—A place on the border of Judah, some- where south of Beersheba, afterwards given to Simeon. The site is unknown. AZNOTH-TABOR (128 ni3}x ‘the ears of Tabor’) Jos 19%.—This marked the 8.W. corner of the lot of Naphtali. The lower slopes of Mt. Tabor. AZOR (’Afép).—An ancestor of Jesus (Mt 114), See GENEALOGY. AZOTUS ("Afwros).—4. Ashdod (wh. see), Jth 2%, 1 Mac 425 5% 1077. 78. 83. 84 114 1434 1619 Ac 8 2, The hill on which Ashdod stands (1 Mac 9"), C. R. ConDER. AZRIEL (5x ‘help of God’).—4. The head of a ‘father’s house’ in the half tribe of Manasseh E. of Jordan (1 Ch 5%). 2. A man of Naphtali (1 Ch 27). 8. The father of Seraiah (Jer 36”). AZRIKAM (og7y).—41. A son of Neariah (1 Ch 33), 2, A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8 9%), 8. A Levite (1 Ch 9%, Neh 11%). 4. The ‘rule: of the house’ under Ahaz, slain by Zichri the. Ephraimite (2 Ch 287). AZUBAH (n31y).—4. Wife of Caleb (1 Ch 2'* ¥). 2. Mother of Jehoshaphat (1 K 22“=2 Ch 20*}). AZZAN (j3x).—Father of Paltiel (Nu 34”), AZZUR (wy ‘helper’).—4. One of those whe sealed the covenant (Neh 101"). 2, Father of Hananiah the false prophet (Jer 28). 3, Fathe: of Jaazaniah, one of the princes of the people (Ezh 1L'). Nos. 2 and 3 are spelt in AV Azur. J. A. SELBIE. =o © BAAL 209 B B.—This letter is used in critical notes in the OT and NT (except in Rev) to denote the readings of ‘the Vatican MS’ (Codex Vaticanus 1209). It is a quarto volume, consisting at present of 759 leaves of fine vellum, written (except the poetical books of OT) in three columns to a page. It has lost 31 leaves at the beginning (Gn 1-46%), part of a leaf at f. 178 (2 K 25-7 10-18), 10 leaves after f. 348 (Ps 1057"-137°) [Eng. 106. 138]. The NT begins on f. 618, and breaks off at f. 759 in the middle of He 9. The books are arranged in the following order: Gn to2Ch, Es 1 and 2, Ps, Pr, Ec, Ca, Job, Wis, Sir, Est, Jth, To, 12 Proph, Is, Jer, Bar, La, Ep. Jer, Ezk, Dn (Theodotion’s version), Gospels, Ac, Cath. Epp., Ro, land 2 Co, Gal, Eph, Ph, Col, 1 and2Th, He. The codex never contained the Prayer of Manasses or the Books of the Maccabees. The loss of leaves at the end makes it impossible to speak definitely of the contents of its NT canon. Of the books now recognised it lacks 1 and 2 Ti, Tit, Philem, Rev. The missing chapters in He and the Rev were added in 15th cent., perhaps, as Tregelles conjectures, in pre- paration for its presentation to the Library. This part of the MS is quoted as ‘263’ (Greg. ‘ 293’) in He, as ‘91’ in Rev. The orig. MS was written at some time in 4th cent., and is the work, according to Tischendorf (the Roman editors reserve their judg- ment), of three scribes, one of whom, the scribe who wrote NT, is identified (also by Tischendorf) with the scribe who wrote part of OT and a few leaves of NT in & (which see). On this identification it seems impossible as yet to pronounce a final verdict. Armitage Robinson, however, has pointed out that there is other evidence to show that the two great Bibles once stood side by side in the same library (Euthaliana, p. 37). This evidence is supplied by the presence in the margin both of § and B (in each, apparently, as the result of an early insertion) of a remarkable system of chapter-numbering in the Acts, derived ultimately from the work of Eu- thalius, and found besides in two important MSS of the Latin Vulg. (am and fu). In the Gospels B lacks the Ammonian sections and Eusebian canons, and presents a division into sections which appears besides only in & (Codex Zacynthius) an 8th cent. MS of St. Luke. In Acts, besides the system already referred to, there is an earlier (?) one, making 36 chapters. The Cath. Epp. also show an earlier and a later system of division into chapters. From the earlier system 2 P was apparently excluded. The system in the Pauline Ep . is remarkable. They are treated as a single book, and the sections numbered continu- ously throughout, the sequence of the numbers showing that in the source from which this system of division was derived, Hebrews stood between Galatians and Ephesians. The birthplace of the MS is still obscure. Hort suggested me; Armitage Robinson’s work on Euthalius gives some plausibility to Rendel Harris’ suggestion of Cesarea. The Text of the MS was revised soon after it had been written, with the help of a fresh MS, by a corrector who is quoted as B? in the NT and B* by Swete in the OT. Six centuries later another scribe (B»=B*) retraced the faded original writing throughout. In consequence, the work of the original scribe is almost entirely hidden from sight except in the case of isolated words or letters which the restorer, for one reason or another, omitted to retrace. The text of the OT section of this MS has been generally accessible since it was taken as the basis VOL. I.—I4 of the Roman edition of the LXX in 1587. Its NT text, on the other hand, during the first half of the present century, was to be ascertained only by a comparison of three more or less imperfect collations,—one made by Bartolocci in 1669, pre- served in Paris ; one made for Bentley by Mico about 1720 (supplemented by Rulotta 1730), preserved in Trin. Goll., Cambridge ; and one by Birch, pub- lished in 1788, 1798, and 1801. The MS was taken to Paris by Napoleon, and there carefully exam- ined, though not collated, by Hug in 1809. After ivs restoration to the Vatican it was inspected. at various times by Tischendorf, Tregelles, and Alford, but under conditions that precluded thorough collation. Since 1850 three editions, purporting to give the text of the MS, have been ublished at Rome. The first, under the names of ai and Vercellone, in 1857; the second, under the same names, in 1859; the third, under the names of Vercellone and Cozza, at various dates between 1868 and 1881. These editions are now superseded by a magnificent reproduction in photo- graphic facsimile of the entire MS. Its readings in the OT are most readily accessible in Swete’s Camb. edition, 1887-1889. They are recorded in the NT in the critical editions of Tregelles and Tischendorf. Notr.—The same symbol, in critical notes on Rev, denotes an 8th cent. MS of Rev, also preserved in the Vatican. It is to be carefully distinguished from the MS described above, and it would prevent confusion if this latter MS were referred toas B,. J. O. F. Murray. B.—A symbol used in criticism of Hex. by Dillmann to signify the work of the Elohist (E); by Schultz for that of the Jahwist (J). See HEXATEUCH. F. H. Woops. BAAL (%y3, BdéadX or Badd).—The word means owner or lord, and is used both of men and gods. When used of men it implies possession, so owner of house, land, cattle, etc. ; then it comes to mean husband. When applied to gods it also means owner, not sovereign, possessor of the land rather thantruler ofmen. Thus we have the B. of Tyre, the B. of Peor, etc., and, by an extension, B. of other objects, ¢.g. B.-berith ; sometimes B. is prefixed to the name of a god, so possibly in the case of Baal- ad. The name was so obnoxious to the Jews in ater times that nv (désheth, shame) was freq. substituted for it (see ISHBOSHETH). Thus we get Ishbosheth, Mephibosheth for Ishbaal, Meribbaal ; and Dillmann has shown that this is the origin of the fem. 7 Bdad (4 alox’vn being the keré) that we find in the prophetic books (LXX) and Ro 114. The areal conception is a problem of great difficulty and obscurity, the more so on account of the misconceptions that have gathered about it. It is commonly held that there was a supreme deity known as Baal, who is frequently identified with the sun. It will be convenient to examine first the alleged solar character of Baal. The evidence may be thus summarised. We find on inscriptions Baal Hammon, and on a Carthaginian monument Baal Hammon is represented with a crown of rays. The Hammanim are sun-pillars, and used in idolatrous worship. The root means ‘to be hot.’ Further, Baalbek was called by the Greeks Heliopolis (sun-city). At Beth-shemesh (house of the sun) there was a temple to B. But this evidence is far from cogent, and much too slender to bear the identification of B. with the sun; at the most it will show only that the sun was sometimes regarded as a B. This is all that can be inferred from the temple of B. at Beth-shemesh ; and the Gr. name of Baalbek is even less weighty, since evidence of that kind is necessarily somewhat late. And, on the other hand, B. and the sun are distinguished, 2 K 235. It was perfectly natural for sun-worshippers to speak of the sun as a B., but it does not follow that the converse is true, and that B.-worshippers identified the object of their worship with the sun. It is not probable that B. was even a sky-god. It is true that the Baalim were regarded as the producers of fertility, and to them were ascribed the corn and wine and oil (Hos 2°§), We think of the sun and rain as givers of fertility. But much of the district where B. worship prevailed was not fertilised by rain, but by natural and artificial irrigation. The land that was thus naturally watered and made fruitful was said in Arabia to be ‘ watered by the Bal’; and in the phrase ‘what the sky waters and what the Bal waters,’ the latter is expressly distinguished from the former. So the Mishna and Talmud draw a distinction between land artificially irrigated and land naturally moist, calling the latter the ‘house of B.’ or ‘field of the house of B’ (W. R. Smith, #S? 97). Itis true that in Pal. the cultiva- tion of corn Ae pee on rain, and corn was cer- tainly regarded as a gift of the Baalim. But analogy would make the transition possible from the idea of the Baalim as givers of fertility through the springs of the oasis to the idea that they gave it through the rains of heaven. It is true that analogy may have worked the other way, and that they may first have been conceived as givers of rain, and then as givers of the fertilising streams and underground waters. If, as Néldeke and Wellhausen think, B.-worship originated in Arabia, the former view would be more probable. W.R Smith, however, argues that ‘cults of the B. type and the name of B. itself’ were borrowed alon with agriculture from the Northern Semites, an entered Arabia with the date-palm. At the same time, he argues forcibly that B.’s land is not origin- ally land watered by the sky, but by ‘springs, streams, and underground flow,’ although later the Baalim were regarded as fertilising the land watered by rain. We may now pass to the question whether the common view is correct, that B. was the name for the supreme deity of the Canaanites. It is a serious objection to this view, that, except in names, neither on the monuments nor in the OT can we find B. as a proper name standing by itself. We frequently have B. with the article, the B., or B. followed by the name of a place, quality, ete. In the former case the use of the article precludes us from treating B. as a proper name: it means the divine owner or landlord of the district in question. Similarly in the latter case the particular B. in- tended is distinguished from other Baals by the addition of the qualifying words. It is said by some that B. was originally one and the same deity, but for the consciousness of the people, the B. of one place was a different god from the B. of another (cf. Baethgen, Beitrage, p. 19). But if that had been so, we should have expected to find traces of this original deity, whereas all we find is one Baals into which he has been differentiated. Nor is it easy on this view to account for the use of the plural ‘the Baalim.’ This has been inter- preted as an oe plural ‘great B.,’ or as images of B., or B. under his various manifesta- tions. But, taken with the facts already men- tioned, by far the most natural explanation is that the word is a collective plural, and means the local Baals. And if this be so, it follows that B. can hardly be the sun, for it is the same everywhere, while the Baalim were distinct from each other, ae and thus our previous conclusion is confirmed by an independent line of argument. The evidence seems to warrant the following statement. There was originally no supreme deity called B., nor is B. to be identified with the sun. There was only the Baal (or Baals) of particular places distinct from each other. The worship probably arose in connexion with agriculture. The local Baals fertilised each his own district by his streams and springs, and hence they were the owners of these naturally fertile spots. Tribute was therefore due to them, whether for the crops raised on the fertile ground, or for the water used in making land fertile by ide cs By a natural extension the fertility of land watered by rain was also ascribed to the Baals. But by a process, to which we have abundant parallels in the cults of the powers of fertility, the giving of animal fruitfulness was attributed to them, and their worship was thus debased by repulsive immorality. These Baalim seem from Hos 2” to have had their individual names. Itisadmitted by W. R. Smith that ‘in later times B. or Bel became a proper name, bet in con- nexion with the cult of the Bab. Bel’ (#S? 95). When Israel entered Canaan the worship of thé Baalim was everywhere present. As it was esp. associated with agriculture, which the Israelites learnt from the Canaanites, there was danger lest they should take over also the religious festivals connected with the various agricultural seasons, and thus succumb to the deadly fascination of the sensual nature-worship of the older inhabitants. That this actually happened we learn from the history. Matters were made worse by the custom, which we find among the Israelites, of speaking of J” as Baal. Since B. was not a proper name, but only an appellative, this custom was perfectly innocent, and all that was meant was that J” was the divine owner of His people, or the husband of Israel. But this double use of the term Baal for the local deity and for J” tended to produce confusion between them, and by this syncretism the conception of J” was debased by elements borrowed from nature-worship, and the lapse into idolatry was made much easier. The fact referred to, that the Israelites spoke of J” as Baal, has been disputed, but rests on very strong evidence. We have names such as Ishbaal and Meribbaal, and even such a name as Bealiah (1 Ch 12°), ‘J’ is Baal.’ Further, we learn from Hosea that the Israelites called J” Baali, i.e. my Baal (Hos 2" ; see Driver, Sam. 186, 195 f., 279; Gray, Heb. Prop. Names, 141 ff.). With Ahab a new phase emerges. The B. whose worship he established was Melkart, the B. of Tyre, his wife’s home (1 K 16%). We have here an instance of a local B. worshipped in a foreign country. The worship of Melkart was not in- tended to supersede the worship of J”, but to exist side by side with it. Elijah forced on the popular mind the conviction that J” and Melkart: were mutually exclusive. The worship was discontinued by Jehoram, the son of Ahab (2 K 3?), but stamped out by Jehu’s treacherous slaughter of its adherents (2 K 108-27), In Judah it seems to have been estab- lished by Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, and continued by Ahaziah (2 K 818 27), We find it in the reign of Athaliah, and it was suppressed at her death (2 i 118), The later B.-worship, to which we find several references in the prope (Hosea, Jeremiah, Zephaniah), seems to have been the worship of the local Baalim rather than of Melkart. The Baalim were chiefly worshipped at the high-places, but also on housetops. Obelisks stood beside their altars, and sometimes an Asherah or sacred pole. Chiidren were offered as burnt- offerings in the valley of Hinnom (Jer 19°; but cf. RS?372n.). We often read of incense being BAAL BAAL-ZEPHON offered to them. Melkart was worshipped with animal sacrifices, and homage was done to him by bowing the knee and kissing his image. He had not only priests, but prophets. These are numbered at 450 in the time of Ahab, and a very graphic picture of their frenzied prayers and cutting of themselves to gain the attention of their god is given in 1 K 18%, LirmraTuRE.—By far the most important discussion is that of W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites,? pp. 93-113. The follow- Ing may also be consulted :—Oort, 7'he Worship of Baalim in Isr.; Baudissin, Jahve et Moloch, and in Herzog, RE 8.v.; Nowack, Heb. Archdol. ii. 301-305; Baethgen, Beitrage zur Sem. Religionsgesch.; Konig, Die Hauptprovieme, pp. 35-33; Dillmann, Monatsbertchie der Akad. der Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1881, p. 601 ff. A. 8. PEAKE. BAAL (5y3).—1. A Reubenite, the tather of Beerah, who was carried captive by Tiglath-pileser (1 Ch 55). 2. A Gibeonite, granduncle of Saul (1 Ch 8%=9%), BAAL, BAALAH, BAALATH (ys, nbys, nby2).— 4. Baalah (1 Ch 13°, Jos 15* 1°), a name for Kiriath- jearim. 2. Baalah Mount (Jos 15"), the ridge which runs west from Ekron to Jabneel. 3. Baalah (Jos 15”), a city in the extreme south of Judah, prob. the same as Balah, Jos 19* (= Bilhah, 1 Ch 4”) and Bealoth, Jos 15%. 4. Baalath (Jos 19%), a town of Dan. The site is uncertain. 5. Baalath (1 K 9'8=2 Ch 8°); the town is noticed with Tadmor, but also in the second passage with Beth-horon. The site is uncertain. It might be No. 4. 6. Baalath- beer (Jos 19%; Baal, 1 Ch 4°), This seems to have been perhaps the same as Ramah of the Negeb, according to the first passage. Evidently a hill in the Tih plateau, S. or 8.E. of Beersheba. A con- spicuous object in this part of the desert is the white dome of the small shrine called Kwbbet el Baul, which may retain the name, S. of Tell el Milh. C. R. CoNDER. BAAL-BERITH (n73 5y3=‘lord of the covenant’), the god of Shechem, where he had a temple, Jg 8* 94; also called El-berith, Jg 9*°. The name may mean the god who presides over covenants, cf. Zevs Opxtos ; or the god of the Can. league which centred at Shechem ; or the god of the covenant between Canaanites and Israelites, cf. Gn 34. G. A. CooKE. BAALE-JUDAH (apm: *by2 2 S 6?).—The same as Baalah (Jos 15°, 1 Ch 13°), the old name of KIRIATH-JEARIM, which see. The name is no doubt an error for ‘ Baal of Judah’ (cf. parall. 1 Ch 13° ‘to Baalah,’ and Jos 15® 1814, where it is called Kiriath-baal, t.e. ‘city of Baal’). It must have been noted once as a seat of Baal-worship. C. R. CONDER. BAAL-GAD (73 by3 ‘Baal of fortune’?), Jos 117 127 13°.—Close to Hermon, but in the valley of the Lebanon. It must have been, therefore, on the north-west slopes of Hermon. The most probable site is at ‘Ain Jedeideh, ‘the strong spring,’ in this direction, near the road to Damascus. C. R. CONDER. BAAL-HAMON (jin7 5y2), Ca 8".—Perhaps for Baal-Hermon, or the Amanus. See SYRIA. BAAL-HANAN (137 by2 ‘ Baal is gracious ’).—1. A king of Edom (Gn 36%, 1 Ch 14-5), 2, A Gederite who had charge of David’s olive and _ sycomore trees (1 Ch 27%). BAAL-HAZOR (isp 5y2), 2S 13°, near Ephraim, appears to be the high mountain east of the road to Shechem, called Tell/‘Astir. It is very rugged, with grey limestone slopes, and with a small group of oaks at the top beside a shrine, and tuins of a town, SWP Fol ii. sheet xiv. See PALESTINE. C. R. CONDER. BAAL-HERMON (ji077 5y3), Jg 3’, 1 Ch 5%. See HERMON. BAALI and BAALIM.—See BAAL. BAALIS (obys, Beded), the king of the children of Ammon at the time of the murder of Gedaliah (Jer 40 (Gr. 47] 34). BAAL-MEON (j\yp Sy3), Nu 32°8, 1 Ch 58, Ezk 259, Beth-baal-meon, Jos 137. Beth-meon, Jer 48”; poy Beon, Nu 32°.—A town of Reuben near ibon. It is named on the Moabite Stone, 1. 9, as built by Mesha. The present ruin, Ma'‘in, a large mound at the edge of the plateau west of Medeba. The ruins are those of a Roman town. See Mem. East Pal. Survey, vol. i. s.v. The valley beneath to the south is well watered. In the Onomasticon (s.v. Baalmeon) this site is noticed as still a large village near Baaru (Macherus; see Reland, Pal. pp. 487, 611, 881), and 9 Roman miles from Heshbon, where were natural hot springs. The springs are those of Callirrhoé, in the great ravine of the Zerka Ma‘in to the south. C. R. CONDER. BAAL-PEOR (riys 5y3, Beehgeywp, Dt 48>, Nu 25°, Ps 1068) was the local deity of Mt. Peor. In Dt 485, Hos 9" it is perhaps the name of a place. The Israelites are said (Nu 25°) to have worshipped him during their stay in Shittim. It is frequently sup- posed that his worship was especially licentious, since in the same context mention is made of the unchastity of the Israelites with the women of Moab and Midian. But the two facts are not definitely connected, so that we have no evidence for this opinion (cf. Driver on Dt 4%). A. S. PEAKE. BAAL-PERAZIM (oxy 5y3), 2S 5”, 1 Ch 14%, It was near Jerusalem, but the situation is un- certain. See Driver on 2S 5”. BAALSAMUS (Baddcayos, AV Balasamus), 1 Es 9%; in Neh 8’, MAASEIAH. BAAL-SHALISHAH (nyby Syz), 2 K 4 Com- pare Shalisha. The situation is uncertain, but it seems to have been in Mount Ephraim. The village Kefr Thilth preserves the name of Shal- isha. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xiv. C. R. CONDER. BAAL-TAMAR (197 Sy3 ‘Baal of the palm’), Jg 20,—It was near Bethel and Gibeah,—perhaps connected with the palm of Deborah (Jg 4°), which was between Bethel and Ramah,—a position which might suit the notice of Baal-tamar, whence Gibeah was attacked. C. R, CONDER. BAALZEBUB (2:3; 5y3, Bdad potav, 2 K 1% 86-16), —A Baal of flies, worshipped in Ekron, and consulted SPS eet the son of Ahab and king of Israel. y he was called Baal of flies is not clear. Probably he was regarded as the lord of flies, and worshipped by those who did not wish to be troubled by them. If Baal were the sun, the name would probably be connected with the fact that the heat of the summer sun calls out the flies in such numbers that in hot countries they become a plague. But this is probably not so (see BAAL). e see from the narrative in Kings that he was specially famous as a giver of oracles. Probably the busy flies, who swarm everywhere, were regarded as his messengers. In NT (Mt 10% 12% 2”, Mk 3”, Lk 11" 18 1%) the name is changed to Beelzebul (BeedgeBovrA, WH BeeteBovrd, AV and RV Beelzebub, RVm Beelzebul; cf. Beliar for Belial), and has become a, name for the prince of the devils. A. S. PEAKE. BAAL-ZEPHON (jby 9y3) is mentioned Ex 149, 212 BAANA BABEL, CITY AND TOWER OF Nu 337 only, as one of three places near ‘ the sea’ crossed by the Israelites. It was the seat of some form of Baal-worship, the character of which, as indicated by Zephon, is uncertain. Gesenius (Thes. . 225b) translates B-Z. by locus Typhonis vel oshons sacer, and others are disposed to regard Typhon as a variant of Zephon. But Typhon seems to be pure Greek, with a suitable Gr. deri- vation, and no good reason has been adduced for attributing an Egypt. origin to the word. Typhon was called by various names, the most common being Set. Set appears to have been regarded as a god of foreigners, and was combined, or perhaps confused, with Baal. Other explanations of Zephon are, (1) the north, or the north wind, making it equivalent to }5¥; (2) a watch-tower, from the root 75x. The word }\ps occurs as a proper name Nu 26", and in the parallel passage (Gn 461°) jipy occurs, which seems to be derived from 75s. The situation is as uncertain as the etymology. It has been placed on the N. shore of Egypt by Brugsch, who identifies it with Mt. Casius ; about the middle of the present Isthmus, on some hill like Shekh Ennedek (Naville) ; at Jebel ‘Atakah, or a spot on the E. side of the modern canal nearly opposite fort Ajrud. The conjecture of Ebers (Durch Gosen zum Sinai, p. 570) that Phenician sailors propitiated the god ofthe north wind when starting southwards on ‘a voyage down the Gulf of Suez is a plausible one. The much quoted tract of Plutarch, de [side et Osiride, may be referred to for further information about Typhon; and in Bau- meister, Denkmiiler des class. Alter. p. 2135b, there is a picture, Egyptian in style (No. 2393). A. T. CHAPMAN. BAANA (x13, possibly for my-ja ‘son of dis- tress’?; but this and similar contractions are highly uncertain).—1. (1 K 4!) and 2. (1 K 418) Two of Solomon’s twelve commissariat officers. 3. (Neh 3‘) Father of Zadok, one of the builders of Jerusalem under Nehemiah. 4. (1 Es 58 Baavd A B) One of the leaders of the poopie who returned from the Capti- vity with Zerubbabel. Possibly the same as (3) and BAANAH (3). C. F. BURNEY. BAANAH (73y3).—1. Son of Rimmon, a Benjamite from Beeroth, who, with his brother Rechab, mur- dered Ishbosheth and brought his head to David at Hebron. They were slain at David’s command, and their hands and feet hung up over the pool in Hebron (2 S 45"), Possibly the brothers had fled from Beeroth, a Gibeonite city, when Saul slew the Gibeonites (2 S 21). 2. A Netophathite, father of Heled (Heleb), 2S 23, 1 Ch 11%. 3. One of those who returned from the Exile with Zerubbabel (Ezr 23, Neh 7’, and probably 107”), See also BAANA(= #3). J. F. STENNING. BAANI (A Baavi, B -vel, AV Maani from the Aldine text), 1 Es 9*%=Bani, Ezr 10*4. BAARA (x y3).—Wife of a Benjamite (1 Ch 88). BAASEIAH (n:vy3 probably by error for ‘yn, Maagal, B).—A Kohathite (1 Ch 6%), BAASHA (xy¥y3), son of Ahijah, of the tribe of Issachar. He seems to have been of lowly origin, as the prophet Jehu describes him as having been exalted out of the dust’ (1 K 167). When Nadab, son of Jeroboam I., was besieging the Philistine town of Gibbethon, Baasha conspired against him and slew him. He also exterminated all the seed of Jeroboam, thus fulfilling the sentence pronounced by Ahijah the Shilonite. Ascending the throne of the ten northern tribes about B.c. 914, he reigned for twenty-four years. His reign was that of a restless and warlike adventurer. He carried on a long war with Asa, king of Judah. Unable tc withstand him, Asa purchased the help of Ben- hadad, ae of Syria, who invaded the northern frontiers of Israel, and captured several towns. This drew Baasha away from the work in which he had been engaged, the building of a fort called Ramah, to blockade the north of Judah. Asa led his forces against Ramah and destroyed it, usin the materials to build the towns of Geba an Mizpah (1 K 15'**!, 2 Ch 1616). (See AsA.) In matters of religion Baasha did not profit by the warning given in the destruction of Jeroboam and his house, but followed his evil example in main- taining the calf- worship. On this account the same fate was denounced | against his house by the prope’ Jehu, son of Hanani(1 K 167). He himself, owever, died a natural death, and was buried Elah, his oon ee in Tirzah, his capital. Boyp. him on the throne (165). BABBLER.—To ‘babble’ (a word supposed to be formed from the childish sound ba 6a, with freq. term. Je) is to talk incoherently, hence fool- ishly or unseasonably. ‘Babbler’ is given in AV as tr. of ba‘al hallashén (jwn bya), lit. ‘the lord of the tongue’ (RV ‘the charmer’), Ec 10"; Aamorijs (RV ‘braggart’), Sir 207; and omeppodésyos, Ac 1738, In the last word there is a touch of something worse than babbling. It was applied first to the crow, as the bird that picks up scattered grain (ewipue ‘aseed,’ and Atysy ‘to gather’); then to any ‘parasite’ or ‘ hanger on,’ who picks up what he can in the market or harbour by his wits. Such an one is indifferent as to the obligation of his words, and so any mere bes ma: have been called a spermologos.* See Trench, On the AV, p. 156f. Babbling as a subst. is found in Pr 23” ‘who hath b.?’ (wv, RV ‘complaining’); Sir 19° 20° (Aadd) ; 1 Ti 6%, 2 Ti 2) ‘profane and vain b*’ (kevopurian, lit. ‘empty talkings’). J. HASTINGS. BABE.—Two distinct words have been tr‘ ‘ babe’ in NT. 1. Bréphos (8pépos), either an unborn (Lk 14 “) or recently born child, Lk 2! 16, ] P 23 (with adj. dprvyévynros ‘newborn’); Lk 18% RV ‘they brought unto him also their b*’ (AV ‘infants’); Ac 7 RV (AV ‘young children’); 2Ti 3" RV ‘fromab. (AV ‘ child’) thou hast known the sacred writings.’ 2. Népios (vjmos), a child that cannot yet speak (v7=‘ not,’ éros=‘a word’), Mt 11% 2136, Lk 102, Ro 2”, 1 Co 3!, He 5%. It is a pity that RV has not kept these words distinct. ‘Infant’ (in ‘not,’ fans ‘speaking’) is so evident a tr® of népios that it might have been used throughout for that word, and for that word only, leaving ‘babe’ for bréphos. Then the point of Mt 21!* would have been seen at once, ‘Out of the mouth of infants (children not old enough to speak) thou hast perfected praise’; and of Ro 2” “a teacher of infants.’ Besides, népios carries the suggestion of contrast between infancy and man- hood (réAetos, adult, as He 51 %, 1 Co 14”, or dvip, man, as 1 Co 184, EV ‘child,’ Eph 4% 14, EV ‘children’). And the further use of ‘infant’ to Ben a legal minor would very well express the apostle’s point in Gal 4 ® ‘as long as the heir is an infant,’ ete. (EV ‘ child’). In OT ‘babe’ is given as tr® of na‘ar (7y3) Ex 2°, the usual word for a boy of puberty=zais, puer; of ‘Olé (Sbiy) Ps 82174, a suckling ; and of ta‘aldl (Syn) from the same root, Is 34. J. HASTINGS. BABEL, CITY AND TOWER OF.—The city of Babel or Babylon was, from the time of Kham- murabi downwards, the capital of the Babylonian empire. It was especially famous for its temple * Ramsay, in a full and interesting discussion of this word in the Expositor (5th ser. vol. ii. pp. 220f., 262f.), denies all reference to speaking. The Athenians, he thinks, applied this slang term of contempt to St. Paul simply as one who did not belong to their learned and exclusive society. Saas) oi, 7 orl ; ; BABI BABYLON IN NT 213 Sag-illa (‘of the exalted [lit. ‘reaching to the clouds’] head’), situated upon the east bank of the Euphrates. At Bamip a (Birs-Nimroud), the neighbouring town to Babylon, there may be seen at the present day a ruined temple of Nebo which was called “Ae te Babylonians 4-Zidda (‘house of eternity’). Like the latter, the temple E-sag-illa, dedicated to Bel-Merodach, had seven storeys, following in this the fashion of all the larger Babylonian temples (see BABYLONIA, p. 220°). A detailed account of Babylon, unquestionably based on personal observation, is given by Herodotus (i. 178 ff.). It is now generally admitted that the sanctuary of Zeus-Belos mentioned by him must be identified, not with the still partially preserved temple of Nebo at Borsippa, but with the temple Sag-illa, which was then standing, although it has long since disappeared. The latter temple, more- over, not only consisted of the sacealled? zikkurat or storied tower just mentioned, which bore the special name of E-timin-an-ki (‘house of the foun- ation-stone of heaven and earth’); it wasa whole complex of sanctuaries. In one of these stood the famous imageof Bel-Merodach, theannual touching of which by the kings of Babylon at the New Year's festival served to confirm afresh their title and to establish their dominion. On this account Xerxes had it removed (cf. C. F. Lehmann, Samas-sum- ukin, p. 49), while he spared (Her. i. 183) the other image of Zeus (no doubt the statue of Nebo, which also had a place in Sag-illa). His removal of the first occasioned the mistake into which later his- torians (e.g. Arrian and Strabo) fell, of supposing that Xerxes completely destroyed Sag-illa. With regard to the site of Babylon, the ruinous heaps running from N. to S. and all on the E. bank of the Euphrates, represent the following ancient structures: Jumjuna=the great banking- house; Tell ‘Amrfn=Sag-illa ; Kassr=one of the palaces of Nebuchadrezzar (the royal palace mentioned by Herodotus was on the W. bank); Babil = the famous terraced gardens. The two eat walls described by Herodotus (i. 181) were built by Nebuch. 11., who, in a special sense, was the refounder of Babylon. The outer wall was named Nimitti-Bel (‘dwelling of Bel’), the inner Jmgur- Bel (‘ Bel was gracious’), probably in imitation of the names of the walls of Nippur, the ancient city of Bel (Nimitti-Marduk and Imgur-Marduk). In the biblical story of the Tower of Babel (Gn 11)*), v.® is probably a later addition, for Babel was certainly not amongst the oldest sanctuaries of the land of Shinar (Chaldza). In this con- nexion a tradition preserved by the LXX of Is 10° is of the highest interest. e read there, rhv dpav Thy érdvw BaBvdAGvos kal Xadavvi (according to alm. tradition Calneh is the ancient Nippur) od 6 mipyos gxodou7On, ‘the country above Babylon and Calneh where the tower was built.’ Kis, to whose situation these words may perhaps refer, contained the famous temple Kharsag-kalamma (‘mountain of the world,’ cf. Is 141%), and in the same city Khammurabi built the temple Miti-ursagga, whose “top (sag) he carried up (i//a) as high as heaven’ oe wm). The same Khammurabi would then ave built also Sag-illa at Babel. See also TONGUES, CONFUSION OF. F. HoMMEL. BABI (A Bafi, B Ba:tp), the head of a family which returned with Ezra (1 Es 8*), called in Ezr 84 Bebai (wh. see). BABYLON IN OT.—See BABEL, BABYLONIA. BABYLON IN NT.—1. In Mt 17-27, Ac 74 (adapted from Am 57) the name certainly denotes the ancient city. 2. The name occurs in Rev 14° 161° 17° 18? 10 21, In 17° it is described as pvorhpioy, t.€. a name to be allegorically interpreted (cf. Rev 118 1612 2-*), A full discussion would require an investigation of the apocalyptic HOB ECry generally. The chief conditions, however, of the problem are these: B. is described (1) as ‘the harlot,’ the supreme anti- thesis of ‘the bride,’ ‘the holy city,’ ‘the new Jerus.’; (2) as the centre and ruler of the nations, 148 171. 15.18; (3) as seated on ‘seven mountains,’ 179 (see Wetstein’s note); (4) as the source of idolatry and impurity, IYEES ETS Tita, TRB Eph 4“, ] P 45+); (5) as a great trading centre, 19% 11-19; (6) as enervated by luxury, 187 12%-22; (7) as the arch-persecutor of the saints and of ‘the witnesses of Jesus,’ 17° 192, These considerations, taken together, are decisive (a) against the view of a few interpreters, that by B. is meant Jerus. ; (6) in favour of the almost universal view that Rome is symbolised by B. This use of the name in an early Judzo-Christian book isin harmony with (1) the many analogies between ancient B. and Rome, both being capitals of great empires, homes of idolatry and impure luxury, oppressors of ‘the Israel of God’; (2) the Jewish love for mystic names, Rome and the Rom. Empire being often designated among the Jews as Edom (see, ¢.g., Buxtorf, Lex. Chald. p. 29 ff.) ; (3) the Jewish con- ception of the antagonism of the Rom. Empire to, and its destruction by, the Messianic kingdom (see Weber, Die Lehren des Talmud, p.364f. ; Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah, ii. p. 439); (4) the fact that Rome is called B. in what may well be an early Jewish portion of the Sibylltne Oracles, viz. v. 143, 158 (for the different views on Bk. v. see Schiirer, HJP i. iii. 286f.). The comparison of Rome to B. underlies much of Jewish apocalyptic litera- ture (2 Es, Apoc. Baruch; cf. Ryle and J@mes’ note on Psalms of Solomon, ii. 29). The only assage from Talmudic literature Soren cited or this mystic use of B. is the Midrash Shir hashirim Rabba, i. 6 (quoted by Wetstein on Apoc. 178; see also Levy, Newh. u. Chald. Worterb. 1905). Zunz (Lit. der Synag. Poesie, p. 100 f.)* refers also to Midr. Ps. 121 and Banitar rabba, c. 7 (end), noting that the name Babylonians was given by Jews to the Christians (Gen. Haggada, c. 27, in Jellinck’s Beth ha Midrash, iv. p. 41). The interpretation of B. in the Apoc. as Rome dates from the earliest times; it is implied in Iren. v. 26. 1, distinctly stated in Tert. adv. Mare. iii. 13=adv. Judeos, 9). So Jerome and Augustine, quoted by Wetstein on Apoc. 17%. Andreas (Cramer, Catena, p. 560) speaks of it as derived ‘from ancient teachers of the Church.’ Such opinions as that by B. is meant (a) ‘New Rome’ (=Constantinople), ‘because in it, in the times of the Arians, much blood of the orthodox was shed’ (Cramer, Catena, p. 429) ; (b) the Papacy, either at Avignon or at Rome (see Speaker's Com. iv. 754), scarcely belong to historical inter- pretation. 8. The name B. is found in 1 P 5”, dowdtera buds 4 év BaBvAdve ocuvexdexT}. N and some other authorities add éxxAnola. Two cursives read év ‘Péuy. Three interpretations of B. in this passage have been suggested: (1) The Egyp. B., which, however, is described by Strabo (xvii. p. 807) as simply pobptov épuuvév. (2) The eat B. But (a) there is apparently no evidence either that St. Peter was ever at B. or that a Christian church existed there in early times; (6) in Jos. Ant. XVIII. ix. 5-9 we have positive evidence as to the desola- tion which befell the Bab. Jews about A.D. 40, and the consequent improbability that an Apostolic Church would have been planted among them (ef. Neubauer, Géogr. du Talm. p. 344). (3) Rome. The evidence in its favour is both internal and external: (a) Internal evidence. It harmonises * Ihave to thank the Rev. A. Lukyn Williams for this reference 214 BABYLONIA BABYLONIA with (i.) The context. The language is allegorical, the Church being spoken of as a lady (cf. 2 Jn }- 18), Moreover, St. Mark is mentioned as being with St. Peter. Now, St. Mark was summoned to Rome by St. Paul (2 Ti 4!!), probably towards the close of A.D. 67, and very early tradition describes St. Mark as St. Peter’s companion and interpreter (Papias ap. Eus. H# iii. 89) at Rome (Iren. iii. 1, Clem. Alex. ap. Kus. H# ii. 15, vi.14). (ii.) The figurative application elsewhere in the epistle (11 241°) of language primarily used of ancient Israel. (iii.) The general tone of the epistle, especially in regard to persecution, duty towards the state, and ‘the universality of [St. Peter’s] teaching’ (Hort, Judaistic Christianity, p. 155). (iv.) ‘The order of the provinces in 1, Silvanus coming from the West and landing in Pontus. (b) External evidence. (i.) The Apoc. (see above) shows that Asiatic Christians at this time would so understand the name B. (ii.) Such was the ancient interpre- tation. Eus. H# ii. 15 introduces it by the significantly indefinite gaci (see the actly just above; it may, however, refer to Papias and Clement Alex. just mentioned). It seems, indeed, to have been universally accepted, till Calvin (in loc.), for controversial reasons, urged the literal interpretation. (iii.) Ancient testimony is unani- mous, and from its range seems decisive, for a visit of St. Peter to Rome. The evidence for this visit is collected and discussed by Bishop Lightfoot, Clement, ii. p. 493 ff. See also art. on ST. PETER. F. H. CHASE. **BABYLONIA, the cradle of the civilisation of the whole of anterior Asia and the West, and prob- ably also of that of ancient Egypt, is the territory enclosed by the lower Euphrates and Tigris, ex- tending from the neighbourhood of the modern Baghdad to ‘the mouth of the rivers,’ The latter, however, in ancient times flowed separately into the Persian Gulf, a little above Basra. The extra- ordinary fertility of the soil here, as in the case of the Delta of the Nile, was due to the extensive and careful canal system of the early colonists. As soon as these canals fall into disrepair, the same cheerless waste of waters presents itself again to view, as in primitive times. The country of Babylonia, which extends from about 30°-338° N, lat., is bounded on the W. by the Arabian desert, from which it is separated only by a very narrow strip of cultivated land ; on the N. by Mesopotamia proper; on the E. by the plain at the foot of the Elamite Mountains, over which in ancient times nomadic Aramzan tribes used to wander (the land of Kir [17] of Is 226, Am 97) ; and on the S. by the Persian Gulf. The Climate, especially in South Babylonia, is extraordinarily warm. ‘The months during which rain prevails are from November to February. At the present day, according to the accounts of travellers, the heaviest rains occur in November and December; but in ancient times, as the names of the months prove, the rainy season would appear to have been in Tebet (122 Est 2!) and Shebat (22% Zec 17), te. from the end of December to the end of February. Not only the Sumerian names for these months (ab-ba-ud-du ‘coming from the sea,’ and ash-a-an ‘curse of the rain’), but also the Semitic (tibétw ‘submersion,’ and shabatu ‘ destruction’), refer to rain-storms. The fertility of the soil, already mentioned, went hand in hand with the mildness of the climate. ‘There were two sowings every year (in Tebet and in Nisan), and two harvests (the first in Adar and the second in Sivan, t.e. May-June). The Chief Productions were wheat (Sumerian zig, zid, whence otros, Semitic she’w), which gave from fifty to a hundred fold return; sesame, which yielded oil; and the date-palm, introduced at a very early period from Arabia (Magan). This tree satis- fied all the remaining wants of the people, since from it they obtained wine, vinegar, honey, flour, and material for all kinds of wickerwork. ‘The stones were used by smiths as a substitute for char- coal, and when steeped served for fattening oxen and sheep. The reed which grew by the numer- ous canals attained a height of 15 feet, and was used for building huts and for the construction of mats, and even boats. In the latter case asphalt was employed for pitching purposes. Gn 614 sxy apa (AV ‘an ark of gopher wood’) must probably be explained in this way, since gipa@ru means originally a ‘reed-stand.” On the other hand, there were none of the trees characteristic of the lands adjoining the Mediterranean Sea (the vine, the olive, and the fig). For these only the Western Semites have common names, although the vine (Sumer. gishtin ‘tree of life,’ Semitic-Babylonian karanu), and the fig tree (Sum. dib, Sem. tintu, tittw) were in course of time introduced from abroad. Stone and minerals were almost unknown in the alluvial soil. The absence of these was, how- ever, atoned for by the excellent building material that lay to hand in the clay, while the best possible mortar was obtained from the asphalt con- tained in the numerous naphtha wells. All the buildings in ancient Babylonia were accordingly constructed of brick. When sandstone, or still harder kinds of stone, such as basalt or diorite, were used (e.g. for statues), they were brought by ship—even in the earliest times—from the terri- tories along the frontier (Mesopotamia, Elam, Arabia). ‘The same is true of alabaster, marble, gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, and lead; all of which are mentioned as early as the Sumer. inscriptions, With regard to the Fauna, the lion (nisu, labbw) was a very common tenant of the reed-beds between Arabia and Babylonia; and not only the panther (nimru), the jackal (akht, barbaru), the fox (Selibu), and the wild boar (shakh@, dabit), but especially the wild ox (rimu, Heb. ©), frequently figure in the literature and the pictorial repre- sentations (e.g. on the oldest cylinder-seals). Many species of gazelles, antelopes, and wild goats were found along the frontiers of the country. The horse (sis@, Heb. pi, but Syr. 8:0.) was unknown to the earliest settlers. The Sumerians called it ‘ass of the East’ or ‘the mountain’ (anshu kurra), just as by circumlocution they called the lion lig-magh ‘big dog.’ The strictly domestic animals were the cow (alpw), the sheep (sénu, lahru, and other words), the goat (inzw), the ass (iméru, an incorrectly written form of himéru, Sumerian anshu), and the dog (kalbu). The elephant (pirw) of Mesopotomia, the camel (gam- malu) and the wild ass (burimu) of Arabia, were also known to the Babylonians. Such a word as gammalu shows by its very form (if it were a genuine Babylonian word it would be written gamlu) that it has been borrowed from Arabia. Of tame birds, we may mention the raven (G@ribw), the swallow (sinuntu), and the dove (swmmatw) (cf. Gn 87 and the Babylonian account of the Flood) ; of half-wild birds, geese and waterhens (the late Heb. Sunn ‘cock,’ comes from the Sumerian dar-nugalla ‘king’s fowl’), falcons (surdt&) which were tamed even at this early period by the Babylonians for the purpose of hunting. Of birds of prey, the eagle (ard and erfi, also nashru) holds the first place, then come the owl (ixstpu, Heb. 1%!) and the horn-owl (kad), ete. In the sphere of Ethnology and Language, it can be shown that a dualism existed in Babylonia from the earliest period. The Swmerians, who in all probability came from Central Asia, and whose language is related to the Turanian, as the Babylonian method of writing proves, were the ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons 4 ; | BABYLONIA founders of all the civilisation of anterior Asia. Besides these, we find as early as B.C. 5000 or 6000 distinct traces of a Semitic population, which came from the North-West (Mesopotamia) and took possession of the civilised settlements founded by the Sumerians, until, by their gradual incorpora- tion with the original inhabitants of the country, there arose a single new race. The Semitic Babylonians have the closest re- lationship with the other Semites (Hebrews, Arabs, and Aramzeans), and yet, in opposition to these, they form a special group, as the grammar and lexicon clearly prove. If the Syro-Arabian Semites may be properly designated west Semites, the ancient Egyptian speech, on the other hand, belongs to the east Semitic, or the Bab.-Assyrian branch of Semitic languages. The Egyptians must in the remotest antiquity have emigrated from Mesopotamia to Africa. Apart from considerations of grammar and the great number of Sumerian loan-words contained in their language (which is otherwise Semitic), this is proved by extensive coincidences between the Egyptian and Babylonian systems of writing, their religion, and other branches of culture.: The Religion of the Babylonians meets us even in the oldest inscriptions as a tolerably finished system. Although most of the names of the gods are Sumerian, the Semites must have had a more or less important share in the development of this system. Many gods have two names, one Semitic and one Sumerian, e.g. Bélu ‘Lord’ (West Semitic Ba‘al), Sumerian Ln-lilla, ‘Lord of the air,’ and we cannot always be certain that the Sumerian name is the older and more original. As kings who are without doubt Semitic (e.g. the kings of Nisin) set up Sumerian inscriptions, so may Semitic gods in primitive times have received Sumerian names even from Semitic Babylonians, especially since Sumerian continued for long to be the sacred tongue. The beginnings of Babylonian culture go farther back than any inscriptions, and we cannot therefore answer questions such as this with any- thing like certainty. We get, however, the general impression that the baser elements of the Baby- lonian religion originally belonged to the Sumer- ians, while the purer and nobler ideas in it came from the Semites. The sovereign, position occu- pied by Bel (in spite of his secondary rank in the genealogical system) points to this conclusion, Even the Star-worship (Sun, Moon, and Planets), which the Semites at an early date conjoined with the cult of Bel, is a far purer and nobler type of Polytheism than the crude idolatry of so many other heathen peoples. If the Sumerians in their old incantations always invoke Heaven and Earth as the two highest powers of nature, regarding the earth-god as the ‘good? spirit and offering him the greater devotion, it seems to have been the Semites who expanded this dualism into a genealogical system : first by inserting their Bel between the original two, and then by adding the sun and planet-gods, which were all regarded as children of the earth-god. It seems to have been the Semites, too, who converted the more general conception of ‘ Heaven’ into the more special one of an ‘ocean of heaven,’ which extended over the Firmament (‘the waters above the Firmament,’ Gn 1"). To this they gave the Sumerian title nwn (with a dialectical variant dun), and regarded it also as continuing behind the horizon and under the earth. This ‘Ocean of Heaven,’ Anun or Anum (as the Sumerians pre- ferred to write it), was placed at the top of the genealogical tree. Then came Bel, ‘Lord of the air’ (En-lilla, Sem. Bel-zakiki), as his son, and Ka or En-ki (‘Lord of the earth’) as his grandson. An ancient title for Bel, as god of the air and BABYLONTA 215 the storm, was Ramman (Sumer. Martu and Imir), who in course of time became a separate god, worshipped alongside of Bel. In primitive times the Moon-god (Sin) and Ea had likewise common titles (e.g. Hn-zu, ‘Lord of wisdom,’ Semitic Bel- niméki), the Moon-god being hence called the first- born son of the god Bel. Anum (shortened, Anu) was originally thought of as without a consort, for the goddess Anat or Antu is only a later philosophical abstraction, and has nothing whatever to do with the West Semitic my. On the other hand, both the consort of Bel, Nin-lilla (‘mistress of the air,’ in Semitic abso- lutely Béltw ‘ mistress’) or Ba’u, and the consort of Ea, Dam-gal-nunna or Damkina, were female personifications of the Ocean of Heaven. The four children of the Earth-god (who was represented as a Ram) and his consort Damkina, the goddess of Heaven, were Merodach (Amar-uduk, Mar- uduk, and simply Marduk, as he was specially called in Babylon), the god of the morning-and- spring sun, his sister and consort star, his hostile brother Nergal, and the latter’s consort Ghanna (nay) or Gula, whose name was written with the same ideogram as the town of Nineveh (Nin@). A very ancient designation of Merodach was Gur-alimma (same ideogram as ‘domicile’ and ‘eye’). »n, which usually, however, means palace). They were generally in the form of a tower of steps (zikkuratu), and were three storeys and sometimes seven storeys high, the latter being an earthly copy of the seven heavenly spheres, or circles, of the planets. Occasionally these temples contained also the graves of the kings (gigunu), as in the case of a temple of Gudea. In the ‘ Holy of Holies’ there were special divisions, which were called by several names, parakku, papahu, panpanu, di’u, usukku, and sukku (cf. 722, also used in a religious sense). It is remarkable that the oldest form of the ideogram for parakkw clearly represents tapestry or a curtain (cf. "21?). The functions of the priests, seers or prophets, magicians and soothsayers, often overlap one another in the texts, though they were in reality always very carefully differentiated. The most common expressions for priest are kalf@ and sangt (Sumerian sag), the high priest being hence called sangu-mahhu (from sag ‘priest’ and mah ‘high”’), for seer and prophet mahh&, from which the word magician is derived, asé% (which also means ‘physician,’ Sumer. azu, originally signifying ‘he who knows’), and ba@r@ (‘the seer,’ exactly = the Heb. 785). The Heb. word 8°32) is also found, at any rate in the name of the god Nabi’u, Nabi, Nebo (‘proclaimer,’ ‘herald,’ as a planet, Hermes). *Ménant, Collection de Olercg, No. 116-182; pierres gravées, 1. figs. 94, 95, 97. —— eS | | BABYLONTA The Heb. }75 also has its equivalent in the Bab. muskinu (from muskahinu), ‘one who pays homage or worships.’ The rich cultus of the Babylonians, in addition to its numerous sacrifices, prayers, and litanies, included from an early period also sacred water (agubbii), censers (adaguru), processions (masdahu), barges of the gods (as in Egypt). All these naturally had their chief place at the numerous festivals. Not only were there Festivals which were re- peated on certain fixed days every month (as the nubattu or festival specially connected with the worship of Merodach and his consort Zarpanit on the 3rd, 7th, and 16th days of the month, or the so-called ‘unlucky-day,’ &mu limnw [corre- sponding to the Hebrew Sabbath], which was held on the 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st, and 28th of the month, and had to be observed as a day of fasting and repent- ance even by the king), but there was also a series of annual festivals, of which the Festival of the New Year (zagmukku, akitu) was regarded as the most sacred. At this festival Bel (in Babylon Bel- Merodach, in Sirgulla Ningirsu, as the consort of Ba’u) entered the holy assembly-room (ubsuginna) in order to fix the fates of men, especially that of the king, for the coming year. This Festival of the New Year and the Spring was also held in re- membrance of the day of Creation. After Bel had conquered the dragon and made the world, on the 8th and 11th days of the new year he entered Dulazagga, the ‘ holy of holies’ of Ubsuginna, for the purpose mentioned above (Epic of the Creation, Table ili. 1. 61, Nebuk. ii. 54-65). In this connexion the ancient names of the Babylonian Months, as they are given from about B.0. 2000 both in Sumerian and Semitic, are as follows :— 1. Barag-zag-gar (‘the Holy of Holies of the Temple’). Nisannu, also named Arah— rabuti (month of the great gods, i.e. Anu and Bel): begins on 21st of March. March- April. 2. Gud-si-di (‘ ox of right guidance’ (?)). April-May. Shigga (month of bricks). Sivanu, likewise called Kusallu and Sitan. May-June. 4, Shu-gunna (sowing). Dw’ fizu (Tammuz), also 5 Tyaru. co Pit-habi (‘ opening of door’). June-July. . Bil-bil-gar (fire month). Abu, also month of the star or bow (or Sirius). July- August. 6. Gur-Ninni (harvest of Istar). Ululu (Elul). August-September. 7. Dul-azagga (see above). Tashritu (=begin- ning). September—October. 8. Apin-dua (the lifting of the watering-can ?). Arah-samna (the eighth month, Marches- van). October-November. 9. Gan-gan-na-ud-du (month of clouds). Aisilivu. November-—December. . Ab-ba-ud-du (month of the sea). Tibttw, also Tamtiru (vain). December—January. . Ash-a-an (curse of rain). Shabatu, also Isin-Ramman (festival of the storm-god). January-February. She-gur-kud (gyrain-harvest). Adaru, also Arah-sibéti (month of the seven evil gods). February—March. The names of months in use amongst the Hebrews after the Exile are well known to have been derived from the Semitic names which are always mentioned second in the foregoing list. As the names Dul-azagga, which is used in connexion with the New Year, and Tisri, which signifies ‘beginning,’ show, the New Year Festival must, at some early date, have been held in harvest instead of in spring. This also explains why the god of the seventh month is Samas (the sun, BABYLONIA 217 Lg who rules the year), and why the Babylonians, even in later times, instead of a second Adar, intercalated occasionally a second Elul (very rarely a second Nisan) as the last month of the year. In the time of Abraham the month in Babylonia had 30 days, as is clear from tha contract-tablets. The year thus consisting of 360 days, it was necessary every six years to inter- calate a thirteenth month—generally a second Adar. The Babylonians also recognised a lunar year of 824 days, whose months each contained 27 days. From this they fixed the ratio of silver (moon) to gold (sun) as 27 : 360 (lunar month : solar year) =3 : 40=1: 131. A lunar month had three weeks of 9 days or 60 wddu (the uddu was reckoned as 6 x 6 x 6=216 minutes). The Babylonians divided the day into twelve double- hours, and the double-hour into 60 minutes, their unit of time being thus equal to about two minutes of our reckoning, corresponding to the time taken by the sun to traverse a space in the heavens equal to his apparent diameter. In the contract-tablets of the later kings of Ur (about B.C. 2800), some centuries therefore before Abraham, we find a list of Sumerian names for the months, only three of which correspond with those mentioned above, viz. the 4th (Shu-gunna), the 5th (Festival of the Fire-god), and the 12th (She- gur-kud). The first month in this old list is called She-illa (‘when the grain grows tall’), the 7th ‘Feast of Tammuz,’ the 8th ‘Feast of king Dungi’ (who was worshipped as a god), and the 9th ‘Feast of Ba’u.’ Even at this date there is already evidence of the intercalation of a second Adar (dir she-gur-kud). It is much to be regretted that no special calendar of festivals has been discovered up to the present. We only know that Bel was the patron god of Nisan, Ea of Iyyar, Sin of Sivan, Nin-ib of Tammuz, Nin-gis-zidda (Nebo, as Fire-god) of Ab, Istar of Elul, Samas of Tisri, Merodach of Arahsamna, Nergal of Kislev, and Ramman of Shebat, and that probably the chief festival of the gods mentioned was held in the months that corresponded to them. It is most likely, however, that not only different epochs, but also different places of worship, had their own special festivals. At Sippar, for instance, the City of the Sun in N. Babylonia, Samas had special feast-days not only on 7th Nisan and 7th Tisri, but also on 10th Iyyar, 3rd Elul, 15th Marcheshvan, and 15th Adar. In this connexion it may be noted that, judging from the Heb. Feast of Purim (14th and 15th Adar), there was probably in Babylonia a feast observed in honour of Istar the sister of Samas. The circumstance that each month had its patron deity, has a partial connexion also with the Division of the Zodiac, which originated in Babylonia before B.c. 3000. At that early date the principal constellations, and especially those that are traversed by the sun, moon, and planets, were already known by nearly the same names as they bear to-day. They formed twelve ‘stations’ (manzaztu, hence mazzartu and mazzaltu, from which are borrowed Heb. ™ 4», mbtp [Job 8882, 2 K 23°] and Arab. manzal). From B.C. 2000 onwards it can be demonstrated that the order of the months was Nisan, Iyyar, etc. This reckoning starts with the Ram (Aries) as the vernal point, but there was an older order which began with the Bull (Taurus, the symbol of the god Merodach). The latter system, which finds the vernal poiut in the Pleiades, carries us back at least to somewhere about B.c. 4000. The Zodiac was also divided into a region of Anu (Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo), a region of Bel (Virgo, Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius), and a region of the earth-and-water god Ea (Capri- cornus, Aquarius, Pisces, Aries). These last four BABYLONTA constellations, lying between Sagittarius and the Pleiades (7??, cf. Bab. kimtu, ‘family’), and form- ing the path of Ea, are what are called in Job 9° ‘the chambers of the south’ (722.270). Along this path of Ea (Sumer. sil sigga, written with the signs tar and pa), lay, according to Bab. notions, the entrance to the under-world; hence the constella- tion Sagittarius was called ka-sil ‘opening of the path,’ and the corresponding month Kisilivu (Kislev). But as the Babylonians were fond of applying one and the same designation to stars in opposite quarters of the heavens, Orion was also named ka-sil (Heb. 72?) and the month Sivan, which belonged to Gemini, was called Kusailu. It is certainly no fortuitous circumstance that pre- cisely at the point where the path of Ea begins (between Sagittarius and Capricornus), another path, the Milky Way, intersects the ecliptic, and that the ecliptic is again crossed by the Milky Way at the point where the path ends, exactly between Gemini (month Sivan) and Orion (Bab, shu-gi or shibu, also ka-sil, Heb. 2°D2), The Great Bear was called by the Babylonians ‘ Wagon-star’ (more precisely kakkab sumbi, ‘ star of the baggage- wagon’), by the W. Semites ‘ Lion-star’ (Heb. YY, cf. Syr. $>°2, Arab. ‘ay@th), for the Arab. na‘sh (Bab. néshu) also meant originally ‘lion.’ The underlying explanation is probably that the Lion of the Zodiac (Bab. ‘dog-star’), on account of his nearness to the sign of the Great Bear, was thought of as harnessed to the latter as his wagon. Ata later period the Babylonians designated the Dog (our Leo) aré (‘lion’) ; inSumer. dig means ‘ dog,’ and lig-magh ‘lion’ (literally ‘big dog’). ‘The oldest reliable evidence for the Bab. origin of the zodiacal signs is derived from the ancient Bab. boundary-stones with their pictorial repre- sentations. These date from the 12th cent. B.C., and from them we obtain the following series :— Ram, Bull, two dragons = Gemini, Hydra (south of Cancer) with a spindle, Dog, Ear of corn with a cow (the symbol of the virgin Istar), Balance (Yoke), Scorpion, Scorpion-man with a bow (Sagittarius), Goat-fish (a goat with the body and tail of a fish) or Tortoise, Pitcher, and Water-hen (Horse), to which the Raven, as symbol of the intercalary month (originally a second Elul), is added as a thirteenth sign (hence the raven is viewed as a bird of evil omen). That the real origin of this system goes back, however, to a far remoter antiquity, is proved not only by the star- names found in the so-called astrological work (c. B.C. 2000), but by the circumstance that throughout the latter the Pleiades (Taurus) appear as the first of the zodiacal signs. The exact astronomical proof was rendered possible by the Planet-tables of the Arsacid period (2nd cent. B.C.), and the laborious task was undertaken by the Jesuit fathers Epping and Strassmaier. It turned out,* moreover, that the Babylonians were acquainted not only with the twelve signs of the Zodiac, but (quite in accord with the testimony of Diodorus, ii. 30) also with 24 (afterwards 27) stations of the moon? and 36 stations of the planets (the so-called decani). That is to say, they divided the ecliptic as the path of the sun into 12, as that of the moon into 27, and as that of the planets into 36 parts, and distinguished each part by certain stars. The same investigation makes it probable that the 24 ‘hour-stars’ and the 36 ‘decani-stars’ of the ancient Egyptians were borrowed in the remotest antiquity from Baby- lonia. (We shall presently describe [p. 220 f.] how the Babylonians wove the signs of the Zodiac into * The proof of this will be found in Hommel’s art. ‘ Ursprung u. Alter d. arab. Sternnamen’ in ZDMG, Bd. 45, pp. 592-619. + The names of these passed in course of time from the Baby- lonians to the Arabs, Persians, Hindus, and Chinese, BABYLONIA the composition of both their great epic poems, the one concerning the Creation, the other concerning, Nimrod.) Of remaining stars we have yet to men- tion Sirius, ‘bow-star’ (kakkab kashti) ; Procyon (kakkab mishri, lit. ‘north star’ or ‘northern weapon,’ in contradistinction to the ‘southern weapon,’ viz. Sirius) ; ashkar or tk@ (Arab. ‘ayyuk) = Capella; ‘king-star’ = Regulus in Leo; ‘jackal- star’? = Antares in Scorpio; sig-bil-sagga = Myra Ceti, south of Aries, the ‘fire-star’ (or star of Nimrod or Gisdubar) ; etc. ete. In the whole list there are only a few names which cannot now be identified. Babylonia was the home not only of Mathe- matics (see below) and Astronomy, but of Astrology. This is eloquently witnessed to by the so-called astrological work mentioned above, which bears the special title, nd Bel, ‘illumina- tion of Bel.’ The seers (b@r%) and magicians (mahkhu), who are so often mentioned along with the priests, were, above all, ‘star-gazers’ and ‘ prognosticators’; cf. Dn 2?, where already the name Kasdim (Chaldeans) appears as synonymous with magicians. ‘That the pdyo. of Mt 2! were likewise Chaldieans, is plain from various passages of the astrological work, where we read, ‘ Under such and such a constellation a great king shall arise in the land of Martu (Palestine), and peace and joy shall prevail in the land.’ If Bab. Medicine did not reach a level much higher than that of magical formule,* the ac- quaintance of the Babylonians with Mathematics deserves all the fuller recognition. The subject will be best elucidated by a brief survey of the Bab. Metrology, from which admittedly all the ancient metrological systems (that of ancient Egypt included) were derived. The latter circum- stance proves indirectly how remote is the anti- quity to which the beginnings of the system must be carried back. Metrology, moreover, lays the foundation for the material civilisation of a people, as religion does for their spiritual develop- ment. For the Babylonians the connecting link between the two was Astronomy. First, as regards linear measure, we now know from the scale of Gudea (¢. B.C. 2500), published in de Sarzec’s Découvertes, that the half-cubit (+ great cubit) was divided into 15 finger-breadths of 16:6 mm, each. The cubit thus contained 498 mm., and the great cubit (ammatu rabitu) 996 mm. These again were divided respectively into 30 and 60 finger-breadths. Both the small and the great cubit were also divided into six equal parts, the former containing 6 x 5, the latter 6 x 10 finger-breadths. The latter system of division appears, for instance, in the tablet of Senkereh (WAT iv.? 37), on the reverse of which are given the squares and cubes of the cubit from the number 1 up to 60, and on the obverse the fractions and multiples of the cubit. We learn that a ‘reed’ (gi or kant) was 6 great cubits; a gar (written with the sign sha) 12 great cubits; an wsh (stadium) 60 gar or 720 great cubits; a kasbu (parasang) 30 ush (c. 21 kilomet.) ; and a double-kasbu 60 ush. In all pro-— bability there was also a small kasbu, answering to the small cubit, and containing 10,800 cubits (c. 102 kilomet.). Besides its division into sixths, the cubit was divided also into 10 (5) hand-breadths (each of 6 finger-breadths). Further, as we learn from the * Important conclusions can be deduced, however, from the Bab. literature, notably from the bilingual magical formule and from the Epic of Nimrod, regarding the nature of certain diseases, For instance, the ‘head-disease’ so frequently men- tioned, which is accompanied with violent fever, is erysipelas ; the symptoms of Gisdubar’s illness are those of dwes venerea ; while the disease of Ea-bani appears to have been leprosy. There is also frequent mention in the religious texts of fever and plague. BABYLONIA scale of Gudea, the finger-breadth (16-6 mm.) was divided into 180 parts, of which, however, the only ones in actual use were the 7; (495), fy (ids), + (Pro) $ Gio) t Gi4vo)s $ Cs'o)s and 5 Gro . The hand-breadth, whose minimum was taken at 99, and maximum at 99°6 mm., served, moreover, as the side of a cube which contained exactly a a (nearly a litre), and which, when filled with water, weighed a great mina (c. 990 grammes). In the same way, as is well known, a cubical decimetre (i.e. a litre) of water weighs a kilogramme. In this most ingenious fashion did the Babylonians in that remote antiquity derive not only their superficial measures and their measures of capacity, but even their weights from a common standard, the hand- breadth. It is further to be noted that in the latitude of Babylon (31° N. lat.) the length of the seconds’ pendulum is 992:35 mm., which is almost exactly equal to the length of the Bab. double- cubit (990-996 mm.). From their linear measure the Babylonians de- rived also their reckoning of time. A distance of 300 double-cubits is covered by an average walker in 4 minutes (¢}, of the whole day), a great kasbu (21,600 cubits) in four hours or a night-watch. Thus the kasbu was used to mark the periods of the day; +, of a day (2 ho.) being a small, and 4 a great kasbu. The reckoning was controlled by the observation that the sun requires exactly 2 minutes (5 of the double-hour) to traverse a space equal to his apparent diameter. Thus dis- covered, the system of reckoning by 60 (sussu, originally sudsu, t.e. $ of 860) was adopted by the Babylonians as the fundamental principle of their whole metrological system. It was astronomy * then, in conjunction with the linear measures derived from the cubit and the hand-breadth, that gave birth to the famed sexagesimal system, which spread from Babylon over almost the whole world. With this goes naturally the division of the circle into 720 (360) degrees; and the observation that the sixth part of the circumference of a circle is equal to the radius, stands also in the closest relation to the same system. Both the principles referred to were known to the Babylonians from the earliest times. By squaring the various linear measures, we obtain the corresponding superficial measure. As early as the time of the kings of Ur we meet with the ‘field’ (gan) = 1800 ‘ gardens’ (sar) ; and the ‘garden’ (60 sq. cubits ?) =60 gin. t Then the gin (1 sq. eubit ?) was divided into 180 she. Besides the great gan of 1800 sar, there was originally a small gan of 180 sar; hence the great gan bears the name also of bur-gan (‘ten gardens’). The Baby- lonians, moreover, gave designations to pieces of land according to the amount of seed-corn required to sow them. Thus, e.g., they would speak of a 5 gur cornfield. This introduces us to — Measures of capacity. In Abraham’s time there were already three systems simultaneously in use: the gur of 360 4a, the gur of 3800 sa (4 less than the first, and standing to it in the same relation as the gold mina of 50 shekels to the silver mina of 60 shekels), and the gur of 180 4a. The last-named system of reckon- ing, ace. to which the 4a contained about 2 litres, was the only one in use in the New Bab. period. Now, since the Heb. kor (75) contained 180 £ab (42), just as the Bab. gur contained 180 * Especially through the observation that in the course of the apparent revolution of the celestial sphere, 7 of the ecliptic (7.e. 1 sign of the Zodiac) takes exactly two hours (34 of a sidereal day) to pass before the eye of one watching the starry heavens by night. + It is possible, however, that the length of side of the sar was 60 great cubits, in which case its area would be 3600 sq. cubits, while that of the gin would be 60 sq. cubits, and of the she 3 of a sq. cubit. BABYLONIA 219 ka, it is clear that the Hebrews borrowed both the names and the divisions from the Baby- lonians. The Heb. has even preserved the original and fuller form of the name Za, namely fab. Besides the £a (see above for its origin) there were also larger sub-divisions of the gur or kor, such as the pi or ‘ass’s burden’ (imtru Heb. sn) = 3 gur; the a’ (Heb. Bath or Ephah) = 75 gur; the bar (Heb. Se’ah) =); gur, ete. In addition to this, the 4a (originally about a litre) was divided into 60 parts, which, as in the case of the mina and the sar, were called gin. Since among the Hebrews the hin (7,7) was the 60th part of the kor, as amongst the Babylonians the gin was the 60th part of the 2a, »7 must also be a Bab. loan-word. It found its way into Heb. through the medium of Egypt, where the hin ‘was the fundamental measure ; and the name ephah also comes from Egypt.* Besides this division of the £a into 60 gin, we meet with another into 10 gar (written sha). Finally, in regard to weights, the talent (gun, Semit. perhaps gaggaru) contained 60 mine (mana, Semit. manw@) ; the mina 60 shekels (gin with the sign ¢u, Semit. si4lu ‘weight,’ and, as the original measure, Zuddu ‘cup’); the shekel 860 (180) she (or grains of corn). But, as happened so often in the Bab. metrology, there were several systems of weight in use simultaneously: [1] The heavy mina of about 990 gr. (the weight of the a filled with water, see above). [2] The light mina, which weighed } of the heavy, i.e. c. 495 gr. (491-492 er. in the case of the weights still extant). [3] A weight =%8 of the light mina (50 instead of 60 shekels) used specially for gold, the so-called gold mina, usually = 409-410 gr. Even c. B.C. 2000, however, there had come into use a gold mina of a higher (so-called royal) standard = 4271 gr., as can be proved from a weight recently found at Nippur. [4] A weight about 4 more than the light mina, the Bab. silver mina = 546 gr. Although the last- named is a derived and secondary weight, it is still very ancient, for its 60th part, the silver shekel of 9-1 gr., answers exactly to the ancient Kgyp. Zed, which is likewise =9-1 gr. The Bab. ideogram for shekel has not only the pronuncia- tion siflu Conv), but also Auddu (Arab. £adah ‘cup’), and this Zuddw is naturally the prototype of the Egyp. Zed, which weighs exactly the same. Ten of these Zed made up the Egyp. pound (deben, not uten) of 10 shekels (91 gr.), and in point of fact there was also a Bab. weight of 10 shekels, whose name was in Sumer. garash{ and in Semit. tibnu, but which was also designated absolutely abnu ‘stone’ (cf. 2 S$ 1425 9227 138, and Pr 1611 D»> 238, Bab. aban kisi). Three of these made up a half- mina, and six a mina. In regard to Bab. Art (architecture, sculpture, engraving, etc.), our former conceptions have been fundamentally changed by the excavations at Telloh and Niffer (in South and Central Baby- lonia). From these we see that as early as B.C. 4000-38000 the bloom of art in Babylon was such as was in some respects never attained in later days, —a case quite analogous to that of Egypt in the era of the Pyramids. Under the older kings of Sirgulla the style of art is of course still some- what awkward and crude, but under the older Patesi it shows a high finish, e.g. in the carving of the beautiful silver vases of En-timena (c. B.C, 3800); and the cylinder-seals and reliefs of the old kings of Agade (Akkad), c. B.C. 3500, are still more finely executed. At Nippur, prior to B.0. 4000, architects already used the arch of burned brick, which formerly was supposed to have originated at a * The Egyp. word ephah (‘épt) is, however, ‘itself originally derived from the Bab. pitwu. + This garash is the Perso-Indian karasha, which is also a weight of 10 shekels. 220 BABYLONIA much later period. The Bab. temples, formed of brick like Bab. buildings in general, were in ‘stage’ form, and had either three or seven storeys, the latter number in imitation of the seven planet- spheres (see p. 216>). The oldest kings already refer, in their inscriptions, to palaces, and on a statue of Gudea (ec. 2900) we find even the plan of such a building. The surface of each brick was stamped with an inscription of six to ten lines, and formed a square with a side of 330 mm. (i.e. + of a cubit = 1 Bab. foot). The science of hydraulics was also highly developed (dams, canals, sluices, cisterns, etc.). From the fragments of vases which still exist (beautifully ornamented, and in some cases with lengthy inscriptions), formed either of alabaster or of clay, we see that pottery had made great advances in the very earliest times. The same is true of weaving. Long before the time of Abraham, the magnificent Bab. carpets and mantles were in high repute (cf. Jos. 724). Music and poetry (on the latter see the remarks on Bab. literature, below) were sedulously cultivated. As early as the time of Gudea we find a twelve- stringed harp portrayed. ‘To the forms of poetry belonged, as we have now learned, a_highly- complicated strophic system, as well as the regular succession of a certain number of cadences, and finally the so-called parallelismus membrorum. The diorite statues of the Patesi of Sirgulla may confidently be matched against the famous statues of wood and diorite which belong to the Egyp. art of the so-called ancient empire. Special skill was displayed, however, by the Babylonians at all periods, in engraving; and their cylinder- seals, which date as far back as c. B.C, 4000, show a fineness of execution which cannot but arouse our admiration. Mythological scenes are the favourite subject ; particularly common is the portrayal of such as belong to the circle of legends which formed itself around GiSdubar (Nimrod). The in- scriptions appended give, as a rule, simply the name and title of the owner of the seal and his father; but as these are frequently kings, such cylinder-seals not infrequently serve as important sources for the tracing of history. Metallurgy, finally, was also in an advanced stage in early days. The relation of silver to gold was in point of value 3: 40, or 1: 131, the same ratio as that of the. ancient lunar month of 27 days to the solar year of 360 days. From the first we find the Babylonians acquainted also with the smelting of iron. The latter was originally obtained from meteoric stones, hence the Sumer. name an-bar, ‘heavenly metal.’ They had also learned the composition of bronze (Sumer. zabar, Semit. siparru) from copper and tin. They were ac- quainted even with the manufacture of glass. As early as c. B.C. 1500 we meet with cobalt-coloured glass as an artificial substitute for the costly lapis- lazuli imported from Media. The Literature of Babylon, as was to be ex- pected from a people so highly civilised, was of the most varied character and greatest extent. Un- fortunately, in spite of the numerous discoveries made by excavation (esp. the remains of actual libraries, inscribed on clay tablets), only the ruins of this literature have been preserved; but in this form we have specimens of at least all the more important branches. First, as regards literature in the narrower sense, the poetry of Babylon, even the so-called secular epic, e.g. the Nimrod-epos, bore an essen- tially religious character. To the poetical fragments which have come down to us either in Sumerian alone, or (as is generally the case) with a Semitic interlinear translation as well, belong above all the numerous magical formule (with the title enna or shiptu, ‘incantation’), as well as a great BABYLONTA number of hymns to the gods, and penitential psalms. While the first-named are composed in relatively old and pure Sumerian and generally written ideographically, the last two show an admixture of numerous later forms of speech: they contain Semit. loan-words and frequent in- stances of phonetic writing (the so-called imi-sal forms or ‘women’s speech’ in opposition to the ‘priests’ speech’ of the earliest period). From all this, the N. Babylonian and Semit. origin of the penitential psalms, and of a large number of the hymns to the gods, may be certainly inferred. Moreover, the line of thought in the penitential psalms, notwithstanding their being composed in Sumerian, is far more Semitic than Sumerian. In particular, there appear in them with tolerable clearness purer religious conceptions, approaching monotheism. While the magical formule cer- tainly go back to a very remote antiquity, the penitential psalms may possibly have taken their rise somewhere between B.C. 3000 and 2000, 7.e. in the last centuries before Abraham. In any case, they are essentially more recent than the formule. By far the greater half of the Bab. literature was composed, however, only in the Semit. idiom of the country. This is true of certain magical formule (e.g. the so-called ‘burning series’ or mala, i.e. burning of wax figures of evil spirits or of witches) and many hymns to the gods. ‘To the same class belong, above all, the epic poems of which, fortunately, a whole series have come down to us, more or less perfectly preserved. These poems might with equal propriety be called mythological texts, for the purely epic and narra- tive element in them is constantly mingled and combined with the mythological. The most im- portant and (as is proved by the order adopted for the zodiacal signs, the Ram, kusarikku, being last) the oldest poem is — (a) The Creation epos. ‘When heaven above had not yet been named and earth below yet bore no name — but the ocean (aps@, D>»), the primeval, their progenitor, and chaos ( Tih@mat or mummu T.) the bearer of them all, yet mingled their waters together, when as yet no cornfield was cultivated, and no reed seen— when as yet none of the gods existed, no name they bore, destinies were not yet assigned, then were born the gods [of mwmmw or chaos]; Lukhmu and Lakhamu came forth [first], zons grew up (=elapsed?) . . Anshar and Kishar were born, long days passed by till at length Anu, Bel, and Ea were produced ; [but the son of Ea and Damkina was Marduk the creator of the world].? So begins, in remarkable accord with Gn 1!#, this poem, whose commencement has also come down to us in Greek in Damascius’ Quest. de primis principiis. The further course of events described is briefly as follows: After the above-named gods originated from chaos, a strife arose between Tihamat (5.7.7), the female personifi- cation of the primeval ocean, and the rest of the gods. Anu claims the right to decide the dispute ; Tihamat, however, declares war, and binds the tablets of destiny (cf. the Urim and Thummim of OT) to the breast of her consort Kingu. Anshar,* after fruitless attempts, through the medium of Anu, Ea, and Marduk, to conciliate Tihamat, sends to inform Lukhmu and Lakh&amu that Marduk is prepared to undertake the conflict with Tihamat, The detailed account of this conflict between the god of light, Marduk, and the dark primeval ocean,t makes up the 4th canto of the epos, which fortunately we possess complete. Marduk * Originally identical with Anu, An-Sar being = heaven’s host, but afterwards differentiated from him, and at a later period assimilated to ASSur (Damascius ’Acowpés). + In pictorial representations Tihimat appears as a dragon (hence the serpent of the Bab. boundary-stones) with a lion’s head, hence she is called also Jabbu, ‘ lion.’ BABYLONIA conquers the dragon and his eleven helpers (cf. Job 918), cleaves lihaémat, and out of the one half fashions the firmament of heaven, in which he assigns their places to the gods Anu, Bel, Ea, and to the moon and the stars, while out of the other half he fashions the earth. The eleven helpers were placed in the sky as the zodiacal signs, Merodach himself being the twelfth. The connected frag- ments still extant make it plain that thereafter followed a description of how plants and animals, and finally man, were all formed by Bel-Merodach. Beside this there was another Bab. myth, according to which it was the god Ea who formed man of clay. Moreover, in the epos, Bel the god of the air and of storm, whom the Babylonians portrayed with thunderbolts in his hand, is confounded with Merodach, a circumstance which points to Babylon, whose tutelary deity, Merodach, was called the younger Bel. The original notion that the elder Bel (Semit. Bélu ‘lord’ kar’ egox7v) was the creator, finds its echo in Genesis (cf. the ‘spirit of God’ of Gn 1? with the Sumerian name of Bel, En-lilia, ‘lord of the air’ or ‘ the wind’). (6) Vhe so-called Nimrod-epos (cf. Gn 10%), The 12 cantos of this magnificent poem stand in evident relation to the 12 signs of the Zodiac, of which, however, it is no longer the Bull but the Ram that comes first. The hero GiSdubar, also called Nartidu (for Namriidu), Namrasit, and Gibil-zamis, sprang from a city which afterwards completely disappeared, Surippak (on the river Surappu?). He becomes king of Erech, where he rules as a tyrant, until the gods create Ka-bani, a kind of Priapus, todestroy him. The two, however, strike up a friendship after Gisdubar has overcome a mighty lion. (This last scene is often depicted on cylinder-seals and reliefs.) Together they next deliver the city of Erech from the Elamite Istar, the oppressor Khumbaba (Combabos). goddess of love, now offers to GiSdubar her hand, which, however, is refused by the hero (Canto 6). Out of revenge Istar sends a scorpion, whose sting proves fatal to Ea-bani; Gisdubar himself she smites with an incurable disease. In consequence of this he sets out, in quest of relief, for the dwelling-place of his great-grandfather Sit-napisti (=rescue of life), the Bab. Noah (‘ Rest’ 7.e. of the soul), far away on the ocean in the Isles of the Blessed. With this aim he first traverses, amidst great dangers, the land of Mashu (Central Arabia, kW? or 8YD of the OT), and then crosses the waters of death to Sit-napisti, who (Canto 11) gives him a detailed account of his escape from the Deluge (see below), heals him of his disease, and presents him with the plant of life. The latter, however, is snatched from him on his way home by an earth-lion (i.e. a serpent). On his arrival at Erech, he bewails, in the temple of the goddess Ninsunna, the death of his friend Ea-bani, and prays the god Nergal to restore the spirit of Ea-baini to him. With the granting of this re- quest, and a graphic description by Ea-bani of the under-world, the epos closes. (c) The Bab. Story of the Deluge. This is con- tained in the 11th canto of the Nimrod-epos (see previous section). When the great gods, with Bel in his quality of storm-god (Bel-Ramman) at their head, determined to send a flood,* Ea revealed to Sit-napisti in a dream how he might save himself by constructing aship. Ten gar (120 cubits) was to be the height of its sides, and the same was to be the width of its deck; it was to have six storeys, each of which was to have seven divisions, while * As a judgment on the sins of the inhabitants of Surippak. This is clear from the close of the Deluge-story, e.g. lines 184-5 (or, ace. to another reckoning, 1. 170), where we read, ‘ Upon the sinner let his sin lie, and upon the transgressor his trans- gression, but let no flood come any more as a punishment upon man’ (ef. the parallel in Gn 874), BABYLONIA the area was divided into 9 parts (3 on each side of a square ?). Since the length is not specified, we are probably to think of the Bab. ark as square- shaped, thus forming a cube. On the 7th day the vessel was ready ; then for 6 days on end the rain fell in torrents, till on the 7th day again the storm abated. After other 7 days, during the whole of which the ark had been in sight of Mt. Nisir (‘rescue’), Sit-napisti sent forth a dove. ‘The dove flew hither and thither, but since it found no resting-place, it returned. Then I sent forth a swallow,’ so proceeds the story, ‘and let it go; the swallow flew hither and thither, but since there was no resting-place, it returned. Then I sent forth a raven, and let it go; the raven flew away, saw the abating of the waters, approached wading and croaking, but returned not.’ On the top of Mt. Nisir, S. of Lake Ur- mia and E. of Assyria,* and thus between Media and Armenia (Ararat), the ark stranded. The gods smelt with pleasure the odour of the seven vessels of incense offered by Sit-napisti; especially gratified was Istar, the goddess of the bow; and Ea besought Bel never more to send a flood upon the earth. Bel suffered himself to be persuaded, t took Sit-napisti and his wife by the hand, blessed them (cf. Gn 91), and translated them to Paradise. We have to note finally that here, as in the case of the Creation-epos, both the OT writers, the Jahwist (J) and the Elohist (P), have a surprising number of points of contact with the details of the Bab. text, from which it is evident that these coincidences carry us back to a very early date. (d) Istar’s descent to Hades. Istar determines to descend to Hades to free the dead who dwell there. As she passes through the seven gates of the under-world, all her garments and ornaments are taken from her, and Nin-ki-gal or Allatu (for Aralatu), the goddess of Hades, orders her servant Namtar the plague-demon, to smite Istar with disease. Meanwhile in the upper - world all procreation ceases, owing to the absence of the goddess of love, until the gods send Uddusu- namir (‘his brightness is fair,’ a transposition of the name Namra-uddu or Nimrod) to Allat with the request that she would allow Istar to return to earth. (e) The Namtar-legend. The gods are holding a banquet, and send to their sister Nin-ki-gal (Al- latu), who had been carried off by Nergal, a message desiring that she would send for the portion of food meant for her. Thereupon she sends her herald Namtar to heaven. VNergal’s distrust is awakened by this intercourse between his wife and the heavenly powers, and he imagines that she is planning flight. Accordingly, although he loves her dearly, yet, tortured by jealousy, he resolves to have her put to death. He stations the four- teen watchers of the under-world as sentinels at the gates, and orders Namtar to strike off the head of Nin-ki-gal. The latter pleads with her husband to spare her life, and she will submit to any con- ditions, nay, will give to him the sovereignty over the earth. Nergal weeps for joy, kisses his wife, and wipes away her tears. Unfortunately, the other parts of this legend, which has come down to us in a copy written in Egypt amongst the Tel el- Amarna correspondence, are of so fragmentary a character that it is impossible to extract from them a connected story. (f) The Adapa-legend (also derived from Tel el- Amarna). Merodach, the son of Ea, appears here * The Assyr. king Assur-nazir-pal mentions this mountain in connexion with an expedition to the land of Zamua., See Assyria (p. 183b). + It is worth noting that Bel, upon a similar occasion, namely, after his conquest of Tihimat, gives up his bow to Anu, who solemnly, in the presence of all the gods, hangs it up in heayen (cf. the bow of Gn 918 which God sets ‘in the cloud’). 222 BABYLONIA BABYLONIA under the name of Adapa as the progenitor of man.* Adapa, who had broken the wings of the south wind, is cited before the god of heaven to justify himself. His father, Ea, counsels him not to accept of the food offered him there, as it will cause death. Adapa follows this advice, but finds that by his refusal he has forfeited immortality, since it was really the ‘food of life’ which Anu offered him. (g) The Etana-legend. Etana (1>'8 1K 511?) applies to the sun-god for something to mitigate the pains of parturition for his wife. He is referred to the Eagle, which can furnish him with the requisite ‘birth-plant.? As Etana relates to the Eagle how in a dream (?) he had seen the gate of Anu and that of Istar, the Eagle offers to carry him up to heaven. ‘The enterprise succeeds in the first instance, and the two arrive at the gate of Anu, but in flying to the gate of Istar the strength of the Eagle gives way, he falls headlong, and Etana atones for his presumption by his death. He is transferred as a demi-god to the under-world. Shortly afterwards the Eagle also loses his life through the cunning of a serpent whose young he had devoured. (h) The legends of the god ZA (Sumer. Jm-dugud, the ‘storm-bird god’). Acc. to one form of the story, Ziti steals the tablets of destiny from Bel- Merodach, and Rammfn and various other gods decline, from fear, to take them back from him. Acc. to another text, the god Lugal-banda (the moon-god) sets out for the distant mountain of Sabu (in Central Arabia) to overreach Zi by cunning. In the heavens the god Zfi is represented by the constellation Pegasus, and Taurus (Mero- dach) is his son. (i) The legend of the god Girra (Nergal as god of war). A devastating inroad of the Sutzei (the Semitic nomad tribes of Mesopotamia) directed against Babel, Sippar, and Erech, is in dramatic fashion connected with the conflict of Nergal and his herald, the fire-god (or Nebo), with Merodach, the tutelary god of Babylon. The mention of the Assyrians and the Kassites plainly indicates that this poem did not originate prior to the so-called Kassite period. Special mention is due also to the second tablet (written entirely in Semit.) of the exorcism-series shurpu, in which the priest in the form of a long litany inquires what may have been the trans- gressions that have brought the punishment of the gods on the man who is possessed or sick. ‘ Has he perchance set his parents or relations at variance, sinned against God, despised father or mother, lied, cheated, dishonoured his neighbour’s wife, shed his neighbour’s blood?’ etc. The coincidences with the Heb. Decalogue, and with the Egyp. Ptah- hotep sentences, or the Trial of the Dead before the 42 judges of the dead, are unmistakable. That the Babylonians, as well as the ancient Egyptians, possessed also historical narratives in romance-form, is proved by the stories of Sargon of Agade and Kudur-Dugmal. The former of these has also come down to us in Greek from the pen of Allian, only that the Gr. writer has con- founded the name of Sargon with that of Gilgames. Sargon is the illegitimate son of a princess, who gives birth to him in secret and exposes him to perish. The child, however, is brought up by a gardener, and in the end comes to the throne. The only new element lian introduces into the story is that the boy was rescued by an eagle. (This is prob. due to a mistaken combination with the Etana-legend). ‘The legend (in metrical form) * In Berosus’ list of the patriarchs, Adapa (Alaparos is a con- fusion with Ilaprat, the name of the messenger of Anu) is the son of Aloros (7.e. the goddess Aruru, the wife of Ea) and father of Amelon (amé/u=man). 7 of the invasion of Babylonia by the Elamite king Kudur-Dugmal (a later form of Kudur-Lagamar) furnishes at the same time the best proof of the historicity of Gn 14. For the Heb. narrative is in accord with the original inscriptions dating from the time of Khammurabi (Amraphel), and not with the later Bab. legend. Yet the latter is what we should have expected if the Hebrews had first made acquaintance with the matter of Gn 14 during the Exile. The history knows of only the father of Iriaku (Arioch) of Larsa, who was king of Iamutbal, and resided at Dfir-ilu on the Elam.-Bab. frontier ; the legend, on the other hand, makes of the city Diir-ilu a son of Iviaku, viz. Dfir-makh-ili, of whom neither the Bible nor the inscriptions contain any notice. Of great variety, although not belonging in the stricter sense to literature, are the other com- ponents of Bab. writing. ‘Tables of paradigms and lexical-lists served to facilitate the learning and practice of the Sumer. speech. But along with these there were also lists containing only Semitic words (the so-called synonym-lists) and forms (e.g. the word-table, WAZ v. pl. 45). As an intro- duction to the complicated writing, there were syllabaries and collections of signs. Very numerous also are the commentaries which the Babylonians have left to us. These deal partly with the poetical literature, especially with the rare words that occur in it, and partly with the explana- tion of legal and agricultural terms in the old Bab. contract-tablets (the so-called ana-itti-su series). In such instances whole laws are some- times quoted verbatim, so that we thus get a glimpse of the most ancient codes of the Baby- lonians. "The contract-tablets themselves, which have come down to us in great abundance from all epochs of Bab. history, do not indeed belong to literature, but deserve special mention here because they supply us with the most interesting informa- tion not only about business but about all the possible details of private life. A sort of counterpart to the lexical-lists is pre- sented by the lists of names of places, countries, temples, officials, and stars, as well as the numerous lists of gods. We must mention also the numerous omen-texts, medical prescriptions, astronomical and mathematical tables, and finally some lists connected with the history of literature (e.g. a list of epic poems with the names of the authors or collectors). The historical literature will be dealt with below, when we come to speak of the sources of Bab. history. How the most important of the latter, namely, the inscriptions, were brought to light, we learn from the intensely interesting History of Excavations. As early as 1802 the first considerable Bab. inscription, on the so-called Caillou de Michaux, a boundary-stone of the 12th cent. B.C., was brought to Europe, and soon after- wards, through the efforts of the Kast India Company, a whole collection of Bab. antiquities (among them considerable inscriptions of Nebuch- adrezzar) was brought from Bassorah to the British Museum and the East India House. But it was not till 1811 that Mr. C. J. Rich, the re- discoverer of Nineveh, was able to explore more thoroughly Hillah, the ruins of ancient Babylon. In the fifties archeological research was resumed in Babylonia by the Englishmen, W. K. Loftus, J. E. Taylor, and A. H. Layard, who discovered the ruined sites of Niffer (Nippur), Warka (Uruk or Erech), Senkereh(Larsa), Mukayyar (Ur), and Abu Shahrein (Eridu) ; and by the Frenchmen, Fresnel and Oppert, who instituted further excavations at Hillah (Babel and Borsippa). In these ruins just named, in S. Babylonia, the inscriptions discovered were all brief, but on account of their antiquity they were proportionately important. These con- a Ta a ey a oe wh Se , { BABYLONIA sisted for the most part of so-called brick stamps,* although in Babel more considerable inscriptions were found, dating especially from the period of the New Bab. empire. Meanwhile Henry Rawlin- son had deciphered the Bab. version (the so-called third form) of the trilingual Achemenidean in- scription of Persepolis. ‘The key was found in the old Pers. version (the so-called first form), which had already been interpreted by G. F. Grotefend (1802), Rawlinson, and Burnouf, and which had been proved, by the two last named in particular, to be in an Indo-Germanic language. The work of deciphering the third form (whereby also the cuneiform inscriptions of the Ninevite monuments became readable and intelligible) was continued and perfected in the sixties by the talented Hincks, the Englishman E. Norris, and the Parisian scholar Julius Oppert. Later on, in the seventies, the excavations in Babylonia, notably at Babel and in the surrounding country, were continued, especially by George Smith and Hormuzd Rassam. In the course of his last expedition (1880-1881) Rassam discovered the ruins of Sippar-Agade at the modern Abu-Habba, along with the archives of the ancient temple of the sun. Moreover, by digging in Tell Ibrahim, 10 Eng. miles EK. of Babel, he was able to prove once for all that this was the site of the ancient Kutha, as Rawlinson had already conjectured. The work of bringing to light the oldest civilisa- tion of Babylonia (Sumer. as well as Semit.), leaving out of account the small beginnings of Loftus and Taylor, has been due especially to the Frenchman de Sarzec, and to the American University of Penn- sylvania (Peters and others, and at a later period, above all, J. H. Haynes and the scientific director of the fund, Prof. H. V. Hilprecht). Through their excavations at Telloh (1876-1881) and at Niffer (1888-1896), the history and archeology of Babylonia have been enriched as they had never been before ; from c. B.C. 5000 we can trace continuously the civilisation of Babylonia by aid of monuments and inscriptions. Instead of the cuneiform proper, the oldest inscriptions still use linear signs, in which it is often quite possible to trace clearly the figures that form the basis of the system. The Americans also discovered at Niffer nearly 1000 contract-tablets of the so-called Kassite period, whose dates now enable us to fix with certainty the exact succession of the then reigning monarchs. Of ‘finds’ outside Babylonia, we must men- tion above all the clay tablets which were dis- covered at Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt (see ASSYRIA). Among these there are letters to the Pharaohs not only from Bab. kings, but also from a great many Phen. and Pal. governors. The Bab. writing and language were then (c. 1400 B.C.) employed for diplomatic communications over almost the whole of W. Asia. The Elamites too borrowed their mode of writing from the Baby- lonians, as at a later period the Armenians did from the Assyrians. Further, it is becoming ever more probable that even the so-called Can. or Pheen, form of writing, to which the 5. Arabian is most nearly allied, was derived not from the Egyptians, but from the Babylonians, and as early indeed as c. B.C. 2000, It is a transformation into cursive of a number of old Bab. signs, and may have originated in EK. Arabia about the time of the first N. Bab. dynasty, which was of Arabian descent. Sources for Bab. History. ‘These are, first and foremost, the inscriptions discovered in course of the excavations we have described; but the * The only exceptions were Senkereh (Larsa) and the adjacent Tel Sifr; for there Loftus found a great number of old Bab. contract-tablets dating from the time of Khammurabi and Triaku (or the epoch of Abraham). BABYLONIA Assyr. libraries brought to light in the palaces of Nineveh have also supplied us with a number of copies not only of the Bab. religious writings, but also of historical records. In the art. ASSYRIA we have already spoken of the so-called ‘ synchron- istic history’ and of the ‘ Bab. chronicle.’ During the last two decades there have been recovered also numerous remains of Bab. libraries, esp. from the time of Nebuch. downwards, reaching as far as the Seleucid period. To these we are indebted not only for the many Bab. duplicates of the. remains of Bab. literature hitherto known only from the library of Assurbanipal, but also for not a few passages that are entirely new. Even at Tel el-Amarna, as was already remarked (p, 221»). the fragments of two ancient Bab. legends about the gods were found. Apart from the innumerable contemporaneous and original monuments of Bab. -kings, and the contract-tablets so important for a knowledge of chronology and of private life, not to speak of other records of a more private character, we have to mention as a historical source of the very first rank the great Bab. List of Kings. This contains the names of the kings of Babel from the Arab dynasty down to the last native king Nabonidus (Nabu-na’id), with note of the length of the reign of each. We have already (p. 222*) referred to some poetically embellished traditions. On the omen-lists, as they are called, and on the great astro- logical work, as important historical sources for the old Bab. era, we shall speak afterwards, when we come to deal with the history of Sargon and the so- called younger kings of Ur. Amongst extra-Bab. sources, the first rank must be assigned to the OT writings (Gn, esp. chap. 14, the Bks of Kings, the Prophets, esp. Jer, Ezk, Is 40-66, and finally Ezr-Neh). Only a secondary place belongs to the scanty notices of classical writers, whose import- ance is specially due to the fact that they have preserved for us some valuable citations from the work (unhappily lost) of the Bab. priest Berosus. For the new Bab. period, and esp. for the topo- graphy of Babel, a valuable authority on many points is Herodotus, who himself visited Babel in the course of his travels. Also in Strabo’s geography we find several interesting details regarding Babylonia. On the other hand, the information must be pronounced rather untrust- worthy and inexact which the extant fragments of Ctesias give us concerning Bab. History. We have already (see ASSYRIA) said all that is most essential about the value of the so-called Canon of Ptolemy (2nd cent. A.D.) for Bab. chronology. In con- junction with the so-called Bab. Chronicle, which runs parallel to it, and the list of kings (which unhappily is not free from gaps), whose starting- point was first accurately fixed by aid of the Canon, the latter forms the most important source for the Chronology. Besides the Canon of Ptolemy and the Assyr. and Egyp. synchronisms already described in art. ASSYRIA, important chronological data are supplied by the later historical inscrip- tions, esp. those of Nabonidus, and by some earlier monuments. In using these data, however, it must always be borne in mind that in all pro- bability, as early as the time of Assurbanipal, the Bab. chronographers had already fallen into the error of making the first two dynasties in the list of kings successive instead of contemporaneous. C@nsequently, a number of the following dates must be reduced by 368 years, the duration of the second dynasty. a. A boundary-stone, dated the 4th year of king Bel-nadin-apli (Hilprecht, Old Bab. Inscrip. i. pl. 30), informs us that from Gulkishar, king of the sea-land (i.e. Gulkisar, the sixth king of the second dynasty), to Nebuch. I., there were 224 BABYLONIA 696 years. Now, since Bel-nadin-apli was the immediate successor of Nebuch. I., the first four years of his own reign must be added to the above number, giving us the round number of 700 years between the death of Gulkisar and the time when the boundary-stone was set up. As the latter date is c. B.C. 1118, the death of Gul- kisar would have to be dated B.C. 1818, or a few decades later, for the round number 700 may, if need be, stand also for 650 or 660. b. Sennacherib relates that 418 years before the destruction of Babylon (B.C. 689), Marduk-nadin- akhi, the contemporary of Tiglath-pileser I. of Assyria, carried away two images of gods from the Assyr. city of Ikallati to Babylon. This im- plies that in B.c. 1107, and during the reign of Marduk-nadin-akhi, Babylonia had the upper hand of Assyria. Now it so happens that a boundary-stone, dated the 10th year of Marduk- nadin-akhi, records a great victory gained that year over Assyria, so that this 10th year will be B.C. 1107, or, in other words, the first year of M.’s reign must be dated B.C. 1117. c. Assurbanipal, in connexion with the conquest of Elam (c. 640 or later), mentions that the image of a god brought back by him from Elam to Erech had been carried away from the latter city 1635 years before, by Kudur-nankhundi. This invasion of Babylonia by the Elamites must accordingly have taken place c. B.C. 2275. It is quite possible, however, that, for the reason stated above, this last number ought to be reduced by 368 years, and that the date should be B.C. 1907. d. Nabonidus relates that he restored the temple E-ulmash at Sippar-Anunit (i.e. Agade), which had not been restored since the reign of Shaga- raktiburiash 800 years before. This gives us as the year of the death of the latter (which took place 750-800 years before Nabonidus, who himself reigned B.C. 555-539) a date somewhere between B.C. 13800 and 1350, (See further below, under Kurigalzu 11.) e. In the same inscription (WAJ, v. pl. 64) Nabonidus states that 8200 years before himself, the old king Narém-Sin, son of Sargon (now known to us from the inscriptions as Sargani-shar-ali, king of Agade), founded the temple of Samas at Sippar. This carries us to the high antiquity of B.C. 3750 for the reign of Narém-Sin. This figure, however, for the above reason, should certainly be reduced to c. B.C. 3400. f. Nabonidus further mentions, in an inscription which found its way to the Brit. Museum in 1885, that Burnaburias restored the temple of the sun at Larsa 700 years after Khammurabi. Since this undoubtedly refers to the more celebrated monarch of that name, Burnaburias II. (¢. 1400- 1375),* we are enabled thus to fix the date of Khammurabi’s reign at c. B.C. 2100. And, as a matter of fact, we obtain c. 2139-2084 as the date of his reign, if we follow the later custom of adding together the years of dynasties A and B as if they had been successive instead of con- temporaneous, and if we assume (with Dr. Peiser, Zeitsch. f. Assyr. vi. 264-271) as the probable duration of dynasty C only 399 instead of the traditional 576 years (6 sosses and 39 years, instead of 9 sosses and 36 years). In reality, however, Khammurabi, the contemporary of Abraham, must have reigned B.C. 1772-1717 or 1949-1894. History of Babylonia. As far back as we can go, and thus in any case considerably earlier than B.C, 4000, we find Sumerians and Semites side by side in Babylonia. Yet we can see clearly enough—(1) that the Semites in the earliest period were settled for the most part in the N.W., and that they penetrated into Babylonia from Meso- * In any case, Burnaburias 1. reigned only 40 years earlier. BABYLONIA potamia (Harran), while the Sumerians, at a very early date, were confined to the extreme S.E. of the Euphrates region; (2) that the Sumerians were the founders of Bab. civilisation, and that in the remotest antiquity they certainly at one time occupied the whole of Babylonia. The Semites not only employed at all times the Sumerian writing, which they accommodated as they best could to their purposes, but for a long time (at least for official records, such as dedicatory inscrip- tions) they used the Sumer. language as well. It was not till shortly before Sargon of Agade (ce. B.C. 3500) that in N. Babylonia inscriptions began to be composed also in Semitic. At the period to which the oldest hitherto dis- covered inscriptions belong, the canal running from N. to S. (the modern Shatt-el-Hai), and uniting the Tigris with the Euphrates, formed the boundary between two very ancient kingdoms— the Sumer. kingdom of Sirgulla (Lagash) or Girsu, lying to the E. of the above-named canal, and the Semit. kingdom of Uruk (Erech) and Ur tothe W. of the same canal. A part of the latter kingdom, probably the region between Ur, Arabia, and the Persian Gulf, on the right bank of the Euphrates, was already known as Ki-Ingi, i.e. region of Ingi, a name which soon came to be applied to the whole kingdom of Erech, but more especially to that part of it which lay in S. Babylonia, to the W. of Sirgulla. The oldest form of this name appears to have been Imgur or Imgir. From Ki- Imgir arose in course of time, through dialectical pronunciation, Shimir, Shumir (from the time of Khammurabi onwards the name for §. Babylonia) ; while the intermediate form Shingar has been preserved in the Heb. 1y1~, Shinar, properly Shing- har (Gn 10° 112). The oldest religious centre of the kingdom of Sirgulla was Nun-ki or Uru-dugga (Eridu, see above, p. 215»), while that of Erech and of the Bab. Semites in general was Nippur, with its sanctuary of Bel of ancient fame. Acc. to Talmudic tradition, the biblical Calneh (Gn 10”, cf. Is 109 LXX, rhv xdpav thy érdvw BaBvdAdvos ral Xadravv7, ob 6 mipyos gkodoundn) was only another name for Nippur, and, in point of fact, in an enumeration of the most important cities of Nim- rod’s kingdom (Babel, Erech, Accad, Calneh), Nippur could scarcely be omitted. A third kingdom which meets us even in the oldest inscriptions (e.g. in those of king En-shag- sag-anna [Bel-shar-shame ?]) as a rival of Erech, is that of Kis (written Kis-ki). This name was also borne at a later period by a city that lay some three leagues N.E. of Babel. A close con- nexion subsisted between this Kis, whose popula-~ tion was also undoubtedly Semitic, and a city on the Tigris called Sabban (written Ud-ban-ki, ‘ city of the hordes of the bow’), probably the later Opis. In the oldest dedicatory inscriptions found at Nippur, we find mention not only of priest- princes (Patesi, e.g. a certain Utuk), but also of kings of Kis (e.g. En-bil-ugun and Ur-Dun-pa- uddu or Amil-Nabu). One of the most remarkable of the above-named kings of Erech was Lugal-zag-gi-si (Semit. perhaps Sharru-mali-imfikki-kini, ‘the king is full of eternal strength’). He calls himself ‘king of Erech, king of the world (kalamma),’ while to his father Ukush he gives only the title ‘patesi of Gishban’ (‘ bow-city,’ ¢.e. Harran in Mesopotamia). Besides Erech, he possessed also Ur, Larsa, Nippur, and Gishban (Harran) ; Sippar-Agade and Babel appear as yet to have played no part in history, while both in Kis and in Sirgulla their own kings held sway. The date of these old kings of Erech must be fixed at the latest at somewhere before B.0. 4000. Judging from the type of writing, this period included also a certain Lugal-ki-gub-ni-gul- ey Te ee ee ae ee a BABYLONIA gul (Sem. perhaps Sharru-mushaklil-manzazi) and his son Lugal-si-kisal, both of whom style them- selves ‘king of Erech, king of Ur.’ The kings of Sirgulla, En-ghigalla, and Uru-kaginna must also be assigned to the same era. While the two last- named very ancient monarchs have left us only a few inscriptions, we have all the more monuments of Ur-ghanna (acc. to others to be read Ur-Nina), and of his grandson E-dingirrana-du.* ‘The latter in particular, who by preference styles himself ‘patesi,’ instead of ‘king,’ of Sirgulla, must have been a great warrior. ‘The so-called ‘ Vulture- Stele’ (now in Paris), the earliest monument of old Bab. sculpture, and other recently-discovered stones, give us both by word and by picture a detailed account of his great victory over the cities of Gishban (Harran), Kis, Sabban, and Az, and the consequent deliverance of Erech, Ur, and Larsa from the hands of the N. Bab. Semites. It is an interesting circumstance that already at this date there is mention also of a city A-idinna (Semit. Nadu), in which we may recognise with certainty the ‘Nod in front of Eden’ of Gn 416, It is, perhaps, the same city which meets us some centuries later under the name Agade (Akkad) or Sippar-Anunit. To the nephew of E-dingirrana- du, the patest En-timinna, we owe a silver vase, remarkable for the fineness of its execution, with the figures of animals portrayed upon it. As dedicatory inscriptions of this patest have been found also at Nippur, he must certainly, like his uncle, have had possession also of N. Babylonia. This hegemony of Sirgulla over Erech and Nippur may have existed about and after B.c. 4000. During the following centuries, however, we find Nippur again in the hands of Semit. kings, who arrogate to themselves the proud title lugal kish, i.e. ‘king of the world.’ + To these monarchs (Ma-ishtu-su and Alu-musharshid) we owe the earliest known of Bab. inscriptions composed in Semitic. They resided either at Kis or at Agade. Shortly thereafter (c. B.C. 3500) we meet with the first real kings of Agade (see above, p. 224%), Sar- gani-shar-ali (later curtailed to Sargani) or Sargon, and his son Naram-Sin the latter of whom, how- ever, no longer styles himself ‘king of Agade,’ but ‘king of the four quarters of the world’ (shar kibrati arbai). An omen-tablet, dating from a later period, tells us of great expeditions of Sargon, reaching as far as the coast of the Mediter., which is perfectly credible, for it was the Conquest of Syria that led to the introduction of the title ‘king of the four quarters of the world,’ which was actually assumed by Sargon’s son. And the evidence that Narém-Sin extended his sway far beyond the limits of Babylonia is furnished by the inscription, coupled with a portrait of him, which was found at Diarbekr in N. Mesopotamia, and by the alabaster vase which is entitled ‘a piece of booty from the land of Magan,’ i.e. Arabia. That at this period the Bab. sway extended over N. Syria, Mesopotamia, Elam, and N. Arabia, may be regarded as certain, and one of the most recent ‘finds’ of de Sarzec has proved also that amongst the vassals of Narém-Sin was a patesi of Sirgulla, named Lugal-ushumgal. Whether the rule of these kings of Agade en- dured yet longer we know not. On the other hand, the patesi of Sirgulla must have for many centuries maintained their supremacy over S.E. Babylonia. One of these, the famous Gudea, prob- ably extended his sway over even the whole of Babylonia. In his numerous and lengthy inscrip- * Or E-dingarréna-ginna, The name =‘ bringing (going) into the house of his god.’ + The determinative of place being omitted. ‘King of Kis’ would be dugal Kish-ki; but, at the same time, the title dugal kish contains a play upon the name of the city Kis, VOL, I.—I4 BABYLONIA 225 tions, all composed entirely in Sumerian, he boasts of having brought the stones and timber for his buildings from the most diverse regions and moun- tains of the west country (Martu) and Arabia. Moreover, he conquered Elam, especially the part of it known as Anshan (‘asses’ land’). Special interest is awakened by the mention of the cedar mountain Amanu, the mountain Ibla (for Libla, i.e. Lebanon ?), the mountain Tidanu of Martu (Dedan in the E. Jordan district), and the name Martu itself (for Amartu, z.e. land of the Amor- ites). Of Arabian districts, we find named not only Magan (originally Ma‘an ?) or E. Arabia, but also Milukh (N.W. Arabia, probably including the Sin. peninsula), Khakh (near Medina), and Ki- mash (‘district of Mash,’ the modern Gebel Sham- mar). Khakh yielded gold dust, Milukh gold dust and precious stones, Magan and Ki-mash copper. Notwithstanding all this, Gudea no- where styles himself ‘king of the four quarters of the world,’ whence it appears plain that he did not actually possess these regions outside Babylonia, but simply ensured by treaties the passage of his cara- vans through them. Of his predecessors (Ur-Ba’u, Nam-maghani, Ur-Ninsun, etc.) we know nothing of this kind ; their sphere of activity was probably restricted to Sirgulla. Gudea’s son, Ur-Ningirsu, was still patest of Sirgulla, but shortly thereafter a king of Ur named Ur-gur, who was probably of Semit. origin, succeeded in subjugating the greater part of Babylonia. In almost all the cities of Babylonia (Ur, Erech, Larsa, Nippur) we encounter temples built by him, and he was, at the same time, the first to assume the title ‘king of Ki- Ingi and Ki-bur-bur (Akkad),’ which, at a later period, was rendered ‘king of Sumer and Akkad.’ But it was his son Dungi who succeeded in de- throning the last patesi of Sirgulla, one Idimm{4ni (written Gullu-ka-ni). Dungi also built a temple for Nin-Shu-anna (i.e. ‘lady of Babel,’ to be identi- fied with Zarpanit the wife of Merodach), and for Nergal (Shit-lam-ta-uddu-a) the temple of Shit- lam at Kutha, as well as various temples at Sir- gulla and Girsu (Telloh). To what period Ur-gur and Dungi are to be assigned cannot unfortunately be determined with certainty, since we do not know whether the space of time that intervened between them and the kings of Nisin was a long orashort one. The very latest date we can assign to Gudea is c. B.C. 2500, to Ur-gur and Dungi of Ur c. 2400, and to the kings of Nisin c. 2300-2100 ; but it is quite conceivable that Ur-gur and Dungi reigned as early as c. 2700-2600, and Gudea c. 2800. It must further be mentioned that there are Semit. as well as Sumer. inscriptions, in which Dungi styles himself not ‘king of Ki-Ingi and Akkad,’ but ‘king of the four quarters of the world,’ a circumstance which points to the fact that he must have held possession of part of Syria and Elam, and thus, as a matter of course, of Mesopotamia. About the same period we have to place a certain Mutabil, governor of Dfir-ilu, who calls himself ‘breaker of the heads of the people of Anshan (Elam), uprooter of Barakhsi.’ Since his special god is Gudi (=Nabi?), and his capital Diir-ilu, it is certain that the Elamite district of Iamutbal, whose capital was also Dir-ilu, derived its name from him (Elam. ia=land, and Mutbai =Mautabil). The land of Barakhsi is already mentioned, in conjunction with Elam, by Alu- musarsid of Kis, as a conquered region ; the name reminds one both of Barkhazia (a Median province in time of Tiglath-pileser III.) and of the well~ known Barsua (for Barakhsi may be read Bara’si). Of the same date, in all probability, are the bricks, found by M. Pognon, of the three patesi of Ashnunna (or Umliash), viz. Ibalpil, Ur-Ningis- 226 BABYLONIA zidda (or Amil-Nusku), and Kullaku. It is differ- ent with the inscription of king Anu-banini of Lulub, found in the mountains of Batir (the modern Ser-i-pul near Holvan), and esp. with that of king Lasirab of Guti. The character of the signs used justifies us in assigning these to a much earlier date, about the time of Naram-Sin of Agade, or shortly thereafter. The kings of Nisin, of whom we now know a whole series (Ishbi-Nergal, Amil-Nindar [Ur-Nin- ib], Libit-Istar, Bur-Sin, Idin-Dagan, and Ishmi- Dagan), were, as their names show, Semites. They held Nippur (which is always named first in their inscriptions), Ur, Eridu, Erech, and Nisin; and, like the middle kings of Ur (Ur-gur and Dungi), they style themselves ‘king of Ki-Ingi and Ki- bur-bur (Sumer and Akkad).’ The site of Nisin has not yet been accurately determined ; at a later period it was pronounced Isin, and in the time of the so-called Pashi-dynasty (12th cent. B.C.) was the seat of a Bab. governor, on the same footing as Babel itself, Khalvan, Namar, and Ushti. The last of these monarchs, Ishmi-Dagan, was followed by the so-called younger kings of Ur. The first of these was one Gungunu, probably, as his name suggests, a usurper. Besides him we know of three successive kings, Ini-Sin, Bur-Sin (written differently from the king of Nisin of the same name), and Gimil-Sin. In addition to Ur, they held in Babylonia certainly Nippur and Eridu, and styled themselves not ‘king of Ki- Ingi and Akkad,’ but uniformly ‘king of the four quarters of the world.’ Numerous contracts of sale, dating from this period, testify not only to the flourishing condition of trade, cattle-breeding, and agriculture, but also to the political import- ance of the kingdom. These kings of Ur waged successful wars against Zapshali (on the borders of Cilicia and Syria), Elam (Anshan), Lulub (in N.E. of Babylonia), Sabu, and Ki-mash (in N. Arabia), and other territories. Several of these countries became Babylonian vassal-kingdoms, whose princes married Babylonian princesses. ‘This was the case, e.g., with Zapshali, Anshan, and Markhasi. Nevertheless, these kings of Ur do not appear to have had possession of the whole of Babylonia ; for the great astrological work, ‘ lumination of Bel,’ which originated at this epoch, and which once names even king Ini-Sin, makes it plain that be- sides the kings of Ur there were kings of Kisharra (Sumer. ki-sharra, synonym. with kish, ‘ world’) and Akkad. These are mentioned even as rivals of the Ur monarchs. We hear also of kings of Imgi (cf. Ingi in the name Ki-Ingi). Since Imgi became afterwards the ideogram for Kaldu, ‘Chaldees,’ this will, at the time of the kings of Ur, have been the designation of the extreme south of Babylonia, the so-called ‘sea-land.’ The astro- logical work mentions also foreign enemies, such as Elam and Anshan, Guti, the Sutzan nomads, Ishnunna, the island of Bahrein, Nituk or Dilmun, the land of Khattu, and very frequently the land of Martu. If this first mention of the Hittites is highly interesting, still more worthy of our atten- tion is the connexion in which Martu (the west land) is introduced. This implies that at that period Ur exercised supremacy over the whole of Palestine (including the eastern Jordanic territory and Ccoele-Syria). For, when the king of Ki- sharra (N. Babylonia) in passing snatches the sceptre of Ur, Martu at the same time falls into his hands. The name Sab Manda (or Umman Manda, a designation at a later period of the Scy- thians and Medes) also occurs in the astrological work, where it is applied to the Elamite mountain- eers, who carried off the image of Bel (the god of Nippur). To the same period (c. B.C. 2100-1900 at the BABYLONIA latest) ought to be assigned, in all probability, certain kings of Erech, who have left us inscrip-~ tions, viz. Sin-gashit (who, like Gisdubar, styles himself son of the moon-goddess Nin-sun, and whose possessions, besides Erech, included the Elamite border-land of Amnanu) and Sin-gamil. A vassal of the latter, named Ilfi-ma-ilu (properly Ilfi-ma-Gisdubba, but generally called simply llfi-ma), the son of Nab-shimia, was the founder of the so-called 2nd dynasty in the Bab. list of kings (B.C. 1948-1580). Within the last decades of the younger kings of Ur falls also the attack upon Erech by the Elamite monarch Kudur- nankhundi (see above, p. 224*). The younger kings of Ur were followed by the kings of Larsa (c. B.C. 1900-1750 at the latest). One of the first of these was Niv-Ramman, who takes the title ‘shepherd of Ur, king of Larsa.’ His son Sin-idinna first arrogated to himself the additional title, ‘king of Ki-Ingi and Ki-bur-bur (Sumer and Akkad),’ which implies that he must have extended his sway from the region of Ur and Larsa as far as N. Babylonia. His successors bore the same title; we know two of them— one whose name also began with Sin, and another the Elamite king’s son Jra-Aku, who as king of Larsa took the names also of Rim-Sin and Arad-Sin. (All three forms of the name mean ‘servant of the moon-god.’) About the same time as Sin-idinna assumed the title ‘king of Sumer and Akkad,’ an Arabian dynasty established itself in Babylon, which now for the first time becomes of political importance. This is dynasty A of the Bab. list of kings. Acc. to the most probable reckoning, it lasted from 1884- 1580 B.c.,* and its kings were the following : — years , 15 . 35 years Samsu-ilfina 85 (son of former) Abishu’a . . 14(son of former)| Ammi-satana 25 8 Sumu-abi . Sumu-la-ila Zabiu . Api-Sin . .1 » Sin-muballit 80 i Khammu-rabi 55 js As we mentioned already, Iri-Aku, the contem- porary of Khammurabi, was of Elamite origin. His father Kudur-Mabuk was king of the border- land of Iamutbal (see above, p. 2255). It was the latter who, under the protection of the Elamite king Kudur-Lagamar (see above, p. 222”), dethroned the Semite kings of Larsa, and installed his son Triaku in their place. In an inscription Kudur- Mabuk even calls himself adda (i.e. in W. Semit. malik, ‘king’) of Martu. This renders perfectly intelligible the account given in Gn 14 of Kudur- Lagamar’s (Chedorlaomer’s) attack upon the terri- tory extending from Sodom to Elath. King Tud- ghul (Tidal) of Guti (Goiim), and Khammu-rabi (semiticised Kimtu-rapaltu, hence Amarpal, the Amraphel of Gn 14!) of Babylon, were vassals of the Elamites. As early as the reign of Sin- muballit, Iriaku had captured the city of Nisin, as we learn from dates in contract-tablets. An in- scription of Iriaku’s further mentions the capture of Erech. The later Bab. legend (see above, p. 222>) could even tell of a plundering of Babylon by Kudur-Lagamar. The energetic Khammurabi (prob. B.C. 1772-1717) succeeded, however, in shaking off the Elamite yoke, and in driving not only Iriaku of Larsa, but also his father Kudur-Mabuk, out of Babylonia. In this way the supremacy over the west land (Martu) came into Khammurabi’s hands, as is perfectly established by recently discovered inscriptions, in which not only Khammurabi, but his third successor Ammi-satana, take the title ‘king of Martu,’ in addition to such Bab. titles as ‘king of Babel,’ or ‘king of Sumer and Akkad.’ * It is certainly no fortuitous circumstance that in Egypt, about the same period, an Arabian dynasty, the so-called Hyksos, held rule. Ammi-zaduga 22 Samsu-satana 31 BABYLONIA From the time of Khammurabi onwards, the city of Babel (Bab-ili, ‘gate of God,’ Sumer. Ka- dingirra and Tin-tir, the latter=‘ seat of life’) con- tinued to be the residence of the Bab. monarchs. Although the above-named king was of Arabian descent, yet the Babylonians, down to the latest generations, considered him, on account of his ex- pulsion of the Elamites and his canal works, to be the real founder of the Bab. kingdom, which from his time onwards was inseparably associated in men’s minds with the metropolis Babel. The pros- perity of the country under his rule and that of his successors is witnessed to by a number of contract- tablets. In one of the latter, dating from the reign of Apil-Sin, we encounter Abi-ramu as a per- sonal name, as the father indeed of one Sha-martu ; showing that the biblical name Abraham was current in Babylonia even two generations earlier than Khammurabi. Nearly about the same date falls also the founding of the Assyrian empire (see ASSYRIA). This took its rise probably from Nisin, for Resen of Gn 10!” is the same name as Nisin (cf. Unuk with Uruk, Erech), and the royal name, Ishmi-Dagan, meets us both at Nisin and at Assur, and that too at the earliest period, c. B.c. 1800. The Arabian dynasty (A in kings’ list) was in all probability succeeded immediately by the so-called Kassite dynasty (C of list, c. B.C. 1580-1180), which derives its name from the ancient designation Kash for Elam. This explanation is to be pre- ferred to that which derives the epithet from Koocaton, the wild mountaineers who were subdued by Sennacherib, and who by him are certainly called Kassfi. The founders of the Kassite dynasty were natives rather of the extreme south of Baby- lonia, bordering upon Elam, the region which was called Kardunias, 7.e. land of the Kardu (dialecti- cally Kasdu) or Kaldu. In the time of the Kassite dynasty this name was extended to designate the whole of Babylonia. The first king of this dynasty was Gaddash (in kings’ list Gandish), who styles himself ‘king of the four quarters of the world, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of Babalam.’ We have no very exact details till we come to the seventh king, Agu-kak-rimi (also called simply Agu), the son of Ur-Ziguruvash. He calls himself ‘king of the Kassites and Akkadians, king of the wide land of Babel, who causes numerous peoples to settle in the land of Ashnunnak, king of Padan (Mesopotamia, ef. the OT ‘ Paddan-aram’) and Alman (the district E. of Mesopotamia and 8S. of Assyria), king of the land of Guti, widely extended peoples, the king who rules the four quarters of the world.’ He records how he brought back from the land of Khani (N. Syria) the images of Merodach and Zarpanit, which had formerly been carried off. Khani (also called Akhanu, Iakhanu, and Khiana) is the region between Carchemish and *Azaz, hav- ing Arpad for its capital. The proper home of the Hittites was Khani-rabbat, the ‘great Kheta-land’ of the Egyp. inscriptions, to the N. of the above region, between Mar‘ash and Malatiyeh. As the territorial name Khattu was probably originally Khantu, an invasion of Babylonia by the Hittites must have taken place shortly before the reign of Agu-kak-rimi. Now the accession of the latter must be dated c. B.C. 1500, and this mention of predatory incursions of the Hittites into Babylonia thus tallies pretty well with the first mention of the Hittites in the Egyp. inscriptions under Tahutmes III. (B.C. 1503-1449). With the third or fourth successor of Agu-kak- rimi begin the relations of Babylonia with the aspiring empire of Assyria. (The details have already been fully given in article ASSYRIA, hence in what follows we shall notice only what has no connexion with Assyr. history.) The first kings BABYLONIA about whom we again possess detailed information are those who had diplomatic relations with the Pharaohs Amenhotep Ill. and Iy., and whose letters have been recovered through the famous ‘find’ of clay tablets at Tel el-Amarna (see above, p. 228). The circumstance that at that period (shortly before and after B.c. 1400) Babylonian was the language used for official communications all over W. Asia, is now readily explained as the con- sequence of the hegemony of Babylon over the western land, which endured for centuries (from the time of the younger kings of Ur till c. B.C. 1600). From the correspondence between Kallimma- Sin of Kardunias and Nimmuria (Amenhotep III.) of Egypt, we gather that the father of Kallimma- Sin (probably Kurigalzu I.) had formerly given his daughter in marriage to Amenhotep III., and that a daughter of Kallimma-Sin’s is now to be sent to the harem of Amenhotep. The same subject, that of marriage and gifts, is discussed in the letters of king Burnaburies II. (B.C. 1410-1380?) to Nap- khuraria (Amenhotep IV.) the son of Nimmuria. Burnaburias speaks of himself as the son of Kuri- galzu, and of the latter as the contemporary and friend of Amenhotep III.; presumably, therefore, B. was a younger brother of Kallimma-Sin, who must have died young. Of the Assyrians B. speaks as his own subjects, but of the land of Kinahhu (Canaan) as an Egyp. province through which his ambassadors have to pass. It is also mentioned that the friendly relations between Egypt and Babylonia date from the time of the Bab. king Kara-indas, i.e. the fourth or fifth predecessor of Burnaburias II. Burnaburias Il. was probably succeeded by Kudur-Bel (who reigned at least eight years) ; then came Kara-khardas, the son-in-law of the Assyr. king Assur-uballit, who reigned but a short time, and was succeeded by his son Kadashman-kharbi I. The latter conquered the Sutzan nomads, and constructed fortresses for defence against them in the land of Amurrfii (Ceele-Syria). On account of his relationship, however, to the Assyr. king, he was not regarded as a genuine Kassite, and was assassinated. Shuzigas (or, acc. to another account, Nazibugas) was placed upon the throne, but was immediately deposed by the Assyrians, who in- stalled in his place Assur-uballit’s grandson, Kuri- galzu IT. (1364-1320 ?) who was still in his minor- ity. It is impossible to say for certain whether the previously mentioned (p. 224°) Shagaraktiburias, the son of Kudur-Bel, was a rival king (perhaps during the minority of Kurigalzu II.), or whether he directly followed Kudur-Bel. The first, how- ever, appears the more likely. In a recently-dis- covered passage of the synchronistic history (RP. new series, v. 108) there is reference to internal complications during part of the reign of Kuri- galzu II. The latter, the ‘king without an equal,’ was a powerful monarch ; he conquered the city of Shasha in Elam, i.e. the well-known Susa, and assumed the title of ‘king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the four quarters of the world.’ The name of the Elamite king whom he conquered was Khurba-tila. Kurigalzu Il. was succeeded by Nazi-maruddas (1320-1295), Kadasman - turgu (1294-1278), KadaSman-burias (1277-1276), an un- named king (1275-1270), Shagarakti-surias (1269- 1257), Bibéias (1256-1249), Bel-Sum-idina (1248- 1247), Kadashman-kharbi II. (1247-1246), and Ram- man-s§um-idina (1246-1240). See ASSYRIA. Under the last three Babylonia had much to suffer from the inroads of the Elamite king Kidin-khutrutas. An upward movement, however, again took place during the 30 years’ reign of Ramméan-Sum-uzur (1239-1209) and the reigns of his son Meli-sipak (1208-1194) and his grandson Marduk-pal-idina (1193-1181). To the time of these three kings BABYLONIA bo bo 1e2) belong the oldest known boundary-stones with the zodiacal signs portrayed upon them.* (These are fully described by T. G. Pinches, in his Guide to the Nimroud Central Saloon, London, 1886, pp. 44-55. After the last of these Kassite kings Zamama-sum-idina (B.0. 1180) and Bel-sum-idina (1180-1177) there followed a Semitic reaction, which connects itself with the Dynasty of Pashi (1177-1043). Unfortunately, the name of the founder of this new dynasty is un- known. The fourth, in all probability, of its kings was Nabi-kudurri-uzur (Nebuchadrezzar) J., the son of Nindar-nadin-Sumi (written Nin-ib-sum-mu). He waged war on the mountaineers of E. Babylonia (including Elain), and also on the land of Martu. Unfortunately, his inscriptions do not make it perfectly clear with what part of Syria he engaged in hostilities, but it appears to have been the district of Antilibanus, for in an inscription which ought probably to be ascribed to him there is mention of a war against the peoples of the land of Khattu and against Ammananu (cf. Lamanan of the Egyp. inscriptions). From an elegiac poem we learn that the statue of Bel had been captured by the enemy, but was then recovered by Nebu- chadrezzar. On this occasion the king consulted the ancient oracles of the astrological work ‘Tllumination of Bel,’ where in point of fact there is mention of the return of the statue of Bel from Elam to Nippur in the time of the younger kings of Ur. From ali this it is quite plain that when Nebuchadrezzar received the kingdom it was in a dilapidated condition. Nebuchadrezzar was succeeded by Bel-nadin- apli. Vhen came Marduk-nadin-akhi (see above, p. 2248), who reigned B.C. 1117-c. 1100, Marduk-Saptk- zirim, and Ramméan-pal-idina (see ASSYRIA). The next to the Jast of the eleven Pashi kings was Marduk- akhé-irba (B.C. 1064-1052). To his reign belongs a boundary-stone, on which we read the name of a Khabirite, Kudurra the son of Basish, along with a certain Kassa and one Khirbi-Bel. We know also of a Khabirite, Kharbi-shipak, from another text which treats of campaigns of the Assyrians and Babylonians in Phoenicia (WAT, pl. 384, No. 2). This shows that the Ahabiri, who play an important réle in the Tel el-Amarna corre- spondence as enemies of Jerusalem, cannot possibly be the Hebrews, but must have been Kassite Babylonians. The Pashi dynasty was followed by the kings of the Sea-land, 7.e. the district in the extreme south of Babylonia. The Kassite nationality of this dynasty, which lasted from B.C. 1043-1022, is evident from the names of its kings — Simmas- shipak, Ea-mukin-ziri, and Kasst-nadin-akhi. The next dynasty was that of Bazi, which in- cluded three kings who reigned from 1021-1002, viz. E-ulmash-shakin-shumi, Nindar-kudurri-uzur, and Amil-Shukamuna. These were followed by a single Elamite king, whose name has not been preserved (1002-996). ‘This whole period, from the end of the Pashi dynasty, was a stormy one. Shortly before, the temple of Samas at Sippar had been destroyed by the Sutzan nomads; then during the reign of Kassfi-nadin-akhi there was a great famine—so that the land had no rest. It was not until the next, once more a Babylonian dynasty, that better conditions were again inaugurated (B.C. 995-782). The first king, Nabi-mukin-apli, to whose reign an extant boundary-record must be assigned, reigned 36 years (B.C. 995-960), and Nabé-pal- idina, who is known from Assyrian history as a contemporary of Assur-nazir-pal, also had a reign of more than 30 years (c. B.C. 885-853). Be- * Yor the proof that it is really the twelve-fold division of the Zodiac that is represented here, see F, Hommel’s ‘ Astronomie der alten Chaldier’ in Ausland, 1891-1892. BABYLONIA tween these two reigns there is an unfortunate gap, which as yet is represented by only a few names. Only the last four kings of this dynasty are included in the kings’ list. To Nabt-pal-idina we owe the beautiful Cultus- tablet of Sippar, which is adorned with a relief of the sun-god. It was this king that restored the temple of the sun which had lain in ruins since the ravages of the Sutzeans, and re-established his worship in Sippar. From the reign of his son and successor Marduk-sum-idina down to the rise of the New Babylonian empire under Nabo- polassar, the history of Babylon, so far at least as known to us, is connected in the closest fashion with that of ASSYRIA (to which article the reader is referred for details). During this period Baby- lonia was in complete political dependence upon Assyria. When independent movements show themselves, they proceed almost invariably from the Kaldi (Chaldeans) in 8. Babylonia, who were the Semitic successors of the Kassites, and from the nomadic Aramzan tribes between Elam and Babylonia. The best type of these Kaldi princes is Marduk-pal-idina IT., the Merodach-baladan of OT, and contemporary of Sargon and Sennacherib (see ASSYRIA). A votive inscription of his (in the Berlin Museum) contains,a grandiloquent descrip- tion of the prosperity of the land under his sway as compared with the misery of the ‘rulerless time’ that preceded his reign. Of Chaldean origin were also the founders of the New Babylonian empire, Nabopolassar and his son Nebuchadrezzar II. Nabi-pal-uzur (B.C. 625-605), wrested his inde- pendence from Assyria, and caused himself to be proclaimed king of Babylon. We have inscriptions of his, in which he speaks of building temples at Babel and Sippar, and of constructing a canal at the latter city. Some Bab. cities, however, such as Erech, still belonged to the Assyr. king Sin- sar-iskun. With the view of conquering and dethroning the latter, Nabopolassar allied himself with the Manda king (Arbaces? See ASSYRIA), i.e. with the leader of the Medo-Scythian hordes. While Nabopol. advanced in person with his army against. N. Mesopotamia, the Manda hordes burst into Babylonia, where they plundered the cities that still owned the Assyr. sway, and into Assyria itself, where, c. B.c. 607, Nineveh fell into their hands, and was utterly destroyed. In order to help Nabopolassar, who was hard pressed by the Assyrians, the Manda invaded also the territory of Harran. It was upon this occasion that the very ancient temple of the moon, which existed there, was destroyed. Thus, by the aid of the Medes, the Babylonians came once more into possession of Mesopotamia, and so paved the way towards Syria. There, in B.c. 605, at Car- chemish, the crown-prince Nebuchadrezzar defeated Necho of Egypt, and in consequence of his victory was acknowledged as sovereign lord by the whole country as far as the S. border of Palestine. Amongst others, homage was done to him by Judah in the person of its king Jehoiakim. The news of his father’s death recalled Nebuchadrezzar to Babylon. Nabi-kudurri-uzur II. (the Nebuchadrezzar of OT), during his long reign of 44 years (B.C. 604— 561), contrived to make Babylonia in the fullest sense the heir of the shattered Assyr. empire. At the same time, by his building activity, he con- verted his capital Babylon into one of the most magnificent and most beautiful cities of antiquity. His chief attention was directed to the Bel-temple Sag-illa at Babylon, and the Nebo-temple Zidda at Borsippa, but he by no means neglected the temples at Sippar, Kutha, Erech, Larsa, and Ur. In addition he constructed in Babylon new streets, BABYLONIA embankments, and palaces (cf. the Greek legend of the ‘hanging gardens’ of Semiramis), and forti- fied the city by double walls, so strong that it might be deemed impregnable. As the inscriptions of Nebuch. speak of almost nothing but his buildings, we have to gain in- formation about his numerous wars from various extra-Babylonian sources, such as the OT and the classical writers. We know the course of events in Judah, where, at the instigation of the warlike Pharaoh Hophra (Apries), Zedekiah, a Babylonian vassal, renounced his allegiance, an act to which Nebuch. replied by laying siege to Jerusalem (2 K 251). The fall of Jerusalem in B.C. 587 led to the exile of the Jews in Babylon (B.C. 586-537), and made of Judah a Bab. province. A similar fate befell the other states which, in reliance upon Egypt, had withheld their tribute from Babylon, viz. Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre, and Sidon. ‘lyre, however, in spite of a 13 years’ siege, could not be taken, but had to resume payment of the former tribute. Hophra, after the defeat of his army by Nebuch. (B.C. 587), ventured on no further attack, and it was not till 568 that Nebuch. again took the field against Egypt (where meanwhile Amasis had dethroned Hophra), and occupied some parts of the Delta. Of a war carried on by Nebuch. against the Arabs of Kedar we know from Jer 4928-83, Jn the course of the war which the Median king Cyaxares waged with Lydia, Nebuch. used his influence, after the battle on the Halys, B.c. 685, to bring about peace between Lydia and Media. By this politic step he prevented his dangerous rival from becoming too strong. Within the reign of Nebuch. also falls an event, which at a later period under his successors proved to have been charged with fateful issues from the New Bab. empire, —the occupation of Elam by the newly- arisen kings of Ansan in N. Elam. As late as the beginning of Nebuch.’s reign Jeremiah knows of reigning kings of Elam (Jer 2525), whereas in 585 Ezekiel already speaks of the Elamites as dead and gone (Hzk 3274), We know that an Indo- Germanic prince of Pers.-Achzemenidan origin, named Teispis (Tsheispis), proclaimed himself king of Ansan c. B.C. 600. He was the great-grand- father of the famous Kuras (Cyrus), and he left behind him two sons. The elder, Kuras by name (grandfather of Cyrus), fell heir to the kingdom of Ansan, which he probably enlarged by conquer- ing the rest of Elam; the younger, Ariaramna, founded for himself a kingdom in KE. Iran. He was the great-grandfather of ‘Darius the Mede,’ the future king of Persia. What share Nebuch. had in this conquest of Elam we know not, but some share in it is suggested by a recently-dis- covered inscription, according to which Nebuch. brought back an image of Istar from Susa to Erech. The son and successor of Nebuch. was Amil- marduk (the Evil-merodach of OT), who reigned from 661-560. It was he who released the unfor- tunate Jehoiachin of Judah from his prison(2 K 2527). Failing to establish himself on a right footing with the priests, he was murdered by his own brother-in- law, Nergal-shar-uzur (the Neri-glissar of classical writers), who had the priests upon his side. Neriglissar (B.C, 559-556) was married to a daughter of Nebuch., and even during the reign of the latter enjoyed the greatest consideration, as is proved by various contract-tablets. Like his father, Bel-sum-i8kun, he bore the title rub& imga (‘the exalted sage’), a circumstance which proves at the same time that Neriglissar is to be identified with the Rab-mag (= rub& imga) Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39°13, Nerigl.’s inscriptions tell us of his building of temples and of the completion of his palace in Babylon. The passage which runs, ‘the BABYLONTA 229 rival and adversary I destroyed, the foes I exter- minated, the insubordinate opposers I consumed,’ refers not only to the murder of Amil-Marduk, but also to foreign enemies, in whom we should probably recognise the same Manda hordes whom Nabonidus shortly afterwards drove back from Mesopotamia. Neriglissar died in 556, leaving a son scarcely come of age, Labashi-Marduk, who, according to the judgment of the priests, was not fit to rule on account of ‘bad character’; and was consequently deposed the same year. A Babylonian, not a Chaldee, was called to the throne in his room, Nabu-nvid (‘the god Nebo is exalted’), the Nabonidus of the classical writers, who reigned from B.C. 555-5389. He was more a lover of anti- quarian research than an energetic ruler. He rebuilt a whole series of the oldest Bab. temples, é.g. at Sippar, Larsa, and Ur, and at the same time instituted elaborate inquiries into the history of the building (cf. the dates that have been thus recovered, above, p. 224*). On the other hand, with the most painful shyness he avoided Babylon, even when its situation was one of extreme peril; it was his son Bel-shar-uzur, the Belshazzar of Daniel, who, in the capital, carried on the work of government, without, however, bearing the title of king. Nabonidus’ first concern was to rebuild the ancient temple of Sin in Harran. The Manda king Istuvigu (7.e. the Median prince Astyages) had, however, invaded Mesopotamia, and it was only when he had been repelled through the assist- ance of king Kuras of Ansan (i.e. the well-known Cyrus king of Persia, B.C. 558-530) that Nabonidus was able to prosecute his building design. This repulse of the Manda took place c. B.c. 554 or 553. Through his decisive victory over Astyages (B.C. 550), Cyrus became at the same time king of the Median empire; consequently the Bab. Chronicle now calls him ‘king of Parsu,’ instead of giving him his official title, ‘king of Ansan.’ In the year 547 took place the successful campaign of Cyrus against Croesus of Lydia, during which Nabonidus and the king of Egypt had joined the league formed against Cyrus. The latter was now master of the whole of Asia Minor. The punish- ment of Egypt was deferred till the time of Cyrus’ successor Cambyses (B.C. 525), but that of Baby- lonia came in 539, in which year (16th Tammuz, i.e. about the beginning of July) Cyrus got posses- sion of Babylon, through the treachery of its priests, without drawing a sword. Three and a half months later he made his triumphal entry into the city, and eight days afterwards his general Gubaru (Gobryas) caused the king’s son, i.e. Belshazzar, to be put to death (cf. also Dn 5). Nabonidus was spared, and banished to Karmania. This was the end of the independence of Babylonia, and the beginning of the great Persian world- empire. Nevertheless, the kings of Persia did every- thing possible to mitigate the lot of the Baby- lonians: they allowed the native form of worship to continue ; exalted Babylonian to the rank of one of the three languages of the empire (Persian, Elamite, Babylonian; see above, p. 223°); and called themselves upon Bab. inscriptions ‘king of Babel, king of the countries.’ Under the mild rule of Cyrus, the day of return also drew nigh for the Jews who had remained true to the old home. Thus the end of the Bab. empire means at the same time the beginning of the Jewish community, whose real commencement coincides with the re- building of the temple predicted in Is 4478, When in the latter passage Cyrus (Koresh) is called by J!’ ‘my shepherd,’ there is here an allusion to the Elamite etymology of the name Kuras (‘ shepherd’), According to Strabo, the Aryan name of Cyrus was Agradates. The later history of Babylon is bound up with BABYLONIA that of Persia, and afterwards of Alexander the Great and his successors, the Seleucid and Arsacid kings. The names of all these rulers occur in connexion with the dating of Bab. contract-tablets and in other inscriptions. There is extant, for instance, a cylinder-inscription of Antiochus Soter from Birs Nimroud, in which also the queen Stratonike (Astartanikku) is commended to the protection of the Bab. gods. Not only so, but the Bab. literature, even bilingual (Sumer.-Semit. ) hymns not excepted, was still copied out and cherished as late as the Parthian era. The agri- cultural impoverishment of the country under the Parthians led, however, to the gradual dying out of the tradition of the priests which had been so long preserved. The knowledge of the ancient writing and speech was utterly lost until in our own century it was recovered through the acute- ness and enthusiasm of European scholars, and is now in ever-increasing measure shedding light upon the history of the most ancient civilisation, but above all upon biblical history. LITERATURE. — (Those works are not included which deal with Assyria as well as Babylonia, as they have been already enumerated in Literature at end of AssyRIA). (A) ExoavaTions AND INSoriIPTIoNs.—C, J. Rich, Vurrative of a Journey to the Site of Bab. in 1811, London, 1839; J. EB. Taylor, Notes on the Ruins of Mugeyer, London, 1855 (JRAS), Noteson Abu Shahrein and Tel el Lahm, London, 1855(JRAS); W.XK. Loftus, Travels and Researches in Chaldea and Susi- ana, with an Account of Excavations at Warka, the Erech of Nimrod, London, 1857; J. Oppert, Hapéd. en Mésopot., Paris, 1863 ; H. Rassam, Recent Discoveries of Anc. Bab. Cities, Lon- don, 1884 (7/SB.A); E. deSarzec, Décowvertes en Chaldée, Paris, 1884 ff.; H. V. Hilprecht, The Bab. Hapedition of the Univ. of Pennsylwania, Series A, Cuneif. Texts, vol. i. 2 parts, Philad. 1898, 1896; Frd. Delitzsch, Assyr. Lesestiicke®, Leipzig, 1885; H. Winckler, Der Thontufelfund von El-Amarna, 1889-1890 (the tablets of the museums of Berlin and Cairo) ; C. Bezold and E. A. Wallis Budge, The Tel el-Amarna Tablets in the Brit. Mus., London, 1892; ©. Bezold, Catal. of Cun. Tablets in Kouyunjik Collection of Brit. Mus., 4 vols. London, 1889-1896 ; P. Haupt, Das Bab. Nimrodepos, Leipzig, 1884, 1891; T. G. Pinches, Tewts in the Bab. Wedge- Writing, London, 1882; J.N. Strassmaier, Bab. Texte (New-Bab. contract-tablets), Leipzig, 1887 ff.; George Reisner, Swner.-Bab. Hymnen nach Thonta- feln griech. Zeit. (of the Berlin Mus,), Berlin, 1896. (B) Sumerian LANGUAGE (for the Semit.-Bab. see AssyRrA).— A. H. Sayce, On an Accadian Seal, London, 1871 (Journ. of Philology); Accadian Phonology, Trans. of Philol.Soc., London, 1877; Fr. Lenormant, La langue primitive dela Chaldée et les idiomes Touraniens, Paris, 1815, Htwdes Accadiennes, 8 vols. Paris, 1878-1879; F,. Hommel, Die swmero-akkad. Sprache, Leipzig, 1884 (Zeitsch, f. Keilschriftf.), The Swmner. Language and its Affinities, London, 1886 (JRAS), Sumer. Lesestiicke, Miinchen, 1894, Der bab. Ursprung d. egypt. Kultur, Miinchen, 1892; P. Haupt, Akkad. w. swner, Keilschrifiterte, Leipzig, 1881-1882, Die akkad. Sprache, Berlin, 1883; R. E. Briinnow, A Classified Listof Cun. Ideographs, Leyden, 1889; A. Amiaud et L. Méchinaux, Tableau compare desécritures Bab. et Assyr., Paris, 1887; C. F, Lehmann, Die Evistenz d. sumer. Sprache (against Halévy’s Recherches critiques sur Vorigine de la civilisation Bab., Paris, 1876, and other pamphlets of the same author), Leipzig, 1892 (ch. 4 on Samas-sum-ukin making up more than a third of the whole book). (C) TRANSLATIONS, COMMENTARIES, ETC.—E. Schrader, Keé- linschrifil. Bibliot. vol. iii. (Bab. historical inscriptions), Ber- lin, 1890-1892, vol. iv. (juridical texts by F. Peiser), Berlin, 1896, vol. y. (the Tel el-Amarna letters by H. Winckler), Berlin, 1896 ; C. Bezold, Die Achaemenid. Inschr., Leipzig, 1882 ; H. Zimmern, Bab. Busspsalmen, Leipzig, 1885; C. F. Lehmann, Samas-swm- ukin, Konig von Bab., Leipzig, 1892 (see also above, under (B)); B. Meissner, Betirdge 2. altbab. Privatrecht (contract- tablets of the time of Khammurabi), Leipzig, 1893; H. Zimmern, Beitrdge z. Kenntniss d. bab. Religion (1, die Beschwirungs- tafeln * Surpw’), Leipzig, 1896; K. L. Tallqvist, Die assyr. Beschworunysserie ‘Maki,’ Velsingfors 1891, 1894 (Acta Soc. Fennice); L. W. King, Bab. Magic and Sorcery, being the prayers of the lifting of the hand, London, 1896; P. Haupt, Die swner. Familiengesetze, Leipzig, 1879; H. Pognon, Jn- scrip. Bab. dw Wadi Brissa, Paris, 1887; Fried. Delitzsch, Bab. Weltschépf.-epos, Leipzig, 1896. (D) Crv1Lisation, ASTRONOMY, RELIGION, ETO.—F. Hommel, Die semit. Volker wu. Sprachen, vol.i., Die Vorsemit. Kulturen en Aigyp. u. Bab., Leipzig, 1888, Die Astronomie d. alten Chaldder, Stuttgart (in the weekly journal ‘Ausland’), 1891, 1892; P. Jensen, Kosmologie d. Bab., Strassburg, 1890; A. H. Sayce, Hibbert Lectures (Religion of the ancient Babylonians), London, 1887, HOM, ist ed. 1893, 5th ed. 1885; Ed. Stucken, As- tralmythend. Hebr,, Bab.,u. digyp., Leipzig, 1896; A. Jeremias, Bab.-Assyr. Vorstell. v. Leben n. d. Tode, Leipzig, 1887; Fr. Lenormant, La magie chez les Chaldéens, Paris, 1874 (Eng. tr.. London, 1877), Ladivination et la science des présages chez les BACCHIDES Chaldéens, Paris, 1875; C. P. Tiele, Gesch. d. Relig. im Alter- tum, i., Gesch. d. egyp. u. d. bab.-assyr. Relig., Gotha, 1895 ; Fr. Lenormant, Les origines de Vhistoire, 2 vols. Paris, 1880, 1882; H. Gunkel, Schonfung u. Chuos, Gottingen, 1895; De Clereq et J. Ménant, Catalogwe method. et raisonné de la col- lection de Clereg, vol. i. (seal-eylinders) Paris, 1885 ff.; C. F. Lehmann, Das altbab. Mass- uv. Geawichtssystem, Leiden, 1893. (#) Hisrory.—G. Smith, Hist. of Babylonia, ed. by A. H, Sayce, London, 1877; G. Maspero, 7'/e Daron of Civilization?, ed. by A. H. Sayce, London, 1896; The Struggle of the Nations, ed. by A. H. Sayce, London, 1896; J. F. McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and the Monwments, vol. i. New York and London, 1894, vol. ii. New York and London, 1896. F. HOMMEL. BABYLONISH GARMENT (T2Y ODS, Wry ror- «ttn, RV Bab. mantle).—The Heb. means, liter- ally, ‘mantle of Shinar’ (Jos 72!), the name by which Bab. was known to the ancient Hebrews. Naturally, it is not an easy matter to decide, even approximately, what kind of garment this can have been. Jos (Ant. V. i. 10) gives rein to his imagination, and describes it as ‘a royal garment woven entirely of gold,’ or ‘all woven with gold.’ There is no doubt that a dress of this description would be ‘goodly’ in the extreme. The probability is that it was a garment of em- broidered stuff, such as Babylon was famed for (ef. Pliny, viii. 74, and Martial, Hp. viii. 28); and the statement in the Bereshith Rabba (§ 85, fol. 75. 2), that it was a robe of purple (an opinion which k. Chanina bar R. Isaac also shared ; ef. Kimchi on Jos 721), is just as likely to be correct as any other. There were probably many centres of the weaving industry in ancient Babylon, that of Sippar being most likely the chief. Many tablets referring to woven stuffs have been found on the site of that city, and testify to the extent of the industry ; and long lists of dress material and garments bear testimony to the diversity of the work and the patterns used. The common expression lubulti birme is generally taken to mean stuffs woven in patterns of various designs, like embroidery, the weaver of such cloth being called ispar (or usbar) birmi. T. G. PINCHES, BACA, THE VALLEY OF (8337 ?2%.).—A valley through which pilgrims pass to Zion (Ps 84° AV; RV has ‘ weeping,’ m. ‘balsam-trees’). Ancient versions, including LXX and Vulg., render valley of weeping, possibly from confusion between ‘23 (‘weeping’) and 8)3, whose plural (2 S 574, 1 Ch 1414-15) designates a tree, variously identified with the mulberry (AV and RV), the pear tree (LXX 1 Ch 14), the balsam (Gesenius), and the poplar or aspen (Tristram, Nat. Hist.). If an actual valley (the article is not quite con- clusive; see Ec 316, where two undoubtedly ideal places have the article), it may be identified either with ‘the valley of Achor, i.e. trouble’ (Jos 724: 76 etc.) ; ‘the valley of Rephaim’ (2 S 518-22, Is 17°) ; a Sinaitic valley with a similar name (Burckhardt); or the last station of the caravan route from the north to Jerusalem (Renan, Vie de Jésus, ¢. iv.). Perseverance and trust not only overcome diffi- culties, but turn them into blessings; this is the lesson, whether the valley be real or only (as the Vulg. vallis lacrymarum has become) an emblem of life. A. S. AGLEN, BACCHIDES (Baxyiéns) is first mentioned as a friend of Antiochus Epiphanes (Jos. Ant. XII. x. 2). Under Demetrius Soter he held the gover- norship of Mesopotamia, and was sent to establish Alcimus in the high priesthood (see ALCIMUS). Upon the death of Judas he drove Jonathan across the Jordan, garrisoned a number of positions in Judea, and, having thus pacified the country, returned to Demetrius (B.C. 160), or more probably was recalled by direction of the Romans. Two years later he was sent back in response to an BACCHURUS appeal froin the Syrian faction, who imagined that Jonathan in his fancied security might be taken unawares. Jonathan, however, threw himself into the fortress of Bethbasi, not far from Jericho. ‘To this B. laid siege; but, when his own peril in- creased through the success of the sallies against him and the rising of the country in his rear, he accepted Jonathan’s proposal for a treaty of peace. Jonathan was invested (B.C. 158) with the governor- ship of Judea, and B. covenanted to withdraw the Syrian forces (but not completely, see 1 Mac 101%), and he himself finally left the country (1 Mac 7° 91-72, Jos. Ant. XII. x.-XIII. i.). k. W. Moss. BACCHURUS (Bdkyovpos), 1 Es 974.—One of the ‘holy singers’ (lepoyaAra), who put away his ‘strange’ wife. There is no corresponding name in the list of Ezr 10%, where there are three porters and one singer to answer to two porters and two singers of 1 Es. The name here may be a cor- ruption of Uri ("x) in Ezra. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BACCHUS.—See Dionysus. BACENOR (Baxjywp, 2 Mac 12%), a Jewish officer, apparently a captain of horse, in the army of Judas Maccabeus which went to attack Gorgias, the commandant of Idumea (or Jamnia, 1 Mac 5, Jos. Ant. XII. vili. 6). BACKBITE.—To bite behind the back. Ps 158 only, ‘He that be» not with his tongue’ (bn, RV *slandereth’). Backbiter, Ro 1° only (xardAaXos) ; ef. (in Rushw. Hist. Coll. 1659, i. 492) ‘ Diogenes being asked what beast bit sorest, answered, Of wilde beasts, the Back-biter; of tame, the Flatterer.’ Backbiting is found as an adj. Pr 25% ‘The north wind bringeth forth rain: so doth a b. tongue an angry countenance’ (172 jw ‘a tongue of secrecy’), Sir 28-15. and as a subst., Wis 11, 2 Co 12” (kxaradaXla, tr? in 1 P 2} ‘evil speakings’). J. HASTINGS. BACKSIDE is used in AV as tr. of three words: —1. 10x ’ahar, Ex 3! ‘he led the flock to the b. of the desert’; RV ‘back’; but the Heb. is a prep. here, ‘ behind the desert’ (cf. 115 ‘ the maidservant that is behind the mill’), that is, to the pasture- lands on the other side of the desert from the Midianite encampments. 2. “inxs ’dhdr, Ex 26% ‘the b. of the tabernacle,’ RV ‘ back’; the Heb. isa subst. in the plu., ‘hinder parts,’ as in 33% ‘thou shalt see my back parts,’ 1 K 7% (=2 Ch 44) ‘hinder parts,’ Ezk 8! ‘backs.’ 3. dmiGev, Rev 5} ‘a book written within and on the b.’; RV ‘ back’: but the back of a book is not the same as the re- verse side of a roll. St. Jolin was struck, not only with the fact that the roll was sealed, but also with the amount of writing it contained. Like Ezekiel’s (2!) ‘roll of a book . . . written within and without,’ it had writing on both sides, which was as unusual with an ancient roll as with modern printer’s reanuscript. J. HASTINGS. BADGER, BADGERS’ SKINS (ea tahash, nhy ovnn ‘Groth téhdshim). —LXX. tr. téhdshim b baxlv@iva and tdvOuva, and Vulg. by ianthine, whic signifies sky-blwe. Some ancient VSS translate the word black. There is, however, no etymo- logical reason for this. The badger, Meles taxus, L., is found in moderate numbers throughout Syria and Pal., and possibly in the Sin. desert. But it is not found in sufficient numbers to make it probable that it could furnish material enough for the upper covering of the tabernacle (Ex 25° 264 357-* ete.). Such skins would be too light for the purpose, still more so for sandals (Ezk 16!°. In this passage the Heb. has tahdsh alone, without ‘6réth. The AV has added BAG ‘skins’ without italics. The RV has ‘sealskins’[m. ‘ porpoise-skins’] in all the passages). There is, moreover, no philological warrant in Heb. or cog- nate languages for the translation of the A V badgers’ skins. The Arab, for badger is ghureir, andk-el- ard, and fanjal. None of these names has any connexion with échdshim. The Arab. word tuhas signifies the dolphin. The Arabs of the Sin. desert use the skin of the Halicore Hemprichii, Ehr., a cetacean found in the Red Sea, for making sandals, This is called tim, and the flesh of it is eaten. It is quite likely that the skin of the dolphin would be similarly used. It is no objection to the use of this hide for making ladies’ sandals that it was coarse. . Its firm texture would fit it for the use intended, and the currier’s art would adorn it suit- ably for the high-born wearers. Such durable and waterproof skins as those of the dolphin and halicore would be eminently appropriate for cover- ings of the tabernacle. Another species of the same genus, Halicore Tabernacult, Russ., is also met with in the Red Sea, and could have furnished its quota of skins. It is clear that the ‘éréth téhdshim, whatever their colour, were procurable in Sinai in quantities sufficient for making coverings to the tabernacle, and were at the same time suitable for sandals, It is unlikely that seal skins (so the RV) were found in suflicient quantities, if indeed the word téhadshim means that animal. It may be, how- ever, that it covers not only the dolphin, but the halicore, porpoise, seal, and other marine animals having a general resemblance to the dolphin type. In any case we may safely reject the badger. (See Davidson on Ezk 16” and Dillm. on Ex 255.) G. E. Post. BZSAN (vlot Ba:dv).—The name of a tribe other- wise unknown, which on account of its hostility to the Jews was utterly destroyed by Judas Mac- cabeeus (1 Mac 54), BAG.—41. nip, ory5a +52; mhpa; bag for food, shep- herd’s wallet, or scrip for a journey, made of a kid’s skin with a strap fastened to each end so as to hang from the shoulder, and holding one or two days allowance of bread, raisins, olives, cheese, ete. ; one of the emblems of the pastoral and pilgrim life; parent of the hunting-bag and portfolios of higher oftice. Into it David put the pebbles when going to meet Goliath (1S 17”). The command to dispense with it (Mt 10, Mk 68, Lk 98) meant for the disciples complete trust in those visited, in their message, and in their Master. 2. 02 (Arab. kis), bag for merchant’s weights, made of stout cotton, leather, 01 in the form of a flexible rush-basket. This bag is still a necessity with the Syrian peasant or trader when selling from house to house his olive-oil, figs, grape-syrup, cheese, etc. The special warning against false weights (Dt 2543, Pr 205) was due to the fact that pebbles and odd pieces of metal were doubtless, then as now, used thus as weights, putting the purchaser at the mercy of the seller. Hence the Arab. proverb, ‘The hand of an bonourable man is a balance.’ 3. B. for money, purse. have— (a) 0'p kts, Pr 14, Is 46°, where the use of the commonest word for bag seems suggestive of waste. (6) on harit (Arab. haritat), 2 K 5%, into which Naaman’s gift was put. The occurrence of the same word in Is 3” (AV ‘crisping pins,’ RV ‘satchels’) would suggest that some kind of ornamentally-woven pouch or satchel was used. (ec) wy zgérér (Arab. surrat), something tied, either round about like a parcel, or at the neck like a pouch. The purse of the mod. Syrian peasant is a little bag, sometimes of woven silk In this connexion we 232 BAGGAGE thread, but usually of yellow cotton. The open mouth is not drawn close by a string, but is gathered up by one hand, and then by the other the neck of the bag is carefully whipped round. Baé, PURSE, shy, The ceremony of tying and untying is still a quaintly arresting feature in its use. It was such a purse that was found in the sacks of Joseph’s brothers, Gn 42%, Job compares the irrevocable vast to the purse with a seal on its string, Job 14)”. nblessed prosperity is money in a bag with holes, Hag 18 Similar to this zérér or tied-bag was the BadAdvruov in Lk 1288 22%, and in Jn 12° the y\woodkouov, a term derived from the pouch for the mouth-piece of a musical instrument. (d) In the NT this bag or purse is also expressed by ¢dvy (Mt 34 109, Ac 21", Rev 18 158). A modern illustration of this is found in the waist-belt of BAG, GIRDLE-PURSE, Savm, the Syrian peasant, which is double for a foot and a half from the buckle, thus making a safe and well-guarded purse. G. M. MackIg. BAGGAGE.—In AV Jth 7%, 2 Mac 12” ‘the women and children and the other b.’ (dwocxevy). RV gives b. for ‘carriage’ at 1 S 1722, and for ‘carriages’ at Is 10%, Ac 215; and Amer. RV gives b. for ‘stuff’ at 1 S 25° 30%. See CARRIAGE and STUFF. J. HASTINGS. BAGO (A Bayé, B Baval), 1 Es 8“.—The head of a family who returned with Ezra from Babylon, called BAGoI, 1 Es 5'*; Biaval, Ezr 214, BAGOAS (Baydéas).—A eunuch in the service of Holofernes (Jth 121 13-15 1331414), The same name appears in Persian history as that of the eunuch who poisoned Artaxerxes Ochus, and according to Pliny (HN XIII. iv. 9) it is the Persian equivalent of the Gr. evvodxos. J. A. SELBIE. BALAAM BAGOI (A Bavyol, B Bocal), 1 Es 5'4.—2066 of his descendants returned from captivity with Zerub. Called BIGVAI (33), Ezr 214 (2056 desc.), Neh 7% (2067); Bao, 1 Es 8”. BAGPIPE.—See Music. BAHURIM (o0%n3).—The place where Michal is parted from her husband Phaltiel, as she is being taken back to David at Hebron (2 § 3%%). The village also where Shimei lived ; he came out thence to curse David when fleeing from Jerus. towards Jordan (2 8 165). In this village Jonathan and Ahimaaz took refuge when carrying news to David from Jerus.; they concealed themselves in the well of a house, and so managed to elude the servants of Absalom, who had been sent to capture them (2 8 178). According to the account of David’s flight from Jerus. (ch. 15 ff.), it seems that he did not take the southern and more usual road to Jericho, which passes through Bethany, but adopted the shorter and more difficult route, which runs in a N.E. direction over the Mt. of Olives. The Targ. preserves a tradition which identifies B. with Almon (Jos 218), the modern Almit, about 4 miles N.E. of Jerus. and 1 mile beyond Anathoth (Anfta), near the S. boundary of Benjamin. This view, which is accepted by most moderns, agrees with the local details supplied by the narrative of David’s flight. After leaving the summit of the Mt. of Olives (15®° 16!), David made his way down the E. slopes of the range towards Jordan. A ‘rib’ or ridge of hill apparently ran parallel to this N. route, from which it was separated by a ravine or gully (16° ‘let me go over now’), so that Shimei, running along the top of the hill, could cast stones and dirt at the king with impunity. Barhumite (28 23% *om3) is eleanle a mistake for Baharumite =a native of Bahurim, which is more correctly given by the Chronicler (1 Ch 11% »p:1730 5 point ‘e772 the Bahurimmite). J. F. STENNING. BAITERUS (Boa:rypods, AV Meterus), 1 Es 5!7.—The sons of B. returned with Zerub., to the number of 3005. It probably represents a Heb. place-name beginning with Beth- : but there is no corresponding name in the lists of Ezr 2 and Neh 7. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BAKBAKKAR (7p373).—A Levite (1 Ch 915), See GENEALOGY. BAKBUK (p:2p2).—The ancestor of cer- tain Nethinim who returned with Zerub. (Ezr 251, Neh 75). Called AcuB (1 Es 5%). BAKBUKIAH (7:p2p73).—1. A Levite who ‘ dwelt at Jerusalem’ (Neh 11!"). 2. One of the porters who ‘ kept the ward at the storehouses of the gates’ (Neh 12%). See GENEALOGY. BAKEMEATS.—Gn 40” only, ‘all manner of b. for Pharaoh’ (Heb. lit. ‘all kinds of food of Pharaoh’s bakers’ work’). Dr. Murray (Oxf. Eng. Dict.) gives the meaning of b. as simply ‘ pastry, a pie.’ It is any kind of meat baked or cooked: cf. Chaucer, Prologue to Cant. Tales, 345— *Withoute bake mete was never his hous Of fleissch and fissch.’ And Shakespeare, Hamlet, I. ii. 180— ‘The funeral baked meats Did coldly furnish forth the marriage tables.’ J. HASTINGS, BAKING.—See BREAD, BALAAM (oy>s).—Nu 22-24. 31818, Dt 234 (Neh 132), Jos 13 24°10, Mic 6°, 2 P 215, Jude v., Rev 24, BALAAM The subject of a very remarkable story in con- nexion with the wanderings of the Israelites in the wilderness. The present narrative has arisen from the combination of several more or less ancient traditions. According to the latest, embodied in the Priestly Code (P), and contained in Nu 318 16 (comp. Rev 2'4); Balaam was a Midianitish coun- sellor, who persuaded his people to seduce the Israelites by means of certain immoral rites. This is probably to be connected with the great sin of poe peor (Nu 25), or, to be more accurate, with the affair of Cozbi (25%-), which has been combined with the story of Baal-peor (251°), the former being connected with the Midianites, the latter with the Moabites. In revenge for this, Balaam was after- wards slain with the princes of Midian (Nu 318, Jos 13°). It has been conjectured that this story arose partly out of a sear on the part of the priestly narrator in conceiving of a heathen being an inspired rophet of God, partly from the need of accounting or the great sin of the Israelites. It is, however, very doubtful whether this story belongs to the earliest form of P, and it is by Kuenen assigned to the very latest redactor. It is significant that Rev 2 definitely connects the immorality with sacrificial rites to heathen gods,—a fact implied, but not distinctly stated by P. The more ancient and far more picturesque story is that contained in Nu 22?-24. According to this, Balaam is a prophet from Pethor, which is by the Euphrates, a place otherwise unknown, who is bribed by Balak, king of Moab, to come and pronounce a curse on the Israelites. Balaam earnestly endeavours to carry out Balak’s wishes, but by divine inspiration pronounces a blessing instead of a curse. He is dismissed by Balak, and returns to his home, and is heard of no more. It is obvious that this story has no point of contact with that of P, and can be reconciled with it only by modifying or eliminating 24%. If Balaam had returned to his home he could not be in the Midianitish camp immediately afterwards. It is generally admitted that Nu 22-24 belongs to the composite narrative known as JE. But there is some difference of opinion as regards the critical analysis of the passage. Some, having regard to its general unity of purpose and sentiment, have assigned it in its totality to J; others refer only the episode of Balaam’s journey to J and the rest to E. It is probable, however, that here, as elsewhere, there has been a more continuous interweaving of the two sources. The sacrificial rites of 22%-23° seem to point to E, and the poetry of that section seems to require that it should be referred in the main to one source. On the other hand, the episode of Balaam’s journey, with little doubt, belongs to J. There are also signs of composite authorship in other parts. Thus 22% and 22” are evidently duplicates, so are vv.? and ‘>, A helpful criterion is the distinction of divine names in certain verses of ch. 22, esp. ® and ”; where, as in 23', an anthropomorphic character is assigned to God Himself as contrasted with the angel of J” of v.” etc. It seems therefore right to assign vv.* 1-12 and © to E, but these pretty clearly carry with them vv.® #16, Jt matters little how we assign the remaining verses, as both accounts must have contained statements of the same kind. But if J is the fundamental account, vv.47 will belong to it. Ch. 24 involves a further question. If the prophecies of ch. 23 belong to E, it is robable that these belong to J. ‘But they are velieved to have undergone a very considerable revision and expansion by a later reviser, either before or after the union of Jand E. The passage esp. assigned to a late date is vv.*°-*4, which refers to the period of Assyr. ascendency. The insertion of ‘the elders of Midian’ in 2247 is probably the BALAAM 233 work of a much later reviser, who thereby thought to connect the story more closely with that of P. If this analysis is in the main correct, there will be found a considerable difference of character in the stories of J and E. According to the first, Balaam makes no difficulty about going, nor does he receive any revelation forbidding it, but of his own accord he intimates to Balak that asa prophet he is entirely under the control of J’. Balaam dis- covers his sin in going, only by the intervention of ‘the angel of J’,’ and at once proposes to return. For the first time he is permitted to go, but only on the condition that he does not attempt to resist the inspiration of God. 22° is indeed referred by some to the reviser of JE, but some such limited ermission is at any rate implied in v.%. When 3alaam arrives at Kiriath-huzoth, he is shown the whole company of the Israelites dwelling according to their tribes. The spirit of God comes upon him, and he bursts into a rhapsody of praise, sugyested in its form by the sight before him. The chief thought is the splendour of the huge encampment in its ordered array— * As gardens by the river side, As lign-aloes which J” hath planted, As cedar trees beside the waters.’ What Balaam, according to the story, foretells, is the increase in the multitude of the people and the ower of their king. This provokes Balak’s anger; e smites his hands together, and would have dis- missed Balaam at once; but with great dignity the latter justifies himself, and, regardless of Balak’s wrath, he proceeds to predict the destruction, first of Moab, then of Edom, at the hand of the king of Israel. Balak himself seems overawed by the torrent of inspired rhetoric, and he has nothing more to say to the prophet, who immediately retires. J’s narrative is terse and vigorous throughout, full of quaintness, yet always dignified and picturesque without grandiloquence. What remains of E’s narrative falls distinctly below it in point of literary merit.. It is more ornate, but less really beautiful. There is a tendency to what appears like an artificial repetition of similar incidents. Balak twice appeals to Balaam, who twice in his turn appeals to God, and twice receives an answer from Him. Thrice Balak builds for Balaam seven altars, and offers a bullock and a ram on every altar, and the language in which Balak’s command is given and carried out is repeated each time. We might add that thrice Balaam pronounces a blessing instead of a curse, only that the third blessing of E has disappeared in ch. 24 to make way for the blessing of J. There is, moreover, besides its anthropomorphism, a want of spontaneity and naturalness about the story. We feel this in the way that Balaam parleys with God (234). He tells Him that he has prepared the seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on every altar, and implies therefrom a hope that He will grant his wish; and there is an almost mechanical view of inspiration in the thought of the word put in Balaam’s mouth (23°). What a difference between this and the thought of J (24*), that the Spirit so takes possession of him that his whole nature is agiow! Then again, how unnatural comparatively Balak’s conduct is! How strange that he should have put up with Balaam’s utterances so com- placently, and contented himself with a mild remonstrance. (See HEXATEUCH, NUMBERS.) But the most important difference in the stories is the contrast which they present in the character of Balaam. In J there is nothing reproachful in his conduct. He acts up to his light with perfect consistency. But the Balaam of E is of a much lower order. He has indeed a higher perception of the moral beauty of righteous. 234 BALAH ness. He can say with all sincerity, ‘Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his’ (23!"). This can hardly at so early a date mean, ‘May I in some future state have the rewards, even without the reality, of a righteous life here,’ but, ‘May I in my last moments have the satisfaction of feeling that I have lived a righteous life to the very end.’ But, in spite of such noble sentiments, the Balaam of is a selfish, grasping man. He covets the rewards of Balak, and 1s restrained from taking them only by a sordid fear of God, who could make the conse- quence of so doing worse than losing them. He is not content to know God’s will, but tries by every means in his power to cajole God into changing His mind, or, in other words, making wrong right. Five times he attempts to obtain God’s consent, and always fails. t may be thought that this estimate of Balaam’s character as portrayed in E assumes a higher view of God and morality than E may be supposed to have had. The God of 1S 15% was not ‘a man, that he should repent.’ But could this be said of the God of E? Probably not; but, at any rate, Balaam’s persistence is evidently due to selfishness and greed. Some regret may be felt on the ground that such a critical analysis of Balaam’s story destroys its value as the study of an instructively composite character. But this is not so much so as appears at first sight. The great sermon of Bp. Butler, for example, depends almost entirely on the nar- rative of E. is allusion to P’s story as part of Balaam’s career does not affect his main argument much more than the words of Micah (6°) erro- neously put by him into Balaam’s mouth, The real value of his sermon arises out of his insight into human nature and motive. On the other side, it is only fair to state that the critical process removes at least one very serious moral difficulty, that, as the narrative now stands, God allows Balaam to go on certain conditions, and before the conditions have been violated is angry, and punishes him for acting on this permission. The date and origin of the Balaam story cannot be determined with certainty. The reference to the subjugation of Moab (24!"), if we suppose that these are prophecies only in a literary sense, seems to point, for the Jahwistic narrative, to a date osterior to David’s Moabitish war (2 S 8); and it is hardly likely to be much later—indeed it is highly probable that the story is based on a much earlier legend. The speaking of animals is a common feature of the early folk-lore of many nations, and this incident has its obvious parallel in the Jahwistic story of Paradise. Among some of the Norwegian peasantry the belief that bears could speak, and refrained from doing so only from fear of man, continued down to comparatively recent times. LITERATURE.—The story and character of Balaam have been the subject of a large number of treatises and sermons. By far the best known, and generally acknowledged to be the most valuable, is the great sermon of Bp. Butler upon the character of Balaam. Among those of more recent date may be mentioned the sermons of F. D. Maurice and Isaac Williams. F. H. Woops. BALAH (753), Jos 19%.—A town of Simeon, rhaps the same as Bealoth, and apparently the Bilhah of a parallel passage 1 Ch 4”. None of these is known. C. R. CoNDER. BALAK (p?2 ‘making empty or waste’).— A king of Moab who, according to a story pre- served in Nu 22-24, hired the prophet Balaam to curse the Israelites before their entry into Canaan. See BALAAM. F. H. Woops. BALAMON (Badaydv, AV Balamo).—A town near Dothaim (Jth 8%, cf. Ca 81). BALDNESS BALANCE (mina, 737, fvydv). Weighing was per formed from early times in Egypt, and was probably thence borrowed by the Hebrews. All Oriental balances were equal-armed, the principle of lever- age in the steelyard having been apparently an Italian invention, carried into the East under Roman influence. In Egypt before the Exodus, balances of all sizes were employed; the larger ones having a fixed pole for support, a beam of several feet in length, and large scale pans hung by cords. To test the evenness of the balance a tongue was attached to it, but instead of observing the tongue against a long vertical sling of the balance, as in modern times, the ancient tongue was below the beam, and the verticality of it (and evenness of the beam) was observed against a plummet. As the plummet was easily set swinging by a lurch of the stand, the characteristic action shown in weighing ig for the man to steady the plummet with his hand in order to read its position. Smaller balances were held in the hand, hung by a cord. The beam was BALANCE BEAM, WOOD. a circular bar, tapering to the ends; the suspension was by a hole through it, or sometimes merely by a string tied around it, which would give great opening for fraud ; the pans were hung by cords, which passed through slanting holes cut in the beam, emerging in the width of the ends. ‘ In OT the balance appears as a regular article of daily use. Abraham weighs four hundred shekels of silver for the field of Ephron (Gn 23") ; and soon after Eliezer gives weighed jewellery, an earring of half a shekel and two bracelets of ten shekels, to Rebekah. The total weight of the gold, silver, and bronze used for the tabernacle is all stated (Ex 38%4-°) ; and the weight of the offerings made at the dedication (Nu 7! etc.). And this is quite in accord with the style of the elaborate suminaries of weights which the Egyptian scribes used to reckon up at this period. This preciseness of weighing, however, seems to have been lost to the Hebrews in Pal., as there is no record of the weighing of metal for the temple, and David mentions quantities in the vaguest manner (1 Ch 22\4), while the habit of using the balance seems to have revived in the later and more commercial times, to judge by the frequent mention of it in late books. The falsification of the balance was common among the Hebrewsas shown by continual denuncia- tions of the practice. In Leviticus just balances are enjoined (19°), as by Ezekiel (45") ; and Amos (8°), Micah (611), and the Proverbs (11') specially inveigh against false balances. The exactness of the balance was even considered a divine matter, as well as the precision of the weights (Pr 16”). For these references to the standards, see WFIGHTS AND MEASURES, W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, BALD LOCUST.—See Locust. BALDNESS, loss of the hair.—Two forms are contrasted in Lv 13%, amp or crown-baldness (dardxpwua, LXX), and no2i or forehead baldness ; the Heb. name referring to the fictitious appear- ance of height which it gives to the head (davaga- Advrwua, LXX). These forms are also distinguished by Aristotle (Hist. An. iii. 11. 8). Baldness did not render the Israelite ceremonially unclean, and thus differed from the Bahereth garaath or spot of the contagious parasitic disease Tineatonsut ans or ringworm, the condition described by Celsus as ophiasis ; while the other form of spot mentioned along with it in Lv 13, Bohak or psoriasis, is not 4 4 3 ‘ BALDNESS BALM 235 contagious (Lv 13), and did not therefore make the sufferer unclean. Baldness is not a sign of old age in the Bible, like grey hair; but is re- garded as due to excessive labour with exposure to the sun, as in those employed in the siege of Tyre (Ezk 29"*), among whom it may have been induced by the salt water and a salt fish diet, supposed in Shetland to cause baldness. An Arab. poet calls crown-baldness the baldness of slaves, while the other form is called noble baldness, as due to the Pore of a helmet. It was to be a sign of the egradation and servitude of backsliding Israel, that instead of curled and dressed hair they were to show baldness (Is 3%). ‘Bald-head’ was a term of reproach (2 K 2”), as was calvus among the Romans, and ¢adaxpés among the Greeks (see Suetonius in Ces. 45. 3, and Aristo- phanes, Nubes, 240; Hguites, 550). Synesius wrote a defence of baldness of which an Eng. tr. was ma poehed by Fleming in 1579. A more famous efence was Hucbald’s remarkable alliterative poem of 136 lines, de laudibus calvitti, each word of which begins with the letter C (Dornavius, Amphi- theatro Sapient. Socrat. i. 290). Baldness seems not to have been common in Bible- lands, nor is it very frequently noticed among the Jews to thisday. The name of Kareah, father of Johanan (2 K 25%), means ‘ bald-head,’ and Korah refers to baldness, as Lat. name Calvus (Gn 36°-16, Ex 6%). Possibly, the frequency of ceremonial shaving of the head may have had some effect in preventing it. This reason is given by Hero- dotus for its rarity in Egypt (iii. 12). ummy heads, though often shaven (see Gn 41"), are seldom bald. I have found only three bald heads out of 500. Egyptians generally concealed baldness by wear- ing wigs, and one female head in the Camb. Mus. had locks of hair gummed on over the bare scalp. In Papyrus Ebers (c. B.C. 1500) there are eleven prescriptions to prevent baldness. But, although rare in Egypt, Leo Africanus says it is common in Barbary. any of the Egyp. priests were shaven, and are therefore called Feket or bald-headed ; and Pore it was for contrast that baldness disqualified or the priesthood in Isr. (Lv 21”, LXX), although it did not preclude them from partaking of the sacred food. Even shaving the head was for- bidden to the priest (Lv 215). A similar contrast is implied in the prohibition of ‘rounding the corners’ of the head (Lv 19%’) among ordinary Israelites to distinguish them from their heathen neighbours, who cut their hair in a circular form, as that of Dionysus was cut (Herod. iii. 8). The modern Egyptians and Bishari adopt a similar mode of cutting ; while the Pal. and Arabian Jews keep the Levitical custom, and, at the halaka or first cutting of the hair at the age of four years, do not cut the corners (Schechter, Jewish Quart. Rev. ii. 16). Artificial baldness, by shaving, was a sign of mourning, not only among the Jews, but among other races. Bion’s comment on its folly, quasi calvitio meror levetur, is quoted by Cicero (Tusc. Disp. iii. 26). In this manner Mardonius and his army mourned for Masistius, cutting off not onl their own hair, but that of their horses (Herod. ix. 24; see also Patroclus’ funeral, J/. xxiii. 46; also Odyss. iv. 198; Seneca, Hippol. 1176). Micah bids the women of Mareshah make themselves bald (12*), and enlarge their baldness as the nesher or sega (Egyp. vulture), which has a featherless head. Baldness, produced by cutting off the hair, is associated with mourning in Is 15? 22!, Jer 4857 16°, Ezk 27%, and Am 8. It is used metaphorically for mourning in Jer 475 and Ezk 738, Symbolical baldness by shaving was the sign of the expiry of the Nazirite’s vow (Nu 6). At the expiry of his vow St. Paul shaved his head at Cenchrew, and he fulfilled Jater the ritual of purification (Ac 18!§ 21%). Shaving in connexion with vows was not peculiar to the Jews; thus the pronls of Argos shaved their heads in token of their vow to recover Thyrwa (Herod. i. 82). Shaving the forehead was not permitted to the Jews (Bechorat 43. 3, and Sifré on Nu). These shavings were essentially representative sacrifices ; in the usual heathen form, they were intended to propitiate the deity invoked. The Jewish tonsure was partly thanksgiving, hence the hair was burnt in the fire of the peace-offering (Nu 618); it was also partly purificatory, ‘as if by this, deficiencies in religious service were cut off’ (Rabanus Maur. de Cleric. Inst. i. 3). Shaving was on this account part of the ceremony of the purification of Levites (Nu 8’). Among some races partial tonsure is a tribal mark, as, for example, the occipital tonsure of the Philippine tas. The primitive Christian tonsure was votive, and was falsely supposed to have been invented by St. Peter (Greg. Tour. de gloria Martyr. i. 28), but really dates from the 5th cent. The Petrine or Rom. crown-tonsure represented the crown of thorns (Raban. i. 3). he Eastern or Pauline tonsure was total shaving or close Scoping of the head, and was derived from Egypt. he Celtic or Johannine tonsure, which was @ shaving of the front of the head in front of the ears and vertex, existed in Spain, where it was forbidden by the 4th Council of Toledo (Canon xli.); it was also ractised in Celtic Britain (Gildas, Epist. ii.), reland, and Scotland (Bede, Hist. Eccl. iv. 1, v. 2), as well as among the Saxons (Apollinaris Sidonius, Epist. ad Lamprid. viii. 9). It was probably the survival of a pre-Christian badge of servitude, as the word Maol, ‘ bald-headed,’ for servant existed in pre-Christian times, as in the names Maolduin ei Maoldarach. Lucat-Maol was a heathen antagonist of St. Patrick. Tonsure of women was, in the judgment of St. Paul, shameful (1 Co 115), aa the early Church decided at the Council of Gangra that if a woman polled her head she should be excommunicated (Socrates, HZ iii. 42). See BARBER, HAIR, SHAVING. A. MACALISTER. BALM (ny zort, nx gért; LXX pnrlvn; resina). —It is impossible to determine, on philological grounds, the substance intended by z0éré; and as the ancient translations do not agree on the sig- nification of the word, it must remain uncertain. The substances with which it is mentioned (Gn 37%, cf. 434) make it probable that it was an aromatic gum or spice. If the substance alluded to by Jeremiah (8? 464 518) be the same, powerful medicinal virtues were attributed to it. It was clearly an article of commerce in Gilead, dealt in by Judah and Israel (Ezk 27”). No mention is made of a balm tree as growing in Gilead. It is not certain from the expressions, ‘Is there no balm in Gilead?’ and ‘Go up into Gilead and take balm,’ that the substance was produced there, any more than from the expression that ‘Judah and the land of Israel, they were thy merchants, they traded in balm,’ implies that it was produced in their country. Gilead was an indefinite geo- graphical expression for the district stretchin eastward from the Jordan to the Euphrates an an unknown extent southward. A portion of the commerce of Arabia passed through it, and spices and balms and incense formed an important part of the wares carried by the Ishmaelites through this territory. Whether the substance was produced in it or not, Gilead would seem to have been an entrepét for it. This is all we know from Scrip- ture as to the substance or substances intended. Any attempt to identify them must be conjectural, and he who hazards a guess will be largely in. 236 BALNUUS BAND fluenced by his opinion as to whether balm was a protuct of Gilead or an article of commerce there and in Pal. If we assume that it was a product of Gilead, we have no known tree in that region which produces a medicinal aromatic gum or spice. Jastich has been supposed by some to be the substance. The tree which produces it, how- ever, although abundant along the coast and lower mountains of W. Pal., has not been reported E. of the Jordan. The author searched for it in the forests of Gilead and Bashan without finding it. Moreover, the Ishmaelites (Gn 37%) brought it, with Arabian gums and spices, through Gilead to Dothan on their way to Egypt. Mastich is, and always has been, a leading product of Chios and other islands of the Ai’gean Sea, and was certainly not a product of Arabia, Pliny (Nat. Hist. xii. 36), indeed, speaks of a mastich produced in India and Arabia, but it was produced bya ‘prickly shrub,’ and therefore cannot bethe gum from Pistacia Lentiscus, L. In other places he calls the true mastich resin of lentisk (xxiv. 22. 28). Heattributes to it a long list of virtues, principally astringent and detergent. Mecca balsam, the product of Balsamodendron Gileadense, Kth., and B. Opobalsamum, Kth., has the weight of tradition in its favour. Jos. (Ant. VII. vi. 6) says that the Jews believe that the queen of Sheba, who doubtless had botanical gardens in many places, gave Solomon a root of it; and we have evidence that it was cultivated in the lower Jordan Valley. ‘Tristram says, ‘From Jericho Cleopatra obtained plants for her gardens at Heliopolis ; an imperial guard was placed ove the gardens, and twice was the balm tree exhibited in triumph in the streets of Rome.’ It has, however, now disappeared. The product of these trees is known in Arabic by the name of balasdn, from which Bddcapor, balsamum, balsam, and balm are probably derived. The balasdn tree is defined by the Arab. lexicographers as ‘a certain kind of tree or shrub, resembling the camphire (fenna), having many leaves, inclining to white, in odour resem- bling the rue, the berry of which has an oil which is more potent than the berry, as the berry is than the OOK! Avicenna speaks of its properties and virtues at length, and quotes Dioscorides to the effect that the tree ‘grows only in the country of the Jews, which is Palestine, in the Ghor.’ He probably alludes to the plantations in the neighbourhood of Jericho, but is mistaken in supposing that this was the only or the principal station for the tree. That Avicenna does not confound it with the mastich is clear from the fact that he presently says that ‘some prefer to mix this unguent (gum) with other unguents (gums), as unguent of the green berry, and unguent of camphire (hen~a), and unguent gum) of the mastich tree.’ Balm of Gilead was formerly much used even in Europe, but it has now passed out of the pharmacopceias. The monks of Jericho have adopted the zakktim, Balanites Afgyptiaca, Del., as the Balm of Gilead. They prepare an oily gum from the fruit of this species, which is sold in tin cases to travellers as the Balm of Gilead. It is said also to be beneficial in the treatment of wounds and sores. G. E. Post. BALNUUS (A Béddvovos, B Badvois), 1 Es 9*1,— BINNUI in Ezr 10, which see. BALSAM.—See BALM. BALTASAR (BaAracdp), the Greek form of Bel- shazzar in Dn 5 etc., Bar 1", and also of Belte- shazzar, Dn 4, etc. Clearly, the names are confused in ignorance ; for while vate, renders both names promiscuously by Baltassar, Syr. renders both by Blitshatsar. Codex A in Dn presents Bapracdp. J. T. MARSHALL. BAMAH (Ezk 20”) is the Heb. name for ‘High Place’ (wh. see), and is retained by the EV in the second half of this verse on account of the etymology given in the first half. It is obviously a contemptuous derivation that the prophet means to suggest ; but the precise point of it cannot be clearly ascertained. The word is resolved into its syllables, and these appear to be identified re- spectively with two words meaning ‘come’ and ‘what’; thus: ‘ What (MAH) is the Ba-mah where- unto ye come (BA)?’ Ewald and others have supposed that the verb ‘ come’ (or ‘ enter’) is uscd in an obscene sense, with an allusion to the immoral practices associated with the worship at these sanctuaries (cf. Am 27, Hos 4%); but this view, even if adopted, does not remove the obscurity of the verse. A parallel may be found in the derivation of the word for ‘manna’ in Ex 16% (see RY). J. SKINNER. BAMOTH (rips), Nu 21)”, a station in the journey from the Arnon to the Jordan, probably the same as BAMOTH-BAAL, Nu 224! RVm (‘the high laces of Baal’ AV, RV), to which Balak brought alaam. Bamoth-baal is mentioned in the list of cities belonging to Reuben (Jos 1317) along with Beth-baul-meon, and both being seats of Baal- worship they may be included in ‘the high places’ of Is 15?; but the reference here is doubtful (cf. Dillmann’s note on the verse in his Jsaiah). no. na, mentioned on the Moabite Stone, 1. 27, as restored by Mesha, may be the same as Bamoth. For its position see ExoDUS, ROUTE OF. A. T. CHAPMAN. BAN (A Bd», B Baevdv), 1 Es 5°7.—The head of a family which could not trace their descent from Israel at the return under Zerub. The passage is corrupt. The corresp. name in the lists of Ezr 2 Neh 7 is Tobiah; but in both of the can. books some MSS of the LXX insert a name viol Bovd, of which Ban may be the equivalent. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BANAIAS (Bavalas) 1 Es 9®=BENAIAH Ezr 10%. BAND.—Three words of different origin and meaning but the same spelling are all found in AV. 1. Band=anything that dids, whether for confinement or for strengthening. The Heb. words are (a) nay ‘dbhéth, something twisted or twined. Job 39 ‘Canst thou bind the unicorn (RV ‘wild-ox’) with his band?’ Hos 114 ‘I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love’; so Ezk 3” 48; but tr? ‘cords’ Jg 151% 14, Pg 23 11877 129%. It is the word tr? ‘wreathen (work)’ in Ex 2814. 22. 24. 35 3915. 17. 18. (5) ios “éstir (RON ‘Esti’, Dn 4% 3%, Ee 7%), anything that will bind‘ whether a flaxen rope or an iron fetter. Jg 15' ‘his (Samson’s flaxen) bands dropped from off his hands’; Dn 4% ‘a band of iron and brass,’ so Dn 43, Ee 7°, (c) bag hebhel, a rope or cord, not for binding (though Ezk 27%, Job 41!, Est 18) so much as for use on board ship (Is 33%), for fasten- ing tents (Is 33”), and especially for measuring, a measuring-line (2 § 8?"r, Ps 785 etc.). In AV hebhel is tr? ‘bands’ only in Ps 119® ‘the bands of the wicked have robbed me’ (where ‘bands’ no doubt= ‘troops,’ by mistrans"; RV ‘The cords of the wicked have wrapped me round’); and Zee 117: 4, the name of one of the two staves, ‘ Bands,’ representing the brotherhood between Judah and Israel, the other, ‘Beauty,’ representing the covenant made with all the people. (d) anim métah, the pole or chief part of the yoke that binds the oxen together. In AV only Lv 26%, Ezk 3471 (RV ‘bars’). (e) naxq0 hargubbah only in plu.= bonds, Is 58° ‘to loose the bands (RV ‘ bonds’) of wickedness’; or pains, Ps 734 ‘there are no bands in their death.’ (f) 1~\0 mogér, properly some EE eo aA BANI BANNER 237 thing for chastising, hence a bond for curbing, Job 395 ‘who hath loosed the bands of the wild ass?’, Ps 2° ‘Let us break their bands asunder,’ 107!4, Is 2872 527, Jer 2”. In all these passages Amer. RV gives ‘bonds,’ but Eng. RV retains * bands,’ and even turns ‘bonds’ into ‘bands’ in Jer 5° 27? 308, where this is the Heb. word. (g) Arvin méshékhah, a rope to draw with, only Job 38"! ‘or loose the bands of Orion ?’ The Greek words are (a) decubs, something that binds, Lk 8”, Ac 167° 22%; (6) cuvéecuss, some- thing that binds closely, Col 2” ‘all the body, being eepolied and knit together through the joints and bands’; and (c) fevxrnpia, that which yokes, only in Ac 27 the fastening of the rudder. In all these places ‘bond’ would be used in mod. English; and ‘bond’ is quite frequent in AV as tr™ of some of those words, esp. decpds. 2. Band=a flat strip, a ribbon. (In this sense b. is from French bande ; but as the strip or stra would be used for binding, it came to be identifie with 1. Both come originally from bindan ‘to bind’). (a) n2y sdphah, ‘a lip,’ tr4 ‘band’ only in Ex 39% ‘there was a hole in the midst of the robe. . . with a band (RV ‘ binding’) round about the hole.’ See also HEADBAND (Is 3” only), and SWADDLINGBAND (Job 38° only). RV gives ‘band’ for ‘girdle,’ ayn héshebh, in Ex 28% 27 2 995 395 20. 21, Ly 87, () xdords, a dog’s collar, then any collar or chain for the neck (frequent in LXX, as Gn 41 ‘[Pharaoh] put a gold chain about his {Joseph’s] neck,’ 1 124 ‘Thy father made our ee grievous’). «xAods is tr? ‘band’ Sir 6% ‘her ands are purple lace.’ 3. Band=troop, company. (Its origin is difficult to trace. Du Can e says that the company o soldiers formed by Alfonso of Castile was called a banda, from the red banda or ribbon worn by them as a sash; but Littré gives late Lat. bandum ‘banner’ as the original.) The Heb. words so tr? are (a) 338 dgaph, only plu. and only in Ezk 12 U7! 388i. 8. 23 394° RV keeps ‘bands’ in 124 17%, tut gives ‘hordes’ in the other passages. The word means originally the wing of an army, Assyr. agappu. (b) wa gédhidh, from [773] to penetrate, so a band invading a country. r? ‘band’ in 2 § 4?, ee loo een 13-2 242d” Ch 7* 12's at 2 Ch 22). RV retains, except 1 K 11% ‘troop.’ (c) ’n hayil=strength, a strong army, a force; tr? ‘band’ only 1 S 10% (‘a b. of men,’ RV ‘the host’) and Ezr 8* (‘a b. of soldiers,’ so RY). (d) yxn hdzéz (pep. of [psn] to divide, hence divided into companies. Only Pr 30?" ‘The locusts have no king, yet go they forth all of them by bands.’ (e) a3nD mahdneh, the ordinary word for a ‘camp.’ Only Gn 327‘ Jacob. . . divided the people... into two bands’ (RV ‘companies’), and 32!° ‘and now I am become two bands’ (RV ‘ companies’). (f) on ré’sh =‘ head,’ only 1 Ch 12% (RV ‘heads’) and Job 1 ‘The Chaldeans made out three bands’ (so RV). The only Gr. word is oretpa, which was the usual equivalent of the Lat. cohors, a co- hort, which when complete consisted of 600 regular soldiers, being the tenth part of alegion. Cohorts, like regiments, had their distinguishing names, of which we find the ‘Italian,’ Ac 10!, and the ‘Augustan,’ 27. In Jn 18% ” the ‘band’ would not ronsist of a whole cohort, so that o7etpa must have had some elasticity of usage ; cf. 2 Mac 8. ‘Band’ as an intrans. verb occurs Ac 23? ‘ the Jews banded together’ (rowjoavtes svorpopyv, mak- ing a conspiracy ; the word is used of the riotous assembly in Ephesus, Ac 19%), J. HASTINGS. BANI (‘32).—1. A Gadite, one of David’s heroes (2S 23%), 2.3. 4. Levites (1 Ch 6%, Neh 3", cf. 87 (= Binnui of Ezr 8% and Neh 10°)). 5. A Judahite (J Ch 9‘). 6. Head of a family of returning exiles f | flowed. (Ezr 2! =[Binnui of Neh 7!°] 10”, Neh 10%). 7. One of those who had married foreign wives (Ez1 10), The utmost uncertainty prevails as to the number of occurrences of the name B. owing to the confusion between it and similar names. See BINNUI. J. A. SELBIE. BANIAS (B Bawds, A Bavl, AV Banid), 1 Es 8°, —Ancestor of Salimoth, who returned with Ezra from captivity. The name does not appear in the arallel list Ezr 8, having prob. dropped out from its resemblance to the preceding word ‘sons’ (*33). H. St. J. THACKERAY. BANISHMENT. — See CRIMES AND PUNISH- MENTS. BANK.—1. A raised earthwork from which to storm a city,2S 20% ‘they cast up a b. against the city’ (Adpb sélélah, from $49 to raise up, RV ‘mount’), so 2 K 19°, Is 37°35 (Amer. RV ‘mound’). The RV has changed ‘thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee,’ Lk 1943, into ‘thine enemies shall cast up a bank abou. thee,’ although the Revisers did not read sapiuBerotoiw with L marg., T, WH; but accepted wsp:Badotew of TR. On the reading see Plummer’s Luke. This meaning, now obsol., is nearer the original sense of ‘bank’ than the next, but the oldest of all is seen in Ca 5!8 RV ‘banks of sweet herbs.’ 2. The margin of a river, Heb. (a) may sdphah, ‘lip,’ Gn 41”, Dt 48, Jos 12? 13% 16 2 K 23 Ezk 477 12, Dn 12° (RV gives ‘brink’ at Gn 41’, Dn 125- 5, ‘edge’ in Dt 4, Jos 12? 137-16, leaving the rest unchanged, and turning ‘brink’ into ‘ bank’ in Ezk 47°). (0) 113 gddhah, perhaps meaning ‘eut away,’ Jos 3% 41, Is 87, always of banks over. (c) aya (ace. to kethibh, keré 773) gidhyah, only 1 Ch 12%, also of banks overflowed. 3. The tbe of a money-changer or money-dealer ; then his office or shop. It occurs only Lk 19” (Gr. tpdmefa, the ordinary word fora table). RV gives bankers for ‘exchangers’ in Mt 2577 (Gr. rpaze- flrs [-elrns T, WH)). J. HASTINGS. BANNAS (Bdvvos, AV Banuas), 1 Es 5%.—A name occurring among the Levites who returned with Zerub. The names Bannas and Sudias answer to Bene-Hodaviah in Ezr 2”, of which they are per- haps a corruption. The corresponding words in Neb 10° are ‘Shebaniah, Hodiah’ (Zafavia, ‘Qdoud). H. St. J. THACKERAY. BANNEAS (Bavvalas, AV Baanias), 1 Es 9%= BENAIAH (Ezr 10%), which see. BANNER, ENSIGN, STANDARD.—1. $11 degel, ‘banner, standard.’ This was to be used to mark the Cita eee of each tribe in the camp in the wilderness (Nu 2?). The Shulammite in her beauty, which overcomes the beholder, is compared (Ca 6*-1°) to forces encamped (or possibly, marching) in order under banners (niz3119 kannidgdléth). A degel is properly ‘that which is meant to be seen’ ; dagdlu in Assyrian being the common word for ‘to see.’ 2. 03 nés, ‘ensign,’ possibly means either that which shines (00}=ys3) or that which ts lifted up (Do3=xw3). The brazen serpent was pot upon & nés (Nu 21°), i.e. possibly upon the degel of one of the tribes. The common use made of the nés was to set it upon some high hill as a signal to assemble (Is 11” and 133). In Is 10!8 (‘ They, t.e. the Assyrians, shall be as when a standard-bearer, nésés, fainteth’) nearly all modern authorities (not RV text) render, ‘As when a sick man pineth away.’ The old rendering is, however, defensible, if we may supply the wor ‘heart’; 00: 25 cops, ‘as when the heart of a standard - bearer fainteth. Again in Is 59% (‘ When the enemy shall come in like a flood, the 238 BANNUS BAPTISM Spirit of the Lord shall lift up a standard against him’) modern scholars allow no reference to a standard. Yet the rendering ‘the Spirit of the Lord raiseth a standard against him’ may be defended by Is 11. On the Assyrian reliefs, standards are shown carried into battle borne on the chariots of the Assyrians. One such standard (of which a good engraving is given in Madame Ragozin’s Assyria, p. 252) has the device of an archer, probably the god Asshur, standing above two bulls. The fact that an ensign might thus be a religious symbol gives point to Is 11 ‘[J”] shall set up an ensign for the nations.’ The Roman standards also, since they bore the image of the emperor, had a religious character, owing to the worship paid to the emperors. The Jews regarded them as idols (Jos. Ant. XVIII. iii. 1), and the Roman soldiers, on one occasion at least, sacrificed to them (Jos. War, VI. vi. 1: Kkouloavtes Tas onualas els 7d lepdv Kal Oduevor THs dvarodiKas mwAns dvtixpus EOvoay avrats airééc). This sacrifice was offered in honour of Titus, the emperor’s son, after the capture of the temple. W. E. BARNES. BANNUS (Bavvois), 1 Es 9*.—Either BANI or BINNUI in Ezr 10, (See these names.) BANQUET.—In the 17th cent. and earlier, b. frequently signified, not the general feast, but the wine that came after; not eating and drinking, but drinking only. ‘Bring in the banquet quickly ; wine enough Cleopatra’s health to drink.’ Shaks. Ant. and Cleop. 1. il. 11. ‘We'll dine in the great room, but let the music And banquet be prepared here.’ Massinger, Unnat, Comb. iil. 1. This is the meaning of b. wherever it occurs in AV. The Heb. and Gr. words are—4. nnn mishteh, ‘a drinking,’ from any ‘to drink’ (Est 5% 5 6 8 12.14 614 72-7-8 Tn 51°), 2. any shdthah, Est 7! ‘So the king and Haman came to b.’ (lit. ‘to drink’). 3. m! yayin, ‘wine,’ Ca 2* ‘He brought me to the banqueting house’ (lit. ‘house of wine’). 4. cvproc.ov=‘ drinking together,’ Sir 325 49! ‘a b. of wine’; 1 Mac 1618, 2 Mac 277. 5. méros, ‘drink- ing’ [Jth 121°], 1 Mac 16%, 1 P 4° ‘ banquetings’ (RV ‘carousings’). The only possible exceptions are Job 41® ‘Shall the companions make a b. of him?’ (RV ‘make traffic of him,’ Heb. 112 kaérah ‘to bargain’; and Am 67 ‘the b. (RV ‘revelry’) of them that stretched themselves’ (Heb. 5192 mirzéah, from root = to scream, ‘here used of yells of joy ’— Orelli), But in these passages also, though b. is not the best tr., its meaning was no doubt the same. See FEAST. J. HASTINGS. BAPTISM— L TERMINOLOGY. (a) In the LXX, (b) In the NT, Il. OT Tyres. a) The Cloud and the Sea (St. Paul} b) The Deluge (St. Peter). (c) Other Types (Patristic). TL Partiau ANTICIPATIONS. (a) Proselyte Baptism. (b) John's Baptism. TV. Tae History or CurisTiIAN BapriaM. (a) The Institution. (b) The Recipients, (c) The Minister. (d) The Rite. Vv. Tae Docrrine or CuristiIaAN Baptism. I. TerminoLtocy.—(a) In the LXX is simple verb eae is frequent in the sense of ‘dip’ (Ex 128 Ve OP 148-46. 51 ete.) or ‘immerse’ (Job 9%"). literally, of Naaman dipping in the Jordan (2 K 5%) and of Judith bathing (127); once metaphorically, n dvoula pe Barriga (Is 214); and once Of cere- monial washing after pollution, Bamrifopevos amd vexpov (Sir 31 347%). The usual verb for cere- monial washing is Aoverdar (Liv 148% 155-20. 18. 16-23 16* 4-23 etc.), the middle voice being used because the unclean person performed this cleansing for himself. The active is used ~of Moses" washing Aaron and his sons before they exercised their ministry (Ex 294 40, Ly 8%), and of the Lord washing Jerus. (Ezk 164). But Bamritew is never used in the LXX of any initiatory rite. —Of the two cognate sabstantives Bamriopos and Barricpa, neither is found in the LXX; while dovrpov occurs thrice (Ca 4? 6°, Sir 31 [34]*). (5) In the NT the use of Bdrrew is the same as in the LXX (Lk 16%, Jn , and perhaps Rev 19%, where the reading is very uncertain) ; but the use of Barrlfe» undergoes a great change. As in Sir 31”, it is used of ceremonial purifi- cation (Lk 11%, and perhaps Mk 74, where the reading is again uncertain); and, as in Is 214, it is used metaphorically, viz. by Christ of His suffer- ings (Mk 108 av ae 128) Nie with ree few exceptions, Barrl{w always refers to washing for a religious purpose, the administration of the sacred rite of ablution, ‘baptizing’ in the technical sense ; and in this sensé Xovw is not used: It is om Lk 11% that in itself Bamrifw does not necessarily mean immefsion, as ana (Inst. iv?” 157 19)-anid othersa88ért. “This is its usual meaning, however ; Polybius uses it of sinking ships (i. 51. 6, xvi. 6. 2). We find Barrigew used both absolutely (Mk 14, Jn 1%. 26 322 23. 26 42 etc.) and with an ace. (Jn 4', Ac 88, 1 Co 11416), and very often in the passive (Mt 34-1416 Mk 16 Lk 34, Ac 24 ete.). The verb is sometimes followed by a preposition, indi- cating either the element into which (els Tov "Topddvny, Mk 1°) or in whitir (erro Topodvy, Mk 15; év tdart, Mt 3", Jn 1°6%8)the immersion takes place ; or the end or issue of it (els perdvoray, Mt 3"; els ddeow dpapriayv, Ac 2°; els rd Svoua twos, Mt 28%, Ac 816 19°). Of the substantives, both Bawrieuds and Barricpua are found; and the distinction commonly drawn between them as to NT usage is probably correct ; but there are not enough instances for a secure induction, From Mk 74 and He 9” we infer that Bamricucs usually meant lustration or cere- monial washing.. Ro 6% with Eph # and—1 P 37% would indicate that Bdmriuca was reserved for baptism proper. But in He 6? Barricuav probably retarded Christian baptism, and in Col 2” the more difficult reading Barmcu@ elaims attention. Jos. uses Barricuos to designate John’s baptism, and Bdmrios of the performance of the rite (Ant. XVIUG Vere): The Latin VSS and Fathers make no dis- tinction between baptismus and baptisma. The Vulg. has baptismus penitentice ( 14, Lk 33, Ac 13% 19+), baptisma Joannis (Ac 1”), unum baptisma (Eph 4°), and even baptismata calicum (Mk 74), aad baptismatum doctrine (He 67). A neut. nom. baptismum is found in the best MSS of the Vulg., Mt 21%, and in various other passages in representatives of the Old Latin, ey. Mk 10°88 (a 7). In Lk 204 we have baptismum (f Vulg.), baptismus (c d), baptisma (e). See Rénsch, tala und Vuigata, p. 270. Cyprian some- times uses both baptisma and baptismus in the same passage without change of meaning, eg. Ep. Ixxiv. 11; comp. Ep. lxix. 2, Ixx. 2, ete. Twice in NT Aovrpoy is used of baptism: i. Tov béaros (Eph 5%), X. madvyyeveclas (Tit 3°); and the word oceurs in no other connexion. It and its equivalent /avacrum soon became technical terms in this sense (Just. Mart. Apol. i. 61. 79; Cypr. De Hab. Virg The intensive Sarrite» occurs four times: twice | 2. 23; De Lapsis, 24, etc.). eo at py 1h ae Soe ee Watt ay ee eS See os BAPTISM If. OT Tyrrs.—We have apostolic authority for finding two types of Christian baptism in OT history, but in neither case are the details of the type quite certain. Be aul takes the Israelites being under the cloud and passing through the sea as an image of baptism (1 Co 10'-#); where being under the cloud points to submersion, while passing through the sea may signify emersion; or (less well) the cloud may typify the spiritual element in baptism, and the sea the material element. Still more expressly St. Peter makes the saving of a few persons through water at the Flood a figure of the Christian rite (I P 3-71); where the water which purged the earth of its wicked inhabitants by floating the Ark saved its inmates. Luther Boe! inverts this, when he remarks that ‘ baptism is a greater deluge than that described by Moses, since more are baptized than were drowned by the Deluge.’ Beyond these two we need not go. But patristic writers find baptism typified in a variety of things, some of which are remote enough, e.g. not only in the passage of the Jordan (Jos 3!7) and the cleansing of Naaman (2 K 544), but in the river of Paradise, the well revealed to Hagar, the water from the rock, the water poured upon Elijah’s offering, ete. etc. Tertullian asserts that the primeval water ‘brought forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life’ (Gn 1°), in order that there should be no difficulty in believing that baptismal waters can give life (De Bapt. iii.). In a like spirit Be viccioe respecting Christian baptism were found with great freedom, not only in Zech- ariah’s fountain... ‘for sin and for uncleanness’ (13!), in Isaiah’s promise that sins red as scarlet shall be white as snow (1}8), and in Ezekiel’s, ‘I will sprinkle clean water upon you, and ye shall be clean. . . . A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I put within you’ (36-5), but even in the hart panting after the water brooks (Ps 42), and in the waters breaking out in the desert (Is 35°). Without presuming to determine anything re- specting intended types and prophecies, we may safely say that those washings which were required by the Mosaic Law as a means of entering or re- entering the congregation, especially in its closer relations with J”, had considerable analogy with Christian baptism. But that is a very different thing from Cyprian’s sweeping assertion, Quoti- escunque aqua sola in scripturis sanctis nominatur, baptisma predicatur (Ep. \xiii. 8); and this he applies not only to OT (Is 438-2! 4871), but to NT (Jn 413-14 737-8, Mt 58). III]. PARTIAL ANTICIPATIONS.—When we ap- proach the history of baptism as a rite of religious initiation, we are confronted with the question, Where does the history begin? We may set aside heathen baptisms as having no historic connexion with the subject, except so far as ceremonial ablu- tions may be common to the human race. But a baptism which prevailed in Iceland and some parts of Norway is worth mentioning as a partial parallel. The father decided whether an infant was to be nurtured or exposed. If he wished to preserve it, water was poured over it and a name given to it; and to ill it after this ceremony of admission to the community was murder. ter the introduc- tion of Christianity (c. A.D. 1000) this baptism still continued for some time side by side with Christian baptism. Omitting pagan lustrations, we have three conspicuous examples of the rite, all originat- ing in the same part of the world: preeelyt baptism, John’s baptism, and Christian baptism. ich of these three is chronologically the first, and therefore the possible suggester of one or both of the others? This question was very BAPTISM 239 hotly debated in the first half of the 18th cent. on controversial grounds, to find arguments for or against infant baptism and sacramental doctrine. In the 19th cent. the question has been examined with less heat, and of late has dropped out of notice. The monograph of Schneckenburger, Ueber das Alter der jiidischen Proselytentaufe, Berlin, 1829, is still quoted as the leading authority on the subject. Massecheth Gerim, the Talmudic authority on proselytes, or Septem Libri Talmudici parvi Hierosolymitam, was published by Kirchheim, Frankfurt a/M. 1851. (a) Proselyte Baptism.—According to the teaching of later Judaism, a stranger who desired to become a Proselyte of the Covenant, or of Righteousness, z.é. in the fullest sense an Isr., must be circumcised and baptized, and then offer a sacrifice; circum- cision alone was not enough. Three of those who had instructed the stranger in the Law became his ‘fathers’ or sponsors, and took him to a pool, in which he stood up to his neck in water, while the great commandments of the Law were recited to him. These he promised to keep. Then a benedic- tion was water, taking care to be entirely submerged. In the case of women, baptism and sacrifice were the things required to admit them tothe full privileges of Israel. But for both male and female proselytes sacrifice was abolished after the destruction of the temple. That this baptism of proselytes is not an original feature in Judaism is manifest. The Rabbis indeed found a trace of it in Jacob’s command to his house- hold, ‘ Put away the strange gods that are among you, and purify yourselves, and change your gar- ments’ (Gn 352); and even in God’s command to Moses, ‘Go unto the people, and sanctify them to-day and to-morrow, and let them wash their ae Renae (Ex 19°), where Eee to be sancti- ed are certainly all Jews. hen ‘the daughter of Pharaoh came down to bathe at the river’ (Ex 2°), this also, the Talm. said, is to be regarded as the baptizing of a proselyte. But we may safely assert that there is no mention of proselyte baptism anywhere in~OT or in the_Apocr. T is equally silent. And this is by no means all. Josephus, Philo, and the older Targumists are silent also; and there is little more than a probable allusion to it in the Mishna. None of the early Christian writers seem to know anything about it ; and this is specially notable in the case of those who have discussed Judaism, or ae aaa or both, e.g. Barnabas, Justin Martyr, and Tertullian. Let us admit that the Fourth Book of the Sibylline. Oracles is of Jewish origin, and that the line, é morapois Novcacbe Sov Séuas devdorwr (164), refers to proselyte baptism; and that Arrian refers to it also, when he says of one who is a heathen, 8rav dé dvahdBy 7d mdéOos BeBaypevov tore kal éorl Tp byrt kal kadeiras "Iovdatos (Diss. Epict. ii. 9); and that the reading of the Ethiopic VS of Mt 23% ‘ye compass sea and land to baptize one proselyte,’ is beyond question. Nevertheless, these three aut ring us much (if at all) earlier than the 2nd cent.; and that at that time roselytes were baptized on their admission to Wate is not in dispute. at is wanted is direct evidence that before John the Baptist made so remarkable a use of the rite, it was the custom to make all proselytes submit to baptism; and such evidence is not forthcoming. Nevertheless, the fact is not really doubtful. It is not credible that the baptizing of proselytes was ‘instituted and made essential for their admission to Judaism at a period subsequent to the institution of Christian baptism }"and tha supposition that it was” borrowed from the rite enjoined by Christ is monstrous. From the infancy of Christianity the hostility of the synagogue to the Church was such, ronounced, and he p unged beneath the | By BAPTISM 240 that the mere fact that baptism was universally known as the rite by which Gentiles were admitted to the Christian community, would have made it impossible for Jews to accept it as the rite for admitting Gentiles to the Jewish community. Against a consideration of this kind the silence of Scripture and of Josephus and Philo is of little weight; it is one more instance of the danger of the argument from silence. No passage has been pointed out in either Josephus or Philo in which it would have been necessary, or even natural, to mention proselyte ase and the same may be said of Scripture. e subject is not mentioned, because there was no need to mention it. In the Mishna it is stated that the school of Shammai allowed a Gentile who was circumcised on the eve of the Passover to wash and partake of the paschal lamb, while the school of Hillel did not; and this points to the washing of proselytes as a customary accompaniment of circumcision. But what may be regarded as conclusive is, that the baptizing of preeyes would follow of necessity from the regu- ations which required a Jew to bathe in order to recover Levitical purity (Ly 11-15, Nu 19). Judeus quotidie lavat, quia quotidie inquinatur, says Tertullian (De Bapt. xv.); and again, Omnibus licet membris lavet quotidie Israel, nunquam tamen mundus est (De Orat. xiv.). If the mere possibility of contact with pollution requires such purification, how much more would one who had live in heathen pollution require a complete purification before he was admitted to full membership in the House of Israel. Moreover, it should be noted that the authorities quoted above—the Sibylline Oracles, Arrian, and the Ethiopic VS—all mention baptism as the sign of change, and say nothing about circumcision. The reason for which possibly is, that, after the abolition of the sacrifices, baptism was the only rite which was applicable to both sexes; and the large majority of proselyter were women (Kraus, Enc. d. Christ. Alterth. ii. p. 823). Every Gentile, whether man or woman, who became a Jew, was purified from heathen pollution by immersion. About the other hypothesis there is no difficulty. Assume that baptism for proselytes was a well- established custom when John began to preach, and we have an obvious reason why John adopted the rite. Not that this was his only reason; but that, so far as the custom was of any influence, it was a recommendation and not an objection. And the same argument applies to Christian baptism, which becomes more, and not less, intelligible when we consider that it was preceded by baptism for proselytes and the baptism of John. LITERATURE.—For the abundant literature on the subject, and for references to the Talm., see Edersheim, Life and Times of the Messiah, ii. App. xii.; Schiirer, HJP nm. ii. § 81, p. 319; Herzog, RE xii. p. 250, Ist ed. ; less full in 2nd ed. p. 800. (6) The Baptism of John.—Although there is no doubt that baptism was a Jewish rite of initiation before John began to preach, yet the history of baptism, so far as direct evidence is concerned, begins with him. That he who derived his title from it (6 Bamritwr, Mk 6'4-*; 6 Bamriorhs, Mt 3}, Mk 8%, Lk 7”, Jos. Ant. XVIII. v. 2) made use of the rite in preparing Israel for the kingdom of God, is an historical fact beyond dispute. And we need not doubt that in using it he was influenced by the levitical purifications enjoined by the Law and by the baptism of proselytes. But his baptism was different from both. It is evident that, if it had not had special characteristics, he would not have received a special name, and his right to administer it would not have been challenged. His baptism differed from the washings prescribed by the Law in these three respects—(1) They were acts of lustration, restoring a man to his normal condition; BAPTISM his was an act of preparation, leading a man to an entirely new spacer (2) The man levitieally unclean baptized himself, like Naaman in the Jordan; the penitents who came to John were baptized by him. (3) The Tegal washings merely cleansed from levitical uncleanness; his was a symbol and _seal of moral purification. The moral preparation required by John is pointed out in the THs WuxAs Oucaocivy mpoexxexabappévys of Jos. (Ant. XVII. v. 2) as plainly as in the Bdmricua perarolas of Scripture (Mk 14, Lk 3°). The spirit of repent- ance was assumed with a view to remission of sins. John’s baptism differed from \_proselyte baptism in being administered to Jews. e meaning of the cha eet eg then ety. thou?’ (Jn 1%) seems to be, ‘What right hast thou, who art neither the Messiah nor the Prophet, to treat Israelites as if they were proselytes? Jews are fit for the Messianic kingdom without any such purification.’ And while John’s baptism differed from, these Jewish rites-on the one hand, so it differed from Christian baptism on the other. This difference was clearly pointed out by the Baptist himself. ‘LT indeed baptize you with water unto repentance .... he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost’ (Mt 3"); ‘He that sent me to baptize with water, he said unto me, Upon whomsoever thou shalt see the Spirit descending and abiding upon him, the same is he that baptizeth with the Holy Spirit’? (Jn 13; comp. our Lord’s words, Ac 1° 115). And that this difference was regarded as essential, isshown bythe fact that Ephesian disciples who had received John’s baptism were rebaptized into the name of the Lord Jesus, and then received the Holy Ghost through the laying on of hands by St. Paul (Ac 19%). Cyril of Jerus., in con- trasting John’s baptism with Christian baptism, says, that the former ‘ bestowed only the remission of sins’ (Catech. xx. 6; comp. iii. 7). But there is nothing in Scripture to show that it bestowed that. Tertullian points out that ‘baptism for the re- mission of sins’ refers to a futwre remission, which was to follow in Christ (De Bapt. x.), And it may be doubted whether, if John’s baptism had con- ferred remission of sins, Jesus would have sub- mitted toit. Its main aspect was preparation for the kingdom of God; and in this aspect it fitted well into the opening of Christ’s ministry. To everyone else this preparatory act was a baptism of repentance. The Messiah, who needed no re- pentance, could yet accept the preparation. B means of this rite the people were consecrat to receive salvation, and He was consecrated to bestow it. We are told by St. John that the disciples of Jesus baptized many, and that this led to an inaccurate statement that Jesus Himself baptized (3% 41-2), As to the nature of this baptism we are told nothing; but. if not identical with the baptism of John, it vould be more akin to that than to Christian baptism. It was preparato and not perfecting, symbolical and not sacramental. The arguments of Tertullian on this point are weighty (De Bapt. x.-xii.). Was Christian baptism ossible until Christ had died and risen again? he theory that this early baptism by Christ’s disciples was the baptism of the gospel, but that its full effects remained latent until after the resur- rection, is not helpful; and to suppose with Peter Lombard that it was In nomine Trinitatis, scilicet in e@ forma in quad baptizaverunt postea (Sent. iv. Dist. ui. 7), is utterly unreasonable. W hen John was put into prison, Jesus Himself continued John’s preaching. ‘He came into Galilee, preaching the gospel of God, and saying, The time is fulfilled Bact the kingdom of God is at hand> repent ye' Ps =e as a \et od L + a th i" BAPTISM BAPTISM 441 (Mk 115), Is it improbable that, while Christ continued the preaching of John, His disciples continued the baptism of John? In that case there is no need to raise the question whether they baptized ‘into the name of the Lord Jesus’; for John certainly did not do so. In any case it is improbable that, at a time when the dis- ciples had such inadequate views of the office of Jesus, they would baptize into His name. This baptism was teen not accompanied by the gift of the Spirit: ‘for the Spirit was not yet given; because Jesus was not yet glorified’ (Jn 7%). And it is to be noted that neither in the mission of the Twelve nor in that of the Seventy is there any command to baptize (Lk 9'5 10''%), That omission is intelligible, if this early baptism, like that of John, was merely preparatory, a symbolical act conferring no grace. But the omission would be strange if there was thee in use a rite equal in efficacy to the baptism of the gospel. Until Christ had died and risen again, and sent the Holy Spirit upon His disciples, no such baptism by them was possible. IV. THE HIsToRY OF CHRISTIAN BAPTISM. —This subject, as treated in NT, may be discussed under four heads—(a) the Institution, (2) the Recipients, (c) the Minister, (d) the ite (a) The Institution of Christian baptism is to be dated from Christ’s farewell command, ‘Go ye and make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost’ (Mt 28). This command the Twelve do not attempt to carry out until they are free from the earlier charge (Lk 24). But directly they have ‘been clothed with power from on high,’ Peter begins to exhort the people to ‘repent, and be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ unto the remission of their sins’ (Ac 2°), and with seh great success. But here we are at once struck by the fact that, in spite of Christ’s command to baptize into the name of the Trinity, no mention is made of the Trinity, but only of ‘ the name of Jesus Christ.’ And this first and important record of Christian baptisms does not stand alone. The Samaritans who were converted by Philip were ‘baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus’ (Ac 816), Peter at Caesarea commanded that Cornelius and those with him should be ‘baptized in the name of Jesus Christ’ (10). And the Ephesian disciples, when they were convinced of the in- sufficiency of John’s baptism, were ‘baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus’ (19°). Moreover, there is no mention in NT of any one being baptized into the name of the Trinity; and the expression “baptized into Christ’ (Ro 6%, Gal 37; comp. 1 Co 1 6") is more in harmony with the passages in the Acts than with the divine command as re- corded Mt 2819. * Various explanations of these statements in the Acts have been suggested. (1) This baptism into or in the name of Jesus Christ is that which was practised by Christ’s disciples during His ministry (Jn 4'-*). Having been accustomed to this form, they continued to use it ‘probably through life,’ although Christ had expressly ordered the Trinitarian form, and although the Holy Spirit was not always imparted when this imperfect form was employed, whereas the gift of the Spirit always accompanied baptism * Jt is worth noting that in all the instances of baptism ‘in’ or ‘into the name’ the verb is in the passive. Except in the original charge, the phrase ‘to baptize into the name’ does not occur ; itis always ‘to be baptized into the name’ or ‘in the name,’ This holds good of 1 Co 115 also, where sig 16 ipedy dvope Bérriee is a false reading, and tSerriclnrs (RA BC* gyptt. Vulg. Arm.) is right. In the Eastern Churches the formula is not ‘I baptize thee,’ but Baariferas 6 dovAes rod Jeov; and this is probably more ancient than the Western formula familiar to us. VOL, I.—I6 in the name of the Trinity (Dict. of Chr. Biog. i. B 241). This is scarcely credible. The Ephesian isciples were rebaptized because their original baptism was inadequate. Can we suppose that they then received a baptism that was also de- fective? And would the disciples have adhered to a form which experience proved to be less uniformly efficacious, even if we allow that they would ignore the express command of Christ? tt is admitted that this inferior form of baptism went out of use at an early date—perhaps soon after the First Gospel became current. (2) Baptism in the name of one Person of the Trinity is virtually baptism in the name of the Trinity, and is valid. ‘This seems to be the view of Ambrose. Quod verbo tacitum fuerat, expressum est fide. Cum enim dicitur: In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi, per wnitatem nominis impletum mysterium est: nec a Christi baptismate Spiritus 7 2 eo «© Qus unum dixerit, Trinitatem Si Christum dicas, et Deum Patrem a oe unctus est Filius, et ipsum qui unctus est iliwm, et aed Sanctum quo unctus est desig- ing on Ac 19°; and it is rash to say that ‘he is probably speaking of the confession of the recipient, not of the formula.’ Bede understands Ambrose to be writing of the baptismal formula, and accepts the solution that baptism in the name of Jesus Christ is really in the name of the Trinity (Super Acta, Exp. x. 48; Migne, xcii. 970). See also Peter Lombard (Sent. iv. Dist. iii. 4), Hugo Victor (De Sacram. i. 13), and Aquinas (Summa, iii. 66. 6). This view was confirmed by the Council of Frejus (A.D. 792), and apparently by Pope Nicholas 1 (858-867) in his Responsa ad Bulgaros. (3) When St. Luke says that people were ‘baptized in (or into) the name of the Lord Jesus,’ he is not indicating the formula which was used in baptizing, but is merely stating that such persons were baptized as acknowledged Jesus to be the Lord eid: the Christ; in short, he is simply telling us that the baptism was Christian. When Peter heals the cripple at the Beautiful Gate of the temple, the form of the words used is quoted: ‘In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, walk.’ No such form of words is quoted in any of the passages in which persons are said to be baptized in or into the name of Jesus Christ. There is no evidence © against the supposition that in these and in all other cases the formula used was that which Christ enjoined. This is erhaps what Cyprian means when he says on Ac 2% Jesu Christi mentionem facit Petrus, non quasi Pater omitteretur, sed ut Patri Filius quoque adjungeretur (Ep. \xxiii. 17). In 1 Co 102, where the Israelites are said to have been ‘baptized into Moses’ (els ray Mwvofv), the meaning is that they were baptized into obedience to him and acknowledgment of his authority, not that his name was called over them in some formula. See Lightfoot on 1 Co 1%, (4) The original form of words was ‘into the name of Jesus Christ’ or ‘the Lord Jesus.’ Baptism into the name of the Trinity was a later develop- ment. After the one mention of it, Mt 28%, we do not find it again until Justin Martyr, and his formula is not identical with that in the Gospel : én’ dvoparos yap Tov marpds Tv Sdwv Kal deawdrou Geod kal Tov cwrfpos judy "Incod Xpicrod xal mvevuaros aylov 7d év TH Udare TéTE AouTpdy TocovvTat (A pol. i. 61). It is probable that, when the Trinitarian formula had become usual, it was regarded as of divine authority, and was by some attributed to Christ Himself. This tradition is represented in Mt 28, and is perhaps an indication that the First Gospel in its extant form is later than the destruction of Jerusalem. That in the apostolic 42 BAPTISM BAPTISM age there was no fixed formula is shown, not only by the difference between Matt. and the Acts, but by the difference between one passage in the Acts and another, and also by traces of other differences in the Epistles. Baptism ‘into the name of the Lord Jesus’ (Ac 8!® 195), or ‘in the name of Jesus Christ’ (2°° 10%), or ‘into Christ Jesus’ (Ro 6°), or ‘into Christ’ (Gal 37), had sufficed. Comp. mplv ydp, prot, popéoa rdv AvOpwrov 70 bvoua Tov vlov Tov Beov, vexpés éorw (Hermas, Sim. ix. 16. 3); where, however, rod vlod is possibly an insertion (A omits). Of these four explanations the second and third are far more satisfactory than the other two, and the third seems to be the best. It is a violent hypothesis to suppose that words of such importance as Mt 28! were never spoken by Christ, and yet were authoritatively attributed to Him in the First Gospel. The insertion of the doxology after the Lord’s Prayer (Mt 61%) is not parallel. Not only is the insertion of less importance, being covered by genuine utterances of Christ as well as by 1 Ch 29", but it is absent from all the most ancient authorities, including all Greek and Latin commentators; whereas the baptismal formula in Mt 28 is in all authorities without exception. It is as well attested as any saying of Christ which is recorded in one Gospel only. Nor does the variation of the Trinitarian formula given by Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 61) cause any difliculty. He is net giving the exact words used in baptism, but is paraphrasing them, so as to make them a little more intelligible to the heathen whom he is addressing. It is reasonable to believe that Christ prescribed the Trinitarian formula, and that His command was obeyed. (6) The Recipients of Christian baptism were required to repent and believe. This 1s set forth, both in the Lord’s commands and also in the first instance of baptism on the Day of Pentecost. ‘Peter said unto them, Repent ye, and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ unto the remission of your sins’ (Ac 28), Here repent- ance is expressed and faith in Jesus Christ is implied, as in the farewell charge to the apostles recorded by St. Luke: ‘that repentance and re- mission of sins should be preached in His name unto all the nations’ (2447). More often it is faith that is expressed and repentance that is implied, as in the charge recorded in the appendix to Mk: ‘Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to the whole creation. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved; but he that disbelieveth shall be condemned’ (1615-18), So also in the case of the jailer at Philippi (Ac 16%), of the Samaritans (8), of Cornelius and his company (10-48), and of the Corinthians (18%). Compare the Western insertion Ac 8%. Of the two requisites, faith is the one which more needs express state- ment. Repentance without faith in Christ was possible, as in the case of John’s baptism. Faith in Christ without repentance was not possible. Comp. He 10”. All the instances just quoted (especially those of viie converts on the Day of Pentecost, of Cornelius and his friends, and of the Philippian jailer and his household) tend to show that no great amount of instruction or preparation was at first required. But somewhat later, after the apostles, who had been a protection against tne admission of un- worthy candidates, had died out, and after the Chara had had larger experience of unreal con- verts, much more care was taken to secure definite knowledge and hearty acceptance of the truths of the gospel. This primitive freedom in admitting converts to pressly mentioned. Whole households were some- times baptized, as those of Lydia, Crispus, the jailer, and Stephanas; and it is probable that there were children in at least some of these. Thera may also have been children among the three thousand baptized at Pentecost. According to the ideas then prevalent, the head of the family repre- sented a summed up the family. In some respects the paterfamilias had absolute control of the members of his household (Maine, Ancient Law, ch. v.). unnatural thing that the father should make a complete change in his religious condition and that his children should be excluded from it. Moreover, the analogy of circumcision would lead Jewish converts to have their children baptized. Had there been this marked difference between the twe rites,—that infants were admitted to the Jewish covenant, but not to the Christian,—the difference would probably have been pointed out; all the more so, because Christianity was the more com- prehensive religion of the two. There is therefore prima facie ground for chins that from the first infants were baptized. And this position is strengthened by general declarations of Christ Himself: ‘Suffer the little children to come unto Me; forbid them not: for of such is the kingdom of God’ (Mk 10%). ‘Except a man (rs) be born of water and the Spirit, he cannot enter the king- dom of God’ (Jn 3°); where there is no intimation that children are exempted. On the contrary, the condition of children is given as the ideal for entrance into the kingdom (Mt 18°). But there is primd facie evidence on the other side. Not only is there no mention of the baptism of infants, but there is no text from which such baptism can be securely inferred. ‘Make disciples of all the nations’ (Mt 281°), implies those who are old enough to receive instruction. That little children may be brought to Christ, and are a type of Christian innocence, does not prove that they are fit to receive baptism. And we cannot be sure that Jn 3° is meant to include infants, because Jesus often states general principles, and leaves His Church to find out the necessary limitations. An ordinance may be generally necessary to salvation, and yet not be suited to infants; which is the Western view of the Lord’s Supper. Seripture tells us that repentance and faith are requisite for baptism. Assuming that infants have no need of repentance, can we assume that faith also may be dispensed with? Cyprian slurs this (Zp. Ixiv. 5). He points out that adults must have faith, which includes repentance, and that infants have no sins of their own to repent of; but he is silent about infants’ lack of faith. Those who maintain that the infantine state is a substitute for faith and repent- ance, must remember that faith and repentance are the conditions given in Scripture, and that the infantine state is not mentioned as an equivalent. It is probable that all that is said in Scripture about baptism refers to the baptism of adults. Until there were many Christian parents to whom children were born, the question of baptizing infants would be exceptional; and perhaps evan- gelists used their own discretion ; for infant baptism is, at any rate, nowhere forbidden in Scripture. (c) The Minister in baptism is not determined ; and lay baptism is in much the same position as infant baptism. It can be neither proved nor disproved from Scripture. The commission to baptize was given in the first instance to the Eleven (Mt 2815-2), but we are not sure that no others were present. Moreover, it is in virtue of Christ’s presence (‘Lo, I am with you alway’) that they have the right to baptize; and this baptism is in itself an argument in favour of infant | presence cannot be confined to the apostles. We are not told who baptized the three thousand at baptism, although no baptism of an infant is ex- And it would have seemed an. BAPTISM —— Pentecost ; and the apostles, if they baptized any, can hardly have baptized them all. DO peatenidy, Ananias baptized St. Paul, but this is not clear (Ac 22!) He was ‘a certain disciple’ (9!°), and ‘a devout man according to the law’ (2212), and presumably alayman. Peter commanded Cornelius and his company to be baptized (10%); and we assume that it was done by the brethren from Joppa, who are not said to be presbyters or deacons. From the silence of Scripture respecting the minister on these and other occasions, we may infer that an ordained minister is not essential. (d) The ite is nowhere described in detail; but the element was always water, and the mode of using it was commonly immersion. The syzabolism of the ordinance required this. It was an act of eta and hence the need of water. A eath to sin was expressed by the plunge beneath the water, and a rising again to a life of righteous- ness by the return to light and air; and hence the appropriateness of immersion. Water is mentioned in Ac 8% 10%, Eph 575, He 10??; and there is no mention of any other element. Immersion is im- Le in Ro 64 and Col 2% But immersion was a esirable symbol rather than an essential. In the prison at Philippi it can hardly have been possible ; and it is not very probable in the house of Cornelius. Wherever large numbers of both sexes were baptized, the ditficulty of total immersion in each case must have been great. And if immersion better ex- ree the cleansing of the whole man, pouring etter expresses the outpouring of the Spirit, whose operation is not dependent upon the amount of water, nor upon the manner of its application. Comp. Cyprian, Ep. lxix. 12. As to the form of words used in baptizing, what has been said above may almost sufiice. if from the first there was only one form, that form was Trinitarian; from the 2nd century it was certainly the only form. Justin’s evidence (Apol. i. 61) has been quoted, and Tertullian describes the practice in his day: nec semel, sed ter, ad singula nomina im personas singulas tinguimur (Adv. Prax. xxvi.).* Wherever St. Matthew’s Gospel was received the Trinitarian formula would become obligatory ; and that carries us back long before Justin Martyr. But it is possible that for a time the form of words varied. The ‘anointing’ (2 Co 1”, 1 Jn 277) probably refers to baptism ; but to anointing with the Spirit, not with ie Yet unction at baptism is as old as Tertullian (De Bapt. vii.). The ‘sealing’ (2 Co 1, Eph 18 4%) also may refer to baptism, but not to signing with the cross: 4 odpayls ody 7d Udwp éorw (Hermas, Sim. ix. 16. 4). Whether ‘the good confession in the sight of many witnesses’ (1 Ti 6!2) refers to a profession of faith at Timothy’s baptism (Ewald, Hausrath, Pfleiderer), is uncertain; the many witnesses point rather to ordination (Holtz- mann). That the difficult passage 1 P 37! refers to the answers or pledges made by the candidates at baptism, is very doubtful. V. THE DOCTRINE OF CHRISTIAN BAPTISM.— Scripture teaches that baptism, rightly adminis- tered to those who are qualified by repentance and faith to receive it, has various beneficial results. These are closely connected, either as cause and effect, or as joint effects, or as different aspects of the same fact. But they are capable of analysis and of separate treatment. They are mainly (1) Reveneration or New Birth, (2) Divine Affiliation, (3) Cleansing from Sin, (4) Admission to the Chureh, (5) Union with’ Christ, (6) Gift of the Spirit, (7) Salvation. * In the Eastern Churches trine immersion s regarded as the only valid form of baptism; and the Catechism explains that ‘this trine immersion is a figure of the three days’ burial of our Saviour, and of His resurrection’ (Mose hake, p, 42) BAPTISM 243 (1) Christ Himself said, ‘Except a man be horn anew (yevv7n07 dvwOev), he cannot see the kinedom of God’; and He explained this as meanin:, ¢ Except a man be born of water and the Spirit (Jn 3*°), which until Calvin’s day had universally been interpreted as referring to baptism. The metaphor was not new. Jews spoke of the admis- sion of proselytes to Israel as a ‘new birth.’ ‘ Art thou the teacher of Israel, and understandest not these things?’ (Jn 3"), perkaps refers to this com- mon use of the phrase. But in any case ‘ water and Spirit’ refer to the outward sign and inward gift at baptism as effecting a new birth. This is confirmed bySt. Paul’s ‘daver of regeneration (Aourpdv mahtyyevecias) and renewing of the Holy Spirit’ (Tit 3°), which also was universally understood as meaning baptism. And baptism is called ‘ washing of regeneration,’ not merely because it symbolizes it, or pledges a man toit, but also, and chiefly, because it effects it (Holtzmann, Huther, Pfleiderer, Weiss). (2) This new birth brings us into a new relation- ship to God: the baptized are made His children or sons. ‘For ye are all sons of God, through faith in Christ Jesus. For as many of you as were baptized into Christ did put on Christ’ (Gal 32% 2), ‘To them gave he the right to become children of God’ (Jn 1; comp. 1 Jn 47). That being ‘begotten of God’ (1 Jn 3°47 518), or becoming a ‘child of God’ (1 Jn 3! 52), or a ‘son of God’ (Ro 8419, Gal 3%), is synonymous with being ‘born anew,’ need not be doubted. The first birth is of man; the second or new birth is of God. So that it makes little matter whether we translate dywOev (Jn 3°) ‘anew’ with Justin (Apol. i. 61) and the Lat. and Eth. VSS, or ‘from above’ with Origen and most of the Greek Fathers. A new birth is a birth from above, and vice versd. And the passages in which these expressions occur show that regeneration or being begotten by God does not mean merely a new capacity for change in the direction of goodness, but an actual change. The legal washings were actual external purifica- tions. Baptism is actual internal purification. (3) John’s baptism was ‘wnto remission of sins,’ els Adeow ayapriovy (Mk 14, Lk 38). Christian sane is not only this (Ac 2°, Lk 247, where eds and not «al is the better reading), but it confers remission of sins. Ananias says to Saul: ‘ Arise, and be baptized, and wash away thy sins’ (Ac 2216; comp. 10 1358, He 107). St. Paul, after Hone at the sinful past of the Corinthians in the ays of their heathenism, continues: ‘ But ye were washed, but ye were sanctified,’ ete. (1 Co 6"). And the same is said of all Christians; for ‘ Christ loved the Church, and gave himself up for it; that he might sanctify it, having cleansed it by the washing of water with the word’ (Eph 5-5), (4) That baptism involved admission to the Church hardly needs to be more than stated. It was an instrument for this very purpose, analogous to circumcision. The recipient of baptism, like the recipient of circumcision, is admitted to a new external covenant and new spiritual privileges, and is thereby pledged to new daciea ‘o say that a person is baptized, is to say that he has been admitted to the Christian communion. ‘They then that received his word were baptized: and there were added unto them in that day about three thousand souls’ (Ac 2#; comp. 1 Co 12}8), (5) As the Church is the body of Christ (Col 118), to be admitted to the Church 1s to be united with Christ, and to become one of His members (1 Co 1277), ‘For as many of you as were baptized into Christ did put on Christ’ (Gal 3%’); and Christians’ ‘bodies are members of Christ’ (1 Co 6%; comp Eph 4-16), This is not only true in general, but in a special way baptism makes us partakers in the death, burial, and resurrection of Christ. ‘We 244. BAPTISM BAPTISM who were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death. We were buried therefore with him through baptism into death: that like as Christ was raised from the dead... so we also might walk in newness of life’ (Ro 6%4; comp. Co] 2}. 31), This great change is always spoken of as past, not as continuing (Ro 6% 182 g215 etc.). The reference is to some definite occasion when it took place. (6) That Christian baptism confers the gift of the Spirit, whereas John’s baptism did not, was one o: the most marked points of difference between them (Mt 34, Mk 18, Lk 338, Jn 1%, Ac 1976), ‘In one Spirit were we all baptized into one body. . . and were all made to drink of one Spirit’ (1 Co 12). And hence not only is the whole Church ‘a habita- tion of God in the Spee (Eph 2”; comp. 2 Co 616, 1 P 2°), but each individual Christian is a temple of the Holy Ghost (1 Co 6” 31%), And ‘the Spirit himself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are children of God: and if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ’ (Ro 8!* 1"). (7) This involves one more result. Those who are ‘joint heirs with Christ’ have a pledge that they will one day enter into that inheritance which He now enjoys. It has various names. It is salvation. ‘He that believeth, and is baptized, shall be saved’ ({Mk] 16%). Those who were added to the Church were ‘those that were being saved’ (Ac 247; comp. 16°, 1 P 154 321). It is the kingdom of God. ‘Except a man be born of water and the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God’ (Jn 35). It is eternal life. After speaking to Nicodemus of the necessity of being born anew of the Spirit, Christ says that God has sent Him into the world, ‘that whosoever be- lieveth on him should not perish, but have eternal life’ (3457). By baptism we are grafted into Him who is the life (14°), and he that hath the Son hath the life (1 Jn 5). Those Jews who refused to be admitted into the Church ‘judged themselves unworthy of eternal life’ (Ac 13%). In writing to Titus, St. Paul sums up several of these aspects of baptism (3°), These are the chief effects when valid baptism has been administered to those who are duly ualified by repentance and faith to receive it. Bat what is the result when these two sets of con- ditions are separated? There is the case of those who are qualified, but are not baptized. And there is the case of those who are baptized, but are not qualified. Simon Magus is an example of the latter. In Scripture there is no certain instance of the former, nor any express statement respecting such. But the solution afterwards reached throws light on scriptural language, and may be briefly mentioned here. It was universally held that a catechumen who was martyred before baptism was a member of Christ. His ‘baptism of blood’ supplied the de- fi iency. But a catechumen who was willing to suffer for the faith, and yet died without martyrdom or baptism, seemed to be equally a member of Christ; as Ambrose contends (De obitu Valent. Consol. 52; Miene, xvi. 1375). This led to a general concession that the faithful unbaptized may possess the sub- stance of regeneration before baptism; and this involved a modification of the doctrine as to the actual effect of baptism upon the faithful recipient. As early as Tertullian we find the admission: Lavacrum tllud est obsignatio fidei; que fides a penitentie fide incipitur et commendatur. Non tdeo abluimur ut delinquere desinamus, quoniam jam corde loti swmus (De Pen vi.). Baptism is a seal (cpparyls, signaculum). The metaphor was used of circumcision (Ro 4"), and was very early trans- ferred to baptism (?2 Co 1”, ? Rev 94): see reff. {in Suicer, s.v.. and in Lightfoot, Clem. Rom. ii. 226. A seal makes a document formally com: plete ; but the document may be binding without it. And if before baptism jam corde loti swmus, what is this but regeneration? Nevertheless, to regard baptism as a mere form which may be neglected with impunity would be arrogant dis- obedience, like the first attitude of Naaman towards Elisha ; and such disobedience would be evidence that the inward justification had not taken place. An unbaptized believer is like a testator who has made a will but has not signed it. He may die without signing it. If itis clear that he had full intention of signing, and was merely waiting for suitable witnesses, the will may be accepted as a valid expression of his wishes. But if he has post- oned the signature indefinitely, the presumption is that he was not decided as to his intentions. It is the contempt of baptism when it may be had, not the lack of it when it may not, that is perilous. The case of Simon Magus is very different. He was baptized without repentance and faith. Was that a mere waar form? By no means. He was admitted to the Christian body, and received the baptismal character. The technical name for such a person was Fictus, t.e. one who received baptism unworthily. And it was held from the first that God always does His part in the baptismal contract, | whether the baptized can avail himself of it or no. The grace which the Fictus, through unworthiness, could not receive at the time of baptism, was always ready for him when repentance and faith made him worthy. Hehad ceased to be a heathen, and had received a Christian title, which could be made good by change of heart. This doctrine follows of necessity from the doctrine that baptism is genera y necessary, and yet may not be repeated. Otherwise, the case of the unworthy recipient would be hopeless. His first baptism would be without effect ; and he may not have a second. But it is because his baptism has done all that is required, if ony he makes himself capable of profiting by it, that he may not have it repeated. Simon is ex- horted to repent, not with a view to a second baptism, but to the forgiveness which would have been his had his baptism been worthily received, and which may still be won (Ac 8”). When whole tribes were baptized at once, baptisin with- out the necessary repentance and faith must have beencommon. But this defect was not irreparable ; and meanwhile the Eee: had a title to spiritual plesines which could be appropriated by change of eart. Mutatis mutandis the same principle may hold respecting the baptism of infants. At baptism the infant receives remission of the guilt of original sin, admission to the Christian community, and a title to heavenly gifts to be appropriated afterwards, Scriptural doctrine refers to the baptism of adults who are qualified by repentance and faith. The application of that doctrine to infants is an un- certain inference; and we must be cautious in drawing it. Caution is also required in estimating the statements of Christian writers of the first three centuries respecting baptismal regeneration, We must consider two points especially. (1) Is the writer speaking of the baptism of adults or of that of infants? With us, if nothing is said to the con- trary, baptism commonly means infant baptism. Early Christian writers would almost always have the baptism of adults in their minds, (2) In what sense does he use the word ‘regeneration’? Some- times it is a mere synonym for the fact of baptism. In Scripture every Christian is hypothetically a saint: and so every baptized person is hypothetic- ally regenerate. Tt is assumed that the baptism has been in all respects complete. In this sense, to call an infant ‘ regenerate’ may mean no more than BAPTISM FOR THE DEAD that it has been baptized, and may be no evidence of the writer’s convictions as to the immediate effect of baptism on infants, Lirerature. — For the abundant literature on baptism, see * Smith, DB? i. 354, and Dict. of Chr. Ant. i. 112; Schaff-Herzog, Encycl.® i. 198, 209; Herzog, RH? xy. 251. The following may be selected. For the subject in general, the articles on baptism in Smith, DB and Diet. of Chr. Ant. For patristic comments on Scripture, Suicer, s.v., and Pusey, Scriptural Views of Bap- tism, being Tracts for the Times, 67, 68, 69; for Cyprian in particular, the index in Hartel, ii. 875-377 ; and for Augustine, the index in Migne, xlvi. 102-111. For the philosophical argument, Mozley, Review of the Baptismal Controversy. For the archw- ology, Martene, De Ant. EHecles. Ritibus; Goar, Zuchologion Grecorum; Augusti, Denkwitrdigkeiten aus. d. Christ. Archdéologie, vii. ; Kvaus, Real-Eneykl. d. Christ. Alterth. ii. ; Hotling, Das Sacrament ad. Jaufe. Bingham is somewhat dis- appointing, but later editions supply certain defects, For pictu- resque description, Stanley, Christian Institutions. A. PLUMMER. BAPTISM FOR THE DEAD.— The expression of BarriCduevor brép Trav vexpay, ‘those who are baptized for the dead,’ has from early times been a perplexity to expositors, and with our present knowledge it is impossible to do more than determine the direction in which a correct solution may be found. It is possible to show what kind of interpretation the language of 1 Co 15” requires ; and, when this is done, other kinds of interpretation are excluded as impossible. The interpretations are very numerous. Horsley (see below) has collected thirty-six, and it would perhaps be possible to add to the number. It is well that such collections should be made for reference, but it is not necessary to multiply them. The thirty-six are classified under three heads: four explain the text by a reference to legal purifications ; three of metaphorical baptism, e.g. being baptized in calamity ; twenty-nine of sacra- mental baptism. A more simple and useful classification is that into those which explain oi Barri(dnevor rip Tay vexpov as referring to ordinary Christian baptism, and those which make it refer to something abnormal. 1. The ablest exposition of the first kind of explanation in its best form is probably that of T. S. Evans in the Speaker's Commentary (iii. pp. 372, 373). He contends that the view of the Greek expositors is unquestionably right, and that sep Tay vexpav Means, ‘with an interest in the resurrec- tion of the dead,’ i.e. ‘in expectation of the resurrection.’ The objections to this kind of interpretation are three. (1) of Barr. imrép 7. v. seem to be a special class, and not all Christians in general. (2) There is no instance in NT, if anywhere at all, of this use of trép. (8) The ellipse of rs avacrdsews is very violent. If St. Paul had wanted to abbreviate tis dvactdcews TaY vexpav, he would have omitted rév vexpav, which is superfluous, rather than tis avacrdcews, which is vital. 2. The reference is clearly to something abnor- mal. There was some baptismal rite known to the Corinthians which would be meaningless without a belief in the resurrection. The passage does not imply that St. Paul approves of this abnormal rite, but simply that it exists and implies the doctrine of the resurrection. And here all certainty ends. We cannot determine what this rite was. The practice of vicarious buptism, te. of baptizing living proxies in place of those who had died unbaptized, unquestionably existed in some quarters in Tertullian’s time (De Resur. 48; Adv. Marcion, vy. 10), but probably only among heretics. And the practice may easily have grown out of an ignorant ‘ wresting’ of this ‘hard to be understood’ (2 P 3'6) saying of St. Paul. We have no know- ledge that this vicarious baptism was practised by any religious body in St. Paul’s day. Lireratore,. — For collections of interpretations and for the literature of the subject, see an article on Necrobaptisin, by BARABBAS Rey. J. W. Horsley, in the Newbery House Magazine for June 1889 ; the notes in Meyer, Alford, Stanley, and Wordsworth ; Suicer, 7'hesawrus, 640. A. PLUMMER. BAPTIST. — See JOHN THE BAPTIST. BAR.— The Aram. word for ‘son’; in Aram. parts of Ezr and Dn constantly; four times in Heb. (Pr 31? ¢er, Ps 212 [if text correct]). It is used, especially in NT times, as the first component part of several names of persons, as Barabbas, Bar- jesus, Bar-jonah, Barnabas, Barsabbas, Barthol- omew, Bartimzus, — which see in their places. J. H. THAYER. **BARABBAS.—The Greek form of the name BapaBBas represents the Aramaic Bar-abba = ‘son of the teacher’ or ‘of the master.’ The name is not rare in the Talm. (Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. on Mt 2716), and one instance indicates that Abba may sometimes have been a proper name. Renan (Vie de Jésus, p. 406) prefers Bar-rabban (the form preserved in the Harclean Syr.), which would mean ‘son of a Rabbi.’ So also Ewald. All four evangelists mention Barabbas as the criminal whom the hierarchy urged the multitude to demand in preference to Jesus Christ, whom Pilate offered to release in honour of the Passover. We are told that Barabbas was ‘a notable prisoner’ (Mt 271%), ‘who for a certain insurrection made in the city, and for murder’ (Lk 231%), ‘ was lying bound with them that had made insurrection’ (Mk 157), and that he was a ‘robber’ or brigand (Jn 18#°). He may have been connected with the two ‘robbers’ who were crucified with Jesus; but we cannot be sure that the oraciacral of Mk 157 include the two robbers. The ordois, or ‘insur- rection,’ in which Barabbas took part was perhaps a looting of houses rather than a popular up- rising. The name ‘Jesus’ before that of Barabbas in Mt 2716. 17 is an interesting reading found in a few cursives, in the Armenian Version, and in some copies of the Jerusalem Syriac. With this insertion Pilate’s question runs thus: ‘Whom will ye that I release unto you? Jesus Barabbas, or Jesus which is called Christ?’ This reading was known to Origen; and he does not condemn it, although he thinks that the many MSS which omit the ‘Jesus’ are probably right. Ewald (Life of Christ, p. 241), Renan (Vie de Jésus, p. 406), Trench (Studies in the Gospels, p. 296), and others defend the reading; and Meyer conjectures that the common name suggested the substitution of one Jesus for another. But the reading is rejected by all the best critics. It would be amazing that the true reading should be lost from all uncials, nearly all cursives, and all the more ancient versions. The words of Jerome, ad loc., do not necessarily imply that ‘Jesus Barabbas’ was the reading in the Gospel according to the Hebrews. He says: Iste in evangelio quod scribitur juxta Hebreos filius magistri eorum interpretatur; which may mean that this document contained the words, ‘ Barabbas, which being interpreted is, Son of their Master.’ But if the Gospel according to the Hebrews had ‘Jesus, Son of their Master’ for ‘Jesus Barabbas,’ then this may be the source from which the name ‘ Jesus’ got intosome copies of St. Matthew. Ifthe name was not in the Gospel according to the Hebrews, then we may adopt Tregelles’ conjecture, that the interpolation arose first in v.!” through accidental repetition of the last two letters of juiv, the second IN being afterwards interpreted as an abbreviation of *Incodv. The copies known to Origen seem to have had the Iygody in v.1’ only. That Barabbas had this name, and that the evan- gelists missed the startling coincidence, is not probable. A. PLUMMER, ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons 246 BARACHEL BARJESUS BARACHEL (9x22 ‘he whom God blesses’).— Only in Job 3276 The father of Elihu, described as ‘the Buzite,’ probably a descendant of Buz, second son of Milcah and Nahor, Gn 227). See Buz. W. T. Davison. BARAK (pa, Bapdx, ‘lightning-flash.’ The name is found in Punic, Barcas, surname of Hamilcar ; Sabzean, op71; Palmyrene, p11; de Vogiié, Syrie Centrale, lxxvi. 2; Ledrain, Dict. des Noms Propres Palmyr. 1887, s.v.), son of Abinoam ; his history is recorded in Jg 4and 5. He was summoned by Deborah to be her ally in the struggle against the Canaanites. He dwelt in Kedesh-naphtali (Jg 4°), and was probably a member of the tribe of Issachar (5°). Hence he belonged to the district which had suffered most at the hands of the Canaanites: perhaps he had been actually their prisoner.* He receives from Deborah the plan of the campaign; he is to move his troops, 10,000 men of Naphtali and Zebulun, in the direction of Mt. Tabor, while she undertakes to attract Sisera’s army towards the same place, and promises to deliver Sisera himself into his hands (45-7), The writer does not regard B.’s urgent request that Deborah should go with him as worthy of blame; nor is it necessary to interpret the prophetess’ announcement that the honour of the expedition will not be his but a woman’s, as a punishment for his hesitation (see Moore, Judges, p. 117). B. collects his forces at Kedesh, moves to Tabor, and opens the engage- ment by a rush down the mountain (41° }?-14, cf, 515) ; the battle is fought out at the foot. In ch. 5, on the other hand, the battle takes place along the right bank of the Kishon (vv.-2!), The Canaanites routed, B. pursues them to Harosheth, and then follows Sisera on foot, and comes up to the tent of Jael to find him lying dead, with a tent-peg through his temples. According to 5!, B. joined Deborah in singing the Ode of Triumph in ch. 5. In 18 12" the LXX, Pesh., and many moderns read Barak for Bedan. B. thus becomes a repre- sentative leader along with Jerubbaal, Jephthah, and Samson(?). This agrees with the impression as to B.’s position which we gain from Jg 5. G. A. COOKE. BARBARIAN.—St. Paul (1 Co 14"), wishing to emphasize the fact that the tongues with which those possessed of the Holy Ghost spoke were not any intelligible forms of speech, and that hence they required an interpreter also inspired, says, ‘ If then I know not the meaning of the voice, toma be to him that speaketh a barbarian, and he that speaketh will be a barbarian unto me.’ Here he uses the word in its proper sense as one who spoke unintelligibly. So Homer, in whom the word first occurs, speaks of the Kapes BapBapdpwva (II. ii. 867), the Carians who spoke in a strange tongue. Since the word Barbarh means in the earliest Arm. the language of a race or people, Homer may have meant the Carians who spoke a barbarh, that having been the Carian word for their national language. However this be, the word Barbarian means all through Gr. literature a man who did not seeps Greek, especially the Medes, Persians, and Orientals generally. The Romans or Latins were called Barbarians by the Greeks even to the latest days of the Byzantine Empire, and at first even called their own tongue Barbarian; though from the Augustan age onward they excepted their own tongue. In the same way Philo, a Hellenized Jew, calls his native Heb. a barbarian tongue, and states (Vita Mosis, § 5, vol. ii. p. 188) that the Law was translated from Chaldaic into Greek because it was too valuable a treasure to be * Many translate 512 ‘lead captive thy captors,’ pointing We tor 33y. enjoyed by only the Barbaric half of the human race. In Col 3"! St. Paul speaks of ‘Greek and Jew,... barbarian, Scythian.’ Yet the Scythians were typical barbarians. But the context proves that St. Paul is not here aiming at a scientific division of the human race. Elsewhere (e.g. Ro 1™) he adopts the current phraseology: ‘I am debtor both to Greeks and to Barbarians,’ where the later phrase (v.15), ‘to the Jew first, and also to the Greek,’ proves that, like Philo, St. Paul con- ventionally called his own countrymen barbarians. The barbarous people in Malta (Ac 28?) were probably old Pheenician settlers, and the epithet only means that they were not a Greek-speaking population. F. C. CONYBEARE. BARBER (353, Ezk 5! only). Shaving the head is a very common custom in Eastern countries. In India, many of the religious sects are distinguished by the manner in which the head is shaved. Some leave a tuft of hair on the crown of the head, others a tuft above each ear. In Syria, old men frequently have the whole head shaved and allow the beard to grow. Young men shave the cheeks and the chin, and cut the hair of the head short. The upper lip is never shaved except in S. India, where it is done as a sign of mourning. Absence of the moustache is looked upon, in Syria, as a sign of the want of virility. The barber plies his trade in any convenient place—by the roadside, or in the courtyard of a khan. The ground serves as a seat both for the operator and the person operated on; a tin or copper basin holds the water required ; and the hands of the patient, passed over the head or the chin, tell him whether the work has been done satisfactorily or not. The barber also eradicates superfluous hairs from the nose, ears, and other parts of the body; removes accumula- tions of wax from the ears; and performs the operations of tooth-extraction and blood-letting. W. CARSLAW. BARCHUS (B Bayovs, A Bapxyote, AV Charchus, 1 Es 5%2)=Barxkos, Ezr 2%, Neh 7°, The AV form is taken from the Aldine ed. (Xapxovs). BARIAH (na ‘fleeing’).—A son of Shemaiah (1 Ch 32), See GENEALOGY. BARJESUS (Bapiyoots), a man described in Ac 138 as ‘magian, prophet of lies, Jew,’ whom Paul and Barnabas, faves in Cyprus, found in the train of the proconsul Sergius Paulus, as one of the amici or comites who always accompanied a Rom. governor. In Jos. Ant. XX. vii. 2 we find a similar case: Simon, ‘a Jew, by birth a Cypriot, and pre- tending to be a magian’ (observe the striking, though not exact, similarity of the triplet), was one of the ‘friends’ of Felix, the procurator of Judea, and was used by him to seduce Drusilla from her husband Azizus, king of Emesa. Such men, prob- ably Bab. Jews, ‘skilled in the lore and uncanny arts and strange powers of the Median priests’ (cf. Mt 27- 16),—not simply sorcerers and fortune- tellers, but ‘men of science,’ as they would now be called (being then beyond their age in acquaint- ance with the powers and processes of nature), and not mere isolated self-constituted pretenders, but representatives of an Oriental system and religion,—appear to have been numerous at that period, and to have exerted considerable influence on the Rom. world. It was with a system, there- fore, rather than with a man, that the representa- tives of the system (‘the way’) of Christ, also struggling for influence in the Rom. empire, came here into conflict. The proconsul, ‘a man of practical ability’ (cuverés), interested, we may suppose, in nature and philosophy, but, as ouverés, BARJONAH not to be thought of as under ascendency, enjoyed the society of this man. But, hearing that there were just now two travelling teachers in Cyprus, and taking them to be of the class that went about giving demonstrations in rhetoric and moral philo- sophy, and sometimes ended by settling down as professors in the great universities, he invited, or ‘commanded,’ their presence at his court. The exposition of Christianity then given by Paul and Barnabas clearly produced upon Sergius Paulus a considerable impression; for Barjesus found it necessary to oppose them openly, and divert the proconsul from the faith by ‘perverting the ways of the Lord,’ lest he should be supplanted in his position, his power and his gains; because (accord- ing to the apt and interesting expansion of the Codex Bez) the proconsul ‘was listening with much pleasure to them.’ Then ‘Saul, who was also Paul,’—7.e. standing forth (for the first time in the narrative), suitably to the occasion, as a Rom. citizen named Paul,—faced the wonder-worker in a manner, so to say, after his own kind, yet sur- assing it, and wrought a wonder upon the worker imself, proving to the proconsul, already deeply impressed, that behind Paul stood a divine power. n ver. 8 the phrase ‘ Elymas, the magian, for so is his name translated,’ is somewhat perplexing. It certainly looks, at the outset, as though Elymas (now first introduced as a second appellation of Barjesus) geent to be a tr. of that name; but this cannot be. £lymas—which is the Gr. form either of an Aram. word alimd=strong, or, as is more probable, of an Arab. word ‘alim, wise (cf. the Arab, plural wlema, the order of the learned, and the ‘wise men’ and ‘wise women’ of our folk- lore)—is here more reasonably (though this solu- tion of the difficulty is not quite satisfactory) tr. by pdyos. Codex D (Bezze), with its Latin d, alone differs from other uncials, and reads ‘Ero.yas, son of the ready, a reading strangely accepted by Kloster- mann, Blass, and “Ramsay (to whose St. Paul the Traveller this article is under special obligation ; see pp. 73ff.). But neither will thisdoasasynonym for Barjesus, or for the Syr. Barshemd, son of the Name (i.e. Jesus). The origin of the variant ‘Erowuds is a mystery ; perhaps it was itacism, a =v. But the versional and patristic variants for Barjesus, such as Bariesouan (or -am), Bariesubam, and Barieu (maleficus, Jerome), appear to be due to a desire of copyists to avoid associating the name of Jesus with one whom St. Paul calls son of the devil. J. MASSIE. BARJONAH.—See Bar and PETER. BARKOS (o'py3, cf. Bab. Barkfisu).—Ancestor of certain Nethinim who returned with Zerub. (Ezr 253, Neh 755=Barchus, 1 Es 5°). See GENEALOGY. BARLEY (vy sé‘6rah, «p.04, hordewm).—Barle (Arab. sha‘ir) is a well-known grain, of whic several varieties are cultivated, Hordewm dis- tichum, H. tetrastichum, and H. hexastichum, the wild originals of which are not known. One of the wild species of the genus Hordewm in Pal., however, approaches the cultivated species near enough to make it possible that it may be the stock, or a partial reversion of cultivated barley to type. It is H. ithaburense, Boiss (H. spontaneum, Roch), which grows abundantly in Galilee, in the region of Merj ‘Aydin, and in places in the Syrian desert between Palmyra and Hamath. It differs from H. distichum by the smaller size of its spikes and grains, and the great length of its awns, which are sometimes a foot leng. Barley is cultivated everywhere in Palestine, principally as provender for horses (1 K 4%) and asses. It takes the place of oats in Europe and BARNABAS 247 America, as the cut straw of barley and wheat takes the place of hay. It is also used among the poor for bread, as in ancient times (Jg 74%, 2 K 4%, Jn 6°13, and cakes Ezk 41%). It was mixed with other cheap grains for the same purpose (Ezk 4°). When any one wishes to express the extremity of his poverty, he will say, ‘I have not barley bread to eat.’ This fact illustrates several allusions to barley in Scripture. Barley meal was the jealousy offering (Nu 515); it is mentioned by Ezekiel as the fee paid to false prophetesses by people who epastltad them (Ezk 13°); it was the symbol of the poverty of Gideon’s family, and his own low estate in that family; by a ‘barley cake’ Midian’s great host was to be over- thrown (Jg 7%), The barley harvest begins in April in the depth of the Jordan Valle , and continues to be later as we ascend to the higher mountains, till, at an altitude of 6500 ft., it takes place in July and August. It was probably the time of the barley harvest when the Israelites crossed the Jordan (Jos 3%). It is earlier than the wheat harvest (Ex 9%!-5?), The barley harvest was a recognised date (Ru 1”, 2S 21° 1°), varying, of course, with the altitude. Barley issown in Oct. and Nov. That which is sown in the districts below the frost level continues to grow through the rainy season till the harvest. That which is sown on the high mountain levels springs up, the top dies under the snow, and then the biennial stalk springs up when the snow melts, and grows with great rapidity and vigour. Barley is not sown in the spring in Pal. and Syria. G. E. Post. BARLEY HARYEST.—See TIME. BARN.—See AGRICULTURE. BARNABAS (BapvdBas, xi2393 ‘the son of ex- hortation’).—A name given by the disciples to Joseph, a Levite of Cyprus (Ac 4%). He is clearly to be distinguished from ‘ Joseph called Barsabbas’ (Ac 1%), though there is ancient authority for identifying him with one of the seventy disciples of our Lord (Euseb. HE i. 12; Clem. Alex. Misc. ii. 20). When we first hear of B., it is as selling a field,—for the old Mosaic enactments forbidding Levites to possess land (Nu 187%, Dt 10°) had long since fallen into abeyance (see Jer 32’),—and laying the price at the apostles’ feet (Ac 4°¢ %), The general esteem in which he was held is proved by the influence which he exerted in commending the young convert Saul to the apostles at Jerus, (Ac 9%). The way in which the two are introduced inclines one to the belief that B. and Saul must have met before—a belief which is rendered the more probable by the near proximity of C bar to Tarsus, and the natural wish of B. asa ie lenist to visit the university there. In any case, B. seems from the first to have formed a high idea of Saul’s ability and energy ; for when despatched to Antioch ona Aetisate mission, he had no sooner discovered the growing capabilities of the work there than he ‘went forth to Tarsus to seek for Saul’; and when he had brought him to Antioch, ‘for a whole year they were gathered together with the Church, and taught much people’ (Ac 11-6, a.p, 42). ‘Thus, twice over, did B. save Saul for the work of Chris- tianity’ (Farrar). A practical proof of the success of their joint labours was afforded by the relief which the Church at Antioch despatched by their hands to the elders at Jerus. on the prophetic intimation of a coming famine (Ac 1177), O their return to Antioch the two friends were, at the bidding of the Holy Ghost, solemnly separated and ordained for the work of the Church (Ac 13°); and from this time, though not of the number of the twelve, they enjoyed the title of apostle 248 BARODIS BARTIMAUS (Ac14*!4_ On the significance of the title, see Light- foot, Gal. 92 ff. and art. APOSTLE). Accordingly, B. accompanied Saul (or, as he was now to be known, Paul) on his first missionary journey, visiting first of all his native Cyprus (A.D. 45). Later at Lystra, erhaps from his tall and venerable appearance, is was identified with Jupiter, while Paul, as the chief speaker, passed for Mercury (Ac 14'*). The qoutes ended, as it had begun, at Antioch, and from this city B. once more accompanied Paul and certain other brethren to Jerus. to consult with the apostles and elders regarding the necessity of circumcision for Gentile converts (Ac 15!*), It is remarkable that in this narrative B. is mentioned vefore Paul (v.), contrary to the usual order of the names since Ac 13“ (cf. however Ac 144), He may perhaps have spoken first as the better- known of the two, and also as the one to whom the judaizing section of the assembly would take less exception. After the conference the two apostles returned to their old task of teaching and preach- ing in Antioch (Ac 155), and in A.D. 49 planned a second missionary journey to revisit the scenes of their former labours (Ac 15**), But they were unable to agree upon taking with them John Mark, who had formerly deserted them, and the contention was so sharp ‘that they parted asunder one from the other.’ B. took Mark, who was his cousin, and sailed to Cyprus; while Paul chose Silas, and journeyed through Syria and Cilicia. From the fact of Paul’s being specially ‘com- mended by the brethren to the grace of God,’ it would seem as if the general feeling of the Church were on his side rather than on the side of Bar- nabas. B. is not again mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles; but from the respect and sympathy with which St. Paul subsequently refers to him in his Epp. (1 Co 9°, Gal 235 ‘even Barnabas,’ Col 4), we are entitled to infer that though they did not again actually work together, the old friendship was not forgotten. There is no hist. ground for identifying ne as some are inclined to do, with ‘ the brother’ whom St. Paul sent on a mission to the Corinthians (2 Co 818); but from 1 Co 9° we learn that B., like Paul, earned his livelihood by the work of his hands, while Col 4° has been taken as proving that by this time (about A.D. 63) B. must have been dead, else Mark would not have rejoined Paul (cf. 2 Ti 4", 1 P53), For an account of B.’s further labours and death we are dependent upon untrustworthy tradition. It is interesting, however, to notice that the authorship of the Ep. to the Hebrews is attributed to B. by Tertullian (see HEBREWS, EPISTLE TO), while there is still extant an Epistle of B. which, ace, to external evidence, is the work of this B., but on internal grounds this conclusion is now ‘generally disputed. (See the arguments briefly stated in Hefele, Patrwm Apostolicorum Opera, 3 ix ff., and more fully in the same writer’s Das endschreiben des Apustels Barnabas aufs neue untersucht, iibersetzt, und erklart, Tiib. 1840. Cf. also Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers.) G. MILLIGAN. BARODIS (Bapwéels), 1 Es 5%.—There is no cor- responding name in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah. BARRENNESS.—As parental authority was the pons and mould of patriarchal social life, it fol- owed that to be without offspring was to exist in name only. To have had children and to have lost them was the strongest possible claim upon sym- pathy. With Jacob it was the crown of sorrow (Gn 42% 43"), It was this desolation in its most distressing form which the Lord Jesus met in the funeral procession at Nain (Lk:7}2), But to be a wife without motherhood has always been regarded in the East not merely as a matter of regret, but as a reproach, a humiliation that might easily lead to divorce. It is a constant source of embarrassment, as the welfare of the children is a never-omitted subject of inquiry in Oriental salutation. Courtesy sometimes gives the dignity of fatherhood, the name Abu-Abdullah (father-of-Abdullah) to a man advancing in years without children to bear his name. Sarah’s sad laughter of despair (Gn 18), Hannah’s silent pleading (1 S 12°), Rachel’s passionate alternative of children or death (Gn 30!),—all this and such-like wretchedness of spirit may be found familiarly repeated in the homes of modern Syria (see CHIL- DREN). The fruitfulness or sterility of land are, much in the same way, regarded as bringing satis- faction or disappointment to man, and as imply- ing the blessing or curse of God (Dt 78, Ps 107#4*-). G. M. MACKIE. BARSABBAS.— See JOSEPH BARSABBAS and JUDAS BARSABBAS. BARTACUS (Bdpraxos, Jos. ‘Pafetdxns, Vulg. Bezaces, O.L. Bezaces, Bezzachus).—The father of Apame, the concubine of Darius (1 Es 4”). The epithet attaching to him, ‘the illustrious’ (6 Gavuacrés), was probably an official title. The name Bartacus (which appears as po" in the Syriac) recalls that of Artachzas (’Apraxalys), mentioned by Herod. (vii. 22, 117) asa person of high position in the Persian army of Xerxes. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BARTHOLOMEW (Bap@odopaios)\— One of the apostles, according to the lists of Matthew, Mark, . Luke, and Acts (1¥). Both by the early Church and in modern times Bartholomew has been gener- ally identified with Nathanael of the Fourth Gospel, although important authorities can be cited in opposition to this view. The strongest arguments in favour of the identification are—(1) that Bartholomew is never mentioned by St. John, nor Nathanael by the Synoptists; (2) that in the lists of the Synoptists, Bartholomew is coupled with Philip, which tallies with St. John’s statement that it was Philip that brought Nathanael to Jesus. Itis easy to understand how St. John, with his fondness for symbolism, should have preferred the name Nathanael (=God has given it) to the mere patronymic Bartholomew (=son of Talmai). Supposing the identity established, we know nothing of Nathanael Bar-Talmai further than is recorded in Jn 145-5! 2]? (gee NATHANAEL). The traditions as to his preaching the gospel in India and his martyrdom are entitled to no credit. J. A. SELBIE. BARTIMAUS (Bapripacos, t.e. the son of Timzus, a name variously derived from the Gr. ripaios, honourable; or from the Arab. asamm, blind; or from Aram. tamya, unclean, polluted).—One of two blind beggars healed by our Lord at the gate of Jericho, and whose name alone is given, apparent! y from his having been the spokesman (Mk Ge, cf. Mt 207-4, Lk 18%5-43). St. Luke speaks of the healing as taking place as Jesus came nigh unto Jericho, while St. Matt. and St. Mark say that it was as He went out. Various explanations have been offered, as that one blind man was healed at the entrance to old Jericho, and the other, B., as Jesus left the new town which had sprung up at some little distance from it. Perhaps what actually happened was that B., beggin at the gate of Jericho, was told that Jesus wit. His co npan had entered the city, and having heard of His power, sought out a blind companion, along with whom he intercepted Jesus as He left the city the next day, and then was healed (so substantially Bengel, Stier, Trench, Ellicott, Wordsworth, M‘Clellan). If this be so, we have fresh evidence of the persistence of purpose which throughout the ee BARUCIL incident B. displayed; while the strong faith which led him to address Jesus by His Messianic title, ‘Thou Son of David,’ ought not to pass unnoticed. G. MILLIGAN. BARUCH (3:73 ‘ blessed’), son of Neriah, was of a very illustrious family (Jos. Ant. x. ix. 1), his brother Seraiah being chief chamberlain (App Ww) to Zedekiah (Jer 51°). His chief honour, how- ever, lay in his being the devoted friend and secretary of the prophet Jeremiah. Every great soul has, in degree, its Gethsemane: and this event came to Baruch (Jer 45) while writing (LXX éypagev) at Jeremiah’s dictation a number of minatory prophecies against Jerusalem, which he was charged to read on a fast day in the courts of the temple (Jer 36!*), The stern words, ‘Seekest thou great things for thyself? Seek them not,’ bated the young nobleman to ‘drink the cup’—to face the wrathful multitude, and to read the eae of desolation and woe, which king Jehoiakim afterwards burned (Jer 36%), We next find Baruch (Jer 32) as witness to the purchase by Jeremiah of a field in Anathoth, at a time when the prophet was in prison and the Chaldeans had been for months besieging Jeru- salem. When the city fell during the following ear, B.C. 586, Baruch resided with the prophet at aL are (Jos. Ant. X. ix. 1). But after the murder of Gedaliah by Ishmael, the people, afraid of the wrath of the Chaldeans, and imputing the advice of Jeremiah to remain in Judga (Jer 42) to the undue influence of Baruch over him (Jer 434), compelled both of them to go with them to Egypt (Jer 43*7), How long he resided in Egypt is uncertain. Jerome gives as the Heb. tradition that he and Jeremiah died there almost at once (Comment. in Is. xxx. 6,7). Josephus implies that they were both taken to Babylon by Nebuchad- rezzar after he had conquered Egypt, B.C. 583 (Ant. X.ix. 7). Another tradition states that he remained in Egypt till the death of Jeremiah, and then went to Babylon, where he died twelve years after the fall of Jerusalem (Hitzig on Nah 3°"), With strange disregard of chronology, Midrash rabba on Ca 5° speaks of Baruch as teacher of Ezra in B.C. 458, and thus as forming the link of connexion setween the prophets and the scribes. J. T. MARSHALL. BARUCH, APOCALYPSE OF.—The discovery of the long lost Apocalypse of Baruch is due to Ceriani. This book has survived only in the Syr. version, of which Ceriani had the good fortune to discover a 6th cent. MS in the Milan Library. Of this MS he published a Latin tr. in 1866 (Jon. Sacr, 1. ii. 73-98), which Fritzsche reproduced with some changes in 1871 (Libri Apocryphi V.T. Pp. 654-699). The Syr. text appeared in 1871 (Mon. Sacr. Vv. ii. 113-180), and a photo-litho- tae facsimile of the MS in 1883 A tragment of this book has long been known to the world, viz. chs. lxxviii.-Ixxxvii., which constitute Baruch’s Epistle to the nine and a half tribes that had been carried away captive. This letter is to be found in the London and Paris Polyglots in Syr. with a Latin rendering ; in Syr. alone in Lagarde’s Libri V.T. Apocryphi Syriace, 1861. The Latin tr. is also found in Fabricius’ Cod. Pseudepig. V.T., and the English in Whiston’s Authentic Records. i. THE SYRIAC VERSION IS DERIVED FROM THE GREEK.—That this is so is to be inferred on various } i grounds. First, this statement is actually made on the Syr. MS. In the next place, we find that Gr. words are occasionally transliterated. Finally, some passages admit of pia pete only on the epotliesta that the wrong alternative meanings of certain Gr. words were followed by the translator. ii. THE GREEK VERSION WAS DERIVED FROM THE HeBREW.—For (1) the quotations from OT BARUCH, ArUUCALYPSE OF 249 agree in all cases but one with the Massoretic text against the LXX. (2) Unintelligible expressions in the Syriac can be explained and the text restored by retrans. into Hebrew. (3) Certain anomalies in the Syriac can be accounted for as survivals of Heb. idiom. (4) Many paronomasie discover themselves on retrans. into Hebrew. (This and all other questions affecting our Apoc. are fully dealt with in Charles’ Apoc. of Baruch, 1896.) iii, ANALYSIS OF THE BooK.—The author, cr rather authors, of this book write in the name of Baruch, the son of Neriah, for literary purposes. The scene is laid in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, and the time embraces the period immediately pre- ceding and subsequent to the capture of the city by the Chaldeans. Baruch speaks throughout in the first person. He begins by declaring that in the twenty-fifth year of Jeconiah, king of Judah, the word of the Lord came unto him. ft is noteworthy that the book thus opens with a gross chronological error; for Jeconiah reigned in reality only three months, and had been already eleven years a captive in Babylon before the fall of Jerusalem. If we in- clude in our consideration the letter to the tribes in the Captivity, the book naturally falls into seven sections, divided in all but the last case by fasts, the fasts being of seven days in all instances save the first. This artificial division is due to the final editor of the book. ‘The grounds for regarding the work as composite will be given later. The first section (1-5) opens with God’s con- demnation of the wickedness of the kingdom of Judah, and the announcement of the coming de- struction of Jerusalem for a time and the captivity of its people. But Jeremiah and those who are like him are bidden to retire, first because ‘their works are to the city as a firm pillar, and their prayers as a strong wall’ (2). Baruch thereupon asks what will be the future destinies of Israel, mankind, and the world. Will Israel no longer exist, mankind cease to be, and the world return to its primeval silence (3)? God replies that the city and people will be chastised only for a time (41); that the city of which it was said, ‘On the palm of my hands have I written thee,’ is not the earthly but the heavenly Jerusalem prepared afore- time in heaven, and already manifested in vision to Adam, Abraham, and Moses (4?"7). Baruch replies that the enemy will destroy Zion or pollute the sanctuary, and boast thereof before their idols, Not so, God rejoins: the enemy will not overthrow Zion nor burn Jerusalem, and thou thyself wilt witness this. Baruch thereupon fasts till the even- ing (5). In the next section (6-9) the Chaldeans encompass Jerusalem on the following day. It is not they, however, but angels who overthrow the walls, having first hidden the sacred vessels of the temple in the earth till the last times. The Chal- deans then enter and carry the people away captive. Jerusalem is delivered up for atime. Baruch fasts seven days. Inthe third section (10-12) Jeremiah is bidden to accompany captive Judah to Babylon, and Baruch to remain in Neruealens to receive dis- closures on the things that should be hereafter. Baruch now despairs of all things: ‘Blessed is he who was not born, or, being born, has died.’ Let nature henceforth withhold her increase, and the joy of the bridegroom and the bride be no more. Wherefore should woman bear in pain and bury in grief?’ Let the priests, moreover, return to God the temple keys, confessing: ‘We have been found false stewards.’ ‘Oh that there were ears unto thee, O earth, and a heart unto thee, O dust, and go and announce in Sheol, and say to the dead: ‘Blessed are ye more than are we the living.”’ Baruch then fasts seven days. In section four (13-211) Baruch is told that he ‘will be preserved till the consummation of the times’ to bear testi- 250 BARUCH, APOCALYPSE OF mony. When Baruch complains of the prosperity of the wicked and the sufferings of the righteous, God declares that it is the future world that is made on account of the righteous, and that blessed- ness standeth, not in length of days, but in their quality and end. Baruch fastsseven days. In the fifth section (217-47) Baruch deplores the vanity and vexation of this life: ‘If there were this life only . . . nothing could be more bitter’; he sup- plicates God to bring about the promised consum- mation, ‘that his strength might become known to those who esteem his long-suffering weakness.’ In answer thereto God reproves him for his trouble over that which he knows not, and his intrusion into things in which he has no part, and declares that until the preordained number of souls is born, the end, though at hand, cannot yet be: neverthe- less, ‘My coming redemption ... is not far distant as aforetime; for, lo! the days come when the books will be opened in which are written the sins of all those who have sinned, and again also the treasuries into which the righteousness of all those who are justified in creation is gathered.’ Furthermore, when Baruch asks regarding the nature and duration of the punishment of the wicked, it is revealed that the coming time will be one of tribulation, divided into twelve parts, at the close of which the Messiah will be revealed (29. 30). Thereupon Baruch summons a meeting of the elders into the valley of Kidron, and announces the coming glories of Zion. Soon after follows his vision of the cedar and the vine, by which the destinies of Rome and the triumph of the Messiah are respectively symbolised (36-40). The Messiah will tide till this world of corruption is at an end. When Baruch asks who shall share in the future blessedness, the answer is: ‘Those who have be- lieved.’ Thereupon Baruch (44-47) summons his eldest son, his friends, and seven of the elders, and acquaints them with his approaching end. He exhorts them to keep the law; to teach the people; for such teaching will give them life, and ‘a wise man shall not be wanting to Israel, nor a son of the law to the race of Jacob.’ After another fast of seven days, Baruch, in the sixth section (48-76), prays on behalf of Israel. Then follows a revelation of the coming woes, and Baruch’s lamentation over Adam’s fall and its sad effects (48). Baruch, in answer to his prayer, is instructed as to the nature of the resurrection bodies (52). Then follows an account of the cloud vision (53-74). In this vision Baruch sees a cloud ascending from the sea and covering the whole earth. And it was full of black and clear waters, and a mass of lightning appeared on its summit. And it began to dis- charge first black and then bright waters, and again black and then bright waters, and so on for twelve times in succession. And finally it rained black waters, darker than all that had been before. And after this the lightning flashed forth, and healed the earth where the last waters had fallen, and twelve streams came up from the sea and became subject to that lightning (53). In the subsequent chapters the interpretation is given. The cloud is the world, and the twelve successive discharges of black and bright waters symbolise twelve evil and good periods in the history of the world. The eleventh period, symbolised by the dark waters, reterred to the capture of Jerusalem by the Chaldeans, and the twelfth, bright waters, to the renewed ig NaS Israel and the rebuilding of Jerusalem (54-68). The last black waters pointed to wars, earthquakes, fires, famines ; and such as escaped these were to be slain by the Messiah. But these last black waters were to be followed by clear, which symbolised the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom which should form the inter- vening peliod between corruption and incorruption BARUCH, APOCALYPSE OF (69-74). Baruch then expresses his wonder over God's wisdom and mercy, oud receives a fresh revelation as to his coming departure from the earth. First, however, he is to summon the people together and instruct them (75. 76). This Baruch does, and admonishes the people to be faithful; for though teacher and prophet may pass away, yet the law ever standeth. At the request of the peers Baruch writes two epistles—one to their rethren in Babylon, and the other to the tribes beyond the Euphrates. The latter is given in 78-87, but the former is lost. iv. DIFFERENT ELEMENTS IN THE BOOK, AND THEIR DATES.—This question cannot be discussed here save in the briefest manner; but no treatment of the book is adequate without some consideration of it. Till 1891 this book was taken to be the work of one author. In that year, however, Kabisch, in an article entitled, ‘ Die Quellen der Apocalypse Baruchs’ (Jahrbicher f. protestantische Freolocie, 1891, pp. 66-107), showed on several grounds that the book is sprung from at least three or four authors. Thus he distinguishes 1-23, 312-35, 41-52, 77-87 as the groundwork written subsequent to A.D. 70, since the destruction of the temple is implied throughout these chapters. Further, these sections are marked by a boundless world-despair which, looking for nothing of peace or happiness in this corruptible world, fixes its regard on the afterworld of incor- ruption. In the remaining sections of the book, however, there is a faith in Israel’s ultimate triumph here, and an optimism which looks to an eart. Messianic kingdom of sensuous delights. In these sections, moreover, the integrity of Jerusalem is throughout assumed. Kabisch, therefore, rightly takes these constituents of the book to be prior to A.D. 70. These sections, however, are not the work of one writer, but of three, two of them being unmutilated productions, 7.e. the Vine and Cedar Vision, 36-40, and the Cloud Vision, 53-74, but the third a fragmentary Apocalypse, 248-29. From the bulk of this criticism there is no ground for variance. By independent study, and frequently on different grounds, I have arrived at several of Kabisch’s conclusions. Other parts of his theory, however, call for modification. As the result of an exhaustive study of the book, I offer the following analysis, for the grounds of which the reader must refer to my recent book, The Apocalypse of Baruch. The main part of the book was written after the fall of Jerusalem, ¢.e. 1-26, 31-35, 41-52, 75-87. All these chapters are derived from one writer, save 1-8, 441-7, 77-87. These must be discri- minated from the rest, as their diction and their out- look as to the future of Jerusalem differ from those adopted in the rest of these chapters. The rest of the book was written prior to the fall of Jerusalem. It consists of the two visions mentioned above, 1.e. 36-40 and 53-74, and a fragmentary Apocalypse, 27- 30. Jewish religious thought busied itself mainly with two subjects, the Messianic Hope and the Law, and, in proportion as the one was emphasized, the other fell into the background. It is noteworthy that the parts of this book written prior to the fall of Jerusalem are mainly Messianic, and only mention the law incidentally, whereas in the sections written after its fall all the thought and the hopes of the writers centre in the law, and the law alone. More- over, whereas the earlier sections are optimistic as regards the destinies of Jerusalem, the later are ermeated with the spirit of an infinite despair. The ditferent elements of the book were combined not earlier than A.D. 100, and not later than A.D. 130. The grounds for this determination cannot be given here. It should be observed that a portion of the short Apocalypse, 27-30, is queted by Papias, and attributed by him to our Lord. See Irenzeus, Ady. Her. v. 33. 3. —_ BARUCH, APOCALYPSE OF BARUCH, BOOK OF —<— LL v. AUTHORSHIP. —AI] the writers from whom this book is derived were Pharisees. They all agree in teaching the doctrine of works. Jeremiah’s works are a strong tower to the city, 2?; the righteous have no fear by reason of their good works, 147; they are justified thereby, 219 241-2 51’; they trusted in their works, and therefore God heard them, 63%5 857; righteousness is by the law, 675. Again, as regards the law, the teaching is like- wise Pharisaic. It was given to Israel, 174 19% 59? 77%; the one law was given by One, 48"; it will protect those who receive it, 321, and requite those who transgress it, 487; so long as Israel observes the law it cannot fall, 48%; God’s law is life, 38°. Again, the carnal sensuous nature of the Messiah and His kingdom, which are described only in the earlier portions, 28-30, 397-40, 72-74, is essentially Pharisaic. The future world is created on behalf of Israel, according to one of the later writers, 15’; according to the earlier writers the present world was ultimately for Israel, and their enemies would suffer destruction, 27, 40, 72. vi. RELATION TO 4 EzRA (2 EspRAS).—The affini- ties of this book with 4 Ezr are both striking and numerous. (1) They have one and the same object —to deplore Israel’s present calamities and to awake hope either of the coming Messianic king- dom on earth, or of the bliss of the righteous in the world to come. (2) In both, the speaker is a notable figure in the time of the Babylonian Captivity. (3) In both there is a sevenfold division of the work, and an interval (generally of seven days) between each division; and as in the one Ezra devotes forty days to the restoration of the Scriptures, in the other Baruch is bidden to spend forty days in teaching Israel before his departure from the earth. (4) They have many doctrinal peculiarities in common: man is saved by his works, 2 Es [6°] 8 97, Apoc Bar 2? 14% ete. ; the world was created on behalf of Israel, 2 Es 6° 741 918, Apoc Bar 14” 157; man came not into the world of his own will, 2 Es 85, Apoc Bar 14148; a predetermined number of men must be born before the end, 2 Es 4**- 97, Apoc Bar 234-5; Adam’s sin was the cause of physical death, 2 Es 3’, Apoc Bar 234; the souls of the good are kept safe in treasuries till the resurrection, 2 Es 4%-41 72 [654-6], Apoc Bar 307, But the points of disagreement are just as clearly paid, In 2 Es the Messianic reign is limited to 400 years, 7%-*, whereas in Baruch this period is indeterminate. Again, in 2 Es the Messiah is to die, 7%, and His reign to close with the death of all living things; whereas according to Apoc Bar 30! the Messiah is to return in glory to heaven at the close of His reign, and according to 73. 74 this reign is to be an eternal one. Again, in 2 Es the writer urges that God’s people should be Eee by God’s own hands and not by the ands of their enemies, 5 *°; for these have over- thrown the altar and destroyed the temple, 107); but in Baruch it is told how angels removed the holy vessels and demolished the walls of Jerusalem before the enemy drew nigh, 6-8. On the question of original sin, likewise, these two books are at variance. While in 2 Es the entire stream of physical and ethical death is traced to Adam, 3% 41,22 430 748, and the guilt of his descendants minimised at the cost of their first parent (yet see 859-60), Baruch derives physical death indeed from Adam’s transgression, 17° 234 54, but as to ethical death declares that ‘each man is the Adam of his own soul,’ 54!° (yet see 48%). LiITERATURE.—In addition to the works already cited in this article the reader may consult Langen, De apocalypsi Baruch anno superiori primum edita commentatio (1867); Ewald, Gott. gel. Anzeigen (1867), PP 1706-17, 1720; History of Tarael, yiii. 57-61 ; Drummond, The Jewish Messiah (1877), pp. 117-1382 ; Kneucker, Das Buch Baruch (1879), pp. 190-198; Dillmann, ‘Pseudepigraphen’ in Heraog’s RE* xii. pp. 356-358; Deane, Pseudepigrapha (1891), pp. 130-162; Je Faye, Les A pocalypses Juives (1892), pp. 195-204; Charles, Apoc. of Baruch, 1896. . H. CHARLES, BARUCH, BOOK OF.—One of the deutero- canonical books of OT found in LXX between Jer and La, in the Lat. Vulg. after La, and in the Syr. as the second Letter of Baruch—the first Letter having been recently ascertained to be part of the Apoc. of Baruch (wh. see). The book claims to have been written by Baruch, the friend and secretary of Jeremiah ; but in reality it consists of four portions so distinct that they ee probably come from four different authors. 11-14, Historical preface, giving @ description of the origin and purpose of the book. 115-38, A confession of the sins which led to the Captivity, and a prayer for restoration to divine favour, largely in Deuteronomic phraseology. 89-44, A panegyric on Wisdom, and an identification of ee with Torah, after the manner of the later Hokhmio scnool. 45-59. Consolation and encouragement to the exiles, with such rich personification as to recall some of the most poetical passages in Deutero-Isaiah. We will describe and comment on these parts in the order in which we conceive that they came into existence. i. The second section, 15-38, will thus claim our first consideration, and it may be subdivided into two parts— (1) 15-25. This we designate AN ANCIENT FoRM OF CONFESSION OF SIN USED BY THE PAL, REMNANT. It professes to have been sent from Babylon to Jerus., to be read in the house of God ‘on the day of the feast and on the days of solemn assembly’ (1 RV). It opens with words found also Dn 9? ‘To the Lord our God belongeth righteousness, but to us confusion . . . tothe men of Judah and to the inhabitants of Jerus.’; and its restricted design for the use of the home remnant is intimated in the non-occurrence of the words of Dn ‘and to all Isr. that are near and that are afar off,’ etc. ; as well as by the words Bar 2% 5, ‘He hath given them to be in subjection to all the kingdoms that are round about ws . where the Lord has scattered them: and they have become ‘‘ beneath and not above,” because we sinned.’ The con- fession of sins is national, embracing the whole pee from the Exodus, and recognising in the Exile the righteous fulfilment of repeated warnings. (2) 28-38. THe EXILES’ CONFESSION, 253, AND PRAYER, 24-38. The confession of the exiles opens as the above (cf. also Dn 97) with the words, ‘To the Lord our God belongeth righteousness,’ etc., but the suppliants do not describe themselves as ‘men of Judah.’ Indeed we would submit—though it seems to have escaped notice hitherto—that this penitential prayer was not meant for the same persons as the foregoing. This is evident from 913 «We are left a few among the nations where thou hast scattered ws’ (contrast this with 24 ‘The Lord hath scattered them’), v.44 ‘Give us favour before those who have led us captive.’ So also vv.2% ©, Further, the confession, 2°12, is little more than a repetition in different order of phrases found in 1*-25; only, that in the second confession the suppliants do not (as we have seen) identify themselves with Judah; and the divine threat realised in their experience is captivity, 2715; whereas, in the first confession, it was that they had eaten the flesh of their children, 2)*. At 2 the confession turns to prayer for pardon and bless- ing, pleading the divine election of Isr., the divine compassion and the divine glory. They acknow- ledge the error of not obeying the warnings of Jer (7% 8? 2741 29°- 8) to be submissive to the king of Babylon, and regard that as the cause of the national ruin. In 2” the suppliants admit that to them personally God has manifested ‘leniency and 252 BARUCH, BOOK OF compassion.” They quote several eute from Dt (collected Kneucker, p. 30) which threaten dirine wrath on their sins, but which a/so promise that if in captivity they repent, God will renew His covenant, and restore them. They virtually express their faithful allegiance, and claim the promises. Ch, 81-8 is regarded by Bertholdt and Reusch as a separate salm; but, as shown by Kneucker (p. 263) and Gifford (in Beaker? Apocr. ii. 267), the links of connexion between this portion and the foregoing are beyond dispute. Here the absence of the sense of personal demerit is still more apparent. True they say, ‘ We have sinned,’ but thé ‘ we’ denotes the solidarity of Isr.; for in 34 they say ‘ Hear the prayer of the sons of those who sinned against Thee, for they were disobedient, and the evils cleave to us.’ ‘We have put away from our hearts every beauty of our fathers who sinned against Thee.’ ‘Lo! we are to-day in our captivity,’ 38. Date of Composition.—The foregoing analysis helps materially in this decision. [irst, it shows Reusch, Welte, and other Romanists to be mistaken in claiming that 15-38 is the work of the historical Baruch in B.C. 583: for (a) if so, there would be in the suppliants the sense of personal demerit ; and (b) their description of themselves as ‘ sons of those who sinned’ would be quite out of place. Again, our analysis serves to render still more untenable the theory of Hitzig, Kneucker, Schiirer, and some recent English writers, that our section was com- posed after the destruction of Jerus. by Titus. (1) We would ask, Could the Jews of A.D. 80 acquit themselves of personal blame? and could they speak of themselves as the unfortunate sons of the real culprits? (2) In 2!7 we have the same hope- less view of death as appears in Ps 65 and Is 387%. As Reuss says, it indicates ‘a time when the belief in a resurrection did not yet exist.’ (3) There is in the section before us no clear indication that Jerus. and the temple were at the time in ruins. The only allusion to the state of Jerus. is in 2 ‘Thou hast made (€yxas) thy house as it is this day,’ but this may refer to a low condition or desecration of the temple. Had the city been in ruins, surely the poignant grief of the patriotic Jew could not have failed to express itself. (4) There is a very close resemblance between Bar 115-2)? and Dn 9*; in fact there are only three important variations, and these all refer to the condition of Jerusalem. Daniel’s prayer is stated to have been uttered in the first year of Darius, at the close of the Captivity, and three times the desolate state of Jerus. is referred to, Dn 91 17 18; but in Bar all are omitted. On any theory as to the relative priority of Dn and Bar this is significant ; but on Schiirer’s theory it amounts to this, that a man writing about A.D. 80, while slavishly imitating Dn 9, abruptly and intentionally selects for omission those parts only which refer to the desolate sanctuary. This we consider highly improbable. We are thus drawn to the theory of Ewald, who assigns our section to the times after the conquest of Jerus. by Ptolemy I. in B.C. 320 (Die Jiingsten Propheten, 269), or of Reuss, who assigns it to the times of the first Ptolemies. Its origin may be even earlier. At all events there does not seem valid reason, with Fritzsche, to assign our section to the Maccab. period (Hb. z. d. Apocr. i. 173) on the ground of its dependence on Dn 9. The dependence is by no means self-evident: But if it were so, and if the Book of Dn in its present form be late, this does not preclude the use of pre- existent materials; and it is surely conceivable that in Dn 9 we have an ancient form of prayer traditionally associated with the name of Daniel, as the confession and prayer before us were associated with the name of Baruch. Bissell (Lange’s Apocr. 417) and Gifford (Speaker’s Apocr. 250) are also in favour of the early authorship of our section. Original Language.—It is highly probable that —>=_ BARUCH, BOOK OF 11-38 was first composed in Heb. ; though the Gr. text and VSS that have been tr. from the Gr. are all that survive. The very fact that the two prayers were designed for religious assemblies— the former one for the temple—is strong presump- tive proof of Heb. authorship (so Bissell, 417). In the margin of the Milan Ms of the Syr. Hexap. text these words occur on 1” and 28: ‘ This is not in the Heb.’ (Zéckler blunders twice in stating this.) But, apart from this, the linguistic evidence alone seems conclusive. 1. There are cases in which an awkward word in the Gr. can be shown to possess one of two mean- ings of a Heb. word, and the other meaning is that required by the context— 122 épydtecOat, to work, forserve. So 73y 2‘ dBarov, wilderness, ,, astonishment. ,, a2v 2° dvOpwros, man, yy» each, oo TN 28 eEwher, outside, », Streets, >» Nisin 2” BouBnots, buzzing, »» crowd. » oD 1° Secudrns, prisoner, ,, locksmith. 99 0D 2. Cases in which the unsuitable word suggests its own corrective, if we tr. it into Heb. and sub- stitute different vowels or change one consonant. 1° udvva, wrong translit. of ap3D. 2% dmoocrékn= 13] for 137 plague. 34 reOvnkérwv="DD ,, ‘DP men. 38 Sdd\jow= aAXwD ,, TOD astonishment. 3. Cases of slavish imitation of Heb. idiom m violation of the Greek. The word xal occurs 120 times ; four times in the sense of ‘ but,’ like Heb. 1, 2%. 27, 90 38, ~Then we have od. . . éxet=ny Wr, and od. . . éx’ airg=rby wy. But, to appreciate the full force of the evidence, one has simply to attempt to retranslate the section. The idioms are Hebraistic everywhere. The Heb. seems, as Fritzsche says, to gleam through so plainly that one cannot doubt that the Gr. isa tr. Kneucker has, on the whole, given an admirable rendering of our section into the original Hebrew. It is a remarkable fact that most of the above awkward renderings occur in the LXX Gr. of Jer. There can be little doubt that he who translated Jer also translated Bar 1-38, and probably found it in Heb, attached to Jer. (So Westcott in Smith DB.) The Greek of the rest of Baruch is almost certainly from another hand. We have here a further evidence of the antiquity of our section. ii. THE HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, l)-4,—This is probably from a later author, because of the discrepancies between it and 15-38. We conceive the matter thus: There were in existence two penitential prayers—one for the remnant, one for the exiles—both associated with the name of Baruch, and the problem was to find a suitable historic origin for them. The solution is: Baruch is in Babylon, and reads a form of confession and rayer, 2°-38, to king Jeconiah and the exiles. They isten, weep, and fast, and long that their brethren in Judah should also turn to the Lord, B. writes a confession suited to the Judseans, 1-25, and the exiles send it to Judah by him. Thus does the would-be historian explain the duality of 1-38. His historic locus now calls for explanation. The book was written in the 5th year on the 7th of the month, at the time of the year when the Chal- deans took Jerus., t.e. on the fifth anniver of the first fall of Jerus., B.c. 597—the era from which Jer, Ezk, and Dn reckon. In B.c. 593 Seraiah, brother of Bar., was in Babylon with king Zedekiah (Jer 51), The nature of their mission is uncertain, but it was such as to rouse expectation; for at the same time prophets in Babylon, Jer 27'%, and — Hananiah in Judah, Jer 28%, foretold that within two years the sacred vessels would be restored, and Jeconiah and the exiles allowed to return; but Jer —" ee a a oe BARUCH, BOOK OF sternly contradicts this (Jer 29). T*2se are the circumstances, shortly after which our author says that B, composed his book. The effect of the read- ing of it we havedescribed. In penitence the people send to Joakim the priest—probably the Sagan— money with which to purchase sacrifices and in- cense to offer on the altar of J”. Thus far there is verisimilitude in the story. Jeconiah might well be present, for the first exiles, ‘the good figs,’ were treated far more leniently than the second. The hoof of ignorance and late authorship shows itself, however, (1) in the statement that Jerus. was burnt with fire in Jeconiah’s reign; (2) that the exiles asked the Judeans to ‘ pray for Nebuchad. and his son Baltasar.’ The monuments show that Bel- shazzar was the son of Nabonidus, who usurped the throne of Babylon; and though Belshazzar might claim to be ‘son’ of Nebuchad. to add to his dignity, the title could not be given by one living years before. (3) The restoration of the silver vessels made by Zedekiah after the deportation of Jeconiah (1° °%) is a hopeless tangle. The assage has probably been worked over by a Tater hand, who conceived of the locus as five years after the final destruction of the city and temple. iii. A HOKHMIST’s MESSAGE TO THE EXILES, 3°-44,—‘O Isr. why art thou in the land of thy foes? and grown old in a foreign land?’ The reason is, ‘Thou hast forsaken the fountain of Wisdom.’ Learn where Wisdom is, and there thou wilt find life and joy and peace. But where does Wisdom dwell? Have kings found her in the thickets of the forests hunting the boar? Have birds stored in royal aviaries seen her on high? Have silver- workers mining under the earth seen her? Young men, with vision unbedimmed by sin, can they give noclue? Merchants of Phenicia and Teman, have they not seen her by sea orland? The heroes of the hoary past,—the giants,—can they help? No. God only knows her abode—the Creator of the beasts, the lightning, and the stars. He has embodied Wisdom in the Law, and given it to Jacob. And in this guise Wisdom appears on the earth and is peostaible to man. The eternal Law is Wisdom incarnate. Walk in her light, O Israel! and give not thy glory to another, nor thy advantages to a strange nation. Date.—Much of this section (3°) is a close imitation of Job 28 and 38; yet it possesses as much poetic fervour as an imitation can well do. It has nothing in common with 153° except the exile. The part which is truly original is 3°-4‘, and therefore here we must seek for the date of composition. Israel is ‘God’s beloved,’ ‘having (Ro 2°) in the Law the form (udpdwow) of know- ledge and of truth’; and she is charged not to give her glory to another, nor her advantages (cvupé- povra, cf. Ro 31) to a foreign people, but to walk in the light of the law, cf. Bar 42, Ro 2! Evidently, the privileges referred to are spiritual ones; and Kneucker can hardly be incorrect in maintaining that Gentile Christians, the oy, are the d\dédrpiov €@vos, of whom the rigorous Jew bids his co- religionists beware. There is no reference to recent calamities. Israel has ‘grown old in a foreign land.’ Therefore I should place this section a few years before, or some years after, the fall of Jerus- alem in A.D. 70. Original Language.x—We would submit that 3°44 was first composed in Aramaic. The evi- dence we offer is based on a comparison of the Greek with the versions—the Peshitta and Syr. Hexapla. When the various readings are tr. into Aramaic we obtain either one Aramaic word with the two desiderated meanings, or two words so nearly alike as easily to be mistaken for one another, BARUCH, BOOK OF 316 peoples, N'DDY 18 fabricators, paap 19 disappeared, innox 1 laid hold, 1s remembered, 727% meditates on, xyinD 4 watches, pamsp3 *” appeared, ydan 4 advantage, pny . world, . who acquire, } . sinned, WINN . cared for, . trod, . seeks out, . places, pansn3a . wasrevealed, 1banx . dignity. xIpY It will be observed that the words are uniformly Pal. Aramaic—in some cases peculiar to that dialect. The author, therefore, was of the school of Sirach and not of Philo. iv. A HELLENIST’S ENCOURAGEMENT FOR THE EXILES, 4°-5°.—This section is clearly divisible into four odes, each commencing with some form of the verb Oappetv, and to these is appended a Ps closely related to the 11th of the Ps 33 Sol. 458 is drawn entirely from the Song of Moses in Dt 32. After this, in a passage of some beauty and originality (4°16), Jerus. is personified as a woman, narrating her troubles to the neighbours of Zion; then (v.1%*-), as if on the eve of captivity, she bids her children shorten their adieux, as she has put on the sack- cloth of prayer. The prayer is not in vain. Joy comes to her from the Holy One (v.”2). The mother (v.25) again addresses her children, but now in terms of hopefulness, begging them to be patient and in- tensely prayerful, since the hour of deliverance is at hand. At 4° the author assumes the role of the prophet, and foretells the doom of Israel’s foes, and then (4°°-5’) he announces the future prosperity of Zion in a passage of remarkable beauty, but too closely copied from Ps-Sol 11. Date.—We unhesitatingly place the composition of this section after the destruction of Jerus. by Titus. Ryle and James have certainly proved the dependence of Bar on the Psalter (Psalms of Soi. lxxii.-Ixxvii.) ; and there is little reason to suspect that it ever existed except in Greek. The Gr. moves so easily and is fairly idiomatic. Its Hebraisms are due to quotations from books themselves tr. from Sem. sources. The fall of the city is still within the memory of the writer; the desolation is com- plete; its captives have gone forth with wailing and woe. The increasingly joyful tone can hardly have arisen within ten years of the destruction of the city, as Kneucker holds. Hope must again have kindled in the Jewish breast, and possibly the events in the reign of Hadrian, A.D. 118, are those to which the writer looks forward; though all through this interval most of the Jews never doubted that the temple would be rebuilt. The author of 4°-5° was pro aby the translator of 3°-4‘, Canonical Standing.—Though there is stron evidence that 1'-3° was composed in Heb., an some evidence that it once followed Jer in the Canon, it was dropped before the time ofjJerome; so that he says (Pref. in Jer), ‘nec legitur nec habetur apud Hebreos,’and Epiph. (de mens.) bears the same testimony. In the Gr. of the Apost. Const. v. 20 it is, however, said to be used by the Jews (? of the Dispersion) on the 10th of Gorpizus, ¢.¢e. on the Day of Atonement. The reference is wanting in the Syr. text, and has no confirmation whatever. Our book is not mentioned by any NT writer or apost. Father, but from Athenagoras (fl. 176) on- wards for centuries it is quoted as canonical by almost every Christian writer of eminence. This remark applies especially to 3° ‘This is our God. oe og 1B tach found out the way of knowledge. . . . Afterward did she (i.e. Wisdom) appear on earth and was conversant with men.’ Kneucker and Schiirer regard v.*% (EV *’) as a Christian in- terpolation ; but without sufficient reason. The writer personifies Wisdom, and identifies her with the Law; as we see from 4! (which ought never 254 BARZILLAI BASE a to have been separated by a chapter-division) ‘ This is the book of the commands of God, even the Law which abides for ever.’ Christian writers tena- ciously claimed this as a panes for the divinity of the Wisdom-Logos, and therefore firmly retained Bar in the Canon. Jerome was the first for two centuries to call its canonicity in question, and hence Bar is wanting in Codex Amiatinus; but his criticisms produced no apparent result on the beliefs of his age. Reusch, a Romanist commentator, Mad an exhaustive account of the citations from Bar by early Christian writers, and devotes an appendix to their explanations of 336-88, From these citations I compute that, of the 75 verses’ from 39-59, 43 are found, cited as canonical, in the pages of Christian writers. It is also interesting to note that in every extant List of Canonical Books, Bar either is named or can be proved to be included under Jer—the only doubtful exception being that of Melito. Didymus Alex. + 395 distinctly says that Jer and Bar form one book. List or Canonical Books. Melito . - ¢,180 Is, Jer, XII. Proph. Origen . - +253 Jer, Lam, Ep, but quotes Bar as Jer. Conc. Laod. . 363 Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep (of Jeremy). Hilary . - +367 Jer, Lam, Ep, but quotes Bar as Jer. Athanasius . 373 Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep. Cyril Jer. - +386 Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep. Conc. Carth.. 397 Jer (but see Buhl, 61-62). Greg. Naz. . +391 Jer, but quotes Bar 336 as Scr, Epiphanius . {403 Jer, Lam, Ep, Bar (Her. 8. 6). Rufinus . - +410 Jer, but quotes Bar 336 as Scr. Jerome - +420 Jer, first to reject Bar. Augustine . 430 Jer, but quotes Bar often. Codex x. . Jer, Lam, Ep, fragmentary. B. 4 Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep. A. = Jer, Bar, Lam, Ep. D. = Jer. Cassiodorus . ¢.540 Jer. Quotes Bar as Jer, Anast. Sin. . ¢.550 Jer. Quotes Bar as Jer. John Damasc. +750 Jer. Quotes Bar often. From the last quarter of the 2nd cent. to the time of the Reformation, Jerome’s is almost the only discordant note in the harmony of universal acceptance in the Christian Church. Wyclif in the reface to his Bible inserted the statement from erome, that in OT nothing but the Heb. Canon is of divine authority, but published all the Apocr. Luther and the other Reformers removed Bar from the Canon; but, though Ximenes and Erasmus were both disposed to draw a line of demarcation between canon. and apocr. books, the Council of Trent peremptorily included Bar and the rest of the Apocr. among the sacred books of Scripture. LITERATURE.—Copicrs anp VERsions.—Of Gr. uncials Bar {s found in A, B, Q, otherwise known as iii., ii., xii. The palimpsest I contains 112-23 and 312-48, (See, for description of these MSS, Swete’s OT in Gr. iii., Introd.) There are also 22 Gr. cursives, named and classified by Kneucker, pp. 91-97. Further, there are two Lat. VSS, aand b. a is that found in Clementine edd. of the Vulg., of which Vercellone’s is perhaps the most accurate. Bar is really the old Lat. unrevised by Jerome, for he himself says ‘Librum Baruch . . . pretermisimus.’ b is a recension of a, iinproving its Latinity, altering some of its readings to agree with B, and indulging in explanatory com- ments (Kneucker 141-163). b was edited by Jos. Caro, Rome, 1688; vy Sabatier; and in Bibliotheca Casinensis, vol. i, (1873). There are also two Syr. VSS: (1) The Peshitta, which is most acc:ssible in Lagarde’s Libr. Apocr. Syr., and (2) the Syr.-Bexap. My ed. is the one in Ceriani’s Mon. sac. et prof. tom. i. fase. i. 1861. Since then, however, the work has been reproduced by photo-lithography. (Swete, op. cit. xiii.) EXEGETICAL HELPs.—The most thorough comm. is Kneucker’s Das Buch Baruch, Leipzig, 1879. Other useful works are: Gifford in Speaker's Apocr. vol. ii.; Bissell in Lange’s series ; Zockler, Apok. in the Kgf. Kom. 1891; Ewald, Die jiingsten Propheten, 1868; Fritzsche, Handbuch z. d. Apocr. vol. i. Leipzig, 1851 ; Reusch, Hrkldr. d. Buchs Baruch, Freiburg, 1853 ; Reuss, AT, vol. vi. 1894; Hiivernick, De lib. Bar., Konigsberg, 1861. Isagogic material is also to be found in Schirer, HJP t1. iii. 188 f., and Hilyenfeld’s Zeitschrift for 1860, where Hitzig deals with Bar, p. 262 ff., Kneucker in 1880, and Hilgenfeld in 1879-80. . T. MARSHALL. BARZILLAI (‘9173 ‘man of iron’?, BeptedX).—1. A wealthy Gileadite of Rogelim, who came to David’s aid during his flight from Absalom (2S 172"), He refused to accompany the king to Jerusalem on his return, on the ples of his great age and unsuit- ability for the life of the court, but sent his son Chimham in his stead (19%). And to him, in grati- tude for his father’s services, David would seem to have granted a ‘ lodging place,’ or caravanserai for travellers, out of his own patrimony in Bethlehem, which 400 years later still bore his name (Jer 4117). Dean Stanley even favours the con- jecture that, in accordance with the immovable usages of the East, it was probably the same whose stable at the time of the Christian era furnished shelter for two travellers with their infant child, when ‘ there was no room in the inn’ (Hist. of the Jew. Ch. vol. ii. p. 154). Other sons of B. must have followed, if they did not accompany, Chimham over Jordan, and all were specially commended by David, on his deathbed, to the care of Solomon (1 K 27). Of B. himself we hear nothing further beyond the mention, so late as the return from the Captivity in Babylon, of a family of priests whe traced their descent to a marriage with the Gileadite’s daughter (Ezr 2%, Neh 7%). 2. A Meholathite whose son Adriel married Michal the daughter of Saul (2 S 218). G. MILLIGAN. BASALOTH (A Baadw@, B Bacadéu), 1 Es 5%,— BaZLuTH, Ezr 257; BAZLITH, Neh 7%, BASCAMA (4 Bacxapd), 1 Mac 13%,—An un- known town of Gilead. BASE (see also ABASE, DEBASE).—The adj. ‘base’ (from Fr. bas, ‘shallow,’ ‘low,’ but prob. of Celtic origin) is used to express—1. That which is literally ‘low,’ not high, as Spenser, FQ1. v. 31, ‘An entraunce, dark and base. . . Descends to Hell.’ Of this use we still have ‘ base’ of sounds (though we spell it ‘ bass’) ; cf. Shaks., 1 Hen. IV. Il, iv. 5, ‘I have sounded the very base string of humility.’ There is no example of this meanin in the Bible. 2. Figuratively, low in the socia scale, of lowly birth or station, then unassuming, humble. This is the meaning of b. in AV: Is 35 ‘the b. against the honourable’ (7.e. the low-born against the nobles) ; Ezk 17 ‘that the kingdom might be b., that it might not lift itself up’ (Heb. boy ; so 294-15 2 § 622, Mal 29, Dn 417 ‘the most High... setteth up... the basest of men’); Job 308 ‘children of b. men’ (oy"3 4a, lit. ‘sons of no name,’ i.e. sons of him who has no name=the ignoble). In NT: 1 Co 1% ‘b. things of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen’ (dyev}s, ‘of low birth’); 2 Co 10! ‘Now I Paul myself beseech you by the meekness and gentle- ness of Christ, who in presence am b. among you’ (RV ‘in your presence am lowly’; the Gr. is rarevés, which in NT signifies ‘lowly, either in position, as Ja 1° ‘let the brother of low degree glory in his high estate’; or in heart, as Mt 11” “IT am meek and lowly in heart’). 3. Morally low, mean, contemptible, the meaning of the word in mod. English. This meaning was known in 1611, and it is probable that there is at least some moral reprobation in Ac 175 ‘certain lewd fellows of the baser sort’ (RV ‘certain vile fellows of the rabble’; Gr. dyopatn, lit. ‘of the market place,’ i.e. loungers). RV has introduced ‘base’ in this sense in Wis 2'6 ‘We were accounted by him as b. metal’ (AV ‘counterfeits,’ Gr. x«l8dydos) ; and Dt 13% ‘Certain b. fellows are gone out’ (AV ‘certain men, the children of Belial,’ Heb. osx y5a-32=* men, sons of worthlessness’; elsewhere Eng. RV retains the AV Ponrec of this phrase, ‘son of Belial,’ ‘man of Belial,’ etc., though belial (wh. see) is not a proper name; but Amer. RV always changes it into ‘base fellow,’ except 1S 16‘ wicked woman’ (AV ‘daughter of Belial ’). Base, as subst. (from Lat. basis after Gr. Bésis, ‘a stepping,’ then ‘that on which one steps, or anything stands’) is distinct from the adj. in origin and meaning, and once was distinct in pronunciation. It occurs freq. in AV as tr. of (1) mékhénah BASEMATH {esp. in 1 K 7 of the stands for the lavers of brass in Solomon’s temple); (2) kén, 1 K 729.31 (RV ‘pedestal,’ which had better, perhaps, been given as tr. of mékhénah, the kén being appar- ently not the stand of the lavers, but the upright projections which kept them in their place*); and in RV (8) yésddh (AV *bottom’); (4) yarék (AV ‘shaft’); (5) gabh, Ezk 4318 (AV ‘higher place,’ where the difference between ‘base’ as pedestal and ‘ base’ the adj. is well seen; the gabA being a raised place, a mound, and so here the elevated base of the altar. J. HASTINGS. BASEMATH (nova ‘fragrant’; AV Bashemath). —1. One of the wives of Esau. In Gn 26% (P) she is called the daughter of Elon the Hittite, while in Gn 36° (prob. R) she is said to have been Ishmael’s daughter, and sister of Nebaioth. But in Gn 28° (P) Esau is said to have taken Mahalath, the daughter of Ishmael, the sister of Nebaioth, tobe his wife; and in Gn 36? the first mentioned of Esau’s wives is Adah, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. There is manifestly a confusion of names in the text, which cannot be satisfactorily explained. The Sam. text reads Mahalath instead of Base- math throughout Gn 36, and on the whole it seems most probable that these are different names for the same person. 2 (1 K 4%, in AV Basmath) A daughter of Solomon, who became the wife of Ahimaaz, one of the king’s officers who was pur- veyor for the royal household in the district of Naphtali. R. M. Boyp. BASHAN [jan ‘The Bashan’; perhaps, like the modern Arab. Bathaniyeh, it means ‘soft earth.’ With the def. article in all hist. statements except 1 Ch 5”; also sometimes in poetry (Dt 33”, Ps 135" 136”), and aeey (Is 2}8, Jer 2279 5019, Am 4'); but in prophecy and poetry the art. is more often omitte (is 33%, Ezk 27° 3918, Mic 74, Nah 14, Zee 11, Ps 22 (Eng.!) 6816 3 (Eng. 22)].—In a region where all placenames were used more or less loosely, it is difficult to define the limits of Bashan, but the name was applied to territory N. of Gilead, and seems generally to have meant the whole of the most northerly of the three great divisions of E. Pal.,—Bashan, Gilead, Moab. It first appears as the kingdom of Og (Nu 21*, Dt 14 etc.), extending as far E. as Salecah, the present Salkhat, the last great town towards the Arabian desert, and in- cluding Edrei, Ashtaroth, and Golan (Dt 14 3! 4%, Jos 91° 124 1311: 12. 31 908 91°7). If Ashtaroth be the present Tell Ashtéra, and the city Golan lay within the present Jaulan, this would mean that B. proper covered all the S. of Hauran, including the region known to-day as En-nukra, It is the same expanse, between the Leja and Gilead, which seems to have been covered in Gr. times by the name Batanza (Jos. Ant. XV. x. 1, XVU. ii. 1; Vita 11, etc. ; Euseb. Onom. art. Bacay). Whether in this, its more proper sense, the name extended to the Jordan Valley it is impossible to say, till we know where Geshur and Maacah lay. Indeed, Jos 12* 131-18 seem to imply that the latter came between B. and the Jordan Valley (cf. Guthe, ZDPV xii. 232). If the opinion were correct which identifies Argob with the Lejd, then B. must have extended to the N. and E. of the latter; but for that identi- fication there is no real evidence. The kingdom of Og is said to have contained a large number of cities, and these have been alleged by Porter (Giant Cities of Bashan) to be the large basalt ruins so thickly strewn across Hauran ; yet none of the latter, with one or two trifling exceptions, bear any proof of a date earlier than the rise of Gr. civilisation in these parts under the protection of the Rom. Empire. In a general sense the name B. was attached to the long edge of the E. plateau, as seen across Jordan from W. Pal., and the name is frequently *In the corresponding description of the tabernacle, RV translates kén ‘base’ (AV ‘foot’), Ex 3018-28 318 3516 388 3939 4011, Ly 811, BASKET 255 joined with Carmel and Lebanon as one of the most prominent features in view of N. Israel (see CARMEL). Another verse, ‘Dan is a lion’s whelp, he leaps from B.’ (Dt 33”), carries the name up te the foot of Hermon, where the position of the city of Dan is to be looked for, not at Tel el-Kadi on the defenceless floor of the Jordan Valley, but rather at Banias, actually on the E. hills, and therefore a site from which Dan could justly be said ‘to leap from B.’ Again, the term ‘mount’ or ‘mountains of B.’ is uncertain, but prob. depends on the interpretation to be given to the description of them in Ps 68% as ‘mountains of humps’ or ‘ protuberances’ or ‘ bold heights.’ This can hardly be the triple summits of Hermon to which it has been applied both by Olshausen and Baethgen. It suits far better the many broken cones of extinct craters which are scattered over B. (Delitzsch). Wetzstein proposes the Jebel Hauran or Druz; but this appears unlikely, even though it were proved that the Mt. Salmon of the previous verse were the same name as that which Ptolemy gave the Jebel Hauran, viz. Asalmanus (cf. Guthe, ZDPV xii, 231). B. was celebrated for its breed of cattle (Dt 3214), which are also the types throughout OT of cruel and loud-mouthed oppressors; similarly, Amos calls the censorious and tyrannical matrons of Samaria ‘kine of B.’ (4+). The name B. survived in Gr. times as Batanea (as described above). Batanzea was part of Philip’s tetrarchy. Conder thinks it appears in NT as the ‘Bethany beyond Jordan’ (the most probable reading of Jn 1%, see Westcott and Hort); but if so well known a province as Batanza had been intended, and not rather some town, the epithet ‘beyond Jordan’ would hardly have been added. To-day the name survives, Ard el-Bathaniyeh ; but since the 10th cent., when, according to Idrisi, it was still the province in which Edrei stood, it has drifted round to the E. of the Leja, where it will be found in the most recent maps. LITERATURE.—Besides what is quoted, Reland; Wetzstein, Reisebericht ; Merrill, Hast of Jordan; Driver, Deut. 47, 360; Smith, Hist. Geog. pp. 542, 549-553, 6570 ff.; Buhl, Geog. ait. Pal. 117 £. (on Dan, 238). G. A. SMITH. BASHMURIC YVERSIONS.—See EayptiaAn VER- SIONS, BASILISK.—See SERPENT. BASKET, a vessel made of plaited reeds, twigs, palm-leaves, or other iaterial: The word is used in aye as the equivalent of five Heb. and three Gr. wordas. 1. bo sal, a bag of flexible interwoven twigs, probably similar in shape to the basket in which a carpenter carries his tools. Three such baskets the chief baker of Pharaoh dreamt he carried on his head (Gn 40% 1% 18), probably in the manner represented on the tomb of Ramses HI. (Wilkin- son i. 401). These were baskets of white bread (RV), not white baskets as in AV, or openwork baskets, asSymmachus, Similar baskets were used to carry the unleavened bread and the oiled cakes and wafers for the offering of consecration of the priests (Ex 29°; also Ly 878) ; hence in Lv 8* it is called the basket of consecration. Such baskets were also used for the Nazirite’s offering (Nu 615: 17. 19), Gideon carried the flesh of the kid and the unleavened cakes of his provision for the angel ina basket of this sort (Jg 6"). The name Sallai in Neh 118 12” has been fancifully supposed to refer to a family of basket-makers, but this is highly improbable on etymological grounds. 2. mbpbo salsilloth, in Jer 6°, is translated ‘orape-gatherer’s baskets,’ the taltalah of the 256 BASKET BASON Arabs. Such baskets are represented in the Egyptian tomb-pictures (Wilkinson, i. 383). The context, however, makes it probable that the word is connected with zalzallim, used in Is 18°, meaning young shoots or tendrils, for the idea in the verse is the gleaning of an already stripped vine. Tal- tallim 1s used in Ca 5" for twisted ete of hair. 3. xm ¢éne’, a basket for ordinary household or agricultural use, employed for carrying the first- fruits (Dt 2674). L renders it xépradXos, which, like the Roman corbis, was a basket tapering downwards. National prosperity, consequent on well-doing, was trpitied by the blessing of the basket (téne’) and the store (Dt.285). The opposite condition was attended with a curse on the basket (v.2"). Tena and tennu are common Egyp. names for a basket. In line 2 of the Canopic decree the Arsinoite basket-bearing priest is called tend n met Arsinatt. This is rendered in the Gr. version canephorus, the name given to the Athenian basket-bearing girls at the feasts of Dionysus and Demeter. The basket-bearing priest is a con- spicuous feature in the Assyrian sculptures. 4. 331 didh, the xddafos of the LXX, was prob- ably also a tapering basket, like that ceed by the Romans for wool (Virg. 4ineid, vii. 805) or by the Greeks for fruit (Aristoph. Lysistr. 579). In it were contained the figs of Jeremiah’s vision {241 4), Large baskets of this kind were used for carrying clay to the brick-kilns; these are referred to in Ps 81° (RV; not ‘pots’ asin AV). They are represented in Egyp. paintings as carried on the back, over one shoulder, as in most Ushabti figures, or else they were borne between two on a pole, or two were carried by a yoke resting on the shoulders, as shown in a painting at Beni-hassan. In any case the deliverance of the Israelites is well expressed by the removal of their shoulders from the burden. In baskets of this kind the heads of Ahab’s sons were sent to Jehu at Jezreel (2 K 10’). This word is also translated ‘kettle’ in 1S 2, as in Job 41” (see Kettle in art. Foon). 5. 2bp kélibh, rendered by LXX dyyos, is used in Am 8}? for a basket containing summer fruits. The same word in Jer 5” signifies a bird-cage, probably of basketwork, in which sense the word occurs in Phenician and Syriac. Compare kAwBés in Antipater’s epigram (Anthol. Palat. vi. 109. 3). The 133 ¢ébhah of papyrus reeds, in which the infant Moses was exposed, was a sort of basket. Teb is the Heyeen name of a mummy-case. Other Egyptian baskets were mesen, a fruit basket of palm leaves and rushes for carrying dates; hotep, a basket for carrying meat (Pap. Anastasi) or flowers (Diimichen), senab, seg, and xaxa, a basket for catching fish, such as that figured on the tomb of Ti; compare the Aakkah of Hab 1. In the NT three words are used which are translated basket— 1. xdguvos, used in all the accounts of the miracle of feeding the 5000, for the baskets in which the fragments were gathered, Mt 14%, Mk 6%, Lk 917, Jn 6. According to Juvenal (Sat. iii. 14, yi. 541) the Jews carried about with them these wicker baskets for their food in Gentile countries to prevent defilement. Kophinot were used to carry agricultural poe (Columella, xi. 8). Their sizes were probably variable, but the word is used for a Beeotian measure of capacity equal to two gallons (CIG 1625, 46). 2. opvpls, the kind of basket in which the frag- ments were gathered after the feeding of the 4000, Mt 15°”, Mk 88. It was probably a large provision basket, possibly of ropework, such as those which the lake-dwelling Pzonians used for fishing with (Herodot. v. 16). In such a spuris the disciples let down St. Paul from the walls of Damascus, Ac 9%. The spuris and kophinos are contrasted in Mt 16%, Mk 8%, the former being probably the larger. The medieval com- mentators fancifully allegorized these baskets (see Rabanus Maurus, Adleg. in Script. ed. Migne, 898 ; and for references to the sportule of the cler, and others, see Chrysost. Hp. to Valentinus, Migne, iii. 731; and Cyprian’s Hp. ad clerum et plebem. p. 324). 3. capydvy, used only in 2 Co 11" in reference to the basket by which St. Paul escaped from Damascus. The word means anything net: as in Aischyl. Suppl. 769, but is used of a fish basket by Timokles (A70.i.). See Pollux, Onomast. vii. 27. The other receptacles mentioned in the NT, ripa or wallet; yAwoodxouor, Judas’s bag; and Badddvriov, used thrice in Luke, were probably of leather. The rivat, on which John the Baptist’s head was brought to Salome, was probably a wooden platter. In the early Church, cophini or canistra, wicker baskets, were used for carrying the eulogia or con- secrated bread and wine to those not present at the Eucharist (Jerome, Ep. ad Rusticum, ed. Migne, cxxv. 1078). Illustrations of these baskets are referred to in Martigny’s Dict. des Antig. Chrét. p. 246. The word basket is of Celtic origin, from a root which signifies to twist round. Its British source, which has been questioned on dubious grounds by recent etymologists, is referred to b Martial, xiv. 99. From the Schol. on Juv. xii. 46, we learn that baskets were used to hold cups and pots when they were being washed in running water. (See Bulenger. de Conviviis, iv. 10, 11). A. MACALISTER. BASON.—1. Bason® is the rendering in EV of various Heb. words, and of the Gr. vrrip (Jm 13°). Of the former the most frequently used is py? (LXX giddy, orovdetov, cf. Jos. U.c. inf.), which denotes a bowl or basin used in the sacrificial ritual of tabernacle and temple. The officiating priest or priests caught the warm blood, as it streamed from the victim, in the basin, from which it was dashed against the altar (Ex 291° ete.), or other- wise manipulated as the ritual required (see SACRIFICE). The basins used for this purpose were of bronze (Ex 278, 1 K 7“). About their size and shape we have no further information. They probably resembled somewhat the basin of bronze resented by ‘a servant of Hiram’ to the Phen. seity Baal-Lebanon, of which a reconstruction from the remaining fragments is given in the CJS I. i. 23. The same term (p7>) is applied to the silver bowls or basins presented by the princes of the congregation with a meal-offering (Nu 7}%*-). The weight of each basin, 70 shekels,—prob. about 32 oz. troy,—shows that the p71) was not of very large dimensions, Among the furniture of the temple of Solomon, basins of gold are repeatedly mentioned (1 K 7, 2 K 1233, Jer 52! ete.). The number of these made by Hiram is given as 100 in 2 Ch 48 (with wh. cf. the statements Ezr 1%", and contrast the exaggerations of Jos. Ant. VII. iii. 7, 8). Fifty such golden basins were presented by ‘the Tirshatha’ to the second temple (Neh 7”). 2. Bason is also in a few places the rendering of jo, which, if the reading of 2 S 17% be correct (cf. Klosterm. in loc.), was the name for a basin as a common article of household furniture, such as is denoted by umrip (Jn 135) With this agrees its use by JE in the account of the institution of the Passover (Ex 12” by the LXX mistranslated rapa Thy Ovpav). ae some passages the word is translated * The Amer. Revisers prefer throughout the more modern spelling ‘ basin.’ BASSAI 2p. may be considered as a word of later origin than the others. It occurs alongside of py}>, and must therefore have differed fromit; but in what ‘aspect we do not know. It is rendered in RV unitormly by ‘bowl’ (which see). aAi3x ‘basins,’ occurs only x 248, A. R. S. KENNEDY. BASSAI (B Baocal, A Baocd, AV Bassa), 1 Es 51° = Bugzal, Ezr 2", Neh 72. BASTARD is one born out of wedlock ; and that is the meaning in He 12° ‘then are ye bastards (v400x) and not sons,’ its only occurrence in NT; but in OT it is probable that 192 mamzér, of which b. is the tr. where it occurs (Dt 237, Zec 9°, only), means a child of incest, not simply an illegitimate child. See Driver on Dt 23%. Wis 4 (heading) has ‘ Bastard slips shall not thrive’ as a paraphrase of 4° ‘ But the multiplying brood of the ungodly shall not thrive,’ where the meaning is probably general’= ‘base,’ as in Spenser, #.Q. i. 24— "For all he taught the tender ymp was but To banish cowardize and bastard feare.’ J. HASTINGS. BASTHAI (Bacéal, AV Bastai), 1 Es 5°'=BzEsal, zr 2° Neh 7°, BAT (non ‘atalléph, vuxrnpls, vespertilio).—The bat is placed at the end of the unclean fowls (Lv 11%, Dt 141%), but in Lv 11” the explanatory clause, ‘all winged creeping things that go upon all four,’ makes it perfectly plain that the bat is intended. The Arab. popular name for the bat is witwdt, and the classical name is kAuffdsh. The Heb. name, ‘dtalléph, signifies the night-lier, in allusion to the habits of the animal. The Arab. Dame signifies the weak-sighted, referring to the fact of the small eyes of bats, which see poorly by tay. A man who has day-blindness is called tkhfash, i.e. bat-eyed, from this circumstance. 3ats are mammals, with a very light skeleton and body, and large membranous wings, spread _be- tween the elongated phalanges, and from them and the bones of the forearm and arm to the body and legs. They are nocturnal in their habits, ‘pending their day in sleep, with their wigs tolded up, and suspended by a hook at the tip of the forearm, caught in some crevice of the roof of the cavern, or the ceiling of the tomb or ruin (Is 2)*-21) where they have made their home, or fixed to the branch of a tree. The mousy smell of their haunts {s overpowering where they are numerous. When not asleep, they are constantly squeaking like mice and rats. en disturbed they fly in rapid circles around their dark abode, or sweep in a cloud out of its exit. At night they fly forth noiselessly, and circle around houses and gardens. They pluck pee quantities of apricots, dates, and other fruits, and bring them to the porches of houses and devour them, leaving quantities of the seeds and skins on the pavements, and spotting with their ordure the walls of the house as they fly. It is eustomary to protect the clusters of dates, and of many other fruits, by a sort of basket or bag tied over them, and sometimes the whole tree by a net, lest all the fruit should be eaten by these rapacious feeders. The bats of the Holy Land vary from the size of a mouse to that of arat. They swarm everywhere in the caves, tombs, and ruins. When a cavern or tomb is being explored the bats often ex- {inguish the torch or candle as the traveller passes througha narrow opening. Tristram gives a list of fifteen bats found in Palestine. The bats of the coast and mountains hibernate. But Tristram says that those of the Jordan Valley seem to be always active. G. E. Post. BATH.—See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. VOL, I.—I7 BATH, BATHING 257 BATH, BATHING.—1. In contradistinction to the washing (wh. see) of particular parts of the body, hands, feet, etc., bathing is used in this article of the washing of the whole body,* and that either by the application of water, by pouring or otherwise, to the body, or by the immersion of the body in water, which alone is bathing in the strict sense of the term. The Heb. of the OT does not distinguish between the processes, both of which are expressed by 707] to wash (the body, as opp. to p32 to wash clothes); for washing by immersion 3p is once employed in OT (2 K 54, AV ‘dipped himself,’ but pnjin 5"). In later times it became the usual ol eee ae for bathing. The new-born infant. among the Hebrews was bathed in water (Ezk 16‘) before being dressed. Some scholars have seen a reference to this custom in Ex 18, where they detect in the mysterious word oj74 the name of the stone basin or bath in which the infants were bathed (Ges. Thes.; Siegfried and Stade’s Lex. s.v.; also Kalisch, Comm. tn {oc.). With this very doubtful exception, there is no mention in OT of a bath, for which later Kab. used Pos mp, ete. (see below). In the everyday life of the ordinary Heb. there would be neither the water nor the privacy—nor, for that matter, the inclination—necessary for bathing in the ordi- nary sense. The few instances oF bathing ia Scripture are in connexion with a river, as in the case of Pharaoh’s daughter (Ex 2°), and Naaman (2 K 5%, LXX ¢famrlcaro); a fountain (Jth 127); oz a pool (birket), as at Samaria (1 K 22°*), Bethesda (Jn 5), and in Joakim’s garden (Sus!®). No doubt in the palaces of royalty and the houses of the wealthy there were, even in ancient times, as at Nineveh, Tiryns, and elsewhere, arrangements for the bath, but no reference tosuch arrangements is found in OT or Apocrypha. 2. In the cases, other than those already cited, where ‘ bathe’ occurs in AV and RV (in the latter more frequently), the process referred to must be understood as the ablution of the body by the application of water, not by bathing in the ordinary sense of the word.+ The prescription Lv 15% ‘he shall bathe his flesh in running (Heb. living) water’ seems at first sight fatal to the proposition just laid down, that purification from ceremonial and other defilement was originally by a process of ablution and not of immersion ; but it is evident from the context that the words in question are a euphemism for lavabit genitalia sua (see Dillm., Strack in /oc.). Such ablu- tions were also practised on the ground of ordinary cleanliness (2 g 112, Sus°*-), and, in particular, before appearing in the presence of superiors (Ru 3°, Jth 10° wepexddcaro, but 12! éBamricaro, ‘bathed,’ as above), and @ fortiort in the presence of God for worship (see Dillmann on Gn 35° for parallel passages). 8. The cleansing properties of water were in- creased, as among other nations, by the use of a * This simple distinction gives the key. to the often misunder. stood passage Jn 1310 (see Westcott in Speaker’s Com.). ¢ It is therefore somewhat misleading to apply such expres sions as ‘ bathe himeelf in the water’ (Ly passim) to the ablutions required by the Levitical legislation in certain specified cases (see PuRIFIcaTion). The preposition in n1m3 has in these ordi. pances throughout the meaning of ‘with,’ not ‘in,’ as ir x3 ‘with fire,’ ‘washed with milk,’ abna (see below). Ino few passages AV gives the correct rendering ‘he shall wash his flesh with water,’ which has been unwarrantably departed from in RV (see Ly 226, Dt 2311), Even in the ritual of the Day of Atonement there was no provision in ‘the holy place’ of the tabernacle for the high priest ‘bathing his flesh in water’ (Lv 164 2% RY), the process in question being ablution by applying water from a basin or other vessel, as may be seen in various representations on Greek vases. See illustration in Gardner and Jevons’ Manual of Gr. Antiquities, 1894 (from Gerhard’s Auserles. Vasenbilder, pl. 277). Ct. Wilkinson’s woodcut of an Egyptian lady at her ablutiozs, vol. §, Cop. ed. 1854) p. 34, BATH-RABBIM 258 vegetable alkali (nqs Jer 2%, RV ‘soap’), natron, a mineral alkali (173 Jer 2%, RV ‘lye’), and ‘washing-balls’ (Sus 27 cyjypara, on which see reff, iiller’s Hdbuch d. klass. Alterth. etc., in Iw. bd. iv. p. 444c). To wash with milk was con- sidered, as at the present day, highly beneficial to the complexion (Ca 51%); and it seems to have been & popular superstition that royal blood possessed similar properties, which explains the curious note (1K ) that the harlots of Samaria bathed in the pool in which Ahab’s chariot had been washed (so RV, see Speaker's Commentary in loc. and Additional Note B, p. 624). 4. Public baths are first met with in the Greek period. The yuuvdovov erected by the Hellenizing party in Jerus. in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes ( ac 114, 2 Mac 4% 12) must have contained the usual hot and cold baths. _Remains of baths from the Roman period exist in various parts of the country. In 1895 a Roman bath was discovered a Bhatt inistanee from the Pool of Siloam (PEFS¢#, Oct. 1895, p. 306ff.). That some even of the most respected Jewish doctors frequented the ublic baths (pio, Snudorov,* pl. nvpin Abod. Zar. r 7) is shown by the anecdote told of Gamaliel bathing in the bath (pq», pl. nixymp) of Aphrodite in Acco (Acre, Abod. Zar. iii. 4, Strack’s ed.). In Herod’s temple, as we mush expect, there was a bath-room (77°27 nz) for the priests (Yoma iii. 2). With the increasing stringency in the observation of the ceremonial requirements of the law (cf. Mk 7‘), the bath became, for the laity as well, an all-important factor in the religious life of the community, as may be seen from the number of treatises of the Talm. devoted to the various aspects of this subject (see PURIFICATION). 5. In the Roman period, also, we first find a reference to the medicinal value of the hot springs in various localities. Thus Herod the Great, near the end of his life, was sent to take the warm baths at Callirrhoé, E. of the Dead Sea (Jos. Ant. XVII. vi. 5). Those of Tiberias (Ané. XvItt. ii. 3) and Gadara were also celebrated. On this part of the subject see Hamburger, aE. Bibel u. Tal. vol. ii. *Heilbiider’; Leop. Liw, Zur Medezin, etc., in Gesammelte Schriften, iii. 1893, Bs 367 ff. A. R. S. KENNEDY. BATH-RABBIM (o'3rn3 ‘daughter of multi- tudes,’ Ca 7‘).—A gate of Heshbon near fish ols. Perhaps the rock cutting on the edge of lhe slope, above the stream west of Heshbon, by which the main road approaches the city on the user immediately to the east. The stream is ull of small fish. See SEP vol. i. s.v. Hesbdan. C. R. CoNDER. BATHSHEBA (y3¢-n3).—The wife of Uriah the Hittite, and afterwards of David, and the mother of Solomon. The tragic story of David’s adulte with her, and of his treachery towards her husband, is recounted in 2 § 11. Bathsheba is variously described as the daughter of Eliam (2 S 11%), or of Ammiel (1 Ch 3°, where, moreover, her name is written Bathshua). It has been suggested with some probability that the father of Bathsheba is to be identified with the Eliam of 2 S 2334, who was a son of Ahithophel the Gilonite. This might explain the latter’s desertion of David as an act of revenge for the seduction of his granddaughter and the murder of her husband. Once introduced into the palace as the wife of David, Bathsheba seems to have quickly accommodated herself to her new rank, and to have gained a commanding influence at court. She displayed considerable skill and not a little ambition upon the occasion when, in conjunction with Nathan the prophet, she bent the aged David to her will, and secured the * For the identity of the two words see Fieischer’s note sub wiomry in Levy, Chald. Wérterd. Ot. }>3, Bararsis, etc. BAVVAI succession to the throne for her son Solomon (1 K }1)), J. A. SELBIE. BATHSHUA(1 Ch 2° 3°).—See BATHSHEBA, SHUA. BATTERING-RAM.—This instrument is first clearly mentioned in Ezk (4? 21% ‘rams’ =o73 karim). The Hebrews probably adopted it from the Assyrians, the great takers of cities. In its essence it was a stout pole, probably with a metal ferule or head, worked with a motion which was half a fall iS Stel BATTERING-RAM. (from a relief in the British Museum.) workers was supplied by placing it under a roofed shed or in a tower. The whole machine was often brought forward on wheels. Perhaps, however, some rough machine was known in earlier times, and its use may be referred to in 1 K 20" (‘place js engines],’ RVm) and in 2S 20% (‘all the people battered [onnvp] the wall to throw it down’). W. E. BARNES, BATTLE.—See WAR; and for the various battJes, consult their place-names, and the art. ISRAEL. BATTLE-AXE (psp mappez, Jer 51”).—Perhaps the same weapon as the [battle]-hammer (v5) of Jer 50%, The head of such a weapon made of copper has been found at Tell el-Hesy, the ancient Lachish, among the ruins of the ‘ First’ city. (It is figured in art. AXE, second fig. on p. 2064), On the Assyrian relief in the British Museum, repre- senting the battle against the Elamites in which their king, Te-umman, was killed, an Assyr. soldier is shown using & weapon which might be a double hammer or a double axe, or a combination of hammer and axe, no doubt a ma pez. The word 1ip ségor, in Ps 35%, which is tr. RVm ‘ battle-axe,’ is rather to be taken after AV and RV (text)asaverb. The marg. reading Ad Sa & point- ing 739, and an identification with the Pers. weapon odyapts mentioned by Herodotus and Xenophon. Cheyne, however (inloco), gives 119 =od-yapis = ‘dirk.’ W. E. BARNES, BATTLE-BOW (Zec 9" 10*).—See Bow. BATTLEMENT.—See Fortress, HovsE. BAYVAI (33, AV Bavai, Neh 318).—In the da of Nehemiah, Bavvai, the son of Henadad, the ruler of half the district of Keilah, rebuilt a portion of the wall of Jerusalem, on the south-east of the city. He was of a Levitical family (their brethren, cf. v.”), In v.% he appears as Binnui the son of Henadad, and this is probably the correct form (Smend, Ltsten, p. 12). In L Bevel A, Bedel B. H. A. WHITE. Pr: Syd BAY BAY, the colour, occurs Zec 6° 7. See CoLours. ‘Bay’ of the sea, Jos 15*5 18” (ldshén, lit. ‘tongue’); and RV turns ‘creek’ into ‘bay’ Ac 27* (xéd7os, ‘bosom,’ ‘lap’). J. HASTINGS. BAY TREE (mx ’ezrah).—The proper trans- lation ef the only passage where this word occurs (Ps 37%) would seem to be that of RV, ‘like a green tree in its native soil.’ The rendering of the LXX, xédpos rod Ac:Bdvov, assumes that nqjx is a clerical mistake for mx, a wholly unnecessary assumption. The guess, bay tree, of AV is still wider of the mark. G. E. Post. BAYITH (rm3z).—The Heb. and cognate word in Sem. for the general term ‘house.’ Its etymology is doubtful, though referred (by Ges. Thes.) to a root m3. Cf. ret AR bitu, house; Sab. na, na, a fortress, temple; Palmyr. xnv2po na, is sepulchre (de Vogiié, Syrie centrale, 32, 64). In Aram. ma is rendered spend the night. This word is found with construct relation (Beth) in freq. combination in proper names of places: Beth-el, Beth-barah, etc. (see sep. artt.) It is also used as inclusive of a country or condition ; ot. house of bondage (Dt 5%), house of meeting (in Sheol, Job 30¥) ; also in fig. expressions which do not appear in the Eng. version, for example Is 3”, Ex 36%. It also desig- nates ‘family ’in such passages as house of Pharaoh (Gn 50‘), house of Levi (Ex 21), house of Israel (Ru 41), A few times it refers to the land of Israel as house of J” (Hos 8'). Its principal meanings seem to be (1) a place for halting, resting, or living; (2) a family or tribe not necessarily con- nected with any spot or place; (3) a place and a family as closely related under the one term. Bayith (AV Bajith) occurs as a proper name in Is 15? ‘He is Bons up to B.’ or (marg.) ‘B. is gone up to the high places.’ LXX gives us no help, reading Aumeiabe eg’ éavrovs, dmrodeirat yap Kal AnBay. It is not improbable that n:3 here is to be taken in its common sense, and not as a proper name. In that case we should render, with Delitzsch, ‘They go up to the temple house.’ IRA M. PRICE. BAZLITH (ms2 Neh 7%), Bazluth (mby3 Ezr 2°2 ‘ stripping ’=Basaloth, 1 Es 5*).—Founder of a family of Nethinim who returned with Zerubbabel. BDELLIUM (nb42 bédélah, Gn 2%, Nu 117).— Bédélah is a word of exceedingly doubtful signifi- cation: by some being interpreted a gum;* by others, a precious stone.t e are not, however, concerned with the translation, but with the original Heb. word. It seems improbable that a vegetable product should be associated in the account of Eden with ‘gold’ and the ‘onyx’ (or ‘beryl’ in margin). The reference to the word in Nu 11" helps to throw some light upon the nature of bédélah; the ‘eye’ of the manna is said to be like the ‘eye’ of 6bédélah; and, as suggested by Sir J. W. Dawson, the substance must have been known to the Hebrews of the Exodus as having a peculiar lustre, and occurring in rounded grains of a greyish colour ‘like coriander seed’ (Ex 16*).+ These illustrations at once suggest the pearl, which, though not a mineral, is a hard, stony substance, Poend in form, and with special lustre, much prized by the ancients as an ornament, abundant in the waters of the Persian Gulf,§ and in all probability * If bdellium be the correct translation for bédélah, then, ee to Josephus, it was ‘one of the sweet spices,’ Ant. M1. ¢ The LXX renders it by &r@paé in Gn and by xpieraaddos in Nu. The translators, therefore, considered it to be a precious stone, but leave the reader a choice between two bh Gastieht ¢ Modern Science in Bible Lands, p. 190. §G. N. Curzon, Persia, ii. 455 BEAM ; 259 in those of the rivers entering from the north, such as the Euphrates, Tigris (Hiddekel), and the twa other streams descending from the highlands of Persia. Probably those obtained from the Pison (the modern Karun?) were of peculiar beauty and value. Fresh-water mussels producing pearls frequent many rivers in both hemispheres, as for example those of the British Isles, Saxony, Bohemia, Bavaria,. United States and Canada, Japan and China; the rivers in which the pearl mussels breed are chiefly those descending from mountainous regions in temperate and sub-tropical climates; in the case of the Pison the waters descending from the mountains at high altitudes would have afforded the conditions of temperature required for their vitality. LiITERATURE.—Delitzsch, Neuer Com. iiber die Gen. p. 84(Eng. tr. i. 127); Dillmann, Genesis, p. 57; Spurrell, Notes on Gen. p. 80; Tristram in Hxpos. Times, iv. 259; Dawson, Mod. Science in Bible Lands, p. 115; also in Expos, 8rd ser. iii, 201, and Expos. Times, iv. 369. E. Huu. BE is frequent for ‘are’ in the pres. indic. pl. of all persons, but not invariable, nor can any system be discovered: cf. Ps 107” ‘Then are they glad because they be quiet’; and Mt 97° ‘thy sins be forgiven thee’ with the parallel passage Lk 5” ‘thy sins are forgiven thee.’* Eng. RV agri etek Amer. RV always, gives ‘are’ for ‘ be. The verb ‘to be,’ in one or other of its parts, translates a great variety of Heb. and Gr. expres- sions, some of which are highly idiomatic, and should be attended to. In NT the commonest word, after e/ul, is ylvouar, which is probably never identical with e/ul, since it expresses coming into the state rather than being in it, but cannot always be distinguished from it in English. (It is precisel the distinction between sein and werden.) R wherever possible gives ‘ become,’ as Jn 10! ‘ they aha become one flock’ for AV ‘there shall be one old.’ Observe also—1. ‘To be’ in its primal sense of ‘to exist,’ as in Hamlet’s famous line— ‘To be, or not to be, that is the question.’ Gn 5% ¢‘ And Enoch walked with God ; and he was not, for God took him’; Wis 13! ‘ out of the good things that are seen know him that is’; He 11° ‘he that cometh to God must believe that he is.’ 2. ‘To be the case,’ esp. in the phrase ‘ be it that,’ Job 194 ‘And be it indeed that I have erred.’ 3. ‘To belong to,’ esp. in ‘ peace be to,’ ‘ grace be to,’ ete., Sir 25° ‘ Well is him that hath found prud- ence.’ 4 ‘To happen,’ Ac 21° ‘So it was (cuvéBn) that he was borne of the soldiers.’ J. HASTINGS. BEACH.—In Mt 137, Jn 214, Ac 215 27%. ©, that is, wherever the Gr. in NT is alyadés, RV changes ‘shore’ into ‘beach,’ leaving ‘shore’ for xethos (=72y=‘ lip’). The beach is properly the part of the shore washed by the tide. J. HASTINGS. BEALIAH (7:by2 ‘ J” is lord’).—A Benjamite who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 12°). BEALOTH (n\byz), Jos 15%.—An unknown town in the extreme south of Judah. See BALAH. BEAM is the tr. of several Heb. words, as— 4. mx ’eregh, Jg 164, a weaver’s hand-loom (to which Samson’s hair was fastened), not simply * In 1611 the two forms seem to be still equally acceptable, and for the most part AV follows previous versions. The prevoms versions do not always agree, however. Thus in Mt 2214 Tindale has, ‘For many are called, but feawe be chosen’; but the Great Bible, ‘For many be called, but feaw are chosen.’ About the middle of the 17th cent. ‘are’ generally replaces ‘be,’ as may be seen by comparing the Prayer-Books of 1604 and of 1662 (e.g. Keeling’s Liturgie Britannica, pp. xxii, 6, 38, 98, etc.). 260 BEANS the beam. The same word is tr4 ‘shuttle’ Job 7°. 2, 12 manér, a weaver’s beam, to which the web is attached. Goliath’s spear handle is compared to it, 1 S 177 and 2 S 21"; his brother Lahmi’s, 1 Ch 20°; and that of an Egyptian slain by Benaiah, 1 Ch 11%. 8. ap kérah, 2 K 62-5, 2 Ch 3’, Ca 1’, a beam to be used as the rafter of a house; hence the roof itself used fig. for the house, Gn 19° ‘they are come under the shadow of my roof.’ ‘Beam’ in older Eng. was used for the tree before it was squared into a beam; this use is found in 2 K 65 ‘as one was felling a b. 4. 13 gébh, 1 K 6° for the beams supporting the roof of Solomon’s temple; but the meaning (per- haps the reading) is uncertain. 5. yy 2éld‘, 1 K 78 in ref. to Solomon’s own house. In 65 the same word is tr4 ‘chambers,’ which seems to be its meaning in 7° also. See RVm. 6. op kdphis, Hab 2" ‘the stone shall cry out of the wall, and the b. out of the timber shall answe~ it ’—a girder ee (a connectendo, says Ges. Thes. s.v.). In NT, only doxés, Mt 7% * 5, Lk 641: 54 of the beam in the eye: a common classical word for a beam of wood, esp. for roofing. LXX uses it for tr™ of kérah, Gn 198, 1 K 675,Cal”, J. HASTINGS. BEANS (5:5 pél, xéauos, faba).—There is no reason to doubt that the vegetable alluded to is the horse-bean, faba vulgaris, L. It is still known by the Arabs as fil, which is the same word as the Heb. pél. It is extensively cultivated in the East, and furnishes a coarse cheap article of diet, which is, however, eaten by the rich as well as the poor. There are several other kinds of beans grown in Palestine, as the string bean, Vigna Stnensis, L., var. sesquipedalis, L., which is known as liibiyeh belediyeh, and the kidney bean, Phaseolus vulgaris, L., libiyeh ifrangiyeh, and a climbing bean known as libiyeh kusds, which is aes) a variety of Phaseolus multiflorus, L. he ful (horse-bean) is used in two stages of its development: one, the pods in the unripe state, like string beans; the other, the ripe beans, which are boiled as the ordinary white beans. In both these stages they are made into a stew with meat, and a large proportion of fat, or with oil alone, and often flavoured with onion or garlic. Fal is sown in Oct. or Nov., after the early rains, and harvested earlier or later in the spring, according to the stage in which it is to be used. When harvested for the seed, it is plucked up by the roots, the stalks are trodden and cut to pieces on the threshing-floors, and the seeds extracted and winnowed, as in the case of other grains. It was the seeds that were ground with barley, lentiles, millet, and fitches to make bread (Ezk 4°). It is mentioned only once more as part of the supplies brought by the trans-Jordanjc friends of David when he had fled to Mahanaim (2 S 17%). This, with the other supplies, would be just what would be needed and available to-day in the same region and under similar circumstances. G. E. Post. BEAR (25 or 1% déb, Apxros, Epxos, ursus, ursa). —There is but one species of bear in Syria, Ursus Syriacus, Ehr. It is known to the natives b the name dubb, which is the Arab. form of dé. It closely resembles the brown bear, Ursus arctos, L., of Europe. It has, however, a greyish brown fur. Tristram says that it is closely allied to Ursus tsabellinus, pair of India. The bear is found in all the wilder regions of alpine Lebanon and Anti- lebanon, far more abundantly in the latter range, esp. its more unfrequented northern solitudes, than in the former. uring the cold weather of winter, esp. in exceptionally rigorous seasons, it somes down to the lower mountains in search of food. It is found sparingly in the mountains of BEAST Bashan, Gilead, and Moab. Very rarely is it seen in Western Palestine. The bear feeds peneieey, on roots, buibs, fruits, and other vegetable products. It is fond of the chick pea, which is much cultivated on the higher levels, where the farmer often suffers serious losses from the bear’s voracity. When not abundantly supplied with vegetable food, it will attack sheep and other animals. It rarely attacks man, but, on the contrary, usually runs away from him as fast as possible. It is clear that bears were once abundant in Palestine, when that country was more wooded than it is now. David killed one in Judea (1S 1754), Two she-bears are said to have torn forty-two chil- dren between Jericho and Bethel (2 K 2*). There are a number of allusions to the characteristics ot bearsin OT. The bear lies in wait (La 3"). The she-bear, ‘robbed of her whelps,’ is described as specially ferocious (2 S 178, Pr 17!2, Hos 13°). It is spoken of as second to the lion in danger to man (1 Si 1734038 Amo) A. graphic picture of the eget reign of the Messiah is the cow and the ear feeding together, and their young lying down together (Is 117). There is not the slightest warrant for the LXX rendering, dvxos (wolf, Pr 28), nor pépiuva (anxious thought, Pr 17"), for d6d. In hoth passages the bear is undoubtedly meant. G. E. Post. BEARD.—The Egyptians strongly disliked hair on the face : they shaved themselves, and compelled their slaves also to do so. Joseph, coming from prison, had to shave before appearing to the kin (Gn 414), The unshaven face betokened grief. False beards, however, were worn, varying in size and shape with the rank of the individual. Those of the common people were short—that of the monarch, long and square-bottomed: deities are represented with beards curled up at the end, The Jews and kindred peoples have always attached extreme importance to the beard. The leper alone was bound to shave (Lv 14°), The Jews appear with beards in the Assyr. sculptures of the taking of Lachish. They had no special rule for their slaves; unlike the Romans, who, when they took to shaving, compelled their slaves to wear beards. ‘Cutting off the corners of the beard,’ and making cuttings in the flesh, are prohibited (Lv 1976-8), These practices are marks of idolatry (Jer 41°), and the peoples of the ‘ polled corners’ are to drink the wine-cup of God’s wrath (Jer 97° 25% 49%), Certain neighbouring nations cut off the hair between the ear and the eye in honour of the god Orotal. The prohibition distinguished Israel from idolaters. In time the Jews came to regard the hairs on this part as sacred; hence the long grotesque love-locks of the modern Ashkenazim. A large graceful beard is a coveted distinction in the East, often securing respect for its Ha sessor. Carefully tended, it may yet in grief be neglected, and actually plucked (2 S 19%). The Arab who shaves disgraces his family, who for generations are called ‘sons of the shaven one.’ To injure a man’s beard is a deep insult (28 10* etc.). When a Greek priest is deposed, the heaviest humiliation is the cutting of his beard. Deliberate defilement of the beard would be accepted as clear proof of madness (1 8 21'%), It is common to swear by the beard; and in pressing a suit, success is greatly facilitated by placing a hand, if possible, under the beard of him who is addressed. W. EwIna. BEAST.—Three words in Heb. are so translated in AV and RV. 14. apna béhémah, the Arab. béhimah, which is defined as ‘ any quadruped, even if it live in water, or any animal not endowed with reason.’ In the sense of a quadruped, we have i. aoe BEATING BEATITUDE 261 clean beasts (Gn 7*); in contradistinction to nvra (Gn 67, Ex 9° 2); animals to be eaten (Ly \}7); mammadlia, as constituting one of the four prin- cipal classes of the vertebrates, beusts, fowls, creep- tng things, and fishes (1 K 4%); in the sense of the animal kingdom (Pr 30”); of domestic ant- mals (1 K 18°), esp. riding animals (Neh 24); of wild animals (Dt 32%). This word is arbitrarily tr. in both AV and RV catéle (Gn 1-26 220 314 714. 21 9° Ps 50” etc.). See CATTLE. 2. vyz be‘ir (Ex 225, Nu 20%" AV ‘beasts,’ but v.* of the same chapter ‘cattle.’ ‘Cattle’ is read b RV in Nu 20% ® "| and by AV, RV in Ps 78%. Bot give ‘ beasts’ in Gn 451”, the only other occurrence of the word. 3. mn hayyah (haytho, poetic form, with old case ending, Gn 1*, Ps 50° 79? etc.). It is used (1) of animals in general (Gn 8”, Lv 11? etc.); (2) in contradistinction to béhémah, i.e. wild 6b. (Gn 7*4 81 9? etc.), specialised in the b. of the reed (marg. AV, text RV Ps 68°); evil 6. (Gn 37”: 8 ete.); b. % the field (Ex 23" etc.); ravenous b. (Is 35°). The word hayyah is tr. in other places living creatures (Ezk 1° etc.); life (Ps 143°, Is 57”, _ RV quickening, etc.) ; appetite (Job 38°); living thing (Gn 1% etc.)= Arab. See ‘animal.’ The words for beast in NT are chiefly : 1. Onplo», Ac 284 of a viper; Tit 1)? of the Cretans; more generally in He 12”, Ja 3’, It is the word used more than 30 times in Rev for the Beast of the Apocalypse (on which see NUMBER, REVELA- TION). 2. The word {Gory is used in Rev 4§ foll. of the ‘living ones’ who were round about the throne (AV ‘beasts,’ RV more suitably ‘living creatures ’). G. E. Post. BEATING.—See CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. BEATITUDE.—The word ‘ beatitude’ does not occur in the English Bible. In Biblical Theology it signifies either (1) the joys of heaven, or (2) one of the declarations of blessedness made by Christ as attached to certain virtues, or conditions, or persons. The word in this latter sense is the subject of this article. * Several of Christ’s declarations of blessedness are isolated beatitudes, called forth by special cir- cumstances: Mt 11° = Lk 7%, Mt 13!6 = Lk 10%, Mt 244 = Lk 12°, Mt 16”, Lk 11% 1287, Jn 1317 20%, There are no beatitudes in St. Mark, and the word paxdpios does not occur in his Gospel, but in the Catholic Epistles and the Apoc. there are several : fees a Ja 2 Rev 13 14 16% 19° 20° 227-4 Lut the term is most commonly used of those eneral declarations of blessedness made by Christ in the discourses recorded by St. Matthew (v.*4) and St. Luke (67-22), which are sometimes dis- tinguished as the ‘Sermon on the Mount’ * Beatttudo is used in this sense as early as Ambrose; Quatuor tantum beatitudines sanctus Lucas Dominicas posuit, octo vero sanctus Mittheus: sed in his octo tlle quatuor sunt, et in isis quatuor ille@ octo. Hic enim quatuor velut virtutes umplecus est _cardinales (Expos. Evang. sec. Luc. v. 49, Migne, xiv. xv. 1649). In Gr. pexnpiouss has this meaning in the Lilurgy of St. Chrysostom and elsewhere; the uzaxapicwos are sung on Sundays instead of the third antiphon. Ip English this use of ‘ beati- tude' is perhaps not earlier than 1500. St. MATTHEW. Blessed 1, are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 2. are they that mourn: for they shall be comforted. 4. are they that hunger and thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled. 8. are ye when men shall re- you, and persecute you, ye shall laugh. 2. are St. LUKE. Blessed 1. are ye poor: for yours is the kingdom of God. 3. are ye that weep now: for e that hunger now: for ye shall be filled. 4. are ye, when men shall hate you, and when they shall sepa- and the ‘Sermon on the Plain.’ The question whether the two evangelists give us divergent records of the same discourse cz records of two different but similar discourses, will probably never cease to be discussed, for proof is impossible. But the beatitudes as Recorded by each are a consider- able element in the evidence. In Mt we have eight beatitudes and no woes; in Lk four beati- tudes and four corresponding woes. Moreover, in the beatitudes which are common to both there are important differences. (1) Those in Mt are in the third person, and apply to all mankind: ‘for theirs is,’ ‘for they shall’ ete. Those in Lk are in the second person, and apply primarily to those present: ‘for yours is,’ ‘for ye shall,’ ete. (2) In Lk the more spiritual words which occur in Mt are omitted, and the blessings are assigned to external conditions. Actwal poverty, sorrow, and hunger are declared to be blessed,—no doubt as opportunities of internal graces; and the corresponding woes are uttered against actual wealth, jollity, and fulness of bread,—as sources of grievoustemptation. In the last beatitude there is less difference between the two. In Lk there is no blessedness assigned to unpopularity, unless it is incurred for the Son of Man’s sake; and there is no woe on ey for His sake. The first difference explains the second. The universal declarations in Mt require the spiritual conditions. The special declarations in Lk, being addressed to disciples, do not. Even for pagans, to be poor in spirit and to hunger after righteous- ness are blessed things: but it is only to the faithful Christian that actual poverty and actual hunger are sure to be blessings. To others these trials may be barren suffering, or may harden rather than chasten. The beatitudes omitted in Lk are the third, tifth, sixth, and seventh of Mt, viz. those relating to the meek, the merciful, the pure in heart, and the peacemakers. The eight beatitudes may be regarded as an analysis of perfect spiritual wellbeing ; and nowhere in non-Christian literature shall we find so sublime a summary of the best elements in the felicity attainable by man. They correct all low and carnal views of human Sever But it is fanciful to find a gradation in the order in which they are recorded, e.g. that poverty of spirit is the death of self-righteousness; mourning the burial of self-righteousness; meekness the virtue that takes the place of self-righteousness, ete. It is more to the point to notice that they do not describe eight different classes of people, but eight different elements of excellence, which may all be combined in one and the same man. Some of them, indeed, are almost certain to be so com- bined, e.g. being poor in spirit with meekness, and endurance of persecution with mourning. And perhaps it is not untrue to say with Ambrose that the four given by St. Luke virtually include the whole eight; but to make each of the four cor- respond to one of the four cardinal virtues is to force the meaning of one or the other. The following table will show in a clear way the difference between Mt and Lk in the four beati- tudes which they have in common :— Sr. LUKE. Woe 1. unto you that are rich! for ye have received your consolation. 3. ye that laugh now! for ye shall mourn and weep. 2. unto you, ye that are full now ! for ye shall hunger. 4. when all men shall speak well of you! for in the same 262 BEAUTIFUL GATE and say all manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake. Re- jolce, and be exceeding glad: or great is your reward in heaven: for so persecuted they the prophets which were before you. BEAUTIFUL GATE.—See JERUSALEM. BEBAI.—1. (133) The eponym of a family of returning exiles (Ezr 2" 8” 1078, Neh 736 1015, 1 Es 6 9), See GENEALOGY. 2. (Byfal) An ete unknown locality mentioned only in Jth 154. and Vulg. omit. The text is probably corrupt. J. A. SELBIE. BECAUSE was formerly used (and is still used locally) to express the purpose. Thus Burton, Anat, Mel. (1621) ‘ Anointing the doors and hinges with oyl, because (=in order that) they should not creak.’ There are two examples in AV, Wis 117 ‘And winkest at the sins of men b. they should amend’ (RV ‘to the end they may repent’); Mt 20% ‘And the multitude rebuked them b. (RV ‘that ’) they should hold their poe . HASTINGS. BECHER (733 ‘ young camel ’).—1. Son of Eph- raim, Nu 26%=1 Ch 7 where the name appears as Bered. Patronymic in Nu 26* Becherites (AV Bachrites). 2. Son of Benjamin, Gn 46”, 1 Ch 7%8 and implicitly in 1 Ch 8! where for MT, >3zx W232 =his first-born, Ashbel, we should probably read 133 $3avix)= Becher and Ashbel. AI Stare, BECHORATH (Ax33).—One of Saul’s ancestors (1 S 9}, 1 Ch 78). BECK (from verb ‘beck,’ which is a short form of beckon), now nearly displaced by ‘nod,’ occurs 2 Mac 88 AV and RV, ‘ Almighty God, who at a beck can cast down both them that come against us and all the world’ (Gr. él vetyart). Beckon occurs more frequently, but only in NT. It deserves attention on account of the precision of the Greek words. 1. There is the simple »ss#, to nod, to make signs with the head, Jn 1324 of Simon Peter’s nod to John to ask who was to be the betrayer ; Ac 2410 of Felix’s nod to Paul to speak. 2. Ascvede, lit. ‘to nod through,’ Lk 122 of Zacharias’ beckon- ing (RV ‘ making signs’) to the people, 3sa perhaps expressing the range—not to one, but to many. 8. Karavi, lit. ‘to nod down to,’ Lk 57 ‘ they beckoned unto their partners in the other boat.’ Other compounds of vss@ found in NT, but not tr4 ‘ beckon,’ are (1) ixvetw, Jn 513 ‘Jesus had conveyed himself away’; 2) ivvad@, Lk 162 ‘they made signs to his father’; and (3) iwivséo, Ac 1820 ‘he consented not.’ 4. Then there is esiw ‘to shake,’ with its compounds dveosia, Biacsio, xateetiw, of which only the last is trd ‘ beckon,’ to make signs with the hand, esp. before beginning to address an audi- ence, Ac 1217 1316 1988 2140, J. HASTINGS. BECOME.—41. As tr. of rpérw ‘to be seemly,’ ‘appropriate,’ ‘b.’ is found Mt 3%, Eph 5% 1 Ri 2°, Tit 2! (RV ‘befit’), He 2! 776 ‘such an high riest became us.’ In Tit 2° ‘in behaviour as ecometh holiness’ (RV ‘reverent in demean- our’), the Gr. is one word lepomwpems, from lepds ‘sacred’ and mpérea ‘it is becoming.’ In Ro 16? ‘as becometh saints’ the Gr. is délws rap aylwy * worthily of the saints’; soin Ph 177 ‘as it becometh the gospel of Christ’ (RV ‘worthy of’). 2. In Bar 318 occurs the obsolete phrase ‘ where is become,’ for ‘ what is become of’: ‘ Where are the princes of the heathen become?’ (RV omits ‘ be- come’). Cf. Wither (1628), ‘Why should the wicked . . . say, Where is their God become ?’ J. HASTINGS. BECTILETH Plain (7d redlov Bacxrecdalé), Jth 271.—Between Nineveh and Cilicia. Perhaps the Bactiali of the Peutinger Tables, 21 miles from Antioch. The Syriac supposes an original reading, ndwp n'a ‘ house of slaughter’ (?). C. R. CoNDER. | his staff,” which adopts the L BED sawn! rate you, and reproach you, and manner did their fatheis to the cast out your name as evil, for false prophets. the Son of man’s sake. Rejoice in that day, and leap for joy: for behold, your reward is great in heaven: for in the same manner did their fathers to the prophets. A. PLUMMER. BED (for which RV substitutes ‘couch’ in 1 Ch 51, Est 1° 78, Job 173, Ps 418, Pr 716, Ca 138, and ‘litter’ in Ca 37) is AV tr. of the following Heh. words :—1, 32vp (fr. 32y¥ ‘lie down’) 40 times. 2. wis: (fr. ys: ‘spread out’) poet. 1 Ch 5! (fr. Gn 494), Job 178, Ps 63° 1328, 3. yyp (fr. same root) Is 287%. 4. navy, (‘flower-bed’) twice, Ca 5% 67, to which RV adds Ezk 177, 5, avy (fr. my: ‘stretch out’) 26 times. 6. wy (a four-post bed?) 4 times, Job 7%, Ps 413, Pr 736, Ca 17% The last two words appear to be parallel in meaning ia Am 64, ‘that lie upon beds (nivp) of ivory, and stretch themselves upon their couches (onvy).’ Both are used also in the sense of ‘bier,’ 7» in 2S 3%, bry in Syr. (comp. ‘a7sd’ in Lk 714), while a7¥9 is applied in 2 Ch 16 to Asa’s resting-place in his tomb. All this lends support to the opinion of those who interpret the ‘ bedstead’ of Og (Dt 3") of a sarcophagus (see Driver, ad loc.). The word 7», written without vowel points, might be read either men ‘bed’ or a»p ‘staff.’ Hence in Gn 47* we find, ‘Israel bowed himself wpon the bed’s head, the tr. following MT (aver werdy), while in He 112! we have ‘Jacob worshipped, ae upon the top of éml 7d Akpov Tis pdBdov atrod. See next article. J. A. SELBIE. BED.—The bed of the Hebrews did not differ in essential respects from that of other Oriental peoples. It consisted of a mat and quilt to lie upon, and a covering or coverlet. ‘ For the bed is shorter than a man can stretch himself on it; and the covering narrower than that he can wrap himself in it’ (Is 28%), The adjuncts were the pillow and the bedstead and its ornaments. Amongst all classes the custom was to sleep in the day-clothes without any material change of garments ; sheets were therefore superfluous. In its simplest form the bed consisted cule the day- clothes and the outer garment or cloak. ‘If thou at all take thy neighbour’s garment to pledge, thou shalt restore it to him by that the sun goeth down: for that is his only covering ; it is his garment for his skin: wherein shall he sleep?’ (Ex 2277), The ordinary bedding used throughout the East at the present day is probably similar in character to that which has been in use for centuries, and con- sists of (1) a mat of rushes or straw; (2) skins, or a cloak or a quilt stuffed with dry herbs, hair, or vegetable fibre to lie upon ; (3) a covering of light stuff in summer, or of skins or quilted stuff in winter. The bedding is rolled up (Pr 2277) in the morning, and, after being aired in the sun, is put away in a chamber or closet. Many of these beds are kept in a house, and, when the inmates are few, they are sometimes stacked one on another and form a temporary bedstead. There is little differ- ence between the bed for sleeping on and the divan or couch for resting on during the day. The bed is essentially an article that can be moved about readily from place to place. ‘ Bring him up to me in the bed, that I may slay him (15 19"). £ Behold, men bring on a bed a man that was palsied’ (Lk5*-), There is usually some portion of the house set apart as a room where the whole family may sleep. ‘My children are with me in bed, I cannot rise and give thee’ (Lk 1158), Among the very poorest a portion of the floor is set apart, and this is often somewhat raised up above the surrounding flocr so as to serve as a bedstead. When there are two BED storeys, the beds are on the upper floor, and durin the summer time they are usually on the flat roof. Thus references are constantly made to going up to bed, which may indicate either a bed raised up on a bedstead, or situated in an upper chamber, or on the roof (Gn 49%), ‘Thou shalt not come down from the bed whither thou art gone up’ (2 K 14); ‘nor go up into my bed’ (Ps 132°; cf. 1 S 28°), The bed is usually placed near the wall of the chamber, and there are indications that it was laced alongside the wall. ‘Then he turned his ace to the wall and prayed unto the Lord’ (2 K 20”). The bed used by watchmen, both when in the fields watching for marauders and when acting as doorkeepers, is of the simplest form, and requires no description: ‘A booth in a vineyard, as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers’ (Is 15. See CUCUMBER). n accordance with the wealth of the house or family, the bed is enriched and embroidered. This is so also among the Bedawin and dwellers in tents. ‘I have spread ny couch with carpets of tapestry, with striped cloths of the yarn of Egypt; I ae perfumed my bed with myrrh, aloes, and cinnamon’ (Pr 731"); ‘the couches were of gold and silver’ (Est 1), Pillows and cushiens are the usual adjuncts of beds in the East at the present day and it may be assumed that they were as generally used in early days in Palestine as they were among the Greeks after the Homeric age. A piece of stone such as that used by Jacob (Gn 28") at Bethel would be naturally accepted as a pillow by a native of Palestine on the line of march at the present day. The quilt or pillow of goats’ hair placed by Michal (1 5S 19!) in David’s bed, though only a makeshift hastily put together, indicates the use of pillows at that time. Those mentioned Ezk 13!8 do not necessarily appear to be bed pillows. Pillows at the present day are usually made of the same stuff as the bedding, but more profusely ornamented and embossed, and in wealthy houses covered with satin, silk, and embroidery. ‘The silken cushions of a bed’ (Am 3!%), Sometimes the finest linen is lightly tacked on the embroidery, probably to protect the face from the roughness of the work. Among the poorer classes, bedsteads, when used, were probably light portable frames for keeping the bedding off the ground, and for carrying sick persons, ason a litter. Although there is no direct allusion to a bedstead except perhaps that of Og, king of Bashan, there are several references which indicate that beds were raised above the floor. In the passage relating to Jacob’s ‘bed of sickness’ (Gn 47"), the ‘bed’s head’ is referred to. SeealsolS 19'5, 2S 351, Lk 518-25, In whatever sense the passage referring to Og, ‘ behold his bedstead was a bedstead of iron’ (Dt 3"), is to be understood, the hard black basalt so common in Bashan is probably referred to. There are numerous indications that in the houses of the wealthy, and in the palaces, there were bedsteads highly ornamented, and that the richness and magnificence of the beds and bed- steads among the Asiatics was at least equal to that which obtained among the Greeks and Romans. The bedsteads in the most wealth houses were of costly kinds of wood, veneered with tortoise-shell and ivory, and ornamented with gold and silver. The couches of ‘gold and silver’ (Est 1°) probably included the bedstead. The same may be said of the ‘ beds of ivory’ (Am 643"), The . ten beds with feet of silver, and the furniture be- longing to them, sent to Eleazar the high priest (Jos. Ant. XI. ii. 15), evidently included the bedeteada: The ornaments of the bedstead included the canopy and pillars. ‘King Solomon made himself a palanquin of the wood of Lebanon. He made the pillars thereof of silver, the bottom thereof of gold, the seat of it of purple’ (Ca 3"). ‘There BEE 263 were hangings of white cloth, of green, and of blue, fastened with cords of fine linen and purple to silver rings and pillarsof marble; the couches were of gold and silver upon a pavement of porphyry and white marble, and alabaster and stone of blue colour’ (Est 1°), ‘Now Holofernes rested upon his bed under a canopy, which was of purple, and gold, and emeralds, and precious stones inwoven’ (Jth 1074), C. WARREN. BEDCHAMBER.—See House. BEDAD (113).—The father of Hadad, king of Edom (Gn 36°=1 Ch 1), BEDAN (j}3).—1. Mentioned with Jerubbaal, Jephthah, and Samuel as one of the deliverers of Israel (1S 12"), The name does not occur in Jg, and it is probably a corruption for Barak (so LX and Pesh.). Chronologically Barak should precede Gideon, but the order cannot be pressed (ef. v.°). The Jews explain [13 as=]7"]3 ‘a son of Dan,’ é.e. Samson; this isimpossible. The more obvious emen- dation, ‘Abdon (j72y, Ewald), isunsuitable, since little is known of this hero. 2. A Manassite (1 Ch 7!7), J. F. STENNING. BEDEIAH (aya=arjay ‘servant of J”’).—One of those who had taken foreign wives (Ezr 10*): in 1 Es 9* apparently Pedias. BEE (1123 débérdh, ué\ucoa, apis).—The bee is known in Arab. as nahi, but dabr is a swarm of bees, pl. dubtir, The common term for wasp or hornet is dabbdr, which is a corruption of zenbir. The bee is an insect found in large numbers in Syria and Pal., both wild and hived. The wild bee is most common in lonely ravines, where it makes its nest in the clefts of the precipitous rocks, often with great difficulty accessible to man. They also make their hives in hollow trees (1S 14”: 2); but as the forests are few in these lands, they are a lesa natural refuge for the bees than the rocks (ef. Dt 323, Ps 8115). Tristram says that they are specially abundant in the wilderness of Judea, and that most of the honey sold in S. Pal. comes from these wild hives. This explains the allusion (Mt 3°), ‘and his meat was locusts and wild honey.’ It also explains the sentence (Dt 1“), ‘The Amorites, which dwelt in the mountain, came out against you, and chased ou, as bees do.’ When tame bees are disturbed, it is well known how furiously they will attack their disturber. But their vehemence is as nothin to that of the wild bees, which are unaccustome to man. Dr. Thomson (Land and Book, p. 299) says, ‘The people of Mav’alia (in Wady Karn) several years ago let a man down the face of the rock by ropes. He was entirely protected from the attacks of the bees, and extracted a large amount of honey; but he was so terrified by the prodigious swarms of bees that he could not be induced to repeat the exploit.’ The Psalmist says (Ps 11812), ‘They compassed me about like Lees,’ alluding to the threatening attacks of these insects. It was said of the land of promise that it was a ‘land flowing with milk and honey.’ This is partly justified by the wild bees and honey, but still more so by the large numbers of domesticated bees. Every peasant’s house has its beehives. Sometimes they are boxes, as with us ; sometimes a broken water jar is made to serve; but more usually they are wicker cylinders, about 4 ft. long and 10 in. in diameter, plastered over with cow- dung, and stopped with the same material at either end, except a few holes for the entry and exit of the bees. These hives are often piled in a pyra- midal shape, with four or more at the base, and lastered together with cow-dung to protect them ror the heat, and shaded with ioahohae of trees. 264 BEE For hiving bees, mancuvres are used similar to those so common in the West. The superior of a convent near Beirdt had a chest partially filled with figs, through the keyhole of which a swarm of bees cer The following day four jars, with a little grape honey smeared inside, were put in succession to the keyhoie, and filled with bees. It is certainly not customary for the people in Bible lands to hiss to their bees (Is 738). It might have been in Bible days. It is, however, universal to whistle to pigeons in order to recall them from their flight. undreds of persons can be seen on the flat roofs of the houses in the large cities amusing themselves in this manner a little before sunset, Sir John Lubbock believes that bees lack the sense of hearing. The honey is usually extracted about the time of the Feast of the Cross, in the middle of Sept. A man with his face masked with iron gauze and his hands protected with mittens, simply puts his hands into the hive and extracts the combs, leavin a little for the bees. The honey is usually Bidlected out of the combs, and packed in jars (bottle, marg. 1 K 14%) or tins, and sometimes in skins. The people of the Antilebanon plateau, north of Damas- cus, raise large quantities of honey. A bee cultivator from America settled some years ago in Beirfit to raise bees. He spoke of the Syrian bee as superior to the usual breeds of Europe. mellifica of Europe, and of a lighter colour. the Apis fasciata, Lat. As many of the plants to which the bees resort are aromatics, much of the honey has a decided flavour, often very agreeable, sometimes a little rank, The wax is principally used in making tapers for religious purposes. ‘There is no evidence that candles were known in ancient times. The ore are very fond of honey. The their ead in it. (Ex 16%) and pastry with it. They sometimes preserve fruit in it. oy eat it in quantities sur- rising to Occidentals. It is seldom eaten direct rom the comb. It has been from the earliest times an article of commerce in Bible lands. Jacob sent some of it to his son Joseph (Gn 43), Judah and Israel sold it to Tyrian merchants for export (Ezk 27”). Stores of honey were collected for this purpose, as at Mizpah (Jer 418). Consider- ing the large quantities of honey produced in Pal. there is no occasion for supposing that v2 débash signifies the dibs, the grape honey of our time. Much controversy has taken place over the swarm of bees in the carcase of the lion (Jg 148). The simple fact is, that in a few hours after an animal is dead, jackals, dogs, and vultures often reduce the carcase to a ligamentous skeleton, which is soon dried in the fierce heat, and would make as savoury a hive as the cow-dung-plastered baskets which are used for raising bees, and the cow-dung trays on which silk-worms are developed. Honey, 37 débash, could not be used in burnt- offerings (Lv 24). Honey is used to illustrate moral teachings. A man is exhorted to eat honey and the honey comb (Pr 24'%), but warned against surfeit (Pr 251% 27), It was a simile for moral sweetness (Ezk 33), and for the excellence of the law (Ps 19%°), of pleasant words (Pr 16%), and of the lips (Ca 4"), and as a figure for love (Ca 5%). The LXX adds to Pr 68 ‘Go to the bee, and learn how diligent she is, and what a noble work she produces ; whose labour kings and private men use for their health. She is desired and honoured by all, and, though weak in strength, yet since she values wisdom she prevails.’ This passage exists in the Arabic version, and is quoted by ancient writers. G. E. Post, It is somewhat smaller than the ae t is ee hey make certain kinds of cakes BEER-LAHAI-ROI BEELIADA (yz5ya ‘Baal knows’).—A son of David, 1 Ch 14’, changed in conformity with later usage (see ISHBOSHETH) into Eliada (yyy ‘El knows’) in 25 538, J. A. SELBIE. BEELSARUS (Beé\capos), 1 Es 58.—One of the leaders (rpoyyovpevor) of those Jews who returned to Jerus. with Zerub., called BILSHAN, Ezr 2?, Neh 77. The form in 1 Es appears not to have come through the Gr. of the canonical books, but to be due to a confusion of 1 and } in the Heb. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BEELTETHMUS (BeéAre@uos). — An officer of Artaxerxes residing in Pal., 1 Es 2) (LXX !5-21), It is not a proper name, but a title of Rehum, the name immediately preceding it in Ezr 4° (A Baadrdy’). It is a corruption of oy» Sya=‘lord of judgment,’ and is rendered ‘chancellor’ by AV and RV in Ezr, ‘story-writer’ in 1 Es 2” (6 ra mpootimrovra, LXX). ‘The title has been explained by the Se inscriptions, and signifies ‘lord of official intelligence’ or ‘ postmaster’ (Sayce, Introd. to Ezr., Neh., and Est. p. 27). See CHANCELLOR. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BEER (7x3 ‘a well’).—1. A station in the journe from Arnon to the Jordan, mentioned No PACE with a poetical extract commemorating the digging of a well at this spot. The context indicates the neighbourhood, but further identification of the station is wanting. Perhaps the words translated ‘and from the wilderness,’ which immediately follow this extract (Nu 2138), should be translated (following the LXX dd ¢péaros), ‘and from Beer,’ or ‘the well.’ It is generally identified with Beer-Elim (‘well of mighty men ’?), mentioned Is 15°, and in the second part of the compound name it may be conjectured that there is reference to the event commemorated in the song, Nu 217-18, See Budde in New World, Mar. 1895, p. 136 ff. 2. The place to which Jotham ran away after uttering his parable (Jg 97). Its position is un- known. If, as some suppose, it is the same as Beeroth (Jos 917), its site is fixed (see BEEROTH). But Beeroth is in Benjamin, and it seems probable that Jotham fled to his own people in Manasseh, and not southward. A. T. CHAPMAN. BEERA (x7xa).—A man of Asher (1 Ch 7%), GENEALOGY. See BEERAH (79x3).—A Reubenite who was carried captive by Tiglath-pileser (1 Ch 5°), BEER-ELIM.—See BEER. BEERI (7x3).—1. The father of Judith, one of Esau’s wives (Gn 26*4), sometimes wrongly identi- fied with ANAH (which see). 2. The father of the prophet Hosea (Hos 1). H. E. RY LE. BEER-LAHAI-ROI (‘x5 ‘n> 1x2 ‘Well of the Living One that seeth me,’ Gn 167 24° 251),— It is expressly described as ‘the fountain in the way to Shur,’ signifying that it was well known, on the way to Egypt whither the Egyptian Hagar was naturally fleeing. It is placed between Kadesh and Bered; but the site of neither is certain. Bered has been located at El-Khalasah, 13 miles S.W. of Beersheba. When Abraham dwelt between Kadesh and Shur, he is said (Gn 20!) to have sojourned in Gerar at the same time or shortly after. Gn 25" and 26! also imply that the well, Beer-lahai-roi, was not very far from Gerar. Rowland claims to have found the true site at ‘Ain Motlahhi, some 50 miles S. of Beer- sheba, and 10 or 12 miles W. of ‘Ain Kadis (PE F'st#, 1884, p. 177). (See BERED, HAGAR, ISAAC, SHUR.) A. HENDERSON BEEROTH BEEROTH (nya ‘ Wells’).—One of the confeder- ate Hivite cities which wilily made alliance with Joshua after the overthrow of Ai (Jos 9”). It was afterwards in the territory of Benjamin (Jos 18%), The Beerothites, like the Gibeonites, main- tainéd their independence as a tribe in Israel even after the return from the Exile (Ezr 2%, Neh 77°). The occasion of their flight to Gittaim (2 S 4°) is not mentioned ; and it is uncertain if that is the town named (Neh 11*). Rimmon, the father of the mur- derers of Ishbosheth, and Naharai, Joab’s armour- bearer (2 S 237 RVm, 1 Ch 11°*), were Beerothites. It is identified with Bireh, 8 miles N. of Jerusalem on the great northern road, the usual halting place on the first night from Jerusalem. Tradi- tion connects it with the story of Lk 2%-* as the place whence Mary and Joseph returned to Jeru- salem. There is no reason to doubt the correctness of this tradition, as the distance is convenient, and the usage of Eastern caravans seldom changes. A. HENDERSON. BEEROTH-BENE-JAAKAN (jy: °3p noy3), in Dt 1086 RV; ‘Beeroth of the children of Jaakan,’ AV, LXX Bypdéd. The place is called Bene-jaakan in the list of stations, Nu 33°32, From Gn 36”, 1 Ch 1* the Bene-jaakan are descendants of Seir the Horite, and the name of the adjacent station, ie peetdged (which see), contains 1h. The border of Seir or Edom is the probable situation of this unidentified spot. A. T. CHAPMAN. BEER-SHEBA (yse 7x3, Arab. Bir es Sebd).— A village, or settlement, on the N. bank of the Wady es-Seba, deriving its special interest from its con- nexion with the patriarchs. It was the residence successively of Abraham (Gn 21%), of Isaac (Gn 26%), and of Jacob (Gn 28"), and received its name (‘ Well of the oath’) as having been the penn marked by a well, where Abraham entered into covenant with Abimelech, king of Gerar (Gn 21% E). (A different derivation is adopted in Gn 26° J.) It was afterwards visited by Elijah when fleein from the wrath of Jezebel on his way to Hore (1 K 19%). Beer-sheba fell within the lot of the tribe of Simeon (Jos 19?), though included in the wider boundaries of Judah. It was bounded on the 8. by the Negeb or ‘South Country,’ a spacious tract of undulating chalky downs, wide pastures, and generally waterless brook courses. Its position in the extreme south gave rise to the phrase ‘from Dan to Beersheba’ (Jg 201, 1 S 3” etc.)=all the territory of Israel. he converse ‘from B. to Dan’ occurs in 1 Ch 212, 2 Ch 305. The soil in the valleys where there is some moisture is exceed- ingly rich, and is rudely cultivated by the fellahin, who succeed in producing fine crops of wheat and barley. In the tracts around Beer-sheba the Bedawin find ample pasturage for their flocks and herds, which towards evening assemble in crowds around the wells as they did three thousand years ago. That the district was once thickly inhabited, yotly in the early Christian centuries before the ohammedan irruption, is shown by ruined walls and foundations which are visible at intervals for several miles between Bir es-Seba and el-Tel Milh. The position of Bir es-Seba is marked by lines of foundations along some rising ground above the N. bank of the river, amongst which is the foundation of a Greek church, with apse, sacristy, and aisles; and in the valley below are the cele- brated wells sunk through alluvial deposits into the limestone rock. These are five or six in number; and of the two principal ones the larger is regarded with confidence as coming down from the time of Abraham. This (according to Tristram) is the tradition of the Arabs, who point to it as the work of Ibraham el-Khalil (Abraham the Friend). ———————————————————————————— __L _ _Le BEGOTTEN 265 this part of Pal., states that the depth of the well is 45 ft., and that it is lined with rings of masonry to a depth of 28 ft. That some of the stones are not very ancient is shown by his discovery of a tablet dated 505 a.H., at a depth of 15 courses. This, however, does not throw any doubt on the extreme age of the well itself, but only suggeste that it had been repaired during the 12th cent. The marble blocks which form the rim of the well are deeply cut by the ropes used for drawing water ; and rude marble troughs of circular form are arranged round the well for the use of ‘the cattle. A second well, 5 ft. in diameter, is found at about 300 yds. to the W. of that just described, and in Pe opposite direction is a third, 23 ft. deep, which is dry. The desert of Beer-sheba is very beautiful in spring and early summer when the surface is carpeted with herbage and flowers; but later in the year it is parched and desolate in the extreme, not a tree breaking the monotony of the landscape or the rays of the sun. Tell es-Seba is the site of a village at the junction of the W. el-Khalil, which comes down from Hebron on the north, with the W. es-Seba, and is 24 miles from Bir es-Sebé. From its summit, 950 ft. above the Mediterranean, a commanding view is obtained of the country around, terminating along the E. in the deep ravines and rocky slopes which lead down to the basin of the Dead Sea. LITERATURE. — Conder, Tent Work, 1880; Hull, Mount Seir, Sinai, and Western Palestine, 1889; PEF Map of Western Palestine, by Conder and Kitchener ; see also Driver and Trum- bull in EHapos. Times, vii. 567 f., viii. 89. KO AVE: BEESHTERAH (mpyy3), Jos 21”, OTH. BEETLE.—The word rendered beetle in the AV and cricket in the RV (Lv 11”) is Sinn hargél. It is an insect of the grasshopper kind, having ‘legs above its feet’ to leap with. The Heb. root $30 hargal, as its cognate harjal in Arab., signifies to leap. The Arab. word harjalet signifies a flight of locusts, and harjuwwdn, the / and n being inter- changeable, a sort of grasshopper or locust that leaps without flying. See Locust. G. E. Post. See ASHTAR- BEEVES, the pl. of ‘ beef,’ is used in Lv 22% 4, Nu 31%: 30. 88. 38. 44 for the animals themselves, not their flesh. Cf.— * A pound of man’s flesh, taken from a man, Is not so estimable, profitable neither, As flesh of muttons, beefs, or goats.’ Shaks. M. of V. 1. iii. 68. RV retains all but Lv 22, AV ‘a free-will offer- ing in beeves or sheep,’ RV ‘a free-will offering of the herd or of the flock.’ The sing. does not occur in AV or RV, but the Douay Bible (1609) renders Dt 14° ‘the pygargue, the wilde beefe (AV ‘wild ox’), the cameloparde.’ J. HASTINGS. BEFORE, meaning ‘in the presence of, occurs frequently, and as the tr of a great variety 01 Heb. and Gr. words. Notice Gn 11° ‘ Haran died before his father Terah’ (37 Sy ‘before the face of,’ RV ‘in the presence of’); Sir 364‘ As thou wast sanctified in us before them, so be thou magnified among them before us’; 39% ‘He seeth from everlasting to everlasting, and there is nothing wonderful before him’; He 28 “Yet have we not prayed before the Lord.’ In Gal 38 ‘the Scrip ure .,. preached before the gospel unto Abraham,’ the words are a lit. tr. of the Greek (rpoeuvnyyeXloaro and b. =‘ beforehand,’ as RV. See AFORE. J. HASTINGS. BEGOTTEN.—Only begotten is the tr® in AV Conder, who carried out the Ordnance Survey of | and RV of uovoyerys at To 87, Jn D® 31% 38, He 11% 266 BEGUILE 1 Jn 4°, all (except To 8", He 11 ‘Abraham... offered up his cule b. son’) in ref. to Christ. The same Gr. word is found in Lk 7" ‘the only son of his mother,’ 8 ‘he had one (RV ‘an’) only daughter,’ and 9° ‘he is mine only child.’ Firstbegotten is the tr. of mpwréroxos in He 1°, and in Rev 1®° (both in reference to Christ), a word which is here by RV and elsewhere by AV and RV tr‘ ‘ firstborn.’ It would have been more accurate if ‘ first-begotten’ had been given as the tr® of rpwr., and ‘only-born’ of ov. The meaning of the latter is indeed, as Westcott points out, obscured under the tr® ‘only-begotten,’ since in its reference to Christ it is the Son’s personal Being, not His generation, that is the thought. Both words express the Son of Man’s uniqueness among the sons of men, ov. more absolute y than mpwr., and more directly in relation to the Father. See Thayer, NT Lex.; and Cremer, Bibl.-Theol. Lex. of NT Greek, s.vv., and (esp. for tpwr.), Light- foot on Col 1”, J. HASTINGS. BEGUILE.—‘ To beguile’ is to act with guile, to deceive; but (like ‘amuse,’ which originally meant ‘to bewilder’) it is mostly employed now in the sense of ‘to charm away’ (care or time). This meaning, though as old as 1611, does not occur in AV, where on the contrary we find the word signifying directly to cheat, as Col 21 ‘ Let no man b. you of your reward’ (Gr. caraBpaBevw, from Bpafeiov ‘a prize,’ RV ‘rob you of your rize.’ See the criticism of this tr. by T. 8S. Evans Lat. and Gr. Verse, p. xlix). J. HASTINGS. BEHALF (by his half, i.e. on his side, then as a prep. with a direct object, bihalf him) is used only in prepositional phrases ‘in or on (his) behalf,’ and (now almost entirely) ‘in or on behalf of.’* Until recently a clear distinction was pre- served between ‘on behalf of’ and ‘in behalf of,’ the former signifying ‘in reference to’ or ‘on account of,’ the latter only ‘in the interest of,’ ‘for the sake of.’+ This distinction is preserved in AV. Thus, Ex 277), ‘it shall be a statute for ever unto their generations on the behalf of the children of Israel’ (that is, the beaten oil shall be a perpetual gift from or on the part of, myo, the children of Racal}: 1 Co 14 ‘IT thank my God always on your behalf’ (zep bud», RV ‘ concerning you’). But 2 Ch 16° ‘ the eyes of the LORD run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to show himself strong in the behalf of them whose heart is perfect toward him’; Ph 1” ‘in the behalf of Christ, not only to believe on him, but also to suffer for his sake’ (RV ‘in his behalf’). But ‘in this behalf,’ or ‘on this behalf,’ indifferently, as 2 Co 9° ‘in this behalf,’ 1 P 41° ‘on this behalf’ (both év 7@ pepe rovrg, TR, but in 1 P 4" editors prefer évéuart, whence RV ‘in his name’). J. HASTINGS. BEHEADING.—See CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. BEHEMOTH (ninza béhéméth, perhaps for Egyp. p-ehe-mau, ‘ox of the water’).—The word is tr. in all passages except Job 40%™ as the plural of bchémah, with the signification of beasts. It has been supposed by some that beast (Ps 73”), which is in the original béhéméth, refers to the same animal as that in Job. But the first member of the paral- lelism in the psalm refers to ignorance, and the putting of the intensive plural béhéméth= beasts, in the second, would seem to condense into his folly all that is in the beasts. Others have supposed that béhéméth negeb, the beasts of the south (Is * Oaf. Eng. Dict. and Century Dict. say behalf is used only with on or tn, forgetting Dn 1118 AV ‘a prince for his own b.’ + Except where the meaning is ‘in the uame of,’ when either form was used. BEL 30°), refers to the animal] of Job, and that the south was Egypt. But negeb refers to Egypt only in one other context (Dn 11 often). Isaiah more probably refers to the southern portion of Judea and the wilderness of et-Tih, and the fact: that a partial catalogue of the beasts is given makes it improbable that one beast, and that not a savage or venomous creature, is intended. There can be no reasonable doubt that the hippopotamus is the animal intended in Job. As some have thought that some other extinct or living animal, or some animal tye, as the pachy- dermatous, was intended, it will be well to examine, in the light of an accurate rendering, whether the description corresponds to that of the hippopotamus. 15 Behold behemoth, which I made with thee ; He eateth grass like an ox. 16 Behold, his strength is in his loins, And his power in the muscles of his belly. 17 He lowers his tail like a cedar ; The sinews of his thigh are braided togethes. 18 His bones are tubes of copper, Their bulk as a forging of iron. 19 He is the first of God's works : He who made him gave him his sword. 20 For the hills bring him forth pasture ; All the beasts of the field sport there, 21 Beneath the lotus tree he lieth down, In the shadow of the reed and swamp. 22 The lotus trees overshadow him ; The willows of the streams surround him. 23 Behold the river swells, and he does not flee; He is confident though Jordan were poured into his mouth. 24 Will one take him before his eyes ; Or will one bore his nostrils with hooks (rings)? Remembering that this is Oriental poetry, there is nothing in it which does not well apply to the hippopotamus: he is herbivorous (v.%); he is remarkable for the stoutness of his body (v.!*); his tail is thick and rigid, and his legs sinewy (v.?") ; his bones are solid (v.18); he is the largest animal indigenous in Bible lands; his teeth cut the herbage as with a sword (v.); he comes up out of the water to the plantations to feed; the term Azll is applicable to low elevations as well as to high, and in the language of poetry could be used of the knolls arising from the general level of the Nile basin (v.2°); the lotus tree (Zizyphus Lotus, L.) is common, as also reeds and swamps, in the neigh- bourhoods where he dwells (v.71) ; so also the willows by the streams (v.””); the allusion to the inundation of Egypt fits his case (v.¥); his strength is such that a direct attack is hazardous, and the poet challenges the reader to bore his nostrils, and lead him with a hook or ring like an ox (v.%). The allusion to behemoth is the approach to the climax which is reached in leviathan, the crocodile. The poet reoes (ch. 38) with the foundation of the earth, advanced to the powers of inanimate nature, then through the lesser phenomena of animal life to the largest of the quadrupeds, to finish with the invulnerable, untamable ‘ king over all the children of pride’ (ch. 41%). LiteraTuRE.—Ozf. Heb. Lex. &v.; Dillmann and Davidson on Job 4015ff. ; Delitzsch on Is 308, G. E. Post. BEHOVE. —‘Behoof’ is profit, advantage; it occurs only in Pref. to AV 1611 ‘ For the behoof and edifying of the unlearned.’ ‘ Behove,’ nov only in the impers. phrase ‘it behoves,’ signifies necessity arising from peculiar fitness. In AV only Lk 244 ‘it bet Christ to suffer’ (TR 2c, edd. and RV omit), and He 2” ‘it be him to be made like unto his brethren (égeAe). RV adds Lk 2476, Ac 178 (both ée), J. HASTINGS. BEKA (AV _ Bekah). —See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. BEL (53), origmally one of the Bab. triad, but synonym. in OT and Apocr, with Merodach, ‘the younger Bel,’ the tutelary god of Babylon (Jer 50? BEL AND THE DRAGON 61, Is 46!, Bar 6“), See BAAL, BABYLONIA, BEL AND THE DRAGON. J. A. SELBIE. BEL AND THE DRAGON.—Two legends attached to the book of Dn in the Gr. and other VSS. As in the rest of Dn, the ordinary printed text is that of Theod. (©); but Swete has given the text of the unique LXX MS Chisianus, on the opposite page, throughout Dn. In B our stories follow Dn without a break ; in A Q, with the intervention of the heading 8pacis 8’. In Vulg. they form ch. 14 of Dn. In LXX and Sjyr.-Hex. we have the heading, ‘From the prophecy of Habakkuk, son of Joshua, of the tribe of Levi.’ Bel.—The points of this story as to which © and LXX agree are briefly these:—-In Babylon is an image of Bel which Daniel refuses to worship. The king expostulates, and shows how much food it daily devours. Daniel in reply arranges that the king shall see the lectisternia set, and the doors sealed ; but takes care, when the priests are gone, that the king shall see the floor sieved with e ashes. Next morning the seals are intact, but the floor shows marks of naked feet, and the secret door is revealed by which the food has been taken away. After this the priests are put to death and the image destroyed. Theod.’s task was to revise LXX. In the case before us he had a document, probably Aram., which differed in detail considerably from LXX. In wv.*® he largely transcribes LXX; but after that uses his own materials very freely. The chief variations between © and PxXX are these: LXX extracts the story from a pseudepigraphic work of Habakkuk, and introduces Daniel as ‘a certain man,’ ‘a priest, son of Abal, a companion of the king.’ © by attaching the story to Dn identifies him with the prophet, and makes the Bel’s king to be Cyrus, successor of Astyages. daily allowance is in LXX, besides the flour, 4 sheep and 6 firkins of oil; in 0, 40 sheep and 6 firkins of wine. The Phillipp’s cylinder, 1. R. 65, records that Nebuchadrezzar’s daily offering was one fine ox, fish, fowl, etc., the best of oil, and the choicest wines like the waters of a river (Ball, Speaker's Apocr. ii. 352). LXX introduces in vv.417 ‘honourable priests,’ friends of the priest Daniel, with whose signets the doors are sealed. © does not. LXX says the food offered was found in the houses of the priests. © omits this. While 8, not LXX, says that Daniel destroyed both the image and the Temple of Bel. Cf. Hdt. i. 183; Strabo, xvi. 1. The Peshitta is taken from @. Its chief deviations from @ are v.4 ok rams,’ ‘Bel my God’ (cf. Schrader, COT ii. 60) v.6 "Bel is alive’; v.14‘ The king sealedit . . . with the ring of Daniel.’ More important, however, are the cases where it dis- cards ©, and follows LXX, as in v.7 igteeg 5 has he ever eaten’; v.18 ‘He saw all eaten which had been offered to Bel’; while in v.21 we have a conflate reading, ‘consumed what was “‘ offered to Bel” LXX, ‘‘on the table”’ @. Neubauer in his Tobit gives a passage from Midrash Rabba de Rabba, where, in Greek-rabbinic characters, is found an almost verbatim transcript of the Peshitta as given by Lagarde. The Vulg. gives 8 minutely accurate tr. of @. The Syr.-Hex. in Ceriani’s Mon. Sac. et prof. follows LXX ; but its marg. gives three readings of @:;: ‘40 sheep’ for ‘four’; ‘wine’ for ‘oil’ in v.4; and the account of the sieving of the floor in v.14. The Dragon.—The points common to all Jewish varieties of this Haggada are as follows: There was in Babylon a great dragon, widely revered, and fed by its worshippers. aniel was again a non- conformist. In reply to the king’s expostulations he volunteered to kill the monster, if the king would consent, without any weapon. Permission being granted, he made a large bolus, of which itch was the chief ingredient, and threw it down he dragon’s throat ; thus causing it to burst and die. ag etal enraged, clamoured for Daniel’s death. e king yielded, and Daniel was cast into BEL AND THE DRAGON 267 a den, where were 7 lions; and he was there 6 or 7 days. On the last day Habakkuk was cookin food for his reapers, when an angel came aad carried him and his pons through the air (cf. Ezk 8°, and Gospel according to the Hebrews, Resch, Agrapha, 381 ff.) to the lions’ den, to feed Daniel. When the king came and found Daniel alive, he magnified J”, and cast the accusers into the den, where they met with instant death. The dragon myth had a much wider circulation than that of Bel, and was much more flexible in its details. It is doubtless a Judaized version of the old Sem. myth of the destruction of the old dragon, which, terrestrial, maritime, or celestial, represents Chaos or Disorder, which was destroyed by the god of the pens order of things. In the Bab. myth, it is Tihamat who is assailed by Bel-Merodach. Bel let loose a storm-wind * which the monster received into its mouth, and ‘with violence the wind filled its belly,’ and ‘its belly was stricken through’ (cf. Gunkel, Schépfung it Chaos, 320-323, and Ball in Speaker's Apocr. ii. 347). The fluidity of the myth is shown by the way in which almost every version furnishes details of. its own. LXX contributes that Daniel used ‘30 pounds of pitch,’ v.77; that the king consulted with his com- panions, v.™; that the lions’ den was reserved for conspirators against the king, and that thelionswere fed daily on the bodies of two criminals, v.*1; that the mede of death was selected that Daniel might not receive burial, v.*2; and that Habakkuk had with him a jug of mixed wine, v.¥. Vulg. closely follows 9, but, besides some smaller deviations, it appends a doxology, v.*, after the manner of Dn 6*6- 27, Lagarde’s Syr. adheres closely to 9; but it adds, v.*, that the sang came to the den ‘to weep for Daniel,’ and makes a brief repetition in v.™. Neubauer’s vers. from Midrash Rabba de Rabba, which is mostly a mere transliteration of Syr., adds one item not found elsewhere: ‘and they covered the den with a stone, and sealed it with the king’s ring, and with their signets,’ v.24: and with Walton’s vers. it says, ‘the angel put his hand on the head of Habakkuk.’ Raymund Martini, who wrote an anti-Jewish work, Pugio Fidei, in the 13th cent., cites Bel and the Dragon, professedly from a Midrash Major on Genesis (Neubauer’s Tobit, p. vili.). His text is almost an exact counterpart (only by a better scribe) of the unique MS con- taining Midrash Rabba de Rabba, except a hiatus by homeeoteleuton in v.* (see Delitzsch, De Habacuci Vita, p. 32). Another Midrash gives a condensed account of the dragon myth in Heb., but says that Daniel took straw and wrapped nails in it which pierced the monster’s viscera (Béreshith rabba, § 68; Del. p. 38). Josippon ben Gorion, the pseudo-Jos., the author of a mytho-historical work, c. A.D. 940, ascribes the death of the dragon to combs concealed in pitch; he fixes sunset as the hour of Habakkuk’s transportation, and says that he returned ‘before the reapers finished eating,’ Del. op. cit. 40. Gaster (PSBA, Nov. Dec. 1894) announces the discovery of an Aram. text of the story of the Dragon in the Chronicles of Jerah- meel. This he claims to be the very text used by # in revising LXX. It is certainly a striking document. Its dialect, both in vocabu- lary and grammatical forms, is that of Onkelos. It is a longer narrative than any other, and possesses some unique readings ; as, ¢.g., ‘flax’ in v.27; ‘withoutsword or spear,’ v.26; ‘ Daniel was in the den seven days,’ v.30; ‘land of Israel,’ v.83; ‘and when Habakkuk’s spirit returned to him,’ v.37, But the antiquity of its text is, I think, most clearly evinced by the fact that it contains many readings found in the several VSS, but until now deemed unique ; and thus it seems to be a ‘Source.’ With the Vulg. only, it reads, ‘ behold now,’ v.23; ‘what ye *The Aram. word for ‘storm-wind’ is NDT; for ‘ pitch,’ xo. Is this an accident? or does it not rather indicate that the story circulated in Aram., and thus ‘pitch’ was in time substituted for ‘storm-wind’? Of. the omission of in 77 for bys. 268 BELA BELIAL worship,’ v.27; and ‘from the den of lions,’ v.42. With Syr. | only, it reads, ‘and the dragon swallowed them, and died,’ v.27 ; ‘My Lord,’ v.35; ‘in one hour,’ v.39; * who slandeved Daniel,’ v.42, With Josippon, it adds that the anyel took Habakkuk ‘with the food that was in his hands,” y.3¢, and states that Daniel put iron combs in the pitch, and that, when the pitch melted, the combs peried the viscera of the dragon, and thus caused its death, v.26, Language.—Most scholars, from Eichhorn to Kénig, have considered the orig. lang. of these stories to be Greek; but Gaster’s discovery looks strongly, if uot decisively, in favour of Aramaic. The confusion of x5y1=storm-wind, and x51=pitch, oints in the same direction. The awkward word (LXX) opayicduevos=onn is best explained by supposing that the latter was read for ono=kneloas ; and besides this, many divergent parallel readings yield, when translated, very similar Aram. words, €.g.— 17 look at seals, banox|safe...?. . >anaa 18 king rejoiced, 7n | looked, : : xin 19 see the guile, pw | threshold, . . RDpy 31 / of the doomed, x»377 | and 2 rama,. 2 eI 3) { =Tepxadapuara # inthemidst, Vulg.,.12 | in the den, Chr, . 23 cause of his msnp xy “3 (Roce Ss snp 12K destruction, So 9, Vulg. So Chr, Syr. Canonicity.x—The Roman Church admits the enuineness of these stories, as of the rest of the XX; and in the uncritical age of the early Church, many Gr. and Lat. Fathers quoted them as part of Dn, e.g. Irenzeus, iv. 5.2; Tertullian, de eaablairic: ¢.18; and Cyprian, ad Fortunatum, c. 11. Julius Africanus was the first to call the matter in dispute, in his Letter to Origen. Origen replied ; and in his Stromata, Book x., expounded Susanna and Bel. From this exposition Jerome quotes in his commentary on Dn 13. 14.___‘In his Prefatio in Danielem, Jerome, while in sympathy with Africanus, conceals himself behind a learned Jew. He says he had heard a Jew deride the Gr. additions to Dn. The Jew asked what miracle, or indication of divine inspiration, there was in a dragon’s being killed by a piece of pitch ; or in the detection of the tricks of the priests of Bel. These things were done rather by the prudence of a clever man than by the prophetic spirit. As to Habakkuk’s aérial flight, with a bow! of pottage in his hand, the Jew refused to accept Ezk 8° as at all parallel: since Ezk in the spirit saw himself being curried, and ‘was brought in visions of God to Jerus.’ Still Jerome, in view of the universal acceptance of the ‘ Additions,’ decided to publish them ‘veru ante- posito.” Other objections urged more recently are (1) the inconsistencies of 6 and LXX, and their many improbabilities. (2) That dragon-worship was unknown in Babylon (so Eichhorn, Bissell). This is probabl true; but the Babylonians had a snake deity. Ci. Baudissin in Herzog, art. ‘ Drache zu Babel,’ and Ball, 357. (3) The image of Bel was not destroyed in the reign of Cyrus, but by Xerxes; Hdt. i. 183. LITERATURE.—For MSS in which our stories are found, see DanieL. The best Com. is Ball’s in Speaker’s Apocr. Other useful helps are Bissell in Lange’s series; Fritzsche, Handbuch zu den Apoe. vol. i.; Zockler in Kgf. Kom. 1891; Delitzsch, de Habacuct vita atque etate, 1842; Schiirer, HJP nu. iii. 184 ff.; Josippon ben Gorion, ed. Breithaupt, 1710; Zunz, Goltesdienstl. Vortrdge, p. 129 ff., 1892; Neubauer, 7'obit, Oxford, 1888. J. T. MARSHALL. BELA (yb3).—1. ‘The son of Beor reigned in Edom ; and the name of his city was Dinhabah. And Bela died, and Jobab the son of Zerah of Bozrah reigned in his stead’ (Gn 36% 8, ef. 1 Ch 11), The close resemblance of this name to that ot ‘Balaam (oy>3), the son of Beor,’ the seer, is noteworthy, and has given rise to the Targ. of Jonathan reading ‘Balaam the son of Beor’ in Gu 36%. Apparently Bela, the first Edomite king, was not anative of Edom. Possibly we have in these names the preservation of an old tradition respecting the succession of dynasties and their royal residences. Of Dinhabah nothing is known; but, according to Knobel, the name Danaba is found in connexion with Palmyrene Syria (Ptol. 5. 15. 24), Danabe with Babylonia (Zosim. Hist. 3. 27), and Dannaba with Moab (Onomast. 1. 14. f. ed. Lag.). Bela the son of Beor may have been of Aramzan origin. For Balaam, the son of Beor, is said to have come from Pethor on the Euphrates (Nu 22°, ef. Dt 23°), a town which has been identified with the Pitru of the Assyrian inscriptions on the W. bank of the river, at its junction with the SAdshfr (Sagurri), a little south of Carchemish (see Schrader, COT? i. 143). Now, when this fact is considered in con- nexion with the mention of the sixth Edomite king (Gn 36%’), who presumably came from the same Euphratie region, ‘Shaul of Rehoboth by the River’ (Rehoboth being placed by some Assyri- ologists at the junction of the Euphrates and the Chaboras, Riehm HW B? 1291), there is evidently some ground for the theory that Bela the son of Beor was an Aramean, or possibly Hittite, con- queror who came from the banks of the Euphrates. Still, nothing is known of him; and even the age in which he lived is uncertain; nor can we at sare say whether Beor (=‘ burning’), whose sor e is termed, was a man or a local deity. The Sept. transliterates Béd\ax (Cod. A), Béadex (Cod E), as if Bela was to be identified with the king of Moab rather than with the seer. 2. The eldest of the sons of Benjamin (Gn 467, Nu 26%, 1 Ch 76 8!), According to 1 Ch 8° he was the father of Addar, Gera, Abihud, Abishua, Naaman, Ahoah, Gera (a second mention), Shep- huphan and Huram. According to Nu 26 the sons of Bela were Ard and Naaman. 8. ‘The son of Azaz, the son of Shema, the son of Joel, who dwelt in Aroer, even unto Nebo and Baal-meon ; and eastward he dwelt even unto the entering in of the wilderness from the river Euphrates’ (1 Ch 5* °). He was a Reubenite, and a dweller in the Moabite territory. It is note- worthy that this B., like the Edomite king men- tioned above, seems to have been traditionally connected with the Euphrates. H. E. RYLEz. BELAITES, THE (‘y)2n), the descendants of Bela (2), one of the divisions of the tribe of Benjamin mentioned in Nu 26%, BELA (yba), Gn 14%8.—A name of ZOAR. BELCH.—Ps 597 ‘ they b. out with their mouth’ (yan, used again in a bad sense Ps 944, RV ‘prate’; but in a good sense 19? ‘utter speech,’ Del. ‘ well forth speech’; and 119!” ‘utter praise’). B., which is orig. to void wind noisily from the stomach oy the mouth, is rarely used in a good sense, thoug Wyclif has ‘belkid out a good word’ in Ps 45! (RV ‘overfloweth with a goodly matter’); rather as Stanyhurst, nets, ii. 67, ‘I belcht owt blas- phemye bawling.’ J. HASTINGS. BELEMUS (B7epos), 1 Es 2! (8, LXX). See BISHLAM. BELIAL (5y:5a).—The common view is that this word is derived from ‘3 not, and Sy: in Hiph. to profit ; and that its primary meaning is ‘ worthless- ness,’ ‘ wickedness,’ and its secondary ‘ destruction.’ But Cheyne has sought to show (Hzpositor, June 1895, p. 435) that this derivation is erroneous, and that the primary meaning is ‘hopeless ruin,’ and the secondary ‘great or extreme wickedness.’ He regards the word as a mythological survival, the BELIE name of ‘the subterranean watery abyss’ which was understood to mean ‘the depth which lets no man return’ ("yy: °)2). In the OT the word in the sense of ‘ worthlessness’ or ‘ wickedness’ is mostly found in combination with a noun: ‘daughter’ (1S 1%), ‘thing’ (Dt 15%), ‘man’ (1S 25%, 2S 167 20!, Pr 167’), ‘witness’ (Pr 19%), ‘ person’ (Pr 6%), ‘men’ (1 S 304), ‘sons’ (Dt 13%, Jg 1972 204, 1S 213 10” 2517, 2S 235, 1 K 211-13, 2 Ch 137), and in the AV following the Vulg. is, with few exceptions, rendered literally, as if a proper name; so also frequently in the RV; but the margin here gives renderings, ‘base fellows,’ ‘wicked woman,’ etc., which the American Revisers desired to see in the text. Owing to the poverty of the Heb. language in adjectives, this combination was ‘a favourite expression in the accounts of the earlier monarchical period’ for sinners of ‘deepest dye.’ In the sense of ‘destruction’ the word is found only four times, Ps 18‘ RV ‘floods of ungodliness’ ; but Cheyne and others, ‘the rushing streams of perdition’; Ps 41° AV and RV ‘an evil disease’; Nah 1" AV ‘a wicked counsellor,’ RV ‘that counselleth wicked- ness,’ but Cheyne assigns to belial here the sense of ‘hopeless ruin’; 1 AV ‘the wicked,’ RV ‘the wicked one,’ but others render ‘the destroyer’; and Cheyne sees here already a transition to the absolute use of the word as a personal name for Satan, found in 2 Co 6%, In this passage the AV and RV both read fedlad; but the reading now usually preferred is BeAlap, which is ‘either to be ascribed to the harsh Syr. pro- nunciation of the word feXfad\, or must be derived from 7y: $3, lord of the forest.’ St. Paul uses the word as a name of Satan with reference to unclean heathenism ; and his use shows that the word had come to be used generally as a proper name. Milton gives this name to the fallen angel who is the representative of impurity (Par. Lost, i. 490- 605; Par. Reg. ii. 150). A. E. GARVIE. BELIE.—To belie is to tell lies about a person or thing, as Wis 1 ‘the mouth that belieth slayeth the soul’ (xarayevdoua, in ref. to xara- Aadla ‘ backbiting’ mentioned before). Then ‘to ive the lie to,’ ‘contradict,’ as Jer 54 ‘They have lied the Lord’ (#53, RV ‘ denied’). J. HASTINGS. BELIEF occurs in AV only 2 Th 2" ‘b. of the truth’ (Gr. rloris); to which RV adds Ro 10” ‘b, cometh of hearing’ (Gr. mloris, AV ‘faith’). ‘ Un- belief’ occurs frequently, as tr™ of dzel@ea or dmorla. See FAITH. J. HASTINGS. BELL.—Bells as a means of making a public call seem to have been quite unknown in the Mediterranean world until late Roman _ times. Judging from the great development in China and India, and in Buddhistic worship, it seems prob- able that the use of large bells is due to the farther East. The means of public call amon: the BELSHAZZAR 269 Hebrews was never by a bell, but by trumpets; these are stated to be of silver (Nu 102), and are shown as a special part of the holy spoils on the arch of Titus, though, strange to say, the ram’s horn, shophar, is still used in synagogues. On a small scale, tinkling bells were fees or religious purposes in post-Exodic times in Egypt, as among he Hebrews. But they are only mentioned on the borders of the high priest’s robe (Ex 28% ospys) ; and the tinkling there was properly by their striking the alternating pomegranates, rather than by a clapper. The design of bells and pomegranates is apparently the old Egyp. lotus and bud border, such a pattern having lost its original meaning in course of transfer to other lands. See ArT. The bells of the horses referred to in Zec 14” (mibym) seem more likely to be bridles, as in AVm, as a small horse-bell is not so suitable for an inscription as the long length of bridle or trappings. Small bells of the ball and slit form were used in Pal. in late Jewish times, as one was found at Tell el-Hesy. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. BELLOWS.—The only mention of bellows in Scripture is Jer 6” (790). Derivation,* context, and, in particular, the evidence of the VSS (LXX guonrtp, Vulg. sufiatorium, Pesh. mappéhd, Targ. Jon. 3¥p o'n53, a blacksmith’s bellows), confirm the traditional rendering. There is no reason for supposing that ‘smelting-oven’ is intended, as has been suggested by Bezold, Zeitsch. f. Assyriol. ii. 448. We do not know if the Jews had the bellows as an article of domestic furniture, the reference above being to the bellows of the metal-smelter. An excellent illus- tration of the bellows as used for this purpose in ancient Egyptis given by Wilkinson in his Anc. Egyp. (1854) ii. 316. The bellows there figured consist oF ‘a leather bag, secured and fitted into a frame, from which a large pee extended for carrying the wind to the fire. They [the bellows] were worked b the feet, the operator standing upon them, wit one under each foot, pressing them alternately, while he pulled up each exhausted skin with a string he held in his hand.’ The tube or pipe seems to have been of reed, ‘tipped with a metal ed to resist the action of the fire’ (Wilk. oc. cit). A. R. S. KENNEDY. BELLY.—See Bopy, BELMAIM (BeAfalu Jth 7°, BacAyaly Jth 4*).—It seems to have lain south of Dothan, but the topo- aphy of Judith is very difficult. Bileam in Nanoech lay farther north than Dothan. C. R. ConpER. BELOVED is the tr® of a7x ’dhabh, to love; or a1 dédh (possibly the original of 12 ddvidh David) used often in Ca, elsewhere only Is 5! ‘a song of my b.’; or [11] yadhidh, as Ps 127? ‘he giveth his b. sleep’; or 1pnD mahmddh, onl os 916 ‘the b. fruit of their womb.’ And in Yr either dyardw or (most freq.) dyamrnrés. The latter word has been tr4 ‘dearly b.’ in nine places (RV always omits ‘dearly’), and ‘well-beloved’ in three places (RV omits ‘ well’). ‘ Dearly b.’ is found in OT, only Jer 127 ‘the dearly b. of my soul!’ (mvp yédhidhith, so RV). ‘ Well-beloved’ is found Ca 18 (11 RV ‘beloved’), Is 5! [+] so RV). ‘Greatly b.’ is given in Da 9” 10" 1°, in ref. to Daniel, as tr® of ning (or niteq) hAmddhéth, lit. ‘desirable things,’ thus 9% ‘thou art greatly b.’= ‘thou art a precious treasure.’ J. HASTINGS. BELSHAZZAR is mentioned in Dn as the son of Nebuchadrezzar, and the last reigning king of Babylon, just on the eve of its fall, before Cyrus. The word appears in the forms wyxyb3 (Dn 5!) and “From np} to blow. The formation in Heb. denotes ar instrument or tool; see Barth, Nominalbdg, etc., 1894, § 1690. 270 BELSHAZZAR BENAIAH syvxb3 (Dn 7!). LXX and Th. read Badracdp, and Jos. (Ant. X. xi. 2) says that among the Bab. he was known as son of NaBodvdydos. Herodotus speaks of him as Labynetus 1. son of Labynetus 1. (Ne- buchadrezzar). Xen. (Cyrop. vii. 5. 3) says that Babylon was taken by night while the inhabitants were revelling. But there is one prolific source of information for this period and king, viz. the cuneiform inscriptions. In these we find that the last king of Babylon was Nabonidus (Na-bi-n@id), and that his firstborn son was named Belshazzar. One method of writing the name is as follows: J »y oy b> pa Bel-Sarra-usur, ‘may Bel protect the king.’ He was thus the prince-regent of the throne. The authority for these statements is the following (in Rawlinson’s W. Asiatic Inscr. i. 68, col. ii. line 24 f.): ‘and as for Bel-Sarra-usur, the exalted son, the offspring of my body, do thou cause the adoration of thy great divinity to exist in his heart; may he not give way to sin; may he be satisfied with life’s abundance.’ There is no evidence that he was related as grandson (cf. Dn 5!) to the old monarch and creator of the new Bab. empire. According to the inscr. Nabonidus was son of Nabt- balat-su-ikbi. Rawlinson conjectures (Herodot. Essay viii. § 25) that B. may have been related to Nebuchadrezzar through his mother (Dn 5"), the wide-awake counsellor on that last fateful night. Schrader’s theory (COT ii. 132 f.), that ‘father’ is used here in the broad signification of predecessor and ruler in the crowning period of Bab. history, is more plausible. Such usage is held by some to be paralleled by ‘Jehu, son of Omri’ (Layard’s Inser. p. 982; Rawl. WAT vol. iii. p. 5), when Jehu was the extirpator of Omri’s dynasty. (See on other side Sayce, HCM 525 ff.) It is then just possible that the writer of Dn intended only to designate B. as a successor of king Nebuchadrezzar on the throne. It appears from at least three contract tablets (Strassmaier, Bab. Texte: Inschriften von Nabonidus, vols. i. and iii., and Tablets, Nos. 184, 581, and 688; a tr. by Sayce in FP, new ser. iii. 124-126) that B. was a man of some property, and was obliged to transact business on legal principles. On one tablet we find that ‘the secretary of B., the son of the king,’ Nebo-yukin-akhi, ae a house for a term of three years, for one and one- half manehs of silver, sub-letting of the house being forbidden, as well as interest on the money. Nated, ‘5th year of Nabonidus king of Bab.,’ i.¢. B.c. 551. On the second tablet facts of greater interest ye or ‘The sum of 20 manehs of silver for wool, the property of B., the son of the king, which has been handed over to Iddin-Merodach - . . through the agency of Nebo-zabit the steward of the house of B., the son of the king, and the secretaries of the son of the king The house of . . . the Persian and all his property in town and country shall be the security of B., the son of the king, until he shall pay in full the money aforesaid.’ Dated, ‘11th year of Nabonidus king’ [of Bab.], i.e. B.c. 545. On the third tablet, a steward, Nebo-zabit-id4, of the house of B., had lent through a loans-broker a sum of money, and taken as security the crops to be grown near Babylon. Dated at ‘Babylon, the 27th day of the second Adar, the 12th year of Nabonidus, king of Babylon,’ 7.e. B.C. 544. There is now ample evidence that this ‘son of the king’ held a high office under his father-king. On an annalistic tablet of Nabonidus (ef. Pinches in TSBA vii. 153 ff.), the prince-regent, in the 7th year of his father’s reign, was with the army in Akkad with the chief men of the kingdom, the king himself being in Tema. This describes the game condition of things in the 9th, 10th, and 11th | years. In the 17th year Cyrus led his forces acrosa the boundary lines of yueivie Nabonidus, with the army stationed in Akkad, attempted to defend Sippar against the invader. But on the 14th of Tammuz the city fell, without a stroke, into the hands of Cyrus, and Nabonidus fled. On the 16th the general of the army of C , Gobryas, entered Babylon ‘without, fighting.’ Neither during nor after the battle at Sippar do we find the name of B. on the somewhat mutilated and broken in- scriptions within ourreach. By some (e.g. Schrader) he is thought to have perished in a battle at Akkad; acc. to others (as Pinches and Hommel), he was slain in the final taking of Babylon. LITERATURE.—Add to the reff. in the article, Schrader, COT'2 ji. 180, 185; Sayce, Mresh Light from the Ancient Monuments, p. 158, and HCM pp. 497, 525ff.; Evetts, New Light on the Bible and the Holy Land, p. 298 ff.; Farrar, Daniel, p. 203 ff.; and Whitehouse and others in Expos. Times, iv. 400, v. 41, 69, 180, 285, 882, 474. See also art. BABYLONIA, p. 229d. IrA M. PRICE. BELTESHAZZAR (7y¥x¢b3, ate the Chal- deean name given to Daniel (Dn 17275), Opinions differ as to whether the first part of the compound contains the name of Bel (male) or of Beltis or Bilat (female). The latter view is supported by Sir H. Rawlinson and Sayce, the former by Canon Raw- linson (Ancient Monarchies, iii. 82). Those who derive the word from Bel have explained it in different ways. (1) It is asserted. that Bel is here a genitive form, and that zar=sar (Ww)=prince: ‘the prince whom Bel favours’ (Ges.). (2) The word is regarded as a contraction for Bel-baldtsw- ugur=‘Bel protect his life’ (Fried. Delitzsch). (3) It is derived from Bel, tisha (Heb. xyw ‘a secret’) and usur (133})=to guard—the composition of the elements giving a meaning which might be considered appropriate in the case of Daniel. G. WALKER. BEN (73 ‘son’).—A Levite, 1 Ch 1518, omitted in arallel list in v.%in both MT and LXX. The atter omits it also in the first-named passage. BEN-ABINADAB (2372873, AV ‘son of Abina- dab’).—One of Solomon’s commissariat officers (1 K 4%), BENAIAH (3733, 33 ‘J” hath built up’).—1. Son of Jehoiada, a priest (see JEHOIADA) of Kabzeel, a town in the 8S. of Judah (Jos 15”). B. is an exainple of the silent faithful soldier. A ‘mighty man’ rather than a general, he is not specially men- tioned in the history of David’s campaigns, but was captain of the bodyguard of Cherethites (Carites, 2 20%, Kethibh, cf. 2 K 114) and Pelethites (2S 8'%), The RVm ‘council’ for ‘guard’ in 2 § 23% is supported by the LXX and Vulg., and by 1 Ch 275, if we read with Bertheau and Graf ‘after Ahithophel was Benaiah, son of Jehoiada’ (instead of ‘J. son of B.’), as ‘king’s counsellor.” He was captain of the host for the third month, his lieutenant being his son Ammizabad (1 Ch 27 *-5), His special exploits indicate a man of extra- ordinary activity. They are detailed in 2 8 237. (copied 1 Ch 11%), (a) ‘ He slew the two [sons of] Ariel [of] Moab,’ which probably means two cham. pions of Moabitish sanctuaries (Sayee, HCM* pp: 349, 376. But see Budde ad Joc. in Haupt’s of; (5) A lion having been, in winter time, driven by hunger near human habitations, and fallen into a pit or dry well, Benaiah descended into it and killed the wild beast. (c) He encountered an Egyptian cham- pion (5 cubits high, Ch) whose spear was like the side of a ladder, ws €UXov dtaBdOpas (Ewald, the beam of a bridge, EV ‘like a weaver’s beam’). Benaiah, who was armed only with a staff, grappled with his cumbrously armed antagonist, and slew him with his own spear. These feats gave him a place abova ae 34 Bt BEN-AMMI BEN-HADAD 271 ‘the thirty,’ and last of the second three mighty men ; the others being Abishai, and probably Joab. It is implied (2 S 151%) that he accompanied David in his flight from Absalom, and he remained faith- during Adonijah’s rebellion (1 K 181%), At David’s request he assisted Zadok and Nathan in the coronation of Solomon (vv. *:*), On this occasion he makes a speech to David, which is re-echoed by the king’s servants (v.*’). As chief of the bodyguard he executed ate (1 K 2%), Joab (v.™), and Shimei (v.*). e succeeded Joab as captain of the host under Solomon (1 K 2% 44, 2. (2 ¢ 23, 1 Ch 11%) One of David’s mighty men, of Pirathon in Ephraim (Jg 12"*-15), He was captain of the host for the eleventh month (1 Ch 27"), 8. (1 Ch 4%) A prince of Simeon. 4. (1 Ch 1538 ® 16°) A Levite singer, in David’s time, ‘of the second degree,’ who played ‘with psalteries set to Alamoth.’ 5. (1 Ch 15% 16%) A priest, in David’s time, who ‘did blow with the trumpets before the ark.’ 6. (2 Ch 20'*) An Asaphite Levite, ancestor of Jahaziel. 7. (2 Ch 31)%) A Levite, in Hezekiah’s time, one of the overseers of the dedi- cated things. 8, 9, 10, 14. (Ezr 10% %-%.43) Four of those who ‘had taken strange wives.’ In 1 Es 9%. 31. %. 35, Banneas, Naidus, Mamdai, Banaias respectively. 12. (Ezk 11-4) Father of Pelatiah, one of the ‘ princes of the people.’ N. J. D. WHITE. BEN-AMMI (‘sy73 ‘son of my peoples) the son of Lot’s younger daughter. According to the popular Heb. tradition, preserved in Gn 19%, he was the ancestor of the Ammonite nation, the father of the fey 22. But the explanation in this narrative, that ‘ Ammon’ is equivalent to Ben-ammi, rests on no scientific foundation, and, like the derivation given of Moab in the same context, is based on the resemblance in the sound of the two words. The name ‘ Ammi,’ which is found in the cunei- form inscriptions as part of the title of Ammonite sovereigns, ¢.g. Ammi-nadab, has,been identi- fied with a deity (Dérenbourg, Rev. Etudes Jwives, 1881, p. 123f.; Halévy, JA vii. 19, p. 480f.; but see Gray, Heb. Prop. Names, 49f.). Traces of this deity are perhaps to be found in the Heb. names Ammiel, Amminadab, Ammihud,- Ammi- shaddai. According to Sayce (Patr. Pal. p. 22), Ammi or Ammo was the name of the god who gave his name to the nation; and the same scholar conjectures that ‘even the name of Balaam, the mzan seer, may be compounded with that of the god’ (p. 64). We find it (Ammi) in the roper names both of 8S. and of N.-W. Arabia. The early Minzan inscriptions of 8. Arabia con- tain names like Ammi-karib, Ammi-zadika, and Ammi-zaduk (p. 63). Sayce mentions also the Babylonian ony Ammi-satana, and the Edomite Ammianshu. This gives a more probable origin for the name Ammon than the one recorded in Gn 19%-88, which has been said to emanate from racial hostility. The Hebrew legend has probably attributed the foulness of Ammonite religious rites to hereditary taint, for which a play on the names Moab ani on offered an explanation. . E. RYLE. BEN-DEKER (777773 ‘son of Deker’; vids Pixas B, vids PfixaB Luc., vids Aaxédp A. Deker pean means sharp, piercing instrument, as in Talmud). —Patronymic of one of Solomon’s twelve com- missariat officers (1 K 4°). C. F. BURNEY. BENE-BERAK (723 32), Jos 19*%.—A town of Dan near Jehud (e-Yehudiyeh), now the village Ibn Ibrdk, E. of Jaffa. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xiii. C. R. ConDER. BENEFACTOR.—Lk 22” only, ‘they that ex- ercise authority over them (the Gentiles) are talled benefactors.’ The word is an exact tr™ of the Gr. Evepyérns, a title of honour borne by twa of the Gr. kings of Egypt before Christ’s day, Ptolemy Il. (B.C. 247-222) and Ptolemy Ix. (B.C. 147-117). Hence RV properly spells with a capital, ‘ Benefactors.’ J. HASTINGS. _ BENE-JAAKAN (jy: 32).— A station in the journeyings, mentioned Nu 33#!- 82 (cf. Dt 10°, and see BEEROTH-BENE-JAAKAN). A. T. CHAPMAN. BENEYOLENCE.—1 Co 7? only, ‘ Let the hus- band render unto the wife due b.’ where b. is used in the sense of affection. This tr®, which is due to Tindale, follows TR riv édehouévnv edtvorav; but all edd. give simply ryv éd¢edyv, whence RV ‘her due’; cf. Rheims ‘his dette.’ The Gr. word edvoa thus occurs only in Eph 67, ‘ goodwill’ EV; the verb is found Mt 5% ‘Agree with (lc evvoGv) thine adversary quickly.’ J. HASTINGS. BEN-GEBER (733772, AV ‘son of Geber,’ which see).—Patronymic of one of Solomon’s 12 com- missariat officers who had charge of a district N.E. of the Jordan (1 K 4"), C. F. BuRNEY. BEN-HADAD (770772, vids ‘Adep, Benadad).—Three kings of Damascus of this name are mentioned in the OT. Ben-hadad 1., the son of Tab-rimmon, the son of Hezion (? Rezon), was bribed by Asa of Judah, with the treasures of the temple and palace, to attack Baasha of Israel while the latter was build- ing the fortress of Ramah, and thereby blocking the Jewish high-road to the north. Asa urged that there had been alliance between his father and Tab-rimmon ; but his gold was doubtless more efli- cacious in inducing Ben-hadad to invade the northern part of Israel, and so oblige Baasha to desert Ramah. Thereupon Asa carried away the stone and timber of Ramah, and built with them Geba and Mizpah (1 K 15'82), Ben-hadad 11. was the son and successor of Ben-hadad I. We have an account of his war with Ahab, and unsuc- cessful siege of Samaria, in 1 K 20. Thirty-two kings are said to have been his vassals or allies. He was, however, signally defeated at Aphek, and compelled to restore the cities taken by his father (1 20%), as well as to grant the Israelites a bazaar in Damascus. At a later period Ben-hadad again besieged Samaria; but a panic fell upon his army, and they fled, believing that the king of Israel had hired against them ‘the kings of the Hittites and the kings of the Egyptians’ (2 K 7®-7). Having fallen ill, Ben-hadad afterwards sent Hazael to the prophet Elisha, who had come to Damascus, to ask whether he should recover; but the result of the mission was, that on the following day Hazael smothered his master and seized the crown (2 K 87), Ben-hadad II. was the son of Hazael, and lost the Israelitish conquests that his father had made. Thrice did Joash of Israel ‘smite him, and recovered the cities of Israel’ (2 K 1375), Ben-hadad, ‘son of the god Hadad,’ is a Hebraised form of the Aram. Bar-hadad, which appears in the Assyr. inscriptions as Bur-hadad and Bir-dadda. ur-hadad was a prince of northern Mesopotamia, who was put to death by .Assur-nazir-pal, and Bir-dadda is mentioned by Assur-bani-pal as a north Arabian prince (WAI ili. 24. 10). Hadad, Dadda, or Dad, and Addu, are stated by the cuneiform lexical tablets to be variant forms of the same divine name, the god Hadad being further identified in them with Rim- mon. But it would seem that, like Hadad, Bar- hadad was also a divine name, and denoted the ounger deity whom the Syrians associated with his father, the sun-god. A Bab. contract, dated Nabonidus (B.C. 547), relatea in the ninth year o 272 BEN-HAIL to a certain Syrian called Bar-hadad-nathan, who had adopted Bar-hadad-amar as a son. As the Jews Hebraised Bar-hadad into Ben-hadad, so the Babylonians changed it into Abil-hadad, abil being the Babylonian word for ‘son.’ It follows from this that Bar-hadad or Ben- hadad cannot have been the full name of a king. And the Assyr. inscriptions prove that such was the case. They have much to tell us about Ben- hadad 01., whom they call Dad-idri, the Hebraised form of which is found in the OT as Hadad-ezer. In B.c. 853 Dad-idri and his allies were utterly defeated at Karkar on the Orontes by Shalman- eser Il. of Assyria. The king of Damascus had brought into the field 1200 chariots, 1200 horses, and 20,000 men; his allies were Irkhulini of Hamath, with 700 chariots, 700 horses, and 10,000 men; Ahab of Israel, with 2000 chariots and 10,000 men; the Kuans, from the Gulf of Antioch, with 500 men; 1000 Egyptians; 10 chariots, and 10,000 men from the land of Irkanat (Arka); Matinu-baal of Arvad with 200 men; 200 men from Usanat (near e); Adoni-baal of the Sinites with 10,000 men; Gindibu the Arab with 1000 camels, and Baasha the son of Rehob of Ammon with more than'100 men. The battle must have been fought shortly before Ahab’s death and his final rupture with Ben-hadad (1 K 22'*). Shalmaneser states in one passage that 20,500—in another passage 14,000—of the enemy were left dead on the field. Five years later Dad-idri was again defeated b Shalmaneser, and in B.c. 845 Shalmaneser entere Syria with 120,000 men and overthrew the com- bined forces of Dad-idri, Irkhulini, and ‘ the twelve kings of the coast of the upper and lower sea.’ Professor Schrader is doubtless right in thinking that by the latter expression are meant the Phe- nician and north Syrian portions of the Mediter- ranean. Four years later Shalmaneser’s opponent in Damascus was Hazael, so that Dad-idri (Ben- hadad-ezer) must have died between B.c. 845 and 841. A. H, SAYCE. BEN-HAIL ($1073 ‘ son of might’).—A prince sent by Jehoshaphat to teach in the cities of Judah (ao Ch17’). (Butsee Gray, Heb. Pr. Names, 65, 231.) BEN-HANAN (3773 ‘son of @ gracious one’).—A man of Judah (1 Ch 4”), BEN-HESED (1077;3, AV ‘Son of Hesed’ [= ‘kindness’]).—Patronymic of one of Solomon’s twelve commissariat officers who had charge of a district in Judah (1 K 4%), C. F. BURNEY. BENINU (3333, perhaps ‘ our son ’).—One of those who sealed the covenant (Neh 107%). BENJAMIN (2133, or more usually jpy2 bin- yamin, ‘son of the right-hand,’ Berayelv).—4. The youseee of thesonsof Jacob. He was born between ethel and Ephrath, and Rachel died in giving him birth. As she was at the point of death she named him Ben-oni (‘jix]3 ‘son of my sorrow,’ LXX vids édtvys pov), but Jacob changed it to Benjamin, probably to avoid the evil omen of the name Benoni (Gn 3518). He and Joseph were full brothers, they being theonly sonsof Jacobby Rachel, and he was the only son of Jacob born in Canaan. That he is enumerated by P among the sons born in Paddan-aram (Gn 35*-*) need not be pressed. At the time of the famine (Gn 42 ff.) Joseph insisted that he should come down with his brethren on their second visit to Egypt to buy corn. Jacob is most reluctant to send him, but Judah (according to J, Reuben according to E) answers for his safety, andhegoes. Onhis arrival, according to E, Joseph - makes himself known to his brethren, and gives B. BENJAMIN 800 pieces of silver and five changes of raiment. According to J, he gives B. a mess five times as large as that given to the others; then brings them back after their departure, and threatens to keep B. as his slave because the silver cup is found in his sack; and, moved by the eee appeal of Judah, declares who he is. At this time B. is represented as quite young, ‘a little one,’ and the pet of the family (Gn 44”). But in Gn 467 he is spoken of as the father of ten sons, who are un- questionably regarded as going down to Egypt with Jacob (Gn 46%), There is no need to reconcile these incompatible views, as the latter belongs to one of the latest strata in the Hex., being probably due to R. It is held by many modern critics that B. is not a hist. character, but the eponymous ancestor of the tribe. If so, the account in Gn will throw light on the early history of the tribe. The tribal system, as we have it in the biblical history, is probably not earlier than the conquest of Canaan. Originally there were Leah tribes and Rachel tribes. To the latter belonged the tribes grouped under the name of Bilhah, and the tribe of Joseph. To the tribe of Joseph it would seem that B. originally belonged, but became a distinct tribe earlier than Manasseh and Ephraim, which were always recog- nised as belonging to Joseph, while B. was regarded as, like Joseph, a son of Jacob. But we find a trace of the earlier view in 2S 19”, where Shimei, a Benjamite, ner, of himself as belonging to the house of Joseph. It is also probable that B. was the latest formed of the tribes, except Ephraim and Manasseh ; and the record of the birth in Canaan (Gn 3518) is a reminiscence of this formation after the conquest. The territory of the tribe adjoined that of Ephraim. Its limits and the towns in it are given in Jos 184-8, a passage which belongs to the late document P. According to this, it was bounded on the E. by the Jordan, on the N. by a line passin from Jordan by Jericho on the N. to Bethel, an thence to Beth-horon ; on the W. by a line passin from Beth-horon to Kiriath-jearim; and on the 8. by a line reaching from Beth-horon to the N. bay at the Salt Sea, keeping Jerus. on the N. Twenty- six towns are mentioned, the chief of which are Jericho, Bethel, Geba, Gibeon, Ramah, Mizpeh, Jerusalem, Gibeath, and Kiriath. It isnot certain, however, whether all these towns properl belonged to B. Bethel is regarded by Jg 1* as belonging to ‘the house of Joseph,’ and it certainly belonged to the N. kingdom, though this does not preclude the view that it was in the territory of B. The case of Jerus. is somewhat similar. It stood near the border line that divided B. from Judah, and the Jews spoke of the temple itself asin B., while its courts were in Judah. Till the time of David it was in the hands of the Jebusites. There are some indications that before the Exile Jerus. was reckoned to Judah. Thus (Jer 37) ‘Jeremiah went forth out of Jerusalem to go into the land of B.’ On the other hand, in the blessing of Moses, the temple is certai ly regarded as in B.: ‘Of B. he said, The beloved of the Lord shall dwell by him; he covereth him all the day long, and he dwelleth between his shoulders’ (Dt 33%). Jer 6!‘Flee for safety, ye children of B., out of the midst of Jerus.,’ has little bearing on the point. } The character of the country was fitted to breed a race of hardy warriors rather than peaceful agriculturists. The level of the country was more than 2000 ft. above the sea, and it was studded with many hills. G. A. Smith has thus described it: ‘A desolate and fatiguing extent of roc latforms and ridges, of moorland strewn wi ulders, and fields of shallow soil thickly mixed / in safety BENJAMIN with stone, they are a true border,—more fit for the building of barriers than the cultivation of food’ (Hist. Geog. hy 290). This had its influence on the character of the tribe, which is graphicall depicted in the blessing of Jacob: ‘B. is a wo that ravineth: in the morning he shall devour the prey, and at even he shall divide the spoil’ (Gn 497”). And the character of the land helped B. to play its magnificent part in the warfare against the Philistines. Several important roads ran through it towards Judah and Jerus., and these were commanded by its fortresses. Michmash, Geba, Ramah, Adasa, Gibeon, formed ‘a line of defence that was valid against the Aijalon and Ai ascents, as well as against the level approach from the N.’ (Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 291), while Bethel commands the routes from Gophna and Shechem, and ‘a road from the Jordan Valley through the passes of Mt. Ephraim.’ From the E. and W. sides, passes atrike up into the heart of the country, those on the E. side being much the more difficult. Through the western passes the Philistines de- livered their attacks against the tribe. The history of B. is important till the time of Saul only. The tribe took part in the campaign of Deborah and Barak “Sih Sisera (Jg 514). The narrative in Jg 19-21 also falls in the period of the Judges, but calls for special discussion. It was in connexion with the Philistine ae that the greatest work of B. was done. The narrative is in parts concise and obscure, so that the exact development of events is hard to follow. But the movement for the deliverance of Israel that proved ultimately successful, seems to have originated in B. The anointing of a king was for the breaking of the Philistine yoke, and he was selected from the tribe of B. aud it was within B. itself that the movement for freedom began. (See SAUL.) On the death of Saul, his own tribe B. naturally remained faithful to his house. The ony, of Ishbosheth, commanded by Abner, seems to have consisted chiefly of Benjamites. In the ferocious combat, when twelve men of Abner engaged twelve of Joab’s army, the former are spoken of as ‘twelve for B.’ (2 S 2"), and Abner’s soldiers are referred to as ‘the children of B.’ (2%). In the subsequent negotiations between David and Abner, special mention is made of B. apart from the rest of Israel (‘and Abner had communication with the elders of Israel . . . And Abner also spake in the ears of B.: and Abner went also to speak in the ears of David in Hebron all that seemed good to Israel and to the whole house of B.,’2S 3!7-1), After Ishbosheth had been murdered by two Benjamites, David became king over the whole of Israel. But the hate of him was not dead in B. When he fled from Jerus. on the occasion of Absalom’s rebellion, it was a Benjamite of the house of Saul, Shimei, who pursued him with curses (2 § 16°). And when, through David’s unwise partiality for Judah, dis- ute arose between the latter and the other tribes, it was a Benjamite, Sheba, who raised the standard of revolt (2S 19. 20). Ut is therefore natural to expect that, when the revolt took place from Rehoboam, B. should throw in its lot with the seceding tribes, and not with J It is, however, stated explicitly in some w ee es, that B. remained with Judah (1 K 127 3, Ch 11 12, 3 148 15? 9 etc.). But there are other passages which point another way. Thusin1 K 12” we read ‘there was none that followed the house of David but the tribe of Judah only.’ The prophecy of Ahijah is a little ambiguous; the garment is rent into twelve pieces, of which ten are given to Jeroboam with the explanation that he is to have ten tribes. But the house of David is to have, not two tribes, but one (1 K 117°’), If Levi is patied, and Ephraim and Manasseh VOL, I.—I BERACAH 273 counted as one tribe, Israel would consist of eleven tribes, and B. would then be reckoned among the ten tribes. The truth is, probably, that B. as a whole joined the revolt. But owing to its nearness to Judah, and especially to the fact that Jerus., the capital city otf Judah, was, even if not wholly in B., yet on the border, the S. part of the tribe can hardly have escaped union with Judah. After the overthrow of the N. kingdom, the territory of B. largely fell into the hands of Judah, and many Benjamites are mentioned among those who re- turned from exile. The Apostle Paul belonged to this tribe. One incident in the history of the tribe has been left for separate examination. This is the outrage at Gibeah, and alnost entire destruction of B., in consequence of its support of the perpetrators (Jg 19-21). The narrative as it stands presente insuperable difficulties. These are chiefly to be found in the account of the war with B. (Jg 20). Israel is spoken of as a ‘congregation,’ and represented as acting one man, unlike everything else we know of the size of the army raised (400,000) is quite incredible, and the incidents of the campaign no less so. B. with 26,700 destroys in two days 40,000 Israelites, but does not lose a single man. On the third day the whole tribe of B. is destroyed, with the exception of 600 men. The date given for this is vague; it is said to_have been in the days of Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron. This chapter presents close points of contact with P in the Hex. Oritics are generally agreed that its representations are on that account unhistorical. But it isa matter of dispute whether this gacgment should be passed on the whole story. Some (¢.g. Wellhausen) regard it as a povt-ex. fiction, intended to throw discredit on Saul and his tribe and family. “The out- rage takes place in Gibeah, a place specially connected with Saul; and that it is perpetrated on a Levite increases its heinous- ness; while the inhospitable character of the inhabitants comes out, not only in their disgraceful conduct, but in the fact that the only man who offers entertainment is not a native of the place. Saul’s tribe consents to the crime, and refuses to sur- render the authors of it. Jabesh-gilead, which Saul had res- cued from the Ammonits, and whose inhabitants had rescued Saul’s body from the Phil., is the only place which did not join in the holy war against B., and is destroyed for this. The details also recall the conduct of the men of Sodom. It is true that the coincidences with points in Saul’s history are very striking. Yet it is difficult to resist the conviction that there must be a hist. basis for chs. 19 and 21, and for so much of ch. 20 as relates the extermination of a large part of the tribe. That the whole of Israel took part cannot be maintained; ro Judah (2018), to which the murdered woman belonged, nok the chief part in inflicting vengeance. See Moore (Judges, tn loc.), who argues forcibly for the view taken here. 2. A great-grandson of Benjamin (1 Ch 7). 3. One of those who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10*, prob. same as B. of Neh 3 12), A. 8. PEAKE. BENJAMIN, GATE.—See JERUSALEM. BENO (33 ‘his son’).—In both AV and RV a proper name in 1 Ch 24%. 2, but we should perhaps Pater, ‘of Jaaziah his son, even the sons of Merari by Jaaziah his son’ (Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v.). J. A. SELBIE. BENONI.—See BENJAMIN. BEN-ZOHETH (no'r73).—A man of Judah (1 Ch 4), The text appears to be corrupt. BEON (jz), Nu 82°.—See BAAL-MEON. BEOR (7\yz ‘a burning,’ Bewp).—1. Father of Balaam, Nu 22° 243-15 J, Jos 24° E(LXX omits), also Nu 318, Dt 234, Jos 1372, Mic 65, 2 P 2%5(Bosor, AV and RVm). 2. Father of Bela, king of Edom, Gn 36° J, 1 Ch 1%. G. H. BATTERSBY. BERA (373, etym. and meaning unknown).— King of Sodom at time of Chedorlaomer’s invasion (Gn 14?), BERACAH (a9, ‘ blessing,’ AV Berachah).—One of Saul’s brethren who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 128), BERACAH, Valley (79732), 2 Ch 20% only.—‘ The valley of blessing,’ where Jehoshaphat gave thanks 274 BERAIAH for victory over the Ammonites, Moabites, and Edomites, who had marched from Engedi to Tekoa (vv. %), The name survives at the ruin Breikidt on the main road from Jerusalem to Hebron, west of Tekoa. See further in Robinson, BR ii. 189; Thomson, Land and Book, i. 317; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. of Holy Land, 272; and SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. CONDER. BERAIAH (a:x72 ‘ J” hath created’).—A man of Benjamin (1 Ch 8*). BEREA (Bepéa, 1 Mac 94).—See BERGA. BEREAYE, now restricted to the loss of relatives or friends, once meant to deprive of any possession. Thus Ee 48 ‘For whom do I labour, and b. (RV ‘deprive,’ Heb. 7972) my soul of good?’ In this sense ‘bereft,’ an alternative past tense and past pio with ‘ bereaved,’ is still used. Bereft, not in AV, is given by RV at 1 Ti 6 ‘b. of the truth’ (AV ‘destitute, Gr. dmecrepnuévos). RV also introduces bereavement, Is 49° ‘ The children of thy b.’ (abe 33, that is, says Cheyne, who adopts the same rendering, ‘those born while Zion thought herself bereft of all her children’; AV ‘the children which thou shalt have, after thou hast lost the other’). RV introduces further the very rare word bereayer, Ezk 36% ‘a b. of thy nation,’ of which the latest example found by Ozf. ray Dict. is in W. Hall, Man’s Gt. Enemy (1624): ‘Of soule and bodie’s good hee’s a bereauer.’ J. HASTINGS. BERECHIAH (a:3723, abbrev. from 37373; ‘J” blesseth’).—1. Father of Asaph (1 Ch 6”, AV Berachiah). 2. Son of Zerubbabel (1 Ch 3”). 37 Father of Meshullam, one of Nehemiah’s chiefs (Neh 3% ® 618), 4, A Levite guard of the ark (1 Ch 916 15%). §, Father of the prophet Zechariah (Zec UV). 6. An Ephraimite chief (2 Ch 281). See GENEALOGY. J. A. SELBIE. BERED (Person).—See BECHER. BERED (793 ‘hail’(?), Gn 16).—1. A place be- tween Beersheba and Beer-lahai-roi. The Targum of pseudo- Jonathan identifies it with Haluza, now Halasah, the Elusa of Ptolemy, where there are extensive ruins 13 miles south of Beersheba. The ecclesiastical history of Elusa in this era is given by Robinson, i. 201, 202. Jerome says the inhabitants in his time called it Baree. Possibly this was the correct name, as such a change is not likely to occur in speech, but could very easily indeed be made in writing by the change of j into 7, At Halasah there is a distinct bend on the hills and the valley between them, such as might most naturally suggest the name 73 ‘a knee.’ See map in Trumbull’s Kadesh Barnea. A. HENDERSON. BERI (3, perhaps="x2, Oxf. Heb. Lex., and connected with 1x2 ‘a well’).—A division of the Asherite clan Zophah, 1 Ch 7°°. See BERITEs. W. H. BENNETT. BERIAH ("y72).—The etymology is quite un- certain, the root y72 not being used in Hebrew. The root occurs in Arabic in the senses of mownt, excel, be munificent. The name may have meant distinguished, hero, or chieftain. The statement in 1 Ch 7% that Beriah 2 was so called ‘ because it went evil (ayia, lit. ‘in evil’) with his house,’ in- dicates what the name in course of time may have come to suggest, and does not give its original etymology. 1. A son of Asher, and the clan phot rom him. Gn 4617 (P, probably late atratum), Nu 26-46 (P), 1 Ch 7% 8 include B. among the sons of Asher, and make him the ancestor of the clans of Heber and Malchiel, who are mentioned as his sons. In the LXX, how- BERITES ever, of Nu 26% (LXX ”) the clause ‘of the song of Beriah’ is omitted, probably by an oversight, so that Heber and Malchiel appear as direct de- scendants of Asher. In Nu 26%, B. is the ancestor of ‘the clan of the Beriites’ (‘yan nn5yn). 2..A son of Ephraim, and a clan descended from him. This clan in later times included large Benjamite elements. B. is not included in the list of Ephraimitic clans in Nu 26%-37 (P); but in 1 Ch 770-23 we read, ‘And the sons of Ephraim; Shuthelah, and Bered his son, and Tahath his son, and Eleadah his son, and Tahath his son, and Zabad his son, and Shuthelah his son, and Ezer, and Elead, whom the men of Gath that were born in the land slew, because they came down to take away their cattle. And Ephraim, their father, mourned many days, and his brethren came in to comfort him. And he went in to his wife, and she conceived, and he called his name B., because it went evil with his house.’ The mention of Ephraim at first sight suggests that this episode occurred at the beginning of the sojourn in Egypt 3 but Ezer and Elead appear to be brothers of the second Shuthelah, and six generations are mentioned be- tween them and Ephraim. They came down to Gath, presumably from the neighbouring highlands of Ephraim. ‘Ephraim’ and ‘his brethren’ can scarcely mean the pekerders who lived and died in Egypt. Actual sons of Ephraim must have come from Egypt, across the desert, past Phil. and Can. towns. simple and probable explanation seems to be that the chronicler is using a natural and common (cf. Jg 21!+*) figure to describe the distress in the tribe of Ephraim when two of its clans were cut off, the sympathy of the neighbour- ing tribes, and the fact that a new clan Beriah was formed to replace those that were cut off. This new clan was partly Benjamite: In 1 Ch 8 we read of two Benjamites, ‘Beriah and Shema, who were heads of fathers’ houses of the inhabitants of Aijalon, who put to flight the inhabitants of Gath.’ The episode was probably somewhat as follows :— Two Ephraimite clans, Ezer and Elead, set out to drive the cattle ‘of the men of Gath, who were born in the land,’ ¢.e. of the aboriginal Avvites, who had been dispossessed by the Philistines, but still retained some pasture lands. The Ephraimites were defeated, and ej all the fighting men of the two clans perished. The victors invaded Ephraim, whose border districts, stripped of their defenders, lay at the mercy of the enemy. The Benjamite clans Beriah and Shema, then occupy- ing Aijalon, came to the rescue and drove back the invaders. The grateful Ephraimites invited their allies to occupy the vacant territory, and, in all probability, to marry the widows and daughters of their slaughtered kinsmen. Hence B. is some- times reckoned as Ephraimite and sometimes as Benjamite. (Cf. Bertheau, also Eapositor’s Bible, on1Ch7and 8.) 8. A Levite of the clan Gershom, 1 Ch 232. 2, Beriites.—See under 1 above. W. H. BENNETT. BERITES (043) occurs only in the account of Joab’s pursuit of the rebel Sheba, in the obscure and doubtful passage 2 § 2025 ‘Joab... went through all the tribes of Israel unto Abel, and to Beth-maacah, and all tke Berites: and they were gathered together, and went also after him. And they came and besieged him in Abel,’ ete. (RY). The MT apparently intends to state that Joab came to the district of the Berites, possibly de- scendants of BrERI, and that all the tribes of Israel gathered together, etc. According, however, to Driver, Text of Samuel, 264, the MT yields no intelligible sense if ‘all the Berites’ is coupled te what precedes; went after (rqn8 382n) must mean to go into a place after any one. He understands that Sheba went through all the tribes of Israel to en BERNICE ——_—_—_— Abel, and the Berites—or rather Bichrites (see helow)—followed him into Abel as allies. Both Driver and Budde (Sam. in Haupt’s Sacred Books ¥. OT) follow Klostermann in reading oa ichrites, for 073 Berites, after the LXX év Xappel. Sheba is styled ‘ben Bikhri.’ Many others read nn72 choice young men, after Vulg. viri electi. W. H. BENNETT. BERNICE or BERENICE (Bepvixyn).—See HEROD. BERGA,—Tvo places bearing this name fall to be noticed, along with a third which appears as Berea. 1. Bercea (Bépo.a or Béppoa), a Macedonian city, which was the scene of brief but fruitful mis- sionary work by St. Paul, after Jewish hostility had driven him away from Thessalonica (Ac 17°14), It was situated in the district called Emathia (Ptol. iii. 12), at the eastern base of Mount Bermius (Strabo, vii. 26), about 30 miles S. of Pella, and 50S.W. of Thessalonica. It was an old town, whose natural advantages in a well- watered and fertile district gave to it considerable population and importance, which it still retains under the name of Verria or Kara Feria (see the interesting description in Leake, NG iii. 290-292). The Jewish residents in St. Paul’s time were not only numerous enough to have a synagogue, like those in Thessalonica, but are commended as nobler . in disposition (evyevéorepa) than they, in respect of their readiness to receive the word preached, and daily to examine what they heard by the light of their own Scriptures ; so that many Jews believed, as well as not a few women of Greek nationality and ‘honourable estate’ (evoxnudywv). When Jewish tealots from Thessalonica came thither and stirred vp fresh troubles, the newly-converted ‘ brethren’ at once sent St. Paul out of the city ‘to go as far ai to’ (ws, rather than #s=‘asit were’) the sea, by which he went on to Athens, leaving Silas and Timotheus behind at Bercea.’ Sopater, another of St. Paul’s associates, is designated as a Beran (Ac 20%). Tradition made Onesimus first bishop of the Church (Const. Ap. vii. 46). 2. In 2 Mac 134 Bercea appears as the place at which Antiochus Eupator caused Menelaus, the former high priest, to be put todeath. This Berea was the well-known Syrian town now called Haleb ‘or Aleppo; it lay between Hierapolis and Antioch, about one and a half day’s journey from either; it was named by Seleucus Nikator after the Mace- donian city; it became in the Middle Ages the capital of a Saracenic power, resuming its earlier name of Haleb; and though it has suffered much during the present century from earthquake, lague, and cholera, it remains an imposing and important city of about 100,000 inhabitants. 3. At 1 Mac 9* Berea (Bepéa) is mentioned as a place to which Bacchides, after ‘encamping against Jerusalem,’ removed, while Judas lay en- camped at Elasa prior to the battle in which the latter fell. It is now generally identified with Beeroth (Jos 9!) or Beroth (1 Es 5), the modern Bireh, situated about ten miles north of Jerus., on the main road to Nablfis and the north. For description of ruined church there, see SWP vol. ili. p. 88 f. WILLIAM P. DIcKsoNn. BEROTH.—See BEEROTH. BEROTHAH (nnina), Ezk 4716; Berothai (‘nix3), 25S 88, but in 1 Ch 18°, Cun (see Kittel, ad Joc.).— A Syrian city. The first cited passage seems to show that Beirfit is not intended, since the town Jay between Hamath and Damascus. The name probably signifies ‘fir trees,’ and is thought to survive in Wddy Brissa, on the eastern slope of Lebanon, near Kadesh on the Orontes. C. R. CONDER, BESOR 275 BEROTHITE (‘n43), 1 Ch 11%; Beerothite (‘77x3), 2S 4-3. 5.9 9337, An inhabitant of Beeroth. BERYL.—See STONES, PRECIOUS. BERZELUS.—See ZorZELLEUS. BESAI ('p3).—‘ Children of B.,’ Nethinim who deg with Zerub. (Ezr 2%, Neh 752;=Basthai, 1 Es 5**), BESIDE, BESIDES.—These two forms seem to have been used in 1611 (and earlier) indifferently ; ef. Mk 3# ‘ He is beside himself,’ 2 Co 518 ‘ whether we be besides (so 1611) ourselves,’ and Ac 2674 ‘Paul, thou art beside thyself’; again, as to Ac 26*4, Tindale, who introduces this tr", has ‘ besides,’ Cranmer ‘beside,’ the Geneva ‘besides,’ AV ‘beside.’ Modern edd. of AV give ‘beside’ 125 times, ‘besides’ only 8 times, but in ed. of 1611 the relative proportion was closer. Treating both forms as one word, then, b. is either an adv. or a prep., and the meaning is ‘ by the side of.’ But the side may be reached either from a position that is farther off or from one that is still nearer. Compare Ps 23? ‘ He leadeth me b. (>u) the still waters,’ Is 32” ‘Blessed are ye that sow b. (dy) all waters,’ or 1 S 19% ‘I will go out and stand b. (1) my father,’ with Mt 14” ‘five thou- sand men, b. (xwpls) women and children,’ or Gaule (1629), ‘Oh, doe him not the wrong to look b. him, for if you see him not, hee comes by to no purpose’ ; or Foxe, Acts and Mon. ii. 384, ‘He put the new Pope Alexander b. the cushion and was made pope himself.’ Hence b. expresses either addition or separation. 4, ADDITION.—Gn 19" ‘ Hast thou here any b.?’ (iv); Mt 257° TI have gained b. (é7/) them five talents more’; Lk 24?! ‘ Yea and b. (cvv) all this’; 2 P 15 ‘And b. this, ... add to your faith virtue’ (Gr. Kai aird rotro dé, RV ‘ Yea, and for this very cause’) ; Philem vy.” ‘thou owest unto me even thine own self b.’ (rpocopetves ); Sir 17‘ B. this he gave them knowledge’ (pocé0nkev atrois). 2. SEPARATION.—Jos 228 ‘God forbid that we should rebel . .. to build an altar... b. (1250 ‘separate from’) the altar of the Lord our God that is before his tabernacle’ (AV ‘ beside,’ RV “besides’); Is 434 ‘b. me ( "1y530) there is no Saviour.’ Hence arises the expression ‘ beside oneself’ which occurs three times, Mk 3”, 2 Co 5% (both élornuc), Ac 264 (uatvouat). Compare ‘b. the mark’; ‘b. the real issue’ (Froude); ‘ Like an enchanted maid b. her wits’ (Hood); ‘I felt quite b. myself for joy and gratitude’ (Q. Victoria); ‘A Lyeis properly an outward Signification of something contrary to, or, at least, b. the inward Sense of the Mind’ (South). J. HASTINGS. BESODEIAH (Avtioa Neh 3°).—Meshullam, the son of Besodeiah, took part in repairing the Old Gate. The name means, perhaps, ‘In the secret of J”,’ a oz, ef. Jer 231% 2. H. A. WHITE. BESOM.—Is 14” only, ‘I will sweep it with the b. of destruction ’ (xyxn2, from xpxn tro here ‘sweep,’ so lit. ‘I will sweep it with the sweeper of e- struction’; cf. »» mud, mire; and for the simile Is 30 ‘ to sift the nations with the sieve of vanity’ [RVm ‘ destruction,’ Cheyne ‘annihilation,’ Heb. 8,0]). The besom, though used in earlier Eng. and still locally as a mere synonym for ‘broom’ (cf. Lyly, Huphwes, 1580, ‘There 1s no more difference betweene them than between a Broome and a Beesome’), is properly made, not of broom, but of heath, in Devonshire called bisam or bassam. J. HASTINGS. BESOR, Brook (tv37 5n3), 1S 30° 1 21._A torrent, apparently south or south-west of Ziklag, on the 276 BESTEAD way to the country of the Amalekites and Egypt, in the Tih desert. he name has not been recovered. It is identified by Guérin with the Wady LRazze, which flows into the sea 8. W. of Gaza. C. R. CONDER. BESTEAD.—Is 8” only, ‘hardly b. and hungry.’ ‘Bestead’ (the proper spelling is bested, the other arose from a supposed connexion with bestead, to help) means simply ‘placed,’ and that is its meaning here. The Heb. is one word, 7p}, niph. toa from yp, to be hard. Amer. RV has ‘sore istressed,’ Cheyne ‘hard-prest.’ J. HASTINGS. BESTIALITY.—See CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. BESTOW (from 0: or be and stow a place) means in mod. Eng. to confer as a gift, but is used in A in other obsolete senses. 14. To place, 1 K 10% ‘chariots and . . . horsemen whom he b% in the cities for chariots’ (RV ‘in the chariot cities’). Cf. Shaks. Temp. v. i. 299— ‘Hence, and bestow your luggage where you found it.’ 2. To lay up in store, to stow away, Lk 12” ‘I have no room where to b. my fruits.’ 3. To apply to a special use, 2 K 12! ‘the money to be b® on workmen’; Dt 14% ‘thou shalt b. that ey for whatsoever thy soul lusteth after’; 1 Co 133 ‘though I b. all my goods to feed the poor’ (Gr. yYoulfw to teed by giving morsels, from Ywyuds @ mor- sel), 4. Tospend (without special application), 1 Co 12% ‘those members of the body oak we think to be less honourable, upon these we b. more abundant honour’ (repirl@yur, RVm ‘put on’); Jn 4% ‘T sent ou to reap that whereon ye b® no labour’ (xomidw, V ‘ whereon ye have not laboured’). Cf.— ‘Fellow, wilt thou bestow thy time with me?’ Shaks. Jul. Ces. v. v. 61, J. HASTINGS. BETAH (npz), 2S 8°.—See TIBHATH. BETANE (Bard), Jth 1°.—A place apparently south of Jerusalem, and not Bethany. It may be the same as Bethanoth. C. R. ConDER. BETEN (j»2), Jos 19%.— A town of Asher, noticed next to Achshaph. The site is doubtful. In the fourth century (Onomasticon, s.v. Bathne) it was shown 8 Roman miles east of Ptolemais (Acco), and then called Bebeten or Bethbeten. The place intended appears to be the present village EZ B'aneh, which would be suitable for the position of Beten. See SWP vol. i. sheet v. C. R. CONDER. BETH (3), the second letter of the Heb. alphabet (see ALPHABET). Beth is the heading or title of the second part of Ps 119, and each verse of that en begins with this letter (see PSALMS). In Heb. éth (m3) is the construct form of bayith (ma) ‘a house,’ and enters into the composition of many place-names. See BAYITH, NAMES. BETHABARA (ByOaBapd, Heb. 3p m3 ‘place of passing over,’ Jn 1% AV only).—It was east of the river, and a day’s distance at most from Cana of Galilee (2'). The reading in § A B C is Bethany (so RV), as in the time of Origen, who, how- ever, regarded this as incorrect. The traditional site, from the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v.) was at the ford east of Jericho; but this is clearly much too far south. The name survives at the ford called ‘Abdrah, north-east of Bethshean, and this is the only place where this name occurs in Palestine. The site is as near to Cana as any point on the Jordan, and within a day’s journey. See SWP vol. ii. sheet ix. C. i CONDER. BETH-ANATH (my-m™a ‘temple of Anath,’ so BETH-BARAH Nestle, Baethgen, Meyer), Jos 19%, Jg 1%. —A town of Naphtali, now the village ‘Ainatha, in the mountains of Upper Galilee. (SWP vol. i. sheet iv.) See DABERATH for the early Egyptian notice. C. R. CONDER. BETH-ANOTH (nisp-n’a, perhaps ‘temple of ‘Anath’), Jos 15°. — A town in the mountains of Judah near Gedor. It is the present Beit ‘Ainin, S.E. of Halhul. SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. CONDER. BETHANY (Bydavia).—1. A village near Jeru- salem (Mt 211”), near Bethphage, and at the Mount of Olives (Mk 11’, ef. +12), where was Simon’s house means perhaps ‘house of dates.’ It is a small stone village, on the south-east slope of Olivet, north of the Jericho road, surrounded with fig- ardens and terrace-walls. The most conspicuous eature is the tall square tower in the centre of the village, which belonged to the convent of St. Lazarus, founded by queen Milicent in A.D. 1147 for Benedictine nuns. There is a vault below, converted into a diminutive rock-cut chapel Se apses cut to the east. This is shown as the tom of Lazarus. A church was shown at this spot in the 4th century, but the ancient rock-cut tombs are farther to the east beside the road. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii.. and Neubauer, Géog. Tal. s.v., for the Talmudic notices. 2. RV of Jn 1%, See BASHAN, BETHABARA, C. R. CoNDER. BETH-ARABAH (737y7 13), ‘plare of the Arabah’ (wh. see), Jos 15% ® 1822; Arabah, 18!8,—A place in the Jericho plain, apparently north of Beth-hoglah, in the ‘wilderness.’ In the last cited passage the district only is mentioned. The name has not been recovered. C. R. CONDER. BETH-ARBEL (5x37x 7°32), Hos 10% only.—The site is quite uncertain. It is said to have been spoiled by Shalman (perhaps Shalmaneser III.), and may have been in Syria. Two places called Arbela exist in Palestine, one (now /rbid) west of the Sea of Galilee (Jos. Ant. XII. xi. 1), the other (Irbid) in the extreme north of Gilead, both noticed in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onom. s.v. Arbela). (See Schrader, KAT? 440 ff.; G. A. Smith, Twelve Prophets, 217, n. 5; Wellh., Kl. rg 123.) C. R. CONDER. BETHASMOTH (Ba:6acui6), 1 Es 5'*°.—For Beth- azmaveth. BETH-AYEN (px m3 ‘house of iniquity,’ or ‘idolatry’ ?).—Close to Ai (Jos 7?), by the wilder- ness (18/2), north-west of Michmash (1S 135), and on the way to Aijalon (14%), still inhabited in the 8th cent. B.c. (Hos 58). The ‘calves of Bethaven’ were probally those at Bethel close by (Hos 105). Bethel is prob. meant also in Hos 4 5° (see Am 55) 108 (Aven). The name may have been altered from original jie ng ‘house of wealth. See BETHEL, p. 278%. C. R. CoNDER. BETH-AZMAYETH (Neh 7%).—See AZMAVETH. BETH-BAAL-MEON (Jos131”).—See BAAL-MEON. BETH-BARAH (™3 3), Jg 74.—Near Jordan and the valley of Jezreel. Some suppose it to be the same as Bethabara, in which case the guttural has been lost in copying. The situation would C. R. CONDER. suit. See BETHABARA. BETHBASI BETHEL 277 BETHBASI (Ba:@8acl), 1 Mac 9% *.—Jos, (Ant. XII. i. 5) reads Bethhoglah. The name has not been recovered. Jonathan and Simon the Has- monzans here hid in the desert of Jericho, It may represent an ancient ‘s3 a‘, or ‘ place of marshes.’ C. R. CONDER. BETH-BIRI (‘x73 3), 1 Ch 4°.—A town of Simeon, perhaps textual error for nix3> na Jos 198 =Lebaoth, Jos 15°. The ruin Bireh on the west slopes of the Debir hills may be intended. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xxiv. C. R. ConDER. BETH-CAR (79 73), ‘place of a lamb,’ 1S 74. —The Peshitta reads Beth-jashan (see SHEN). The whole topography of this episode is doubtful, for the sites of Mizpeh and Ebenezer are uncer- tain. Beth-car evidently stood above a valley by which the Philistines fled from the hills near Jerusalem. The present ‘Ain Kdrim, a village overlooking the upper part of the valley of Sorek, west of Jerusalem, would be a possible site. It is the later Carem (added verse, LXX Jos 15°). See BETH-HACCHEREM. C. R. CONDER. BETH - DAGON (jisrn'a ‘house of Dagon,’ Byé- Jaywv, Bayadi7j\).—The name of two different towns mentionedinOT. 141. One of these (Jos 15“) is in the territory of Judah, in the second of the four groups of the cities of the lowland or Shephelah, and is provisionally identified with Beit-dejan, about 4 miles §.E. of Joppa. 2. The other (Jos 19”) was one of the border cities of Asher, apparently to the E. of Carmel, and is not identified. There is another Beit-dejan, however, farther to the N., and perhaps yet others (see G. A. Smith’s Hist. Geog. p. 332 n., . 403 n.), indicating that there were many Beth- ia ons. Jos. mentions a Dagon ‘beyond Jericho’ (Wars, 1. ii. 3; Ant. XU. viii. 1). Perhaps this points to a time when the worship of Dagon was widely disseminated, both in and out of the Phil. country. However, the name may mean no more than ‘corn house.’ See DAGON. In the time of Hezekiah, Sennacherib captured the Beth-dagon near Joppa (Smith, Assyr. Disc. & 303). : . J. BEECHER. BETH-DIBLATHAIM (o'n>25 n'a ‘house of two fig-cakes’?).—In Jer 48” mentioned with Dibon and Nebo, see ALMON-DIBLATHAIM ; the next camp to Dibon before Nebo (Nu 33**-), It is thought by some to be the Diblath of Ezk 64; but this seems impossible. The name (which occurs on the Moabite Stone, 1. 30) has not been found in Moab. C. R. CONDER. BETH-EDEN (Am 1° marg.).—See EDEN. BETHEL (5xna ‘house of God,’ LXX Bac6f), Jos. Byé7\, BeOi\y ods) is usually identified with the modern Bétin (PEF Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 305), about four hours N. of Jerusalem, on the Nablis road (Jg 21'¥), though the ancient town may have lain farther N. than the present villave (Baed. Paldst.* p. 215). The situation is high up (2880 ft.) in the central range; hence the mention of ‘hill- country’ (Gn 128, Jos 161, Jg 45, 1 S 137), and the use of the verb ‘ to go up,’ in connexion with Bethel (Gn 35}, Jos 16}, Jg 12? 201: 8-1, 1 § 103, Hos 45). The earlier name of Bethel was Luz (Gn 28” R, 35° R, 48° P, Jos 18!% P, Jg 1% J). In Jos 16? JE, however, a distinction is made between the two places (‘from Bethel to Luz’). Perhaps, there- fore, the spot where Jacob spent the night was not actually in Luz, but in its neighbourhood. * *Dillmann, Genesis®, p. 887. Jos 162 might be rendered ‘from Bethel-Luza’; but this wonld imply that Bethel is deter- mined by Luz, whereas everywhere else it is Luz that is determined by Bethel, the better-known place, ‘ Luza,’ then, may be a gloss inserted to accommodate the passage to Jos 1813, The LXX has tlie name not here (162), but at the end of ol, Dillm. Num. Deut. Josh.2 p. 539. Eusebius, in the Onomasticon (s.v. Aovta), places Luz of Joseph 9 miles from Neapolis, Jerome (Onomast. ib.), ‘in tertio lapide Neapoleos’; but neither of these distances can be right. The Talmud mentions some curious legends in con- nexion with Luz: ‘where blue wool is dyed; a place which neither Sennacherib nor Nebuchad- rezzar could take, and where the angel of death is poverlesy: etc.* Another town called Luz was ounded by a man of Bethel in the land of the Hittites (Jg 1%), The first mention of Bethel occurs in the account of Abraham’s immigration: the patriarch pitches his tent in the neighbourhood of Bethel, builds an altar, and worships J”. He visits this sanctuary a second time, on his return from Egypt (Gn 128 133: J). But the origin of the name, and the foundation of the sanctuary, is especially con- nected with a memorable episode in the life of Jacob. Two divergent accounts exist. According to the one, Jacob encounters the vision at Luz in the course of his flight zo Haran (Gn 281-24); this is the earlier narrative, and belongs to JE; accord- ing to the other, God appears to him on his return from Paddan-aram, many years later (Gn 359-18. 15); this is the account of P. a. To take the earlier narrative first. composite in structure. The two documents, J and E, are interwoven, and differ considerably in details. In J (vv,!8161%), J” appears standing beside Jacob, and repeats the promise made to Abraham (123 13!*16 J), adapting it to the circum- stances of Jacob, whose words on awaking are, : eh J” is in this place, and I knewit not. And he called the name of the place Bethel’ (house of £il).t In E (10-12-17. 18, 20-22)" on the other hand, we hear of the stone pillow, of the ladder, and of the angels; Jacob’s exclamation is, ‘ This is none other but the house of God,’ ete.; he sets up the stone as a pillar (mazzéba), anoints it with oil, and makes a solemn vow. It is difficult to account for these divergences. Some authorities, such as Wellhausen,} suppose that J contained an independent narrative ; others, as Kuenen,§ hold that we have here, not the work of J, but a passage expanded and modified from E by ‘a follower of J’; according to the latter scholar, J probably carried back the consecration of Bethel to Abraham and not to Jacob (Gn 128; ef. 13°), 6. In the later account of P (Gn 35%-1815) there is no mention of the characteristic features of the earlier narrative. The salient points here seem to be that God changes Jacob’s name to Israel, and the name Bethel is given to the place because God spake with him there. God reveals Himself by the name E]-Shaddai, and the promise (vy.!: !%) is cast into the form characteristic of P. This account is referred to again in 48° P, In Hos 124 the vision at Bethel comes after Jacob’s wrestling, i.e. after his return from Paddan- aram, as in P, though not necessarily implying that Hosea used this narrative.|| In the subsequent * Talm. Bab. Sota, 466; Bereshith Rabba, ch. 69. See Neubauer, Géogr. du Talm. p. 156. + Cf. Beth-Shemesh, Beth-Dagon (Jos 1541), Beth-Peor (Dt 329), Beth-Baal-Meon (Jos 1817), t Comp. de Hex. p. 33. The variations which occur in the terms of the promise in v.14 when compared with the other promises in J (Gn 123 1314 1818 2218) are explained by supposing that J here has been worked over by a later hand. § Hexateuch, p. 147. The ‘follower of J' incorporated 123b almost word for word in v.14, and modified EB in v.21>; thus vv.13-16 become homogeneous with 2214-18, It will be noticed ve both views involve a modification of J in a lesser or greater egree, } Gn 359-15 has been expanded by the redactor with extracts from JH, eg. in v.14. The mazzéba and libation are quite foreign to P. The word ‘again,’ v.9, is pot original, but was inserted to harmonise with Guo aslo, It is the second visit to Bethel recorded by HE aad once, perhaps, a fuller narrative, which lies behind the prophet’s words. Kuen. (b, Pp. 228. It is 278 BETHEL narrative E records the command to return to Bethel, where Jacob had set up and anointed a pillar; now he builds an altar in memory of the revelation years before (Gn 351-367), ‘And he called the name of the place El-Bethel.’* Nothing is said of the fulfilment of the vow to dedicate a tenth promised in 28>; but this particular is generally held to have been inserted later. On the occasion of this second visit Deborah, Rebekah’s nurse, died, and was buried ‘below Bethel, under the oak.’ Thus tradition connected Bethel with the patri- archal history; and the connexion is a witness to the high antiquity of the sanctuary. It has been supposed that, like many other sanctuaries, such as Jerusalem, Jericho, Shechem, Hebron, etc., Bethel was originally a Canaanite holy place, and that after it had passed into the hands of the Israelites it was adopted into Israelite traditions, and assigned a patriarchal consecration. On the other hand, there is no clear evidence that Bethel was a Canaanite sanctuary; all that the OT knows about its earlier history is that its ancient name was Luz; so we are justified in concluding that its sanctity was of purely Israelite origin.t At the same time, it possessed a sanctity independent of the dedication which Jacob is said to have given it. It was a haunt of angels, a place where a ladder was always fixed between earth and heaven; and when Jacob passed the night there he saw it. It was not so much that J” found Jacob, as that Jacob was unconsciously guided to find J” there. The setting up and anointing of the pillar in Bethel is important as illustrating primitive re- ligious ideas. Several of these pillars are men- tioned in the history of Jacob (Gn 31® 35% E; cf. Jos 24° EK), and the narratives give the impres- sion that they were memorial-stones, marking the scene of a divine revelation. But this was not their fea significance. It is the stone of Bethel, not the place, that is called ‘a house of God’ (Gn 28”), the stone being regarded as the shrine of the Deity, and the symbol of His presence. § In the Book of Joshua Bethel is mentioned several times in connexion with the capture of Ai (Jos 7? 8° 12.17 JE); its inhabitants assisted those of Ai in attacking the Israelites (Jos 8”). he Deuteronomic compiler of Jos defines the situation of Ai by Bethel, showing the importance of the place in his day, and mentions a king of Bethel (Jos 12% 16 J), A frontier town on the S. border of Joseph (Jos 16:2 JE), and on the N. border of Benjamin (Jos 1815 P), it is reckoned as belonging sometimes to Benjamin (Jos 18” P), sometimes to Ephraim (Jg 1% J, 1 Ch 7%). Lying on the frontier, it must have changed hands from time to time; e.g. * That is, El of Bethel ; a local name of J”, pointing to a belief in a local deity inhabiting this particular spot. Cf. the name of the mazzéba of Shechem, ‘El God of Israel’ (Gn 3329), and of the place where Abraham sacrificed the ram (Gn 22)4); 80, too, El-rof, the God of the well of Lahai-roi (Gn 1613); El Olam, the God of Beersheba (Gn 2133), Cf. the various local names of Baal. See Nowack, Hebr. Archdologie, ii. p. 9, and Stade, Geschichte d. V. Isr. i. p. 447. The LXX, Pesh. Vulg. omit the first El (Gn 357), perhaps because the expression was not understood, There is no need to doubt its originality. + So Néldeke, ZDMG xlii. p. 482; but see Benzinger, Hebr. Archdologie, p. 125. t Wellhausen, Composition, p. 82; W. R. Smith, Rel. of Semites, p. 110; Benzinger, ib. p. 376. § W. R. Smith, 7d. 4, 187; Benzinger, ib. pp. 57, 3880; Nowack, Hebr. Archdol. i. p. 91, ii. p. 9; Stade, Geschichte, i. p. 456. Thus 5yxn°3 passed into Greek and Latin as Basrdasy and buetylus, the Afflos Amapol, AMos tu~uyo (prob. atrolites), which were worshipped as divine. Curious information on this subject may be found in Huseb. Prep. Kvang. i. 10, and in Photius, Bibliotheca, ecxlii. p. 1062f. Cf. also Lucian, Alex, 80; Tac. Hist. ti. 8; Clem, Alex. Strum. vii. p. 713. The sacred stone of Mceca is a well-known example from Semitic paganism which has survived {n Islam, Stone-worship is alluded to in Is 578. BETHEL Abijah, king of Judah, is said to have taken Bethel from Jeroboam (2 Ch 131%). After its capture and occupation by the house of Joseph (Jg 1%), Bethel became, together with Jericho, Ai, and Hebron, one of the principal settlements of the Israelites. Gilgal was the head- quarters at the first stage in the occupation of the land, Bethel at the second (Jg 2} LX X: dd Tadyan él BacOyaA).* In the period of the Judges Bethel became the chief religious centre of the northern tribes. The ark was stationed there (Jg 201%); it was fre- quented as a place for sacrifice (Jg 2°» Budde, 1 8 10%), or for consulting the divine oracle (Jg 20'* ™ 21°), and the sanctuary was rendered accessible by roads (Jg 20% 211%), In the neighbourhood was the palm under which Deborah the prophetess dwelt (Jg 4°); and, in a late passage, Samuel is said to have included Bethel in his yearly circuit (1S 78), The importance of the sanctuary was greatly increased by Jeroboam I. Its geographical posi- tion combined with political expediency to make it the religious capital of the N. kingdom. Here and at Dan the golden calves or steers were set up, and a form of J”-worship organised in accordance with the practice of the popular religion (1 K 12% 8t.),+ This no doubt provoked a certain amount of opposition from the prophets; probably Ahijah disapproved of it (1 K 14°). he story of the ‘man of God from Judah’ who cried against the altar of Bethel is, however, much later than this period, so that we cannot be sure how far it repre- sents the contemporary opinion of the prophets. The story is given in 1 K 13 (‘ Bethel,” vv.%* 101 82) +t Elijah, Elisha, and Amos have nothing te say against the golden calves; Elijah himself was sent to Bethel by the Lord (2 K 22). In the reign of Ahab a Bethelite named Hiel rebuilt Jericho (1 K 16%), The splendour and importance of the sanctuary increased with the prosperity of the N. neers. The worship instituted by Jeroboam had the support of Jehu (2 K 10”); but it was under Jeroboam II. that the great Ephraimite sanctuary reached the summit of its renown as ‘a royal sanctuary and house of the kingdom’ (Am 77%), It had its dignified priesthood (Am 7") and college of prophets (2 K 2°; cf. 1 K 13"); the ritual, the sacrifices, the public feasts, attained a degree of luxurious splendour unparalleled before. But all this went along with a deep-seated degradation, moral and religious. Amos gives a vivid picture of Bethel at this period. The sanctuary itself had become the seat of, cruelty and extortion ; the sacred feasts, supported out of the tithes (4*),§ had de- generated into luxurious banquets for the nobles at the expense of the poor (54). Hence the sanctu of Bethel is denounced in unmeasured terms bot. by Amos and Hosea (Am 3" 44, Hos 10"); it is threatened with severe visitation and overthrow of its altar (Am 9! 3" ‘ Bethel shall come to nought’ [Aven] 5°).|| In Hosea, Beth-aven has become *The Heb. text here is to be corrected from LXX. The latter, however, is not its original state, for ix) roy KaauOuaves xaiis a gloss inserted to satisfy the dubious 0°337 bx of the Heb. See Budde, Richter u. Sam. pp. 20f., 89. In v.5 o°55 is in its right place. Wellhausen, Comp. p. 215, notes that D'22 was in the neighbourhood of Bethel (Gn 358, M32 yx), + The golden calves were not of Egyptian but of native origin. For the popular worship of J” under the form of an image, see Jg 827 174 1814, 30f, etc. ‘ t oe LOT, p. 188; Kuenen, Kinleitung, ii. p. 76 (Germ. Tans. ). § See W. R. Smith, Rel. of Semites, p. 229 ff. Gn 2821f. no doubt justified and explained the custom of paying tithes at Bethel (Am 44). See above. it W R. Smith, id. p. 470. Perhaps the altar was ‘a pillar crowned by a sort of capital bearing a bowl,’ serving as a kind of cresset. This would give additional force to the language ox Amos in 91, “was at times ‘troubled.’ BETH-EMEK the desecrated name of Beth-cl (42 6° 105) ;* the | angel troubling the waters (v4) is om BETH-HACCHEREM 279 he desecrated name of Beth-el (41 5° 10° ®) :* the | angel troubling the waters (v.4) is omitted in x calf-worship is for the first time emphatically denounced as the very root of Israel’s sin. The prophets’ denunciations were soon fulfilled, for Bethel must have been involved in the general overthrow of the N. kingdom by the Assyrians in 722 ; cf. Jer 4818. According to Jewish tradition, Shalmaneser ‘carried off the golden calf which was in Bethel, and departed to set it up.’ t During the Captivity Bethel is mentioned as the residence of a priest who was despatched by the conquerors to teach the strangers settled there ‘how they should fear J’’’ (2 K 1728), The reforming zeal of Josiah was directed against so much of the sanctuary as had survived the Assyrian devastation. The king carried to Bethel the ashes of idolatrous vessels from Jerusalem ; he defiled the altar which was still standing, but allowed the monument of the prophet, who had foretold the overthrow, to remain undisturbed (2 K Q34- 16. 17. 19), Among the exiles who returned from Babylon ‘the men of Bethel’ are named (Ezr 278=Neh 72) ; and the ancient city was inhabited once more by the children of Benjamin (Neh 11%). In the fourth year of Darius a deputation was sent from Bethel to Jerusalem to inquire about the con- tinuance of the stated fasts (Zec 7?). In the wars of the Maccabees Bethel was one of the places fortified by Bacchides (1 Mac 9%), Finally, it was captured by Vespasian in his campaign against Jerusalem (Jos. Jew. Wars, IV. ix. 9). 2. Here was another Bethel in Judah, mentioned in 1 S 3027, Jos 194 29n3, and 1 Ch 430 DRIN3 Ci for the form 7832). It ismentioned in the Midrash (Ekha ii. 3) as one of the three places in which Hadrian placed garrisons to, arrest deserters, The site is unknown.t G. A. COOKE. BETH-EMEK (P5202 ™3 ‘house of the deep valley’), Jos 1927.—A town of Zebulun in the border valley, east of Acco, apparently near Cabul. The name has not been recovered. C. R. CONDER. BETHER (122°27 ‘mountains of cutting’—or ‘of divisions,’ Ca 217)—If a proper name, the famous site of Bether near Jerusalem (see added verse of LXX Jos 1559) might be intended, the hill-ridge to the south being uncultivated land, near woods in which deer might have been found. Bether is celebrated for the resistance of the Jews to Hadrian under Bar-Cochba in A.D. 135 (see authorities quoted by Robinson, Bib. Res. vol. iii., and the account in Neubauer’s Géog. Talm. s.v.). The site was recognised-by Canon Williams at Bittir, south-west of Jerusalem—a village on a cliff in a strong position, with a ruin near it called ‘Ruin of the Jews,’ from a tradition of a great Jewish massacre at this place. See SW-P vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. CONDER. **BETHESDA (BnGecdd, TR), Jn 5?.—A pool at Jerusalem, by the mpoBaric7 or ‘sheep place’ (market or gate), having five porches or cloisters. In s and L the name is given as Bethzatha (comp. the name of Bezetha for the north quarter of Jerusalem), in B it is Bethsaida. It appears to have had steps from the cloisters, and the water The account of the * The LXX points 7)8 M3 as PS M3, and transliterates olxos "Ov, Hos 415 58 105 (8) 124; Aquila renders olkos avwhedods. Targ. on Hos 415 58 gives Sxnva, Oyril, in Hos. (Opera, vol. iii. p- 145, ed. 1638), connects olxos “Qv (=7Téuevos “HAiov) with Heliopolis. + Seder ‘Olam, ch. xxii. } Probably the Chesil (»b>) of Jos 158° is a textual error for this same Bethel (cf. notesin Haupt’s Sacred Bks. of OT inll.cit.). B and D, but occurs in A C3, the Vulgate, the Peshitta, etc. It may therefore be thought that the troubling of the waters had a natural cause. The site is not definitely fixed by the description. The Sheep Gate was north of the Temple, but a place where the flocks were gathered for watering may be intended. The most probable derivation of the name seems to be from 71¥3 1°32 Betheshdah, ‘house of the stream’ (see under PISGAH, and Gesen. Lex. s.v.). The traditions as to Bethesda have varied. In the 4th century it was placed (Onomasticon, s.v. Bethesda) at the win Pools, in ‘the ditch at the north-west angle of Antonia, one of these being the Sheep Pool and the other that with porches, the fifth of which was supposed to divide the two; but this pool was very probably made in the fosse at a later period (2nd or 6th century A.D.). In the 12th century Bethesda was shown farther north, at the Piscina Interior west of St. Anne. It is now shown at the Birket Israil, part of the northern fosse immediately east of the ‘win Pools; but here, again, the masonry is of later date than that of the Herodian walls of the Temple. A more probable site for Bethesda is the Virgin’s Pool (Gihon and En-rogel), the only natural spring of Jerusalem, at the foot of the Ophel slope south-east of the Temple, as proposed by Robinson. This answers the requirements that it still presents the phenomenon of intermittent ‘troubling of the water,’ which overflows from a natural syphon under the cave, and that it is still the custom of the Jews to bathe in the waters of the cave, when this overflow occurs, for the cure of rheumatism and of other disorders. It is also still the place where the flocks are gathered for watering. A long flight of steps leads to the cave, and the débris is heaped up round these, so that it is impossible to say whether any buildings existed round the cavern. A Greek text of late date was found by Tobler built into the masonry near. The name, ‘ house of the stream,’ would be suitable for this site, whence a stream flowed to Siloam. See SWP, Jerusalem vol., s.v. ‘Ain Umm ed Deraj; also Westcott and Hort’s N.7. App. 76>. ; C. R. CONDER. BETH-EZEL (7389 m3), Mic 111,—Perhaps ‘ place near,’ see AVm: mentioned with Zaanan and Shaphir. It seems to have been a place in the Philistine plain, but the site is unknown. Accord- ing to some it is=Azel of Zec 14, C. R. CONDER. BETH-GADER (172 ™2), 1 Ch 25!, mentioned with Bethlehem and Kiriath-jearim. It may be the same as Geder, Jos 1218, BETH-GAMUL (73 ™3), Jer 48?3.—A place in Moab, noticed with Dibon, Kiriathaim, and Beth-meon. It is now the ruin Umm el-Jemal, towards the east of the plateau, south of Medeba— a site where a Nabatzean inscription was found by Warren, which may date about the 2nd cent. A.D. C, R. CONDER. BETH-GILGAL (Neh 129, AV ‘ house of Gilgal’), perhaps identical with Gilgal to the east of Jericho. See GILGAL. BETH-HACCHEREM (°}77 2 ‘place of the vineyard’), Neh 314, Jer 61. It appears to have had a commanding position for a beacon or ensign. Tradition fixed on Herodium south of Bethlehem, probably because it was a conspicuous site near Tekoa, with which it is noticed. n3, AV ‘house of Aphrah’).—The name of a town apparently in Phil. territory, whose site is quite unknown (Mic 1°), In the call ‘at B. roll thyself in the dust,’ there is a double play upon words, ‘Aphrah contain- ing a punning allusion to ‘Aphar (dust) and wenn (roll thyself) to ‘py>5 (Philistine). It seems out of the question to identify the pace with Ophrah of Benjamin (Jos 18%). See G. A. Smith, Jwelve Prophets, 383 f. J. A. SELBIE. BETH-LEBAOTH (nin3b nvz), Jos 19° ‘house of lionesses’?— A town of Simeon near Sharuhen. Unknown. (See BETH-BIRI.) BETHLEHEM (075 m3 ‘ place of bread ’).— Two laces so named in Palestine are noticed in the 1. Bethlehem Judah, called also Ephrathah, the home of David, 5 miles S. of Jerusalem. Itisnowa small white town on a spur running out east from the watershed. The inhabitants are Christians, and wear a peculiar costume. At the east end of the town is the Church of the Nativity and attached monastery, standing above the orchards of figs and olives, and the vineyards which surround this prosperous village. The church is perhaps the oldest in existence founded for orthodox Greek rites ; the pillars are those of Constantine’s Basilica, commenced about A.D. 330; the mosaics on the wall above belong to the 12th cent. The oak roof was given by Edward 11. To the north is the Latin chapel, and under this the cave-chapel, in which Jerome is said to have lived while writing the Vulgate. The Cave of the Nativity, under the choir of the ancient Basilica, is the only site (excepting the chapel on Olivet) connected with the history of Christ, which is noticed before the establishment of Christianity by Constantine. A cave in Bethlehem, supposed to mark the ‘inn’ of the Nativity, is noticed by Justin Martyr in the 2nd cent. A.D. (Trypho, 78): it was known to Origen, and appears to have been found, in the 4th century A.D., consecrated to Tammuz, and standing in a grove, which was cut down when the place was reconsecrated by queen Helena. An ‘inn’ at Bethlehem is possibly referred to in Jer 41!7(RVm), the place being on one of the high- ways to the south. In the Hebron hills there are many rock-cut stables for cattle, which resemble the cave under the choir at Bethlehem, which possesses a rock-cut recess that may have been a mangegs Some scholars suppose Bethlehem to take its name from Lakhmu, a deity noticed in the Assyrian account of the Creation, but it is not known that he was adored in Palestine. Under the name Ephrath, B. is noticed in Jacob’s time (Gn 35! 48’, if the gloss ‘the same is B.’ is correct), but it is not mentioned in the Book of Joshua (except in the added verse, LXX Jos 15). The name Bethlehem first occurs in 1 § 164. The cemetery is noticed in 2 S 22 and the well in 2 S 23146 The tra- ditional site of this well is a rock-cut cistern north- west of the town. Bethlehem is ill supplied with water, and depends mainly on the Roman aque- duct tunnelled through the hill. The most prob- able site is a well to the south in the valley. BETH-NIMRAH 281 The family of Caleb spread to Bethlehem (1 Ch 219. 24. 51. 54); the Philistines held the city in the time of Saul (2 S 23, 1 Ch 11%"); the well is then described as being ‘at the gate.’ Bethlehem was fortified by Rehoboam (2 Ch 11°), and occu- pied by the Jews after the Captivity (Ezr 27, Neh 7%). In the 8th cent. B.c. (Mic 5’) it appears to have been a small place, still known by its old name Ephrathah, as well as by the later (comp. Ru 2 44), but possessing cornfields and—in Jeremiah’s age—an inn(?). Whether Bethlehem is intended in Ps 132° as a place where the ark was supposed to be, appears doubtful. The birth of rist at Bethlehem is noticed in Mt 2'-56&8 [Lk 24 15, The manger was not in the inn (Lk 27), but prob ably belonged toit. The Gospels refer to Micah (5) as prophesy ing the birth of Messiah at the home of David. The city was sacred to Christians from the earliest times, and the first care of the Crusaders was to secure the safety of its Christian population in A.D. 1099, before Jerusalem was taken. It was subsequently made a bishopric. One of the most remarkable Christian texts is that on the font in the Basilica, which is said, with true modesty, to have been presented by ‘those whose names are known to the Lord. The glass frescoes are of high interest, and were presented by Michael Comnenos in the 12th cent. a.D. The crests of knights who visited the church in the Middle Ages are drawn upon the shafts of the Basilica pillars. For a study of this church, see de Vogiie, Eglises de la Palestine, and SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. For population, see PALESTINE. 2. Bethlehem of Zebulun. Jos 19", and perhaps Jg 12% ©,__Now the village Beit Lahm, in the low hills, 7 miles N. W. of Nazareth. SWP vol. ii. sh. v. C. R. CONDER. BETHLEHEMITE (‘nnn n'a), a native of Beth- lehem, is applied to Jesse in 1 S 16! 18 17°, and to Elhanan in 2 S§ 21. In 1 Ch 20° also we should rob. read ‘onda n'a for MT ‘onbny. See ELHANAN, AHMI. J. A. SELBIE, BETH-LOMON (Ba:$\wpGv), 1 Es 5.—For Beth- lehem of J udah. BETH-MAACAH (npyp m3). — A descriptive epithet of the city of Abel, 2 S 2015, where ‘Abel and B.’ should be ‘ Abel of B.’ (cf. 1 K 15”, 2 K 15”), See ABEL, No. 1. BETH - MARCABOTH (nsznpn wz ‘place of chariots’), Jos 19°, 1 Ch 4°.—A city of Simeon in the southern plains, near Ziklag, deserted in David’s time. The site is unknown. BETH-MEON,—See BAAL-MEON. BETH-MERHAK (py720 m3), 2 S 15" RV, for the AV ‘a place that was far off’; RVm ‘the Far House.’—Stade and others understand it to mean the last house of the city. No town so called is known between Jerusalem and Jericho. BETH-MILLO (Jg 9° RVm; 2 K 12” AVm, text “house of Millo’),—See MILLO. BETH-NIMRAH (77; n'3), ‘place of leopard.’ In Nu 323 Nimrah. See v.*%, Jos 1377.—The same as Nimrim, Is 15°. Now the ruined mound Zell Nimrin, at the foot of the mountains opposite Jericho. A good-sized stream flows N. of the mound to join the Jordan. The town, with others in the Shittim plain, belonged to Gad; the only city in this region assigned to Reuben being Beth-jeshi- moth, south of the plain. In the 4th cent. A.D. Nimrim was known (Onomasticon, s.v. Betham- BETH-PAZZEZ naram) as lying 5 Roman miles north of Livias (Tell er-R&ameh). See SHEP vol. i. s.v. Tell Nimrin. C. R. ConDER. BETH-PAZZEZ (y¥5 m3), Jos 192%.—A town of Issachar near Engannim and Enhaddah. The name has not been recovered. BETH-PELET (nbs m3), RV; in AV Beth-palet, Jos 157”. Beth-phelet, Neh 117.—The Paltite (nds), 28 23”, called by seribal error Pelonite in 1 Ch 11” 27, was an inhabitant of this place. The site was south of Beersheba, but is unknown. C. R. ConDER. BETH-PEOR (11y5 m3), Dt 3% 4% 34%, Jos 13%. See BAAL-PEOR (Nu 25°) and PEOR (Nu 23”8),—A Moabite town given to Reuben. The ‘ top of Peor’ commanded a view of the Jeshimon west of the Dead Sea, and seven altars were here erected by Balak. The Shittim Valley was ‘ over against Beth-peor,’ and from Nebo the body of Moses is said to have been taken to a valley in Moab, ‘over against Beth- eor,’ which was not the Arabah or Shittim Valley. he name of Peor has not been found east of Jordan, but the site is placed near Heshbon in the Onomasticon (s.v. Abarim and Fogor). There is no doubt that Beth-peor was named from Baal-peor (my5), the god of the Moabites and Midianites ; and a possible site for the ‘top of Peor’ is the cliff at Minyeh, south of Wady Jedeideh (probably Bamoth Baal) and of Pisgah (Nebo). The three points of view of the Israelite camp (Nu 23) were evidently on the edge of the Moabite plateau, whence alone Shittim was visible; and the view from Nebo appears (v.’4) to have been less extensive than from the other two sites, so that ridges ex- tending farther west than Nebo would meet the requirement. This applies to the ridge above Wady Jedeideh, and to the ridge of Minyeh, the latter being the most southern, and extending farthest west. From it we may suppose (Nu 2418-21) were seen Edom, Amalek, and the ‘ nest of the Kenite’ on a crag, indicating a position in the south of Moab, whence Edom and the conspicuous knoll of Yukin (Cain) are seen. The name Min- eh is connected with a legend, and means ‘ wish- ing,’ being the name of a deity, Meni (Is 65"). Seven circles, including central altar-stones, still exist at the edge or tne cliff. Farther east is a remarkable circle. with three standing stones, at a place called e’-Mareighdt, or ‘the smeared things ’—evidently an ancient place of worship. Round the circle are numerous erect stones, and to the north a large group of cromlechs. This site, on the same ridge with Minyeh, may repre- sent the old Beth-peor or ‘temple of Peor,’ while Minyeh itself represents the ‘top of Peor.’ To the south of the ridge is the fine ravine of the Zerka M&in— probably Nahaliel or the ‘valley of God,’ and this would be a natural site for the burial of Moses in a valley ‘ over against Beth-peor.’ In the added verse of the LXX, after Jos 15°, a Peor in Judah is noticed. This was also known in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Fogor) as near Bethlehem. It is the present ruin Faghir, north-west of Bethlehem, and, though named from the same deity, is quite a distinct site. Lirrrature.—Mem. East Pal. Survey, vol. i., for Minyeh and E)-Mareighat, under those names, and Mem. West Pal. Survey, vol. iii. sheet xvii. for the Judwan site. C. R. CONDER. BETHPHAGE (Bn6¢ay}), Mt 211, Mk 11!, Lk 19%,.—A village near Bethany, which see. The site is unknown. The name means ‘place of figs.’ See Neubauer, Géog. Tal. s.v. for the Tal- mudic notices, which do not, however, suffice to fix the site. C. R. CONDER. BETHSAIDA BETH-RAPHA (x57 n’3), perhaps ‘house of the iant,’1Ch4%, Perhaps not a geographical name. ee REPHAIM. BETH-REHOB (a'nyn'3, 3 olkos ‘Paap, J; 2S 10%, in v.® ‘Rehob’; ag beinot also Rehob of Nu 13*).—A district of Syria near Hamath. From its situation in the valley in which lay Dan, or Laish (Jg 187+), Robinson was led to suggest Hunin, which commands the plain of Hileh. If Rehob means a ‘broad place’ or ‘boulevard,’ it could hardly be at Hunin. Thomson would place Beth-rehob at Banias. (See REHOB.) A, HENDERSON. BETHSAIDA (By6cadd, ‘House of Sport,’ or ‘Fisher-home’).—Opinion is much divided as to whether this was the name of two ples or only of one, on the northern shore of the Sea of Galilee. That one B. stood to the east of the Jordan, near its entrance into the lake, in the district of Lower Gaulonitis, is beyond dispute. It was this village, ‘situated at the Lake of Gennesaret,’ that Philip ‘advanced to the dignity of a city, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Cesar’s daughter’ (Jos. Ant. XVIII. ii. 1; see also Ant. XVII. iv. 6; BJ u. ix. 1; m1. x. 7; Life, 71, 72, 73; and Jerome, Com. on Matthew, 16%). This corresponds to Bethsaida of Lk 9”, near which was the ‘desert place’ of Mt 144 and Mk 6%, where the 5000 were fed. Codex x stands alone, possibly-as the result of an interpolation, in describing the scene of this miracle as near ‘to Tiberias.’ In this neighbourhood also probably lay the ‘desert place’ where the 4000 were also miraculously supplied, whence Jesus sailed with his disciples to ‘the parts of Dalmanutha,’ in ‘the borders of Ma: ? or ‘Magdala,’ returning thence ‘to the other side,’ ‘to B.’ (Mt 1587-8, Mk 81-22), As to the existence of a second B., west of the Jordan, on the lake shore, there is great diversit; of opinion; but where such authorities as Reland, Robinson, Stanley, and Tristram agree, there is at least a presumption in their favour. Thomson (Land and Book, ii. p. 423) suggesta that the Jordan may have divided the town, the western part being ‘in Galilee,’ the eastern part being that ‘which Philip repaired and called Julias,’ In Smith (DB, art. ‘ Bethsaida’), it is sug ested that ‘if there was only one B. it was probably near the mouth of the Jordan, and perhaps, like Kerak (Tarichza), surrounded by the river, and so liable to be included at one period in Galilee, and at another in Gaulonitis.” G. A. Smith (Hist. Geog. p: 458) says: ‘B. in Galilee need not mean that it ay W. of the Jordan, as the province of Galilee ran right round the lake, and included most of the level coast-land on the E.’? But none of these suggestions quite satisfies the requirements of the Gospel story. The feeding of the 5000 took place on the other side of the sea from Capernaum, near B. Julias. Thence Jesus sent His isciples ‘ £° before him unto the other side, to B.’ (Mk 6*). John (6!") describes them as going ‘over the sea to- wards Capernaum.’ B., whither they were sent, and Capernaum, were therefore practically in the same direction from the place where they em- barked. This could not be true of B. Julias and Capernaum, even if the latter were at Tell Ham, which is most unlikely (see CAPERNAUM). If, on the other hand, Capernaum were at Khan Minyeh, and B. say at e¢t-Jabgha, the direction from the E. coast would be practically identical, and a very slight deflection from its course by the storm would be sufficient to bring the boat to land in Gennesaret. Again, it would be difficult to prove Uinat the ‘ province of Galilee ran right round the lake.’ Josephus is indeed guilty of confusion in speaking of Judas of Gamala, who headed a revolt 18%, against the Romans, now as a Gaulonite (Ant. XVI. i. 1) and again as a Galilean (Ané. XVIII. i. 6), but nowhere does he indicate that the district of Gamala belonged to Galilee. It is true that subsequently, for military purposes, Gamala, ‘as the strongest city in these parts,’ was put under Josephus along with the two Galilees (BJ 1. xx. 4), but he was careful to distinguish what belonged to the different provinces. Thus he says that along with other cities ‘in Gaulonitis’ he fortified Gamala (BJ 1. xx. 6). Jesusretired to B. on hear- ing of the murder of John the Baptist, and the presumption is that he went out of the jurisdiction of Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee. If B. Julias had been in the province of Galilee, Philip would hardly have ventured to interfere with it. But Josephus explicitly says it was in ‘Lower Gaulonitis’ (Bo I. ix. 1). For ‘B. of Galilee’ we must therefore turn to westward of the Jordan. B. Julias has usually been identified with et-Tell, a considerable ruin situated E. of the Jordan, just where the river leaves the hills, and enters the plain of e/-Batetha. In the absence of any definite proof, however, it is natural to suppose that the city, ‘Fisher-home,’ stood much nearer the lake. This supposition is supported by the existence of an ancient site, by the mouth of the river, close to the shore, calle Mas'adiyeh, wherein we may detect some resemblance to the old name. The remark of Josephus (BJ Il. x. 7) that the Jordan 3 Sei by the city of Julias’ into the Sea of alilee would apply to either of these sites, but perhaps most appropriately to the latter. Atten- tion may be drawn to the abounding grass, cover- ing the rich plain, and running up like a wave of emerald over the lower slopes of the E. hills. There is no place round the lake where the natural luxuriance was so likely to call forth John’s remark, ‘now there was much grass in the place.’ The Arab. barriyeh ‘the wilderness,’ or wild graz- ing land beyond the cultivated plots surrounding the town, doubtless corresponds to the ‘desert place’ of the Gospels. ; The most probable site for ‘B. of Galilee,’ as yet suggested, is e¢-7dbgha (Heptapegon ?) on the N. W. shore of the Sea of Galilee. It lies in a little vale, bordering a beautiful curve in the beach, E. of the rocky promontory of Tell ‘Areimeh,—the monkish ‘ Mensa Christi,—which forms the N.E. boundary of the plain of Gennesaret. Capernaum (Kh4n Minyeh) to the south-west, and Chorazin (Karfseh) among the hills to the north-east, B. would here occupy the middle position, probably indicated by the order in which Jesus refers to these cities (Mt 112-3). This seems to be confirmed by Willi- bald (A.D. 722), who, coming from Magdala through Gennesaret, passed first Capernaum, then B., whence he went on to Chorazin. Perhaps also a reminiscence of the ancient name is found in that ‘of the local shrine of Sheikh ‘Aly es-Saiyddin ‘Sheikh ‘Aly of the Fishermen.’ Copious streams of water from the warm springs on the E. edge of the vale served in time past to drive several mills on the shore, being conducted thither by aqueducts, | now crumbling and covered with ferns and ivy. They also afforded supplies, led round the W. pro- montory, to water part of the plain of Genne- saret (see art. CAPERNAUM). he vale is ex- tremely fertile, and has been chosen by the Prus- sian Catholic Pal. Society as the site of B., for the establishment of a religious colony. The shallow water round the little bay literally swarms with fish, attracted thither by the warm water from the springs. This place, and the coast of el- Bateiha, near the other B., are to this day favour- ite haunts of the fishermen from Tiberias. W. EwINe. | BETHSAIDA BETH-SHEMESH 283 BETHSHAN (15S 31° 12,2 § 2133 1 Mac 5°? 12 41) = Bethshean, BETH-SHEAN (in OT jxw-nva or ye-n'3 ; in Apocr. Ba:écdy, 1 Mac 5° 1241, or Bedod, 1 Mac 12”, also Zxvddv wos, 2 Mac 12”, cf. v. Jth 3; in Jos. also ZkvObrohs; in some class. writers, as Pliny, HN v. 74, and on coins Nysa. In modern Arab. Beisdn).—A town between the Little Hermon and Gilboa ranges, on a plain about 300 ft. above the valley of the Jordan, and about 3 miles to the W. of that river. The old town was built on the basaltic plain now occupied by the small village of Beisan and the tell or mound to the N. of it. To the S. is a large extent of marsh, between which and the town runs an ancient road leading from the N. end of the Jordan to Jenin. The tell is bounded on the N. by the river Jalud, beyond which the ancient sepulchres still exist. oth mound and plain are covered with the ruins of temples, walls, and a large amphitheatre. In OT Beth-shean does not play an important part, epparontly because, although according to ‘the oldest book of Heb. history’ it was apportioned to Manasseh (Jos 17!+16, cf. 1 Ch 7%), it remained in the hands of its own people (Jg 1%’). After the battle of Gilboa the bodies of Saul and his sons were carried by the Philistines to Beth-shean, and there fastened to the wall (or in the ‘ broad place’), whence they were removed later by the men of Jabesh-gilead (1 § 31°18, 2§ 2134). In the reign of Solomon the city seems to have given its name to a district (1 K 4). The name Scythopolis given to this city as early as the 3rd cent. B.C. seems to contain a trace of an invasion of Scyths mentioned in Herodotus, i. 105 (cf. Pliny, HN v. 74), or to be due to the use of the word ‘Scyths’ to denote barbarians generally. In the 3rd cent. B.C. Scythopolis paid tribute to the Ptolemies. In 218 it surrendered to Antiochus the Great. About a century later it fell into the hands of John Hyrcanus, but was taken from the Jews by Pompey, restored by Gabinius, and became an jadapendent town of the Rom. Emp. and one of the most important cities in the Decapolis. In the 4th cent. A.D. it was the seat of a bishopric. LiteRATURE.—For description of the site—SWFP fi. 101-114; Robinson, Later BR 326-332. For history —Schirer, HJP 1. i. 110ff.; Jos, Ant. and Jewish Wars. G. W. THATCHER. BETH-SHEMESH (wny na ‘temple of the sun’). —Three places so named occur in the OT in Pal. 4. Jos 15 2116, 1 S 67, 1 K 4°, 2 K 14, 1 Ch 6°, 2 Ch 28'%=Irshemesh of Jos 19, a city of Judah given to the Levites, and afterwards in- cluded in Dan. It was here that the ark rested by a stone (see ABEL), and it was a chief city of Solomon’s province of Dan. Amaziah was here captured by Jehoash of Israel, and the Philistines took it in the time of Ahaz. It is the present ruin ‘Ain Shems, in the valley of Sorek S.E. of Zorah. (SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii.) 2. Jos 19%, a city of Naphtali in Upper Galilee. See Jg 1%. The site is unknown. 3. Jos 19% A city in Issachar. The site is also doubtful. There is a Tell esh-Shemstyeh in the Jordan Valley, but it seems to be too far north to be in Issachar, although its proximity to Tabor would perhaps suit (Pal. Survey Map, sheet ix.) It is to be noted that No. 1 is specially noticed (2 K 14") as belonging to Judah, to distinguish it from the other sites. Bethshemite occurs as gentilic derivative from this name in 1 S 6 18, C, R. ConDER. BETH-SHEMESH.—‘ The pillars of Beth - she- mesh that is in the land of Egypt’ (Jer 43).— The LXX, being written in Egypt, gives simply ods orvdous ‘HAlov wédews rods ev “Oy, ‘ the pillars of BETH-SHITTAH Heliopolis that are at On.’ The place is therefore On in Lower Egypt. Like Heliopolis, ‘city of the sun,’ Beth-shemesh, ‘ house of the sun,’ is here a translation of Per Ra‘, ‘house of the sun,’ the sacred or temple name of On. The pillars, or’dx, niayd, must be the obelisks characteristic of the worship of Ra, the sun-god. See AVEN and ON. F, Lu. GRIFFITH. BETH-SHITTAH (7»zn n’3), ‘ place of the acacia,’ Jg 722,—In the vicinity of Abel-meholah. It is the present Shutta, a village on a knoll, in the Jezreel Valley. See SWPP vol. ii. sheet ix. C. R. CONDER. BETHSURA (Ba:6covpa), 1 Mac 4% © 67. 26. 31 4.50 9°2 1014 11° 147, 2 Mac. 13'-22.—The Greek form of Bethzur. In 2 Mac 11° Bethsuron. BETH-TAPPUAH (nemrn'3), ‘place of apples,’ Jos 15°.—In the Hebron mountains, a town of Judah (see Tappuah in 1 Ch 2), Now the village Taffdh, west of Hebron. SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. CONDER. BETHUEL (5x:nz).— The son of Nahor and Milcah, nephew of Abraham, and father of Laban and Rebecca (Gn 22% 2416-4. 47.50. 9520 982.5), In Gn 28° (P) he is called ‘ Bethuel the Syrian’ (‘27N9). While peaeenuly mentioned, he only a ae in person in the narrative of the betrothal of Rebecca to Isaac, and even then his son Laban is the prin- zipal agent in the transaction." This may have been due to a usage which gave a brother a special interest in the rept tation and disposal of his sister (cf. Gn 3451-3, 2 § 13%), Jos. (Ant. l. xvi. 2) speaks of Bethuel as dead at the time. R. M. Boyp. BETHUEL (Ping), 1 Ch 4”. Bethul (dnz), Jos 19*,—A town of Simeon, noticed with Hormah, apparently S. of Beersheba. The site is unknown. See BETHEL 2. ever means ‘to seek diligently’ as RVm, rather than ‘to seek early’; so Job 85 245, In Gn 26% ‘they rose up b. in the morning,’ the idea expressed by ‘b.’ is again in the verb (0°3¥7), and b. or ‘ early ’ 19 the correct idea ; so 2 Ch 36% ‘rising up b.’ (RV ‘early’). Besides the above, ‘b.’ occurs Sir 6 (heading) ‘Seek wisdom b.’ (in ref. to v.% ‘ gather instruction from thy youth up’), 6% 51”, 1 Mac 452 5 1197, Betime is found only in Bel v.'® ‘In the morning b. the king arose’ (kal GpOper 6 Bactheds 7d rpwt). J. HASTINGS. BETOLION (B Berokw, A Byr-, AV Betolius), 1 Es 57,—52 persons of this place returned from captivity with Zerub. (See BETHEL.) Ezr 2% has ‘the men of Bethel and Ai’ 223, and the number 52 belongs to the next named place, Nebo. 1 Es has perhaps dropped a line in the Hebrew. H. St. J. THACKERAY. BETOMASTHAIM (Ba:rouacbdin, Jth 154, AV Betomasthem) ; BETOMESTHAIM (BeropecOcdip, 4°, AV Betomestham).—Apparently N. of Bethulia and aoe Dothan. There is a site called Deir Massin W. of the Dothan plain, but the antiquity of this name is doubtful. C. R. CONDER. BETONIM (0°3b3), Jos 13%.—In N. Gilead. The name may survive in that of the Butein district, the extreme N. of Gilead. BETRAYAL OF TRUST.—See Crimes. BE- TROTHING.—See MARRIAGE, BETTER.—As a subst. ‘ one’s betters,’ the word is not used in AV, but the adj. in Ph 2° shows how that expression arose: ‘let each esteem other b. than themselves’ (depéxovras). The verb is found Mk 5* ‘was nothing bettered, but rather grew worse’ (t.¢. made better, lit. ‘ profited,’ dperdw). J. HASTINGS. BETWEEN, BETWIXT.—‘ Between’ was once used freely with a reflexive pronoun to express that which is confined to two (or more) persons. Thus Tindale’s tr® of Jn 11° is ‘and spake bitwene themselves’ (yer? dddjAwy, AV ‘among’). V has Lk 23" ‘they (Pilate and Herod) were at enmity b. themselves’ (xpés davrovs TR, edd. mostly airovs); Ac 26%! ‘they talked b. themselves’ (mpés ddAnAous, RV ‘ they spake one to another’) ; Ro 1“ ‘to dishonour their own bodies b. themselves’ (év éavrois TR, edd. mostly adrots; see Sanday and Headlam in loc. ; RV ‘among themselves’). We still retain the phrase ‘ b. ourselves !’ Between and betwixt were for a long time inter- changeable; the latter is now archaic or local. Betwixt is used in Gn 17” 2315 2678 30% 3157. 90. 61. 53 326, Job 9% 36%, Ca 14, Is 5%, Jer 394, 1 Mac 124 165, Ph 1%. RV retains all except Job 36” (see RV and Davidson im loc.), and adds Job 4” ‘ B. morning and evening’ (AV ‘from... to’). J. HASTINGS. BEULAH (Heb. nba ‘married’ (of a wife)).—Is 62+5, An allegorical name applied to Israel by the Deutero-Isaiah. She was no longer to be a wife deserted by God, as she had been during the Captivity, but married (1) to God, (2) by a strange application of the figure, to her own sons. In os 1. 2 the figure in its first application is re- versed. There it is used to point out the faithless- ness of Israel to her Spouse. F. H. Woops. ] BETHUL (inj), Jos 19.—See BETHUEL. BETHULIA (Batrovdovd), Jth 4&7 G1. 18.14 71.7 10. 13. 31 131° __A town near Dothan, on a hill over- looking the nee: with springs in the valley. The site was unknown in later times, and Veal at Safed, in Galilee, in the Middle Ages. The village of Mithilieh answers in position to these require- ments, being south of Dothan, on a hill at the edge of the plain. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xi. C. R. CONDER. BETH-ZACHARIAS (Ba:0faxapid), 1 Mac 6? 33, — A village on the mountain pass, south of Jerusalem and west of Bethlehem, now the ruin Beit Skaria. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. CoNDER. BETH-ZUR (ns7'3), ‘house of rock,’ Jos 15%, 1S 307 (in LXX), 1 Ch 2*, 2 Ch 11’, Neh 318. The Bethsura of 1 Mac 4” etc. A town of Judah in the Hebron mountains, fortified by Rehoboam, and still important after the Captivity. Judas Maccabeeus here defeated the Greeks under Lysias in 165 B.c. The present ruined site, Beit Sur, on a cliff west of the Hebron road, near Halhul, is remarkable for a ruined tower, prob- ably built in the 12th cent. A.D., and for more ancient rock-cut tombs. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xxi. C. R. CONDER. BETIMES is ‘in good time,’ as Pr 13% ‘he that loveth him [his son] chasteneth him b.’ (i.e. in early life) ; the Heb. is 1p: ‘nq¥,t lit. ‘visits him [qi- gently] with chastisement,’ the idea expressed by ‘ betimes’ being contained in the verb, which how- * In Gn 2450 the words ‘and Bethuel’ were probably inserted sy RB. See Ball’s note in Haupt’s Heb. OT. ¢ On this double accus. see Davidson, Syntaz, § 77. BEWAIL as a reflex. verb occurs only Jer 4% ‘the daughter of Zion that b*™ herself’ (np; [all], ‘to breathe,’ hithp. ‘ gasp for breath,’ as RV). In Lk 8° 23” the meaning is ‘to beat the breast in grief (xdwrouat, used without an obj. in Mt 11!" ‘ye have not lamented,’ RV ‘did not mourn,’ and 24). See MOURNING. J. HASTINGS. BEWITCH BEWITCH.—Ac 8° ‘Simon .. . used sorcery, and b% the people’ (élornmu, RV ‘amazed’ as fre- uently, and as AV in v.¥; but see BESIDE) ; so 8". n Gal 3! ‘O foolish Galatians, who hath b® you ?’ (RV ‘did b. you?’); the Gr. is Bacxalyw, ‘ to speak evil of,’ next ‘ bring evil on,’ and so, as here, ‘lead into evil’ (see Lightfoot, ad loc.); it is used here only in NT, but in LXX Dt 28% (for py), Sir 14°8, Bewitching.— Wis 4"? ‘the b. of naughtiness’ (Bacxavla gavddérnros, Vulg. fascinatio). It seems probable that in all these passages (as in 4 Mac 178 215, Bacxavla) the reference is more or less con- sciously to ‘the evil eye’ (cf. Bdcxavos for py y2 Pr 23° 282), See DIVINATION, EYE. J. HASTINGS. BEWRAY, distinct in origin and meaning from ‘betray,’ is to reveal, disclose. Cf. Adams, Works, ii. 238 ‘Well may he be hurt... . and die, that will not bewray his disease, lest he betray his credit.’ Pr 29% ‘he heareth cursing, and bewray- eth it not’ (RV ‘he heareth the adjuration and uttereth nothing,’ wan ‘shew,’ ‘tell’); 27° (x7 ‘proclaim,’ so RVm, but RV ‘encountereth’ from wy ‘light upon’); Is 16° ‘hide the outcasts; b. not him that wandereth’ (nb: ‘ uncover,’ ‘ reveal’ ; Amer. RV ‘betray.’ Sir 27" ‘if thou b@* his secrets’ (dwroxadtrrw ; #0 27%); Mt 26" thy speech be thee’ (d9\4v oe woet, ‘makes thee manifest’). Bewrayer, only 2 Mac 4! ‘a b. of the money, and of his country’ (évdelxrys, ‘one who reveals,’ RV ‘who had given information of the money, and had betrayed his country ’). J. HASTINGS. BEYOND.—1. This is in AV the occasional rendering of Heb. x3ya be'ébher, which, when attached to 125 ‘the Jordan’ (as it alwaysis, except Jg 118, 1 S 31’, Jer 252) assumes considerable criti- cal importance. In AV j72 sae is tr’ ‘ beyond Jordan’ in Gn 50! 4, Dt 3% 2%, Jos 9!° 138, Jg 51’; ‘on this side J.’ Dt 12-5 38 44 47, Jos 14-159! 197 297; ‘on the other side J.’ Dt 11”, Jos 2!° 77 12} 224 242 814.15, Jo 10°, 1S 317; and ‘on the side of J.’ Jos 5}. RV gives ‘beyond J.’in every place. Again 73yp is used with pryp, Nu 22! 321% 19 82 3415 354, Jos 13% 148 175 187 227, Jg 7*; and the simple 13y Dt 4” (AV ‘on this side’), Jos 137 (AV ‘on the other side’). Nowitis true that the phrase may equally well be tr. ‘across J.’; itis also true that it is used of either side of the Jordan (cf. Dt 3° east, with 3%. 25 west); it even seems that ‘beyond Jordan’ may be used of that side of the Jordan on which the writer himself stands (Jos 5! 9! 127); but the critical importance of the phrase lies in this, that wherever the author of Deut. speaks in his own person (as Dt 1) 5 44- @ 4. ©) it refers to the country east of Jordan; wherever Moses is introduced as the speaker (as Dt 3% * 11%) it refers to the west.* From which the conclusion is drawn that the author (at least of Deut.) must have lived after Moses’ day, from whom he is careful to distinguish himself. LiITERATURE.—Green, Higher Criticism of the Pent. p. 50; Douglas, Why I still believe that Moses wrote Deut. p. 30, and Lex Mosaica, p.95; Perowne, Contemp. Rev. Jan. 1888, p. 143 f.; Driver, Deut. p. xliif.; Harper, Deut. p. 4f. 2. To go beyond=to circumvent, 1 Th 4° ‘that uo man go b. and defraud his brother’ (vrepBalvw, RY ‘ transgress,’ RVm ‘ overreach’). J. HASTINGS. BEZAANANNIM (Jos 19% RVm).—ZAANANNIM. BEZAI (‘s3).—4. One of those who sealed the covenant (Neh 104). 2. The eponym of a family * The only exception is Dt 38, where, although in a passage attributed to Moses, ‘ beyond Jordan’ means the land of Moab ; but ‘the long archmological note’ in which the phrase occurs is held to be a comment of the writer’s or of some editor, not original to Moses. See Harper, Deut. p. 6. BEZER 285 that returned with Zerub. (Ezr 2”, Neh 72) Bassai of 1 Es 51%, BEZALEL (bxya, Becedefr, Beseleel, AV Bezaleel). —1. The chief architect of the tabernacle. The name occurs only in the narrative of the Priests’ Code and in the Bk of Chron. (1 Ch 2”, 2 Ch 1°). It probably signifies ‘in the shadow (i.e. under the protection) of El.’* In both the sources named, B. is given as ‘the son of Uri, the son of Hur, of the tribe of Judah.’ The various links in the genealogical chain will be found in 1 Ch 28-19% %.50, There is no ground for identifying the grand- father of B. with Hur, the companion of Moses (Ex 17°). According to P’s representation, B. was expressly called (o¥3 ‘nx7R) by J” (Ex 31?) to super- intend the erection of the ‘tent of meeting,’ and endowed with the special gifts required for the proper execution of his task (vv.*°). He was also charged with the construction of the furniture for court and tabernacle, as well as with the prepara- tion of the priestly garments, and of the necessary oil and incense. Yet while B. is represented as, in the main, merely carrying out the Divine in- structions, he is also said to be endowed with originality of invention as regards details (Ex 31 4 35°). Among the gifts thus bestowed upon him, not the least was the gift of teaching the arts of which he was himself a master, to his subordinates (Ex 35), the chief of whom was Aholiab (Ex 318 35 etc.). See TABERNACLE. 2. B. occurs in Ezr 10” as one of the eight sons of Pahath-moab that had married foreign wives in the days of Ezra. A. R. 8. KENNEDY. BEZEK (p}3).—Two places so called are perhaps to be distinguished in OT. 14. Jg 15. place attacked by Judah after Joshua’s bens, probably Bezkah, a ruin W. of Jerusalem, in the lower hills. SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. 2. 1S 118, where Sau) athered Israel before advancing on Jabesh-gilead. The most pee. site in this connexion is the ruin Ibzik, N.E. of Shechem, opposite Jabesh. This site was known in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Bezec), but identified with No. 1. It was 17 Rom. miles from Shechem, on the road to Scythopolis (Beisfn), which is correct. (See Moore on Jg 1°.) C. R. ConDER. BEZER (1y3 ‘ fortress ’).—A descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7%). BEZER (7y3, Bécop).—A city belonging to Reuben, situated ‘in the wilderness, on the wp,’ or flat table-land, E. of Jordan (Dt 4%, Jos 208), a city of refuge (dl.cc.), allotted, according to P, to the Merarites (Jos 2195, whence 1 Ch 67%(®). It is mentioned also by Mesha’ (Moab. Stone, 1. 27), as ais in ruins in his day, and as having been rebuilt by him, after his revolt from Ahab, and ex- pulsion of the Israelites from the territory N. of the Arnon (which, though assigned formally to Reuben, was occupied by the Moabites; see MOAB). From its being described as being in the ‘ wilderness’ (cf. Dt 2°)—+.e. in the great rolling plains of grass or scrub stretching out on the E. of Moab (Tristram, Moab, pp. 148, 169)—it may be inferred that it was efenated towards the E. border of the Moabite table-land. The site has not yet been recovered. Euseb. (Onom. 232) identifies it wrongly with Boorpa, in Bashan, the capital of the later province of ‘Arabia’ (G. A. Smith, Geogr. 624). Kusr Bshér, which has been suggested, about 15 miles S.E. of Dhiban (see the map in PEFS¢ 1895, p. 204), is too far to the S., being on the S. side ot the Arnon, and consequently not in the territory of Reuben at all (Jos 1315): the name, moreover, * Cf. Sil-Bél, a king of Gaza in the time of Sennacherib and his successors, see COZ under Jos 1122; also Ina-silli-Bél, Ges, Lex.12), BEZETH does not correspond ana mig as it ought to do. Bezer is not improbably identical with Bozrah (LXX Boodp), one of the cities in the possession of Moab. mentioned by Jer (48%), and also, it is implied (7.™), situated on the ‘table-land.’ 8. R. DRIVER. BEZETH (Bn{é6), 1 Mac 7!°.—A place apparently near Jerus. Jos. calls it Bethzetho (Ant. XII. x. 2), and mentions it as a village. The situation is doubtful. It may be a corruption for Berzetho. C. R. CONDER. BIBLE.— A. Internal Relations of the Bible. I. Names. II. Original Languages. III. Division and Arrangement. IV. Canon. i. OT Canon and Criticism ii. NT Canon, V. Text. VI. Versions. B. External Relations of the Bible. 1. The Literature of other Religions. Il. The Bible in relation to this Literature. i. Revelation. fi. Inspiration. A word or two of explanation may be desirable as to the purpose which the article ‘Bible’ in a Bible Dictionary is intended to fulfil. Its design is twofold, according as it has in view the internal or the external relations of the sacred volume. The whole Dictionary being intended to explain the form and illustrate the contents of the B., the special article should, as far as may be, afford the means of gathering the information thus supplied into the unity of a system, of exhibiting it in topical rather than alphabetical order, so that the usefulness of a systematic work may be, to some extent, combined with the convenience of the lexical arrangement. In particular, the article should give, in an abridged and ordered form, an account of the various parts of which the Bible consists, and the various forms in which it has appeared, including such subjects as Canon, Text, aed Versions, referring to the special articles so entitled for details. In this way it will be of use to those who desire no more than an outline or summary of these subjects, or who wish to under- stand their mutual relations. It should include, of course, the particulars respecting the B. as a whole, such as its names and arrangement. Having thus, in the first part, surveyed- its in- ternal relations, the article should proceed in the second part to consider the B. as one of the sacred literatures of the world, its claims to uniqueness and authority, its reception in the Christian Church, and the position accorded to it there. Into the two divisions thus indicated, the present article will fall. A. INTERNAL RELATIONS OF THE BIBLE. I. NAMES.—The word ‘Bible’ is derived from the Greek. Ancient books were written upon the Byblus or Papyrus reed, and from this custom naturally came the Gr. name f/f)os (Mt 1), in the diminutive form f.8\loy (Lk 4!”) for a book. As the recognised records of Divine Revelation, the writings which made up their sacred volume became known to the Greek Christians as ra fit\la, ‘the books’ par excellence. This ex- pression is said to a be for the first time in this connexion in the 2nd Epistle (14*) falsely attributed to Clement of Rome, and written probably towards the middle of the 2nd cent.; but the word afterwards became very common, though generally qualified by an adjective such as ‘holy,’ ‘divine,’ ‘canonical.’ In its Latin form, however, by a misunderstanding in which there is not a little significance, the neuter plural ‘biblia’ (gen. BIBLE bibliorum) came to be regarded and treated as a fem. sing. (gen. iblie), the transition being uo doubt assisted by the ars conception of the B. as the one utterance of God rather than as the multiplicity of voices speaking for Him. As a singular name, accordingly, it has been adopted into the language of the Western Church, and is employed in the tongues of modern Europe. nother name, ‘ Bibliotheca,’ appears to have been commonly used for the B. throughout the Middle Ages, as evidenced by the paronomasia— ‘ Habeo bibliothecam in mea bibliotheca’—which was then current. It appears with this meaning in old English, and was technically employed by medieval writers to designate a complete MS of OT and NT. When originally used by certain of the Lat. Fathers, such as Jerome, the adjective ‘Divina’ had been prefixed to ‘ Bibliotheca,’ but this was ere long dispensed with, and, as in the case of ‘the Books,’ the Scriptures became pre- eminently ‘the Library.’ This change of the point of view from plurality to unity is, as we shall see afterwards, preciaely aa which modern thought and investigation find it necessary~ to some extent to reverse. But it is interesting to observe the process thus embodying itself in language. The names employed in OT and in the Apocr. for the Jewish Scriptures are such as ‘the books’ (Dn 92), ‘the holy books’ (1 Mac 12°), ‘ the book of the law’ (1 Mac 15 34), ‘the book of the testa- ment’ (1 Mac 1°”), In the NT the usual term is at ypagpal, ‘the Scriptures’ (Lat. scriptura), that is, the sacred writings (Mt 21% 22”, Lk 24%, Jn 5%, Ac 18%). It is to be noted, that while the Jewish Scriptures as a whole are thus designated, 9 ypag%, in the singular, is always used for a special passage (Lk 4%, Jn 20°, Ja 28), and not as with us, - by whom Scripture is employed perhaps even more frequently in the collective than in the special sense. ccasionally for the simple ai ypagal we find ypadat dylac (Ro 1%) or 7a lepa ypdéupara (2 Ti 3), Another variant is when the leading (Jewish) divisions of OT are indicated, as ‘the law, the prophets and the psalms’ (Lk 24), ‘the law and the prophets’ (Ac 28%), ‘the law’ (Jn 12%). The same practice is also common in rabbinical writ- ings, though sometimes, instead of the divisions, the number of the books is given, and the OT is known as ‘The Twenty-four’; sometimes, again, the simple term ‘The Reading’ is employed, which, in contrast with ai ypa¢al, reminds us of the use of the Scriptures in the services of the synagogue. By the early Christians the most commn designation for the whole B. was ‘The Scriptures,’ accompanied as a rule by some such adjective as in the case of Biblia. he term ‘Testament,’ in the expression ‘ Old and New Testaments,’ applied to the two great divisions of the B., has an interesting history. There can be no doubt that it is due to an acci- dental mistranslation of d.a67jxn, which, originally meaning ‘arrangement’ or ‘disposition,’ came to signify a testament or will. But in the LXX the word was adopted as the tr. of the Heb. na or ‘covenant,’ and the ‘new covenant’ was in due . time expressed by the same term. St. Paul speaks of the Heb. Scriptures read in the synagogue as the ‘old covenant’ (2 Co 3% RV), and of the ministers of Christ as ‘ministers of a new covenant’ (2 Co 38). Only in He 961” is it possible to main- tain that the sense of testamentary disposition 18 more probable than that of covenant. By the end of the 2nd cent., accordingly, we find i madarh diabijxn, the old covenant, and 4 xawh diabijKn, the new covenant, the established expres- sions for the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. Origen, in the beginning of the 3rd cent., BIBLE BIBLE 287 mentions ‘ the divine Scriptures, the so-called Old and New Covenants’ (De Princip. iv. 1). In the Latin rendering of di:a07«n there was at first some hesitation between instrwmentum and testamentum, both legal terms, the former de- noting any authoritative or official document; the latter, as already indicated, meaning ‘will’ or ‘disposition’ (of property). Instruwmentum is referred to by Tertullian as being used in Africa; but the other, through the authority of the Vulg., — into more general use. When in the Vulg. erome is translating directly from the Heb., he uses fedus or pactum for the Heb. bérith; but when, as in T and in certain portions of OT, he is revising the Old Lat. Version, he allows testamentum to remain. Thus, though in thought the Christian Church has never lost sight of the two great divisions of Scripture as the records of the two dispensations or covenants which God instituted for His people, the idea has been somewhat obscured by the titles appropriated to these groups of writings. II. ORIGINAL LANGUAGES.—The language of by far the greater part of OT is Hebrew. The name Hebrew ("72y) is applied to Abraham (Gn 14%), either in respect of descent from an ancestor Heber (Gn 101. 4. 25), or more probably because he came (Jos 248) ‘from the other side of the flood,’ 1739 72yp. Hebrew is a branch of the great Semitic (so called from Shem, son of Noah) family of languages, and has its cognates in the Arabic, the Assyrian of the cuneiform inscriptions, the Aramaic, Pheenician, and Ethiopic tongues. Though traces of dialectic differences appear in the Scriptures themselves (compare the pronunciation of the word Shibboleth, Jg 12%), the comparative isolation of the Hebrews peered their pmeuaee more or less unaffected by oreign influences until after the Captivity, when other eletnents were introduced intoit. The Hebrew (Aram,‘ dialect is referred to several times in NT (Jm 5? 1918 17-20, Ac 21% 92? 9614), and even (Mt 26%) a provincial (Galilean) form of this. The a ee ta the general use of Hebrew in OT are Ezr 48-6!8 722-22, Jer 104, Dn 24-73, These pees are written in an Aramaic dialect, which, owever, differs from that in which the Targums were written, and also from Syriac. The language of NT writers, on the other hand, is Greek, but in the form known as Hellenistic Greek, that is, the form which had come into use among the Hellenists or Jews of the Dis- ersion. “From the time when Alexander the reat (B.C. 356-323) founded a Jewish colony in Alexandria, this dialect had established itself at all centres where Jew and Greek came into fre- quent contact. The OT had been translated into it, forming the version known as the Septuagint (LXX), and this ‘Hebrew thought in Greek clothing,’ as it has been termed, gave its tone and character to the language in which the NT is also written. At the time of Christ, Greek was the prevailing language throughout the Roman Empire, the language of educated men, and no less that of peatrervial life. It has been ably argued that Greek was the common language of Palestine in the days of our Lord, and that the Gospel records therefore present us with His discourses in the very words in which they were spoken. But the general consensus of opinion is against this hypothesis, and indeed there is reason to believe that the greater part, at least, of St. Matthew’s Gospel, may have had an Aramaic original. The Greek of NT is the ‘common dialect,’ which had been formed out of Attic Greek by the intro- duction of provincialisms and the various modifi- cations necessary to enable it to serve many purposes throughout a vast region. As it appears in our sacred writings it is largely influenced, as already indicated, by the LXX, and adapted for the communication of the religious ideas due to the special character of Christianity. III. DIvIsIon AND ARRANGEMENT.—The great division of the B., as already mentioned, is into the Books of the OT and those of the NT. The former consists, in the Eng. B., of 39 books, but in the Heb. B. of 24 only—1 and 2 8, 1 and 2 K, 1 and 2 Ch, Ezr and Neh, and the 12 Minor Prophets being respectively counted as one book. The number, according to the account of Josephus, was in his time still further reduced by adding the Book of Ruth to Judges, and that of Lamentaticns to Jeremiah. This reckoning probably originated in a desire to bring the number of books, possibl as part of a general mnemonic scheme, into accord- ance with the number of letters in the Hebrew alphabet. It was in use, according to the testimony of Origen, as late as the middle of the 3rd cent. Another enumeration is that of Epiphanius, who, by resolving Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles again into two books each, made of the twenty-four, twenty-seven books. A point of greater interest and importance is the grouping of these books. In the Heb. B. they fall into three main divisions :—l. The Law, or Torah (n\n); 2. The Prophets, or Nebiim (o°x'33) ; 3. The Holy Writings, or Kethubim (o°21:np, dydypada). The Torah in- cludes the five books (Pentateuch) associated with the name of Moses. The Nebiim are divided into the ‘ former abn ee or historical books, and the ‘latter prophets,’ or prophetical writings in the stricter sense. The Kethubim include (a) the Poetical books—Ps, Pr, Job; (6) the five Megilloth or Rolls—Ca, Ru, La, Ec, Est ; (c) other books, Dn, Ezr, Neh, 1 and2 Ch. Within these divisions the order of the books sometimes varied, and other divisions of great antiquity are extant ; but the one given is of special importance, as will be seen when we touch upon the history of the Canon. In LXX (A.) the arrangement is mainly determined by a consideration of the contents of the books: first come the Historical, then the Prophetic, and lastly the Poetical books. From the LXX this arrangement passed into the Vulg. and other versions. Paci: | (2) Jon (allegorical). E. Sapiential: (1) Pr of Ezk (40-48) and Zec (1-68). The NT presents no serious difficulty in regard to the arrangement of its books. These, 27 in number, fall naturally into the following groups. 1. The Gospels. 2. The Acts of the Apostles. 3. The Epistles of St. Paul, among which the Epistle to the Hebrews may for this purpose be included. 4. The General Epistles. 5. The Book of Reve- lation. This distribution, which has passed from the Vulg. into general acceptance by the Christian Church, is commended by its conformity with the order of contents of the several books. First, the Life of Christ ; then the Activity of His Apostles, and the foundation of the Church of Christ ; then the correspondence of those engaged in this work ; and lastly, the sole monument of the apocalyptic spirit and its activity within the Church. The arrangement found in the MSS presents some interesting and suggestive variations, and has been held to point to an early division into four groups —the Gospels, the Acts and Catholic Epistles, the Pauline Epistixe, and the Apocalypse. Usually 288 BIBLE BIBLE the Catholic Epistles pee those of St. Paul, and among the latter the Epistle to the Hebrews is often found coming before the Pastoral Epistles. The order of the Gospels also varies ; probably from a feeling that those written by apostles should have recedence of those by ‘apostolic men,’ they are Tequently arranged (e.g. in Codex Bez), Mt, Jn, Lk. Mk. For the purpose of following the develop- ment of thought and doctrine in the NT, it is desirable to keep in view not only the arrangement determined by contents, but approximately the chronological order in which its books appeared. The following is such an approximate order: the great Epistles of St. Paul to the Thess, Cor, Gal, and Rom; the Ep. of St. James; Ph, Eph, Col, Philem; 1 P, the Synoptic Gospels, Ac, the Pastoral Epistles, Jude, Rey, He—all prior to the destruction of Jerus. by Titus, A.D. 70. 2 P and the Gospel and three Epistles of St. John come after the destruction of Jerus., the last towards the end of the Ist cent. Minor divisions of the sacred text, which are for the most part also modern divisions, have been made for two distinct purposes—(1) to adapt it for use in the poise services, whether of the Synagogue or of the Church ; and (2) for convenience of reference. Upon the elementary expedient of separating words and sentences by short spaces to pee facility in reading, or upon that of indicating the members of a etical composition, either by an interval between them or by writing them on different lines, it is not necessary to dwell. It is only remark- able how long the inconvenient ecriptio continua maintained itself, especially in the MSS of the Greek text. To the first of the two classes of divisions mentioned belong the Parshioth and Haphtaroth of the Hebrew Scriptures. The former (n\y73, sing. 7% 5 Parashah) are sections mainly of the Pentateuch, though extended in principle to other parts of the OT. They are disdnguished as Smaller and Larger Parshioth, and the smaller are again divided into closca and open. Of the smaller there are 669 (379 closed and 290 open) in the Pentateuch ; of the larger 54, the latter being commonly called Sabbath Parshioth, one being appointed to be read on each Sabbath of the year. In certain years, according to the Jewish reckoning, there were 54 Sabbaths; when there were less than that num- ber, two Parshioth were read on one Sabbath. The open Parashah (indicated by 8, for 7515), generally introducing ® subject of greater importance, was begun on a new line; the closed (indicated by 6, for 23ND) might begin in the middle of a line. The Haphteroth were selected sections from the prophetical writings, read in connexion with the appointed sections of the Law, and usually stand- ing in some correspondence with the latter. They were analogous to the Pericopm of later ecclesiastical usage. It was common to refer to these Hebrew scctions by words denoting the subject,—as the Parashah Balaam, red hevfer, etc., compare Mk 122 (ei wis Bérov, in the Bush; Ro 112 iv "Hale, in Elijah (RVm),—or sometimes by the words beginning the section. Divisions more nearly corresponding to our present verses are referred to in the Talmud as Pesukim (0°05), and perhaps were early denoted by the Soph-pasuk (:) now used at the end of verses in our Hebrew Bibles. There is some doubt as to how far Jerome’s capitula and versus correspond to the Parshioth and Pesukim of the Jews. Sometimes his versus seem to indi- cate whole verses, sometimos only the evixa or members of a verse in the poetical books. Turning to MSS of the NT, there is found even so early as the Codex Vaticanus (4th cent.) a marginal indication of sections divided according to the sense, and apparently constructed for purposes of reference. It bears traces of having been copied from a yet more ancient document. A division of the Gospels into larger chapters (xe¢éAcie majora) is ascribed to Tatian, the disciple of Justin Martyr. These are also known as ¢irAa from the summary of the contents of the section commonly appended to the numeral indicating it. In Latin the x«peruie were termed breves and the summaries breviaria. The relations of the different narratives of the same event contained in the Gospels must early have attracted attention, and to exhibit these was the design of the xsgcrAase minora, attributed to Ammonius of Alexandria, who lived in the 8rd cent. Upon these Eusebius of Cxsarea a century later founded his ten canons, by means of which it is possible to ascertain whether a passage occurs in one Gospel alone or in any combination of two ormore. In the 5th cent. Euthalius, a deacon of Alexandria, peinied first St. Paul’s Epistles and then the Acts and Catholic pistles, divided into xsgcacie similar to the riraa of the Gospels ; and Andreas, Archbishop of the Cappadocian Cwrsarea, completed the work so far by dividing the Apocalypse into twenty-four paragraphs (Aye), of which each was subdivided into three xs¢cAaia. (But see Robinson, Huthaliana, 1895). The modern division of the whole Bible into chapters has usually been attributed to Hugues de St. Cher (Hugo de Sancto Caro), Provincial of the Dominicans in France, after- wards Cardina! in Spain (died a.p. 1263), but recent investi- gations ascribe it with greater ore to Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, died 1227 (see Gregory, Prolegomena to Tischendorf’s NT, ed. viii. D. 164; Konig, Hinleit. in das Alte Test. p. 464). Engaged about 1248 in pepers @ con- cordance, or index of declinable words, Hugo, adopting Lang- ton’s division into chapters, subdivided them by placing the letters A-G in the margin at equal distances from each other. The chapters were soon introduced into the Latin Vulgate, and thence into Greek MSS and printed editions circulating in the West. Scrivener (Introd. to the Crit.of NT) gives several instances of inappropriate division due to this arrangement, the sense being materially interrupted. The indication of minor divisions by marginal letters was soon found inadequate and nega and Robert Stephens in his Greek Testament of 1551 introdu the system of verse divisions which is still in use. Already about 1437 Rabbi Nathan had employed a similar system, alon with Hugo’s division into chapters, for the OT, in connexion wit! a concordance of the Hebrew Bible. This Stephens used as his model, but the work was executed hurriedly, tnter equitandwm (‘while resting at the inns on the road,’ interprets Scrivener), on a journey between Paris and Lyons, according to the informa- tion supplied by his son, Henry Stephens, in 1576. Stephens’ verse-divisions were adopted in the Geneva English Bible of 1560, and subsequently in the AV of 1611. As they are found in practice to break up the sense of the text, the RV has printed the text in paragraphs, indicating chapter and verse in the margin only. The first printed edition of the Heb. Bible with chapters is that of Bomberg, 1526; the first with the versea numbered is that of Athias, 1661. IV. Canon.—The word ‘Canon’ means ‘pattern, rule’; probably in the first instance it denoted a measuring line. It does not appear to have had any religious Pew e in pre-Christian times. Its use by the Christian Church for the ‘rule of faith and life’ was possibly suggested by such passages in the NT as Gal 61, Ph 3", Since the time of Cee it has been applied to the Holy Scriptures of OT and NT as being the recognised authority and court of appeal m regard to Christian faith and practice. It was the content, however, not the range of the Scriptures, which was thus designated. The application of the term involves Church recognition, that the Scriptures are separated from all other literature in virtue of the authority thus ascribed to them. Thus Rufinus translates the xavovixés of Origen by regu- laris or publicus, opposing the books of which the adjective is used to the Apocr. and Libri Ecclesi- astict, Athanasius was among the first to apply it to the writings which contained the regulative content. Some have thought that the word Canon was used for the list of books appointed to be read in churches ; but this ease inconsistent with the fact that the Libri Ecclesiastict were also used for this purpose. Nor does the suggestion that it was the practice of the Alexandrian grammarians to apply the term ‘canonical,’ in the sense of ‘classical,’ to certain Greek authors, appear to have an ascertained bearing upon the istian usage. i. OT Canon.—The formation of the Canon of OT is a subject involved in much obscurity. That the process was a long and gradual one lies in the nature of the case, but the trustworthy indications are few, and the way is thus opened for those efforts of criticism, working upon the contents of the sacred books, which have in recent years assumed such remarkable proportions. There can be no doubt that the large collection was formed by the aggregation of smaller ones, to which some have traced allusions in such OT passages as Dt 1738 31% 2% 1 § 10%, Pr 25!, and perhaps Zec 74, though the last may refer to the oral rather than the written law. There are also references to the earlier prophets in the pages of the later. The grouping of the books in the Heb. Bible, which has been already adverted to, may further be taken as at least a rough indication of the growth of the Canon. In both the Heb. and LXX arrangement of the books the first place is occupied by the Pent., and this notwithstanding the great variations in the order of the later books, Here, therefore, we may fairly conclude that we have the starting-point of the process. This was BIBLE BIBLE 289 the literature recognised as sacred when Ezra read the Torah in the hearing of the whole people (Neh 8). To this would ere long be added such records of Israel’s history and such portions of the writings of Israel’s prophets as survived, forming the second of the great divisions. Then, finally, the miscellaneous collection known as the Hagio- grapha would be formed for the preservation of those works which were deemed worthy of being placed beside the Law and the Prophets. As to the occasions of these steps being taken, and in connexion with the whole subject, there are traditions, some of which were accepted in Christian times, but which are in general to be regarded with suspicion, even where they cannot be shown to be absolutely untrustworthy. Thus the second stage mentioned above is in 2 Mac 2! ascribed to Nehemiah, who is said to have ‘founded a library’ and ‘ gathered together the acts of the Kings and the Prophets, and the writings of David and the epistles of the Kings concerning the holy gifts.’ he succeeding verse, 2'4, mentions an effort of Judas Maccabzeus to recover the documents which had ‘fallen out’ during the great war of independ- ence, and it may have been on this occasion that the bulk of the Hagiographa was brought together. A more famous tradition is that of the Great Synagogue, which, beginning its work under the residency of Ezra, still existed in the time of imon the Just. To this body the formation of at least the first two divisions of the Canon was ascribed. These two had at any rate obtained general recognition, while the third was at least in course of construction when, probably in the beginning of the 2nd cent. B.c., the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus speaks of ‘the Law itself, the Pre- hets and the rest of the Books.’ The reference in osephus to the 22 Books is in terms which indicate that the Canon had already been for some time completed, and his Canon was evidently identical with ours. Though it is true that certain books, as Ec and Ca, were still disputed by the Jews them- selves as late as A.D. 90, it may be held that, so far as historical indication goes, the OT Canon was coy completed a century before Christ. It was certainly the uniform tradition of the Jews that prophetic inspiration had ceased with Malachi, and it is worthy of remark that the very myths with which they ultimately surrounded the forma- tion and close of the Canon could have arisen only in the course of a considerable period of time. Before glancing at the way in which this problem has in modern times been attacked from another side, it may be well to refer to the so-called Alex- andrian Canon and OT epee pha. The LXX {see below) was made up partly of translations from the Hebrew, partly of productions in the Greek language of later Jewish literature. The con- clusion that there was a recognised Alex. Canon distinct from that of Pal. has found much favour with Rom. Cath. critics, asit seemed to give autho- rity to the Apocrypha. These books were exten- sively used the Church Fathers, and Jerome himself included Judith among the Hagiographa. But it is more probable that there was no intention to erect a separate standard of Canonicity, and that the additional books were admitted partly owing to the Canon of Palestine not having yet been definitely or authoritatively fixed, part owing to & certain breadth of practical view. It is to be noted that the grandfather of Jesus Sirach indicates no knowledge of any other than the Heb. Canon, and that Philo, though he took a wide view of inspiration, is said, like NT itself, never to cite the cet he books. The books so named vary greatly both as to their contents andvalue. 1 and 2 Mae are histories—the former highly, the latter much less, trustworthy ; others (1 Es, To, Jth, 3 and VOL, IL—19 4 Mac) are rather historical romances. Some (Wis, Sir) are collections of wise sayings or philosophical treatises; others are intended to supplement the canonical books, or to illustrate the acts and words of persons mentioned in the latter. It was by popular suffrage rather than formal acceptance that these books obtained their places in the Greek B., which, it must be remembered, was the B. of the ppcrieds age, and so formed part of the heritage of the Christian Church. The problem of modern criticism has been, not so much the formation and completion of the Canon as an authoritative collection, regarding which it has been able to add little to the meagre historical indications already noticed, as the rise of OT as a literature and its relation to the religious life and thought of Israel. Certain features of the sacred narratives—such as, double accounts of the same event, differences of expression and phrase- ology, differences even of tone and modes of think- ing, and, in the Pent., references to events long after the time of Moses—had been early noticed, and could scarcely fail to suggest that they had been compiled from still earlier documents, or had had notes and explanations inserted by later hands than those of the original authors or compilers. The serious analysis, esp. of the Pentateuchal writings, began when, in 1753, Astruc, a French physician, pointed out that the more remarkable of these lines of cleavage coincided with the re- spective use of Elohim or J” as names of God. struc himself set the example, which was only too readily followed by aetna s critics, of ex- cessive detail in his analysis, since he parcelled out the Book of Genesis among no fewer than twelve different writers. The phenomena, however, to which he called attention, being berons dispute, obviously needed explanation, and, when they were found pervading other books, and esp. the Book of Joshua, seemed to prove, not only that these writings were of Somppette character, but that they belonged to a later date than had previously been assigned to them. His successors assumed at first that the Elohist, whose narrative begins with Gn 1, was the earlier; and his writing was known as the basis or Grundschrift, the sections marked by the use of the name J” being held to have been inserted into this fundamental document as supplementary to it. A more careful investigation undertaken by Hupfeld, and published in 1853, showed not only that the Jahwistic portions belonged to a docu- ment which, originally independent, had been interwoven with bie sther: but that there were at least two Elohists whose respective work could be distinguished, while one of them stood in the closest relation with the Jahwist. Taking these two together, it may be stated as a fact now generally accepted, that there are three great divisions dis- cernible in the Pentateuch, or elements rather of which it consists—(1) The work of the Deutero- nomist belonging mainly to the fifth book; (2) that of an Elohistic writer,—to which the name of Priestly Code, Priestercodex, is commonly given, beginning, as already mentioned, with Gn I; (3) the combined narrative of the Jahwist and a second Elohist. It is true that analysis, fol- lowing the lines of Astruc, has often gone much further, and that OT criticism has been brought into disrepute in many quarters and laid itself open to counter-criticism, not only by this excess, but by the great divergence of view among the earlier critics, and the confidence, and even ar- rogance, with which they pronounced upon the smallest detail. But while the disagreements of critics show that their work is yet far from com- plete, and that there are probably many points as to which certainty is no longer attainable, the main results of their work eannot be ignored, and BIBLE 290 are no more to be disposed of by a general appeal to inspiration than Hugh Miller’s question as to how the fossil shells came to be in the rocks was answered by the quarryman’s explanation—‘ When God made the rocks, He made the shells in them.’ Thirty years ago the problem of the Pent., and with it that of the whole OT, took a new phase, when not only linguistic and literary considerations were brought to its solution, but also considera- tions derived from a closer examination of Israel’s history and of the progress of its religious thought and practice. The whole question has been made to turn on the chronological relation of the Priestly Code (P) to the Jahwistic-Elohistic document (JE). Formerly the author of P was regarded as the oldest writer, even by such critics as Hupfeld, Ewald, and Knobel; now he is regarded as the latest, not only by Kuenen, Wellhausen, and Reuss, but even by Delitzsch and Driver. Critics, however, when maintaining the late date of a writing in its present form, often admit that earlier documentary or traditional elements may be embodied in it. It is indeed sixty years since the view which has recently commended itself to so many was broached by W. Vatke. Vatke was led to his conclusions, however, mainly by a priors considerations, and his book lay long neglected in consequence of the philosophical and technical form in which it was written. A similar theory was kndiopen dently developed by Reuss of Strass- burg, and made Dae by two of his pupils, H. Graf in a work issued in 1866, and Kayser in one pub- lished in 1874. Kuenen followed up the same views in his great work on the Religion of Israel (1869-70), while Wellhausen in his publications of 1876 and 1878 carried them to the furthest point which they have yet reached. It is claimed as a special merit in Wellhausen’s work that it ‘ excited interest in these questions outside the narrow circle of specialists by its skilful handling of the materials, and its almost perfect combination of wide historical considerations with the careful in- vestigation of details.’ The Grafian, or Graf- Wellhausen, hypothesis was made known, or at least popularised, in Britain through the writings of Robertson Smith. The starting-point of the theory is found in a study of the legislation con- tained in the Pent., and a comparison of the religious history and practice of Israel with what might have been expected had the whole of this legislation been known and observed from the beginning. It seemed to Vatke impossible ‘that a whole nation should suddenly sink from a high stage of religious development to a lower one, as is asserted to have been so often the case in the times of the Judges and Kings.’ It is claimed that the only explanation of the religious life of Israel is that many of the laws were either un- known or non-existent. Again, when the three components of the Pent. were examined, each was found to contain a distinct legislation in a his- torical setting. Of these the simplest and probably the earliest was that known as the Book of the Covenant (Ex 20-23), while the most complex, and therefore presumably the latest, was that of the Priestly Code. Between these came Deuteronomy. Not without exception perhaps, but in a sufficiently striking manner, the course of the history was found to reflect, and to be best explained by this order of the laws. The spiritual tide which lifted the life of Israel from stage to stage, leaving at each its memorial deposit of legislation, was due to the prophets, who, by their impassioned appeals and denunciations of abuses, were the means of purifying the ree of their people, and raising it toa point of elevation, after reaching which it etrifaction which is not he Law is the product, unhappily fell into that only i ecay, but death. BIBLE not the antecedent, of the prophetic activity; to reverse the order is, in the words of Wellhausen, to begin with the roof instead of the foundation; but if the legislations fall into the order above indicated, it almost necessarily follows that the narratives in which they are respectively embedded must be regarded as originating in the same order. To separate the law from the history was the defect of Graf, corrected by Kuenen and Well- hausen. But to accept law and narrative as emerging in the portions and order supposed, is to revolutionise the whole conception previously entertained of Israel’s history, and of its literary development. We conclude this brief account with the verdict pronounced upon the theory by a master in this department, A. B. Davidson of Edinburgh—‘ The strength of the theory lies in its core aate with the practice, as we observe it in the historical books, and in the general out- line of the religious history which it draws. Its weakness lies in the incapacity which as yet it has shown to deal with many important details, and particularly in the assumption, meat! necessary to its case, that the ancient historical ooks have been edited from a Deuteronomistic point of view. The following chronological scheme of OT literature, founded mainly upon Driver's Jntroduction, may be found useful :—* 13th-llth cent. B.c. (period of Judges). Song of Deborah Blessing of Jacob, David’s elegy (2 8 1). 10th-9th cent. B.o. Song of Solomon(?); sources incorporated in Judges and Samuel; J and E. 8th cent. B.c. Amos, 760-746; Hosea, 746-734; Zechariah (chaps. 9-11, which, however, include also post-exilic elements, if they are not, as some hold, wholly post-ex.) ; Isaiah (750-700), 721 marking the end of the kingdom of Israel ; Micah. 7th cent. B.o. Dj; Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel (sources earlier Ruth; Nahum (664-607); Zephaniah (earlier years of Josiah, t.e. 639-621); Jeremiah (called 626). 6th cent. Habakkuk (608-598); Jeremiah; 1 and 2 Kings (sources earlier); Lamentations; Obadiah (partly before and partly after 586, which marks the commencement of the Exile) ; Proverbs (partly before and partly after the Exile); Job; P; II Isaiah and fragments; Ezekiel (taken captive 597. The last three fall during the Exile, say, 586-536); Haggai (520 seqq.); Zechariah (chaps. 1-8, 520 seqq.). 5thcent. Joel (after Captivity); Jonah ; Zec(12-14); Malachi (probably about 432). Memoirs of Ezra and Nehemiah (c, 450- 430) incorporated in our Ezr-Neh. 4th cent. Ecclesiastes (not earlier than latter years of Persian rule, ending 332); Esther (early Rhea of Greek period, be- ginning 332, or 3rd cent.); 1 and 2 Chronicles, Ezr-Neh in present form (shortly after 332, long subsequent to Ezra). 2nd cent. Daniel. The Psalms prob. belong to most of these periods, including even the Maccab. (168-165), but chiefly to the later ones (ex. and post-ex.) ii. NT Canon.—The Jewish Scriptures became the B. of the early Christian Church. Round them in course of time gathered collections of Christian writings to which canonical authority was ultimately ascribed. But as in the case of OT the process was gradual. There was clearly no deliberate intention on the part of NT writers to make Scripture. The Jewish reverence for OT which the apostles inherited would prevent any such thought arising. That NT should have been written at all by men who shared in such a tradi- tional ee has been characterised by Westcott as a ‘moral miracle of overwhelming dignity.’ The writings were evidently called forth br the circumstances of the Church, and only as a second thought gathered together and invested with authority. In order of an Ee the Epistles naturally took precedence of the Gospels. The facts of the Gospel history formed the staple of the apostolic preaching, and, though in the earliest years communicated orally only, must have tended to assume a fixed traditional form. So long as the apostles survived, and the Church had not extended beyond the reach of their personal in- struction, the necessity of committing this tra- dition to writing would be scarcely recognised. The conviction widely held during that first age, * Compare the table given by Sanday, Inspiration, p. 435 ff.; and by Kautzsch, 47’, of whichatr. is given in Expos. Timea, vi. 517 & BIBLE that the end of the world was near, would also tend to discourage any effort of this kind. With the extension of the Church, the rising doubts as to the impending catastrophe, and the removal of the apostles, the need for a permanent record would be felt and supplied. hat small collec- tions of memorabilia, notes of apostolic preaching, were made and circulated we know on the testi- mony of St. Luke, whose object is expressly declared to be the displacement of these by a more trust- worthy account (Lk 1’), Meanwhile the apostles had supplemented their personal activity by epis- tolary communications, and thus the material for a new (Christian) Canon was accumulated. It is probable that all the books composing our NT were written by the end of the Ist cent. of our era. This, indeed, is generally acknowledged, except where, asin the case of Baur and the early Tiibingen school, a speculative reconstruction of early Church History necessitates the ascription of later dates to certain of the books. The recognition, however, of NT books by the Church as of apostolic author- ship and authority was a matter of much longer time. It is not until the 4th cent. that all the books of the present Canon are found included in any list. The Didaché, or Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, an early treatise, the MS of which was discovered so recently as 1873, makes it clear that in the quarter whence it emanated in the end of the Ist or beginning of the 2nd cent. only a few of them were known. It was only to be expected, however, that certain books, or small collections of books, should be known and received within po urely limited areas, from which they adually passed into the use of the Church at arge. Though there was no formal attempt to create a Canon, and for long no formal decree authorising it, a certain Christian wisdom and discretion is seen at work in the acknowledgment of writings both individually and collectively. The criterion was from the first apostolicity, immediate, or all but immediate, connexion with the apostles. Only those books were admitted which could be regarded as the most faithful records of the work of Christ and His apostles, and as the suitable foundation of Christian ee The need which was so soon felt, of exhibiting the truths characteristic of Christianity in opposition to the ising mysticisms of the gnostics and the Fanatical evelopments of Montanism, hastened the rocess, by driving men to the study of the primi- jive records of the faith. For this purpose the oral teaching, which still continued, was insufficient, as gnosticism itself appealed to the written records. These accordingly ceased to be regarded as mere rivate and occasional writings ; they became more han books which might be publicly read for edification ; they were the recognised arbiters in a great doctrinal contest; to them both sides appealed, and the foundations of NT were laid. The chief sources for the history of NT Canon in the period of its formation are the Christian writers, esp. those who took part in the great controversies with heretics during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, the fragments of the heretical writings themselves, the ancient versions, and sundry lists of recognised books which have come down to us. Westcott (Canon of the NT) divides the history of this period as follows :—I. a.p. 70-170, during which time, though the evidence adducible is fragmentary, it is of wide hes pe direct, uniform, and comprehensive ; a margin still remained of books whose authority was disputed or at least un- ed, and the idea of a Canon was implied rather than expressed. Its ‘formation’ may have been gradual, but it was certainly undisturbed. It was a growth and not a series of contests. II. a.p. 170-803, during which the available evidence is largely pogo’ and the consciousness of a collection of sacred books mes more distinct. Still its work is ‘to con- struct and not to define,’ the age ‘was an age of research and thought, but at the same time it was an age of freedom.’ ‘Even controversy fai to create a spirit of historical inquiry,’ and thus the evidence gathered from writers of the 3rd cent. ‘ differs from that of earlier date in fulness rather than in kind.’ III. a.D. 803-397, during which the Canon formed the subject of deliberation and decree at great Councils of the Church, at BIBLE 291 one of which, the third Council of Carthage, held in the yeaz 397, the books of NT recognised ‘are exactly those which are generally received at present.’ Some of the chief Paes of this development can alone be indicated here; further information will be found in the special article (NEW TESTA. MENT CANON). Justin Martyr, the apologist about A.D. 150, records the fact that certain apostolic writings were read along with the prophets on the Lord’s Day in the churches both in city and country. Among these writings he especially refers to what he calls ‘The Memoirs of the Apostles,’ which almost without doubt were the Canonical Gospels, He refers to the Apocalypse by name, and evinces an acquaintance with several of St. Paul’s Epistles. The list known as the Muratorian Fragment, from Muratori, who pub- lished it at Milan in 1740, which probably repre- sents the view of the Roman Church towards the end of the 2nd cent., refers to the Gospels, to the Acts as the work of St. Luke, enumerates 13 Epp. of St. Paul, acknowledges St. Jude, 2 Epp. of St. John (probably the 2nd and 3rd), and ie Apoc. The fragment is somewhat mutilated, and in this way the incompleteness of its reference to the Gospels, and its omission of 1 P and 1 Jn are possibly to be accounted for. It adds the Apoc. of St. Peter, though with an indication of doubt, and expressly excludes two Epistles which had been circulated under St. Paul’s name—one to the Laodiczeans, and the other to the Alexandrians. The Peshitta or Syriac Version of NT was the B. of the Syrian Christians of a period not later than the end of the 2nd cent. It included all the beoks of our Canon except 2 and 3 Jn, 2 P, Jude, and Rev. The old Lat. Version, also of the 2nd cent., omitted only He, Ja, and2P. The heretic Marcion, about the middle of the same cent., com- posed a Canon of his own in accordance with his peculiar views. This embraced the greater part of the Pauline Epp. and a modification of St. Luke. Tatian’s Diatessaron, or ‘Harmony of the Four Gospels,’ which, as has recently been con- clusively proved, were the tour Gospels of our Canon, not only testifies to the existence of these, but signalises by this treatment of them their peculiar position and authority, which was similarly emphasized a little later by the fanciful analogy by which Ireneus sought to show that there could be only fowr Gospels. By A.D. 250 we have the evidence of Irenzus as representing the churches in Gaul, Clement of Alexandria and Origen representing the Egyptian churches, and Tertullian representing the churches of North Africa, practically concurring in their testimony to the contents of that body of Scripture which, with increasing distinctness, was taking its place as the authoritative Canon. Doubt still affected only Ja, 2 P, 2and 3 Jn, and Rev, while Hebrews was in the churches of Rome and Africa not recognised as Pauline. Eusebius in his Eccles. History, composed about A.D. 325, gives valuable information and testimony as to the state of the question in his time. He distinguishes the books which claimed to be authoritative as Homo- logowmena, or universally acknowledged books ; Antilegomena, or disputed books; and Notha, or spurious books. The Antilegomena included Ja, ude, 2 P, 2 and 3 Jn, also Hebrews and Rev. Eusebius hazards the opinion that Hebrews may be a Greek tr. of a Heb. Pauline original. St. Jerome, towards the close of the 4th cent., gives much the same account of the state of opinion in his time, while he himself accepts all the books of our present Canon. St. Augustine likewise accepts the Canon in its present form, and was present at that Council of Carthage (397) at which, as alread stated, ecclesiastical sanction was given to it. It 292 BIBLE BIBLE must be admitted that this conclusion was reached rather on popular and consuetudinary than critical grounds, and it is no matter for surprise that the uestion of canonicity was reopened at the Re- ormation, and again within the last half century. Nothing, however, has been proved which affects the claim of the large majority of NT books, and those of chief interest and value, to be the record of the faith once delivered to the saints. The wisdom with which, on the whole, the line has been drawn is only made more apparent on a con- sideration of those books, such as the Epp. of Clement, the Ep. of Barnabas, and the Shepherd of Hermas, which long maintained a position on the very borders of Scripture, and are given at the vonclusion of NT in certain very ancient MSS. lt only remains to mention the large number of apocryphal Gospels, Acts, Epistles, and Apocalypses (the Notha of Eusebius), of which some, as the Gospel of Nicodemus, the Acts of Paul and Thekla, have long been known, while of others, as the Gospel and Apocalypse of St. Peter, fragments have only recently (1886) been discovered. V. TeExtT.—i. Hebrew.—Until the invention of printing, in the 15th cent., the only mode of trans- mitting ancient books was by the slow and labori- ous method of copying one MS from another. Hand-copying, like typography itself, is subject to special tendencies to error. Since any mistake may be confined to a single MS, though almost certain to be continued in any copies made from it, it is obvious that the work of tracing out the original text by a comparison of MSS is a difficult and delicate one. It forms the subject of a special study, called Textual Criticism, and demands no little ability, poe: and tact. For many centuries the rolls written for use in the synagogue have been prepared with scrupulous care, and the texts which they represent have been preserved, it may be said, free from variation. his applies to the books of the Law, the Haphtaroth or lessons from the Prophets, and the Megilloth, the five books (Ca, Ru, La, Ec, Est) read on the great festivals. It applies, however, only to the con- sonantal characters, since these rolls were written without points and accents, and does not apply to the period before the scribes of the Jewish tradi- tion took the rolls under their special care, nor so strictly to the MSS intended for private use, which had the vowel points together with the Massoretic notes and amermea nk It is said that the earliest Heb. MS of which the age is known dates from A.D. 916, but few are extant which have come down from an earlier period than the 12th cent., and these, as will readily be understood from what has been said, represent a single tradition, and are of no use for comparative purposes. The work, first of the Talmudists between the Ist and 5th centuries, and then of the Massoretes from the 6th to the llth centuries, has fixed the Heb. text (hence called the Massoretic) to the utmost attain- able degree of exactness. But that prior to the labours of the scribes the Heb. Scriptures had been subject to the ordinary conditions of MS copying, is evident from the numerous and important varia- tions found in the Samaritan Pent. and the LXX. These agree Slope in many readings in regard to which both differ from the Heb. text, and they are comparatively independent witnesses—the one to the state of the text in possibly the 5th cent. B.C., the other to that in the 3rd. ii. Greek.—Many ancient MSS contain the LXX version of OT along with the text of NT. It seems, therefore, more convenient to divide MSS into Hebrew and Greek than into OT and NT. Two facts in the early history of NT Scriptures are worthy of note. The one is the wholesale destruction of the sacred books during the perse- eation of Diocletian (A.D. 302), and the other that in A.D. 330 fifty large and carefully prepared copies of the Scriptures were made by order of the Emperor Constantine for the use of the churches of Constantinople. The former event is doubtless accountable for the fact that no MS exists which is older than the 4th cent. For a thousand years subsequently the sacred text may be tr in a continuous and increasing stream of MSS. About 100 of these are Uncials, written, that is, in capital letters—a mark of early date; the remainder, numbering nearly 2000, being Curses, that is, in the smaller running hand which was used from the 9th cent. onwards. An interesting class of MSS are the Palimpsests, in which the sacred text has been more or less obliterated and some later work written over it. Short articles on the five leading uncials will be found under their respective symbols: viz. (1) the Codex Sinaiticus, known by the symbol x, (2) the Codex Vaticanus (B), (3) the Codex Alexandrinus (A), (4) the Codex Ephraemi (C), and (5) the Codex Beze (D). VI. VeRsIoNS. — Renderings of the Scriptures from the original into other tongues are not only interesting in themselves as giving us the form in which the B. brought its message to the various peoples of the earth, but (esp. those of ancient times) are of very great value for determining what the original text itself was. They tap, as it were, the stream of MS evidence at various points from which we have parallel and independent streams available for comparison with the parent stream and with each other. It is evident that, to derive the full benefit from this circumstance, a critical text of the VSS must be prepared with the same care as of the original. Given this, and it is obvious how important the VSS become in decidin; between rival MS readings, as also for purposes 0 interpretation. The weakness of this branch of textual criticism is the defective state of the text of even the most important versions. Along with the VSS proper are justly reckoned those refer- ences in the writings of the early Fathers, which are in effect fragmentary MSS or VSS, according as they are quotations or translations. Of OT the most important version is the Alex- andrian, known as the Septuagint (LXX), from the tradition that the portion of it embracing the Law was made by 72 scribes or scholars sent by the high priest from Jerus. to Alexandria at the request of Ptolemy Philadelphus (B.C. 285-247). This tradition, afterwards extended to the whole version, has not only been overlaid by many mythical elements, but originally rested upon a letter by one Aristeas, which is now admitted to bea forgery. It is, moreover, contradicted by the differences in merit and value which distinguish the several books, as well as by the divergence in the methods of para- oe and interpretation employed. There can e no doubt that a succession of translaters of varying capacity and skill were engaged upon this version. The work was carried on probably during the 3rd and 2nd cents. B.C., the greater part being completed at the latest by B.C. 132, the date allied to in the preface to the Greek rendering of the Book of Ecclesiasticus. There were other Greek VSS, such as those of Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus; but none of these was s0 widely influential or so extensively used as the LXX. It is of importance not only as an aid to the study of the Heb. OT, but as introductory to the Greek NT, the language of which is largely based upon it. From it sprang other VSS, such as the Itala or Old Latin Version, certain Syriac VSS, the Athiopic, Coptic, Sahidic, Armenian, Georgian, Gothic, and Sclavonic VSS, together with the Arabic VSS, which were not taken directly from the original The Targums or in- BIBLE terpretations were rather paraphrases than trans- lations. The necessity for them arose from the substitution of Aramaic for Heb. as the ordinary language of the Jews after their return from the Exile. The most important is the Targ. of Onkelos on the Pent., which keeps more closely to the original than the others, and is remarkable for careful as well as skilful work. Of VSS which embrace both OT and NT, one of the earliest and most valuable is the Syriac Peshitta, the name meaning ‘simple’ or ‘ faithful.’ Its relation to one or two VSS of equal or greater antiquity is still sub judice. It dates from the 2nd cent. A.D. Its place in the history of the Canon has already been mentioned. The Phil- oxenian or Monophysite Version is not an inde- pendent rendering, but a peculiar modification of the Peshitta. The Old Lat. Version (the Itala) prob. arose in N. Africa, was made (as already men- tioned) from the Greek of the LXX, and is only known from citations in patristic writers. It was in the course of revising the Old Latin that Jerome conceived the design of making a new translation of OT direct from the Hebrew. This work, begun in A.D. 390, occupied him fourteen years, and was for long most unfavourably received. It was accused of being heretical, and even Augustine underrated it. It received ecclesiastical sanction first in Gaul ; later _ it was recognised by Gregory the Great, but 200 years more elapsed before it became in the West the generally received and authoritative version, thenceforward known as the Vulgate or ‘ popular’ version. The text of the Vulgate is in a very un- satisfactory condition, having been almost from the first oy bee owing to the existence and use alon with it of the Old ati, and the not unnatur transference of readings from the one into the other. Of the multitude of modern VSS of the B. it is impossible here to speak. Our own English B. has a long and interesting history (see under art. VERSIONS). Most modern VSS differ from the ancient in the extent of the critical apparatus on which they are based. They do not depend upon a single MS or a single version in another tongue. This is esp. the case with the most recent revisions, which, as for instance our own RV, attempt to present, both in regard to text and interpretation, the nearest possible ee to the language of the original writers of the Scriptures. B. THE EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF THE BIBLE. Having now, so far as space permits, analysed the B., shown the parts of which it is made up, the forms in which it has appeared, their relations to each other, and their history up to the point at which this collection practically assumed its present form, we turn to its consideration as a whole, its character as a literature, and its relation to Chris- tianity and the Christian Church. The B. is the pared book of Christianity. Round it—its origin, history, and contents—circle many of the most important problems which affect the nature and claims of the Christian faith. As Christianity is admittedly the highest and purest form of religion known to man, it may be said that the religious destinies of the race depend upon the B. He, cer- tainly, who would cadariun what Christianity is, must have a clear conceptiun of what the B. is and teaches. I. THE LITERATURE OF OTHER RELIGIONS.— As, however, there are other religions besides Chris- tianity, there are other literatures which are regarded as sacred and authoritative by the adherents of these religions. Some of them, indeed, claim to be the vehicles of Divine Revela- tion. It may be well, therefore, to consider wnat a sacred book is, and how it acquires thie character, BIBLE 293 and to give a brief account of the chief sacred books of the world. It is one great characteristic of them that they have in every case grown; they are collections, literatures, rather than books; not composed at once, or proceeding from one hand, but combining many diverse elements, and gener- ally reflecting the history and developments of a religion through a considerable period of time. This is to a great extent true even of the Koran, which is more of the nature of a book than any of the others. With the exception again of the Koran, it is probable that large portions of their contents were handed down by tradition before being committed to writing. Religion began in custom rather than in thought, and was embodied in ceremonies before these were explained by means of doctrines. However simple the primitive worshi might be, it naturally tended to assume fixed forms; the same words would be used in incanta- tion and prayer, and these would be accompanied by the same acts and observances. When religious custom became more complicated and more highly organised, the tradition was preserved first by means of a sacred caste or priesthood, and then by writing down the tradition itself. Hence the most ancient portion of such literatures usually consists of liturgical formulas and ritual texts, where the former give the words to be used and the latter give the directions for the accompanying acts. ‘The priestly class becoming naturally the learned class, and their writings remaining for a long time the only national literature, it was to be expected that many matters of interest would receive notice in that literature which could not be strictly and absolutely described as religious. Thus mythological and historical particulars which were already ancient, and because of their antiquity were held in reverence, would be carefully set down. Laws first of ceremonial purification and later of moral worthiness, the priestly wisdom in its exercise even about civil matters, histories, especially of the heroes of the nation and of the faith, genealogical and other registers,—all, in fact, which was regarded by those who were identified with the religion as having permanent value became a part of the sacred book. These features can be traced in OT itself, and are generally characteristic of what are known as the Bibles of mankind. The canonical position et ea by such writings is due to their acceptance by nations or religious com- munities as of decisive authority especially in matters affecting faith and worship, and is usually supported by ascribing to them a supernatural origin, or at least the authority due to them as the work of the founders of the respective religions, or as belonging to the period of development when the influence of the founder was still fresh and his initiative unimpaired. For our present purpose it is only necessary to take account of the literary monuments of the chief ethnic religions. Fuller details may be found in such works as Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte (of which the first volume has been translated); Tiele, Outlines of the History of Religion ; Menzies, History of Religion; and in the literature as cited in these works. For a brief sketch of the religions themselves, see RELIGION. The sacred books of China bring us face to face with the practical paradox, that, while none have ever been more influential in moulding the life of a people, no inspiration or supernatural authority is claimed for them. They are received with the reverence due to the sages from whom they pro- ceeded, and their guardians are not so much priests as scholars. The five chief books of Confucianism are termed King,—i.e. classical, canonical,—and are partly the original werk of the master, partly 294 BIBLE BIBLE (eid race and selections by him from pre-exist- ing literature, with possibly, to some small extent, later additions. In character they range from extremely dry chronicles to the interpretation of magical formulas, rules of conduct, and sacred songs. The Li-Ki contains laws for domestic and social life at once comprehensive and minute, and by them the life of the whole Chinese Empire has been moulded to the present day. Its fundamental lesson is the inculcation of reverence, and it is full of finely conceived and inspiring thoughts. The four Shoo, or records of the philosophers, contain much that is of interest, particularly the Memora- bilia of Confucius himself and the writings of Mencius, one of the most powerful and practical of Chinese thinkers. The teaching of the latter as to human nature has been compared with that of Bishop Butler, since it regards human nature in its ideal as a system or constitution in which the rightful ruler of the entire nature is the moral will. The Tao-ti-King is the sacred book of Taoism, which divides with Confacluntearn and a form of Buddhism the religious homage of the Chinese eople. The author of this ‘Book of Doctrine and irtue’ was the philosophic mystic Lao-tsze, who was born about half a century before Confucius (B.0. 600). Lao-tsze traces the origin of things to an impersonal reason, and directs men to seek the supreme good by way of contemplation and asceti- cism; at the same time many of his utterances are Pee by great beauty and genuine moral insight. In India we meet with a twofold stream of literature,—that of Brahmanism and that of Buddh- ism,—the former being the main factor in the development of modern Hinduism. The Brahmanic literature includes the Vedas proper, consisting of four books or collections of hymns, the Brah- manas, or ritualistic commentary upon these, and the Upanishads or speculative treatises containing the philosophy of the universe which the Vedic hymns seemed to imply. All these form part of the Veda, or knowledge par excellence, and belong to revelation or ‘S’ruti’ (hearing), as having been communicated to inspired men from a higher source. A second order of books is similarly termed ‘Smriti’ (recollection or tradition), and includes the law books, the great Epic poems, and the Puranas or ancient legends. Of these various works the most important and interesting from our present point of view are the Rigveda, the Laws of Menu, and the Epics. The Rigveda is of the greatest gees Pant and reveals much of the life and manner of thinking and feeling of the earliest invaders of India from the north of whom anything is known. The hymns are spirited and intensely national in tone. They were designed for use at the sacrifices, of the ritual of which they formed an essential part. The gods addressed in them are pre-eminently Nature deities, whose wer is extolled and whose aid and favour are invoked. The Laws of Menu form one of those codes for the regulation of conduct which have gradually grown into shape. Much of it is believed to belong to prehistoric times, and the main bod of the code is undoubtedly very ancient, tndriph in its present form it is probably not older than the 2nd cent. A.D. It has been described as ‘a kind of Indian Pentateuch, resting on the funda- mental assumption that every part of life is essentially religious.’ It originated either in a particular locality or with a particular school, but adually extended its authority over the entire indu eer It consecrates the system of Caste, but, while it exalts asceticism, its regulation of ordinary life is touched with a fine spirit and marked by a practical morality. The great Epic poems, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, chiefly influenced the transition from the ancient Brahmanism to modern Hinduism. With their countless legends and deep personal interest, they appealed to those whom neither speculation nor ritual could move. They are the Bibles of the people, and celebrate the achievements of the ancient heroes, Rama and Krishna. The latter is regarded in the Mahabharata as anu incarnation of Vishnu, one of the supreme Hindu deities. The idea of incarnation of deity is indeed the chief addition made by these poems to the religious thought of India, and was probably developed under the necessity of competing with Buddhism for popular favour. Turning to the sacred litera- ture of Buddhism, it is best represented in what is known as the Southern Canon, the form in which the books are used by the Buddhists of Ceylon. They are written in Pali, while those of the Northern Canon are in Sanskrit. They are other- wise termed the Tripitaka, or three baskets, from the manner of preserving the leaves in each volume, and were accepted as canonical about B.C. 250. The three ‘ baskets’ are the Vinaya Pitaka, which gives the rules of Buddhism as a religious com- munity, and especially of its monastic order; the Abidharma Pitaka containing the philosophic or speculative doctrine of the faith; and the Sutta Pitaka consisting of reminiscences of the parables and sermons of Buddha, in which the religion is adapted to common life. To the last belong the Dhammapada, ‘sentences of religion,’ the most popular of all the Buddhist books. The Dhamma- pada and the Sutta-nipata are said to ‘rank among the nee impressive of the religious books of the world.’ The religion specially identified with Persia is Zoroastrianism, and the B. of Zoroastrianism is commonly known as Zend-Avesta. Properly, how- ever, ‘Avesta’ is the text,—like the Indian ‘ Veda’ it means ‘knowledge,’—and ‘Zend’ is the com- mentary:or annotation upon it. The commentary is in a different language from the text. The latter consisted originally of 21 books, but practi- cally only one of these has survived. It consists of ie parts—the Yasna, a collection of liturgies along with some hymns; the Visperad, consisting of sacrificial litanies; and the Vendidad, an ancient law book, with which are incorporated a number of legendary narratives. While the prevailing character of the Zend-Avesta is that rather of a book of devotion than of the records of a religion, a Bible in our sense, there is discernible within it a variety of religious conceptions which illustrate its essentially composite character. At the same time it contains many passages of an extremely noble and spiritual character, and the religion of which it is the monument has had no inconsider- able influence upon both Judaism and Christianity. The only other sacred book of the first rank which it is necessary for us to notice is the Koran of the Mohammedans. The name signifies ‘read- ing.’ It has already been remarked that the Koran differs from other sacred literatures in being the production of one man. Mohammed is its author, the revelations being written down by the followers of the prophet, after whose death the fragments were gathered together and formed, unfortunately with a total lack of arrangement, into the unity of a single book. The attempts of modern scholars to set the swras or chapters in chronological order has largely increased the interest of the book, and thrown light upon the spiritual development of the prophet himself. In such an arrangement the earliest utterances are seen to be full of emotional fire, brief, poetic, pointed. The later are longer and more prosaic, dealing with all varieties of subjects, personal and domestic, civil as well as religious. They contain BIBLE BIBLE 295 also elements drawn from Jewish and Christian sources. Yet the Koran throughout claims to be inspired in the strictest sense, its words are the words of God Himself. Il. THE BIBLE IN RELATION TO THE LITERA- TURE OF OTHER RELIGIONS.—Whiat, then, is the relation of the literature thus briefly described to the Christian Scriptures? It is not necessary to depreciate the former in order to exalt the latter. We have already noted that there is wisdom, truth, and spirituality in these books of non- Christian faiths. They and the religions with which they are connected have been the light of generations of human beings. They are associ- ated with the civilisations of the world and its great historical epochs. What we have now to ask is, whether, apart from the question of Divine Revelation, to which we shall presently advert, any of them possess the qualities fitting them to become the sacred books of the world, or whether the B., from this point of view, has any manifest superiority over them? If we turn to Contncian: ism and its authoritative literature, we find every- where a consecration of the past, even where it is not understood, which is the deadly enemy of progress ; the life of the people is bound in fetters of habit and ceremony which political changes and revolutions have not dufheed to break. The characteristics of the Chinese mind, with its want of comprehensiveness, and excessive attention to minute detail, are reflected in its ‘classics,’ Moral and spiritual life is crushed out under the burden of external precepts and directions, and there is a determined adherence to the level of the purely human, an avoidance of all reference to the divine, which ignores and tends to mutilate the higher side of man’s being, and to deprive him of an ideal. It is no wonder that the mysticism of the Tao-ti-King had an attraction for those out of whom the spiritual life was not wholly crushed. But Taoism, notwithstanding its philosophical and ethical excellences, ‘as a religion is a dismal failure, and shows how little philosophy and morals can do without a historical religious framework to support them’ (Menzies). The sacred literature of India is characterised net only by its immense extent, but by the great variety of standpoints re- presented in it. What failed to meet the wants of a single people can scarcely be expected to satisfy the entire human race. The Vedic hymns ex- hibit the instability of polytheism. The Brah- Manic system endeavoured to meet this defect by means of its philosophical developments ; but in so doing unfitted itself to be a popular religion. Hence India, during the supremacy of Brahmanism, had in reality two religions, the speculative and the idolatrous and mythical. The separation be- tween the two tended to intensify their several eculiarities, as well as to degrade the popular aith—a difficulty which was only partially met by the incarnation ideas which emerge in the great Epics, Even Buddhism, which presents a personal object of affection and imitation to the worshipper, is condemned by its one-sidedness. If in Con- fucianism we havea religious positivism which will not look at the Divine, in Buddhism we have an agnosticism which cannot find it. It is a religion of despair; it cannot become the spring of human effort, promote civilisation, or contribute to social progress. The sacred books which have sprung up on soil like this, reflecting the peculiarities of their origin, must be held as falling short of the required conditions on which alone they could supersede all others. Zoroastrianism as a religion may be said to be already dead, modern Parsism being a compai atively uninfluential modification of it. The Zend-Avesta is of interest, as we have seen, for the noble elements contained in it, and for the traces of its thought which are to be found in the teachings of other faiths; but even in the vortions which have come down to us, it shows itself, like the literature of Brahmanism, a mixture of diverse views and standpoints. Its mainly liturgical character, and the view presented in It of the supreme Deity, so far as a dualistic system can be said to have a supreme Deity, prevented it from spreading much beyond the region of its origin. The Mohammedan Koran is equally un- fitted to become the book of a universal religion. Like Confucianism, though in a different way, Islam is a foe to progress. ‘Its ideas are bald and poor; it grew too fast; its doctrines and forms were stereotyped at the very outset of its career, and do not admit of change. Its morality is that of the stage at which men emerge from idolatry . . its doctrine is after all no more than negative. Allah is but a negation of other gods. ... He does not enter into humanity, and therefore he cannot render to humanity the highest services.’ Westcott, in an interesting article contributed to the Cam- bridge Companion to the B., distinguishes the sacred books of the pre-Christian ethnic religions from the OT Scriptures under three heads. 1. They are unhistorical. ‘In no case is the revelation or autnoritative rule given in them represented as embodied and wrought out step by step in the life of a people. The doctrine is announced and explained, and fenced in by comment and ritual; but it finds no prophets who unfold and apply the divine words to the varying circumstances of national growth, which at once fix their application and illuminate their meaning.’ 2. They are rstrogressive. ‘The oldest portions of the several collections of the Chinese, Indian, and Persian Scrip- tures are confessedly the noblest in thought and aspiration ; and, secondly, ritual in each case has finally overpowered the strivings after a personal and spiritual fellowship with God.’ 3. They are partial. In their most complete form they may be said to be ‘a Psalter completed by a law of ritual.’ ‘On the other hand, the B. contains every element which the representa- tives of different races have found to be the vehicle of religicus teaching, and every element in its fullest and most fruitful form.’ If these features, we may add, nre conspicuous on a com- parison with the O7, the argument is strengthened when ths NT is brought into view. There the highest reaches of doctrine and devotion are embedded in history ; there the culmination of all the divine progress is attained ; there in amplest measure are to be found the sources of man’s purest an highest life. And the B. thus completed suggests a point of distinction which perhaps does not belong to the OT alone. The ethnic Scriptures are essentially national, or at least racial; they are bound by limits of place and time, the natural products of the circum- stances in which they arose; the B. may be admirably adapted to the needs of place and time, it alone appzals to man as man, and most marvellously combines 2 truly historical character with an adaptability to be the religious guida and instructor of mankind. It has proved its power to travel and to speak to the hearts of men of varying countries and climes. i. Revelation.—A usual feature of the sacred books we have been considering is the claim made by them, or on behalf of them, that they are vehicles of a divine fevelation. The Chinese alone do not claim that their books are inspired, though they regard them with a reverence as deep as anything connected with their religion calls forth. The three parts of the Veda, as we have seen, are dis- tinguished as S’ruti, ‘revelation,’ from the Smriti, or ‘tradition.” The Vedic hymns themselves were held to possess supernatural powers, and were raised to the rank of a divinity. The Avesta had been, according to the Persians, communicated to Zara- thustra (Zoroaster) by Ahura, the good god, him- self. The Koran, according to the Mohammedans, is an earthly copy of a heavenly original, which the angel of revelation made known to the prophet during his ecstasies; it was the subject of one of their greatest controversies whether the Koran as it stands, down to the very word and letter, was not uncreated and eternal, and free therefore from every possible imperfection. The motive of such conceptions lies upon the surface. If, on the one hand, it is man’s way of expressing his boundless reverence for that which is ancient or of proved value, it is, on the other hand, due to the desire of feeling himself on solid ground in regard to the highest and most mysterious concerns of life, those 296 BIBLE which relate to the power above him and the future before him. Somewhat similar claims are made on behalf of the B. It also brings a revela- tion from God; it also is an inspired book. Are all such claims equally futile? Because they are made on behalf of many books, are they true of none? Such a conclusion would be obviously in- ept. Ifa revelation is necessary for man, and if it is in the highest degree unlikely that God would leave man without this necessary guidance,—points which we cannot fully discuss in this place,—it must be somewhere, and the fact that there are unfounded claims to its possession should stimulate the search for it, not lead to its abandonment. And these claims, if nothing more, are a pathetic confession of man’s sense of helplessness in presence of the deeper problems of existence, of his felt need for higher guidance. Nor is it necessary to deny that the conviction so strongly held had a relative justification. A better and juster view of the pies of the world than that formerly entertained, leads us to see that in them also God was educating the world for Himself. In their higher phases, by means of their loftier spirits, a - message was delivered to the nations, in which they were not wrong in recognising His voice. In comparison with Christianity they may be classed as ‘natural’ religions, but at least God was speak- ing in the worthier manifestations of the ‘nature’ which He had made. We are prepared, therefore, rather than unfitted by their study, to recognise in Christianity a divine revelation, and in the B. an inspired book, while the question of degree of In- spiration, and as to what Inspiration itself in- volves, is directly suggested by. it. ii. Inspiration.—The Christian doctrine of In- epuetion was largely an inheritance from the Jews along with the OT, to which alone it at first applied. After the begs Boag of Prophetism, and the reconstitution of the ‘Church-people’ of {srael on the basis of the written law, it is not surprising that rigid and even mechanical views of Inspiration prevailed. The Talmud, while ad- mitting degrees of Inspiration, declared that the Pentateuch at least had been divinely dictated to Moses; while Alexandrian Judaism, doubtless uxder Platonic influences, and on the analogy of the heathen Mantic, held that it involved a total suspension of the human faculties. The first Christian writer to propound a theory of this kind is Justin Martyr, who could not conceive of the things above being made known to men other- wise than by the Divine Spirit using righteous men like a harp or lyre, from which the plectrum elicits what sound it will. This view was followed with more or less emphasis by such writers as Tertul- lian, Irenzeus, Origen; while others, like Chry- sostom, Basil, Jerome, were disposed to recognise the individuality of the several writers as mould- ing their respective work. While Eusebius affirms that it would be rash to say that the sacred pen- men could have substituted one word for another, and Augustine sometimes ascribes to them an absolute infallibility, the latter betrays some dis- position t? recognise the human element when he says that the evangelists wrote ‘ut guisque memi- nerat et ut cuique cordi erat.’ Two circumstances probably prevcated the early Church from defin- itely adopting an extreme doctrine on this subject. One was the struggle with Montanism, which led to a clearer distinction being drawn between in- spiration and ecstasy. The other was the autho- rity still ascribed to the tradition of the Churches, which was so much on a level with that attri- buted to Scripture that Irenzeus could complain of the difficulty of dealing with heretics who could appeal from one to the other, as suited their pur- pose. The same duality of resource characterised BIBLE the common practice of the Church of that a whose bishops invoked now the B. and now tradi- tion in favour of their judgments. In the succeed- ing period, the inspiration of the B. was in many quarters maintained in an uncompromising form, while practically the B. was more and more sub- ordinated to tradition as embodied in the Church, On the one hand, it was held to be useless te inquire the name of the writer of a passage of Scripture since the Holy Spirit was the author of all Bont stare or it was asserted that the Holy Spirit formed the very words in the mouths of prophets and apostles; on the other, the Church placed itself between the individual Christian and the B., which gradually became comparatively unknown and inaccessible. Its authority was not so much disputed as ignored. This was pace the position maintained throughout the Middle Ages—a position definitely formulated by the Council of Trent and the Tae Roman Catholic theologians. It was the Reformers who revived the appeal to Scripture in opposition to the autho- rity of the Roman Church and its traditions. This they did, however, without pronouncing upon the ee which the authority they ascribed to the . seemed to a later age to involve. It was enough for them that the ‘good news’ was declared in it, that by its use a soul could draw near to God with- out priest or rite. Luther proposed to revise the Canon, or at least to estimate the value of the several books by the distinctness with which Christ was preached in them—a criterion which, it is evi- dent, was at once too narrow and too wide, exclud- ing some books which not only Christian antiquity, but devout usage, had consecrated, and including, if consistently carried out, masses of Christian literature.. Zwingli and Calvin maintained as firmly as Luther the supremacy of the B., while also keeping an open mind as to its several parts. For them the substance and content was every- thing, the form of secondary importance. The Confessions of that epoch in general share this freedom of attitude, though those of the Reformed Churches are more explicit than the Lutheran. The 17th cent. was a period at once of violent con- troversy and of rigid definition. The Jesuits on the one hand, the Socinians and Arminians on the other, attacked the authority of Scripture in the interests of Ecclesiasticism or Rationalism. Pro- testant orthodoxy, whether in the Lutheran or Calvinistic form, intrenched itself on the founda- tion of the B., identifying inspiration with in- fallibility, and the record with the revelation it ecnyeyed The sacred writers were regarded as the passive instruments, the amanuenses, of the Divine Spirit. Inspiration was defined as includ- ing the impulsus ad scribendum, the suggestio rerum, and the suggestio verborum. The diversity of style apparent in Scripture was explained as the voluntary accommodation of Himself to the writers by the Holy Spirit. At the same time, with so exalted an authorship, the language could not be anything but pure and exact; no barbarisms or solecisms could enter into the Greek of the NT, and even the vowel points and accents of the Heb- rew text were inspired—an opinion stamped as orthodox by the Swiss Formula Consensus of 1675. From the theory of inspiration thus formulated (and exaggerated) followed the attributes (affec- tiones sew proprietates Scripture sacre) which the dogmatic writers ascribed to the B. These are primary and secondary. The primary are: 1. Diw- ina auctoritas, resting upon its external evidences and internal qualities; but, above all, upon the testimonium Spiritus Sancti, or the witness of God in the soul. This authority constitutes the Scrip- tures the sole tribunal in matters of faith and life, 2. Perfectio or sufficientia ; the B. contains all that BIBLE BIBLE 297 is nece tosalvation. 3. Perspicuitas. The B. is self-explanatory. Passages may be more or less obscure, but these must be explained by means of the simpler and clearer declarations. Rightly used, it requires no other interpreter. 4. Eficacia. The B. is a means of grace, having the power of converting the sinful and consoling the sad. The secondary attributes are necessitas, integritas et perennitas, puritas et sinceritas fontium, authen- tica dignitas. ‘These indicate generally that a revelation must be written, cat that, in all re- spects, the B., as we have it, is the B. as it was intended to be. It is unnecessary to pursue further the histo of the idea of inspiration as applied to the Enough has been said to show the position which it held, and how it was liable to be modified accord- ing to the circumstances in which the Church of successive ages found itself placed. Before touch- ing, however, upon the position accorded to the B. at the present day, attention must be directed for a moment to the relation in which the question of canonicity stands to that of inspiration, since these together have determined the manner in which the B. has been received in the Christian Church. The formation of a Canon at all implies that authority is attributed to the writings in- cluded init. The history of the Canon has shown us that it was formed ely, as the result of ocal usage, which fixed and extended itself, and not as the outcome of criticism or even formal de- termination on the part of the whole Church or its more important divisions. By the end of the 4th cent., as we have seen, the B. stood practically as we haveit now. Yet its limits were not settled in such a way that the Reformers of the 16th cent. felt themselves precluded from rediscussing them. Their tendency was, in the first instance, to examine this and other accepted usages of the Church in the light of historical inquiry. But the oppor- tunities and the material for a competent historical investigation were wanting. The questions at issue were largely decided upon the basis of feel- ing, either individual or general. The exigencies of controversy necessitated a rapid arrival at a decision which should be practical and readily in- telligible. While, therefore, it was not upon the authority of the Church, but through an intuitive reception supposed to reside in the believing es that the contents of the B. were received, the B. thus acknowledged was neverthe- less the same B. as that of the 4th cent. And this once determined, the doctrine of Inspiration was frequently employed to lift it out of the region of historical criticism, and to make its limits and contents a matter of dogmatic definition. Thus we have the rather remarkable resalt that inspiration in the sense of a supernatural guarantee for their truth and authority is claimed for a series of writ- ings, while no claim is, or can be, made for a super- natural determination of the precise writings which are to be included in the series. If the latter uestion isstill open to historical criticism, and must be determined, as every book on Biblical Intro- duction proves to us anew, on grounds of historical] investigation, it is impossible for a dogmatic de- finition of inspiration to be ae in more than a general way to such a series of books; and in that case the question, what inspiration is, and what are its limits or degrees, is again opened uP So long as inspiration cannot be claimed for the pro cess by which canonicity is determined, canonicit cannot be held to fix the bounds of inspiration. It is true that, as Westcott remarks (Bible in the Church, pp. 293, 294), the usage which fixed the Canon ‘is only another name for a divine instinct, & providential inspiration, a function of the Chris- tian body’; that ‘history teaches by the plainest examples that no one part of the B. could be set aside without great and permanent injury to the Church which refused a portion of the apostolic heritage. We are now in a position to estimate what would have been lost if the Epistle to the Hebrews or the Epistle of St. James or the Apocalypse had been excluded from the Canon. And, on the other hand, we can measure the evils which flow equally from canonising the Apocrypha of the OT, and denying to them all ecclesiastical use.’ In more recent times, and at the present day, cases may be pointed out of almost all the varieties of view on the subject which our brief historical sketch brought to light. Some carry inspiration to the extreme of literalism, some appear to deny it in any sense in which it is not applicable to Boeny and other forms of art. Unreserved con- emnation should not be poured upon either of these extremes. The first 1s held not only by the unthinking multitude,—‘ the indolence of human nature,’ Mr. Gladstone remarks (Butler, iii. p. 17), ‘would be greatly flattered by a scheme such as that of the verbal inspiration of Holy Scripture,’— but by thoughtful men who have seen in it the logical conclusion of their religious theories; the second, not only by those who are indifferent to re- ligion, but by fine spirits who have not seen the hg aad or perhaps the need of anything further. ‘he large majority of inquirers, however, recog- nise frankly the true inspiration of the B., and also that the determination of its nature, degrees, and limits must be the result of an induction from all the available facts. On the one hand, full weight must be given to that remarkable testimony of history which West- cott, in the passage quoted above, signalises. But a still more remarkable phenomenon of the same kind is apparent in the pages of the B. itself. From one point of view, nothing can be more un- systematic and fragmentary than its contents. It is full of contrasts and surface-discrepancies. It is made up of extracts from the lives of indi- viduals and the experiences of a people. All forms of literature are represented in it (see The Literary Study of the Bible, by R.G. Moulton). It presents no systematised theology or ethics. Yet a closer observation reveals the unity underlying all this variety. A progress is discernible from the first page to the last. Revelation corresponds to revelation, like the outcropping of the same rock-stratum in different places. One thought, one plan, is seen to pervade the whole, and to make the B., if the product of many minds, the outcome of one Spirit,—not a ‘library’ only, as has been said, but a ‘book.’ Again, in so far as the B. is admitted to be inspired, its testimony to itself, the testimony of part to part, cannot be ignored. This is an argument which may easily be pushed too far and made to prove too much ; its application in any absolute way wouid require, for example, the question of canonicity to be already settled. But the great argument for the real inspiration of the B. in a special sense is that it commends itself to the minds of those who devoutly receive it,— what the Reformers designated the testimonium Spiritus Sancti. The relation of this to other evidences for the unique authority of Scripture is expressed by the Westminster Confession (ch. i. 5) thus: ‘We may be moved and induced by the testimony of the Church to an high and reverend esteem of the Holy Scripture, and the heavenliness of the matter, the efficacy of the doctrine, the majesty of the style, the consent of all the parts, the scope of the whole (which is to give all glory to God), the full discovery it makes of the only way of man’s salvation, the many other incompar. able excellences, and the entire perfection thereof 293 BIBLE are arguments whereby it doth abundantly evi- dence itself to be the word of God; yet, notwith- standing, our full persuasion and assurance of the infallible truth, and divine authority thereof, is from the inward work of the Holy Spirit, bearing witness by and with the word in our hearts.’ This is the religious test of the value of Scripture. But it obviously applies only to the knowledge of salvation, of which Scripture is the vehicle. It is religious, not speculative—still less historical or scientific. However real and important the fact to which it points, it bears upon it a stamp of in- dividuality, subjectivity. s seen at work in Luther, for example, ‘it is impossible to read his comments on Holy Scripture without feeling that he realises its actual historical work and con- sequent spiritual meaning in a way which was un- known before. For him the words of apostles and prophets are ‘living words,” direct and immediate utterances of the Holy Spirit, penetrating to the inmost souls of men, and not mere premisses for arguments or proofs’ (Westcott, l.c. pp. 245, 246). But a criterion which in Luther and other Re- formers was compatible with a large degree of liberty, gave rise in its later and more formal application to the ‘summary method,’ as Westcott calls it, of cutting the knot of a difficulty, dis- posing of evidence by dogmatically pronouncing it superfluous, and assuming that history has been fully interrogated and has spoken its last word, and so converting a great truth into a fetter and a falsehood. On the other hand, while the elements which thus make for the inspiration of the B. and its unique authority as a spiritual guide are widely and fully recognised, the human element in Scripture has in recent times forced itself upon the attention of the thoughtful. Here it is not merely that by evident signs the biblical writers show that they were not simply amanuenses writing to the dictation of a Spirit above them; it is not the occurrence of discrepancies and inconsistencies in the B. itself, or in connexion with external history and modern science: it is rather the recognition of a progressive revelation in the B., that it contains the history of the struggle between the Divine light and human ignorance and sin, that the revelation is conveyed to us in such measure and manner as each of the writers was able to apprehend it and give it forth. Thus the process traced in an earlier portion of this article, whereby the ‘books’ became the ‘Book,’ the change of the point of view from plurality to unity, is one which wisdom, thought, and investiga- tion find it necessary, to some extent, to reverse. In order to understand even this unity aright, it is found essential to scrutinise the several parts of which it is made up, the manifold media through which the revelation has been given, the several stages through which the B. as we know it has been evolved. This side of it will fall to be more carefully considered in the article THEOLOGY ; in the meantime it is needful to observe that, as Gladstone remarks, ‘if any development of Divine Revelation be acknowledged, if any distinction of authority between different portions of the text be allowed, then, in order to deal with subjects so vast and difficult, we are at once compelled to assume so large a liberty as will enable us to meet all the consequences which follow from abandoning the theory of a purely verbal inspiration’ (Butler, iii. 17). The subject of Inspiration and the B. is in our time canvassed mainly in two connexions — the rights of criticism, and the question of authority in matters of faith. Christianity as a historical celigion cannot be exempted from the application of the principles of historical inquiry, nor can the BIBLE B. as literature be exempted from the canons of criticism which apply to the other religions of the world and their sacred books. So far all reason- able persons may be said to be agreed. The difficulties which have arisen in connexion with criticism have resulted from the division of the critics into two schools, one of which assumes that all the phenomena of the sacred history and its record must be explained by natural causes ony that the history of the Hebrew people is exactly hel with that of Athens or of Rome, that the ife of Christ is strictly of the same order as that of Socrates ; while the other school recognises and allows for the element of the supernatural when it is seen at work. The one studies the Christian development without sympathy, therefore without understanding ; the other avoids presuppositions, and seeks to apprehend the facts from within as well as from without. But the latter, no less than the former, feels that the respect due to the Christian documents themselves imposes the duty of a careful examination and appreciation of them in the light of their history. The object of criticism is not destruction only, it is a means of ascertain- ing truth, and it is not true reverence which would place the B. outside of its sphere of opera- tion. More pressing, perhaps, than even the distrust of criticism which prevails in many quarters, is the search for authority. If the B. is not to be like an Act of Parliament, operative ‘to the last and farthest extremity of its letter,’ how is it to retain that quality which the Westminster Confession ascribes to it of being the final court of appeal in all controversies of religion? How is the divine and authoritative element to be separated from the human and fallible? How, in fact, is revelation, in the sense of communicated knowledge, possible by means of the Scriptures? We may briefly notice two recent attempts to meet this difficulty. Denney (Studies in Theology, Lect. ix.) quotes with approval the words of Robertson Smith, in which he gives a modern rendering of the testiémoniwm Spiritus Sancti: ‘If I am asked why I receive Scripture as the word of God, and as the only perfect rule of faith and life, I answer with all the fathers of the Protestant Church, Because the B. ts the only record of the redeeming love of God, because in the B. alone I find God drawing near to man in Christ Jesus, and declaring to us in Him His will for our salvation. And this record I know to be true by the witness of His Spirit in my heart, whereby Iam assured that none other than God Himself ts able to speak such words to my soul.’ Denney, however, clearly perceives what we have pointed out above, that this is ‘a doctrine of the Divine message to man,’ not ‘a doctrine of the text of Scripture.’ His view is that coming to Scripture ‘without any presuppositions whatever,’ without any ‘antecedent conviction that it is in- spired,’ we become convinced that it is inspired because ‘it asserts its authority over us as we read,’ it has ‘ power to lod; in our minds Christianity and its doctrines as being not only generally but divinely true,’—its power to do this bela ee cisely what we mean by inspiration.’ A starting-point having been thus acquired, by ‘working out from it the area of certitude may be really enlarged.’ Having accepted the B. as in the main inspired and authoritative, the same con- viction may be indirectly entertained regarding all which is not self-evidencing. The Canon is to be received on the general assumption that the Church as a whole is less likely to be mis- taken than an individual inquirer. This is all that can be arrived at by the multitude of Christian believers, or can be urged upon those whose minds are perplexed upon the subject ; for the rest ‘the theologian will know how to distinguish between the letter of the record and God revealing Himself through it.’ Fairbairn (Christ in Modern Theology, p. 496 ff.) appears to rest the authority of the revelation given in the B. upon the inspiration of those through whom it came—inspiration being described as a possession of the spirit of man by the Spirit of God. This is the converse of the view last referred to, where the revelation and the response it awakens in the mind of the hearer or reader is the guarantee of the inspiration. Indeed, on Fairbairn’s view the relations of inspiration and revelation seem to be reversed. ‘God inspires, man reveals; inspiration is the process by which God gives; revelation is the mode or form—word, character, or institution—in which man embodies what he has received.’ In this way a position is gained from which the adaptation of religious ideas to the circumstances of a people or age may be explained. But the attention and interests of men must ever be engaged with the revelation YT. BIBLE BIGVAI 299 rather than the nspiration. The reality of the latter is a small matter apart frum the character of the former. ‘The essential function of inspiration is the formation of the personalities— both the minds for the thought and the thought for the minds —through whom the religion is to be realised ; and the essential function of revelation is to embody in historical form—literature, character, worship, institution—what inspiration has created.’ But it is surely a false distinction thus to make the inarticulate divine and the articulate human. How can the former be a mtee for the latter? And in so far as inarticulate, how is fre inspiration of Hebrew prophets and Obristian apostles to be distinguished from that of Hindu or Persian poet or sage? It is true that ‘the inspiration of the men who read’ is made ‘as intrinsic and integral an element in the idea of revelation as the inspiration of the men who wrote.’ But in both cases the theory jie sae 8 test which has all the subjectivity of the appeal e testimonium Spiritus Sancti without the recog- nition of the divine quality of the revelation itself which enters into the latter. It seems open also to the same kind of criticism which Sir Wm. Hamilton, in a well-known essay, applied to Bchelling’s metaphysical theory : the intellectual intuition being only ible in the absence of consciousness, is no help to the conscious ersten of what it alone can give assurance of ; it is ‘in the state of personality, and non-intuition of the Absolute, that the philosopher writes; in writing therefore about the Absolute, he writes of what is to him as zero,’ What, in like manner, is to connect the revelation which man gives to man, with the inspiration, the state of possession, in which it is supposed to be received? These instances serve to illustrate the difficulties surrounding the question. It is probable that no theory of inspiration will ever solve all these . difficulties or be regarded as entirely annette § It may be fully and freely recognised that the B. has a unique excellence of its own, qualities which set it apart from even the greatest literary achieve- ments of the race, while yet it has been constructed in such a way that the human element, the pecu- liarities and even the limitations of its writers, have been consistently maintained. In two re- spects, we of this age are perhaps in a more favourable position for peaing with the question than those who have gone before us. On the one hand, it is possible to compare the Christian religion and its Scriptures with the non-Christian religions and their sacred books with both a knowledge anda sympathy which in earlier times were undreamt of. nm the other, a closer and more intimate know- ledge of the Bible itself as a living book and not as a mere repertory of proof texts, is one of the marks of our time. ‘Criticism has, by bringing the sacred books into relation with sacred history, done something to restore them to their real and living significance . . . by binding the book and the people together, and then connecting both with the providential order of the world, it has given us back the idea of the God who lives in history through His people, and a people who live for Him through His word’ (Fairbairn, /J.c. p. 508). What- ever be the results of the literary analysis of the biblical books, or the bearing of archeological discovery upon the history they record, this is the aim of historical criticism, and it can scarcely be doubted that the service it has rendered to classical and Oriental literature may be, and must be, rendered to the B. also. s a part of it, that practice which we have noticed of studying the thought of the B. in its development, and tracing it through its successive representations, is of the highest significance and value. In any case it is to be remembered that the B. contains the most ancient and most authentic documents bearing upon the origin, the nature, and the characteristic features of the Christian religion, and especially upon the person and work of its Founder. This gives to it an interest, if not an authority, which cannot be disputed. Of the revelation which we believe to have come through Christ, it is the earl and reliable record. To it, therefore, the Churc of later ages has naturally turned to correct her aberrations, and to obtain a renewal of her life. What the B. has been to individuals cannot be told. If the history of the world has a meaning, and is not a succession of fortuitous circumstances, we cannot fail to recognise the centre of that history in Christ, and the animating force of its later ph in the spiritual movement He inaugu- rated, ithout the B. this movement could not be understood, or its influence continued and extended. We cannot doubt, therefore, that the God whose providence has ruled and shaped the history, whose Spirit moved and spoke in Christ, has also inspired the B. and made it what it is— the vehicle of the highest spiritual thought, the urest moral guidance man has known. It itself Invites inquiry, and takes its place in the historical development. Sacred scholarship must finish the work upon it which it has begun. But withal the B. remains, and will remain, the most precious heritage of mankind. LiTERATURE.—The Literature relating to the first part of this article will be found in connexion with the several special articles (CANON, TExT, etc.) to which reference is made. On the subjects of Revelation and Inspiration, any of the great dog- matic works, or any History of Doctrines, may be consulted, as well as articles in such Encyclopedias as the Encycl. Brit., Herzog, Lichtenberger. Among monographs may be mentioned : Lee, Inspiration of Holy Scripture; Bannerman, Inspiration ; Gaussen, Théopneustie ; Jamieson, Baird Lectures; Horton, Revelation and the Bible; and Sanday, Bampton Lectures, in which, after desling with the early history and application of the doctrine, the writer compares in his concluding Lecture the traditional and inductive Theories of Inspiration. A. STEWART. BICHRI (23).—In 2 S 20! Sheba is called ‘the son of Bichri’; translate rather ‘the Bichrite,’ i.e. a member of the clan which traced its descent to Becher, the son of Benjamin (Gn 46”). J. F. STENNING. BID, bade, bid (2 K 5%, Zeph 17) or bidden (Mt and Lk passim), ‘to invite’ to a feast, etc. (now archaic or local) ; 1 S 938: 22 (x2), Zeph 17 ‘he hath bid his guests’ (wap7, RV ‘ sanctified’ with a ref. to 18 165); Mt 22%‘ sent for his servants to call (xadéw) them that were bidden (also xa\éw, but in perf. ptcp.) to the wedding’ (RV ‘ marriage feast’). In 1 Co 107" ‘If any of them that believe not bid you to a feast’ (xa\éw, with no word for ‘ feast’); Lk 142 ‘lest they also bid thee again’ (dvrixadéw). To bid=to command, is common ; but notice Lk 99, Ac 18”! ‘ bid farewell’ (daordcooua, used in Mk 6“ ‘when he had sent them away,’ RV ‘taken leave of them’; Ac 188 ‘took his leave of’; 2 Co 218 ‘taking my leave of’; Lk 14* ‘ forsaketh,’ RV *renounceth ’). J. HASTINGS. BIDE, Wis 8" ‘they shall bide my leisure’ (repiuévw, translated ‘ wait for’ Ac 14, so RV here). ‘ Bide’ is mostly replaced in mod. Eng. by ‘abide’ (which see). J. cence! BIDKAR (7773, possibly for "77773; but this and similar contractions are highly uncertain).—A chief oftiicer of Ahab and subsequently of Jehu (2 K 9%), C. F. BURNEY. BIER.—See BURIAL. BIGTHA (x32 Est 12°).—One of the seven eunuchs or chamberlains of king Ahasuerus. For the name compare Abagtha (ib.) and Bigthan (27). In the LxXk the names are different, Bapatl, Bwpaty B, ’OapeBwd A, taking the place of Ee . A. WHITE. BIGTHAN (jn Est 27), BIGTHANA (x3ni2 6?).— One of two chamberlains or eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Xerxes) who conspired against the king’s life. Their treachery was discovered and foiled by Mordecai. R. M. Boyp. BIGVAI (113).—1. A companion of Zerub. (Ezr 2?=Neh 77, ef. Ezr 24=Neh 7, Ezr 84, where the name appears as the head of a family of returning exiles). 2. One of those who sealed the covenant (Neh 108). See GENEALOGY. J. A. SELBIE. 300 BILDAD BILDAD (1252, LXX Baddd8, ‘Bel hath loved’ 2). — Described in Job 2" as one of Job’s three friends. He is called ‘the Shuhite,’ indicating his descent from Shuah (nW), son of Abraham and Keturah (Gn 25). Abraham is described as sending Shuah, with other sons of concubines, to ‘the East country,’ and his descendants probably lived in a district of Arabia not far from Idumxa. The region is not to be confounded with the trans- Hauran Schakka, or the Zaxxala of Ptolemy, to the east of Batanwza. The LXX describes B. as rév Zavxalwy répayvos. For a description of the part taken by B. in the colloquies, see Jos, Book oF. It may be here briefly said that his position is in every sense intermediary between Eliphaz and Zophar. He speaks after the one and before the other; his speeches are shorter than those of Eliphaz, longer than those of Zophar. He is also more violent than the older and graver Eliphaz, but less blunt and coarse than the third spokesman who follows him. He speaks thre times, in chapters 8, 18, and 25, the last time very briefly. W. T. DAVISON. BILEAM (oy3), 1 Ch 6”.—A Levitical city of Manasseh, the same as Ibleam of Jos 174, Jg 127, 2 K 9”; prob. the mod. Bel‘ame (see Moore on Jg 1”), C. R. ConDER. BILGAH (7372 ‘cheerfulness’).—1. Head of the 15th course of priests (1 Ch 24"). 2. A priest who returned with Zerub. (Neh 12°18), The same as Bilgai (Neh 108). H. A. WHITE. BILGAI.—See BILGAH. BILHAH, PERson (773, BédAXa; in B of 1 Ch 738 Badan ; Bala, Bara).—A slave-girl given to Rachel by Laban, Gn 29” (P), and by her to Jacob asa concubine, Gn 30% 4 (JE); the mother of Dan and Naphtali, Gn 30+ 7 (JE) 3575 (P) 46% (R), 1 Ch 73, She was guilty of incest with Reuben, Gn 35% (P). The etymology is uncertain. These narratives and genealogies are to be regarded as embodying early traditions as to the origin and mutual rela- tions of the tribes, rather than personal history. Tribes are traced to a concubine ancestress, because they were a late accession to Israel. W. H. BENNETT. BILHAH, PLAcE (A753, A Badaa’, B’ABeAdd, Bala). —A Simeonite city, 1 Ch 4 = Baalah (733), Jos 15”; Balah (793), Jos 19%, and (?) Baalath (nby3), Jos 194, 1 K 9%, 2 Ch 8% Site uncertain. Kittel (Sacred Books of OT, 1 Ch 4%) proposes to point ngs Balhah; cf. VSS and arate! passages. W. H. Bennett. BILHAN (jqb2).—1. A Horite chief, the son of Ezer (Gn 367=1 Ch 1*). 2. A descendant of Benjamin, son of Jediael, and father of seven sons who were heads of houses in their tribe (1 Ch 7). See GENEALOGY. R. M. Boyp. BILL.—1. A bill of divorce or divorcement, Dt 241. 8, Ts 501, Jer 38 (nn 190 sépher kérithith, lit. ‘a writ of cutting off’ (see Driver on Dt 241, who compares Sir 2578 dréreue atriy, ‘cut her off’) ; Mk 10* (8iBAloy drogractov, the LXX tr® of sénher kérithith ; also used Mt 5% AV, RV ‘writing of divorcement’; and 19’, AV as 5%, RV as Mk 104). See MARRIAGE. 2. A debtor’s written account, Lk 167 (TR 7d Ypdupa, edd. ra ypdupara, RV ‘ bond’). Edersheim (Jesus the Messiah, ii. 272 f.) points out that the Gr. word here employed was sometimes used in rabbinical writings (Hebraised gerammation), and corresponded with the Syr. shitre, which denotes ‘writings’ that were either formal, when they were signed by witnesses and the Sanhedrin of three; or informal, when only the debtor himself BIRTH signed. The latter were most frequently written on wax, and thus easily altered. See DEBT. J. HASTINGS. BILSHAN (jvba ‘inquirer’).—A companion of Zerubbabel (Ezr 2?, Neh 77= Beelsarus, 1 Es 5°). See GENEALOGY. BIMHAL (nna for ‘073 ‘son of circumcision’ ?).— A descendant of Asher (1 Ch 7%). BINEA (xy}3).—A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 857 943), BINNUI ("32 ‘a building’).—1. Head of a family that returned with Zerub. (Neh 7°=Bani of Ezr 2%), 2. A Levite (Ezr 8* (prob.=Bani of Neh 8? and Bunni of Neh 94), Neh 12°). 3. A son of Pahath- moab (Ezr 10® =Balnuus of 1 Es 9%). 4. A son of Bani who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10%), There appears to be a confusion in some instan- ces between the similar names 433, 33, 13. See BAvVVAI, GENEALOGY. . A. SELBIE. BIRDS.—See FowLs. BIRSHA (yvra, etym. and meaning unknown).— King of Gomorrah at the time of Chedorlaomer’s invasion (Gn 14?), BIRTH.—Among the Hebrews, as among the Orientals generally (comp. Herod. i. 136, of the Persians), a high value was placed upon the possession of children (see, ¢.g., Gn 16? 29°! #4 30}, 1S 1625, 2 K 414, Ps 127%-5), and especially of sons (see 1S 12, Jer 20%, Job 3°), while childlessness was regarded as a heav reproach (Gn 30%, Lk 1%) and punishment (2 g 6%, Hos 9114), Par. turition seems generally to have been oe (Ex 1, yet see Gn 315), as it is with Syrian and Arabian women at the present day, and cases in which the mother died in childbirth (Gn 3518, 1 S 4) were probably quite exceptional. From the phrase used in Gn 50%, cf. 30%, it has been supposed that in early times the child was actually born upon its father’s knees (see Nowack, Heb. Archéol. i. 165), according to customs of which traces are found in several primitive peoples (Ploss, Das Weib,? ii. 177 ff.) ; or at least that the newly-born infant was placed in its father’s lap as a token of recognition and adoption. We find, however, no clear reference to such customs in historical times. Indeed, the father was not present at the birth of the child (Jer 20!) ; the mother was attended b other women (1 8 4”), and the assistance of a mid- wife was often called in (Gn 3517 387%, Ex 11st Compare article MipwiFE). The newly-born infant, after its navel-cord had been cut, was bathed in water, rubbed with salt, and wrapped in swaddling-clothes (Ezk 164, Lk 27). The practice of rubbing infants with salt is still retained among the fellaheen of Pal., who believe that children are strengthened and hardened by this means (ZDPV iv. p. 63). The child received its name from the mother (Gn 2992 30, 1S 17, 1 Ch 4%) or from the father (Gn 16 1718, Ex 2”, Hos 14; see especially Gn 35"8), the choice of name being often derecu ne by special circumstances attend- ing the birth. In later times, at any rate, a boy received his name at his circumcision on the eighth day (Lk 1° 271), The mother was regarded as unclean for the space of seven+thirty-three days after the birth of a son, or for fourteen + sixty-six days after the birth of a daughter (Lv 12), This difference may probably be exvlained from the belief, which existed also elsewhere, that the ibe aoe of a puerperal state continued longer in the latter case (Hippocr. ed. Kiihn, i. 392; Dillmann on Ly 12°). dee PURIFICATION. The BIRTHDAY firstborn, when a son, belonged to J’, and must therefore be redeemed (Ex 13!% 34°) for the sum of five shekels (Nu 18!-), The child was usually suckled by the mother (Gn 217, 1 S 1%, 1 K 3%), but a nurse (np}"p) is sometimes mentioned (Gn 24 358, 2 K 117); it was not fully weaned for two or three years(2 Mac 77’; cf.1S 1°?-*4),—in Mohammedan law, indeed, mothers are bidden to suckle their children for at least two years,—and the completion of the weaning was sometimes celebrated by a feast (Gn 21°). H, A. WHITE. BIRTHDAY.—The custom of observing a birth- day as a festival seems to have been widely spread in ancient times. Herodotus (i. 133) speaks of this ee among the Persians. In Gn 40” we ear of the celebration of the birthday of the king of Egypt, and in the times of the Ptolemies the inscriptions of Rosetta and Canopus bear witness to the same custom. ‘The birthdays of the kings were celebrated with great pomp. They were looked upon as holy, no business was done upon them, and all classes indulged in festivities suit- able tothe occasion’ (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 1847, v. 290). For Roman birthdays, cf. Marquardt, Privatleben d. Romer, i. 244f. According to 2 Mac 67 the birthdays of the Syrian kings were com- memorated every month by means oF sacrifices, of which, in the times of Antiochus Epiphanes, the Jews were forced to partake. In the Gospels (Mt 14°, Mk 67!) we read of the feast made by Herod Antipas to his nobles on his birthday, on which occasion the daughter of Herodias danced before the guests. The proper Greek term for such festival is 7d yereOdua (cf. Jos. Ant. I. v. 3), ra yevéora being used to denote a feast commemorating a person’s death (Herod. iv. 26); but in later Greek we find ra yevéo.. and similar phrases used in the sense of birthday (Dio Cassius, xlvii. 18, lvi. 46, lxvii. 2; Alciphro, iii. 18, 55; cf. Jos. Ant. xu. iv. 7: rip | soated huépav). The meaning of 7a yevéouw in the ospels has indeed been disputed, many com- mentators referring the word to the anniversary of the king’s accession—a day which we know to have been observed by some of the Herodian rinces (Jos. Ant, XV. x1. 6: riv juepay ris dpxijs). n support of this view appeal is made to the Mishna (Ab. Sar. i. 3), where by the side of the ‘yevéow, of the kings’ (0°270 Sy x1013°3), mention is also made of apron no) 7750 oF, i.e. ‘the day of birth and the day of death.’ So Wieseler, Beztrage, p. 182; Hausrath, New Testament Times (E.T. 1880), ii, 122; Edersheim, Life and Times (1891), i. 672. But no certain instance can be quoted from Greek literature to ea the supposed meaning of ra yevéou.; and the Pal. Gemara (Jer. Ab. Sar. i. 39c) explains x’013"1 as equivalent to birthday. In the Bab. Gemara indeed (Ab. Sar. 10a), where the meaning of the word is discussed, the final decision is in favour of the interpretation ‘day of accession’; but from the context it appears highly probable that here, as elsewhere, the Talmudists were essing at the meaning of an unknown word. a Meyer on Mt 14°; Schiirer, HJ P 1. ii. 26f. H. A. WHITE. BIRTH, NEW.—See REGENERATION. BIRTH- RIGHT.—See FAMILY. BIRZAITH (mma Kethibh, mna Keré, AV Birza- vith), 1 Ch 73!.—Apparently a town of Asher, prob- ably Bir-ez-Zeit, near Tyre, C. R. ConDER. BISHLAM (o0v3=obw-;2 ‘ peaceful’ ?).—An officer of Artaxerxes in Pal. at the time of the return from ey under Zerub., Ezr 4’. Called BELEMUS in 1Es2'*, The LXX renders the name by év elpyvn, in peace, as if it were the greeting at the beginning of the letter which follows. H. ST. J. THACKERAY. BISHOP 301 BISHOP (érlcxoros) and ELDER (mpecBvrepos).— The words are too closely connected in NT and sub-apostolic writings to be separated here. First, to trace their use outside the churches, 1. émicxoros is common in the general sense of an overseer ; rarer as an Official title. We have (a) in the flourishing age of Athens, ér. sent to regu- late new colonies or subject cities like Spartan harmosts. They were called érpednral in Rom. times. (6) After Alexander, two ér. at Thera are directed to receive some money and put it at interest; and éz. at Rhodes are munici a officers whose duties are unknown. (c) In LXX éz. are taskmasters, as Is 60!” (3), or minor officers, as Neh 11° (7°75), or 1 Mac 1 the commissioners of Antiochus who enforced idolatry. In L also, as Ps 108%, we first find the office denoted by émioxom}. (d) In the 3rd cent. A.D. we have ém. as municipal officers in about ten inscriptions from Batanza, the Decapolis, and those parts, where they seem to have had some authority over sacred revenues (rd rod Oeod). Of its use (e) tor the treasurers of private associations there are no very clear traces. The common word was émipeAyris, as with the Essenes. 2. mpecBurepos. The city councils in Rom. times were commonly called BovAal, not ‘yepovolat or mpeoBurépia. e@ yepovola, of which mpecBtrepoa were members, were not private societies, but corporations for purposes like the games, or the worship of the city-god, or the burial of their members. Their officers were mpocrdrat, dpxorres, mponyouueva. (b) The Jewish cities of Pal. were governed by a fovAy of 7, or, in sek bel places, 23 mp. (0%32]). These formed a court of justice, and may have managed the synagogue. The organisa- tion of the Jews in Antioch, Alexandria, etc. was on the same lines, except that in Rome there were several such corporations. Now, though the Lord commanded His disciples to form a society, there is no indication that either He or His apostles ever pes any definite form for it. We should therefore expect to find them following existing models till the new spirit of the society began to express itself in new forms. In NT we have fairly frequent mention of bishops and elders (passages collected in art. CHURCH GOVERNMENT), and the two offices seem much the same. This is proved thus :—(1) Bishops and elders are never joined together, like bishops and deacons, as separate classes of officials. (2) Ph 1! ‘ to bishops and deacons’ (no article). If there had been a distinct order of elders, it could scarcely have been omitted. So 1 Ti 3 passes over the elders, though (5!) there certainly were elders at Ephesus, and had been (Ac 201”) for some time ast. Conversely, Tit 1°7 passes over bishops, escribing elders in their place, and in nearly the same words. (3) The bishops described to Timothy, the elders of 1 Ti 5!’, and those of 1 P 5%, have dis- tinctly pastoral functions. So, too, have the elders of Ac 20 and those described to Titus. (4) The same persons seem to be called bishops and elders (Ac 2017 8, Tit 157 tva xaracricys mpecBurépouvs . . . dei yap tov émlaoxomoy x.7.d.). The words are also synonyms in Clement ad Cor. xlii. 44, and (b implication) in Teaching, xv., and Polycarp, Phil. 1. It is only in Ignatius that the bishop takes a distinct position. The geneeal equivalence of the two offices in the apostolic age seems undeniable, though so far we must not assume that every bishop was an elder or vice versd, or that there never were any minor differences between them. The difference of name may of itself point to some difference of crieh : and this is our next question. As regards elders, it seems likely that the name comes from Jewish sources. Theofliceis already half 302 BISHOP BIT, BRIDLE hinted at in Lk 22” (hardly in Ac 58 vedrepo: cf. veavloxo.) ; and we have every reason to think that the churches (even those not of Jewish origin) largely followed the arrangements of the syna- ogue. Their meeting is actually called cwaywyh in Ja 2?, and the Ebionites retained the name even in the 4th cent. It may, however, be noted at once, that if the office and the name were adopted from the Jews, it does not follow that the duties were even originally quite those of the 037] of the synagogue. The origin of bishops is more doubtful. The name may perfectly well be Jewish, though the early connexion of the word with Gentile churches is against this. The LXX use of éricxoros and émicxor} may have suggested it ; but Gentile Chris- tians might have todtd a still readier hint in the bates meaning of the word, combined with its reedom from special associations with idolatry. Yet on the other side is the connexion of bishops with deacons, and Clement’s direct appeal to Is 601". The question is best left undecided. APPOINTMENT.—In the first age popular election and apostolic institution seem to have been co- ordinate. The Seven (Ac 6° °) are chosen by the people, and instituted by the apostles with prayer and laying on of hands. Something similar seems indicated for the Lycaonian elders, though xetpo- rovicavres (Ac 14%) grammatically refers to the eae who by prayer with fastings commended them to the Lord. The elders in Crete are ap- pointed (Tit 15 ta xaracrfoys) by Titus, and appar- ently the bishops at Ephesus by Timothy in like manner, though 1 Ti 5”, He 6? seem not specially concerned with the matter ; but it does not follow that there was no popular election. In any case Timothy or Titus sould have to approve the candi- date before instituting him: so that the particular description of his qualifications need not mean that they had to select him in the first instance. As soon as we get outside NT (Teaching, xv., Clement, xliy. liv.) popular election becomes very conspicuous, though neither does this exclude a formal institution. The elders are already attached to the apostle even in the conveyance of special gifts (1 Ti 4'4, where the contrast of werd with the 6.4 of 2 Ti 16 may indicate their secondary position) ; and when the unlocal ministry died out, they would act alone in the institution to local office. How soon an episcopate was developed is a further uestion ; and very much a question of words, if the development was from below. In conclusion, it would seem that the outline of the process was much the same in all church offices—first designation, then institution by prayer with (at least commonly) its symbolic accompani- ments of laying on of hands and fasting. But there is one all-important distinction, that if the designation to local office was by popular election, that to unlocal office was by the will of the Holy Spirit (Ac 13%, of Apostles; 1 Ti 44 118, apparently oh an Evangelist, 2 Ti 4°). DUTIES. —(1) General Superintendence.—Elders in Ac 20%, 1 Ti 5”, Tit 17, 1 P 528 (xaraxup. is xuptevew done the wrong way), bishops in 1 Ti 3° Indicated possibly in kxvBeprvjces, dvrirjupes, 1 Co 12%; more distinctly ee 44 rods 62 rouévas Kal didacxddouvs, so pointedly contrasted with the unlocal officers. So mpoiorduevon 1 Th 5, Ro 128 remind us of the bishops and elders, 1 Ti 34 mpoicrd- pevov, 517 apoecrwres. The iyyotmevo. or mpony. also of He 137-1"-%, and of Clement, ad Cor. i. 26, 37, may be set down as bishops or elders, for (a) men entitled to obedience must have other than the urely spiritual functions of the unlocal ministry ; (6) the bishops at Corinth evidently own no higher authority, so that they must themselves be the ryouper os. Under this head we may place the share taken by the elders (a) at Jerus., in the deliberations of the apostles (Ac 15°) and in the reception held by James (Ac 2118); (6) elsewhere, in the laying of hands on Timothy, 1 Ti 4%. (2) Teaching.—1 Th 5” rpotcrduevo. admonishin in the Lord, 1 Ti 3? the bishop apt to teach, 5! elders who toil in word and teaching, Tit 1° the elder or bishop must be able to teach, and to con- vince the gainsayers. Preaching is rather connected with the unlocal ministry ; but in its absence the whole function of eae worship would necessarily devolve en the ocal. This may be hinted He 137 17-* (no officers named but 7yovuevor), and in any case it is pias enough in Teaching, xv., and Clement speaks vf bishops mpoodépovres ta Swpa, Which must not be limited to the Lord’s Supper. (3) Pastoral Care.—This is everywhere so con spicuous that references are hardly needed. To it we may refer (a) visiting of the sick, with a view (Ja 5!) to anointing and cure; (b) care of strangers and @ fortiori of the poor, 1 Ti 3?, Tit 1%, the bishop to be giAdgevos. So far we have not discriminated the duties of bishops and elders. But was there any difference at all? Harnack thinks that while bishops and deacons had the care of public worship and the poor, eldersrather formed a court attached to the church, and as such were occupied with govern- ment and discipline. The apparent identity of the offices would then be no more than an identity of persons. The weightiest members of the church would naturally hold both offices, and give the tone to both. This theory explains points like the difference of names and the marked separation between the two classes. It may contain more than a germ of the truth ; but it cannot be accepted without important reservations. (a) It is not likely that duties were quite so definitely separated. If the elders began with discipline and general oversight, they would be re soon to take up more spiritual duties, as the Seven did. Those who had gifts to minister the word and teaching, would rather be honoured than hindered ; so that many of them might easily be doing pastoral work (esp. if they were bishops also) before the end of the apostolic age. In any case (bd) bishops and elders are identical in the Pastoral Epistles, so that the distinction must by that time have been nearly lost. This, however, depends on their date. Harnack (Chronologie, 1897, p. 484) still places the relevant passages in the middle of the 2nd cent. LITERATURE.—Loening, Gemeindeverfassung d. Urchristen- thums ; Lightfoot, Philippians, pp. 181-269; Gore, Christian Ministry, esp. note K; Hatch, Bampton Lectures (1880), tr. into Germ. with excursuses by Harnack (1883) ; artt. on Origin of the Christian Ministry by Sanday, Harnack, Gore, Rendel Harris, Macpherson, Simcox, and Milligan in Eaposttor, 3rd series, vols. v. and vi. ; Weizsaicker, A post. Zeitalter, pp. 599-612. H. M. GwWATKIN. BISHOPRICK.—Ac 1™ ‘His b. let another take’ (RV ‘office’ with marg. ‘Gr. overseership.’) The Gr. is émicxor}, which here and in 1 Ti 3’ means the office or work of an érlcxomos (see BISHOP) ; but primarily and chiefly in NT describes God's visi- tation, as Lk 19“ ‘ the time of thy visitation,’ 1 P 22 ‘the day of v.’? The same office is described in Ac 1 as ‘ ministry and apostleship ’ (d:iaxovla wal dtrocTo\h). J. HASTINGS. BIT, BRIDLE (y93, and, otonp, yadcvds).—The dis- tinction between these words is not maintained in AVand RV. 4. jo resen (Arab. rasan) is a halter. Thus in Job 30" RV, ‘they have cast off the bridle before me,’ the reference is to a horse or mule that has slipt off the halter with which he was tied, and is risking about in the rough glee of discovered freedom. Such had become the behaviour of the BITHIAH BITTER, BITTERNESS 303 rabble before Job. So in Is 30%, instead of ‘a bridle in the jaws of the people,’ read ‘a halter on the jaws of the peoples’ (oy 9> dy I; 2. app metheg ; xardwdbs (2 K 19%, Pr 268, Is 37%, Ja 3° RV, Rev 14”) is a bridle, which includes the bit, as the primitive bridle was simply a loop on the halter-oord passed round the lower jaw of the horse. Hence in Ps 32° RV, ‘ whose trappings must be di¢ and bridle,’ the meaning is rather bridle and halter, as the two means of holding them in. The Psalmist had been speaking of willing service that only needed a directing eye, and the contrast is to the disinclination of the horse and mule that needed bridle and halter to bring them near. 8. pion> mahsom, is a muzzle. Hence, ‘I will keep my mouth with a bridle’ (Ps 39!) should SS ee rer GERI 4 MODERN SYRIAN MUZZLE, clearly be ‘with a muzzle,’ asin RVm. To lose the distinction is here to lose the meaning, which is enforced silence. A bridle is not used to keep a horse from biting. The muzzle is the basket of rope network that was not to be put on the oxen of the threshing-floor, but must be put over the mouth of the horse, mule, or donkey that bites its companions, the other baggage-animals, and causes disarrangement of their loads. G. M. MACKIE. BITHIAH (na ‘daughter,’ t.e. worshipper, ‘of J”’).—The daughter of a Pharaoh, who became the wife of Mered, a descendant of Judah (1 Ch 418). Whether Pharaoh is to be taken here as the Egyp. royal title or as a Heb. proper name, it is diffealt to determine. The name B. may indicate one who had become a convert to the worship of J", which would favour the first supposition (but LXX B reads Tedd). If the other wife of Mered is distinguished as ‘the Jewess,’ RV (AV Jehudijah), this would still further strengthen the supposition. But the text of 1 Ch 47-18 appears to be defective, and does not afford ground for more than conjec- ture. (See Kittel, ad loc. in Haupt.) R. M. Boyp. BITHRON (jinn27), 2 S 2”, ‘the gorge,’ probably not a proper name,—a ravine leading to Mahanaim. C. R. CONDER. BITHYNIA (B.6uvia), a countr in the north of Asia Minor, bordering on the Propontis (Sea of Marmora), the Bosphorus, and the Euxine (Black Sea), was bequeathed to the Romans in B.c. 74 by the last king, Nicomedes 1m. The coast of Pontus was united with it in a single province by Pompey in B.C. 65, and the joint province was administered according to the principles embodied in a lex Pom- peta. But the two parts of the province always retained a certain distinction from one another; the official name was regularly double (Bithynia et Pontus) ; there were two high priests, the Bithyni- arch and the Pontarch (like Asiarch, Galatarch, Lykiarch, ete.); and hence Pontus and B. are men- tioned separately in 1 P14. Bithynia adjoined Asia, and hence, when Paul and Silas were prevented from preaching in Asia (Ac 16°), they naturally proceeded towards B., but, coming near the frontier, were not permitted to enter it; and they kept on towards the W. through Mysia till they came out at Troas. B. was a senatorial province, governed like Achaia (which see) ; but Pliny governed it on a special mission from the emperor, 111-3, and wrote the reports to Trajan which give so much information about the province and the Christians init. B. was arich, fertile, peaceful, and highly civilised province. Jews in B. are mentioned by Philo, Legatio ad Gaium, § 36 (Mang. ii. 587); but they are not noticed in the list given in Ac 2°", It is remarkable that Byzantium (Constantinople), along with, doubtless, the peninsula at the end of which it was situated, was included in the province of Bithynia et Pontus, as we learn from Pliny, ad Traj. bs 43, 44. Two great roads traversed B., one connecting Nikomedia and Nicwa (the two chief cities) with Doryiaion and Phrygia in general, the other connecting them with Ancyra direct—a road which in later times became important as che route of European pilgrims by land to Jeru- salem, LITERATURE. — Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, 1. pp. 349-357; Hardy in Pref. to his ed. of Pliny, Hypist. ad Trajan; Ainsworth in Journ. Roy. Geogr. Soc vol. ix.; Hamilton, Researches in As. Min.; Ritter, Kleinasien (Erdkunde von Asien, vols. xx. xxi.), i. pp. 650-768; Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of As. Min. pp. 179-211, 240 ff. ; Th. Reinach, Numism. des Kois de Bith. Pliny’s report on the Bithynian Christians is treated in all Early Church histories and in the works on the position of the Church in the empire by Neumann, Hardy, etc. W. M. Ramsay. BITTER, BITTERNESS.—in the literal sense of b. to the taste, the word occurs in such passages as Pr 277 (of food, opposed to sweet), Ex 15”, Ja 341 Rev 8" (of water), and Is 24° (of strong drink). See also article BITTER HERBS. In most of the passages, however, where the words above given are used in Scripture, it is in a figurative or tropical sense. The examples that follow do not claim to be exhaustive. i. We may note, in the first place, the use of ‘bitter’ in an objective sense, of cruei, biting words (cf. mxpol Aéyvo), Ps. 64°; of the keenness of the misery which results from forsaking God, Jer 2; from a life of sin in general, Jer 4!8, and ot impurity in particular, Pr 54. It is applied to the misery of servitude, Ex 1; and to the misfortunes due to bereavement, Ru 1”, Am 8”, ii. In a more subjective sense, bitter and bitter- ness describe such emotions as sympathy in bereavement, Ru 118, and misfortune, Ezk 2781; the poignant sorrow of childlessness, 1 S 1°, and peni- tence, Mt 267; the keenness of disappointment, Gn 27%; and the general feeling of misery and wretchedness, Job 3”; emotions often relieved by a corresponding ‘b. cry,’ Gn 27%, Est 4) ete., and by the shedding of ‘ bitter tears’ (cf. Homer’s mixpdv daxpvov), Mt 267 and often. Under this head may be classed the cases where ‘bitter’ in the original refers rather to fierceness of disposition, as in 28 178 (‘as a bear robbed of her whelps’), allied with a readiness to take offence, 304 BITTER HERBS BITUMEN Hab 1° (‘the Chaldeans, that bitter and hasty nation’), Jg 18%. Cf. Eph 4, Ro 3%, iii. Another set of fig. applications belongs rather to the sphere of ethics than to that of psycholo Thus Isaiah characterizes those who would subvert the fundamental distinction of right and wrong as putting ‘b. for sweet, and sweet for b.’ (5%). So also Dt 32°, where the reference is to the moral poison exhaled by the corrupt nations of Canaan. The same idea of moral depravity is somewhat differently ex- ressed in Dt 2918 (@, from which (see LXX render- ing) are derived the expressions ‘ gall of bitterness,’ Ac 8%, and ‘root of bitterness,’ He 12%. iv. Finally, there is to be noted the term. techn. ‘the water of bitterness that causeth the curse’ Nu 538 RV (cf. Kautzsch’s tr. ; das fluchbringende Wasser des bitteren Wehs), which plays so im- portant a part in the ordeal there described. A. R. S. KENNEDY. BITTER HERBS (0% mérérim, mixplées, lactuce agrestes).—It is hardly possible for an Oriental to dine without a salad, and these salads are composed of many kinds of herbs, some mucilaginous, as the purslane, Portulaca oleracea, L. ; others crisp, as the cucumber ; others aromatic, as parsley ; others bitter, as the watercress, Nasturtium officinale, L. ; the pepper grass, Lepidium sativum, L. ; the endive, Cichorium Intybus, L.; the lettuce, Lactuca sativa, L. Such as these and many others like them can be found everywhere, and suit the requirements of the Passover ordinance (Ex 128, Nu 9"). More bitter still are the numerous medicinal plants, as colocynth, worm- wood, scammony, POppy; and many others which were in the hs et’s eye when he said (La 3!5 m), ‘He hath ol me with bitternesses (mérérim) ; he hath made me drunken with wormwood.’ The use of bitter herbs at the Passover was not to remind the Israelites of the bitterness of their bondage (Ex 1), but, as in the case of bread withuut leaven, to remind them of the haste with which they fled. A meal of unleavened bread, roast lamb, and a salad of bitter herbs, was the simplest and quickest that could be pre- G. E. Post. BITTER WATER.—See MEDICINE. BITTERN (5p, 5p kippéd, éxivos, ericius).— Gesenius regards kippéd as the same as the Arab. kunfudh, the porcupine ; and with him agree most of the VSS. Tristram, Houghton, and others favour the rendering bittern of the AV. They argue as follows :—(1) That the porcupine has not been noted as an inhabitant of ruins. But this is equally true of the bittern, and it is far less prob- able that it should be said of the bittern than of the porcupine. The bittern is a swamp bird, and would not choose ruins, but reeds and fens, for a residence. The porcupine, however, is a shy solitary animal, and might easily choose its home among the fallen columns of abylon (Is 14%), Nineveh (Zeph 21‘), or Idumea (Is 34"), (2) That the porcupine could not climb to the capitals of columns. This is not essential, however, as the allusion is rather to the fallen stones of a ruin than to the capital of a standing column. (3) That ‘ their voice shall sing in the windows’ (Zeph 24), Their, however, is not in the original, and we may quite as well supply a, and understand by “a voice’ the sighing of the wind among the fallen stones and through the empty casements, rather than the grunt of a porcupine, or the booming of a bittern, neither of which can be called singing. (4) That poreupines do not frequent water pools (Is 14%), This, however, is inconclusive, since Babylon was to be a possession for the kippéd, and (not in) pools of water—i.e. desolate ruins, where © kippéd could live, and marshes. he passages in which the name kippéd occurs are intended to express desolation and ee absence of human residence. They are parallel to a large number of similar ones in which the desolation is symbolised by the residence of various beasts and birds. These are usually chosen because of their shyness, and the certainty that where they are man is faraway. It by no means follows that in every case all of them, or perhaps any of the par- ticular ones, should dwell in the ruin. It is quite contrary to the habits of the bittern to dwell in ‘ruins. The porcupine, as a man-fearing animal, like the cormorant (RV pelican), owl, raven, dragon (RV jackal), owl (RV ostrich), wild beasts of the desert, wild beasts of the island (RV wolves), satyr (probably wild goat), screech owl (RV nignd monster), great owl (RV arrowsnake), and vulture, represents the idea of desolation in its concrete form. In the spirit of poetic exaggeration it is said (Is 3416), ‘no one of these aR | fail, none want her mate.’ To bind down this exalted imagery to literalism would convert every ruin into a menagerie, tenanted by a motley array of fabulous as well as actual beasts and birds. ith the philological evidence in favour of the unfudh (porcupine), and with the unsoundness of the foregoing zoological objections, we may safely follow the RV, which makes it porcupine. PORCT PINE. In the foreground, under the larger animal, are a full-grown and @ young hedgehog. The porcupine, Hystria cristata, L., is found along the sea-coast, and in the lower mountain districts of Pal. and Syria. It feeds on roots, bark, fruits, and vegetables. It inhabits holes and subterranean clefts, and might well find a retreat among ruins. The flesh is eaten by the natives, who know it by its classical name kunfudh. It is about 2 feet in length, mie of the tail, which measures 5 to 6 in. It is covered with the familiar quills. When the animal is tranquil they lie appressed to its body. When it is excited the are erected. It is noctvenal in its habits, an seldom seen by man. G. E. Post. BITUMEN (Gn 11° “97, dodadros, EV ‘slime,’ RVm ‘bitumen’).—The mineral substance which has given to the Dead Sea the name Lacus Asphal. — tites (Jos. Ant. I. ix.), in which case it is mineral pitch of the group of the hydrocarbons. This mineral is abundant in several Eastern countries, and was used in very early times as a substitute ’ ee BIZIOTHIAH for mortar in the buildings of Chaldea.* It is found in Persia, Assam, Upper Burma, particularly at Rangoon, at Baku, near the Caspian, and in the valleys leading down from the west to the Dead Bea, especially Wadies Derejeh and Mahawat, in eompany with sulphur.t The bitumen in the Dead Sea basin is probably derived from the bituminous limestones of the Cretaceous series, and reaches the surface through fissures in the rock. In the case of marine lime- stones or shales containing large quantities of animal or vegetable matter, either of terrestrial or of aquatic origin, bitumenization may take place under suitable conditions of temperature and moisture, giving rise to springs of bitumen or petroleum, and from such a source the bitumen of the Dead Sea basin may be supposed to have its origin. E. HULL. BIZIOTHIAH (n:n\y2), Jos 15%,—A corruption for nisa ‘her villages,’ referring to Beersheba, as the {xx al x@pas airdy indicates (cf. also Neh 117’), BIZTHA (73, Est 11°).—One of the seven eunuchs or chamberlains of king Ahasuerus. A suggested etymology is the Persian besteh, ‘bound,’ hence oo ‘eunuch.’ The LXX here reads Matd»y B, fay w® Bated A, H. A. WHITE. BLACK.—See Cotours. Asa subst. b. is found in Sir 19% AVm, and Jer 14? ‘they sit in b. upon the ground.’ As a verb, Bar 67! ‘ their faces are b* through the smoke that cometh out of the Epc *(uedalvw). Blackish, Job 61° ‘b. by reason of the ice’ (772, used here of a turbid torrent, RV * black’). J. HASTINGS. BLAINS.—See MEDICINE. BLASPHEMY (Srac¢npula, vb. Bracdnueiv, adj. and subst. B\do¢yyos) is derived as to its second element from ¢ijun, speech, but the etymology of the first element is still quite uncertain, opinions ses 3 divided among fPAdarw I injure (the form would then, properly, be Prayidnula), BAdE slack, doltish, Baddw I hit in throwing (Eustath. ad. Hom. It, 2, p. 219, 4 rais phyacs BdddAwy, Aoldopos), and Sos worthless (root, bhies). The usage, however, is distinct enough. In classical and NT Greek (as also in EV) the word is not restricted, as in ordinary Eng. phraseology and Eng. law, to the divine relation, but has the general sense of slanderous, contumelious speech against either God or man. As a matter of fact, in classical Greek the human relation is the rule, Bracd¢nula being only by transference applied to the gods (Plato, Rep. 381 E); and, as often as not, in this connexivn, it signifies a word not so much of irreverence as of ill-omen (opp. to ev¢nula), a word amiss, an unlucky word, as when one unintention- ally prays for “al instead of good (Eur. Jon, 1189; Plato, Legg. 800, 801). In the Heb. OT (mostly in the form giddéph, the word selected by Delitzsch in his Hebrew NT) and in the LXX there is always a notion of contemptuous sacrilege in word or act (1 Mac 2°) towards God (2 K 19%, ef. 187) directly or indirectly, through men or things connected with Him, e.g. His pepe (Is 525, Ps 7418), His champions (2 Mac 12'4), His holy land (Ezk 351), His temple (1 Mac 7%); once, by transference, towards a heathen god (Bel®). In NT the wider classical usage appears, and there is not always the same clear connotation of divine connexion. the word being sometimes equivalent to aggravated contumely, or slander (cf. Dem. pro Cor. iv. 12. 3, eis rovroy woNNdxis awécxwye kal wéxpt aloxpais Bdac- * Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, vol. i. ch. 8. ¢ Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 281, 358. VOI. I.—20 BLASPHEMY 305 “ gnulas); Tit 3%, Mt 15, 1 Co 10”, Ro 38 1416 Eph 4*1 (|| Col 38), 1 Ti 64,2 P 24, It is not, how- ever, to be ignored that the recognised relation of God to all created beings may have induced the choice of the word B\acg¢nula to express what is in the last resort an offence against Him. (Cf. the OT use ; also the parallel in Sir 3"%, and the thought in such passages as 1 P 2!” taken with Tit 32.) A special use in NT touches the human assump- tion of what is God’s, the degradation of the infinite glory of the unapproachable God to the finite nature of the creature. Thus the word is eee the mouths of the Jewish accusers of hrist (Mt 9° 26, Jn 10%, Lk 5%), and is employed likewise conversely by the NT writers and speakers to depict the sacrilegious and insulting denial b the Jews to Christ of what was His due status (Mi 27°, Lk 22 23%), and their equally sacrilegious and insulting charges against Him (Ac 13% 18° 261), The punishment of those who blasphemed, 4.e. sinned in word or act ‘with a high hand,’ i.e. in impious rebellion pene J”, not in thoughtless- ness and weakness of the flesh (see Keil, Bib. Arch. ii. 377, Eng. tr., on Sins of Ignorance), but wilfully and presumptuously, was ‘cutting off’ (Nu 15%) or death by stoning (Lv 24-16), Instances of blasphemy in act are the profanation of the Sabbath by work (Ex 31*4), the neglect of circumcision (Gn 1714), and idolatry in all its relations (Ex 22”, 1 Mac 2°). It was on the ground of blasphemy that Christ was handed over for execution to the Romans (Mt 26, Jn 197), and. that Stephen was stoned in an irregular outbreak of priests and people (Ac 6" 757), To the ordinary sins of blas- phemy the Jews added the more technical sin of the ‘pronunciation’ of the name J”, through a mis- interpretation of ‘pronounce’ in Ly 24" apart from its limitative context. For this reason the LXX rendered J” by 6 xvpios, and the Hebrew Jews sub- pee Adonai or Elohim, as they do to the present ay. According to the teaching of Christ in the Synoptists (Mt 12%, Mk 3%, Lk 12), the ‘blas- phemy against the Holy Ghost’ was a sin. of such surpassing heinousness that it was unpardonable. Not so, He says, the blasphemy against the Son of Man. Now, the Son of Man was God’s Messiah, His pre-eminent representative; and blasphemy against Him would have been, in theocratic con- ception, pat parallel with blasphemy against God Himself (Ex 2278), What, then, wast: Re hiauphen¢ against the Holy Ghost, this sin of unwonted aggravation, so heinous that, contrary to Jewish notions, even death brought the sinner no nearer to pardon (Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. on Mt 12%)? In the context Christ is referring to special acts of His in which the Holy Spirit, as a moral power, manifested Himself obviously and unmistakably. Any man who, with such demonstration before his eyes, declared this power to be immoral (Mk 3%), openly denouncing as evil that which was plainly good, exhibited a state of heart which was hopeless and beyond the scope of divine illumination or divine influence; he was the most high-handed, wilful, ee Sa despiser of the divine. In his position of blasphemer he could not be forgiven ; for God to put such a sin behind His back was in the moral nature of things a contradiction and an impossibility. Not so culpable was the blasphemy even against the Son of Man; for in His state of humiliation, with the mists of the flesh about Him, His dignity was not so obvious, so unmistakable, so irresistibly convincing. In this case there might be ‘defect’; in the other there was ‘de- fiance.’ So much for the strict context and the special occasion. When we reach out beyond these and seek to find a more gouetal application, we have need of great diffidence. Ges point, 806 BLAST BLESSEDNESS however, seems clear: the context debars us from making the blasphemy simply the equivalent of continued impenitence in any sin, as if Christ had meant to say that any conscious sin, persisted in, becomes blasphemy against the Holy Ghost. It is hard to conceive that Christ in these words merely put into another form the maxim ‘no repentance, no pardon.’ At the same time we cannot wholly agree with those who assert that there is ‘no con- nexion’ whatever between the blasphemy against the manifest Holy Ghost and the sin against the light of spiritual experience in He 6*8, and that these sins are ‘altogether dissimilar’ (S. Davidson in Kitto, Encyc., s.v. ‘ Blasphemy’). Nor do we know enough tu be sure that the ‘sin unto death’ in 1 Jn 5'* ‘stands apart’ entirely from the sin with which Christ is dealing. Yet, on the whole, it seems reasonable and consistent with the OT sacrificial theory (cf. Keil, as above) to affirm that any sin which is explainable by the defect of the flesh, its mere willingness and its weakness, is not to be classed with the wilful, strong-armed, arrogant blaspheming of good as evil. And it is observable that the crucifixion of Christ, which in He 6° is a metaphor for apostasy, is in Ac 3”, in its literal sense, attributed by St. Peter to dyvaa, tgnorance. Doubtless, there is a time and a place wherein willingness shades off into wilfulness, and weakness into presumption ; neglect of the divine illumination is the inclined plane towards the detestation of it; and when the heart can deliber- ately say, ‘ Evil, be thou my good,’ its utterance is not far from blasphemy of the Holy Ghost. J. MASSIE. BLAST (from dlesan ‘to blow’) is used in AV: 4. Of the blowing of a wind instrument, Jos 65 ‘when they make a Jone b. with the ram’s horn.’ 2. The blowing of the breath of J”, Ex 15° ‘ with the b. of thy nostrils the waters were gathered together’ (Heb. nn riah, ‘breath’; cf. Is 30% ‘ breath,’ 33" ‘ breath,’ 377 AV ‘blast,’ RV ‘ spirit,’ 2 K 197 AV ‘blast,’ RV ‘spirit’). 3. The breath, i.e. the tyranny of violent peoples, Is 254 (nin). 4. Blowing that withers or curses, 2 S 221%, Job 4%, Ps 18° (apy; néshdmah). So blasted =‘ blighted’ Gn 41% 3-27, 2 K 19% Is 3727; and blasting= ‘blight’ Dt 28”, 1 K 8°’, 2 Ch 6%, Am 4°, Hag 2”, The reference is to the effect of the sirocco east wind. See Hos 13" for its effect on water, and Jon 48 on man. Says Thomson, ‘it rushes down every gorge, bending and breaking the trees, and tugging at each individual leaf. ... The eyes tn flerae, the lips blister, and the moisture of the body evaporates, . . you become languid, ner- vous, irritable, and despairing’ (Land and Book, ii. 262). In Ps 18", Pr. Bk. ‘ blasting ’=Ddlast. J. HASTINGS. BLASTUS (BaAdoros).—A chamberlain of HEROD AGRIPPA I. (wh. see), mentioned Ac 12”. It was through his intervention, presumably secured by bribery, that the people of Tyre and Sidon prevailed upon the king to receive an embassy from them at gesarea. He is described as ‘chamberlain,’ rév éml rol xoirGvos rod Baciéws. Neither the name nor the incident of the embassy occurs in Josephus —a proof of the complete independence of the two accounts (but see on the other side, Krenkel, ' Josephus und Lucas, p. 203). A.C. HEADLAM. BLAZE.—Mk 1® ‘to blaze abroad the matter’ (RV ‘spread abroad,’ Gr. dagnultw, in Mt 28° tr¢ ‘commonly reported,’ RV ‘was spread abroad’ ; in Mt 9°) dSuepjpicay adrdv, ‘ they spread abroad his fame’). This verb blaze=to ‘blow,’ then ‘ pro- claim,’ ‘ publish,’ is to be distinguished from blaze =burn. See Oxf. Eng. Dict. J. HASTINGS. BLEMISH.—See MEDICINE. BLESSEDNESS.—The word ‘ blessedness' is not found in the OT, and it only Spree three times in the NT (AV), and then as the translation of a word (“aKxapirués) which indicates the ascription of blessing, not the state of the blessed, so that the Revisers have rightly expunged it, substitutin ‘blessing’ in the first two cases (Ro 4°%9%), an ‘gratulation’ in the third (Gal 4"5). Nevertheless, the idea which it conveys is the result of a legitimate generalisation from biblical statements. By the term ‘blessedness’ we understand the Summum Bonum regarded as a gift from God, or as enjoyed in some divine relationship—a divine Summum Bonum. Throughout the Bible this is centred in the idea of life, in its more elementary stages as the normal human existence on earth, in its more advanced condition as eternal life ({wh alwvios). The Hebrew seems to have regarded length of days as a supreme object of desire (e.g. Ps 214). Hence, while it is a most terrible curse fora man to be cut off in the midst of his days (e.g. Ps 55%), for his life to be spared is a blessing devoutly sought after (e.g. Ps 3915), so that to live on to a ripe old age is the crowning mercy (¢.g. 1 Ch 29%). The OT idea of blessedness is largely temporal and external, though mingled with higher spiritual thoughts as in Ps 16°, Next to the life of the individual is the extension of that life in his family and the perpetuation of it through his descendants, so that the natural human instinct for immortality is in a measure satisfied by contemplating the prospect of an endless posterity. For this reason, as also because of the present good which the ossession of a family is to a man, that is an important item in the OT notion of blessedness. Earthly prosperity enters into the notion, not merely on its own account, but also as a sign of God’s favour, although the latter point is disputed throughout the Book of Job. In the Proverbs, abundance of goods—one’s barns filled with plenty (Pr 3'*)—is treated as a great sign of prosperity, but wisdom is there regarded as the Suwm- mum Bonum (Pr 47). In Messianic prophecy the thought of blessedness is expanded to signify the national weal rather than purely individual pro- sperity. This is to come in a golden age of wide- spread plenty and general happiness, following a triumph over the enemies of Israel. In particular, justice will take the place of tyranny and robbery, good order will be maintained, and universal peace prevail (e.g. Is 11%, 6517-5), It is principally - through the two ideas of righteousness and peace that the ideal is advanced to amore spiritual con- ception (e.g. Ps 119!), In the NT the idea of blessedness is ereeay, elevated. According to tke Synoptists, Jesus Christ speaks of eternal life as the supreme boon of the future (e.g. Lk 18%), According to the Fourth Gospel, He rells much more largely on this subject, and treats it as a present possession (e.g. Jn 647). St. Paul follows, accentuating the blessedness of eternal life as God’s gift to man (Ro 6¥). In the beatitudes with which He opens the Sermon on the Mount, our Lord describes, not only the characters that will be blessed, but also the nature of the highest good. The blessed are, according to St. Luke, the poor, they that hunger and weep now, and they who are hated, separated, and reproached by men; and their blessedness is to possess the kingdom of God, and to be filled and laugh (Lk 6-2). According to St. Matthew, they are more spiritually regarded as the poor in spirit, they that mourn, the meek, they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness, the merciful, the pure in heart, the peacemakers, and they which are persecuted for righteousness’ sake ; while their blessedness consists respectively in having the kingdom of heaven—elsewhere described as a pearl of great price (Mt 13)—in being com. og. ' Blessing by man. BLESSING —— forted, pepericing the earth, being filled, obtaining mercy, seeing od, being called the children of God (Mt 5%"). In the Parable of the Talents, future blessedness takes the form of high honour together with enlarged service (Mt 25”). ‘I'he Apoc. describes the blessedness of the Church in the victory and reign of Christ and the coming of the heavenly Jerusalem (Rev 21. 22). See also BEATITUDE, HAPPINESS. W. F. ADENEY. BLESSING (Aj, evdAoyla).—Throughout the Bible we meet with two forms of blessing. (1) Blessing by God. This is either (a) a direct and immediate act of God in conferring some boon, as expressed by the phrase, ‘The Lord blessed Obed- edom and all his household’ (2 S 6"); or (6) a divine utterance expressing the will of God to confer future favour, and thus approaching the eneral usage of the word, which is indicative of mediction, or speaking with a wish for the good of the persons concerned, od: ‘God blessed them, saying, Be fruitful,’ etc. (Gn 1”). The blessing of God is primarily of persons, and secondarily of things, as implied in the phrase, ‘ Bless, Lord, his substance’ (Dt 334). The secondary blessing is attached to a day in the benediction of the Sabbath, ‘God blessed the seventh day’ (Gn 2%). (2) This is really an appeal for the first form of blessing, a prayer that Gad. will confer His own blessing on the object of the speaker’s good wishes. But it comes to be regarded as in 3ome way directly beneficial, just as the evil eye is supposed to blight directly, while the curse proper is an appeal to Heaven to smite its object, as the true blessing is an appeal to Heaven to confer some boon. This seems to be the case with the atriarchal blessings, Isaac directly determining the estiny of Jacob; and yet the language employed shows that the actual source of the boons spoken of is looked for in God (Gn 27%-*). In such a case the peculiar privilege of conferring a blessing resolves itself into a peculiar right to seek certain favours of God. A similar condition may be discovered in Balaam’s benediction of Israel. While the narrative implies a belief on the part of Balak that the seer has peculiar mystic powers of cursing and blessing, Balaam’s utterances are simply ne, declaring the will of J” and predicting the estiny of Israel (Nu 23. 24). A man who is excep- tionally blessed is taken as the model and type of blessing, and is then said to be ‘a blessing’ (Gn 12%) ; and others are said to bless themselves by him, in the sense that they appeal to the blessing he has received as a specimen of what they desire for themselves, e.g. ‘The nations shall bless them- selves in him’—i.e. by Him, by reference to His blessing (Jer 47). When our Lord is described in the Gospels as blessing, no doubt the idea is analogous to the second form of blessing, the appeal to Heaven to confer favour, with the associated thought that Jesus Christ had especial power in making this appeal. Thus we must understand the action of the mothers who brought their children to Him for a blessing as they might have brought them to a holy Rabbi (Buxtorf, Syn. Jud. p. 138). But with those who perceived His divine nature, the act of blessing by Jesus Christ must have passed over into the primary and immediate act of God in conferring grace, e.g. in the final benediction (Lk 2451). The blessing of bread, of which we read in the Gospels, is equivalent to giving thanks for it, the thought being that good received gratefully comes as a blessing (compare evAdynoevy in Mt 14° and evdAoyjoas ard, in Mk 87 with evyapicrjocas in Mt 15%). To bless Ged is to praise Him with acknowledgment of His ess and expressed desires for His glorv. The act of blessing was usually performed by the BLOODTHIRSTY 307 imposition of hands (e.g. Gn 4817", Mt 191); or, where a number of persons were concerned, with uplifted hands (e.g. Ly 9”, Lk 24%) The priests pronounced a benediction after every morning and evening sacrifice, according to a triple formula (Nu 6%*6; Keil, Biblical Archeol. ii. p. 457). A more primitive form of blessing seems to have been used under the kings (e.g. 1 K 855 ; Ewald, Antig. pp. 15, 132). A benediction was regularly pronounced at the close of the synagogue service (Buxtorf, Syn. Jud., note subjoined to index). W. F. ADENEY. BLINDING.—See CrimEs. BLINDNESS.—See MEDICINE. BLOOD.—By the Hebrews, as by other ples of antiquity, the blood, both of man and of beast, was regarded as the seat of the soul (w5}), that is, of the vital principle common to all sentient organisms (Lv 17" ‘the life [EV, Heb. nephesh, ‘soul ’] of the flesh isin the blood,’ and parll. pass.). When we reflect how little we know even now, notwithstanding all our advance in physiology and allied sciences, of the mystery of life and death, we can in some measure realise the emotions of awe and dread—not without a large admixture of the superstitious element—with which the earl Semites must have regarded the shedding of Bisa Inasmuch as all slaughter was originally sacri- fice, the real significance of the provision, carried back by Heb. tradition to the days of Noah (Gn 9‘), that the blood of animals slain for human food was forbidden or taboo, will demand careful in- vestigation under the article SACRIFICE (see also Foop). To the same art. belongs the study of the piacular or expiatory efficacy at biged. which finds expression in the familiar words: ‘ Without shedding of blood is no remission’ (He 92), Akin hereto is the cathartic or purificatory use of blood in the Jewish ceremonial system for cases of uncleanness of the highest degree, such as leprosy (Ly 145 5#), the discussion of which besa to the art. on PURIFICATION (which see also for the uncleanness caused by blood in the cases enumerated in Ly 121% 151%), For another and very ancient blood-rite, the essential significance of which survives even in the most sacred rite of Christian worship (Mt 26%), see COVENANT. Among all nations blood has played a conspicu- ous part in magical rites, but the only trace of its superstitious use in the OT seems to be the inci- dent recorded in 1 K 22%, and already explained in the art. BATHING (§ 3). (See Strack, Der Blut- aberglaube; Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant.) A. R. S. KENNEDY. BLOOD, AYENGER OF.—See GOEL. BLOODGUILTINESS.—In AV only Ps 51" ‘ De- liver me from b., O God’ (0°93, plu. of 03 ‘ blood ’), RV adds Ex 22% (Heb. v.' 2), 1 S 257% 3, the Heb. being the same. W. R. Smith (O7JC? p. 441) points to Ezk 18" as proving that the Heb. phrase does not necessarily mean the guilt of murder, but any mortal sin, such sin as, if it remains un- atoned, withdraws God’s favour from His land and people (Dt 218, Is 15), a remark which has an obvious bearing on the occasion of the 5lst psalm. J. HASTINGS. BLOOD, ISSUE OF.—See MEDICINE. BLOODSHEDDING.—Sir 27* only (&yvois afu- aros); but He 9” ‘ without shedding of blood is no remission ’ (aluarexxvola). BLOODTHIRSTY.—In AV Pr 29” only, ‘thep hate the upright’ (07 Y3x ‘men of blood’), RV 308 BLOODY FLUX, BLOODY SWEAT BOAZ adds Ps 5° 55" 139", the Heb. being the same, AV ‘bloody’; RV more literally ‘man of blood’ S 167-8, ‘men of blood’ Ps 26%. Cf. Ex 4%: % ‘bridegroom of blood’ (AV ‘ bloody husband’). J. HASTINGS. BLOODY FLUX, BLOODY SWEAT.—See MEDI- CINE. BLOOM, as a trans. verb, occurs Nu 178 ‘ the rodof Aaron . .. bloomed blossoms.’ Cf.— * And all amid them stood the tree of life, High eminent, blooming ambrosial fruit Of vegetable gold.’ Milton, Par. Lost, iv. 219. J. HASTINGS. BLUE.—See CoLours. ‘Blue’ is tr™ of nbza tékhéleth in all its occurrences, and of wv shésh, Est 1$AV. Also Sir 45” ‘b. silk’ (sdxwvos, RV ‘blue’) ; 6” (AVm, RV, Gr. vaxlvOvos); and 23” ‘a blue mark’ (uddwy, RV ‘a bruise’; cf. Sir 28!" ‘the stroke of a whip maketh marks in the flesh,’ and 1 P 274 ‘ stripes,’ same Greek, from Is 535 LXX). Blueness, Pr 20” ‘the b. of a wound cleanseth away evil’ (ni1z9 habbiréth, ‘stripes,’ RV ‘stripes that wound’), See MEDICINE. J. HASTINGS. BOANERGES (Soarnpyés, deriv. uncertain, ‘sons of thunder’) is the surname given by our Lord to His disciples James and John. Considerable obscurity gathers round the question why it was given to the sons of Zebedee. It is mentioned only in Mk 3!", and never seems to have prevailed as Simon Peter’s new name did. It is not likely either that it was meant as a perpetual rebuke of their un- regulated zeal (Mk 9° 10%’, Lk 9%), or that it refers specially to their thundering forth the gospel. he likelihood is that it is both descriptive and prophetic of the union of the passionate and vehe- ment with the gentle and loving in their character, and of the fact that once and again tempests of long-restrained emotion would Furst forth out of the deep stillness of their ues natures. . BOAR.—See Swink. BOAT.—See SHIP. reserved MUIR. BOAZ (1ys=‘ swiftness,’ from a root 1y3 not occur- ring in Heb., not as was supposed ty \a=‘in him is strength,’ Béos, Béot).—The head of the Hezronites who lived at Beth-lehem-judah, after Elimelech’s departure into the country of Moab(Ru2!). He is de- scribed as a mighty man of wealth (RVm ‘ valour’). His fields lay apparently at some little distance from Beth-lehem (v.‘). It was in them that he first caught sight of Ruth as she was gleaning. He had heard of her already as a faithful and loving daughter, and begged her to remain in his fields, assuring her of his protection, and inviting her to partake of some food in the field (vv.°"), One night, whilst B. was sleeping in his threshing-floor, Ruth, instructed by her mother-in-law, came, and by placing herself at his feet claimed to be taken under his protection. Thereupon he promised that if the kinsman who was nearer than he would not do his duty to her as next of kin, he would take that duty upon himself (ch. 3). B. therefore bought the right of redemption from the next of kin, including in it the right to take Ruth to be his wife to raise up seed to Mahlon (4'*-), The marriage was celebrated, and in due course a son was born to B. and Ruth, called Obed, who, according to the genealogy at the end of the Bk of Ruth and in 1 Ch 2%, was the grandfather of David. How far this is an instance of the use of what is called the law of the Levirate will be found discussed in another article (RuTH). B. has a further interest for us, as his name occurs in both the genealogies of our Lord (Mt 15, Lk 3%). According to the Jewish authori- ties he was the same as Ibzan of Jg 12° (see Moore, Judges, p. 310). The difficulties of the chronology of the genealogy from Perez to David have not yet been satisfactorily cleared up. The narrator of B.’s marriage does not hint at any irregularity in it such as we should expect if Ezr 9!- 2 and Neh 13? or even Dt 23* ¢ were known to him. H. A. REDPATH. BOAZ (1s, LXX Badd¢ in B, and Bods in A of 1K 72; in 2Ch 3” the LXX has Icxvs ‘ strength’), —The name of one of the two pillars erected in the porch of Solomon’s temple, the other being Jachin, 1K 7*1,2 Ch 3", Jer 527): 22, ‘Boaz’ stood on the left looking eastward, i.e. it was on the north side of the entrance of the temple. Its height was 18 cubits, its circumference 12, its diameter being conse- quently 3,4 cubits. Surmounting it was a chapiter _ 5 cubits high, ornamented with network and with pomegranates (Jer 52”-*8), There is, however, a good deal of confusion as to the ornamentation of the chapiters, though all agree that they were lily-shaped at the top. The apparent discrepancy as to its height is owing to the fact that the ornament uniting the shaft to the chapiter is sometimes included in the reckoning, and some- times not. ‘Jachin’ and ‘ Boaz’ were exactly of the same form and size; both were hollow and made of brass, the thickness of the brass being four fingers, t.e.°4 inches (Jer 521). Ewald, Thenius, Merx, and Nowack are of opinion that these pillars served for supports to the roof of the house. Nowack (Bid. ane ii. 33) refers to Ezk 40-49 as showing that the pillars of Ezekiel’s temple were supports; but the passage does not prove that they were more than orna- ments. On the other hand, Hirt, Stieglitz, Cugler, Schnaase (all architects), Bahr, Riehm, Keil, and Lumby argue that the pillars stood in the porch, unconnected at the top, and that the only function they served was that of ornamentation. (See Keil, Bib. Arch.i. 169f.). In favour of this opinion are the following points: (1) The ornamentation on the top already mentioned. (2) Their height was 23 (18+5) cubits. Now the porch was, according to 2 Ch 34 and Jos. (Ant. VII. iii. 2), 120 cubits; according to Bertheau 30; but in the opinion of most critics it was 20 cubits high, answering to the length (see PorcH). None of those measure- ments would suit if the pillars stood under and supported the roof of the porch. (3) The pillars were hollow. (4) Hiram’s work was to decorate, and not to build any essential part of the temple. But, though no more than ornaments to the Israelites, the origin of these pillars must be sought among the Syrians and Phenicians, who commonly erected such pillars in front of their temples. In front of his temple at Tyre, the Syrian god, Melkart, is represented by two pillars (Herod. 2. 44). Before the temples of Paphos and Hierapolis there were likewise two pillars. In these cases, the pillars stood for deity, and they formed a part of that Phallic worship of which we are finding more and more traces in the ancient world (see Dudley, Naology, p. 130 f.; W. R. Cobb, Origines Judaice, pp. 207-238; and Trumbull, Threshold Covenant, p. 230n.). Nowack (ii. 34) and W. R. Smith (2S p. 191, note 1) incline to believe that even to the Israelites these pillars were symbols of J”, so that, if they are right, the true God was set forth by these Phallic emblems, as in the northern kingdom He was worshipped in the form of a young bull (b:y ‘éged). But it is un- likely, to say the least, that if these pillars stood for J” we should have no intrmution of it in the writings of the OT. Benzinger (Bib. Arch. p. 385) points out that pillars of this kind are found in the front of the pennies of Amon in Egypt (ef. p. 250 of the same work). “ae Gta. BOCCAS But why two 7 gaara if but one deity is thus represented 2 mong the Semites and other peeve peoples, gods went in pairs, male and emale, as Baal and Ashtoreth, Osiris and Isis, ete. Possibly the two pillars stood for male and female, the active and passive principle in nature. This is not necessarily opposed to the Phallic origin of the symbol, since at this stage their origin might have been wholly unknown, the mere fact of their representing deity being possibly the only thought in the mind of the people. The words ‘Jachin’ and ‘ Boaz’ are certainly ere names. The LXX so regards them in 1 K 7%, ut in 2 Ch 37 the words are translated Karép@wois (a setting right) and ‘Ioxvs (strength). Gesenius explains the words as names of the donors or builders. This is only a guess. No other part of the temple is designated in this way except Solomon’s porch, which belongs to the time of Herod. Ewald (Gesch. iii. 4) holds that they are names of honoured men, perhaps sons of Solomon. This is not more likely than Gesenius’s opinion. Keil follows Kimchi in making the names (‘ He will establish,’ ‘In Him is strength’) Sere of the solidity and strength of the king- om of God among Israel, as having its central pot in the temple. Klostermann (Komm.) trans- ates and explains by ‘Stand-halter und der Trotz- bieter,’ the ‘firm and defying one,’ referring to God. Thenius (Komm.) joins both words to make the expression ‘He will establish by strength’; but the text is against it, and so is the fact that there are two pillars, each with a name of its own. T. W. DAVIEs. BOCCAS.—See BorirTu. BOCHERU (i135),— A descendant of Jonathan 1 2 AG For form of name cf. Gashmu, eh 6}. 6, BOCHIM (o'D5n), ‘weepers,’ Jg 2!.— Unknown as a geographical site. Possibly the orig. reading was 5yn'3. See Moore, ad Joc., and BETHEL. BODY.—1. Early biblical usage had no fixed term for the human body as an entire organism, and, consequently, none to use, as such, in precise antithesis to ‘soul’ or ‘spirit.’ An assortment of terms was employed, each of which strictly denotes only one part or element of the bodily nature, such as trunk, bones, belly, bowels, reins, flesh. The last is by far the most prominent, probably as supplying to the body its form, colour, and beauty. Flesh is used through both Testaments for the corporeal nature of man in connexion with and contrast to the inner or spiritual nature. (See FLEsH.) Of the other terms, 7°13 (once in late Heb., 1 Ch 10" a:3) originally probably the cavity containing the vitals, most nearly denotes the whole, and is applied both to the hving body (Gn 47'8) and to the corpse (1 S 317°); Bones (oyy, oxy) once, Ps 139% prob. collectively, ‘my bony frame.’ The word is suggestively used to denote the reality or strength of a thing, i.e. the thing itself (Ex 241°, Job 21%). Some of these ancient terms for the bodily parts have passed over into the NT, and indeed into all popular speech with certain definite psychical connotations. Thus Belly (jo2, «oiAla) stands throughout Scripture for the seat of appetite and of the carnal affections (e.g. Ro 1638, p 3}9), yet also connotes the inward nature, the innermost of the soul (cf. Pr 188 2027. % 228 Jn 7%). So Bowels (oyp, oon), besides its literal, or first meaning, is plentifully used, met- onymice, for the sympathetic or compassionate affections (Gn 43%, 1 K 3, 2 Co 6” 75, Ph 2}, Col 312), That the same kind of transference from the bodily to the mental region has taken BOLDNESS 309 place with the terms Heart and Retne goes with. out saying. 2. Later OT writers may have come under the influence of Greek thought in construing the whole body or outer man as the dwelling, clothing, or integument of the soul. If the expression (Job 4°) sph na ‘houses of clay,’ refers, as is com- monly thought, to human bodies, it is an instance closely imitated by the Apocr. writer (Wis 9%) in ale hrase ‘earthly tabernacle’ or ‘frame’ (RV), and which reappears in 2 Co 5 In Daniel the Aramaic word ov: is used for boly (Dn 37 4% [Heb.] 5), and another Aramaic word (of Persian origin) 7373 is used along with 57 (71) in exactly the figurative manner so familiar to later thought, ‘My spirit was grieved in the midst of my body’ (lit. ‘of his sheath’). 3. In the NT, body (céya) signifies the complete organism with all its members (1 Co 12" etc.), and stands in clear and constant antithesis to ‘soul’ and ‘spirit.’ Throughout the whole of Scripture the place of the body as an integral constituent of man’s nature is insisted on. This must be made prominent in our Bible doctrine of man as contrasted with philosophic and other notions depreciatory of his bodily nature. But for this, as well as for the Bible Dualism or Dichotomy, see art. PSYCHOLOGY, J. LAIDLAW. BODYGUARD.—1 Es 3‘ RV only. See GUARD. BOHAIRIC VERSIONS.—See Eayrr1an VER- SIONS. BOHAN (jos, perhaps ‘covering’). — A son of Reuben, acc. to Jos 15° 1817 (both P). The stone of B. is mentioned in these two passages as forming a mark of division between J mak and Benjamin. It is impossible to identify the site where it stood. J. A. SELBIE. BOILS.—See MEDICINE. BOLDNESS.—In OT ‘bold’ is given as tr™ of nya bdtah to trust, Pr 28! ‘the righteous are b. as a lion.’ In Gn 34% ‘Simeon and Levi... came upon the city boldly,’ the Heb. is the noun nya betah from bdtah, and is applied, not to Simeon and Levi, but to the inhabitants of the city, ‘ ay came upon the city (dwelling) securely’ (so RV, but RVm ‘ boldly’). In Ee 8! ‘boldness’ is lit. ‘strength’ (1) ‘éz), and is tr? ‘hardness’ in RV. In Apocr. ‘bold’ oceurs in a bad sense, Sir 84 ‘Travel not by the way with a b. fellow’ (rodunpés RV ‘rash man’), and 198 ‘a bold man shall be taken away’ (Wuxh ToAunpd, RV ‘a reckless soul’). The adj. roAmnpés occurs in NT only Ro 1515 ‘I write the more boldly unto you’ (TR roAunporspor, WH coApmporipws); and voAymres ‘an audacious person,’ only 2 P 210 (AV ‘ presumptu- ous,’ RV ‘daring’); but roAucw is frequent, the most interest- ing occurrence being 2 Co 102 where the apostle uses first bappia and then roAuéw, both trd ‘be bold’ in AV, but in RV ‘that I may not when present show courage with the confidene where- with I count to be bold against some.’ Thayer says that 0. denotes confidence in one’s own strength or capacity, +. bold- ness or daring in undertaking ; 6. has reference more to the character, +. to its manifestation (NT Lex. p. 628; cf. Sanday and Headlam on Ro 1515: ‘the boldness of which St. Paul accuses himself is not in sentiment, but in manner’). The Ionic form of 6. (Qepré@) occurs in LXX and NT only as im- erat. ‘take courage,’ ‘fear not,’ etc. Thus, Sir 1910 ‘If thou es heard a word, let it die with thee; and be bold (d«pou), it will not burst thee’; Mt 1427 ‘Be of good cheer’ (Aapceirs). The only compound of these verbs in NT is dwroreApcm@, Ro 1 only, ‘Isaiah is very bold,’ lit. ‘is bold by himself.’ But there is a nobler boldness in the NT than these. In the Gr. it is expressed by mappncia (lit. ‘fulness’ or ‘freedom of speech,’ wav pjors) and rappnordtoun ; and although these words are used by classical authors and the LXX, this b. reaches a higher manifestation under the Gospel, which is its very foundation. Thus Eph 3% ‘ Christ 310 BOLLED BOOTH Jesus our Lord, in whom we have b. and access’ ; He 10” ‘ Having therefore, brethren, b. to enter into the holy place by the blood of Jesus’; 1 Jn 417 ‘that we may have b. in the day of judgment’ ; He 4° ‘Let us therefore come boldly (RY ‘draw near with b.’) unto the throne of grace.’ For the most part it is boldness of speech, but its founda- tion is the same: Jn 7% ‘He speaketh boldly’ (RV ‘o oe Ac 4°! ‘they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and they spake the word of God with b.’; 13 ‘Paul and Barnabas waxed bold (RV ‘spake out boldly’) and said’; 1 Th 2? ‘we were bold (RV ‘ waxed bold’) in our God to speak unto you the Gospel of God.’ See COURAGE. J. HASTINGS. BOLLED.—Ex 9*! ‘the barley was in the ear, and the flax was bolled’ (RVm ‘was in bloom’; Heb. 5y3a gibh‘él, lit. ‘was bud,’ §.¢. was in bud). he Eng. word boll (originally something swollen) is a seed vessel, a pod ; hence ‘ was bolled ’ (= ‘ was in seed ’) expresses a further stage of growth than the Heb. warrants. J. HASTINGS. BOLSTER (something ‘swollen,’ cf. ‘ bolled’) is new used of the longer and firmer cushion under the pillows, but was formerly often syn. with pillow. It occurs in AV of 1 § 1933-16 267.11. 12. 16, where RV always ‘head’; thus 1S 19% ‘ Michal . .. puta pillow of Spee hair for his b.’ (RV ‘at the head thereof’). The same Heb. (nv/x79) is tr@ ‘ pillows’ Gn 28-18, and in 1 K 19° [all] ‘head,’ marg. ‘bolster’; RV always ‘head.’ (For the peculiar reading by ‘pey2p 1 S 26", Budde gives yoexie9 in agreement with other passages and the here.) J. HASTINGS. BOND.—See BAND. 1. In the foll. passages the Gr. word tr4 ‘bond’ is dod)os, ‘slave,’ 1 Co 12", Gal $8, Eph 68, Col 3% (RV ‘bondman’), Rev 1316 1978. 2. There is a fig. use of b. in Ac 8%, Eph 4%, Col 3! where the Gr. is cdvdecyos, a surgical word (though not confined to surgery) meaning ‘a ligament’; hence Col 3 ‘love, which is the b. of perfectness’ means that love unites all the virtues and graces into one perfect man in Christ Jesus, just as the ligaments bind the body; in Eph 4° ‘the b. of peace,’ peace is itself the ligament or uniting power ; Ac 8” ‘thou art in the gall of bitterness, and in the b. of iniquity ’ is not so clear, and it has sometimes been said that Simon is described as ‘a bundle of iniquity,’ but that meaning of c. lacks support (see Thayer, s.v.); rather, ‘thou art bound by the ligatures or fetters of iniquity.’ The Gr. word oc. is las found Col 2! (where see Light- foot), RV ‘all the body, being supplied and knit to- gether through the joints ad bands.” Bondmaid, a female slave, Lv 19” (mnay) ; 254 + (apy, tr? ‘maid’ in v.*); Gal 4” (acdtoxn, tr. *bondwoman ’ 4%- #. 9.31, all of Hagar, RV ‘ hand- maid’; x. is used also of the maid who recognised Peter, Mt 26°, Mk 14%, Lk 2256, Jn 1817 [see DAMSEL], of Rhoda, Ac 12", and of the Philippian fortune-teller, 161°), Bondman and Bondwoman= slave, are frequent. Bondservant occurs in AV only once, Lv 25" ; but where the Gr. is dofXos, slave, RV often turns ‘servant’ of AV into ‘ bondservant’ (in favour of ‘slave’ see Horwill, Contemp. Rev. May 1896, p. 707). Bondservice, 1 K 977 ‘upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of b. (1a, RV ‘raise a levy of bondservants’). Bondslave, 1 Mac 2" (dovAn, not in NT, but freq. in LXX, RV ‘ bond- woman’). See SLAVERY. J. HASTINGS. BONNET is the rendering in AV of two Heb. words, 7y239 (Ex 28” 29%, Lv 8!5) and 15 (Is 3”, Ezk 4418), In Ex 39% the two are conjoined, ‘7x5 niyaion. RV uniformly gives, instead of bonnets, head-tires, except Ezk 448 ‘ tires.’ Both terms apparently refer to the same part of the head-dress of the ordinary priests. Ita distinctive importance, with regard to the priestly office and fan is implied in Is 61?° 1K jA3; Jng9, ‘as a bridegroom makes his head-ornament like a priest’s,’ which Dillm. and Del. understand of winding it up into a conical point (cf. Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. 117). In determining what the bonnet was: (1) we find it distinguished from the miznepheth or turban of the high priest, on the compactly folded front of which the old plate lay baer with a cord (Sn5 Ex 28% 87), a less ornate form being worn on the Great Day of Atonement (Lv 16‘). was highly ornamental ‘for glory and beauty’ (Ex 28%). (3) It was of fine linen (Ex 3978). (4) It was one of the items of elaborate female attire (Is 3”). These allusions seem to converge towards an article of outdoor wear, needed where service exposed to the sun, and yet having a distinctly decorative purpose. These conditions are best met by the loose kerchief for head and neck, which is still a striking feature in Oriental dress; and in its protective usefulness and dignified elegance is an accommodation at once to the climate and the character. While this bonnet or head-tire among the Bedawin is simply a square of black or blue cotton, and the day-labourer improvises anything to cover the back of the head = | neck, that worn by the men of the towns and villages is a fabric about a yard square of the finest white silk, usually edged with bright stripes, and called a kifiyeh. The corresponding art. of female dress is the graceful outdoor veil for the head and neck, called a turhah. This would connect ny229 with yap, and the Arab. kubba‘ah ‘cowl.’ According to this interpretation, a survival of the article in a modified form may be seen in the drapery that droops in light loose folds from the high turban of the Oriental priest; and, TURBAN OF ORIENTAL (GREEK) PRIEST. by its connexion with the monk’s hood and the conventual veil, is still among the insignia of priestly dress. (See DREss.) G. M. MACKIE. BOOK.—See WRITING. BOOTH.—At the season when the fruits of field and orchard are ripening, the Syrian peasant often finds it prudent to leave his home in the village and take up his abode for a time in ‘the portion of the field’ belonging to him, for the double purpose of guarding his produce against ill-disposed neigh- bours, and of more effectively carrying on the work BOOTY BOTTLE 311 To shelter him of the grain and fruit harvests. and his from the noonday heat and from the dews of night (cf. Is 4°), a small hut is hastily constructed of leafy branches from the nearest trees. Such an erection is called in Heb. 730, by AV variously rendered ‘booth,’ ‘ tabernacle,’ ‘pavilion,’ ete. Jonah’s b. was of this description (4°), and so were those in which Jacob sheltered his cattle (whence the name Succoth), Gn 33”, The army in the field was similarly protected by booths, 2 S 11%, 1 K 2036 (EV ‘ pavilions’). In the East the custom still prevails, whereby the owners of small adjoining vineyards combine to secure the services of a watcher to protect the ripening grapes from robbers and wild beasts. For the more efficient discharge of his duty the watch- man is provided with a more elaborate booth. Four stout poles are fixed in the soil a few feet apart ; to these uprights four cross pieces are firmly secured, some six or more feet from the ground. Boards resting on the cross-pieces form the floor, while the roof is made in a similar way of boughs of trees or matting. In this elevated watch-tower the watch- man spends his nights, gun in hand, the open sides allowing an uninterrupted view of the area to be observed. This is the ‘b. that the keeper maketh’ to which Job refers (27°), and the ‘cottage (RV booth) in a vineyard’ to which Isaiah compares the desolate daughter of Zion. See illust. under CucuMBER. For booths as used at the FEAST OF TABERNACLES, see that article. A. R. 8S. KENNEDY. BOOTY.—See WAR. BORDER of THEGARMENT.—See DRESS, FRINGE. Borderer, 2 Mac 9* ‘the princes that are borderers and neighbours’ (ol rapaxelwevor). The word is now almost restricted in fox to those who dwell on the Border between England and Scotland. Here it is an accurate tr®, in the sense of one whose country touches another’s. BORITH (2 Es 12).—One of the ancestors of Ezra, called in 1 Es 8? Boccas, and in 1 Ch 6° ™, Ezr 74 BUKKI (which see). BORN, BORNE.—41. The Oxf. Eng. Dict. discovers 43 different senses in which the verb ‘to bear’ is used ; the last being ‘to give birth to,’ spoken of fe- male mammalia, andesp. women. The past ptcp. of this verb is either ‘ borne’ or ‘ born’ (rarely ‘ bore’), and these forms were at first used indiscriminately for all the senses of the verb. About 1660 ‘borne’ was generally abandoned, and ‘born’ retained in all senses. But about 1775 ‘borne’ was re-estab- lished and used for all the senses of the verb but one, ‘ born’ being restricted to ‘ brought into the world.’ And ‘born’ is even in that restricted sense confined to the passive voice and a kind of neuter signification; it is not used when the mother is spoken of. ‘ Borne’ was the invariable spelling of 1611, but later edd. and printers introduced ‘ born’ wherever the meaning is ‘ brought forth.’ RV has carefully restored ‘borne’ wherever the signification is active ; thus Gn 2]® ‘his son that was born unto him,’ AV and RV; but 217 ‘I have born him a son in his old age,’ RV ‘borne’. See also HOMEBORN. 2. ‘Born again’ in 1 P 1% (RV ‘having been begotten again,’ as 1%) is one word in the Gr. (dva- yevvdw) ; in Jn 37 ‘ born again’ (RV ‘ born anew’) two words (yevvdw dvwOer) ; but that the compound word in 1 P 1*-# is an exact equivalent of the two words in Jn 3*-7, and that therefore dyw0ev=‘ anew’ here, not ‘from above,’ has been proved, esp. by Ezra Abbot in The Authorship of the Fourth Gospel (Boston, 1880, p. 34 f. ; London, 1892, p. 30ff.). See REGENERATION. 8. In 1 Co 158 ‘one b. out of due time,’ the Gr. isa single word, écrpwya, an untimely birth, an abortion.* J. Hisrivas, BORROWING.—See Dzsrt. BOSOM.—See ABRAHAM’s Bosom. BOSOR (Booép), 1 Mac 5%: *6,—A town in Gilead. The site is uncertain. BOSORA (Bocop@), 1 Mac 5% *,—Mentioned with Bosor. Apparently the great city of Bosrah—the Roman Bostra on the E. of Bashan, which is not mentioned in the Bible. C. R. CONDER. BOSS (Job 15%).—Bucklers and shields were made of successive skins stretched over a frame, a layer of metal being superimposed on the whole. To break the force of a blow, metal studs or bosses were affixed in addition. dorlées dugandé6- eocat were known to Homer (JJ. iv. 448). The Heb. word 0°33 gabbim, ‘ bosses,’ properly means things rounded, e.g. the back of an animal or the felloe of a wheel. Possibly in Job 15% the true meaning is simply the convex (back-like) side of a shield, or again it might be the metal rim (‘felloe’), ‘ thick,’ perhaps, because threefold, as in the shield of Achilles (J2. xviii. 479, rept 8 dyrvya oe paewhy tplrhaxa). W. KE. BARNES. BOTANY.—See PLANTS. BOTCH, a swelling (the same word orig. as ‘boss’), but confined to disease, an eruption in the skin, Dt 2877 ‘the b. of Egypt,’ and ® ‘a gore b.’ (7a, RV ‘ boil,’ as elsewhere in AV Ex 9% 2%, Ly 1338-19. 20. 38 (1611 ‘bile’], 2 K 20’, Job 27, Is 387 [all]). See MEDICINE. J. HASTINGS. BOTTLE (non, Wa, 533, p2p2, 3%, doxds; RV skin, wine-skin). —The multiplicity of names is sug- gestive of its manifold use, serving as a receptacle at once for a tear (Ps 568) and a thunderstorm (Job 3837), The mention of bottle in connexion with the Gibeonites, Hagar, David, etc., refers to both pastoral and agricultural life (Jos 94, Gn 21,18 25'8), The bottle was a leathern bag made from the skins of the young kid, poat, cow, or buffalo. The largest ones were roughly squared and sewn up. The smaller were drawn off entire, thus retain- ing the shape of the animal with the legs removed. Those for holding water, milk, butter, and cheese usually had the hair left on, but for wine and vil the tanning had to be more thoroughly done. This was by means of oak-bark and seasoning in smoke, a process that gave a pitchy astringency of flavour to the wine contained in them. The distension that the leather underwent once, and once only, during fermentation, gave the parable that each age must interpret for itself with regard to the new treat- ment of new truths (Mt 9!7, Mk 22, Lk 5%7), The skin-bottle, being portable and unbreakable, was admirably suited for the deep stone-built well, the shepherd’s troughs, and the encampment of the traveller in waterless districts. The carrying of water for sale for household purposes has often been an emblem of servitude, and is chiefly done by the aged and infirm. One of the characteristic figures in Oriental towns during summer is the man who sells from his dripping goat-skin the refreshing drink of iced-water flavoured with lemon, rose, or liquorice, toni aaey clapping his brass cups, and crying ‘ Drink, drink, thirsty one’ (cf. Is 551). While the bottle is highly prized, and its water is a grateful necessity, the luxury of the * On this word see esp. Huxtable in Hapositor, Second series, vol. iii. p. 269 ff. 312 BOTTOM BOWL East belongs to the spring itself, to the draught | 2 S 22!=—Ps 18°, and 144° (the Heb. is the common from the fountain of living waters. Hence the com- parison at Jacob’s well (Jn 44), and the one blessed terminus of all the Shepherd’s leading (Rev 7?”). For Bottle of earthenware see PITCHER, VESSEL. G. M. MACKIE. BOTTOM.—1. Common enough for thedeep of the sea, ‘ bottom’ is used in Zee 1® for a deep place in the land, a valley: ‘the myrtle trees that were in the b.’ (RVm ‘shady place,’ Heb. TR 7)s»3, Baer nbso3; the pl. is used of the depths of the sea Jon 2, of a river Zec 10", and of miry places Ps 697; see Wright on Zec 1°). Compare— ‘ West of this place, down in the neighbour bottom.’ Shaks. As You Like It, rv. ii. 79. The word is still used locally in this sense. 2. The pl. ‘ bottoms’ occurs Jon 2° ‘I went down to the b. of the mountains’ (332, lit. ‘a cutting off,’ as AVm); Wis 17'4 ‘out of the bottoms of inevitable hell’ (€& déuvdrov d5ov puxGr). 8. Bottomless Pit is the AV tr® of ¢péap ris a4Bvccov, Rev 913 (RV ‘pit of the abyss’), and of &Bvocos alone, 94 117 178 208 (RV ‘abyss’). See ABYSS. J. HASTINGS. BOUGH.—Dt 24% AVm, ‘when thou beatest thine olive tree, thou shalt not bough it’ (text ‘thou shalt not go over the boughs again’). This is the only example of a verb ‘b.’ in this sense, and it has been missed by Oxf. Eng. Dict. It is formed directly from the noun in imitation of the Heb. (1x21 from x5 a bough). J. HASTINGS. BOUGHT.—1 S 25” AVm ‘in the midst of the b. of asling.’ The b. is the loop or ‘ bowed’ part of the sling on which the stone was laid. Bow, as most modern versions of AV have it, was never used in this sense. ‘ Bout’ is another spelling, as Milton, L’ Allegro, 140— ‘In notes, with many a winding bout Of linkéd sweetness long drawn out.’ J. HASTINGS, BOW.—41. In archery, see next article. 2. See RAINBOW. 3. Bow as a verb is of frequent occur- rence, rendering many Heb. and Gr. words. Most usages are clear, but notice: ‘ Bow,’ or ‘bow the knee,’ now obsolete or archaic, as Jg 5” ‘ At her feet he bowed, he fell, he lay’ (Moore, ‘sank down, fell, lay still,’ who explains that 7) is properly ‘bend the knees,’ kneel, crouch, squat on the heels, said of a mortally wounded man whose knees fail under him, 2 K 9*); the same Heb. in Est 3? ‘Mordecai b@ not nor did him reverence,’ t.e. neither b® the knee nor fell prostrate ; and in Ps 22 « All they that go down to the dust shall b. before him,’ which Del. explains: all that for want are ready to die (the ‘dust,’ .»y, being the grave), go down upon their knees, because they are esteemed worthy of a place at this table; and Is 45% “unto me every knee shall bow,’ quoted in Ro 144, Ph 2” (kdurrw). In Mt 27%‘ they bowed the knee before him,’ RV ‘ kneeled,’ the Gr. is yovureréw from yévu, knee, and rérw, t.e. tirtw, fall. Of Gn 41% ‘they cried before him, Bow the knee,’ the Heb. 923% is separately discussed under ABRECH. Besides ‘bow the knee’ we have bow the head, Is 585 ‘to bow down his head as a rush,’ Jn 19 ‘he bowed his head and gave up the ghost’; bow the face, Lk 245 ‘they were afraid, and bowed down their faces to the earth’; bow the back, Ro 11; bow the shoulder, Gn 49 ‘he bowed his shoulder to bear’; bow the neck, Sir 33% ‘A yoke and a collar do bow the neck’; bow the loins, Sir 47” ‘thou didst bow thy loins unto women’; bow the ear, 2 K 1938 ‘LORD, bow down thine ear (RV ‘incline thine ear’), and hear’; and bow the heart, 2 S 19'4 ‘he bowed the heart of all the men of Judah’; ‘ Bow the heavens,’ a strongly transitive use, is found verb 7»; ndtdh, to bend, and the figure is that J* caused the clouds to descend with Him as He descended to judgment). See BowIna. J. HASTINGS. BOW.—‘ Battle-bows,’ so named (Zec 91 104), were probably of bronze (nyn3 néhosheth), a metal harder than copper, being composed of copper and tin, different therefore from our brass, a Ake is a mixture of copper and zinc. Such bows needed great strength to bend (Ps 18% RV, which, how- ever, reads ‘bow of brass.’ Cf. 2K 9%). Bows ‘might also be made of two straight horns joined peer (Homer, J7. iv. 105-111), or again of wood. ‘A deceitful bow’ is used (Ps 78°’, Hos 7**) as a figure for a person who disappoints the hopes formed of him. A bow might be ‘deceitful’ through simply ee its mark, or through breaking, and so missing. Teucer’s bow-string breaks (Homer, Jl. xv. 463-465), and the arrow wanders from the mark, ‘Deceitful’ (12 rémiyyah) might also be rendered ‘slack,’ so that possibly a badly-strung bow may be meant. . E. BARNES. BOWELS.—1. Literally, as 2 Ch 21° ‘the LorD smote him in his bowels (o'yp) with an incurable disease’;* Ac 1!8 ‘he burst asunder in the midst, and all his bowels (orAdyxva) gushed out.’ 2. Figur- atively as the seat of deep-felt emotions: (a) with 7D>3=murmur or thrill, of affection or sympathy, Is 16" 635 (the cogn. subst. AV _ paraphrases ‘yearning ’) Jer 31”, & 54; (6) Ps 408 ‘ Thy law is in the midst of my bowels,’ t.e. the object of my innermost affections; (c) of distressing emotions, Job 30” (see Davidson, ad loc.), La 1° 2" (lit. ‘are in ferment’). See Bopy and MEDICINE. J. HASTINGS. BOWING (13), Ps 628, meaning bulged, burst, overthrown.—The ref. is to the effect of a sudden and heavy fall of rain, the ‘overflowing shower’ of Ezk 131 38”, which in an hour sometimes con- verts a garden into a sheet of water. To obviate such pressure, garden walls in Syria are built with openings to let off the water. G. M. MACKIE. BOWL.—i. A vessel of this sort, a hollow dish in which to receive the milk of the flock and present the simple family meal, is indispensable for even the lowest stage of nomad life. For these purposes the primitive Hebrews, like the wandering tribes of to-day, doubtless used bowls of wood instead of fragile earthenware. It was in such a dish, ‘a b. fit for lords’ (AV ‘a lordly dish’), that Jael offered Sisera a draught of sour milk (Jg 5%). The same word (550, L rexdvn, (A, Aaxdvyn), see Moore, Judges, pp. 164 f.) denotes the b. into which Gideon wrung ‘ie water from his fleece (Jg 6%). From both these passages it may be inte that the so was a dish of at least medium size; in Gideon’s case it may have been of the porous earthenware (see POTTERY) which has been in use among the settled PoBPeriee of Canaan from the earliest times. any specimens of this ware were found by the officers of the Pal. Expl. Fund, and more recently by-Flinders Petrie and Bliss in the mound of Tell eget! (see Petrie, Lachish, and Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities, passim). ii. The large silver bowls presented by ‘the princes of the congregation’ Na 7}5%-) have been mentioned under BASON. The same word (py) is applied by Am (6°) to the large and costly bowls *Cf. 2 Mac 95 of Antiochus Epiphanes; ‘But the Lord Almighty, the God of Israel, smote him with an incurable and invisible plague; for as soon as he had spoken these words, a pain of the bowels that was remediless came upon him, and sore torments of the inner parts; and that most justly, for he had yorpated other men’s bowels with many and strange torments. et ein oe oe le ey eee ne ee _ drupacea, Lab. BOX BRACELET 313 used by the nobles of Samaria for their debauches. Jer. mentions a stil] larger b. (y33, AV ‘ pot’—Gn 442% of Joseph’s ‘ cup’), corresponding to the crater, from which the drinking cups (niod) were re- plenished (Jer 355). The material was no doubt silver. iii. In AV bowl is the rendering of y'23 as applied to the cup (RV) or calyx of beaten work used as an ornament on the stem and branches of the golden candlestick (see under TABERNACLE). iv. nba Zec 4%, also in correct text of v.2, is the bow! or receptacle for oil in the candlestick of Zechariah’s vision, and is used in the same sense with ref. to the ‘lamp of life’ (Ec 125). It also denotes the bowl-shaped or spheroidal capitals of Jachin and Boaz (1 K 7“, 2 Ch 41-18), v. In Is 517-22, for ‘dregs of the cup,’ etc., RV renders ‘b. of the cup’ (b\3 ny3p) ; the second word, however, is best regarded as a gloss to explain the preceding unusual word. In Rev passim RV adopts ‘bowl’ as the equivalent of giddy (AV ‘vial’). For other changes of RV (including 7153, AV ‘bason,’ RV ‘ bowl’), see BASON. A. R. S. KENNEDY. BOX.—In 2 K 9}8 AV, a box (75) of oil is men- tioned, RV vial. In 1S 10! it is said that Samuel ‘took the vial (45) of oil,’ in 16! God’s command to Samuel is ‘fill thy Aorn (772) with oil.’ It seems probable that horn is the true meaning, as, being closed at the tip, it could easily be sealed up at the other end and carried about. Perfume boxes (#53783) are spoken of in Is3® RV. In Van Dyck’s Arab. tr. they are called hdndjir, the common word for small pots of earthenware for carrying ointments. In Mt 267, Mk 14°, Lk 797 ‘alabaster box (RV cruse) of ointment’ (d\dSacrpov) is men- tioned. The word used in Arabic is kdrirah, which may mean a small vase or jar of earthen- ware or other material. In Syria alive oil is often kept sealed up in small earthen jars. The word alabaster, though originally applied to vases made of that substance, seems to have been often used for a vessel containing an unguent without special regard to the material of which it was made. As the ointment referred to is said to have been very recious, it is probable that the vase may have nm alabaster. The breaking refers, of course, to the seal, not to the vase. W. CARSLAW. BOX TREE (wxna téashshir, drgebxn, xédpos, Aq. Th. @aacovp, buxus, pinus).—The only species of box found in Bible lands is Buus longifolia, Boiss., which is a shrub from 2 to3 ft. high. It does not grow south of Mt. Cassius, and it is unlikely that it did in historical times. It is improbable that it was at all familiar to the Hebrews. The other trees alluded to in the three passages in which the ¢éashshir is mentioned (Is 41” 603, Ezk 27°) were familiar. They are the cedar, shittah (RV acacia), myrtle, fir, oak, pine(?). It is unlikely that an unfamiliar and insignificant bush would be asso- ciated with these, which, with the exception of the ae the emblem of greenness and triumph, were lordly trees, and familiar to those who heard the prophecy. Its name signifies erectness or tall- ness, Which indicates that it also was a stately tree. Unfortunately, philology gives us no help in solving the question, as the word téashshir has not been preserved in the Arabic. The old Arab. VS gives sherbin, which is one name for the wild form of Cupressus sempervirens, L., the cypress. This is a stately tree, and everyway suitable. There are a number of other fine evergreens in Bible lands, as the Cilician spruce, Abies Cilicica, Boiss. ; the alpine juniper, Juniperus excelsa, L. (Arab. lizzab) ; the large-fruited juniper, J. macrocarpa, Sibth. et Sm.; the plum-fruited juniper, J. . ; any one of which would do for téashshir. Itis useless to come to the LXX for light, as it translates the word in one passage Aevcn, the white poplar, and in another xédpos, the cedar. The positive determination of the tree is hopeless, It would be better to transliterate it, as in the case of the algum, and call it the téashshir. G. E. Post. BOY.—See CHILDREN. BOZEZ (yy\3), 1 S 144.—A steep cliff on one side of the Michmash gorge opposite Seneh. It seema to be the northern cliff, a remarkable bastion of rock E. of Michmash. The valley is precipitous, and the S$. cliff is in shade during most of the day, while the N. is exposed to the noonday sun. C. R. CONDER. BOZKATH (nps3).—A town of Judah, Jos 15™, 2 K 22}, in the plain near Lachish and Eglon. Unknown. BOZRAH (my 3 ‘a fortification’).—There were several places of this name, and the effort to identify them has resulted in some confusion. In Smith’s Dictionary of the Bible, ed. 1893, the letterpress rules out Bosrah in Haurdn; yet a picture of this city is given as an illustration of Bozrah. Bozrah of Edom was a city of great antiquity (Gn 36%=1 Ch 1). Its fate is identi- fied with that of Edom (Is 348, Jer 49%, Am 12), It is referred to again in Is 63!, and probabl in Mic 2% £/-Buseireh, 7 miles 8.W. of Tufileh, the ancient Tophel (Dt 1°), on the main road N. from Petra, suits the geographical conditions ; but the ruins are insignificant. Another possible identification is Kustir Bashair. ‘These towers lie about 15 miles S.E. of Dibon (Dhiban), and more probably represent Bezer—ry3—‘ in the wilderness,’ the city of refuge (Dt 4“), and the Bezer of the Moabite Stone. (See, however, BEZER.) There remains the question of Bozrah in Moab (Jer 48%), Some (e.g. Dillmann on Deut.) identif this with Bezer; but the great city Bosrah esh- Sham in Haurdn has also many advocates, This latter is certainly the Bosora of 1 Mac 5***, The case for Bosrah rests chiefly on the identification of Umm el-Jemal, 15 miles S., with Beth-gamal, and Hl-Kurtyeh, 7 miles E., with Kerioth, named with Bozrah in this passage. Beth-gamal, however, may be identical with J email, 8 miles E. of Dibon, while Beth-meon is almost certainly Ma‘in S.W. of Medeba. It is also contended that Bozrah being in the Méshér, Bosrah is too far north. But Aphek is in the Mishér ; so probably was Bosrah, lying to the S.E. The cities of Moab, ‘far and near,’ are included in this judgment. Bosrah is just about the same distance from Nebo as ¢él- Buseireh, viz. about 60 miles, and it may quite possibly have been in the hands of Moab at that time. W. EwIna. BRACELET (vny, myx, 19, dnp, ning). — The bracelet has always been a favourite ornament in the East. It is found of many designs: plain ring, flat band, of twisted wires, interlinked rings, and connected squares, solid or perforated, with or without pendants. Bracelets are made of gold, silver, copper, brass, glass, and even enamelled earthenware. While highly ornamental, they had, when in the possession of women, the further recommendation of being inalienable: not to be taken by the husband, nor seized for his debts. _ The bracelet of Gn 3818 is in RV ‘cord,’ referring probably to the cord of softly-twisted wool for the shepherd’s head-dress. The bracelets of Ex 35”, RV ‘brooches’ (unoriental), were most likely nose-rings, ; The bracelet appears, together with the crown, as one of the royal insignia in 2S 1". It is probable 314 BRAG BRASS that in 2 K 114 also we ought, with Wellhausen and W. R.Smith(O7./C?, 311 n.), to read ‘bracelets’ (nyiys1) for ‘testimony’ (nny), G. M. MAcKIE. BRAG.—Jth 165 ‘He bragged (elrev, RV ‘he said’) that he would burn up my borders’; Sir 11 (heading) ‘ Brag not of thy wealth’; 2 Mac 97 ‘he nothing at all ceased from his bragging’ (dyepwxla, RV ‘rude insolence’); and 15% ‘with proud brags’ (ueyadavxnoe, 80 RV). This is probably one of the undignified words in the Apocrypha of 1611, of which Scrivener complains. ‘Even when their predecessor (the Bishops’ Bible) sets them a better example, they resort to undignified, mean, almost vulgar words and phrases; and, on the whole, they convey to the reader’s mind the pain- ful impression of having disparaged the import- ance of their own work, or sf having imperfect] realised the truth that what is worth doing at all is worth doing well’—Introd. to Camb. Paragraph Bible, p. lxv*. The word is still in use, and still somewhat undignified. J. HASTINGS. BRAMBLE.—See THORNS AND THISTLES. BRAN.—In Bar 6® ‘The women. . . burn bran for perfume’ (ra rirvpa). See PERFUME, BRANCH is the tr. in OT of a variety of Heb. words, of which those that chiefly concern us are —1, m0) (from 1) ‘trim’ or ‘ prune’), used of the branch of a Pb Nu 13%, Ezk 157, and figuratively of Israel in Nah 2°. It is this term that is employed in Ezk 8)’, where the words, ‘ They put the branch to their nose,’ apparently describe some ceremony connected with sun- worshi Little, however, is known with certainty bee ing the custom referred to, even if the text is not corrupt. (See commentaries of Smend and of A. B. Davidson, ad Joc.) The same word also occurs in the phrase 3) no) ‘strange slips,’ of Is 17 See ADONIS, 2. np3v, lit. ‘sucker’ Job 14’, used of Israel under the figure of a cedar Ezk 17”, an olive Hos 148, a vine Ps 80" (RV ‘shoot’), of the wicked under the figure of a tree Job 8!* (RV ‘shoot’) 15°, Vigorous, widely-spreading branches are a symbol of prosperity (ct. Ps 37°, where the wicked man is spoken of as ‘spreading himself like a green tree in its native soil’ ). 3. 759 Job 15%, properly ‘palm- branch’ as in RV of Is 9% 19%, where ‘palm- branch’ and ‘rush’ are parallel respectively to ‘head’ and ‘tail,’ the rulers and the rabble (cf. Del. ad loc.). 4. 7y3, lit. a little fresh green twig, as in Is 111 60, Dn 11’. The word is used in the ode on the king of Babylon, Is 14%, where the words ‘ an abominable branch’ (ayn} 1y3) apparentl designate a useless shoot cut off and left to rot (ct. Jn 15% éBrAjOn &w ws 7d KAfua kal énpdvOn, ‘he is cast forth as a branch, and is withered’). 5. ny. The chief interest of this term lies in its employ- ment in Messianic prophecies. Instead of ‘ branch,’ W. R. Smith and &. A. Smith prefer to render it ‘spring.’ RVm offers a choice amongst the renderings ‘shoot,’ ‘sprout,’ ‘bud.’ In the earliest passage where npy occurs with a Messianic refer- ence, Is 47, it has manifestly no personal sense. ‘The spring of J”, the God-given fruits of the earth, are the true glory of the remnant of Israel, the best of blessings, because they come straight from heaven, and are the true basis of a peaceful and God-fearing life’ (W. R. Smith, Prophets of Israel, 329). The language both of Is 4? and of 11! seems to underlie Jeremiah’s reference to the Messianic king as the ‘Righteous Branch’ (n>y ps) or ‘Branch of Righteousness’ (727 ndy), Jer 235 335, ny reaches, finally, the rank of a personal name of the Messiah in Zec 3° 6% ‘my Servant the Branch,’ ‘the man whose name is the Branch.’ 6. 37 is used os fae by P of the ‘ branches’ of the golden candlestick in the tabernacle, Ex 25" 37% etc. In NT four Gr. words are tr.‘ branch.’ 4. Batovy, Jn 12" (cf. 1 Mac 13°). Palm Sunday is called in the Greek Church % xupiaxh raév Batwv. 2. kdddos, Mt 13% etc., used figuratively of descend- ants, 6-9. of Israel as the ‘natural branches,’ Ro 1126 17. 18. 19. 21 (ef, Sir 23% 405). 3. xAqua, used especially of a vine-branch, Jn 157-6, where Christ is the vine and His disciples are the branches. 4& o7iBds, Mk 118, @ dx’ dAcy. It is remarkable that Matthew, Mark, and John, in describing Jesus’ triumphal entry into Jerus., each use a different word for ‘ branch,’ namely, xAddos, or:Bds, and Bato» respectively. J. A. SELBIE. BRAND.—1. Zec 3% ‘a b. plucked out of the fire’ (wx ’dd, perhaps orig. a bent stick used to stir the fire, Oxf. Heb. Lex. ; tr4 ‘firebrand,’ Is 74 ‘these two tails [7.e. stumps] of smoking fire- brands’; and Am 4" ‘a firebrand’ [RV ‘ brand,’ to keep up connexion with Zec] plucked out of the burning’). 2. Jg 155 ‘ when he had set the brands on fire * (75, tr’ ‘ firebrand’ 15). Samson’s ‘ fire- brand’ was a stick of wood wrapped with some absorbent material and saturated with oil (Moore, Judges, p. 341). It is the same Heb. word that is used of the ‘lamps’ (RV ‘ torches’), which Gideon’s men carried in their pitchers, Jg 7%, The name of Deborah’s husband, Lappidoth (Jg 4*), is a plu. of the same word. See LAMP. For Branding, see CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. J. HASTINGS. BRASS (n¢n3, xaAxés).—Brass is composed of copper and zinc in the proportion of 2 of the former to 1 of the latter. The word is of frequent use in the Bible, but it is uncertain whether in any in- stance it means the alloy just described, as brass ig very rarely found amongst the remains of early es while, on the other hand, bien and implements of copper and bronze are abundant, associated with those of stone and, less frequently, of iron. The expression in Dt 8° ‘a land... out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass,’ shows that the word was used for copper. That the latter was worked largely in Arabia Petrea is well known (see MINES, MINING). The abundance of bronze, which is an alloy of copper and tin, amongst the early nations both of Asia and Europe is the more remarkable as tin is of rare occurrence ; but its value in giving hardness and other qualities to copper was dis- covered more than 2000 years B.o. Thus knives, hatchets, hammers, spears, and other articles, both of copper and of bronze, have been discovered amongst the ruins of Chaldzeadating back to about B.C. 2286.* The use of copper, bronze, and other metals was known to the ancient Egyptians before the Exodus, and they appear to have understood the art both of hardening bronze and of making it flexible to a degree unknown tous.t The art of making bronze is clearly referred to by Homer in his description of the fashioning of the shield of Achilles by Vulcan (Jl. xviii. 474, where copper and tin [xacctrepos] are both melted in the furnace); and amongst the ruins of Troy, brought to light by the memor- able labours of Schliemann, battle-axes, lances, knives, arrow-heads, and various ornaments both of copper and of bronze, were discovered, together with the moulds of mica-schist and sandstone in which some of these weapons were cast.¢ Copper and bronze celts have been discovered by di Cesnota * Rawlinson Anc. Monar. i. 96 (ed. 1879). t Wilkinson, Anc, Egyp. iii. 241, 253; Perrot and Ohipies, Hist. Anc. Egyp. Art, ii. 378 (1883), Evans considers that when the earliest books of OT were written, gold, silver, iron, tin, lead, brass, and bronze were known; Anc. Bronze Implements, p. { Schliemann, JZios, vii. 433-485; Troja, p. 100. Troy captured by the Greeks about B.0. 1184. 4 ; . } * BRAVERY in Cyprus amongst the remains of Phoenician settlers,* and they are abundant in Europe and the British Isles associated with remains of pre-historic man. BIBLE REFERENCES.—In the Bible ‘brass’ (#.e. copper or bronze) is referred to both actually and symbolically ; and it may be desirable to consider the passages under these two heads— (A) Actual.—i. In Gn 4” Tubal-cain is described as the ‘forger of every cutting instrument of brass and iron,’ RVm ‘copper and iron.’ This is the earliest record of the use of these metals. Some doubt has been thrown by Evans on the word iron, and he suggests that it has been introduced at a later period during transcription, and that it does not necessarily belong to the age in which Tubal-cain lived.t 2. In Ex 387% the altar of burnt-offering overlaid with brass ; also the laver and vessels of brass. The brass of the offering was 70 talents and 2400 shekels (v.”). 3. In Nu 219 Moses makes a serpent of brass, and sets it upon a standard. 4. Dt 8°* A land whose stones are iron, and out of whose hills thou mayest dig brass’ } (copper). 5. In 18 17° Goliath of Gath clad in armour of brass. 6. In 28 8° King David took ‘exceeding much brass’ from Betah and from Berothai, cities of Hadadezer. 7. In 1 K 7 Hiram of Tyre ‘a worker in brass.’ 8. In 2 K 2514, Jer 52!7 the brazen vessels and pillars of the house of the Lord broken and carried away by the Chaldeans. 9. In 1 Ch 15" ‘Cymbals of brass.’ 10. In Job 2812 ‘ Brass keopper) is molten out of stone.’ 44. In Mt 10° ‘Provide neither gold nor silver nor brass in your purses.” 12. In Rev 9” ‘Idols of brass.’ (B) Symbolical.—1. (Dazzling heat and drought) Dt 28% ‘Thy heaven that is over thy head shall be brass.’ 2. (Strength, resistance) Job 6 ‘Is my flesh of brass’? ‘his (behemoth’s§) bones are as tubes of brass,’ Job 40% RV; he (leviathan||) ‘counteth brass as rotten wood,’ Job 41”, 3. (Power) Ps 107° ‘He hath broken the gates of brass’; Is 45? ‘I will break in pieces the doors of brass.’ 4. (Richness) Is 60" ‘ For wood (I will bring) brass.’ §. (Brilliancy) Dn 2" ‘His belly and thighs of brass’ (Nebuchadrezzar’s image) ; Dn 10° ‘ His feet like in colour to burnished brass’ (Daniel’s vision) ; also Rev 1%. 6. (One destitute of love) 1 Co 13! ‘Sounding brass or a clanging cymbal,’ RV. E. HULL. BRAYERY.—Although b. is used in the modern sense of courage as early as in any other, it had two other meanings which have now been lost. 1. Connected probably with ‘ brag’ etymologically, it expressed boasting, as ‘No Man is an Atheist, however he pretend it, and serve the Company with his Braveries’—Donne (1631); and esp. a military display, as ‘The whole Campe (not per- ceiving that this was but a bravery) fled amaine ’— Raleigh (1614), Hist. of World, 111. 93. 2. It ex- pressed splendour, often passing into ostentation (so still locally), as ‘The braverie of this world . . . likened is to flowre of grasse ’—Tusser (1573). This is the meaning of b. in Is 38 ‘the b. of their al rnaments’ (njx5n Amer. RV ‘ beauty ’). Cf, Shaks. Taming of Shrew, Iv. iii. 57— * With scarfs and fans and double change of bravery.’ Bravely occurs Jth 104 ‘(Judith) decked herself bravely (éxa\\wrloaro of5épa) to allure the eyes of all men that should see her.’ It is the general sense of ‘finely,’ ‘handsomely.’ Cf. Celia’s posting words in As You Like It, 11. iv. 43: ‘O, that’s a oY ane Bronze Imp. pp. 5, 6; see also Wilkinson, Anc. Egypt. ¢ Perrot and Chipiez, supra cit, il. 878. § Hippopotamus. Crocodile, | | BREAD 315 brave man { he writes b. verses, speaks b. words, swears b. oaths, and breaks them bravely’; and Scot. ‘ braw,’ ‘ brawly.’ J. HASTINGS. BRAWLER.—To brawl] in its earliest use, and till the beg. of the 17th cent., was simply to Spe rok or fight (without the ‘noisily sc in- ecently ’ of Johnson); and this seems to be the meaning in AV. Brawl as subst. occurs Sir 2714 ‘their brawls make one stop his ears’ (udxn, RV ‘strife’). Brawling as subst. Sir 31”; as adj. Pr 21° 25% ‘a b. (RV ‘contentious’) woman’ (0°3;7 nvx, tr? ‘contentious woman’ 27; ef. ‘contentious man’ 2671), Brawler occurs in AV 1 Ti 33, Tit 3? (Gr. duaxos, RV ‘contentious’). RV gives ‘ braw- ler’ for AV ‘given to wine’ 1 Ti 3%, Tit 17 (Gr. wdpovos, RVm ‘ quarrelsome over wine’). J. HASTINGS. BRAY.—There are two distinct words, and both oceur. 4. To make a harsh cry, once used of horses and other animals (cf. Job 307 ‘Among the bushes they bray,’ spoken of Job’s mockers who are ‘dogs of the flock,’ and Ps 42! Geneva Bible, ‘As the hart brayeth for the rivers of water,’ retained in AVm), now used only of the ass: Job 6° ‘ Doth the wild ass b. when he hath grass ?’ 2. To beat small, to pound, still in use but freq. (if not always) with ret. to its (only) occurrence in , Pr 27#, which is Coverdale’s tr® (1535) ‘Though thou shouldest bray a foole with a estell in a morter like otemeell, yet wil not his oolishnesse go from him.’ Cf. Stubbes (1583), ‘ The word of God is not preached vnto them, and as it were braied, punned, interpreted, and ex- pounded.’ J. HASTINGS. BRAZEN SEA.—See SEA. BRAZEN SERPENT. —See SERPENT. BREACH.—A b. may be either (1) the breaking itself, or (2) the result of the breaking. 1. Nu 14% ‘Ye shall know my b. of promise’ (mun, RV ‘alienation, RVm ‘revoking of my promise’); 2S 68 ‘the LorD had made a b. upon Uzzah’ ( perez, RV ‘had broken forth,’ cf. Gn 38%); Job 1644 ‘ He breaketh me with b. upon b.’ (perez). 2. A place that is broken, as Is 30%, ‘a b. ready to fall’ (perez); Lv 24 ‘ B. for b., eye for eye, tooth for tooth’ (13% shebher): or the gap that is thus made (the mod. use), as Am 4° ae: shall go out at the b*, every one straight before her’ (perez) ; Jg 5” ‘Asher continued on the seashore, and abode in his b®’ (7750 miphrdz, RV ‘ creeks,’ i.e. gaps in the shore, Vulg. portus, Wyclif ‘havens’ ; the Heb. word occurs only here, see Moore in Joc.) ; La 2"8 ‘thy b. (shebher) is great tike the sea, who can heal thee?’ For B. of Covenant see CRIMES. J. HASTINGS. BREAD (07 lehem, dpros).—i. A word used in the Bible in several senses— 1, As food in general, of animals, as Job 245 and Is 6525; or of man, as Gn 819, where the word is first used. See also Gn 4713, Job 3320 etc. In the sense of solid food as opposed to drink, Ps 10415, In the sense of the bare necessary sustenance of life it is used in Is 3316, Ex 2325, and in the Lord’s Prayer (?). See also 1 K 1711, 2. The kind of food which comes forth from the earth, vegetable food, as in Job 285, Is 3028, and 5510, contrasted with bdsar or flesh in 1 K 178, 8. Lehem is used as the name of the miraculous food where- with the Israelites were fed in the wilderness, Ex 164. 22, called in- terrogatively ‘manna’ or ‘ what’? ‘ bread of heaven,” in Ps 10540, In Nu 215 this bread is called kilkel, ‘mean or insignificant.’ 4. The staple food of a nation is called the ‘ staff of b.’ (Lv 26%, Ezk 416), or the stay (support) of b. (Is. 31). Hence famine is the breaking of the staff of b., and is typified by the selling of bread by weight, Lv 2626, Ezk 416, nds which are productive of b.-stuffs are called Lands of b., as Egypt (Gn 4154) and Babylon (Is 3617), whose fertility in producing corn is mentioned by Herodotus, i. 1938. Abundance of f is called ‘fulness of b.,’ so often a snare to mankind, as it was to Sodom (Ezk 164), 316 BREAD such an abundance is promised to Asher as fatness of b. (Gn 4920), Personal poverty is described as want of b. (Is 6114, La 111, 44), Such poverty may be a punishment, as in the curse pronounced on the descendants of Joab (28 329) and Eli (1 § 296), or on the wicked in general (Job 2714), but may be due to misfortune, not crime (Ec 911), The Psalmist, however, never found the children of the righteous in this plight (Ps 3725). The poor are described as ‘wandering for b.’ (Job 15%). Abstinence from b. may be the token of a vow, as in the case of David (2S 335); and the asceticism of John the Baptist is expressed by Christ by the phrase ‘neither eating b. nor drinking wine’ (Lk 733). 5. The hastily prepared food offered to a stranger or wayfarer in token of welcome and hospitality is called b., as in Gn 1418 185, So Joseph bade his servants ‘set on b.’ for his brethren Gn 4331); and the witch of Endor thus entertained Saul § 2822), For want of this hospitality, the Succothites were punished by Gideon (Jg 815), and the Ammonites and Moabites were excluded from the congreg. of Isr. (Dt 234, Neh 132). Such hospitality was customary among the Bedawin (Is 2114), as all travellers have testified from Sinuhat (RP vi. 131) to Doughty (Arabia Deserta, 1888). Our Lord bade His apostles not to take bread with them, but to partake of hospitality on their missionary journeys (Lk 93). On such occasions the host breaks the b. for his guests; eo Christ did for the multitude whom He fed by miracle (Mt 1419 etc.), and for His disciples at the Last Supper (Lk 2219 etc.). So St. Paul acted as host to his shipmates during the storm (Ac 2735). Breaking of b. became the early name of the communion feast of the primitive Ohurch (Ac 242.46 207, 1Co 1016 1123), The breaking has special rele- vancy to the common form of the Jewish bread. 6. B. was the most convenient form in which to give food to the poor; hence giving (literally breaking) b. to the hungry is a common expression for the dispensing of charity (Pr 229, Is 587, Ezk 187-16). To withhold this was a crime (Job 227). In the ha pep chapter of the Egyp. Bk. of the Dead (cxxv. 1. 38) it said of the righteous man that he has given b, to the hungry ; and this claim is occasionally found in funeral inscriptions (RP ii. 14). In Ps 13215 God promises to satisfy the poor of His people with bread. 7. B, made from corn, being dry and portable, was the best food for a journey. With it ar was victualled for her return to Egypt (Gn 2114), and Saul when in search of the lost asses (18 97). The Gibeonites imposed on Joshua by showing that their bread had become dry and crumbled. Nikkud signifies a crumb, and the nikkudim were crumbs rather than mould- pie LXX, however, renders it s0peridy, as also Theod. and imchi (Jos 95). 8. B. was used to aid in eating soft food, so Jacob gave Esau b. with his pottage (Gn 2534), and Rebexah prepared b. for Isaac’s savoury meat (Gn 2717), The exsey given by our Lord to Judas was probably a sop of bread. ii. The materials of which bread was made were barley, wheat, spelt, millet, and lentiles. (See articles under these titles.) The best bread was made of wheat, »yn (Gn 30"), which when ground was called n2p7 or meal (Jg 6, 181%,1K 4” 17-14), In Egypt wheat was called hi or ha; when when cut and winnowed khakha. Several kinds were grown, the common (Triticum vulgare) and the many-eared (7. compositum), which sometimes owing it was called etti, and has seven ears on a stalk (Gn 415). Two kinds are distinguished by Jewish authors, the light- coloured and the dark (Peah 2°*; see also Tris- tram, Land of Israel, 584). The word for an ear of corn, nay, in the Ephraimite dialect was pro- nounced stbboleth (Jg 12°); in rabbinical writings shibboleth sho’al is used for Adgilops or wild oats, and shiphon for another kind of oats, which are not mentioned in the Bible. When full but not uite ripe, these ears were often roasted or boiled, the ‘parched corn’ of the Bible (Lv 2314, 1 § 17", 2S 17%), and called by the Arabs ferik (see also 2 K 4%), the best ears for the purpose being grown in highly cultivated garden-land (Lv 2", Targ. Ibn G'anach). The word Aittah in the singular usually means the cereal as growing, and is used in the plural for the cut and winnowed grain. It wassown either broadcast (Mt 13%) or in rows, 7h (Is 28%), translated ‘principal’ in AV. The wheat harvest was usually in May, and the grain was reaped with a sickle, as in Egypt (Dt 16°, Joel 31°, Rev 1414), and: bound in sheaves, or cut off short by the ears in the Picenian mode (Job 24%; see Varro, de re rustica, i. 50), or pulled up by the arm (Is 17, see also Peah, 4. 10, and Maundrell’s Journey, p. 144). The sheaves, called ov2>x from being bound (Gn 377, Ps 126°), or ongy (Ru 21%), or anpy (Lv 23, Dt 24% Ru 27-2, Job 24!) from being BREAD collected in bundles, were piled in heaps (vj Ex 22%, Jg 155), and were carted to the threshing- floor (Am 213; see AGRICULTURE), aflat, well-levelled surface in a high place, exposed to the wind, preferably the S. or S.E. wind from the wilderness, and therefore dry. Such threshing-floors were permanent landmarks (Gn 50! 4, 2 § 2416 18), on which the grain was trampled by oxen, or run over by a haruz (Is 287’), morag, or sledge (Is 41°, 2 S 24%, 1 Ch 21%), called mowrej at the present day. Gideon, being afraid to go to ¢ public threshing-floor, beat his grain with a flail iz private (Jg 6"). The corn, winnowed with a fork and shovel or fan, was collected and stored in a cache, or underground chamber, or dry well with clay walls (2 8 17, Jer 418), or in an inner room. Thomson (Land and Book, i. 90) speaks of these underground receptacles as specially useful in proteceing the grain from ants. It is re- markable that there is no reference to these grain cisterns in the Mishna. Barns or gran- aries were also used (Job 39!2, Mt 13”, Lk 3!” 12}8), The first sheaf cut was presented as a wave sheaf before the Lord (Lv 23), and sometimes decorated with lilies and other flowers (Ca 72. See for similar ceremonies Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 334). There were several qualities of wheat; that of Minnith being esteemed the best (Ezk 271”). Pannag, given as a place-name in AV, is rendered cassia In the LXX and millet in the Peshitta, but is left untranslated in RV. It was prob. some kind of aromatic or spice. Michm and Zaént’ah were also famous for wheat, as was ‘Ephrajin, where the straw grew so long that the proverb ‘bringing straw to ‘Ephrajin’=‘ bringing coals to Newcastle’ (Menah. 85. a. 5). The meal used in the offerings is called np, or finely ground (Ex 29%, Ly 2°, Nu 7 etc.), to distinguish it from the nd or ordinary meal. The best is called heleb kiliot hittah, ‘fat of kidneys of wheat’ (Dt 324). Thia fine flour was the food of the wealthy (1 K 4%, 2K 7, Ezk 16" 19, Rev 1818), Another material used in making bread was jn4 (Ezk 4°), which is the Arab. dukhan. This was a smaller grain, probably dhurah (Sorghum vulgare), which is extensively grown in Bible lands, and used as a food-stuff by the peasantry. It is the chief cereal of the poor in Arabia; but dhurah bread is not generally relished by Europeans. np93 or spelt (Triticum spelta) is another coarse grain, with coarse strong straw and prickly heads, often sown on the borders of barley fields to enclose them (Is 2875), See Surenhusius (Mishnah, Kilaim Amst. i, 121). The grains, of spelt do not easily separate from the husk when rubbed in the hands, as do those of wheat (Lk 6'). It ripens later than barley, and so escaped the plague of hail (Ex 9%), The word is tr? ‘rye’ in AV in this place, and ‘fitches’ in Ezk 4°; but these are certainly incorrect. In LXX itis rendered édvpa, which was in Greece used as food for horses (Homer, J/. v. 196). Aq. and Theod. tr. it {¢a, which is a different species of grain, Triticum zea (Dioscorides, II. cxi. ; Theo- passes HP viii. 1. 3; Sprengel, Geschichte otan. p. 36). Ibn G'anfch tr* it ‘vetch.’ ¢¢a was also a cattle food, see Odyss. iv. 41. 604. LXX calls Elijah’s cake (1 K 19%) olwrités. Herodotus says that the Egyp. bread was made of olyra (ii. 36. 77); and in the Book of the Dead spelt (do?) is the grain represented as growing in the fields of the under-world (cix. 5); but the monuments show that wheat was also a common food-stuff (Ex 9°), The genuine rye (Secale cereale) was probably not cultivated in Bible lands; it is called in Gemara neshman by a paronomasia on Is 28%, Beans, ‘is, were used as an ingredient in bread (Ezk 4°), and were also eaten roasted or parched (ba); see 2S 17%. Lentiles, ov'qw, were also made Into bread (Ezk 4°); the small red lentile or ‘adas is still used for this purpose among the poorest classes in Egypt (Sonnini). Lentiles and beans were ey among the oi) or ‘pulse’ on which Daniel and his companions were fed (Dn 18); but the word means vegetables in general. The flamen dialis among the Romans was forbidden to use beans as food (Aulus Gell. Noct. Attic. 10. xv. 12). iii. Bread-corn of any sort is called }23, and this word is often associated with wine as descriptive of fertility (Gn 277% *7, Dt 738 1114 1217 184 285! 3328, 2 K 18%, 2 Ch 315 3278, Ps 47, Is 36’, La 22, Hos 27s Hag 144) Zec 9", Jl 1°17, Neh 5? 10°), Grain when winnowed and stored is called 13, as Gn 41* 4235, Pr 11°, Am 8°, This word is rarely used of grain on the stalk (as Ps 65° 72"), and in Jer 23% is used of grain as contrasted with the husk or straw. wan is also used in the Talmud to indicate the grain as distinguished from the straw (Sabb. 181, Brn 6°91), Standing corn was commonly distinguished as 7pp. Corn was prepared by bruising im a mortar or grinding in a mill; in the former case it is called nipy, as in 2 § 17, Pr 27%, where the point of the figure seems to be, that though the fool be associated with wise men he does not lose his characteristic folly. The mortar or maktesh and the pestle or ‘é/i were usually of stone. The mills in common use were called mn, the dual form referring to the twostones. They were in shape like the bradh or quern in use until com- paratively recent times in the Hebrides and West of Ireland, and consisted of a nether millstone or sekeb, which was fixed, and convex on its upper surface, upon which the upper millstone or rekeb (‘the chariot,’ in Arabic the rakib, ‘rider’) rotated. In this was a central hole through which the grain was poured, while the stone was being rotated by means of a handle fixed in its upper surface, near its edge. The upper millstone is made of a porous unpolishing lava from the Hauran, while the nether (proverbially hard) is either of the same material; or else of compact sandstone, limestone, or basalt. The history and references to such mills are given at length in Goetz, de molts et pistrinis veterum; Hoheisel in Ugolini’s Thesaurus, xxix.; and Heringius, de molis veterwum. The corn was daily ground by women (Mt 24‘), usually by a pair of slaves (Ex 115, Is 47%. Cf. Plautus, Mercat. ii. 3. 62; Odyss. xx. 105), who sat on the ground, facing each other, and worked together. Among the poor it was done by the wife (Shabbath vii. 2); hence the expres- sion in Job 31° means to become another’s concu- desolation (Jer 25!°, Rev 18%). The sound of the grinding in Ec 124 may be the chant of the women (Odyss. xx. 105. 119; see also Aristoph. Thes- peer. 480). In later days mills became larger, and were moved by animal power, or wind or water, and grinding became a trade (Demai iii. 4). Asses are mentioned in rabbinical writings as used for this purpose, and an ass in a mill was a pro- verbial phrase (in Mischar hapenninim, quoted by Buxtorf, Florileg. Hebr. 309). The great millstone in Mt 18° is pros duxds, either a millstone turned by an ass (RVm), or else a nether millstone (Ludolf, tn loco; see Hoheisel, p. 57; Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. in Lue. xvii.) called ‘the ass,’ because it bore the burden of the top stone. The meal or flour, when ground, was next mixed with water, and kneaded into dough. In Egypt this was done by the feet (Herod. ii. 36) as repre- sented on the tomb of Ramses Il., but among the Jews usually in kneading-troughs (mishereth). These were shallow wooden bowls (Ex 8°), which could easily be bound up in their clothes (Ex 12%), Harmer has conjectured that the word refers to a leathern bag or bread-wallet, often carried by the Arabs (iv. 366); but this is improbable. Bread- mal ing was at first a family occupation, done b the wife (Gn 18°), the sister (2S 13%), the female servants (1S 81%) or other female member of the household (1 § 28%, Jer 718 4419, Mt 1333). In later days baking became a trade (Hos 7* 6); and in towns the breadsellers occupied a definite place in the bazaar, ‘the bakers’ street’ (Jer 3721). This place may be referred to Neh 3!! 12°, where the ‘tower of the ovens’ is mentioned, as tannur is used for a baker’s oven in Ly 2! 11% 2676, Hos 74. Josephus speaks of the bakers in Jewish towns (Antf. XV.ix. 2). In the family, bread was baked daily as wanted, as it became tough and unpalatable when stale (Gn 18%). It has been conjectured that this daily pretarevion is referred to in the Lord’s Prayer; ut the petition rather refers to quantity than ey (for signification of émtovovov see Lightfoot, evision, 195; and art. LORD’S PRAYER). The amount of a daily baking was an ephah(=3seahs or measures of meal=44 pecks), as in Gn 18°, Mt 13%, Jg 6%, 1S 1%. Probably this was pro- portional to the size of the oven, and the amount was smaller in time of famine (Ly 26%). Salt was mixed with the dough (Ezr 6° 772), which was then ready for the rapid preparation of unleavened bread or for leavening. In the latter case a small portion of old fermented dough, 7ky, was mixed with the kneaded dough or py3 (as in Ex 12*4. 39), This rapidly induced panary fermenta- tion in the whole mass, and ‘raised’ the bread, then called yon haméz or soured bread (Ex 12°, Hos 7*), as opposed to nis> mazzoth or unleavened bread, so called because in flat cakes. The dough was usually left in the kneading-trough to ferment; and this took some time, during which the baker could sleep (Hos 7°), when he had left a low unstirred fire to keep it warm to encourage the process. Leayven was used as a symbol of that which is old (Schneider, Zeitsch. f. Theol. 1883, 333) ; and sometimes for that which is corrupt, the leaven of the Pharisees or of Herod (Mt 16%, Mk 85, Lk 12}, 1 Co 5’); or that which exercises a secretly dominating influence (Mt 13%, 1 Co 58, Gal 5°; see Petrus Chrysologus, Sermo xciv.). Leaven was prohibited in those offerings made by fire to the Lord (Lv 2" 7! 82, Ex 29%, Nu 6"), ag the sacrifice should consist of what is fresh and pure; but in such offerings as the peace-offering (Lv 73%) and the pentecostal loaves (Lv 231") leavened bread might be used, for these were to be eaten by the bls The use of leavened bread was prohibited during the Passover week ; and all leaven was to be burnt before the 14th Nisan, as during the Theocracy the eating of leavened b. at this time was a capital offence, as was the burn- ing of leavened b. in the daily sacrifice. Hence Amos sarcastically bids the Isr. increase their sin by offering leaven in the thanksgiving (45). This sea of leaven being an emblem of corruption was known to the classics. Persius uses fermentum in this sense (14%); and A. Gellius (Noct. Attic. x. 15. 19) tells us that the flamen dialis was not allowed to touch flour mixed with leaven. Bresd was sometimes fermented with wine-lees in place of leaven; see Pesachim iii. 1. The first dough of the new harvest was made into a cake, and offered as a heave-offering (Nu 15%). This mo-y was leavened; some have sup- posed it to be coarse meal, but the rabbinical authorities understand it as leavened dough (see Halla). This offering is referred to in Neh 10” and Ezk 44°, where it is stated to be for the use of the priest; for superstitious uses of this 318 BREAD see Otho, Lexicon Talm. under the word Challa, . 495, 4 The cakes or loaves were usually flat and circular, @ span in diameter, and about an inch thick ; these are called, from their shape, nina (Ex 29%, Jg 85, 1S 10°, Pr 6%). In Jg 78 the word is bby (Kéthibh, for which Kéré has Foy) ; such cakes were like flat stones (Mt 79, Lk 11"). Three such loaves were a meal for one person (Lk 115), and one was prison fare (Jer 377), or a charity dole (1S 2°). At the average price of barley in NT times, as well as it can be estimated, 200 pennyworths of barley bread would have been about 5000 loaves —a mouthful to each of the multitude (Jn 67). Abigail’s 200 loaves, the fill of the pannier baskets of an ass, would serve for a reasonable feast for David and his men (1 § 2518, 2 § 16!). Other kinds of bread were nibn, Nu 15”, Ly 8%, probably also cylindrical or round cakes; possibly these may be, as has been tes ped punctured cakes, the punctures being depressions made by the smooth pebbles in the oven (cf. the «6Aué of the Greeks; LXX renders cake in 2S 6” 138 by kodXAvpls); nia2>, folded or rolled-up cakes, some- thing like Mee supposed by some to be heart-shaped (2 S 13°), possibly a cake with aromatic seeds added as a carminative. For these finer cakes the dough was twice kneaded. niay were round cakes also (Gn 18°, 1 K 1733, Ezk 412), op}, tr. eracknels (1 K 14° AV), were probably cakes sprinkled on the surface with aromatic seeds, like the barm-brack of the Irish (literally aran breac, spotted bread). The widow of Zarephath calls cakes by what was ee @ provincial name, yp, The methods of baking were various. The earliest mentioned is baking upon the hearth (Gn 18°), that is, on the heated stones of the hearth, the embers being drawn aside and around it. This was probably the Passover method (Ex 12). Elijah’s cake was baked on the hot embers (1 K 19°); so the bread in Jn 21%. B. thus baked was the ¢yxpudlas dpros of Hippocrates, as in LXX. The common method of baking in later times was in ovens, of which there were several kinds. Fixed ovens were commonly hollows in the floor, often of the principal room, about 4’x 3’, coated with clay, and heated by being filled with burning fuel. Such were possibly the ors of Lv 11%, ortable ovens, 739, were earthen or stone jars, about 3 ft. high, heated inwardly with wood (1 K 17", Is 44", Jer 738) or dried grass and herbage, xépros (Mt 6°); in the absence of other fuel, dried camel dung or cow dung was used (Ezk 4% 15), When the oven was fully heated the cakes were put in. Then dough was sometimes spread on the outside of the oven; and such a cake, like one baked on a hot hearthstone, requires to be turned, or else it remains raw on one side, while burnt on the other (Hos 78). Ovens of both kinds are still in use in Bible lands. Some- times cakes were baked in a pan or n3q>, which was a flat plate of metal or earthenware, like a ‘girdle,’ which could be made to stand on its edge (Ezk 4%). This was placed over the fire, with the cake laid upon it (Lv 67 79, 1 Ch 237), Tamar’s pan was nwv>, probably a deeper, concave one, out of which the cakes were poured in a heap (2S 18°), like the rdynvov of Aristophanes (Zq. 929). The nymp of Ly 27 7°, which is distinguished in the latter passage from the mahabath or flat pan, was probly some kind of shallow pot for boiling the meal for the offering, which is mingled with oil, and not a frying-pan, as in both RVand AV. A mess of food thus prepared is still known among some Bedawin tribes, and is called ftita. This ma be the meal offering ‘ which is soaked’ of 1 Ch 23”. Unleavened bread was, and still is, made into thin flat cakes, o°p'77 (Ex 297, Ly 24); hence they BREAD = —_ are called wafers, In Ex 29? the cakes made wi oil (Adyava) are contrasted with the wafers anointed with oil. These were both made in or upon an oven (Lv 24); a third kind, the friza of the Latin writers, were made in a mahabath (27). Un- leavened bread is called 7y2, as in Ex 125, when contrasted with leavened bread irrespective of shape. All forms of bread were broken when being used,—not cut (Mt 141° 267, Lk 24%, Ac 2%), the pieces being xAdoyvara, broken pieces. It was smeared with olive oil (1 K 17}”), as we now use butter; occasionally with honey, which was sometimes mixed in the dough (Ex 16%), as in the yvedtitropara of Dioscorides (4%), or the ceremonial mupapodvres (Ephippus, E¢nf. 1°). Butter as well as honey was el with bread (2 S 1729, Is 7%); but honey, being a fermentable substance, was prohibited in burnt-offerings (Lv 2"). In Egypt the forms of bread were equally varied ; and in the picture of the baker’s workshop referred to there are conical loaves, flat cakes, rolled-up cakes, and cakes spotted with seeds. In the list of offerings in the great Harris papyrus and other lists there are enumerated kelushta (=halloth), mes, san or sannu, funeral cakes; kiki or pyramids, like the kikkaroth; hebnen, or cakes i offering ; baat, kemhu, hefa, and tetet cakes. The commonest form was the conical, of which clay models were commonly placed in tombs as symbols of funeral food. Egyp. bread is represented monumentally as carried in baskets on the head of the baker, as in ‘the chief baker’s dream (Gn 40!")._ The words there used, "1h ‘bp, rendered ‘white baskets’ in AV, and ‘ baskets of white b.’? LXX, Aq. aye and RY, is possibly the Heyy. kheru, used of the food for a funeral offering. For mode of carrying see Herod. ii. 35. iv. Breaking bread was part of the funeral feast among the Jews, as among other naticns (Jer 16! RV, Ezk 241", Hos 91). Thus the funeral feast for Abner was kept at Hebron (2S 3%). The funeral feast is also mentioned in the apocr. Ep. of Jer (Bar 6%!) ; and Tobit bids his son to ‘pour out his b. on the burial of the just’ (417). For the Egyp. funeral feasts see Budge, The Mummy, p. 172; for other references see Garmannus, de Pane Lugentium, Ugolini, xxxiii. Sometimes coarse barley bread was used in these feasts, ‘non pro deliciis apponitur sed tantum ut servilis fames relevetur’ (Petrus Cellensis, Liber de Panibus, Migne, ccii. 917). v. Bread formed part of certain offerings, as the pentecostal loaves, and the peace- and trespass- offerings, in which form it is called the b. of their God (Lv 21%). Most of this was eaten by the riests after being offered (Lv 211”). The special .-offering was the pile of shewbread (b. of the presence, 05 O79, pro. ris mpodécews, Ex 25° 3513, 1S 218, 1 K 78), which was placed on a pure table of acacia wood in the Holy Place of the tabernacle, with frankincense (cf. Jos. Ant. 1. x. 7; Schiirer, HJP wu. i. 235 f.). Twelve of these cakes, each made of $ of a peck of flour, were placed in two piles, six in each pile, every Sabbath morning, ‘on behalf of the children of Israel’; the old cakes being eaten by the priests in a sacred place, when the new cakes were brought in; and the frank- incense was burned when the cakes were changed (Lv 24°-8), The aay of making these was laid on the sons of Kohath (1 Ch 9%). The table was covered with a blue cloth, and had on it certain dishes on which the cakes were set in order (Nu 47). In the temple this table was overlaid with gold (1 K 78). In 2Ch 4 tables in the plural are mentioned. It was this holy b. which Ahime. lech gave to David, contrary to the law (158 21°, Mt 124). Probably the allowances, afterwards so liberally provided for the priests in the Priestly BREASTPLATE HIGH PRIEST'S BREASTPLATE 319 Code, were, during the troubled times of Saul, scanty, erratic, and often omitted; contrast the liberal temple allowance by Ramses II. in the Harris papyrus, &P vi. When the shewbread was reinstituted by Neh., a poll-tax of 4 shekel was laid on the Jews (Neh 10%, Mt 17%). In the corrupt days of the kingdom the table had become polluted, and it and its vessels were cleansed in the days of Hezekiah (2 Ch 29', Ezk 447); but in later days they were equally careless (Mal 1’), For further articulars and pictures see Abraham ben David, e Templo, Ugolini’s Thesaurus, ix. p. 298, and the references ; Otho’s Lex. Talmud, sub voce, p. 496. vi. The word Bread is used Se RI ae (a) As expressing the perquisites of an office (Neh 9"). (5) The legitimate spoil of conquest (Nu 14°). (c) Those who do not earn their liveli- hood are said to eat the bread of idleness (Pr 31”). (d) The profit of sinful courses is called the 0. of wickedness (Pr 41"); and the short-lived advantages ained by falsehood are called b. of deceit (Pr 20°”) ecret sin is compared to ‘b. eaten in secret’ (Pr 9"). (e) Suffering and sorrow are called eating the b. of adversity: (Is 30”), or of affliction (Dt 16°, 1 K 2277, 2 Ch 18%), or of tears (Ps 80°). Sorrow is also expressed as eating ashes as bread (Ps 102°). LrrerATURE.—Besides the several works referred to in the text, further information will be found in Kitto, Cyclopedia; Paulsen, vom Ackerbau d. Morgenlands; Thomson, Land and Book; Vogelstein, Die Landwirthschaft in Paldstina zur Zeit der Mishndh, Berlin, 1894; Revue des Etudes Juives, xxii. 58; Voigt, Rheinisch. Mus. 1876, 107. See also the Travels of Niebuhr, Wellsted, Burckhardt, and Doughty. The ancient literature will be found summarised in the articles of Ugolini, Bchottgen, and Goetz, in vol. xxix. of the 7’hesaurus. Varro and Cato, de re rusticd, may also be consulted with advantage. A. MACALISTER. BREASTPLATE.—41. wn hoshen, a plate worn as rt of the high priest’s dress (see next art.). . [Te shirydn, Ospot. Both the Heb. and Gr. words probably described a cuirass rather than a simple breastplate. Such a cuirass as worn by the Greeks protected the back as well as the breast and stomach. In addition, it often gave protection to the neck and to the hips. It was well suited to suggest the many-sidedness of ‘righteousness’ (Is 59" = Eph 6"). Another form of the word, shiryon, is usually rendered ‘coat of mail.’ The phrase ‘coat of mail of righteousness’ is awkward, but it is more accurate than ‘breastplate of righteous- ness’ in both places cited above. In 1 Th 58 faith and love form the @Wpat, perhaps with a hint at the two parts, front and back, of which it was usually made. The Rom. lorica (=@uWpat) was of various kinds. It was sometimes (a) a simple jacket of leather reaching to the middle of the thighs with double thickness at the shoulders, or (6) an arrangement of iron or brass rings which could be worn over a leathern jacket, or (c) a vest made of small metal plates overlapping one another, or, lastly, (7) when called segmentata it consisted of two broad pieces for the back and breast respectively, of five or six bands fastened on to the ‘ breast-plate’ and ‘ back-plate’ and running round the lower part of the body, and, lastly, of four such bands over each shoulder. The ‘segments’ are stated to have been of leather; and the fact that no broad plates of iron have been found cowed the many remains of Rom. armour which e have been brought to light, is against the modern theory that the lorica segmentata was of iron. See also Polybius ‘F’ quoted under ARMOUR. W. E. BARNES. BREASTPLATE OF THE HIGH PRIEST.— The most important part of the distinctive dress of the high priest, according to the Priests’ Code, was the pectoral or breastplate (jwn, more fully psyn(n) “n, Targ. x13 wn (Arab. husn ed-din, ‘excellency of judgment’) LXX Aédyov (var. Noveiov) ris xploews or 7. xploewy (but once zepu- or}O.ov, Ex 284), Vulg. rationale, r. judwiti). The orig. signification of the Heb. word has been lost. Of the various suggested etymologies only two de. serve mention. The one is lwald’s (Antig. of Isr. p. 294), that jn is ‘a dialectic form of joh, i.e. pocket,’ etc. (from a root jon to store up), hence navn “n would probably mean ‘the pouch of the oracle.’* The other possible root is wn, Arab. hasan, to. be beautiful, ‘hence possibly jy'n, either as chief ornament of ephod, or as the most excel- lent precious article of high priest’s attire’ (Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v.). The directions for the construction of the b. are given in Ex 281%, with which the parallel section 398-21 ney be compared. The material was the same as that of the ephod (see EPHOD), the richest and most artistic of the textile fabrics of P (‘of gold, of blue, of purple, and of scarlet, and of fine twined linen,’ 28% RV). A cubit’s length of this material was required, the width being a span or half-cubit ; when folded in two, it formed a square, measuring a span each way. Into one of the faces of this square—henceforth to be the outer side of the b.—were inserted by means of gold settings, probably of filigree work, four rows of jewels, three inarow. The identification of these twelve jewels must start from the renderings of the LXX, and is still in some cases little more’than probable (see art. STONES, PRECIOUS, also the Comm. in loco, and the literature infra, esp. the learned work of Braun, pp. 627-745). On each jewel was engraved the name of one of the twelve tribes of Israel. All that has been written as to the order in which the names were arranged is mere speculation. The whole, however, had a fine significance; for thus the high priest wore ‘upon his heart the names of the children of Israel, for a memorial before J” continually ’ (28%), The b. was kept in position by the foll. simple device. At the right and left top corners, respect- ively, of the outer jewelled square, was fixed a gold ring, through which was passed a gold chain, or rather cord (for it had no links) ‘of wreathen work.’ These chains were then passed over, or through, or otherwise attached to, a couple of gold ornaments (AV ‘ouches’)—probably rosettes (LXX domdloxas) of es filigree—which had previously (v.!5) been fixed to the shoulder-pieces of the ephod in front. Similarly, at the right and left bottom corners of the inner square were fixed two gold rings, through each of which was passed a ribbon or ‘lace of blue’(RV). Corresponding to these twe rings on the b. were two of the same material, attached, like the rosettes above mentioned, to the shoulder-pieces of the ephod. Their precise posi- tion, however, is difficult to determine, owing to the want of clearness in the existing description of the ephod (Ex 2812). They may, perhaps, be best thought of as sewed to the sleul devices of the ephod at points lower than the rosettes by the length of the chains and square, so that, in short, the rings of the ephod and those of the b. were in immediate contact, and fastened together by the blue lace.t The latter, in this way, would be entirely hidden by the b., which would account for the iaie material of the lower fastening com- pared with that of the upper. By this means the b. was securely held in its place, so that it should rest just ‘above the cunningly woven band of the ephod’ (v.%8). The main purpose of the b., there can pean) be any longer a doubt, was to provide a receptacle for the sacred lot, the mysterious UriM and THUMMIM (wh. see). It should be added * So Kautzsch, ‘Orakel-Tasche.’ Cf. Aéys0y (oracle) of LXX. + The latest representation, in Nowack’s Archdologie, ii. p. 119 (from Riehm’s H W B2 i. 402), cannot be correct. If the laces were attached so high as there represented, the b., so far from being kept from shifting, would fall forward every time the high priest had occasion to bend his body. 320 BREATH BRETHREN OF THE LORD that the description of the b. by Jos. (Ané. m1. vii. 5, and Wars, Vv. v. 7) must be used with caution. LiTERATURE.—Besides the comm. on Exod. consult the class, work of Braun, Vest Sacerd. Heb. Amstel. 1680; Bahr, Sym- Bolik d. Mos. Kultus2ii. p. 61ff.; Neumann, D, Stiftshiitte, 1861, pp. 1650-159 (with fine illustrations in colours); Ewald’s An- tiquities (Eng. tr.), 204 ff. ; Keil’s Arch. (Eng. tr.) i. ; Nowack’s Arch. ii. 119; Ancessi, L’Hgypte et Moise, le part. ‘Les Véte- ments du Grandprétre,’ 1875. A. R. 8S. KENNEDY. BREATH.—See Spirit. BREECHES (o:p39p, epioxedf, feminalia: for illustr. of last, see Rich, Dict. of Antig.).—This is the name given to the undergarment ordered b Ezk (4415), and the legislation of P (Ex 28% 39%, Ly 6° 16‘) to be worn on grounds of modesty (13 in above pass. is a euphemism, see under BATH) by the priests when engaged in the more solemn duties of their office. The b., more accurately drawers, were made of white linen, were very short, like our modern bathing drawers, reaching to below the loins and fastening round the waist. The theta are said to have worn a similar Vereen ilkinson in Rawlinson’s Herod.?ii. 113). os. gives a description of it as worn in his time (Ant, 101. vii. 1. Cf. Kalisch on Ex 284; Braun, De Vest. Sacerd. Hebr. 1680, lib. ii. cap. i. De p02 Brachis Sacerdotum, with illustr. p. 450). A. R. 8. KENNEDY. BRETHREN OF THE LORD. — The phrase ‘brother’ or ‘brethren’ of the Lord is used several times in the NT of James and other persons. There has been much controversy as to the actual relationship implied, whether we are to understand ‘brethren’ literally as meaning sons of the mother and reputed father of Jesus (the Helvidian view), or sons of Joseph by a former marriage (the Epiphanian view), or sons of Clopas or Alpheus, the husband of a sister of the mother of Jesus (the Hieronymian view). A. The passages bearing on the subject are Mt 1”, Lk 2? (birth), Jn 2 (common household), Lk 416-8 (preaching at Nazareth), Mk 3 ® (attempts of Mary and His brethren to restrain Jesus; cf. Mt 127, Lk 8), Jn 77° (going up to the Feast of Tabernacles), Mt 27°, Mk 15”: 47 161, Lk 24 Jn 19% (the crucifixion), Ac 14, Gal 18, 1 Co 95 (after the Resurrection). I think that any one reading these passages, without any preconceived idea on the subject, would naturally draw the conclusion that Mary was the true wife of Joseph, and bore to him at least four sons (James, Joses, Judas, and Simon) and two daughters; that the sons were not in- cluded among the twelve apostles, but were, on the contrary, disbelievers in the Messiahship of Christ, and inclined at one time to entertain doubts as to His sanity, though after His death they threw in their lot with His disciples. Setting aside the apocryphal books of the NT, the earliest refer- ence to this subject in the post-apostolic writers is found in Hegesippus (about A.D. 160). His testi- mony, preserved by Eusebius (HH iv. 22), is quite consistent with the conclusion to which we are led by the language of Scripture, while it is totally opposed to the Hieronymian view. It is to the effect that ‘after the martyrdom of James the Just on the same charge as the Lord, his paternal uncle’s child, Symeon the son of Clopas, was next made Bishop of, Jerus., being put forward by all as the second in succession, seeing that he was a cousin of the Lord.’ Cf. this with HZ iii. 22, where Symeon is said to have succeeded the brother o the Lord as bishop, and ec. 20, where Jude also is called brother of the Lord. Tertullian (d. A.D. 220) is, however, the first who distinctly asserts that the ‘brethren’ were uterine brothers of Jesus. Arguing against Marcion, who had made use of the text, ‘ Who is my mother, and who my brother?’ to prove that Christ was not really man, he says: Nos contrario dicimus, primo, non potuisse lt annuntiari quod mater et fratres ejus foris starent... si nulla illi mater et fratres nulls fuissent. ... At vere mater et fratres ejus foris stabant.... Tam proximas personas foris stare, extraneis intus cb ad sermones ejus... merito indignatus est. Transtulit sanguinis nomina in alios, guos magis proximos pro fide judicaret .. . tn semet ipso docens, eae elke < aut matrem aut Sratres preponeret verbo Dei, non esse dignum dis- cipulum (Ado, Mare. iv. 19). Similarly arguing from the same text against the Marcionite Spe he says ‘the words are not inconsistent with the truth of His humanity. Noone would have told Him that His mother and His brethren stood with- out, gui non certus esset habere illum matrem et fratres. ... Omnes nascimur, et tamen non omnes aut fratres habemus aut matrem. Adhuc potest et patrem magis habere quam matrem, et avunculos magis quam fratres. ... Fratres Domini non credi- derunt in illum. ... Mater eque non demonstratur adhesisse et... . Hoc denique in loco apparet in- credulitas eorum’ (De Carne Christi, 7). As Ter- tullian in these passages gives no hint that the brothers of Jesus stood to Him in any other relation than other men’s brothers do to them, or that His relationship to them was not as real as that to His mother, so in other treatises he takes it for granted that Mary ceased to be a virgin after the birth of Christ (De Monogamia, 8): Due nobis antistites Christiane sanctitatis occurrunt, monogamia et continentia. Et Christum quidem virgo enixa est, semel nuptura post partum (‘being about to defer her marriage union till after the birth of her son,’ lit. ‘being about to marry first after her delivery’) ut uterque titulus sanctitatis in Christi sensu dispungeretur per matrem et virginem et univiram; and in even plainer words (De Virg. Vel. 6), where he discusses the meaning of the salu- tation benedicta tu inter multeres. ‘ Wasshe called mulier, and not virgo, because she was espoused ? We need not, at any rate, suppose a prophetic reference to her future state as a married woman’: non enim poterat posteriorem mulierem nominare, de qua Christus nasci non habebat, id est virum passam sed illa (tllam?) que erat praesens, que erat virgo (‘for the angel could not be referring to the wife that was to be, for Christ was not to be born of a wife, i.e. of one who had known a hus- band; but he referred to her who was before him, who was a virgin’). These words of Tertullian, himeelf strongly ascetic, which were written about the end of the Qnd cent., do not betray any consciousness that he is controverting an established tradition in favour of the perpetual virginity. And Origen (d. 253 A.D.), though upholding the virginity, and objecting to the phrase used above by Tertullian (quod asserunt eam nupsisse post partum, unde approbent non habent, Com. in Luc. 7), does not claim any authority for his own view, but only argues that it is admissible.* For the statement that the ‘brethren’ were sons of Joseph by a redeceased wife, he refers to two aporyayes ooks, dating from about the middle of the 2nd cent., as the authority for his view that the ‘brethren’ were sons of Joseph by a predeceased wife. One of these books is the Gospel of Peter, which, as we learn from Eusebius (HH vi. 12), Serapion, bishop of Antioch at the end of the 2nd cent., forbade to be used in a Cilician church, on the ground that it favoured the heretical views of the Docete. The latter portion of this Gospel (of course not containing the passage referred to by Origen) was dis- * Comm, in Matt. xii. 55 (vol. iii, p. 45, Lomm.) BRETHREN OF THE LORD covered in a fragmentary condition in Egypt & few years ago, the Hditio Princeps being published in 1892. The other book to which Origen refers is still extant, the Protevangelium Jacobi. It contains the story of Anna and Joachim, the arents of Mary, of her miraculous birth and etrotbal to Joseph to be her guardian, he having been designated for this honour, against his will, out of all the widowers of Israel, by the dove which issued from his rod. The names of Joseph’s sons are variously given in the MSS as Simon, Samuel, James. I think that these facts prove that the belief in the Perpetual Virginity, which was growing up during the 2nd cent. and established itself in the 3rd cent., was founded, not upon historic evidence, but simply on sentimental grounds, which may have gained additional strength from opposition to the Ebionites, who denied the mir- aculous birth of the Lord (Orig. c. Cels. v. 61). Even Basil the Great, who died in A.D. 379, in discussing the meaning of Mt 1°, still holds the belief in the Virginity, not as a serra article of faith, but merely as a pious opinion.* It is un- necessary to give the names of others who held that the ‘brethren’ were sons of Joseph by a former wite. The chief supporter of this view is Epes, who wrote against the Antidicomarianite about the year A.D. 370. The view of Tertullian was reasserted by Helvidius, Bonosus, and Jovinianus, about the year A.D. 380. B. Jerome’s answer to Helvidius, which fastened on the Western Church the doctrine of the Perpetual Virginity and the interpretation of ‘brethren’ in the sense of ‘ cousins,’ appeared about the year A.D. 383. He begins by identifying James the Lord’s brother with James the son of Alpheus, one of the Twelve. Otherwise, he says, there would be three disciples called James, but the distinctive epithet minor attached to one of them in Mk 15“ implies that there could be only two. Moreover, St. Paul calls him an apostle in Gal 11 ‘other of the apostles saw I none, save James the Lord’s brother.’ Again, in Mk 6° we find a James and Joses amongst the brethren of Jesus, and in Mk 15* we read that Mary, the mother of James and Joses, was present at the crucifixion; but in Jn 19% this Mary (whom, as mother of James, we know to be wife of Alpheus) is called Mary of Clopas, sister of the Lord’s mother. James is therefore the cousin of the Lord; the word brother being used for kinsman. Later writers carried the Eheory. further by identi- fying Alphzeus and Clopas as double forms of the amaic Chalphai, and by identifying ‘Judas of James,’ who occurs in Xt. Luke’s Tist of the apostles (Lk 6'6, Ac 1%), with the writer of the pistle (who calls himself ‘brother of James’), and also with the brother of Joses, James, and Simon, in Mk 6°. Simon is further identified with Simon Zelotes, who is joined with James and Judas in the list of the apostles; and some hold that Matthew, being identical with Levi, sonof Alpheus, must belong tothe samefamily. Bp. Lightfoot calls attention to the fact that not only does Jerome make no Cea to any traditional support for this view, but that he is himself by no means con- sistent in holding it. Thus in his comment on the Galatians, written about A.D. 387, he says: ‘James was called the Lord’s brother on account of his high character, his incomparable faith, and his extraordinary wisdom; the other apostles are also called brothers (Jn 207), but he pre-eminently so, to whom the Lord at His departure had committed the sons of His mother (i.e. the members of the Church at Jerusalem).’ In.a later work still, the edi to Hedibia, written about 406, he speaks of ary of Cleophas (Clopas) the aunt of our Lord, * Hom. in Sanct, Christ. Gen. ii. p. 600, ed. Garn. VOL. 1.—21 BRETHREN OF THE LORD 321 and Mary the mother of James and Joses, as distinct persons, ‘although some contend that the mother of James and Joses was His aunt.’ (1) In the above argument of Jerome it is assumed that the word ‘brother’ (d4ded¢és) may be used in the sense of cousin (dveyids, found in Col 41°), The supporters of this theory do not offer an parallel from the NT, but they appeal to classica, use both in Greek and Latin, and to the OT. The examples cited from classical Greek are merel oo of warm affection, or else metaphorical, as Plato, Crito, § 16, where the laws of Athens are made to speak of of juérepor ddedgol ol év Aldou vdpot. There is no instance in classical Greek, as far as I know, of déeXpés being used to denote a cousin. In Latin frater may stand for frater patruelis, where there is no danger of being haenndorataa (cf. Cic. ad Att. i. 5.1). The Heb. word is used loosely to include cousin, as in Gn 14'*16 (of Abraham and Lot), where the LXX has déedgidods; in Lv 104, where the first cousins of Aaron are called brethren (ddeAgol) of his sons, Nadab and Abihu; in 1 Ch 2371-22 (“The sons of Mahli, Eleazar and Kish. And Eleazar died, and had no sons, but daughters: and their brethren the sons of Kish took them’) where also the LXX has ddeAgol. These passages seem to me to be hardly covered by the general tule laid down by Bishop Lightfoot (p. 261): ‘In an affectionate and earnest ppeeal intended to move the sympathies of the hearer, a speaker might not unnaturally address a relation or a friend or even a fellow-countrymanas his ‘‘ brother”: and even when speaking of such to a third person he might through warmth of feeling and under certain aspects so designate him.’ I think, how- ever, the Bishop is entirely right when he goes on to say: ‘It is scarcely conceivable that the cousins of any one should be Shae Ny and indeed exclusively styled his ‘‘ brothers” by indifferent persons; still less, that one cousin in particular should be singled out and described in this loose way, ‘‘James, the Lord’s brother.”’ If we remark, too, the care with which Hegesippus (quoted above) employs the term déeA¢és of St. James and St. Jude, the brothers of the Lord, while he keeps the term dveyits for Symeon, the cousin of the Lord and second bishop of Jerusalem, we shall feel that there is a strong probability against the use of ddedgol in NT to denote anything but brothers, (2) Jerome’s main argument is that James the Lord’s brother was one of the Twelve, and therefore identical with James the son of Alpheus. He pe this assertion on a single passage in St. aul, which I shall presently examine. Bishop Lightfoot and others have shown that it is not a necessary consequence of St. Paul’s language, and that it is opposed to the distinction everywhere made in the NT between the brethren of the Lord and the Twelve. Thus in Ac 1"4, after the list of the Eleven including James the son of Alphzus, we read, ‘these all continued instant in prayer’ ody yuvatl xal Mapidy ro pntpl rod “Inood Kat Tots ddedgots atro’p. Again, in Jn 2! we read that Jesus went down to Capernaum aéréds kal 7 Barnp avrod wat of ddedqgol cal of pabynral airod: Kal éxe? Eueway od moddds huépas; and in Mt 124 ‘One said to him’ (30) 4 pArnp cov Kal ol ddeAdgol cov tw ésrhxacw (nrotvrés co AaATou ... ‘and stretchin forth his hand to his disciples he saith’ (dod payrnp pov Kal ol ddeddpol pov: boris yap Oy roijoy Td 0éAnua 708 ILarpés pov,rod év ovpavots,adrés wot ddehpds kal adedgh xal wirnp éortv. In the last passage there is the same strong antithesis between natural earth] ties and His duty to His Father in heaven, whic we observe in the words spoken by Him when found as a boy in the temple. Notice also that there is in this passage not only a distinction made between the brethren of Jesus and His disciples, 822 BRETHREN OF THE LORD but a certain opposition is implied, which is brought out more clearly in St. Mark’s narrative of the same event (37+*!-5), From the latter it appears that the reason why they of His family (ot wap avrod) desired to speak with Him was because the rumour which had reached them of His incessant labours led them to believe that His mind was overstrained. AsSt. Mark goeson to say (v.22) that the scribes accused Jesus of casting out devils through Beelzebub, and as we further read in St. John (107 84) that many said, ‘He hatha devil, and is mad,’ it would seem, though it is not expressly stated, that these calumnious reports of His enemies had not been without effect on some members of His own family. At all events, they went out prepared kparfjcu ai’réy, t.e. to put Him under some restraint. This narrative gives additional int to the words in Mk 64, spoken with imme- iate reference to the unbelief of the people of Nazareth, ov« €orw mpodrjrns &ripuos el wh ev rp warpld. avrod kal év rots avyyevetow aitrod kal év ry olkla avrod. If it were simply the disbelief of towns- people not immediately related to Him, there seems no need for the addition ‘in his own kinsfolk and in his own house.’ This inference, which we naturally draw from the words of St. Mark, is confirmed by the express statement of St. John (735), ove yap ol ddeAgol atrod érlorevoy els atréy, and by our Lord’s words addressed to them (y.”), ob Sivarar 6 Kbopos pucely buds: eue Se puce?, bre éyw Haprup® wept abrod bri rd Epya adrot movnpd éorww. Compare this with the words spoken shortly after- wards to the disciples (15%), el éx rod xécpovu Fre, 6 kéopos Gy 7d Yuov epider Sri Se ex Tod Kdcpmovu ovK ore, GAN’ éya ebéreEa duis ex Tod Kbopov, bid TolTo pice? buas 6 xbopos The words on which Jerome lays stress are Gal 3819 GyArOov els ‘Iepordruua loropjoa Kyday al éréuewa mpds avrdv jucpas dexdmevre Erepov 5é Tr drocréAwy ob eldov, el wh "IdewBov rdv ddedpdy rod Kuplov. But even if we give its usual force to el u7, it will not follow that St. James was included in the Twelve, for there can be no doubt that in Gal 19 érepov looks backward to Ky¢av, not forward to "IdxwBov. The sentence would have been complete at «ldov, ‘I saw Peter and none other of the apostles.’ Then it strikes St. Paul, as an after- thought, that the position of James, as president of the Church at Jerusalem, was not inferior to that of the apostles, and he adds ‘ unless you reckon James among them.’ That the term ‘apostle’ was rot strictly confined to the Twelve appears from another passage in which James is mentioned, 1Co 1547, Here it is said that Jesus after His resur- rection ‘appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve, then to above five hundred brethren at once, then to James, then to all the apostles,’ where we should perhaps consider the term to include the Seventy, according to the view of Irenzeus and other atl writers. At any rate there can be no doubt as to St. Paul’s apoctoehie! Barnabas also is called an apostle (Ac 14‘: 14), probably also Andronicus and unias (Ro 167) and Silvanus (1 Th 2°).* The most natural interpretation of the two passages just dealt with is that which concedes the name ‘apostle’ in the wider sense to St. James, but makes a distinction between him and the Twelve. (3) Scarcely less strong is the argument against the Hieronymian view drawn from what we read of the relation of the brethren of the Lord to His mother. Though, according to this view, their own mother Mary was living at the time of the cruci- fixion, and though there is nothing to show that their father was not also living, yet they are never found in the company of their parents or parent, but always with the Virgin. They move with her and * See Lightfoot, Ic, pp. 92-101, and the Didaché, xi. 1. 5, with Funk's notes. BRETHREN OF THE LORD her divine Son to Capernaum and form one house- hold there (Jn 2"); they take upon themselves to control and check the actions of Jesus; they go with Mary ‘to take him,’ when it is feared that His mind is becoming unhinged. They are referred to by the neighbours as members of His family in exactly the same terms as His mother and His reputed father. It is suggested indeed that the Virgin and her sister were both widows at this time, and had agreed to form one household; but this is mere hypothesis, and is scarcely consistent with the romans of the neighbours, who endeavour to satisfy themselves that Jesus was not entitled te speak as He had done, by calling to mind those nearest to Him in blood. (4) That Mary of Clopas was the sister of Mary the mother of the Lord is not only most improb- able in itself (for where do we find two sisters with the same name?), but is not the most natural interpretation of Jn 19” elorjkecay d¢ wapd 7g oraupe Tod *Incod 7» unrnp avrod Kal % ddeAph THs bytpos atrod, Mapla h rod KX\wrd cal Mapla 7 May- dadnv} (translated in the Peshitta, ‘His mother and his mother’s sister, and Mary of Cleopha and Mary Magdalene’), If we compare this verse with Mk 15 and Mt 275, we find that, of the three women named as present in addition to the mother of Jesus, Mary Magdalene occurs in all three lists; ‘Mary the mother of James and Joses’ of the two synoptic Gospels is generally identified with ‘Mary of Clopeas and we then have left in Matthew ‘the mother of the sons of Zebedee,’ in Mark ‘Salome,’ and in John ‘his mother’s sister. Salome is generally identified with ‘the mother of the sons of Zebedee,’ and there seems good reason also for identifying her with ‘his mother’s sister’ in the Fourth Gospel. It does not seem likely that St. John would omit the name of his own mother; and the indirect way in which he describes her is very similar to the way in which he refers to himself as ‘the disciple whom Jesus loved.’ If we are right in this supposition, it is natural that the two sisters should be paired together, and then the two other Marys, just as we have the apostles arranged in pairs without a connecting particle in Mt 10%4. If the sons of Zebedee were so nearly related to our Lord, it helps us to understand Salome’s request that they might sit on His right hand and on His left hand in His glory, as well as the commendation by our Lord of His mother to one, who was not only His best-loved disciple, but her own nephew. If, how- ever, this interpretation is correct, if the sister of the Lord’s mother is not the mother of James and Joses, but the mother of the sons of Zebedee, then the foundation-stone of the Hieronymian theory is removed, and the whole fabric topples to the ground. (5) I take next two minor identifications, that of ‘ James the Less’ with the ‘ brother of the Lord,’ and that of *Iovdas ’IaxdéBou, of Lk 61% and Ac 1%, with Jude the writer of the Epistle, who calls himself ‘brother of James.’ We have seen that Mary the mother of James rof puxpod and of Joses, in Mk 15”, is probably the same as Mary of Clopas, and that we have no reason for inferring from the Gospels that she was related to Jesus. If so, there is an end to the supposition that James the Less is James the brother of the Lord. But it is worth while to notice the mistranslation in which Jerome imagined that he found a further argument for the identification of our James with the son of Alpheus. The comparative minor, he says, suggests two persons, viz. the two apostles of this name. But the Greek has no comparative, simply rod puxpod, ‘the little,’ which no more implies a comparison with only one person than any other descriptive epithet, such as evepyérns oF BRETHREN OF THE LORD gPirdderpos. As to “Iovdas "IaxdSov, no instance is cited for such an omission of the word dde\¢és, and we must therefore translate ‘Judas son of James’ with the RV. Independently of this, if James, Judas, and Simon are all sons of Alpheus, what a strange way is this of introducing their names in the list of the apostles, ‘James of Alpheus, Simon Zelotes, Judas of James’! Why not speak of all as ‘sons of Alpheus,’ or of the two latter as ‘brothers of James’? Why not speak of all as ‘brethren of the Lord’? It is especially strange that, if Judas were really known as such, he should have been distinguished in John (14) merely by a negative, ‘Judas not Iscariot,’ and in the other Gospels nee appellation ‘Lebbzeus’ or ‘Thaddzus’ (Mt 108, Mk 338), C. We have still to examine two crucial passages which have to be set aside before we can accept either the Epiphanian or the Hieronymian theory: Mt 1% "Iwoh . . . wapédaBev rhy yuvaixa abrod Kat obk éylywoxev atrhy Ews od Erexev vidv, and Lk 27 kal rexev roy vldy airis roy wpwréroxov. Reading these in connexion with those other passages which speak of the brothers and sisters of Jesus, it is hard to believe that the evangelists meant us to understand, or indeed that it ever entered their heads that the words could be understood to mean, anything else than that these brothers were sons of the mother and the reputed father of the Lord. It has been attempted, however, to prove that we need not take the passages referred to in their ordinary and Dears Thus Pearson, treat- ing of the phrase éws od, tells us that ‘the manner of the Scripture language produceth no such infer- ence’ as that, from a limit assigned to a negative, we may imply a subsequent affirmative; and he cites the following instances in proof. ‘When God said to Jacob, ‘‘I will not leave thee until I have done that which I have spoken to thee of” (Gn 28%), it followeth not that, when that was done, the God of Jacob left him. When the con- clusion of Deuteronomy was written it was said of Moses, ‘‘No man knoweth of his sepulchre uato this day” (Dt 34°), but it were a weak argument to infer from thence that the sepulchre of Moses has been known ever since. hen Samuel had delivered a severe prediction unto Saul, he ‘“‘came no more to see him unto the day of his death” (1 S 15*); but it were a strange collection to infer, that he therefore gave him a visit after he was dead. ‘‘ Michal the daughter of Saul had no child unto the day of her death” (2 S 6%); and yet it were a ridiculous stupidity to dream of any midwifery in the grave. Christ promised His presence to the apostles ‘‘until the end of the world” (Mt 28); who ever made so unhappy a construction, as to infer from thence that for ever after He would be absent from them?’ (Creed, Art. m1. Chap. iii. p. 174). It is difficult to believe that a man of Pearsou’s ability can have been blind to the difference between two kinds of limit, the mention of one of which suggests, while the mention of the other negatives, the future occurrence of the action spoken of. If we read ‘the debate was adjourned the papers should be in the hands of the members,’ it as certainly implies the intention to resume the debate at a subsequent period, as the phrase ‘the debate was adjourned till that day six months,’ or ‘till the Gr. Kalends,’ implies the contrary. So when it is said ‘to the day of his death,’ ‘to the end of the world,’ this is only a more vivid way of saying in secula seculorum. In like manner the phrase ‘unto this day’ implies that a certain state of things continued up to the very last moment known to the writer: the sug- ro is, of course, that it will still continue. e remaining instance is that found in Gn 28%, BRETHREN OF THE LORD 323 This is a promise of continued help on tha part of God until a certain end is secured. When that end is secured God is no further bound by His romise, however much the patriarch might be Justified in looking for further help from his general knowledge of the character and goodness of God. To take now a case similar to that in hand ; supposing we read ‘ Michal had no child till she left David and became the wife of Phaltiel,’ we should naturally assume that after that she did have a child. So in Mt 1” the limit is not one beyond which the action becomes naturally and palpably impossible; on the contrary, it is just that point of time when under ordinary circum- stances the action would become both possible and natural,* when, therefore, the reader, without warning to the contrary, might naturally be expected to assume that it did actually occur. Whether this assumption on the part of the reader, natural under ordinary circumstances, may become unnatural under the very extraordinary circum- stances of the case, will be discussed further on. I confine myself here to the argument from language.t The natural inference drawn from the use of the word rpwréroxev in Lk 2’ is that other brothers or sisters were born subsequently ; otherwise why should not the word povoyevijs have been used as in To 3% povoyerhs elus rp warpl pov, Lk 72 8” etc. ? In Ro 8” the word is used metaphorically, but retains its natural connotation, zpwrébroxoy év modnots dde\pois, and so in every instance of its occurrence in the NT. It occurs many times in its literal use in the LXX, e.g. Gn 27! 32 4333, Dt 2115, 1 K 16%, 1 Ch 5! 26 but, so far as I have observed, never of an only son. There are also circumstances connected with one remarkable episode in our Lord’s childhood which are more easily explicable if we suppose Him not to have been His mother’s only son. Is it likely that Mary and Joseph would have been so little solicit- ous about an only son, and that son the promised Messiah, a3 to begin their homeward journey after the feast of the Passover at Jerusalem, and to travel for a whole day, without taking the pains to ascertain whether He was in their com- pany or not? If they had several younger children to attend to, we can understand that their first thoughts would have been given to the latter ; otherwise is it conceivable that Mary, however complete her confidence in her eldest son, should first have lost Him from her side, and then have allowed so long & time to elapse without an effort to find Him 7 D. There are, however, some difficulties which must be grappled with before we can accept the Helvidian theory as satisfactory. (1) If the mother of Jesus had had other sons, would He have commended her to the care of a disciple rather than to that of a brother? (2) Is not the behaviour of the brethren towards Jesus that of elders towards a younger? (3) The theory is opposed to the Church tradition. (4) It is ab- horrent to Christian sentiment. (1) Bishop Lightfoot regards the first objection as fatal to the theory. ‘Is it conceivable,’ he says, ‘that our Lord would thus have snapped * Compare Plut. Qu. Conv. viii. 1; Diog. L. iii. 2 (on the vision which appeared to Ariston warning him sy svyyiverOos cH yuveixs till the birth of her son Plato: Origen, Against Celsus, i. 37, refers to this as an arg. ad hom.); Hygin. F. 29, quoted in Weistein’s note, im loco; Athenag. Apol. 83: as yap 6 ytwpyas narupirrey bis oy rie oripunre Bunter wépictves, ox tmiorsipor, xed huwiv wérpry ixOuuies 1 xidoweiie; Const. Apost. vi. 28. 5: wht pohy byxumoverocis susAsireacay (Taig yuroitiy of Bydpis), ox ial wosday yup yivets TeUTS FoIOdsIy, KAA’ HOovns yep. Clement | of Alexandria (Strom. iti. p. 548) calls this a law of nature. + Laurent remarks on the use of the imperfect iy/verxs imply- ing abstinence from a habit (‘refrained from conjugal inter: cuurse’) as opposed to the far more usual ive denoting a single act 324 BRETHREN OF THE LORD BRETHREN OF THE LORD asunder the most sacred ties of natural affection ?’ (p. 272). The usual answer to this is that the sbelief of the Lord’s brothers would naturally separate them from His mother. But as this disbelief was even then on the point of being changed into undoubting faith ; and as the separa- tion (if it ever existed, of which there is no evi- dence) was, at any rate, to be changed in a day or two into the closest union with all true followers of the Lord; and as the preparation for this change must have been long perceptible to the eye of Jesus, it seems necessary to find another way of meeting the objection, if it is to be met at all. I think, ‘however, that Bp. Lightfoot goes a little too far when he speaks just below of this hypo- thesis requiring us to believe that the mother, though ‘living in the same city’ with her sons, ‘and joining with them in a common worship (Ac 144), is consigned to the care of a stranger, of whose house she becomes henceforth the inmate.’ We have seen that there is reason for believing Salome to have been the sister of Mary, and John therefore her nephew ; but however this may be, in any case, as her Son’s dearest friend, he must have been well known to her. And if we try to picture to ourselves the circumstances of the case, it is not difficult to imagine contingencies which would make it a pid natural arrangement. It is generally ee (from 1 Co 9°) that the brothers of the Lord were married men: the usual age for marriage among the Jews was about eighteen: supposing them to have been born before the visit to the temple of the child Jesus, they would probably have married before His crucifixion. If, then, all her children were dis- persed in their several homes, and if, as we naturally infer, her nephew John was unmarried, and living in a house of his own, is there anything unaccountable in the Lord’s mother finding a home with the beloved disciple? Cculd this be regarded in any way asa slight by her other sons? Must they not have felt that the busy life of a family was not suited for the quiet pondering which now more than ever would characterise their mother ? and, further, that this communion between the mother and the disciple was likely to be, not only a source of comfort to both, but also most profit- able to the Church at large ? (2) It depends more upon the positive age than the relative age of brothers, whether the inter- ference of a younger with an elder is probable or improbable. When all have reached manhood and’ have settled in their different spheres, a few years’ difference in age does not count for much. It might, however, be thought that those who had own up with one like Jesus must have felt such i and reverence for Him, that they could never dream of blaming or criticising what He thought best to do. Yet we know that His mother, to whom had been vouchsafed a much fuller revela- tion than was possible in their case as to the true nature of her Son, did nevertheless on more than one occasion draw upon herself His reproof for ventured interference. If we remember how little even those whom He chose out as His apostles were able to irae His aims and methods up to the very end of His life, how different was their idea of the kingdom of heaven and the office of the Messiah from His, we shall not wonder if His ounger brothers, with all their admiration for is sere and goodness, were at times puzzled and bewildered at the words that fell from His BPE if they regarded Him as a self-forgetting idealist and enthusiast, wanting in knowledge of the world as it was, and needing the constant care of His more practical friends to provide Him with the ordinary comforts and necessaries of life. Thus much, I think, is certain from the known facts of the case; and we need nothing more than this to explain t heir fear that His mind might be overstrained, and their attempt to dictate the measures He should adopt in going up to the Feast, just as His mother had attempted to dictate to Him at them arriage at Cana. (3) We have seen that, so far as we can speak of a tradition on this subject, it was in favour of the Epiphanian theory from about the end of the second century till it was unceremoniously driven out of the field by Jerome in the year 383: we have seen, too, that Jerome himself abandoned his own theory in his later writings. But it was so much in accordance with the ascetic views of the time, that it was adopted by Augustine and the Latin Fathers generally; while in the Eastern Church, Chrysostom, who, in his earlier writings, favours the Epiphanian view, comes round to Jerome in the later, and Theodoret may be men- tioned on the same side. The later Greek Fathers are, however, almost all on the side of Epiphanius ; and the Greek, Syrian, and Coptic Calendars mark the distinction between James the brother of the Lord and James the son of Alpheus by assigning a separate day to each. This distinction is also maintained, apart from any statement as to the exact relationship implied by the term ‘ brother,’ in the Clementine Homilies and Recognitions of the second cent., and the Apostolic Constitutions of the third. Historical tradition, therefore, on this subject there was properly none when Jerome wrote, any more than there is now, but there was a wing feeling in favour of the perpetual virginity, which took definite shape in the title de:rap0évos used of Mary by Athanasius; and the apocryphal fictions were eagerly embraced as affording a support for this belief. We cannot doubt that those who were agitating for a stricter rule would make use of the example of the Virgin, insisting on the name as implying a permanent state, and would endeavour to give an artificial strength to their cause by the addition of imaginary circumstances to the simple narrative of the gospel. Thus it was not enough to suppose the brethren of the Lord to be sons of Joseph by a former wife ; Joseph’s age must be increased so as to make it impossible for him to have had children by his second wife, though this supposition contradicts what the upholders of this view maintain to be the very purpose of Mary’s marriage, viz. to screen her from all injurious imputations. How could the marriage effect this, if the husband were above eighty years of age, as Epiphanius says, following the apocryphal Gospels? Again, if this were the case, why should not the evangelist have stated it simply, instead of using the cautionary phrases mply h ouveddcitv and ovk éylywoxev abrhv ews od érexev? But even this was not enough for the ascetic spirit. Further barriers must be raised between the con- tamination of matrimony and the virgin ideal. Joseph himself becomes a type of virginity: the ‘brethren’ are no longer his sons, but sons of Clopas, who was either his brother by one tra- dition, or his wife’s sister's husband by another. Mary is made the child of promise and of miracle like Isaac, though not yet exalted to the honours © of the Immaculate Conception; and we see Epiphanies already feeling his way to the doctrine of her Assumption, which was accepted by One other Gregory of Tours in the 6th cent. development may be noticed, as it is found in the Protevangelium, c. 20, though not mentioned by Epiphanius, viz. that not only the Conception but the Birth of our Lord was miraculous; in the words of Jeremy Taylor: ‘ He that came from His grave fast tied with a stone and signature, and into the college of the apostles, the doors being ; 5 a b; is BRETHREN OF THE LORD shut. . . came also (as the Church piously believes) into the world so without doing violence to the virginal and pure body of His mother, that He did also leave her virginity entire.’* This miracle, superfluous as it is, and directly opposed to the words of St. Luke (2%), is yet accepted by Jerome and his followers, and the allegorical method of interpretation is pressed to the utmost in order to gain some support from the OT for the doctrine of the derapfevia. Thus we find Pearson (Creed, p. 326) citing, as a proof of it, Ezk 44? ‘This gate shall be shut, it shall not be opened, and no man shall enter in by it; because the Lord, the God of Israel, hath entered in by it, therefore it shall be shut.’ It would surely have been more to the point to cite the words of the Messianic psalm (698): ‘I have become a stranger to my brethren and an alien unto my mother’s children’ ; this psalm being used to illustrate the earthly life of our Lord, both by St. John: ‘The zeal of thy house has eaten me up; they gave me also gall for my meat, and in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink’; and by St. Luke: ‘Let tneir habitation be desolate.’ (4) We go on, however, to consider that which has been all along the real obstacle in the way of a literal acceptation of the Scripture narrative, viz. the objection on the ground of Christian sentiment. It is ‘the tendency,’ says Dr. Mill (/.c. . 301), ‘of the Christian mystery, God manifest in the flesh, when heartily received, to generate an unwillingness to believe that the womb thus divinely honoured should have given birth to other merely human progeny.’ ‘The sentiment of veneration for this august vessel of grace which has ever animated Christians . . . could not have been wanting to the highly-favoured Joseph.’ ‘On the Rae Nae of refuting these sentiments... . the truly Catholic Christian will have pleasure in teposing.’ So Epiphanius, Jerome, and other ancient writers speak of this as a ‘pious belief,’ and the same is reiterated by Hammond and Jeremy Taylor cited by Mill (p. 309). In answer to this I would say that, unless we are prepared to admit all the beliefs of the medizeval Church, we must be- ware of allowing too much authority to pious opinions. Is there any extreme of superstition which cannot plead a ‘pious opinion’ in its favour? Of course it is right in studying history, whether sacred or profane, to put ourselves in the position of the actors, to imagine how they must have felt and acted ; but this is not quite the same thing as imagining how we ourselves should have felt and acted under their circumstances, until at least we have done our best to strip off all that differentiates the mind of one century from the mind of another. If we could arrive at the real feeling of Joseph in respect to his wife, and of Mary in respect to her Son before and after His birth, this would undoubtedly be an element of the highest importance for the determination of the gecrion before us; but to assume that they must ave felt asa monk, or nun, or celibate priest of the Middle Ages; to assume even, with Dr. Mill, that they fully understood the mystery ‘God manifest in the flesh,’ is not merely to make an unauthorised assumption, it is to assume what is palpably contrary to fact. Mary and Joseph were religious Jews, espoused to one another, as it is natural to suppose, in the belief prevalent among the Jews that marriage was a duty, and that a special blessing attached to a prolific union. To both it is revealed from heaven that the Messiah should be born of Mary by a miraculous conception. Joseph is told that ‘his name is to be called Jesus, because he shall save his people from their sins.’ * Chrys. Hom. cxlii. (ap. Suicer, ii. p. 306): 6 Xprrroc weponrbey sx Mat pas xxl eAvTes Fusiver 4 erp, This was affirmed in the 79th Canon of the Council in 7'rullo towards the end of the 7th ceas. BRETHREN OF THE LORD = 325 Mary is told, in addition, that ‘he shall be called the Son of the Highest, and that the Lord God shall give him the throne of his father David, and he shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever.’ There is surely nothing in these words which would disclose the Christian mystery ‘God manifest in the flesh.’ They point to a greater Moses, or David, or Solomon, or Samuel. Mary’s hymn of praise is founded on the recollection of Hannah’s exultation at the fulfilment of prophecy in the birth of her son. Her mind would naturally turn to other miraculous births, to that of Isaac under the old dispensation, to that now impending in the ease of her cousin Elisabeth. And as there was nothing in the announcement made to them which could enable them to realise the astounding truth that He who was to be born of Mary was Very God of Very God, so there is nothing in the subsequent life of Mary which would lead us to believe that she, any more than His apostles, had realised it before His resurrection. On the contrary, it is plain that such a belief fully realised would have made it impossible for her to fulfil, I do not say her duties towards her husband, but her duties towards the Lord Himself during His infancy and childhood. It is hard enough even now to hold together the ideas of the humanity and divinity of Christ without doing violence to either; but to those who knew Him in the flesh we may safely say it was impossible until the Comforter had come and revealed it unto them. As to what should be the relations between the husband and wife after the birth of the promised Child there is one thing we may be sure of, viz. that these would be deter- mined, not by personal considerations, but either by immediate inspiration, as the journey to Egypt and other events had been, or, in the absence of this, by the one desire to do what they believed ta be best for the bringing up of the Child entrusted to them. We can imagine their feeling it to be a duty to abstain from bringing other children into the world, in order that they might devote them- selves more exclusively to the nurture and training of Jesus. On the other hand, the greatest prophets and saints had not been brought up in solitude. Moses, Samuel, and David had had brothers and sisters. It might be God’s will that the Messiah should experience in this, as in other things, the common lot of man. Whichever way the Divine guidance might lead them, we may be sure that the response of Mary would be still as before: ‘Behold the handmaid of the Lord, be it unto me according to thy word.’ Even if the language of the Gospels had been entirely neutral on this matter, 1t would surely have been a piece of high presumption on our part to assume that God’s rovidence must always follow the lines suggested y our notions of what is seemly ; but when every conceivable barrier has been placed in the way of this interpretation by the frequent mention of brothers of the Lord, living with His mother and in constant attendance upon her; when He is called her firstborn son, and when St. Matthew goes into what we might have been inclined to think almost unnecessary detail in fixing a limit to the sepa- ration between husband and wife, — can we characterise it otherwise than as a contumacious setting up of an artificial tradition above the written Word, if we insist upon it that ‘ brother’ must mean, not brother, but either cousin or one who is no blood-relation at all; that ‘ firstborn’ does not imply other children subsequently born ; that the limit fixed to separation does not imply subsequent union ? LiTERATURE.—Fuller information may be found in Bishop Lightfoot’s dissertation on the Brethren of the Lord, admirable alike for thoroughness, clearness, and fairness, which is contained in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, ed. 10, pp, $26 BRIBERY BRIDE 252-291. Itisfrom him I have borrowed the terms Hieronymian, Epiphanian, Helvidian, to classify the main theories which have been put forward on the subject. He himself held the second theory. The first is advocated by Dr. Mill (Pantheistic Principles, pt. ii. py Saree, and in a less extreme form by Dr. P. Schegg (Jakobus, der Bruder des Herrn. Miinchen, 1883). The argument for the third is given in Credner’s Hinleitwng, Laurent’s Neutest, Studien, Farrar’s Early Days of Christianity, ch. xix., the articles ‘Maria’ and ‘Jakobus’ in Herzog’s Encycl. J. prot. Theol., and the introduction to my Commentary on the Epistle of St. James, from which the present article is chiefly taken. J. B. Mayor, BRIBERY.—See CrIMEs. BRICK (9()= the usual material for building throughout all Eastern countries is mud brick. In rainless Egypt this is a perfect substance for walls, and the great defences of towns and sanctuaries were immensely massive walls of dried mud, up to 80 ft. in thickness. The same was used for arches and domes and for pillars, as in the great hall of 700 pillars of Akhenaten. In Babylonia as wide a use of mud brick is found, walls, ramparts, and zitkkurats being entirely made of it, from the earliest Bab. age downward. In Persia, India, China, and Mexico, mud brick is a universal material ; it has sheltered far the greater part of the human race, and the use of red or burnt brick is que an exception in history. In Pal. mud brick was largely used in Amorite times, thick fortifications being made of it. The form was more like the Babylonian, being 1 square tile, whereas the Egyptians used a brick of our present shape. Throughout the Jewish period, mud brick was generally used, faced with stone jambs and lintels at the doorways, and plastered white all over. Such was the Egyptian method. In Philistia, down to the present time, the villages are of mud- brick houses domed, and the rainfall is absorbed by a thick crop of grass which grows on the roof, and is the pasture ground of the goats. In the OT there is allusion to burning bricks for the tower. of Babel (Gn 11%); and such burnt bricks were largely used in Babylonia, owing to the wetness of the soil and climate. They were very rare in Egypt until Roman times, but became general in the age of Constantine. The brick-making in Egypt was a common occupation for captives, and the celebrated picture at Thebes of the foreign brickmakers, guarded b an Egyp. overseer, is very well known. The blac Nile soil of the country is first dug down into a hole already made at any convenient spot near the water ; it is then mixed with sufficient sand, if a good quality is desired, and with chopped straw, which is cut up thus by the threshing rollers used at harvest. Water is poured over it, and it is trampled into a smooth paste. Baskets of this paste are then carried out to the moulding ground, a smooth clear space near at hand. The moulder laces his wooden mould on the ground, lifts a ern handful of the mud, and drops it in, presses it down, and wipes off the surplus ; he then lifts the mould frame by its handle, and leaves the brick on the ground to dry ; the frame is then placed close to it, and another is moulded, until the ground is covered with bricks in regular rows, These BRICK STAMP OF WOOD, EGYPTIAN, XVIII. DYN. remain for a week or more to dry in the sun, and are then ready for building. From the 18th to 21st dynasties the bricks for government buildings often bear a stamp of the king’s name, and sometimes a special stamp naming the particular building for which they were intended. The wooden stamps for this purpose have been found, as well as the moulding frames. In the celebrated question of the straw (Ex 57%), which has passed into an English proverb, there is something to be said on the Egyp. side. Straw was not by any means universally used, often plain mud and sand, or mud and pebbles, were used ; and it was far more important to get the tale of bricks done than to be too particular about the straw. Next, the chonyes straw regularly kept in stock and eepelte (the ¢ibn of the present day) is a very valuable cattle food, and the main support at animals during the inundation, as it is more sweet and grassy than Eng. straw. Hence to restrict its use for brick-making, and to require waste material, such as stubble, to be found, was quite mpeeatl: and many more bricks are to be seen made with waste than those containing good food tibn. We may note that the taskmasters were the Egyp. overseers, while the officers were Hebrews, chiefs of the gangs, held responsible for the quantity delivered. Considering the well-known character of the Hebrews (Nu 114 215), we must not take their grievances too seriously. They had at least in Egypt a good and full diet, by their own confession (Nu 115), as good as, or better than, that of the Egyp. peasant of the present day. W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE. BRIDE.—In patriarchal times the bride is com- monly chosen, not by the bridegroom, but by his parents or friends, and they do not necessarily consult him. Abraham sends a confidential servant to find a bride for Isaac (Gn 24). Judah takes Tamar as a bride for his son Er (38°). Isaac in- structs Jacob as to his choice (287). And, in the absence of the father, Hagar takes a wife for Ishmael (217). Where the bridegroom chooses, it is his father who makes the proposal, as in the cases of Shechem (3448) and Samson (Jg 141°), Whether the consent of the bride was usually asked, is not clear; Gn 24° is not evidence. Perhaps Rebekah was only asked whether she would go at once; it had been previously agreed that she was to go. And these patriarchal customs have not undergone much change in the East: a bride may know nothing of the bridegroom till the wedding. The bride was commonly paid for; i.e. her father received money or service in return for his consent to part with her (Gn 31% 34%, 1S 185-27 ete.), The bride herself received no dowry ; and To 7*4 is the earliest mention of a marriage contract, which perhaps was of the nature of a settlement. Betrothal was much more serious than ‘ engage- ment’ is with us. Unfaithfulness on the part of the bride during the interval between betrothal and marriage was regarded as adultery, and might be punished with death (Dt 22%-*4), She was to be stoned, not strangled; and this makes it probable that the ‘woman taken in adultery’ was betrothed and not yet married ([Jn] 8*°). Nothing of the kind is found in Greek or Roman law, according to which betrothal was a mere pipe on the part of the bride to ner the ridegroom, and did not create any legal obliga- tion. There was no penalty for breach of promise (Smith, Dict. of Ant. 3rd ed. ii. p. 140a). The main feature in the marriage ceremony, which was a legal formality rather than a religious rite, was the fetching of the bride from the house of her father to the house of the bridegroom or his father. Among the Greeks the bride prepared herself for the wedding by a bath; and at Athens BRIDEGROOM the water for dourpoy vuudixdy was taken from the fountain Callirrhoé. There is reason for believing that Jewish brides did the like, and that there is allusion to this custom (Ru 3%, Ezk 23", Eph 5?"-7), If the last reference is correct, the allusion is ver striking. At the wedding the bride wore a veil, which entirely covered her, a sash, and a crown. ‘Attire’ in Jer 2® prob. means the bridal sash (cf. Is 3° RVm, 4918), and kallah, the Heb. word for bride, is by some connected with the crown.* The bride remained veiled throughout; and thus Jacob did not detect the substitution of Leah for Rachel (Gn 297-5), Embroidery, perfumes, and jewels were usual with those who could afford hem (Ps 45%: 18-14, Ts 4918 611°, Rev 217), In mystical language ‘the bride’ in the OT is Israel, and the bridegroom or husband is J”. This image prevails throughout Ps 45, and is found in various passages in the Prophets (Is &4° 625, Jer 34, Hos 2”). Possibly the Song of Songs was mystically interpreted among the Jews even before it was admitted to the Canon. Hence idolatry on the part of Israel is ‘playing the harlot’ (Jer 3'%5), is ‘whoredom’ (Hos 4! 9}), and worthy of death (Ps 73”). In the NT ‘the bride’ is the Church, and the bridegroom is Christ (2 Co 11%, Rev 197 2179, Mt 9, Jn 3%); and in the Apoce. the bride is usually the ideal Church, the heavenly Jeru- salem. But in Rev 22! we have ‘the bride’ used of ‘the Church militant here on earth,’ praying to her Lord to return to her. Here again, also, an apostate Church iv regarded as e. harlot (17)-5). A, PLUMMER. BRIDEGROOM.—Much that might be said unde this head has been anticipated in the article BRIDE To this day in the East the bridegroom has, as « rule, little to do with the choice of the bride Love matches are rare, and in many cases are impossible. In the OT we see that where the son chose his own bride independently of his parents, his relations with the latter were not happy (Gn 26% % 2746), Jehoiada the priest chooses wives for the orphan king, Joash (2 Ch 24%, comp. 2518). The interval between betrothal and marriage might be of any duration, for the espousal of children to one Becther has always been common in the East ; but a year for maidens and a month for widows seems to have been customary. On the wedding day the bridegroom wore a io (Ca 34, comp. Is 61) as well as the ride, and was often profusely perfumed (Ca 3°), Weddings commonly took place in the evening; and at the proper time the bridegroom sets out, along with his ‘companions’ (Jg 14"), the ‘sons of the bride-chamber’ (Mk 2%, Lk 5%), with lights (2 Es 10!-?) and music (1 Mac 9%), to fetch the bride. She also is accompanied by companions, maidens, some of whom start with her from her father’s house (Ps 45%), while others join the bridal party afterwards, all of them provided with lamps (Mt 25!-8). Thus they go to meet the bridegroom, who conducts the whole party to the wedding feast, which might last many days (J 14", To 8), The details of the ceremony ould vary, esp. as regards magnificence; but there was not of necessity any religious rite. The essential act was the bridegrooin’s fetching the bride from her home to his. Of the custom of providing wedding garments for guests nothing is known with certainty (Mt 224-1), for Jg 148 is not in point ; but rich clothing is in the ‘rast one of the commonest of presents. A bridegroom was exempt from military service between betrothal and mar- * But this is very uncertain (cf. Frd. Delitzsch, Proleg. 130 f. ; Noldeke, ZDMG, 1886, p. 737). W. R. Smith (Kinship, 292) makes kalldh=‘ one closed in.’ BRIDEGROOWM’S FRIEND 327 riage (Dt 207), and for a year after marriave (Dt 24°, comp. Lk 14”). This points to the conclusion that in the case of adults the time of betrothal did not usually exceed a year. For the relation of bridegroom to bride as typical of the spiritual relationship between J” and Israel, and between Christ and the Church, see the article BRIDE. A. PLUMMER. BRIDEGROOM’S FRIEND.—The Jewish custom of having a special ‘friend of the bridegroom’ (6 Ptros rod vuudtov) is alluded to only once in Seripture (Jn 3”), where John the Paptisé is contrasting his own position with that of Christ. His disciples must not be jealous of the success of Christ, for Christ is the riddevecen who is the cepioee of the bride, while John is only the ridegroom’s friend, who prepares for the marriage, and has his reward in the joyous expression of the Bridegroom’s satisfaction. The importance of the friend of the Bridegroom comes to an end when the marriage is over, but that of the Bridegroom con- tinues to increase. This ‘friend of the bridegroom’ must not be confounded with ‘the sons of the bride-chamber’ (ol vlol rod vuupSvos), who were very numerous (Mt 95, Mk 2, Lk 5%). Indeed any wedding guest might be included in the expression, or even any one who took part in the bridal procession. The ‘friend’ was somewhat analogous to our ‘ best man,’ but he had far more onerous and delicate duties. Sometimes he took the place of a parent in negotiating the marriage at the outset. He was the chief agency of communication between the betrothed parties in the interval between espousals and marriage. He made the preparations for the wedding, and in some cases presided at the mar- riage feast. He conducted the married pair to the bridal chamber. The custom of having groomsmen of this kind seems to have prevailed in Judea, but not in Galilee. In this, as in other things, the customs of Galilee were more modest and simple. And it is worth noting that at the marriage in Cana of Galilee there is no mention of any Shoshebheyna or groomsman, a point which confirms the accurac of the narrative. The ‘ruler of the feast’ 1s evidently not the ‘friend of the bridegroom,’ for he compliments the bridegroom upon the vices surprise of excellent wine towards the end of the feast. Had he been the ‘friend of the bridegroom,’ the arrangements would have been his own, and his remark would have been different. When the Baptist speaks of the ‘friend of the Bridegroom,’ he is not in Galilee, and being a Judean his language is in accordance with Judean customs (see Edersheim, Life and Times of the Messiah, i. pp. 354, 355, and notes 663, 664). ihre Talmud frees the ‘friends of the bride- room’ and all the ‘sons of the bride-chamber’ rom the duty of dwelling in booths at the Feast of Tabernacles. Almost everything is to give way to the duty of making glad the bridal pair. They are not to be made to fast or mourn; and if in the wedding procession they meet a funeral, it is the funeral that must turn aside. John the Baptist came to make overtures from the Bridegroom to His people (ol 5.0), to prepare them for espousal with Him, to present them to Him when any were ready, to point Him out to them (Jn 1%). St. Paul claims to hold a similar office in reference to his converts. ‘Iam jealous over you with a godly jealousy : for I espoused you to one Husband, that I might present you as ‘a pure virgin to Christ’ (2 Co 11?). The time until the Second Advent is the interval between betrothal and marriage; and, until the marriage of the Lamb takes place, the apostle feels that he is in a 328 large measure responsible for the conduct of the bride. A. PLUMMER. BRIDGE.—The word is not found in OT or NT (although LXX of Is 37% has xal 20yxa yépupar), occurring only in 2 Mac 128 AV, in connexion with the siege of Caspis by Judas. The rarity of the bridge was due to the foll. circumstances: (1) Rivers often served as tribal boundaries and military barriers. (2) Most of the streams were torrents in winter that were apt to sweep away bridges, and in summer were easily forded. (3) The roads on each side were not usually meant for vehicles, but were bridle-paths for such baggage- animals as camels, mules, and donkeys. Recent excavations have proved that at Nippur, in Baby- lonia, the arch of burnt brick was in use as early as 4000 B.c. (See BABYLONIA, p. 219°.) G. M. MACKIE. BRIDLE.—See Bit. BRIERS.—See THORNS AND THISTLES. BRIGANDINE (j4p siryén, Jer 464 51° AV).—A mail-shirt worn by a brigand, #.e. in its original sense, a light-armed soldier. RV has ‘coat of mail.’ See BREASTPLATE. W. E. BARNEs. BRIMSTONE (n53, Ociov).—Sulphur is one of the most widely distributed of mineral substances. It occurs in combination with various metals, forming sulphurets and sulphates, and in combination with lime, producing gypsum; it is also found in all volcanic countries, often in a pure state and in large masses; as, for example, in Sicily, Italy, Volcano (one of the Lipari Islands), Teneriffe, Ice- land, ete. The exhalations of volcanoes include, generally, sulphurous acid and sulphurated hydro- gen, two gases which, if moist, readily decompose each other into water and sulphur. In Palestine sulphur is present in most, if not all, of the hot springs which break out along the valley of the ordan and Dead Sea, while gypseous bands are abundant amongst the deposits which form the terraces of the valley, and were portions of the bed of the Jordan valley lake at a time when the waters of the Dead Sea stood at a level of several hundred feet above its present surface.* On the east side of the present lake there are several hot sulphur springs, the most important of which are the Zerka Ma‘in (Callirrhoé) and Wady Ghuweir.t The former, described by Josephus,t has a maxi- mum temperature of 143° F. according to Canon Tristram.§ On the western side of the Dead Sea there are several sulphur springs, sometimes rising at the margin of the waters, such as those of Shukif, near ‘Ain Jidi, and S. of Wady Khuderah, and at Wady Maharat; all these have a high temperature.|| The HamméméAt near Tiberias are well known, and are still largely used for the cure of rheumatism and other disorders. The temperature as determined by Anderson reaches 143° F.; the waters are highly sulphurous.1 Next to the above the most import- ant cael eit speage near the Jordan valley are those of the Yarmuk, N. of Umm Keis (Gadara), described by Robinson ;** the temperature reaches 109° F., and the remains of the Roman baths are still standing. There can be no doubt that the high temperature of the springs in the valleys of BRIDGE * Dr. Blanckenkorn discusses the process of formation of Bebe deposits in the Jordan valley : ‘Enst. und Gesch. des odten Meers,’ Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Paldstina-Vereins (1896). ¢ Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 353. Ant. xvi. vi. , $ Land of Moab, p. 242. The above is the temperature of the hottest of several springs at its source. Lartet gives the temperature of 88° F. (31° Cent.), but this was taken from the stream. Voyage d’ Exploration, p. 290 (1880). | Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 283, 305, and 358, q Lieut. Lynch’s Exped., O/f. Rep. p. 202. ** Phys. Holy Land, 241. BRING the Jordan and the Yarmuk is due to the passage of the waters through volcanic rocks belonging te late Tertiary periods which still retain some of their original heat at various depths below the surface; and, as Lartet observes, most of the springs on the east side of the Jordan rise from the great line of fault which ranges along the base of the Moabite table-land * (see ARABAH). Brimstone is, besides in the narrative of Gn 19%, repeatedly referred to in connexion with denuncia- tions of the wrath of God on the wicked, whether nations (Dt 29%, Is 34°) or individuals (Ps 11°), The extensive occurrence of sulphur in the depression of the Dead Sea indicates that this substance may have contributed towards the destruction of the Cities of the Plain. E. HULL. BRING.—There are many obsolete or archaic uses of the verb ‘to bring’ in AV, of which the following deserve attention. 1. ‘Bring on the way,’ i.e. to escort, Gn 18!6 ‘ Abraham went with them, to b. them on the way’ (ndy); Ac 21° ‘they all brought us on our way... till we were out of the city’ (rporéurw, so Ac 15°, Ro 15%, 2 Co 1’), Or ‘to bring on one’s journey,’ Tit 31, 1 Co 16° ‘that ye may bring me on my ean a whithersoever I go’ (rpowéurw, RV ‘b, forward on my j.’, as 3 Jn® AV, RV). Cf. Tourneur (1611) Tie skie is dark; we'll bring you o’er the fields.’ Similar is the phrase ‘to bring by a way,’ Is 4216 «I will bring the blind by a way that they know not’; and cf. 25 738 ‘thou hast brought me hitherto.’ 2. Bring about occurs only twice, and not in the mod. sense of ‘ cause to happen,’ but ‘cause to come round’ (Heb. 307), 1 S 5° ‘they have brought about the ark of the God of Israel to us’; 2S 3!2‘to b. about all Israel unto thee.’ Cf. Shaks. 3 Henry IV. i. v. 27— ‘How many hours bring about the day ?* 8. Bring again, in the sense of . bring back,’ 18 frequent (Heb. mostly 27). In Gn 14% ‘b. back’ ead ‘b. again’ are used in turn, showing that the phrases were identical in meaning and in- different in use, ‘And he brought back (293) all the goods, and also brought again (3'vq) his brother Lot.’ A favourite expression is ‘b. again the captivity,’ always of J” (‘again’ is used with the first person, Jer 30% 4847 49%, Ezk 165% 2914 395, Jl 3}, Am 94; ‘back’ with the 2nd and 8rd pers., Ps 147 536 851).+ ‘Back’ is omitted in AV, but introduced by RV, in Ec 3” ‘who shall b. him to see (RV ‘b. him back to see’) what shall be after him?’ See AGAIN. 4. Bring forth is the tr® of a great variety of expressions whose shade of meaning ought not to be obliterated. Notice eet Is 412! ‘bring forth your strong reasons,’ the only example of the obsol. meaning ‘to adduce,’ ‘express’; cf. More (1532) ‘The places of Scripture whiche Helvidius broughte furth for the con- trarye.’ 5. Bring up. Besides the use of this phrase literally, as ‘to bring up out of Eyypt,’ Gn 464 ‘I will go down with thee into Egypt; and I will also surely bring thee up again’; or ‘up to Jerus.’ in ref. to its height, 2 S 6% ‘David... brought up the ark of the LORD with shoutiny,’ Ezr [4s All these did Sheshbazzar bring up, when they of the captivity were brought up from Baby- lon unto Jerusalem’; or to the temple in ref. to its elevated situation, Neh 10° ‘the Levites shall bring up the tithe of the tithes unto the house of our God’; or ‘up out of ..e earth,’ 1 5 288 ‘and he (Saul) said, I pray thee, divine unto me by the familiar spirit, and bring me up whomsoever I *Lartet, supra, cit.; Hull, Geology of Arabia-Petrea ana Palestine, Mem. Pal. Explor, Soc. (1886), p. 23. t The Heb., strangely enough, is always 33%. The meaning is disputed. See Driver on Dt 308. = ere lt te att en ee ses lo it ah a lid BROID, BROIDER BROTHERLY LOVE 323 shall name unto thee,’ so ®& 11 >%. 18: besides these, there is the familiar phrase to bring up, #.e. train, children ; see esp. Gn 507, 2 K 10°, 2 § 218, Job $138, Pr 297, La 45, Lk 416 Ac 13! ‘Manaen, which had been brought up with Herod’ (RV ‘the foster- brother of’), 228, Eph 6. But the most important is the obsol. use of this phrase to signify the originating of slander, as Dt 2219 ‘he hath brought up an evil name upon a virgin of Israel’; ef. Nu 13" ‘they brought up an evil report of the land.’ J. HASTINGS. BROID, BROIDER.—1 Ti 2° ‘with broided hair’ (vy wAéyuaow, ‘in plaits’). RV gives the mod. spelling ‘ braided,’ as AV in Jth 10° ‘braided the hair of her head,’ for Coverdale’s ‘broyded.’ Cf.— ‘ Hir yelow heer was broyded in a tresse Be back.’ Chaucer, Knighi’s Tale, 1061. Broidered is given Ex 28‘ as tr. of yawn tashbéz, ‘a b. coat’ (RV ‘coat of chequer work’); and seven times in Ezk (167° 1% 18 9616 277.16. 24) ag tr. of appr rikmah. ‘ Broid,’ which means to weave or plait, and ‘ broider,’ which means to adorn with needle- work (mod. ‘embroider’), have no connexion in pe ology or meaning (though they were often confounded in the 16th cent.), yet most mod. edd. of AV give ‘ broidered ’ for ‘ broided’ in 1 Ti 2°. J. HASTINGS. BROKENHEARTED.—Three words (mistakenly spelt with hyphen in mod. edd. AV) are (1) *brokenfooted,’ Lv 21%, (2) ‘ brokenhanded,’ 21 (x, 537 19%, which Ozf. Heb. Lex. takes to mean fracture of the leg and of the arm), and (3) ‘ brokenhearted,’ Is 61) (a$-1223), Lk 498 (cuvrerpin- pévos Thy xapdlay, exactly as LXX of Is 611). For the thought cf. Ps 3438 517 10916 23, Pr 1518, Is 5715 667, and see CONTRITE. J. HASTINGS. BROOCH, Ex 35% RV.—See BRACELET, BUCKLE. BROOK (5n3).—There is no absolute distinction between a brook and a river, except as regards size, and this distinction will vary with each country. Perhaps the only stream in Palestine to which the term ‘river’ is applicable is the Jordan; but in the AV the term is applied to a few other streams such as the Kishon (Jg 47 5%; in 1 K 18 it is called a ‘brook’), and the ‘ River of Egypt AV (WAdy el-‘Arish), Nu 34°, is translated ‘ Brook of Egypt,’ RV. 5n3 has no pore Eng. equivalent, ‘brook’ suggesting something too small. It cor- responds exactly to Wady. alestine, regarded in the widest sense of the term, is remarkable for its ‘brook’ courses. Many of them, however, are now dry, or only occasionally contain water; but they testify by their depth and extent to the existence of a former riod when the rainfall was much greater than it Is at the present day. This observation applies especially to the valleys of the Sinaitic peninsula and the great limestone plateau, known as the Badiet et-Tih, extending from the southern limits of the territory of Judah along the Bahr es-Saba to the Sinaitic mountains. Most of the ‘ brooks’ of Northern and Western Palestineare perennial (being fed in dry weather by the springs which issue forth from the limestone strata or other permeable for- mation, such as the basaltic sheets of the Haurfin and Jaulfin), and give rise to many fine streams, of which the Hieromax (Yarmfik) is the most important. Vestern Palestine. The brooks of the region lying to the west of the Jordan valley take their rise near the centre of the plateau in springs, and thence descend to the shores of the Mediterranean on the one hand, or to the Jordan and Dead Sea on through deep and narrow channels, and then, or reaching the maritime plain, they follow a sluggish course to the sea-coast. It is otherwise, however, with the brooks entering the Jordanic valley ; for, in consequence of their sources being less distant from their outlets than is the case with the Mediterranean tributaries, and the vertical fall being much greater, they have eroded their channels sometimes to extraordinary depths, and issue forth on the Jordanic plain through ravines bounded by lofty walls of rock which are continuous with the cliffs and escarpments forming the margin of the plain itself. As examples of these may be mentioned (a) the WAdy el-‘Aujeh, which has its source at a height of about 3000 feet above the level of the Mediterranean, and descends to ita outlet in the Jordan valley to a depth of 1200 feet below the same plane; the total fall being 4200 feet within a distance of about 15 miles, or at the rate of 280 feet per mile; (6) the Kelt, which, rising in springs at Bireh (Beeroth) at a level of about 2800 feet, reaches the Jordan at a level of 1170 feet below the same plane within a distance of 21 miles; the fall being at the rate of 190 feet per mile; and (c) the brook Kidron (Wady el- Nahr), which, rising at the Virgin’s Fountain, E. of Jerusalem, at a level of about 2400 feet, enters the Dead Sea through the remarkable gorge of Mar Saba, at a level of 1300 feet below the same plane; the total fall being at the rate of 264 feet er mile. These examples will suffice to give some idea of the character of the brook channels to the east of the ridge, or plateau, of Western Palestine. Some of those that enter the Jordanic depression from the Moabite een pass through remarkably deep channels, of which the Callirrhoé (Zerka’ Ma in) and the Arnon (Mojib) are examples. i. HULL. BROOM, Job 304 RV.—See JUNIPER. BROTH, Jg 6°: ®, Is 654.—See Foon. BROTHER.—See FAMILY, and BRETHREN. BROTHERLY LOVE.—Brotherly love ( poate oe) is the love which Christians cherish for 6ach other as “brothers.” The word ‘brother’ has, according to Grimm, four senses in the NT, It is (1) brother by natural birth, as in Mt 4; (2) member of the same nation, as in Ro 9°; (3) fellow-man, asin Mt 5% though it may be questioned whether the sense is not in this passage and in Mt 7° fellow-citizen in the kingdom of God; and (4) fellow-Christian. The last sense is the prevailing and characteristic one in the NT. The people who call God ‘ Father,’ and Jesus ‘Lord,’ call each other ‘brother’ and ‘sister’ (Ja 2%, Ro 161). av nimjy; AVm and RVm ‘crooked ways,’ which is Coverdale’s tr. Moore points out that both words are in Mishnice Heb. used tropically of tortuous conduct; but he be- lieves that here the first word, ninqy, is erroneously repeated from the preceding line to the detriment of both the poetical expression and the rhythm ; he translates ‘those who travelled the roads went by roundabout paths’). In Eng. as in Heb. the word signifies, not a side road merely, but a secret path, a path to take in seeking to escape observation. Thus Spenser, /.Q. I. i. 283— ‘That path he kept which beaten was most plaine, Ne ever would to any bye-way bend.’ Hence the transition was easy to tortuous conduct, as Coverdale’s tr. of Is 57!” ‘he turneth him self, and foloweth ye bywaye of his owne hert.’ RV introduces ‘bypaths’ in Jer 18% (nian3, AV, ‘ paths’). J. HASTINGS. * Probable, tor this meaning of ‘ by,’ though never common, is clearly made out; but the Gr. being tuaura (Vulg. mihi) one is not certain that Tindale, whom the others follow, did not miss the meaning, and translate the word as an instrumental dative. + Tindale and the Gen. Bible have ‘ by and by’ in many places in which AV has ‘immediately.’ Thus Mk 18! ‘the fever for- soke hir by and by’ tes ‘anoon,’ Rhem, ‘incontinent,’ but Cov. and the rest as A so 212 45, Lk 649, Jn 621, eto. C C.—This symbol is used in critical notes on the Text of OT and NT to indicate the readings of the Codex Ephraemi Be rescriptus in the National Library at Paris. The MS is assigned to the 5th cent. Tischendorf, on somewhat slender grounds, suggests Egypt as its birthplace. In the 6th cent. the NT was carefully revised by the first corrector (C?). In the same or in the succeeding centu some changes were introduced in the OT (C4). Tischendorf hazards a conjecture that during this eriod of its history the MS was in Palestine. y the 9th cent., at any rate, it had found its way to Constantinople, and there the NT came into the hands of a second corrector (C*) who revised the MS for liturgical use. In the 12th cent. the MS must have been taken to pieces, the separate sheets of vellum sponged over to obliterate the original writing, and then a certain number of the sheets used again to receive a Greek translation of some works of Ephraim the Syrian. Hence its description as a codex rescriptus or palimpsest. After the fall of Con- stantinople in 1453 the MS was taken into ttaly, and finally passed into the hands of Catherine as Medici. At her death it became the property of the French Royal Library. Its real value was not recog- nised at first. It was not till the end of the 16th cent. that the older writing attracted attention. In 1716 Bentley set Wetstein to work at a syste- matic collation. In 1834 the MS was chemically treated to intensify the ancient writing—on the whole with good effect. Still the task of deciphering the faded letters calls for extraordinary patience and skill; and Tischendorf deserves unstinted praise for the edition that he published (Leipzi 1843 and 1845) as the result of ten months’ har work in the Library at Paris. The MS contains at present 209 leaves, written in single columns: 64 contain fragments of Job, Proverbs, Eccles., Wis. ofSol., Sirach, and Canticles; 145 contain large portions (not quite two-thirds of the whole) of NT, including fragments from every book except 2Jn and2 Th. The Ammonian sec- tions are marked in the margin of the Gospels, and the list of chapters at the ppinning of St. Luke and St. John are preserved. There are no indica- tions of chapters in the other books of the NT. Hort has shown that there is reason to believe that Rev was transcribed from a separate exemplar, consisting of about 120 small leaves (Intr. p. 268). J. O. F. MURRAY. C.—A symbol used in criticism of Hex. by Dillmann to signify the work of the Jahwist (J); by Schultz for that of the Elohist (E). See EXATEUCH. CAB.—See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. CABBON (j\23), Jos 15.—A town of Judah near Eglon. The name has not been recovered. CABIN is used once in AV in the obsol. sense of @ prison cell, Jer 371 ‘ When Jeremiah was entered into the dungeon, and into the cabins’ (nig [all], something vaulted, from 739 to bend; AVm, RV *cells’). The word is rare in this sense, but in frequent use for a hermit’s cell, as Caxton, Chron. Eng. ccliv. 329, ‘They put hym in a Cabon and his ehapelyne for to shryue hym.’ J. HASTINGS. CABUL (37), Jos 197, 1 K 9%.—A town of Asher on the border of Zebulun. The district was ceded by Solomon to Tyre. Prob. the large village Kabil EK. of Acco. See SWP, vol. i. sheet v. C. R. CONDER. CAESAR (Kaicap).—This name was adopted by Octavius, subsequently known as Augustus, after the death of his uncle Julius Cesar, and passed on to his successors as the official designation of the Roman emperors, until the third century A.D., when it came to be used for the junior partners in the government, in distinction from the title Augustus, which was reserved for the supreme rulers. No name was ready at hand to describe the unique office of the real autocrat in a nominal republic. While the word ‘king’ was hated at Rome on account of its associations with the legendary history of the city, and despised by the victorious generals who were familiar with it as the title of defeated Oriental rulers, the fame of Julius Cesar suggested the use of his name by his heir. The following Ceesars fall within NT times :— Augustus . B.C. 31-A.D. 14. Tiberius . ; . A.D. 14-37. Gaius (Caligula) . ,, 37-41. Claudius . ° © 99 41-54. Nero ; 4 * po DS—68s Galba ° . ° yy 68-69. Otho ' ° A rw wth Vitellius . . Peirsol Vespasian : © 53 69-79. Titus . ; so ae TORSIe Domitian 6 oi) apa) CLOG, Four of these are referred to in NT, viz Augustus (Lk 2!), Tiberius (Lk 31), Claudius (Ac 1178 187), Nero (Ph 47, 2 Ti 4)*17), Augustus was ruling when Jesus Christ was born, and continued to rule until He was about eighteen years of age; Tiberius was emperor during the remainder of Hi time of obscurity, Hispublic ministry, His death and resurrection. Although our Lord accepted the title of king (Jn 18%), ane admitted that He was the Messiah (Mk 8”: ®, Jn 4% 25), He never came into conflict with the political claims of the ruling Cesar. The Gospel record mentions only one occasion on which He touched on those claims, and on that occasion it was because they had been forced on His notice (Mk 12)*1”). The coin for which He then called was a denarius with the image and legend of Tiberius upon it (see MONEY), and His judgment was to the effect that the acceptance of this coin by the Jews was a sign that the admitted the Roman rule over them, under whic. circumstances they were morally bound to render Cesar his dues, not forgetting the dues of God. In the Fourth Gospel the Jews threaten Pilate with a charge of disloyalty to Cesar (Tiberius), and describe the claims of Jesus to be a king as amounting to sedition against Cesar; and the priests, who represent the ancient aristocratic rulers of Israel, expressly declare that they have no king but Cesar (Jn 19! 15), Caligula is not referred to in the NT. His time coincides with the early ministry of St. Paul. Aquila and Priscilla are stated to have come from Italy to Corinth in consequence of a decree of Claudius (the fourth Ceesar) banishing all Jews from Home (Ac 18%. SeeCLAUDIUsS). Since Nero was in power when St. Paul was arrested at Jerusalem, it was to him that the apostle, as a Roman citizen (Ac 22”- 8), appealed from the local tribunal at Caesarea (Ac 25°-13), The right of appeal to Cesar was allowed CASAR’S HOUSEHOLD CASSAREA PHILIPPI 33’ to citizens, but not to provincials (Pliny, pis. x. 96 (al. 97); Schirer, H/P I. ii. p. 59; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, 3rd ed. pp. 255-257). The Apoc. appears to contain frequent obscure allusions to the Cesars, and especially to Nero, one passage (Rev 17}) seeming to point to the first seven emperors, and in such a way as to suggest that the book must have been written under the sixth (Galba). LiTERATURE.—Dion Cassius, Suetonius, Tacitus; Capes, The Early Empire; Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire; Duruy, History of Rome (ed. by Mahaffy); H. Schiller, Geschichte der romischen Kaiserzeit ; Hertzberg, Geschichte des rémischen Kaiserreiches. W. F. ADENEY,. CHISAR’S HOUSEHOLD. — This phrase occurs with a mark of emphasis in the salutations sent from St. Paul’s friends at Rome to the Church at Philippi, where we read, ‘All the saints salute you, especially they that are of Cesar’s household (udduora 6 ol éx ris Kaloapos olklas, Ph 472). The domus or Ci eeae Cesaris included the whole imperial house- old, and extended to the attendants of the emperor in the provinces as well as at Rome. Lightfoot gives a list of some of these, from which it is evident that the phrase contains no indication of the rank of the persons to whom it refers. They may have been courtiers of high position; the execution of Titus Flavius Clemens, a man of consular rank and cousin to the emperor, and the banishment of his wife Flavia Domitilla, the emperors niece, and her daughter Pontia, by Domitian, for the vague crimes, contemtissime inertia (Suet. c. 15), atheism (dGedr7ys), and in- clination to Jewish customs (Dion. Cass, Ixvii. 14), have suggested the probable opinion that these people were Christians. Still, most probably in the time of St. Paul the Christian members oi the imperial household were slaves, or freedmen of humble position. The apostle’s association with the soldiers who guarded him may have led to the introduction of the gospel to the palace attendants, although the statement that the prisoners were put under the Pretorian guard (Ac 28° AV) is absent from the best MSS. The imperial house- hold must have constituted so large a proportion of the population of Rome that there is nothing sur- rising in the fact that some of its members came into contact with Christian teachers. The interest- ing fact is that converts were won from so frightful a circle of dissoluteness as the court of Nero (Suetonius, Nero, 28, 29). The names of a number of the imperial attendants of this period having been recovered from sepulchral monuments among the columbaria in the neighbourhood of the Appian Way, Lightfoot pointed out the identity of some of these names with several that occur in the list of salutations in Ro 16, viz. Amplias, Urbanus, Stachys, Apelles, Narcissus, Tryphena, eyes Patrobas (Patrobius), Philologus, Julia (Julius). The probability that the last chapter of Ro is really part of an “ee to the Ephesians deprives these coincidences of their supposed value. Most of the names are not uncommon. LrrgraTurE.—Lightfoot, Philippians, n. on ‘Czsar’s House- hold’ ; owe and Howson, St. Paul, ch. xxvi.; Ramsay, St, Paul the Trav. p. 853; Weizsicker, Apost. Age (Eng. tr.), il, 182. W. F. ADENEY. CHISAREA (Kaicapela), Ac 10! 218 23%- 8,—The city N. of Jaffa, on the seashore, orig. called Strato’s Tower, rebuilt by Herod the Great, the capital of Judza under the Procurators, and where St. Paul was imprisoned. It was famous for its port, which Josephus compares with the Pireus, though the latter was very much larger (Ant. Xv. ix. 6). The present ruins include the walls of the ancient city, and within them those of a much smaller town ot the twelfth cent., with walls rebuilt in the thirteenth by St. Louis, The cathedral, of which VOL. I.—22 only foundations remain, appears to stand on the site of the temple raised by Herod to Augustus (Jos. Ant. xv. ix. 6; Wars, I. xxi. 7). On the S., outside the medieval town, are ruins apparently of a large theatre close to the shore. On the E. is a cursus, with a fine goal of granite, now overthrown. Two aqueducts from Carmel brought the waters of the Zerka, or Crocodile River, to the city. They are Rom. work, with round arches, running over the swamps, and a tunnel through the clifis, with rock- cut staircases descending in wells. A few Bosnian colonists have houses in the ruins. Czsarea was a bishopric from the fourth to the thirteenth cent. A.D., of which the most celebrated bishop was Eusebius. In NT times it had a mixed population, and conflicts between the Jews and their fellow- citizens were frequent. On the outbreak of the great war, the Jewish population was massacred (Jos. Wars, U. xviii. 1, Vil. viii. 7; Schiirer, HJP 11. i. 86f.). It was also the scene of a Moslem massacre when taken by the Crusaders in A.D. 1101. For full account, and plans of the ruins, see SWP, vol. ii. sheet x. See also Neubauer, Géog. Talm. s.v. C. R. CONDER. CHSAREA PHILIPPI (Kaicapela 4 Alrrov, ‘Cesarea of Philip’).—It was so named to dis- tinguish it from Caesarea Palestina on the sea- coast. It possibly appears in the OT as Baal- ad, but its history for us begins with Herod the teat. (For suggested identification with Dan, see Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 480.) No spot in Palestine can compare with this in romantic beauty. It stands on a triangular terrace 1150 ft. above sea-level, cut off from Hermon by Wady Khashabeh, and bounded on the S. by Wady Za‘areh. Abundant water produces luxuriant vegetation, fertile fields stretch away to westward, while groves of stately poplars, great oaks, and lowlier evergreens surround the place with perennial charm. The fortress Kal'at es- Subeibeh, or Kal‘at Banias, crowns the hill behind the village. A position of great antiquity and of enormous strength, its possession has always been essential to the holding of the western meadows. The old city was surrounded by a ood) wall, flanked by massive towers, and protected by a ditch on the east. North of the village, in the face of a steep rock, is Magharet Ras en-Neba’, ‘Cave of the fountainhead.’ ‘Very deep and full of still water’ in the days of Josephus, the crumb- ling rock has filled the cavern. The waters rise all along the base of the gravel bank in front, and, athering together, rush away in arrowy streaks pereeon anks of evergreen, under the arch of an old Roman bridge; then, as becomes ‘the de- scender’ (}77:2), plunge down a narrow ravine, and, taking the stream from Wady Za‘areh, flow on ‘to join the brimming river’ from Teli e/-Kadi in the lain. West of oe spring, on a projecting crag, is a small shrine of E/-Khudr, that strange object of Oriental reverence identified with St. bore and also with the prophet Elijah. Away to the N.E. rises the mighty bulk of Hermon, culminat- ing in the snowy crest full 8000 ft. above the spring. Paal- ad—the god of good fortune—gave place to the Gregan Pan. The scene of his worship at the fountain was called the Paneion (7d Iavevov, Jos. Ant. xv. x.’ 3), whence the whole district took the name of Paneas, Iaveds (Ant. ibid.). Zenodorus dying at’ Antioch, Augustus gave this region to Herod (B.c. 20), who built here a temple of white marble in honour of his benefactor. Philip, to whom it passed as part of the tetrarchy of Trachonitis, enlarged and beautified the town, and in compli- ment to the emperor called it Cesarea, adding ‘of Philip,’ to distinguish it from his father’s town, and also, no doubt, to secure the memory of his own name. Its great and abiding interest, however, ia CAGE derived from the visit of our Lord, and the amazing event witnessed by these silent hills(Mt 1618, Mk 8%). Agrippa I. called the city Neronias (Ant. Xx. ix. 4); and, as is proved from the city’s coins, this name, with Cesarea, survived some time. Paneas then again asserts itself with Caesarea, and finally Ceesarea disappears, and Paneas takes permanent possession in the Arabic form of Banids, for the Arabs have no p. Vespasian and his army found refreshment here before their descent on the Sea of Galilee (BJ ul. ix. 7). After the destruction of Jerusalem, Titus Cesar here ‘ exhibited all sorts of shows,’ many of the captives being destroyed by wild beasts, and others forced to slay each other in gladiatorial displays (BJ vu. ii. 1). Later it became the seat of a bishop, under Antioch. Its bishops were present at the councils of Nicza, A.D. 325; Chalcedon, A.D. 451, ete. Inthe stormy history of the crusades the town and castle played an im- portant part. Eusebius (bk.vi. 18) mentions a Chris- tian tradition that the woman healed of an issue of blood (Lk 8**) was a native of Banids, her house being shown, with statues representing the event. The modern village consists of about fifty houses, occupied by Moslems. There are few antiquities. Fragments of broken columns and carved stones, a Roman aqueduct nearly buried in refuse, part of the old walls and castle, and several niches in the rock over the spring, are peony ail that remain of the splendours of old Czsarea Philippi. W. EwInc. CAGE (2:52), Jer 5%.—The houses of the rich, stuffed with craftily-obtained wealth and articles of luxury, are compared to a cage full of birds. The reference in the previous verse to bird-traps would at first suggest that ‘cage’ here continues the thought of fowling, but the stress laid on the fulness of the houses points perhaps to a wicker- ease or crate full of pigeons and fowls. This isa common market sight in the East: the crate being literally stuffed, and the birds craning their necks out at every opening to get breath and escape oppression. The meaning of ‘cage’ is sup- ported by the cage (xdpraddos) of Sir 11%, which is the Arab. kartal ‘hamper’ of the present day. ‘Cage’ in Rev 18? (dvAaxj) means ‘ hola? 1.6. ‘prison’ (RVm), or the word may lave here an accent of mockery, representing the owls and bats as mounting guard over the traditions of the past. No onewould think of putting ‘unclean and hateful’ birds in a cage or crate, as they were unfit for food and too ill-omened for ornament. G. M. MACKIE. CAIAPHAS (Ka:d¢as), more correctly ‘Joseph C.’. (cf. ‘Joseph called Barsabbas,’ Ac 1%), appointed high priest of the Jews by the Rom. procurator Valerius Gratus (predecessor of Pontius Pilate), and removed b Vitellius A.D. 37 (Jos. Ant. XVIII. ii. 2, iv. 3). . was son-in-law to Annas (Ananus), high priest A.D. 7-14. Some confusion has arisen from Lk 3? ‘in the high priesthood of Annas and C.,’ and Ac 4° ‘ Annas the high priest and C.’ (cf. Mk 167), as well as Jn 18-22 where ‘the high priest’ almost certainly designates Annas. (For explanation of this usage of terms see ANNAS, SANHEDRIN.) The chief priests were at this period mostly Sadducees (Ac 4! 51”, cf. Jos. Ant. XV. ix. 3), and in the final conflict with Jesus they played a more prominent part than the Pharisees, as they did also in the subsequent persecution of the apostles. When the popularity of Jesus had received a powerful impulse from the raising of Lazarus, C. was the leading spirit at the council which was held to devise measures to stem the popu- lar current (Jn 11%), His counsel was to put Jesus to death before a tumult of the people should bring down upon the nation the vengeance of the Romans. His action upon this occasion illustrates his char- CAIN acteristic disregard of justice and religion, and shows with what adroitness he could hide self- interest under the cloak of patriotism. But there was a deeper meaning in his words than he was conscious of; and the evangelist finds in them a high-priestly prophecy of the atonement (vv. 5 ; ef, Ex 28°, Nu 27?!)—with which may be compared similar unconscious testimonies in Mt 27:8! and Mk 15%. The policy which C. advocated at this meeting, he was largely instrumental in carrying out. It was in ‘the court of the high priest who was called C.’ that ‘the chief priests and elders’ resolved to take Jesus ‘by subtilty’—with the help of Judas (Mt 26%: 414-16); and it was C. that took the leading part in the trial of Jesus at the nocturnal meeting held immediately after the private examination before Annas (Jn 18%, Mt 26°7-68), The procedure under C.’s presidency was a travesty of justice, and while they ‘sought false witness against him,’ Jesus kept silence; even when challenged by C. to speak,—till the latter, despairing of establishing any relevant charge by means of witnesses, solemnly adjured Jesus to say whether He was ‘the Christ, the Son of God.’ At once the unfaltering answer came (although the speaker knew that He would have to seal His testimony with His blood), whereupon C., with an affectation of pious horror, rent his garments, saying, ‘He hath spoken blasphemy . . . What think ye?’ — to which ‘they answered, He is worthy of death,’—a sentence that was ratified next morning at a formal meeting of the Sanhe- drin (Mt 27"*; Jn 18%). After this C. is only once mentioned by name in the NT (Ac 4°), associ- ated with ‘as many as were of the kindred of the high priest’ in the trial of Pever and John; but in all probability he is ‘the high priest’ of Ac 517-21. #7 7 9!, who continues to persecute the Church. J. A. M‘CLyYMonrt. CAIN (jz), Firstborn of the first pair (Gn 4%). As murderer C. marks. a further stage in the down- ward course of the fallen race, while he also foreshadows its material progress. The name, which J derives from the mother’s joyful ex- clamation at the ‘acquisition’ of a man-child (aR procure), may also have suggested the secondary notion of the man of blood (2 @ spear). A tiller of the soil (4?), C. offered a sacrifice of the produce of the earth (4°), which, however, was not viewed by God with acceptance (4°). The ground of the divine displeasure has commonly been sought in the tardiness of the offering, or in its comparative worthlessness,—in the latter case, either because he withheld his best, or because of the insufficiency of a sacrifice without blood; but, while the spirit of C. may well be supposed to have expressed itself in delay and niggardliness, the text does not carry us beyond the prophetic idea that the offering, owing to the character and inward disposition of C., could not please God (cf. He 114). As to the manner in which God intimated His rejection of the sacrifice, the narrative is also silent, though the analogy of the primitive history suggests various forms of the revelation —especially the audible voice of God, or the refusal of the consum- ing fire. Wrothful and dejected at the slighting of his is C. is rebuked by God (4%7), who teaches him that joy (forgiveness?) is the reward of well-doing, but the penalty of wrong-doing the temptation to further sin.* The guilt of the fratri- cide is aggravated by premeditation in LXX and *So substantially the received text and rendering. Man modern scholars translate: ‘Is it not so that, whether thou bring fair gifts, or bring them not, sin lies at the door?’—but do violence to the key-word (nx¥) without any clear gain vo the sense. LXX reads: odx ty épbas wpoosvéyxns, dpbais db py dicans, Huapres ; hovyaoov—a variation got by slightly changing a word in the Heb. (‘at the door’), but this reading seems to mi the point by discovering the fault in ceremonial irregularity. CAIN CALAH 339 other versions, where C. is represented as inviting Abel to go with him into the field (48). As the motive of the murder, Heaney. is sufficient, without following Jewish scholastics in supposing disputes about religion or property. More sandened than Adam, C. would conceal his guilt, but is convicted by the voice of the shed blood which cries from the ground (4%); and, agreeably to his deeper guilt, the curse which is upon the earth, by which it had been made an instrument of punishment, is further heightened (41%), Adam is driven from Eden, Cain from tillage-land. Afraid for his life, which he feels to be forfeited, C. is vouchsafed the pro- tection of the threat of a sevenfold vengeance and of a special sign (41°). By the sign has been understood a miracle wrought in confirmation of the promise of protection, or a reiterated miracle which in time of need might deter or terrify an assailant, e.g. a lightning flash, or intermittent signs of leprosy; but the idea rather appears to be that a permanent physical brand was imprinted, which would identity him to his kind, to whom by report his crime, and the will of God concern- ing him, were sufficiently known. It is further related that C. went forth into the land of Nod or Wanderland (4!5), where, consistently enough with OT social ideals, if not with C.’s doom of vagabond- ism, the first city is built by the first murderer (41), The NT allusions to C. (besides He 114; 1 Jn 31, Jude") are very general, referring simply to the spirit of his life as the antithesis to Ohtistina faith and brotherly love. The vindication of C. was undertaken by the Cainites (cf. Epiphanius adv. Hereses, i. 3, 38), who represented him as possessed of a dignity, power, and enlightenment superior to Abel—a phenomenon which is not without its parallels in modern pleas for the emancipation of the modern man from the self-sacri- ficing ethics of Christianity. The many problems raised by the narrative were a fertile theme for the Jewish rabbis. The tradition that C. was slain by an arrow from the bow of Lamech, who mistook him for a wild beast, and thereafter killed his youthful son who had misled him, is a fanciful structure reared by the same hands on the founda- tion of Lamech’s wild song. The history of C. and Abel belongs in substance to the Jahwistic section of the Pentateuch (J, Dill- mann’s C), which may be concisely described as a body of tradition edited in the light of prophetic revelation. That the story was not found by the writer in its present setting, but was transferred by him from a later situation to the primeval period, is argued on various grounds—that its dis- tinction of farmer and shepherd, and also of fruit- offerings and animal sacrifices, cannot have been primitive, much less the building of a city, and especially that it assumes the existence on the earth of a widely-distributed Dida On the other hand, it must be said that none of the problems are absolutely insoluble, with the pre- suppositions of the history as it lies before us. Possibly, Assyriology may throw more light on the question discovering fresh points of con- tact between the OT and the cuneiform inscrip- tions. According to Budde, it is constructed on the basis of hints in the genealogies and patriarchal narratives. What remains unaffected by criticism is the prophetic inspiration manifested in the repre- sentation of God’s holiness and long-suffering, in the analysis of the guilty heart, and in the know- ledge of the rapid diffusion of the principle of sin, cd its tendency to steadily increasing heinousness as manifested in outward act. LrTsRATURE.—See esp. Dillmann, Genesis; Delitzsch, New Com. on Genesis; Budde, Biblische Urgeschichte; Ryle, Early Narratives of Genesis. For Jewish speculation, Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, . P. PATERSON. CAINAN (Kawdvy, WH Kawdéu).—1. The son of Enos and father of Mahalaleel (Lk 3%” 8), See KENAN. 2. The son of Arphaxad (Lk 3%, which follows LXX of Gn 10% 11), The name is wanting in the Heb. text of the last two passages. See GENEALOGY. CAKE.—See BREAD. CALAH (nb>).—The name of a city mentioned in Gn 10" as having been founded by Nimrod, or by Asshur; for the rendering of the RVm ‘Out of that land went forth Asshur,’ is by many scholars referred to that of the RV text, ‘ Out of that land e (i.e. Nimrod) went forth into Assyria.’ C. is here spoken of, together with Nineveh, Rehoboth- Ir, and Resen, as having been built, according to Heb. tradition, in the earliest ages of Assyr. history. This city of C. was one of the four cities which together formed the huge city of Nineveh. Its ruins were discovered by Layard beneath the mounds which had gone by the name of Nimrid, lying some 20 miles 8. of Winaveh Kouyaniiic and occupying the S. portion of the V-shaped piece of country at the junction of the Tigris and the Greater Zab. The impression produced by the passage in Genesis is that Nineveh and ate adjacent towns were founded at an age long previous to the time of Abraham. But we gather from the cuneiform inscriptions that the real founder of Nineveh was Shalmaneser I. (B.C. 1300), and that he was the builder of C. (Kalhu), the southern suburb of the great Assyr. capital. C., after the death of its founder, seems to have been allowed to fall into neglect until the days of Assur-nazir-pal (c. B.C. 880), who practically rebuilt it. He surrounded it with a massive wall, on the N. side of which alone are the traces of 58 towers. He erected in it beautiful pomples and palaces; by a canal he led the water of the Greater Zab into the midst of the city, and adorned its banks with lovely fruit- gardens and vineyards. But the principal buildin of all seems to have been his own palace (called the N.W. pereee), the walls of which were covered with superb bas-reliefs, representing the king en- gaged in his duties as priest and warrior. The remains of these splendid works of art were care- fully excavated under the superintendence of Layard, George Smith, and Rassam; and they present to the visitor of the British Museum the most striking extant memorial of the art and magnificence of the ancient Assyr. empire. To the E. of the N.W. palace, Shalmaneser II., son and successor of Assur-nazir-pal, built another palace, known as the central, in which was found the famous ‘black obelisk,’ containing the memorials of Shalmaneser, and the inscription beginning with the words that have. been de- ciphered as ‘tribute of Jehu son of Omri.’ This was also the palace and residence of the Tiglath- pileser of whom we read in Scripture. But it was pulled down by Esar-haddon (B.C. 681), who used the materials to erect his own, the S.W., palace; and a fourth smaller building, on the St. was begun by Assur-itil-ilani, the last but one of the Assyr. kings. All these buildings were raised upon the huge palace-hill, a gigantic terrace made of bricks and faced with stone, 40 feet above the river bed, at the S.W. angle of the city wall. The old river bed must have flowed close by the W. side of this vast structure, access to which, on the city side, was obtained by steps. The size of the terrace may be appreciated from the fact of the mound measuring 600 yards (N. and S.) by 400 (E. and W), while the mound at its N. W. corner forms a hill 140 feet high. After the fall of Nineveh, we hear nothing more 340 CALAMOLALUS CALF, GOLDEN CALF of C. in history. The work of exploring its wonderful mounds, and of excavating its treasures, will always be associated with the name of the famous discoverer of the site, Sir H. Layard. LiTsraTuRE.—Schrader, COT2?; Riehm, HWB; Smith, DB’; Bayce, HCM, and Pair, Pai. ; and the art. Assyria. H. E. RYLE. CALAMOLALUS (A Kankapwrddos, B Kadapuwxdros), 1 Es 5*.—A corrupt place-name, probably due to a conglomeration of the two names Lod and Hadid in Ezr 2° (A Avdddy, Ad3, ‘ASI; cf. Neh 737), CALAMUS.—See REED. CALCOL (5552).—A Judahite, a descendant of Zerah (1 Ch 2°), otherwise described in 1 K 4°! (where AV has Chalcol) as a son of Mahol, famous for wisdom, but surpassed by Solomon. CALDRON.—See Foon. CALEB (353, Xadé8) is one of the numerous words in OT which are used both as the name of an individual and the eponym of a family or clan. Acc. to the narrative of Nu 13. 14, C. was (alike in JE and P) one of the men sent by Moses to ‘spy out’ the land; in JE he is the only one of the spies who dissents from the opinion that the Canaanites were too strong to be conquered ; and to him alone is exemption granted from the sentence of exclusion from the Promised Land (Nu 14%). In P, Joshua is also named as one of the spies; both are equally faithful, and both have ae and promises bestowed upon them (Nu 14). E’s narrative, which is the older, is followed in Dt 122-86. 3° and Jos 14 &!4 (where the words ‘and concerning thee’ [v.*] seem to be an editorial addition). In the last-named passage, C. at the age of 85 claims from Joshua the fulfilment of the pron:ise of Nu 14%, and, in answer to his applicatiimm, has Hebron and the neighbouring hill- country assigned to him, ‘because that he wholly followed the Lord the God of Israel.’ The chief interest of the name C. centres, how- ever, in its use as the eponym of the great family of the Kalibbites (Calebites). The latter name is most ey to be explained as an instance of totemism. e Kalibbites were a dog-tribe (a53= dog). While the K. became eventually one of the most important constituents of the tribe of Judah, C. is truly represented in 18 25° (Nabal of the house of C.) 30 (the Negeb of C.) as distinct from Judah. On the other hand, the Chronicler traces C.’s descent to the patriarch Judah (1 Ch 2* 5. 9. 18, 42ff-), and makes Jerahmeel his elder brother. The difference between the original and the ultimate relation of C. to Judah explains these divergent accounts of C.’s descent, which are found in difterent documents belonging to different periods and dominated by different motives. While, as we have seen, the Chronicler makes him a descendant of Judah, he is called by JH, the Kenizzite (Nu 32”, Jos 14% 14), or son of Kenaz, like Othniel his younger brother (Jos 15", Jg 13 3%). This Kenaz appears in Gn 36% @ among the tribes of Edom, and in vy." is expressly designated the grandson of Esau. For probable explanation of Caleb-ephratah 1 Ch 274, see GENEALOGY. Taking all the data together, the course of events was probably something like this. The Kalibbites, separating from the main stock of the Kenizzites, who had their settlements on Mt. Seir, penetrated into the hill-country of S. Canaan as far as Hebron. Their relations with Judah were more or less friendly at the time of the conquest, an« ultimately they coalesced with that tribe, and came to be reckoned as one of its chief clans. The statements that C. alone spoke hopefully of the prone of conquering Canaan (Nu 13”), and that e afterwards received Hebron as the reward of his faith (Jos 14%), may contain a reminiscence of the circumstance that the Kalibbites penetrated into Canaan directly from the S., and before the advent of the tribe of Judah. The name of C. may still survive in the Wady el-Kulab, 10 miles S. of Hebron. LitgRATURE.—Driver, LOT 58, 77, 103, Dt. 25f.; Moore, Jud 30f.; W. R. Smith, O7/C2 279n., 402, Kinship and Mar. in Arab. 200, 219; Budde, Richt. u. Sam. 4 ff.; Wellhausen, de Gent, et Fam. Jud., and Comp. d. Hew. 337f.; Kuenen, Rel. Ler i. 135 ff., 176 ff.; Graf, der Stamm Simeon, 16-18; Benzinger, Heb. Arch, 293 ff. J. A. SELBIE, CALENDAR.—See TIME. CALF, GOLDEN CALF.—i. The use of the word ‘calf? in EV to designate the images of Aaron and Jeroboam is somewhat misleading. The Heb. writers invariably (for Hos 105 see below) employ for this purpose the word )ay ‘égel, which, however, like the corresponding fem. 773» ‘eglah, has a wider ee than our calf. Thus we read of an ‘eglah of three years old (Gn 15°), and of another giving milk (Is 77, cf. Hos 10", Jer 50% RV). A comparison of Jer 318 with Jg 14'*, where the reference is to a young bull and a young cow respectively, of an age to be broken to the plough, shows conclusively, apart from considerations drawn from the study of comparative religion, that ‘ége/ is the appropriate term for a young bull just arrived at maturity. It is a mistake, there- fore, to suppose that the use of the word to denote the images in question is due either to contempt on the part of the sacred writers, or to the diminu- tive size of the images themselves (so most recently Bacon, Triple Trad. of the Exodus, p. 134, who would translate ‘/ittle bull’). The feeling of con- Ket which Hosea undoubtedly entertained to- wards the bull-worship of his countrymen has usually been detected in the unique fem. my yma Hos 10° MT. But the MT is here certainly at fault ; for not only do the LXX and Pesh. ver- sions preserve the sing., but the repeated occur- rence of the sing. masc. suffix in the rest of the verse unmistakably points to the usual bay as the original reading. In the LXX the rendering is uniformly ypédcxos, except in the books of Kings where the fem. dduaXts, a heifer, is adopted. The reason for this procedure may perhaps be found in the desire of the translator or translators of this part of the OT to avoid the use of pdcxos, as sug- vesting to Egyptian readers the sacred bulls of Memphis and Heliopolis. Herodotus and other Greek writers, as is well known, designate the latter as pwdoxo, and in the LXX itself the word is tied. to Apis (‘o"Ams .. . 6 wdcxos cov Jer 265 [MT 4615]), The occurrence of the fem. in To 15 (rj Bdad ry dauddre, Cod. B—but Cod. x 7g ubcxw xTA) is to be explained by the favourite substitution of nga for bya by Jewish doctors (see esp. Dillm. in Sitzwngsber. d. Berl. Akad., June 1881, on ‘ Baal with a fem. article’—cf. Ro 11‘ and LXX passim). ii. AARON’S GOLDEN BuLL.—One of the most important incidents which Heb. tradition has preserved of the wanderings is that which now occupies the 32nd chap. of Exodus. A very cursory examination is sufficient to show that the narrative in its present form cannot be the product of a single pen. Thus (a) the author of vv.*14 cannot be the author of vv.%-*4; (6) v.™ cannot have been written by the same hand as v.%; (c) if the chapter is a unity, the evident sur- prise of Moses in vv.!8- 19 is inexplicable after the explanation in vv.” 8 Without going further inte the details of the analysis—which in this part of Exodus is exceedingly difficult—we may simply a CALF, GOLDEN CALF remark that the main strand of the narrative is almost certainly from the pen of the Ephraimite historian, E. Additions thereto have been drawn from the other prophetic source, J, not without some modifications from the pen of the redactor of the two narratives. The main point to note is that the historicity of the incident is attested by our oldest sources, and confirmed by the author of Deuteronomy who based his own narrative (Dt 97- 10*) on these sources, frequently, indeed, using their ipsissima verba (see parallel columns in Driver’s eut. pp. 113, 114). This conclusion does not exclude the possibility that the narrative in re- ceiving its final literary form may have absorbed some reflection of the religious sympathies of the writers (see below). The following is a réswmé of the leading features of the narrative as now presented : — Becoming impatient under the continued absence of their leader, the people prevail on Aaron to make a god (ond) which should go before them. With the material furnished by the golden earrings of the women and children ‘a molten calf’ is fashioned (the details of the process are obscure), before which an altar is built, and to which, as a symbol of J"—see esp. v.® ‘to-morrow is a feast to J”’— ivine honours are paid. The rest of the chapter tells of J’s anger, of Moses’ energetic intervention, of Aaron’s truly Oriental apology, and, finally, of the destruction of the calf (here again the process is difficult to explain), and of 3000 of its wor- shippers. The uncertainty which prevails with regard to the reading and rendering of v.‘ (see the Comm. in loc.) renders it impossible to speak positively as to the construction of the image. A comparison of v.‘ with v.”, and of both with other passages where similar images and their manufacture are described, such as Dt 7, Is 3072 40 441° etc., seems to point to a wooden core overlaid with gold (cf. what is said below of the bulls of Jeroboam). If this supposition is correct, the image was no doubt life-size or over, as is sug- gested both by the amount of gold provided and by the fact that Aaron built an altar before it (v.°). Much ingenuity has been expended in the endeavour to explain the methods of destruction enumerated in v.”. The most probable explanation seems to be that after the core had been charred and burned, the casing of gold (Dt 7%, Is 30%) was reduced to minute fragments (‘dust’ Dt 97) by a process of crushing similar to that employed at the present day by the poorer classes in the East in the peeraeation of cement from broken pottery * (ef. Dn 2% 85), Asa supreme mark of contempt, the ‘dust’ thus obtained was cast ‘ upon the brook that descended out of the mount’ (acc. to an interesting detail supplied by Dt 9%), and the children of Israel Since to drink of it (cf. the ee procedure, Nu 5% *), Deferring to a later stage the question as to the origin, Egyptian or other, of this so-called ‘ calf- worship,’ we must, before passing from the incident of Ex 32, refer to the problem, raised by recent criticism, of the Ereinal, connexion and historical purport of the narrative. The key to the simplest solution of the problem is that furnished by the account in Dt 108° of the separation of the tribe of Levi for the exclusive exercise of the priestly office. The introductory phrase ‘at that time,’ v.°, refers, we can hardly doubt, to the incidents recorded in ch. 9. Now, if we keep in mind the fact that the great prophetic history-book, as it lay before the author of Dt, contained much which the final redactor excised to make way for the divergent and ampler details of P, the sugges- * The pottery is reduced to fine dust by rolling a large stone backwards and forwards over the fragments, as may be seen any summer in the Birket es-Sultan at Jerusalem. 341 CALF, GOLDEN CALF tion seems most reasonable, that Ha 32 in its original connexion formed the introduction to JE’s account of the consecration of the tribe of Levi to the priesthood. The priestly prerogative, in short, was represented in JE as the reward bestowed by J” on the sons of Levi for their fidelity to his cause at an all-important crisis in the history of the wanderings. The use of the standing expression for the pay consecration ("5 7) x?D) in Ex 32” leaves no doubt as to the nature of the ‘ blessing’ (v.”) that was about to be bestowed upon the tribe (cf. also Dt 33° * where we have probably another reference to the incidents of Ex 32). While regarding the explanation just given of the main purport of the narrative in its original connexion as the most probable, we would not seek to deny that other motives may also have influ- enced the early narrators. No fh traimtes writer of the 8th cent. B.c., imbued with the spirit of the rophetic teaching, could have committed to writ- ing the incident of the golden calf without penning, at the same time, an implicit condemnation of the recognised worship of Northern Israel. That the narratives of Ex 32 and 1 K 12% are not inde- endent of each other is plain from the almost identical words with which the images are intro- duced (Ex 328, 1 K 12%, cf. Neh 9}8), Indeed it is more than probable that the author of Ex 32° de- liberately chose the unusual plural construction (mova... mox) in order to make his covered polemic more pointed.* iii. THE BULLS OF JEROBOAM I.—The cardinal passage, 1 K 1276-8 (cf. 2 Ch 113+ 15), is by every token to be assigned to the Deuteronomic compiler of the book of Kings, who flourished ¢. B.c. 600 (see Driver, LOT! 183; Kittel, op. cit., Eng. tr. ii. 211-212). Whether the compiler is here building on an older written foundation or not, the passage undoubtedly bears the stamp of genaine history. The situation is perfectly natural and intelligible. Jeroboam found that, despite the success of his revolution politically, the temple of Solomon, with its numerous priesthood and no doubt imposing ritual, still exercised an irresistible attraction for the worshippers from the Northern Kingdom. Justifiably enaite a reaction in favour of the Davidic dynasty if such religious pilgrimages were to continue, Jeroboam felt himself compelled to take measures to provide a counter-attraction—a sanc- tuary or sanctuaries that might retain the more devout of his subjects within his kingdom. While thus maintaining (against Stade, Geschichte, i. 352) the essential accuracy of the compiler’s estimate of Jeroboam’s principal motive, we would by no means exclude, as an important factor in the case, the desire—on which Stade lays exclusive stress— to pose as the protector of the ancient sanctuaries and the patron of their priests, to whom Jeroboam may have looked for political support. Indeed it is not improbable that many of the Northern priesthood had already begun to realise that the temple of Solomon must inevitably make for the centralisation of the cultus, and, fixe the priest- hood of Babylonia in the case of Cyrus, they may have been among the first to welcome the new sovereign. We can also understand the motives that led to tne selection of Bethel and Dan as the chief seats of the rival worship. The former recommended itself as having been, from time immemorial (Gn * This suggestion holds good whether we translate ode in the above passages by ‘God’ or by ‘gods.’ On the construc- tion of ** with a plur. vb., see Driver, Deut. p. 65; Strack’s excursus in his Genesis, pp. 67-68 ; Baudissin, Stud. z. semit. Religionsgeschichte, note pp. 55-57. If we must render ‘gods,’ then clearly the use of the phrase in 1 K is the older, for (as Kittel has pointed out, Hist. of the Heb., Eng. tr. ii, 212) it ia only in the case of Jeroboam, and not in the case of Aaron, that the plural ‘ gods’ has any meaning. $42 CALF, GOLDEN CALF CALF, GOLDEN CALF 2819 35°, Hos 124.5), one of the chief sanctuaries of the land, and it was besides conveniently situated for intercepting the pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem. During the whole period of the exist- ence of the Northern Kingdom, the sanctuary of Bethel continued to be its religious centre (see esp. Am 7), and evensurvivedits downfall for a century, until finally destroyed during the reformation of Josiah (2 4 2315-9), The city of Dan had also from the generation succeeding the conquest been a noted sanctuary, and its situation commended it as the religious centre of the tribes to the east and west of the sea of Galilee. The new sanctu- ary, however, did not survive ‘the captivity of the land’ Wg 18), at the hand of Tiglath- pileser, B.C. 734 (2 K 15”), although Josephus speaks of ‘the temple of the golden cow’ (ris xpvofs Bobs), as if its ruins, at least, were still standing in his day (Wars, Iv. i. 1). With regard to the size and construction of Jeroboam’s bulls we have no precise information. As in the case of the image fashioned by Aaron, we may best think of them as consisting of a wooden core overlaid with gold. This view would be considerably strengthened could we be sure that the obscure word 0'23¥ (Hos 8°) has the meaning here which it bears in the Talmud, viz., splinters or shavings of wood (see Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten, in loc.).* They were probably of con- siderable size, and represented a young but full- grown bull. There is no authority for supposing that they were winged, like the bulls of Assyria, or were copies of any ‘cherubic emblem,’ whether in Solomon’s temple (so Farrar, Expositor, viii. {1893]: ‘Was there a Golden Calf in Dan ?’) or elsewhere. We are further expressly informed that Jeroboam ‘set the one in Bethel, and the other put he in Dan’ (1 K 12”). The view recently put forward by Klostermann in his Komm. in loc. 1887), and repeated in his Gesch. d. Volkes Isr. (1896), and supported by Farrar (ut sup.), that both images were set up at Bethel, requires un- warrantable liberties with the text, and is contrary to all the available evidence (cf. Am 8, To 15 rq pboxy ... év Ady (x)). On the other hand, it is thought by many recent scholars that the bull symbolism was not confined to the two great sanctuaries already mentioned. Stade, indeed, oes so far as to say that there is evidence in osea for the presence of bull-images at all the more important sanctuaries (7ZAT W, 1883, p. 10). The strongest claim is perhaps for the capital, Samaria (Am 8" ‘they that swear by the sin of S.’), although it is doubtful whether the city or the country is here intended. If the latter, the refer- ence would be to the image at the chief sanctuary at Bethel. The same form of worship was also, in the opinion of many, practised at Beersheba and Gilead + (Am 44 55 814, Hos 415 915 121 [Heb.!"]).+ The ritual of these northern sanctuaries does not seem to have differed much from that of the great sanctuary of the South (see an exhaustive presenta- tion of the evidence of Amos and Hosea on this polns af Oettli in Greifswalder Studien, ‘Der ultus bei Amos u. Hosea,’ 1895). The priests, however—derisively named 093 (‘ black-coats’ ?) by Hosea (10°)—were recruited from all.the tribes, not, as in the South, from the tribe of Levi exclusively, which thing was an offence to the historian, writing from the standpoint of the Deuteronomic law (1 K 12%, 2 K 23°, and cf. 2 Ch 11 13%), Mention is made of various kinds of * The Targ. Jonathan renders O°'230 by pmd "03 ‘shavings of (wooden) boards,’ Of. Shabbath (ed. Strack) 41 o'wan no) carpenters’ shavings. ¢ For reff. to the opinion of certain Fathers that there was a calf at Gilgal, see G@. A. Smith, The Twelve Prophets, i. 37. $ Jerome, however, is too explicit with his bobus tmmolantes, in the last passage cited. . sacrifice, although not of human sacrifice (as some would interpret Hos 13? ox ‘n3i, see the Com- mentaries). This passage further refers to the practice of kissing the bulls as an act of worship, either by throwing kisses to them (as in Job 31”) or by actually kissing the images, as the Moslems do the ‘black stone’ at Mecea (cf. 1 K 1918). iv. THE ORIGIN OF THE BULL SYMBOLS.—We have deferred to this stage the inquiry as to the origin of this form of religious symbolism. It is needless to occupy space with proof of the absurdit of the opinion so long current in the Church, bot: Jewish and Christian, that we have here a species of avowed idolatry. Whatever abuses may have crept in at a later period, however gross may have become the conceptions of the people regarding the golden bulls, it is now universally acknowledged that they were originally a sincere attempt to symbolise the true covenant God of Israel. Whence, then, did the Hebrews derive this symbol? How came they to represent the Deity under the form of a young bull? The answer, almost uniformly given from the days of Philo and the early fathers to our own, has been: The Hebrews borrowed this symbolism from the Egyptians. Now, it is indeed a striking coincidence that both Aaron and Jero- boam had intimate relations with Egypt just before they fashioned their respective images. But it is a mistake to speak of Jeroboam as a protégé of Shishak or Sheshonk of Egypt, for this monarch claims to have captured cities from Central as well as from Southern Palestine in the course of the raid referred to in 1 K 145%, Some of the difficul- ties in the way of accepting the Egyp. origin of the so-called calf or bull worship are these: (a) The Egyptians worshipped only the diving bulls aoe and Mnevis, as incarnations of Osiris and of the Sun-god respectively ; (6) it would have been the height of absurdity to speak, as Aaron did, of the golden calf as representing the God that brought the Hebrews up out of Egypt, had the image been a reflection of an Egyp. deity ; (c) the historical situation of 1 id 12% requires that the new symbolism by which Jeroboam hoped to consolidate his kingdom should not be an importation from without, but something genuinely national. For these and other reasons the majority of the more recent writers on this subject prefer to seek the origin of the bull-symbolism in the native religious tendencies of the Hebrews themselves—tendencies which they shared with the other Semitic peoples about them. Among an agricultural people there could be no more natural symbol of strength and vital energy than the young bull. The leaning to this particular symbolism was, so to say, in the blood, from the far-off days when the ancestors of the Hebrews were still beyond the flood (Jos 24). This view of the native origin of the so-called bull- worship has been adopted not only by such men as Vatke (Bibl. Theol. p. 398), Kuenen (Relig. of Israel, i. passim), and Dahan (Theol. d. Propheten, p. 47), but by more conservative scholars, such as Dillmann (£xodus, 1880, p. 337; Handb. d. AT Theol. 1895, pp. 98-9), and Rauatacan in Germany, and hesitatingly, in our own country, by Robertson (Early Relig. pp. 215-220, where a full discussion of the problem will be found). vy. ATTITUDE OF THE PROPHETS AMOS AND HOSEA TO THE BULL-SYMBOLS.—We cannot bring this article to a close without a brief reference to this topic. However excellent Jeroboam’s in- tentions may have been in the institution of the new form of the national cultus, and however little the contemporary representatives of Jahwism may have found amiss therein, we cannot escape the conclusion that he, unwittingly it may be, sanctioned a declension from the pure teaching of the great prophet and founder of Israel’s religion, CALITAS CALL 343 with its imageless worship of J”. The silence of the earlier prophets is a fact, explain it as we may. It has even been questioned if Amos condemns the bulls of the northern sanctuaries (but see above for Am 4* 55), Hosea, on the other hand, is unable to express the intensity of his scorn for them. He saw what his predecessors in the prophetic office had not seen, how dangerous an approach to the worship of the heathen deities of Canaan the institutions of Jeroboam had provided. This wor- ship of J” by images had helped on a gradual assimi- lation of the religion of J” to that of Baal, which now threatened to prove fatal to the former. Bull- symbolism was rapidly pie mere bull-worship. So that while, in justice to Jeroboam, we may fairly modify the sweeping condemnation passed upon him by the later biblical writers, imbued with the loftier spiritual teaching of Deut., we must also charge him with having hindered, not helped forward, the divine purpose in the election of Israel. ‘In reality, man cannot with impunity bring down the invisible God to the sphere of the visible ; he thereby empties the idea of God of its ethical content ; it loses for him its sanctifying, elevating, disciplining, and purifying power ; Gad for him, sinks to the ical as heathen idol, which makes no higher demands on men. This is amply proved by the history of the Northern kingdom ; its image-worship became for it a bridge by which to pass over into genuine heathenism; the heathenish, secular atmosphere (Sinn) and heathen immorality overpowered it, and brought about the ae dissolution of the State’ (Dillmann, andbuch, p. 167). LiTeRATURE.—Besides the Comm. on Exodus and Kings, and the works on OT Theology by Kuenen (Religion of Israel esp. vol. i, 73-75, 235-86, 260-62, 345-347), Schultz, Smend, an Dillmann (Handbuch d. AT Theologie, 1895, pp. 98-9, 166-7), the foll. special works may be consulted: Of the older writers Moncajus, Aaron Purgatus (in Critict Secri, ix., a brief sum- mary is given by Matt. Poole in his Synopsis under Ex 382); Boshart, Hierozoicon, lib. ii. c. 84; De Aureis... Vitulis, pp. 829-360 ; Selden, De Dis Syris, pp. 45-64. Of modern works, E. Konig, Hauptprobleme, etc., pp. 53-58, and Die Bildlosigkeit d. ee Jahwehcultus, 1886 ; also on the same lines, Robertson, ‘arly Religion of Israel, ch. ix. ; Baudissin, Studien, etc. vol. i., and his art. ‘Kalb (goldenes)’ in PRE, vii. 395-400 (esp. ne as to prevalence of bull-worship among the Sem. tribes); 8. Oettli, ‘Der Kultus bei Amos u. Hosea’ in Greifs- walder Studien, 1895, pp. 1-84; also art. ‘Calf’ in Smith, DB2 (by Farrar). A. R. 8. KENNEDY. CALITAS (A Kanlras, B Kaxelrais).—One of the Levites who undertook to repudiate his ‘strange wife,’ 1 Es 9%. He bore a second name, Colius (A Kados, B Kévos). The reading of B is Kévos, odros Kaveirals, xe Ila@atos, which should perhaps be read, as Dr. Swete conjectures, odros kadetrat Zxewa0aios; but this is an emendation of the Gr. on the part of B, and does not represent the original Heb. of Ezra, as a comparison with Ezr 10% *Kelaiah (the same is Kelita), Pethahiah’ shows. A Levite of the same name, and probably the same person, is mentioned as one of those who expounded the Law, 1 Es 9% (Kadelras=Kelita, Neh 8’, where LXX omits). H. St. J. THACKERAY. CALKER.—To calk (or cawlk as the spelling has been for the last century), from calcare ‘to tread,’ is to stop up a seam, esp. of a ship, by treading or pressing in oakum or the like. Cf. Dampier, Voy. (1697), ‘In the South Seas the Spaniards do make Oakam to chalk their Ships, with the husk of the Coco-nut.’ ‘Calker’ occurs in this sense, Ezk 27° 7 (Heb. p33 ‘2102, AVm ‘stoppers of chinks’). J. HASTINGS. CALL.—Teo call is originally to ‘shout,’ and esp. to shout so as to summon. 1. Hence one of its earliest applications is to invite, now archaic or obsolete, but found in AV, as 2 8 15" ‘with Absalom went two hundred men out of Jerus. that were called’ (RV ‘invited’); Jn 2? ‘And both Jesus was called (RV ‘bidden’), and his disciples, to the marriage’; Rev 19° ‘ Blessed are they which are called unto (RV ‘bidden to’) the marriage supper of the Lamb.’ 2. Closely connected with this is the call to some duty, as 1 S 28% ‘TI have called thee, that thou mayest make known unto me what I shall do’; esp. by God, as He 11# ‘Abraham, when he was called to go out into a lace’; Ac 13? ‘Separate me Barnabas and Saul or the work whereunto I have called them.’ Then the word is used particularly and technically of the Divine call to partake of the blessings of redemption; 1 Co 1° ‘God is faithful, by whom ye were called unto the fellowship of his Son Jesus Christ our Lord’; whereupon they who are thus called (having obeyed*) are described as ‘the called,’ 1 Co 1% ‘ But unto them which are called’ (Gr. avrots dé rots kAnrois, RVm ‘unto the called themselves,’ Lightfoot ‘to the believers them- selves’), See CALLING. 3. When one is called it is often by name, from which comes the idiom to call a person or thing so and so, to give a name: Gn 1° ‘God called the light Day, and the darkness he called Night’; 2S 6? ‘the ark of God which is called by the Name, even the name of the Lord of hosts that sitteth upon the cherubims’ (RV; see NAME). And according to a usage which is now archaic if not obsolete, the calling is transferred from the person or thing to the name, as Mt 1” ‘thou shalt call his name Jesus’; Gn 32% ‘Th name shall be called no more Jacob, but Israel.’ See also He 5! ‘Called (RV ‘named’) of God an high priest after the order of Melchisedec’ (Gr. mpocayopevev [all] ‘expresses the formal and solemn ascription of the title to Him to whom it belongs, ‘addressed as,” ‘‘ styled” ’—Westcott in loc. It is a public designation—dyopevew, from dyopd the market-place); 71! ‘and not be called after the order of Aaron’ (AéyecOa, ‘be spoken of as,’ RV ‘be reckoned’); and ef. Ac 1175, Ro 78, where xpnuarigerr is tr. ‘call’ (see Sanday-Headlam on 0 7°). 4, Some phrases demand attention. Call again, i.e. call back (see AGAIN), as Bar 3* ‘He that sendeth forth light and it goeth, calleth it again.’ Call back=invite to return, 1 Es 1° (Gr. peraxaréw, used in middle voice in NT =‘ send for,’ Ac 74 20!7 2475. 26); and fig. =take back a promise, Is 31? ‘ will not c. back his words’(¥p7). Call for: (1) Send for, cause to come, Est 5!° ‘he sent and called for his friends’ (xa, RV ‘ fetched’); Ac 24% ‘when I have a convenient season, I will c. for thee’ (ueraxaréw, RV ‘c. thee unto me’); 28” ‘ For this cause there- fore have I called for you, to see you’ (rapaxadéw, only here in this meaning, elsewhere ‘beseech,’ Mt 8581-34 and often; ‘entreat,’ Lk 15%, 1 Co 4%, 1 Ti 5', so here RV; ‘exhort,’ He 3 ‘exhort one another daily,’ and often; ‘comfort,’ 2 Co 14, etc.) ; Ac 137 ‘Sergius Paulus... called for Barnabas and Saul’ (zpocxadéw, RV ‘called unto him’; but Ja 54 ‘let him ec. for the elders of the church,’ RV retains, though Gr. the same); Ac 10° 114 (ueraréurw, RV ‘fetch’). (2) Ask, request, 1 K 853 ‘to hearken unto them in all that they call for unto thee’ (x77, RV cry’); Ac 16” ‘he called for a light’ (airéw) ; Mt 277 ‘This man calleth for Elias’ (RV ‘calleth Elijah’), and Jn 11% ‘The Master is come, and calleth for thee’ (RV ‘calleth thee,’ both gwvéw). Call forth: Is 314(x7R); Ac 24? ‘when he was called forth, Tertullus began to *In the Gospels there is a distinction between the ‘Called,’ xAnroi, i.e. those who have received the invitation to enter the Messiah’s kingdom, and the ‘Chosen’ (:xAsxro/), t.e. those who have obeyed it: Mt 2214 ‘Many are called, but few chosen.’ But in the Epistles this distinction vanishes, the writer having in mind the divine greatness and force of the call, not the human acceptance or rejection of it. See Lightfoot on Col 812, Sanday-Headlam on Ro 11. 344 CALLING accuse him’—the tr. of Tindale, RV ‘called,’ as in mod. law-court phraseology, ‘Call the next witness’ (Gr. xadéw). Call on or call upon, used frequently, but always of God or the Name of God (822 or éwixadéw), as Ps 50% ‘ce. upon me in the day of trouble.’ In Ac 15” ‘all the Gentiles, upon whom my name is called, saith the Lord’ (from Am 9! ‘the heathen which are called by my name’) we see the reverse side. See this phrase in Dt 28” (aby xqQ] mA oy, ‘J”s name is called over thee’) and Driver’s note there, “Tne sense of the phrase,’ says Driver, ‘appears clearly from 2S 12%8, where Joab, while besieging Rabbah, sends to urge David to come in person and take it, “‘lest J (emph.) take the city, and my name be called over it,” i.e. lest I gain the credit of having captured it, and it be counted as my conquest. The phrase expresses thus the fact of ownership—whether acquired y actual conquest or otherwise (cf. Ps 4912(1))—coupled at the same time with the idea of protection; and occurs frequently, esp. with reference to the people of Israel, Jerus., or the Temple. The passages are: Am 912, Jer 710. 11, 14.30 149 1516 (of Jer. him- self), 2529 3234 3415, 1 K 88 Masha by Ch 633, Is 6319, 2 Ch 714, Dn 918.19, (In NT Ac 1517, Ja 27, both quotations by James from Am 912,] It isto be regretted,’ adds Driver, ‘that in EV the phrase is generally paraphrased obscurely, ‘“‘called by my name” (which really corresponds to a different expression, ‘DUI Np), Is 437; cf. 481, Nu 3242); but the literal rendering, which in this case happens to be both clearer and more forcible than the paraphrase, is sometimes given in RVm (¢.g. in 1 K 84).’ Call in question: Ac 19 (éyxakéw, RV ‘ accuse’), 23% 2421 (xplyw). In these places, as elsewhere in older English, the phrase means to put one on his trial before a court of justice. Cf.— ‘He that was in question for the robbery. Shaks. Henry IV. (Pt. 2) 1. fi. €3. J. HASTINGS. CALLING (kAjors, vocatio), God’s invitation to man to accept the benefits of His salvation. It is God’s first act in the application of redemption, in accordance with His eternal purpose (Ro 8%). A distinction is made between God’s calling and men’s acceptance of it (Mt 2016), the unrestricted offer and the appropriation which results from a hearty appreciation of what it implies. On God’s art it is sure, and without repentance (Ro 11”), od in Christ calls to Himself all who are in need of Him, and those who feel their need, come. God’s calling of man is in Christ and unto fellow- ship with Himself in Christ (Ph 3%), and is con- veyed to all peoples by the preaching of the gospel and the administration of ordinances (Mt 281% 2°), In respect of its ethical significance and the spiritual condition which it aims at working in all who respond, it is described as a toy calling’ (Ro 1’, 1 Co 1?, 2 Ti 1°), and a ‘heavenly calling’ (He 3!). See ELECTION. J. MACPHERSON. CALLISTHENES (KadvXtcOévns, 2 Mac 8%3),—A Syrian, who was captured by the Jews in a small house, where he had taken refuge, in the course of certain successes which followed the great victory over Nicanor and Gorgias, in B.c. 165 (comp. 1 Mac 4'*4), At a festival in celebration of the victory, the Jews burnt Callisthenes to death, because he had set fire to the portals of the temple (comp. 1 Mac 4°). H. A. WHITE. CALNEH, CALNO (ribs, t:b2, Kaddvvn, Xaddvn, Chalanne).—Calneh is mentioned as one of the four towns of the kingdom of Babylon (Gn 10! ‘And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar’), but cannot be identified with certainty. Some have thought it to be the Nipuru of the Bab. and Assyr. inscriptions, the same as Niffer, a town situated between the Euphrates and the Tigris ; but this is an impossible identification. Most of the historians, like the Targum of Jerusalem, Eusebius, Jerome, and Ephraim the Syrian, identify it with Ctesiphon in Seleucia beyond the Tigris towards Elam; but this is also worthless. No ce CAMEL written record, in fact, has yet been found of the Calneh of Gn 10”, the suggested identification of Calneh with Kul-unu (Kullaba or Zirlaba) being rendered still more doubtful by the fact that Kul- unu is closely connected with Erech, and was perhaps a part of that ey The Calno of Is 10 (‘is not Calno as Carchemish?’ etc.), where, according to the LXX, the tower was built, and the Calneh of Am 6? (‘Pass ye to Calneh and see, and from thence go ye to Hamath the great, then go down to Gath of the Philistines’), which seem to be mentioned as Syrian cities, are probably to be identified with the Kulnia * mentioned along with Arpad and Hadrach, both cities of Syria, in the Assyr. tribute lists (WAT ii. 53, No. 3), and cannot be the same as the Kullani mentioned with the cities and districts lying to the north of Assyria in the geographical list (WAT ii. 53, No. 1, 1. 6°), and therefore cannot be the same as the Kullani captured by Tiglath-pileser m1. Notwithstanding that Kullani can hardly be identified with the Calno or Calneh of Isaiah and Amos, it is not improb- able that Fried. Delitzsch’s identification of these biblical names with Kullanhu, situated about 6 miles from Arpad, may be correct. It seems certainly to be the best that has yet been suggested. L. A. PINCHES. CALYARY.—See GoLGOTHA. CALYES OF THE LIPS (Hos 14?).—See Lip. CAMEL.—While the Arabic has scores of words for the camel and its varieties and states, the Heb. words are but two— (1) 9a gamdal, xdundos, camelus ; the generic name for the camel, preserved exactly in the Arab. jamal, and in all W. languages. It is one of the earliest mentioned beasts in the Bible. Abraham had large numbers of camels (Gn 24” ete.); also Jacob (Gn 304 31% 327-15); they were carriers between Arabia and Egypt (Gn 37”) ; the Ethiopians (Cushites) had camels in abundance (2 Ch 1415); also the queen of Sheba (1 K 102); Job had 3000 (Job 1°), then 6000 (4212); the Midianites and Amalekites had them ‘as the sand by the seaside for multitude’ (Jg 72), No one who has not travelled in the deserts where camels are reared can realise the force of the latter passage. In a waterless waste of sand and flint chips, with nothing but the salty shrubs of the desert for pasture, immense droves of camels find a subsistence, and, when not worked, become fat on their diet of thorns and salsolas, with an occasional mouthful of tamarisk. They have been steadily employed, not only to traverse the deserts, but in the internal traffic of Pal. and Syria and Asia Minor. David captureda large number of them from the Geshurites, Girzites, and Amalekites (1S 27°). Benhadad used them in Damascus (2 K 8%). The camel was used for riding (Gn 24% 3154; camel’s furniture means the sort of palanquin in which Rachel rode, called in Arab. haudaj, ana still used for women and children). The Amale- kites and the Midianites used them, as the Arabs now do, in war (Jg 74, 1 8 307). They were even used to draw chariots (Is 21’). The trappings of riding camels were sometimes ornamented with gold (Jg 871), The Hebrews were expressly forbidden to eat camel’s flesh (Lv 114, Dt 147). It is, however, eaten by the Arabs of the desert, and in the towns bordering on it. It is coarse, but not unpalatable nor unwholesome. The Arabs also use camel’s milk, fresh and in the form of clabber. Its use is not mentioned in the Bible. ‘Thirty milch camels, with their colts’ (Gn 32"), were given by ees thus, according to Mr. Pinches’ correction of the et. ae ae ©. CAMEL Jacob to Esau, who was a Bedawi. Both probably drank camel’s milk, although this is not necessaril implied in the passage. Even if Jacob’s descend- ants Byeied the prohibition to use camel’s flesh to the milk also, Jacob was not under this law. The skins of camels are used for sandals, and were probably always so used. Camel’s hair was he and woven into cloth (Mt 34, Mk 14). Elijah, the forerunner of John, may well have had a similar mantle (1 K 1913-19), The ‘rough garment,’ AVm ‘garment of hair,’ RV ‘hairy mantle’ (Zec 13), may have been of camel’s hair or of goat’s air. The camel is always loaded, and usually mounted, in the kneeling posture (Gn 241), he pack- saddle is usually of the cross-tree form. The oad, on level ground, may be as heavy as 600 lbs. or more. In hilly districts, and over stony roads, the load is lessened. In going up from ‘Ain-Jidi to Jerus. there is a steep part of the road where the cameleers take off their loads and carry them up the rocks on their backs, and lead the camels up and reload them at the top. There are cal- losities under the camel’s breast, his fore and hind knees, and on the sole of his foot. The ‘stable for camels’ (Ezk 25°) is a kneeling place. The signal to kneel is a tap with a stick on the camel’s neck ; and to rise, a jerk of his halter, with a mono- aie khikh. The foot is padded with a thick elastic mass of fibrous tissue, which makes the step noiseless, and protects from the angular flint chips and thorns, over which so much of his way lies. The breadth of the camel’s foot prevents him from sinking into the sand. On the other hand, the broad and comparatively smooth surface of the sole makes it very slippery on rocks, or in clayey and muddy places, Cases often have disastrous falls on such roads. The camel has a provision for storing water in a cee ary cavity in his stomach. This water can be absorbed, or passed into the alimentary canal as needed. Besides this, he has a supply of nourishment in his hump, which is a storehouse of fat, reserved for the long fasts or insufficient pro- vender which are so often his lot. The Arabian camel has one hump, and the Bactrian two. Bactrian camels sometimes appear in N. Syria. Nothing in the way of pasture, however dry or succulent, comes amiss to the camel. He is also fed on cut straw, and kirsenneh, a sort of lentils, horse ns, and sometimes barley. If water is convenient, and he has no access to succulent forage, he will drink every day, or once in two days. The Arabs have a pee whoop, ‘ oowha,’ py aaich they call camels to water. The latter often go a week or more without water. To keep the camel’s body from vermin, the Arabs anoint it with tar, the smell of which, with the emanations from the skin, is certainly most unsavoury. They are ill-natured, quarrelsome animals, and in the rutting season often dangerous. The tite of a camel is often quite poisonous, producing death from septicemia. An enraged camel has been known to bite off the top of a man’s skull. (2) "132 bikré, pl. const. of 122 béker (Is 60%), is rendered in both AV and dromedaries. ™22 bikrah (Jer 23) is also rendered dromedary, with the pronoun her following, to indicate that a female is intended. The etymological signification of both, however, is young camel, (so RVm) the first male, and the second female, They correspond both in form and meaning with the Arab. bekr and bekrah. In both, the allusion is to the vigour and swiftness of youth. In the passage in Isaiah there is a climax, ‘the multitudes of camels shall cover thee, the young camels (bikré) of Midian.’ It is similar to the climax in the case of Lamech, ‘I have slain a man to my wounding, and a young man to CAMEL’S HAIR 343 my hurt.’ Lane says, ‘the term bekr= young camel, applied to a camel, corresponds to Sata=young man, applied to a human being; and bekrah, a young female camel, to fatdt, a young woman. Bekr and fata are more specialised than the general terms jamal=camel, and rajul=man ; and bekrah and fatdt are more specialised than nakah =female camel, and mar at=woman. And in both pairs of cases the specialised words refer to excellence.’ There is nothing in the Heb. original in the above passages, nor in its Arab. equivalent, to indicate that it was the intention of the respective writers to refer to a blooded camel (dromedary), an animal for which the Heb. contains no word. The Arab. has such a word, hajin, but beker is not its equivalent, as above shown. Some have sup- posed that ninmp kirkaréth, which is rendered in AV and RV ‘swift beasts’ (Is 66”), means dromedaries (so RVm), deriving it from 7) to leap or gallop, alluding to the long trot of the dromedary. If so, this would be an additional reason for not identifying beker and bekrdh with the dromedary. It is more probable, however, that we should regard ninp72 as a reduplicated form of 19 kar= palanquin (Gn 31% the Arab. haudaj). With this corresponds the LXX rendering oxidfia, and the Vulg. carruce. Twice the camel, on account of its being the largest animal familiar to all in Bible lands, is used to point a moral. Once, to rebuke the hypo. crisy of the Pharisees and scribes, it is said (Mt 23% RV), ‘Ye blind guides, which strain out the gnat, and swallow the camel.’ Again it is said (Mt 19%), ‘It is easier for a camel to go through a needle’s eye, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.’ The hyperbole here is no more striking than that of the preceding passage. Some, claiming a knowledge of the from birth or long residence, have said that this latter comparison had its origin in the custom of stripping a camel—belated until the great gate of a city was closed for the night, so that it could no longer enter in the usual i Fes its load, and Pane or pushing it through the small gate which is made in the panel of the larger one. They have alleged that the force of the comparison is to be sought in the fact that a rich man must be apres of his wealth to enable him to squeeze through the narrow gate of heaven, as the camel is stripped of his load that he may be forced through the panel gate of the city. Some have even gone so far as to say that this small gate is known in the E. by the name of the ‘needle’s eye.’ In reply, we would say—(1) That this small gate is known by the name khaukhah, but no one of the many whom we have asked ever heard the name needle’s eye applied to it. We believe this to be a fabri- cation. (2) No camel could be forced through the khaukhah. It is a gate from 3 to 4 feet in height, and from 18 inches to 2 feet in breadth, and its bottom is from 1 to 2 feet above the ground, and by no possibility could a camel be got through it. (3) Could we suppose a khaukhah so exceptionally large that a camel could be forced haaaeh it, the hyperbole would be quite lost. G. E. Post. CAMEL’S HAIR (Mt 34, Mk 1).—The cloth made of camel’s hair is of blanket-like texture, softer than the black sack-cloth of goat’s hair. In colour it varies from cream to cinnamon and darker brown, so that by means of this variety a pattern is sometimes introduced to relieve slightly the general dinginess of tone. The large enve oping garment, with its plain belt of leather, which John the Baptist wore, was the common and incon: spicuous dress of the desert: it was a sufficient covering by day and night, and doubtless he had 346 CAMP CANA come to prefer it. It was the harmonious vesture of the prope when he delivered his message of protest and preparation, and such simplicity of per- sonal life is still the consistent accompaniment of any voice crying against social luxury and ecclesi- astical pride. See CAMEL. G. M.. MACKIE. CAMP is the usual rendering of the Heb. *jq2 mahdneh, tr?in LXX mwapeuBor}. In 2 K 68 it re- presents 392 tahdnah, on which see Oaf. Heb. Lex. A camp was a collection of tents ( g7™), or of huts or booths (1 K 20% RVm, Neh 814). Camps, when large, were pitched in the plain for convenience (Jg 6%); when small, on hills for safety (Jg 4). In either case it was necessary to choose a spot within reach of water; thus the army of the Northern Confederacy pitched ‘at the waters of Merom’ (Jos 115), Gideon encamped ‘beside the spring of Harod’ (Jg 7), Jonathan the Maccabee ‘by the water of the pool Asphar’ (1 Mac 9%). Nor defence a position of natural strength was generally chosen, oe the side of a ravine or valley (cp. 1S 14 173), further defence was perhaps provided by the Syyp ma‘gal (1 S 17% 267 ‘ barri- cade’ RVm). The meaning of the word is, how- ever, not certain (see CARRIAGE). Most authorities take it to mean a laager, t.e. a line of wagons arranged as a barricade, nj ‘dgdlah being ‘a wagon.’ In1§ 17 the LXX (A) and Aquila give orpoyyUAwows, Which probably means either a circular line of defence or a circular camp;* Syr. has simply ‘camp,’ while Targ. gives as equivalent a transliteration of the Gr. word xapdxwya, ‘ palisade.’ In 1 S 267 LXX (AB) gives Aaprivn, a ‘covered ehariot’ or ‘litter.’ As a precaution against surprise, a watch was set when danger was feared (Jg 7%; ep. Jg 8"); but camps were usually too strongly entrenched to be openly attacked (cf. 1 8 17: 18 forty days delay on both sides, and 1 K 20” seven days delay). In Nu 2(P) a detailed account is given of the arrangement of the camp of Israel in the wilder- ness, the principle being that each tribe was grouped round a standard which had a fixed position with regard to the Tabernacle at all halts. In the NT the stationary Roman camp (7 wapep- Bon) at Jerusalem is mentioned several times as ‘the castle’ (Ac 21%, etc.). In He 13": ¥ the name ‘camp’ is applied to the Jewish Church of the writer’s own day by an easy adaptation of the language of the Hexateucsh: In Rev 20°, by a further adaptation, the term ‘camp of the saints’ is fitly applied to the Christian Church, in that it suggests the three thoughts of organisation, war- fare, and pilgrimage. W. E. BARNES. CAMP as a verb (mod. ‘encamp’) is found Ex 192, Is 298, Jer 50”, Nah 317 (Heb. m1n, Amer. RV *fencamp’), and 1 Mac 10% 117% 134, 2 Mac 13 ‘he camped by Modin’ (RV ‘ pitched his camp’). CAMPHIRE, 53 kopher, xvtmpos, cyprus (Ca 14), and plur. ones képhdrim (Ca 41%). — The henna plant, Lawsonia alba, L., is a shrub from 6 to 10 feet high, with opposite branches, often becoming spinescent, opposite, oblanceolate to obovate leaves, and panicles of cream-coloured flowers. The Orientals are extremely fond of the odour of the henna, which to most Occidentals is heavy, mawkish, and rather stifling. They fre- quently put a sprig of it into their nosegays, and the women often put it in their hair, to make themselves attractive. Sonnini says that the put it in their bosoms for a similar reason, whic * Doughty (Travels in Arabia Deserta, ii. 309) notes that he once saw ‘sixteen booths pitched ring-wise,’ and explains the arrangement as a precaution against camel-thieves, the camels being placed within the ring. illustrates the comparison of Ca 1%14, For ita fragrance it was cultivated with spikenard and frankincense and myrrh (Ca 41 14), Henna is also extensively used in the east to stain the hands, feet, and hair. The hands and feet are stained in lines or diamonds or other figures, by passing strips of cotton cloth around them in such a way as to leave the lines or figures desired uncovered. A paste made of the powdered leaves of the henna and a little water is applied to the skin in the interstices of the bandage, and the hands tied up in a rag over night. When the paste is washed off, an ochreous red stain is left op the parts, while the white skin occupies the spaces which were covered by the bandages. If desired, this colour can be Gide a deep blackish-brown by applying a mixture of lime and hartshorn over the stain left by the henna paste. Often the nails are thus blackened, while the figures on the hands and feet are left red. Brides, especially among the Moslems, are elaborately adorned in this way, as also infants and young adie Old women often dye the hair with henna. It is some- times applied in cases of inflammation, with an idea that it disperses the congestion. @. E. Post. CANA (Kava rijs TadstAalas, ‘Cana of Galilee’).— This was the native place of the disciple Nathanae (Jn 21%), the scene of Christ’s first miracle (Jr 2-1), where also the nobleman from Capernaum secured the healing of his son (Jn 4%). From these passages, where alone the place is mentioned in the Scriptures, we learn, regarding the site, only that it was in Galilee, on higher ground than Capernaum. Jesus went down (xaré8y) to Caper- naum (Jn 2%). The nobleman besought Him to come down (xara$j). In attempting to identify the site, therefore, we have practically nothing to guide us but etymology and tradition. Josephus gives but little help, his references being evidentl to other places, with perhaps one exception. He fixes his residence at Cana, a village of ilee (Vita, 16), and afterwards (tb. 40) adds that it was in the plain of Asochis. The ancient name was probably Kanah (737), of which the Gr. (Kava) is as nearly as possible a transliteration, and the name would be correctly represented in the Arab. (Kand@ or Kanat, for it is spelt both ways). Again, in Kana el-Jelil the latter word is si Lm ee trans- literation of the Heb. Galil (b:)=Galilee, and has nothing whatever to do with the Arab. jalil, ‘creat’ or ‘magnificent.’ It is the Arab. name for the province of Galilee to-day. Kdand el-Jelil is therefore the exact Arab. equivalent of Kava rfs Ta\talas. This name is found attached to a con- siderable ruin on a slope of the hills north of ed- Battauf, the ancient Asochis. There are many rock-hewn tombs. Several water cisterns have been found, but no spring. The Heb. name (Ap, ‘the place of reeds’) would be most appropriate, as overlooking the marshy plain, where reeds still are plentiful. It is commonly called Khirbet Kana; but one hears also, occasionally, Kand el-Jelil on the lips of the natives. It fulfils the NT condi- tions, being in Galilee, higher than Capernaum, which coda be reached by road N. of the Tor‘an range, towards the Jordan Valley, without any circuit to the south. The only serious rival to Khirbet Kana is Kefr Kennah, on the Tiberias road, 3% miles from Nazareth. It occupies rising ground on the southern edge of Sahl Tor'adn, the branch cut from el-Battauf, by the Tor'dn hills. The doubling of the medial nwn is against the identification with the Gr. Kavé. Were other difficulties overcome so as to make Kennah represent the Heb. 73p, the name would have no appropriateness here, with neither marsh nor reeds for miles around, This line of ; CANAAN, CANAANITES CANAAN, CANAANITES $47 raerid leads very decidedly towards Khirbet ana, ‘tradition yields no clear result. It is often difficult to get any satisfaction out of the wit- nesses: they are far from exact, and frequently contradictory. A very early tradition mnst have located Christ’s first miracle at Khirbet Kanda. Eusebius (c. 270-340) and Jerome evidently identify Cana with Kana in Asher, some 8 miles S.E. of Tyre. They could not mean Kefr Kennah, which was not in Asher. In favour of Khirbet Kand may also be mentioned Saewulf, 1102; Brocardius, 1183; Marinus Sanutus, 1321; Breydenbach, 1483; and Anselm, 1507. As against these, St. Paula, 383; St. Willibald, 720; Isaac Chelo, 1324; and Qua- resimus, 1616. The last named mentions the tra- dition regarding Kanda only to dismiss it. His position has since been stoutly maintained by the monks of both Greek and Latin Churches. Both have considerable ecclesiastical property in Kefr Kennah, and in the Gr. church a jar is shown, said to have been used in the miracle. West of the village is a spring, whence, it is said, the water made wine was drawn. An old sarcophagus serves as drinking-trough. The balance of evidence is in favour of the northern site. Conder (Tent Work in Pal.) has suggested another possible site at ‘Ain Kana, on the highway from er-Reineh to Tabor. W. Ewina. CANAAN, CANAANITES (jy37, Xavdav, Xavdavos, Chanaan).—Canaan is the son of Ham, according to Gn 9” 10°, and the brother of Cush (Ethiopia), Mizraim (Egypt), and Put. In consequence of Ham’s conduct towards Noah whendrunken, Canaan was cursed, and it was prophesied that he should be the servant of his brethren, Shem and Japheth (Gn 97-27), The passage, however, does not agree very well with the context, as the wrong to oah had been committed by Ham, and not by Canaan, and it has therefore been supposed that it is taken from an ancient poem. The prophecy was fulfilled when the Canaanites were conquered first by the Israelites, the descendants of Shem, and aiterwards by the Persians, Greeks, and Romans. The tenth chapter of Genesis is geographical rather than ethnological, and the relationship be- tween the nations and states mentioned in it denotes their geographical position, not their racial affinities. When it is said that Canaan was the brother of Cush and Mizraim, we are transported to the age of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Egyp. "Retiree when Palestine was a province of Egypt. The statement is not applicable to a later period, and so indicates the age to which it belongs. The name of Canaan is derived from a root signi- ‘to bow down,’ and (as St. Augustine noticed) means ‘ the lowlands’ of Palestine. Prim- arily it was applied to the coast, secondarily to the valley of the Jordan (Nu 13”). But in time it came to be extended to the whole country, includ- ing the ‘mountainous districts occupie by the Amorites. The name appears under two forms. The shorter form is found in the Gr. Xva (Euseb. Prep. Evan.i. 10; Hekat. Frag. 254, ed. Klausen ; Steph. Byz. p. 721), which was Hellenized into Agénér, ‘the manly one.’ Khna or Agénér was the older name of Pheenicia, and also the eponym- ous ancestor of the Can. and the father of Phonix, or Pheenix himself (Euseb. /.c.). In the Tel el- Amarna tablets, as well as the lexical tablets of | Nineveh, the name is sometimes written Kinakh- khi (with A for the Can. ‘Ayin), and represents the greater part of southern Pal. as far north as the frontiers of the Amorites. The longer form of the name, Canaan, is met with in the hieroelyphic texts; Seti. destroyed the Shasu or Bedawin from the eastern rampart of Egypt ‘to the land of Canaan,’ and captured their fortress of ‘ Kana‘an,’ which Conder has identified with Khurbet Kan‘an near Hebron. Among the geographical names enumerated by Ptolemy Auletes at Kom Ombo is that of ‘Kan'an.’ The name was preserved among the Pheenicians, the original inhabitants of the sea-coast. Coins of Laodiceia on the Orontes bear the inscription, ‘ Laodiceia, mother (or ated in Canaan’; and St. Augustine states that in his time the Carthaginian peasantry in northern Africa, if questioned in Pheenician as to their race, answered that they were ‘Chanani’ (Hap. Epist. ad Rom. 13). In some of the-Tel el- Amarna tablets, moreover, we find Kinakhna. The Gr. oi, ‘Pheenician,’ is the equivalent of ‘Canaanite’; and ®owl«y, Pheenicia, is the origi- nal Canaan on the sea-coast. In Latin the name apres as Penus, Punicus. Point in the sense ot ‘purple-dye’ and ‘date-palm’ seems to be derived from its use as a gentilic, the one being ‘the Phcenician dye,’ the other ‘the Phcenician tree’; the date-palm having been brought from Egypt to the Phenician coast and there become naturalised. But phanix, ‘a palm,’ may be the Reyna benr, beni, just as the name of the fabulous bird phenixis the Egyp. bennu. It is prob- able that we must seek the origin of the name *Pheenician’ in the Fenkhu of the Egyptian monu- ments, a name applied in a text of Tahutmes III. at Karnak to the people of Canaan (Brugsch, Agypt- ologie, ii. p. 466). It thus corresponds exactly with the Kinakhkhi of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. We must suppose that the termination was im- agined to be the same as that of Kilix ‘Cilician’ and similar words, and that the name was accord- ingly identified with dowds and golmos, and explained to signify ‘red,’ the Latin Penus being borrowed from ¢owés. In the bilingual Decree of Kanépos the Gr. Pheenicia is replaced in the hieroglyphic text by Keft. W. Max Miiller has tried to show that Keft was rather Cilicia, but unsuccessfully. The name appears in Greek as Képheus and Raphéne. Képheus, father of Andromeda, was said to have been a king of Joppa (Steph. Byz. s.v.), and the Chaldieans of Babylon were first called Képhénes, according to Hellanicus. Keft, in fact, seems to have denoted the whole sea-coast of Phcenicia, from the Gulf of Antioch to Jaffa. Another name 3 lied to Canaan and Syria b the Egyptians was ane which embraced the whole country from the frontiers of Egypt to Aup in northern Syria. It denoted more especially the northern part of the region, from which wine was imported into Egypt; while the southern part of Pal., particularly towards the sea-coast, was termed Zahi. The most general name was Rutennu or Lutennu, which corresponded to our ‘ Syria.’ The mercantile pursuits of the Phcenicians caused the word ‘ Canaanite’ to become synonymous with ‘merchant’ (Is 238, Ezk 174, Hos 12’, Zeph 1%, Job 416, Pr 31%). In an Egyp. Weather on the other hand, mention is made of ‘Canaanite slaves from Khal’ (Anastasi, iv. 16. 2). Isaiah (1918) calls Heb. the lancuage of Canaan, and the decipherment of the Phcenician inscrip- tions, as well as the names of Can. persons and places mentioned in the OT, show that the description was correct. Hebrew and Pheenician (or Can.) differed only in a few unimportant par- ticulars, such as the absence in Pheenician of a definite article. The Tel el-Amarna tablets prove that there was little or no difference between the language of Canaan in the cent. before the Exodus and that of the Pheenicians and of the OT in later times. In some of the letters written from Canaan the writer adds the Can. equivalent of the Bab. word he is using. Thus the king of Jerusalem uses anuki, ‘ iD the Heb. anokht, instead 348 CANANZAN of the Bab. anaku, and zuru'u the Heb. géroa’, ‘arm,’ instead of katw; while other cor- respondents from southern Fal. explain the Bab. sige ‘horses,’ kazira ‘cattle,’ risu ‘head,’ same ‘heaven,’ elippi ‘a ship,’ tna kati-su ‘in his hand,’ and arfi-su ‘after him,’ by the Can. gigi (Heb. sis), makani (Heb. mikneh), rusu (Heb. résh), saméma (Heb. shamayim), anay (Heb. ’6éni), badiu (Heb. béyado), and akhrun-u (Heb. akhr6n-o). The Phenician governors Bre batnu (Heb. beten) for the Bab. panté ‘stomach,’ mima (Heb. mayim) for mami ‘water,’ Khaparu and nar (Heb. ‘dphdar) for tpru ‘dust,’ and kilubt (Heb. kélub) for khu- kharu ‘a cage.’ Similar evidence is borne by the Can. words borrowed by the Egyptians under the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties; e.g. markabute ‘chariots,’ ‘agolte ‘wagons,’ hurpu (hereb) ‘sword,’ espat ‘quiver,’ shabud (shebet) ‘staff,’ supdr ‘scribe,’ baith ‘house,’ bdarkat ‘ pool,’ yum ‘sea,’ nahal ‘brook,’ ‘ebete (‘ebed) ‘slave,’ gamal ‘camel,’ zaba’ ptt na‘aruna ‘young men,’ parzal ‘iron’ (cf. Lauth, ‘Semitische Lehn- worter im Aigyptischen,’ in ZDMG. xxv. 4, 1871). The Can. script at the time was the cuneiform syllabary of Babylon; the so-called Phenician alphabet was not introduced till afterwards. The earliest known inscriptions in this alphabet are the Moabite Stone (B.c. 850), a dedication by Hiram of Tyre to Baal-Lebanon, which may be of the same date, and a single word on a piece of pottery found by Bliss on the site of Lachish at a depth of 300 feet. ne of the Tel el-Amarna letters was sent by Burna-burias, king of Babylon, to Amenhotep Iv. of Egypt to complain of outrages committed upon his ambassadors in Canaan (Kinakhkhi). At Khinna- tuni (‘Ain-Athun; ef. the modern ‘Ain-Ethan, near Solomon’s Pools, between Bethlehem and Hebron) they were attacked by Sum-Adda (Shem-Hadad), the son of Balumme (perhaps Balaam), and Sutatna (also called Zatatna), the son of Saratum of Acco (Acre), the feet of one being cut off, and the face of another trampled upon. ae Canaan belonged to Egypt, and its ‘king’ was an Egyp. vassal, Burna- burias calls upon the Pharaoh to punish the assailants and restore the silver they had stolen, otherwise amicable relations between Babylon and Egypt will be broken off. In another letter it is stated that Kuri-galzu, the predecessor of Burna-burias, refused the proposal of the Kuna- khians, by whom the Can. seem to be meant, that they should revolt to him from Egypt. Another letter is from a king of northern Syria ‘ to the kings of Kinakhna, the servants’ of the Pharaoh, asking them not to hinder his ambassador on his way to Egypts while in a fourth Abi-melech of Tyre says he has heard from Canaan (Kinakhna) that ‘the king of the land of Danuna is dead and his brother has succeeded him as king, and that his country is tranquil’; that ‘one half of the city of Ugarit has been burnt and its troops have perished’; that ‘the Hittite army has departed,’ but that ‘Etagama, the prince of Kadesh, and Aziru (the Amorite) are hostile, and are fighting against Namya- yizi.’ Here Canaan seems to be used in a wide sense. LiTERATURE.—Movers, Die Phinizier (1841-1856); Pietsch- mann, ‘Geschichte der Pho6nizier,’ in Oncken’s Allgemeine een 4 ; Rawlinson, History of Phenicia (1889); Renan, ission de Phénicie (1864); CIS, vol. 4. (1881-1890); RP, New Beries, iii., v., vi. (1890-1894). A. H. SAYCE. CANANZAN or CANAANITE occurs in Mt 104 and Mk 3! as a designation of Simon, one of the disciples of Jesus. The first is the correct reading, the Gr. Kavavaios being the transliteration of six‘p (a late Heb. derivative from x}~=7ealous). It is rendered in Lk 6 and Ac 1 by {Awris (zealot). The Cananzans or Zealots were a sect founded by CANON Judas of Gamala, who headed the opposition te the census of Quirinius (A.D. 6 or 7). They bitterly resented the domination of Rome, and would fain have hastened by the sword the fulfilment of the Messianic hope. During the great rebellion and the siege of Jerusalem, which ended in its destruc- tion (A.D. 70), their fanaticism made them terrible opponents, not only to the Romans, but to other factions amongst their own countrymen. LirERaTuRE.—Josephus, Wars of the Jews, rv. iii. 9, v. 1, VIL. viii. 1, ete. ; Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 80f., 177, 229; Keim, Jesus q Nazara, i. 256f. J. A. SELBIE. CANDACE (Kavédxn), queen of the Athiopians, is mentioned Ac 8%’, Her treasurer was baptized by Philip (which see), near Gaza, on his return from Jerus., where he had gone to worship. C. seems to have been a dynastic title of the queens of AXthiopia. Pliny says (vi. 29)... ‘regnare feminam Candacen, quod nomen multis iam annis ad reginas transiit.’ From the time of Alexander the Great the dowager queens used to reign. C. mentioned Ac 8” was probably rich, since the eunuch baptized by Philip was said to be ‘over all her treasure.’ (See Rawlinson, Herodotus, ii. 30 n. 3 Strabo, Geogr. xvii. 1. 54; Pliny, HN vi. 35.) C. H. PRICHARD. CANDLE, CANDLESTICK.—1. In AV ‘candle’ Bpueece in nine passages of OT as the rendering of 73 nér, and in eight passages of NT as the rendering of Avyvos. In the whole of these passages, with two exceptions (Jer 25, Zeph 1), but see marg.), RV adopts the more accurate rendering ‘lamp’ (which see). As indispensable to the furnishing of a simple ‘ prophet’s chamber’ we find mention of a bed, a table, a stool, and a candlestick (7739, 2 K 4°). The article in question, however, is rather a lamp-stand (cf. Petrie, Tell el-Hesy, p. 104), and corresponds to the NT Avxvla, now rendered more correctly in the Gospels by ‘stand’ (Mt 5%, Mk 471, Lk 816 11% in RV). In Dn 9° is mentioned the candlestick or candelabrum of Belshazzar’s banqueting hall. For the golden candlestick of the tabernacle and the temple, see TABERNACLE. 2. The custom, practised from time immemorial in the East, of allowing a house lamp to burn night and day, is the source of the frequent figure by which the continually burning lamp pictures the continued prosperity both of the individual and of his family (see Ps 18% ), ‘thou wilt light my candle,’ 1 K 11%). Conversely, ‘to put out the candle of the wicked’ (Pr 24”, Job 18°) is to make his home desolate and bring destruction on himself. This familiar metaphor is employed in the Apoc. to describe the fate with which the Church of Ephesus was threatened: ‘I will remove thy candlestick out of his place’ (Rev 2°), A. R. S. KENNEDY. CANE.—See REED. CANKER.—As subst. 2 Ti 2” ‘their word will eat as doth a c.’ (ydyypawa, RV ‘ gangrene’). As verb, Ja 5° ‘ Your gold and silver is e%’ (xariéw, RV ‘rusted’), The mod. spelling of the subst. is ‘cancer,’ which is found as early as the beg. of the 17th cent. For the verb, cf. Shaks. Temp. Iv. i. 192— * As with age his body uglier grows, So his mind cankers.’ See MEDICINE. CANKERWORM.—See Locust. CANON.—In this article an attempt will be made to give a general view of the history of the idea involved in the application of the word Canon to Holy Scripture; and in so doing the use both of J. HASTINGS. urn eo CANON this and other terms to express the idea in question will be noticed. The history of the process whereby the actual Canons of the Jewish and the Christian Scriptures were arrived at will be more fully traced under the heads OLD TESTAMENT CANON and NEw TESTAMENT CANON. The conception of a C. virtually existed long before this precise term was employed. We have it wherever there is the notion of a collection of writings marked off as peculiarly sacred and as having a special Divine authority. Writings of the past would be likely for the first time fully to acquire this position when an age had come in which the living voice of prophecy was no longer heard. This view of them would not preclude the ossibility of an addition to the number of inspired ks at a future epoch of revelation. It is also to be observed, though to some this may at first ae seem strange, that a belief in a distinct class of writings of this kind was not incompatible with some diversity of opinion as to its extent, and with doubts on this subject in the minds even of those who were fully persuaded of the main facts. And this is true even of the time after the word C. was introduced. The idea of a C. no doubt gained to some degree in definiteness through controversies as to the writings which were to be held to form part of it. But in essence it was presupposed in those controversies; and their chief result was simply to fix more clearly and firmly the limits of the Canon. There was no exact equivalent for the word among the Jews in respect to OT, but we have the idea clearly implied in the expression ‘ the Scrip- tures’ as employed by J ews addressing Jews in NT (e.g. Mt 21%, Jn 5°, Ac 18%); and the word ‘Scripture,’ as used in the singular for a par- ticular passage, also involves it, since each passage so named derived the binding force which is attri- buted to it from being contained in the body of sacred writings. So again, where Jos. (c. Ap. i. 8) makes a formal statement concerning these books and their number, the recognition of a C. is implied. And we have it also in the collective words used in the Talm. for the Divine Scriptures, such as xqpp (‘reading,’ from their being read \ haat) in the synagogue) and wypn ‘anp (‘the oly writings ’). he Christian Church adopted the Scriptures of the Jews as herown. She also in process of time extended the idea of ‘Scripture’ to another body of writings, which in one or more groups were named along with those of OT. Pseudo-Clement of Rome’s 2nd Ep. (c. A.D. 150) speaks of 7a PiBAla kat ol dadorodo (i.e. the OT and the apostolic writings). Fresh names, also, were introduced 2 erate of the fact that she possessed two such collections, or such a collection in two parts. Melito, bp. of Sardis, circ. A.D. 170, speaks of ra Tis waratas SiadyKns BiBrla (ap. Euseb. HE iv. 26), ‘the books of the Old Covenant’ (or Testament). And we have evidence about the end of the same cent., in the writings of Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian, that the names madaid diadyjxy (vetus testamentum) and véa dta€yjxn (novum testamentum), the names that have become the most prevalent of all, had been transferred to the actual writings of the two dispensations. Ter- tullian himself preferred (see c. Mare. iv. 1) the term Instrumentum (of legal associations =‘ docu- mentary record or proof’). He frequently employs it, applying it sometimes to particular books, and sometimes separately to OT or to NT, but also to the Scriptures asa whole. From éa6zjxn the adj. évdid@nxos was formed ; it occurs repeatedly in the writings of Origen and Eusebius, in a sense closely corresponding to ‘canonical’ (e.g. Philocal., iii. and Euseb. HE iii. ce. 3, 9, 25, vi. c. 14). CANON 349 Another iirsinls art dednuocrevpévas ypapal ‘writ- ings which have been made public,’ used by Origen and others, needs somewhat fuller consideration. A certain vagueness attaches to it owing to the fact that these writings are contrasted with such as are ‘apocryphal’; and while this word is common in the Fathers of the 2nd and 3rd cent., it does not seem ever to occur at this time with the precise connotation which it has since acquired. The original and fundamental signification of ‘ apocry- eee > was that of something withheld from general nowledge. But there might be various reasons for so treating different writings. There were suine among the Jews, as there were also some Christians, esp. in the Church of Alexandria, who were inclined to value highly lore which they considered to be unfit to be communicated even to all the faithful, and suited only for the study of the wise. But this peer. was never strong enough either among Jews or Christians to lead to the establish- ment of a class of writings regarded as authoritative and yet not imparted to all ; and the spirit of Chris- tianity in particular was wholly opposed to such reservation. All writings regarded as inspired were naturally included among the dedyyoorevpévac—those ‘made the public property of the whole Church.’ We have still, however, to ask what was meant by and implied in this ‘ publication,’ and, as a further point, whether it could really serve to mark off the writings regarded as, in the full sense, authoritative from all others. The chief means of the publishing in question was the regular reading in the con- gregation. And no doubt this solemn reading served to impress upon the people generally the idea of the special authority of the books which they heard in this way ; while the need of a rule for directing it may have been one influence which promoted the formation of the C. of OT, as it was certainly of NT. But it seems too narrow a view of the words dnpooteverbot, or publicari, to regard them (as Zahn does, Gesch. d. Kanons, i. p. 134) as meaning little or nothing more than ‘to be read in church.’ If the publication connoted by these terms was closely associated with the public reading, it was so because that act was the chief symbol of the general reception and acknowledg- ment of the books by the Church, which had been informally arrived at, and which found expression in various habits of speech and practice. It must, however, further be observed that the fact of par- ticular books being publicly read would seem to be often too inconsiderately taken as evidence that they were regarded as Scripture in the full sense of the term. It is not to be supposed that the public reading would necessarily be regarded as havin the same significance, or that the rules for it would be conceived in the same spirit, everywhere and always. There might be, and in point of fact there were, varieties of custom acc. to differences of circumstances and of theological temper. At some times and places there would be comparative laxity, at others special strictness. The Mura- torian C. (cire. A.D. 200, written at Rome or in the neighbourhood) reveals a disposition to exclude from public reading all works of secondary or doubtful authority. This might be due to the special genius of the Rom. Church, or to a sense of the need of watchfulness which the recent spread of Gnosticism and Montanism and the circulation of the writings of these sects had created. On the other hand, at the very same epoch, we find Serapion, bp. of Antioch, first allowing the public reading of the Gospel of Peter at a place within his diocese, though he knew very little of the work and held it in no particular esteem, and then afterwards forbidding it, when he became more fully acquainted with its contents, and found that it was doing harm (Euseb. H# vi. 12). Again, te CANON pass to a later age.. With Cyril of Jerus. in his catechetical lectures, delivered circ. A.D. 340, the class of books ‘openly read in the church’ is coterminous with that of those ‘acknowledged among all,’ and is the opposite of as es a and he knows no third division (Catech. iv. ce. 33, 35). Athanasius, on the other hand, writing not long afterwards, but representing the usages of another Church, distinguishes between ‘ canonical books,’ ‘books that are read,’ and ‘apocryphal books’ (Zp. Fest. 39, i. 768, ed. Bened.). And Rufinus at the end of the cent. distinguishes in the same way, and gives the name of ‘Church books,’ Ecclesiastict libri, to the second class (De Symb. ec. 37, 38). We shall now be in a position to estimate rightly the amount of significance to be attached to the introduction of the words Canon, canonical, and canonised with reference to the books of Scripture ; but we must first determine which of them was so used earliest, and when? Some have supposed that the employment of the adjective in this connexion preceded that of the substantive, and that it is to be traced back to Origen, on the ground that the epithets canonici and regulares are applied to the books of Scripture in portions of his works which we possess only in Rufinus’ tr. No reliance can, however, be placed upon this argumert, since these would be the most con- venient renderings for such a word as évdidOnKo, which, as we have seen, certainly belonged to Origen’s terminology. Moreover, Rutinus so renders this very word in passages of Eusebius, where we have both the original and his translation. The earliest instance which can be adduced of the occurrence of either xavdy or a derivative in the sense now under consideration is in the Festal Epistle of Athanasius above referred to, written in A.D. 367. The participle cavomfsueva is there used of the books of Holy Scripture. It seems, however, improbable that the verb xavovifew, or its parts, should have been so applied before the term xavdy had been used of the ee collectively. And a little later Amphilochius, the eminent bishop of Iconium, concludes a catalogue of them, which he gives in his Jambi ad Seleucum with the words odros dwevdéoraros Kavay av eln rav Oeomvetotuv ypapov. The word, which originally meant a rod, and thence a measure, had been already applied in the sense of a rule or norm, and that variously, both in classical and ecclesiastical usage. It will suffice here to notice the phrase 6 xavav rijs ddnOelas, for the Church’s creed, which had long been familiar. It has been questioned whether, when the word xavéy was first used in connexion with the Scriptures, the primary intention was to express the thought that they form the rule of faith and life for the Christian, or to denote the list whereby the con- tents of the Scriptures is correctly defined. The latter seems to be the true view. It is the simplest ; and, moreover, it would be hard other- wise to explain the use of the verb xavovifewv, which is applied both to particular books and to the books collectively. The other idea would, however, also be readily suggested to the mind by the associations of the word xaywy. And accordingly we find Isidore of Pelusium, in the earlier half of the 5th cent., expressing himself thus: ‘ the Canon of the truth, I mean the Divine Scriptures’ (Ep. 114), It will be perceived, then, that no essentially new point of view was implied in the use of the term Canon and its derivatives in connexion with Holy Scripture. At thesame time it is noteworthy that they began to be employed at a time when special efforts were being made in different quarters to remove ambiguities with respect to, and to codify, the contents of the Scriptures. CAPERNAUM For further illustrations of some of the points here touched upon, and for the considerations which determined the inclusion or exclusion of particular books, or groups of books, the reader must consult the arts. APOCRYPHA, OLD TESTA- MENT CANON, and NEw TESTAMENT CANON. V. H. STANTON. CANOPY (kwvwretov, from xkévwy (Mt 23%), gnat, mosquito). — Originally a mosquito-net. The canopy of the bed of Holofernes, ‘which was of purple, and gold, and emerald, and precious stones inwoven,’ was taken by Judith ‘from the pillars’ as a trophy, and given by her ‘for a gift (avd9npa) unto the Lord’ (Jth 107 13°35 16%). ‘Canopy occurs also in RV at Is 4° ‘Over all the glory shall be spread a canopy’ (AV ‘defence’). The Heb. is npn, which here only has the sense of a canopy for protection ; elsewhere it means a bridegroom’s (Pa 19>) or a bride’s (J1 2**) chamber. F. C. PORTER. CANTICLES.—See Sona or SONGs, CAPER-BERRY (mi¥2x ’dbiyyénah, xdaraps, Eo 12°). The authority of the gx and of some of the Rabbis is in favour of the tr. ‘caper-berry’ RV, instead of ‘desire’ AV.—This is the fruit of Capparis spinosa, L., a perennial shrub, rooted in the clefts of rocks and walls, with straggling, more or less pendulous, branches, and orbicular to ovate leaves, 1 to 2 inches in length, and white flowers 2 to 3 inches broad. It grows in all the Mediterranean basin. The ripe berry is oblong to obovate-oblong, and 2 to 24 inches long. The young berries have a pungent flavour, and are ickled as a condiment. The Arabs of the Sin. esert call it el-dsdf, while the people of Pal. and Syria know it by the name kabar, which is mani- festly a modification of xérmapis. Like all pungent plants, it is stimulating to the erotic instinct. The idea of those who tr. ’dbiyyénah ‘caper-berry’ is that even this stimulant shall fail to excite desire. The principal Rabbi of Beirfit assures me that the tr. of AV ‘desire’ is that of the majority of the Jewish commentators. In either case the object is the same, that is, to express the decadence of the bodily powers with the advance of years. G. E. Post. CAPERNAUM (TR Kazepvaoty, from which our English word is taken; but Kadapvaotvp, supported by BaDZ, etc., is undoubtedly correct, represent- ing the original ovn:-153).—This city is mentioned only in the Gospels, and derives all its interest from association with the life of Christ. To it Matthew applies Is 9! (Mt 4816), After His rejection at Nazareth, Christ made His head- uarters in C., and it is called ‘his own city’ (Mt 9!). Here only was it said of Him ér é& olky éorlv—that He was at home (Mk 2'). Peter and Andrew of Bethsaida (Jn 1“) had settled in C. (Mk 1*°), and on the neighbouring beach they first heard and followed the Master (Mk 1"). Matthew (Mt 9°), or Levi (Mk 24, Lk 57), was here called from ‘the place of toll.’ Many miracles were wrought here (Mk 1%). The following are speciall mentioned, viz. healing centurion’s servant (Mt 8”, Lk 7'); nobleman’s son cured by a word from Cana (Jn 446); Simon Peter’s mother-in-law cured of fever (Mk 1%); paralytic healed (Mt 91, Mk 2', Lk 538); unclean spirit cast out (Mk 1%, Lk 4%), Here the lesson of humility was taught from a little child set in the midst (Mt 187, Mk 9%-%6), A famous discourse in the synagogue is reported in Jn 6. Over C., highly favoured but unrepent- ant, the heavy woe was pronounced, ‘And thou Capernaum, shalt thou be exalted unto heaven ?— thou shalt go down to Hades’ (Mt 11, Lk 10% RV). C., invariably called wé\s, ‘a city,’ was an important position, held by a body of Roman CAPERNAUM troops (Mt 8° etc.). It was also a customs-station (Mt 9° etc.). The commander of the soldiers thought it worth while to ingratiate himself with the people by building them a synagogue (Lk 7°). It was the residence of a distinguished officer of the king (Jn 4%). But beyond the facts that it was on the seashore (Mt 4'%), and was in or near the plain of Gennesaret (Jn 6'7-2!; see also Mk 655, Mt 14*), there is nothing in the NT to indi- cate the site. Twice mentioned by Josephus (Vita, 72, BJ wu. x. 8), neither passage is decisive. Tradition wavers between two sites, and a warm controversy has long raged over the question. The claims of ‘Ain em-Madowwerah, ‘the round fountain,’ a large spring on the N. edge of Gen- nesaret, may be dismissed. There is nothing near it to indicate the site of a great city; and it waters only a small portion of the plain. The two serious rivals are Khan Minyeh, at the N.E. corner of the plain, and Zell Him, on the shore, fully 2 miles nearer Jordan. The case for Tell Him rests chiefly upon the name, the size of the ruins, their position on the eastward road, and the testimony of certain travellers. It is suggested that the Arab. Teli took the place of Caphar when the city became ruinous, na falling from Nahum. This is an almost impossible deriva- tion. A Jewish Rabbi, Tankhum, is said to be buried here. The derivation from his name is both easy and natural. An alternative derivation is suggested from the Heb. nin=‘ brown’ or ‘ fire- blackened,’ of which Arab. Him is an exact trans- literation. Then Zell Hiim=‘the black mound,’ truly descriptive of the ruins, could only date from a time subsequent to the destruction of the city. Along this road only the eastern traffic would pass. The northern caravans never came this way. Jerome, Theodorus (532A.D.), Antoninus Martyr (?), A.D. 600, and John of Wiirtzburg (1100), may be taken as favouring Te/] Him. Josephus, hurt on the Jordan, was carried to C.; but this was not necessarily the nearest town. He was evidently anxious to reach his headquarters at Tarichea (Vita, 72). It is much against Tell Him that there is no fountain there; and nothing like that ole by Josephus within about a couple of miles. On the other hand, there are many considerations in favour of Khan Minyeh. Gennesaret was a well-defined district, generally allowed to corre- spond with el Ghuweir, ‘the little Ghér,’ lying Deng the N.W. shore of the sea (see Jos, BJ Ill. x. 8). The disciples started from the other side to go to C. (Jn 6!”). The waters being stilled, they were straightway ‘at the land whither they were going’ (1b. v.24). Matthew (14*4) says ‘they came to the land, unto Gennesaret.’ (So also Mk 6°.) Those who sought Jesus in the morning found Him at C. (Jn 6%), and He addressed them in the synagogue. C. was thus either in or close to Gennesaret. This condition is met by Khan Minyeh; not at all by Tell Him. Remains of an ancient city are found in the plain between Khdn Minyeh and the sea; also on the adjoining Tell ‘Arevmeh, where probably a large church once stood. Standing at the junction of the two great roads which must always have united behind 7'ed/ ‘Areimeh, that to eastward along the shore, and that to the north by Khan Jubb Yusif, it occupied a position of first importance in the district. All the traffic from north, south, east, and west passed through the hands of its customs officers. The spring of which Josephus speaks (BJ 1. x. 8) may not have been actually in the plain. Certainly it was not ‘Ain et-Tineh. At ef-Tabigha (Hepta- pegon?), on the edge of the valley beyond Tell Areimeh, rise several springs, one of great volume, the largest fountain in Galilee. An old aqueduct CAPHTOR 351 led the water across the vale, along the face of the cliff in a rock-cut channel, and into the plain at Minyeh sufficiently high to water a large area. Historical evidence is on the whole favourable to Khan Minyeh. Antoninus Martyr (600) is claimed on both sides; but the latter site is supported by Arculfus, end of 7th cent. ; St. Willibald, middle of 8th cent.; Eugesippus, middle of 12th cent.; Brocardius, end of 13th cent.; Quaresimus, 1620, who says that a ruin, called in Arab. Minieh, is the site of Capernaum. The absence of any reminiscence of the ancient name is a difficulty withsome. But from the Talm. we learn that C. was, for the Jews, associated with the Minim, the name by which they desig- nated the Christians, who were numerous in the city. The Huta of the Talm., ‘the sinners,’ are the sons of Caphar Nahum, and again these are identified with the Minim. Among the Jews, C. was the city of Menai down to the 14th cent. The name given to the inhabitants is probably preserved in Khan Minyeh. The balance of evidence is at present greatly in favour of this site. W. Ewina. CAPH or KAPH (3).—Eleventh letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 11th part, each verse of which begins with this letter. CAPHARSALAMA (Xad¢apoadayd), 1 Mac 72%.— epparebily near Jerus. Kefr Silwdn, the village of Siloam, is possibly intended. SWP, vol. iii. sh. xvii. CAPHIRA (A Kadipd, B Ietpd), 1 Es 54°.—A town of Benj., inhabitants of which returned with Zerub. In Ezr 2% CHEPHIRAH (7793, B Kadetpd, A -t-); ef. Neh 7%. See CHEPHIRAH. CAPHTOR (7hna2, oD, XagGoprelu, Caphtormm). —The Caphtorim were geographically connected with Egypt according to Gn 104%; and in Dt 2% we read: ‘The Avvim, which dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, the Caphtorim, which came forth out of Caphtor, destroyed them, and dwelt in their stead.’ ere the Caphtorim are identified with the Philistines, who are stated to have come from Caphtor in Am 97 and Jer 474 (where Caphtor is ealled an ‘isle’ or ‘coastland’). Consequently in Gn 10*4 the words, ‘whence went forth the Philis- tines,’ must be out of place, and should follow Caphtorim instead of Casluhim. Caphtor has been identified with both Cyprus and Crete, but the names do not agree. Ebers (4gypten und die Bicher Moses, 1868) proposed to see in Caphtor an Egyp. compound Kaft-ur, ‘Greater Kaft’ or ‘ Pheenicia,’ and made it the coast of the Delta, which was thickly covered with Pheenician colonies. But this theory has been overthrown by the excavation of the temple of Kom Ombo in Upper Egypt in 1892. On the wall of the south external corridor is a series of cartouches containing the names of the countries supposed to have been conquered by Ptolemy Auletes and collected from older monu- ments of various ages. Among the names are those of Kaptar (Caphtor) and Kasluhet (Casluhim), each with the determinative of ‘country’ attached to it. Kaptar ends the first line, and is immediately pre- ceded by the names of Persia, Susa, Babylon, and Pontus, while Kasluhet (followed by Zoar) is the fifth name of the second line, which begins with the inhabitants of the Sinaitic peninsula and northern Syria. The names, however, have prob- ably been registered at haphazard, so that no conclusion can be drawn from their order. The Philistines seem to have entered Palestine in the course of the great invasion of Egypt by the northern nations in the eighth year of Ramses III. 852 CAPPADOCIA CARAVAN Prof. Prések combines this fact with the statement of Justin, that in B.c. 1209 a king of Ashkelon stormed Sidon, and that the fugitive Sidonians founded Tyre. The dates would agree very well. At any rate, the Pulista or Philistines are closely associated with the Zakkal (Teukrians?) in the attack on Egypt in the time of Ramses I1I., whereas the latter appear alone in an earlier attack in the time of Merenptah. From 1S 30", Ezk 25! Zeph 2°, we may gather that the Philistines were also known as the Cherethites or Cretans, as the Sept. tran- scribes the name. In this case Caphtor must be identified with Crete, or at all events with some district in that island. Recent discoveries have shown that Crete was a centre of culture in the prekistone age of the eastern Mediterranean, and t A. Evans has pointed out that it possessed a peculiar system of pictorial writing (see his article on ‘Primitive Pictographs’ in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xiv. 1894). A. H. SAYCE. CAPPADOCIA (Karzadoxia), a large country in the E. of Asia Minor, was formed into a Kom. rovince by Tiberius in A.D. 17, on the death of ane Archelaus. It was administered by a pro- curator, sent out by the reigning emperor; and it was treated as an unimportant outlying district. In A.D. 70, however, Vespasian united it with Armenia Minor as one of the great frontier pro- vinces of the empire, placing it under the rule of a legatus Augusti pro pretore, who was selected by the emperor from among the ex-consuls ; and he stationed a legion (XJJ. Fulminata) at Melitene as arrison to maintain the defence of the Euphrates ine. At this period a great territory, ruled by Antiochus Epiphanes of Commagene, lying be- tween the provinces Cilicia and Cappadocia, and including part of Lycaonia, was incorporated in C.; and under succeeding emperors, especially Trajan, the size and importance of the province were greatly increased, and more troops were stationed in it. The commercial capital of the province was Cesareia - Eusebeia-Mazaka; the military centres were Melitene and (after Trajan) Satala. Between about A.D. 76 and 106, both Galatia and ©. were placed under one gover- nor. Jews in C. are mentioned in Ac 2%, and implied in Philo, Leg. ad Gaiwm, § 36 (Mang. ii. 587) : a letter in their favour from the Rom. Senate to Ariarathes, king of C., about B.c. 139, is men- tioned 1 Mac 15; in the 3rd cent. after Christ and later, a great Jewish population in Cesareia is alluded to in the Talmud. The easy road from Tarsus through the Cilician Gates tempted them onwards towards the N., to take advantage of the lucrative trade between Central Asia and the Black Sea harbours, esp. Amisus: the road passed through C. and Pontus (Ac 18’). This trading connexion led to the early extension of Christianity over both countries (1 P 1'). LrrgraTurs.—Marquardt, Rémische Staatsverwaltung, i. pp. 865-374; Ritter, Klewnasien, i. pp. 236-339, ii. 286-272 ; Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, pp. 267-319, 346-356, 449f., and the map in St. Paul the Trav. for provincial divisions ; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud; Th. Reinach, Numism, des Rois de Capp. W. M. Ramsay. CAPTAIN.—I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.—The AV translates no fewer than 13 different Heb. words by ‘captain,’ and many of these words have other renderings as well. he RV has scarcely introduced much greater consistency. (1) ww, often translated ‘prince,’ used especially of ‘captains of thousands’ (x:Alapxos), etc., and ab the ‘captain of the host’ (d4px.orpdrnyos). For the ‘captain of the host of the Lorpb’ (Jos 5"), and for ‘Michael your prince’ (also Dn 10# etc.), see under GoD and ANGEL. (2) 13}, the foremost officer, used of the king (1 S 9°—RV prince or leader, LXX dpywr)y the same Heb. word is used also of the ‘leader of the house of Aaron’ (1 Ch 1277), and of the ‘rulers of the house of God’ (2 Ch 35% etc.). See below. (3) wis, literally head, Nu 144 etc., LXX dpxnyés. (4) wy3, literally lifted up, Nu 2° etc., RV prince, LXX dpxwv. (5) py, literally one who decides, Jg 11° etc., RV chief texocpt Dn 1118), LXX dpxnyés or Hyovmevos. (6) 1950, RV marshal, Jer 517, Nah 317, (7) m3, usually of the governor of a territory, 2 K 18%, Hag 1 ete. (8) 31=(1), only in later Heb., e.g. 2K 25% (9) byz, baal, ‘ master,’ Jer 37}, captain of the ward. (10) ey Ex 147, 2 K 9% etc., probably knight or equerry, LXX rpiordrys. The other three words are (in AV) mistranslated captain, 2 K 11* ¥, Jer 13%, Ezk 2122 (3, m>x, 12, respectively). II. Captain represents three words in the NT (1) x:Alapyos—used vaguely of a military officer, and technically as the equivalent of the Roman ‘prefectus’ or ‘tribunus militum.’ One such officer was regularly in charge of the Roman garri- son at Jerusalem, which probably consisted of a cohort of auxiliaries, about 1000 men in all. The commander would be a Roman citizen (Ac 22%), the soldiers provincials (not Jews, but meny of them Samaritans), who would receive the franchise on discharge. Whether the word has the technical or the vaguer sense in Jn 18” is not clear. (2) o7pa- rnyos—used in Lk 22452 and Ac 4! 5%-% of the one of the Temple, together with his chief subordinates, whe are perhaps the same as the three ‘keepers of the threshold’ (2 K 2518, Jer 354, and see Josephus, Ant. X. viii. 5). This captain (123, see (2) above) is mentioned Jer 20! ( qryovpevos) and Neh 11"), and is called in 2 Mac 3¢ mpoordrns Tod lepod, and in Josephus (Anf. XX. vi. 2, etc.) orparnyés. Probably he and his chief sub- ordinates are indicated by the term ‘rulers’ in Ezr 9? and often in Neh (0332p, LXX orparzyol or &pxovres) ; see Schiirer, HJP 1. i. 258. The captain was at least a Levite, and commanded a small body of police, probably themselves priests; and he had the duty of keeping order in the Temple, and watching there by night. (3) dpxnyés—He 2” —probably to be understood rather as author and beginner than as commander in a fight (ef. Ac 3% 581, He 122), The captain of the guard (crparoreddpyns, Ac 281 TR and AV) would, perhaps, be the ‘princeps castrorum peregrinorum’; it would hardly mean the ‘prefectus pretorio,’ whose title is never so rendered in Greek. But the sentence is omitted by RY following the best authorities: it is, how- ever, an ancient ‘ Western reading,’ and possibly records a real tradition. (See Mommsen in Sitzungsb. d. kgl. preuss. Akad. d.Wissensch., phil.- hist. Classe, 1895, p. 495, and art. PRAZTORIUM.) W. O. BuRROWwsS. CAPTIVITY.—See ISRAEL. CARABASION (B Kapafaceudv, A -oidv), 1 Es 9%, —A corrupt name of one of those who put away their ‘strange’ wives. It seems to correspond to MEREMOTH in Ezr 10%, The conjecture that it should be read xat ‘PaBaciwy is not supported (as is stated in Speaker’s Comm.) by the Vat. text. H. St. J. THACKERAY. CARAYAN, not used in AV, is given by RV in Job 618: 19 (nimy est.) for AV ‘paths,’ ‘troops’; in Is 214 (pte. of mx) for AV ‘travelling companies’; and in Ezk 27% ‘ The ships of Tarshish were thy cara- vans for thy merchandise,’ for AV ‘The ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market,’ taking ning from ww to travel (after Gesen.) not vv to sing. But Davidson doubts: ‘The camel has been called the ship of the desert, but conversely to call an east-indiaman a caravan is too brilliant for the prophet.’ See his note. In older Eng., however, CARBUNCLE CARE 353 the word ont have been applicable without crediting Ezekiel with the brilliant metaphor, since ‘ caravan’ was used from the beg. of the 17th to the middle of the 18th cent. for a fleet of ships, as Fuller, Com. on Ruth (1654): ‘A caravan... sailing in the vast ocean.’ J. HASTINGS. CARBUNCLE.—See Stonss, PRECIOUS. CARCAS (0273, Est 17°), one of the seven eunuchs or chamberlains of king Ahasuerus, An etymology suggested is the Persian kargas, ‘vulture.’ The gives a different name. CARCASE (the spelling has been indifferently carcase or carcass throughout, though dictionaries have given carcass alone, or by preference since Johnson) is used now only of the dead body of a beast, or contemptuously of a human being, but was formerly used freely of either. The Heb. words are various: (1) 113 géviyyah (used of living body also) is so tr. only Jg 148° of the c. of Samson’s lion (RV ‘ body’), which is also (14°) called (2) abe mappeleth (fr. b>} to fall, as rréua fr. wlarrew, cadaver fr. cadere), which has this meaning only here; elsewhere ‘fall’ Pr 2916, Ezk 9618-18 3116 3910 or ‘rnin’? Ezk 277731" [all]. (3) 5 peger ; and (4) nba; nébhélah are often tr. ‘car- case.’ Both are also oe lied to the trunk of an idol, peger Lv 26% ‘I cast your carcases upon the carcases of your idols’; nébhélah Jer 16% ‘they have filled mine inheritance with the carcases of their detestable things.’ Both words are used in Heb. of dead bodies only, so that the tr. ‘dead earcase’ of Dt 148, Ezk 6°, is as needless for the Heb. as in the Eng.; RV omits ‘dead.’ In Bel® ‘in the den there were seven lions, and they had given them every day two carcases and two sheep’ (so RV, AVm ‘slaves,’ Gr. cdépara, lit. ‘bodies,’ used of ‘servants,’ t.e. slaves, To 10). In NT ‘ carcase’ occurs Mt 24% ‘ wheresoever the c. is, there will the eagles be gathered together’ (rapa, as in Wis 438); and He 3” ‘ whose carcases fell in the wilderness’ (x)or, lit. ‘limbs,’ the LXX tr. of 125 in Nu 14” ®2 where the language is nearly identical). . HASTINGS. CARCHEMISH (w7273; omitted in the LXX at 2 Ch 35”, but at Jer 26 (Heb 46}? Xapyeis [Q, Kapyxapyeis]; Vulg. Charcamis). There have been various conjectures as to the site of this city, which was finally correctly located by Messrs. Skene and Geo. Smith, by means of the Assyrian inscriptions. Carchemish is at present represented by the mounds of Jerablfis (Smith, Yaraboloos) or Fiera lis, on the western bank of the Euphrates, described by Smith as a grand site, with vast walls and palace-mounds 8000 ft. round, and containing numerous sculptures and monoliths with inscrip- tions, many of which are now in the British Museum. Pococke says that the ruins are rect- angular, and measure 4 mile long by 4 mile wide. The mounds lie between Birejik and the junction of the Sajur and the Euphrates. Carchemish, the chief city of the Hittites, was called Karkamis by the Babylonians, Gargamis and Kargamis by the Assyrians, and Karikamai(?)sa or Karakamisa by the Egyptians, and the city was known—perhaps renowned—as a trading centre as early as the 3rd millennium B.c.* Amen-em-hebe, one of the cap- tains of Tahutmes II. (c. B.C. 1600), refers to his cam- pe against the people of Karikamai(?)sa, where e took prisoners ;+ and about B.c. 1200 Tiglath- pileser I. of Assyria plundered ‘the land of the neighbourhood of Subi as far as Carchemish (Kar- * Before the reign of the Bab. king Ammi-zaduga, c. 2100 B.o. + W. Max Miiller, Asien und Europa nach altdgyptischen , Leipzig, 1893. VOL. I.—23 gamis) of the land of Hatte (Kheta or Hit) in a single day.’ There is no record, however, that the fortress was taken on this occasion. The ruler of Carchemish about B.c. 880 was Sangara, who paid a large amount of tribute, chiefly in manufactured things, such as furniture and woven stuffs, also metal, to ASsur-nazir-pal, king of Assyria. Sangara afterwards came into conflict with Shalmaneser II., son of Assur -nazir- pal, about B.C. 858, and the Assyrian king says that he captured Sangara’s cities, receiving from the latter, when he submitted, 2 talents of ‘gold, 70 talents of silver, 30 talents of copper, 100 talents of iron, 20 talents of purple cloth, 500 weapons, his daughter with a dowry, 100 daughters of the great men of the place, 500 oxen, and 5000 sheep, and fixed as his (yearly) tribute 1 maneh of ol. 1 talent of silver, and 2 talents of purple cloth, one payment of which is duly recorded as having taken place. The large amount of the war in- demnity and the tribute testify to the prosperity and commercial importance of the city. On the bronze gates found by H. Rassam at Balawat the reception of tribute by Shalmaneser 1. is twice represented, and in each case a picture in relief of the fortress is given. The city was finally taken by Sargon of Assyria in B.C. 717, when Pisiri or Pisiris, its last king, was made prisoner. From this time it formed part of the Assyrian empire, and was administered by an Assyrian governor.* Its importance as a trading centre continued under its new rulers, the ‘maneh of Carchemish’ being one of the standard weights in use at Nineveh. Later notices of the city occur in the Bible itself, when Pharaoh-Necho defeated Josiah in the battle in which the Jewish king lost his life (2 Ch 35”), and was himself defeated by Nebuchadrezzar, four yours later (B.C. 605), under the walls of the city Jer 467), in the battle which decided the fate of Western Asia. The patron deity of the city was the Asiatic goddess wor- shipped under the name of Atargatis, whose wor- ship, when the city fell into decay, was transferred to the city now represented by Membij, which became the new Hierapolis, and continued in ex- istence after the old city of Carchemish was de- serted. The meaning of the name is unknown. T. G, PINCHES. CARE.—The Preps meaning of this word, and of all its compounds (of which there occur in AV ‘careful,’ ‘carefully,’ ‘carefulness,’ ‘careless,’ ‘carelessly’) is trouble or sorrow. But from a very early period it was confounded with Lat. cura (with which it has no connexion, being a purely Teutonic word), and the meaning of cura, viz. attention to something or somebody, became attached to it. This affected even the original word, so that care in the sense of sorrow became anxiety, as if due to over-attention; while the compounds have now actually dropped their original meaning, and adopted that of cura wholly. But throughout the history of the word, and esp. in AV, we can trace the two senses side by side. 1. Care is both subst. and verb. As subst. (1) Anxiety (Gr. pépyuva): Mt 13”, ‘the care of this world, and the deceitfulness of riches, choke the word’; so Mk 4”, Lk 84 21% ‘ cares of this life,’ 2 Co 11% ‘the care of all the churches’ (RV ‘anxiety for’), 1 P 5’ ‘ Casting all your care upon him’ (RV ‘ anxiety’), 1 Mac 6'° ‘my heart faileth for very care.’ In OT, 18S 10? ‘thy father hatk left the care of the asses (i.e. concern about, 731, lit. ‘“‘the matters of the asses”), and sorroweth for you,’ Ezk 418 ‘ they shall eat bread by weight, and with care’ (nix1, RV ‘carefulness’). (2) Attention (esp. earnest attention, the original meaning of the word in turn affecting this * The name of the governor in B.0. 691 or 692 was Bél-emurini. 354 CARE borrowed meaning; Gr. o7ovd}): 2 Co 7% ‘our care for you in the sight of God’ (RV ‘earnest care,’ as 816 AV, RV); Ph 4 ‘your care for me’ (rd gpovetvy, RV ‘thought for me’) Wis 617 74 (ppovris) As verb (1) Anaiety or concern (Gr. peptuvdw) 3 1 Co 7%. 8. % « But I would have you with- out carefulness. He that is unmarried careth for the things that belong to the Lord, how he ma lease the Lord: but he that is married caret, or the things that are of the world, how he ma ple his wife’ (RV ‘is careful for’); 12%, Ph 2”, n OT, 2 S 18° ‘if we flee away, they will not care for us, neither if half of us die, will they care for us’ (Heb. 25 nw). (2) Attention: Dt 11" ‘a land which the Lord thy God careth for (w23, RVm ‘seeketh after’), the eyes of the Lord thy God are always upon it’; Ps 1424 ‘no man cared for my soul. When the expression is care for, the dis- tinction is not always obvious, since it is the person that is anxious about who will give attention to; but in the foll. passages (where the Gr. is uéec) the meaning is always anxiety or concern: Mt 2216, Mk 124, Jn 10% ‘ he is an hireling, and careth not for the sheep,’ 12° ‘not that he cared for the goor, Ac 18!” ‘Gallio cared for none of these things,’ 1 Co 77, 1 P 5’ ‘He careth for you.’ On the other hand, to take care of (émimedéouar) must be ‘ to give attention to,’ Lk 10% ‘he brought him to an inn and took care of him,’ 10®, 1 Ti 3° ‘if a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the church of God?’ Hence 1 Co 9° AV, ‘ Doth God take care for oxen?’ (ué\e) is @ serious mistranslation. God does take care for oxen, as for all living creatures, but it is only for man that He may be said to have concern (RV ‘ Is it for the oxen that God careth ?’). Careful.—l. Anaious, Lk 10“ ‘ Martha, Martha, thou art c. and troubled about many things’ (uep:- pegs RV ‘thou art anxious’), Ph 4° ‘Be careful for no. hing’ (udev peptuvdre, RV ‘In nothing be anxious’). In OT, Jer 178 ‘he shall be as a tree planted by the waters . . . and shall not be ¢. in the year of drought’ (1x3); Dn 3!6‘O Nebuchad- nezzar, we are not c. to answer thee in this matter’ (nvo, RV ‘we have no need,’ RVm as AV). Cf. Shaks. Tit. And. Iv. iv. 84— © The eagle suffers little birds to sing, And is not careful what they mean thereby.’ In Apocr., Bar 38 ‘They... were 80 ©.’ (uepiuvav- ves); to which RV adds 2 Es 2” ‘Be not c. over- much,’ an expression which brings out the differ- ence between careful=anxious, and careful= attentive or painstaking; in the latter sense, as we put it, ‘you cannot be too careful.’ 2. Atten- tiwe to one’s interests, painstaking : Ph 4 ‘Now at the last your care of me hath flourished again ; wherein ye were also c., but ye lacked opportunity’ (éppovetre, RV ‘ye did take dhonght); it 3° ‘that they which have believed in God might be c. to maintain good works’ (porrifw); 2 K 4% ‘thou hast been ec. for us with all this care’ (775, usually ‘to tremble,’ and so here ‘ to be anxiously careful,’ its only occurrence in this sense). Carefully.—In the sense of anxiously, c. occurs only Mic 1 ‘the inhabitant of Maroth waited c. for good’ (nbn, lit. ‘has been in pain,’ RV * waiteth anxiously’). In the sense of attentively, there are in AV Dt 15° ‘if thou. hearken’ (yipy-ox dr ks ‘if hearkening thou shalt hearken,’ RV ‘if thou shalt diligently hearken,’ as AV in 11” 281, same Heb.); Wis 12 ‘we should e. think of thy goodness’ pepiuvGuev, RV ‘ ponder’); Ph 28 ‘IT sent him the more ¢.’ (crovdatorépws, RV ‘the more diligently ’) ; He 12” ‘he sought it c. with tears’ (éx{yréw, RV ‘sought it diligently’). To these RV adds Mt 27-16 (axpBsw, AV ‘diligently ’), 28 (dxp8Gs AV ‘diligently’), Ac 18% (dxpBws, AV ‘ diligently ’) 187° (dxpi8ws AV ‘ perfectly’) and He CARMEL 12% ‘ Looking c¢.’ (éricxorobvres, AV ‘looking dill. gently ’). Carefulness, in tiie sense of anaiety, is given in AV (as tr. of a391) Ezk 123*19; to which RV adds 4% (AV ‘care’), Jos 22% (AV ‘ fear’). In the same sense is Sir 30% ‘c. bringeth age before the time’ (uépyuva, RV ‘care’); and 1 Co 72 *T would have you without c.’ (dyépiuros, RV ‘free from cares’). Cf. Latimer, Ser. 1. 413, ‘Consider the remedy against carefulness, which is to trust in God.’ But the sense of watchful and helpful interest is clear in 2 Co 74 ‘what c. it wrought in you’ (o7ovd}, RV ‘earnest care’); for the same apostle commends ¢. in this passage, who had condemned it in the previous. Careless and Carelessly have always the mean- ing of without trouble or anxiety, in security (the Heb. being always noz ‘to trust,’ or nya ‘con- fidence’) ; ‘careless’ Jg 187, Is 32%1% Hzk 30° (but RV adds Pr 191° Heb. 7y5 ‘a despiser’) ; ‘ care- lessly ’ Is 478, Ezk 39°, Zeph 2%. Cf.— * Raise up the organs of her fantasy ; Sleep she as sound as careless infancy.’ Shaks. Merry Wvees, v. v. 66. J. HASTINGS. CARIA (Kapla) is actually mentioned only in 1 Mac 15 as one of the places to which the Rom. Senate sent a circular letter in B.C. 139-138 in favour of the Jews. The political entity which is here meant was probably the Chrysaorian con- federacy, in whieh most of the cities (esp. the inland cities) of C. were united, meeting at the temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus at Stratonicea. C., most of which belonged to the Rhodians from 190 to 168, was then declared free by the Romans; and this confederacy was the responsible government until 129, when the country was incorporated in the province of Asia. The coast cities of C. were chiefly Greek, and did not belong to the confederacy: of these Miletus was Ionian; Cnidus, Cos, and Halicarnassus were Dorian: hence the Rom. Senate sent their letter about the Jews (see DELUS) to the Dorian cities, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, Cos, and also to Rhodes and Myndus (which seem to be nearly the complete list of Carian governments). W. M. RAMSAY. CARITES (3) occurs in the Kethibh of the Heb. text and margin of RV in 2 § 20%, where the Keré has Cherethites (‘n12), and in RV of 2 K 114, where the AV has captains (RVm executioners). The Carites were possibly Phil. mercenaries from Caria, as the Cherethites were from Crete. See CHERE- THITES, and cf. W. R. Smith, O7/C? 262 n. J. A. SELBIE. CARMEL (b> ‘garden’), Jos 15%, 1S 154 252-7. 40, 2 S 2385, 1 Ch 1157.—A city of Judah in the Hebron mountains, where Saul set up a ‘hand’ or memorial stone, and where Nabal lived in possession of flocks. One of David’s heroes was a Carmelite. Now the ruined town Kurmul, on the hills about 10 miles S.E. of Hebron, chiefly remarkable for the remains of a large square tower, built in the 12th cent. A.D., and for a very fine large reservoir. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xxiv. C. R. ConDER. CARMEL (usually with the def. art. 2>720 ‘the arden’ or ‘garden-land’; without it only in os 1975, Jer 4618, Nah 14; 6 Kdpundos ; but generally ’3n 39 ‘Mount of the Carmel’; dpos 7d Kapyhdov; Jos. Kapundos, Kapusdov 8pos. In later Heb. ore In the list of places conquered by Tahutmes III. in Pal., No. 49 reads Kalimna, which Tomkins takes as Kalamon or Carmel ; and No. 48, Rshkadsh, by which Maspero understands Rosh-Kodshu, ‘the sacred headland’ of Carmel. Mod. Arab. Kirmial, but more usually Jebel Mar Elyas).—This long headland, which forms one of the great features of Pal., is of the same hard limestone as the cen CARMEL tral range of the country, but is separated from the latter by hills of softer formation, which are therefore more worn than itself, and now lie lower and are opened up by passes. The promontory of Carmel rises above a narrow sea-beach to a height of some 500 ft. at the monastery ; thence the ridge, running S.E., ascends (PEF Teese Map, sheets v. and viii.) 94 miles to Esfia (1742 Ry and then sinks for 3} miles more to its end at El- Mahraka (1687 ft.) ; beyond which there is a sudden dip into the Wady el-Milh, a valley that separates Carmel from the lower hills aforesaid, the Belad er-Ruhah. The ridge is well-defined, and in shape a wedge, with the thin end seaward, in breadth from plain to plain 14 miles, but at the thick or inland end as much as 84 miles broad. The sides are ee differently disposed. The S.W. sinks slowly by long ridges and glens upon the plain of Sharon; the N.E. is abrupt and steep above the plains of Haifa and Esdraelon. At the foot of the latter runs Kishon, for the most part parallel to the axis of the mountain. The limestone of C. abounds in flints, ‘ geodes’ (known as ‘ Elijah’s melons’), and fossils ; and on the N.E. igneous rocks crop out from a basalt formation that extends to the Sea of Galilee Digh sky-line, with the line of Bashan and the great mass of Hermon, form the three andest features of all views from Esdraeclon, alilee, and the mountains of Ephraim. Accord- ingly C., Gilead or Bashan, and Lebanon are frequently named together in OT (Is 33° 353, Mic 7 etc.). Once C. is coupled with Tabor: *« Pharaoh is but a rumour?” As I live, saith J”, surely like Tabor among mountains, and like C. by the sea, shall he come!’ (Jer 464). At opposite ends of Fsdraelon (the very scene of Pharaoh’s coming) the two hills stand out, symbols of that which shall certainly be established as fact, and make its Petes elt. Sweeping seaward, in the face of the rains, C., as its name declares, is resent this is wild—a thick growth of underwood, grass owers, ed Re of oak, carob, and many ere and there a grove of great mos and evergreens, with trees. Van de Velde asserts that there was not eer clothed with verdure. At a flower found him in Galilee or in the mari- time plain which he did not alse meet on C., ‘still the fragrant lovely mountain that it was of old’ (i. 317, 318). But there are, too, frequent olive-groves, and other gardens, with prosperous villages ; while the more numerous grooved floors and troughs that have been traced in the rock below the brushwood, prove that, in ancient times, there was an even greater cultivation, and chiefly of olive and vine. Accordingly, in OT Carmel is the very type of a luxuriant fertility (Is 357 etc.) ; her decay the prophets’ most desperate figure of desolation (Am 1’, Is 339 etc.). The German colonists at Haifa have resumed the culture of the vine on the N. slopes of the promontory. C. plays no part in the political or military history of Palestine. The great campaigns swept past her on either side: in military tactics the hill was only an obstacle to be avoided. By far the most armies, whether going north or south, crossed between Esdraelon ene Sharon by the passes to the east of C. Some of the Syrian advances south, Rom. legions when passing from Ptolemais to Cesarea, Richard Lionheart and the Third Crusade, Napoleon on his retreat from Acre,—these followed the sea road under the promontory. May not this quality of being neither a goal in itself, nor on the road anywhere, be the origin of the curious Tal- mudie word 0p 9? The aloofness of C. from the central range made its ridge but an uncertain appendage to the terri- CARMEL 354 tory of Israel. According to Jos 19” it was assigned to the tribe of Asher; but their tenure must fa been intermittent. The kings of N. Israel seem to have held it as they held Gilead ; but even in the time of Amos (9*) ‘the top of C,’ is regarded as a hiding-place of fugitives from J”; and in later history it lay outside Samaria, and was sometimes allotted to Galilee, but frequently subject to Tyre (Jos. BJ Ii. iii. 1). The causes, however, which disabled C. from political rank, contributed to enhance its fame as asanctuary. ‘In its separation from other hills, its position on the sea, its visibleness from all quarters of the country, its uselessness for war and traffic, in its profusion of flowers, its high platforms and groves, with their glorious prospects of land and sea, C. must have been a place of retreat and of worship from the earliest times.’ Maspero thinks to identify it in the lists of Tahut- mes III. under the name of ‘headland of holiness’ (see above); and even before Elijah’s day there seem to have been upon it altars both to Baal and J”. For here, as on ground which both of them held to be sacred, the representatives of the two religions met to appeal to their respective deities, and decided the argument between them (1 K 187%), Tradition and the agreement of man modern explorers (see esp. Stanley, Sin. and Pal. 353 f.) place the scene at the E. end of the ridge, at a place called El-Mahraka, or ‘the burning,’ where Druses have a sanctuary and are said still to perform a yearly sacrifice ; there is a good spring just below (cf. Jos. Ant. VIII. xiii. 5). Itis interest- ing that immediately below, on the banks of Kishon, a great mound is boat as the Tell el-Kasis or Mound of the Priests. But the derivation of the modern name of Kishon, the Nahr el-Mukatta, as if it meant river of slaughter, is both improbable in itself and impossible to connect with the slaughter of the priests. When it is said that Elijah afterwards went up to the ‘head of C.’ it is possible that ‘headland * is meant, in which case the tradition is correct that places the site of his waiting for rain near the monastery ; but the word may also mean ‘top,’ any spot on the long summit of the ridge, which almost everywhere is in sight of the sea. A point near the E. end and the altar of J” would better suit the context, and esp. the story of Elijah’s subsequent race to Jezreel in front of Ahab’s chariot. It is possible that the great prophet from Gilead chose as his subsequent residence the scene of the triumph of J”, and evidently C. is meant by ‘the mountain’ on which, according to the extraordinary ay (2 K 19-15), he called down fire on the king of Israel’s soldiers sent to arrest him for his inbartaneaee with the ambassadors to Ekron. Elisha visited C. after the departure of Elijah (7b. 2%); and when the Shunammite was in need of him, she went to seek and found him there (4%). Probably for reasons already stated, C. does not again appear in OT as the scene of any sacred function ; but in heathen hands the sanctity of the hill was preserved. Tacitus describes it as the site of an oracle, without an image ‘tantum ara et reverentia’ (Hist. ii. 78); and Vespasian, having sacrificed here, is said to have received from the priests the prediction that he would be sae (Suetonius, Fes as. 5). Jamblichus (Vit. Pyth. iii. (15)) describes C. as ‘sacred above all mountains, and forbidden of access to the vulgar’ (see W. R. Smith, 2S 146). As we have seen, the probable site of Elijah’s altar is still held sacred by the Druses. But it is Christianity which has chiefly perpetuated the ancient sanctity of C., and the mountain has given its name to the great order of Carmelite Friars, whose convent stands upon the promontory above the sea. Louis the Saint, 356 CARMELITE, CARMELITESS of France, founded the convent; but its legends trace the order of its monks in unbroken succession from Elijah himself, by Elisha, the sons of the prophets, John the Baptist, and the Essenes! The church of the convent is dedicated to the Virgin Mary, whom the interpretation of the Rom. Church sees prefigured in the cloud for which Elijah sent his servant to look; and who, according to many legends, frequented the neighbourhood of the convent with the child Jesus, LITERATURE. —Besides works quoted above, see Seetzen, Reisen, ii. 96f.; Robinson, BR iii. 189; Conder, T'ent-Work, i. 169 ff. ; Laurence Oliphant, various papers in the PEF Quarterly, 1882- 1886, and his Life by Mrs. Oliphant. G. A. SMITH. CARMELITE, CARMELITESS (‘bn 725, np z2n).— An inhabitant of Carmel in Judah, which is to be distinguished from the well-known Carmel in the north; it lies in the small but fertile plateau between Hebron and the south desert. Nabal lived with his wife Abigail at Maon, a mile to the S., but his farms were at Carmel (1S 257). Maon, Carmel, and Ziph are mentioned together, Jos 15® ; cf. G. A. Smith, Hist. Geran p. 306. Hezrai (or Hezro), one of David’s ‘thirty,’ came from this district (2 S 23%). J. F, STENNING. CARMI (72).—1. A Judahite, the father of Achan (Jos 7!:18,1 Ch27), 2. The Carmiof 1 Ch 4! should probably be corrected, with Well. and Kittel, to Chelubai ('53), i.e. Caleb (cf. 1 Ch 2%38). 3, The eponym of a Reubenite family (Gn 46°, Ex 64,1 Ch 5”), me Carmites of Nu 26°. See GENEALOGY. CARMONIANS (Carmonii, 2 Es 15°, AV Car- manians).—A people occupying an extensive dis- trict north of the entrance to the Persian Gulf, between Persis on the west and Gedrosia on the east. Accounts of the country and of the people, who are said to have resembled the Medes and Persians in customs and language, are to be found in Strabo (xv. p. 726), Ptolemy (vi. 8), Am. Mar- cellinus (xxiii. 6), and other ancient writers. The name survives in the present town and district of Kirman. In the above verse, which is one of the late additions to the Second Book of Esdras, it is said that the Carmanians shall come forth like wild boars, shall join battle with the ‘dragons of Arabia,’ and lay waste a portion of the land of the Assyrians. The reference is probably to Sapor I. (A.D. 240-273), the founder of the Sassanid dynasty, who, after defeating Valerian, overran Syria, and destroyed Antioch. He was subsequently driven back across the Euphrates by Odzenathus and Zenobia (ef. Lupton in Speaker’s Com. ad loc.). The errone- ous form Carmonians, which is supported by the best Latin MSS, is possibly due to confusion with Carmona, an important city in Spain (so James in Texts and Studies, Il. ii. p. xx). H. A. WHITE. CARNAIM, Kapyéw, 1 Mac 5° (Kapydiw) 4 44, and Carnion (7b Kdpyov), 2 Mac 12°'-?6 (RVm Carnain).—The ancient Ashteroth-Karnaim (which see). CARNAL, CARNALLY.—In OT of sexual inter- course, Lv 187° 199, Nu 5/8. Butin NT = ‘of the flesh’ (capxicés). In Ro 87 ‘the carnal mind,’ Gr. is ppévnua tis capkds, RV ‘mind of the flesh’; so He 9! ‘carnal ordinances’; Sikaupara capkds, ‘ordinances of flesh.’ See FLESH. CARNION.—See CarNAIM. CARPENTER (#9 ‘artificer,’ e.g. 2K 22°; yy ey ‘artificer in wood.’ eg. 2K 12"!; rékrwy, Mt 13°, Mk 6').—The early use of timber structures and agricultural tools must have necessitated some CARRIAGE form of carpentry among the Isr. in primitive times, and the close intercourse of the Hebrews with the Egyptians who have left mural repre. | sentations of carpenters at work with a variety of tools, afforded an Sper eat, for the development of the art. Nevertheless, the Jews were backward in technical skill. In the first mention of car- penters in the Bible they are foreigners imported into Pal. for builders’ work, which would seem to have been beyond the capacity of the Isr. themselves. Phoen. workmen were engaged on the building of David’s house, Hiram of Tyre sending carpenters to work the timber which he also furnished (28 5"). Similarly, the timber work as well as the masonry in Solomon’s temple was executed by Phen. artisans owing to the confessed inability of the Jews (1 K 5%), the Jewish workmen only assisting as labourers (1 K 5%), When, however, carpenters ede at the restoration of the temple by Jehoash, there is no mention of these men being foreigners (2 K 12"), Those who repaired the temple under Josiah alse seem to have oer Jews (2 K 22°). Nebuchadrezzar carried the carpenters and smiths together with Jeconiah and the princes into captivity (Jer 24! 293, where, indeed, we only read 7, not yy #17; but then the mention of ‘smiths’ suggests that the ‘artificers’ were workers in wood). In Is 44% there is a picture of a carpenter with his tools carving a@ wooden idol; but this refers to a Bab. artist. At the rebuilding of the temple under Zerub. the carpenters appear to have been Phe- nicians (Ezr 3’). Zechariah’s ‘carpenters’ may have been any kind of artisans. According to the first Gospel, Joseph was a carpenter (Mt 13%); according to the second, Jesus Himself (Mk 6%). Justin Martyr (c. A.D. 150) states that ‘He was in the habit of working as a carpenter when among men, making ploughs and yokes’ (Trypho 88). This more definite statement 1s not attribu' to the Memoirs of the Apostles, and seems to have been derived from tradition. See Delitzsch, Jewish Artisan Life. W. F. ADENEY. CARPUS.—An inhabitant of Troas, with whom St. Paul stayed, pola on his last sonrney to Rome (2 Ti 44) he name is Greek, but we have no means of proving his nationality. His memory is honoured, as one of the seventy disciples, by the Greek Church on May 26, and by the Roman and Syrian Churches on October 13. A late tradition found in the list of the seventy disciples, attri- buted to Hippolytus, and in that by Dorotheus, describes him as having become bishop of Berytus or Bercea, in Thrace. (Acta Sanctorum, ey 26, Oct. 18; Monologion, May 26; Nilles, Kalen- darium Manuale, i. pp. 165, 461.) W. Lock. CARRIAGE.—In the AV this word occurs five times in the OT, once in the NT, and four times in the Apocrypha, but never in the sense which the word bears in modern English. It denotes regularly ‘something carried,’ or, as we should say, ‘baggage.’ The passages are arranged below according to the various Heb. or Gr. words rendered by carriage. (1) 18 172%, Is 10%b3, LXX oxev}J—a word of Math wide signification, and corresponding roughly to the English ‘things.’ In the first place in Samuel the ref. is to the present brought ty David to his brothers in Saul’s army, in the second and in Isaiah to the baggage of an army. RV ‘And David left his baggage in the hand of the keeper of the baggage.’ ‘At Michmash he layeth up his baggage.’ (2) Is 46’ o> n\xv}=your carried things, of the Babylonian idols, which the priests were accus- tomed to carry about in solemn procession. RV ‘The things that ye carried about. CARSHENA (3) Jg 18% mpazn, LXX 7d Bdpos, but A (rhv Krijgw avrod) thy évdotov=the heavy, or perhaps the recious goods, referring to the baggage of the anites, or more probably to the images which nad been stolen out of Micah’s house. RV ‘the goods.’ (4) Ac 21% ‘We took up our carriages’ is the translation of émicxevacdweva. The Greek word expresses the completion of the preparations neces- sary for the journey from Cesarea to Jerusalem ; but others understand the term of the loading of the baggage animals. RV ‘We took up our bagea, e,’ RVm ‘made ready.’ the Apocrypha, carriage, t.e. baggage, repre- sents drapria (Jth 2!73) and dooce (1 Mac 9% *), In the margin of the AV the phrases, ‘the place of the carriage,’ and ‘in the midst of his carriages,’ occur as alternative renderings to the word ‘trench’ found in the text of 1 S 17” 26°. The Heb. expression is 53y> (LXX 17” orpoy- yodwots ; 26° dayzrijvn), and denotes the circular ‘laager’ or barricade formed by the baggage and baggage-wagons round the place of encampment. RV ‘the place of the wagons.’ RVm ‘ barricade.’ Even here ‘ aa i ’ is probably not to be under- stood in the modern sense of ‘a vehicle.’ See CaMP. H. A. WHITE. CARSHENA (x3773).—One of the wise men or counsellors of king Ahasuerus, Est 1%. See ADMATHA. CART (A)., Suata, plaustrum—in the AV the same word is also rendered WAGON in Gn 4519 21.27 465, Nu 75#-).—Such vehicles, drawn usually by two oxen (Nu 7*7-8, 1 § 67, cf. 2S 6%), were used for the conveyance of persons (Gn /.c.), goods (Nu /.c., land 2 Sli.c., and Jth 15"), or produce (Am 2”). Artificial roads seem to have existed in Palestine from a very early period (Nu 20”, Jg 20°, 1S 6%); and the Canaanites conquered by Joshua at the Waters of Merom possessed war chariots (Jos 11°, cf. 17! 18), Nevertheless, the rough mountainous country of Judah and of central Pal. was not suit- able for vehicles, and it is to be noticed that we first hear of wagons in connexion with the flat opeeat of Egypt, or the level plain of Philistia. Carts for agricultural produce may well have been used from the earliest times (Am 2", cf. Is 518), and for these roads would not be required (see G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 667 ff.). The wagons men- tioned in Nu 7° were probably covered vehicles (LXX Aaprnyixal, Aq. cxeracral); but the word 2 is obscure, occurring again only in Is 66” in the sense of ‘litters.’ The ordinary carts prob- ably resembled those still in use in the East, which have two wheels of solid wood; but on monuments from Nineveh and Egypt we find representations of vehicles with two and four wheels, the wheels being constructed with six or eight spokes (Layard, Nineveh, ii. 396; Wilkin- son, Anc. Egyp. il. 211, iii. 179). In Is 284 (perhaps also in Am 2") the ‘cart’ of EV is really a threshing wagon. Similar instru- ments are still to be seen in the East. The consist of three or four parallel rollers, ridged with iron, and fitted into a square wooden frame (see AGRICULTURE). Horses are employed to draw these threshing wagons in Syria at the present day (comp. G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 613), and they were used for this purpose even in Isaiah’s time, if the ordinary text of Is 28% is correct (see Duhm, ad loc.). H. A. WHITE. CARVING.—1. Carved (RV graven) image (50s), the figure of deities and such-like sculptures used in idolatrous worship (Jg 188, 2 Ch 337”, 34° 4). Teref pesel, idolatrous food, is a Jewish name CASLUHIM for NT. 2. Carving in relief-work (niybpp *mns), as in the ornamental panelling in the holy place of the temple (1 K 6”, Ps 74°), the two words in the former es indicating the raised effect (nop) and the hollowing of the gouge (ybp). 3. ‘Carved works,’ RV ‘striped’ (nizvn), spoken of a bed-cover (Pa7At)s Decorative art among the Hebrews was meagre and unoriginal, and generally debased what it imitated (see ART, ARCHITECTURE). It had little to encourage it, as its chief employment was in the service of religion, and the true religion was the worship of the Invisible. The Heb. mind differed from the Greek in obeying an ordinance because it was an ordinance, rather than because of the com- ulsion of its inward beauty. In the building of olomon’s temple the best art available was em- ployed upon the richest materials, but the details are more about outlay than effect, and the point of view in the description is sacrifice rather than symmetry. The result of the finished glory is left to be imagined. Finally, the second command- ment was interpreted as a specific prohibition. In the same way the Moslems abstain from the repre- sentation of life in ornament, and have developed the decorative treatment of geometrical form. G. M. MACKIE. CASE (casus, anything that befalls one, hence any condition of one’s affairs): Ps 144° ‘ Happy is the people that is in such a case’ (732; cf. Ac 25! RY); Jn 5° ‘he had been now a long time in that case’ ; 2 Es 167 ‘ they shall think themselves to be in good case’ (cf. Geneva Bible, Gn 40% ‘ When thou art in good case, show mercie unto me,’ AV ‘When it shall be well with thee’); Ex 5” ‘they were in evil case,’ cf. Jon 4° RV; Dt 194 ‘ this is the case of the slayer’ (122); and Mt 19” ‘if the case of the man be so with his wife’ (alrla). The phrase ‘in any case’ occurs in the obs. sense ‘by any means’ in Dt 221 ‘ thou shalt in any case bring them again’ (‘bringing thou shalt bring,’ RV ‘thou shalt surely bring’); and 24%. In Mt 5” ‘Ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven,’ the Gr. is the two negatives (ov 4%), which, in the declining lang. of NT, are not always more emphatic than the single negative, but they seem to be so here (RV ‘in no wise’). In Ro 3° RV gives ‘are we in worse case than they?’ for AV “are we better than they ?’ (Gr. rpoexéueda. See Field, Otiwm Norv. iii. ad loc., and an excellent note in Sanday-Headlam’s Romans). J. HASTINGS. CASEMENT.—See HoussE. CASIPHIA (x:pp>, or, in full, oipen xpp ‘the place Casiphia’).—Judging from the two refer- ences to this city in Ezr 8”, it was situated on or near the river Ahava, on the way from Babylon to Jerusalem; but neither of these names is to be located with certainty. If C. be connected with the word keseph, ‘silver,’ as is implied by the LXX tr. (& dpyuply rod rérov), ‘with the money of the place,’ it may have been situated in the ‘land of silver’ (Sarsu or Zirsu) mentioned in the well-known Assyr. Geogr. tablet WAT ii. 51; but as the position of this place also is un- known, it does not help us to identify the site of Casiphia. The city seems to have been the home of the Nethinim or ‘temple-servants’ during the reign of Artaxerxes. I. A. PINCHEs. CASLUHIM (onbos, Xacuwrely).—A name oceur- ring in Gn 10%, 1 Ch 1”, in connexion with the names of other peoples there spoken of as descended * The cogn. Arab. hatba means ‘to be of a dark, dusky colour’: hence the reference may be to some dark-hued, or Perpers darkly-striped, stuff. (Of. Aram. ptep. méhatbéthd, ‘variegated,’ in Syr. VS of 2S 1319, and see Oa. Heb. Lew. 8. 10M.) 358 CASPHOR from Mizraim, esp. the Caphtorim and Philistines (which see). CASPHOR (Kacdup, 1 Mac 5%; Xacduv, Xacpsd, 1 Mac 5%, AV Casphon; Kaozmely, 2 Mac 12%, Caspin).—Near a large lake in Gilead. The site is unknown. CASSIA.—This word occurs in three places in OT, and is AV and RV rendering for two Heb. words. 1. m7, kiddah, LXX Ex 30* ips, but Ezk 27” omits. 2. niyyp Kézt'dth, xacla, casia, Ps 458. It is highly probable that the reference in both these Heb. words is to the cassia lignea, the product of Cinnamomum Cassia, Blume. Two substances are believed to be obtained from this species. (a) Cassia bark, cortex cassie, a kind of aromatic bark, with the smell and flavour of cinna- mon, and resembling it in pene appearance and properties. The root kiddah, in both Heb. and Arab., signifies a strip, and seems to refer to the strips of the bark of cassia lignea. ‘The Arab. VS has salikhah for cassia, from a root also meaning to strip off or decorticate. The exact substance meant by salikhah is as uncertain as that intended by cassia. It is also called ‘arfaj and ramth, and is probably the same as darsini. (b) Cassia buds, clavellt cinnamomi, the immature flowers of the above. Both are produced in China. Coarser varieties are produced in Malabar, Manilla, and Mauritius. It is probable that they were known to the Greeks and Romans, although the accounts of cassia given in the classical authors are inde- finite and conflicting. The cassia of Scripture must not be confounded with the species of the genus cassia which yield the senna of commerce and medicine. Nor is it at all probable, notwith- standing the LXX prs, that it is orris. G. E. Post. CAST as a subst. occurs Lk 22 ‘a stone’s c.’ (Body); as an adj. Jer 38-12 ‘old c. clouts’ (nianp [all]). The verb is freq., and is used in some obsol. meanings. 1. In its simplest sense =‘ throw,’ it is now archaic, having been displaced by ‘throw’ itself, but is often found in AV, as Jn 87 ‘let him first c. a stone at her’; 1 Mac 6" ‘engines and instruments to c. fire and stones, and pieces to c. darts, and slings’—in such a case the verb has gone out of use with the instrument. 2. The ex- pression cast lots translates several Heb. words (see LOT); the practice is seen in Pr 16 ‘The lot is c. into the lap.’ 8. To ‘c. (=sow) seed’ is now mainly fig. Ch Ee 11) ‘c. thy bread upon the waters.’ 4. C. was formerly used of animals, meaning to give birth to, as Walton, Angler (1653), i. 26, ‘ There be divers fishes that cast their spawne on flags and stones.’ But it was specially used of an untimely birth, as Job 21 ‘their cow calveth, and casteth not her calf,’ and extended to fruit- trees, as Dt 28 ‘thine olive shall ec. his fruit’; Rev 68 ‘as a fig-tree casteth her untimely figs, when she is shaken by a mighty wind.’ 5. C. was extended to actions that involved some continuous effort, as Zec 58 ‘he ec. it (RV ‘her’) down into the midst of the ephah; and hee. the weight of lead upon the mouth thereof’; the erection of a pillar, Gn 31° ‘Behold this heap and this pillar which I have c. betwixt me and thee’ (RV ‘ set’); and esp. an earthwork, as 2 S 20" ‘they c. up a bank against the city’ ; Jer 6° ‘ Hew ye down trees, and c. a mount against Jerusalem.’ The foll. phrases deserve attention : Cast about is used in two senses, Mk 14°! ‘having a linen cloth c. about his naked body’ (epi8dAdw); Jer 414 ‘So all the roel ... cast about and returned’ (325: ‘turned round’). Cf. Raleigh (1591), Last Fight Rev. 19 ‘Persuaded . . . to cut his maine saile, and cast about.’ Cast away is both lit. and CASTLE fig., as Mk 10” ‘ And he, casting away his gar- ment, rose’ (dro8d\dw) ; Ro 111 ‘ Hath God c. away his people?’ (a4mw0éw, RV ‘cast off’); 1175 ‘if the casting away of them be the reconciling of the world’ (diofod7); Lk 9% ‘if he . . . lose himself, or be c. away’ (fnudw, RV ‘forfeit his own self’), Different is 1 Co 977 ‘lest . . . I myself should be a castaway’ (dddxwos, RV ‘rejected.’ The Gr. word occurs also Ro 1%, 2 Co 13° &7, 2 Ti 38, Tit 16, where EV gives always ‘reprobate,’ and He 6° AV, RV ‘rejected.’ See Sanday - Headlam on Ro 1%: doxidtw=1. ‘to test,’ as 1 Co 3%; 2. ‘to approve after testing,’ as Ro 178 28; hence d5éxuos = ‘rejected after testing,’ ‘reprobate’). Cast down—(1) lit. Mt 275 ‘ he c. down the pieces of silver’; Sir 19°? ‘Casting down his countenance, and making as if he heard them not’ (RV ‘ bowing down his face’) ; (2) fig. ‘to defeat,’ ‘to humble,’ 2 Co 10° ‘Casting down imaginations, and eve high thing that exalteth itself’; Rev 12! ‘the accuser of our brethren is c. down’; 2 Co 49 ‘c. down, but not destroyed’ (xaraBdd\dw, as Rev 121° RV ‘smitten down’); Job 67 ‘ye see my casting down, and are afraid’ (noq RV ‘a terror’); Neh 6! ‘they were much c. down in their own eyes’; (3 ‘ec. down’=‘ dejected,’ is rare, only Ps 425 & 1 435 ‘Wny art thou ec. down, O my soul?’ (nninya ‘bowed down’). Cast forth is used in the obsol. and very rare sense of spreading roots, Hos 145 ‘he shall grow as the lily, and c. forth his roots as Lebanon’ (727 ‘strike’). Cast in—(1)=‘sow,’ Is 28% *¢e. in the principal wheat’ (RV ‘put in the wheat in rows’); (2) in phrase ‘ce, in one’s lot,’ Pr 14 ‘C. in thy lot among us’ (Heb. lit. ‘ cause thy lot to fall among us’); (3) ‘cast in one’s teeth,’ Mt 2744 ‘The thieves also, which were crucified with him, ce. the same in his teeth’ (Gr. dveldivov atr@ [edd. airév]=‘ reviled him,’ RV ‘ce. upon him the same reproach.’ It was Tindale that introduced ‘ cast in His tethe,’ to which Cranme1 added ‘the same’; Wyclif has ‘upbraiden Hym of the same thing’); (4) ‘ec. in one’s mind’= ‘ponder,’ Lk 1% ‘she... cast in her mind what manner of salutation this should be’ (d:adoyltopat) : cf. 2 Mac 1138 ‘ casting with himself what loss he had had’; and Addison (1719), ‘I have lately been casting in my thoughts the several unhappi- nesses of life.’ Cast out, in many obvious senses, also (1)=vomit, Is 2619 ‘the earth shall c. out the dead’ (RV ‘c. forth’); ef. Hollybush (1561), ‘He that hath a drye cough and doth not caste out’ ; and Wyclif’s tr. of 2 P 2% ‘The hound turnede agen to his castyng’; (2) ‘to excommunicate’ or make an outcast, sf 9% «Jesus heard that they had ¢. him out’; (3) ‘to expose’ children, Ac 7 ‘they c. out their young children’ (roe?y éx@erov). Cast upon: ‘to make dependent on,’ Ps 22! *J was c. upon thee from the womb.’ J. HASTINGS. CASTANET.—See Music, CASTLE.—1. The word, 77», rendered castle in the AV of Gn 258, Nu 31”, 1 Ch 6%, denotes properly a circular group of tents, the Wek of a nomad tribe—RV ‘encampment’; L éraunts ; 1 Ch xdun; Vulg. oppidum, castellum, caula, ete. In English translations of the Bible till the 16th cent., ‘castle,’ like the Latin castellum, is often used in the sense of ‘ village’; but the rendering of the AV seems. to be due to the influence of Jewish tradition. Thus in the Targs. 17» is rendered by x222, t.e. a large town, Onk. in Gn 25%; xwwop= - castra, T, Jer. ib.; xpiva, t.e. a fortress, T. Jer. in Ezk 254, Similarly, the word is rendered in- correctly ‘ palace,’ Ps 69% AVm; Ca 8? AV. 2. It seems to have been the custom, from an early date, among the inhabitants of Pal., to eect in their towns a fortified tower or citadel, e.g. the co, a wT) ee oe 2S oe eh a | : i | 4 ; CASTOR AND POLLUX ‘tower’ (5222) of Penuel (Jg 8%"), or of Thebez (ib. 9%); the ‘hold’ (nx) and tower of Shechem (1b, 9%); the ‘stronghold’ of Zion at Jerusalem (28 57% °=1 Ch 1157, AV ‘castle’). Citadels of a similar character were built in connexion with the royal palaces at Tirzah (1 K 16'8) and at Samaria (2 K 15%); but the word here used, jinx, which does not appear before the royal period, is at not only to a castle or fortress (Pr 18), ci. Ps 48%, La 2°), but generally to palaces or rominent buildings (cf. Hos 84, Am 3%, Jer 92! 0!8 etc.). Many of the kings of Judah devoted their attention to strengthening their dominions by fortifying cities in strong positions, and build- ing towers and castles to protect outlying districts (2 Ch 17 274, cf. 1 Ch 27%; on the word ni37'3, see below). Such measures are ascribed especially to Jehoshaphat and Jotham. In the time of Nehemiah we hear of a castle or citadel in Jerusalem, which is apparently con- nected with the temple (Neh 2° 7%), The term m3, which is found only in late Hebrew, is applied to the Temple of Solomon (1 Ch 29! *), and to the Persian royal castle or palace at Susa (Neh 1’, Dn 8?, Est passim) : it is probably of Persian origin (baru =fortress, castle), and a derivative from it, nv373, also occurs (2 Ch 17% 274). The citadel of Nehemiah stood probably on the site afterwards eccupied by the castle of the Hasmonzan high priests and kings, to which Josephus gives the name of Paps (Ant. XV. xi. 4, XVUI. iv. 3; Wars, I. xxi. 1). When the temple was rebuilt, Herod also rebuilt and strengthened this fortress, calling it Antonia after his patron M. Antonius, It stood on the north side of the temple, with which it was poincwed by means of cloisters and stairs (xaraBdces, Jos. Wars, V. v. 8; dvaBabuol, Ac 21*), Under Roman rule, the one cohort, which formed the permanent garrison at Jerusalem, was stationed in this fortress, for its position enabled the officer in command to keep watch over the temple and its courts. From the fort of Antonia the com- mandant (x:Alapxos) with his soldiers appeared on the occasion of the riot raised against St. Paul (Ac 2151-86), while in the barracks attached to the fort (7apeuBorh, lit. camp, AV castle) the apostle was confined till he was sent under escort to Ceesarea (Ac 2157 22% 231°), The destruction of the communications between Antonia and the temple was one of the first acts of the Jews on the outbreak of the rebellion in A.D. 66 (Jos. Wars, II. xv. 6). In Maccabzean times we hear of another citadel in Jerusalem, in the city of David, which, both in l and 2 Mac and in Josephus, bears the name of "Axpa, also ’Axpbrods (2 Mac 4!+27 5°). Though not originally built by Antiochus Epiphanes (see 2 Mac Jl.c.), it was newly fortified by him, and occupied by a Syrian garrison (1 Mac 18, Jos. Ant. xi. v. 4). The Jews, under the leadership of the Maccabees, made several ineffectual attempts to expel the Syrians (1 Mac 61% 1089 11%") ; but it was not till B.c. 142 that Simon forced the garrison to capitulate, and entered the citadel in triumph (1 Mac 134-5), According to 1 Mac 14%, Simon strengthened and garrisoned the fort; but Josephus (Ant. xu. vi. 7; Wars, v. iv. 1) re- lates that the fort was destroyed, and the hill on which it stood levelled after three years’ continuous labour, in order that it might no longer overlook the temple. The site of Acra is much disputed ; but the question whether it stood north (so most writers) or south of the temple (Schiirer, H./P 1. i. 207f.; Benzinger, Heb. Archaol. p. 47), cannot be discussed here. . A. WHITE. CASTOR AND POLLUX.—See DioscuRl. CAT.—It seems strange that an animal so well CATHOLIC EPISTLES 359 known, and so long associated with man in Egypt, should not have been domesticated among the Greeks and Romans, or mentioned in the canonical books of Scripture. The word afAovpo: is used once in the Apoer. (Ep. Jer v.**[Gr.?!]). Herodotus (ii. 66) uses the word for the domestic cat. This animal is now more common by far in Bible lands than in the West, yet Tristram and Houghton declare that no trace of its name is found in classical authors, except in connexion with Egypt. There are two species of wild cat in the Holy Land. Felis maniculata, Riipp., the Abyssinian wild -at, which is supposed to te the wild original of the domestic cat, and is called by the Arabs kutt el- khald, is rare west of the Jordan, but common to the eastward. The body is 2 ft. long, and the tail llin. Felis chaus, Gild., the jungle cat, is known in Arab. as el-kutt el-barri. It is about as large as the domestic cat, and resembles a lynx. G. E. Post. CATERPILLAR.—See Locust. CATHOLIC EPISTLES (éricro\al xadodtKxal).— The title given to a group of seven Epistles of the NT, which bear the names of James, Peter, John, and Jude. From an early period in the history of the Church these Epistles were dealt with as a class by themselves. ‘There were reasons for this, lying in their contents and in their generally ac- cepted authorship. They form a distinct and in- teresting section of the NT literature. They have some obvious points of aftinity with each other. There are resemblances, ¢.g., between 1 P and Ja; while Jude and 2 P have much matter in common. These seven Epistles have some remarkable coin- cidences both with other books of the NT and with non-canonical writings of ancient date. There are unmistakable similarities in thought and style, with certain marked differences, between the Johannine Epistles and the other writings ascribed to St. John. There are resemblances be- tween 1 P and the Pauline Epistles, especially those to the Romans and the Ephesians. Jude quotes the pseudepigraphic Book of Enoch, and refers, as it seems, to the Assumption of Moses; while in James we have reminiscences of Ben Sirach. These seven Epistles are not all of one piece. There are notable differences in style and contents between the several members of the group. While they are all letters, they differ considerably in epistolary form. Some of them (2 and 3 Jn) are simple, personal letters. One of them (James) is rather of the nature of a sententious Wisdom writing, like parts of the Hokhma literature of the OT and Judaism. Others, especially 1 Jn, have the appearance of Pastorals or Epistolary Mani- festoes (Westcott’s The Epistles of St. John, pp. xxix, xxx; Moulton’s The Literary Study of t Bible, pp. 292, 442). As a class, Rewer. they have a character which readily distinguishes them from the Epistles which bear Paul’s name, and from the Epistle to the Hebrews. They make a con- tribution of essential value to the body of NT teaching. They have their own ideas, their own forms of expression, their own aspects of the truth taught in common by the first Christian writers. They have had different degrees of acceptance in different parts of the Church and in different ages. They have been, and continue to be, the subject of much debate with regard to their origin, date, authorship, and claims. For these questions see the articles on the several Epistles. These seven Epistles are not given in the same order in ancient MSS, versions, and catalogues. Jerome notices a difference in this respect between the Greek and the Latin codices (Prolog. 7. Epist. Canon.). The order in which they stand in our English Bible (Ja, 1 and 2 P,1, 2, 3 Jn, Jude) is the order in which they occur in most ancient documents. It is the order that is followed in Codex B, in the Canon of the 360 CATHOLIC EPISTLES CATHOLIC EPISTLES Bynod of Laodicea (c, A.D. 363), in the lists of Athanasius, Oyril of Jerus., Epiphanius, Gregory Naz., Leontius, Jerome, Nicephorus, Amphilochius, the ‘ Sixty Books,’ Isidore, and John of Damascus (see Westcott’s Canon of NT, PP. 640-679). Eusebius also (HZii. 23) speaks of James as reported to have written ‘ the first of the Catholic Epistles.’ Butin the Canon of the third Council of Car- thage (4.D. 397), in the Apostolic Canons, and in the Claromontane Stichometry (See. vii.), they are given as 1 and 2 P, 1, 2, and 3 Jn, Ja, and Jude, Augustine (De Doctr. Christ. ii. 12) enumer- ates them as two of Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James; which succession is followed also by Philastrius. Rufinus, again (Comm. in Symb. Apost. § 36), names them in the order of 1 and 2 P, Ja, Jude, 1, 2, and 8 Jn; Innocentius (ad Husuperium Ep. Tolosanum) in that of 1, 2,8 Jn, 1 and 2 P, Jude, Ja; Gelasius (Decretum de lib. recep. et non recep.) in that of land 2 P, Ja, 1, 2, 3 Jn, Jude; while Junilius Africanus, noticing a difference in respect of extent of recognition between the first two and the five which follow, gives them in the succession of 1 P, 1 Jn, Ja, 2 P, Jude, 2 and 3 Jn. Neither have they the same place in the series of the NT books as given in ancient MSS, versions, and catalogues. In most they come between the Acts and the Pauline Epistles. This is the case with the Canon of the Council of Laodicea, Codices B and A, the lists of Cyril of Jerusalem, Athanasius, Leontius, the ‘Sixty Books,’ Cassiodorus, John of Damascus, etc, Thisis the position assigned chem in the critical editions of Lachmann, Tischen- dorf, Treg elles, Westcott and Hort. But in the Canon of the third Council of Carthage, in Rufinus, in Amphilochius, and in Codex &, they are inserted between the Pauline Epp. (with He) and the Apoc. ; and this is the place given them by Gries- bach in his critical edition. The same arrangement is so far followed also in the lists of Gregory Naz., Nicephorus, Philas- trius, and Junilius Africanus, where they come after the Pauline Epp.; and in that of Epiphanius, where they precede the Apoca- lypse. In the Apostolic Canons they are placed between the 14 Epp. of Paul and the 2 FD: of Clement ; in Augustine, Innocen- tius, and Isidore, between the Pauline Epp. and Acts ; in Jerome, between the Acts and the Apoc. ; in the Claromontane Sticho- metry, after the Pauline Epp. and before the Ep. of Barnabas wenpores to mean here the Epistle to the Hebrews), the Rev. of n, and the Acts. In Gelasius they appear after the Apoc. and last in the list of our NT books; in the Synopsis of Chrysostom, after the Acts and last in the list. While in our English Bible they come between He and Rev, in the German Bible they are dealt with in a singular fashion. Instead of being brought into one series there, five of them (those ascribed to Peter and John) are introduced between Philem and He, and two of them (Ja and Jude) are placed between Hebrews and the Apocalypse. Nor, again, has the group of Cath. Epp. been of the same com- pass at all times or in all parts of the Church. The first of the seven to be generally received seem to have been 1 Pand 1 Jn. The other five were accepted later, and at different times, Ja apparently at a comparatively early period. Chrysostom’s Synopsis mentions only three. Junilius Africanus places 1 P and 1Jn by themselves, and explains that very many add Sacer quamplurimi) the remaining five. Amphilochius Iamb, ad Selewcum) notices that some say seven Cath. Epp. are to be received, others only, three, viz. one of James, one of Peter, one of John. , Cassiodorus (De Instit. div. lib. xiv.) men- tions only the Hpistole Petri ad Gentes (if the reading is correct), Jacobi, Johannis ad Parthos. But it may be said that, in the Eastern Church at least, by the end of the 8rd or the beginning of the 4th cent. the group included the whole seven. In Eusebius (HE ii. 23) they appear as seven, and the terms used of them imply that they had a recognised place, though not all quite the same place, in the Church. The Syrian Church, on the other hand, occupied a peculiar position in relation to these Epp. In that Church the group consisted only of three, 1 P,1 Jn, and Ja. The remaining four formed no part of its Canon. The history of the term ‘ Catholic’ is of interest. It is a term used frequently by the Fathers; and while it is employed by them of writings outside the NT Canon, it seems never to be applied by them to any of the NT books but these seven— neither to any of the Pauline Epp. nor to the Ep. to the Hebrews. For its application to these seven we are indebted to the Church of the East. It was not limited to these, however, in the usage of the great theologians of the East. Clement of Alex- andria (Strom. iv. 15), e.g., employed it of the letter of the Church of Jerus. given in Ac 15. It was applied by Origen (Contra Celsum, i. 63) to the p: of Barnabas. It was even used to describe a heretical composition. For Eusebius (HZ iv. 23) speaks of an Ep. written by Themison, who appears to have been a eee of Montanus, as a ‘certain Catholic Epistle.’ But it was applied to certain members of our group at an early period. Origen (Selecta in Psalm., in Ps. iii. c. 3,7; Comm. in Joann. vi. c. 18) speaks of things said by Peter ‘in the Catholic Epistle’; of ‘the Catholic Epistle of John’ (Comm. in Matt. xvii. c. 19); an of the v statement regarding the angels which ‘Jude the apostle’ makes ‘in the Catholic Epistle’ (Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. B. v. t. iv., in the Latin tr.). Dionysius, in like manner, speaks of ‘the son of Zebedee, the brother of James,’ and ‘ the Catholic Epistle which bears his name’ (Euseb. H£# vii. 25). And by the 4th cent. it had come to be a designation of the group of seven. Eusebius, who reports (HE vi. 14) Clement of Alexandria to have included ‘Jude and the other Catholic Epistles’ in the accounts of the canonical writings which he gave in his Hypotyposes, speaks himself of ‘ James, whois said to have written the first of the Catholic Epistles,’ and of the Ep. of Jude as one which ‘ not many indeed of the ancients have men- tioned,’ but which ‘is also one of the seven called Catholic Epistles’ (HZ ii. 23). So the Canon of Athanasius names the émorodal xafodtxal Kadov- pevae Tov dmocrb\wy érrd; the Canon of the Laodicene Council enumerates émicrodal xafodcxat érrdé ; and the Canons of Cyril of Jerusalem and Epiphanius speak of them in terms indicating that they were seven in number, bearing the common title of Catholic. In the Western Church these Epp. seem to have been later in receiving a general designation, and the title by which they came to be designated was a different one. The term Catholic is indeed applied to them. Jerome (De vir. ill. ¢. 1), €.9., says of Simon Peter that he wrote two Epistles pe catholice nominantur ; of James (id. ¢. 2), that e wrote unam tantum... epistolam, que de septem catholicis est ; and of ‘Jude the brother of James’ (1b. c. 4), that he left a ‘small Epistle’ gue de catholicis est. But elsewhere (Prolog. 7. Epist. Canon.) he writes of the epistolarum septem, que canonice nuncupantur. d this term canonice seems practically to have taken the place of Catholice in the Latin Church as the common designation of the seven. At what time, however, this came to be the case, is not quite certain. Junilius Africanus (c. A.D. 550) employs it. He speaks of 1 P and 1 Jn as forming part of the seventeen libri canonict which make the species (Scripture), dealing de simplici doctrina as distin- guished from history, prophecy, and the species proverbialis. To this he adds the statement— adjungunt quamplurimi quinque alias que Aposto- lorum Canonice nuncupantur; id est; Jacobi L., Petri secundam, Jude unam, Johannis II. (De art. divin. legis. i. 2). Cassiodorus, too, employs it in the following statement about Clement—in epistolis autem canonicis Clemens Alexandrinus pre t qui et Stromateus dicitur, id est in pistola S. Petri prima et secunda, et Jacobi uzedam Attico sermone declaravit (De inst. div. ite. c. 8). Hence it is thought that by the 6th cent. this term Canonice was the meats Pees tion of the group in the Western Church. Yet Cassiodorus uses the term also of the Apostolic Epistles as a whole. And how it happened that this title took the place of Catholice in one half of the Christian communion, is difficult to explain. It is supposed by some to have been due to mere mistake. ‘By asingular error,’ it is Said, ‘the grou of letters was called in the later Western Chusrc ‘canonical’ (canonice) in place of ‘catholic’ (Westcott, The Epistles of St. John, p. xxix). Others, e.g., Bleek, think that it ‘ originated in the belief that by Catholic as applied to these Epistles in the Greek Church was meant universally recog- nised and received by the Church, without reference to any distinction between them and the Pauline Epistles’ (Introd. to NT, ii. p. 135, Clark’s tr.). Other explanations, some of them of a fanciful kind, have been proposed ; as, ¢.g., by Liicke in SK, 1836, iii. pp. 643-659. There is much that is still far from clear as re — = 2s SS ee — 72 t CATHOLIC EPISTLES CATHOLIC EPISTLES 361 gards the origin and use of the terms Catholic and Canonical in this connexion. Different views have been taken of the precise meaning and intention of the title Catholic. Some fanciful speculations have also been indulged in. It has been supposed by some (Pareus, Prolog. in Jac.) that the name kaOotxai as applied to these Epp. was accidental, no definite purpose being attached to it. It has been supposed by others to be intended to express their doctrinal harmony; Augusti, ¢.g., taking it to designate them as ‘in der Lehre iiberein- stimmende Schriften.’ The main explanations proposed, however, are these. 4. That the term refers to the authorship of these writings and their position asa distinct group. This is the view of Hug, who regards the word as a ‘technical expression for one class of biblical writ- ings which possesses it exclusively and communi- cates it to no other; namely, for that class which comprised in itself the didactical compositions of the apostles collectively, with the exception of Paul, kaQodixds, 1.€. Kadddrov Kal ovddgHBdyv. When the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles constituted one peculiar division, the works of Paul also another, there still remained writings of different authors which might likewise form a collection by them- selves, to which a name must be given. It might most aptly be called the common collection, xaodKov oivrayya, of the apostles, and the treatises con- tained in it, xowal and xafodxal, which are com- monly used by the Greeks as synonymous.’ He appeals in support of this to Clement of Alexan- dria, who, he says, ‘calls the Epistle, which was dictated by the assembly of the apostles (Ac 15”), the Catholic Epistle, as that in which all the apostles had a share, rhy émicrodhy KadoduKhy Tov drocré\wy dardvrwy.’ Whence he concludes that ‘the seven Epistles are Catholic, or Epistles of all the apo: who are authors’ (Introd. to Writings of NT, p. 537, etc., Wait’s tr.). This explanation has been followed more or less completely by Schleiermacher and Pott, by Eichhorn so far, and some others. Otherwise it has met with little favour. Itis not borne out by Clement’s statement. It disregards the fact that the term Catholic is ap- eg by early ecclesiastical writers to compositions ike the Ep. of Barnabas, the Ep. of Dionysius, the Ep. of Themison. It makes éricrodal xaGodexal equivalent to al doural émicroAal xafddov, But there is nothing to show that the term xafodxés was em- ployed elsewhere to express any such idea as that of common apostolic authorship, one collection of writings written by adi the apostles together. 2. Others, therefore, take the term to refer to the place of these Epistles in the Church, their ecclesiastical recognition, the fact that they were universally received as genuine, their canonicity. Michaelis (Introd. to NT, vi. p. 270, Marsh’s tr.) takes this view, holding that the word was used by Origen to distinguish 1 P and 1 Jn as undis- puted pp. from 2 P, 2 and 3 Jn, and Jude, about which there was no such consent of opinion, and that it was given also to these five in course of time as they ceased to be doubted. This explana- tion, or one not materially different, is given alse by Horne, Guericke, and others. It is supposed by some that there is an indication of the identifica- tion of the word Catholic with the word Canonical in the Muratorian Fragment, in the puzzling sen- tence ‘ Epistola sane Jud et superscriptio Johannis duas in Catholica habentur.’ Some refer in support of this view to the passage in which Eusebius, speaking of James who is ‘ said to have written the first of the Catholic Epistles,’ and of Jude as also ‘one of the seven Catholic Epistles,’ adds that ‘nevertheless we know that these, with the rest, are publicly used in most of the churches’ (HZ ii. 23). This is relevant, however, to the question of public use in the church, but not to more. [or it speaks also of James as ‘considered spurious (voGeverat). Most found rather on the passage, also in Eusebius (## iii. 3), in which mention is made of certain works ascribed to Peter, his Acts, the Gospel according to Peter, the Preaching, and the fevelation of Peter, and it is said of them ‘we know nothing of their being handed down among catholic writings (ov5’ d\ws év KaOodKots lower mapa- dedouéva), for neither of the ancients nor of those of our own time has any ecclesiastical writer made use of testimonies from them.’ Here, it is thought, the word in the phrase év xaQodxois must have the sense of genuine, undisputed, universally recewed. Others, however, think the phrase may mean ‘handed down among catholic Christians (Charteris, Canonicity, p. 289), or publicly read in the churches, the question of genuineness not being in view (Kirchhofer, Quwellensammlung, p. 257). It is with the distinction between disputed and undisputed books that Eusebius deals there. But what is referred to in his statement is not one class of the NT books, but these books as a whole; not the Catholic Hpp. in particular, but the Catholic writings (ypapav) generally. Further, if the sense supposed were the true sense, the term would be no distinctive title of these seven Epistles, marking them off from the Pauline Epistles, which were no less canonical or generally recognised in the Church. Nor does this view consist with the fact that the term catholic is used by Origen, as we have seen, of the Ep. of Barnabas, and by Eusebius of the Epp. of Dionysius of Corinth to the Lacedemonians, the Athenians, the Nicomedt- ans, and other Churches (HE iv. 23), of none of which it could be said that they were canonical or universally received. Nor has it regard, again, to the fact that only some of the seven Epistles were universally received at the time when the term was applied to the group as a whole. Eusebius himself in his chapter on ‘The Divine Scriptures acknowledged as genuine, and those that are not’ (HE iii. 25), distinguishes 1 Jn and 1 P as év épuodo- younévos from the other five as of the dvtiAeyouderwy yrupluwy 5 obv dus rots woddots. There is nothing in the facts to conflict with the idea that this came in course of time to be the sense. There is every- thing to rebut the assertion that it was the original and proper sense. 8. Others suppose that the term refers to the character of the contents of these Epp., the catho- licity of their doctrine, distinguishing them from others which were heretical as orthodox or authori- tative Epp.,—Epp. whose teaching was in harmony with Christian truth, or the Church’s faith. So Salmeron held it to define them as giving the one true catholic doctrine which the whole Church might profitably receive. Similar is the explana- tion of Cornelius 4 Lapide and others. This view, too, is supposed to be favoured by the passage in which Eusebius speaks of the Acts, the Gospel, and other alleged writings of Peter. But the supposi- tion has as little to support it in this case as in (2). The term so interpreted would equally fail to serve as a distinctive title of the group; for in this sense Paul’s Epp. were as catholic as these. Further, it overlooks the fact that the title is used of the heretical Epistle of Themison. 4%. Consequently, it is held that the term refers to the destination of the Epp., designating them as Encyclical letters, differing from the Pauline Epp. as being addressed, not to individuals or to single Churches, but to the Church universal, to circles of Churches, or to readers scattered over wide territories. This is the explanation given by Oecumenius (Sec. x.) in the Preface to his Com mentary on the Epistle of James: ca@odxal Aéyovrat atra: woel éyKiKMior. Ov yap ddwpicpévws EOver évi 362 CATHOLIC EPISTLES CATTLE mobdec ws & Oetos Iaddos, olov ‘Pwualos 4} KopirOlos, mporpuyel Tatras Tas émicro\as 6 T&v ToLovTwWY TOU kuplov pabnray Olacos, d\N\A nadddou Tots mioTois, Fre "Iovdalos rots év rq dvacmopg, ws xal 6 Ilérpos, # cal maou Tots bd Thy abriy mlarw Xpioriavots reXovow. It is the explanation given also by Leontius (c. A.D. 590): xKaOodtxal 8€ exAnOnoav éredy od mpds ev €Ovos éypdpOnoay ws al rod Ila’\ov émicrodal (De Sectis Act. ii.). Suidas also treats xafodixds and éyxtk\wos @8 synonymous when used of letters. This is the explanation which is preferred by most. It retains for the adjective the sense which it has in ancient, non-ecclesiastical Greek; the sense which it also has when it is used of the Church; the sense which can be traced back, in the applica- tion of the term, to particular writings, at least to the close of the 2nd cent. It is the sense that best suits Clement’s statement on the letter addressed by the ‘apostles and elders and brethren’ at Jerusalem to the ‘brethren which are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia’ (Ac 15%, ete., especially in view of the extent of its publica- tion, Ac 164). It is the most natural sense for the term as used by Origen, in the passages cited above, of 1 Jn, 1P, Jude, and Barnabas; by Clement, of Jude in his Hypotyposes; and by Dionysius of Alexandria, of 1 Jn (Euseb. H£ vii. 25). It fits the tenor of 1 Jn, and is sufficiently consistent with the expressed destination of other members of the group of seven. Ja, 1 P, 2 P, and Jude are addressed, it is true, to definite circles of readers. But these are large circles, embracing the Chris- tians and Churches of many lands, and differing widely from those which the Pauline Epp. have in view. James is meant for the brethren in the ex- tensive Jewish Dispersion ; 1 Pet. for the Churches of five provinces of the East; 2 Pet. and Jude, for circles still less particular or defined. The remain- ing two have inscriptions referring to individuals, and are in no pe sense general Epistles. Their position is explained either by the fact that they were interpreted at an early period as general Epp., the Church being taken to be addressed under the personal designation of the éxAexrn xupla of 2 Jn and the Gaius of 3 Jn (Clem. Alex. Hypotyposes) ; or by the circumstance that, being accepted as genuine letters of the Apostle John, they were naturally associated with his jirst Epistle, and so came to e included in the group of which it formed apart, and toshare in the title borne by the group. t would appear most probable, therefore, that the title ‘catholic’ had from the beginning its proper sense of ‘general’; that it was used to designate letters of the nature of circular or ency- clical Epistles ; that in this sense it was applied at least from the end of the 2nd cent. to particular writings both within and without the NT literature roper; that in this sense it was applied first to individual members of the group, and by the time of Eusebius to the seven as a class distinguishable in this respect from the Pauline Epp.; that in course of time other ideas became connected with it, and its use became less constant; that by the 6th cent. it became identical with canonical in the Western Church, and assumed a more dogmatic character. There are things at the same time which indicate that its use was not quite fixed or uniform even at the close of the 4th cent. or the beginning of the 5th. Some, indeed, contend that when Origen speaks of 1 Peter as a Catholic Epistle he means to distinguish it as a genuine or accredited Epistle from 2 Peter as a disputed Epistle. It is muck more reasonable to understand it there in the sense of general or encyclical. But there are passages in Eusebius which are of another kind. We have one such, ¢.g., that in HE iii. 3, where, speaking of acknowledged and disputed books, he says of certain writings alleged to be by Peter, that they are not év xadoNxots mapadedouéva. We have another in H# iv. 23, where mention is made of the ‘Catholic Epistles’ of Dionysius of Corinth. The Churches to which these kpistles were addressed are named—the Lacedemonians, the Athenians, the Nicomedians, the Church of Gortyna, and the ‘other Churches in Crete,’ ete. They are mostly particular Churches, and it is not a sufficient explanation to say, with Westcott (Epp. of St. John, p. xxviii), that the ‘word is used of letters with a general applica- tion (though specially addressed) which made no claim to canonical authority.’ It must be admitted that, as in the case of the process by which these Epp. came to form a collection and to rank as sees 80, in the history of the names given to them asa group in the Eastern Church and in the Western, all is by no means clear yet. LITERATURE.—See the usual books on NT Introd., especially those by Hug, Hilgenfeld, Bleek, Jiilicher ; the Prolegomena te the Comm. on the Epp., é¢.g. Westcott on The Ep. of St. John; the standard books on the Canon of NT, esp. Westcott, General Survey of Canon of NT ; Charteris, Canonicity ; Reuss, Hist. of Canon ; also Kirchhofer’s Queliensammilung ; Gloag, Introd. to the Cath. Epp. pp. 1-11; Eusebius, ut sup.; Pott, Proleg. ad Ep. Catholicas, pp. 1-68 ; Mayerhoff, Einleit. in die Petr. Schriften, pp. 31-41 ; Herzog, RH; Sanday, BL on Inspiration ; Harnack, Saheb, d. Dogmengesch., who assigns their author- ship to unknown prophets or teachers such as appear in the Didache. S. D. F. SALMOND. CATHUA (A Kadéoud, B Kova), 1 Es 5°.—One of the heads of families of temple servants who returned with Zerub. from captivity. It appears to correspond to GIDDEL in Ezr 2*7; cf. Neh 7%. CATTLE.—No fewer than six Heb. and two Gr. words are tr. in the Bible by cattle. 1. 7379 mikneh. The primary meaning of the word is wealth or possessions. It is so tr. Ee 2’, where 183) 723 73p2 is rendered AV ‘possessions of great and small cattle,’ RV ‘possessions of herds and flocks.’ Among nomads, whose riches consist principally in herds and flocks, the word for pos- sessions came to mean cattle. Thusthe Arab. mdl, 1. amw4l, when used in connexion with the shep- erd’s life, usually means cattle in the generic sense. JMikneh certainly includes horses, asses, oxen, sheep, and goats (Gn 471°), where Joseph says, ‘give your cattle (0375), and I will give you for your cattle’ (02392). Thenarrator then states (v.17) that ‘they brought their cattle (o73p0). . . horses ... flocks (j8xn ‘2, RVm cattle of the flocks)... cattle of the herds (17237 ‘5, RVm also cattle of the herds)... asses; and he fed them with bread for all their cattle’ (07°3p7-b2). +The historian then says (4738), ‘my lord also hath our herds of cattle’ (72920 ‘D). Mikneh may also be understood, in all passages where its meaning is not otherwise defined, to include all the domestic animals, which con- stituted so much of the wealth of the Hebrews. Mikneh is also rendered herd as above (Gn 47?8), and flocks (Ps 78%). The expression 7p) 'v3x (Gn 46*2), awkwardly rendered in text AV ‘their trade hath been to teed cattle,’ RV ‘they have been keepers of cattle,’ is better rendered as AVm ‘they are men of cattle,’ or, still better, herdmen. An- other meaning of the root 7, from which mikneh is derived, is to buy, and in Hiphil to cause to buy, i.e. to sell. This is the true meaning in the passage (Zec 13°) 43397 01x, where AV has rendered the clause ‘man taught me to keep cattle,’ as if 732, which means also to possess, meant particularly to possess or keep cattle. KV renders the passage ‘I have been made a bondman,’ i.e. man has sold me. 2. 7292 behémdh, tr* cattle in the places where it occurs with mn (Gn 1% 314 1, Ps 1481, Is 461), also, arbitrarily, in many other places. Probably the Eng. word beast, which is as flexible in its meaning and use asbéhémdh, would more adequately CAUDA express it, 3. js 26’. This word is translated AV ‘cattle’ in two places (Gn 30“ 31), in both of which RV has ‘ flocks,’ t.e. both sheep and goats. 4. 9R3 bakdr. This word, whicb means ozen, is rendered in one place cattle (J1 11°), 373 *17y ‘ herds of cattle,’ 5. vya beir. Twicein AV translated cattle (Nu 204, Ps 78%), RV adds Nu 20%", See BEAST. 6. ny seh. This word, which primarily means one ef a flock of sheep or goats (cf. Arab. shat), is once tr. AV ‘lesser cattle,’ RV ‘sheep’ (Is 7%), and once AV, RV ‘small cattle’ (Is 43%). See SHEEP. The word ‘cattle’ occurs twice in NT, once (Jn 4) as the tr™ of @péupara, and once (Lk 17’) in the collocation ‘feeding cattle’ (xoimalvovra, RV ‘keeping sheep’). G. E. Post. CAUDA (Kaféa in B, confirmed by a few inferior authorities, by Kavéé in Suidas, Kavdos in Notitia Episcopatuum, viii. 240; Gaudus in Pliny, Nat. ist. iv. 12 (61), and Pomp. Mela, ii. 114. Kndaida is the form in x, supported by the majority of other authorities, and by KaAavdos in Ptol. iil, 15. 8; Hierocles, Synecd. 651, 2,* and Notitia Episcop. 9. 149; and Kn)avdla in the Stadiasmus Maris Magni, § 328, AV Clauda) was an island off the S. coast of Crete. Amid the varying forms of the name, the preference must be given to the forms in which the letter L is omitted, as is proved beyond dispute by the mod. forms Gavdho in Greek and Gozzo in Italian. The Alex. ship laden with corn in which Paul sailed from Myra for Rome, after lying becalmed for a considerable time in Fair axons, roceeded on its course favoured by a light Bercerty breeze ; but shortly after rounding Cape Matala (about 4 miles on its course), while the vessel was standing towards W.N.W. across the mouth of the Gulf of Messara, it was caught by a sudden eddying blast from E.N.E., which struck down from the lofty mountains of the island, and it could do nothing except scud before the wind, until, after running about 23 miles, it was able to get under the lee of Cauda (Ac 27!5), where in calmer water it became possible to attend to the condition of the ship. The perfect agreement of the description in Ac with the natural features and winds of the coast (where, according to Captain Stewart, R.N., ‘southerly winds almost invariably shift to a violent northerly wind ’) has been admir- ably brought out by James Smith in his Voyage aha. Shipwreck of St. Paul, p 96 ff. According to Suidas, wild asses of unusually large size lived on the island. There was a city on the island, which was the seat of a bishop in Byzantine times. It lay almost due 8. of Phenix, and is mentioned next to it in the Byzantine authorities. W. M. RAMSAY. CAUL (Fr. cale, a small cap or head-dress. Now obsol.).—1. (nn) The fatty-envelope of the liver, which, with the fat of the kidneys and other inward parte (Ex 29". 22, Ly 34, etc.), was to be burnt on the altar as an offering by fire unto the Lord. In Hos 13° the rending of the caul or enclosure (715) of the heart is a term of uttermost destruction. See MEDICINE. 2. nora” Is 318, RV ‘networks.’ This was most probably the small head-veil, now of fine net- work or art muslin with floral designs, worn in the East over the brow and crown, and fastened loosely behind the neck under the hair. It is counted indelicate to go to the door or garden without it. Much art is often expended upon it. It is fringed with silk embroidery, and adorned with gold thread, tiny gilt discs, and other orna- ments, The Heb. shabis seems to have the same root-meaning as the Arab. mutashabbas, applied * Constantine Porphyrog, de Them., is hardly an independent authority, but depends on Hierocles, whom he very often quotes. CAVE 363 to the network or interlacing of tree-branches ; and similarly, the Arab. term for fine damask of branch and foliage-like design is mu-shajjar, from shajarah, a tree. G. M. MAcKIE. _ CAUSE.—The obsol. phrase ‘ for his c.’=‘ for his sake’ is used 2 Co 7!* ‘ I did it for his c. that had done the wrong’ (évexev). Cf. Ps 69% Pr. Bk. ‘ Let not them that trust in thee. . . be ashamed for my ¢.’ (3, AV ‘for my sake,’ RV ‘through me’). Twice ‘c.’ is used in the vague sense of ‘matter’ (as if on the way to Ital. cosa, Fr. chose): 1 K 12% ‘the c. was from the LORD’ (3p, LX X peracrpoph, RV ‘it was a thing brought about of the Lorp); 2 Ch 10" ‘the c. was of God’ (3p}, LX X as before, the only occurrences of the Gr. as of the Heb.; RV ‘it was brought about of God’). Causeless is an ady. in 1 S 25% ‘thou hast shed blood c.’ ; but not in Pr 26? ‘the curse c. shall not come’ (both oj7, RV here ‘ that is c.,’ after Geneva). J. HASTINGS. CAUSEWAY.—This is the spelling of mod. edd. of AV (except in Pr 15%) for the 1611 spellin ‘causey.’ But the words are not the same. causey is a mound or dam, made by treading (late Lat. calcidre), and a causeway is a way or road formed on such a mound. It occurs 1 Ch 26!* 38; Is 78 AVm (1611 causeway) for ‘highway’ in text: the Heb. (app mégillah) means a may ‘cast up’ or raised up. J. HASTINGS. CAYE (A7yp, orjdaor, spelunca).—l. Palestine is a region abounding in caves; hence the frequent reference to them in the Bible. Natural caves and caverns are to be found in most countries formed of limestone strata and considerably ele- vated above the sea level; such as Malta, icily, parts of Italy,* and Derbyshire in England. In such countries the underground acidulated waters dissolve channels for themselves out of the rock, and upon a change of level with reference to their outlet, they leave these channels for others; the old channels becoming caverns with generally dry floors, and roofs decorated with stalactites. The elevated character of Western Palestine and its calcareous structure have naturally resulted in the formation of caves which in OT times, and still later, have become interwoven with the historical events of that country; and, as Dean Stanley observes, when Christianity became degraded in the early centuries, caves, the real or supposed scenes in the history of our Lord, became the seats of worship amongst the Eastern Christians. Thus the ‘cave of the Holy Sepulchre’ at Jerusalem and the ‘cave of the Nativity’ at Bethlehem,t both discovered or identified (according to Eusebius) by the empress Helena, have remained shrines of semi-idolatrous devotion down to the present day. 2. Prehistoric man appears to have made caves his dwelling wherever available, and it is not improbable that the Horites of Mount Seir (Gn 14° 36”), who were cave dwellers as their name implies, were the representatives of early cave-dwelling races of other countries.t The Horites were ex- pelled by the Edomites; and the vast caverns artificially hewn out of the sandstone rock of Petra, the Edomite capital, attest the extent to which these early inhabitants made use of such hollows both for habitations and as sepulchres for the dead.§ See Driver on Dt 2}, **Quatuor sunt montane gentes, Tarati, Soffinati, Balari, Aconites, in speluncis habitantes,’ Strabo, v. 225. + It may be observed that there is no authority in the account of the Nativity for connecting the event with a cave: see Mt Ql, Lk 27.12, t Strabo, i, 42, xvi. 775, 776. § The caverns of ord Egypt, hewn out of the same forma- tion, ‘the Nubian Sandstone,’ were made use of by the ancient Egyptians for similar purposes. 364 CEDAR CEDAR 3. Caves were largely made use of in the troublous times of Israelitish history as places of refuge: as such the following may be specially mentioned :— (a) The cave in the hills above Zoar inhabited by Lot and his two daughters (Gn 19%). (6) The cave of Makkedah at Beth-horon, in which the five kings of the Canaanites hid them- selves (Jos 10'S), (c) Caves in which the Israelites hid themselves from the Midianites in the time of the Judges (Jg 6*), and from the Philistines in the time of Saul (1 S 135). Both these references point to the conclusion that caves, both natural and artificial, were very numerous in these times; some of them may be now covered over and their entrances hidden from view. (d) One of the most celebrated caves in biblical history was the cave of Adullam, in which David took refuge from the wrath of Saul (1 S 22}, 2S 231%). Adullam was one of the cities of Judah, and the residence of a Canaanite king (Jos 12”), and the cave was probably the largest of several occupying a position near the summit of the table- land, and overlooking the Plains of Philistia.* (e) The cave of En-gedi, in the cliffs overlooking the Dead Sea, was another place of refuge for David, after he had been dislodged from the cave of Adullam (1 S 2379 24%), See ENGEDI. (f) The cave in which Obadiah fed the prophets of the Lord in the days of Ahab (1 K 184). This cave was probably situated on the flank of Mount Carmel. The above instances explain the language of Is 219. 19. 21 where ‘men shall go into the caves of the rocks, and into the holes of the earth, from before the terror of the LoRD, and from the glory of his majesty, when he ariseth to shake mightily the earth. 4. Caves, both natural and artificial, were used as places of sepulture: the cave of Machpelah, purchased of Ephron the Hittite, was the sepulchre of Sarah (Gn 23/9), and afterwards of Abraham (Gn 25°), Isaac (3527-9), and Jacob (50!%). There can be no doubt but that the mosque of Hebron covers the last resting-place of the patriarchs ; it is a spot considered of the highest sanctity by the Arab tribes.t E. HULL. CEDAR (1x ’erez, xédpos, cedrus).—We cannot enter intelligently on the discussion of the cedar without premising that the Heb. word ’erez was probably used for three or more different trees. In this it resembles its English equivalent. Cedar, in English, is used for the cedar of Lebanon, for the Bermuda cedar, of which lead pencils are made, for Juniperus Virginiana, L., and for Cupressus thyoides, L., and other trees. The cedar wood, which (acc. to P) was used with scarlet and hyssop for purification (Lv 144, Nu 19%), was not, in all probability, the cedar of Lebanon, but ga plant obtainable in Sinai, and afterwards in Palestine. Such a tree is Juniperus Phenicea, L., which is found on Mt. Hor, mi on the brow of the Edomitic limestone clifis overlooking the Arabah, and probably in the Sinaitic peninsula. If no longer there, there is nothing in the climate to hinder its having grown there formerly. Houghton erroneously calls it oxycedrus, which is a shrub pr small tree of the mountains of Syria. It is uncertain what tree is meant by ’drazim (Nu 248). They are said to be trees growing by water. The cedar of Lebanon does not grow in moist places. On the contrary, it seeks the dry sloping mountain-side, where nothing but the moisture in the clefts of the rocks nourishes * Josephus, Ant. vi. xii. 2; Conder, Tent Work, p. 153. t Ib. 238; see also Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, i. 101, 149; *obingon, Travels, ii. 79. it. Unless we suppose, as has been hinted in the article on ALOES, that the location of the ‘drazim is poetic licence, we must suppose some water-loving tree to be intended in this passage, certainly not the Cedrus Libani, Barr., nor Juni- perus oxycedrus, Lam., nor indeed any of the coniferze of the Holy Land. Avicenna defines ’arz, in Arab., as the well- known juniper Jerry. This is the product of Juniperus communis, L. In most of the passages of Scripture not already cited, probably in all, there can ie no doubt that the cedar v ebanon is intended. Let us analyse them in detail. (1) It was abundant (1 K 6918 10”). There is every reason to believe that the cedar was exceedingly abundant in Solomon’s day. The remains of the old forests exist above el- Me4sir, Barfik, ‘Ain-Zehalta, el-Hadeth, Besherri, Sir, and the Dunniyeh. They probably covered all the sub-alpine peaks of Lebanon. It is also extremely probable that the cedar flourished in those days on Hermon and Antilebanon, both of which belong to the Lebanon system, and are suited climatically to the growth of these trees, Large forests of them exist in Amanus, and then2e & CEDAR FROM THE BESHERRI GROVE. (It is not one of the largest, but exhibits the characteristic shape and horizontal ramification.) they extend northward and westward to Akher- dagh, and for a long distance into the Taurus. The cedar existed also in Cyprus; and large forests of it are found in the Atlas and the Himalayas. (2) It was a tall tree (Is 2%, Am 2°). Several of the trees in the Besherri grove are 60 or 70 ft. high. In Amanus it often reaches 100 ft. It is quite likely that it reached or exceeded this height in Lebanon. (3) It was not only a tree ‘of a high stature,’ but one ‘with fair (beautiful) branches, and with a shadowing shroud’ (dense shade) (Ezk 318). No quality of the cedar tree is more Leautiful than its horizontal spray, with an upper surface flat, and presenting an even carpet of dark green, Fie . : r ; : ue ® 2.78 2, ee LES ae ee eee Oe ornamented with its yellow staminate and purple pistillate cones. (4) It was suitable for the masts of ships (Ezk 27°). It has been objected that the cedar has a thick, gnarled trunk, too short for a mast. This is true of the old weather-beaten veterans in the open groves of Lebanon at the present day. But in Amanus, where the growth is close and forest-like, there are multitudes of tall straight trunks, every way suitable for masts. Indeed, many of the younger trees of the Besherri grove would make excellent masts for ships of the size of those in Ezekiel’s time. It has been proposed to consider the Pinus Halepensis, Mill., as the ’erez here intended. It is curious that this pine is still known in some parts of Lebanon by the name ’arz, and also in the neighbourhood of syepPe. But it is not so well adapted to masting as the true cedar, and, although abundant through- out Lebanon, is also equally abundant in Pal., east and west of the Jordan. It is unlikely that Ezekiel would have spoken of the tree distinctively as the ‘cedar from Lebanon,’ if he had intended the Aleppo pine, which the Tyrians could have cut from the hill-country close to their city. (5) It was suitable for beams, pillars, and boards (1 K 6° 7"). The cedars of Amanus, where the normal owth obtains, could furnish a board 60 to 80 ft. ong, and 6 to 8 ft. wide at the bottom, and 2 or more at top. They could furnish pillars and beams of any required thickness. The timber is inde- structible by dry rot or borers. It is close-grained, sound to the heart, preenh, and of a pleasing colour. We have abundant testimony as to its durability. Pliny says that the cedar roof of the temple of Diana at Ephesus lasted 400 years. That of the temple of Apollo at Utica lasted 1170 ears. (6) It was suitable for carved work, as images (Is 44'4-15), Cedar wood is better fitted for this purpose than almost any other wood in the land. It is hard, close-grained, and takes a high olish. (7) It must be full of sap (Ps 92). The samic juice of the cedar exudes from every pore. Large beads and nodules of the fragrant resin form on ihe uninjured branches. An incision into the bark is followed by a copious distillation of the same. Where two branches meet and rub together, they each pour out the life-giving sap, which cements them, so that they grow fast to one another. Numerous examples of this can be seen in the grove at Besherri. (8) It was the king of trees. a is placed at the head of the vegetable kingdom by Solomon (1 K 4%), Abimelech con- cedes its superiority (Jg 9%). It is perhaps alluded to as ‘the glory of Lebanon’ (Is 35? 60). The cedars are ‘the trees of the Lord’ (Ps 104%), The Arabs still know them by the name’arz er-rubb, ‘the cedars of the Lord.’ When the cedar falls, the fir, itself a noble tree, howls, as a vassal for his lord (Zec 111-2). When Jehoash wished to express his contempt for Amaziah, he compared himself to a cedar and Amaziah to a thistle, and said, ‘there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trode down the thistle’ (2 K 14°). The highest boast of Sennacherib was that he would ‘cut down the tall cedars’ (Is 37%). (9) Of this tree much of the temple was built, also the palaces of David and Solomon, and many other grand buildings of Jerusalem. It was probably at that epoch that the denudation of Lebanon began. The cedar is known by the natives of restricted localities in Lebanon by two other names. Thus the people in the neighbourhood of ‘Ain-Zehalta, Bartk, and el-Me‘Asir call their cedars tbhul. The people in the neighbourhood of Sir call it tnd. G. E. Post. CEILING.—See CIELING. CELIBACY.—See MARRIAGE. CENSER CELLAR.—In AV only (1 Ch 27% %) for wine or for oil. The Heb. (1yix) 1s common for any store or storehouse. RV gives ‘c.’ for AV ‘secret place’ in Lk 11%, reading xpirrn ‘a vault,’ ‘crypt,’ for xpumréy. ‘hidden.’ "The Greek word is use y Jos. BJ vy. vii. 4, ‘They set the tower on fire, and leapt into the c, beneath.’ See House. J. HASTINGS. CENCHREA.—Cenchree or Kenchreae (not, as AV, Cenchrea; usually spelt Keyy., by T., Kevx.), where St. Paul, before sailing for Syria, had his hair shorn in compliance with a vow (Ac 18!8), and where Phoebe was a deaconess (Ro 161). C, was the seaport of Corinth, on the eastern side of the isthmus (see CORINTH). It doubtless had its share in the bustle, luxury, and licence of the mother-city; but, under the influence of St. Paul, it early became the seat of a local church, whose deaconess had the honour of bearing the apostle’s letter to the Roman Church. WILLIAM P. DICKSON. CENDEBAUS (KevdeBaios), a general of Anti- ochus VII. Sidetes, who was given the command of the sea-coast, and sent with an army into Palestine in order to enforce the claims of Anti- ochus against Simon Maccabzeus (comp. ATHENO- BIUS). Cendebzus occupied Jamnia, fortified Kidron, a place not otherwise known, and then began to make raids upon Judea. Owing to his advanced age Simon did not go out to battle himself, but placed his two sons, Judas and John, in command. The battle took place in a plain not far from Modin; and the Jews, although obliged to cross a torrent-bed before commencing the attack, gained a complete victory over Cende- beus, and pursued the Syrians as far as Kidron and the neighbourhood of Ashdod (1 Mac 15* 16°; ef. Jos. Ant. XIII. vii. 3). H. A. WHITE. CENSER.—Two Heb. words are thus rendered in our Eng. version, 777 and nqypp. The latter, from the same root as the word for incense, is rendered by the LXX in the two places where it occurs (2 Ch 26%, Ezk 8") @yuarjpor. For this reason xpvoodv Oujyuaripiov of He 94 has been understood since Jerome’s time to mean ‘ golden censer’ (AV, RV). The best modern authorities, however, have © decided in favour of the rendering ‘ golden altar of incense’ (so RVm after Bleek, Del. etc.), a sense in which the word frequently occurs in Philo and Josephus (for reff. see Thayer, NT Lex. sub voc.). Elsewhere in OT the vessel used to carry the charcoal on which the incense was burned is termed nam. In AV and RV our translators have only in certain cases given the rendering ‘censer,’ pre- ferring ‘ Firepan’ in those passages, apparently, where the ann> is Ree tional among the utensils connected with the altar of burnt-offering, as in Ex 278, Nu 44 RV* etc. There is no reason for this distinction, one and the same utensil being intended throughout. The nn was so constructed as to be capable not merely of lifting the glowing charcoal from the altar of burnt-offering,—so much is indicated by its ety- mology from 779 to take up ‘live coals’ from the hearth,—but also of containing a quantity sufficient to burn at least two handfuls of incense (Lv 161%). We may therefore think of it as a bowl-shaped implement furnished with a short handle,—in other words, as a species of ladle. The censers of the Pent. (only in P) are of the same material as the great altar, aaeeits bronze (Ex 278, cf. Nu 16% 9), Those of Solomon’s temple were of gold (1 K 7, * It is not correct to say, as in Smith’s DB,?i. p. 552, that the vessels enumerated (Nu 414) are those of ‘the golden Altar, f.e. of incense.’ These have been mentioned but not named in v.10, Besides, ‘ the altar’ (v.13) is invariably in the Pent. the altar of burnt-offering. 366 CENSUS 2 K 25%). nexion with the daily offering in Tamid v. 4, 5, Yoma iv. 4. The favourite LXX renderings are rupécoy (cf. Sir 50°) and Outcxy (cf. 1 Mac 172). t is now impossible to say, in what respect, if A censer of silver is mentioned in con- at all, the ngnp differed from the nwypp. Delitzsch is certainly mistaken in identifying (art. ‘ Riuch- erpfanne’ in Riehm’s HBA?) the latter with the vessel designated 42 (see Nu 7“), EV spoon, more probably a bowl with a handle, and therefore of similar shape to van (hence LXX 6vtcxy), in any case a vessel in which the incense was kept (cf. the nis) with incense on the table of Sew breal Ex 25"). The context in which it occurs (see above) requires us, in each case, to see in the npn a proper censer. ne censer (\i(Bavwrds) appears along with incense in the imagery of the Apoc. (85). In 58 the ‘golden vials (¢idAas) full of odours’ (RV more correctly ‘the golden bowls full of incense’) have been suggested by the nis2 or incense-holders just men- tioned. For the use of this vessel in Herod’s temple see Tamid v. vi. Among the implements of the golden candlestick were its nian>, EV snuff dishes. These were prob- ably not trays for the snuffers as the LXX render- ing in Ex 25° (i7é0eua) would suggest, but rather a utensil of the same shape as the censer, in which to er and carry away the burnt portions of the wicks. Representations of the censers used by the ancient Egyptians are still extant. They con- sisted of a small pot or cup with a long hanans (Kitto, Encycl. Bibl. Lit. 1862, p. 461) into which little pellets of incense were projected at intervals by the priest. In early Christian times the use of censers is not mentioned ; it appears to have commenced about the 4th cent. A.D., probably for antiseptic fumiga- tion In the 8th cent., however, their use was genera, and directions for their adoption were iven by local synods. But symbolical meanings ecame a degrees attached to the burning of incense. In many cathedrals on the Continent and in this country very valuable thuribles or censers of gold and silver (cf. Herod. iv. 162; Thucyd. vi. 46; Cic. Verr. iv. 21-24) are still to be found, some of them weighing as much as 16 lbs., and evidently not intended to be swung like the ordinary censer. In form modern censers vary considerably, being usually oval, but sometimes square. The ordinary form used by the Jews is of an octagonal shape. In Europe they are generally furnished witha perforated lid, and havethreechains to the lower portion, a fourth chain being attached to the lid, so that it can be raised when required. There is usually a small shallow pan enclosed in the censer to receive live charcoal. They are now usually made of brass, as used in the Roman and Anglican services. The incense used for the censer is generally carried by an acolyte in a boat- shaped brass box, containing a spoon for sprinkling it on the censer. LrrERaTURE. —Sonneschmid, De Thymiaterio sanctissimo eGiiel 17-23 ; Deyling, Obs. ii. 565 seq. ; Ugolini, Thesaur. xi. ; entze in Nov. Bibiioth. Brev. v. 337 seg.; Zeibrich, De Thur. Gerb. 1768; Royal, De Thurib. 724; Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 444f.; Schiirer, HJ P wu. i. 295. A. R. S. KENNEDY and E. M. HoLmeEs. CENSUS.—See Davin, QUIRINIUS. CENTURION (Latin, centurio; Gr. xevruplwy in Mk; éxarovdpxns, éxardvapyos in Mt, Lk, and Ac,—see critical authorities in Grimm-Thayer for the two forms of this word).—An officer in the Roman army in command of a century (centuria), which corresponded to the civil curia, and consisted CENTURION of a body of men numbering from 50 to 100, according to the size of the legion of which it was a subdivision. Though resembling a British cap- tain in the size of the unit under his command, the centurion in social position was equal only to a British non-commissioned officer. He could not become more than a centurion, except through exceptional circumstances, but left the service when his time was up and settled in some small town, to live on the smaller or larger fortune he had acquired in the wars. We meet with centurions in the NT on five occasions—two of these being connected with incidents in the life of our Lord, one with St. Peter, and two with St. Paul. 4. At Capernaum a centurion came to Jesus to seek healing for his servant (Mt 853, Lk 771°), This man was a Gentile, but probably not.a Roman, because the occurrence took place in the dominions of Herod Antipas (see Holtzmann, Handkom. in loc.). The Herods would be inclined to imitate their Roman atrons in the organisation of their armies. he centurion shows a warm syne for his slave, such as was rare among Romans. His reference to his being a man under authority, having soldiers under Sin, would be esp. appropri- ate on the lips of a subordinate officer to whom the duty of obeying his superiors was as familiar as that of commanding his men. The Capernaum centurion had probably resided for some time in the city, which would thus appear to have been guarded by a garrison. There he had been so attracted by the good qualities of Judaism as to have built a synagogue, from which it may be inferred that he was a believer in the God of Israel, though evidently he was not a proselyte. He evinced great kindness of heart, humility, and faith—the exceptional strength of his faith sur- prising and delighting our Lord. 2. A centuricn was in charge of the execution of Jesus. This man must have been in the Roman army, as the cruci- fixion was carried out under the orders of Pontius Pilate, the Roman Procurator. The Synoptists note the impression produced on him by the spectacle of the last scene in the life of our Lord. According to St. Matthew and St. Mark, he exclaimed, ‘Truly this’ (Mk ‘this man’) ‘was the son (or a son) of God’ (Mt 27%, Mk 15%); and according to St. Luke ‘he glorified God, saying, Certainly this was a righteous man’ (Lk 237). Whichever phrase he used, it cannot be supposed that as a heathen he fully appreciated the divinity of Christ, but it is clear that he was impressed with our Lord’s goodness and greatness. This centurion appears again a little later when Pilate inquires of him as to the fact and time of the death of Jesus (Mk 15%). 3. Cornelius, the first Gentile baptized and received into the Church (Ac 10), was a centurion of the Roman garrison at Caesarea, the headquarters of the Procurator, and belonged to the ‘Italian band ’—(which see). It is evident from the narrative, that Cornelius, like the Capernaum centurion, had been deeply impressed with the religious ideas of the people among whom he was serving ; but it is also evident that he had not become a prose red St. Peter’s scruples would not have needed to be removed by the vision on the house-top, and it seems clear that he was not satisfied with the measure of light he perceived in Judaism. 4. Several centurions of the cohort at Jerusalem under the command of a chiliarch (called ‘the chief captain’ in Ac 21%! AV and RV) appear during the riot at Jerusalem, and the subsequent rescue of St. Paul and his arrest (Ae 218 20°5. 26 9317. 23) There would be ten venturions to a cohort if the numbers were complete. 5. After his appeal to Cesar, St. Paul was conducted to Rome under the charge of a centurion named — ~~ a a ep 3 i : : 3 CEPHAS CHAIN 367 Julius, with whom he came to be on very friendly terms (Ac 27}: 1-4 2816), This centurion was ‘of Augustus’ band’ (which see), Ac 27}. W. F. ADENEY. CEPHAS.—See PETER. CERTAIN.—1. The orig. meaning of c. is fixed or definite, not fluctuating. It is seen in Ex 164 ‘gather a c. rate every day’ (ina oin37, RV ‘a day’s portion every day’); 2Ch8™® ‘after a c. rate every day’ (a7, 01733, RV ‘as the duty of every day required’); Neh 11% ‘ac. portion. . . for the singers, due every day’ (\o\'2 Ding] 7x, RV ‘a settled provision... as every gar re- quired’); 1 Co 4" ‘we... have noc. dwelling- place’ (derarofyev). See also Dn 2% ‘the dream is c.’ (a¥: ‘fixed,’ cf. 2° ‘I know of certainty,’ same Heb.) ; Ac 25% ‘of whom I have no ec. thing to write’ (d4opadjs). Or oc. after being ascertained, Dt 13% ‘Then shalt thou inguire, and make search, and ask diligently; and, behold, if it be truth, and the thing c.’ (j\23), and 174. In this sense is the phrase ‘for certain,’ 1 K 2°, Jer 26; and ‘for a certain,’ 1 K 2” ‘know for a c.’ (RV ‘for c.’), where the a is redundant. See A. 2. When a person or thing is taken out of the fluctuating multitude and fixed in the mind, it need not be further specified, and so becomes in- definite, as in the common phrases ‘ a certain man,’ etc. (Heb. 23x, wx, or wy, Gr. 71s mostly, also dvOpwros, Mt 18% 21% 227, and efs). Thus we have, Ac 8% ‘a c, water’; 5? ‘ac. part’; Lk 23" ‘ac. sedition’ ; 2 Ch 18? ‘after c. years’; Ezr 1018 ‘c. chiefs of the fathers’ (RV ‘c. heads of fathers’ houses’); and Dn 84 ‘IT heard one saint speaking, and another saint said unto that c. saint which spake,’ where we see the word changing from its definite to its indefinite use. ‘Certain’ in this sense is freq. used alone, where we now use the vaguer ‘some,’ as Nu 16? ‘c. of the children of Israel’; 1 Ch 19° ‘there went c. and told David’; Lk 8” ‘it was told him by c. which said’; 18° ‘unto c. which trusted in themselves.’ Certainly. 1 S 20° ‘Thy father certainly know- eth that I es found grace in thine eyes,’ not ‘it is certain that thy father knoweth,’ but ‘th father knoweth for a certainty’ (Heb. yy yy, R ‘knoweth well’); se 20°, Gn 437, Jer 13! 40! 42.22, Same Heb. in Jos 23% ‘know for a certainty’; 1 K 2” ‘know for certain’; 2” ‘know for a certain’; Jer 265 ‘know ye for certain.’ Certainty is used in the obsol. sense of ‘the fact,’ or ‘actual circumstances,’ in Lk 14 ‘ that thou mightest know the ce. of those things’ (do¢ddeua) ; Ac 21% 22 (7d dogadés). Cf. Shaks. Ham. Iv. v. 140— “If you desire to know the certainty Of your dear father’s death.’ J. HASTINGS. CERTIFY, in AV, means not ‘to make certain’ or ‘assure,’ but simply ‘to make to know,’ ‘tell.’ In OT it occurs (1) Bor 414. 16 510 724 (yin) ; (2) 2 § 1578 (vin) ; (3) Est 2? (rox, RV ‘tell’). In Apocr. Wis 188 (rpoywacxw), Ep. Jer! (dvayyéddw), Bel? (decxviw), 1 Mac 147! (amayyérrw), 2 Mac 18 (dtacapéw), 2 Mac 11% (eldéres). In NT Gal 1" ‘TI certi ou’ (yrw- ¢w, RV ‘I make known to you’). Cf. Ps 395 Pr. k. ‘Lord, let me know mine end, and the number of my days, that I may be certified how long I have to live’ (AV ‘that I may know how frail I am,’ RV ‘Let me know how frail I am’); 19? Pr. Bk. ‘One day telleth another, and one night certi- fieth another.’ J. HASTINGS. CHABRIS (Xafpels).—One of the three rulers of Bethulia, Jth 6! 8!° 10°, CHADIASAI (B ol Xaiidoar, A Xaddoar, AV they of Chadias), 1 Es 5*.—They are mentioned with the Ammidioi as returning, to the number of 422, with Zerub. There are no corresponding names in the lists of Ezraand Neh. Fritzsche (Hzeg. Handd. in loc.) identifies them with the people of Kedesh in Judah (Jos 15”), H. St. J. THACKERAY. CH/ZEREAS (Xaipéas, AV Chereas) was brother of Timotheus, the leader of the Ammonites, and held command at the fortress of Gazara, i.e. prob- ably Jazer in the trans-Jordanic territory (see 1 Mac 5**), Chzereas was slain upon the capture of Gazara by Judas Maccabzeus (2 Mac 10°?-*), H. A. WHITE. CHAFE.—To c. is to make warm (Lat. cale- Sacere, late Lat. calefare, old Fr. chaufer) ; next to make warm by friction; then (as with ‘friction’ itself) to irritate. In 2 178 only (AV, RV) ‘they be chafed in their minds, as a bear robbed of her whelps in the field’ (w5} 2 ‘ bitter of soul’). Cf.— ‘Calmnesse is great advantage ; he that lets Another chafe, may warm him at his fire, Mark all his wandrings, and enjoy his frets," G. Herbert, Temple (‘ Church Porch,’ lifi.} J. HASTINGS. CHAFF.—The AV renders by this term four Heb. words. 1. win hdshash. This word occurs but twice in OT, Is 5*% 334, where it is rendered AV ‘chaff.’ It would be better rendered ‘ cut grass’ or ‘dry grass’ (as Is 5% RV). 2. yD or yd méz. This is chaff separated from the grain by winnow- ing. It is usually tr. in LXX xvois (Ps 14355, Is 29°, Hos 13%), once xvois dxvpov (Is 171%), and once kovioprds=dust (Job 21"*). In the Oriental process of winnowing by tossing the cut straw, grain, and chaff into the air, the grain falls vertically back on the heap, the cut straw is carried a little distance away and deposited in another heap, while the chai, consisting of the husks and the finer particles of the straw, is carried to and beyond the borders of the threshing-floor. Hence the imagery of the passages cited. 3. j3n tebhen, the same as the Arab. tibn=cut straw, This word is only once tr. ‘chaff’ (Jer 2378 AV, where LXX renders é¢xupor, and RV ‘straw’). In all the other passages where it occurs, except Job 21!*, where it is incorrectly rendered ‘stubble,’ it is tr. ‘straw.’ Cut straw is preferable. See STRAW. 4 ny ‘dr. This is an Aramaic word of somewhat uncertain signification. Some have derived it from the root iy to be blind, and regard it as that which blinds, such as the minute particles called AV ‘chaff of the summer threshing-floors’ (Dn 2"). The LXX rendering xovoprés in this passage would make it the dust and not. the chaff of the threshing-floor. This con- tains, however, many minute spicules of the straw, husks, and beards of the grain. G. E. Post. CHAIN.—The Bible frequently refers to chains, and uses a great variety of words to describe the different articles and their uses. Chains were chiefly employed for (1) ornament, (2) restraint. 1. Ornament.—1. There was the more solid form of simple or twisted ring for the neck (729 from 137; cf. Arab. rabat, ‘to bind’). Such was Joseph’s gold chain (Gn 41%), also Ezk 16%. The Maronite Christians of Lebanon regard it as a charm against evil spirits, or the evil eye (see AMULET). It is called a ¢awk, and in the mod. Arab. version of the Bible by Van Dyck the ouch of the high priest’s dress is so translated. This chain may be of gold or silver, but the poorer classes, as the Bedawin, wear chains of copper or brass. 2 There was a more elaborate form, made of plaited wire, like (1), but with jewels inserted and pendants attached, or, instead of the metal twist, composed of separate arts in ate balls, or links (corresp. to Arab. kd). It did not encircle the neck closely, Kiladat, % 368 CHALCEDONY | CHALDEE VERSIONS like the tawk, but hung loosely from it. The chain vf Dn 5716-2 was probably of this order, and exaniples of it are found in Jg 8%, Ps 73°, Ca 4°, Pr 1°, It is customary in Syria to hang a crescent of silver, called the Azali, by a hair rope or chain round the necks of valuable camels or horses (cf. Jg 871-6), 3, The flexible chain (a7v9¥, Arab. silsilah, ‘link-chain’) for suspending and festooning pur- poses (Ex 2814. 395 1 K 77, 2 Ch 3°38), 4, In u 31° RV ‘ankle-chain’ (which see). 5. In Ca 1” (39, Arab. haraz) RV ‘strings of jewels’ means a necklace of gems, beads, or stielta strung on a thread. 6. In Is 3” (nipn}, Arab. nutafah) RV ‘pendants’ means ear-drops, in design like a pearl or drop of water. 2. Restraint.—Named from the metal, copper (nyn3), La 37, In Jer 39752" chain is transl. fetters (see FETTER); also in AV in Jg 167,258 3%, 2K 257, 2 Ch 33" 36%. Chain in Ps 68° is corrected in RV to ‘prosperity’ (a7y12). In NT the references to chains for restraint present little difficulty. The chief terms are d\vois, Mk 5°, Ac 28”, 2 Ti 1%, Rev 20!: cepd in 2 P 24 ‘chains of darkness’; decuss in Jude * “everlasting chains,’ which be- comes a fig. ‘bond’ in Lk 13%. Modern brass was unknown in ancient times, but there was an alloy of copper andtin. The feet of prisoners were secured by a chain of copper (nyn3, Arab. sildsil nahds, ré5n) attached to copper rings encircling each ankle, which were widened to receive the ankle, and then closed by a few strokes of a hammer. For the sake of safe custody, as the soft copper rings ee be opened, the prisoner’s eyes were put out (2 K 25’). In NT mention is made of the Roman custom of securing a prisoner by a chain, one end being fastened to the prisoner’s wrist and the other to that of the soldier who guarded him (Ac 12° 28”), W. CARSLAW. CHALCEDONY.—See STONEs, PRECIOUS. CHALDAA, CHALDHANS.—o3 (or o> ry) is the usual OT designation of Chaldza (Jer 50! 51% 245 2512); thesame word isseen in o> x (Gn 11%) ‘Ur of the Chaldees.’ The. Bent reads Xandaiou, substituting a liquid (1) for a sibilant () before a dental (d). The corresponding form in the Assyr. inscrip. is mat Kaldd, ‘land of Chaldeans.’ i. "tne LAND.—The land of the Chaldeans, in OT, usually covers what is included in the term Babylonia, not inclusive of Mesopotamia in its larger sense, but of the lower or between-rivers Babylonia. Delitzsch (Paradies, p. 128 f.) main- tains that the Bab. name Kasdu, then KaXsi, is but the earlier designation of the ‘territory of the Ka’ (da, meaning ‘ territory’), a people who held sway over middle Babylonia for some time before the 13th cent. B.c. (cf. also Del. Sprache der Kosséer). The land of the Kaldd, for some cen- turies after B.c. 1000, was located S.E. of Babylon, reaching to Bit-Yakin and the head of the Pers. Gulf, and poets swinging round W. to the edge ef the Arabian desert. In the inscr. of Ramman- nirari 1. (Rawlinson, WAT i. 35, No. 1, line 22) Kaldi covers all Babylonia in the expression Sarrdnt da mat Kaldi, ‘kings of the land of C.’ Sargon always speaks of the rebel Merodach-baladan at Babylon as Sar mat Kaldi, ‘king of the land of Kali,’ or gar mat Bit-Yakin, ‘king of the land of Bit-Yakin.’ So the Persian Gulf is mentioned as tdmtum $a Bit-Yakin, interchangeably with tamtum ga mat Kaldi, indicating that the Pers. Gulf was the sea of the Chaldxa of that day. Sennacherib (Rawlinson, WAT i. 37, line 37) draws a line between the Arabians and Arameans on the one hand, and the amélu Kaldia, ‘the people of the Chaldzans,’ on the other. In the time of the de- cline of Assyria and the rise of New Babylonia the term Kaldd included N. and S. Babylonia and the territory occupied by certain foreign tribes and peoples adjacent to them, who were later included in the name as used by the prophet-priest Ezekiel (23%), The later Chaldzea was about 400 miles long N.E. and 8. W. by an average of 100 miles in width. The derivation of the word is somewhat doubtful, though it may be related to the name of a nephew of Abraham, Chesed (13), of which it is a plural, in Gn 22%, Itis also the same in root-form as the Assy. kasada, ‘to conquer.’ ii. THE PEOPLE.—The origin of the Chaldzans is enveloped in the mists of antiquity. Whence and when they migrated into lower Babylonia is also an unsolved riddle. Winckler (Gesch. Bab. und Assyr. p. 99 f.) finds the first hint of such a eople in the ‘dynasty of the coast-land’ [meer- andes], in the person of Ea-mukin-sumi, king of Kardunia’, where the latter’s territory is distin- guished from the ‘coast-land,’ at about the middle of the 10th cent. B.c. It is also thought that the names of the kings of this dynasty are Kassite, thus sustaining a conjecture (ct. Del. as above) that the Kosseans, the Kasdd, were the pioneers of the Chaldzans in Babylonia. If these conjectures are true, then we find already in this period a mixed population in the lowlands, reaching as far as the ers. Gulf. But the character of the Chaldzans, as we know them afterwards, is stron, BAe They pushed north from the Pers. fe against Babylon, and for centuries contended with Assyria for its possession. They were in early times nomads and agriculturists, despising city life. But their contact with the more advanced civilisa- tion of lower Babylonia led them to respect and to foster centres for self-protection. Soon this industrious, thrifty people built and fortified cities, and extended their boundaries to the north against the older and more cultured capitals. In the second half of the 8th cent. B.c. we find north of Babylon the ‘kingdom’ of Bit-Dakkuri; and Sargon, as well as his successors on the throne of Assyria, had their hands full in holding at bay this vigorous people. The Chaldean kings who forced their way to the throne of Babylon were probably heads of different cities, states, or tribes of that eople. Merodach-baladan, son of Baladan, was line of Bit-Yakin, Ukin-zir of Bit-Amukkani, and Suzub, a Chaldean, from some other place or tribe. iii. THE LANGUAGE.—The language of the Chal- deans was the Bab. cuneiform, almost identical rammatically and lexically with the Assyrian. he term ‘Chaldee’ as applied to certain chapters of Dn and Ezr is incorrect, and should not be so employed. The correct term is Aramaic. iv. ‘tHE WisE MEN.—In Dn (1‘ and often) the term ‘ Chaldeans’ is generally used in the sense of astrologers, astronomers. The same sense is seen in classaicl writers (as Strabo, Diodorus). Schrader (COT ii. 125) says, ‘The signification ‘‘ wise men,” that we meet with in the Bk of Dn, is foreign te Assyrio-Bab, usage, and did not arise till after the fall of the Bab. empire.’ Delitzsch (Calwer Bibel- lexicon, p. 127*) regards this usage as built upon the fact that Bab.-Chaldza had been the home and the chief seat of astrological and astronomical knowledge from one ages. The attempted identi- fication of the peoples in the region of the Black Sea (mentioned by Xenophon as Chaldeans) with those in lower Mesopotamia has proved a failure. See BABYLONIA. LiTERATURE.—Delattre, Les Chald. jusqu'a la fond. de Temp. de Nebuch. 1889; Winckler, Untersuch. z. alt . Ges. 1889, 47 ff.; — Ges. Bab. und As. 1892, 111 ff.; Tiele, Bab.-As. Ges, 1888, 65, 207, 211, 286 ff., 422; on Chaldwan learning, Meyer, E., Ges. des Alterthums, 1884, vol. i. p. 185 f.; Hommel, Ges. Bab. und As. 1885, pp. 386 ff., 404 ff. Ira M. PRICE. CHALDEE YVERSIONS.—See Tarcums CHALK-STONES CHAMPAIGN 369 CHALK-STONES (737338).— This expression is used only once, Is 27°, where Israel’s repentance evinces itself by the destruction of idolatrous altars, whose stones:are to be as chalk (or lime- stone) broken in pieces, calcined and slaked for mortar (see Delitzsch, ad Joc.). The expression is of much interest as showing that the practice of burning limestone and aa | with water was ractised in Pal. in OT times. The limestone of Pal. consists largely of white granular carbonate of lime of the same geological age as the Chalk formation of England. E. HULL. CHALLENGE.—In the sense of ‘claim,’ Ex 22° tan manner of lost thing which another challen- geth to be his’ (12x, RV ‘one saith’). Cf. More (1513), ‘He began, not by warre, but by Law, to challenge the crown.’ J. HASTINGS. CHALPHI (AV Calphi)=Alpheus (Xad¢el, Jos. Ant. XIII. v. 7, Xayéas), the father of Judas, one of the two captains of Jonathan Maccabeus who stood firm in a battle fought against the Syrians at Hazor in N. Galilee (1 Mac 11”). WHITE. H. A. CHAMBER as a verb occurs Ro 13 ‘ Let us walk honestly, as in the day. . . notin chambering and wantonness’ (xolrn, ‘a bed,’ Lk 117; ‘the marriage bed,’ He 13*; here ‘illicit intercourse’; cf. Ro 9” xolrny Exovea, ‘having conceived’). See HOUSE. J. HASTINGS. CHAMBERLAIN.—An officer in the houses of kings and nobles charged with the care of their apartments, dress, etc., though the office often im- ay other duties of trust. In OT the word occurs 2 K 23" and repeatedly in Est, where the original is eunuch (7p); but it is generally believed that this name is not to be taken always in a literal sense, and hence it is often rendered by the word officer. In Esther, however, the chamberlain evidently belongs to that class of persons who are entrusted with the watchful care of the harems of Oriental monarchs. In NT at Ac 12” it is said that the people of Tyre and Sidon sought the favour of Herod Agrippa through the mediation of Blastus ‘the king’s c.’ (rdv érl rod Koravos rod Bacidéws), showing that the office was one of con- siderable influence. The word occurs again in AV in Ro 16%, but is rendered in RV more pe ‘treasurer (olxovéuos) of the city,’ in connexion wit the name of Erastus, a Christian of Corinth, from which place it is generally believed that St. Paul wrote ap Ep. to the Romans, and where it is not likely there would be a chamberlain in the primary sense of the word. J. WORTABET. CHAMELEON.—AV so renders nb kédh, xapa- déwv, chameleon, the second of the lizards mentioned in Ly 11%, which RV renders land-crocodile. On the other hand, RV renders by chameleon the last of the animals mentioned in this passage, n>vyjn tinshemeth, dorddak, talpa, which A Veraaders mole. The Heb. kédh is used in many passages in its etymological sense of strength, but only in the present for an animal. Nothing in its etymology ints to the chameleon. Among the lizards the ‘and-monitor, which is the land-crocodile of the ancients, Psammosaurus scincus, Merrem., is next to the Nile-monitor, Monitor Niloticus, Geoffr., in size and strength. The Arabs call both waral (vulgo waran). They distinguish the first as waral el-ard=the land-waral, and the second as waral el-bahr=water-waral. But the first is also called dabb=3¥ 246, which is the name of the last animal in the previous verse, translated in AV tortoise, and in RV great lizard. It often attains a length of from 4 to 5 ft. It would there- fore be better to render z4b, land-crocodile or land- SOL. I.—24 monitor, and kédh, Nile-monitor or water-monitor. This would carry out the etymological idea of strength, as the water-monitor is a foot or two longer than its land relative, and Arabian stories are full of the records of its power in fighting, not only snakes, but the dabd itself. This would give to two of the lizard group appropriate specific names. Both are noted for devouring crocodile’s eggs. The Nile-monitor was held in great reverence in ancient Egypt on this account. As before said, RV gives chameleon for tin- shemeth (Lv 11%). While it is perhaps probable that this animal is a lizard, as its name stands at the end of a list of lizards, it is by no means certain. It is also at the end of a list of things ‘that creep upon the earth’ (117). In those days there was no scientific study of objects of Nature, and the collocation of the different clean and unclean animals was with reference to char- acteristics which are not recognised in any other system of classification (114% -%), It is quite poate therefore, that tinshemeth is not a lizard, ut the mole-rat of Syria, Spalax typhlus, which, although not a true mole, has all its habits and its general aspect. The LXX and Vulg. renderings strengthen this possibility. There is, however, one strong objection to rendering tinshemeth ‘ mole- rat.’ Itis that holed (Lv 11”) tr. in both VSS (on the authority of the LXX ya)%, and Vulg. mustela), weasel, very probably refers to the mole-rat. See MOLE, WEASEL. It is inadmissible to suppose that the same animal is. mentioned twice, by different names, so close together in the same list. There seems to be no warrant for the adoption of chameleon for tinshemeth, excepting the deriva- tion of the word from a root signifying to breathe, coupled with the ancient opinion that the chameleon lived on air. It must not be forgotten that, in the same chapter, tinshemeth is given as the name of an aquatic fowl (v.18, cf. Dt 141%). SeeSwan. On the whole, we think the question of the identity of both tinshemeths very unsatisfactory, and well- nigh insoluble. a. E. Post. CHAMOIS (173 zemer, xapundordpdadts, camelo- pardus).— This was one of the wild animals allowed to the Israelites as food (Dt 145), and therefore presumably accessible to them. This would make a rer the renderings camelopard and chamois. ‘Tristram establishes a very strong robability that it is the mountain-sheep of pt and Arabia, called in N. Africa aoudad, and in Arabia kebsh, which signifies a ram. It is known to naturalists as Ovis tragelaphus, and lives in small flocks in the most rugged mountain dis- tricts from Barbary to Egypt. The Xebsh of Sinai is probably identical with it, though as yet no naturalist had seen it. The Bedawin know it well. It may well be supposed that it was abundant in the Mosaic age, and, as it was allowed to the Israelites for food, they may have done much toward its extinction in those parts. It is more than 3 ft. in height, has no mane, but long hair down its throat and breast, and on the fore-legs, forming a sort of ruffles to the knee. It is very active, bounding from rock to rock. It has massive horns, 2 ft. in length, and curving gently backward. G. E. Post. CHAMPAIGN means ‘an open plain’ (from Lat. campania, It. campagna, old Fr. champaigne). Ut oceurs Dt 11 (in 1611 champion, a later forin which was introduced in the beg. of 16th cent.) ‘the Canaanites, which dwell in the ce.’ (azqw, RV ‘ Arabah’); Ezk 372™ (1611 champian, a still later form), and Jth 5! ‘in the c. countries’ (é rots medias, RV ‘in the plains’). The word is pron. sham’pan. J. HASTINGS. $70 CHAMPION CHAMPION (from late Lat. campio, one who fights in the campus or open plain) is an accurate tr. of the Heb. in 1S 17* * (ojarrvx, lit. ‘the man of the space between,’ that is, the space between the two armies, which is called in Gr. the peraly- juov). But in 17" Goliath is simply called ‘mighty one’ (7133), and the ‘champion’ of AV and RV is unhappy. J. HASTINGS. CHANCE.—The ‘reign of law’ is no discovery of the 19th century. It was an accepted, even an axiomatic, fact to the ancient Hebrew through- out the whole course of his history. And more than that, the law was the immediate expression of a personal will, not the fortuitous harmony of working forces. ‘Chance,’ therefore, has scant recognition in OT orin NT. Neither cuvvrvxla nor réxn occurs in NT; and réxn only twice, cuvruxla not once, in LXX. The first occurrence of réy7 in LXX is Gn 30" xat elrev Acla ’Ev rixy, ‘and Leah said, With fortune!’ following the kethibh 73: béghddh (in pause), which RV also follows, ‘an Leah said, Fortunate!’ The other occurrence of roxy is Is 654 éroudtovres r@ Saipovly tpdmrevav «at mwAnpodvres TH TUXD Képacua, ‘preparing for the demon a table, and filling up for fortune a mixed drink.’ Here riéx7 stands for Heb. \33 Mént, which most scholars identify with Venus. But diaudnoyv stands for 11 Gad, an old Semitic name for the god of Fortune, found in inscriptions, proper names, and common in Syr.=rvxy. See GAD. art from the passages above, the nearest approach to a recog- nition of ‘chance’ is in 1 S 6°, where the Philistines devise a method of discovering whether the calamities they had suffered while the ark was in their midst were due to the presence of the ark, or whether ‘it was a chance that happened to us’ (7799, LXX otvrrwya); but here, as in the other places where the same Heb. is used (Dt 23" ‘that which chanceth him,’ Ru 23, 1 § 2078, Ec 214 15 319 ter 92. 3), the idea is not something independent of J”, but something unexpected by man. The prevalent Hebrew mind on the matter is expressed in the proverb (16%)— ‘The lot is cast into the lap; But the whole disposing thereof is of the Lorn.’ The other places in which ‘chance’ occurs are these: Ec 9" ‘time and c. happeneth to them all’ (yas, elsewhere only in 1 K 54 and tr. ‘occurrent,’ not ‘chance,’ but external incident or event; cf. 2 Es 10” ‘these things which have chanced’); Lk 10* ‘by c. there came down a certain priest that way’ (cvyxvpla, again not ‘chance,’ but ‘con- currence’ or ‘coincidence,’ see Plummer in Joc.) ; and so 1 Co 15%’ ‘it may c. of wheat, or of some other grain’ (ef réxo; t.e. we cannot tell which; cf. 14 el roxor, ‘it may be’); while in Dt 22° ‘If a bird’s nest c. to be before thee in the way,’ and 2 § 18 ‘As I happened by c. upon Mount Gilboa,’ the Heb. is simply ‘come upon’ or ‘ meet’ (#72). For the verb ‘c.’=turn out (1 Co 15°”) cf. Cover- dale’s tr. of Ph 1° ‘Ye same shal chaunce to my Saluacion.’ J. HASTINGS. CHANCELLOR.—‘Rehum the c¢.,’? Ezr 48% (oyy-dya, lit. ‘the lord of judgment’). Dhém in Assyrian is the technical word used of the official reports forwarded to the kings of Assyria and Babylonia by their correspondents abroad. With this Sayce identifies the Aram. ¢é@m, and trans- lates bé‘él té'ém, ‘lord of official intelligence’ or ‘postmaster.’ ‘Chancellor,’ even in its old sense of royal notary or official secretary to the king, is thus unsuitable; while in mod. usage the word is restricted to special offices, all very different from this. See BEELTETHMUS, REHUM. J. HASTINGS. CHAPEL CHANGE.—1. See CHANGE OF RAIMENT; and notice that the sing. is used for the pl. in J 14.13.19 ‘thirty change of garments’ (R ‘changes’). The Heb. word (75°5n) there and else- where used in ‘ change’ of raiment is found in three difficult passages: Job 10" ‘changes and war are against me,’ which may mean ‘relays’ of soldiers as in 1 K 54, but see Davidson in loc. In Job 14 ‘all the days of my appointed time will I wait till my c. come,’ the meaning is clearly ‘release’ from the worry of life, as the soldier 1s released when his watch is over. But in Ps 55° ‘who have no changes, and who fear not God,’ this meaning, if possible, is not so easy. See Oaf. Heb. Lex. s.v, 2. In Lv 278 ‘if he c. it at all, then both it and the c. thereof shall be holy,’ c.=exchange (770A, RV ‘that for which it is changed’). Cf. Heywood (1562), ‘Chaunge is no robry, but robry maketh chaunge.’ 3. Wis 14% ‘changing of kind’ (yevécews évad\ayy, RV ‘confusion of sex’). 4. Changeable in Is 3” ‘the c. suits of apparel,’ means that may be changed ; Cheyne, state dresses, named in Heb. from their being put off when the occasion for their use was over. 5, Changer. See MONEY. J. HASTINGS. CHANGE OF RAIMENT.—The expression occurs in Gn 45”, where Joseph gives to Benjamin five changes of raiment (n>py nip"Sq) ; in Jg 14, where Samson offers thirty changes of garments (0723 ‘n) ; also in 2 K 5° 8, as part of Naiman gift. In Jg 17° part of Micah’s wages was to be an outfit of clothing (0122 72y). The separate mention (J, g 14 of the innermost garment (7p AV ‘sheet,’ R ‘linen garment’) indicates that ‘ change of raiment’ referred to outer articles of dress. These, under some difference of name, pattern, and material, acc. to life in desert, village, or city, were two: (1) the coat or tunic (njh2, y:7dy), in the form of a dressing-gown worn with girdle; and (2) the cloak or mantle (Sy, iudriov), of more ample and loose pattern. See CoAT, CLOAK, DREss. G. M. MACKIE. CHANT was formerly (and is still sya! used as a simple synonym for ‘sing.’ So Am ‘that chant (Coverdale, ‘synge’) to the sound of the viol’ (»725 [all], RV ‘sing idle songs’). CHANUNEUS (Xavovvatos, AV Channuneus), 1 Es 8* (47 LXX).—A Levite, answering to Merari, if to anything, in the parallel list in Ezr 8. CHAPEL.— The Frankish kings looked with special reverence on the capella or cloak of St. Martin: which was carried before them in battle and invoked in oaths. The name capella was then used for the sanctuary in which its capellani guarded this treasure. steps which can readily be traced, the same Jeske ania came to be given to and sanctuary attached to a palace and containing holy relics, to any private sanctuary, to any room or building for worship, not being a church. Our AV employs its English equivalent chapel at Am 7}, but the RV has discarded this in favour of sanctuary. The latter comes nearer the mean- ing of the original, mikdash, which signifies a holy place. The former, however, aptly suggests that dependence on the king which was one of the characteristics of the sanctuary at Bethel. As an English Chapel Royal is not a parish church belong- ing to the public, but a place of worship under the control ies meant for the use of the sovereign, so were such buildings as that at Bethel intended primarily for the king. Itwas byhis permission that the people found a place there. Even at Jerusalem, Solomon built temple and palace in close proximity to each other: ef. Ezk 438. Chapel occurs also in 1 Mac 147 (RV ‘shrine’), 2 Mac 10? (RV ‘sacred in closure’), 113 (RV ‘sacred place’). J. TAYLOR. CHAPHENATHA CHAPHENATHA (Xad¢v~94), 1 Mac 1287.—Close to Jerus. on the east. Unknown. CHAPITER (from Lat. ceput, through the French) is now displaced, in ordinary speech, by the cognate form ‘capital,’ which the American Revision Company wish to substitute for the older form retained by the British Revisers. 1. n7n3, LXX érl@eua, the spherical capital, 5 cubits high, of each of the two great brazen pillars—J ACHIN and Boaz (wh. see)—of Solomon’s temple. The passage recording the construction of these pillars, 1 K 7/57 (with which cf. 2 K 2517, 2 Ch 412-13, Jer 52%), is one of the worst preserved in the OT, and much un- certainty still prevails as to the precise form and ornamentation of the capitals. For details see art. TEMPLE, and compare the reconstruction of Stade in his Gesch. d. Volkes Israel, i. p. 332, and of Perrot and Chipiez in Hist. of Art in Sardinia and Judea (Eng. tr.), i. plates 6 and 7. In 2 Ch 3}5 my is used for these chapiters. 2. nqnd appears in MT of 1 K 7* as a part of the brazen lavers made by Hiram for the eons, but is almost certainly a corruption of nbnp (Ewald, Stade, Klost.). See LAveR. 3, In Ex 36% we read that the upper portions or tops (o7¥"7, EV ‘their chapiters’) of the five pillars which supported the ‘screen for the door of the tent’ (RV) were to be overlaid with gold, while the corresponding parts of the pillars of the court were to be overlaid with silver (Ex 3817-19. 28), Although all these pillars were of one piece, the parts thus treated would have the appearance of capitals (LXX xegpaNlées). A. R. S. KENNEDY. CHAPMAN (Anglo-Sax. cedp ‘trade,’ and mann ‘man’) is used only once in AV, 2 Ch 9" ‘ Beside that which chapmen and merchants brought; (‘¥3x on, RV ‘the chapmen,’ Amer. RV ‘the traders’). For the same Heb., RV gives ‘chapmen’ (AV ‘merchantmen’) 1 K 10%, and it is an appropriate tr. if the word had been still in use. For its meaning cf. Rogers (1642), ‘It is not a meete thing that man should be both chapman and customer.’ J. HASTINGS. CHAPT.—Jer 144 ‘Because the ground is chapt, for there was no rain in the earth’ (nnn, Amer. RV ‘chapped,’ RVm ‘dismayed,’ for the Heb. has both meanings). Bradley (1727) in his Farmer's Dict. speaks of ‘claiey or stiff earth . . . subject to cha during the heat of summer’; but the word, whic means ‘ cracked,’ is no longer used of land. J. HASTINGS. CHARAATHALAN (B Xapaafardvy, A Xapa "AGaddp, AV Charaathalar), 1 Es 5°%°.—A name iven to a leader of certain families who returned om Babylon under Zerub. But ‘Charaathalan leading them and Allar’ is due to some perversion of the original, which has ‘Cherub, Addan, Immer,’ three names of places in Bab., from which the return was made (Ezr 2° jax 1773, Xapovs (A Xepov8), "Hédy; cf. Neh 7°). The form in 1 Es may be partly accounted for by confusion between © and B, and between Aand A. UH. Sr. J. THACKERAY. CHARAX (Xépaxa, els rév, 2 Mac 12%, RV ‘to Charax,’ AV ‘to Characa’).—East of Jordan, and apparently in the land of Tob. Unknown. CHAREA (A Xaped, B om.), 1 Es 5°%=HARSHA, Ezr 252, Neh 75, CHARGE, CHARGEABLE.—To charge (late Lat. carricare to load, from carrus a wagon, whence old Fr.charger) is ‘to load,’ and a charge is ‘a load,’ as we still speak of ‘charging’ a gun, and of its ‘charge.’ But in the Bible the word is used only figuratively. 1. To burden one, or be a burden on one, AV ‘be CHARGER 37] chargeable,’ Neh 5% ‘the former governors, that had been before me, were c. unto the people’ (37233 oy, lit. ‘made heavy on,’ RVm aid burdens upon’); esp. in the matter of expense, 28 13% ‘let us not all now go [to the sheep-shearing feast], lest we be c. unto thee’ (1333, RV ‘be ‘burden. some’); 1 Th 2° ‘because we would not be c. unto any of you’ (émPapéw, ‘be a weight upon,’ RV ‘that we might not burden’; so2 Th 38); and2Co 11° ‘I was ce. to no man’ (xaravapxdw, only here and 123.14 though LXX gives simple vapxdw as tr. of yp ‘to be dislocated,’ ‘torn away,’ Gn 325 32 dis, Job 33%, Dn [LXX] 11°. The vb. x. is to benumb, as a torpedo [vydpxn] might benumb, and so to ache one by laying another’s maintenance on nim). Cf. Geneva B. ‘I was not slothful to the hinderance of anie man’; RV ‘I was not a burden on any man.’ 2. The burden of expense is also expressed by ‘charge,’ both verb and subst.: Neh 10% ‘to c. ourselves yearly with the third part of a shekel for the service of the house of our God’ (jo3); 1 Ti 5'® ‘let not the church be charged’ (BapetoOac, RV ‘be burdened’ as in 2 Co 54 EV); 1 Co 9 ‘that. . . I may make the gospel without c.’ (dddmavos); 9" ‘who goeth a warfare any time at his own charges?’ (/dtous 6ywrlos); Ac 21% ‘be at charges with them’ (RV ‘for them,’ dardynoov ém’ avrots, ‘spend upon them’). Cf. Shaks. Rich. II, I. ii. 256— ‘T’ll be at charges for a looking-glass.’ 8. To lay a special duty upon one, as 2 Ch 367= Ezr 1? ‘he hath charged me to build him an house in Jerus.’ (72). Then this duty or responsibility is expressed by the subst. ‘charge,’ Job 348 ‘Who hath given him (God) a c. over the earth?’ (7)8); Jth 7* ‘he dispersed the people every one to their own ¢.’ (rapeufor4). Then the word is freely used (as tr. of nqD¥>), esp. in Nu (P) in a half-technical sense, quite foreign to any modern idiom. Thus the duty is called, Nu 4% ‘the ec. of this burden.’ Since imposes it, it is ‘the c. of the Lord,’ Lv 8%, It is also called ‘the ec. of the sons of Gershon’ (Nu 35), because on them the burden lies. And from its object or extent it is described as- 1% ‘the c. of the tabernacle of the testimony’; 3*! ‘ the e. of the ark’; 3° ‘the ec. of the children of Israel’; or 3% ‘the c. of the sanctuary, for the c. of the children of Israel.’ 4. This meaning passes easily into care or custody: 2 K 7" ‘to appoint to the ec. of the gate’ (1757); 1 Ch 9°8 (Sy); Ac 8” ‘who had the ec. of all her treasure’ (érl); Nu 31 ‘the men of war which are under our ¢.’ (1): cf. Ac 1° AVm ‘ office or charge’ (émucxory, AV ‘ bishoprick,’ RV ‘ oftice,’ RVm ‘overseership’). 5. From ‘give ac.’ (Mt 4%, Lk 4°, 1 Ti 61%), or ‘ give in c.’ (1 Ti 5’ ‘ these things give in ¢.,’ mapayyé\\w, RV ‘command’), there naturally arises the meaning of ‘enjoin’ or ‘com- mand,’ of which the examples are numerous and obvious,” and the subst. c.=a command, as 2 § 185, Ac 16%-*% (‘charging the jailor to keep them safely ; who, having received such a c.’), 1 Ti 138 68, 6. The last and heaviest weight to lay on one is to ‘lay blame,’ found chiefly in the phrase ‘la to the c. of,’ Dt 218, Ps 354, Ac 7® 23”, Ro 8%, 2 Ti 416. But the simple verb is also used in this sense, 2S 38 ‘thou chargest me to-day with a fault con- cerning this woman’; Job 1” ‘nor charged God foolishly’ (RV ‘with foolishness’), 4%° ‘his angels he chargeth with folly.’ J. HASTINGS. a“ CHARGER (orig. either something that may be loaded or something to load with. See CHARGE).— A charger is ‘a large plate or flat dies for carrying alarge joint of meat,’ Oxf. Eng. Dict. The word is a * But see Mt 930, Mk 143 ssraitly charged,’ co yom Thayer on that word, Gould’s note on Mk 148, and vol. i. p. 172 ff. ces, With 372 CHARIOT used as tr. of (1) aqyp Nu 7 passim, the silver ec. offered by various princes as a dedication gift ; (2) Senay Ezr 1% ‘thirty chargers of gold, a thousand chargers of silver,’ being part of the vessels of the house of the Lord restored by Cyrus; (3) rivat Mt 1481, Mk 6%: 28 of the charger in which John the Baptist’s head was presented to Salome, and by her to her mother. See BASKET, Foon. J. HASTINGS. CHARIOT (239, 3:27 Ps 104%, n329p, nw Ps 46°, G@pya, currus),—In ancient times war chariots formed an important part of the military strength of a nation. We learn from Egyptian monu- ments that they were largely employed in the armies of the Hittite and Palestinian kings, and thence they were introduced into Egypt about the 17th cent. B.c. (Brugsch, Hist. of Lgypt, i. 295). An Egyp. poem mentions that the Hittites brought 2500 SLinote against Ramses II. (B.C. 1360); and when the Egyptians defeated the allied forces of the Syrians at Mewdas in the 14th cent. B.C., they captured 2041 horses and 924 chariots. A papyrus relating to the same period described the adven- tures of an Egyptian mohar or official, who drove through Pal in a chariot, accompanied by his servant. In the OT we read of the chariots and horsemen of Pharaoh at the time of the Exodus (Ex 14° 15'-4), In Pal. the Israelites must have become familiar with the use of chariots in war long before they adopted them. Thus they were used by the Can. kings defeated at the Waters of Merom (Jos 11**), by Jabin and Sisera, who had 900 chariots of iron (Jg 4*35 5%); and it was through their iron chariots that the Canaanites of the valleys were able to maintain themselves against the conquering Israelites (Jg 1, cf. Jos 1716-18), These chariots were doubtless built of wood (cf. Jos 11° ‘burnt their chariots’) and plated or strengthened with iron. The translation of Vulg. currus falcati (Jg 1! 4% 18) seems to involve an anachronism; for the use of scythes attached to the axles of war chariots was probably introduced from Persia. Certainly, chariots of this kind are never represented on the monuments of Egypt or Assyria, and Xenophon attributes the invention to Cyrus (Cyrop. vi. 1. 27). In the time of Saul the Philistines invaded the country of Israel with 3000 chariots (1 § 135 LXX (Luc.]; see Driver, Text of Sam.). David, during his Syrian wars, captured 1000 chariots (1 Ch 18‘), and on another occasion 700 (2S 10'8) ; but, following the example of Joshua (Jos 11%), he maimed the horses, reserving only sufficient for 100 chariots (2S 8‘). The introduction of chariots into the Israelite army dates from the time of Solomon, who maintained an establishment of 1400 chariots (1 K 106, 2 Ch 14) and 4000 horses (2Ch 9, in 1 K 48 [Heb. 5°] wrongly 40,000). These were stationed partly in Jerusalem and partly in more suitable cities selected for the purpose (1 K 9” 108). Both chariots and horses were mainly im- ported from Egypt, and a profitable trade in them was carried on with the Hittite and Syrian kings. We are told that a chariot was brought from Feypt for 600 shekels of silver, and a horse for 150 shekels (1 K 10%", 2 Ch 116), From this time onwards chariots form a regular part of the army both in the northern and southern kingdoms (1 K 16°, 2 K 714 916. 2110? 137-14 81 Ts 27, Mic 5° etc.). In particular, the king seems regularly to have gone to battle in his chariot (1 K 22%, 2 K 23% of. 1K 1218, 9 K 92), Zimri held the important office of captain of half the chariots (1 K 16%). There seem, however, to have often been difficulties in securing a sufficient supply of horses (2 K 71% 1875); hence in the time of Isaiah there was a strong party in Judah which favoured a close alliance with Egypt (Is 302 16 31! 36°). But the consciousness still survived that the use of chariots had been introduced from heathen CHARIOT countries. Hence, while the historian looks upon them as a mark of regal despotism (18 8"), and the Deuteronomic law forbids the king to multiply horses (Dt 173%), the prophets regard horses and chariots as a sign of dependence on human aid instead of on divine protection (Hos 17 14° (Heb. 4], Is 27 30'6 31’), and they predict their destruction in the Messianic future (Mic 5! [Heb. *], Zec 91°). Frequent allusion is made to the use of war chariots by the Syrians (1 K 20715 2251, 2 K 6'h), the Assyrians (Is 5% 37%, Nah 3?), the Egyptians (2 K 78, Jer 46+), and others (Ezk 23” 267, Is 43", Jer 517, Hag 2). Chariots were used also in the later Syrian kingdom (Dn 11, 1 Mac 1” 8°), and Antiochus Eupator is said to have possessed 300 chariots armed with scythes (2 Mac 13?). The chariot was employed also in times of peace (Gn 50°, 1 K 18#t-, 2 ae 21 10Ut- Is 66”), and was regarded as a mark of high rank. Thus Pharaoh assigned to Joseph his ‘second chariot’ (Gn 41%) ; Absalom and Adonijah prepared chariots and horses to mark their claims to the throrfe (28 15', 1 K 1); ef. also Is 228, Jer 17% 224. In the NT the only chariot mentioned, except in Rev 9°, cf. 181%, is that of the Ethiopian treasurer of Candace (Ac 8**). The heathenish practice of dedicating horses and chariots to the sun, introduced by some of the later kings of Judah, was abolished by Josiah (2 K 23%), The chariots of the Hebrews doubtless resembled those used by the surrounding nations, and repre- sented on Egyp. and Assyr. monuments. ey were two-wheeled vehicles, open behind, drawn by two horses, and containing two (1 K 22*) or perhaps three persons (2 K 9%). The latter view is sup- ported by the special Heb. term for an officer, shalish (vy), lit. third man; see Ex 147 154, 2 K 7? 9% 10% 15% etc. The Egyp. chariots were of light and simple construction, the material employed being wood, as is proved by sculptures represent-. ing the manufacture of chariots. The axle was set far back, and the bottom of the car, which rested on this and on the bees was sometimes formed of a frame interlaced with a network of thongs or ropes. The chariot was entirely open behind, and for the greater pay of the sides, which were formed by a curved rail rising from each side of the back of the base, and resting on a wooden upright above the pole in front. From this rail, which was strengthened by leather thongs, a bow case of leather, often richly ornamented, hung on the right-hand side, slanting forwards; while the quiver and spear cases inclined in the opposite direc- tion. The wheels, which were fastened on the axle by a linch-pin secured with a short thong, had six spokes in the case of war chariots, but in private vehicles sometimes only four. The pole sloped up- wards, and to the end of it a curved yoke was attached. A small saddle at each end of the yoke rested on the withers of the -horses, and was secured in its place by breast-band and girth. No traces are to * seen. The bridle was often orna- mented ; a bearing-rein was fastened to the saddle, and the other reins passed through a ring at the side of this. The number of horses to a chariot seems always to have been two; and in the car, which contained no seat, only rarely are more than two persons depicted, except in triumphal processions. Assyrian chariots did not differ in any essential points from the Egyptian. They were, however, completely panelled at the sides, and a shield was sometimes hung at the back. The wheels had six, or, at a later period, eight spokes ; the felloes were broad, and seem to have been formed of three distinct circles of wood, sometimes surrounded by a metal tire. While only two horses were attached to the yoke, in the older monuments a third horse is generally to be seen, which was prob- CHARITY ably used as @ reserve. The later chariots are square in front, not rounded; the car itself is larger and higher; the cases for weapons are ‘ae in front, not at the side; and only two orses are used. The harness differs somewhat from the Egyptian. A broad collar passes round the neck, from which hangs a breast ornament, the whole being secured by a triple strap under the belly of the horse. s in Egypt, there are no traces visible; two driving-reins are attached to each horse, but the bearing-rein seems to be un- known. In addition to the warrior and the charioteer, we often see a third man, who bears a shield ; and a fourth occupant of the chariot some- times appears, The Hittite chariots, as represented on Egyp. monuments, regularly contain three warriors. In construction they are plainer and more solid than the Egyptian, and the sides are not open. The chariots on Persian sculptures closely resemble the Assyrian. In Sir 49° the first vision of Ezekiel is alluded to as ‘the chariot of the cherubim,’ and that chapter (Ezk 1), under the title of ‘the chariot,’ figures largely in later Jewish mystical speculation. Cf. Schiirer, HJP tl. i. 347. . LirsRaTURE.—Layard, Nineveh (1849), ii. 848-356 ; Rawlinson, Five Great Monarchies (1864), it, 1-21; Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians (1847), i. 335-359 ; Nowack, Heb. Archdologie, i. 366. H. A. WHITE. CHARITY.—From 1 Co 8! onwards ‘charity’ is pomntly employed in AV as the tr. of dydr7; in RY it does not occur. The Gr. word d&yér7 is supposed to have been coined by the LXX. It is found in no profane author, not even in Josephus, and only once in Philo iC ape In LXX it occurs 2 8 126 (A) 1815, Ec 91-6, Ca 24.5.7 35. 10 58 76 94.6. 7bis, Jer 22 always as tr. of 1308 ; end in Wis 39 618, Sir 4811. It has been supposed that the LXX felt the need of a word of purer suggestion than any in existence, but 2 8 1315 (the love of Amnon for Tamar) disproves that supposition. What the LXX seems to have felt the need of was a stronger word than either éyamnois or gid‘c, with which they elsewhere translate 790%. Thus in 2S 1315, Rc 91.6 it is used in emphatic contrast to ‘hate.’ When Obristianity came, having received the new revelation of the love of God, it found this word as yet unspoilt by common use, and adopted it to express the new divineidea. Perhaps the fact that the LXX had used it to express the intensity of love, made it the more easily adopted, for this was now also a leading thought, as in 1 Jn 48.16 ‘God is love,’ and 419 ‘ Herein is love, not t we loved God,’ etc. The word is used 117 times in NT (including 2yéreu, ‘love- feasts,’ Jude 12 [and 2 P 213 L Tr WH)), always of love with which God has something todo. Its distribution, accord. to Moulton and Geden’s NT Concord., is as follows: Synop. 2 (Mt 24123, Lk 1142), Jn 7, Ro 9,1 Co 14, 2 Co 9, Gal 3, Eph 10, Ph 4, Col 5, 1 Th 5, 2 Th 8, 1 Ti 5, 2 Ti 4, Tit 1, Philem 3, He 2,1 P 3, 2P2,1Jn18,2Jn2, 3 Jn1, Jude 3, Rev 2. That is, Synop. 2, Jn (including Rev) 30, Paul 75, He 2, P 6, Jude3. It is not in Mk, Ac, Ja. Jerome experienced the difficulty which, has been attributed to the LXX. There was no direct equivalent in Latin for dyéry. Amor was impossible, suggesting idolatry as well as sensuality. He sometimes chose dilectio, esteem, and sometimes caritas (charitas), dearness, though both words, being comparatively weak, missed the very point for which 2ya» had first been coined. Dilectio is found in Vulg. 24 times, caritas 90 times (1 P 514 gives a different tr.) ; but the choice of one or the other seems accidental. ary Wyclit followed the Vulgate, giving ‘love’ for dilectio and ‘charity’ for caritas everywhere, except in Col 18-13 where he has ‘loving’ for dilectio, not ‘love’; and in 1 Oo 134 where he uses the pronoun ‘it’ for the third caritas. le systematically avoided ecclesiastical words, and so dis- carded ‘charity’ entirely, using ‘love’ everywhere, except Ro 1415 ‘charitably’ (zar& ayéanyv), and Col 113 ‘His dear Son’ for ‘the Son of his love.’ Tindale was followed by Coverdale, the Great Bible, and the Geneva Bible, except that the Geneva has ‘charity’ in Rev 24.19, The Bishops restored ‘charity’ into the foll. places: Ro 1310048, 1 Co 81 181.28 dter 8 18bis 141 1614, Col 314, 1 Th 36.12 58, 2Th 18, 1 Ti 15 215 412, 2 Ti 222 310, Tit 22, 1 P 48bis 614, 2 P17, 1 Jn 81, 3 Jn6, Jude212, Rev 219; while they dale’s ‘charitably’ in Ro 1415, and his ‘dear Son’ Vulg. precisely, ‘charity’ is omitted The translators of AV followed the Bishops, except in Ro CHASEBA 373 1310 bis, 1 Th 312 58, 1 Jn 31, and Jude 2, where they capriciously prefer ‘love’ to ‘ charity.’ The RV gives ‘love’ wherever the Revisers found éyéay in the text they adopted; for they reckoned it their special dut to translate the same Gr. word by the same English ward, if that could possibly be done. No other Eng. version is so con- sistent. ‘Charity’ never occurs. The word ‘charity’ entered the Eng. language at two different times. First in the form cherte (from Fr. chierté, cherté) and with the ordinary meaning of the Lat. caritas, ‘dearness,’ both in reference to price and affection. Next in the forms caritat, caritet, charitet, charité, from the popular use of the caritas (caritatem) of the Vulg. in the Church to indicate Christian ‘love.’ The two words were too close to be kept distinct, and in the 17th cent. cherte was discontinued. After the Vulg., charity was used of the love of God, as 1 Jn 4° 16 ‘God is charite’ (Wyclif)=‘God is charitie’ (Rheims—dydrry is tr. by ‘c.’ through- out 1Jn in Wyclif and Rhemish). Its meaning as applied to man is well expressed by Abp. Hamilton, Catechism (1552), ‘Quhate is cherite ? It is lufe, quharby we lufe God for his awin saik . . . and our neichbour for God’s saik, or in God.’ But such a word could not resist the strong tendency to degeneration, if indeed it had not de- generated in the use of the Vulg. itself. As early as Caxton we find the general sense of kindly dis- position, leniency. Thus, Cato 3, ‘I... beseche alle suche that fynde faute or errour that of theyr charyte they correcte and amende hit.’ Dr. G. Salmon (Gnosticism and Agnosticism, p. 211) thinks it probable that the popular limitation of the word to sean Speed arose from its freq. em- ployment in appeals of preachers either for money on behalf of some good object, or for prayers on behalf of the souls in purgatory; the common exordium being, ‘Good Christian people, we pray you of your charity to give so and so.’ That there was a feeling about 1611 against the use of ‘love’ in the language of religion is shown by Bacon’s remark (1603), ‘I did ever allow the discretion and tenderness of the Rhemish trans- lation in this point, that finding in the original the word dydwn and never épws, do ever translate Charity and never Love, because of the indifferency and equivocation of the word with impure love’ (the statement is incorrect, since Rheims gives ‘love’ for dydrn 23 times, but it expresses the feeling of the day). But it does not appear that it was in deference to any such feeling that the Bishops and AV introduced ‘charity’ again, but either to avoid ‘the scrupulosity of the Puritans,’ or to escape the charge of ‘unequal dealing towards a great number of good English words.’ The objec- tions to ‘ce.’ as a tr. of dyday are that it is now obsolete in the sense of ‘love,’ suggesting a mild toleration, in place of the noblest and most search- ing of virtues; and that its use in AV (esp. through- out 1 Co 13) has given rise to the mistaken idea that St. Paul is less the apostle of love than St. John. See ALMSGIVING and LOVE. J. HASTINGS. CHARM.—See AMULET and DIVINATION. CHARME (Xapu4, AV Carme), 1 Es 5%.—Called Harim, Ezr 2°, Neh 7%, The form in 1 Es is derived from the Heb., and not from the Gr. form in the canonical books. CHARMIS (Bx Xapyels, A Xadyels=-m7> Gn 46°). —Son of Melchiel, one of three rulers or elders of Bethulia (Jth 6% 8! 10°), CHASE.—See HUNTING. CHASEBA (Xace$d), } Es 5°.-—-There is no corre: sponding name in the lists of Ezr and Neh. 874 CHASTENING, CHASTISEMENT CHECKER WORK TRIBU- CHASTENING, LATION. — The idea represented by the words chastening or chastisement fills a considerable CHASTISEMENT, space both in OT and NT. In Heb. it is usually expressed by the verb 70, 191, and the substantive 70%, with which m>)7 and nnzin are frequently com- bined ; and in Gr. by the corresponding verb and subst. watdedw and maidela. The etymological con- nexion of these last words with mais suggests that education, in the widest sense of the word, in- cluding reference to the means as well as the end of the process, is the main idea involved. And on the whole this is true. In one passage, Eph 64, fathers are charged to bring up their children in the watdelg cat vovOeclg xvplov, where madela is the Christian discipline of character, as it ought to be enforced in the Christian family. The same idea is presented in He 12°, where fathers are regarded in the character of ma:devral—as those who exercise discipline over their children, and esp. over their faults, for their good. This same conception is rad ane without reserve to God. One of the most striking passages is Pr 34 ‘ My son, despise not the chastening (a:dela) of the Lord, nor faint when thou art rebuked (é\eyxépevos) b him; for whom the Lord loveth he chastenet (wa:deve), and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth.’ This is quoted and enforced in He 124 and Rev 3% The idea insisted upon is that the troubles which befall the people of God are not to be read as signs of His hostility, but of His paternal care. ‘What son is he whom the father chasteneth not?’ In a larger sense, perhaps, than this, the grace of God is spoken of as having appeared in saving power, teaching us (ratdevovca) that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts we ehould live soberly, righteously, and godly. Teaching’ here suggests too little, and probably ‘disciplining’ or ‘chastening’ is too narrow; but the conception of the Christian life offered in this passage is that of education under a power which 1s at once gracious and severe. The xdps which brings salvation to men employs resources of all kinds to put them in complete possession of it. Often the idea of painful correction is prominent, and in one place the severe word ‘judgment’ appears in the context. The abuses connected with the Lord’s Supper at Corinth had produced much sickness and not a few deaths in the Church (1 Co 11%). Men had been eating and drinking ‘judgment’ to themselves. Yet even under such judgments (xpivduevor), the apostle teaches, Chris- tians are not objects of God’s hostility: He is seek- ing their good; ‘we are being chastened by the Lord, that we may not be condemned with the world.’ Even in those peculiar passages where the chastisement seems so awful or extreme that Satan, not God, is made the instrument of it, this holds ood. The sinner in 1 Co 5is delivered to Satan, for the destruction of the flesh indeed (by death ?), but that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. Soin 1 Ti 1° Hymenzus and Alex- ander are handed over to the Adversary, that they may be taught under his hands (radev0der) not to blaspheme. Compare also St. Paul’s own case: the thorn in the flesh is called an angel of Satan, yet it disciplines him in the Christian grace of humility. The human mind, so long as it dwells in the human body, will not be able to avoid calling such things ‘evils’; no chastening for the present seems matter of joy: it is all grief and pain, and it is only afterward, when the fruit of righteousness appears, that we can see it is something to thank God for, a real indication of His love ae His children. The large use made in the Apocrypha of the idea of ‘chastisement’ for the moral interpretation of experience is ver striking. One of the chief passages is Wis 34’. There we find the conception that suffering is a trial, which, when one stands it successfully, brings & sure reward : a reward too, as in 2 Co 4! out of proportion to the suffering, éAlya madevdévres peydra evepyernOjoovra. The idea of purification also, as well as that of testing, is involved in the comparison of Wis 3° ds xpucdv év xwveurnply édoxl- pacev atrovs. The gracious and patarial aspects of chastisement are signalised in Wis 111: the people of God are chastened in mercy, the wicked are judged and tormented in wrath; His own He puts to the proof ws warip vovderdv, the others He condemns ws drérouos Bactkeds. So again, in 2 Mac 616, though God ‘ chastens with calamity,’ He never abandons His people. This is the main thought of the NT passages also: suffering is the rod in a Father’s hand, and the sole instrument by which the purposes of the Father’s love can be effected. The word tribulation has come into our lan- guage from the vole rendering, not of radevw, but of OA(8w, OAlus. In NT none of the passages in which these words are used suggest explicitly that ‘tribulation’ is disciplinary. It is said, indeed, that we must through many tribulations enter into the kingdom of God (Ac 14”), but they are rather barriers to be forced, dangers to be disregarded, than disciplines to be welcomed. In 2 Co 1® the idea occurs that one man may have to suffer in order to acquire the gift of administering con- solation to others. Once in OT (Is 261%) the ideas of ‘tribulation’ and ‘chastening’ are expressly combined : év 6AlWer puxpd % madela cov Huiv; but as arule @Alys (affliction or tribulation) is used in a more purely objective way. It may be, in point of fact, an instrument of 7acdela, but that is not the point of view to which of itself it leads. J. DENNEY. CHASTITY.—See CRIMES, and MARRIAGE, CHEBAR (133, XoBdp, Ezk 11-8 315-23 1015. 2. 22 433), —A river in ‘the land of the Chaldeans,’ by the side of which Ezekiel saw his first vision of the Cherubim. Near the banks of this stream was Tel-abib, the home of a colony of Jewish exiles, among whom Ezekiel lived and prophesied (Ezk 3!), The Chebar has commonly been identified, in accordance with a Syrian Christian tradition, with the Habor (7an, ’ABdppas), the modern Chabour, which runs into the Euphrates not far from the site of Circesium. But the two names are very different, and Babylonia, whither the Jews were deported (2 K 24!5t Jer 29%. 2°), can hardly be con- sidered to include Northern Mesopotamia. It is therefore more probable that the Chebar was one of the numerous canals in the neighbourhood of Babylon to which the name of ‘river’ was often given (cf. Néldeke in Schenkel’s Bibel-Lewxicon). The name, however, has not yet been discovered in any of the numerous lists of rivers'and canals which are to be found in Assyrian and Babylonian literature. The word is probably connected with the Semitic root 123 to be great ; hence it has been suggested that Chebar was another name of the Nahar Matcha, or Royal Canal of Nebuchadrezzar. H. A. WHITE. CHECK in the obsol. sense of ‘rebuke’ or ‘re- proof’ occurs Job 20° ‘I have heard the ec. of my reproach’ (RV ‘reproof which putteth me to shame’). Cf. Pepys, Diary, 26th Sept., ‘I was very angry, and... did give him a very great check for it, and so to bed’; and Shaks., Henry IV. Iv. iii. 34, ‘I never knew yet but rebuke and check was the reward of valour.’ RV gives the verb in 1 S 247 in the mod. sense of ‘ restrain,’ ‘ se David checked his men with these words’ (AV ‘ stayed’). J. HASTINGS. CHECKER WORK (now generally spelt chequer CHEDOR-LAOMER CHELOD 375 { work) is work arranged after the pattern of a chess-board (which was orig. called ‘a checker or chequer’). 1K 7!7 ‘nets of checker work’ (o'>7y m3” nvy),—trellis work of some material used to ornament the ‘ chapiters’ of the pillars in Solomon’s temple. In 2 K 1’ the sébhdkhGh is a ‘lattice’ in an upper chamber through which Ahaziah fell. In Job 18° it is a net for snaring. J. HASTINGS, ee OMER 87TH, Xedodryoulp, Chedor- lahomor). —Chedorlaomer, king of Elam, com- manded the vassal-kings Amraphel of Shinar, Arioch of Ellasar (which see), and Tidal, king of Goiim, in the war against the Canaanite princes of Sodom, Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim, and Zoar (Gn 14*""%), After twelve years of servitude the latter had rebelled against Chedorlaomer, who, with his allies, thereupon marched into the west, on the eastern side of the Jordan, smiting the Rephaim in Bashan, the Zuzim or Zamzummin in Ammon, the Emim in Moab, and the Horites in Mount Seir. He then turned northward through Kadesh-barnea (now ‘Ain Kadis), and ‘smote all the country of the Amalekites (or Bedawin), and also the Amorites that dwelt in Hazezon-tamar’ or En-gedi, on the western shore of the Dead Sea. Then followed a battle with the Canaanite princes in the vale of Siddim, which resulted in the defeat of the Canaanites, the death (?) of the kings of Sodom and Gomorrah, and the capture of their cities. ‘Abram the Hebrew,’ however, armed 318 of his men and fell upon the conquerors by night near Dan in the extreme north, pursuing them to Hobah, west of Damascus, and recovering the spoil of Sodom, as weil as his nephew Lot. Chedorlaomer is the Elamite name Kudur- Lagamar,* ‘servant of Lagamar,’ one of the rincipal Elamite gods. Similar names are Kudur- ankhundi, ‘ servant of the god Nankhundi,’ and Kudur-Mabug, the father of Eri-aku (Arioch). In the time of Eri-aku, Babylonia was under the suzerainty of Elam; and while Eri-aku reigned at Larsa and Ur, and claimed sovereignty over the whole of Chaldea, an independent dynasty was ruling at Babylon ‘in the land of Shinar.’ © ada Mabug is called by his son ‘the father of the land of the Amorites,’ or Syria and Palestine, which implies some kind of authority there, but he never has the title of king. He was also ‘the father of Iamutbal,’ a frontier district of Elam. The ‘land of the Amorites’ had been subdued by the Bab. conqueror Sargon of Accad many centuries before (in B.c. 3800). Four times he marched into Syria, and, after erecting an image of himself by the shore of the Mediterranean and crossing the countries ‘of the sea of the setting sun,’ he united his conquests into a ‘single’ empire. His son Naram-Sin made his way into the Sinaitic Pen- insula, and must therefore have followed the same road as Chedorlaomer. A later king of Babylonia, Ammi-satana (B.C. 2230), still calls himself ‘ kin of the land of the Amorites’; and the deep an permanent influence of Babylonia in Canaan, evidenced by the Tel el-Amarna tablets, proves that Bab. domination must have long continued there. Ammi-satana was the great-grandson of Khammurabi, the king of Babylon who overthrew Eri-aku and his Elamite allies, and united all Babylonia under one monarch. Khammurabi died sixty years before the accession of Ammi- satana, so that, as he reigned fifty-five years, we may place the expedition of Chedorlaomer about B.C, 2330. A. H. SAYCE. CHEEK, CHEEK-BONE (‘t, Arab. Jahi, ‘jaw- * The name Ku-dur-la-ukh-ga-mar has now been read by P. Bcheil on a tablet of Khammurabi (see Rev. Bib. Internat. 1896, Bp 600, and Rev. de Théol. 1897, p. 83 ff.). bone’; diiyah, ‘beard’; staydév).—1. The cheek, with fts ruddy token of health, is a feature of beauty (1 S 16%, Ca 1° 518), In the Lebanon vine- yards a species of tinted grape is called ‘maidens’ cheeks.’ On the other hand, as of something that ought not to be, it is said of Jerusalem in her desolation, ‘her tears are on her cheeks’ (La 1°). 2. It is connected with manliness and pride. To be smitten on the cheek, as described in 1 K 22%, 2 Ch 18%, Job 16”, Ps 37, Is 508, meant the greatest omnes affront, and implied that there was no rther power to resist. This gives emphasis to Mt 5°, Lk 6”, where the want is not of of will, to resist. G. M. CHEEK TEETH.—J1 1° ‘he hath the cheek teeth of a great lion’ (niybne, RV ‘jaw teeth,’ as in Pr 30" ‘ their ey teeth as knives’ AV, RV; but in Job 29?” [all] ‘jaws,’ RVm ‘great teeth’) Cheek teeth=molar teeth, is found in Caxton, Chron. Eng. (1480), ‘ Al that ever were borne after that pestilence hadden ij chekteth in hir hede lesse than they had afore. J. HASTINGS. CHEER.—The ‘ cheer’ is orig. the face (Fr. chére, late Lat. cara), as Caxton, Golden Legend, ‘In the swete of thy chere thou shalt ete brede.’ Then the expression of the face; and so, any state of mind, or mood, as Shaks., Sonnets, xevii. 13, ‘so dull a cheer’; but generally with adj. ‘good.’ So always in AV (except 1 Es 9 ‘Then went they their way to make great c.’), as in the phrase ‘ Be of good cheer,’ Mt 9? 1477, Mk 6, Jn 16%, Ac 23 (all Oapoéw) ; Ac 277 25-38 (eXOuuéw or eOuuos); and in RV Job 9” (aybax, AV ‘comfort myself,’ RVm ‘brighten up’). Finally, the word came to signi ‘good spirits,’ whence the verb ‘ to cheer,’ Jg 9", or ‘cheer up,’ Dt 245 (RV ‘ cheer’). J. HASTINGS. CHEESE.—See Foon. CHELAL (597 ‘perfection’).— One who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10°). CHELLIANS.—Probably the inhabitants of the town CHELLUS (which see). Cf. Jth 1° 2%. CHELLUS (Xedov’s or Xeodo'’s).—From the text (Jth 1°) this place is supposed to have been situated S.W. of Jerus. near Betane, and N. of Kadesh and the river (var. ‘ torrent’) of Eeyrt, identified with the Wady el-‘Arish. Reland thinks it may be Haluzah (ayn), the site well known to the Gr. and Rom. geographers under the altered form of Elusa, ebceted ene the source of the Wady es- Sani stream. The mention of a land of the Chel- lians by the wilderness, to the south of which were the children of Ishmael (Jth 27), is looked upon as supporting this view of the position of C. Doubt must, however, be regarded as haga atk ing the identification of C. with Haluzah or Elusa if the Syr. transcription Kalon (with K for Ch) be correct. C. is also regarded as a mistake for Chelul =Halhul, Jos 15°. I. A. PINCHES. CHELOD (B Xeneovn, * Xecdaovdd, A Xedeors, Old Lat. Chelleuth, Vulg. omits, Syr. Chaldzeans).—Jth 1% reads, not as AV and RV ‘many nations of the sons of Chelod assembled themselves to battle,’ but ‘there came together many nations unto the array (or ranks) of the sons of Cheleul’; less naturally ‘to battle with (against) the sons of Ch.’ (els mapdratw vigvy X.). Syriac ‘to fight against the Chaldeans,’ is improbable. It is not certain whether the ‘many zations’ are allies of Nebuch- adrezzar or of A:,naxad, nor whether they come to help or to fight the ~ «ins oi Ch.’ Probably v.* summarises v.; hence ‘suns of Ch.’ should be ower, but ACKIE. 376 CHELUB Nebuchadrezzar’s army. But he is, in Jth, king of Assyrians, not Chaldeans. No probable conjecture as to Aram. original has been made. F. C. PORTER. CHELUB (3:53).—1. A descendant of Judah (1 Ch 4), 2. The father of Ezri, one of David’s super- intendents (1 Ch 27%). See GENEALOGY. CHELUBAI (7333), 1 Ch 2°, another form of Caleb. Cf. 1 Ch 2! #, and see CALEB. CHELUHI (mp Kethibh, 1mbp Keré, Cheluhu RVm, Chelluh AV).—One of the Bené-Bani who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10%). CHEMARIM.—In EV this word is found only in Zeph 1*; but the original 023, of which it is the transliteration, is used also at 2 K 23° and Hos 10°, and in both instances Chémdrim is placed in the margin of AV and RV ‘idolatrous priests,’ and ‘priests’ holding the post of honour in the text. It is a little curious that at Zeph 14, the one case where our versions have it, it is probably an inter- polation: the LXX omits it, and the parallelism is spoilt by its presence. Wellhausen wished to assert its claim to a place in Hos 4‘, but other critics have rightly denied this. Chdmer, of which Chémérim is the plural, is of Aram. origin,* and when used in Syr. carries no unfavourable con- notation. In the Peshitt&é Version of the OT it is employed at Jg 17°12 of Micah’s idolatrous priests, but at Is 61° of the true priests promised to the restored Israel. In the Pesh. Vers. of the NT, Ac 19* has it as the rendering of vewxépos, thus reminding us of the Latin editui (=temple- attendants) of Hos 10°, Zeph 14; and the Epistle to the Hebrews, passim, employs it of the Levitical priests and of our Lord (2!7 3! 41415 55-10, and many other places). In the Heb. of the OT, however, Chémdrim always has a bad sense: it is applied to the priests who conducted the worship of the calves (2 ¥ 238, Hos 105), and to those who served the Baalim (Zeph 1‘). Kimchi believed the original significance of the verbal form was ‘to be black,’ and explained the use of the noun by the assertion that the idolatrous priests wore black garments. Amongst recent lexicographers Brockelmann ac- cepts this derivation. Others take the root to mean, ‘to be sad,’ the chiimra being a sad, ascetic erson, @ monk or priest. The two ideas run into each other, as is well exemplified at Ezk 3135, where Pesh. has chémird, LXX écxéracevy, Vulg. contristatus est, EV caused to mourn. J. TAYLOR. CHEMOSH (vin> Kémésh, Xayis).—The national deity of the Moabites, as J” was the national deity of the Israelites. He is frequently referred to as the od of Moab both in the OT and on the Moabite stone, and the Moabites‘are referred to as the people of Chemosh (cf. Nu 21”, Jer 484%). On the Moabite Stone we have a king Chemosh-melek. We also read of a deity Ashtor-Chemosh, not to be identified with C., but distinct. In the inscription, Mesha, the king of Moab, represents the subjection of Moab to Israel as due to the fact that C. was angry with his land. At length the anger of C. was appeased, and he bade Mesha go and take Nebo from Israel. C. drove Israel out from before him, and restored to Moab the land taken by Israel. The slaughter of the ees of 'Ataroth is spoken of as a gazing-stock to C. esha accordingly made a high place for C., because he had saved him and made him victorious over his foes. That upon occasion he might be worshipped with human sacrifices is probable from 2 K 3”, where the king of Moab offered his eldest s0n as a burnt-offering, and thus forced the Israel- * In an inscrip. found near Aleppo we find \7w 7D3=priest of ' Bahar (the moon). See Rev. Sémit. 1896, pp. 280, 282. CHERETHITES AND PELETHITES ites to raise the siege. olomon built a high-place for C. ‘the abomination of Moab’ (1 K 11"), which lasted till the time of Josiah’s reformation, when it was destroyed (2 K 23"), According to Jg 11* C. was also the national deity of the Ammonites; but this can hardly be correct, since Milcom was their special god. tt has been suggested that the text should be corrected, and Milcom read here; but perhaps, as Moore says, the error runs through the whole learned argument (Judges, p. 295). A. S. PEAKE. CHENAANAH (n3y33).—41. A Benjamite (1 Ch 77). 2. The father of Zedekiah the false prophet in the reign of Ahab (1 K 22", 2 Ch 181), CHENANI ('339, prob. for 77337).--A Levite (Neh 94). CHENANIAH (3339 or 373). —Chief of the Levites at the removal of the ark from the house of Obed- edom (1 Ch 15”: 27), named among the officers and judges over Israel (1 Ch 26”), CHEPHAR-AMMONI (°j'oy7 753), ‘village of tha Ammonites,’ Jos 18%.—A town of Benjamin. Probably the ruin Kefr ‘Ana near Bethel. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xiv. C. R. CONDER. CHEPHIRAH (7527), ‘village,’ Jos 97 18%, Ezr 2%, Neh 7.—One of the four Hivite cities which made peace with the Hebrews, re-peopled after the Captivity, having belonged to Benjamin. Now Kefireh S.W. of Gibeon, in a position which aids to determine the W. border of Benjamin. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. CONDER. CHERAN (}}?).—One of the children of Dishon, the son of Seir, the Horite (Gn 368, 1 Ch 1“). The Sept. transliteration, acc. to Dillm., is pene based on a supposed connexion of the word wit. 72=a lamb. H. E. RYLE. CHERETHITES AND PELETHITES (‘nbs °79). —A designation repeatedly applied to a body of troops in the service of David, which seem to have formed the king’s bodyguard. As to the deriva- tion of the words, opinions have differed. Gesenius explained them as = executioners and runners (from the verbs m2 and nbs), their duty being to inflict capital punishment, and also to convey the king’s mandates as quickly as possible to those who held places of government. Linguistic and other objec- tions seem to be fatal to this theory, as well as to another which makes ‘np to be so called from n1 =to be expelled from one’s country (Zec 14?),— an explanation which would identify it with the Sept. rendering of ‘nv (Philistine) by “AAédu)os. t seems to be unquestionable that Cherethite and Pelethite are not common but proper names. The Cherethites, as a tribe inhabiting the southern border of Canaan, are thrice ‘mentioned in the OT (1 S 30%, Zeph 2°, Ezk 25%), and in all these peeeat they are associated so closely with the hilistines as to be practically identified with them. Now we know from Am 9’, Dt 2”, and Jer 474 that the Philistines were believed to have come to Canaan from Caphtor, which is generally identified with @rete. May Cherethites not be another form of Cretans? Instead of Cherethites, the Kethitbh of 2S 20% offers the reading Carites. So in 2 K 11*18 the true reading as restored in RV is Carites, where AV reads Captains. The terms Cretans and Carites may both be represented readily enough by ‘3. That ‘nds is simply a variation of ‘*wbs (Philistine) was Ewald’s opinion, and hag since been generally accepted. The Cherethites and Pelethites were thus a Philis. tine bodyguard, originally introduced by David, whose action is explained by his relations with the -—_ €~ es Se CHERITH ae Philistines prior to his accession to the throne. This conclusion finds further support in the fact that in 2 S 15'* the Gittites, who were certainly Philistines, are coupled with the Cherethites and Pelethites. These men were chosen on the same principle as the Swiss Guards at European courts and the Oriental Janissaries, whose fidelity is in proportion to their freedom from local ties and interests. His Philistine mercenaries proved them- selves worthy of David’s confidence by standing by him amidst the troubles occasioned by Absalom, Sheba, and Adonijah (2S 1518 207, 1 K 1%). While some have confined the existence of this bodyguard to the reign of David, others have found traces of it down to the close of the Judean kingdom. The mention of the Carites in 2 K 11 is in favour of the latter view. It was the officers of the Carians and the foot-guards that enabled Jehoiada to accom- plish the overthrow of Athaliah, and the installa- tion of Jehoash as king. Soin 1 K 14% we read of guards who accompanied the king when he visited the sanct , and from 2 K 114™ it is evident that the royal bodyguard formed also the guard of the temple. Is there any reason to con- clude that these ds were foreign mercenaries ? W. R. Smith adduces two passages from OT to aks their identity with the Cherethites and elethites. Zeph 1° speaks of men connected with the court who were clad in foreign garb, and who leaped over the threshold, and filled their masters’ house with violence and deceit. Smith finds here an allusion to the Philistine custom of leaping over the threshold of the sanctuary (1 S 55); but others deny the validity of his argument, and make ‘leaping over the threshold’ simply a name for house- breaking,* while those who are clothed in foreign b are Israelites who ape foreign customs. Be as it may, Smith’s other OT reference seems to be conclusive. In Ezk 44* there is a bitter com- plaint that uncircumcised foreigners were permitted to keep guard in the sanctuary, and to discharge functions which the prophet would henceforth confine to the Levites. ho can these be except the guards referred toin2K 11? This conclusion is strengthened if Smith is right in his conjec- ture that prior to the time of Ezekiel the king’s ds slaughtered the animals provided by the for the temple, or intended for the royal table. As he points out, the Heb. designation for captain of the d is onsya 322=chief of the slaughterers (of cattle). ‘The bodyguard were also the royal butchers, an occupation not deemed unworthy of warriors in early times’ (W. R. Smith, OTJC? p. 262,n.; cf. Kittel, Hist. of Heb. ii. 153 n., 164 3 Driver, Text of Sam. 172, 267). J. A. SELBIE, CHERITH (np $n3).—The brook by which Elijah lived (1 K 17%) was ‘before Jordan,’ i.e., accord- ing to familiar usage, on the E. of Jordan. Elijah ‘was of the inhabitants’ (or ‘sojourners,’ RV) of Gilead, or according to the L ‘of Tishbeh of Gilead,’ and would be well acquainted with the hiding-places of that country. If the ‘Ravens’ (0-37) were an Arab tribe, as many believe (see OREB), it must have been well to the E. where they pastured their flocks. The popular identifica- tion of the brook Cherith with the Wady Kelt between Jerus. and Jericho is unwarranted. A. HENDERSON, CHERUB.—A proper name (Ezr 2°, Neh 7%) ; one of the places from which certain families, on the return from Babylon, failed to prove their register as genuine branches of the Israelite people. The name has been identified with the Chiripha of Ptolemy. See CHARAATHALAN. H. E. RYLE. *In view of the Oriental reverence for the threshold, this Yeems an unlikely explanation. (See Trumbull, 7hreshold Covenant, p. 259f.; and for the Philistine custom, p. 116f.) CHERUBIM 377 CHERUBIM (0°39) or 0°3397, xepovBlu; sing. 3173, xepov8).—By this name are denoted the winged creatures which, in the religious symbolism of OT, are not infrequently mentioned as attending upon the Most High, and as possessed of certain sacred duties in the court of the heavenly beings that surround the throne of God. What the Heb. conception of a ‘cherub’ was, does not appear at all certain. And if, as seems most probable, both name and thing were derived from a primitive stage of religious thought in W. Asia, this uncertainty in the Israelitish writings admits of a natural explanation. For writers who were under the influence of the worship of J” would shrink from giving a description that might lend itself to obvious comparison with the idolatrous symbolism of other religions. i. In OT we find references to the cherubim (1) in the Israelite version of primitive myth; (2) in early Heb. poetry ; (3) in apocalyptic vision ; and (4) in the descriptions of the furniture and adornments of the ark, the tabernacle, and the temple. 1. Gn 3% ‘And he placed at the east of the garden of Eden the cherubim, and the flame of a sword which turned every way, to keep the way of the tree of life.’ The function of the cherubim here is to guard the approach to the sacred tree. The number of the searebicd appointed for this duty is not mentioned; nor is it stated, as is usually supposed, that each of the cherubim bore in his hand a flaming sword. We are only told that a sword with darting flames was entrusted to them for the purpose of keeping the way. It has been natural to compare with these guardian, or sentinel, ‘cherubim’ the monster winged bulls with human heads which stood at the entrance of Assyr. palaces and temples. M. Le- normant having suggested, on the authority of a talismanic inscription, that kirwbu was an Assyr. name in use for the steer-god, the temptation to connect the cherubim of Gn 3 with the Assyr. figures was almost irresistible. But this use of kirubu is questionable; the cherubim in our passage are not limited totwo; thereis no mention of a gate of Paradise; and the function of the cherubim is evidently primarily connected with the sword, which, to Nie from the description, is probably intended to denote lightning. 2. Ps 18% (=2 S 22") ‘And he rode upon a cherub, and did fly.’ In the context of this poetical description, the Psalmist describes the ower of J” as manifested in the thunderstorm. “is represented in flight through mid-air, borne up upon the wings of a cherub, while the light- nings flash before Him (‘at the brightness before him,’ v."). The cherub appears to be the mighty winged spirit of the storm,—on whose back J” Himself is seated. He is the personification of the swift storm-cloud that sweeps down as upon eagles’ wings. J” is carried by the cherub, as the Tndiag god Vishnu by Garuda, and as Oceanus by the griffin (Atsch. Prom. 395). : 3. In the prophetical writings of Ezekiel we have two allusions to the cherubim. (1) In Ezk 28" ‘Thou wast the anointed cherub that covereth ; and I set thee so that thou wast upon the holy mountain of God ; thou hast walked up and down in the midst of the stones of fire.’ Here the prophet compares ‘the Prince of Tyre’ to one of the chosen attendants upon God, a cherub whose wings, as in the Holy of Holies, shaded the mercy- seat, one whose abode was in the holy mountain, and one who there walked among the flashing lightnings that surrounded the Divine Presence. A ‘cherub,’ according to this account, abides in the sacred precincts of the Most High, and round about him play the thunderbolts. The idea of the 378 CHERUBIM CHERUBIM thundercloud is combined with that of heavenly guardianship. (2) The imagery employed by the same prophet in the Vision of the Cherubim (Ezk 10) is very obscure, and introduces a much more complex idea. The prophet recognises them as identical with ‘the living creatures that I saw under the God of Israel by the river Chebar’ (10”), referring to the vision Gu ‘the chariot’ in ch. 1. These were four in number (10!) ; they had each four faces, ‘the face of a cherub, a man, a lion, and an eagle’ (#4), and ‘four wings’ (74), As one of their faces was that of ‘a cherub,’ and the prophet on seeing them ‘knew that they were cherubim’ (”), the shape of a ‘cherub’ as of a fabulous creature must have been well known through popular representations (cf. 1K 7”). Unfortunately, the prophets description throws no further light upon their shape. But pre- sumably it must have resembled that of an ox (ef. Ezk 1°). He tells us that the ‘glory of the LoRD’ rested above ‘the cherubim’ (10) ; that their pro- gress was straight forward (#7); while they moved not with wings only, but with whirling wheels, and burning fire was between them (* 7). We have the thought of the thunderstorm connected with their appearance in Ezk 14; the noise of their wings (14) suggests the thunder; fire and lightning attend them (11%), Altogether, this description, though much more complex and involved than any that has been sug- gested by the previous passages which we have con- sidered, presents no sort of contradiction to them. In all probability it represents an elaboration, in accordance with the general style and character- istics of Ezekiel’s literary work, of the older and simpler conception.. The ‘cherub,’ as one of the powers of heaven, in poetry impersonated the storm-clouds that do J”s bidding; in Ezekiel’s vision there are four such ‘cherubim,’ correspond- ing to the four quarters of the sky. In poetry, J” had ridden on the cherub; in the vision the cherubim not only flew, but moved on wheels, supporting the glory of J”. In poetry the light- nings flashed before the cherub; in the vision there is fire between the cherubim, and ‘the living creatures’ ran and returned as the appear- ance of a flash of lightning. 4. The representation of the ‘cherubim” occu- pied an important place in Heb. ‘sacred art. (1) The figures of two ‘cherubim’ were placed on the mercy-seat of the ark (Ex 258-1), Unfortunately, no minute account is given of their appearance. We are only told that their wings lifted upwards, and were outspread so as to cover the ark, and that they were presented in a posture facing one another, but looking down upon the ark—an atti- tude to which we may suppose the apostle makes reference in 1 P 1%, hey were composed of ‘wrought gold,’ possibly hammered solid gold as opposed to plated gold. As the mercy-seat covered by their wings was only 3 ft. 9 in. (24 cubits) long, the figures of the cherubim were quite small. (2) Figures of cherubim were introduced into the veil or hanging screen which separated the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies (Ex 26*1). It has commonly been considered that, as the way into the Holiest was through this curtain, the thought intended by these representations of cherubim may have been similar to that expressed by the guardian cherubim who guarded ‘the way of the tree of life’ in Gn 3. (3) Solomon’s temple contained in its Holy of Holies two colossal cherubim, 10 cubits (or 15 ft.) high, made of olive wood and overlaid with gold. The wings of the cherubim were spread out, and measured 10 cubits from the extremity of one wing to the extremity of the other. The Holy of Holies was a cube of 20 cubits or 30 ft. ; and the two cherubim touched with their outer wings the wall on either side, while they touched one another with their outstretched inner wings. The whole span of their four wings was 20 cubits, equal to ie width of the sanctuary. They each therefore stood at the same distance from one another as they did from the wall on either side (1 K 6%). From this description we should certainly infer that they had arch only two wings. In2 Ch 3h the same general account is given of the ‘ cheru- bim’ of ‘image-work’ in Solomon’s bese tic but it is added that ‘they stood on their feet, and their faces were toward the house,’ by which is prokepy meant, facing the entrance. lt has been isputed whether the smaller cherubim which protected the mercy-seat of the ark were retained in Solomon’s temple. And it may be granted that the height of the Solomonic cherubim made it perfectly possible, but scarcely probable. (4) ‘Cherubim’ were introduced, along with ‘palm-trees and open flowers,’ into the carved woodwork with which the walls and doors of the exterior and interior of the temple were adorned (1 K 6%. 8.8), In the description of the ‘ brazen sea’ it is recorded that in the ornamentation there were figures of ‘lions, oxen, and cherubim’ (1 K 7”). From these OT passages we can gather no pre- cise conclusion as to the shape and general figure of the cherub, according to Hebrew treatment in poetry and art. It had wings; it s on feet (2 Ch); its face was not that of a man, a lion, or an eagle (Ezk 104). It may haveresembled an ox. But we are driven rather to suppose that its figure was an imaginary one, like that of a griffin ora dragon. hether its name is of Sem. origin or not, is a disputed point (see below). There is not suffi- cient reason to doubt that the original idea belongs to the early childhood of Israel’s religion, and is thus aot. to similar conceptions in other races. The prominence given to the cherubim in the passages we have passed in review makes it very unlikely that they had been borrowed from other countries or foreign religions. For we can hardly imagine the one representation of a living creature, which was permitted in the construction of the ark, the tabernacle, and the erie to have been derived from an alien source. The fact that the making and designing of the cherubim is apparently recorded without any consciousness of the violation of the second commandment, is in itself an indication that the conception of these creatures belongs to an original national idea—the superstitious element of which was destined to be removed by the teaching of J” worship. Thus the ‘cherub’ survived as one of the traces of a Heb. mythology, which was retained by the prophets because it represented pictorially the attributes of the majesty of the God of Israel, and was pun ed to express more vividly the means by which His glory is revealed to man. Besides the winged bulls familiar to us from the Assyr. remains, we come across many representa- tions of winged monsters and chimeras in the countries adjoining Palestine. Egyp. religious art is said to have borrowed from Syria the figure of the Sefer, or Seref (cf. the Heb. ‘seraph’). Phoen. monuments contain representations of winged griffins guarding the sacred tree (cf. a white marble relief from Arados in the Museum of the Louvre). The famous monster represented on the tomb of Chuecu-hotep, an Egyp. king (c. B.C. 2100), gives us a leopard, from whose back issues a human head, with wings on either side of the neck. All these are attempts apparently to comoine the attributes of strength and swiftness in animals with the intellect of man, in representation of the -———---- —— a aT me CHERUBIM CHERUBIM 379 ‘demon’ spirits (see Pietschmann’s Gesch. der Phin- izter, p- 176, 177). To this category belongs in all nobability the earliest Heb. idea of the cherubim. aving been popularly associated with the thunder- cloud, their presence and form were transferred, in the language of Heb. poetry and vision, to the personal court and attendance of J”, whose presence was proclaimed by the voice of thunder (cf. Ex 196, 1 S 121”, Ps 77/8). They therefore bear a close analogy to the seraphim (Is 6), who personified the lightnings that surround the throne. Perhaps the two groups of attendant beings are referred to in Ps 104° 4, The expression applied to J”, He ‘sitteth upon, or inhabiteth, the cherubim’ (o°397 3%), which we find in 2 K 19%5, Ps 80! 99!, Is 3716, is not with- out difficulty. The rendering ‘sitteth between the cherubim’ is an explanation, not a transla- tion, of the original: nor does it give the full meaning of the words. To the Heb. poet the cherubim are not only the attendants of J”, but the bearers and upholders of His throne. The thunderclouds are the dark wings of these minis- ters of God. They bear Himup. And to this, which is the picture presented by the service of the mute forces of nature, there is an analogy presented by the service of God’s people. Hence the earthly correlative to ‘thou that sittest upon the cheru- bim’ is ‘ thou that inhabitest the praises of Israel’ (Ps 22°, and see Cheyne’s note). In later Jewish theology the cherubim take their place among the highest angels of heaven. Thus Enoch speaks of the court of the palace of heaven. ‘Its ceiling was like the path of the stars and lightnings, with fiery cherubim between in a transparent heaven’ (xiv. 11, ed. Charles). Of the throne he says, ‘Its circuit was as a shining sun and the voice of cherubim’ (xiv. 18, ed. Charles). Speaking of the host of heaven, he mentions ‘ Gabriel, one of the holy angels, who is over Paradise, and the serpents, and the cheru- bim’ (xx. 7, ed. Charles); and in another passage he speaks of ‘all the host of the heavens, and all the holy ones above, and the host of God, the cherubim, seraphim, and ophanim, and all the angels of power, ete. (Ixi. 10, ed. Charles). Cf. ‘and round about were seraphim, cherubim, and oph- anim: these are they who sleep not, and guard the throne of His glory’ (lxxi. 7, ed. Charles). The Jews regarded them as supernatural beings, without attempting to define them. Josephus, speaking of the cherubim in the temple, says none could tell or even guess what they were like (ras 6¢ xepouBets ovdels drrotal ries joay elmety ovdé elkdoat Sivara, Ant. VIII. iii. 3). Philo, referring to the cherubim over the ark, mentions that in the opinion of some they represented the two hemi- spheres (so Philo himself, De Cherub. § 7); but his own preference was to identify them with the two most ancient and supreme attributes of the Al- mighty—the power of creating, and the power of ruling (éym dé av efron Sydrodcba d’ brovody ras mpecBuraras Kal dvwrdtw dvo Tod “Ovros Suvdwers Tijv Te monrikhy Kal Baoikjv. "Ovoudserac d¢ perv ronTixy Stvasus abrod eds, Kad’ fy eOnxe Kal érolyce kai dtexbopunoe Thde Td Wav’ 7 6é Baorixh Kbpios, 7 TOV yevonévuw Apye kal odv dixy BeBalws émtxparet, Vit. Mos. iii. 8, ed. Mangey, ii. 150). ii. In NT they are spoken of in the Ep. to the Hebrews in connexion with the ark, ‘ above it the cherubim of glory overshadowing the mercy-seat’ (He 9°), where the expression, ‘the cherubim of lory,’ conveys the special thought of created lees ministering to the manifestation of the divine glory. In the Apoc. they are represented as ‘living creatures,’ four in number, full of eyes, standing in the midst of the throne, and round about the throne of God (Rev 4°"). From this description it is difficult to understand their exact position. But presumably the words are intended to convey the picture of the four ‘living animals’ upholding the throne, and facing outwards towards the four quarters of heaven, and the scene is de- rived from Ezekiel’s vision. Rabbinic theology regarded the cherubim as youthful angels, but also as those who were ad- mitted into the special group of spirits attending the throne of God. The ‘living creatures’ support the throne at rest ; the cherubim bear the glory of God as it passes through heaven (cf. Weber, Altsynag. Palast. Theolog. 163, 164). There is a strange passage in the treatise Chagigah (13b, i. 25) which has reference to the cherubim, and the passages in Ezk 1 and 10. The passage concludes, ‘What is the meaning of cherub? R. Abohu said, It is equivalent to a growing child. For so in Babylon a young child is called Rabya. R. Papa said to Abohu, But, as it is written, The first face was the face of the cherub, and the second face was the face of a man, and the third the face of a lion, and the fourth the face of an eagle, this shows that the face of a cherub is the same as the face of a man. There are large faces, and there are small faces’ (see trans- lation by Streane, pp. 73, 74). ili, It remains to mention the various deriva- tions which have been given of the word. (1) As has been mentioned above, it was derived from the Assyr. kirubw; but apparently considerable uncertainty hangs over this derivation. (2) Renouf (PSBA, 1884, p. 193) conjectured that it was de- rived from the Egyp. xeref. (3) Gesenius con- nected it with a Syr. word meaning ‘strong.’ (4) Others have suggested another Syr. word meaning ‘to plough.’ It is difficult to resist the impression that the word must have a common origin with ypvy, ‘ griffin,’ ‘ hippogriff.’ But, for the present, the etymology of the word must be considered doubtful. The explanations which were given of the name by the Fathers Bt be illustrated by the following. lem. Alex. Strom. v. 240: é0é\a 5é 7d broua Tov xEpouBlu Snodv alcoOnaw modhAnpy. Theodorus ap. Theodoret, Quest. in Gen. iii.: GANG XepouBlu Kade? way 7d duvardy’ otrws Aéyet, 6 KaOH- pevos érl Trav xepovBiu, dvrl Tod 6 duwvards Bacirevdww, kal, éréBn éml xepouBlu cal éwetaoOn, avTl rod, pera TOAATS Wapeyéevero THs Suvdpwews. Jerome, Comm. in Is. lib. iii. cap. vi.: In septuagesimo nono psalmo legimus: Quit sedes super cherubim manifestare ; qui in nostra lingua interpretantur scientee multitudo. Unde et Domi- nus in aurige modum super cherubim aperte sedere ostenditur. . . . In cherubim ergo ostendi- tur Dominus; in seraphim ex parte ostenditur, ex parte celatur. Augustine, Hnarrat. in Ps 79? [Eng. 801]: Qui sedes super cherubim. Cherubim sedes est gloriz Dei, et interpretatur Plenitudo scientia. Ibi sedet Deus in plenitudine scientiz. Licet intelligamus cherubim sublimes esse ceelorum potestates atque virtutes; tamen si vis, eris cherubim. Si enim Cherubim sedes est Dei, audi quid dicat Scriptura : Anima justi sedes est sapientiz. Didymus Alexandrin., Expos. in Ps 79 [Eng. 80]: Kaéjpevos 6¢ émi rdv xepouBlu 6 kipids dori, ws ev re éfexind waplorarar, "Epéwerar de rots év Trois Swors odowv, rerevxdat TalTys THs mpoonyoplas dxd Ths mpocovans atrois coplas. IlAA00s yap yywoews Epunveverat Ta xepovBly. These patristic explanations seem to go back to Philo’s statement that the Greek meaning of ‘cherubim’ was ‘much knowledge,’ 4 rarplg per yAwrry mpocaryopeverar xepouvBlu, ws dé dy “ENAqves elrrovev, éxlywwots Kal érioriun ror} (Vit. Mos. lib iii. § 8; Mangey, ii. 150). 380 CHESALON LirgRaTukE.—The subject is extensively discussed in the standard works on the Theology of the OT, by Oehler, Smend, Schultz, Dillmann; and on the Archwology, by Nowack and Benzinger. See also Cheyne’s ‘Excursus’ in vol. ii. of his Teaiah, and his Notes on the word in Com. on Psalms. H. E. Rye. CHESALON (j'bp3).—Near Kiriath-jearim on the border of Judah, Jos 15 Now the village Kesla on the hill N. of Kiriath-jearim. See SWP vol. ii. sheet xvii. It is noticed in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Chasalon) as a large village in the Jerus. district. C. R. CONDER. CHESED (799).—One of the sons of Nahor and Milcah (Gn 22 J). He is obviously here intro- duced into the genealogy of the Terahites as the resumptive forefather of the Casdim (a2) or haldzans. This probably represents a different tradition from that in P, where Ur of the Chaldees (i.e. Casdim) is spoken of as the dwelling-place of Terah (Gn 11), Nahor’s father. It is noticeable that the eldest of the brothers of Chesed is Uz, and that in Job 1 the Casdim (trans- lated Chaldzans) are found invading the territory of Uz. Gn 22?-23 probably represent, in the terms of genealogy, the supposed kinship of allied clans who dwelt in Mesopotamia. The Heb. tradition gives the names of tribes identified with various localities om the borders of the plain of Mesopo- tamia. H. E. RYE. CHESIL (5p), Jos 15°,—The LXX reads Bethel, robably for Bethul, as in the parallel passage, Nes 194, and >») of MT is prob. a textual error. (So Ozf. Heb. Lex. and Siegtfried-Stade.) CHEST.—4. In order to defray the cost of certain tepairs of the temple, the priest Jehoiada placed in the court (our authorities are not agreed as to the exact location; cf. 2 K 129 (Heb. 10) 29 Ch 248, with LXX in each case) a chest (ji1x), in the lid (Heb. door) of which a hole had been bored, for the reception of the offerings of the worshippers, as recorded 2 K 12‘ (Heb. 8%) (LXX xiBwrés, Vulg. gazophylacium), and, with variations, 2 Ch 24° (yAwoodbxouov, arca). The ark (of the covenant) is also invariably denoted by ji7x, either alone or with qualifications (see ARK i.). So, too, the. coffin in which Joseph’s mummy was placed (Gn 50”). The feature common to all three is the rectangular shape; the first two certainly, the third most pre ably, were of wood. TAwscdxopuov, used by the XX translator of Chron. as a synonym of K:Bwrés, is freq. employed by the later Gr. translators as the rendering of }/1x in all the three applications given above, as by Aquila in Gn 50”, where the so-called Targ. of Jonathan also renders xopmba. Jos. further uses it (Ant. VI. i. 2) to denote the ‘ coffer’ (EV, 19x 1 S 68-) or small chest in which the Phil. princes deposited the golden mice, while in NT it is applied to the cash-box of which Judas Iscariot had charge (Jn 12°13”). In the temple of Herod, 13 chests stood in the court of the women, to receive the various kinds of money gifts, in shape resembling a trumpet (if the treatise Shekalim vi. 5 may be trusted), wide at the bottom but gradually narrowing towards the top, hence called ining It was into one of these chests that the widow cast her slender offering (Mk 12%, Lk 211), 2. In AV and RV we find in Ezekiel’s inventory (27*4) of the merchandise of Tyre ‘chests (0.33) of rich apparel, bound with cords and made of cedar.’ But the sense ‘chests’ for this word is without sufficient support (see comm. of Cornill, Davidson, Smend), and the word rendered ‘made of cedar’ must mean ‘strong, durable,’ so that we should proeenly. render ‘cloths of cords twined and urable.’ A. R. S. KENNEDY. CHIEF CHESTNUT TREE (jimqy ‘armén, w)dravos, platanus). —‘Armén is mentioned twice in OT once as one of the trees in which Jacob ‘pilled white strakes’ (Gn 30°’), and set them before the flocks at the watering troughs, and again as one of the trees with which the cedar of Lebanon, sym- bolical of Assyria, is compared (Ezk 315). The chestnut tree, which is the rendering of the Rabbis and of AV, is not indigenous in any part of Syria and Pal., and does not succeed in cultivation. It has probably never grown there except as an exotic. The plane tree of LXX, Vulg., and RV, Platanus Orientalis, L., on the contrary, grows everywhere by, and in, watercourses, and is one of the finest trees of the country. It has a trunk which is often 6 to 10 ft. in diameter, and 50 to 100 ft. high, spreading branches, and large palmate- lobed leaves. The monecious flowers are in endulous, spherical heads, the fertile becoming as arge as a small walnut. The name ‘armén signi- fies naked, and probably refers to the fact that the outer layers of bark scale off as in the Eucalyptus globulus, leaving a smooth surface. When peeled, it would leave a white streak. Plane trees grow in Mesopotamia, Chestnut trees do not. ‘There can be no reasonable doubt that the ‘arm6n is the plane tree. It is called in Arab. dio. In Sir 24 wisdom is compared to a eae tree by the water. G. E. Post. CHESULLOTH (nidp2n), Jos 19%*.—The same as Chisloth-tabor, Jos 19%. A place on the border of Zebulun. Now the ruin of Jksdl at the foot of the Nazareth hills, in the fertile plain W. of Tabor. In the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Chasalath) the site was known as near Tabor, but it was also wrongly identified with Achshaph (see Onomasticon, s.v. Acsaph and Achaseloth). The ruin is chiefly remarkable for a cemetery of tombs apparently medizval. See SW vol. i. sheet v. C. R. CONDER. CHETH or HETH (p).—Eighth letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 8th part, each verse of which begins with this letter. CHEZIB, Gn 38°.—See ACHZIB, CHIDE.—To chide (past ‘chode’) is to wrangle ; then to scold or sharply rebuke; so Ps 103° ‘ He will not always c.’ (27). Cf. Ps 18%, Pr. Bk. Tv chide with is to wrangle with one, have an alterci- tion with one; so Gn 31% ‘Jacob was wroth, anil chode with Laban,’ Ex 172°4(RV ‘strive’), Nu 2v*, Jg 8} (all 24). Chiding as subst. occurs Ex 17’ ‘because of the c. of the children of Israel’ (31>, RV ‘ striving’). J. HASTINGS. CHIDON (j73).—The name acc. ‘o 1 Ch 13° of the threshing-floor where Uzzah was struck dead for rashly touching the ark (see UZZAH). In 2S 6° the name is given as Nacon, which Budde con- siders to be a less probable reading. No locality has ever been identified with either name. The view has been advanced that C. is the name, not of a place, but of the proprietor of the threshing-floor, and attempts have been made to identify him with Araunah or Ornan the Jebusite. Driver and Wellh. on 2S 6°.) R. M. Boyp. CHIEF.—i. In old Eng. as in modern, ‘chief’ was both a subst. and an adj.; but in AV (though it is the tr. of some twenty Heb. words, all substs.) it is seldom if ever a substantive. The Oaf. Eng. Dict. quotes as a subst. the occurrence of ‘c.’ in Nu 3° and Ps 105%°; but even these are not certain instances. If ‘c.’? were a subst. in Nu 3”, then in 3% ‘ Eleazar shall be chief over the chief of the eT ea ee a ee (See further ’ 1 CHILD, CHILDREN CHILD, CHILDREN 381 Levites,’ the plu. would be used, ‘ over the chiefs’ (a'x’y;}, RV ‘ princes’), there being no example of the sing. used for the plural. It is prob. that ‘c.’ is an adj. with ‘men’ understood. In Ps 105% ‘He smote also all the firstborn in the land, the c. of all their strength,’ the Heb. (ny, lit. ‘ beginning,’ the common word for ‘ first-fruits’) is the same as in Am 6! ‘c. of the nations’ and 6° ‘the c. oint- ments,’ where the word is clearly an adj. in the one case, and probably in the other. Cf. Lk 11% ‘the c. of the devils’ (dpxwv, RV ‘ prince’), with 141 ‘one of the c. Pharisees’ (dpywy, RV ‘one of the rulers of the P.’). Hence when RV gives ‘chiefs’ for AV ‘chief,’ as ‘the chiefs of the Levites’ 2 Ch 35°, ‘the chiefs of the priests’ 361, Ezr 8% 2% 105, it introduces a plu. not found in AY, and a word of doubtful application. ii. ‘Chief’ is given as tr. of 4. ro’sh, ‘head,’ esp. in the phrase ‘c. of the fathers’ (RV ‘ heads of the fathers’ houses’), on which see Ryle on Ezr 1° and art. FAMILY. In Ezk 38%* 39! ro’sh is taken by RV as a proper name, Rosh (wh. see). 2. Kéhén, ‘ priest,’ referring to David’s sons (2 S 818) and to Ira the Jairite (206), is mistranslated ‘ce. ruler’ (RV ‘priest’), after the gloss of the Chronicler (1 Ch 18!7), See Driver, Notes on Samuel, on 2S 8 and art. PRIESTS. 3. In Pr 16% ’allaph (*p>x, fr. [nde] cleave to) is tr. ‘chief friends,’ evidently from a recollection that ‘allipA also means ‘duke’ of Edom throughout Gn 36, and in Ex 15%, 1 Ch 151. 52. 58.64; and in Zec 12°-6 * gover- nor’ (RV ‘chieftain’). But in the latter sense ’alldph is best taken from’eleph (dx), ‘a thousand,’ that is, ‘leader of a thousand,’ ‘chiliarch.’ Dr. Murray (Ozf. Eng. Dict.) thinks this passage in Pr (16 ‘ a whisperer separateth c. friends’) has sug- gested the Scot. ‘chief’=intimate, as ‘They’re very c. wi’ ane anither.’ 4. In Is 14° ‘[Hell] stirreth up the dead for thee, even all the c. ones of the earth,’ the Heb. for ‘c. ones’ is ‘attddim (onary), lit. ‘he-goats,’ here as the Jeaders of the flock; Cheyne (after Kay), ‘bell-wethers.’ See Cheyne in Joc., and cf. Zec 10. iii. In NT ‘chief’ renders dpxywv (Lk 11° RV ‘prince,’ 141 RV ‘ruler’); 7yovpeva, leaders (Ac 15”); and mpdros, first frequently. In Ac 16” * Philippi, which is the c. city of that part of Macedonia,’ chief city capital, metropolis (cf. 1 Ti subscr.); but it is a mistrans., for Amphipolis was the c. city of that part of M., Thessalonica being the c. city of the whole province. Here mparos must mean ‘ first,’ that is, first to be reached in the direction St. Paul came: RV ‘a city of M., the first of the district.’ For Chief Priest see PRIEST; and for ‘Chief of Asia,’ Ac 19%! ‘certain of the c. of Asia’ (’Acidpyns, RV ‘ chief officers of Asia,’ RVm ‘ Asiarchs’), see ASIARCH. iv. When ec. lost its obsol. sense of supreme, and was weakened into ‘leading’ (cf. Am 6° ‘anoint themselves with the chief ointments’=choice), comparison became possible. ‘Chiefer’ is not found in AV, but ‘chiefest’ occurs 1 S 29 9” 217, 2 Ch 32%, Ca 5°, 2 Mac 134, Mk 10“, 2 Co 115 124 (both ‘very chiefest,’ Gr. brephlav), 1 Ti swbscr. J. HASTINGS. CHILD, CHILDREN (7b:, }2).—The Heb. lan- age has a rich variety of words adapted to the fferent stages by which infancy passes into man- hood and womanhood. This wealth of description indicates the importance of what is described. No word in the Bible contains so much of God’s good- ness and human happiness as is found wrapped up in the word ‘child.’ Most of these associations are common to the human family everywhere and in all ages; some are Oriental, a few are special to Israel. (See BIRTHRIGHT, CIRCUMCISION, RE- DEMPTION.) 4. Children as gifts of God and tokens of divine JSavour.—The desire to possess children has always been a marked feature of Oriental life. Rachel spoke as the mother of her people when she cried, ‘Give me children, or else die’ (Gn 30'). This desire gives their chief value to the tombs of saints and the superstitious shrines of modern Syria. The petition always carries with it a vow to do or ive something in honour of the saint appealed to. n the same way, but with a wiser devotion, Hannah went to the tabernacle of God, and after- wards named her child Samuel (‘God hath heard’), and surrendered him to the Lord’s service (1 S 1" %), To this devout recognition is due the fact that while many names, such as Isaac, Manasseh, Moses, Ichabod, were suggested by some incident or anxiety of the hour, and names of females were often taken from objects of beauty in nature, such as Deborah, Esther, Rhoda, many others con- tained the name of God, or an attribute of God, as Elimelech, Athaliah, etc. So among the Arabs we have Shikri (‘my gratitude’), Saladin (salah- ed-din ‘virtue of religion’),‘Abd-ul- Hamid (‘servant of the Blessed’), Naamat-Ullah (‘grace of God’). For the same reason, Oriental feeling is rather against the observance of birthdays, as it seems to turn the sense of favour into an occasion of feasting. In a life so full of uncertainties, it has always seemed safer to be humbly thankful for a gift than to appear elated by a possession. Nothing is more dreaded or disliked by an Oriental parent than to have a child’s healthy or beautiful appearance com- mented upon without thanks being expressed to God in the same breath. The mention of the divine name is understood to avert the curse of the evil eye. Children are ‘the heritage of the Lord’ (Ps 127°), and in Arabic salutation they are referred to as ‘the guarded ones.’ 2. Parental and filial affection.—Child-life has always been the great emblem of what appeals to human affection and responds to it. ith the young, love, that in the ordinary lives of men is often the hireling of selfish interests, is always a free and tndepentent instinct. The child’s natural assurance that it must be so with all, appears amid sordid commonplaces and surrendered ideals as a remembrancer of Eden, and a type of what the kingdom of God is meant to be (Mt 18? 19%). The Bible is throughout a book for the families of men, and finds the fulfilment of all its teaching in the life of the Sinless Man. Its references, especially to child-life, are so simple and realistic that in read- ing them one forgets the antiquity of the narra- tive. The Land is here in very close affinity with the Book, for the strength of the family affections is the brightest feature of Oriental life. The infant in the ark of bulrushes cries like a child of to-day on beholding the strange face of his deliverer (Ex 2), Again, in 2 K 4! we have a child’s re- peated cry of pain, the instinctive appeal to the father, and the resource of a mother’s comforting and care. Isaiah takes note of the first words a child learns to i (Is 84), and Naaman’s flesh be- comes ‘like the flesh of a little child’ (2 K 51), Solomon reveals his own wisdom in revealing the strain that could be put upon the love even of a degraded mother. David cries over his rebellious et still beloved son, ‘ Would God that I had died or thee!’ (2S 18%), The cruelty to their infants was one of the experiences that made it impossible for the captives to forget Jerusalem (Ps 137%). Such an experience was in its turn the worst thin that could happen to the oppressors of Israe (Nah 3). The transmission of suffering to the innocent of the third and fourth generations was one of the mightiest intimidations of the moral law (Ex 347). Hagar could not bear to sit alone: and watch the last unconscious movements of her dying child (Gn 211%). ‘When my children were 382 CHILD, CHILDREN CHILMAD about me’ (Job 295), was a touching summary of vanished happiness. Amos, seeking to picture the day of ruin that Israel was precipitating by whole- sale corruption, could find nothing more expressive of all that was bleak and bitter and unbearable than ‘ the mourning of an only son’ (Am 8"). It was in such a prepared cradle of family ex- erience, with its tenderest ties of affection, and olds of life’s sweetness and sorrow, that the gospel of the unexpected and unspeakable gift was laid. ‘He gave his only-begotten Son’ (Jn 31%); ‘He spared not his own Son’ (Ro 8%), 3. The importance of the parental position.— Mingled with the natural affection of parents to- wards their children, was the fact that their posses- sion meant increase of dignity, influence, and wealth. This is shown in the preference for male children. In the home-circle, daughters might be as affectionate and as much beloved as sons, but in the expansion and continuance of the family name, in the holding of property, the acquisition of wealth, and generally with regard to worldly prosperity, sons and not daughters were the precious gifts of God. The former especially were the olive-shoots springing up from the roots of the parent stem (Ps 128%). Hence the forfeiture and reproach connected with childlessness, and the rejoicing over a man-child born into the world. In Syria the paternal position is so important that the father usually ceases to be called by his own name, and receives that of his firstborn son, as Abu-Yuseph (‘father of Joseph’). If a middle- aged man has no son, courtesy often gives him a fictitious paternity, and styles him Abu- Abdullah (‘father of ‘Abdullah’). The son might also be known by the father’s name as a sort of surname. Thus David’s full name was David Jesse, or ben- Jesse (‘son of Jesse’). It was quite unusual for the son to receive in circumcision the name of the father until late in Israel’s history (see Gray, Heb. Prop. Names, 2 ff.). The father was still alive, and needed as yet no memorial, but a son often received the name of a grand-parent, to keep alive the name of the departed, and with the name to inherit his gifts and graces of character. The later custom appears in Lk 1 ‘They would have called him Zacharias, after the name of his father.’ The authority of the parents over their children, and over all arrangements for their welfare, was com- plete and far-reaching. One of the commandments was devoted to this relationship, and one of the death-penalties of the law of Moses was to meet the case of filial disobedience (Dt 21%). Hence the solemnity of the charge against Israel (Is 1°), and the deep meaning of the confession, ‘I am no more worthy to be called thy son’ (Lk 15%). 4, Heredity.—Given a life with little change in its outward conditions, and with a law that con- trolled every detail of life, it followed that time would be an intensifier of the parental features. Among the Arabs the epithet ‘dog’ has for its climax ‘son of a dog.’ As one of their proverbs states the problem, ‘If the father be onion and the mother garlic, how can there be sweet per- fume?’ When Saul asked the young slayer of Goliath, ‘Whose son art thou, young man?’ (18 17°°), the question would not only reveal the family of David, but also account in part for the courage he had shown. Hence the incriminations, ‘ Ye are the children of them that killed the prophets’ (Mt 23%); ‘If ye were Abraham’s children, ye would do the works of Abraham’ (Jn 8%) ; and the defence, ‘How can Satan cast cut Satan?’ (Mk 3%), So Ezk 18?, Ac 13” ete. 5. Spiritual sense of father, son, brother.—The use of the word son in a fig. sense carries the three chief meanings of the literal use, namely, (1) affec- tion, (2) obedience, (3) likeness. By these signifi- cations we must interpret ‘sons of the Highest, ‘children of belial,’ ‘son of peace—perdition—dis obedience—the commandment.’ The new creature born of the Spirit receives new preferences and powers for the new life in Christ Jesus. St. Paul speaks of Timothy and Onesimus as his children ; and St. John finds his chief delight in the fact that his children walk in the truth. The Lord’s Prayer is an assemblage of all that the children should be and do and expect in order to please their Father in heaven. In the prohibition, ‘call no man your father upon the earth’ (Mt 23°), the allusion was most likely to a formality of ecclesi- astical homage, like the salutation ‘ Rabbi’ of v.® Among the Syrian Christians it is customary te salute the priest as Abzna (‘our father’). In the East the family is always reckoned from the standpoint of the chief or oldest representa- tive. Those whom he calls children are brethren. Thus the women of Bethlehem said, ‘There is a child born to Naomi’ (Ru 4"). This custom gave a vital and affectionate largeness of meaning to the word ‘brother.’ When Christians seek to realise the brotherhood that belongs to the society of the redeemed, the most effective way is found to be a return to Bible thought and Oriental custom, namely, united service to the Head of the family, devotion to the Lord Jesus Christ. See also FAMILY; and for Children of God see Gop, CHILDREN OF. G. M. MACKIE. CHILEAB (3x52).—The second son of David by Abigail, the wife of Nabal the Carmelite (2S 33). In 1 Ch 3' he is called Daniel, while the LXX in Sam. has Aadoud, which is also given by A in 1 Ch; but B reads Aapmyr. ellh. considers that 2x2 is only a variant for 2153, a bye-form of 35>, and therefore not unsuitable for a descendant of the house of Caleb. A comparison of the Heb text, in which the last three letters of Chileab are repeated in the following word, favours the reading of the LXX, which would correspond to the Heb. mv5q or 17:53 (Delaiah), cf. 1 Ch 3% 2418, Ezr 2°= Neh 783, Neh 61°, Jer 361% 2, J. F. STENNING. CHILION and Mahlon were the two sons of Elimelech and Naomi, Ephrathites of Bethlehem- judah, who migrated asa family into the country of Moab in consequence of a famine ‘in the days when the judges judged’ (Ru 1?), They married women of the Moabites, Mahlon marrying Ruth and Chilion Orpah (Ru 4"), and after a sojourn of ten years in Moabite territory died there. (Chilion= wha ‘wasting away’=Kedawy, Xedkadvy, LXX B. Mahlon=j\onp ‘sickly’=Maadrwrv, LXX, Mahalon, Vulg., as if the Heb. was originally read jon to connect the name with the hiph. ptep. of aby.) Neither of these names occurs elsewhere in the Bible. Jesse is called an Ephrathite of Bethlehem- judah in 1S817!% The two names occur in varying order in Ru 1? and 4°, so that no conclusion can be drawn as to which was the elder. The Targ. on 1 Ch 4” connects them with the Joash and Saraph of that passage. H. A. REDPATH. CHILMAD (7953) occurs in Ezk 27% at the close of the list of nations that traded with Tyre. The name has been thought to be the Aram. form of Charmande, a town on the Euphrates mentioned by Xenophon (Anad. i. 5. 10). George Smith identified Chilmad with the modern Kalwf&dha near Baghdad. The LXX reads Xapudy, which is perhaps the prov. of Carmania in S. Persia. None of these conjectures has much probability. After Asshur (which there is no reason to mop means anything else than Assyria) we sho certainly expect a country rather than a town, and at the Sal of the list an important and well-known ee eae ee es eee ee CHIMHAM CHIUN 383 country. The Targ. seems to have read ‘p53 (‘all Media’). But the best suggestion, after all, ig perhaps that of Joseph Kimchi (adopted by Hitzig and Cornill), who reads the word 19, explaining: ‘[Asshur etc. were] as those accus- tomed to come to thee with their merchandise.’ It is to be noted that the Heb. has no ‘and’ before Chilmad. The whole verse, however, shows traces of textual derangement. J. SKINNER. CHIMHAM (0722, 1793).—Probably the son (cf. 1 K 2’) of Barzillai the Gileadite, who returned with David from beyond Jordan to Jerus. after the death of Absalom (28 19%4). Acc. to Jer 41” (Keré o7n3), C, would seem to have erected a caravanserai near Bethlehem for the benefit of those travelling from Jerus. to Egypt; others suppose that the inn was named after him as the owner of the land, and infer that C. received some land near Bethlehem from David. See BARZILLAI. J. F. STENNING. CHIMNEY.—In Hos 13° ‘as the smoke out of the c.,’ the Heb. is ’drubbah (A274), a lattice, hence a latticed opening in a room whence the smoke escapes. But in 2 Es 6* [all] ‘c.’ is the tr. of Lat. caminus, the very word from which c. comes; and the meaning is not the flue or vent, but the fire- ea or oven, ‘or ever the chimneys in Sion were ot’ (RV, after Syr., ‘or ever the footstool of Sion was established’). This is the oldest mean- ing of the word in Eng., and is found as late as Goldsmith. Cf. Milton, L’Adlegro, 111— ‘ Then lies him down the lubbar fiend, And, stretch’d out all the chimney’s length, Basks at the fire his hairy strength.’ And Goldsmith, Deserted Village, 235— ‘While broken tea-cups, wisely kept for shew, Ranged o’er the chimney, glistened in a row.’ J. HASTINGS. CHINNERETH (n7:2).—A city (Dt 3”, Jos 113, in latter spelt Chinneroth, 19*°) which gave its name to the Sea of Chinnereth (Nu 34", Jos 12° 13?7), the OT designation of the Sea of Galilee. The site of the town is uncertain, but it follows Rakkath even Tiberias), and may have been in the plain of Gennesaret (cf. 1 K 15”). C. R. CONDER. CHIOS (7 Xlos) was a large island which formed of the province of Asia, situated in the Aigean Sea off the Ionian coast, still called Scio oe to the Italian form), about 32 miles ong from N. to S., and in breadth varying from 18 to 8 miles. It is separated from the mainland by a channel of varying width, which at its narrowest (about 5 miles across) is blocked by @ group of small islands. The ship in which St. Paul sailed from Troas to Patara (on his way to Jerus.) passed through this channel as it sailed S. from Mitylene; and it anchored for a night on the Asian coast opposite the island, and thence struck across the open sea S. to Samos (Ac 20"). The voyage of Herod by Rhodes, Cos, Chios, and Mitylene, towards the Black Sea, described by Jos. Ant. XVI. ii. 2, affords an interesting comparison with that of St. Paul. The channel is very picturesque. The chief city of the island, bearing the same name, is situated on ita E. coast, towards the S. end, probably facing the point where St. Paul’s ship lay at anchor. The island is rocky (esp. in the broader N. part) and unproductive, except that it was famous for its wine, and its gum mastic has been a source of trade and profit both in ancient and in modern times. It was one of the seven places that claimed to be the birthplace of Homer; and a much stronger body of tradition speaks in favour of it than for any of the other claimants. Like Cnidus, Cos, Cyzicus, lium, Samos, Smyrna, Mitylene, and many other cities of the province Asia, C. had the rank of a free city, which im- plied merely that in certain respects it was ad- ministered according to native law, while other Asian cities were administered according to Rom. law. W. M. Ramsay. CHISLEY, AV Chisleu (boo, Lexenro’ B, Xacendod A, Neh 1}, Xaceded Zee 74). See TIME. CHISLON (j\bpa ‘strength,’ Xacddv).—Father of Elidad, Benjamin’s representative for dividing the land (Nu 34?! P), CHISLOTH-TABOR, Jos 19!2,—See CHESULLOTH. CHITHLISH (vn2), Jos 15”, in AV Kithlish.— A town in the Shephelah of Judah. The site is unknown. CHITTIM (1 Mac 1 8°) for Krvriat. CHIUN.—Notwithstanding the fact that both Luther and our AV have this word, it has con- tinued, even to our own time, to be an open question among English and German scholars whether }1'3 is @ common or a proper noun. If it were the former, it would signify the litter or pedestal on which the image of a deity was carried in cere- monial processions [see illustrations in Perrot and Chipiez’s Chaldea and Assyria, i. 75, ii. 90]. Ewald maintained this view: ‘113, gestelle, von }.20 stellen mit dem ° als zweitem Wurzellaute.’ W. R. Smith, too, held that a ‘pedestal’ was meant (Prophets of Israel, p. 400). The balance of opinion however, preponderates in the other direction. Chiun is obviously parallel to Siccuth (RV), or rather Saccuth (Assyr. Sak-kut): if the one is the name of a deity, so is the other. Moreover, it would be very strange if the prophet spoke of the litter rather than of the god carried on it. Ka-ai-va-ou (Schrader, KAT p. 443;* cf. SK 1874, p. 327) is the Assyr. name of the planet and planetary deity Saturn, who was credited with malignant influences. In Arab. and Persian, Saturn is called by the same name. Rawlinson, PAwnicia, p. 26, speaking of the immigration of Pheenician tes into the Egyptian pantheon, says that this eity found his way there under the name Ken. The appositional phrase, ‘your star-god,’ falls in perfectly with this interpretation. The evidence of the VSS is discordant. Aq. and Sym. have x.oby [Jer. says chion]. The LXX ‘Paddy, a corruption of Kaddv. The Targ. and Pesh. reproduce the Heb. The Arab. has Raphana; Vulg. imaginem. With regard to the sense of the only passage, Am 5*, where this deity is spoken of, there can be no doubt that it is a threat: ‘But ye shall take up Sakkuth your king, and Kaiv4n [or Kév4n] your star-god, your images which ye have made for ourselves, and I will cause you to go into exile.’ Vellhausen, Die K7. Proph. p. 83, argues that this threat must be a later addition, seeing that the Israelites of Amos’ day were not chargeable with the worship of Assyr. gods. The form of the word has struck many students as anomalous. An ingenious explanation has recently been advanced. After adverting to the fact that its vocalisation is the same as that of Siccuwth [mop, jv3], Dr. C. C Torrey says: ‘It seems to me pretty certain that for the form of these two names in our present text we are indebted to the misplaced wit or zeal of the Massoretes. It is the familiar trick of fitting the pointing of one word to the consonant skeleton * Schrader, in the above-cited passage, states that Sakkut ix another name for Adar or Adrammelech, and that as A-tar= Father of Fate, so Sak-kut=Head of Decision, both words being of Accadian-Sumerian origin. 884 CHLOE CHRISTIAN of another, as in nmjney, ob, nok, and so on. In this case the pointing is taken from the word yipy shiggdz, ‘‘abomination.”’ J. TAYLOR. CHLOE (XAén), mentioned only in 1 Co 1".—St. Paul had been informed of the (cxlcpara) dissen- sions at Corinth brd rév X)dz7s, t.e. prob. by some of her Christian slaves. Chloe herself may have been either a Christian or a heathen, and may have lived either at, Corinth or at Ephesus. In favour of the latter is St. Paul’s usual tact, which would not suggest the invidious mention of his inform- ants’ names, if they were members of the Corinth- ian Church. A. ROBERTSON. CHOBA (Xwf4), Jth 4*. Chobai (Xwfat), Jth 1545, maleeed with Damascus.—Perhaps the land of opah. CHOKE.—Death by drowning is not now de- scribed as ‘ choking’; so in Mk 5" ‘the herd... were choked in the sea,’ Amer. RV changes ‘choked’ into ‘drowned’; but RV retains, to pre- serve uniformity in tr. of rvlyw. ‘ Choking’ occurs Sir 51‘ ‘ from the c. of fire’ (4rd rvvypod rupés). J. HASTINGS. CHOLA (Xw\d).—An unknown locality men- tioned in Jth 154, CHOLER (Gr. xodépa, Lat. cholera), bile, is used in Sir 31” 37 in the sense of a disease, ‘ perhaps cholera, diarrhea’—Ozf. Eng. Dict. (xorépa, R *colic’); and in Dn 87 11" in the sense of bitter ene (72). Both meanings are old, and belonged indeed to the Lat. cholera as early as the 3rd and 4th cent. J. HASTINGS. CHORAZIN (TR Mt 117! Xopatty, Lk 10 Xwpatty ;s TTrWH always Xopafelv).—A town situated at the N. end of the Sea of Galilee on the W. of the Jordan. The meaning of the name is uncertain. It was a ‘city’ (dds), and therefore possessed a synagogue, Our Lord laboured in it, as is shown by His mention of it in Mt 117, Lk 10%. It is not mentioned in Josephus, but the Jewslong after the time of Christ praised the superior quality of its wheat (Bab. Tal. ‘Menahoth’ 85 A). Jerome (c. A.D. 400) locates it at two miles from Capernaum, but says that it was deserted. Beyond these meagre notices the place has no history. Thomson (1857) found a ruin called Kerazeh, which from its location and the correspondence of names he thought was the site of Chorazin. Wilson (1866) examined and described the remains at this place, and confirms the identificution of Thomson. This view is now generally accepted. The ruins are of some import- ance, the entire stonework, walls, columns, and ornamentation being composed of black basalt rock. A short paved road ran from the town to the great caravan road leading past the Sea of Galilee to Damascus. S. MERRILL. CHORBE (Xopfé, AV Corbe), 1 Es 5!=Zaccal, Ezr 2°, Neh 7}4, , CHOSAMAUS.—In 1 Es 9” Siuwr Xocapatos A, or Xocdyaos B, takes the place of jiyny, the reading of the parallel passage Ezr 10% (see SIMEON, No. 2). It is not improbable that the Gr. reading is due to a copyist’s error, especially seeing that the three proper names that follow Simeon in the text of Ezra are omitted in 1 Es. J. A. SELBIE, CHRIST.—See JEsuS CHRIST, and MESSIAH. CHRISTIAN (Xpioriavds, Ac 11% 2678, 1 P 416),— The name borne by the ‘ followers of Christ’ in all @ges and countries from NT times. I. Place and date of origin.—According to the account in Ac 11% the first to have the name applied to them were the members of the church at Antioch. This fact is especially mentioned by the author of the Acts in a manner which shows that he attached great significance to it. The evangelising work in the city of Antioch waa being carried out by men of eats and Cyrene (i.e. by Hellenists), and though perhaps not directed to Gentiles who had no previous con- nexion with the synagogue (for we can scarcely substitute “EAAnvas for “E\Anvords in face of the MS evidence; see Westcott and Hort, N.7. in Greek, Introd. ad loc.), yet on more liberal lines than hitherto. In Antioch, too, was established the first considerable church outside Palestine. The mother-church of Jerus. was not slow to recognise the importance of these events. Barnabas was sent to guide and control the new community, and the result of a year’s work in co-operation with his chosen partner, Saul, was that they s tant a great multitude, and the disciples were called Christians first in Antioch.’ e cannot fix exactly the date of this ‘whole year’ (v.), but it is certainly before the Herodian persecution of 44, and, to judge from the expressions of v.?” 12! (ép TavTats Tais Huepats, Kat’ éxeivoy Tov Kaipdv), not ve long before it; perhaps between 40-44, whic leaves room for the possibility that the words ris éyévero ert Kiavélov, ‘which came to pass in the days of Claudius,’ in v.% may imply that Agabus’ prophecy was uttered in the reign of Caligula. The objections made to the statement of Ac 1126 are based ultimately upon the theory which discredits the authority of that book as a comparatively late document. If we regard the Acts as the work of St. Luke, the account it gives of the origin of the name ‘Christian’ is invested with the authority of con- temporary evidence, which cannot lightly be set aside on account of Space difficulties. 'The objections which have been raisea on the score of these difficulties may be gathered under three heads. (a) Baur (Paul, His Life and Work, i. 94, footnote, Eng. tr. 1873) says that the termination is Latin, and seems to think that the name arose in Rome. The termination tanus was used in Latin during the time of the civil wars to denote ‘followers of’ (e.g. ‘Cxsariani,’ Hist. Bell. Afr. 13; ‘Pompeiani,’ Cesar, Bell. Civil, iii. 44 et pass.), and acquired this meaning from the adjectival sense ‘belonging to,’ which the form already possessed, although it was very seldom used, iF Tamphiliana domus (from ‘Tamphilus’), Nep. Att. xiii. 2; Casarianum bellum, tb. vii. 1; Catoniana familia, Cic. ad Q. Frat. 1v. vi. 5; Miloniana tempora, Balbus ap. Cic. E. a, Att. 1x.7,B2. The adoptive names in -tanusare not parallel because the ‘i’ in these cases belongs to the stem of the gentile name, e.g. Amilianus, Zmilius. So far, then, Baur was justified. The termination -ianus was common in Latin of this period. But as names like Cesariani, Pompeiani, etc., were known and used throughout the whole Rom. Empire, it seems to have become the fashion in Greek-speaking countries also to form other words on the same analogy. Thus (omitting ‘ Herodiani,’ which may have originated in Roman official circles) we find names such as those mentioned in Hegesippus (ap Eus. Eccl. Hist. iv. 22), Liwviavol, Kaproxpatiavol, Qvadrsytinavol, BaoAsidicvol, Laropyi- devoi, The theory that this -s.vos is a native ‘ Asiatic type’ of termination is not borne out by the instances quoted, in which either the ‘i’ belongs to the stem, e.g. ’Aciavés (Acie) Dapdi- ays (Zépdus), or the words are late enough to have been copied from the Latin termination. But the instances quoted above show that, whether derived from the Latin or not, the termina- tion became common enough in Greek, and therefore there is no necessity to ascribe to the name Xpiersavés @ Roman origin. (b) Hausrath (N.7'. Times: Apostles, ii. pp. 211, 212, Eng. tr. 1895) objects to Ac 1126 that we find no trace of the word ‘Christian’ in contemporary literature until the time of Trajan But until the Neronian persecution the sect car scarcely have attracted much attention in the Roman hterary class, and from the year 64 to the time of Trajan the extant literature is ex- tremely scanty, and so in both cases we are not justified in arguing ex silentio, On the other hand, however, passages in Tacitus and Suetonius furnish us with an indirect argument that the name was known and used in Rome in the year 64. Tacitus (Ann. xv. 44) says, ‘quos... Christianos appellabat. Auctor nominis ejus Christus,’ etc. The imperfect ‘appellabat’ is significant when we remember that Tacitus was probably living in Rome in 64, and an eye-witness of the Neronian persecution. It is quite probable that he is recording a circumstance which he remembered in connexion with these events, viz. that the word ‘Christiani’ was in everybody’s mouth, and he somewhat naturally believed Christ Himself to have been the author (auctor) of the name. Suetonius, writing only a year or two later than Tacitus, also introduces the name ‘Christiani’ into his reference to this persecution (Nere, 16, CHRISTIAN ‘afflicti suppliciis Christiani, genus hominum superstitionis nove ac malefica’). Some have found additional evidence for an early use of the name in the supposed occurrence of the word in an inscription at Pompeii, t.e. dating before a.D. 79. But this inscription (ClJL iv. 679), which is merely a few lines scribbled upon a wall, cannot be deciphered with any certainty. The letters -RISTIANI are fairly plain, and before the R are two faint od gh ea ae strokes, probably II (=E). If they are meant for the horizontal stroke has quite dis- appeared. The drift of the whole inscription is as uncertain as the reading of this word. See V. Schulze in ZKG@ iv. 125 ff. ; Friedlander, Darstellungen aus der Sittengesch. Roma, iii. 645, pn. 8; O. F. Arnold, Neron. Christenverfolg. p. 54. Equally indecisive is the mention of the name in Josephus (Ant. xvii. iii. 3), deivs v6 viv ray Kpsotiavay awd rovds avenac- age etx iwidsrt 76 Qudey. This section is deservedly suspected y the great bulk of modern scholars to be entirely or partly a later forgery. The latest editor, Niese (Flavii Josephi Opera, Berlin, 1892, Introd. to vol. iii.), rejects the whole section as an interpolation. Others (e¢.g.G. A. Miller, Christus bei F’. Josephus) incline to accept a substratum of authentic matter. The pas- sage is not found at all until it occurs in a quotation by Euse- bius (Hist. Eccl. i. 11; Dem. Evang. iii. 5), since whose time the whole is repeated (excepting quite unimportant divergences) in all MSS and other evidence for the text of this part of Josephus’ works. (Besides the books referred to above, see also on this subject O. Arnold, XXX Epistole de F. Josephi testimonio Jesu Christo tribuit, 1661; O. Daubuz, Pro testimonio F. hi de Jesu Christo, 1706; F. H. Schedel, F. Jos. de Jesu Christo testatus, 1840 ; Gieseler, Lehrb. d. Kire. en, Th. Quartalschrift, 1865, 1; Schiirer, € R. A. Lipsius urges the silence of St. Paul’s Epistles, and os eed of the whole body of the earliest Christian literature. e each, 1824, i. 65; JP 1, ii. 143 ff.). regards the Asiatic origin of the name as probable, but is not inclined to date it earlier than the last decade of the 1st cent. But even if we set aside, as he does, the evidence of Acts and 1 Peter, this silence explains itself from the fact that the name arose in non-Christian circles, and was for some time confined to them. II. By whom was the name invented ?—Here we are left without direct evidence. The xpyyuarioa (EV ‘were called’) of Ac 11% might be used in- differently of a name adopted by oneself, or given by others (see Thayer, NJ Lex. s.v.). But there are certain hints which furnish some clues. (a) The Christians do not seem to have used it of themselves, at any rate within the apostolic period. They called themselves ‘the brethren’ (ol dde\gol, Ac 14? 15, Ro 16 etc.), ‘the disciples’ (ol uadyral, Ac 11* 1352 20%), ‘the saints’ (oi dye, Ro 16%, 1 Co 161, Eph 18 etc.), ‘the faithful’ (of wicrol, Ac 10%, 1 Ti 4°13), ‘the elect’ {ol éxdexrol, Mt 247, Mk 13”, 2 Ti 2,1 P 1), ‘the way’ (7 656s, Ac 9? 19% 3 2472), but never ‘Christians.’ In the onl ge in which this is apparently not true (1 416), ‘asa Christian’ is parallel with ‘as a thief,’ ‘as a murderer,’ which shows that the writer is yea for the moment from the point of view of the heathen persecutor. St. Paul (Ac 26”) seems even to avoid using the name ‘Christian,’ which Agrippa had employed, and to substitute for it the periphrasis rorofros diotos cal ¢yd elms. It is not probable, then, that we must look to Chris- tians themselves for the invention of this title. (6) Nor is it much more probable that the Jews invented it. The only direct name by which they call the Christians in NT is that of Nagwpatou, ‘ Nazarenes’ (Ac 245). Elsewhere they speak of them as # alpeois arn, ‘this sect’ (tb. 28%; cf. 244). On one occa- sion, indeed, we find the word in the mouth of the Jewish king Agrippa (Ac 26%). But Agrippa had spent a great part of his life in Rom. circles, and was speaking on this occasion at Czesarea before a Rom. audience. It is too much then to infer from this passage that the word ‘Christian’ was in use among the Jews. On the other hand, there is a strong @ priors improbability that the Jews, even in irony, would call the new sect ‘followers of the Messiah, the Anointed One’ (4 Xpiorés). (c) More probably it is to the heathen populace of Antioch that we must look for the origin of the name. It was amongst the populace (‘vulgus,’ in toc. cit.) that Tacitus’ attention was drawn to the word in Rome. It was (next to the Jews) the heathen populace whose notice was first attracted VOL. I.—26 CHRISTIAN by the Christians. And their notice was attracted to them as the preachers of one Christos. This name was always on their lips. It was the name in which they were baptized (Ac 2® 81° 10%, Ja 27*). It is not surprising, then, that the Antiochenes, hearing that this Christos had been alive not more than fifteen ears before, should call his followers the Xporiavol, e must, however, leave room for the possibility that the word may have originated in the Latin-speaking suite of the legatus, 1.e. in the official class, though not necessarily as an official name. Though we hear of nothing which would bring the Christians prominently before this class in Antioch, as happened in other towns, yet, in our complete ignorance of the relations between the Christians and this official class in Antioch at the time, this might easily be the case without our knowing anything of it. Ill. Early spread of the name.—We must be on our guard against overestimating the attention which the Christian body attracted in Antioch at the time when the name wasinvented. The &y)os lxavés, ‘much people,’ of Ac 11% might be almost unnoticeable in so large a metropolis as Antioch, and the arrival of another new teaching would easily escape observation in a great centre of thought, where all the religions of the world jostled with one another. St. Luke, writing at a time when the name had become famous, assigns to its origin an importance reflected from its later history. He is writing also from within the Christian circle, to which the name would be familiar long before its application became general. But though confined, it may be, in its beginnings to that quarter of the city where the Christians had settled, it must have spread very quickly beyond Antioch to all parts of the empire whither Christianity had made its way. Less than twenty ears after its birth we hear it mentioned in the om. official circle at Caesarea as a familiar word, whose signification was too well known for it to need introduction or explanation (Ac 26%). A year or two later it is in common use among the popu- lace of Rome (Tac. Joc. ctt.), and not far from the same date St. Luke indirectly implies that the name has become famous (1178). St Peter, writing probably between 64-67 from Rome to the Christian communities in Asia Minor (1 P 5" 1"), assumes that it is quite well known over all that district (ib, 4/5), From the correspondence between the younger Pliny and the emperor Trajan in 112-113 we find that it is by that time equally familiar to members of the official bodies in Rome and Bithynia. Finally, in the 1 pene Epp.» written in the first or at the beg. of the second decade of the 2nd cent., we find for the first time that the Chris- tians have accepted the name and use it amongst themselves (e.g. Eph. 114, Rom. 3, Loleep 7). IV. Significance of the name.—St. Luke evidently wishes to connect the origin of the name with the final departure of Christianity from merely Jewish ideals and the dawning consciousness of this fact in theGentile mind. It is then fair to ask, ‘ What were the distinctive marks of the new sect to those who first used the word Christian?’ If it did not originate as a sarcastic jeu d’esprit, it very soon came to be used with a contemptuous signification. It occurs with an ee of scorn in the mouth of Agrippa, ‘With but little persuasion thou wouldest fain make me a Christian ’ (Ac 26%). * Many editors take this passage as a direct allusion to the name ‘Christian.’ The expression +3 évoed tives ial tive xaAsiv is @ Hebraism which occurs many times in the LXX. The Heb. equivalent denotes that the person whose name is ‘called over’ a thing possesses the rights of ownership in it. See esp. 28 1228 ‘Lest I take the city, and my name be called upon it’ (RVm), and the note of Driver, ad loc (Heb. Text of Sam.). The allusion in Ja 27 is, then, more correctly referred te baptism in the name of Christ (see Mayor, Ep. af St. James, ad loc.). See also art. Carn. 586 CHRISTOLOGY From 1 P we learn that in heathen mouths ‘ Chris- tian’ was practically equivalent to ‘malefactor’ (425118 Vet. 213 '318): hat were the reasons for this ae and contemptt They were perhaps mainly our. (a) The object of the Christians’ worship was a crucified may:, ‘unto Jews a stumbling-block, and unto Gentiles foolishness’ (1 Co 1%). Compare the contempt expressed in the Palatine graflito, probably of the 2nd cent., representing a Christian worshipping a crucified man with an ass’s head. (6) The Christians themselves were ‘not many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble’ (2b.%), but ‘base’ and ‘despised’ (16.4). peny of them were slaves (Eph 6°, Col 3, 1 P 2'8, 1 Co 7#). (c) There was much in heathen social life which, even if innocent in itself, suggested associa- tions offensive to Christian scruples (1 P 4* 4, 1 Co 81-8, Ro 141-3), Again, it must have caused many heart-burnings and domestic strifes when the new religion made its way into families. Hence arose the hatred of Christians as morose and unsociable Puritans. (d) Besides merely holding aloof from heathen gociety, Christians were fearlessly outspoken in condemnation of its vices and idolatry (Eph 2)? 49 Ro 118-53), The secret consciousness that such condemnation was not at bottom unfounded, em- bittered the heathen world still more against its self-constituted censors. From this hatred it was but a short step to the fabrication of slanders (1 P 2" 316), and such charges found a shadow of support in the mystery with which the Christians invested their acts of worship. At the same time the proofs of their world-wide organization gave them the aspect of a secret society banded together against the religion and manners of the day. Somewhat later in the corrupted form ‘Chres- tianus’ the Apologists applied the word to themselves as tis “good ’ (xpyorol). The word Xpiorés, though known to the Greeks as an ad- jective, was not used as a proper name except to translate the Hebrew ‘ Messiah.’ Xpyords, on the other hand, was a tolerably familiar name. Hence arose the corruption (probably towards the middle of 2nd cent.) into Xpyoriavol. Suetonius (Claud. 25) uses ‘Chrestus’ for ‘Christus’; but there is no evidence that he connected the name with ‘ Chris- tiani,’ which appears (ero, 16) without any variant reading ‘Chrestiani.’ It appears as ‘Christiani’ also in Tacitus and Pliny (doc. cit.). Justin Martyr plays on the double name (Ap. i. 55 A), Scov ye éx rod dvéuaros rods Karnyopobyras maddov Koddferv bdelrere. Xpiocriavol yap elvar xarnyopovuea* rd dé xenorby puccioba ob Slkavov. Cf. Tert. Ap. 3, ‘cum et perperam Chrestianus pronuntiatur a vobis (nam nec nominis certa est notitia penes vos) de suavitate et benignitate compositum est.’ LrreraTurs.—R. A. Lipsius, Uber den Ursprung und dltesten Gebrauch des Christennamens, 1873; Zeller, Bibl. Wérterbuch a.v. ‘Christ’; Lightfoot, Apost. Fathers, 1889, Ignatius, i. pp. 415-419; Keim, Aus dem Urchrist. Essay vi., Fragmente aus der rom. Verfolgung, § 1, ‘Das neronische Verbrechen und der Christenname’ ; C. F. Arnold, Neron. Christenverfolg. ; Ramsay, Church in Roman Empire (passim). S. C. GAYFORD. CHRISTOLOGY.— The purpose of this article is to reproduce the conception of Himself and of His relation to God left by Christ in the minds of His earliest followers; and then to estimate the truth and worth of this conception. For this inquiry, we fortunately have, in the NT, abund- ant materials. We there find various, and in reat part independent, witnesses speaking to us rom the first and second generations of the fol- Jowers of Christ, and comprising some who stood :n close relation to Him. i. 1. The undiyputed and well-attested genuine- ‘CHRISTOLOGY ness of some of the Epistles of St. Paul, and the preven genuineness of the others, make these the est starting-point for our inquiry. For in them we have a secure platform on which we may stand firmly, and from which we can survey the entire evidence. We shall then consider the Synoptic oerel and the writings attributed to the Apostle ohn. Throughout his Epistles we notice the profound reverence with which St. Paul bows before Christ as in the presence of One incomparably greater than himself or the greatest of men. There is no con- arison of Christ with other men, and no trace of ainiliarity, or of that sense of equality, which no differences of rank or ability can altogether efface. But there is everywhere a recognition of the honour of being a servant, or indeed a slave, of so glorious a Master. sit. Paul speaks of Christ, eg. in Ro 14 5%, 1Co 1°, Gal 44, as the Son of God, using this term as « title of honour distinguishing Him even from ths adopted sons of God. In Ro 8%, and again in v.®2, he calls Him God’s own Son whom He sent into the world and gave up on behalf of us all. This last passage suggests a comparison with a human father who gives up to peril or death his own son to save others who are not his sons. And this comparison dominates the whole teaching of St. Paul and of the NT about the death of Christ. It implies that Christ is the Son of God in a sense not shared by other men. Now the word son suggests derivation of one person from another. And the term Son of God given to Christ as a mark of honour, distingwishing Him from all others, suggests irresistibly that He is derived from the Father, but in a manner differing in kind from hae by which we sprang from the Creator’s ands. In Ro 3% St. Paul teaches that God gave up Christ to die in order to harmonise with His own justice the justification of those who believe in Christ. This implies, not only that among a race of sinners Christ is sinless, but that in moral worth He is equal to the whole race for which He died. In Ro 5 Christ is contrasted with Adam as the second and greater Head of the race. This gives to Him a unique superiority to all the generations of men. In Ro 2! we read that ‘God will judge the secret things of men through Jesus Christ’ ; and in 2 Co 5” St. Paul writes that himself and all others ‘must needs appear before the judgment-seat of Christ.’ Similar teaching is attributed to St. Paul in an address recorded in Ac 17°. In 1 Th 4% we read that at the voice of Christ the dead will rise; and in Ph 3” that by His mighty power He will transform the lowly hodias of His servants into the likeness of His own glorious body. In Col 116, a document which we may accept with complete confidence as written by St. Paul, we read that in Christ, and through His agency, and for Him, all things, even the successive ranks of angels, were created ; that He is earlier than all things ; and that in Him all things have their unity, or ‘stand together.’ All this proves decisively that, in the eyes of the pupil of Gamaliel, the Carpenter of Nazareth stood infinitely above men and angels, in a position of unique dignity and unique nearness to God. This must be accepted as well-attested historical fact. 2. We turn now to another group of documents differing widely from the Epistles of St. Paul, the Synoptic Gospels. These were accepted without a shadow of doubt in the latter part of the 2nd cent. all round the Mediterranean as written by the Apostle Matthew, and by Mark and Luke, friends of apostles. The First Gospel, as the farthest removed from the theological standpoint ' the Parable of the eee ee ee” ee ee oe ee re CHRISTOLOGY of St. Paul, is specially valuable in the inquiry before us. Throughout the Synoptic Gospels we find Christ making for Himself claims corresponding to the homage constantly paid to Him in the Epistles of St. Paul. In Mt 5!’ the young Teacher from Naza- reth announces that He has come, not to annul the law and the prophets, but to complete and fulfil. In ch. 117” He asserts that He alone and those taught by Him know God. He calls to Him- self all the weary and heavy-laden, and promises to give them rest by laying upon them His yoke. Yet He speaks of ieee as meek and lowly of heart. And no one resents these strange assertions as involving undue assumption. As in the Epistles of St. Paul, so in the Synoptic yee Christ is called, in a special sense, the Son of God. This title is given to im by a voice from heaven at His baptism, in Mt 3”, Mk 1", Lk 3”; and His claim to it is the question at issue in His temptation. The same august title is, as narrated in Mt 16", given to Him by St. Peter, and is accepted by Christ at an important turning-point of His teaching. Its meaning is expounded by Christ in ineyard in Mt 218-41, Mk 12), Lk 2096; where, er the ill-treatment of his servants, the master sends his son, thinking that, whatever the vinedressers have done to them, they will reverence him. Christ here claims to be as much above the prophets of the Old Covenant, above Moses and Isaiah and John the Baptist, as the master’s son is above the highest of his ser- vants. The same contrast is found in He 358, where Moses is called a faithful servant in the household, and Christ a Son over the household. That this comparison is found in these four docu- ments, one of them so different from the others, reveals its firm place in the thought of the apos- tolic Church. It implies clearly that, to the writer’s thought, Christ’s relation to God, in virtue of His derivation from Him, differs in kind from that of even the greatest of men. As recognised by St. Paul, but more conspicu- panty, Christ claims in Mt 7% 13! 1627 2551-45, and in the parallel passages, that in the great day He will sit upon a throne and pronounce judgment on all men; while the angels do His bidding as His servants, This teaching raises Christ as much above the rest of mankind as the undee who sits in dignity on the bench is above the criminal who stands at the bar. 3. Another marked type of NT teaching is found in the Fourth Gospel, which a unanimous tradi- tion, reaching back to the 2nd cent., and supported by powerful internal evidence, attributes to the beloved Apostle John. In it we have teaching of Christ given, apparently, not as in the Synoptic Gospels to the many, but to a favoured few, and of the utmost value. Christ is here represented as making for Him- self claims practically the same as those recorded in the Synoptic Gospels. In Jn 757% He bids all the thirsty to come to Him and drink; and de- clares that they who believe in Him shall them- selves become fountains of living water. He calls Himself in 8}? 95 ‘ the light of the world’; and in 1041-16 ‘ the good Shepherd ’ of the ‘one flock.’ In 10” He asserts, ‘I and the Father are one.’ In 11* He calls Himself ‘the Resurrection and the Life’ ; and in 14° claims to be the only way through which men can come to God. In close harmony with the Epistles of St. Paul and the Synoptic Gospels, Christ speaks of Himself in Jn 5” 9 ll4as the Son of God. The same title is in ch. 1%: “ given to Him by the Baptist and by Nathanael. In ch. 31% 38 Christ claims to be the only-begotten Son. The same term is found in 1 Jn 4°, and a similar one in Jn 1 ¥*, CHRISTOLOGY 387 In Jn 5” Christ asserts that ‘the Father has given all the judgment to the Son, in order that all men may honour the Son according as the honour the Father’; and that an ‘hour comet when all that are in the graves will hear his voice and will go forth, they who have done the good things to a resurrection of life, and they who have done the bad things to a resurrection of judgment.’ In Jn 10* 58 the enemies of Christ assert that by speaking of God as His ‘own Father,’ Christ was making Himself God, or equal to God. This equality is involved in 5! ‘whatever things he does, these also the Son does in like manner’; in 14° ‘he that hath seen me hath seen the Father,’ and in ch. 16% ‘all things, so many as the Father hath, are mine.’ In close harmony with Col 126, we read in Jn 1? ‘all things through his agency came into being, and apart from him came into being nothing which hath come into being.’ This careful repetition of a word denoting to begin to be isa marked contrast to v.1 ‘in the beginning was the Word.’ Sov." ‘the world through his agency came into being.’ In Jn 20%, in view of the pierced hands and side of the Risen One, Thomas accosts Him as ‘my Lord and my God.’ This supreme honour Christ accepts. It is given to Him, in express words, by the evangelist in Jn 1’, where we read ‘the Word was God.’ The assertion immediately following, that through His agency all things were made, compels us to accept this term as involving the infinite attributes of deity. Similar honour is paid to Christ in the Book of Revelation. In Rev 5° we see Him in the midst of the throne as a slain lamb, an object of worship and lofty praise to those nearest the throne, and to every creature in heaven and earth and sea. Yet the interpreter angel twice (19! 22°) refuses worship from John, saying, ‘ worship God.’ ii. It is now evident that throughout the various documents and types of thought contained in NT we have one harmonious picture of the dignity of Christ. In the Epistles of St. Paul we noticed the rofound reverence with which he bowed before hrist as in the presence of One far greater than himself or the greatest of men, and we found a complete counterpart to this reverence in the lofty claims which in each of the four Gospels He is recorded to have made for Himself. In all these documents the title Son of God is claimed by Christ, of is given to Him, as a title of unique dignity, and as noting a unique relation to God. The meaning of this title is determined by the Parable of the Vineyard recorded in each of the Synoptic Gospels, by the term only-begotten Son in the Fourth Gospel and in the Ist Ep. of St. John, by St. Paul’s appeal to the love of God manifested in the gift o His own Son to save men, and by the contrast in the Epistle to the Hebrews between Moses, a faithful servant, and Christ the Sonof God. This agreement, in writers so various, leaves no room to doubt that, as matter of historical fact, this title, and in this sense, was actuall given to Christ by His earliest followers. It is equally clear that they looked upon Him as the designated Judge of the world. e have also seen that the two greatest writers of NT looked upon Christ as earlier than the universe, and as the Agent through whom it was created. One writer ives to Him the supreme title God, and records is own earlier acceptance of the same. iii. In this harmonious account, by various writers, of the dignity of Christ we notice marks of develop- ment. In the Synoptic Gospels we find it in ita most rudimentary form ; in the Epistles of St. Paul it is more fully developed ; in the Fourth Gospel the development is complete. Even within the writings of St. Paul, and again within the Fourth 388 CHRISTOLOGY - CHRISTOLOGY Gospel, we notice development. In 1 Co 8° we read of ‘one Lord, through whom are all things’ ; and in Col 12% 1’, written in the mature thought of St. Paul’s first imprisonment, we read that the Soa existed before all creatures, and that through His agency even the successive ranks of angels were created,—a thought much in advance of any- thing in his earlier Epistles. Very much in advance of Christ’s teaching about Himself before His death, are the exclamation of Thomas, and Se ea of the evangelist that ‘the Word was God. It is worthy of note that this development proceeds always on the same lines, that whatever we read about Christ in the Epistles of St. Paul, and indeed in the Fourth Gospel, is either a necessary inference from the teaching of Christ about Himself in the First Gospel, or is needful in order to give to that teaching unity and intelli- ibility. Between the accounts of the dignity of hrist given by the different writers of NT there is no contradiction. They differ only in their degree of definiteness and completeness. Indeed there is much greater difference between Mt 19!” and 28 and between Jn 1! and 14% than between the teaching of the First Gospel, taken as a whole, and that of the Fourth. Possibly, the more fully developed teaching of the Epistles of St. Paul and of the Fourth Gospel about the Son of God may, in its literary form, have been influenced by Gentile modes of thought and expression. Certainly, St. Paul’s modes of thought and expression were moulded by his Gentile sur- roundings. But the complete harmony of all NT writers about the Son of God, and the infinite gulf which separates their teaching from all other earlier or contemporary teaching, leave no room for sub- stantial contributions from sources external to Israel. Contemporary Greek or Oriental thought does little or nothing to elucidate the teaching of NT about the Son of God. iv. The eee | adduced and expounded above involves a new and definite conception of God. For the assertions of Christ in the NT are equivalent to a claim to share with the Father the infinite attributes of deity ; and the contrast between Him who was with God in the beginning and the universe which sprang into being by His agenc A suggests irresistibly that, whereas even the bre t ones of heaven began to be, He exists, as a person distinct from the Father, from eternity. Faint indications in the OT of a plurality of ersons in the Godhead have been pointed out. But they are dim and uncertain. The definite and complex and yet harmonious conception of God, which underlies the teaching about Christ of the various writers of NT, is altogether different from every conception of God set forth in the entire literature of the world, except so far as later literature has been moulded by Christian teaching. It is a matter of simple historical fact that the NT embodies a complete revolution in man’s thought about God. This new and complex metaphysical conception of God has survived to our day, and has been in all es the deep conviction of an immense majorit of the followers of Christ, and esp. of nearly a those who have done most to spread His name and influence. We hear much about theological differences between contending Churches and schools of Christian thought. Far more wonder- ful than these differences is the agreement of the mass of the servants of Christ about the dignity of their Master, and about His relation to Goan Of this agreement, the various Creeds and Confessions of the various Churches are decisive roof. The so-called Nicene Creed is accepted by both Greek and Romar Churches, and even by the Armenian Church, which rejected the subsequent Definition of Chalcedon. Even this wide agree- ment is not the whole. While rejecting much of the teaching of the Church of Rome, the German and Swiss and Eng. Reformers clung tenaciously to the doctrine of the Son of God embodied in the Nicene Creed. It is to-day the deep conviction of both Anglicans and Nonconformists in England and of the various Churches in America. In other words, the remarkable agreement of the various writers of NT about the dignity of Christ finds a complete counterpart in the wonderful agreement of an immense majority of His followers in all ages and nations. v. Of these well-attested historical facts, only three explanations are possible. It ey be suggested that Christ was Himself in error. If so, the greatest religious teacher the world ever knew, the author of a religious impulse which has changed and raised human thought and life, was in deep error touching the nature of God and touching His own relation to God; and His error has been shared by nearly all those who have done most for the religious life of men. If this be so, the Light of the World was, and they to whom He has been the Light of Life are, in deep dark- ness. So absurd a suggestion is not worthy of a moment’s consideration. The only remaining alternative is either that Christ is in very truth what the various writers of NT represent Him as claiming to be, and being, or that His immediate followers, those who gained for Him the homage of succeeding ages, and through whom He became the Saviour of the world, misunderstood altogether the teaching of their Master about Himself and about God, and made for Him, and represented Him as makin for Himself, claims which He would have rejosted with horror as blasphemous. This hypothesis pes us to believe that the various and very different writers of NT, including a friend and colleague of the murderers of Christ, fell into the same error, and adopted the same complicated metaphysical conception of God therein involved. Nay, more. It requires us to believe that this error survived the theological conflicts of later days, and is now the deep and cherished, but mis- taken, conviction of nearly all those who have done most to spread the name of Christ and the bless- ings of Christianity. This is the easiest alternative ye to those who reject the harmonious teachin; of the NT about Christ and the historic faith o the Church of Christ. vi. One more difficulty remains. Not a few intelli- gent and educated men who pay homage to Christ as the greatest of men refuse to accept as correct the portrait of Him givenin NT. If this portrait be incorrect, these men have detected an ancient and serious error, and have restored to the civilised world the true conception of God. We expect to see in them as a fruit of their important discovery some moral and spiritual superiority to those who are still held fast by the great delusion. We look in vain. They who deny the divinity of Christ have done very little to carry the gospel to the heathen, to rescue the perishing at home, or to help forward the spiritual life of men. On the other hand, if the confident belief of tha apostles and of the mass of Christians in all ages be correct, the facts of modern Christendom are explained. If Christ be the only-begotten Son of God, His birth was by far the greatest event in the history of our race, and Himself infinitely greater than the greatest of men. We wonder not that His advent was a new era in human thought and in history, and that the Christian nations enjoy to-day a position of unique superiority to all others. The precise relation of the Son to the Father , “ 1 CHRONICLES, I. AND IL. CHRONICLES, I. AND IL. 389 belongs to the domain of systematic doctrinal theology. The various yet harmonious Veaclithg of NT implies that the Son is, in a real and lorious sense, equal to, yet personally distinct Tom, subordinate to, and one with, the Father. But this mysterious subject lies beyond the scope of this article. It has been sufficient for our purpose to show that the various and very different writers of NT ive one harmonious account of the dignity of hrist and of His relation to God, that this con- ception has been in all ages the deep conviction of the mass of His followers, and that this remarkable unanimity, ancient and modern, can be explained nly by the truth of the conviction so widespread and so firm. This important result of our examination of documentary evidence receives wonderful con- firmation from the direct inward moral and spiritual effects of the doctrine expounded above. In all ages the vision of the Son of God, divine yet human, has been a powerful stimulus to every kind of excellence, an encouragement in conflict, a joy in sorrow, and the Light of Life under the Cmte of death. The moral helpfulness of this vision is & sure witness that the vision itself is an appre- hension of objective reality. J. AGAR BEET. CHRONICLES, I. and II.—PosITIon In CANON.— The name Chronicles is given, in the English Bible, to two books written in historical form, which immediately follow 1 and 2 Kings. In the LXX their position is the same. This arrangement is due to similarity of contents. Heb. MSSplace them, as one book, in the third division of OT, Kéthibhim (o'3:nz), the Hritings (Hagiographa), either at the beginning (so in the Massoretic lists and in Spanish MSS) or at the end (so in the Talmud, Baba bathra 13b-15, usually in German MSS, and from these in printed Heb. Bibles), rarely in some other ition (e.g. third, after Dn and Ezr, Kennicott ; it is not probable that Jerome (Prol. Galeat.) had MSS authority for placing it third from the end, followed by Ezr and Est). Its position, whether prefixed or affixed to the other Hagio- grapha, is probably due to the late date at which canonical authority was ascribed to it. Exactly when this occurred we cannot say. The historian Eupolemus (c. B.C. 150) seems to have known, not merely the Heb. text, but the LXX translation of Ch, so that it appears to have been reckoned in the Canon not much after B.c. 200, at latest (Euseb. Prep. Evang. ix. 33, 34, cf. 2Ch 2*1°; Freudenthal, Alex, Polyhistor, 108, 119, cited by Schiirer, HJP I. iii. pp. 162, 204). Unity.—It is evident that the two Books of Ch are really one. The narrative is continuous, and the division due only to convenience, like the modern division of a book into volumes. Like the division of S and K, it was made in Alexandria prior to our oldest MSS of LXX, passed through the LXX into the Vulg. and the modern versions, including the Eng., appeared in Heb. in the printed text of the Bomberg Bible (1521), and is now customary in printed Heb. Bibles. The Books of Ezr and Neh form a continuation of the same work, by the same hand, and might with pro- priety be entitled 3 Chronicles, or included under the one name of Chronicles (see EZRA AND NEHEMIABR). NAmE.—The name of Chronicles in Hebrew is Dibhéré Hayydmim (0°27 7127), a phrase occurring frequently in K and Ch with the meaning annals, or records of such and such a king (lit. the acts of the days of, etc.). The LXX (followed by the Vulg.) adopted the name Téa Ilapademéueva, of doubtful meaning ; the usual interpretation is of things passed over, by Sam. and ings, but this does not explain the present tense of the participle. The Eng. name Chronicles is a fairly good trans- lation of the Heb. name. It can be traced back to Jerome (Prologus Galeat.; introduction prefixed to his trans. of S and K): ‘Septimus [liber] Dabre Ajamim (o' 37), id est verba dierum, quod significantius Xpovxéy totius divine historiz pos- sumusappellare. Qui liber apud nos Ilapadecwopevwy primus et secundus inscribitur’ (Migne, Hieron., ed. Vallarsi, ix. 554). CONTENTS.—The period embraced in Ch extends from Adam to the Restoration of the Jews under Cyrus. (1) 1 Ch 1-9 contain chiefly genealogies (begin- ning ‘Adam, Seth, Enosh’), coming down through Noah’s sons, and then particularly through the line of Shem to Esau and Israel and their sons, with their descendants. The last twelve vv. of ch. 1 contain a list of Edomitish kings and chiefs. In the various genealogies many problems arise, due in part to defective text, in part to lack of completeness in the tables, in part to a confusion between names of persons and names of places and peoples. Brief narratives, from various periods, are interspersed among the genealogies (e.g. 2% 49- 10. 89-48 59. 10. 18-22, 25.26) The last genealogy in this collection, 9°“! (repeated, with some differences, from 87-8), makes a kind of transition to the following section. (2) a. 1 Ch 10-29 are concerned with David’s reign, the introduction being the last battle and the death of Saul (ch. 10), and the conclusion the accession of Solomon (23! 28° 29"), 6. 2 Ch 1-9 are devoted to Solomon’s reign. c. 2 Ch 10-36 contain the history of the kingdom of Judah down to the fall of Jerus., with the division of the kingdoms as preface, and the Restoration-edict of Cyrus as appendix, or, more exactly, as intro- duction to the history of the Restoration and the early Jewish community given in Ezr-Neh. (On the parallels, see below.) STYLE.—The style of Ch is strongly marked. The genealogical lists, the religious interests, and the edifying tendency of the author (see below) of themselves impart a certain tone to it; thus there is often comparative brevity and lack of precision in describing external affairs, —even such important ones as the temple-building, Sennacherib’s invasion, and the fall of Jerus.,—while pedigrees, speeches, and matters relating to ritual are given at length. Other essential features of it are a peculiar vocabu- lary, peculiar syntactical habits, and noteworthy idiosyncrasies in phraseology (see esp. Driver, LOL 502 tt., and C. C. Torrey, Ezra-Nehemiah). The following words and phrases oceur (in Heb.) only in Ch (incl. Ezr-Neh), and in writings certainly still later (Est, Dn, Ec, Ps-titles) * :— 1. bax howbeit, but, 2 Ch 14 19% 33", Ezr 10%; also Dn 107 2. 2. nax letter, f 2 Ch 30" 6, Neh 27; & 9 65 17-19; also Est 97 29, 3. pax purple, T 2 Ch 2" (Heb. v.®), cf. Aram. xp Dn 57 16 ;_the more common Heb. ]2278 is most frequently late, and occurs in 2 Ch 2% 3%, 4, nisq lands, as a designation of the territory of Israel, f 2 Ch 155; this territory is certainly included (if not solely designated) in Ezr 3° (text dub.) 9! 24, Neh 10°8 (Heb. v.%); even xq: nisqx 1 Ch 132; apm niqy 2 Ch 11; dy qe: 235 wy mbsqen-da 2 Ch 343, (The pl. form mse is chiefly late in all senses. ) 5. yiz, pa byssus, tT 1 Ch 4?! 1577 (but: emend after 2S 614), 2 Ch 2" (Heb. v.38) 34 5"; also Est 1°; it occurs also MT Ezk 27" but del. & Cornill. *In this art. the sign f indicates that ali the passages are cited in which a particular word or phrase occurs. @=Gr, version of LXX. GL=Lucian’s recension. $=Syr. versiow (Peshitta). W=Vulgate. 390 6. 33 spoil, tT 2 Ch 14% 2518 28" Ezr 97, Neh 44 (Heb. 3%) ; also Dn 11% %, Est 93% 15 26, 7. y'29 skilled, skilled (in), tT 1 Ch 15” 257. ® 27%, 2 Ch 343 (other kindred meanings are chiefly late). 8. rlyy'2 fortresses, | 2 Ch 17! 274. 8. ong chosen, | 1 Ch 7” 97 16%; ninq3 id., | Neh 5 CHRONICLES, I. AND IL 10. o''0771 drachme, f Ezr 28=Neh 7”, Neh 77-72 (Heb, 77-71) ; osoax, fT 1 Ch 297, Ezr 877, 11. 2399 midrash, f 2 Ch 13”? 2477, 12. 9°97 how? f 1 Ch 13; also Dn 10" (cf. Aram.). 13. mad $$n praise J”, of technical Levitical function, f 1 Ch 16* % 23% 89 258, 2 Ch 538-18 2019 99% 307, cf. 1 Ch 29%, 2 Ch 20%, Ezr 34+"; may 95n ft Ezr 3”, Neh 543; $n abs., f 1 Ch 23°, 2 Ch 78 84 2318 29% 312, Neh 12%. 14, ny Hiph. reject, t 1 Ch 28°, 2 Ch 11'4 291, 15. 1 come out, appear, of leprosy, f 2 Ch 26", 16. ainanD binders, joints, f 1 Ch 22%, 2 Ch 341), 17. pig Hithp. sq. 329=withstand, f 2 Ch 1378; aq. oy=hold strongly with, 1 Ch 11°, 2 Ch 16°; also Dn 107, 18. agi7=royal power, t 2 Ch 12! 2616; also Dn 11%. 19. mig joy, f 1 Ch 16”, Neh 8”. 20. 2p be sick, t 2 Ch 16” (usually an). 21, oven sufferings, t 2 Ch 24° (pnp, sickness, occurs f Pr 18", 2 Ch 211°). 22. npzbnp division, course (of Levitical and priestly organization), t 1 Ch 238 241 Q6!- 12.19 O71. 1. 2. 2 4. 4. 4 6.6.7, 8. 9, 10, 11, 12.18.1415 Ogi. 18-21 9 Ch Hl gl414 938 B12 2 16, 16.17 354.10 Neh 1138, 28. pp =pious deeds (of men), f 2 Ch 32% 35%, Neh 13%, 24. yi knowledge, 2 Ch 2-12; also Dn 17 and (=mind, thought), Ec 10”. 25. ova ov =day by day (for earlier o\ 0"), f 2 Ch 307, Ezr 34, Neh 8%; ova or> 2 Ch 24"; ova oirny) 1 Ch 12”; ova oF r372 2 Ch 8¥8; ofp of nidy Ezr 34. 26. wmna be genealo ically enrolled, f 1 Ch 4% 617-17 78.4.9. 40 gi.22 9 Ch 1Qi5 3116.17.18.19 zr 269 Neh 7%, Ezr 81-8, Neh 75. 27. jp: Hiph. use the right hand, ¢ 1 Ch 12. 28. 9372p bemantled, f 1 Ch 15” (ef. prob. Aram. 87372 mantle). 29. #32 footstool, f 2 Ch 9'* (cf. NH, Aram.). 30. 5x3, D¥39 oversee, direct ; overseer, director, t 1 Ch 157 234, 2 Ch 22:18 (Heb. vv. 17), 34128, Ezr 3°; also in titles of Pss 4. 5. 6. 8. 9. 11. 12. 13. 14. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 31. 36. 39. 40. 41. 42. 44. 45. 46. 47. 49. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 75. 76. 77. 80. 81. 84. 85. 88. 109. 139. 140; also in title Hab 3”. 81. 2; jn=submit, yield to, t 2Ch 308; nna jn= id., 1 Ch 29%; wyind on jm=give their pledge that they would send away, Ezr 10 ; 5 ab yn; set the heart to (do) a thing, etc., fT 1 Ch 22", 2 Ch 1118, Dn 10”, Ee ]s- 17 721 8 16. 82. voy = appoint, institute, establish (priests, Levites, prophets, ete.), f 1 Ch 6%! (Heb. v.') 151617 1734, 2 Ch 814 98 1125-22 195.8 22! 255 305 317 338 352, Ezr 38, Neh 67 78 12%) 13% (cf. 10%); also Dn ]] 11. 18. 14, 33. (o7Dy, DY, DY) Oy-dy IDY stand on his stand- tng, t.e. in his place, ete., f 2 Ch 30'¢ 345! 351°, Neh 13"; also Dn 88 10; with op for py Neh 98; without vb. Neh 87. 34. abyndb=exceedingly, t 1 Ch 14? 225 2317 293. 25, 2 Ch 12 16%2 1712 2019 268 344, 35. n> 1sy control (=possess) power, be able, f a b inf. 1 Ch 2914, 2 Ch 2° (Heb. v.5); sq. 5 subst. 2 Ch 229; abs. 2 Ch 13%; also abs. Dn 1088 and (axy yia ma) 116; sy alone=have power, be able, f 2Ch 14%, sq. > inf. 2037. 36. ornbyp cymbals, f 1 Ch 13° 1516 19 8 165. 42 251. 6, 2 Ch 5!? 38 29%, Ezr 3, Neh 1277. 37. vey he-goat, f 2 Ch 29%, Ezr 8®; also Dn 8° 5 21 (Aram. 19). CHRONICLES, L AND IL 38. Ww, “Wy of priests and Levites:—ounba ny t 2 Ch 364, Ezr 8% (+on5m) 10°; ondrw t 1 Ch 15%, ‘bq “Wy v.16, 2 Ch 35°; cf. wy of chief musician, — 15” (also ovz>yn Iy) wIpyy 245, and wp IW Is 43”), 39. TivH, ow, and (Ezr 2%=Neh 7%) nin, singer(s), f 1 Ch 6 (Heb. v.18) 9411 t. Ch; Ezr tis M>Neh 7446-78 Kizr 7? 10%) Neh 7#4-12%t; eh. 40. wy alabaster, f 1 Ch 29? (cf. wy, T Est 18, Ca 5"), 41. onyiw porters, gate-men, of temple, etc., a sacred function, fj 1 Ch 97+19t. Ch; Ezr 2% ”= Neh 7* 7, Ezr 77 10%, Neh 7!+7+t. Neh. (The word occurs elsewhere only 2 S 18%—but rd. ryvg, see Driver—and 2 K 7 of porter of a city and a palace.) The following exilic and post-exilic words and phrases are, in the meanings given, characteristic of Chronicles, although not exclusively so :— 1, any possession, 1 Ch 78 97, 2 Ch 11311, Neh 11°; also Ezk 44%: 414 t, Ezr, Ps 28, Gn 178+43 t. Gn, Lv, Nu, Dt, Jos (all P). 2. 131 Niph. f 2 Ch 267; also Is 538, Ps 88°, and (in different senses) Ezk 374, La 3°4, Est 21, 3. 232 common-land, 1 Ch 51° 6 (Heb. v.“)+40t. 1 Ch 6, 13?, 2 Ch 114 31"; also Ezk 45? 485-17 and Nu 35? § 45-7, Jos 147212 +55 (or 59, if vv.% 97 belong to MT) t. Jos 21 (all P). . 4. 019 footstool, T 1 Ch 287; also Is 661, La 2}, Ps $9° 110! 1327. 5. wp nya holy adornment, f 1 Ch 16%=Ps 96%, 2 Ch 2077; also Ps 29? (post-exil. 2). 6. yee great number, f 1 Ch 29%, 2 Ch 11% 31”; also Jer 49°? (v. also re ye 7. 1 kind, sort, t 2 Ch 1614, Ps 144”, 8. pp} refine, Pu. refined, 1 Ch 2818 294; also Is 258, Ps 127; Pi. refine, Mal 3°; Qal id. Job 28! 3677. 9. sp Pi. purify, 2 Ch 29-16-18 345558" Neon 13% 80; also Ezk 39!%, Job 377, Mal 3%; and esp. make or pronounce clean, ceremonially, Ezk 43%, Lv 13°+15 t. P, Neh 12; morally, Ezk 2448 t. Ezk, Lv 16” (P), Mal 3%, Ps 514, Jer 33°; Hithp. purify oneself, 2 Ch 30%, Ezr 6, Neh 12° 137; also Cin 35? (R?), Nu 87, Jos 22, ef. Lv 144 7-8 1. 14. 17. 18. 19. 25. 28.28.31 (al) P), Is 66%. aay purifying, tT 1 Ch 23%, 2 Ch 30, Neh 12"; also Ezk 44*6, Ly 124 5 1.37. 8 ] 42. 23. 92 1518 Nu 69 (all P); p= phger ally pure, clean, 1 Ch 28", 2 Ch 34 917 13"; also Zec 3°55, Job 28%, Ezk 36%, Ex 25" +430 t. Ex, Ly (all P or H). 10. mn overspread, overlay, t 1 Ch 294; also Ezk 131- 11. 12. 14. 15. 1 228, Lv 14%. 43. 48. Ll. arby, s-Sy = according to the 1 Ch 2522366 2 Ch 2318 2618 9927, Jer 5% 3333. 12. 13; Hithp.=give thanks, in ritual worship, t 2 Ch 30” ;=confess, Ezr 10!, Neh 1° 97-8; also Lv 5° 162 26”, Nu 57 (all P or H), Dn 94” (v. also injr.). 13. nivpin_ generations, 1 Ch 1% 57 7% 49 88 9% 34 2631; also Ru 418, Gn.5!4 28 t. Gn, Ex, Nu (all P). 14. 30 writing, t 1 Ch 28, 2 Ch 24 (Heb. v.29) 354, Ezr 2°= Neh 7%, Ezr 47; also Ezk 13°, Dn 10”, Est ]|2 32. 14 48 88. 9. 9. 18 927, 15. byp commit a trespass, 1 Ch 2? 5% 1018, 2 Ch 12? 2616 18 9819. 22 996 307 3644, Ezr 10? 1°, Neh 18 1377 ; also Ezk 14%+6 t. Ezk, Lv 5%+11 t. Lv, Nu, Dt, Jos (all P), Pr 16%; 5yp trespass, 1 Ch 9' 10", 2 Ch 2819 2919 33” 3614, Ezr 92-4108; also Ezk 14%+5 t. Ezk, Lv 5%+11 t. Lv, Nu, Jos (all P), Dn 9’, Job 21% (esp. frequent as cogn. ace. with ?y>). 16. 038 v3 coll.=persons, | 1 Ck 5*; also Ezk 2738, Nu 31%: #. 46 (P); in Gn 95 (P) own vo}=life of man. 17. 223 Niph. be expressed by name, f 1 Ch 12% (Baer ®) 164, 2 Ch 28% 31%, Ezr 87°; also Nu 117 (P), 18. 1py=rise (for earlier oxp, 1 Ch 204 21, Ezr 2% = Neh 7®, Neh’8°;.also Dn 87-25 104 ]]2)* #7428 uidance of, zr 3; also CHRONICLES, lL. aND IL —. ™.21-31 121, Est 44, cf. transition to this usage Ezk 2! 37%, 19. a9yp west, tT 1 Ch 7% 12! 2616 18% 9 Ch 32% 33"; also Is 43° 59, Dn 8°, Ps 75° (Heb. v.”) 10312 20. dy mn ane any the fear of J” came upon, t 2Ch 144 (Heb. v.28) 17° 197 20° (andy ape; ef. jn} ma ~by iansny 1 Ch 1417); elsewhere ~by " a3 55} 1S 117, Job 13", and so of fear of men, or undefined fear, - Ex 1516, Est 817 92 3, 21. bap receive, t 1 Ch 12! 214, 2Ch 2916 Ezr 8”, Pr 19”, Job 2! 10 Est 44 93-27; bapn=be in front of (cf. Aram. 537) Ex 26° 3612 (P). 22. niax yey of heads of families, | 1 Ch 72 6. 10. 18, 28 99 33, 34 152 239. 24 246. 81 9621. 26. 3: 27}, 2 Ch 1? 198 23? 2612, Ezr 15 29 312 42.8 g1 1016 Neh 77% 71 815 1212. 22.23; also Ex 6%, Nu 3126 3278 36!-1, Jos 14! 19° 21)-1 (all P). 23. yv. Hiph. display wickedness, do wickedly, t 2. Ch 20% 22%, Neh 9*; also Job 3412, Ps 1068, Dn 95 11 1270, 24, nby weapon, f 2 Ch 23” 325, Neh 417-3 (Heb. vv.1-17); also Job 3318 36%, Jl 28, cf. id.=shoot, sprout, Ca 433, 25. ‘nypw hear me (in beginning a speech), f 1 Ch 287, 2 Ch 134 15? 20” 281 295; also Gn 235 (hear us), vy.® 1. 18. 15 (all P), The following occur occasionally in pre-exilic literature, but are especially characteristic of Chronicles :— 1. 12x=promise or command sq. inf. 2 8 24" 2 K 8%, but esp. 1 Ch 21” 27%, 2 Ch 8 14 oir 2921- 97. 80 3]4. 11 3531, Neh 9; also Dn, Est, ete. 2. anwx=guilt, wrong-doing, Am 8 (in concrete sense), but esp. 1 Ch 21%, 2 Ch 2418 2810. 18. 18. 18 3923, Ezr 9% 7- 18.15 1010.19; also Ps 698, Lv 4° 5% (P), also (in another sense) Lv 5% (P), 2216 (H), 3. oda m3 house of God, 1 Ch 9": 8 6+ (52 times in Ch, Ezr, Neh); of sanctuary at Shiloh, Jg 1831. 4. 33=¢troop, of divisions of army, Mic 4" (doubtful date), but esp. 1 Ch 74,2 Ch 25% 10. 18 9611), cf, Job 29% (of a marauding band it is both early and late). 5. nbva greatness, 2S 72-%=1 Ch 17% 1%, 1 Ch 29"; also Ps 712! 145 % 5, Est 14 6? 102, 6. ma wI3 seek J” in prayer and worship, Am 546, Hos 10”, Is 9" etc., but esp. 1 Ch 28%, 2 Ch 124 14*-7(Heb. vv.?-5)15? 22 1612 22° 265, Ps 1054=1 Ch 16"; prnby(n) e472 Ch 19° 26530"; mar vy 1 Ch 22", 2 Ch 15'8 208, Ezr 62; onbdxd '1 2 Ch 174 312 348, Ezr 42, 7. jpor= multitude, Jg 47,18 1418 ete. ; but also 2 Ch 138 142° 20? 12.15.24 397; also Ezk, Dn (v. also supr.). 8. mui = be enraged, t 2 Ch 26-19; ny rage,f 2 Ch 16 28°; also tpeet) Is 30”, Mic 7°, Pr 19%, and (raging of sea) Jon 1. 9. 139 locust, grasshopper, Nu 13° (JE), but esp. 2 Ch 7, Ly 117(P), Is 40”, Ec 12°. 10. dh calendar month, merely numbered (not named), 1 K 12% 8, Jer 1° etc., esp. 1 Ch 12% Q7?. 8. 4, 5. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 18. 14. Leh 2 Ch 8 4 12t. 2 Ch, Ezr 3'+10t. Ezr, Neh 77 8214, Ezk 24! 321, Lv 16+ oft. P, Hag 11-38, Zec 1! 71-3, Est 3! ete. ll. ajn=seer, Am 7"; Mic 37 etc., 2S 24"=1 Ch 21°, and esp. 1 Ch 25° 29”, 2 Ch 9% 1215 192 2925. 30 3318. 19 3515, 12. pip Hithp.=strengthen oneself, 1 S 308 (‘nna mm2), 2S 3°, 1 K 20”, but esp. 2 Ch 1? 12)8 1371 171 214 231 25" 27, 158 (=take courage), Ezr 7% (=gain strength); also Dn 10 (id.); =put forth one’s strength, Gn 487, Nu 13” (both JE), Jg 20”, 1S 47, 2S 10%, but also 1 Ch 19%, 2 Ch 32° (v. also supr.). 13. mysn clarion, as sacred instrument, f 2 K 124, but esp. (for use by priests only) 1 Ch 138 1516. 24. 28 16 SheF 2 Ch 5. $. 13 1312- 14 2028 9976. 27. 5 Ezr 3, Neh 12%: 41; also Ps 98° and Nu 16% +5 6 391 78-910 316 (all P); .xsn vb. denom, Pi. and Hiph. sound a clarion, f 1 Ch 15%, 2 Ch 53-18 78 1314 2928, 14, 17; Hiph.=praise, of ritual worship, 2S 22” = Ps 18°=108'; also Is 124 251, but esp. Ps (67 t.) CHRONICLES, L. AND IL and 1 Ch 163+ 7. 8. 34. 35. 41 9330 258 2933, 2 Ch 513 78. 20" 31°, Ezr 34, Neh 117 12%; ajia=thank- afering, Am 4°, 2 Ch 291-81 3316; also Ps, Jer, and P. 15. 32; adj. right (hand), 1 K 68 7®, 2 K 11"; also 1 K 72=2 oh 317 Keré, 2 Ch 4° 230 Ezk 48 Keré, 47-2, Ex 29°+8 t. P. 16. p> Hiph. set up, prepare, ete. 28 5, 1 K 2% etc., but esp. 1 Ch 14? 287, 2 Ch 121 175+ 36 t. Ch. 17. 037 gather, ¢ Is 28% (Hithp.), but also 1 Ch 227, Neh 12“; also Ezk 227! 39%, Ps 337 1472, Est 416 Ke 28: 26 35, 18. y37 Niph. be humble, humbled, humble oneself, 18 73,1 K 21” etc., but esp. 1 Ch 204, 2 Ch 74 12%. 7. 7. 12 1318 3011 3926 3312. 19. 23, 28 3427, 27 367? ; Hiph. humble, subdue,t Jg 4%, Dt 98,2 S 8!=1 Ch 18}, also 1 Ch 17, 2 Ch 28"; also Is 255, Job 4012, Ps 815 10732, 19. 1 xbp=consecrate, Jg 175, 1 K 13%, but also 1 Ch 29°, 2 Ch 139 16% 29%!; also Ezk 43% and Ex 2841 299. 29. 38. 85 3929 Ty 933 1683211 Nu 3% (all P). 20. mabo kingdom, reign, Nu 247 (JE), 1 S 20%, 1 K 2®, but esp. 1 Ch 11°+27+. Ch., Ezr 1! 456 7! 81, Neh 9% 12%; Est 12+25t. Est, Dn 1'+15 t. Dn, Ex 44, 5 t. Ps, 3 t. Jer. 21. 33; Hithp. offer (oneself) willingly, ft Jg 5* (in war), but esp. (in sacred gifts and services) 1 Ch 995. 6. % 9 14. 17.179 Ch 1718, Ezr 16 255 35 Neh 112, 22. -y help, of divine assistance, 1 S 7%, Gn 49% etc., but esp. Ps and 1 Ch 12® 157, 2 Ch 144.1) (Heb. v.¥) 18%! 258 267 328. 23. 123) wy riches and honour, } 1 K 3%, but esp. 1 Ch 2912 8, 2 Ch 121-12 175 18! 32°7; also Pr 318 838, Ec 6?. 24, 255 abundantly, 1 K 107=2 Ch 15=9”, and cap. 1 Ch 438 1240 993. . 4. 5, 8. 14. 15 992. oe 2 Ch 99 (Heb v.8) 418 91.9 1123 1415 (Heb. v.14) 159 168 175 181-2 2078 O41. 24. 27 o73 2985 30° 13. 24 315 325. a), Neh 95 ; also Zec 1414, There are also classes of peculiarities in Ch, many of them syntactical; e.g. omission of the relative ; -n for the relative; 1yv) yw and other such repetitions with }, in a distributive sense; nib22) and other temporal inf. phrases at beginning of sentence (for older nibz> ‘m7, ete.) ; and particu- larly the use of prepositions :—? ¢. inf. with cir- cumstantial force, at the end of sentences, as 1 Ch 151 ete. ; b c. inf. denoting purpose, ete. ; 7? as the accusative sign after a verbal suffix, e.g. 1 Ch 5% and without a preceding suffix 2 Ch 26%; of 137 win T 1 Ch 16%, 2 Ch84 31; pyp=without, e.g. 1Ch 994, 2 Ch 142; xdbb=without t 2 Ch 15%%8; dsb— wholly, namely, e.g. 1 Ch 13} ete. ; ? and (oft.) -3?, carrying on another preposition (*359, oy, etc.), or introducing a nominative 1 Ch 2676 28!- 21 298 ; the curious combination 7), in nwerz2) f 1 Ch 15", and 0? | 2 Ch 308; the frequent and noteworth 4 WwW before both verbs and nouns, e.g. 1 Ch 28”, 2 Ch 164 36/6; 2 of accompaniment, without a verb, 1 Ch 16° etc.; 3 before adverbs, 4 oxnpa 2 Ch 29%; and others (see esp. Driver, LOT 504-506). The peculiar and often anomalous phraseology of Ch, which is apparent in every chapter, may be further illustrated by the following specimens chosen almost at random :— 1 Ch 10% says that (Saul died...) because he did not obey J”’s command, and because he made inquiry by necromancy ; in Heb. thus: wx "* 737 >y : wm sia Stew on re" vd 11° speaks of heroes whom David had, o'pinnen riadond bytwrbeay imabdpa toy 128 (Baer, EV v.!”?) makes David say, ‘I wil] 392 CHRONICLES, I. AND II. CHRONICLES, L AND IL heartily join with you,’ in Heb. thus: o2*by vb-mom 1n:? 232, lit. ‘I will have a heart toward you for unitedness.’ , , , 2818 “yay pn" ay ODD) O'YAD? AN] O'FIIDD AZ776N AYNID?, i.e. frefined ‘nald} or the pattern at the Shanlok (viz.) the cherubim (viz. of) gold (making them, notice ») to spreading out and covering over the ark, ete, 2819 bon by” 1 anaa bbq, the whole by a writing from the hand of J” upon me hath he taught. 29% “sa, Sxowr-byywdy anay agg ovyT) and the times (i.e. experiences) which have passed over him and over Israel, etc. 2 Ch 11 ny; ji07 Sx, and he sought a crowd of wives (but rd. perh.’ ond ww"), 80 F. Perles, Ane. 47). 158 855) at pad Nb mpg wade 85> Syed ova oy ;mn, and long was Israel without a true God, aa without a priest as teacher, and without a law. 16° vox aby nzgb-py pionnd, to show himself stron in helping those whose heart is perfect towar him ("¥x omitted before 0325). 21 oy” op: ppo ney mys op: ons) aN, 4.e. and it came to pass after some days, even about the time of the outgoing of the end of two years. DaATE.—(1) The peculiarities of language already noted give an overwhelming presumption in favour of a very late date for Ch. (2) Specific evidence appears—(a) 1 Ch 3% where Anani is named accord- ing to MT in the 6th generation after Zerubbabel, or about B.C. 350; (@k, followed by SD, makes Anani the llth from Zerubbabel, or about B.c. 250-200) ; probably also (6) the expressions ‘ king- .dom of Persia,’ ‘king of Persia,’ 2 Ch 367 2 2. 2, if, as is likely, these expressions were used to dis- tinguish the Persian rulers, not from the Semitic Babylonian, but from the later Greek (note the absence of this expression in the contemporary references of Neh 2! 514 13°; also 11%-% ete.). (8) Further specific evidence appears in Ezr-Neh,— originally one work with Ch—(a) the terminus a quo is given Neh 136 ‘the 32nd year of Artax- erxes’=B.C. 433; (6) Jaddua, Neh 12", is 6th high priest after Joshua (Hag 11-12 24, Zec 3}. 8. 6. 8 9 64) ; Hliashib, 3rd in this list, was a contemporary of Nehemiah (Neh 3! 134%); Josephus, Ant. XI. vill. 4, names Jaddua, as high priest in the time of Alexander the Great, B.c. 333; (c) Darius I. (Codomannus) reigned B.C. 336-332, and his reign (‘ Darius the Persian’) is mentioned Neh 12”; (d) on ‘the Persian’ (/.c.), and ‘king of Persia,’ Ezr (13: 1-2) 18 37 48. 5. 5.7.24 G14 71, of 2 (6) supra; (e) late words and constructions, evident Aramaic influ- ence in the language, and extended Aramaic poreece (Ezr 48-3 51-618 71226), On the other 1and, if Eupolemus knew the LXX translation of Ch (cf. POSITION IN CANON, supr.), the original must have had canonical authority not much later than B.c. 200. From all these indications it is safe to say that Ch was not composed before B.C. Ze and may have been composed as late as B.C. PARALLELS. 1 Oh 114=Gn 68-22 (condensed by omitting chronol. notes). 15-22=@n 10229 (om. Gn 109-12), 124-27 = Gn 1110-26 (condensed by omitting chronol. notes). 13=Qn 213 etc., and 1615 etc. (condensed). 129-81= Gn 2518b-16a, 182. 88—Gn 252. 3a. 4, 184= Qn 2519-26 (condensed). 185-54— Gn 3610-43 (condensed). 21.2= Gn 3523-26 (condensed). 285=Gn 4612, with additions from Gn 88; cf. Nu 2619-21, 28.7, cf. Jos 71, 1 K 431, 28 has no ji. 29-12, cf. Ru 419-22 (to Jesse). 213-17, cf. 1 S 166-13, 2 § 218 1725, 218-24 descendants of Caleb, no J. These are 225-41 Jerahmeel, no ff. evidently to a 242-49 further sons of Caleb, no i. large extent 250-55 descendants of Caleb’s son Hur, ne J.) geogr. names. 31-9 David's children=2 § 32-5 513-16 131, 10h gia kings of Judah, descendants of Solomon, cf. 1 K 12- 2K 2: 4. 817-24 descendants of Jehoiachin, ending with Anani, no cf. Mt 112 from Jehoiachin to Zerubbabel). 41-23 Judah’s descendants. Little | (on v.1 cf. Gn. 4618, Nu 2619-21), 424 Simeon’s descendants, cf. Gn 4610, Ex 615, Nu 2612 18, 425-27 Simeon’s descendants, no |. 428-33 “7 cities= Jos 192-8, 43448 ,, descendants, and narrative about them, no j. 61-28 Reuben, Gad, and 4 Manasseh; on 5% cf. Gn 469, Nu 265.6, 618 (Heb. 527-29), Levi :—Aaron’s sons, cf. Gn 4611, Ex 616 18. 20.23, Nu 32, 6415 (Heb, 53041), chief priests till fall of Jerus., no |. 616-53 (Heb. 61-47), Levitical genealogies, no | (only ocoa- sional reff.). 654-81 (Heb. 638-66), Levitical cities, cf. Jos 2110-89, 715 Issachar, cf. Gn 4613, Nu 2623. 25, 76-12 Benjamin, cf. Gn 4621, Nu 2638. 88, 718 Naphtali, cf. Gn 4624, Nu 26%. 49, 71419 Manasseh, cf. Nu 2629-83, 720-29 Ephraim, cf. Nu 2635.36, Jos 16. 730-40 Asher, cf. Gn 4617, Nu 2644. 45, 8140 Benjamin, incl. Saul’s descendants, through Jonathan ; cf. Gn 4621, Nu 2638. 39, 1 § 1449. 59, 2 § 28 44 912, 91-85 Post-exilic families in Jerus. (some | in Ezr and Neh). 935-44 Saul’s family = 829-40 (some divergencies of detail). 101-12 Saul’s last battle, and death=1 § 311-18, 1013.14 Moral reflection, no J. 1118 David, king at Hebron=2 8 61-8, 1149 David captures Jerusalem=2 8 5610, aiev ase}. heroes, cf. 2 8 238-89 (additional name in Ch). 121-22 David’s followers at Ziklag, no j. 1223-40 David’s king-makers, no . 131-14 Ark brought from Kiriath-jJearim=2 § 61-11, 141.2 Hiram and David=2 § 611. 12, 143-7 David’s children in Jerusalem=2 § 518-16, 148-17 David’s conquest of Philistines=2 8 517-25, 151-2 Ark brought to Jerusalem. 1529 Michal’s contempt. Squads 1614. 87-43 Sacrifices, Blessing of people, ded). Levitical ministers of ark. pen 168-22 = Ps 1051-15, 16885 Psalm on the occasion :— 1623-88 = Pg 961-13, 1634, 35 =: Pg 1061. 47. 4b, 171.2 David's desire to build temple=2 8 71-3, é 173-15 Prophecy of Nathan=2 8 7#17, 1716-27 David’s prayer and thanksgiving=2 8 718-29, 181-13 David's foreign conquests=2 S 81-14, 1814-17 David’s internal rule=2 § 816-18, eer David’s war with Ammon=2 8 101-19 111f 2048 David’s war with Philistines=2 S 2115-22, 211-80 David’s numbering of people, and its penalty; pur chase of Ornan’s threshing-floor=2 S 241-25, 221-19 David's preparations for temple-building, no {. 231 David appoints Solomon his successor, cf. 1 K 183-89, 232-2734 David’s elaborate Levitical and ritual arrange- ments, incl. musical ; appointment of other officials, no |. 281-21 291-19 Further announcement by David of plans for temple, and of Solomon as his successor, no }. 2920-30 Accession of Solomon and death of David, cf. 1 K 133-39 911. 12, 8 Ch ees Solomons reign; his sacrifice at Gibeon, cf.1 K 3 11417 Solomon’s reign; its splendour, etc., cf. 1 K 1026-29, = Bulsing of temple (and palace), cf. 1 K 5-7 (con- ensed). 61-14 Dedication of temple, cf. 1 K 81-11 Soxpandeax 61-42 Prayer of Solomon=1 K 81261 (yvy,54-61 om. in Ch). 71-11 Sacrifices, etc., cf. 1 K 862-66 (expanded), 712-22 Solomon’s vision of J”, cf. 1 K 91-9, 8. 9 Further glory of Sol.’s kingdom, cf, 1 K 910-28 101-25 (many differences of detail); specifically 91-12, Queen of Sheba=1 K 101-13, 931 Death of Solomon=1 K 1148, 191-19 Accession of Rehoboam, and division of kingdom= 1 K 121-20, : 111-23 Rehoboam’s reign, cf. 1 K 1221-24 1421-24 (expanded). 121-16 Rehoboam and Shishak, cf. 1 K 1425-31, 131-22 Abijah, and his war with Jeroboam, cf. 1 K 1518 (expanded). 14. 15 Asa, his reforms and success in war, cf. 1 K 1592 (expanded). 16 Asa’s apostasy, no jl. 17 Jehoshaphat, his reforms and might, cf. 1 K 2241-46 (expanded). 18 Jehoshaphat’s alliance with Ahab=1 K 221-85. 8, 19 Prophet’s rebuke for this alliance, no }. 201-34 Jehoshaphat’s success against Moab, Amnon, and Edom, no J (takes the place of 2 K 34-27), 2035-87 Jehoshaphat and ships of Tarshish, cf. 1 K 2248. 49. 21 Jehoram’s wicked reign, and disaster, cf. 2 K 816% (expense, « 22: Mg sea wicked reign, and disaster, cf. 2 K 8% 2% 9 a 2210-12 Athaliah’s wicked reign, cf. 2 K 1113, 231-21 Athaliah’s overthrow by Jehoiada, cf. 2 K 112 (expanded). 7S Se er ' ‘ 3 ; . ‘ ; _ CHRONICLES, I. AND IL. CHRONICLES, I. AND II. 393 2 Oh 241-27 Joash’s reign, first good, then bad, cf. 2 K 121-21 (expanded). 251-28 Amaziah’s reign, first good, then bad, cf. 2 K 141-20 ieepanded). 261-22 Uzziah’s reign, first good, then bad, cf.2 K 14m. 151-7 (expanded). 271-9 Jotham’s good reign, cf. 2 K 1582-38. 281-27 Ahaz’s wicked reign, cf. 2 K 161-20 (expanded). 291-36 Pepe good reign; reforms, cf. 2 K 1818 (ex- n % -27 Hezekiah’s passover, no J. 811-21 Hezekiah’s reforms, cont., no |. area “reese invasion, cf. 2 K 181887 191-87 (con- ensed), 8224 Hezekiah’s sickness, cf. 2 K 201-11 (condensed). 8223. 25-88 Hezekiah’s pride; homage from others; death, ef. 2 K 2012-21 (modified and condensed). 331-20 Manasseh’s wicked reign, captivity, and repentance, cf. 2 K 211-18 (greatly modified). 8321-25 Amon’s wicked reign, cf. 2 K 211926, 841-33 Josiah and his reforms, the law-book, etc., cf. 2K 221-20 231-20, 24-28, 851-19 Josiah’s over, cf. 2 K 2321-23 tly ded. 8520-27 Sodabts death; Gt & K 2329. 30 eve Eig ton ; 8618 Jehoahaz’s reign, cf. 2 K 233135, 8648 Jehoiakim’s reign, cf. 2 K 2338. 37 241-6 (condensed). 869.10 Jehoiachin’s reign, cf. 2 K 24817 (condensed). 8611-18 Zedekiah’s reign, cf. 2 K 2418-20 251-7 (condensed) ; with v.12 cf. also Jer 371.2, 8614-16 Moral reflections, no || (cf. 2 K 2420), 8617-21 Fall of Jerus., cf 2 K 258-21 (condensed); with v.2 cf. also Jer 259.11. 12 2910, 8622. 23 Restoration-edict of Cyrus=Ezr 11-8, no other J. Comparison.—A. The foregoing table shows at once, that while parts of Ch have no parallel in the earlier books, eye are still larger portions of those books unrepresented in Ch. The following are such portions of Samuel and Kings :—1 S 1-30, 28 1-4. 9. 112-37 121-15 13-20, 211-14 29. 231-7, 1 K 11-82 Qi9. 18-46 31-8. 16-28 41-84 13, 141-20 1525-84 16-21, 2 K 1-7. 8!-5 9. (chiefly), 10. 13. 15°! 17, 2572-6. 27-80. They include (1) ha entire activity of Samuel, and the reign of Saul (except the close) ; (2) David’s lament for Saul and Jonathan, his conflict with Ishbosheth, and dealings with Mephibosheth ; (3) the story of Uriah and Bathsheba ; (4) the story of Amnon and Tamar, and Absalom’s flight and recall; (5) Absalom’s rebellion and David’s exile; (6) the Psalm of 2 S 22=Ps 18; (7) the ‘Last Words of David’ 23!-7; (8) the intrigues and struggles attending Solomon’s accession; (9) evidences of Solomon’s wisdom and poetic gifts ; (10) Solomon’s alliances with foreign women, and his idolatries in later life ; (11) his vexation by adversaries, includ- ing Jeroboam; (12) the entire history of the Northern Kingdon, after the division, except when the account of the Southern Kingdom makes necessary some mention of the Northern ; (13) the governorship and murder of Gedaliah, after Jeru- salem’s fall ; (14) the exile-life of Jehoiachin. B. Ch condenses also, in several places, and as a result gives statements with less precision than the earlier books. These passages are chronological (as in the genealogies 1 Ch 1), architectural (as in the case of the temple-building 2 Ch 2-4; the building of Solomon’s pe is not described at all), political (as Sennacherib’s invasion 2 Ch 32)"; the reigns of the last kings 2 Ch 364%), or humili- ating (Michal’s contempt 1 Ch 15%; sickness of Hezekiah 2 Ch 32%; fall of Jerusalem 2 Ch 3617-1; the same quality may partly account for the cases mentioned under the previous head). That Ch expands some political and military narratives is also true, and will be noticed below. Other narra- tives are modified in various ways, e.g. the sacrifice by Solomon at Gibeon (2 Ch 1*°), the overthrow of Athaliah (2 Ch 23), and the reigns of Jehoram (2Ch 215%), Ahaziah (2 Ch 22!*), Joash (2 Ch 24), Ahaz (2 Ch 28), and Manasseh (2 Ch 33!-”); some of these will be noticed below under D. c. In those parts of Ch which have no parallel in S and K, as well as in Ch’s expansions and modi- fications of narratives occurring in them, certain definite interests are prominent: —(1) Moral reflections and explanations of calamities as divine judgments, e.g. 1 Ch 10814, 2 Ch 36!"8; so Shishak’s invasion is explained 2 Ch 12%, and Jehoram’s misfortunes 2 Ch 21-16-19, cf, the ‘letter of Elijah the prophet’ vy.5, and the wreck of ships at Ezion-geber 2 Ch 2187, and Amaziah’s defeat 2 Ch 25'*16 and Uzziah’s leprosy 2 Ch 2616-21, and Josiah’s death 2 Ch 352); (2) divine interpositions in war, e.g. 2 Ch 1335 16 1412-18 gyj22-2s ; (3) speeches and prophetic addresses, hortatory, didactic, ete. ; also prayers : e.9. 1 Ch 225-4) Dy'a10 20h, 2 Ch 134-22 14 151-7 167- 192: 8, 9-11 905-12. 14-17 217-5 (writing of Elijah) 257-8 28° 995-1) 308-8 (decree of Hezekiah) 327-8 3571; (4) matters connected with worship, including Levitical, ritual, and especially musical appointments, e.g. 1 Ch 15. 16 (including the Psalm vv.) 22-96. 28. 29, 2 Ch 512. 13 7. 8.6 gis. 16 1}3- 14. 16 138-12 178 9 198-11 2019 21. 28 232. 4, 6. 7. 8. 18, 19 245. 6. 11 9618-20 291- 6. 7. 12-36 30. 31. 34% 12. 18. 80 351-19. 25; a peculiar case is 2 Ch 8! where Solomon’s wife, the daughter of Pharaoh, is brought to the house built for her because the house of David has become too holy by reason of the coming of the ark; contrast 1 K 3! 78 9"4. (On some additions of another kind, see below.) D. It remains for us to examine the parallel passages a little more closely, selecting some of those most important for purposes of comparison :— In some cases the agreement is close, almost exactly verbal, as 1 Ch 101-12=1 § 31, 2 Ch 919=1 K 101-10, 2 Ch 18=1 K 221-35 (including the blunder of v.28b), etc. In others there is im- portant divergence, e.g. :— 1. 1 Ch 63-15 (Heb. 530-41) gives the list of chief priests through Eleazar, son of Aaron ; most of the chief priests known to Sam. and Kings do not appear in this list, viz. Eli 1 8 19 230, Ahitub, Eli’s grandson (son of Phinehas) 1 S 143, Ahijah 1 S 143, and Ahimelech 21? 229. 11. 20 etc, (both described as ‘son of Ahitub,’ and hence identified by Bertheau, Klost. ad. ; ‘ brothers,’ accord- ing to Kittel, Gesch. ii. 173, etc.), Abiathar, son of Ahimelech 13 2220, who was deposed by Solomon 1 K 226f Zadok, whom Solomon substituted, appears as 10th in Ch’s list, the son of an Ahitub, son of Amariah. Missing also are Jehoiada 2 K 114 etc., and Urijah 2 K 1619 etc. Azariah appears ia Solomon’s time, bué 1 K 42 calls him son of Zadok, while in Ch he is son of Johanan}; Hilkiah 2 K 224 etc. appears in Ch, and so does Seraiah 2 K 2613, These occasional agreements make the variations all the harder to explain. 1 Ch 2423 makes Ahimelech a descendant of Aaron through his son Ithamar, and these and the following vv. make an attempt to satisfy their rival claims by recognising both in: the temple service. 2. 1 Ch 1310 explains the death of Uzzah as 2 8 67 does; but 1 Ch 1518 gives a new reason, viz., because the Levites did not carry the ark, 3. 1 Ch 205 Elhanan killed Lahmi, brother of Goliath; but 2S 2119 he killed Goliath himself. 4. 1 Ch 21! it is Satan that moves David to number Israel, in 28 241 it is J”. 5. 2 Ch 18ff. explains Solomon’s sacrifice at Gibeon by saying that the tent of meeting and the brazen altar were there (cf. 1 Ch 2129); but 1 K 33f says that Sol. worshipped at the high places, and sacrificed at Gibeon because that was the great high place ; and v.15 speaks not only of his coming back to Jerus, (2 Ch 138), but also of his standing before the ark and sacrificing there, which Ch omits. 6. 2 Ch 71.3 the sacrifices at the temple dedication are ona by fire from heaven ; there is nothing of this in 1 K g62ff., 7. 2 Ch 71222 and 1 K 91-9 both describe a second appearance of J” to Solomon ; but the language used by them differs, esp. ie ithe condensation of 1 K 9! and the insertion of vv.1%-16 in, 8. 2 Ch 145 176 (cf. 193) commend both Asa and Jehoshaphat for removing the high places; but 1 K 16514 2243 tell us thett these kings did not remove the high places (so also 2 Ch 151% 2083), 9. 2 Ch 2035.86 gays that Jehoshaphat allied himself with Ahaziah of Israel to make ships [for an expedition by sea 1 2249]; but 1 K 2249 says that Ahaziah proposed the joint expe dition, and Jehoshaphat refused. 10. 2 Ch 2036 says that they made ships at Ezion-geber to g¢ to Tarshish (on the Mediterranean, not accessible from EzioD geber); but 1 K 2248 simply speaks of Tarshish-ships (larg sea-going vessels), and says they were destined for Ophir. 11. 2 Ch 217 says ‘ J” would not destroy the house of Davia, because of the covenant,’ etc. ; but 2 K 819 says ‘J” would ot destroy Judah for David his servant’s sake.’ 12. 2 Ch 229 describes Jehu’s murder of Ahaziah thus: ‘ And he sought Ahaziah: and they caught him (for he was hid in Samaria) and brought him to Jehu: and when they had slain him, they buried him,’ etc. ; but according to 2 K 9g2Iff. Ahaziah drove out from Jezreel with Joram to meet Jehu, fled on discovering the treachery, and was killed in his flight. He died at Megiddo, was brought by fus servants to Jerusalem, a. 394 CHRONICLES, J. AND IL and buried there ‘in his sepulchre with his fathers in the city of David.’ 13. 2 Ch 23 represents the overthrow of queen Athaliah thus: Jehoiada and the captains of hundreds, and all the Levites in the cities of Judah, and the heads of families of the people, making ‘all the congregation,’ were gathered at Jerus.,— Athaliah being ignorant of it,—but while v.3 says ‘all the con- gregation made a covenant with the king in the house of God,’ y.6 provides that only priests and ministering Levites be allowed to enter the temple, and then the king is proclaimed, and Athaliah slain; but 2 K 11, while agreeing as to the main facts, represents a secret conspiracy between Jehoiada and the captains of the foreign mercenaries who served as temple guard ; the meeting-place was the temple, into which the foreigners came and took their oath; the Levites, trained singers, burnt- offerings, law of Moses, etc., which appear in Ch, are all lacking in K, 14. 2 Ch 2414, speaking of the collection for repairing the temple, under Jehoash of Judah, says, ‘they brought the rest of the money before the king and Jehoiada, whereof were made vessels for J’’s house’; but 2 K 1213 says that no vessels were made for J’’s house out of the proceeds of the collection. 15. 2 Ch 242.17ff. makes Joash reign righteously ‘all the days of Jehoiada the priest,’ and after Jehoiada’s death apostatise ; but 2 K 122 says, ‘ And Jehoash did that which was right in the eyes of J’ all his days, (namely) wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him,’ and K tells us nothing of any apostasy or wickedness, only criticising (v.), as in other cases, the non- removal of the high places, 16. 2 Oh 285-15 describes slaughter and bondage inflicted on Judah by Pekah of Israel in the reign of Ahaz, which is net only unknown to 2 K 16 and Is 7, but is inconsistent with 2 K 165, Ig 71. 4.7, 17. 2 Ch 2816ff. makes Ahaz send to the king(s) of Assyria for aid against the Edomites and Philistines ; but 2 K 167 expressly says that it was agains the kings of Arum and Israel. 18. 2 Ch 2820.21 gays that ‘Tilgath-pilneser king of Assyria came unto him, and distressed him, but strengthened him not,’ and again : ‘he helped him not.’ With this 2 K 169 is in contra- diction. 19. 2 Oh 8311-19 reprenents Manasseh as humbled and changed in heart by captivity, and as a reformer in the latter part of his rei 2 K 21 knows nothing of this, paints him in colours wholly dark, and makes the fall of Jerus. a punishment specifi- cally for Manasseh’s sins (cf. also Jer 154). 20. 2 Oh 34 represents Josiah’s reforms as accomplished in his 12th year (v.3), and the law-book as discovered in his 18th year. 2 K 22. 23 represent the reforms as suggested and occasioned by the discovery of the law-book, and as occurring, like that discovery, in the 18th year of his reign. E. One peculiarity of Ch, which involves some discrepancies with the earlier books, is a fondness for large numbers, ¢.g. 1 Ch 184 19° make David capture 7000 horsemen and slay 7000 chariotmen, over against 700 of each in 2S 84 10; according to 1 Ch 21% David pays 600 shekels of gold for Ornan’s threshing-floor, according to 28 24“ on] 50 shekels of silver; 24 tribes, according to 1 Ch 521, capture from the Hagrites 100,000 prisoners, 50,000 camels, 250,000 sheep, and 2000 asses; 1 Ch 12 represents that 339,000 men came to make David king ; 1 Ch 224 says that David provided for the temple building 100,000 talents of gold (=4,911,000 kilograms), and 1,000,000 talents of silver (=at least 33,660,000 kgs.); Shishak (2 Ch 2%) came with 1200 chariots, 60,000 horsemen, and people without number; 2 Ch 13%}7 makes Abijah, with 400,000 men, fight against Jeroboam with 800,000, and kill 500,000 of them; Asa (2 Ch 148) had 800,000 men of Judah and 280,000 of Benjamin; Zerah the Ethiopian, his opponent, had 1,000,000 men and 300 chariots (2 Ch 14°); Amaziah (2 Ch 25°. 8) had 300,000 soldiers of his own, and hired 100,000 more from Israel; Azariah (2 Ch 261%) had an army of 307,500 men; Pekah (2 Ch 28° 8) killed 120,000 Judean warriors in one day, and carried off 200,000 captives. F. The combination of these various peculiarities of the author gives a very different aspect to the history from that found in the earlier books. The re-royal time has only a genealogical interest for ey The beginning of the kingdom, the first reign, the attempts of Saul’s dynasty to maintain itself, are no concern of his. Practically, David is his first king. David and Solomon are kings of almost spotless excellence, and enjoy undisturbed rosperity. The ceremonial law of the Priests’ ode is recognised and observed by David, even CHRONICLES, I. AND 1L before there is a temple. The service is stately and rich. After the division of the kingdom the ten tribes are not of importance enough to be mentioned, except incidentally. Interest is con- centrated on Judah and Jerusalem. All good Judwan kings, trained in the law of one exclusive sanctuary, of course forbade the high places. Sins, when they do occur, are sternly punished by God, and public calamities are due to sins. Huge numbers give majesty and importance to many scenes, and to the (eiaedoi in its continuous history, and central in that history is the hand of God, His temple, His solemn ordinances, His cere- monial and impressive worship, Sources.—l. For 1 Ch 1-9 the sources are appar- ently genealogical lists in Gn, Ex, Nu, Jos, and (occasionally) $,—the relation between Ru 4/7 and 1 Ch 2°: is doubtful,—also other lists not found in the earlier canonical books. The latter is the case particularly in the latter half of 1 Ch 2, and in chs. 4. 6 and the middle of 7 (see esp. Wellh. De gentibus, and Kittel). Only twice in these chapters is there reference to an earlier writing ; the first is in 1 Ch 5!7, but whether this writing (or these writings, v. infr. IL. 18) really served the Chronicler as a source is extrouialy doubtful (Kuenen, Ond.? i. 483); the second is in 1 Ch 9! (see below). ; The Psalm 1 Ch 1685 is made up of parts of three Psalms found in our Psalter (see PARALLELS, above). The question as to the origin of 2 Ch 36% 4 (Restoration-decree of Cyrus)=Ezr 1-*4, belongs rather to a discussion of Ezra-Nehemiah. Ch’s own references to earlier writings (with the exceptions noted above) are in the main part of the book, 1 Ch 10-2 Ch 3674. II. Ch refers by name to the following works :— 1. (a) The Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, 2 Ch 161 25*6 288 ; evidently =(b) The Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah, 277 3577 368. 2. The Book of the Kings of Israel, 1 Ch 9} (so Bertheau, Keil, Oettli, Kautzsch, RV; &, Kuenen doubtfully. AV adds ‘and Judah,’ which otherwise is subj. of following vb.). 3. The Doings of the Kings of Israel (2 Ch 33% (for Manasseh). 4. The Midrash of the Book of Kings, 2 Ch 2477 (for Joash). 5. The Vision of Isaiah the Prophet, son of Amoz, in the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, 2 Ch 32%, 6. The Words of Jehu, son of Hanani, which are taken up into the Book of the Kings of Israel, 1 Ch 20* (for Jehoshaphat). The following were probably of limited com- pass :— 7. The Words of Samuel the Seer, and the Words of Nathan the Prophet, and the Words of Gad the Seer, 1 Ch 29”, 8. The Words of Nathan the Prophet, and the Prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the Vision of Iddo the Seer regarding Jeroboam, son of Nebat, 2 Ch 9”, 9. The Words of Shemaiah the Prophet and of Iddo the Seer for reckoning by Genealogies, 2 Ch 12%, 10. The Midrash of the Prophet Iddo, 2 Ch 1373, 1l. The rest of the Doings of Uzziah, first and last, did Isaiah the Prophet, son of Amoz, write, 2 Ch 267. 12. The Words of the Seers, 2 Ch 3379 (cf. v.18; so @i, Bertheau, Kautzsch ; of Hozai, P, Oettli, RV). The author refers also to— 13. A genealogical enrolment in the days of Jotham and in the days of Jeroboam [11.], 1 Ch 5" (since these kings were not contemporary, are twa lists referred to 2). CHRONICLES, I. AND IL. 14. The Later Doings of David, 1 Ch 2377. 15. The Chronicles (o°>:7 ‘723) of king David, 1 Ch 27%, 16. The Lamentations (a collection in which the lamentations over Josiah were included), 2 Ch 35”. But these are not all separate works. 1 (a) and (5) and 5 refer obviously to the same ; so probably do 2, 3, and 6; for although ‘Judah’ is not men- tioned in the title (except possibly in the case of 2), 3 and 6 relate to kings of Judah, and the title is therefore presumably abbreviated. It is highly likely that 4 is another designation of the same work. The prophetic writings 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 are possibly, though not demonstrably, sections of the same comprehensive book. If not, they are in any case of subordinate consequence. As to 13-16 it is not clear that these have actually con- tributed anything to Ch; 16 certainly has not. It is true that the Chronicler explicitly appeals to none of the documents named as authorities for what he states, but only as repositories of (further) information. Nevertheless, it is probable that the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, cited under different names, is the main source of Ch. The many agreements with S and K prove that Ch used either these books or some work based on these. There is no evidence that it used the sources of S and K; these books must themselves have been known to the author, for they had lon been in existence in his time, and the order an choice of material follow theirs to a large extent ; moreover, the matter which is peculiar to Ch shows the marked characteristics of the author’s style, in sharp contrast with those of the matter corresponding to that of Samuel and Kings; in particular, the following additional proofs show that Ch does not go behind them for its materials :— 2 Ch 15!” 208 state that Asa and Jehoshaphat did not remove the high places. This is in conflict with the author’s own statements 14° 178 (cf. 19°), and is evidently due to unthinking imitation of his source. It appears 1 K 15% 22%, and the agree- ment is almost verbal. These statements, how- ever, certainly belong to the Deuteronomic redac- tion, and not to the sources of Kings. Other passages common to Kings and Ch, which must be original with Kings (several of them Deuteronomic, and none from the sources) are 2 Ch 10%=1 K 12), 2 Ch 217-8 1b—9 K gis. 2.22 9 Oh 25?:4=2 K 145-6 (verbally), 2 Ch 28!=2 K 164 pee) 2 Ch 31 based on 2 K 18; cf. also 2 Ch 322=2 K 18” (substantially), 2 Ch 33°=2 K 21° (verbally). A special class of passages consists of those which are appropriate in Sam. and Kings, but have become unfitting or meaningless because of omissions by. Ch :— 1 Ch 14%" begins, ‘ And David took yet more (1\y) wives at Jerus.’=2 S 15!-16, although 2 S 37° to which “\y refers, is omitted in Ch. 1 Ch 20! ‘But David tarried at Jerus.’=28 11; it is in conflict with 1 Ch 20%*; this is due to the omission of the story of Uriah and Bathsheba 2S 117-12%, and of 127-29 which tell of Joab’s summoning David. 2 Ch 82 (=1 K 9™ 3 in part) mentions the daughter of Pharaoh incidentally (not indeed with great respect) as Solomon’s wife, although 1 K 3%. 78 are omitted. 2 Ch 10? speaks of Jeroboam’s return from Egypt, ‘whither he had fled from the presence of Solomon the king’=1 K 12?, although 1 K 11°” are omitted. 2 Ch 10" refers specifically to Ahijah’s prophecy about Jeroboam=1 K 12, although the prophecy itself, 1 K 11°°-*, is omitted. 2 Ch 32}8 specifies ‘the Jews’ speech’ =2 K 18%, CHRONICLES, L AND IL 395 although 2 K 185, which gives point to this detail, is omitted. Some of these passages are more cogent than others, but all are confirmatory of the position that our S and K and nothing earlier (with possible exceptions noted below) underlie Ch in its narrative portions. It is, however, improb. that the Chronicler used these canonical books directly, as the chief source of his historical material. We have seen that his main interests are not political, and that he omits or greatly condenses many matters which do not contribute much to his purposes. At the same time some of his material not found in S and Kis ofa political and personal nature, e.g. the fortifications of Rehoboam, and his might and wisdom 2 Ch 115-12. 17.23, Asa’s war with the Ethiopians 2 Ch 14°15, Jehoshaphat’s war with Moab, Ammon, and Edom 2 Ch 20, Amaziah’s relations with his Israelitish mercenaries 2 Ch 255-13, Uzziah’s wars and buildings 2 Ch 26*!°, the successful invasion of Pekah 2 Ch 28515, and of the Edomites and Philistines vy.!7- 18, Some of these narratives the Chronicler uses to point his own moral teachings, but it is most unlikely that he either invented them, or resorted to some special source for them ; they are not such as particularly appeal to him. Most likely, therefore, he found them in the document which was his main source for other matter, and, finding them, used them to enforce his religious views. This source was probably the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel (see above), which was, in that case, based on our S and K, with additional matter of uncertain and probably varying value. Since the style of these additions (with a few minor exceptions) resembles that of the Chronicler, it may be that this Book of the Kings was produced in the school to which he belonged. The alternative is to suppose that he rewrote them. That he at least retouched them is probable. How far the eculiar religious and ecclesiastical tone of Ch is ue to this source we cannot tell, but the presence of the same in Ezr-Neh, which do not depend on this Book of the Kings, makes it clear that this tone was such as the Chronicler himself would roduce, and probably it is, throughout, mainly ue to him. HISTORICAL TRUSTWORTHINESS.—The late date of Ch presumably hinders it from being a historival witness of the first order. It could be so only if its sources were demonstrably such. But it has no sources certainly older than the canonical S and K; its chief source is probably much later. An interval of 250 or 300 years separates it from the last events recorded in K. In all cases of conflict, then (see the examples above), preference must be given toS and K. The obvious special interests of Ch also (see above) are not to its advantage as a simple witness to facts. Intrinsic probability points the same way in many instances (see especi- ally Comparison D, Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 16, 20, and Driver, Bertheau, Oettli, etc., on the passages); this holds true of the huge numbers of Ch as well. If this is so in the parallel narratives, it must be so likewise in those matters which we owe entirely to Ch. Some of these conflict with the known course of the history, e.g. the complete Levitical arrangements of David and his successors ; others are in themselves most unlikely, e.g. Amaziah’s dealings with Israelitish mercenaries. It is plain that the character of Ch’s testimony, when we can control it by parallel accounts, is not such as to give us reason to depend on it with security when it stands alone. Perhaps it does not enlarge our stock of historical matter beyond that given in S and K. We cannot say absolutely that it does not; e.g. Kebeboam’s buildings, 396 CHRONICLES, I. AND IL. Uzziah’s buildings and wars, Hezekiah’s water- works, Manasseh’s captivity, ete., may be in part, or altogether, stated accurately, and to some of them a certain degree of probability attaches (cf. Kittel), but on the unsupported evidence of Ch we cannot be sure af them. It is not certain whether his source derived them from other documents or from tradition, and we cannot tell with positive- ness how far they are trustworthy. This uncertainty passes over into Ch itself. Its main value lies in another direction. (On the Restoration-edict of Cyrus, see Kosters, Het Herstel van Israél, 1894, and art. EZRA AND NEHEMIAH.) CHARACTER OF THE CHRONICLER.—It would be most unjust to call the Chronicler a falsifier. He shows himself, on the contrary, as a man of great sincerity and moral earnestness. Even if falsifica- tion had, in his time, when his conception of the history was widely accepted, had any sufficient motive, he would have been incapable of it. His view of the past is that of a son of his own age, in whom the historical imagination had not been largely developed. The Pent. had long been com- lete, and its latest code had a firm grasp on the ives and the minds of the people, and on his own. He did not conceive of a time, since the kingdom began, when it was otherwise. He was almost certainly a Levite, and probably a musician. He was trained in the law, and ew its religious power. God was near His people in it, God Him- self enforced it. Membership in God’s people was to him a great privilege, and genealogies that assured it, of great importance. These habits and convictions, the result of inheritance and of train- ing, determined his mode of writing history. David and Solomon he idealised, presenting strongly and without much qualification those sides of their character which appealed to him, and depicting the religion of their time according to what seemed to him the necessary conditions of righteousness. The Northern Kingdom, as apostate, was of little interest for him. The history of the Southern Kingdom was his concern mainly because it was ecclesiastical history—‘ Ecclesiastical Chronicle of Jerusalem’ Reuss has called it (cf. Literature below). God was watching and judging it on the basis of His complete law; it fell at last because ‘all the chief of the priests, and the people, trans- gressed very much after all the abominations of the heathen; and polluted the house of J’,’ and when they were rebuked ‘mocked the messengers of God, and despised his words, and misused his prophets’ (2 Ch 36!*-18), The whole conception of the history was not that of a mere individual, but that of an age, from which the individual could not separate himself, VALUE OF CHRONICLES.—It follows from the foregoing paragraphs that the value of Chronicles is not mainly that of an accurate record of past events. Nevertheless, its value is real and great. It is, however, the value more of a sermon than of a history. 1. We must, indeed, remember that there is a certain negative historical value in the fact that Ch agrees with S and K to so large an extent. It is not |. an independent witness, but at least it appears that as to the main course of the pre-exilic history there was, when Ch was written, no variant tradition which the author thought worth noticing. 2. We must remember, further, that there may be good historical material in matter peculiar to Ch, ¢.g., in the genealogical lists and some scattered incidents (see Kuenen, Kittel, Gray), although the determination of its limits and the interpretation of it will require critical acumen. 3. The knowledge the author gives us of his own time, also, is historically important. The fact that he clothes old history with his own contemporary CHRONICLES, I. AND II. habits makes his own time more intelligible to us. We understand better how religious Jews thought and felt in the 3rd cent. B.c. This enlivens and vitalizes the period for us, and prepares us better to appreciate the conditions of the work of Jesus and His disciples. 4. The author’s selection of matter emphasizes the fundamental and permanent elements in the history. He gives only a one-sided view of David, and yet he thereby throws stress on David’s real, though, as we know, not unwavering desire for righteousness. He thinks chiefly of the Southern Kingdom, but that kingdom is the one of historical importance in the development of religion. And so with other details. In this, as in the particulars following, he served his own age, and the service continues to ours. 5. His belief in God was intense, as one activel governing the world, punishing the evil an rewarding the good, demanding obedience and worship, but long-suffering and gracious to His people in spite of their sin. There is at times something mechanical in his conception, but it is strong and effective. 6. He illustrates for us the value and the limita- tions of the law in spiritual education. Obedience to its smallest requirements was an avenue to God. Formalism, the subordination of the moral to the ceremonial, is the accompanying danger, and the Chronicler did not wholly escape it. “But the law really was a means of spiritual growth, and this the Chronicler exemplifies. Devotion to it did not exclude some breadth of spiritual sympathy, as the beautiful passage 2 Ch 3018 1° distinctly shows. 7. He bears witness, also, to the value of the liturgical element in religion. Worship is to him a rich and stately thing. The art of music has its contribution to make. The most thorough pre- paration, and splendid execution, befit the service in which men approach the Almighty God. This thought, too, has its dangers. The essence of worship is always in the soul of the worshipper. But the ideal of worship includes both the genuine spirit and the fitting expression of it, and the hronicler teaches here a permanent lesson. Thus Ch illustrates for us God’s use of a pro- fessedly historical writing to enforce His truth, both in spite of, and by means of, the very qualities which impair its excellence as pure history. TEXT.—Ch appears to have been less read, and hence less often copied, than many other books. One source of textual error is therefore minimised. The history of its transmission is, however, long enough to give much room to textual criticism. The text of Ch can often be corrected, in parallel passages, by that of S and K, but more often the author is himself responsible for variations. The peculiar characteristics of Ch are centr not textual. Sometimes Ch has preserved the better reading. The greatest number of textual questions is connected with proper names. The following, taken from parallel texts, may serve as illustra- tions :— Ch has the worse reading :— 1Ch 1° nom, GB Epepad, A Pigae, GL Prpad= np Gn 10%, so Gh. 1” yp, GB om., A GL Mosoy ;=0> Gn 10% (where & also Mosox, but erroneously ; 3p has already occurred, v.?). 1® opin, GB Away, GL Hyayv=jo Gn 36%, G A:uay (interchange of 1 and ° especially frequent). 1 poy, GB Dwray, A Twrap, GL Adovay=pby Gn 36”, G& Twrwv, G&L Twrap. 18 mby Kethibh, mby Keré, GB Twha, GL Adova=m>y Gn 36%, @& Twa, CHRONICLES, I. AND IL 1 Ch 38 yoy ds, GB Edeoa, A GL Edioapa=yerdy 28 515, Oy Edeous, ete. 4% 3°», OB lapew, A Iape.B=)>: Gn 46%= Ex 6 =Nu 26”, so G iz all. 18°57 syq7q, Ge Adpa(a)fap=yy71q 28 8*** (Gr here also, erron., Adpaafap), etc. etc. _ The reading is doubtful :— 1 Ch 1% ‘5x, GB Zwdap, GL Zergoun='by Gn 36", Ck Zwopap. 1® »5¥, GB Dwf, A Zwhap, GL Larpe='5y Gn 367, G&B Zw¢, G&L Zwday. 1% ys, dk Doywp, GL Paova=i> Gn 36", & Doywp. 3 Se, GB Aapymd, A GL Aadoua = 3x22 8 3?, Gr Aadowa (!). 4% bxio3=Nu 26", @& (in both) Nayouy\= dyin Gn 46!= Ex 65, so ¢& (in both). ‘my=Nu 26%, G&B (in Ch) Zapes, A GkL Zapa(e), Gr (in Nu) Zapa=75s Gn 46°=Ex 6", G (in both) Zaap, etc. etc. Ch has the better reading :— 1Ch 17 oy, G ‘Podioe (GL Awdaveu)=0974 Gn 104, Gr ‘Podiot. 1® jay, GB (cal) Qvav, A (kal) Ovxapy, GL (cal) Taaxay=]py) Gn 36”, Gk (kal) Ovxary, GL (xat) Touxap. 2S oxyown CB db ’Iopand(e)irns (Gk L "lapandlrys) = ein 2S 17%, so GB GL, A ‘Iopanrelrns. 8%. 83 — 939-29 Lyon, Or AgaBaadr, leBaad, IoBaad Baak=nyav'x 2S 28+10 t. Sam, O& leBocde, and (most often, strangely) MeudiBoode. 8™ 4 by3 snp = 9 and (better, see Kittel) ya" v.”, Gr MepiBaad, MexpiBaar, MeppiBaar, OkL MepudiBacd=ny'en 28 44414 t. Sam, Gr Mep- giBoobe, OL MeudiBaar, exc. 2S 21° Meugu- fas9e (for distinction). 117 339 =2 S 218, G (in Ch) Zofoyu, ete., nL LoBoxxa, UB (in Sam) OcBoxa, A ZeBoxaer, GL DoBexxc='739 2 S 237, GB ex ray vidr, ZuaBer, etc. etc. For further details see in Wellh. De gentibus, ete.; Kittel, Books of Ch. in Hebrew; Driver, Hebrew Text of Samuel. Lirgrature (selected).—T7#XT.—S. Baer and F. Delitzsch, Inber Chronicorum (1888); R. Kittel, The Books of Chronictes in Hebrew, Critical ed. of the Heb. Text. (ed. Paul Haupt), 1895. TRANSLATIONS.—E. Reuss, Chronique ecclésiastique de Jéru- salem, 1878 (La Bible, iv. parts . Kautzsch, Biicher der Chronik, 1893, 1894 (in Die Heilige Schrift d. A.T., ed. Kautzsch). ss : CoMMENTARIES.—E. Bertheau, Biicher der Chronik, 2te Aufl. 1873 (in Kurzgef. Exeget. Handbuch z. A.T.); S. Oettli, Biicher der Chronik, 1889 (in Kurzgef. Exeget. Kommentar z. A.T.); ©. F. Keil, Biicher der Chronik, 1870 (in Biblischer Kom- mentar tiber d. A.T.), Eng. tr. 1872; W. H. Bennett, The Books of Chronicles, 1894 (in The Expositor’s Bible); J. Robert- son in Book by Book (1892), pp. 111-119; Cc. J. Ball in Bishop Ellicott’s Commentary ; cae in Lange’s Bibelwerk, 1874 Eng. tr. by J. G. Murphy). i ‘ CHITIOAL Discussions.—M. L. de Wette, Beitrdge zur Binleitung in d. A.T. i. 1806; K. H. Graf, Die Geschichtlichen Biicher d. A.T. 1866, 114-247; W. R. Smith, Encycl. Britan. 8.v. 1876, OT JC? (1892) 140 ff., 182ff.; J. Wellhausen, Gesch. 176-237, Eng. tr. 171-227; A. Kuenen, Onderzoek, 2nd ed. vol. i. 1887, 483-520; S. R. Driver, LOT, 1891, 434-507 ; C. H. Cornill, Einleitung, 1891, 268-276; G. Wildeboer, Origin of the Canon of the Old Testament [1891] 1895, 51, 142 f., 152) 0162, Lat. d: A.T. 1895, 404-420; W. E. Barnes, ‘ Religious Standpoint of the Chronicler’(in Am. Journ, Sem. Lang. and Literature, October 1896), ‘Chronicles a te Ne (in Expository Times, viii. (1897), 816f.); Schiirer, HJP u. i. 309, 340, iii. 162; Girdlestone, i aterosmaphs, 1894 (passim); Sanday, Bampton Lectures on Inspiration (1893), 102, 163, 244, 253 ff., 308, 455, 457; Ewald, History of Israel, i. 169 ff. ; Jennings, ‘Chronicles’ (in Thinker, July, September, November, 1892); R le, Canon of the Old Testament (1892), 138 f., 145, 151, 162; Ladd, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture (1883), |. 108 ¢., 373 ff., 646 ff., 646 f. ; Montefiore, Hibbert Lectures (1892), pp. 447 ff., 454, 483; Driver, ‘The Speeches in Chronicles’ in Expositor, Apr. and Oct. 1895 ; Schrader, KAT? (1883), 366 ff. ; on the genealogies in particular, J. Wellhausen, De gentibus et familiis Judais hires 1 Ch. 2-4 enumerantur, 1870; G. B. Gray, Studies in Hebrew Proper Names, 1896, ch. iii. FRANCIS BROWN. CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TESI. 397 CHRONOLOGY OF THE OT.—The OT con. tains data from which a chronology may be com- ae from the creation of the world to tha estruction of Jerus. by the Chaldeans. Fou convenience, this chronology may be considered under several periods. i, FROM THE CREATION TO THE FLOOD. — The data for this period, which are found in the genea- logical table of Gn 5 and the notice of the year of the Flood in Gn 7°, are given differently in the Heb text, the Sam., and the LXX. These differences are exhibited in the following table :— i Age of each when next was born or event occurred. Adam , Seth Enosh Kenan . Mahalalel Jared . Enoch . . Methuselah . Lamech . Noah 5 . Years from Creation to the Flood 1656 Thus we have three different lengths assigned for the period from the creation of man to the Flood. The numbers of the Heb. text have gene- rally been regarded as the original, although recently those of the Sam. have been defended by Dillmann and Budde. The LXX text, however, was accepted by the Hel. Jews and the early Christian Church, and has found defenders among certain Eng. scholars (Hales, Jackson, Poole, Rawlinson, and others), who have looked upon it with favour as furnishing a chronology more in accord with the antiquity of man than that of the Heb. text. But these numbers, whichever table may be regarded as the original, cannot, in any case, be accepted as historical, and hence for a real chronology of the early ages of man they are valueless. To accept them as genuine records is to assume from the creation of man a degree of civilisation high enough to provide a settled calendar, and a regular registration of births and deaths, and the preservation of such records from the creation of man to the time of the composition of Gn. All that is known of primitive antiquity is against such a supposition. The art of writing was not then known; and however tenacious may have been the memory of man, it is doubtful whether language then possessed the requisite terminology for the expression of such lapses of time. Man also has been upon the earth for a far longer period than that given even by the LXX chronology. The conjectural character of the table of Gn 5 may be also recognised from the varia- tions of the three texts. Such liberties would prob- ably not have been taken with figures supposed to rest upon authentic historical documents. The sacred writer chose the form of a genealogical table to represent the early period of the world’s history. The number of the patriarchs, ten, is a common one in the lists of the prehistoric rulers or heroes of many peoples. It appears at once to be a sug- gestion from the ten fingers. The length assigned for the period from the Creation to the Flood is more difficult of explanation. Accepting that of the Heb. text, the most probable explanation is seen in connecting the 1656 years with the subse- quent data given for the period between the Flood 398 CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. and the Exodus, which together make 2666, or two-thirds of 4000 years. Four thousand years, according to a Jewish tradition, were to elapse from the creation of the world to the coming of the Messiah. Two-thirds of that period, then, would have passed at the Exodus, or the giving of the law and founding of the Jewish Theocracy at Mount Sinai. ii. From THE FLOOD TO THE Exopus.—For the period from the Flood to the birth of Abraham, we have a genealogical table in Gn 111% similar to that of Gn 5, and likewise given differently in the three ancient texts. In this instance, however, the Sam. and LXX VSS are almost identical, both iving a much longer period than the Heb. text. he LXX also has an extra name, Cainan, wanting in both the Heb. and Sam. texts, giving 130 addi- tional years; and the years of Nahor at the birth of Terah in the LXX are 179, while in the Sam. 79. The variations are shown in the following table :— Age of each when next was born or event occurred. Heb. Sam. LXx Shem . ° > . Arpachshad. e ‘ . : 85 135 135 Cainan. . . . . Rv 130 Shelah , : . . . . 80 130 130 Eber . . . . . ° 84 134 134 Peleg . ‘ . ° * 30 130 130 Reu . . ° . . . 82 132 132 | Serug . . . . . is 30 130 130 Nahor . ° ° ° . . 29 79 179 Terah . e . e ° . 70 70 70 Abraham . . . . vee 890 1040 1270 Yrs. of Shem’s life bef. the Flood *100 100 100 From Flood to birth of Abraham 290 940 1170 Of these three texts the Heb. is undoubtedly the original. The LXX and Sam. show an endeav- our to gain more time by systematically heighten- ing the birth year of the patriarchs. The extra name of the L&X probably arose from a desire to make the number of the patriarchs ten (perhaps they were so originally), and thus bring the table more into conformity with that of Ga 5. The LXX text has been preferred by Hales, Jackson, Poole, and others as providing a more adequate time than the Heb. text for the growth of the nations of antiquity. But the LXX period is too short. It places the Flood at about 3000 B.c. But Egyptian remains point to a civilisation whose beginnings were not later than 5000 years B.C., and very likely millenniums earlier (Maspero says 8000 or 10,000 years B.C.), and Assyr. discoveries have revealed an historic period extending to as early a date. This table came evidently from the same source as that of Gn 5, and is of the same artificial character, except that in some of the patriarchal names are reminiscences of peoples and laces. y The data for the period from the birth of Abra- ham to the Nxodus are given in the notice of the age of Abraham at the birth of Isaac (Gn 215), and of Isaac at the birth of Jacob (Gn 25”), and of Jacob at his descent into Egypt (Gn 47°), and * More exactly, according to the statement of Gn 111° that hshad was born ‘two years after the Flood,’ the years of Shem’s life before the Flood are 98 years. But the ‘two years after the Flood’ is probably a gloss inserted by some one who, overlooking the round and systematic character of the data of the lives of the patriarchs, desired to make the birth of Arpach- shad correspond exactly to the deta’led statements of the duration of the Flood (Gn 76 813. 14), CHRONOLOGY OF DLD TEST. of the length of the sojourn of the children of Israel in Egypt (Ex. 12°). In this last passage the LXX and Sam. texts make the sojourning of the children of Israel to include also the sojourning of the patriarchs in the land of Canaan. From these data we present the following table with a summary of the preceding tables, with also the reference to the age of Abraham at his call from Haran (Gen. 124) :— Age of Abraham on leaving Haran. . 75 75 Age of Abraham at the birth of Isaac. 100 25 Age of Isaac at the birth of Jacob . 4 60 60 Age of Jacob at the descent into Egypt . 180 180 Years of the patriarchal sojourn in Canaan . ° A 5 , 5 fe 215 ae Years of the patriarchal sojourn in Egypt 430 480 Years of the sojourn in Egypt according toLXx . 5 . = ig. 215 ae From the birth of Abraham to the Exodus . ° 720 From the Flood to birth of Abraham . * 290 From the Creation to the Flood . . . . 1656 From the Creation to the Exodus . 5 . ‘ 2666 How nearly these numbers represent the actual duration of the beginnings of the people of Israel, and of their sojourn in Fert, cannot now be determined. They are evi ay from the same original source as the previous tables, and there is no reason to suppose that authentic historical records underlie them.* Some early hist. reminiscences, however, may be preserved in them. The number 400 for the years of the oppression in Egypt appears in Gn 15%, which belongs to one of the earliest sources of the Hexateuch. The Period of the Sojourn in Liat descent of the children of Israel into Egypt, according to the story of Joseph, took place when a Sem. foreigner might be received at the Egyp. court with favour, and his people readily granted posses- sions in the land. he reign of the Hyksos or Shepherd-kings meets this condition, and the descent of the children of Israel at that time is both an ancient tradition and the view generally accepted by biblical scholars. The period of the Hyksos rule, owing to the obscurity and uncer- tainty of Egyp. chronology, cannot be very definitely determined. It lasted several centuries, and terminated not later than 1530 Bot A famine is recorded as occurring during the reign of Aphophis or Apepi, one of the last of the Hyksos rulers; and this monarch may have been the Pharaoh of Joseph. He is so mentioned by George Syncellus, a historian of the 9th cent. A.D.; and the supposition is received with favour by Sayce, Brugsch, Kittel, and others. It is, however, only a supposition. The Pharaoh of the oppression, under whom the children of Israel built the treasure cities Pithom and Raamses (Ex 1), was Ramses II. This fact, long conjectured, has been definitely settled by Naville’s identification of Pithom, and discovery that it was built by Ramses 1. The Exodus has usually been assigned (by Brugsch, Ebers, Rawlinson, Sayce, and others) to the reign of Menephtah (Merenptah) or Seti 0., the im- mediate successors of tas 11. Since, however, both of these kings were no mean sovereigns, and apparently controlled both Pal. and the Sin. Peninsula, it may be better (with Kittel, Maspero, Wiedemann, and others) to assign * According to the documentary hypothesis of the composi- tion of the Pent. or Hex. they belong to the priestly document now generally regarded as the latest portion of the Pentateuch. + This is the date given by Ed. Meyer as the latest possible, and is thus accepted by Wendel and Erman. Other dates given for the close of this period or the beginning of the New Empire are Wiedemann, 1750; Brugsch, 1706; Mariette, 1703; Rawlinson, 1640; Lepsius, 1591. | : CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF VLD TEST. 399 the Exodus to the period of royal weakness and general anarchy following their reigns at the close of the 19th dynasty (not later, according to Meyer, than 1180 B.C.; according to Rawlinson and others, about a cent. earlier), M°Curdy (Hist., pee, and the Mon.) places the Exodus in the 20th dynasty, in the latter part of the reign of Ramses Ill., or immediately after his reign. He does not think the Egyp. control in the Sin. Pen- insula or in Pal. to have been sufficiently relaxed at an earlier period for either the Exodus or the conquest of Pal. to have been possible. He gives the date about 1200 B.c. The children of Israel, however, during the reign of Ramses ILI, (1180- 1148) may have been wandering in the desert and taking possession of the country E. of the Jordan. This would allow about 50 years from their depar- ture from Egypt to their entrance into W. Pal., corresponding roughly with the biblical 40 years. This much at least seems certain, that Pal. was for many centuries an Egyp. province, and that the conquests under Joshua cannot well have begun until the close of the 19th dynasty, and probably the close of the reign of Ramses 1. The view of some writers (F. C. Cook, Conder, Kéhler, Sharpe, and others), who have assigned the Exodus to earlier periods, is refuted by Naville’s discove of Pithom, built by Ramses 1.; by the Tel el- Amarna tablets, which show that Pal. was thoroughly an Egyp. province during the 18th dynasty ; and by the fact of the control exercised by Seti 1. and Ramses uJ. over Pal. within the 19th dynasty. * iii. FROM THE EXODUS TO THE FOUNDING OF THE TEMPLE.—The founding of Solomon’s temple is said in 1 K 6 to have taken place in the 480th year after the Exodus (according to the LXX, in the 40th year). Such an exact statement, if historical, requires that an accurate system of reckoning time was employed by the children of Israel during all those years. A provision for this has been seen in the yearly Heb. festivals, and especially in the Sabbatical and Jubilee years. If this, however, was the case, it is strange that we do not find traces of such a mode of reckoning in the OT. While there are allusions to the recurrence of feasts as indicating a year’s time, there is nothing to indicate festivals or Sabbatical or Jubilee years as being regarded as the units or termini of any calendar. The only method apparent is by the years of the monarch of the land. Before the royal period we have no evidence of any system of reckoning dates, and it is probable that during the period from the Exodus to the founding of the temple, Sabbatical years and years of Jubilee were not observed. The number 480 appears, like the numbers of the Pent., to be conjectural, arising from the supposition that from the Exodus to the founding of the temple there were 12 genera- tions of 40 ye each. This period, however, is too long. he interval from the Exodus to the founding of the temple is probably nearer 300 than 500 years. The Exodus we have seen can in no case be placed earlier than after the reign of Ramses I1., and the building of the temple oc- curred not later than the middle of the 10th cent. B.C. Reliable chron. data for comput- ing the exact length of this ae. we may well believe were not preserved. The disorganised con- dition of affairs during the period of the judges, when there was no central authority, is against the supposition of the use of a settled calendar and the official registration of events. The chron. * Since the above article was in type, the new inscription of king Merenptah mentioning the people of Israel has been dis- covered. This may call fora revision of the opinion expressed above in regard to the date of the Exodus, and may require its assignment to an earlier period. See Eayrt, Exopus (Route). data of the Book of Judges appear also to be somewhat artificial. They are as follows :— Israel seryes Cushan-rishathaim (38) ; . 8 years. Deliverance by Othniel: the land rests (3) . 40 ” Israel serves Eglon (314) , ‘: : fe 180% Deliverance by Ehud: the land rests (880) 80) es Oppression by Jabin (43) . . : Fi 5 20s, Deliverance by Deborah ; the land rests (531). 40 ,, Oppression by Midian (6!) 5 : 5 i. hot Ba Deliverance by Gideon ; the land rests (828) . 40 ,, Abimelech reigns over Israel (922) . ; ee Bis Tola judges Israel (102) 23 Jair judges Israel (103) . 22 on Oppression by Ammon (108) . A F nee? tc emery Jephthah judges Israel (127). rn ° ea Oss Ibzan judges Israel (12%) . ' G . b Why Elon judges Israel (1211) . 10.755 Abdon judges Israel (1214) 5 . Soi Oppression by the Philistines (181) - ; . 30) 5 Samson judges Israel (1520 1681) 4 ; eee eas Total 410 years To these years must be added— The sojourn in the Wilderness 40 years. The conquest under Joshua The judgeship of Eli (18 418) . My 2 The judgeship of Samuel . *20 The reign of Saul Te ot The reign of David ak 211) » . . 40 Of the reign of Solomon (1 K 6!) . ne 3 Total - 144+x+y years. According to these figures the entire period is over 550 years, and the repeated occurrence of 40 or its multiple shows that some of the numbers are round, and probably conjectural. Some of the judgeships recorded in the Book of Judges may have been local and contemporaneous with others. In that case no chronology can be computed from these statements. In all fikelihood, however, the numbers were designed to represent 480 years,—the years of oppression, like those of a usurper, as is customary in Oriental reckonings, being not counted, their interval being included in the years of rest belonging to a lawful ruler. ceeiryaie on this principle we have the following result :— Moses. ; . . a s 40 years. Joshua and the Elders . ° ae Othniel . A 5 F : 40 5 Ehud. . LO Ss Barak 40° 5 Gideon : 5 A w a = » 40 iy Tola, Jair, Jephthah, Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon . a ‘ r 5 Oi ere Samson 20 99 Eli ‘0 Samuel ° PAD 5 Saul . } Aer David . . . ° . mm G0 55 Solomon . . ° . . ore 440+x+y years. If 30 yeara (cf. Jos. 24”) are given to Joshua and the elders, and 10 years to Saul, we have exactly 480 years. t iv. FroM THE FOUNDING OF THE TEMPLE TO THE FALL OF JERUSALEM. —This era is marked by an advance in culture among the Hebrews, and in the office of royal recorders or scribes provision seems to have been made for the regular regis- tration of important events. These events were probably dated by the years of reigning monarchs. At least we find this system in 1 and 2 K, Jer, and Ezk. A provision, however, for the keep- ing of exact chron. records does not neces- sarily imply their preservation, and the Books of Kings, our biblical source for the chronology of this period, were not written until its close, several * The assignment of 20 years to Samuel is an inference from 1872. The period of Israel’s desire for the Lord is rezarded ag representing Samuel’s judgeship, and ceasing when the people desired and chose a king. t The above scheme is Noldeke’s. Moore (Judges, p. xlif.) onits Saul as being to a Judawan writer an illegitimate sovereign and assigns, after LXX, 20 years to Eli, and conjectures 40 years each for Joshua and Samuel. 400 CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TST. centuries after the earlier events narrated. The writer of these books, it is true, refers constantly to ‘the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah,’ and ‘to the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel,’ as sources of hisinformation. Butit is not known whether he had access to original royal records or only to two historical works based in some way upon them. Probably the latter, be- cause (1) it is unlikely that the State records of the N. kingdom were preserved and brought to Jerus. ; (2) the references are not to the chronicles or annals themselves, but to the book of the chronicles; and (3) it is difficult to account for the statements of the writer in reference to dates of accession and lengths of reigns, if he had access to original records. 1 and 2 K give a complete list of the mon- archs of Judah and Israel, and the length of their reigns in years from Solomon to the fall of Samaria and of Jerusalem. The commencement of eachreign is dated by the year of the reign of the contem- poraneous king in the other kingdom. This mode of cross-reckoning is evidently that of the biblical writer, for it is scarcely possible that in either kingdom the year of the king of the other king- dom should be used to fix the date of its own king. An examination of the synchronisms leads to a similar conclusion. From the construction of the Heb. sentence in many instances the synchronisms appear to be an addition to a statement of the simple duration of a reign, and they seem in some instances to reveal an attempt at an adjustment of two unequal series of numbers. Rehoboam and Jeroboam came to the throne at the same time, also Athaliah and Jehu. The sums of the years of the reigns of the kings of Israel and Judah between these two dates should be the same. That of Israel, however, as is seen in the following table, exceeds that of Judah by 3 years. (The 7 days of the reign of Zimri are omitted, for that week naturally was reckoned as belonging either to the reign of Elah or Omri.) :— Rehoboam . A - 17| Jeroboam ° - 22 Abijam . e « Si Nadabic) ion eae ee Asa. - . » 41/ Baasha. “a - 2 Jehoshaphat o <« 25: Hiahie 5.0 ttc0 chee Joram . @ oe) Jel S| Omri iis, arate emis i . . » Li} Ahab . . - 22 Ahaziah ° ° neem Joram. . 4 - 12 95 98 Sincethelengthsof thereignsareexpressed in even ears, and since actual reigns must have embraced actions of a year, it is apparent that these years are calendar years. The question now arises whether the calendar year in which a king died was reckoned as his own last year and the Ist year of his successor, or whether the Ist year of his successor began with the following new year. The former method of pre-dating introduces the confusion of a calendar year being reckoned as belonging to tworeigns; and yet it is in accordance with the Heb. usage, which reckoned fractions of time as full units. For example, the siege of Samaria, which began in the 4th and ended in the 6th year of Hezekiah, is said to have lasted 3 years (2 id 18*-), There is also the familiar example of ‘the 3 days’ of Christ’s being in the grave. The latter method of post-dating was the usual one of the Assyrians. With them the general practice was to count the regnal years from the new year’s day after the accession, and to call the period between the accession and the Ist new years day ‘the beginning of the reign’; while the year from the new year’s day was called ‘the Ist year,’ and the following ones were numbered successivel from it. Which of these methods was systemati- cally used by the Hebrews cannot now he decisively determined. Possibly, neither of them consistently or entirely. The Talm. testifies appar to the method of pre-dating (Wieseler, Chron. Synopsis, . 47), and this has often been assumed as the Fieb. method. Jer. and Ezk., however, post-dated, and many scholars (Dilimann, Stade, Wellhausen, and others) believe this to have been the Heb. method. The writer or compiler of 1 and 2 K, as will be seen from the following table of syn- chronisms, used both methods :— Rehoboam ‘ “ 7 7 Jeroboam. In 18th of Jeroboam (1 K 151), Abijam. . . 1/18 2/19 In 20th of Jeroboam (1 K 159), Am . . .(1)3 0 1/2 2 | 22.1. Nadabin tnd of Ase (1 K 8| 1.2. Baasha in 8rd of Asa(1K 1528. 83), 26 | 24, 1. Hlah in 26th of Asa (1 K 87 2 Zimri in 27th of Ava (1K 1 Omri in 27th of Asa (1K 1615f.), si} & 88 | 12. 1. Ahab in 88th of Asa (1 K Ps 1679), In 4th of Ahab (1 K 2241), Jehoshaphat (1) s é 17 21 1. Ahaziah in 17th ehoshaphat (1 K 2251), 18 | ee» jehochagial (EN In 5th of Joram (2 K 816), Jehoram ° . -1.22] 6 4.25] 8 In 12th of Joram (2 K 8%5), Ahaziah F » =~ S&B The methcd of post-dating is here applied to the reigns of the S. kingdom until the reigns of Jehoram and Ahaziah, the former of whom is made co-regent with his father for four years. Asa and Jehoshaphat come to the throne in the years preceding their Ist years, while Abijam comes in his Ist year. Thus we have two methods of post-dating. The reigns of the N. kingdom are all pre-dated, and Ahaziah is made co-regent with Ahab for one year. Thus the total length of the reigns is shortened, and the interval from Solomon to Athaliah becomes 90 years. In 1 K 16% Omri is said to have eke to reign in the 3lst year of Asa, and in 2 K 1” Joram in the 2nd of Jehoram. Both of these state- ments are im general harmony with a scheme of ost-dating the kings both of Israel and Judah. This fact, with the apparently systematic oer. of the intervals expressed by the reigns of the N. kingdom and then of the S. kingdom, to make them agree, suggests the possibility of the lengths of the reigns not being entirely derived from accurate his- torical sources, and yet pie a chronological sclieme which the author did not feel free to modify. Samaria fell, according to 2 K 18", in ‘the 6th ear of Hezekiah, which was the 9th of Hoshea, ee of Israel.’ The durations of the reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel from the accessions of ‘Athaliah and Jehu to this year, then, should be the same. The figures recorded in 2 K, how- ever, give quite a different result— Athaliah . * Gyears.{ Jehu . . 28 years. Joash . » 40 4 Jehoahasz a) AT ares Amaziah. ot (20:0; Joash . o 216 ey Azariah . . 8 y Jeroboaam . 41 ,, Jotham . o ©1160 Zechariah . 6 months, Ahaz - 1 , Shallum . e ” Hezekiah Pete, yt Menahem - 10 years. Pekahiah ok Pekah . oe ss Hoshea . . 9 » 165 148 yrs. 7 mos. ; 4 ' . ; : Is CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. Thus the years of the reigns of the southern kingdom exceed those of the northern kingdom by over 21 years. The following table gives the biblical synchron- isms of this period.” (The various statements have been adjusted to each other by allowing the variable factor of a co-regency, and reckoning the Ist year either from the commencement of the co-regency or of the sole reign) :— Athaliah , . e . In 7th of Jehu (2 K 121 Joash . 1 Jehu z 6 1 22 | 28 28 | 1 Jehoahasz in 28rd of Joash K 181), 87 | 15 (1) Jehoash in 87th of Joash (2 K 1810), 88 9 In 2nd of Jehoash (2 K 141), Amasiah ae 1 16 (2) 2) 89 | 17 (8 840) 40 4) 572 @) 6} 7(4 (10) 15 | 16(18) Jeroboam in 15th of Amasiah (2 K 14%). In 87th of Jeroboam (2 K 151), Azariah ao 2 a 88 | 41. 1. Zachariah in 88th of Azariah (2 K 158) 2. Shallum in 89th of Azariah (2 K 1613), 90 Menahem in 39th of ie Avariah (2 K 1517), 49 | 10 60 | 1 Pekahiah in 50th of Azariah : (2 K 1523), 1) 2 62) 1 Fon 52nd of Agariah In £nd of Pekah (2 K 152%), Jotham. ee CL ae 1/2 o 9/10 8) 16 | 17 In 17th of Pekah (2 K 16), Abas 2. wets 9 3 18 11 (49) | 20 12 (20) | 1 Hoshea in 20th of Jotham and 12th of Ahaz (2 K 1530 171), In 8rd of Hoshea (3 K 181), Hezekiah ea. ty 14 3 15 4 16 (2 5 In 6th of Hezekiah (2 K 9Samaria taken in 9th of 1810), Samaria taken . Hoshea (2 K 176 1810), The following tables (a) (5) (c) give dates for the accession of the kings of Judah, and (d) (e) (/) of the kings of Israel—(a) according to 1 and 2 Ch, in which the durations of the reigns are the same as those mentioned in 1 and 2 K, and are given without reference to the corresponding reigns of the N. Se spony so that their sum would be naturally taken as the duration of the 8. kingdom; (6) according to the tables of syn- chronisms given above ; (c) according to a determi- nation from the Assyr. inscriptions. An asterisk indicates a co-regency ; but see the following pera- aphs. (d) corresponds to (a), and is adjusted to it by pre-dating the reigns of Nadab, Elah, and Ahaziah, and lengthening that of Jeroboam I. to 51 ears, and Pekah’s to 30. (e) and (/) correspond (5) and (c). The explanation of (c) and (/) is given in the following peregre ne. (a) and (d) correspond essentially to Ussher’s system of dates given in the margin of the AV. Of these tables only (2) and (e) represent approximately the course of history. The others are given merely for the sake of comparison. * According to this table the number of years from the accessions of Athaliah and Jehu to the fall of Samaria is 129, This table, with the one above of synchronisms, however, has not been given to present the course of history, but to give a bird's-eye view of the chronological statements of 1 and 2 K. VOL. I.—26 CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. tu: David (40) . , 7 Solomon (40) . ’ Temple founded :; . . | 1015 | 965 978 Rehoboam(i7). : + . | 989 | 939 | 937 Abijam(3). . 2. gS «| «(962 | «ee | = 980 ECT Co a eS ae 959 919 917 Jehoshaphat (25). . . 918 878 876 Jehoram (8) Fi . ° ° 893 *857 851 Ahaziah(i) . « . « | 885 | 850 | 843 Athaliah (6) - ss gsa | 849 | 842 Joash (40) . noes 878 843 836 ‘Amaziah (29) Shi eeicesteesesit| "oat i) 706 * Azariah (Uzziah) (52). . | 800 | *ao1 | { “780 Jotham(ié) . . . «| 757 | veo | 4 “758 ARGO) sec et rad | rade fo 8 Hezekiah (29) . ° ° ° 725 Fall of Samaria . . A 5 719 722 722 Invasion of Sennacherib . e 711 ar 701 Manasseh (55) . erate, O08, |W. pel Amon (2) . oe 641 os 641 Josiah (31) 7 . ° . 639 - 639 Jehoahaz (3 months) . . 608 ee 608 Jehoiakim . S . . ° 608 o 608 Jehoiachin (3 months) . 597 oo 597 Zedekiah (11) . 2 . . 597 ee 597 Destruction of Jerusalem. . 686 se 686 @)|eo |W Jeroboam (22). ». «» « | 989 | 939 937 Nadab (2) . . e ° ° 967 918 915 Baasha(24) 5 » «© 966 917 914 Miai(Q) 0 5s wt | O42! | 808 oe Zimri(7days) . . » » | 941 | g08 | {808 Omri—ig). . . « » | 91 | sos | 4800 Ahab (22) . A 3 ° ° 919 882 875 Ahaziah (2 . ° ° ° 897 *862 853 Joram (12) Ree ic ° ° 896 861 852 Jehu (28) . . ° ° ° 884 849 842 Jehoahaz (16) . . oe 856 821 815 Joash (17) . . ° . ° 840 *807 798 Jeroboam 1, (41) 5 . ° 823 *804 782 Zachariah (6 months . ° 771 763 741 Shallum (1 month) . pias 770 763 741 Menahem (10) . e ° ° 770 762 741 Pekahiah(2) . » © 760 752 737 Pekah (20) eS rk Se 758 750 736 Hoshea (9) Soe ari 728 730 734 Fall of Samaria . ° ° 719 722, 722 Our examination of the biblical statements shows from the variety of the modes of reckoning, and from the apparent inconsistencies of the synchron- isms (unless an ever variable factor in co-regencies is assumed), that we must look to another source for determining the true chronology of this period. Such a source, in a limited degree, has been found in the Assyr. inscriptions. These inscriptions are dated by the Assyr. calendar or canon. In this canon, which exists in several copies, all of which closely agree, covering the period from about 900 B.C. to about 650 B.c., each year bears the name of an officer called an eponym. From the mention of a total eclipse, which occurred in 763 B.C., is determined the date of all the remaining years. The following persons and events of biblical history are mentioned in the Assyr. inscriptions, and dated by the Assyr. canon (COT ii. p. 167 ff.). -— Ahab (at the battle of Karkar) Jehu (the payment of tribute) . Azariah (war with Tiglath-pileser) Menahem (payment of tribute) . Pekah (conquered by Tiglath-pileser) Ahaz (payment of tribute) . 5 Hoshea (successor of Pekah) 7 . Fall of Samaria (near the close of the year). 722 Invasion of Sennacherib ° . ° . Manasseh : . . Sicvelece ws w-3-7 ~_ 0 @ According to the Assyr. sources, Tiglath-pileser I1l. (745-728) conducted a campaign (742-738) against Syria, Hamath, and Palestine. At the head of a coalition against him (742-740) is mentioned 402 CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. Azariah, king of Judah. Menahem is also men- tioned 9s paying tribute in 738. During the years 737-735 Ke ath-pileser was campaigning in the East, but in 734 he returned to suppress another coalition in the West, when he conquered Pekah, ands appointed Hoshea king of Samaria in his stead. According to the biblical account, Menahem and Azariah were contemporaries, and Menahem paid tribute to Tiglath-pileser (called Pul in 2 K 15); and after the brief reign of Pekahiah the son of Menahem, in the last year of Azariah, Pekah came to the throne. Pekah, with Rezin king of Damascus, in the reigns of Jotham and Ahaz, made war’on Judah, evidently to coerce Judah to form an alliance against Assyria. During the reign of Pekah the N. kingdom suffered great loss of territory and inhabitants by Assyr. invasien, and Pekah was followed by Hoshea, These two accounts, the biblical and Assyrian, har- monize, and it only remains for us to fix the dates. In 737 Pekahiah is king, perhaps having come to the throne in the previous year. His reign is brief, and in 736 or 735 ie is slain by Pekah. In 737 or 736 Azariah dies, and Jotham, who for some 14 ears may be thought of as having been co-regent, lis father being a leper, becomes sole king. In 735 Ahaz succeeds Jotham ; in 734 Pekah is slain, and Hoshea becomes king. Samaria falls in the winter of 722-721. Thus in this period the biblical chrono- logical statements must be considerably modified. The result is given in tables (c) and (/). A difficulty is also presented in 2 K 181413, which date the fall of Samaria in the 6th year of Hezekiah, and the invasion of Sennacherib in the 14th; but the former event occurred in 722, and the latter in 701. According to the former reckoning, Hezekiah came to the throne in 728 or 727; and according to the latter, in 715 or 714. If we adopt the latter reckoning, the reign of Ahaz must be lengthened to some 20 years, and that of Manasseh or of Hezekiah shortened some 10 years. A co- regency of Hezekiah with Ahaz has been suggested as the solution, or that the date of an invasion of Sargon in 711 may have been given for that of . Sennacherib. According to this latter solution, however, Hezekiah would have come to the throne in 725 or 724. The presence of Ahab at the battle of Karkar brin is reign down to 854 at least. At this battle, according to the Assyr. inscription, Ahab appears as an ally of the king of Damascus. According to 1 K 20% Ahab formed such an alliance, which lasted three years (1 K 22"). Inthe third year of the alliance the truce was broken, and Ahab was slain at Ramoth-gilead (1 K 22! 87-40), Assuming the alliance to have been made in 855, the close of Ahab’s reign, then, may be placed in 853.* See AHAB. In the period before Ahab a change in the biblical length of the reign of Omri has been thought by some scholars necessary from the state- ment of Mesha on the Moabite Stone, where he says: ‘And Omri took possession of the land of Méhédeba, and it (Israel) dwelt therein during his days, and half his son’s days, forty years.’ If ‘his son’ is Ahab, then Omri’s reign must be lengthened at the expense of Baasha’s. In favour of this is the importance and lasting impression of Omri’s reign (Mic 6'*). The ‘land of the house of Omri’ in * Another explanation of the events of this period is, that the king present as a Syrian ally at the battle of Karkar was not Ahab but Ahaziah or Joram, the Assyr. scribe having unwittingly given the name of the father for that of the son, being ignorant of the latter’s accession. e argument for this view is that Israel would not have assisted the wi bbper: except as a vassal, and that such vassalage immediately followed the battle of Ramoth-gilead. Ahab’s death, then, probably would have eccurred in 855. CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. lly inscriptions is a standing designation for the N. kingdom. If, however, ‘his son’ means Omri’s grandson Joram, then no great change is needed. This is more probable, agreeing with 2K 1} 38, which place the revolt of Moab (unlikely to have happened under the powerful king Ahab) in the reign of Joram. If we knew from Egyp. history the precise date of Shishak’s reign and invasion of Palestine, we could fix definitely the reign of Rehoboam (‘In the 5th year of Rehoboam, Shishak came up against Jerusalem,’ 1 K 14%). As far ag Egyp. history gives any light on this point, it con- firms the date given in (c). For the period between the death .of Ahab and that of Azariah (Uzziah) it is necessary to shorten several reigns. The disturbed condition of affairs at the death of Jeroboam 11.—a destructive rivalry of factions is indicated in the prouhree writings —suggests the shortening of Menahem’s reign to three years to allow the others of Israel to stand. Internal evidence favours allowing the reigns of Athaliah and Joash to remain unchanged. The sole reigns of Azariah (Uzziah) and Jotham, then, may be shortened by sate them co-regents for a number of years with their fathers. The periods given for the reigns of Amon, Josiah, Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah are undoubtedly correct. The following table gives the dates and synchronisms of their reigns :— Amon’s accession Ist year of Jere- miah’s mi (Jer 12), Discovery of the Book of the Law (2 K 223. 8). (2 K 2381) Jeho- ahaz 3 mos, reign and Battle of Megiddo Jehoiakim’s (2 K 2328), accession Jeremiah’s 28rd and Nebuchad- rezzar’s 1st (Jer 261. 5), (2 K 248-18) Je- hoiachin’s 38 mos. reign and Zede- kiah’s acces- sion 8th of Nebuchad- rezzar (2 K 2412), 596 587 586 Zedekiah’s 1st year “A 10th ,, 18th of Nebuchad- rezzar (Jer 321), 19th of Nebuchad- rezzar and des- ” 11th ,, truction of Jeru- salem (2 K 258), These dates are determined by Nebuchadrezzar’s lst year, which, according to Ptolemy’s Canon,* is 604. The reigns given in the table above are post- dated. This arrangement is the one generally accepted. Some, however, have preferred to pre- date them. Then Jerusalem falls in 587 or 588. In favour of this are Jer 52”, which place seemingly the captivity of Jehoiachin and destruction of Jerusalem in the 8th and 18th years of Nebuchad- rezzar. The battle of Carchemish (Jer 46?) is dated in the 4th year of Jehoiakim. According to Tiele and others, this took place in 605, the year of Nebuchadrezzar’s accession, This pre dates the 4th year of Jehoiakim. From the facts presented, it is evident that only * The Canon of Ptolemy is a chron. compilation by the cele- trated Alexandrian scholar Ptolemy of the 2nd cent. A.D., with astronoinical notes, commencing B.C. 747 with the reigns of the Bab. kings. As far as it has been tested, it has proved an accurate and reliable document. See AssyYRiA, p. 179°. Ans eee eee lL lee ee CHRONOLOGY OF OLD TEST. a few dates in Israel’s history can be fixed with absolute certainty. The time of most events can only be given definitely within a space of two or three years. There generally remains that amount of uncertainty, hence few tables of dates furnished by OT chronologists exactly agree. In view of the corrections which must be made in the OT chron. statements from the founding of Solomon’s temple to the destruction of Jerus., and in view of the apparent endeavour of the writer of 1 and 2 K to preserve and harmonize in his syn- chronisms the recorded lengths of the reigns of kings, the question may arise whether in this eriod as well as the former ones the chronological ta may not be bee conjectural or artificial, complete historical data for both theS. and N. king- dom not having been preserved. This is the view of W. R. Smith, Stade, Wellhausen, and others. In its favour is the fact that from the founding of Solomon’s temple to that of Zerubbabel, according to the biblical numbers, there are 480 years, and the duration of the N. kingdom (omitting the 2 years of Elah or reducing Baasha’s to 22) is 240 years. The combinations seen in the length of the reigns suggest also, it is said, artificiality. Solomon. . . 87 Brought forward 259 Rehoboam . 17 \ 20 Jotham . . 16) Abijam. . 8 Ahaz - « 16>88 ASR eS teu! «Al Hezekiah. . 6 Jehoshaphat. 25 Hezekiah, . 23 = Ho eet Athaliah . 6 Josiah . . 81 Josh . . . 4 Jehoiakim 5 ui hss Amaziah - 2 \ 81 Zedekiah . li Ussiah . - 52 Captivity. . - &0 * Oarry forward . 259 The combination of 41 +81+38=40+80+40, it is said, cannot be mere chance. A system likewise, it is claimed, appears in the years of the first eight kings of legal Total - 480 Jeroboam . 22 Omri 12 WNadab'*. . 3 Ahab eee ee Baasha (24) . 22 [4% Ahaziah . . 2 [8 Elah_. eee Joram . - 12 Here are eight kings reigning 96 years, an aver- age of 12 for each. Three reign 12+10, three 12-10, and two 12. From the inaccuracy of some of the biblical numbers, and from the symmetry of their sum, it is not improbable that missing lengths of the reigns of some kings were supplied by conjecture, so as to make the duration of the N. kingdom 240 years, and the interval between the founding of the two temples 480 years. Such an arrangement would be helpful to the memory and analogous to reckonings of the early periods of the world and of Israel, and such an arrangement also finds a counterpart in the genealogy of Jesus in Mt, where . the generations are reduced to three series of 14 each. But, taking the biblical data as a whole for this period, they do not present sufficient symmetry to be entirely or mainly artificial. Errors doubt- less crept into lists of reigns, and the lengths of some probably were not preserved, and hence were supplied by conjecture. vy. CHRONOLOGY OF THE PosT-EXILIC PERIOD. —When Judah became a vassal, and her own kings ceased, the years of foreign rulers, as we have already seen at the beginning of the Captivity, were employed in dating events. The time of these rulers is fixed by the Canon of Ptolemy. The following table gives the Pious OT chrono- logical references of this period :— CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 403 Nebuchadrezzar’s 19th | 586 Oyrus’ accession . - | 539 » Istyear . 638 637 | Return under Zerubbabel 636 | Founding of the Temple (Ezr 38) Darius’ accession . . | 522 »» 2nd year . . | 520 Fall of Jerusalem (2 K 258) Capture of Babylon by Cyrus Edict for the Return (Ezr 1) Haggai and Zechariah pro- phesy (Hag 11, Zec i fy es a - | 616 | Temple finished (Ezr 615) Artaxerxes’ accession . | 465 ” 7th year . | 458 oy 2th , .| 445 Ezra arrives at Jerusalem (Ezr 78) Nehemiah’s mission to Jerusa- lem (Neh 21) LirrratTurs.—For the Chron. of the Hex. consult the Com- mentaries of Delitzsch, Dillmann, and other writers on that portion of the OT; also Lenormant, Beginnings of History, ch, vi.; Budde, Die Biblische Urgeschichte, ch. iii.; Kittel, History of the Hebrews, §§ 19, 25; (for Chron. of Judges, § 30, 2); F. C. Konig, ‘Beitrage zur Biblische Chronologie,’ in ZEW, 1883; Noldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des A.T., pp. 173-198. For the regal period: Brandes, Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des Orients im Alterthum, 1874; Wellhausen, ‘Die Zeitrechnung des Buches der Konige,’ in JDTh, 1875; ‘Chronology of the Kings of Israel] and Judah compared with the Monuments,’ in Church Quart. Rev., Jan. 1886; 8. Sharpe, Heb. Nation and Itt., pp. 381ff., 389ff.; G. Smith, Assyr. Epon. Canon, chs. i. and vii.; W. R. Smith, Journ. of Philology, x. p. 209 ff.; Kamphausen, Chron. der Hebrdischen Kénige, 1883 ; Schrader, COT ii. 161-175, supplemented by O. O. Whitehouse, pp. 820-324, 1888; Orr, ‘Assyr. and Heb. Chron.,’ in Pres. ev., Jan. 1889; Kittel, Hist. of the Hebrs., § 53a, 1892; Wellhausen, Proleg. to Hist. of Israel, 285f., 1883; Stade, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, 88 ff., 558 ff., 1887. E. L. CuRTIs. CHRONOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. I. THE GOSPELS. The data for the chronology of the Life of Christ group themselves round three points, the Nativity, the Baptism, and the Crucifixion, and the intervals between these, namely, the age of Christ at the Baptism, and the duration of the Ministry. Ifsome of them could be settled conclusively, the rest could be deduced at once: for instance, the date of Christ’s birth combined with his age when baptized would fix the date of the Baptism ; if the moments of the beginning and end of the Ministry are known, its length follows; and so on. But as it is, since for no one of these dates or intervals is there demonstrative proof, while yet about each of them conclusions more or less prvbable can be reached, it is sapere? to investigate them separately, and to check the tentative results by comparison with one another. A. THE DATE OF THE NATIVITY.—1. The Year. —a. St. Matthew tells us that Jesus Christ was born in the reign of Herod the Great, who at some period not more than two years afterwards ordered a massacre of all the infants at Bethlehem, and that the Holy Family fled to Egypt, where the remained for the rest of the king’s lifetime (Mt gi. 18-16. 19) Thus Herod’s death is the terminus ad quem for the Nativity. For the chronology of the events of Jewish history of NT times, the primary authorities are the BJ and Ant. of Josephus (quoted throughout this article in the critical edition of B. Niese, Berlin, 1887-1895). Josephus nowhere states the exact year of Herod’s death, but he gives the length of his reign from two more or less fixed starting-points, and the length of his three successors’ reigns to more or less fixed concluding points. (i.) Herod when he died, not very long before the Passover, had reigned 37 years* as king de jure since the Roman decree of the 184th Olympiad (middle of 8.0. 44 to middle of B.c. 40), and con- sulship of Domitius Calvinus and Asinius Pollio [B.o. 40]; Ant. xiv. xiv. 4, 5, xvu. viii. 1; BJ 1. xxxiii, 8, Thus the decree belongs to the first half of B.o. 40: but as it is uncertain even so whether the month was earlier or later than the month (March?) of Herod’s death, it is uncertain also whether the 37th year had begun before March B.o. 4, or only before March B.c. 3. (ii.) He had reigned also 34 years as king de facto since the death of Antigonus; and Antigonus died ‘on the day of the great Fast (Sept.-Oct.] in the consulship of M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus [B.c. 37], 27 years to a day since the entry cf * That is, according to the general rule of ancient calcula tions,—to which attention is here called once for all,—not 37 years or something over, but 37 years or something less, 404 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. Pompey into Jerusalem in the consulship of Antonius and Cicero’ [B.0. 63 less 27=8.0. 86]. Of these two discordant reckonings for Antigonus’ death, 84 years from the first would put Herod’s death in the beginning of B.o. 8, 84 from the second in the beginning of B.o. 2; and if the second may reasonably be set aside as due to the confusion of all chronology previous to the introduction of the Julian calendar in B.o. 46, even B.O. 87 is inconsistent with the evidence of Dio, a later but equally well informed historian, who names the consuls of 8.0. 38, Claudius and Norbanus, so that the 34 years would expire in B.o. 4 (Jos. Ant. xiv. iv. 8, XIV. xvi. 4, XVI. viii. 1; BJ 1. xxxiii. 8: Dio, xlix. 22). (iii.) Of Herod’s successors, Archelaus, king of Judza, was banished in the consulship of Lepidus and Arruntius [a.D. 6], when in the ninth year of his reign according to BJ, the tenth according to Ant. As his accession was near the beginning of the year, the former reckoning would throw it probably in B.0. 3 (possibly in B.o. 4), the latter probably in B.c. 4 (possibly B.c. 5). If the two may be reconciled by supposing that the banishment fell very early in a.p. 6, before the anniversary of the accession, and that Ant. reckons Archelaus’ second and succeeding years from Jan. 1, both would point to B.o, 4; if otherwise, Ant. as the later and fuller work is more likely to have corrected an earlier error than to have introduced a new one, so that B.o. 4 is in any case the more probable date (BJ u. vii. 3; Ant. xvu. xiii. 2, 8, cf. Vita, 1; Dio, lv. 25. 27). ce} Herod Philip, tetrarch of Trachonitis, reigned 37 years, and die in the 20th year of Tiberius—that is, reckoning from Augustus’ death in August A.D. 14, between August A.D. 33 and August A.D. 84, which would leave Herod Philip’s accession doubtful between B.0. 3 and 4 (Ant. xvul. iv. 6). (v.) Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, was issuing coins as late as his 44th year; and as his banishment by Gaius Caligula (March a.p. 37-Jan. A.D. 41) can hardly have been later than a.p. 89—his rival and nephew, Herod Agrippa, left Palestine after him, and was apparently at Lyons with the emperor in the winter of a.p. 39-40—his 2nd year would go back to B.c. 4, and his accession (since the Jewish princes apparently reckoned their years from Nisan 1) to the P de preceding Nisan 1 B.0. 4 (Dio, lv. 24; see further, Philo in Flaccum, 5, ed. Mangey, ii. 621; Jos. Ant. xvin. vi. 11, vii. 2 ; _.Madden, Coins of the Jews?, p. 122). Thus the year of Herod’s death was probably B.o. 4, possibly B.o. 8; and one further note of tinse im Josephus may help to resolve the doubt. An eclipse of the moon occurred at a moment when Herod, lying at Jericho in his last illness, had ag revived. He grew worse again, and was taken to the aths of Callirrhoé across the Dead Sea; but when all remedies failed he was brought back to Jericho, and thither as a last caprice of tyranny he summoned to his bedside all the leading Jews of Palestine, intending a general massacre of them at the moment of his death. Then the long expected authorization from Augustus of the execution of Antipater arrives and is at once acted on; five days later the king succumbs himself. The funeral rites occupy a week, and soon afterwards the Passover is ‘close at hand’ (Ant. xvi. vi. 4-ix. 3). Now the only lunar eclipses visible in Palestine during B.c. 5-3 were those of March 23, B.o, 5, Sept. 15, B.o. 5, and March 12-13, B.0. 4. But unless the events just catalogued can be spread over 12 or 18 months, from March 12, B.o. 4, to March 81 (the passever of B.0. 8), which is very unlikely, the year B.c. 3 for Herod’s death is excluded. If, on the other hand, one month seems as much too little for them as twelve are too much, the eclipse may be that of September, B.o. 6, the king’s death falling six months afterwards, about March, B.o. 4. The Nativity, however, must be placed, not only before this, but, as St. Matthew’s account seems to imply, some time before it; for the age limit fixed for the massacre of the innocents, and the sojourn of the Holy Family in Egypt, have both to be allowed for, even if the one is to be qualified by Herod’s determination to set a limit on the safe side, and the other by St. Luke’s silence. The Birth of Christ may so far be placed one, a or even three years before Herod’s death, B.C. 7-5. With the longer interval from B.c. 7 would tally Kepler the astronomer’s suggestion, that the star of Mt 22 was a con- unction of the planets Jupiter and Saturn, such as occurred the constellation Pisces in May, October, and December of B.o. 7. The statement of a medizval Jew, R. Abarbanel, that the conjunction of these two planets in Pisces is to be a sign of Messiah’s coming, may perhaps have been derived ultimately from ancient traditions known to the Chaldeans. On the Other hand, it is maintained that the conjunction of B.c. 7 was never close enough for the planets to appear asa single star, though even this would hardly be conclusive against Kepler’s view. But in any case chronological conclusions cannot be primarily rested on such a. basis. b. St. Luke dates the Nativity by a general census ordered by Augustus and carried out in Syria by the legate Quirinius (2? airy [4] dmo- ypagh mpurn eyévero tyemovevovros THs Zuplas Kupyvlov). The bracketed article is to be omitted with B D (and in effect x); the clause is to be rendered, not ‘this was the first census [of those that were made] while Quirinius was governor of Syria,’ but ‘this was taken as the first census [of the whole series down to the present] while Quirinius,’ ete. : so Clement of Alexandria, dre mpGrov éxé\evoar amro- ypapas yevéc Oat (Strom. i. 21. 147, p. 407, ed. Potter). A famous census did indeed take place, Quirinius being the are sent to carry it out, ten years or more after the ativity, when Judwa, on the deposition of Archelaus in a.D. 6, became a Roman province; and it provoked the revolt of Judas the Gaulonite or Galilean (Ant. xvil. xiii. 5, xvill. i. 1; Ac 637) But there is also reason to believe that Quirinius must be the name wanting on a mutilated inscription which describes some official who twice governed Syria under Augustus; and in that case another census might be postulated for his other tenure to justify St. Luke, if it were not that even this other cannot possibly have coincided with the Nativity. The period from B.o, 10 or 9 till Herod’s death is exhausted by the tenures of M. Titius, O. Sentius Saturninus, and P. Quintilius Varus. Varuscame asthe immediate successor of Saturninus not later than the summer of B.c. 6—for coins of his are extant of the 25th year of the era of Actium (Sept. B.o. 81], t.e. Sept. B.c. 7 to Sept. B.c. 6—and was still in office at the time of Herod’s death. Quirinius conse- quently had either left some years before the Nativity or did not arrive till after it (Ant. xvi. viii. 6, ix. 1, XVIL Vv. 2, ix. 3; Mommsen, Res Geste Divi re do p. 169 ff.). St. Luke then is in error in the name of Quirinius ; it does not follow that he is in error in the fact of acensus. ‘It must be remembered that the chronological data of Lk 2 and 3 were in all probability supplied by himself and not by his ‘‘sources”’ ; Gore, Dissertations, p. 20. The evangelist’s acquaintance with Palestine was perhaps limited to the two years of St. Paul’s imprisonment at Casarea ; and if his source made mention simply of a census, he may easily have been misled into identifying it with the great Roman census of A.D. 6-7, e the more famous by the revolt it occasioned. Nor is there any inherent improbability in the hypothesis of a census in Judwa somewhere within the years B.o. 8-5. Of another client prince, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Tacitus happens to relate that he took a census ‘after the Roman manner’ under Tiberius; Ann. vi. 41. And if Herod did set himself to supply the information to his suzerain (for the statistics of the resources of the empire, dependent states included, were a favourite study of Augustus), it may well be believed that he veiled his purpose under forms adapted to the susceptibilities of his Jewish subjects, and so, in avoiding the scandal caused by the later Roman census, avoided also the notice of history. 5 St. Luke’s evidence, then, adds nothing trust- worthy for the chronology of the Nativity beyond its synchronism with a census. c. But if St. Luke’s census has no date, or rather a wrong one, does early Christian tradition help to . fix the Nativity more eae Patristic writers, in nearly all cases where a date is given for the Nativity, appear to deduce it from the date of the Baptism or Crucifixion; though it may be noted in passing that the earlier Fathers are a good deal nearer the mark with the year B.C. 3-2 than Dionysius Exiguus, the 6th cent. author of the present calculation of the Christian era (Iren. Her. 11. xxi. 3, ed. Massuet; Clem. Al. Strom. i. 21, 147; ‘Tert.’ adv. Judeos, 8; Hippolytus in Dan. iv., ed. Bratke, p. 19, 1. 3). There is, however, one casual statement of Ter- tullian’s which serves in remarkable fashion to bridge the gap left by the dissociation of Quirinius’ name from the census of the Nativity. The Marcionites defended their Doketic views of Christ’s humanity by appeal to kis own question, ‘Who are my mother and my brethren?’ inter- preted as a denial of all human relationships; the assertion of the Jews, ‘Thy mother and thy brethren stand without,’ became on their view a mere desire to ‘tempt’ Christ. Tertullian reminds them inter alia that Christ’s family could easily have been discovered from the census known to have been taken under Augustus in Judea by Sentius Saturninus: census constat actos sub Augusto nunc in Judea per Sentium Saturninum apud quos genus eius inquirere potuissent (adv. Marcionem, iv. 19). Here, of course, if Tertullian had said Quirinius, he would have been merely re- peating St. Luke ; but he names instead Quirinius’ enultimate predecessor, governor about B.C. 9-6. hether or not Tertullian himself means to connect this census with the Nativity is not quite clears ; 4 r 4 ; ‘ 7 o. 4 r CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 408 the point is, that the name Saturninus, since it can hardly be a mere slip for St. Luke’s Quirinius, must have come from an independent authority, ny. the same as supplied another reference to aturninus in Tert. de pallio, i. In general trust- worthiness, Tertullian is Pnmeaatirabl inferior to St. Luke; but a Roman lawyer could command familiar access to many sources inaccessible to a ean from the provinces, and it is hardly rash to believe that in this one instance the former has by a happy chance preserved the evidence which at once confirms and corrects the latter,—confirms the fa:t of a census, and corrects the name from Quirinius to Saturninus.* If this correction be accepted, the census taken while Saturninus was Syrian legate cannot fall later than the time when Varus succeeded him, in or before the middle of B.c. 6. The order of events in St. Matthew will permit of an interval of two or three years between the Nativity and Herod’s death ; and the data appear to be best harmonized by attributing the census of the Nativity to B.c. 7 or the beginning of B.C. 6. 2. The Month and Day of the Nativity.—Of these nothing is really known; for the patristic evidence, interesting in itself, though too voluminous for discussion here, leads to no real results. It must suffice to say that the oldest traditional date for Christmas Day is, in the East, Jan. 6, in the West, Dec. 25. The earliest trace of the one is the observance of Jan. 6 as the festival, not of the birth of Christ but of his Baptism, by the Basilidian Gnostics of the time of Clement of Alexandria (Strom. i. 21.147, p. 408); and a Gnostic tradition is worth meting at all. The other first appears in Hippolytus’ newly-recovered Fourth Book on Daniel (p. 19, 1. 2} and was probably deduced by him om March 25, a day which in his Chronicle marks not only the Crucifixion but the Conception, the yéveois Xpiorob side by side with the rdGos. B. THE INTERVAL BETWEEN THE NATIVITY AND THE BAPTISM.—St. Luke relates that Jesus at the time of the Baptism was about 30 years of age, 3% airds Fv "Inoods dpxdmevos woel érav tpidxovra. The word dpxdéyevos does not qualify the description of age, as supposed by the earliest known interpreters, alentinians of the Ptolemzan school ap. Iren. 1. xxii. 5, ad baptismum venit nondum qui triginta annos suppleverat, sed qui inciperet esse tamquam triginta annorum ; and so, too, Epiphanius, Her. li. 16, rpidxorra pev érav Grd’ od mijpys* did Aéyer ’"Apxéuevos. It rather means ‘when just commenc- ing his ministry,’ an idiomatic use of dpxecGat paralleled in Lk 23° dp&duevos ard ris Tadshalas; Ac 12 dptduevos dard Tod Bamrricparos ‘Iwdvov; Ac 10” dpiduevos dard rs TadtAalas perd 7d Bdarriocua 8 éxnprter "Iwdyns. The chronological reference, in fact, is limited to the words éasi isd» spiéxevve, into which in turn the meaning has been read that our Lord waited till he had completed the 30 years of an authorized teacher. But Jewish ideas do not seem to have attached any such importance to this particular age. The minimum limit for the Levitical service, even if originally 30, —and Tey Nu 43. 47 (Heb.), 1 Ch 233 are to be set Nu 43. 47 ) 8%, which give 25,—had been reduced to 20 before the e of the Chronicler (1 Ch 23%. 27), who ascribes the change to David. On the other hand, so far as there was any official age for teaching, it was not 30 but 40; see the treatise Aboda Zara in the Bab. Talm. (ed. Frankfort, 1715, fol. 19): quoted by Schoettgen, ad loc.): Ad quodnam vero cetatis momentur exspectandum est antequam vir doctus alios docere possit ? Resp. Ad exactos annos quadraginta. Similarly, Irenwus con- trasts the prima indoles iuvenis of 230 years with the magistri shag etatem, which appears to be 40 (11. xxii. 4,6). The races of an age standard of 30 for different offices of the Ohristian ministry are due, of course, directly to thio very aap St. Luke ; so expressly the Council of Neo-Cmsarea, canon 1i. “It is possible that the same source is alluded to in Jos. Vita, 1, written at Rome under Domitian, ry pay rod yévous fyeday Bimdox iy, ws iv Taxis Inpeorious diATOS dvayvsypaleLivny sUpor. Thus there is no reason to press St. Luke’s note of time into meaning either ‘when not yet 30 years’ or ‘at the moment of attaining the teacher’s age of 30 years.’ The phrase is an elastic one, and will cover any age from 28 to 32. Reckoned from the Nativity of Christ in B.c. 7-6, the probable limits for the date of the Baptism would thus be A.D. 22-27, a result which must now be tested by ae conformity with the direct evidence for this ate. C. For the BAPTISM the Gospels supply a terminus ad quem in the synchronism of the passover men- tioned next after it with the years of the building of the temple (Jn 2”) ; and a terminus a quo in the synchronism of the beginning of the Baptist’s ministry with the years of Tiberius (Lk 3}), &. In 220 siccipaxovra xxl IE irscw wxodougln 6 vase obrog, BAY the Jews in argument with our Lord, meaning, not that Herod’s temple had taken 46 years from its commencement to its completion at some moment of the past,—for the work was only just complete when the Jewish revolt broke out (Jos. Ant. xx. 1x. 7),—but that at the time of speaking it ‘had been in course of building’ 46 years, the aorist being exactly paralleled in the phrase used of the temple of Ezra (Ezr 516 awé rors tus tou viv axodojertm xa) odx ertdtotn, ‘from that time to this it has been in course of building, and has not been brought to completion’). Herod’s temple was begun, according to BJ in his 15th, according to Ant. in his 18th year (BJ 1. xxi. 1; Ant. xv. xi.1); and as Jos, in both books summarizes the length of Herod’s reign by a double computation from the de jure kingship in B.c. 40, and the de facto kingship in B.0. 87, an obvious solution of the discrepancy would be to count the 15th year from the later, the 18th from the earlier, of the two starting-points, both reckonings then converging on 8.0. 28. Butin fact Jos., when he gives a single date, invariably computes it from the de facto kingship only. So in Ant.—the book which on the hypothesis just mentioned would employ the reckoning from B.o. 40 for the commencement of the temple—the battle of Actium (Sept. B.o. 31) is put in the 7th year of Herod; Augustus’ second visit to Syria, which was not earlier than 8.0, 21 (for it was 10 years after the first, and that in turn was after Actium), is datedin the 17th year; and the completion of Cwsarea is fixed in the 92nd Olympiad (B,0. 12-8), and in the 28th year (Ant. xv. v. 2, vi. 7, xvi. v.1; BJ1. xx. 4). Seeing, then, that the divergence cannot be accounted for as a double reckoning, it must arise from the correction in Ant. of an error of BJ, so that Josephus’ ulti- mate date is the 18th year from B.0, 37, or in other words B.o, 20-19. The passover of the first year will probably be that of B.0. 19, and the passover of the 46th year that of a.D. 27. Thus the latest date for the Baptism is the early months of A.D. 27. b. Lk 3! ty itu wevrixaidsxdra vis tytpovias TiBapiov Kalirapos «. » byévero pau Ueod txi "lwavyy. Reckoned from Augustus’ death, Aug. 19, A.D. 14, the 15th year of Tiberius would run from Aug. A.D. 28 to Aug. A.D. 29, so that the Baptism of Christ could scarcely fall before a.p. 29. Even if Tiberius’ 2nd year be dated from Jan. 1, A.D. 15, so that his 15th corresponds with A.D. 28, matters are hardly mended, for that year, too, would be irreconcilable with the results attained in the first two sections of this article, with the temple chronology just dis- cussed, and with the conclusions which will be established below from a comparison of the length of the Ministry with the date of the Crucifixion. If St. Luke really places the opening of the Baptist’s preaching as late as a.D. 28, he must, as in the case of Quirinius, have fallen into error. Writing half a century after the events, and perhaps himself sharing the view which limited the public Ministry of Christ to a single year, he might have deduced the 15th year for the commencement of the Ministry from A.D. 29, the date assigned by very early tradition for its close. At the same time, it is not quite so easy to suppose him deceived about the beginning of the Ministry as about the census of the Nativity. Not only were the events 30 years nearer his own time, but they were of so much more public a character, that they must have been matter of knowledge in a far wider circle, among the Baptist’s disciples—with whom St. Luke’s writings seem to show a special acquaintance—as well as among the followers of the Christ. Is it certain, then, what is meant by the 15th year of Tiberius? A modern reader is tempted to transfer to the lst cent. his own associations with hereditary monarchy, where each rulei’s rights and powers come into existence at the moment of his predecessor’s demise, neither sooner nor later. The Roman Empire of Augustus was scarcely in fact, certainly not in law, hereditary. The pre- rogatives of the emperor were due theoretically to the various oftices which he held; and in dating events, as on coins and inscriptions, he would recite the number, not of the years of his reign, but of his consulships, his imperatorships, and his years of tribunician power. Clearly, none of these official methods were followed by St. Luke, for Tiberius was never consul more than five times, nor imperator more than eight, while his tribunician power, held permanently as one of the primare factors in the imperial character, was already in its 16th yeas at the time of Augustus’ death. Nor was there yet any 406 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. stereotyped literary usage upon the point. §8t. Luke's contem- poraries, if Romans, would probably have been employing the old system of dating by the consuls of each year; if Orientals, they might still be using the Olympiads (8.0. 776), the era of Alexander or the Greeks (8.0. 312), the era of Sulla (8.0. 85), or the era of Actium (8.0. 31). So when he himself elected to adopt the still novel reckoning by imperial years, he would find no absolutely fixed tradition as to the moment from which to compute them; and it has lately been pointed out (Ramsay, St. Paul the Trav. p. 387) that not very long before the prob- able date of the Gospel, Titus had been associated in the empire with his father Ge rare by the simultaneous reception of the proconsular and tribunician power, together with other insignia of imperial rank (July 1, a.D. hs The conditions of his own day, Ramsay thinks, may have led the evangelist to emphasize the similar elevation of Tiberius, on whom a special enactment had already in Augustus’ lifetime conferred a position in the provinces co-ordinate with the elder emperor’s, so that provincial custom may have taken that as the starting- point of his reign (Velleius Paterculus, ii. 121 ; Suetonius, 7%. 21 ; compare Bury, Students’ Roman Empire, p. 64 ; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 8, p. 1159, n. 3). As to the exact year of the law, authorities differ; most of them connect it with the grant of the tribunician power for life in a.p. 13; but there is no necessity to synchronize the two, and Mommsen, on the ground of the context in Velleius, puts it two years earlier, in a.D. 11. If this solution is possible—and it is not given here for more—the various data are brought into complete ane e The mission of the Baptist in the 15th year of Tiberius, calculated from A.D. 11, will fall in A.D. 25-26; the Baptism of Christ may be assigned to A.D. 26-27; and the first passover of the Ministry, being at the same time the passover of the 46th year of the temple building, will follow in the spring of A.D. 27. D. The interval between the Baptism and the Crucifixion, or DURATION OF THE MINISTRY.— a. St. Mark’s Gospel, the closest representative of the common synoptic tradition, contains few pre- cise indications of time ; events are strung together by no more than the vague expressions ‘ straight- way, ‘after not many days,’ ‘after many days.’ The general impression, however, which the synoptic narrative seems calculated to produce, and probably in primitive times did produce, is thai the period described was one of no consider- able length. In the absence of other data, especial importance accrues to two episodes which contain in themselves or their surroundings evidence of the season of the year. Describing the feeding of the 5000, St. Mark adds to the common tradition ne Haeaideilg ie ees that the grass showed the resh green of early spring (ém! r@ xAwp~y xbpTw Mk 6°: cf. Mt 1415 Lk 93). And the pices) of the ears of corn (Mk 22=Mt 12!'=Lk 63), the harvest being ripe but not yet cut, will fall, if the ears were barley, at earliest in April, and if wheat, at latest in June; see R. Samuel, quoted by Wetstein on Jn 4%, Here, then, a spring or early summer in Mk 2 is succeeded by early spring in ch. 6, the lapse of one he intervening; while a second year is postulated y the events of chs. 6°10, which include jour- neys to the districts of Phenicia, of Upper Galilee, and of Perea (7% 877 101), and shut out the possi- bility that the miracle of ch. 6 and the passover of the Crucifixion can belong to the same spring; so that, at least if the order is even roughly chrono- logical, a two years’ ministry would already underlie the record. And though our earliest authority, Papias, seems to deny just this characteristic to St. Mark, saying that, while the facts were all accurate, the order was not (dxpiBds &ypaper ov pévro, rdfer, quoted in Eusebius, H/F iii. 39), yet he probably does not mean by this more than the absence of a framework for the history such as St. Luke supplies by notices of movement towards Jerus., and St. John by notices of Jewish festivals. In any case an investigation of the internal evi- dence borne by the Gospel itself, though neces- sarily cursory, and limited to a single section, will best show to what extent it may be allowed or denied to be chronological. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. From the opening of the Galilean ministry in Mk 1" the narrative runs continuously, the scene, the actors, the horizon being all Galilean, and Galilean only, as far as3%. At this Wage a change takes place, and the larger world of Palestine begins to play a part on the stage. The audience is drawn, not from Galilee only, but from Jerus., Judea, Idumeza, Persea, and Pheenicia; the opposi- tion is reinforced by scribes from the capital; the apostles are organized into a body for more system- atic evangelization (3% 1+). To this division, under which the first two chapters mark the inchoate stage of the Ministry, the character of the say- ings and doings recorded in them fairly corre- sponds. Five miracles arouse the attention of the populace, and spread the fame of their author (17-2"), just as five episodes bring out teaching which provokes the criticism, and soon the hostility, of the scribes and Pharisees (2!~3*); the cure of the paralytic with the forgiveness of his sins, where the miracle suggests the teaching, forming the transition from the first half of the section to the second. This presentation of development and progress is an argument for the substantially chronological character of the record, so far at least that an episode of the opening section, such as that of the ears of corn, would prima facie be dated in the actual order of events before an episode so much posterior to the great break in 3¢ as the feeding of the 5000. ith much less hesitation it may be laid down that the miracle of ch. 6 cannot possibly be placed in the same spring as the Crucifixion ; so that these three data, thie late spring of one year, the early spring of another, and the passover time of a third, suggest the testimony of St. Mark’s Gospel to at least a two years’ Ministry (but see below, p. 4108). On the other hand, it does not follow that the arrangement of events within each section is chronological ; rather, the evangelist would cer- tainly seem to have here deserted the principle of temporal order for the principle of grouping. For instance, although his general scheme in 1'4-3° ig borne out by the natural presumption that some miracles arresting publie attention preceded in time the opposition offered to doctrine which might otherwise have passed unnoticed, yet it is hardly likely that all the miracles came first and all the teaching after. That is to say, the proba- bility that the episode of the ears of corn really preceded all events from 3° onward, does not carry with it an equal probability that it preceded also the events of 3'6, or followed those of 1?!-2%2, Even if the sections as wholes are in chronological order, the events within each section are obviously massed in groups. b. St. Luke’s account of the Ministry divides itself in the main into two well-marked portions, of which the first (41+-9°°) is parallel to the common tradition of the other Synoptists, while the second (95-198) is almost entirely peculiar ; and with this division corresponds a (seemingly methodical) arrangement of notes of place which serves as a setting for the history. In the first portion, representing the Galilean ministry of the common tradition, the localities named are, with one exception, and that more apparent than real, exclusively Galilean: 4! Gaii- lee, }® Nazareth, *! Capernaum ; 5! Lake of Genne- saret; 7! Capernaum, 4“ Nain; 8% Mary is of Magdala, and Joanna is wife of Herod’s steward ; 2.26 Lake of Galilee, with its opposite shore. Mention is made, as in St. Mark, of the gathering of hearers from Judea, Jerus., Tyre and Sidon, and of the fame of Christ’s miracles ‘in all Judza and the country round’ (517 6” 7!7); but nowhere is our Lord himself. removed from Galilee save in the single statement in 4“ that he was ‘ preaching CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 407 in the synagogues of Judea’: "Iovdalas, x BCLQR ete. ; T'adtAalas, Textus Receptus. Apologetic in- terest has detected here an ‘undesigned coinci- dence’ with the Judzan ministry in St. John; but the truth is that in this and some other passages St. Luke is using ‘Judea’ in the extended sense of ‘Palestine,’ a term unfamiliar to NT and to the Ist cent. A.D. generally. When St. Luke wrote, the Rom. province, though it then included all Palestine except Upper Galilee, was still known only as Judea (Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 257). Traces of this usage in his writings (side by side with the narrower sense in which Juda was pepowd to Samaria or Galilee) would be Ac 26” * Damascus, Jerus., all the country of Judxa and the Gentiles’; Ac 10*7 ‘throughout all Judea, begin- ning from Galilee,’ and the similar phrase Lk 235 (cf. 6!* 7}7), in each of which cases ‘all Judea’ appears to mean Palestine. The phrase may have been used in 4“ as a sort of comprehensive intro- duction to the Ministry ; and though it does not, totidem verbis, confine our Lord to Galilee, it does not necessarily take him beyond its borders. The definite indications of the first half of the record are unanimously Galilean. In sharp contrast with this, the section peculiar to St. Luke opens with the statement about Christ that ‘as the days of his assumption were coming to the full, he set his face firmly to go to Jeru- salem’; 9°) éy 7G ouprdnpodcba ras tudpas Tis dva- Ajews abrod. Again and again the same direction is emphasized in the remaining chapters. He is journeying through cities and villages, teaching and making his way to Jerus. 13”; he passes through the midst of Samaria and Galilee on his journey to Jerus. 17"; he is going up to Jerus. 18%; he is near Jerus. 19%. It is clear that all these chapters, to the mind of the evangelist, represent a conscious working up (though not necessarily a direct journey) towards Jerus., and ‘the filling up of the days of his assumption’ is a phrase which cannot cover more than a few months at the outside. Nor is there anything to suggest that, the second group of chapters being thus limited in duration, the previous group, which occupy a shorter space in the record, extended over any much longer period. Indeed it is not im- probable that St. Luke shared the’ view, widely os from very early times, that confined the inistry to a single year; it is even possible that he himself, like so many of the readers of his Gospel, interpreted in this sense the reference preserved by him to Isaiah’s prophecy of the ‘acceptable year of the Lord’ (Lk 4%=Is 61°). c. St. John’s Gospel distinguishes itself from the other three by its careful enumeration of six notes of time, five of them Jewish festivals, between the Baptism and the Crucifixion; and these precise and detailed recollections of an eye- witness must be allowed decisive weight against the apparently divergent testimony of the third Synoptist, not to say that their very precision may have consciously aimed at a silent correction of impressions erroneously derived from earlier evangelical narratives. nak ivyis ty #8 rdoya tay "loudalen xai dviBn sis “Lapordry 4 "Inesis. et 3) de sn woig “leporodipcoss iv ee verte iy Br ey ouais Abysre® Sri es carpdunvis iets xed b Ospicpds “obs \bot Nye eae ire pars rae Loladuabs Dudiv xed thareits wig xdpas Ori Asuxei slow xpos Ospicpeor. ve eavre tv bopry [or 4 iopry] rar “lovdaiov wad avisy "Inoous sig leporcavjece, .. iy 31 iyyis vi wdoxe [or omit +d xdeya] % bopr) vir iy. 72 ty Bi invis 4 doped cay "loudaiov 4 exmvornyic. 1022 ivivero wove te iyxoivice iv Trois ‘Léporortjeoss. Of these, the first and last two are straicht- forward statements which need nocomment. The second admits of alternative explanations either as harvest-time or as four months before it. To the third attaches, not only a variety of reading be- tween ‘the feast’ and ‘a feast,’ but, whichever reading be adopted, a doubt as to the actual feast intended by it. The fourth involves, again, a question of reading, carrying with it the difference of a complete year in the chronology of the Ministry ; and as this problem is at once simpler and more momentous than the other two, it will be on all grounds best to begin with it. (1) Jn 64. If the words 7d rdcya are retained, three passovers are mentioned by St. John (21 64 11°), so that the Ministry will extend over at least two years. If the words are excised, ‘the feast of the Jews,’ which was ‘near’ at hand, may be identified with the Feast of Tabernacles, described as ‘near’ in 77, and the chronology of the Ministry can then be arranged on a single-year basis: 21% Passover in March or April, 4° harvest in May, 5! Pentecost in May or early June, or Trumpets in September, 64 7? Tabernacles in October, 10” Dedication in December, 11° Passover again. This latter reading, in the belief that it brought the Fourth Gospel into harmony both with the Synoptists and with the earliest extra-canonical tradition, was championed first by Browne in his Ordo Seclorum (London, 1844), and afterwards with more hesitation by Hort in an exhaustive note ad loc. in Westcott and Hort’s Gr. Test. (App. pp. 77-81), from which many of the data in this article have been drawn. But any prima facie presumption on such grounds in favour of the omission of 7d rdécxa would be counterbalanced by the consideration that every known MS, whether of the original Gr. or of the VSS, contains the phrase or its rendering; moreover, the evidence of St. Mark is, as it stands, against the single-year Ministry, while the evidence of the Fathers is much more evenly divided than these two writers supposed. Still, the high authority which attaches to all that Hort wrote demands a closer investi- gation of his arguments. It will be shown that the shorter reading (a) is a phrase unlikely to have been penned by St. John; (f) is unsuitable, as interpreted by Hort, to the context; (7) is un- supported by the direct witness of more than a single Father. a. If the words sé réexa are not genuine, 8t. John wrote simply iyybs tv 4 iopry tay lovdaiwy, and by this he is supposed to have meant the Feast of Tabernacles, as being beyond all others ‘ the feast’ of the Jews. No doubt both in the OT and as late as the Mishna ‘ the feast’ is used to denote Tabernacles : see Cheyne on Is 302%. But even if Tabernacles retained this pre-eminence,* so that St. John as a Jew could have so used the phrase himself, would he have done it in writing for Gentile Christians? To them Passover and Pentecost were instinct with associations from the Gospel, while Tabernacles spoke only of the Law, and ‘the feast’ can only have papecetec! to them, as the same or a still vaguer phrase sugges in 5! to Irenwus, the Feast of Passover. And the evangelist, who habitually means by ‘the Jews’ the enemies of Christ, can hardly have been so wedded to Jewish usage as to employ language which would have one meaning for himself and another for his Ephesian disciples. 8. The evidence of context tells the same tale. In the first place, the abundance of the grass (Jn 610 wodvg : xAmpos in Mk 639 of the same occasion) points to spring and not to autumn. Further, ‘after these things Jesus was walking in Galilee’ (In 71 wspiusrers:), and yet on Hort’s hypothesis the same feast which was already near in 64 is still only near—iyyis in both cases—in 72, y. The patristic evidence for omission can be reduced from the four witnesses quoted by Browne and Hort—Irensus, a heretical sect described by Epiphanius and called by him Alogi, Origen, and Cyril of Alexandria—to the single testimony of Origen, Irenzus brings the Gnostic theory of a one-year aay dl to the test of agreement with St. John’s Gospel, where he finds that our Lord went up to Jerus. after the Baptism to three Passovers—the first after the miracle of Cana, the second when * On the one hand, it is for Passover that Joseph and Mary are said to have gone up yearly to Jerus., Lk 241; on the other, Oyril Alex., probably from Origen, says on Jn 1156 Ovy O41 evcyxm hy xévras euvdenusiv ws "lepouradne iv ve sdoxe of ial va oxnvornyig. 408 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. Re he cured the paralytic, the third at the Crucifixion (Her. n. xxii. 8). This Father is so eager, it is urged, to swell the number of Passovers that he includes the unnamed feast of 51, and it is impossible that he should have failed to note so clear a case as 64 would be, if the word Passover had stood there in his text. But, in fact, Irenwus is professing to quote only the Pass- overs at which Christ was present, quoties secundum tempus pasche Dominus post baptisma ascenderit in Hierusalem , and with this aim he catalogues minutely the journeys to and fro. He is not professing to exhaust the number of Passovers, for he goes on to argue that the Ministry lasted for ten years or more. The Alogi, according to Epiphanius (Her. li. 22), rejected St. John’s Gospel as inconsistent with the rest, for the reason, among others, that instead of one Passover it records the observance of two. While they were about it, says Epiphanius, they might have accentuated the inconsistency by pointing to, not two, but three Passovers in this Gospel. ere the answer is again that St. John does not speak of the ‘observance’ of more than two Passovers by visits to Jerusalem. Origen’s Comm. on St. John is defective for chs. 5-7. But on ch. 435(tom. xiii. 39, 41), against the view of the Valentinian commentator Heracleon, that the material harvest was four months off, and the season therefore winter, he pleads for the alternative of actual harvest-time from the sequence of the events in the secceeding chapters, where 435 is followed almost at once by the feast of 51, and the feast of 51 by a mention of the Tabernacles as ‘nigh at hand’ (64 or 727). The argument clearly postulates the absence of any intervening Passover at 64; and though it is possible in the loss of the commentary on the verse itself to attribute this to mere oversight, yet the omission of ré wzexa in Origen’s text is made more probable by the evatsaee of his follower Cyril, the fourth and last witness eged. Cyril of Alexandria’s Commentary, like those of so many later Fathers, is composite; his own contributions are in- extricably mixed up with those of his predecessors, notably of Origen. Hence, if Cyril (ed. Pusey, i. 398, 399, 404) both gives the disputed words +é wae, not only in the biblical text at the head of the section (a position where, no doubt, scribes were prone to replace the more familiar reading), but in two allusions at an earlier point ; and at the same time explains our Lord’s removal beyond the Sea of Galilee (Jn 61) by his desire to avoid the thronging crowds whom the near shies of the Feast (not of Passover but) of Tabernacles would attract to Jerus.,—the simplest solution of the inconsistency is to suppose that +é séoye really stood in Cyril’s own text, and that the connexion 9! the Tabernacles with the retreat beyond Tiberias is repeated from Origen. Thus of Hort’s four witnesses the evidence of two, Irensus and the Alogi, does not really bear on the point raised at all ; while the testimony of Cyril, so far as it is adverse to the words, appears to resolve itself into the testimony of Origen. But it is much easier to suppose that Origen in his Commentary either conjecturally emended or altogether passed over a notice that he saw to be irreconcilable with his earlier conception of a single- year Ministry, than that he has alone preserved the apostolic text against the concurrence of all other authorities. On no ground, external or internal, can the omission of the reference to a Passover in 64 be defended as original or genuine. The Fourth Gospel excludes the possibility of anything less than a two-year Ministry. The result is a quite simple chronology for the second half of the Gospel. From 6‘ to 1155 the space covered is exactly a year, the autumn Feast of Tabernacles (7?) and the winter Feast of Dedication (107?) being signalized in the course of it, The earlier chapters (2! to 64) present a more complicated problem, the solution of which depends primarily on the meaning to be attached to the notices of the season in 4* and of the feast in 5?. (2) Jn 4%, Allusion is here made to two seasons of the year, a period four months from harvest : ‘Say ye not, There are yet four months, and then cometh harvest?’; and the harvest itself: * ‘Behold the fields, for they are white already to harvest.’ Of these, only one of course can be meant in the literal sense; and the question is, which? The patristic exegesis of the passage shows that the difficulty was felt from the first. The earliest recorded commentator, the Valentinian Heracleon, ‘like the majority, interpreted literally, and said that the material harvest was four months off, but that the harvest of which the Saviour was speak- ing, the harvest cf souls, was ready and ripe.’ Origen answers that it was rather the middle or end of harvest-time, for the connexion of the * The first ears of barley harvest would be ready in the most forward districts at the end of March ; the most backward wheat would be cut in June. April and May would be the principal harvest months. narrative proves that it cannot have been winter. You cannot allow, he says, as much as eight or nine months—April to January—after the pass- over of ch. 2, for there is nothing in the story to suggest so long a period, and the impression made on the Galileans at that passover was still fresh in their minds when Christ came on to Galilee after leaving Samaria (4*) ; nor can you allow as much again—January to October—between this episode and the Feast of Tabernacles soon to be mentioned :* Orig. in Jn. tom. xiii. 39, 41. It is not possible at this stage to dismiss either explanation as in itself inadmissible. The words of the verse, especially the ér, ‘sti// four months,’ have, perhaps, @ more natural meaning if the harvest was actually four months off. On the other hand, the immediate context, the promise of the water which should quench all thirst, has been thought to suggest a warmer season than January, the discourses in St. John’s Gospel being, it is said, always fitted to their external surroundings. On this view it has been ae that the rerpdunvor is a proverbial phrase for the interval between seed- time and harvest, ovx duets Aévyere standing for ré deyduevov, the regular idiom for a proverb. It is said in answer that no such words are elsewhere preserved; but phrases of similar meaning, em- hasizing the interval between preparation and Tuition, are common in all languages. It is said also that a strict reckoning would make the interval rather six months than four; but the Rabbis (see Wetstein, ad doc.) were accustomed to divide the year into six stages of two months—seed- time, winter, spring, harvest, summer, dog-days— so that four months does actually cover the period between the two. Considering, too, the differences of climate in different parts of Palestine, and the differences of season between barley and wheat harvest, there is nothing improbable in supposing that the interval which can be described as one . six months can be described also as one of our. Origen has really hit the mark in making the relation of the passage to the general chronological arrangement of the Gos el the determining factor in a date which could otherwise only be left open. This relation involves, in the first place, a dis- cussion of the third and last of the doubtful time- notices in St. John. (3) Jn5'. Alternative readings ¢opr# and % éopr#, and alternative explanations of either reading. h éoprh was analyzed in the discussion of Jn 64 above, and was found to imply either Passover or Tabernacles, though the very existence of a doubt as to the relative precedence of the two feasts made the use of the phrase without further defini- tion unlikely in itself, éoprj would leave the feast intended quite un- certain. Origen and Epiphanius both argue rightly that the indefiniteness excludes Passover ; the former apparently made it Pentecost (as does his follower Cyril, though the text at the head of this section of the Commentary contains the article), the latter gives a choice between Pentecost and Tabernacles (Orig. in Jn. tom. xiii. 39; Epiph. Her. li. 21, Dind.).¢ But just as Tabernacles is important enough to rival the claim of Passover to be meant by the definite 7 éop77, so equally with Passover it is too important to satisfy the in- definite éopr4, which must be referred to one of the less important festivals, Pentecost (May), Trumpets (September), Dedication (December), or Purim (February). * The latter part of the argument is, of course, vitiated by Origen’s neglect of the Passover of 64; see above. t The fact that Origen, who certainly did not read the article, uses of the same feast the words ssp) ray iv oH dope rise ‘lovdaiey ... rexpayuivey (tom. xiii. 64), shows bow in oblique references the article would creep in. . 3-6). - CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 409 See eG mire: re nn nm nn SSS As between the two readings, the article is found ing OLA 1-118 33, the Egyp. VSS, Eusebius of Cwsarea, Oyril-text (per- haps, too, Irenmus, since he made the feast a Passover, see above on Jn 64); it is omitted by A B D, Origen, Epiph. Chrys. and the Paschal Chronicle. The weight of external evidence favours the latter group, for it has not only early but varied attestation ; whereas the other is of more homogeneous type, originally purely Alexandrine, and may easily owe its post-Nicene supporters to the influence of Eusebius of Cmsarea, and the theory which he brought into prominence of a three years’ Ministry with four Passovers. And when to this is added the suspicious character just shown to attach on internal grounds to 4 iops#, ioprn without the article may confidently claim to repre- sent the text of the evangelist. Thus the first half of the Gospel gives (1) a pass- over, 2); (2) a note of time, either May or January, 4°; (3) an unnamed minor feast, 51; (4) a second passover, 64. These could be combined in more than one way to fit into a single year: e.g. (a) Passover—May—any lesser feast—Passover ; or (8) Passover—January—Purim (February)— Passover. But, Js the minimum duration of the Ministry which results from St. John’s Gospel also the ‘maximum? Is it to be assumed that if the notes of time in 2!8-64 can be co-ordinated into a single year, and those of 64-11" into a second, no further latitude is possible? This is the crucial question. A negative answer is implied in Ireneus, the earliest in time, the most trustworthy in position, of all extant patristic authorities (Her. 1. xxii. The limitation of the Ministry by the Valentinians to a single year he disproves at once from the record of three visits to Jerus. for the passover (see on Jn 6‘above); but he finds also three other considerations which prove that the total length of the Ministry was far in excess, not only of one, but even of two or three years’ duration. (i.) A priori; The Lord came to save and sanctify every age, whether of infants, children, boys, youths, or men, and to be at once the perfect example and the perfect master and teacher of all ; their example, by passing himself through each of the stages of human life; their teacher, by attain- ing the age of teaching.* (ii.) Scriptural: St. J aa records (87) that the Jews asserted that Jesus could not have seen Abraham, because he was still under fifty years old—a phrase implying that he was not far off fifty, at any rate over forty, since to a man between thirty and forty the retort would have been, ‘Thou art not yet forty years old.’ (iii.) Traditional: The elders who gathered round St. John during his long old age in Asia, disciples some of them, of other apostles as well, have all handed this down as the apostolic teaching. Of these arguments the first two do not come to much ; but the third does establish a prima facie claim, only to be rebutted by the overwhelming evidence on the other side. Is there, then, no method of explaining, or at least minimizing, this at first sight conclusive appeal to Johannine tradition? In a later passage (V. xxxiii. 3) Irenzeus makes a similar appeal to ‘ the elders who had seen John, the disciple of the Lord,’ and embodies their witness to the Lord’s teaching about the Millennial times in a passage which he then defines as the written testimony of ‘ Papias, the hearer of John and companion of Polycarp’; and since Papias’ work was primarily a commentary on sayings or oracles of the Lord, it is a legitimate conjecture that if the earlier passage contains a particular exegesis of the text Jn 8°’, accompanied by emphasis on the authority of the elders, there, too, the authority and the exegesis are those of Papias, and probably of Papias only. But Papias had no title beyond that of antiquity to the exaggerated deference which Irenzeus pays him. ; Harnack Gesch. der altchr. Peseadh obit i. 671; against, Burkitt Old Latin and Itala, pp CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 413 decisive confirmation of it by the living voice of rimitive tradition. 2. The civil year may be identified either by the consals or by the regnal years of the emperor; less frequently by reckoning from some one of the special eras in use in the East, such aa the lympiads or the era of Alexander (othezwise called of the Greeks), B.c. 312. a. The earliest authority who appears to have fixed the Oruci- fixion by implication to a definite year is the pagan annalist Phlegon, whose ‘chronological collection on the Olympiads’ ranged from Ol. 1. 1 (B.0. 776) down to the times of Hadrian, a.D. 117-138. A general account of the work is given by the patriarch Photius (cod. 97), though even he failed to get beyond the fifth book, or about B.o. 170. Photius summarizes the last chapter which he read, as a sample of the style and contents of the whole, concluding that ‘the reader gets regularly bored with the lists of names and of victors in the Olympic contests, and with the excessive and unseasonable details about prodigies and prophecies, which crowd out all real history.’ Probably it was this interest in the marvellous which led Phlegon to men- tion the predictions of Jesus Christ, though his knowledge was so vague that, if Origen’s phrase is rightly understood, he con- fused the personalities (or perhaps only the miracles) of Christ and of St. Peter (c. Cels. ii. 14, evyzulsis iv roig wspi Llérpou os wspi ov 'Incov). What gives him his interest for the present parpoee is that he recorded under Ol. 202. 4 (a.p, 32-33) the darkness which accompanied the Crucifixion; though, since the evidence is at second or even at third hand, it is difficult to disentangle his actual words. (i.) The reference in the middle of a fragment quoted by Syncellus from the Chronicon of Julius Africanus (Fr. 50; Routh, Rel. Sac. ii. 297, 477) is, as Routh has seen, probably an interpolation due to Syncellus’ confused recollections of Eusebius. (ii.) The earliest genuine allusions are two in Origen: c. Cels. ii. 33, Phlegon recorded in the 13th or 14th book of his Chronicles the eclipse under Tiberius and the great earthquakes of that time: Comm. in Mt. 134 (Delarue, iii. 922), heathen opponents urge that an eclipse, such as the Gospels mention,* cannot possibly take ree at full moon,—Phlegon recorded, indeed, an eclipse under Tiberius, but not an eclipse at full moon. (iii.) But though he did not mention the full moon in so many words, an Anonymus in Cramer’s Catena in Mt. p. 237—followed by pseudo-Origen in Mt. (see Routh, op. cit. 479)—does assert t he related the eclipse as a marvel, r«pa- défas yeyvevoros, and the Christian writer naturally understood by the ‘paradox’ the coincidence with the full moon. (iv.) A further restoration of Phlegon is possible from the Chronicle of Eusebius as represented in the Armenian version, in Jerome’s Latin version, and in the quotations of George Syncellus. ‘In the same year as the Crucifixion (t.e. Tiberius 19; see below) the following notice occurs in pagan historians: ‘‘the sun was eclipsed; an earthquake occurred in Bithynia, and most of Nicwa fell to the ground”: still more precisely Phlegon, the celebrated chronologer of the Olympiads, registers in his 13th book, under Ol. 202. 4 [a.D. 32-33], ‘‘an eclipse of the sun more striking than any previously on record, for it became night at the sixth hour of the day, so that stars were visible in the heavens; and a great earthquake in Bithynia overthrew most of Nicwa.”’ Obviously, these two quotations are not inde- pendent of one another; the first and more general looks like @ summary by some intermediate writer of the same passage from Phlegon which Eusebius then transcribes direct and in full. That Phlegon was here drawing again on Christian sources, whether the canonical Gospels or not, appears not to have been suspected by Origen or Eusebius, but in face of the mention of the ‘6th hour’ cannot admit of doubt. It does not, however, follow that he borrowed the year also from them; for an annalist, if he has not found a precise date in his authorities, is bound to invent one. If he ascribed the portents of the Crucifixion to the 202nd Olympiad simply, a.p. 29-33, he would not stand in manifest contradiction to the other early evidence. But if he really fixed them particularly to the 4th year, a.p. 33, he is the only witness before Eusebius’ time to do so; and in that case the most probable hypothesis is that he knew from his Christian authorities no more (and from the Gospels as the stand he could hardly have learned more) than that the Oruci- fixion fell in the latter part of Tiberius’ reign, and fixed on .D. 33 because he may have already found reason to select that year for the Bithynian earthquake. Eusebius, however, found Phlegon’s date harmonize admir- ably with his own theory of the length of the Ministry, and so his Chronicle assigns the Baptist’s mission (after Lk 3!) to Tiberius 15, the mission of Christ to Tiberius 16, and the Passion to Tiberius 19 (4.D. 33).+ The latter item is guaranteed both by Syncellus, trous 16’ cas TiBspiou Baciasins, and by the Armenian ; Jerome, no doubt because he allotted to the Ministry only two to three years, and not like Eusebius three to four, substitutes Tiberius 18. 8. Far more important is the tradition—found, it is true, in * Mt 2745=Mk 1583 simply exéros ivivere; but in Lk 2344 the true text appears to add rod Alou ixdsiwovrog with RBCL, both oR versions, Origen 2/, (rather 3/,) and Cyril of Jeru- em ¢/,. wet oo fusebius’ reckoning of imperial years see immediately low. no extant authority as ancient as Phlegon, but found in sa many authorities that the common source must ascend to a remote antiquity—which fixes the Crucifixion in the consulship of the two Gemini, or in the 15th or the 16th year of Tiberius, or in the year 340 of the Greeks. L. Rubellius Geminus and O. Fufius (or Rufius, or Rufus, or Fusius) Geminus were the consuls of a.p. 29. The Seleucid era (era of Alexander, era of the Greeks) commences Sept. B.0. 312, so that its 340th year runs from Sept. a.p. 28 to Sept. a.D. 29. But this same spring of a.p. 29 can be reckoned, according to different methods of calculation, as belonging either to the 15th or 16th year of Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus in Aug. a.D. 14, so that, on the strict reckoning, the passover falling in his 15th year will be that of a.p. 29. But the imperial year might sometimes be adjusted to the calendar year—to which corresponded the consul’s tenure of office, Jan. 1 to Dec. 31—by beginning a second imperial year on the first New Year’s day of each reign: compare the practice of Trajan and his successors in commencing a 2nd year of tribunicia potestas on the annual inauguration day of new tribunes next after their accession (Lightfoot, Jgnatius!, ii. 398). In this case the 15th year would be exactly equi- valent to A.D. 28, the 16th to a.p. 29. Or again, the example of the chronographers suggests that the converse might be done and the fractional year simply omitted, each emperor’s first year beginning on some fixed day: thus, for instance, it will be shown (see below in part ii. of this article, TuE AposTouic AGE, under Felix and Festus, p. 418) that Eusebius appears to commence each emperor's 1st year in the Sept. follow- ing his accession. Either year then is compatible—but the 15th more normally—with the spring of a.D. 29, under the consul- ship of the Gemini.* (i.) Clement of Alexandria, ‘ With the 15th year of Tiberius and 15th of Augustus, so are completed the 30 years to the Passion; and from the Passion to the destruction of Jerusalem are 42 years 3 months,’ Strom. i. 147 (Potter, i. 407). (ii.) Origen, perhaps copying Olement, ‘If you examine the chronology of the Passion and of the fall of Jerusalem... from Tiberius 15 to the razing of the temple, 42 years are completed,’ Hom. in Hierem, xiv. 13 (c. a.p. 245; Delarue, iii. 217), and compare ce. Cels, iv. 22. (iii.) Tertullian, ‘In the 15th year of [Tiberius’) reign Christ suffered’; ‘the Passion . . . under Tiberius Owsar in the consulship of Rubellius Geminus and Rufius [al. Fufius) Geminus,’ adv. Jud. 8 (but the authorship is doubtful). (iv.) Hippolytus, in his early 4th book on Daniel (ed. Bratke, p. 19), gives two irreconcilable data, Tiberius 18 [=a.p. 31, 32] and the consulship of ‘Rufus and Rubellio,’ the former doubtless his own combination of a three years’ Ministry (for he also says that Christ suffered in his 33rd year, doc. cit.) with St. Luke’s 15 Tiberius, the latter already traditional; and this year, 29 a.D., alone reappears in his other works, His Chronicle (Chronica Minora, ed. Mommsen, I. i. B. 131) reckons 206 years from the Passion to the 13th of Alexander Severus, A.D. 234-235 ; his Paschal Cycle marks the 32nd year as that of the Passion, and since it was a recurring cycle of 112 years beginning in A.D. 222, the 32nd year will be equivalent to a.p. 253, or 141, or 29. v.) Julius Africanus, as represented in the Greek of Eusebius’ emonstratio Evangelicu and Ecloge Prophetice, and in that of Syncellus—Routh, Hel. Sac. ii. pp. 301, 302, 304—wrote Tiberius 16, as represented in the Lat. of Jerome, Comm. in Dan. ix. (Vallarsi, v. 683), Tiberius 15; but since all authorities agree in the equation to Ol. 202. 2 [=a.pD. 80, 31], it is practically certain that the 16th is correct. (vi.) Pseudo-Cyprian, Computus de Pascha, 20 (a.pD. 243: Hartel, iii. 267) places the Passion of Christ in the 31st year of his age, and 16th of Tiberius Casar’s reign. (vii.) Lactantius, Div. inst. Iv. x. 18, ‘In the 5th of Tiberius, that is, the consulship of the two Gemini’; Mort. pers. 2, ‘in the consulship of the two Gemini.’ (viii.) The Abgar legend as given in Eusebius, H# i. 13, dates the Resurrection and the preaching of Thaddzus in the 340th year [v.e. of the Greeks: A.D. 28-29]. (ix.) Of one other authority, the apocr. Gospel narrative entitled ‘Acts of Pilate,’ the value turns en- tirely on the date of its composition, and on the true reading of its chronology of the Crucifixion ; and both these points call for fuller discussion. Date of the Acts of Pilate. — Tischendorf, the latest editor (Evangelia Apocrypha, ed. 2, 1876, pp. 312-410), concludes for the beginning of the 2nd cent. ; Lipsius, the latest critic (Die Pilatus-Acten, 1886, pp. 33, 40), ‘not before about the middle of the 4th,’ ‘probably in the reign of Julian’ (A.D. 361-363). Appeal is made to these Acts for the day of the Crucifixion by pseudo- Chrysostom (4.D. 887: ed. Bened. viii. App. p. 277); 80, too, Epiphanius (4.D. 376: Her 1. 1) states that certain of the Quartodecimans commemorated the Passion always on March 25 in deference to these Acts, though he himself had found copies of them where the date given was not March 25 but March 18, Now, if in a.p. 376 these Acts were being claimed as the authoritative sanction for a practice unique in the Christian world, and if there existed already divergent traditions of the text on this very point for which they were cited, they must surely have had at that date a history behind them. So far from having been written under Julian, a presumption is raised that they are earlier than the lost Acts published under * But the 16th year—see below under Africanus and pseudo- Cyprian—may also be a combination of Lk 3! (Tib. 15), as giving the beginning, not of the Baptist’s ministry only, but of Christ’s, with the estimate of one year for the duration of the Ministry to which both these writers adhered. Julius Hilari- anus, however (infra, p. 414), gives both Tiberius 16 and A.D. 29. 414 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. the saine title by the apostate Theotecnus (mfnister of the per- secutor Maximin Daza: Mason, Persecution of Diocletian, pp. 821-323), who perhaps drew from them the idea of his own forgery. That, as Lipsius has shown, the chronological pro- logue bears in all the extant authorities clear traces of Eusebius’ influence, proves no more than that these Acts, like so many other apocrypha, were subject to successive recastings. Nor are the arguments by which Harnack (Chronologie, pp. 603-612) reinforces Lipsius at all conclusive. On the other hand, the treatment of the charge ix wopysiae yeyivynras seems to speak strongly for an early date ; for even if Theotecnus revived the scandal, which is possible enough, a Christian counterblast would have used far stronger language than do the extant Acts about the virginity of the Mother of our Lord. The author was not improbably a second-century Palestinian of Ebionite tend- encies. Chronology of the Acts of Pilate.—Tischendorf’s text of the prologue translated runs: ‘In the 15th year [so with two Greek MSS ; two others and one of the two Armenian recensions—see Conybeare’s edition, Studia Biblica, iv.,Oxford,1896—give ‘18th’ ; the Latin, the second Armenian, and apparently the Coptic have *19th’) of the government of Tiberius Casar, emperor of the Romans, and of Herod, king of Galilee, in the 19th year of his rule, on the 8th before the kalends of April, which is the 25th of March, in the consulship of Rufus and Rubellio, in the 4th year of the 202nd Olympiad, Joseph Caiaphas being high priest of the Jews.’ Undeniably, the references to Tiberius 19, to Herod and his 19th year, to Ol. 202. 4, are derived from Eusebius’ Chronicle; but these may be due to later revision, and there are other data, the 15th of Tiberius, the two Gemini, the 25th or 18th of March, which are as certainly not Eusebian, though the consulship at least is as constant a factor in the different versions as the year of Herod or the Olympiad. Considering how many vicissitudes befell all early Christian literature, how just the apocryphal Gospels would be picked out to satisfy the demand for sacred books in Diocletian’s persecution, how easily each generation (all the more that exuberant fancies were allowed no play upon the canonical records) would embellish such material by aid of the newest lights, it is no unreasonable hypothesis that a ‘Eusebian’ recension has influenced all existing copies, while two of them still betray in their ‘15th of Tiberius’ a relic of the unrevised document in a point where the redactor has most certainly been at work. On this view no more is original than ‘In the 15th year of Tiberius, on the 8th [more probably 15th, see below] before the kalends of April, in the consulship of Rufus and Rubellio, in the high priesthood of Joseph Caiaphas.” Here, then, are nine ante-Nicene authorities, of whom four (‘Tert.’, Hipp., Lact., Act.-Pil.) give the consulship cf the Gemini, four (Clem., Or., ‘Tert.’, Act.-Pil.) Tiberius 15, two (Afr., Ps.- Oypr.) Tiberius 16. Five post-Nicene Western authorities on the same side need simply be catalogued : Liberian Chronicle (A.D. 854; Lightfoot, Clement, i. 253) ‘under Tiberius, consuls the two Gemini, March 25’; Julius Hilarianus, De mundi duratione xvi., and De die pasche et mensis xv (both A.D. 397 ; Gallandi, viii. 238, 748), ‘Tiberius 16,’ but De mund. dur. xvii., also ‘ 369 ears from the Passion to the consulate of Casarius and Atticus’ A.D. 397], which clearly cannot mean anything later than A.D. 29; Sulpicius Severus, Chronica, ii. 27 (A.D. 401), ‘Herod 18, consuls Fufius Geminus and Rubellius Geminus,’ where the Herod date must be from Jerome’s version (A.D. 378) of Eusebius’ Chronicle; Augustine, De civ. Dei xviii. 54,‘ consuls the two Gemini, March 25’; Prosper Tiro, Chronicon (ap. 433 : Chronica Minora, ed. Mommsen, |. ii. p. 409), distinguishes what quidam ferunt, t.e. Jerome’s chronology, from the usitatior traditio of ‘Tiberius 15, consuls the two Gemini.’ The Western Church, then, during the century A.D. 350-450, notwithstanding the authority of Jerome’s Chronicle, still upheld the traditional date for the Crucifixion in a.p. 29. y. (i.) Of divergent notices, the earliest after Phlegon—not counting Hippolytus’ 18th of Tiberius, since he himself discarded it—is again from a heathen writing, the Acts of Pilate by Theo- tecnus. Eusebius(# i. 9)thoughtit enough proof of forgery that they ascribed the Crucifixion to Tiberius’ 4th consulship, for this fell in the 7th year only of his reign [4.D. 21], and Pilate did not even reach Judea till the 12th. But Lipsius (/.c. p. 81) points out that Tiberius’ next consulship in a.D. 31, though Eusebius reckoned it the 5th, is the 4th in the Fasti Idatiani (the common ground-work of the consular lists in Epiphanius and the Paschal Chronicle), so that Theotecnus may really have meant, not A.D. 21 but A.D. 31. (ii.) Of Eusebius’ Chronicle, both in the original and (iii.) in Jerome’s version, mention was made in connexion with Phlegon; of its followers there is no need to speak. (iv.) Epiphanius (a.D. 376; Heer. li, 22-25) writes out in full a con- sular list from his date for the Nativity, Jan. B.o. 2, to his date for the Baptism, Nov. a.p. 28.* Beyond this point the Ministry extends over two complete consulships, the one that of the two Gemini, the second that of Rufus and Rubellio, and closes only in the third, that of Vinicius and Longinus Cassius. Obviously intending to come down to March a.p. 31, he has, by the error—gross even for him—of splitting into two the single ir of A.D. 29, Rubellius Geminus and Fufius Geminus, named in fact for the Crucifixion the consuls of A.D. 80, It is possible that behind the confusion lies some older authority who reckoned a shorter Ministry with the Passion under Vinicius * He counterbalances his omission of the consuls of a.p. 4, Aelius Catus and Sentius Saturninus, by inserting between A.D. 6 and 7 the fictitious pair Cesar and Capito. His consuls for a.D. 13, Flacous and Silvanus, are only a corrupt form of the real names Plancus and Silius Cxcina. and Longinus in their real year. (y.) Paulus Orosius (A.D. 417 | Hist. vii. 4. 13) gives Tiberius 17 for the Crucifixion, presum- ably reckoning two years as from the Baptism in Tiberius 15. Summary of Patristie Evidence for the Civil Year.—A review of this witness from Phlegon to Epiphanius, from Tertullian to Augustine and Prosper, sums itself up in two questions : (i.) Is it a priort probable that tradition would preserve independent evidence for the date of the Cruci- fixion? (ii.) If so, do the data suggest that such has actually been the case? (i.) Patristic evidence for the duration of the Ministry was passed over for want of space, being unnecessary in face of the full testimony of the Gospels, and unhelpful because it is ai. based ultimately on them ; is there cause for thinking that the case would be different here? Yes; for while the date of the Nativity, for instance, was known familiarly to too few, and the length of the Ministry was of too secondary importance, to have gn occasion to a constant tradition, the conditions are quite issimilar and indeed unique in respect to the date of the Passion. Here was to every Christian eye from the first the turning point of the world’s evolution ; and the Church’s con- fession had always put in the forefront the historical setting ‘under Pontius Pilate ’—see 1 Ti 618 rod pcpruphouvros tx) Tlovriou Thad, Ign, Magn. 11 (with Lightfoot’s note) tv» xawpa vue nyswovies II, TI., and the early Roman Creed, céy iwi II, IL oravpwHévtc. It cannot, then, be considered improbable that a still more definite dating by consuls or by regnal years of the em- peror may have been noted while there was yet opportunity, and may have filtered down in oral tradition or lost documents through the obscure generations that intervene, till it could come to light, together with so much else that is beyond question primitive, in the writings of the age of Tertullian. (ii.) But do the facts bear out what is thus @ priort not im- probable? was there anything in the review of authorities that could claim to be a date of this sort for the Crucifixion? Nothing, clearly, unless it were a.p. 29 (consulship of the Gemini=15 Tib. =? 16 Tib.); for if Phlegon’s a.p. 32-33 had been traditional, it could not have failed to have reappeared some- where or other in the ante-Nicene Christian testimony ; Hip- polytus’ (ultimately discarded) 18 Tib. depended simply on a combination of the Johannine chronology of the Ministry with Lk 31; Theotecnus, if he really meant a.D. 31, re arrived at it by the same process ; Eusebius depende jointly on Phlegon and on his own interpretation of St. John; Epi- phanius’ chronology is, even more than Eusebius’, independent of all predecessors. It is easy enough to rid the field of rival theories ; the only question is, to what e does the evidence for a.D. 29 go back, and how far can it explained on other hypotheses than that of the survival of an independent and genuine tradition ? The three earliest witnesses for the consulship, the dating that most obviously means A.D. 29, are ‘ Tertullian,’ Hipp and the Acts of Pilate. Of these, Hippolytus, at least, derived it from some pre-existent source, for (not knowing to what year it really belonged) he incorrectly synchronizes it with Tiberius 18. Further, he and Tertullian are independent of one another, since the latter distinguishes the Gemini as Rubellius and Rufius or Fufius, the former (with the Acts of Pilate) erroneously as Rufus and Rubellio. It is hardly possible on the evidence that the common source can be later than A.D. 150, and it may be indefinitely earlier. It is true that Phlegon was apparently ignorant of the tradition, but it need not be supposed that it was universally spread by Hadrian’s time, and after all Phlegon was a heathen, and not likely to be conversant with all that was being handed down within the Christian body. But granting this antiquity, can the year still be accounted for as a mere deduction from the Gospels, in the sense that the consulship is a secondary date developed out of 15 Tiberius (the date for the Passion in Clement and Origen), and that that in turn came from Lk 81? Possibly; yet it is surely not easy to believe that the evangelist’s synchronism of the commencement of the Baptist’s ministry with a certain year should have been so widely supposed to apply to the whole period, not only before Christ’s Baptism, but also as far as his Passion. No doubt the Ptolemwan Valentinians of Irenzus’ time (Iren. 1. i. 8, iii. 1-3; ll. xx. 1, xxi. 1) based calculations on 30 years as the whole Lite of Christ, which is really the Gospel reckoning for his age at the commencement of his Ministry; but even they did not leave out of account the period of John’s sole ministry. It appears, then, not indeed certain, but possible and even probable, that a trustworthy Christian tradition does point to A.D. 29 and the consulate of the Gemini as the year of the Crucifixion. 3. A brief review, finally, of the evidence for the day of the civil month. Perhaps the earliest witnesses are Basilidians quoted by Clement (Strom. i. 147, ed. Potter, p. 408), who varied between Phamenoth 25, Pharmuthi 25, and Pharmuthi 19 {March pW April 20, April 14]. To March 25 a larger and weightier group subscribes : in Latin, ‘Tert.’ adv. Jud. 8, mense Martio tem bus pasche die viti calendarum Aprilium; and for a.d. viii kal. Apr. simply, the Liberian catalogue of a.D. 854, Julius Hilarianus De die pasche xv (Gallandi, viii. 748), Aug. De cto CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 415 xviii. 54, and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum : in Greek, +¥ ape bard xxAdavday 'AxpidAiwy, Hippolytus, Comm. in Dan., ed. soe) 19 (80, too, the wa0og Xpirrot in his paschal tables is attached to this day); Acta Pilati, according to the Quarto- decimans in Epiphanius, Her. 1.1, and to pseudo-Chrysostom (ed. Bened. viii. App. p. 277)—most of Tischendortf’s Greek MSS, supported by the Latin and Armenian versions add iris ieriy izes winery Maprion: bapsvab xb’, in the Bivromos dinyneis in- corporated in the Chronicon Paschale, ed. Ducange, pp. 224, 225. For March 23 are three witnesses: Lactantius, Div. inst. rv. x. 18, ante diem decimum kalendarum Aprilium; persons known to Epiphanius, ic. suis 38 chi pd dixa xadnvdar *AspiAAiey; and the Paschal Ohronicler (op. cit. p. 221), ri x9 sot Mepriov «mys. Epiphanius had further seen copies of the Acta Pilati which gave March 18, while his own view is decided in favour of yet another date, March 20: Heer. 1.1, its 31 sdpouey artiy, ix cay [lege axrov] TLAdrou iv ols onemives xpd dimaweves worevday "Awpidrimy ro wilos yeysricbos” r&AnOy db, Os ix TOAANE dxpiPsins tyvasy, iv TH mpd dixarpidy xadcvdar "AwpiAdrAlay Tov curnpe wixovbivas maruanousy ; Cl. Her, li. 23. The first reflection suggested by this catena is the unanimity with which (a) from some of the Basilidians) Christian antiquity attributed the Crucifixion to a day not later than 25; the second, that if a confusion between the récxya eravphesoy and the ricya averréesoy be allowed for, the dates, March 23 and 25, March 18 and 20, pair off with and explain one another—+.e. if March 25 was understood, not of the Crucifixion but of the Resurrection, March 23 became the day of the Orucifixion ; or by a similar but converse process, March 20 ht be transferred from the Resurrection (with the Crucifixion on 18) to the Crucifixion. Thus eliminating the three Basilidian dates as probably mere Gnostic fancies, of the two that alone are left, March 18-20 and 23-25, March 25 ‘ertullian, sa oa ia Acts of Pilate? etc.) has clearly older and better testimony than March 23 (Lactantius, some known to ie, Pas Chronicle), and March 18 (c»rivpageu of Acts of Pilate older than Epiphanius) than March 20 (Epiphanius himself). But these ultimate days, March 18 and 25, are exactly a week apart, and very likely the one is to be explained as a conscious alteration of the other ; but which of which? For that day of the two for which authority is vastly pre- sac reg March 25, Dr. Salmon in an admirable article on ppolytus (Dict. Christ. Biogr. iii, 92) looks upon that writer’s Paschal Cycle, published about a.p. 221, as the single source. Hippolytus there (very erroneously) supposes that after each eight years the full moon comes round to the same vm of the solar month again; and accepting the traditional date a.D. 29 for the Orucifixion, he naturally assumes that, since the full moon in a.p. 221 did actually fall on March 25, the full moon in A.D. 29, 192 or 8x24 years earlier, must have fallen on the same day. ‘ Actually this is a week astray, the true day being March 18. We are safe in presuming that whenever March 25 is mentioned as the day of the Passion, the Cycle of Hippolytus is the source of the account.’ Yet this theory, simple and attractive as it is, herd satisfies all the elements of the problem. It might be possible to explain the wide acceptance of March 25 in both East and West by the dual ay ion of Hippolytus, a Greek writer on Western soil ; but ‘Tert.,’ Adv. Judeos, if genuine, and Hippolytus’ own Com- mentary on Daniel, would still stand in the way of deducing March 25 as the day for the Passion directly from March 25 as the day of the moon in A.D, 221. For Tertullian’s Mon- tanist writings commence about A.p. 200, and his whole literary activity was almost at an end by a.p. 220, so that if the first portion of the adversus Jude@os is ‘certainly Tertullian’s, and ertullian’s while still a churchman’ (Fuller in Dict. Christ. . iv. 8270), its chronology cannot be due to the Paschal Cycle of a.p. 221. In the same way Hippolytus’ Fourth Book on Daniel ‘ was epee eay written much earlier than the’ Chronicle and Paschal Tables (Lightfoot, Clement, ii. 392); and as it, too, gives March 25 for the Passion (from which also ultimately comes its Dec. 25 for the Nativity, see above, p. 4058), a second reason is supplied for pushing back the origin of the tradition of March 25 into the 2nd cent. Genuine, of course, the tradition cannot be, because, as Salmon says—see also the table given earlier in this article—not the 25th but the 18th was the March full moon in A.p, 29. But this is exactly the day remaining still for discussion, that, namely, which was given in copies Epiphanius had seen of the Acts of Pilate. It is true that even in these Acts March 25 is supported (i.) by all existing MSS and versions; (ii.) by those Quartodecimans who regularly kept the Pascha on March 25 on the authority of the Acts; (iii.) by pseudo- m in A.D. 387, who accepts the date as historically true on the same authority. It is possible, therefore, that the 18th is simply an accidental corruption, IE’ instead of H’ before the kalends of April; but it is possible also that it is the genuine reading of the Acts, altered intentionally at some early period, whether because the 25th was already then the more popular date, or because the 18th was increasingly open to the icion of falling before the equinox. And if genuine in the Acts, it is a really curious and remarkable confirma- tion of a possible date for the Crucifixion, Friday Nisan 14 of the year A.D. 29. Dr. Salmon indeed says (Joc. cit.) that ‘it is obvious that if early trustworthy tradition had beret < the day of the solar year on which our Lord suffered, the Church would not have rplexed herself with calculations of paschal full moons.’ But i ) not all traditions which may in fact be true were necessarily known to be true to the ancients; (ii.) after all, what the Church was aiming at in paschai cycles was a system for cal- culating beforehand in terms of the solar year a day that was not solar but lunar. As pseudo-Ohrysostom lucidly points ont the different data of the chronology of the Orucifixion wi not converge in ordinary years ; the Church could only imitate the season as far as was practicable, combining elements from the solar year (the equinox as a first term a quo), from the lunar year (the full moon as a second term a quo), and from the week (Friday). But if the day of the solar year had been considered alone, the full moon would necessarily have been thrown over, and the full moon was the one point which all Christians united in treating as essential to a proper paschal celebration.* It is not unreasonable, then, to hold that the solitary datum preserved by Epiphanius does add a slight additional weight to the probability that the Orucifixion should be placed on Friday March 18, A.D. 29. Conclusion.—To sum up briefly: the separate results of five lines of enquiry harmonize with one another beyond expectation, so that each in turn supplies fresh security to the rest. The Nativity in B.C. 7-6; the age of our Lord at the Baptism 30 years more or less; the Baptism in A.D. 26 (26-27) ; the duration of the Ministry between two and three years; the Crucifixion in A.D. 29: these five strands, weak no doubt in isolation, become, when woven together, the strong and stable support of a consistent chronology of the Life of Christ. LivERATURE.—For all the preliminary chronological matter which underlies subjects such as that of this article, Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie 2 vols. 1825, is still standard. Of books more especially devoted to the chronology of the life of Christ special mention should perhaps be made of Wieseler, Chronol. Synops. der Evang, (Eng. tr. by Venables), and Caspari, Chronol. u. geog. Hinlert. (E.T. by Evans), The writer of the present article—some points of which had been adumbrated in previous studies of his own, Patristic evidence and the Gospel Chronology in the Church Quarterly Review for Jan. 1892, pp. 390-415, and A Paschal. Homily printed in the Works of St. Chrysostom, in Studva Riblica, ii. pp. 130-149, Oxford, 1890—has learnt much, and derived many references in certain parts of his work, from three writers (though with their general conclusions he in each case disagrees): H. Browne, Ordo Seclorum, London, 1844 , Hort on Jn 64, in Westcott and Hort’s Greek Testament, 1881, App pp. 77-81; and R. A. Lipsius, Die Pilatus-Acten, Thiel, 1886. Il. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. The Apostolic Age may be defined, for the pur- poses of this article, as the period lying between the Crucifixion [A.D. 29, less probably A.D. 30] and the destruction of the temple. Outside these limits lie, no doubt, several of the NT writings, for the chronology of which see the articles on them; but NT history may fitly be said to close with the great catastrophe of A.D. 70. These first 40 years of Christian history are roughly conterminous with the labours of St. Peter and St. Paul, and the principal documents con- cerned are, on the one hand, their Epistles, on the other, the Acts, one half of which book is in effect devoted to each of the two great apostles. But the writings in question do not bear on the face of them any continuous system of notes of time ; and the chronology must be based, in the first instance, on such synchronisms as are given, principally in Acts, with Jewish or Roman history, namely— (1) The reign of Aretas of Damascus (2 Co 11°, ef. Ac 9”), (2) The reign and death of Herod Agrippa I. (Ac 12}-28), (3) The famine under Claudius (Ac 1178-®° 12%), (4) The proconsulship of Sergius Paulus in Cyprus (Ac 137). (5) The expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Claudius (Ac 18). (6) The proconsulship of Gallio in Achaia (Ac 183”). * The only exceptions to which Dr. Salmon might appeal are as late as the 4th cent.: (i.) the Quartodecimans and Cappadocians, said by Epiphanius, Heer. 1. 1, always to observe March 25 as their reexa; (ii.) the Montanists of Asia Minor, said by pseusdo- Chrysostom to observe the 14th, not of a lunar but of the ‘ Asiatic’ solar month beginning on March 24, so that their waoxe fell always on April 6. 416 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. (7) The reign of Herod Agrippa ., and mar- riage of his sister Drusilla to Felix (Ac 25382622), (8) The procuratorships of Felix and Festus (Ac 2138 23% 2410. 27), (9) The Days of Unleavened Bread (Ac 20%7), (10) The persecution under Nero. Two prelceery notes may be offered here. a. Imperial Chronology.—Augustus died Aug. 19, a.D. 14; Tiberius died March 16, a.D. 87; Gaius Caligula died Jan. 24, a.D, 41; Olaudius died Oct. 13, a.p. 54; Nero died June 9, A.D. 68. b. Authorities for the Period outside NT Writers.—These are Pencipally three: for Jewish affairs, Josephus; for Roman, ‘acitus and Suetonius: and as they are occasionally incon- sistent with one another, it is important to define their position and epporeaattics as historians. (i.) Tacitus, born not later and probably not much earlier than A.D. 54, published his latest work, the Annals, or history of the empire from the death of Augustus to the death of Nero, at the end of Trajan’s reign, ¢, A.D. 115; but the work as now preserved is imperfect, being deficient for the ten years A.D. 37-47, besides two shorter lacunce in a.p. 30 and 66-68. The materials at his command for all at least that passed in Rome were ample, though his anti-imperial tendencies may colour his version of the facts in relation not only to the emperors, but to their ministers or favourites. (ii.) Suetonius, the junior of Tacitus by some 20 years, wrote his Lives of the Cesare (from Julius to Domitian) under Hadrian, puleey about A.D. 120. As Pas secretary to that emperor, e may have had access to additional personal details about the earlier sovereigns, such as distinguish his anecdotal biographies from the more ambitious and more orderly history of Tacitus. (iii.) Josephus, the historian of Judaism, was more strictly a contemporary of the infancy of the Christian Church than Suetonius or even Tacitus. Born in a.p. 37-38 and brought up in Jerus., he left that city for three years’ stay among the Essenes, A.D. 53-56, and left Pal. on a mission to Rome in A.D. 63-64. His share in the Jewish revolt—for he commanded in Galilee, and was taken prisoner at Jotapata—did not prevent him from espousing at once the Roman cause, or attaching himself tothe fortunesof Vespasian and Titus. Thus his works on the Jewish War (written before a.D. 79) and on the Antiquities (completed in Domitian’s 13th year, A.D. 93-94) are dominated by the distinct purpose of presenting himself and his countrymen in as favourable a light as possible to the Romans. On the other hand, a writer in Rome enjoying imperial patronage, who had spent in Pal. most of the years with whose events this article is concerned, was unusually well placed for ascertaining the facts, and, except where his ‘ tendency’ has to be discounted, his testimony cannot be dismissed off-hand even when con- fronted with that of Tacitus. 1. Aretas at Damascus.—This Aretas (the fourth Aretas in the line of Nabatzan kings, on which dynasty see Schiirer, H/JP I. ii. 348 ff.) reigned within the rough limits B.c. 9-A.D. 40; the exact dates are unknown, but it is certain (a) that he reigned over 47 years, inscriptions being extant of his 48th; (8) that he died somewhere between the death of Tiberius—which brought to a close operations begun against him at that emperor’s order by the legate of Syria, Vitellius (Ant. xvm1. v. 1, 3)—and the middle of the reign of Claudius, when his successor Abias is found waging war on Izates of Adiabene (about A.D. 48; Ant. XX. iy. 1). But Damascus did not belong to Nabatza, and was certainly under direct Roman administration in A.D. 33-34, and in A.D. 62-63, for Damascene coins of these years are extant and bear the heads of Tiberius and Nero respectively, without any such allusion to the local prince as was invariable in the coins of client states. It must have come, then, into the hands of Aretas after A.D. 33-34; if by force, the empire would hardly have suffered the Nabatzan line to reign unmolested till A.D. 106 ; if by grant, the donor must almost certainly have been, not Tiberius, whose quarrel with Aretas has just been mentioned, but Caligula, who, unlike Tiberius (see the instance of Herod Philip in the next section), encouraged the dependent prince- lings of the East. [The silence of Tacitus will then admit of easy explanation, the Annals being defective throughout Caligula’s reign.] In this ease, St. Paul’s escape from the ethnarch of the city must be placed not earlier than the middle ot A.D. 37; in any case not earlier than A.D. 34. 2. Reign and Death of Herod Agrippa I.—The tetrarchy of Herod Philip (Lk 3!) was on his CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TESTI. death, about A.D. 33-34, incorporated by Tiberius into the province of Syria, but ‘not many aays’ after the accession of Gaius (March 16, A.D. 37) was conferred with the title of king on Herod Agrippa, son of Aristobulus, and grandson of Herod the Great, who was then living in Rome; and to this territory the tetrarchy of Antipas was added in A.D. 39-40, and Judea, Samaria, and Abilene on Claudius’ accession, early in A.D. 41. Agrippa reigned altogether, according to BJ, three years over the whole kingdom, and three years over the tetrarchies, according to Ant., tour years under Gaius,—three over Philip’s tetrarchy and the fourth over Antipas’ as well,—and three under Claudius over all Pal., the year of his death being ‘the 7th of his reign and 54th of his life.’ The dis- crepancy concerns Gaius’ reign only (Ant., the later an er work, appears the more accurate), and ‘three years’ under Claudius are common to both accounts. But Ané., as has just been said, also speaks of ‘the 7th year,’ which (reckoned from the spring of A.D. 37) suggests A.D. 43-44 rather than 44 simply. Against this, however, may be set the evidence of Agrippa’s coinage, which appar- ently goes on to a 9th year;* for even if, as is likely enough, the Jewish kings commenced a fresh year on the lst of Nisan following their accession,t the 9th year cannot possibly have begun before Nisan 1, A.D. 44, and even then only if the original grant from Caligula preceded Nisan 1, A.D. 37, so that Agee second year may have begun on that day. e coinage reck- oning by itself would suggest rather A.D. 45 than 44; Josephus would be compatible with the latter part of A.D. 43; the two in combination are most easily reconciled by a date in A.D. 44 after Nisan (BJ . xi. 6; Ant. XVI. iv. 6, vi. 10, vii. 2, XIX. v. 1, viii. 2). 3. The Famine under Claudius.—On Agrippa’s death Judea is made again into a procuratorshi under Cuspius Fadus. He intervenes in a quarre between the Jews of Perea and the city of Philadelphia, seizes and executes the brigand leader Tholomeus, and from that time forward keeps Judea clear of similar disturbances; then (rére) enters on a dispute with the authorities at Jerus. over the custody of the high- priestly robes. ‘About this time,’ card rotrov rdv xatpdv, Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates become con- verts to Judaism ; the story and antecedent circum- stances are related at length, and it is added that Helena, seeing that their kingdom was at peace and her son envied even by foreigners for the divine pro- tection he enjoyed, desired to go up to the temple at Jerus., while Izates made great preparations of gifts to be offered there. Her arrival was pecu- liarly well-timed, for famine was raging ‘at that moment,’ kara rdv Katpdv éxeivor. ut Josephus does not say that all this happened under Fadus, On the contrary, having digressed to relate what *See Madden, Coins of the Jews, ed. 2 (1881), p. 180. The ascription of these coins to Herod Agrippa i. is impossible ; de Saulcy, however, thinks them Jewish forgeries, and Madden speaks hesitatingly, not having seen the coins themselves. But if the electrotypes may be trusted, the figure is quite certain, and there appears no reason except the nological difficulty for doubting them. +See the Gemara of Babylon, Tractate Rosk-hashanah or the New Year, fol. 2a: ‘Our rabbis teach that a king whe ascends the throne on the 29th Adar has completed a year as soon as he reaches Nisan 1.’ { The emperor’s answer to the deputation sent to Rome on this subject is dated in the consulship of Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus; and if these were, as is generally assumed, suffectt of A.D. 45, the letter will fall somewhere after the early months of that year. [Older editors read xpo rscecpay xadavday *lopaiov, but the latter word is simply a retranslation of Iulit in the inferior Latin MSS; Niese omits it, and marks a lacuna.) But to date by other than the consules ordinarii would be so vnusual, if not unexampled, that (especially in the absence of any other proof of the existence of these particular suffeots) the genuineness of the letter must be considered doubtful. > CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 417 was contemporary with Fadus, namely, the con- version of Helena and Izates, he continues the digression through the long chapters XX. ii. iii. iv., bringing the history of Adiabene down to a point much later even than this visit: and then, after returning to Fadus and recording the revolt and death of Theudas under him, he goes on to say that his successor was Tiberius Alexander, ‘in whose time it chanced that the great famine in Juda occurred in which’ Helena acted so gener- ously. After Alexander, of whom nothing further is related except the execution of the sons of Judas the Galilean, Cumanus comes as the new pepearatr 3 in the 8th year of Claudius [A.D. 48], erod king of Chalcis dies. These two last events are reversed in BJ; ‘after Herod of Chalcis’ death Claudius gives his kingdom to the younger Agrippa, and Cumanus succeeds Alexander.’ Both accounts, in fact, treat the two changes as practically sim- ultaneous, so that Josephus certainly places Cumanus’ arrival in A.D. 48. Thus the whole tenure of both Fadus and Alexander falls within the limits of the years 44-48 A.D.; and since the bulk of the events recorded under the former is considerably the greater, Alexander cannot have arrived before, say, the spring of A.D. 46. This is the terminus a quo for Helena’s visit; and as Helena had not apparently heard of the famine before she arrived, it is the terminus a quo for the famine also, while Josephus’ language leaves no doubt that ‘the great famime’ ran its whole course under the same governor. It is therefore possible that it should be placed, or placed partly, in A.D. 47; it is certain that even the earlier part of the crisis cannot be placed before A.D. 46 (Ant. xx. i. 1, 2, ii. 1, 5, v. 1,2; BJU. xii. 1). 4. The Proconsulship of Sergius Paulus in Cyprus. —The name of this governor has been found in a Cypriote inscription ém Iavdov [dvO]urdrov ‘in Paces proconsulship,’ but unfortunately without any synchronism which would fix the year. On the other hand, a dedication to Claudius in the name of the city of Curium in Cyprus by the proconsul L. Annius Bassus, ‘in accordance with a decision previously taken by the proconsul Julius Cordus,’ is signed ‘in the 12th year,’ i.e. of the emperor, A.D. 52. Cordus’ tenure, if, as seems to be implied, he was Bassus’ immediate | Sues ona will cover the year 51, so that in neither of those two years can place be found for Paulus. (Ces- nola, Cyprus, p. 425; Boeckh, CIG 2632.) 5. The Expulsion of the Jews from Rome under Claudius is recorded in Suetonius (Claudius 25), dudeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit ; but as this writer’s method is to group together the events in any one reign of similar character—in this case dealings with the provincials—no suggestion of a date is given at Tacitus, whose Annals, however, are extant during the last seven years only of Claudius’ reign, A.D. 47-54, says nothing of the Jews, though he mentions, under A.D. 52, the expulsion of the astrologers from Italy, a measure at once ‘cruel and ineffective.’ Orosius, A.D. 417 (Hist. vil. vi. 15), is the earliest authority to give a date, Claudius Ix. =A.D. 49, quoting it as from Josephus ; but, in fact, Josephus is as silent as Tacitus, not about the date only, but about the whole matter. Nor is there any reason to believe that Orosius had access to Josephus direct; the only other reference to him (VII. ix. 7) appears to be repeated from Jerome’s Chronicle. It must therefore remain uncertain whether or not Orosius’ source in this case is trustworthy. [Ramsay (St. Paul, p. 68) supposes that all Orosius’ dates for events under Claudius are a year too early (as might easily be the case if, for instance, he was sya a chronicler like Eusebius, whose lst of Satie VOL. I.—a7 began, not in Jan., but in Sept. A.D. 41; see below, No. 8. a), so that this expulsion would then rather belong to A.D. 50.) 6. The Proconsulship of Gallio in Achaia must fall after A.D. 44, in which year (Dio Cassius, lx. 24) this province, taken by Tiberius in A.D. 15 into his own hands, and ruled thenceforward by legatt propretore (avricrpdrnyor), was restored to the control of the senate, and to administration by proconsuls (dv@vrara). Further, if Gallio so far shared the disgrace of his famous brother Seneca —who was only recalled in A.D. 49 (Tac. Ann. xii. 8) from an exile that had lasted about eight ears—that he would have been passed over while it lasted, then the terminus a quo is not 44 but 49, or rather, since the proconsuls entered on their provincial governinents early in the year, A.D. 50. At the same time, the distinction between thea method of appointment to imperial and to sena- torian provinces was just this, that the emperor was quite unfettered in his choice, while, in the other case, all ex-holders of officesin Rome, ex-con- suls and ex-prators, succeeded naturally to sena- torian governorships; Dio, for instance (Joc. cit.), describes this very change as one from selection to lot: rhv oe ’Axalay Kal rhv Maxedoviav alperois dpxovow € odmrep 6 TiBdpios Apt didouévas dmédwer 6 Knavdios tore ry KA py. Still, it is likely enough that candidates obnoxious to the government either did not stand at all, or were unsuccessful by arrangement at the balloting. Gallio, then, entered on office in Achaia certainly not before A.D, 44, and probably not before 49, or even 50.* 7. The Reign of Herod Agrippa IT. and Mar- riage of Drusilla to Felix.—This Agrippa, son of Herod Agrippa 1, at his father’s death was thought too young to succeed; but on the death of another Herod, his uncle, king of Chalcis, in the 8th year of Claudius (A.D. 48), he obtained that Eee ity, from which he was transferred after laudius had completed his 12th year, t.e. about the beginning of A.D. 53, to the two tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, i.e. the northern part of Palestine. On this accession to new dignity he bestowed his sister Drusilla in marriage on Azizus of Emesa, a husband whom, not long after, yer’ ov wodvv xpovov, she deserted for the Roman pro- curator Felix. Thus, if Josephus’ order of events is correct, St. Paul’s appearance before Felix and Drusilla, which was after, but not very long after. Pentecost (Ac 20! 24!-*4), cannot fall in A.D. d4, but at earliest in A.D. 54 (Ant. XX. v. 2, vii. 1, 2). 8. a. The Procuratorship of Feliz.—The events which led up to the deposition of the last- mentioned procurator, Cumanus (appointed in A.D. 48), are related in full by Josephus, Ant. xXx. vi. 1-3, more briefly by Tacitus, Ann. xii. 54; the two writers, while consistent in the main alout Cumanus, differ seriously in regard to Felix. Both agree that troubles broke out between the Gali- leans and Samaritans, originating, says Josephus, in an assault on Galileans travelling up to Jervs. for one of the feasts. Both agree that the Roman soldiery intervened; that the quarrel was taken before Quadratus, legate of Syria, who investigated the responsibility of the Roman officials for their conduct in relation to it; and that the ultimate result was the deposition of Cumanus. Both agree further on the date ; for Tacitus records the pro- ceedings under A.D. 52, Josephus mentions the recall of Cumanus immediately before the notice of the completion of Claudius’ 12th year, Jan. A.D. 53. On the other hand, Josephus, throughout the *See also Ramsay, Hzpositor, March 1897, p. 206: Seneca addressed his de Ira to his brother, not under the adoptive name Gallio, but under the name Novatus; and if it is true that he wrote this treatise after his return from exile, it follows that hia brother’s adoption, and subsequent appointment to a proconsul- ship under the name Gallio, must also be not earlier than a.D. 49, 418 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. story, speaks of Cumanus &s the only governor, whether of Galilee, Samaria, or Judea. Tacitus gives Cumanus in Galilee and Felix in Samaria co-ordinate jurisdiction; which of them ruled Judea proper is not said by him in so many words (by his authority perhaps not at all), but he apparently assumes it to be Felix, whom he introduces as tampridem Iudee impositus. Thus in Josephus, Cumanus is the only procurator arraigned before Quadratus, and even he is sent off to the imperial tribunal; in Tacitus, Cumanus and Felix are equally involved ; but since Felix was brother to Pallas, the emperor’s favourite and minister, the legate, to avoid having to condemn him, puts him on to the commission for the trial of his partner in guilt, who is condemned then and there for the crimes of both. How are these divergences to be reconciled? The answer is not without a direct bearing on the chronology of St. Paul’s life ; see below, No. 8, 6. Let it be conceded, then, to Tacitus, that Felix must have been holding some position in Samaria of sufficient rank to qualify him as one of the tudices for Cumanus’ trial. So much, indeed, is warranted by Josephus’ statement, that the high priest Jonathan was continually urging good government on Felix when procurator, ‘lest he himself should incur blame before the populace for having requested his appointment from the emperor’ (Ant, xx. viii. 5), a request which was more natural if Felix were already known in Palestine. Some of the best modern authorities (Mommsen, Roman Pro- vinces, Eng. tr. ii. 202; Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 313) follow Tacitus further still. But Josephus, after all, E giving a detailed account of the history of his own country during his own life- time; and to him it must be conceded in turn that Cumanus’ rule certainly included Judwa (in the narrower sense) with Jerus., and that Felix was probably only a subordinate of his in Samaria. Prejudice against so near a relation of Pallas made it easy for Tacitus or his authority to project back on to the earlier years of Felix’ residence something of the position, and a.share of the misdeeds, of his later procuratorship. A third authority for the dates of Felix’ tenure is the Chronicle of Eusebius—the Armenian VS, with some MSS of Jerome’s tr., placing his arrival in the 1lth year of Claudius, the other Lat. MSS iu the 10th. [In the Bodleian MS of the Jerome, this note commences in the second of the two lines given to the 10th year, is continued through the two lines of the llth year, and ends in the first line of the 12th.) But how are these imperial years reckoned ? So much weight is laid by Harnack (Chronologie, pp. 238-287) on Eusebius’ evidence, that this preliminary difficulty must be disentangled in some detail. Both Harnack himself (ib. p. 234) and Lightfoot (e.g. Biblical Essays, p. 223, n. 2; but this essay is as old as a.p. 1863) assume a reckoning in the case of each emperor from his own accession-day. But it is in the last degree unlikely that a chronicle, where every year is reckoned continuously from Abraham, should admit in the paralle) column of imperial years a system perpetually changing ; and if Titus, though he reigned three months of a 8rd year (June 79-Sept. 81 a.D.), or Trajan, though he reigned six months of a 20th year (Jan. 98-Aug. 117 a.D.), are yet allotted only two and nineteen years respectively, it seems clear that, as was to be expected, the imperial years are manipulated into accord with the more fixed arrangement. But two questions still remain. (i.) Where did Eusebius fix his new year? It is natural to think first of Jan. 1, the commencement of the Roman consular year. But Eusebius was an Eastern, and in the East the year was all but universally commenced abéut September. “The Jewish civil year began in September; the old Attic lunar year in July; the old Macedonian lunar year in October; the talendars of Asia Minor in imperial times used the Macedonian months made into a solar year, commencing Sept. 23; the similar calendar of Syria used the same months in thesame way, only that each month was pushed down one place, so that the year presumably began at the end of October; the Alexandrian year on Aug. 29; the era of Alexander or the Greeks was reckoned from Sept. B.c. 312; the Indictions, an invention of Eusebius’ own day, were counted, certainly from September, probably from Sept. a.D. 312. The strong presumption that Eusebius would range himself with all this mass of usage is re- inforced by his use of the Olympiads as parallel, year by year, to his own years of Abraham, for the Olympiads began in July, and a year that began on Jan. 1 must be out of reckoning with an Olympiad year for either its first or last six months. (ii.) Granted, then, that each Eusebian year began in the September of a Julian year, can that Julian year be conclusively fixed? Now, the starting-point of the Olympiads is known to be July of the Julian year B.c. 776; if, therefore, a fixed relation is established between Eusebian years of Abraham and Olym- Veco a fixed relation between Eusebian and Julian years ‘ollows. Unfortunately, the two versions of the Chronicle differ by one year as to which year of Abraham is parallel to Ol. 1. 1, the Armenian giving Ann. Abr. 1240, Jerome 1241, and sa throughout. That Jerome is the more trustworthy is now, through the labours of Hort and Lightfoot, recognised even by scholars who had pinned their faith to the Armenian (80, ¢.g., Harnack, Chronologie, p. 113 ff.) ; and in this particular case two synchronisms of years of Tiberius with the Olympiads, the one given in the preface to the Chronicle (Jerome), and repeated in the Prep. Evang. of Eusebius himself (x. 9. 1), the other given in the note on the Crucifixion (both Jerome and the Armenian), clench the proof. In the first case Tib. 15 is said to coincide with Ol. 201, or more fully in the Prep. Hvang. with Ol. 201. 4. Now, in the Chronicle itself Tib. 15=Abr. 2044 (Jerome and Armenian)=Ol, 201. 4 Jerome, but Ol. 202. 1 Arm. In the second case the date for the Crucifixion is supported by appeal to Phlegon’s date, Ol. 202.4. Now, Tiberius 19 (which is unm questionably Eusebius’ date for the Passion, see previous art. p. 4138)=Abr. 2048 (Jerome and Arm.)=Ol, 202. 4 Jerome, Ol. 203.1 Arm. Clearly, then, the parallelism of the columns is right in Jerome, wrong in the Armenian. It follows from this investigation that, accord- ing to Eusebius, Tiberius 1=Ol. 198. 2 (Jerome) mye A.D. 14 to Sept. A.D. 15; Gaius 1=Ol. 204. 1 (Jerome)=Sept. 37-Sept. 38 A.D. ; Claudius 1=Ol. 205. 1(Jerome)=Sept. 41-Sept. 42 A.p.; Nero1=Ol. 208. 3 (Jerome)=Sept. 55-Sept. 56 A.D. As the true accession-days of these four emperors were Aug. 19, A.D. 14; Mar. 16, A.D. 37; Jan. 24, A.D. 41; Oct. 13, A.D. 54, an entirely consistent result is obtained, namely, that Husebius commences the 1st regnal year of each emperor in the September next after his accession. hen, therefore, he puts the arrival of Felix in Claudius 11, he means not (as Harnack says) Jan. 51 to Jan. 52, but Sept. 51 to Sept. 52, and his evidence, instead of contradict- ing, comes into line with that of Tacitus and Josephus. b. The Departure of Felix and Arrival of Festus.—The chronology of so large a period of St. Paul’s apostleship can be reckoned without difficulty backwards and forwards from his im- prisonment at Caesarea, that this date of Felix’ recall becomes the most important of the series of synchronisms that have been under discussion. Yet there is none about which opinions vary more widely, years so far apart as A.D. 55 and 61 being preferrea by different enquirers; what may be called the received chronology (Wieseler, Chron. des apost. Zeitalters, pp. 66-99 ; Lightfoot, Biblical Essays, pp. 217-220; Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 182, and the bibliography there given) ae ee it to A.D. (61 or) 60, but not earlier, while a few older writers, reinforced now by Harnack (o.c. p. 233 ff.), push it back to quite the beginning of Nero’s reign, A.D. 55 or 56. Blass (Acta Ap. pp. 21-24) leaves the question open, but is, on the whole, against the ‘received’ view; Ramsay (see No. 9, below) modifies the latter by one year, to A.D. 59. (i.) Arguments for the later date, A.D. 60 or 61, a. St. Paul at the time of his arrest, two years before Felix’ recall, addresses him as ‘for many years past a judge of this nation,’ é« roA\Gv érar byra Kpirhy ro ever rovrw (Ac 2437), a phrase which it is said cannot mean less than six or seven ears’ procuratorship, t.e. from 52 to 58 or 53 A.D. Bat it has just. been shown from Tacitus that Felix had been in Samaria before he came into office in Judea; and since St. Paul’s pa is naturally to press all that could truly be said of Felix’ experience, he would not too minutely distinguish between his present position as pro- curator and his previous position as a subordinate. The éryn odd are therefore to be reckoned from an indeterminate point previous to A.D. 52, and no ral deduction of any sort can be drawn about them. 8. Josephus, after the mention of Nero’s acces sion, records as all happening under Felix: the death of Azizus, king of Emesa; the succession of Aristobulus in Chalcis, and readjustment ot the dominions of the younger Agrip a; the jealousy between Felix and the high priest Ss Le ee CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. Jonathan, and the reign of terror which, after Jonathan’s assassination, prevailed at each of the feasts ; the appearance of various robber chiefs or impostors, especially a certain Egyptian; and lastly, the ‘great quarrel’ between the Jewish and Syrian inhabitants of Cesarea (Ant. Xx. viii. 4-8). ow, this long succession of incidents cannot, it is said, be brought within less than five or six years, t.e. from Oct. 54, Nero’s accession, to 60 A.D., especially as the rising of the Egyptian was already ‘before these days’ (Ac 21°) at the time of St. Paul’s arrest, two years from the end of Felix’ tenure. But two considerations deprive this line of argument of a good deal of its force. (1) Josephus naturally groups together all he has to say about Pal. under Felix. That "4 does this after Nero’s acces- sion, means that he conceived, not that the whole state of things described began only then to be true, but at most that the main part of Felix’ government, and its most striking events, belonged to the new reign; and this, if Felix’ procuratorship began in A.D. 52, could easily be the case so long as it ended not earlier than A.D. 57 or 58. Exact information about the latter date Josephus obviously did not possess, or he would, as in other cases, have given it. (2) The various events described were not necessarily succes- sive. The political arrangements in Galilee or Chalcis, the wing disorder in Jerus., the risings in Palestine, may all have een in progress at one and the same time. Even the revolt of the Egyptian is not given as the last in order of time of a series of such events, but as the most striking illustration of the decep- tions practised on the highly-wrought minds of the popelaee by tmoiracle-mongers of all sorts; for whereas the rest led their followers off into the wilderness with the promise of signs and wonders, ‘a fellow from t about this time,’ xar& rover soy xcipby, gave rendezvous for the Mt. of Olives, that from thence he might show how the walls of Jerus. should fall down at his bidding. At the same time, if this rising is to be placed under Nero at all, then St. Paul’s arrest cannot fall before Pentecost 65, or rather, if the full natural meaning is to be given to the words #pé reise ray duspur, before Pentecost 56, and Felix’ recall before the summer of 57 or rather 68 A.D. It appears, then, that the arguments used to support the ‘received’ date, A.D. 60, will not bear the whole weight placed on them, but that, so far as they go, they do suggest a year not earlier than A.D. 58, or at any rate than 57. The arguments used on the other side must now, in turn, be subjected to examination. (ii.) Arguments for an early date, A.D. 55 or 66. a. Eusebius’ Chronicle places Festus’ arrival in Nero 2, ¢.e. according to Harnack, in the year Oct. 55-Oct. 56 A.D. ; and Eusebius’ chronology of the procurators is probably derived from Julius Africanus (A.D. 220), who, whether through the Jewish kings of Josephus’ contemporary, Justus of Tiberias,* or through personal enquiry (for he lived in Palestine), had excellent opportunities of arriving at the facts. But, again, a twofold answer may be given. (1) In any case Eusebius’ true date for Festus is Nero 2=Sept. 56-Sept. 57 A.D., see above, p. 418°. (2) It cannot be too often repeated that chroniclers were tempted to invent dates for all undated events of historical interest ; and as Festus’ connexion with St. Paul would deter a Christian from passing him over without mention, it is possible that Eusebius (or Africanus), if the usual authorities failed him, simply set him exactly midway between his predecessor Felix, A.D. 51-52, and his successor Albinus, A.D. 61-62. For the last tor, Gessius Florus, Eusebius gives Nero 10=Sept. t. 65 a.D.; this agrees well enough with Josephus’ statement that the breaking out of the war—Aug. 66 a.p.—fell in the 12th year of Nero (t.e. on Josephus’ system Oct. 65-Oct. 66) and 2nd of Florus, Ant. xx. xi.1. For Albinus, the last but one, Eusebius has Nero 7=Sept. 61-Sept. 62 a.v. ; and Josephus relates that a certain visionary was brought before Albinus at the Feast of Tabernacles, four years before the war, te. Oct. 62 a.D., BJ VI. v. 3, so that Eusebius’ date is at any rate the latest possible, and is very likely correct. 8. Felix on his recall was prosecuted before Nero by the leading Jews of Cesarea, and ‘ would * Photius, cod, 33, read this book, and says that it extended from Moses to the death of the last Jewish prince, Herod Agrippa ., in a.p. 100. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 419 certainly have been condemned for his wrong- doings towards the Jews had not his brother Pallas, who at that moment stood very high in Nero’s favour, interceded on his behalf,’ Ant. xx. viii. 9. Now, according to Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 14, 15, Pallas was removed from office not long before Britannicus celebrated his 14th birthday; and Britannicus was born just after his father Claudius’ accession, circa Feb. 41 A.D. But, again, if Pallas’ retirement fell in Jan. 55 A.D., and Felix’ trial hola it, the latter must have fallen in the very rst months of Nero’s reign, and Festus must have come out as procurator in the summer of A.D. 54 under Claudius, a result which it is hopeless to try and reconcile with the other authorities. Harnack, 0.c. p. 238, on the ground of the confusion which besets even the best chronologists through the different methods of reckoning imperial years, conjectures that Tacitus has mis- takenly put Britannicus’ 14th birthday for his 15th, so that the whole story should be transferred from A.D. 55 to 56. But this is unlikely : in the first place, because Tacitus reckons his years, as Roman naturally would, by consulships, and not by regnal years of the emperor at all; in the second place, because the detail about Britannicus’ age introduces the account of his murder, and that was far too crucial an event to be likely to be misdated. It seems obvious—there is certainly no reason against the view —that Pallas retained sufficient influence in the early years after his retirement to be able to secure immunity for his family. Tacitus expressly says that he stipulated that no inquiry should be made into his conduct in office, a very different attitude to what most fallen ministers had to adopt under the empire. Doubtless, Josephus exaggerates when he speaks of Nero at the date of the trial as pddscra 3% vires dice Tics aywy ixsivoy, but this appears to be aul his way of accounting for the acquittal of an oppressor of the Jews. Stated as a proof for the year A.D. 55 or 56, this argument, too, breaks down ; but if restated witha more modest scope, it will be found not without force. It is, in fact, difficult to believe that the Jews would not have gained their case against Felix had Poppea already acquired that ascendency over Nero which enabled them under the next procuratorship to win their cause in the matter of the temple wall against Festus and Agrippa com- bined, Ant. XX. viii. 11. It is under A.D. 58 that this woman’s first introduction to Nero is recorded, but it was not till A.D. 62 that she set the crown to her ambition by marrying him, Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 45, 46, xiv. 60ff. It was in the same year, 62, that Pallas, who, according to Ann. xiv. 65, was too rich and too slow in dying for Nero’s avarice, was poisoned. Not improbably, the in- terest of Claudius’ favourite waned with that of Claudius’ daughter, so that it was no mere coin- cidence that the same year saw the murder of Octavia to make room for Poppa, and the murder of Pallas. Anyhow, considering the respective histories of Pallas and Poppza, the years 57, 58 (59?) would appear to suit the circumstances of Felix’ acquittal better than the years 60, 61. In the result, then, the arguments for the ex- treme position on either side have been shown to be equally devoid of conclusive force. But, on the other hand, each set of them, though it does not establish its own case, tends to disprove the opposite. The facts about Pallas and Poppza, not to speak of the evidence of Eusebius, do not prove that Festus succeeded Felix as early as 55 or 56, but they do seem to exclude a date as late as A.D. 60. Conversely, the account of Felix’ procurator- ship in Josephus, though it does not show that he was governor as late as 60 or 61, does seem to show that he remained later than A.D. 56. The prob- abilities, therefore, both sides being considered, concentrate themselves on the intermediate years A.D. 57-59 for Felix’ recall (A.D. 55-57 for St. Paul’s arrest). 9. The Days of Unleavened Bread (Ac 20°") in St. Paul’s third missionary journey have lately been brought again into notice by Ramsay (Lxpositor, May 1896, p. 336) as a date which ‘can be fixed not merely to the year, but to the month and 420 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. day.’ ‘The Passover was celebrated and the Days of Unleavened Bread were spent in Philippi. Thereafter the company started for Troas; and their voyage continued into the fifth day. In Troas they stayed seven days; the last complete day that they spent there was a Sunday, and they sailed away early on a Monday morning. Now, on the system common in ancient usage and followed by Luke... the seven days in Troas... began with a Tuesday and ended with a Monday. Further, the Tuesday of the arrival in Troas must be also counted as the fifth day of the voyage.’ ‘It follows, therefore, that the party started from Philippi on a Friday. The only question that remains is whether the company started on the first morning after the Days of Unleavened Bread. Considering that the plan was to reach Jerus. by Pentecost, and that time was therefore precious, we need not hesitate as to this point. ... he slaying of the Passover in that year fell on the afternoon of a Thursday, and the Seven Days of Unleavened Bread continued till the following Thursday. That was the case in A.D. 57, but not in any of the years immediately around it.’ On this thesis three remarks suggest themselves. (i.) The calculation of days from the departure from Troas back to the departure from Philippi, and the inference that the latter was made on the earliest day possible, Nisan 22, are probable, though not absolutely certain. (ii.) The only years considered by Ramsay as open to discussion are 4.p. 56-59. But these years, though they include the latest, do not include the earliest possible dates for the end of the 3rd missionary journey and the arrest at Jerusalem, which of course followed this passover at Philippi at the interval of a few weeks. A.D. 65 was even found (see No. 8. b, above) to be so far one of the three most likely years, and for security’s sake a.D. 64 may be also taken into account. (iii.) The uncertainty which day in any year was really kept as Nisan 14 is always considerable. Most investigators, and Ramsay among them, appear to think that the question is solved by labelling the first evening on which the new moon was visidle Nisan 1. But the Jews must before this have modi- fied the method of simple observation by something in the nature of a calendar or cycle (CHRON. OF THE GosPELs, above, p. 411), and any such cycle no doubt deviated not infrequently from the results of simple observation. Certainly, the days of the terminus paschalis or Nisan 14 for these years according to the Alexandrine cycle, which has prevailed in the Christian Church ever since the 4th cent., differ sensibly from those supplied by Lewin’s Fasti Sacri or Wieseler’s Cheonalogts p. 115 (and accepted by Ramsay), being always one day, and some- times two days, the earlier.* A.D. Alexandrine. Lewin. Wieseler. 64 Apr. 9, T. Apr. 10, W. 65 Mar. 29, Sa. Mar. 80, Su. 56 Apr. 17, Sa. Mar. 19, F. Apr, 18, Su. (or Mar. 18? Th.) 57 Apr. 5, T. Apr. 7, Th. Apr. 7, Th. 58 Mar. 25, Sa. Mar. 27, M. Mar. 27, M.’ 59 Apr. 13, F. Apr. 15, Su. Apr. 15, Su. Now, supposing, as seems a fair estimate, that the Alexandrine date is the earliest possible for each ear, and two days later the latest, Nisan 14 may ave been a Thursday in any of the three years A.D. 54 (Apr. 11), 56 (Mar. 18), 57 (Apr. 7). What, then, can fairly be claimed for Ramsay’s investiga- tion is, that against the other three years, A.D. 55, 58, 59, a certain presumption of improbability does remain ; and with regard to the two later of these three years this result serves to confirm the result attained in the last section. Combining this with the previous enquiry, A.D. 56 and 57 appear the probable alternatives for the year of St. Paul’s arrest, A.D. 58 and 59 for the recall of Felix and close of the two years’ captivity at Caesarea. 10. The Persecution under Nero, and Martyrdoms of St. Peter and St. Paul.—That the two apostles were martyred on the same day is an erroneous deduction from the common festival on June 29, which is really the day of the common translation of their relics to the safe concealment of the Cata- * That the Alexandrine date is always beforehand with the date depending on simple observation will be due to the cycle computators reckoning Nisan 1 from the time of astronomical mew moon, not from the time, about 80 hours later, when it @rst became visible to observers. combs during the persecution of Valerian, Tusca et Basso coss. (A.D. 258). But that both were martyred at Rome, and both under Nero, has been in eflect the constant tradition of the Church; Peter and Paul, with some date under Nero, headed the Roman episcopal list in Julius Africanus (Harnack, Chronologie, pp. 124 ff., 171); according to Dionysius of Corinth, they taught together in Italy, and were martyred xara rdv abrov katpbr (ap. Eus. HZ ii. 25; c. A.D. 170); and St. Clement of Rome himself, addressing the Corinthians about A.D. 96, sets before their he ‘the noble examples of our own generation,’ the good apostles, Peter and Paul, and that great multitude of elect which was gathered together with them in divers suffer- ings and tortures, women being exposed as Danaids and Dirces (1 Clem. v. vi. : cvvnOpolc0n mod rhiG0s). That the ‘great multitude’ is that of the Neronian martyrs, would be all but certain from the parallel account in Tacitus of the multitudo ingens and addita ludibria of the Christian victims of Nero (Ann. xv. 44); and the whole proof is clenched by the coincidence of Tacitus’ mention of the emperor's ardens—i.e. the horti Neroniani on the Vatican ill—as the scene of the executions, with the state- ment of the Roman Gaius (ap. Eus. H.£. ii. 25; c. A.D. 200), that the relics of St: Peter rested on the Vatican as those of St. Paul on the Ostian Way. But the date of the apostles’ martyrdom, if it fell in the Neronian persecution properly so called, can hardly have been far removed from the great fire of Rome in July a.p. 64, since Tacitus says expressly that it was to provide scape-goats to bear his own responsibility for the arson that Nero first devised an attack on the Church. It is true that Suetonius speaks of the punishment of Christians under Nero in general terms and with- out assigning any particular date: Nero 16 (in the middle of a list of things animadversa severe et coercita) afjlicti suppliciis Christiani genus hominum superstitionis nove ac malefice. But Suet. is not in the habit of giving dates at all; and further it is quite true that the Neronian trials did settle for good the crucial] question of the illegality of Christianity, while yet it ia clear from Tac. that the violence of the first outbreak stood out as something vastly different in degree if not in kind from the normal condition of occasional martyrdoms which followed. It is true again that Eusebius assigns the apostles’ death to the very end of Nero’s reign, a.D. 68. But he gives this date to the whole persecution, as the last and worst of all Nero’s crimes.. As he did not use Latin writers, Tacitus’ account was unknown to him, and he has no idea that the persecution had anything to do with the fire at Rome, of which he only speaks in the vaguest terms under Nero 9 (10) éuapnojcol ysyovecs roAdol tr "Paun. The actual year he doubtless selected because his (or rather Africanus’) chronology of the Popes, calculated back from cent. 8 by the years of their tenure of office, brought the accession of Linus, and therefore the apostles’ martyrdom, to A.D, 67-68. What is really por bake is that he, like Clement, closely associates the two apostles with the rest of the victims of the persecution ; and this, taken into connexion with the evidence of Tac. and of Gaius, seems to fix their death to within a year at any rate of the great fire, middle of a.p. 64-middle of 65 [Harnack, 0.c, p. 240, still more precisely, July a.D. 64; but this is to limit the possibilities unreasonably.] Probably, modern writers would not have been so reluctant to admit this, if the received chron- ology had not prolonged St. Paul’s first Roman captivity till at least the spring of A.D. 63, so that the two years or less which would intervene before his martyrdom on the dating just suggested would be insufiicient to cover what is known or reason ably conjectured about his final missionary journey But it has been now shown (see Nos. 8. 6, 9) that not 60, but 58 or 59, is the true date of Festus’ arrival in Judea, and therefore not 63, but 61 or 62, the end of the two years (Ac 28") of the first Roman captivity. Is there, then, any reason to suypose that the two to four years which intervene in this revised chronology are too few to satisfy the evi- dence as to St. Paul’s movements? Properly perhapa this enquiry belongs to a later stage in tle investi- gation; but as it stands outside the Acts, and establishes the terminus ad quem, parallel to the terminus a quo of the Crucifixion, for the subject- matter of this article, there is a special advantage in speaking of it at this place. p That St. Paul after his release carried out the CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 421 deaire long before expressed by him (Ro 15”) to go onfrom Rome to Spain, is made more than probable by the testimony of St. Clement, that the apostle ‘preached righteousness to the whole world, and reached the boundary of the West’ (ém! rd réppa ris Stoews é\Ouv, ad Cor. v.), and of the uratorian Canon [c. A.D. 200], profectionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam a eg da For a journey to districts so untouched, where the very founda- tions of Christianity would still have to be laid, at least a year must be allowed ; and six months more must be added for the preaching on the route through Southern Gaul—Marseilles, Arles, Nimes, Narbonne—if the Tadarla to which Crescens was sent (2 Ti 4) was, as Eusebius, HZ iii. 4, and other Greek Fathers suppose, not the lesser Gaul of Asia Minor, but the greater Gaul of the West. That St. Paul also revisited the East results from the Pastoral Epistles ; and even critics who, like Harnack (0.¢. p. 239, n. 3), reject these Epistles as a whole, admit that genuine accounts of St. Paul’s movements after his release have been in- corporated in them. But for the journey to Ephesus and Macedonia (1 Ti 1°), for the evangeli- zation of Crete (Tit 15), for the final visits to Troas, Miletus, and perhaps Corinth (2Ti 4' *), for the winter at Nicopolis (in Epirus ; Tit 3”),* a second eighteen months are required. Thus three full years, though not necessarily more, appear to have elapsed between St. Paul’s departure from and return to Rome ; and it follows that if his martyrdom in the first great outbreak of Nero’s persecution holds good, of the two alter- native years to which his release was narrowed down (No. 9, above), A.D. 61 has an advantage over A.D. 62, and A.D. 56, 58 over A.D. 57, 59 as the years of his arrest at Jerusalem and of his journey as a ptisoner to Rome. So far, then, ten points from Jewish and secular history have been fixed with more or less prob- ability: (1) Aretas in possession of Damascus, certainly not before A.D. 34, probably not before A.D. 37 ; (2) Herod Agrippa I.’s death, probably in A.D. 44; (3) the famine in Jerusalem, not before A.D. 46; (4) the proconsulate of Sergius Paulus in Cyprus, not in A.D. 51, 52; (5) the expulsion of the Jews from Rome, perhaps in A.D. 49 or 50; (6) the eae of Gallio in Achaia, probably not efore A.D. 49 or 50; (7) the marriage of Drusilla with Felix, not before A.D. 54; (8) the appointment of Felix as procurator of Judea in A.D. 52, and his recall in one of the years A.D. 57-59; (9) of these three years the first seems to be excluded by the note about the days of unleavened bread ; (10) and the third seems to be excluded by the calculation of the necessary interval between St. Paul's hearing before Festus and his martyrdom in A.D. 64 (64-65). Thus the crucial date of Festus’ arrival seems to be established as A.D. 58, and therefore the close of the Acts after St. Paul’s two ears captivity at Rome as A.D. 61; and a sort of ramework is erected into which the details to be gathered, first, from the comprehensive history of the Acts, and, secondly, from the fragmentary notices in the Epistles, have now to be inserted. (A) The Acts; second half (chs. 13-28). For the special criticism of this book, see ACTS OF THE POSTLES. More need not be said here than that Ac is accepted in what follows as containing, on the whole, an accurate and trustworthy picture of events between Pentecost and St. Paul’s (first) Roman captivity, A.D. 29-61. The picture is cut up, as it were, into six panels, each labelled with a general sununary of progress; and with so careful aa That 1s, if St. Paul’s intention to winter there was carried an artist, the divisions thus outlined are, in the absence of more precise data, the natural starting point of investigation. (i.) First period, 1. The Church in Jerus., and the preaching of St. Peter: summary in 67 ‘and the word of God was in- creasing, and the number of disciples in Jerus. was being greatly multiplied, and a large number of the priests were becoming obedient to the faith.’ (ii.) Second period, 68. Extension of the Church through Pal.; the preaching of St. Stephen; troubles with the Jews: summary in 9 ‘the Church throughout all Galilee and Judea and Samaria was having peace, being built up, and walking in the fear of the Lord and in the con- solation of the Holy Spirit was being multiplied.’ (iii.) LAird period, 9°. ‘The extension of the Church to Antioch; St. Peter’s conversion of Cornelius ; further troubles with the Jews: summary in 12% ‘and the word of the Lord was increasing and being multiplied.’ (iv.) Fourth period, 12%, Ex- tension of the Church to Asia Minor ; preaching of St. Paul in ‘ Galatia’; troubles with the Jewish Christians: summary in 16° ‘the Churches tien were being confirmed in the faith, and were abounding more in number daily.’ (v.) fifth period, 165. Extension of the Church to Europe; St. Paul’s missionary work in the great centres, such as Corinth and Ephesus: summary in 19” ‘so forcibly was the word of the Lord increasing and prevailing.’ (vi.) Sixth period, 197, Extension of the Church to Rome; St. Paul’s captivities: sum- marized in 28%! ‘ proclaiming the kingdom of God and teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness unhindered.’ Of these six sections the protagonist in the first three is St. Peter, in the last three St. Paul ; and the two halves into which the book thus naturally falls make almost equal divisions at the middle of the whole period covered. But the further con- sideration of the earlier half may best be post- oned until the rich chronological material of tha ater sections has been set in order. Starting-point of St. Paul's First Missionary Journey (1st M.J., Ac 133).—The summary which closes the third section of the Acts intervenes between the notices of the death of Herod Agrippa 1. (4.p. 44 ; see No. 2, above), and of the completion of SS. Paul and Barnabas’ famine ‘ministry’ at Jerus. ; so that it appears a legitimate inference that between these two events some considerable interval elapsed, Further, as there was no famine before the year a.p. 46 (No. 3, above), the delegates can scarcely have returned earlier to Antioch, unless the Antiochene Church had not merely begun to collect contributions in anticipation, which was natural enough, but had closed their fund before the famine was heard of, which does not seem natural at all. Oer- tainly, if the delegates helped to administer the relief, the year 46 is the earliest possible. Nor was the start on the lst M.J. made immediately after their return to Antioch. The description introduced at this point (131) of the personnel of the Antiochene ‘prophets and teachers’ suggests at least some further period of settled work ; and as the journey westwards meant a start either by sea or over the Taurus, it would not be entered upon in the winter months,— indeed it will be assumed in the following discussion as axiomatic that St. Paul’s journeys are as far as possible to be placed in the summer (March or April to Nov.), and that during the other months he was in general stationary. Thus the spring of A.D. 47, or more particularly the end of the paschal season (in that year circa Mar. 28-Apr. 4), is the earliest starting-point at all probable. Duration of the First Missionary Journey (Ac 134-14%).— Crossing to Cyprus the apostles landed at Salamis and passed through the whole island as far as Paphos, preaching in the Jewish synagogues (135-6). The stay in Cyprus can hardly have been less than some months; the results, at any rate, en couraged the Cypriote Barnabas to select it as his share of the communities visited or founded in common (158. 39), At earliest, then, in the summer of the same year, A.D. 47, the party crossed to the mainland of Pamphylia; and whether or not Ramsay’s attractive conjecture be true, that the ‘infirmity of the flesh’ was a malarial fever caught there in the lowlands and necessitat- ing an immediate move up into the hills, no stay is recorded anywhere short of Pisidian Antioch (Antioch P.). To the evangelization of this city and of Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, the main efforts of the journey were devoted ; and as the return was made by the same route, the three first-named cities wera visited twice. The first sojourn in Antioch P. was long enough for the word to be ‘spread abroad through the whole districti’ (1349 ; cf. the similar but stronger phrase in 1910 of the two yeare! 422 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TES1 otay at Ephesus), At Iconium a ‘long time’ was spent (ixavav xpovev, 148). With Lystra and Derbe the ‘surrounding country’ was evangelized (148-7), and at Derbe the disciples made were ‘many’ (ixayvois, 14 The return visits were no doubt shorter; but as they included the work of confirming and organizing the new communities (iwicrnpiZovres, yeipotovncayres * psoBuripous, 1422. 23), they cannot well have been hurried. The second stay at Perga, unlike the first, was sufficiently long for the preaching of the word (1425: contrast 1318.14), From the Pamphylian coast the voyage homeward was made direct. ere the indications are expressed in such general language, opinions will differ as to the length of time signified. But as it is certain that no one will estimate the stay in the interior at less than six months, and the hills between Antioch P. and Perga would not have been recrossed in the winter (Dec.-March), the whole absence from Antioch in Syria (Antioch 8.) must have rolonged itself beyond a year; indeed the smallest space of ime which will reasonably cover the details of the Acts is 18 months. Let it be supposed roughly that the apostles arrived in Oyprus in April and left it in July ; that they reached Antioch P. by Aug. 1, Iconium by Nov. 1, spending there the five winter months, down to the paschal season (probably circa Mar. 18-25) of a.D. 48, Lystra by April 1, Derbe by May 15, the two latter being far less populous or important cities than the two former ; that they began the return journey about July 1, getting down to the Pamphylian lowlands at the beginning of Oct., and back to Antioch S. a month later, say Nov. 1, a.p. 48. It is easy to allow more than this, and Ramsay raises the total from a year and 7 months to 2 years and 3 or 4 months, ending in July a.p. 49 (Ch. in Rom. Emp. pp. 65-73). But the shorter estimate, if it satisfies St. Luke’s language, and it seems to do so, is to be pre- ferred on the ground that it seems unlikely that the apostles on this their first missionary experiment should have separated themselves from their base at Antioch S., which was yet so near them, for as long a period as over 2 years. Interval between the First and Second Missionary Journey : the Apostolic Council (Ac 1427-1535), —The two apostles after their return from the 1st M.J., and before their visit to Jerus., ‘resided’ at Antioch 8. ‘for no short time’ (d:irpiBov ypovov odx éA‘yer, 1428); and although it is just possible that the phrase may be meant to cover the whole period up to the starting-point of the 2nd M.J., yet even so the earlier portion itself cannot have been less than the four winter months from Nov. 1, A.D. 48, onwards. For the Council, it may be taken for granted, would not have been held during those months ; and indeed since the Twelve were by this time no longer settled at Jerus., the opportunity for the Council must have been found in their assembling for one of the great Jewish feasts. Thus the earliest possible occasion will have been the passover of a.D. 49, circa April 5-12. But as Paul and Barnabas are said to have ‘ passed through Phenice and Samaria, expounding the conversion of the Gentiles ’ (15%),—and though this does not, of course, imply the game delay as the foundation of new communities, it does exclude the idea of hurried movements,—it is really more likely that they kept their passover at Antioch S., and spent the six weeks following in a leisurely progress towards Jerus., arriving there for the Council at Pentecost (May 24). They may easily have been back again at Antioch S. by the end of June; and as the further ios fh only amounted. to ‘certain days’ (npuépas vwés, 1536), there is no reason why the start for the 2nd M.J. should not have been made in the late summer of the same year, say Sept. 1, a.D. 49, ten months after the return from the previous aaah (On the visit of St. Peter to Antioch, Gal 211, see low, p. 4242.] Duration of the Second Missionary Journey (Ac 1536-1822), — That St. Paul should start so late in the year, while it would have been very unnatural when he was breaking new ground in unknown districts, as in the lst M.J., was natural enough when he was going primarily to revisit existing Churches; the winter would be spent among them, and they would serve in turn for bases from which, in the spring, he might make his way on again to further and more strictly missionary labours. This, in fact, is what St. Paul probably did do on his 2nd M.J. He left Antioch S. by land, ‘ pees, through Syria and Cilicia confirming the Churches’ (154! imsernpZay ; cf. 1422 1823), a phrase which certainly implies a good deal more than a night’s rest at each place. Thus several Churches, such as, no doubt, that of Tarsus, were ‘ visited’ before he reached the Churches of the 1st M.J. at all. That of these Derbe is first mentioned, and then Lystra (161), follows from the adoption on this occasion of the land route over Taurus, which must have been crossed not later than November. It is not St. Luke’s habit to describe anything in much detail but the foundation of new Churches,—contrast, ¢.g., the first visit to Macedonia (1612-1715) with the second (202), —so that no deduction can be drawn from his silence as to any events beyond the circumcision of Timothy (163). On the contrary, the interpolation at this point of the fourth period- summary in 165, though no doubt primarily intended to emphasize the great step forward into Europe which follows, marks also a beating of time between the old work and the new, and suggests that the one was more than a mere episode on the way to the other; St. Paul must have stayed everywhere long enough to mark the progress going on, the ‘daily increase in numbers.’ Nor is it at all likely that fresh ground would be broken in the winter months. It can only have been after the passover (March 25-April 1) of a.p. 50 that he concluded at Antioch P. the seven months’ ‘ visitation’ of existing Churches, and plunged forward into the unknown. That the phrase ‘ Phrygian and Galatian district’ (riy Spuyicy nai Dadariany x dpa, 166) or ‘ Galatian and Phrygian district’ (rn Tad xdpuv xa: Spvyinv, 1828) means not two places, but one and the same, follows as well from the inclusion of both under a single article, as from the fact that the names are given in reversa order on the second occasion, though the direction of the journey was the same as on the first, from east to west. St. Paul’s object on leaving Antioch P. was naturally the group of famous and populous cities on the western coast. [The Phrygo-Galatic region, if it lay on the route to Ephesus, can have had nothing to do with Galatia in the narrower ethnical sense, which was far away to the N. and N.E.; and this is only one of many arguments which combine to make Ramsay’s view that the ‘ Galatian’ Churches are those of Antioch P., Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe, all but demonstrably true.] Entrance, how: ever, into the province of Asia was barred by divine intervention ; and St. Paul directed his eyes to the next great group of cities, and turned northwards for Bithynia, only to find thesame check when he reached the Bithynian border. This time the western direction was left open, and the party skirted Mysia unul they touched the coast at a point north of ‘Asia,’ namely Troas, But as it is implied throughout these verses that no settlement was made for preaching, not more than a month need be allowed between the departure from Antioch P. and the arrival in Europe. The proclamation of the gospel at Philippi, Thessa- lonica, Berea, and Athens must have occupied all the summer of a.D. 50: the stay at the two former towns, at least, was long enough to found flourishing Churches, and the ‘ three Sabbaths’ at the synagogue of Thessalonica (172) represent, no doubt, not the whole of St. Paul’s residence, but only the time anterior to the seperation of Christians and Jews, cf. 1867 198.9, Ramsay, indeed, allots eleven months to these four places (Ch. in Rom, Emp. p. 85); but in the absence of any hint at specially lengthy sojourns—contrast 1349 143 etc.—six weeks at Philippi, two or three months at Thessalonica, and a few weeks each at Berwa and Athens must be considered sufficient. The sea route from Berea to Athens is likely to have been taken before the autumnal equinox, and the apostle was doubtless eager to get on to his future headquarters, so that the arrival at Corinth may be placed in October a.D. 50. The total stay there of eighteen months (for the #pépas ixxvés of 1818 are probably to be included in the évieurdv xo eves 6E of 1811) will last till April a.p. 62, thus covering two winters and a summer. St. Paul, as might be expected, arrives at the end of one travelling season and leaves at the beginning of another. The departure, if made, as in other cases, immediately after the paschal season (circa April 2-9, A.D. 52), would be timed to bring St. Paul (vid Ephesus and Cwsarea, 1818-22) to Jerus., as on the 3rd M.J., for the Feast of Pentecost. There the stay was only for the purpose of ‘ salut- ing the Church,’ and the apostle went on at once to his old home at Antioch 8., arriving, say, in June A.D. 52, after an absence of two years and nine months. Duration of the Third Missionary Journey.—But Antioch was no longer an effective centre for St. Paul’s work ; it was out of reach of his new Churches in Macedonia and Achaia, while his ‘Galatian’ Churches would be supervised quite as easily from Ephesus, whither he was pledged to return if he could (1821). If advantage was to be taken of the travelling season for the highlands of Asia Minor, no long delay was pos- sible ; the farewells at Antioch 8, were therefore probably brief (1823 wom oos Pr digs vive t2mAdey ; contrast the continuous work implied in 1125 182 1428 1535), and a start made on the 3rd M.J. about August A.D. 52. This time the passage across Asia Minor seems to have been less protracted. Nothing is said of a stay in Cilicia (contr. 1541) ; it is only in the Galatian Churches of the Ist M.J. that St. Paul, as he moved in order from one to another, set himself to ‘ estab- lish’ all the disciples (S:upyeuavos xobsens . . . ornpifwv, 1873). This visitation, and the not very long or difficult journey between Antioch P., the westernmost of these cities, and Ephesus, need not have extended over much more than the remaining months of A.D. 62. Perhaps about the turn of the year, while travellin in the less rugged districts was still feasible, St. Paul reach Ephesus, and entered on a long residence there, certainly of two years, almost certainly of two years and three months— that is, if 1910 sotto di ixévero iwi irm 30, refers only to the dis- puting in the school of Tyrannus, and excludes the three months of the synagogue preaching, 198. It is true that in the case of the stay at Corinth (see just above) the later and fuller calcu- lation is inclusive and not exclusive of the earlier and briefer: for Ephesus, on the contrary, the supplementary evidence of Ac 2U31 cpiriay . . . 0x iravecpuny appears to decide the ques- tion in favour of a total length of considerably over two years of residence. The period thus reckoned terminates at earliest in March or April a.p. 55. (A departure not before spring is confirmed by the evidence of the two Corinthian Epistles. 1 Co, written about the paschal season (March 30-April 6 is A.D, 55), announces a plan for leaving Ephesus after Pentecost, for travelling through Macedonia, and perhaps wintering ip Corinth (1 Co 58 165-8),—a plan which would provide for a much longer, though less immediate, visit to Corinth than the original intention of going there on the way to Macedonia (cf. 2 Co 146 and 1 Co 167 od Bidw yeep tucs apts tv wxpedw idsiv). The Ephesian riot may have even precipitated the departure before Pentecost (Ac 201).]_ At some time, then, in the spring of a.p. 55, St. Paul launches himself on a new cycle of wanderings, intended to include Macedonia, Achaia, Jerus,, and Rome (1921), [2 Co im- plies that he had planned to preach at Troas, and stayed there long enough to find an opening, but ultimately hurried on into Macedonia, the sooner to meet Titus and the news from Corinth (212. 13),] Through Macedonia he travelled slowly, visiting as he went the Churches of the 2nd journey, and possibly founding others (202 360d» re feipm ixaive xual wapaxmrious adrovs Aoye woAAw), until he reached Greece proper, or ‘Hellas.’ There, or 1 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. in ee ee inne Gosscnciy. Gal aad Ro Gan pa words in Corinth, he stayed three months—obviously the winter months of a.p. 55- 56, since the return journey brought him to Philippi just in time for the passover (March 18-25 a.p. 66), 2U8. This longer route through Macedonia was a sudden substitute, at the time of starting, for the direct voyage to Pal. (20%), and the party had to hurry in consequence if the distance rom Philippi to Jerus. was to be covered in the six weeks between the end of the paschal season and Pentecost (2016), A week (six days) was spent at Troas, and another at Tyre, per- haps while waiting for weather or ships; but the journey be- tween these two places was made with only necessary halts, and “i pee to have occupied not more than a fortnight. The ‘days { remained to spare were spent at Cmsarea (2110), and Jerus. was probably reached just in time for the feast. St. Paul’s Captivities.—At Jerus. St. Paul was arrested (May A.D, 56), and conveyed thence to Cwsarea, where his imprison- ment, though not of a rigorous character, had lasted a full two rene | Queries aAnpalsiens, 2427) when Porcius Festus succeeded ‘elix in the middle of a.p. 68. Festus, unlike his predecessor, gave a fairly prompt hearing to the case (251. 6. 13. 23), and late in the summer St. Paul, having appealed to Cwsar, was sent, with other prisoners, in charge of @ centurion to Rome. But the voyage was much delayed by contrary winds, and they were pam off Crete at a time when the great fast (Tisri 10=circa ept. 15 in a.p. 58) had already y gone by—how long gone by St. e does not say (279). Even if the wreck took place as late as the beginning of November, and the three months at Malta (2811) are reckoned to the full, the voyage was continued early in February, before navigation ‘would naturally have begun; but no doubt an official on government business would be more likely than ordinary folk to risk sailing at an unpropitious season. Anyhow, somewhere in the early months of a.p. 59 St. Paul may be) believed to have arrived in Rome, and after ‘two whole years’ (3uriey Avy, 2880), ¢.e. in the spring of a.p. 61, the book of the Acts closes, and leaves him still a prisoner ; though the mention of the particular period suggests that a different condition of things supervened at the end of it, in which case the release, and visit to Spain, would follow at this point. [See for the rest of St. Paul’s life, supra, pp. 420» 421.) Thus the second portion of the Acts, from the beginning of the Ist M.J. (137-28*), covers a period of fourteen years, certainly not less, and appar- ently not more; and if the starting-point was cightly placed in A.D. 47, the fourteen years will come to an end in A.D. 61. (B) The Epistles of St. Paul. Of these the Pastoral Epistles fall outside the. Acts, and have been dealt with already (p. 421). The two to the Thess. were written in the company of Silas and Timothy, the first not long after leaving Athens, 1 Th 1 312-6 2 Th 1; that is to say, during the long stay at Corinth on the 2nd Mi. A.D. 51 (50-52). The two to the Cor. fall, the one just before, the other soon after, the depar- ture from Ephesus for Macedonia, towards the end of the 3rd M.J., A.D. 55 (see above, p. 422°), The Epistle to the Rom. belongs to the winter residence at Corinth, A.D. 55-56 (Ro 16! 15%-8=Ac 19%}, The Epistles to Philippi, Ephesus, Colosse, and to | Philemon belong in all probability to the Roman imprisonment, A.D. 59-61. But the one Epistle which contains something of a chronology of St. Paul’s life (Gal 18-2'), the one Epistle which would bring together a point in the second half of the Acts with a point in the first, is also, from the absence of allusions to contemporary history, unfortunately the most difficult to date of all the Epistles, Date of the Galatian Epistle.—(i.) Resemblance of style and subject-matter has generally led critics to assign Gal to the second group of Epistles, with 1, 2 Co and Ro, or even to a particular place in that group, between 2 Co and Ro (so Lightfoot, Galatians®, pp. 44-56), t.e. on the chronology above adopted, in the latter part of A.D. 55. But perhaps too much stress has been laid on such resemblances taken alone,—as though St. Paul’s history was so strictly uniform that a given topic can only have been handled at a given moment,—and too little on the influence of external circumstances to revive old ideas or call out new ones. Thus the Philippian and Ephesian letters belong to the same period ; but the difference of conditions between the ‘ Asiatic’ province and a Romanized community in Macedonia has produced a marked difference of topics and illustrated a marked progress of CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. eee eet ae NOLOGY OF NEW TEST. 423 thought. Conversely, Gal and Ro may grapple with “the same problems on the same lines (and yet what an alteration of tone between the two !) with- out being at all nearly synchronous with one another, The Galatian Epistle must be earlier than the Roman, earlier, that is, than A.D. 56; nothing more can be asserted positively, so far. (ii.) At the other end, tle terminus a quo for the Epistle is the Ist M.J.; thus, even if addressed, as is prob- able, to the Churches then founded, it falls after A.D. 48. Further, the phrase in 418 ‘because of weakness of the flesh I preached the gospel to you 7d mpbrepoy,’ implies ezther some considerable lapse of years, ‘in the old time,’ or a second visit ‘on the former of my two visits.’ With the first alternative a date as late as A.D. 53-55 is possible ; with the other, the Epistle must fall between the second and third visits, i.e. between the spring of A.D. 50 and the autumn of A.D. 52 (supra, p. 422). (Ramsay (St. Paul, p. 189) dates the letter from Antioch 8. immediately before the third visit, and finds a reason for this precision in the assertion that so critical a situation must have called of necessity for a prompt personal inspection; but it might be urged with at least equal reason, from Gal "18 obras taxtes wstariOsots, that the interval after St. Paul’s last visit— whichever that was—had not been a long one.) Visits to Jerusalem in the Galatian Epistle.— For the date, then, the years A.D. 50-55 remain open; and therefore St. Paul when he wrote had paid ‘according to the Acts either three visits to Jerus.,—Ac 95-8 after the flight from Damascus, Ac 11®° 12 the contribution for the famine, c. A.D. 46, Ac 15**° the apostolic Council, A.D. 49,—or four, adding to the three former Ac 18%, the flying visit at the end of the 2nd M.J., A.D. 52. In the Epistle, on the other hand, two visits only are named, the first a fortnight’s visit to Cephas (Gal ue): the second an official visit of the representa tives of Gentile to the representatives of Jewish Christianity (Gal 21-10), Thus, even if St. Luke’s enumeration is exhaustive, St. Paul omits either one or two visits altogether. But if this seems a difficulty, the solution is simple; St. Paul is enumerating, not his visits to Jerus. per se, but his visits for intercourse with the elder apostles, mpds Tovs mpd éuod dmoorédous (Gal 117), and would necés- sarily omit any visit when they were absent. What, then, of the occasion when the famine con- tribution was brought to Jerusalem? If St. Luke mentions only elders or presbyters as the recipients of the bounty (Ac 11*), the natural, though of course not the only possible, explanation i is that the elders—that is, the local ministry with St. James the Lord’s brother at their head—were by that time the supreme authority. Certain it is that, whether gradually or at some definite moment, the Twelve did’ separate themselves from the Church at Jerus., and became more completely the missionaries which after all their commission from Christ and their very title of ‘apostles’ meant them to be. After the persecution of Herod they are never mentioned at Jerus. save during the Council of ch. 15. Doubtless, they returned from time to time, as opportunity ‘offered, to keep the feasts like other Jews; but neither at St. Paul’s fourth nor at his fifth visit is there the least hint of their presence. [If the ancient tradition that the apostles, according todivine command, remained at Jerus. for twelve years after the Ascension (Predicatio Petri, ap. Clem. Al. Strom. vi. 5; Apollonius a Eus: HE vy. 18: Harnack, o.c. B 243; von Do schiitz, Texte u. Unters. xi. 1, pp. 5 148) substantially represents historic fact, as ma well be the case, then A.D, 41 or thereabouts will mark their departure.] Here is ample reason for St. Paul’s silence about the visit of Ac 11. 12 and (if the Epistle was written after the summer of A.D. 52) that of Ac 18. Thus the firat visit of Gal 424 CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. —_ corresponds with the first of Ac; the second of Ac is. omitted; and the second of Gal answers to the third of Ac (A.D. 49). [This connexion of Gal 21-16 with Ac 15 is generally accepted, and a strong argument for it is the common atmosphere of crisis which pervades both narratives, told though they are from different points of view. Ramsay, however (St, Pati, pp. 153- 166), strongly maintains that the second visit of Gal can only be the second of Acts. Some of his points have been answered here by anticipation ; some illustrate the micrologie which Harnack, not wholly without cause, attributes to him, e.g., that the same visit oannot be said in St. Paul to have been xara awoxcAnpiy, Gal 22, in St. Luke to have been by commission from the Church of Antioch, as though the Spirit and the Church never spoke in harmony. Very attractive, however, is the identification of St. Paul’s ‘emissaries from James’ (Gal 212 sod idbsiv tiveg and "lexe ov) with St. Luke’s ‘emissaries from Judma’ (Ac 15! sivis xatsAdcvris awd THs “lovdaies), for this would make St. Peter's desertion of the Gentile Christians at Antioch to precede and not to follow his championship of their cause at Jerus., and would be # real point of superiority over the common view that St. Peter and St. James gave a formal pledge of brotherhood, and then violatedit. But this identification of the two Judaizing missions from Jerus. to Antioch may be accepted side by side with the ordinary view that Gal 21f=Ac 15, if Gal. 211-14 be allowed in erder of time ei Gal 21-10, There is nothing like the irura of Gal 118.2) 21 to suggest that the chronological series is continued. On the contrary, St. Paul’s argument may per- haps be best paraphrased as follows: ‘I have not received my gospel from the elder apostles, I went up to their headquarters at Jerus., not on my conversion, but first at an interval of 8 years, and then at one of 14; the first a private visit, the second an Official one, when I treated with them, and was recognized by them, on equal terms, So far from simply submitting to them, I once publicly rebuked their chief on the occasion when he was on my ground at Antioch, and backed out of his own liberal principles under pressure from representatives of James.’ If this interpretation be correct, Rameay has failed indeed to prove his wain point, but has shown the way to a subsidiary rearrangement of much importance. The dispute at Antioch may then be placed in the winter (a.D. 48-49) before the Council, at which St. Peter ‘employs to others the argument that had convinced himself,’] Date of St. Pauls Conversion.—The second visit of Galatians being thus identified with the Council, the date has already been fixed asin all probability A.D. 49 (above, p. 422"); and this visit itself was ‘at an interval of 14 years’ (did dexarecodpwr érdv, Gal 2'), while the first visit was ‘3 years after’ the conversion (sera rpla érn, Gal 138). But are the 14 years of the second visit also to be reckoned from the conversion (11 years, therefore, from the first visit), with Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 382, or from the first visit (17 from the conversion), with Lightfoot, ad loc.? The Greek suits either alternative; the argument favours the former, for St. Paul would naturally state the intervals at the highest possible figure. The first of the synchronisms established above (p. 416*) gives weight to the same side ; when St. Paul came to Jerus. on his first visit, he had just fled from the ethnarch of Aretas at Damascus (2 Co 1184= Ac 9%. *), and Aretas probably did not become master of Damascus till A.D, 37. But the addition of the 3 to the 14 years would throw back the first visit to A.D. 35-36, probably beyond the time of Aretas, and the conversion to A.D. 32-33, whereas the inclusion of the 3 in the 14 would put the conversion in A.D. 35-36, and the first visit under Aretas in A.D. 38. (C) The first half of the Acts: chs. 1-12. Thus, from the dates established in the second lialf of the Acts, it is possible, by means of the Epistles, to argue back to the first half of the Acts and to reach two rough dates for the con- version of St. Paul (Ac 9)*-), a.p. 35-36, and for his first visit to Jerus. (Ac 9”), A.D. 38. It re- mains only to adjust, by the help of these points, the division into periods (see p. 421), which is the single hint at a chronology supplied by St. Luke in the earlier part of his work. St. Paul’s con- version apparently followed not very long after 8t. Stephen’s martyrdom, and that, in turn, is the first event recorded in the 2nd section of the Acts (9! 8° 67°), The first period, of relatively undisturbed progress will then end about A.D. 35, having covered six years-from A.D. 29. The second CHRONOLOGY OF NEW TEST. period, marking a commencement, but only a com- mencement, of conflict, begins in A.D. 35, and the last event mentioned in it is St. Paul’s first visit to Jerus., A.D. 38; but the eful development implied in the summary of this perio (981) justi- fies, perhaps, the extension of the period as far as A.D. 39-40. The third period ends with the record of advance in 12%, after the death of Herod in A.D. 44, and before St. Paul’s second visit (at any rate before its conclusion) at the time of the famine in A.D. 46, and lasts altogether from A.D. 39-40 to, say, A.D. 45. That the chronology here adopted results in a more or less even division of periods—i. from A.D. 29; ii. from A.D. 35; iii. from A.D. 39-40; iv. from A.D. 45-46; v. from A.D. 50; vi. from A.D. 55 (to A.D. 61)—such as St. Luke seems to be contemplating, must be con- sidered a slight step towards its verification. On the other hand, Harnack’s chronology, which puts St. Paul’s conversion in the same year as the Crucifixion, or, at latest, in the following, allotting even in the latter case no more than about 18 months to Ac ]-9}8, neglects these period-divisions altogether. Conclusion.—This article may be concluded by & comparison of the dates here adopted (col. ii.) ‘with schemes preferred by three representative writers—Harnack (col. i.), who throws everything early ; Lightfoot (col. iv.), who throws all the latter part late; and Ramsay (col. iii.), who in- vestigates independently, but is nearer to Light- foot than to Harnack. Crucifixion . . St Paul’s conversion Ist visit to Jerus. 2nd ow " Ist M.J. 5 ° . Council at Jerus., 2nd M.J.. Corinth reached late in : 4th visit to Jerus., 8rd M.J. Ephesus left . . > ° 5th visit to Jerus., arrest at Pentecost . ° . Rome reached early in, Acts closesearlyin . St. Peter’s martyrdom, 8t. Paul’s martyrdom , . If these several schemes are brought to the test of agreement with the ten results established on a balance of probabilities in the first half of this article, it follows with regard to each in turn— 1, That certainly Harnack (A.D. 33), and prob- ably Ramsay (A.D. 35-36), put St. Paul’s first visit to Jerus., and therefore his flight from Damascus, earlier than it seems that Aretas can have ob- tained possession of the latter city. 2. That for the death of Herod Agrippa 1., A.D. 44 is accepted in all schemes. 3. That Harnack, at least, yee the return from the second or famine visit to Jerus. [A.D. 44 7] con- siderably before the famine can have begun. 4. That no scheme puts the lst M.J. and visit to Cyprus (A.D. 45, 47, 48) in either of the two years which are impossible for Sergius Paulus’ por eraee te. 5. That all schemes bring St. Paul to Corinth (autumn of A.D. 48, of 50, of 51, of 52) under Claudius; but that if Orosius’ date for the expul- sion of the Jews from Rome (A.D. 49-50) is correct, then, since Aquila’s arrival inined ost St. Paul’s (Ac 18? rpoogdrws é\n\vd0ra), Harnack’s date is certainly too early; Lightfoot’s certainly, and Ramsay’s possibly, too late. 6. That all schemes make St. Paul appear before Gallio at Corinth (A.D. 49-50, 51-52, 52-53, 53-54) in a possible year for the latter’s proconsulship ; but that the earliest of these years, Harnack’s, is not a likely one. 7. That, in the same way, Harnack’s scheme makes St. Paul appear before. Felix and his wife CHURCH CHURCH 425 Drusilla at Ceesarea (A.D. 54), in the earliest pos- sible + a of the marriage. 8. That Harnack puts the recall of Felix and arrival of Festus too early (A.D. 56) to suit the evidence of Josephus, just as Lightfoot puts it too late (A.D. 60) to suit the evidence of Tacitus, and that a date equally distant from these two (A.D. 58) is aoe s best of all. 9. That Harnack’s year for St. Paul’s arrest (A.D. 54), and still more Lightfoot’s (A.D. 58), are less easy to reconcile with the chronology of the passover at Philippi than A.D. 56 or 57. 10. That Lightfoot’s year, and, to a less extent, Ramsay’s year, for the release of St. Paul from the first Roman captivity, are diflicult to reconcile with his martyrdom in A.D. 64-65. The evidence from these synchronisms, taken individually, does not pretend to amount to demonstrative proof; but the whole of Harnack’s scheme, and all the latter part of Lightfoot’s, appear to contradict them at too many points to be entertained. Of the other two, RKamsay’s is perhaps nowhere superior, and at several points inferior, to that of the present article, which is recommended as a consistent and fairly satis- factory harmonization of a good many results which, like the sticks in the faggot, are separately weak, but together strong. LrrzRaTurE. — The received view depends on Wieseler’s Chronol. d. apost, Zeitalters, 1848. The English reader may find it expounded in Venables’ tr. of Wieseler, in Lewin’s Fastt Sacri, 1865, or in Lightfoot’s Biblical Essays, pp. 216-233, sthumously printed from notes of a course of lectures de- ivered in 1863, but seeming, in essentials, to represent his latest views. Most recent English writers had gepepted this chronology without question, until Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, 1895 (see also for some ints his Church in the Roman Empire, 1893), subjected it G partial re-examination and restatement. His main con- tention, the identification of the visits of Gal 21-10 and Ac 12%, bas not met, and is perhaps not likely to meet, with much acceptance; but in spite of this, and in spite of an unneces- sarily dogmatic tone, his contribution to the subject is a real and substantial one, and the present article is very much more indebted to him than to any other writer. German books have in the main acquiesced in Wieseler’s resulta, ¢.g. Schurer’s invaluable Geschichte des jiidischen Volkes tm Zeitalter Jesu Christi, ed. 2, 1886-1890. Some Roman Catholic writers, in- deed, clung to the system which throws back the chronology of St. Pauls later life by four or five years behind Wieseler’s ; and these have been now reinforced by Blass, Acta A posto- lorum, 1895, pp. 21-24, who does not commit himself beyond a trenchant criticism of the received view, and by Harnack, Chronol. d. altchristl. Litteratur bis Eusebius, i. 1897, pp. 233-244, whose adhesion is thoroughgoing, though his treatment of the evidence is unequal and unsatisfactory. C, H. TURNER. CHURCH (éxxdyola).—For the history of the word éxxAyola and its relation to such Heb. terms as $72 and nyy, see art. CONGREGATION. In the present art. we shall discusa— I. DerInimion OF CHURCH IN NT. II. Te Actua Cuurcu. (A) Conditions of Membership. (B) The Life of the Church. i. The Public Worship. ii. Christian Rule of Conduct. (C) The Single Community. Its Functions and Organi- zation. (D) The whole Church. IM. Tue Ipkau Cuurce. I, DEFINITION OF THE CHURCH IN NT. — "Exadqola is used in NT of a single community of Christians, or of the sum of the single communi- ties, the whole body of Christians. In the last sense, two points of view are possible, and both are found in NT. We may think of the Church as an ‘empiric matter of fact,’ 7.e. as a collection of individuals, the actual Church, or we ma cease to think of the Church as a noun of mul- titude and regard it as a single individual entity, the ideal Church. The second point of view is closely related to the first. If we ask what is in the minds of the writers in this usage, we find that ultimately they are thinking, not of a single entity, but of a collection of individuals. So when St. Paul says the Church is the ‘ body’ or ‘bride’ of Christ, he is really expressing under the figure of a single entity, the Church, the relation in which Christ stands to the individual members. There is, however, a real difference be- tween the conception of actual and ideal Church in two respects. (1) The conception of the actual Church regards it as it really is, t.e. a body of indi- viduals of various degrees of imperfection ; while the teal Church isa body whose members represent the ideal of membership, i.e. it is a perfect Church, or at least one free from the negative aspect of evil. (2) The actual Church is composed of the members who are still alive and in the world at thie time of speaking; while the conception of the ideal Church does not denote a definite number of members at a definite time, but implies a membership inde- pendent of time. The latter is, in fact, an ideal, not an empirical, body. Hence it splits off from the later conception oh ihe ‘invisible’ Church, i.e. the Church as composed of all its members, dead and living; for it refers neither to dead nor living Christians, but to an indefinite body of members belonging to no time, present, past, or future, because it is a timeless feet conception. The conception of the Church in NT stands in so close a relation to two other conceptions, viz. the ‘people of Israel’ and the ‘kingdom of God,’ that it is necessary here to say something as to the connexion between these ideas. (a) The Church and the People of Israel.—The Jewish nation, by the crucifixion of the Messiah, brought down upon them- selves their final and irrevocable rejection. Jews were called upon to save themselves from ‘this crooked generation’ (Ac 24%), Since Christ came there was ‘none other name under heaven which is given among men wherein we must be saved’ (412), It was no longer enough to live after Moses; it was only by accepting the baptism of Christ that the Jew could obtain remission of sins. But at the outset the Christian still remained a Jew. His new profession did not absolve bim from the law and the institutions of Moses. So the Church starts as a society within the Jewish nation. The distinction is already to hand between the actual Isr. and the true people of God. The be- lievers are the ‘remnant’ (cf. Ro 11) in the actual Israel, which is the preparation for the restored and perfected Isr. of the prophets. The Christ, who has already once appeared, is waiting for ‘Israel’ to repent and believe on Him, that He may come again and all things be restored (Ac 319-21 631), All that do not accept Him shall be utterly destroyed from among the people (3%). Here, then, we see the Church identified with the people of Israel, but distinguished, on the one hand, froin the existing Jewish nation, and, on the other, from the restored Isr. of prophecy. The ‘second coming’ is to see the identifi- cation of the actual with the ideal Isr., by the incorporation of those who believe on Christ with the latter, and the destruction of the unbelievers. So in the Messianic age, Church and ideal Isr. and actual Isr. will be one and the same, but at present they are distinguished. It was necessary, however, that this view should be modified when the admission of Gentiles was permitted without demanding circumcision from them. The previous conception of the Church and of the future restored Isr. was confined to the exclusively national ideals of Jewish tradition. It did not travel beyond the ‘Israel after the flesh.’ In the Pauline conception, however, the Church is still regarded as the chosen folk, but a distinction appears between Isr. ‘after the flesh’ (1 Co 1018) and the ‘Isr. of God’ (Gal 616), God has taken from the heathen a ‘people for his name’ (Ac 1514), and in this new Isr. ‘they are not all Isr. which are of Isr.’ (Ro 9). The faithful remnant within Isr., which before was identified with the Church, is now but a small part of it. The ‘oracles of God’ are no longer entrusted to the Jewish nation, for the Christians have succeeded the Jews as the vehicles of inspiration (Eph 35, He 1.2, cf. with 23.4). The Church, then, stands over against the actual Isr, as a non-Jewish spiritual Israel. In the picture of Ro 111824, the Church is an olive tree in which the atriarchs are the ‘root,’ the unbelieving Jews are rejected ranches, and the Gentiles new branches grafted in from the wild olive. At the same time, to the Jewish and primitive Christian, belief in a restoration of the natura) Isr. to the posi- tion of a world-subduing kingdom (cf. Ac 18) succeeds the idea of the kingdom of God as Christ Himself conceived it, t.e. the universal rule of Christian principles, a cosmopolitan instead of a national conception. (b) The Church and the Kingdom (of Heaven) of God.—The fundamental conception underlying the various meanings of the kingdom of God is that of the say Ar (Baoirtin) of God or Christ. Bagss‘e in Greek was a word with a wider range of significance than we generally attach to the En dom,’ and the shades of meaning which it bore determine also the different conceptions of the kingdom of beaven. We have thus («) the abstract sense of Baoisic, t.e. those moral and spiritual qualities which are in consonance with the will of . word ‘king- 426 CHURCH God. It is thus that St. Paul says, ‘the kingdom of Godis. . righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost’ (Ro 1417); or that Christ compares it to the hid treasure and the pearl of great price (Mt 134-46); or that He says, ‘Seek ye first his kingdom and his righteousness’ (Mt 633, Lk 1231), ‘The k. of God is within you’ (Lk 1721), It is probably also used in this sense in the expressions, ‘the glad tidings (or the gospel) of the kingdom’ (Mt 423, Lk 8! etc.), ‘to preach the kingdom’ (Lk 443, Ac 2025 etc.). (6) In a concrete sense the establishing of such a rule considered as an event. We have here two points of view from which such an event might be considered. (1) As soon as Christ’s teaching found disciples, the kingdom was already established ; or if we regard the miraculous power of Christ over nature, we alent say with Him, ‘if I by the spirit of God cast out devils, then is the k. of God come upon you’ (Mt 1228, cf. Lk 1120), From the point of view of the kingdom already established, it is compared to the rapid growth of a mustard tree (Mt 1381-32), or leaven spreading through meal (7b. 33), (2) A future establishment of the kingdom. This idea is especially connected with the second coming of Christ ‘with the angels of his power, in flaming fire’ (2 Th 18, cf ib, 5.810), the establishment of the kingdom in power (cf. Mt 32 610, Lk 1720, 1 Co 1550-54), A third but rare use is (3) the present rule of God in heaven (2 Ti 418, cf. Lk 2342.43, Jn 1836), (y) BaosAsia = sphere of rule, not so much local, as in the prevailing use of ‘kingdom,’ but in the sense of the society or community over which the rule extends. This meaning has also two variations corresponding to the first two meanings of (6). They are (1) the actual society of professing Christians, peeing good and bad members: so in Parables of the Tares Mt 1324-30), the Draw-net (ib. 47-50), and the Wedding Garment (ib. 221-13), but always with a reference to (2) the blessed society of those who are admitted to the kingdom at the second coming, when it is established with power in its perfection. As the society of the blessed, to be rejected from which is eternal misery, its membership is the reward of faithful service; cf. the expressions, ‘Theirs is the k. of heaven’ (Mt 53-10, cf. Lk 620), ‘to enter into, to inherit the k.’ (Mt 520, Ac 1422, Gal 521, Col 113, and many other places). Of these meanings ixxAnci« coincides only with the last. It does not per se connote any moral or spiritual qualities, e.g. we would not say, ‘The Church is righteousness and peace and oy,’ etc. Nor could we use the word txxaycie of anevent. It ig properly a collective noun, denoting the people of God. Even when it is spoken of ideally or as a person, the fundamental meaning is still that of God's folk.* The ‘kingdom of God’ is then a very much wider conception than ‘Church.’ Where the two occur side by side (Mt 1618), the ‘kingdom’ appears as the future and heavenly counterpart of the Church. The ‘bindings’ and ‘loosings’ of the latter shall be counted valid in the former ; cf. the words ‘on earth’ (=Ohurch), ‘in heaven’ (=kingdom), 1b. 19 1818, cf. Jn 2023. Il. THe ActuaL CHURCH is the society of Christians, or a part of it. (A) Membership.—The necessary qualifications for membership were repentance of former sins and submission to baptism in the name of Jesus Christ (Ac 28), which carried with it the demand of faith in Christ. The privileges of membership acquired at baptism were : (1) The Christian became recon- ciled with God through appropriating to himself Christ’s satisfaction for sin (Ro 5! 647, Col 17-2), His past life of sin no longer stood against him in his account with God. He was justified. (2) He was sanctified, and henceforth was called ‘holy’ (dyos), because he belonged to God by the conse- eration of baptism (1 Co 6"). (38) He received the gift of the Holy Ghost (Ac 2%) as a supernatural power within him. (4) He was admitted to the com- mon life and sacraments of the Christian brother- hood. On his part, in turn, he was bound, so far as he could, to live up to the high standard of that life, ‘to put on the new man, which after God hath been created in righteousness and holiness of truth’ (Eph 4%). (B) The Life of the Church.—The new life, to which the convert was introduced by his baptism, was the practical expression of the relation in which he stood to God as a member of His ‘people.’ His life was henceforth given up to the service of God. And that service was the worship of God in the public gatherings of worship and in the holiness of his private life. So we may consider the life of the Church under these two aspects: (1) the public worship, (2) the Christian conduct. * He 1233 wavnyipss xed ixxAngcia xpwtoroxwy is not to the point as an instance of a distinctively Christian usage of txxaAyoin. It is plain from the connexion with ravnyipu that txxAyoa is used here in a quite general meaning, ‘assembly,’ without refer- ence to ite technical Ohristian significance. CHURCH i. The Public Worship. This subject divides itself into two branches: (1 Occasional ceremonies. These were the rites of baptism and ordination. We hear nothing of special forms of service in connexion with marriage or burial. (2) Ordinary services. These were also of two kinds: (a) a public (i.e. not confined to Chris- tians) service, which was of a didactic (‘ edification,’ 1 Co 14%) and missionary character; (6) the ‘breaking of the bread,’ a private (t.e. confined to Christians) act of worship. (1) Occasional Ceremonies.—(a@) Baptism was the ite by which the convert was formally admitted as a member of the Church (Ac 2). It was therefore (Mt 28!) to be administered to every Christian without exception. St. Paul always takes it for granted that his hearers have been baptized (e.g. Ac 19%, Rv 68, Col 24-14). It is indeed regarded as necessary for salvation that a man should have undergone this ceremony (Jn 35), which saves the Christian as the ark saved Noah (1 P 3% 21), At the same time, it is never regarded as a merely mechanical means of salvation, but is contrasted with circumcision by its spiritual significance (Col 21-1"), and the subjective element (i.e. faith and a good conscience) is insisted upon as the necessary accompaniment of the ceremonial act, if the receiver would obtain its advantages (1 P 37). The ritual of baptism consisted of an immersion of the baptized person in water (Mt 3°, Mk 1”, Ac 8). The baptizer accompanied the act with the formula ‘in the name of Jesus Christ’ (Ac 238 816 1048 19°, cf. Ja 27), or more fully ‘in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost’ (Mt 28, Didache 7). No limitations are expressly mentioned in NT which forbid us to suppose that the right to baptize did not belong to every Christian, but as a matter of fact we find no instances of persons baptizing except those with some sort of recognized position of authority. Our Lord (Jn 4*) and the apostles (Ac 10, 1 Co 1”) generally avoided baptizing in person, and relegated the duty to helpers and assistants. See BAPTISM. (6) Ordination.—Every Christian had a charisma (=gift, talent), the nature and degree of which determined his position and duties in the com- munity. But while the charisma in most cases is considered as coming direct from the Hey Ghost to the individual at the time of or after his baptism, without any further human agency, in some instances a charisma was bestowed through the ‘laying on of hands.’ The ‘laying on of hands’ in OT was the symbolic act of conveying a gift (as in blessing Gn 48, appointing to office Nu 27%) or a curse (as the scapegoat Lv 167). In the case of our Lord the ‘laying on of hands’ was es ecially attached to the miracles of healing (e.g. Mt ee Mk 5” etce.), and He left to His disciples the power of healing through the same act (Mk 16%). In the apostolic age it is also found in connexion with healing (Ac 9). 17288), It thus had the significance of a miraculous power. In the passages where it is mentioned as an accompanying or supplementary ceremony to baptism, the miraculous gift of the Holy Ghost attends its employment (cf. Ac 8° did, i.e. the ‘laying on of hands’ is the instrument b which the Holy Ghost was given in this instaness and is contrasted with the ordinary gift of the Holy Ghost through baptism. So, too, when & man was to be ‘set apart’ for a particular work, he receives a special ‘gift’ for its performance through the ‘laying on of hands.’ This is especially mentioned of the Seven (Ac 68), the mission of Barnabas and Saul (Ac 13%), and the work of Timothy at Ephesus (1 Ti 4", 2 Til®), and it appears in the Pastoral Epp. as the regular form of ordain. ing a bishop or deacon (1 Ti 5”). It was accom. CHURCH Cee by prayer (Ac 6° 13*) and fasting (13%). We d the ‘laying on of hands’ performed by apostles (Ac 6° 87 19°, 2Ti 15), by an ordinary disciple at the command of the Holy Ghost (Ac 9! 17), by the prophets and teachers at Antioch under similar circumstances (ib. 13°), by the presbytery at Ephesus (1 Ti 4). (2) The Regular Worship.—We turn now to the regular services of the early Christian Church. At the first the community met for the purpose of worship daily (Ac 1" 2"), and we find no intimation or allusion that any day was marked with more solemnity than the others. But ata later period the ‘first day of the week’ is singled out from the rest and observed with especial honour. The first occasion on which we meet with this is in 1 Co 16? ‘upon the first day of the week let each one of you lay by him in store’ his contribution to the collec- tion. Then Ac 20’ we notice the disciples of Troas patiered bopceet on the first day of the week to reak bread. By themselves these two instances could not be pressed. But in Rev 1 there isa mention of ‘the Lord’s day,’ rp xupiaxy juepg, Which appears as xupiax) xvplov in the Didache 14', and as xupiaxh simply in Ignatius (ad Mag. ix. 1). These ait hang together with the fact recorded by all the evangelists that on the first day of the week Christ rose from the dead (Mt 281, Mk 16%, Lk 241, Jn 201). The resurrection of Christ was the foundation of Christian hope (1 Co 15!7-), and therefore the day of the resurrection was par excellence the Lord’s day (see Ignatius, Joc. cit., Ep. Barn. 15), and when it became impracticable for the ‘breaking of the bread’ to be celebrated daily, it was cele- brated with careful regularity on this day (Did. 14}; Pliny, gre: x. 96, ‘stato die convenire’). To what Poe te this practice goes back in Christian istory we cannot say. St. Paul (Ro 14°) speaks of those who esteem one day above another, and those who esteem every day alike, but he is here robably referring to the Jewish Sabbath. The 5 ewish Christians themselves observed theSabbath, and some attempted to force its observance upon the Gentiles (Gal 4!, Col 2°), But the Sabbath and method of its observance are especially dis- tinguished from the Lord’s day [cf. Ign. Joc. cit. ‘no longer sabbatizing (caBfarltorres), but living according to the Lord’s day,’ and Ep. Barn. Joc. cit. Sabbaths are not pening to God, ‘ therefore we observe the eighth day for rejoicing’). On the early history of the Christian Sunday, see esp. T. Zahn, Skizzen aus dem Leben der alten Kirche, cap. vi. Of the existence of yearly festivals we have no intimation at all in NT. The Jewish Christians still observed the Jewish feasts (Ac 2! 20!%, 1 Co 168). There is no allusion in 1 Co 57° (‘ Our pass- over also hath been sacrificed, even Christ, where- fore let us keep the feast,’ etc.) to the observance of Easter. The context shows that the apostle is not speaking literally. The starting-point of his theme is the comparison of the Church to a ‘new lump’ from which the old leaven has been purged out. ‘We, too,’ he says, ‘as well as the Jews, have a Passover lamb; therefore let us keep the feast . . . with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.’ His imagery is borrowed from the distinctively Jewish passover, but the lesson drawn applies to the whole Christian life, not to an special occasion—é¢oprd{wyev is rather ‘ keep festival’ thax ‘keep the feast.’ It is noticeable, however, that in the later Paschal controversy both parties referred to apostolic usage (see Eus. HZ v. 23, 24), in view of which we are not justified in drawing an argument from silence against the apostolic foundation of the Easter festival, and the exact date of its institution must be left an open question. Tn 1 Co we find that St. Paul presents to usa CHURCH 427 picture of two kinds of Christian worship. In en. 14 is described a meeting whose chief aim is mutual edification ; in 117-4 one of a very diflerent char- acter and ceremonial, the purpose of which is to feat the Lord’s Supper’ (kupiaxdy Setrvov), In the saine way two kinds of religious observance are distinguished in the account of the primitive Church (Ac 2”), ‘the breaking of bread and the prayers.’ It is not quite certain whether rats rpocevxais here refers to the public prayers in the temple which the Christians attended (e.g. 3), or tu the meetings of the community ; but as the writer is describing the salient elements distinctive of the Christian life, the latter has a slight balance in its favour. In any case there is abundant evidence (e.g. Ac 14 24. 46. 47 424% 31 etc.) that the Christians at this time held assemblies for worship distinct from the ‘ breaking of the bread.’ This distinctively Christian worship was not held to take the place of the temple services, which were attended with scrupulous regularity (Ac 3}). Neither—and this, of course, refers not only to the first days of Christianity—did it take the place of pera private prayer (cf. Ac 10° 16”, Eph 6}, 14), (a) The public service. —The purpose of this service was before all things edification, and this not only for those who were already believers, but also for unbelievers. It had, then, a missionary aspect, and for this purpose was made as public and open as possible. At Jerus. it took place especially in the temple as long as this was permitted (Ac 2% 34 5%), or in some public place (Ac 24, ef.*). Un- believers were welcome to attend and listen (1 Co 14), Every Christian had received the Holy Ghost and a ‘gift’ as the ‘manifestation of the Spirit’ within him (see 1 Co 127). Whatever was the gift he | asaen eo he was bound to put it at the service of the community and use it in harmonious working with the whole (ib.%%). But if we look through the lists of gifts in Ro 12%, 1 Co 12°". we see that there are some (e.g. miracles, healings) which would not qualify their possessors to contri- bute to the worship of the community. So we find a distinction drawn in 1 P 4’ between the gifts of speaking and the gifts of ministering (diacovety= contributing by personal help or offerings to the common support). To the former it fell to take part in the public worship. St. Paul mentions (1 Co 14%) as constituent elements of this service ‘a salm,’ ‘a teaching,’ ‘a revelation,’ ‘a tongue,’ ‘an interpretation.” The division is not a rigid one: a ‘psalm’ might be also a ‘tongue’ (cf. 1b."°). Nor is the enumeration exhaustive; prayer is not in- eluded, though it formed an integral part of the service (cf. 114). We may then, perhaps, divide as follows : (a) teaching, (8) prayer, (y) praise. («) Teaching.—We are only considering here the place occupied by teaching in the services. We must treat later of the wider question of teaching in general. A discourse formed part of the service in the Jewish synagogue where it was con- nected with the reading of an appointed portion of the OT Scriptures (Lk 420f-, Ac 1315; see Vitringa, de Syn. Vet. Bk. m. pt. i. c. 5, pt. ii. c. 12; Schtirer, HJP, § 27). We have several instances of discourses in the Christian services (e.g Ac 207), and there is no doubt the ‘teaching’ in these assemblies took the form of one or more discourses. But the question of public reading is not quite so obvious. It is, however, on @ priori grounds quite probable in itself, and is supported by certain supposed allusions in NT. Thus Timothy is told (1 Ti 418) to ‘give heed to reading, to exhortation, and to teaching’, and the writer of the Apoc. alludes to the arrangements for the public reading of his book (Rev 1%, cf. Col 416). Somewhat later there arose a separate office called that of the ‘reader,’ whose duty it was to read in the public services (see Harnack, Die sog. apost Kirchenordnung, ‘Texte u. Unt.’ Bd. ii. Hft. 5). (8) Prayer was made standing (Mk 115) or kneeling (Ac 2034 215) with uplifted hands (1 Ti 28). Even if the words of the prayer were uttered by one person only, the prayer was regarded as that of the whole congregation. Thus in Ac 424-80 the prayer is iven verbally, but is ascribed to the whole assembly éuobinater pov Gavi» xpos Tov Osov xox) elwor, We must not press this too literally, as if all actually spoke in the words given. It may 428 CHURCH mean that they followed it, and by their ‘amen’ at the end identified themselves with the speaker; or perhaps they repeated his words audibly after him ; cf. Ac 2036 ¢ty waouy abroig wpornigaro. All prayer did not, however, consist of definite 1anguage. The indistinguishable ‘glossolalia’ comprised prayer as well as praise (1 Co 1414), and such ‘prayer with the spirit’ was incomprehensible, both to the speaker and to the hearers, unless it were interpreted by one who had the gift of interpret- ing tongues. The object of the prayers would vary with the occasion. The necessity of the moment supplied the Church with the material for its daily supplications (cf. Ac 125). We find, however, in addition to these occasional topics, injunctions to establish certain prayers as a permanent part of the worship. Such were prayers for the advance of the gospel preachin; through the apostle (Ro 150, Eph 618, Col 43, 2 Th 3!, cf. 1 Th 517, He 1318) ; prayers for the civil rulers and all men (1 Ti 2!) ; prayers tor erring members (Ja 516, 1 Jn 616), But no special form of prayer is laid down to be followed. Of a formulated liturgy of prayer we find as yet no signs, but there are expressions in NT which bear the appearance of more or less stereotyped formula. Such are especially (1) the form of salutation, ‘Grace to you (and mercy) and peace from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ,’ which occurs with variations in the opening of all the Pauline Epp., and also of 1 P, 2 P, 2 Jn, Jude,and Rev: (2) the bene- dictions, ‘The God of peace be with you’ (Ro 1583), * the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you’ (ib. 1620), or the much fuller form, ‘the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Ghost, be with you all’ (2 Co 1314). These occur also in similar form at the close of all the Pauline Epp., He, 1 P, and Rev. The form of these opening and concluding prayers is in all cases so much alike, that it may very well represent the prayers of salutation and benediction with which the services were begun and finished, differing verbally in different churches, but agreeing in the main. Their liturgical aspect in NT is heightened by the frequent addition of ‘amen’ (e.g. Ro 1533, Gal 618), The long prayer with which Clement of Rome concludes his Ep. to the Cor., and the set forms of prayer given in the Didache (chs. 9, 10), have a strong affinity with Jewish prayers, which suggests that the Church may have for some time used forms of public prayer borrowed from these sources. It is remarkable that, except in the Gospels, we hear nothing in NT of the Lord’s Prayer. It is not quoted at all, nor can we find instances in NT language which can be said to contain any distinct reminiscences of it. But in the Didache(ch. 8) the Christian is commanded to repeat the Lord’s Prayer three times daily, which proves how universal its use became in the sub- apostolic age. (y) Praise, i.e. the giving of thanks (siyapersiy), the act of Pleesig (uonerey) of praising (eivay), or of glorifying (30%«%e:v) God. Like prayer, it could be expressed in ordinary language, or in the ‘tongue’ (1 Co 146). (See Tonauzs.) From its more emotional character, it lent itself more to the latter than was the case with prayer. Examples of praise are to be found in the doxologies which occur with great frequency in the Epistles, eg, Ro 95 1625, Gal 15, Eph 320, Ph 420, 1 Ti 117, 2 Ti 418, He 1321, 1 P 411 511, 2 P 318, Rev 158, These, again, are given a litur- gical form by the ‘Amen’ which almost invariably follows, but the language is not so stereotyped as in the case of the saluta- tions and benedictions. We see also in sublime outbursts of praise, such as Ro 11%3ff. or the hymns of the Apoc. (¢.g. Rev 411 1117 153 etc.), examples of praise in freer and less stereotyped form than in the doxologies. We perceive in them the most intense religious emotion. Language of so sublime and ecstatic strain easily passed into the form of song. The singing of a ‘psalm’ or ‘hymn’ by a member of the congregation was the form which the giving of praise frequently took (Ac 1625, 1 Co 1415. 26, Eph 619, Col 316, Ja 613). Specimens of these extempore hymns are preserved in Lk 1 or in Rey (oe, cit.). Possibly, too, in rhythmic passes such as 1 Ti 316, Rev 155-4 are preserved fragments of hymns sung by the whole conerersucn together. As in the case of prayer, the congregation made the ascription of praise a eee | act by saying ‘Amen’ at the close (1 Co 1416, Rev 514 194), The forms in which the teaching or prayer or praise might be delivered were three. From the prophet it came as a direct revelation from God, with all the force of a verbally inspired message, expressed in ordinary language, and therefore needing no explanation of its meaning. From the speaker in a tongue also it came as an ‘inspired’ utterance (Ac 24 ‘to speak with other tongues as the Spirit gave them utterance’), but the lan- guage was incomprehensible to the hearers, and to the speaker imself, unless they possessed a further gift, viz. the power to interpret tongues (see 1Co 14). From the others it did not come as an inspired utterance, but the teacher spoke with greater weight and authority, as one who had received, in a special degree, the ‘gift of teaching’ from the Holy Ghost. The ‘teacher,’ by virtue of his gift, ranked higher than the ‘gpazaker in a tongue.’ He stood next to the apostles and lee in the divinely appointed order of the Ohurch 1 Co 1228), To the necessity whioh &t. Paul felt of correcting certain abuses in the Oor. services we are indebted for an interesting picture of these meetings (1 Co 14255), In their eagerness to exercise the gifts of which they were conscious, the Cor. Chris- tians had made their services scenes of confusion. Members did not wait for one another to finish speaking. If a prophet received a ‘revelation,’ he stood up at once and delivered it while another was still speaking. Again, both the prophets and the ‘speakers in a tongue’ had allowed their enthusiasm to lead them to excess. The prophet unconsciously added a subjective CHURCH element to his message. The ‘speaker in a tongue’ indulged his zeal without troubling whether the others understood what he meant. To prevent this confusion, the apostle lays down the following checks : (1) Not more than one tospeak at a time ; each must wait his turn. (2) The one who is speaking to stop if he perceives another waiting to deliver a ‘revelation.’ (3) The ‘speaker in tongues’ is not allowed tospeak unless an interpreter be present, (4) The ‘revelation’ of the prophet is to be checked by those who possess the gift of ‘discerning spirits’ Qsaxpior mvsvcreyv, Cf. 1210), St. Paul does not mention a president in the meetings, and he addresses himself directly to the congrega- tion, as if everything were to be decided at their discretion. But it is almost impossible to suppose that there was no one to direct and manage the gathering, e.g. to appoint the time of meeting, to declare the opening and closing of the service, etc. There ig no doubt that work of this kind is included in the labour of those ‘presidents’ described in 1 Th 612, though we cannot go the length of saying that iv Kup/@ is a special allusion to these services. Women were present at the services, and contributed to the posable (1 Co 11%, cf, Ac 219). St. Paul directs that they shall keep their heads covered during worship, while the man shall ray with uncovered head (1 Co 114-5). Both at Corinth 1 Co 1434) and at Ephesus (1 Ti 211-12) he forbids women to take an active part in the services, and the general language in which he speaks shows that he enforced the same rule in all his churches, (6) The ‘breaking of bread.’—The expression 7 kAdots rod dprov in Ac 2” refers to something more than an institution of common meals. It is indeed doubtful, in the light of 6'*, whether a system of universal common meals existed at all. But in any case the double repetition of the article 7 kAdous rod dprov would be strange unless the term were technical, and referred to a special breaking of a special bread. And such we find to be the case in 1 Co 1016, where the expression ‘the bread which we break’ refers to a religious act, and in 11”, where the eating of the bread forms part of an act of worship called ‘eating the Lord’s Supper,’ and its significance is to ‘proclaim the Lord’s death till he come’ (id. %). From the action of Christ at the institution of this sacrament, the technical name by which it became known was ‘the break- ing of the bread.’ The expression occurs some- times without the article (e.g. Ac 20’, Didache 141), where there can be no doubt as to its technical use. In some places (e.g. Ac 2% 27%) it may refer to an ordinary meal. The only other name which is given to it in NT is the Lord’s Supper, 1 Co 11”, which refers, however, to the whole meal of which the xAdo.s Tod dprov was the central act. As early, however, as the Didache (9°) the word evxapioria is used to express the same thing (cf. also Ign. ad Smyrn. ch. 7). By its nature this service was of a much more private char- acter than the other. It was not held in public, with free admission for non-members, but restricted to baptized Chris- tians (Didache 95 ‘ Let none eat or drink of your Eucharist save those who are baptized in the name of the Lord’). It was the secrecy with which the Christians shrouded the Eucharist that gave rise to the absurd accusations which were popularly brought against them. At the same time, it seems, when pos- sible, to have been made the occasion of a general meeting of the whole Church, rich and poor (Ac 207, 1 Co 1118. 22. 33), The ‘breaking of bread’ ori ras took place daily (246), In the Didache, however, it is enjoined weekly, on the Lord’s day (cf. also Ac 207, 1 Co 162), It was held in the evening, as on the occasion of its institution eae Ac 207ff. and the word 3d¢irver ( gieicrnt meal) in 1 Co 1120.21), The whole ceremony was a ‘remembrance’ of the last supper which Christ ate with His disciples before His death. It was therefore made a common meal, of which the ‘ breaking of the bread’ and the ‘drinking of the cup’ were a part (cf. 1 Co 1120, Didache 101 sa di ro tu xamoOyves). To this common meal each brought his share. Chry- sostom (Hom, 27 in 1 Co11, § 1) says that in place of the original community of goods the Christians ‘observed common meals on appointed days, and having gathered together after sharing the mysteries, they partook of a common feast, the rich bringing the viands, and the poor, who had nothing, being invited by them, and all feasting together.’ The ect of the meal ag an act of love on the part of the rich is supported by the words zerasoyivers roves 2m Exovras in 1 Co 11%, which mean the poor generally, not those who have not houses. The common meal was called the ‘love-feast’ (&yéam, found in NT only in Judel2, The right reading in 2P 218 is probably éwarai WH, not &yérais). Though at first occurring at the same time ag the ‘breaking of bread,’ which formed part of it, the two were afterwards separated, and the Eucharist held in the early morning, while the Agaps still took place in the evening ; s0 first in Pliny, Epp. x. 96. See Lightfoot, Ignatius, ii. 312. CHURCH St. Paul gives ua a picture of this act of worship as it was celebrated .n Corinth at the time, which we can supplement by other hintsin NT. A discourse preceded it in Ac 207.11, but it is clear that this was not the case in Corinth, for the apostle complains that each one, as he arrived, at once ate up the food he had brought with him, without waiting for the rest (1 Co 1121. 83), During the meal came the formal ‘ breaking of bread’ a 1 Co 1016), probably with a prayer of thanks (cf. suxapiorioas the accounts of the institution by Christ, and the prayer of thanks in the Did. 92). All present then partook of the bread thus consecrated (1 Co 1126). Then perhaps after the meal (cf. tb. 4 ‘after supper’) a cup containing wine (this is more prob- able than Harnack’s theory that water was used, cf. Mt 2629, Mk 1425, 1 Co 1121) was ‘blessed’ (1 Co 10!6), and all drank from it (11%), The prayers of thanks (siy«pioriax) by which the bread and wine were consecrated probably varied with the occasion. In the Didache (ch. 9) formal prayers are prescribed, but the prophets present are allowed to ‘give thanks’ (s,epirrsiv) in words of their own choice (dc §dover), 108. There is some doubt as to whether the bread or the wine came first in the order of service. In Lk 12174 (WH), 1 Co 1016, Did. 9, the blessing of the cup is placed before that of the bread. In all other places, however, the cup follows the bread, and this has always been the traditional order in the Christian Church. LirtratuRR®.—On the early Christian services the following books may be consulted: Rothe, De Primordiis cultus sacri Christianorum, 1851; Abeken, Der Gottesdienst in der alten Kirche, 1853; Harnack, Der christl. Gemeindegottesdienst, 1854 ; Volz, ‘Untersuch. dber die Anfiinge des christ]. Gottes- dienstes,’ in SK vol. i, 1872; Jacoby, ‘Die constitutiven Faktoren des apost. Gottesdienstes,’ in J DTh vol. xviii. 1873 ; Weizsicker, ‘Die Versammlungen der iiltesten Christengemein- den,’ in JDTh vol. xxi. 1876; Seyerlen, ‘Der christl. Cultus im ap. Zeitalter,’ in Zeitsch. fiir Prakt. Theol. 1881; H. A. Kostlin, Gesch. des christl. Gotteedienstes, 1887; Jiilicher, Zur Gesch. der Abendimnahisfeier in_der alten Kirche, 1892; F. Spitta, Zur Gesch. u. itt. des Urchristenthums, Die urchristl. Trad. tiber Ursprung und Sinn des Abendmahis, 1893. (For wider literature on Eucharist, see art. Lorp’s Supper.) The histories of the Apost. age usually contain chapters on this sub- ject. For these see general literature at the end. ii. The Christian Rule of Conduct. (1) The Christian tn his Private Life.—By baptism the Christian died to the world, and so the nega- tive, prohibitive, sphere of law had no longer any meaning for him (Ro 6%, Col 3°-!", cf. Gal 2!° 5%). His life was consecrated to Christ (Ro 12!-?), who is its goal (Ro 14°, Ph 1”), its example (Ph 25, 1P 271-24), and the source of its spiritual strength (Jn 6%, 2Co 12%, Eph 45), His body is the sacred temple of the Holy Ghost (1 Co 6"), a member of Christ (ib. °), and therefore personal holiness and purity are his natural condition. The near ex- pectation of the second coming of Christ led to two ractical results: (a) a holy enthusiasm which uoyed him up under every trial with the con- sciousness that the present evils were only transi- tory (Ro 8%, 2Co 1” 546, Eph 14 4%), and would be succeeded by a glorious future (Ro 68, 1 Co 15°, Col 3°*-), Death itself is welcomed as a quicker realization of this (Ph 17). (6) A severe and stern discipline of self. Men waited in hourly expecta- tion of Christ’s appearance (1 Th 5*, 1Jn 28), It was then no time to give oneself up to feasting. Even marriage and family cares are regarded as competitors against the service of the Lord, which should absorb every thought and feeling (1 Co 7*. 35) The Christian must be ever on his guard, watchful and vigilant, fasting (cf. Ac 13° 14”, Did. 74-8'), ever in arms against temptation (1 Th 5%, Eph 6'!7), and pray without ceasing (1 Th 5"). is mind is set on things above, not on things that are upon the earth (Col 3°). But as he is on the earth he has to perform his human duties and to bring into all his relations with fellow-men prin- ciples in accord with this high and ideal life. (2) The Christian and his Fellow-Christians.— The central principle of Christian ethics is love, the practical expression of faith, wlors 6: dydans évepyounévy (Gal 5°). Faith without works is dead, says St. James (2%), and St. Paul is at one with him, for above faith he puts love (1 Co 131, cf. 26.*), and love does not exist apart from works of love (ef. 1 Jn 38). Love is the ‘ end of the charge’ (1 Ti 1°), the bond of perfection (Col 34). And this love was chiefly exercised towards the fellow-Christian CHURCH 429 (Gal 6"), The name of ‘the brethren,’ by which the Christians denoted their fellow-believers, was especially significant. It implies descent from a common ancestor, membership in the same family, and was used among the Jews to denote their fellow-countrymen, the ‘sons of Israel’ (e.. Ex 24, Dt 18", Ac 2%’ 317). So when applied by Christiana to one another it introduced the idea of a tie as strong as that of blood relationship binding them to one another. The love of the brethren (¢:A\a- ded pla, He 137) manifests itself in a spirit of humility, gentleness, and kindness to all (Gal 5% etc.), in obedience and gratitude towards the workers and rulers in the Church (1 Co 16'8, 1 Th 5!2, He 13!”), forbearance of the stronger towards the weaker (Ro 151, 1 Co 10%, 1 Th 5"), charity to the poor (Ro 128, 1 Ti 6!8, He 13%, 1 Jn 3!”), compassion and help to the suffering and helpless (He 13%, Ja 1*7), and hospitality to all who need it (Ko 12'8, 1 Ti 5!°, He 13, 1 P 4°). By the strength of this Christian love is realized the truth of the gospel, that all out- ward distinctions of rank, nation, and sex are abolished in the common participation of member- ship in Christ (Gal 3%, Col3"). At the same time, it is important to remember that even within the Christian community concrete social reforms were not aimed at, except so far as was demanded by the new morality. In the expectation of the second coming, social and political questions were matters of secondary importance. he general principle of St. Paul was that a man should stay in the position in which the ‘call’ of God was received (1 Co 738), and work truly and honestly in that osition (1 Th 4", 2Th 3!) until the Lord came. so the relations of rich and poor still remain, but are softened by the duty of charity ; slavery is not abolished (Eph 6°*, Col 372-41, 1 T16?, Philem), but its sting withdrawn by the proclamation of a higher equality ; the current view of woman’s position is accepted (1 Co 11379, 1] Ti 24"), but toned down by the same truth (cf. 1 P 37). In regard te marriage, indeed, new principles were introduced which the laxity of heathen and even Jewish views made necessary on moral grounds. St. Paul (1 Co 7) in view of the second coming discourages the unmarried from seeking marriage, in accordance with his general principle, ‘let each man wherein he was called, therein abide with God’ (v.¥). But he condemns those who would forbid marriage on ascetic grounds (1 Ti 4°; cf. the same teaching in He 134), and sanctifies the relation of man and wife by comparing it with that of Christ and His Church (Eph 5). The reform which Christianity introduced was the sacred inviolability which: it gave to the marriage bond by forbidding divorce (Mt 19°, 1Co 7). The question of remarriage, after the death of one party, is somewhat doubtful. The injunction as to bishops and deacons (1 Ti 32-12, Tit 1%) that they should be the husbands of one wife, and to widows (1 Ti 5°) that they should have had one husband, were interpreted in the 2nd cent. as prohibitions against a second marriage. But this remarriage is recommended in the case of younger widows (1 Ti5™, cf. 1 Co 7°), which leaves the question doubtful. On the other hand, it is very unlikely that the apostle would speak in such Potetate language if he were referring to bigamy. The natural result of this nobler conception of marriage was to quicken the sense of natural affection between husband and wife, parent and child (Eph 572-64, Col 318?) ete.), and to establish those beautiful family relations which distinguish the Christian home. The chief difficulty in the way of mutual intercourse within the Church was the traditional exclusiveness which the Jewish Christian brought with him into the Church. The exact relation of Jew and Gentile Christians was one of the most perplexing roblems of the apostolic age. St. Paul held with regard to is owu relation to tle law that, in the abstract, belief in Christ 430 CHURCH made him free (e.g. he says of himself, ‘not being myself under {the principle of] law,’ 1 Co 920). But he rated far above this abstract claim to freedom, the love which he owed to his ‘brethren in the flesh,’ and so to the Jew he became as a Jew, and observed the commands of the law (e.g. Ac 1818 2016 2128 2817), although he recognized that a man could be saved, not by the works of the law, but only by faith; cf. Gal 216, As regards the Gentile, however, the apostle of the Gentiles fought for the freedom which he thought the Jew should abstain from claiming. His position, that the Gentile should be free from circumcision and the law, was confirmed by the con- ference at Jerus., and at the same time the further question of daily intercourse between Jew and. Gentile was also settled. lt was assumed, as a matter of course, that the two should nix freely and without restraint; but to lessen the offence which this intercourse would give to Jewish instincts, the Gentile was required to abstain from things offered to idols, from blood, and from things strangled. (These prohibitions were possibly conceived as ‘concrete indications of a pure and true religion,’ and only indirectly as concessions to Judaism as they were specially reverenced by Jews. This explains the perplexing addition ‘and from fornication.’ See Hort, Judaistic Christianity, pp. 68-73.) Thus was established a modus vivendi for those communities in which Jew and Gentile converts were to be found together. It is too much to assume from Ja 22 that in such communities the Jews had their separate ‘syna- gogue,’ and lived apart. The author is writing from the stand- point of things as they were in his own church, t.e. where the community included only Jews who had formed themselves into a synagogue congregation. The incidents related in Gal 211-14 presuppose a close and daily intercourse (especially in the way of meals) between the Jewish and Gentile communities. If 8t. Paul condemned so strongly in this instance a reaction to the exclusiveness from which a break had been made, it is certain that he would not have encouraged the establishment of such a system in any of his own churches. We are therefore confident that in all Pauline churches the Jews, like the apostle, and even St. Peter himself (cf. Ac 1048 113), did not refuse to mix with the Gentiles, even if to some extent the two did fall into separate congregations. And intercourse of any kind im- plied a mutual give-and-take. The Jew resigned his instinctive and traditional hatred of the Gentile and lived as a Gentile (i0vixdg tar, Gal 214). The Gentile had to subordinate his y»acis to the principle of love (1 Co 81), that he might give no cause of stumbling to Jews. And there were grades between the pure Jew and the pure Gentile. The ‘proselyte of the gate’ on becoming a Christian naturally felt an instinctive sense of obligation towards the whole or parts of the law. St. Paul has In his mind, not only Jews, but the class of ce@éueves in Ro 145, And Ro 141-2, 1 Co 81-18 102333 must be understood generally without exclusive reference to Jew or proselyte. In the mixture of religions from which Christianity drew converts, there were many scruples, serious enough to those in whom they were ingrained from childhood, but which might draw a smile of contempt from the man of ‘knowledge.’ St. Paul’s line of teaching is that their observance or non-observance is accidental, but that the principle of love, which enjoins cn forbearance towards them, is essential (see Ro 1415-17, 1Co 818), (3) The Christian and the World.—The earliest ersecutions proceeded, not from the Romans, but rom the Jews, either publicly, where they were allowed a measure of local authority (e.g. Ac 41°” 517. 9}. 3, 2 Co 11%), or in the way of private mal- treatment. The Jews succeeded in some instances in raising Gentile mobs against their enemies (e.g. Ac 9% 135 142), On rarer occasions the hatred of the Gentiles was aroused by personal losses occasioned through Christian Geashing (Ac 161% 19%4#-), But the Roman government and its re- sponsible representatives neither originated nor supported these persecutions. Its attitude was one of indifference (e.g. Gallio in Ac 181") or active pro- tection (cf. Pilate’s attitude Mt 27!**, the authori- ties at Thessalonica Ac 17°, Ephesus 19% *-, Jerus. 2132 2317f-), The Jewish accusation, that the Chris- tians were rebelling against the Romans and setting up another king, was never regarded seriously by the government (cf. Lk 23?, Jn 18%, Ac 177). On occasions of tumult, indeed, Christians were appre- hended as the apparent causes of disturbance, and treated with the rough-and-ready method of Roman provincial justice (Ac 16% 22%); but this was a universal practice, and not confined to Christians. The period of official persecution did not begin till Nero opened it in 64. So the Church looked to the Roman government as a protector rather than a ersecutor (cf. 2Th 2’). Those especially who were ortunate enough to possess the Roman citizenship found it a great safeguard against injustice (Ac 167 22% 251-11), These facts prepare us for the CHURCH attitude of favour observed by Chiistian teachera towards the civil authorities, although they do not wholly account for it, since the principles upon which civil obedience is enjoined are independent of personal like or dislike. ‘The powers that be are ordained of God,’ says St. Paul (Ro 13'). The Christians are exhorted to obey and respect them as the te ghaeh of divine justice (Ro 13}, Tit 3!, 1 P 251"), to pray for them (1 Ti 2?), to pay them tribute as their due (Lk 20%, Ro 13% %). From Pliny’s letter to Trajan (pp. x. 96) we find that the government regarded the Christian communities as clubs (heteri@), and the Chris- tians acquiesced in this official definition of their position. As regards the social and industrial world around them, the Christians did not cut them- selves off from their former ties to a greater extent than was necessary. The regulation of St. Paul was, that each should remain as he was until the Lord came. So the believing husband or wife is not to leave an unbelieving spouse (1 Co 7}, cf. 1 P 31). If the unbeliever depart, the believer is, however, not under bondage to follow. But this applies only to marriages con- tracted before the conversion of the one party. When this is not the case the believer is enjoined not to marry with an unbeliever (1 Co 7* ‘she is free to marry whom she will only in the Lord,’ i.e. a Christian husband, ef. 2 Co 6). On the same grounds the slave is advised not to seek his freedom (1 Co 7%), but to do his duty to an unbelieving master as to a believer. We hear of Christians, too, carrying on their former profes- sions, ¢.g. physician (Col 44), tentmakers (Ac 18%), soldiers (Ac 10}, Ph 11%), public officers (Ac 16®, Ro 16%), purple dyers (Ac 1614), lawyer (Tit 3), and as traders generally (Ja 41%). A difficult question was the extent to which a Christian should join in heathen social gatherings. There was a danger in so doing, not only because of the actual immorality con- nected with them (1 P 43-4), but also on the grounds of the ordinances against eating meat sacrificed to idols. St. Paul does not wish to cut his congregations entirely off from their former connexions (¢.g. 1Co 510), He does not forbid them to accept an invitation to dine with a heathen (1 Co 1027), but leaves it to the individual judgment, ‘if ye are disposed.’ In regard to the scruple against sid#Achvta, he recommends the Christian to eat what is given without question ; but if the fact be forced upon him that it is an sdeAchuror, to refuse it for the sake of conscience and example (1 Co 1027-23). We find that some of the advanced liberal party at Corinth even attended the feasts in heathen temples. This St. Paul forbids, not only as ‘sinning against the brethren and wounding their conscience wher it is weak’ (1 Co 812), but also on the deeper ground that, in the interpretation put upon it, it is really an act of idolatry (ib. 101517), At a later period it was made a genera) ground of complaint against the Christian that he held aloof from social gatherings (1 P 44), In his contact with unbelievers the Christian had to remember that the law of love extends to all men, although it found a greater outlet for its expression in the relation of Christian to Christian (Mt 54-8, Ro 12%, Tit 37). The same principles of honesty and charity were, accord- ingly, to be observed also towards ‘them which are without’ (Ro 1217, Gal 6, Col 4°, Ph 4°, 1 Th 3? 412), even towards the persecutor (Ro 12"), that thus the believers, by their life and conduct, might appeal to and teuch the best conscience of the heathen world (1 Ti 37, 1 P 2?*). (C) The single Community.—The first centre of the Christian community immediately after the ascension of Christ was the upper room in a house. Hither they returned immediately after arting from Christ to wait ‘steadfastly in prayer’ or the coming of the promised Holy Ghost (Ae 1-15), Thus the Christian community was in its origin a house-congregation ; and when it outgrew the limits of a single house, it did not form a ‘synagogue’ (such as those, ¢e.g., in Ac 6%), but spread as a number of house-congregations (ef. car i ti Mn a ie CHURCH olxor, tb. 2% 54%), For their general assemblies and their missionary preaching the disciples were able to meet in the temple or its precincts (51% 2 42), but for their private worship they were divided into groups, the centre of each being the house- hold of a convert, who was able and willing to rovide the necessary accommodation in his house. Thus the Church presented the aspect of a number of household groups. The same principle of di- vision was established in other places besides Jerus., as Christianity spread farther. It appears, ¢.g., at Thessalonica (Ac 177), Troas (20°), Ephesus (20), Corinth (1 Co 16"), Colosse (Philem *), Laodicea (Col 45), and in Rome (assuming that Ro 16%! is an integral part of the Epistle: see vv.51415 roys odv abrois ddedgpots). These house- congregations also bear the name of éxxAnala (e.g. Ro 16°, 1 Co 16, Col 45, Philem*). The condition of the household in ancient society favoured this feature. The master of the house was its lord, and his conversion was generally followed by that of his family and dependants (e.g. Ac 10% 16% 1838, 1 Co 1%), In this way the nucleus was at once formed for a house-congregation, and doubtless isolated converts attached themselves to the church in the house of a wealthier convert. The only passage in NT which seems to imply the existence of a church, #.e. a building set apart for purposes of worship, is Ja 2? ‘if there come into your synagogue,’ etc. In this passage we have a picture of a Christian place of worship, with seats of honour like the mpwroxaGedpla: in Jewish synagogues. Apparently, then, by the time this Ep. was written, the Jewish Christians of Jerus. (for the writer speaks from the stand- int of the conditions in his own church) had a themselves into a synagogue and built a lace of meeting (cf. Ac 6° 97). The ‘school of i annus,’ in which St. Paul taught at Ephesus (Ac 19°), was, however, not of this kind. It did not supersede the house-congregations (20”, 1 Co 16), but was used, as the context shows (v.?), for the missionary preaching, which had hitherto taken place in the Jewish synagogues. The city-church was composed of a number of these house-churches, and it grew by the addi- tion of new congregations. The first household which had received the apostle generally became the centre of these smaller groups. To its mem- bers, the first-fruits (d7apy7) of the city, a special respect was due (1 Co 16!16), It had been the home of the apostle during his visit, and, in conse- quence, the centre of guidance and direction. In some cases the prominence of some other member caused the centre of the community to shift from the original household; e.g. the house of Mary, the mother of Mark, was at first the centre of church life in Jerus. (Ac 12"), but later (Ac 2118) James’ house appears as the official place of meet- ing. The whole community met together on occa- sions of necessity either at this central house or some other convenient place (e.g. Ac 15% 211%, 1Co 54, 1 Th 5%, Col 4%). Thus, apparently, Gaius received the community in his house when they assembled to meet their apostle and founder Ro 162). The same community met on occasions ior common worship (1 Co 14*), though their num- bers do not allow us to suppose that this could always have been the case. For the purpose of worship the house must have been the unit. But for the purpose of direction and administration the unit was not the house- but the city-congrega- tion (cf. Ac 11” 13! 20%). So the apostle directs his letters to the church of the city, e.g. at Corinth (1 Co 1-3), because the city-church and not the house-church was the primary unit in the regula- tion of affairs. ; The Organization of the Community.—The writer CHURCH of Ac sums up the distinctive elements of the new Christian life in the words (2%) rpocxaprepoiyres r7 bdaxg Tov dmrocrbdwy Kal Ti Kowwrla, TH KAdoE TOL Gprov kal rats mpocevyais (WH), ‘abiding in the teaching of the apostles and the fellowship, in the breaking of the bread and the prayers.’ The words go by pairs, the ‘breaking of the bread’ and ‘the prayers’ making up the common worship of the community, while the ‘teaching’ and the ‘fellowship’ cover the ground of their common life. No community can exist without organiza- tion, least of all a community in which are combined a religion and a common life. But before passing on to ask what was the nature of this organization, we must first see what was the nature of the work to be done, This will be found to group itself under four main heads: (1) The instruction of converts, (2) the collection and administration of the common funds, (3) general administration and direction, (4) discipline. (1) Instruction.—When we remember how slowly the disciples assimilated the teaching of their Master, and what patient and careful labour it needed to perfect their faith, we shall realize the work which was involved in the instruction of new converts when the numbers of the Church were counted by thousands. And if this is true with regard to Jews, how much greater must have been the labour when the community included pure Gentiles, who had scarcely any knowledge of Jewish scriptures, and lacked the sound foundation of Jewish monotheism. The labour of ‘watering’ was not less than the toil of ‘planting.’ The instruction cannot have been confined to the discourse of the services, or the teaching of the apostle in person or by letter. Such a knowledge of the OT as St. Paul presupposes in Gentile converts (e.g. Ro 71, 1 Co 616 918 101, Gal 4214.) could only be the fruit of long and systematic instruction. This was the main work of men like Aquila and Apollos. There was a special ‘gift’ of ‘teaching,’ and a special class of men in the Christian Church who were called ‘teachers’ from the exercise of this gift. Of the content of this teaching we can only say on @ priori grounds that it must have embraced the historical facts on which Christianity is based, together with their doctrinal significance, and the practical rule of life directly grounded on the doctrine. A systematic instruction in the OT writings must have been necessary for Gentiles to understand the very frequent allusions to them and interpretations of them which occur in the Pauline Epp. (e.g. Ro 96ff., 1 Co 101-11, 2 Co 37-15, Gal 421-31, cf. also 2 Ti 316). This last passage shows how the doctrinal and hortatory elements are inextricably interwoven with instruction in a narrower sense. St. Paul’s Epp. also are a good example of the same. ‘The historical facts of OT and of Christ’s life are regarded as facts of doctrinal significance (e.g. Gal 42/31), and from doctrinal truths practical injunctions are drawn as their con- sequences (cf. the ‘ therefore’ in 1 Co 1558, Eph 417, Col 35. 12), The instruction proceeded on the Jewish method of repeated oral teaching (cf. the word xeryyiw, Lk 14, Ac 1825, 1 Co 1419 Gal 66). In NT a convert was baptized as soon as he declared his belief in Christ (Ac 241 and often), but later the practice arose of deferring baptism until the convert had been instructed in the rudiments of the faith, and during this period he was called a ‘catechumen’ (xarnyotpsvos). The content of the teaching had for its kernel first and foremost sayings of the Lord which were remembered and treasured up by those who had known Him (cf. 1 Co 710. 12. 25 914 1123 1487, | Th 42, 1 Ti 518), These floating sayings were at an early date collected into a book of the ‘oracles of the Lord’ (Papias ap. Eus. iii. 39), which was one of the main sources of the Gospels of Mt and Lk. ‘To these sayings of Christ were added the divinely inspired teaching of the apostles and prophets. So there arose gradually a fixed body of teaching bearing the stamp of Christ’s authority (1 Ti 63, 2 Jn 9 or the apostolic approval (Gal 16-9, 1 Th 41.2, 2 Th 215, 2 Ti 118 314, Tit 19). The danger arising from the free activity of the ‘teacher’ was thus lessened by this firm and unalterable foundation of ‘tradition,’ +rapé3eeis, the faith handed on from one to another (2 Th 215 36, Ro 617, 1 Co 153 1123, Lk 12), and guarded by each as a sacred deposit (wapal4xm, 1 Ti 620, 2 Ti 114 22). This accredited teaching is also expressed by phrases such as tiwes didayns (RO 611), brorirecis tyimivovtay Adyar (2 Ti 113, cf. 22), of Aoyvos tus xicrems (1 Ti 45). The especial frequency of suck expressions in the Pastoral Epp. illustrates the more stereotyped form which this teaching assumed when death and imprison: ment were removing the apostles from personal contact with their churches. The frequent recurrence of isolated dicta with the introduction sserds 4 Adyos (1 Ti 115 31 49, 2 Ti 211, Tit 38), shows that such sayings were highly valued and carefully preserved. Finally, after the death of the apostles we have a specimen of the way in which their teachings were collected, in a work which has been preserved to us under the title ‘The Teaching of the Lord through the Twelve Apostles’ (Did. 11). (2) The Management of Common Funds.—(a) Sources of the common revenue.—In the early days of enthusiasm nothing but the surrender of all private property would satisfy the eagernesa of the converts (Ac 245 434), Those who had possessions sold Unem and laid the money at the apostles’ feet as a contribution CHURCH of Jesus Christ,’ Eph 3° ‘which, z.c. the mystery of Christ . . . hath now been revealed unto his holy apostles and prophets in the Spirit,’ cf. 1 Co 13%). Accordingly, in whatever department of the Church’s government they issue their injunctions, they speak in the Spirit (év mvevpart, t.e. under the power of the Spirit, Eph 3°, Rev 1° 43, cf. Ac 214). he Holy Ghost resided in every Christian as a power of supernatural strength ; but He resided in the apostles and prophets as a revealer of God’s will and purpose. The words and actions of apostles and prophets are often spoken of as the words and actions of the Holy Ghost Himself (e.g. Ac 13%, of.* 15% 20%: 8 214, 1 Ti 41, cf. Ignatius, ad Phiiad. %7). They represent, therefore, the pure sneer acy in the same way as the prophets of OT, and in the same way their authority stood above all other as the direct rule of God. In the matter of government they were the only possessors of what we should call a supernatural gift, and there- fore in a pre-eminent degree had the right to rule. (The other supernatural gifts, e.g. tongues, inter- retations of tongues, working o miracles, gifts of es ing, 1 Co 12°": 2, are not gifts connected with government, and need not be considered here.) In making this division, ‘supernatural’ and ‘natural’ gifts, we are, indeed, guilty of drawing a distinction which was not present to the minds of the first Christians. To them every gift was supernatural, because it was the manifestation of the Holy Ghost in the individual. But it is a distinction which exists in the nature of things; and when the Christians regarded revelation os the paramount source of authority, they were unconsciously draw- ing a distinction between ‘supernatural’ and ‘natural’ government. We see, then, that in the apostles and prophets rested an authority which was supreme, because it was based on revelation. Here we have the funda- mental principle of NT church government, viz. direct divine rule of the Holy Ghost as expressing itself through its human mouthpieces the recipients of revelation. But the question we have now to consider is, To what extent was this principle carried out in practice? Did the apostles and rophets monopolize ali the direction of the Church? If we look at the early chapters of Ac, we shall see that this was at first the case. Not only the general supervision, but also the executive work in all its details, falls upon the apostles (cf. 243 495.87 52), But when the work grew too.large for them, a division of labour became necessary, and this led to the appointment of officers called ‘the Seven,’ whose Sark was to receive the offerings and attend to the ‘daily ministration’ of alms to the needy (6°). Here we see the delegation of a definite department of administration. While re- taining their supremacy, the apostles surrender the actaal daily working of.this department to a new class of officers, who were not necessarily apostles or prophets, but eee by popular election (id. LN IF. e hear nothing further of this office after the persecution by which one of its holders lost his life, and the rest were driven away from Jerus. (8), When the community is reassembled, the ‘pres- hyters’ appear in connexion with the administration ot funds (11%). This class of persons is mentioned without introduction, and indeed government by elders was so familiar to Jews, that it is highly robable that from the first the ‘heads of families’ tad held a recognized position of influence. Later we find these same persons torming with the apostles a committee of general management with the widest powers. The great question of Gentile circumcision was first threshed out by tnem (15°; v.42 way 7d 7AjOos does not necessarily imply the whole community), and their decision put before the whole Chareh for approval (v.™), Then’ the VOL, I, —28 CHURCH ' 433 letter tpn ce this decision is drawn up by the committee of apostles and elders (v.*; the reading mpecBurépous Kat ddédpous is now generally aban- doned). At their next appearance we find them in a similar position of authority (21), The government of the Church at Jerus. appears in the hands of a body of presbyters with James at their head. We cannot avoia secing here an imitation of the synagogal government among the Jews. We find with them also a body of elders who manage the affairs of the synagogue (Lk 7°). We may notice in this connexion that the Jewish Christians call their place of worship a synagogue (Ja 2), Government by elders was a tradition among Jews (Nu 11%, Jg 84, 1S 164) which had not declined, as with the Greeks and Romans, but was still active (cf. Mt 21%, Ac 45 2 612 etc. ; Schiirer, HJP § 27). ‘When we find the term, then, used as the name of the governing body in Jerus., it is almost certain that it had a technical meaning. The ‘elders’ were not merely the ‘old men,’ ‘but those among the old men who were selected to manage the affairs ofthecommunity. How, or on what principle, they were selected at Jerus. we donot know. But we find the presbyteral organization in other Chris- tian communities also,—Paul and Barnabas in- troduced it into the Churches founded on the first missionary journey (Ac 14%),— and in this ‘ease they appointed the officers at their own discretion.* hether St. Paul continued this ractice in all his Churches is at least doubtful. e speaks of those in the Church at Thessalonica who ‘labour among you, and are over you in the Lord, and admonish you’ (1 Th 5%); but we cannot prove, except by the analogy of other Churches, that these were not prophets. Writing to the Corinthian Church (1 Co 12°), but speaking of the Church as a whole, he mentions ‘helps (avriAfpes) and ‘governments’ (xvBepyices) in a list of gifts and workers. The names are vague, which suggests that he is using general terms to describe officers bearing different titles in different places. But he has already mentioned in his list ‘apostles’ and ‘ prophets,’ so that he is thinking of had distinct from these. This is important, ecause he is here describing a divinely epeonih (€0ero 6 Oeds) arrangement, i.e. one which in its outlines he understood to be universal. In Ro 128 he mentions 6 rpotcrduevos, but he is here speaking of ‘ gifts,’ some of them common to all Christians, not of officers, and the same men may have com- bined the gifts, cf. the list of gifts in 1 Co 128", He includes, e.g., ‘giving’ (6 peradidovs), ‘ pitying’ (6 édedv). We find, however, another list of officers in Eph 4", where the division is apostles, prep evangelists,t shepherds, and teachers. From the Gr. rods 6¢ rotpmévas kal didacKkddovs we see that he is referring to one class of persons only, and the *The idea of popular election had become by no means an essential element in the meaning of x«porovaiy in later Greek. It is still seen in some instances, e.g. 2 Oo 819, Jos. Ant. vil. xi. 1, but has quite disappeared in many others, ¢.g. Jos. Ant. VI. xiii. 9, rv bxd tol Geod xtxsiporovnpeévor Beowréx. Ibis immaterial to our present purpose whether spsc- Burépovs is here the name of the officers created or of the persons from whom they were chosen, but it would be a singularly abrupt way of speaking to say, ‘They appointed elders for them’ (i.e. to be rulers), xeporovncavris autos rpi- cBurépovs. In a somewhat similar passage, Tit Dive... xara orhons xate xoAsv xpecGvtipous, it’ would be just possible that xptoBuripow, represents the class from which selection is made, because xabioréves (= to set down in a pissy) had & more technical meaning ‘to put into office’; but even here the omission would be strange. With xsiperovéw, which had a vaguer meaning, ‘to appoint,’ the omission would be still more remark- able. + The evangelist was a wandering miesionary working on new ground (Ac 218; Eus. HE ii. 8, iii. 37), and not concerned with the organization of Churches already established. In 2 Ti 48 the word is used in a general (=preacher of the gospel) and not in a special sense. The application to the writers of Gospela is much later, 434 . CHURCH - CHURCH general language (rolunv is never used as the name of an officer, but to describe his position and work, ef. Ac 20%, 1 P 5?, Jude !*) shows that he is think- ing of functions which were universal, while the persons performing them perhaps bore different names. We find, however, presbyters at Ephesus (Ac 201"), whom St. Paul calls éricxémovus, ‘ over- seers’ or bishops (v.%). The letter to the Philip- ians, written some years later than the events escribed in Ac 20, is addressed to ‘the saints... at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons.’ This is the first certain mention of these officers, for émicxérous in Ac 20% has probably only a general sense ‘ overseers,’ and it is by no means certain that didkovos in Ro 16! is sed technically (ef. id. 15® 127), while identifications of the Seven with the deacons, though as early as 2nd cent., are only conjectura] (see DEACON). In the Pastoral Epp. (1 Ti 35) the bishops and deacons appear as the two local officers. (For the relation of presbyters to bishops, see BisHor.) We see from these letters that it was the desire of the writer to establish a uniform organization of bishops and deacons (cf. Tit 15), such as we find as an accom- one ve fact in the next generation (cf. the Ep. of lement of Rome to the Cor., esp. chs. 42, 44). Amongst the Jewish Churches we find the presby- teral organization still in force (Ja 5“); so, too, in 1P 5'™. We see, then, in the local Churches of the apostolic age various stages of organization, tending towards the end of that period to assume a uniform aspect. In the earlier history we find the greatest contrasts in this respect. In the Church of Jerus. we see a highly developed organi- zation with well-marked distinctions of rulers and ruled. But if we turn to the Corinthian Church of the same time, the state of things there pre- sented to us implies organization of a most rudi- mentary type. In the proud consciousness of ‘know- ledge’ (cf. 1 Co 17 8! 146) the individual member laced too great reliance on his own judgment. he result was a forwardness and independence of action on the part of the individual in his private life and in the meetings for public worship (e.g. 8 1470-36), which indicates the absence of firm central control and obedience to authority. The apostle has to teach them that love is better than know- ledge or any other gift (8! 13), that gifts are to be exercised for the benefit of the whole, each in its ok and measure (12!2"-), We have not, then, to eal with an iron uniformity of local organization, but with a variety of degrees. We can trace in the Pauline Epp. the following stages in the growth of organization. (a) At the outset the idea of ruling does not appear. Earnest believers come forward and, according as their gifts permit them, volunteer their services in the work of carrying out the necessary arrangements for the community, in the way of teaching, collecting, and distributing the public alms, etc. The incentive is not the desire to rule, for as yet no position of command is attached to the work, but a purely disinter- ested labour of love. They ‘set themselves to minister to the saints,’ els dteaxovlav ros daylos Eratav éavrovs (1 Co 1615, cf. Ac 1615 4° 1825. 26. 28° Ro a ee Ph 2° 42,1 P 41), (6) Those who thus volunteered were accepted by the apostle in the first instance. They worked under him in the task of constructing the new community. What would be, then, more natural than that in depart- ing he should leave them in charge with instruc- tions how to carry on the work? We cannot suppose that he went away without leaving anyone to superintend the affairs of the infant Church. Such persons are those to whom he alludes as presi ing in the Lord,’ rpotcrdueva ev Kridy, } Th 5", for whom he claims the respect and gratitude due to those who have laboured for the common ‘ood. Bat recognized by the community and the a Compare the position of Stephanas at Corinth (1 Co 165). (c) This position becomes gradually of a more definite and official character. The work of ruling gravitates more exclusively to these presidents, and the appointment becomes more definitely regarded as an appointment. In the Churches of the first missionary journey such a well-marked and definite official position followed after the lapse of, at most, a few months from the first preaching. At Thessalonica (1 Th 5! }%) such a definite position is perhaps not yet established, but there are persons possessed of a recognized authority to preside and admonish. In Corinth the indefiniteness of authoritative rule, suggested by 1 Co 16%: +6, is quite supported by the condition of things described in the Epistle, of which we have already spoken. Then in the later Epp. (Phil. and ie astoral Epp.) we see the gradual tendency to a uniform organization of presbyter- bishops (cf. Ac 20% at Ephesus also) and deacons establishing itself in all the Pauline Churches. Later, as we know from the earliest Christian writings, outside NT, which have come down to us, this organization of bishops and deacons became more and more universal. Among Jewish Chris- tians, where previous writers had spoken only of presbyters, ¢.g. Ja 514, 1 P 5* (with perhaps a hint at the name bishop in 2%), Rev 4‘, et sepe, we find in the Didache the Pauline system of bishops and deacons in full exercise (Dd. 141*). Among Gentile Churches Clement of Rome Pp ad Cor, 42, 44) supposes it to be universal. The single bishop as the centre of all authority in the community appears first at Antioch and in the Asiatic Charekos of the Ignatian Epistles. * Over against the authority of these local officers, which did not extend beyond the single com- munity, stands the universal authority of the apostles and prophets, who constitute the founda- tion of the whole Church (Eph 2”), whose sphere of action is not limited to the single Church (ef. Ac 1177 21%, Did. 11), though they might settle down for some length of time in one place (e.g. Ac 13! 18! 15", Did. 13). What was the practical relation of these two authorities in the actual) working of affairs in the community ? It will be useful, first, to compare the two in regard to the method of their appointment. Every Christian possessed one or more ‘ gifts’ of the Holy Ghost (1 Co 77). These gifts were of many kinds, including all the mental, moral, and spiritual en- dowments of the Christian. Thus we find ‘ mercy,’ ‘almsgiving’ (Ro 128), ‘faith’ (Ro 125, 1 Co 12°), ‘wisdom,’ ‘knowledge’(1Co128), They arethemani- festations of the Spirit in the individual (td. 127). Every one possessing a gift is called to exercise it for the benefit of the community. Every one, therefore, is a minister to the community in his branch of service: ‘each one as he has received a gift, ministering it towards one another as good stewards of the manifold grace of God’ (1 P 4%), According, then, to the ideal of the Christian Church, there would have been no appointed officers, but each Christian would have performed his proper part of the work according to the ‘ gift’ or ‘gifts’ granted to him. In the same way as the Christian was ‘called’ by the grace of God to be a believer, so he was ‘called’ by the gift of God to perform certain functions within the community. Among these gifts was that of ‘prophecy.’ He who possessed, then, the gift of ‘ prophecy’ was ‘called’ to be an apostle or prophet. (For distine- Here we have a status, unofficial indeed, stle, *It is not probable that the ‘angel’ of these Churches ia the | Apec. (120 21.€.12.18 31. 7.14) is meant to be a single eplaccess The messages are given (see the language throughout) directly to the Churches, not through an intermediate representative. CHURCH tion of apostle and prophet see separate articles. The apostle’s authority ranked higher because of his personal contact with the Lord.) So St. Paul speaks of himself, ‘Paul, called to be an apostle of esus Christ through the will of God’ (1 Co 1). He insists strongly on the direct nature of that call, ‘an apostle, not from men, nor through man, but through Jesus Christ and God the Father’ (Gal 1}, ef. Ac 20%, ‘the ministry which I received from the Lord Jesus’), These facts show that he does not consider the events of Ac 13!*, but those of his conversion, as the occasion of his appointment to the apostolate. The appointment of Matthias is not to be taken as typical. In the first place, the appointment was lor a definite position, i.e. to fill up the number of twelve apostles ; secondly, the descent of the Holy Ghost had not yet taken place, and the method of determining by ‘charisma’ was not yet possible. So the method here adopted (t.e. popular election, followed by the final selection by lot between the two thus chosen) is extra- ordinary. Like the apostle, the prophet was a prophet because he possessed the gift of ‘prophecy.’ The Holy Spirit divideth ‘to each one severally even as he will’ (1 Co 12"). It follows, then, cuat the pyre like the apostle, received his appointment y a subjective ‘call,’ i.e. he exercised his authority without reference to human appointment or per- mission. St. Paul gives instructions to Timothy about the appointment of bishops and deacons, but says nothing of prophets. The Didache also pues instructions to elect bishops and deacons, ut is equally silent as to prophets. Nor is this surprising, for the prophet was not an officer, but the exerciser of a spiritual gift. There could be no more question of electing him than of electing those who should speak with tongues. St. Paul’s language in 1 Co 14 (e.g. * ‘if all prophesy,’ ® ‘ if any thinketh himself to be a prophet or spiritual,’ 8 ‘desire earnestly to prophesy’) would be per- plexing if those only were prophets who were appointed to the office of prophet. It presupposes that the number of prophets is not fixed, but indefinite. But, on the other hand, the ‘gift’ might on occasions be regarded as coming through ‘ordination.’ We find instances in which men were alee to carry out a special work through a prophecy put in the mouth of others, e.g. Paul and Barnabas, Ac 13? (but, as we said above, Paul did not regard this as an appointment to the apostolate); also Timothy (1 Ti 1'8 4"), In the case of the latter the ‘gift’ is described as coming to him ‘through prophecy, with the laying on of hands by the presbytery’ (44), or through the laying on of the apostle’s hands (2 Ti 1°). We have here a solemn transmission of gifts by the ‘laying on of hands’ (cf. Ac 8 198), which illus- trates the absence of strict uniformity so character- istic of the first age of the Church. Absolutely fixed rules did not yet exist in either way; but, speacently like the possessor of any other ‘ gift,’ the prophet, ordinarily, was neither appointed nor ordained to office, but the bearer of a ‘ revelation,’ of which he was subjectively conscious. But with the appointment of those who were to manage the daily affairs of the community it was different. The early con- dition of things in which this work was performed by the chance individual in the voluntary exercise of his gift, led (as in Corinth) to disu.der. For the management of everyday adminis- tration, it was necessary, in the nature of things, that definitely recognized persons should undertake the work. The ‘sub- jective’ appointment was found to be impracticable and pro- ductive of confusion, unless confirmed by an objective recogni- tion. And s0, somewhat in the manner described above, the voluntary worker became an officer, since, from the moment that his appointment was determined by the community, or an apostle, or his delegate, organization had begun, and an office was created. The actual machinery of appointment varies con- siderably in NT. We find a system of popular election in the appointment of the Seven (Ac 65), of Barnabas and Saul to pS SUES Se a a CHURCH 435 carry alms to Jerusalem (Ac 1130), and of the officers appointed by the Churches of Macedoniaand Corinth to take the collection to Jerusalem (2 Co 819, 1 Co 163), Presbyters (bishops) and deacons are appointed by the apostle (Ac 1423) or his deleyate (1 Ti 31-18 622, Tit 15-9, Clem. Rom. ad Cor, 42).* In the Duluche we find a system of popular election for bishops and deacons. These appointed officers have this in common with the apostles and prophets, that they are appointed because they have already shown themselves qualified for the work, t.e. because they have the necessary ‘gifts,’ and the will to exercise them (cf. 1 Ti 36.10, Did. 151), The Seven were especially selected because they were ‘of good report, full of the Spirit and of wisdom.’ Those to whom St. Paul gives a semi-official position by enjoin- ing the community to pay respect to them, had ican’ shown their ability for the position. Clement of Rowe, Ep. ad Cor. 42 says the apostle ‘appointed their first-fruits as bishops and deacons after testing them with the Spirit’ (Soxpmceuvres rd wvsyucers) Or, in other words, by first making certain that they really possessed the necessary gifts. When he speaks of the appointment of first converts to be bishops and deacons as a uniform practice of the apostles, his language is more universal than the evidence of NT warrants. This may have been occa- sionally true (e.g. Ro 16°, 1 Oo 1615), but not necessarily universal. In the significance of the word ‘office’ we find the keynote of the relation between the prophetic authority and that of the officers in actual practice. Theoretically, the sphere of ‘revelation’ covered every branch of work; in practice, the actual details of the daily management fell upon the ‘officers,’ while the superior authority of revelation appeared in occasional direction on great questions (e.g. Ac 13!™), or negatively in checking an abuse. Another fact is here brought before us. The apostles and prophets were largely an itinerant order. They belshoed to the whole Church, not to any particular Church. Only occasionally did they settle in a particular place for any length of time. It was, then, impossible for them to carry on the daily administration of a Church in all its details. In no case does this come out more clearly than with regard to the collec- tion and distribution of alms. This department was the first to be separated from the original centralization of all work in the hands of the apostles and put into the hands of ‘ officers.’ Later we find it in the hands of ‘presbyters’ at Jeru- salem (Ac 11%), In Galatia (1 Co 16"), Achaia (2., 2 Co 8. 9), Macedonia (2 Co 8”), the apostle gives general instructions about the collection for the oor brethren of Judea, but the carrying out is eft to local workers. In 1 Ti 3% 8, Tit 17 the qualification for the office of bishops and deacons, that they should not be ‘lovers of money,’ ‘greedy of filthy lucre,’ suggests that dealing with public moneys formed a part of their duties. In Clem. Rom. Ep. ad Cor. 44, they are spoken of as those who ‘offer the gifts,’ rods . . . mpoceveyxdryras Ta dépa. The management of finance constituted in later times also one of the most important of the bishop’s duties.+ In the same way as the manage- * We have here a double aspect, according as the person who appointed proceeded on a ‘revelation’ or his own dis- cretion. Thus, on the one hand, St. Paul speaks of the pres- byters of Ephesus as those ‘ whom the Holy Ghost had appointed bishops’; on the other, he gives Timothy and Titus directions as to the character of those whom they are to select for office (1 Ti 31-18, Tit 15-9), and exhorts Timothy not to proceed with too great haste in this matter (1 Ti 522), both of which suggest that he has in view a system of appointment by their human discretion, not one in which the proper perscns were denoted by a revelation, t Sohm (Ktrchenrecht, i. 73 ff.) assigns to the prophet this function of collection and distribution on the strength of Did. 133 ‘The first-fruits shall be brought to the prophets.’ But this passage is treating of the support of prophets and teachers by the community, not of financial management. It directs that if there are no prophets in the community, these first-fruits are to be given to the poor. And there is no other passage in which the prophets as such appent undertaking these duties. Occasional injunctions given by the prophet as a ‘revelation’ (eg. Did. 119-12) are different from permanent management. Still less is Sohm’s case proved from Did. 15! siporoviicare oby kavtois imsoxémoug xa) Bicxovous a&ioug tod Kupiou, Usbons mpastig xl a&pircpyipoug xa) dsdoxipacuivous’ wus yap Agrroupyedow wal wUTOl THY AuToUpyiay TAY xpodntay xa} diduorxzrov. The yép in this passage is most naturally referred back to &zioug rod Kupiov; this is the main thought which spesis, agirnp yupous, and dsdoxieacpeévovs describe more exactly. But if the 436 CHURCH ment of finance, the daily administration of dis- cipline fell upon the local. officers (cf. 1 Th 51”), as well as all those general duties included in presi- dency. The exact division of labour between the ‘ pro- phetic’ and the local rulers naturally varied with the strength and efficiency of the local organiza- tion. In Jerus., where the local organization was very strong, the work of the prophet sinks into the background. There were prophets at Jerus. (cf. Ac 11”), and their voice was heard on great occa- sions (¢.g. ib. 15% ‘it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us’), but the presbyters are more prominent in the administration of affairs. In Corinth, where the local organization was lax to a degree, St. Paul finds it necessary to issue com- mands on the arrangement of a variety of matters connected with their private life and assemblies for worship, which, in a more organized community, would have been determined by the local officers. Another feature which would affect the relation of apostle and prophet to the local community, is the possibility that, in cases where the prophet was settled in a place, he was also a local ruler, i.e. not qua prophet, but appointed in the regular way ; e.g. Judas and Silas, who were chief men among the brethren (Ac 15”), appear also as prophets (ib. *), In general, the direct rule by revelation appears as initiative in great steps (e.g. Ac 8” 9° 10°. 13? 168 ete.). Growth of the local Ministry.—The closing days of the apostolic age witnessed a rapid advance in the importance of the local officers. The immense growth of the Church made the personal super- vision of the apostle more and more intermittent, and naturally threw more initiative on the bishops. Again, certain dangers developed themselves in Ba tals to prophecy. There had always been a risk that the prophet should introduce a subjective element into the message as it was revealed to him. But this was not all. There arose false apostles (2 Co 111%) and false prophets (Mt 244, Mk 13”, 1 Jn 4!, Rev 168). Against these dangers there existed a special gift called the discernment of spirits (1 Co 12”). In Thessalonica (1 Th 519-23) and Corinth (1 Co 14”) St. Paul found it necessary to remind the Christians to exercise discrimination in regard to the prophet’s message. He lays down also (1 Co 12%) an objective criterion by which the false prophet may be detected (cf. 1 Jn 4!*, Rev 2? 19”), The great rise of false prophets in later days necessarily weakened the authority of the poe and this, again, tended to strengthen the bishops. There are three directions in which this increased authority developed. (1) Teaching.—Of course the apostles and pro- phets were also teachers. Teaching was one of their main functions. But, exactly as in the case of other local administration, the daily burden of drilling new converts probably did not fall on them. Their teaching was occasional. On whom, then, fell the duty of regular teaching? The exist- ence of a regular class of persons called ‘teachers’ answers the question for us. These were persons possessing in an eminent degree the ‘gift’ of teaching (Ro 127, 1 Co 128), 7.e. a power of grasping and imparting the truths of the Christian religion. They were not, like the apostles and prophets, guided by direct revelations, but they counted, next to these, as the third order in the Church (1 Co 12%), They appear, too, in the Didache, as wandering ministers, possessing authority in all Churches, and not confined to any one single Church. Again, they were not appointed to an office of teaching, but became teachers by the vép refers to &p:A«pytpous, this implies no more with regard to the prophet than is said in ch. 11, viz. that the prophet must not demand monetary payment. CHURCH voluntary exercise of their ‘gift’ (cf. Ja 31, 1 Co 415), They appear, then, as a middle stage be. tween the prophetic order and the local adminis- trators, connected with the former by their volun- tary exercise of an authority extending over the whole Church, but having, in common with the latter, no claim to a ‘revelation.’ Teachers, in fact, represent (except that they were not confined to the single Church) the position of the local ruler, before it became transformed, by appoint- ment, into an office. Their right to teach lay in their possession of the gift, and submission te them was the result of a voluntary respect. But every Christian was in some degree a teacher, because ‘every Christian had the responsibility of edifying his brethren (cf. Col 3!%). And the local ruler was, from the very nature of his position, a teacher in a higher degree (cf. 1 Th 5”), With the growth of the tendency, already described, of incor ee the apostolic teaching into an approved body o tradition, the work of handing on this sacred ‘deposit’ became tied: of the bishop’s duty. Timothy is enjoined to select faithful men, and instruct them carefully in this apostolic teaching (2 Ti2?). At the same time, the voluntary teacher, who was teaching on his own lines, became dis- credited, in a similar manner as the prophet, by the rise of false teachers (1 Ti 4! 6° etc.). Every- thing tended, therefore, to throw extra weight upon these accredited teachers, and diminish the authority of the others. But in 1 Ti 3?, Tit 1° St. Paul expresses the desire that the bishops shall be persons who possess, in an eminent degree, the ‘gift’ of teaching: in 1 Ti 5” he crders that elders who ‘labour in the word and in teaching’ (t.e. who are also teachers) shall be especially honoured (ef. Eph 4! rods 6¢ roimévas kai didacKkddovs, te. local Aes of administration and teaching). Finally, he regards these rulers as the special guardians of the faith, the supporters of true and destroyers of false doctrine (Ac 207%, 'Tit 1°", ef. He 131”). Thus, on the one hand, the voluntary teacher was tending to become merged into the official bishop ; and, on the other, the bishop was acquiring an authoritative right to teach. In the Didache the teacher still appears by the side of the prophet, but nothing is said of him separately, which shows that his importance was of the nature of a survival rather than active. The bishops and deacons, however, are spoken of as also performing the service of the prophets and teachers (15'), Thus we see in the Didache that what St. Paul desired had come to pass, viz. the bishops were all teachers. (2) Sptritual Functions.—The ‘ruler’ had at first no per iies right within the assemblies for wor- ship except that he presided. The right of the ‘word’ belonged to every one who Pgpicis a gift of speaking, and this was possessed in an eminent degree by the ‘ prophets,’ who were regarded with a higher respect than any other possessors of ¥ of speaking.’ Now, when we turn to the Didache (chs. 9. 10) we find a fixed liturgy prescribed for the Eucharist, with formal prayers for the conse- cration of the cup and the breaking of the bread, and, at the close of the service, the whole is followed by the injunction, ‘But permit the prophets to give thanks as much as they will,’ rots 6¢ rpopyrats émitpémere evxapiorety boa Oédover. The contrast rois 5é mpopyrais, x.7.d., implies that the jiwed formula of prayer was uttered, not by a ‘ prophet,’ but by a bishop in his absence, or in addition to the free ‘ giving of thanks.’ This prominence of the bishop in spiritual functions, which he shared with the ‘prophet’ and ‘ teacher,’ is alluded to in the sen- tence already quoted (Did. 151), ‘For they also perform for you the service of the prophets and teachers.’ There were cases in which no ‘ prophet’ or ‘teacher’ was present in the community (Did. CHURCH 13°), and in their absence functions which were mainly entrusted to them fell upon the bishops and deacons. This applies, not only to spiritual, but also to other functions. The advance of bishops and deacons to some- thing approaching an exclusive right to certain ministerial arts seems to have arisen somewhat as follows. In certain cases there were actions to be performed on behalf of the community which it was more convenient to carry out by means of a few representatives than by the whole body. This was, ¢€.g., especially the case with the ‘laying on of hands’ at ordination. These acts were then naturally transferred to the acknowledged repre- sentatives of the assembly (the presbytery, 1 Ti 44), In the same way James (5") directs that if any one is ill and desires the help of others’ prayers for his physical and spiritual healing, he shall send for the ‘presbyters’ of the Church; not that the presbyters possess any exclusive privilege in this respect, for it is as ‘believers’ and ‘just men’ (vv.'5-17) that their prayers are potent, but because they are the natural representatives of the Church. In the Apoc. it is the elders who lead in the heavenly worship (4! 514 1124 18 194), and present the prayers of the saints on behalf of the Church (5°). (3) vet Alaeai the apostles one by one died or were hindered by imprisonment, ete., from personal communication with their Churches, and the position of the prophets and teachers began to decline, it was inevitable that the bishops and deacons, who were absorbing teaching and spiritual functions, should increase their powers of dis- cipline. If we may argue from natural causes and the analogy of the Jewish elders, it will appear extremely probable that the presbyter from the first’ had enjoyed a recognized authority in matters of daily discipline. The maintenance of discipline was indeed part of the duty of every Christian, because every ‘gift’ entitled the possessor to admonish and exhort. It belonged to the prophet or teacher in a pia way, because these were gifted in a special degree, and to the elder through the respect due to old age. But the Pastoral Epistles mark the appearance of a public discipline to be exercised by the bishops. This is the signifi- cance of the direction that the bishop is to be ‘no striker, but gentle, not contentious’ (1 Ti 3%, ef. Tit 17). We see here a foundation laid for the establishment of public discipline, with its authority residing in the hands of the bishops. LiTERATURE.—For further details on the separate officers see the artt. on Aposriz, Bisuor, Deacon, ProrustT, TEACHER. On the question of Church organization the following may be con- sulted :—Rothe, Die Anfdnge d. christl. Kirche, 1837; Baur, Ueber den Urspr. d. Episkopats, 1888; Ritschl, Die Ensteh. d. altkathol. Kirche, 1857; Lightfoot, ‘The Christian Ministry,’ in Comm. on Philipp. 1868 (also in Dissert. on Ap. Age, 1892) ; Be , Die christl. Gemeindeverfassung im Zeitalter des N.T., 1876; Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches, 1880; Kihl, Die Gemeindeordnung in den Pastoral- briefen, 1885; Léning, Die Gemeindeverfassung des Urchristen- thums, 1888; Lefroy, The Christian Ministry, 1890; Sohm, Kirchenrecht, 1ter Band, Die gesch. Grundlagen, 1892 (reviewed by E. Kohler in TAL., No. 24, 1892); Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, 1893; Gore, The Ministry of the Church, 1893; Harnack, Die Lehre der zwilf Apostel, 1893: Cramer, Die Fortdauer der Geistesgaben in der alten Kirche; Réville, Les origines de l Episcopat., 1894; Hupfeld, Die apost. Urge- meinde nach der Ap. Gesch, 1894 ; Kahl, Lehrsystem des Kirchen- rechts u. der Kirchenpolitik, 1te Hilfte, 1894; also the Histories of the Apostolic Age given at the end.* (D) The whole Church.—Every baptized believer _ is a member of the Church. The Church universal is therefore the company of all the believers, ‘all that call upon the name of the Lord Jesus in every lace’ (1 bo 1?), te. the sum of all the single hurches. Christ prayed for the unity of His * While this article is in the press, another very important contribution to the literature of the subject has appeared in Hort’s Christian Ecclesia, 1897. CHURCH 437 future believers (Jn 17-1), that they might be one, cf. Jn 10 ‘Other sheep have I which are not of this fold: them also I must bring, and they shall hear my voice; and they shall become one flock, one shepherd.’ And under the training of His apostles the local communities, wherever situated, regarded themselves as members of one body. Each was a Church of God (1 Co 17, 1 Th 24, 2’ Th 14) in Jesus Christ (Ro 16!%, Gal 122). All believers are ‘brethren’ and fellow-saints without respect of nation or rank. On this feature of the Christian teaching St. Paul dwells most strongly, both as regards the individual Christians (e.g. 1 Co 12) and the indi- vidual communities (e.g. Eph 270-2 4312.16) What, then, were the grounds on which this consciousness of unity were based ? 1. Strongest of all was the identity of relation between all believers and the Persons of the Holy Trinity (Eph 44). By baptism all entered into a corporate society (Ac 24, Gal 37"), and that society is the ‘body of Christ’ (1 Co 12%), Faith has cleansed all from their former sins, has recon- ciled all to God, united all to Christ, and procured for each the presence of the Holy Ghost and His gifts within him. Every Christian has been called with the same calling to the same faith, enters by the same baptism into unity with the same Christ, receives the gifts of the same Spirit, owns the same Lord, worships the same God the Father, and is filled with the same hopes (Eph 45), This is far more than a mere unity of belief: it is the conscious- ness of a common spiritual power (Eph 1°) working mightily and manifestly in each one. Hand in hand with it follows its practical result in 2. Participation of a common Life.—The adoption of Christianity, which snapped so many of the old social ties both for Jew and for heathen, at the same time opened to the convert conditions and precepts of life for the most part new to ancient ideals. The hatred of the Jews and the contempt of the Gentiles, which drove the Christians into one another’s arms, at the same time accentuated the division which separated them from the rest of the world. Common unpopularity made them feel their own unity. This affected primarily the single community, but in a lesser degree the whole Church. Within the community the persecuted Christians found an ideal of conduct which drew them together with the ties of brotherhood (45e\gpol). The first Christian community started with the principles of a family life, and when the practical conditions of these early days died out, the idea of the ‘household of faith > still remained active. It expressed itself in the common worship and in the common daily life which we have described above. The sketch of that life, as we have given it, is in many respects an ideal. It is drawn not only from the statements, but also from the injunctions of NT, and therefore we must not suppose that it was always faithfully carried out. In fact, complaints of coney and even cases of serious wickedness (esp. 1 Co 5'), prove that it was not so. But it was an authoritative ideal, and an ideal the acceptance of which implied a great separation from the heathen world, and was there- fore one of the most potent factors in confirming the consciousness of Christian unity. We have described the basis of Christian unity under the two headings of a common belief and a common life. It remains to see how this was strengthened by more personal means. These were (a) acommon government. To its founder a Church naturally looked for guidance in the creation of its first institutions. But beyond its respect to the founder was the universal respect due to the prophet, and above all to the apostle. And the latter stood at the head of the Church government because he had derived his teaching from the Lord 438 CHURCH CHURCH directly. ment of the Church the rule of a united band which traced its authority back to Christ. In spite of differences due to individual character and scope of work, the apostolic teachiny avreed in its main outlines, so that the Church can be said to have been under the government of one We have, then, in the apostolic govern- common principle. (b) The intercourse between Churches. There exists no higher proof of the facilities afforded by the Roman government for travel and intercourse, than the evidence to be seen in NT of the close relations which the early Churches kept up with one another. (See esp. on this subject Th. Zahn, Skizzen aus dem Leben der alten Kirche.) This intercourse was kept up mainly by those who were travelling for the Church or on private business. Amongst the first class, of course, the apostles stand out most prominently, but only second to the extent of their journeyings comes that of their helpers and sibesdan es The prophets, too, were great travellers (¢.g. Ac 117 etc.). As conspicuous examples of the extent of private travels we may point to the wanderings of Aquila and Priscilla, whom we find first in Italy (Ac 182), then in succession at Corinth (76.), Ephesus (1818, 1 Co 16!*), Rome (?) (Ro 16°), Ephesus (2 Ti 4") ; or those of Onesiphorus (2 Ti 1)”: 8) ; or the journeys involved in the collection and delivery of the Gentile collection for the poor of Judza (e.g. Ac 11°, 1 Co 168, 2Co 8!8 1%), and the carriage of the apostles’ letters. And besides the wander- ings of official or well-known Christians, it must be remembered that there was a constant stream of other Christians moving from place to place on private business, who attached themselves to the community, and found init a welcome and _ hospi- tality until they passed on farther (cf. Did. 12; 1 Ti 5”, He 132). Intercourse by letter was also very frequent. A fruitful cause of this corre- spondence was the practice of furnishing travellers with letters of recommendation (cvararixal ém- arodal; cf. Ac 18%”, 2 Co 31). We have instances of other correspondence in the letter of the Jerusalem Church to that of Antioch (Ac 15”), and the letter of the Roman to the Corinthian Church (Clem. Rom. Ep. ad Cor.). How far, then, did all this lead to the establish- ment of one organic unity, or of a higher unity of organization than the city-Church? We find, in- deed, in a sense, an organic unity embracing the whole Church in the earliest period. In the Church of Jerus., and esp. in the apostles, is to be seen a centralization of government stretching over all the existing Church, viz. Juda, Samaria, Galilee, and the district around Antioch, i.e. Syria and Cilicia (cf. Ac 84 992 1])-2 22), This condition of things continued nominally until the time of the conference at Jerus. (Ac 157%). But St. Paul’s visit to Jerus. on this occasion (which must be taken as identical with that described in Gal 21-1), beyond establishing the freedom of the Gentiles from circumcision, led to a further very important result. Now that a purely Gentile Church was possible, St. Paul saw that not only the separation of distance, but also in a greater degree the vast difference of life and thought, between the Pal. Jew and the ordinary Greek or Roman, made it impolitic that the centralization of power in the Church of Jerus. should continue. And the ‘pillar’ apostles, after convincing themselves of his authority and ability, resigned to him the care of the Gentiles, while they contented themselves with the management of the Jewish Churches (Gal 26°), The partition of authority here described was not regarded by either side as a rigid separa- tion of spheres. The main work of the Apostle of the Gentiles was with Gentiles, while that of the pillar apostles was with Jews. Thus it was the practice of St. Paul to preach to the Jews first when breaking up new ground (see Ac 13-end, passim), and he occasionally, though very rarely, addressed himself to Jews in his epistles (e.g. Ro 211), Again we find St. Peter active at Antioch (Gal 2"), Corinth (?) (1 Co 1%), and Rome. St. James addressed his Epistle to the Jews of the Dispersion, 1!; and 1 Pis Sayeed: not only to Jews, but also to Gentiles throughout Asia Minor (cf. } 45) ata time when St. Paul was probably still liv:ng. Nor was the separation accompanied by any bit- terness in the relations between the two parties. The pillar apostles gave to St. Paul and Barnabas the ‘right hand of fellowship.’ These promised in turn to remember the poor of Judza, and we know that the promise was faithfully kept. St. Paul always speaks with deep affection and respect of the Judean Christians (e.g. 1 Th 24, Ro 1577). The momentary break with St. Peter (Gal 2"), and the efforts of some to exaggerate and prolong its etfects (1 Co 1/2 372), did not impede his recognition of the deeper truth, that all differences found their unity in Christ (3). Within these two great divisions, each of which had something of an organic unity in its common rule, resulting to a large extent in common prac- tice (e.g. 1Co 146 14%), appear smaller divisions, according to the Roman provinces. Such are the Churches of Judeea (Gal 1”, 1 Th 2"), Galatia (Gal 12, 1 Co 16!), Macedonia (2 Co 8'), Achaia (Ro 15%, 2Co 1! 9), Asia (1 Co 161°), Syria and Cilicia (Ac 15-41). This grouping was also something more than a mere form of speech. The Churches of Galatia (1 Co 16!), Macedonia (2 Co 8%), and Achaia (1 Co 168, 2Co 8-9) each formed a separate whole for the purposes of gathering and. delivering to Jerus. the collection for the poor of Juda. Officers were appointed by each Wess to act for and re- present the province in this respect (1 Co 16%, 2Ce 1%. 3), St. Paul particularly notes the close and affectionate relationship which bound together the Macedonian Churches (1 Th 47°), These provincial Churches (it is to be noted that éxk\yola is never used of the Church of a province, but always éxxAnola, ‘the Churches’) had their natural centre in the capital city (e.g. Corinth, 2 Co l!; Ephesus, Ac 19!; ef. Rev 2! where it comes first in the list of the seven Churches). At a later period these districts were in some cases temporarily put under the authority of an apostolic delegate, e.g. Timothy in Asia (1 Ti 1’), Titus in Crete (Tit 15), At the end of the apostolic age we find the Churches of Asia under the guidance of St. John (Rev 14), The extent of the apostolic Church included Palestine, Phoenicia (Ac 15%), Syria (the region around Antioch), Asia Minor (1 P 1H), Macedonia, Achaia, Ulyricum (Ro 15", 2 Ti 4™), Italy (Ac 281), Crete, and Cyprus. Thus much we know from certain evidence in NT. But there were doubtless many other Churches which are not mentioned, and which, nevertheless, were founded before the close of the NT period. It is quite probable that St Paul uimaatt preached in Spain (cf. Ro 15%; Clem. Rom. ad Cor. 5; Murat. Fragment, 1. 38). The Church of Alexandria ascribed its foundation to St. Mark (Eus. HE ii. 16, 24; Epiph. Her. li. 6; Jer. de vir. illust. 8; Nicephorus, HZ ii. 43; Acta Barnabe). And without setting any value on the traditions (e.g. in Eus. HZ i. 13, iii. 1) current in the later Ciara we may well refrain from drawing any arguments from the silence of NT in this respect. III. THE IDEAL CHURCH.—So far as we have pro- ceeded hitherto, we have considered the word éx- x\nola always in the sense of the Christian body in its actual state of imperfection. We come now to a conception of the Church in which the empirical CHURCH CHURCH GOVERNMENT 439 idea disappears and an ideal Church appears, still capable of pues indeed, in some of the similes under which it is depicted (e.g. Eph 41°), but free from all the negative elements of evil. From one point of view, every Christian can be regarded as perfe t. He was washed by baptism from every stain (cf. 1 Co 64, He 104, 1 Jn 3°), and from hence- forth is holy (dys) The Christians are ‘the saints’ (ol dy). So the distinction of the ideal from the actual body of Christians was a thought which lay near at hand. It is the actual Church to which reproof and blame are addressed ; the ideal which ‘shall judge the world,’ 1Co 62. It is the actual Church upon the foundation of which some build badly and some well (1 Co 3%"), the ‘ great house’ in which some are ‘vessels unto honour’ and some ‘vessels unto dishonour’ (2 Ti 2?) ; it is the ideal which is a ‘holy temple of God’ (vaés= shrine) (1 Co 31”), sanctified and cleansed by ‘the washing of water with the word... a glorious Church not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing holy and without blemish ’ (Eph 5” 27), The metaphors under which the ideal Church is coc of, and its relation to Christ expressed, are of three kinds—(a) the Church as a building, (0) ae as a body (cGya), (c) the Church as a ride. (1) The Church as a Building.—This very natural comparison is, according to St. Matt., as old as the time of Christ Himself (Mt 1618 ‘On this rock I will build my Church’). St. Paul (1Co 310-15) compares the growth of the Corinthian community with that of a building, of which he himself laid the foundation, and upon which othersare building. He then (still referring primarily to the Corinthian community) passes directly in v.16 to the idea of the finished building, ‘ Ye are a temple of God.’ The word used for ‘temple,’ y«é-, means properly an inner shrine or sanctuary, and St. Paul evidently has in his mind the Holy of Holies in the temple at Jerusalem where ‘the Lord sitteth upon the cheru- bims’(2 K 1915), as the Holy Ghost has His shrine in the éxxayoia (cf. 2 Co 616, and for the same thought in regard to the individual believer 1Co 619). Then follows in the Ephesian Ep. the con- ception of the whole Church as a ‘holy temple,’ a ‘habitation of God’ in which the individual Christians or communities are the rts, each fitting into his proper place and the whole held fagether by Christ, the chief cornerstone (Eph 220-22), Here, where the thought is that in Christ Jew and Gentile are made one building by the breaking down of the ‘middle wall of partition’ (v.14), Christ is the cornerstone and the apostles and prophets the foundation. But in 1 Co 319, where the thought is the building up of the community, Christ is the foundation, and the apostles, etc., the builders. (2) The Church as a Body (cdipe).—The idea of the Christian unity in Christ seems to have suggested the comparison of the society to a human body, in which the individuals are members, each performing, according to his ‘ gift,’ his proper function, and accepting his proper position (Ro 125), Then comes the identi- fication of this Christian body with the body of Christ (1.Co 1212. 27, cf. 615, Jn 151ff-), a conception which culminates in the idea of the believers all partaking in the one body of Christ in the Eucharist i Co 1017, Jn 651f.). Not until the later Epp. is the ixxAncia called outright the ‘body of Christ’ (Eph 123 412 523, Col 118. 24 219), In the earlier Epp. it is the vaguer ‘ we,’ ‘ you,’ t.e. primarily the community to which the apostle is writing, although the secondary idea of the whole Church was probably also present to his mind (Ro 125, 1 Co 1213. 27, cf. 615). In this relation Christ is sometimes identified with the whole body (1 Co 1213. 27), but in the later Ee. He is called the Head, as the rdian and director (Eph 523.24), as the source of its life, lling it with His fulness (Eph 173), as the centre of its unity and the cause of its growth (Eph 415, Col 219). These last two assages represent the actual Church as growing gradually to Eis ideal perfection. : (3) The Church as a Bride.—We have to do here, not only with an ideal conception, but also with the further step of a personi- fication. The comparison of the single community to a virgin is found first in 2Co 112 ‘I espoused you to one husband that I ight present you as a pure virgin to Christ.’ Here the idea of Christ as the bridegroom is also present. The expressions 4 evvexaixr4 (1 P 513), ¥ ixdczry, ddeagy (2 Jn 18), % ixdcary xupio {tb.1), are also applied to single communities. But the applica- tion of this personification to the whole Church as the Bride of Christ isa step beyond these. We are here, says St. Paul (Eph 632), face to face with a great mystery. Man and wife become one flesh, so that a man should love his wife as his own body. The Church is the Bride of Christ ; the two are one body, just as man and wife are one body; and as Christ loved the Church and gave Himself up for it, so the husband should love his wife. -Wesee here how closely connected is this conception with that of the Church as the body of Christ. The union of the two ideas is seen also in the relation of the individual Christian to Christ (1 Co 615f). As man and wife become one flesh, so he who cleaveth to Christ (the expression 6 xorrdpsvos 7a Kupiw is parallel to 6 zoArdeavos +H xépym) becomes one ‘ spirit‘ (asic) with Him, and belongs to His (spiritual) body,—‘ your bodies are members (én) of Christ.’ The idea of the Church as bride is found also in the imagery of the Apocalypse. The marriage table is spread (Rev 197), the bride is arrayed in fine linen, ‘ which is the righteous acts of the saints’ (ib.8). Inc. 20 the powers of evil are bound or destroyed, and the New Jeru- salem comes down out of heaven as a ‘bride adorned for her 2 ae ’ (212); ‘she is the Bride, the wife of the Lamb’ (ib.9 SUMMARY.—Such were the life and teaching of the Church in NT times. If we compare them with that of the succeeding age, two features stand out as specially characteristic of the earlier period. The first is the much more vivid conscious- ness of the power and presence of God in His Church. The apostles, who were daily with them, had all been in close contact with Ne Lord, and most of them during a period of some years. The risen Lord was to them a living memory, and they imparted to the Church the force of that memory in all its freshness. The power of the Holy Ghost also was a fact of which men were more directly conscious in themselves than at any other time. Never have the central truths of Christianity—the position of Christ and the significance of His death —been more powerfully realized, and at no time has the Christian life in its practice been more closely connected with, and Hereel from, that belief. To the fixed apostolic tradition of doctrine and life all succeeding ages have looked as their authority. But in the strongest contrast with this fixedness of doctrine and moral life, stands the freedom from formal conditions in questions out- side these. Thus, if we turn to the organization we notice the informal way in which offices grew up, and the comparative absence (until the close of the period) of a fixed division of labour. It is char- acteristic also of the time, that most of the technical terms are used also in a general sense, e.g. mpeo- Burepos, didxovos (dtaxovla, dtaxovéw) diddoKxados. Or, if we turn to the worship, we are struck by the freedom of speech, the absence of exclusive minis- terial rights, of a formal liturgy and fixed ritual, except in the case of baptism, laying on of hands, and the Eucharist. n the transition period immediately following the apostolic age came the fixing of organization with its clear-cut division of labour, and the stereotyping of liturgies and ritual. And along with these developments came, at once their cause and their effect, the decline of the prophet and prophecy. GENERAL LITERATURE ON CHURCH.—The Ohurch Histories of the Apostolic age; esp Neander, Hist. of the Planting and Training of the Christian Church (Eng.), 1861; Thiersch, Hist. of Christian Church in Ap. Age (Eng.}, 1852; Baur, Church Hist. of the First Three Centuries (Eng.), 1879 ; Renan, Origines du Christianisme, 1883 ; Schaff, Hist. of Ap. Age, 1886; Lechler, Ap. Age (Eng.), 1886; Pressensé, Le siécle Gportoligue, 1889 ; Moller, Ch. Hist. (Eng.), 1892; Weizsicker, Ap. Age (Eng.), 1895. Further, Kostlin, Das Wesen der Kirche nach Lehre und Gesch. des NT, 1872; Seeberg, Der Begriff der christlichen Kirche, 1887 ; Harnack, Hist. of Dogma (Eng.), 1894. S. C. GAYFORD. CHURCH GOYERNMENT IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE.—Our knowledge of Church government in the Cares age comes almost entirely from the NT. We can glean something from Clement and the Teaching; but with Ignatius we are already in a new age, and later writers are too full of later ideas to help us much. Besides this, things were in a fluid and transitional state, com- pees on one side by the indefinite authority eld in reserve by the apostles, on the other by the ministry of gifts, which was crossed, but not yet displaced, by the local ministry of office. The general development is clear, though its later stages may fall outside NT times, The apostles were of necessity the first rulers of the Church; then were added gradually divers local and unlocal rulers; then the unlocal died out, and the local settled down into the three permanent 440 CHURCH GOVERNMENT orders of bishops, elders, and deacons. The chief disputed questions are of the origin of the local ministry, of its relation to the other, and of the time and manner in which it settled down. Twice over St. Paul gives something like a list of the chief personsof the Church. In1Co1l2*%hecounts up ‘first, apostles; second, prophets ; third, teachers ; then powers; then gifts of healings, helps, govern- ments, kinds of tongues.’ A few years later (Eph 41") his list of gifts for the work of service (duzxovia) is ‘some apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some pastors and teachers.’ At the head, then, of both lists is the Apostle. The apostles were not limited to the Eleven, or to the number twelve. Whether our Lord ever recognized Matthias or not, Paul and Barnabas (e.g. 1 Co 9°) were certainly apostles, and we may safely add (Gal 1°) James the Lord’s brother. There are traces of others, and the old disciples Andronicus and Junias (Ro 167) even seem to be called ‘ notable’ apostles. On the other hand, Timothy is tacitly (2 Co 1) excluded. The apostle’s qualification was first and foremost to have seen (Ac 1°, 1 Co 9}-?) the risen Lord, and to have been sent out by Him ; secondly, to have wrought (2 Co 1212) ‘the apostle’s signs.’ His work was to bear witness of the things he had seen and heard (e.g. Ac 18)—in short, to preach ;, and this implied the founding and general care of Churches, though not their ordinary ad- ministration. St. Paul interferes only with gross errors or with corporate disorder; and he does not advise the Corinthians on further questions with- out hinting that they might have settled them for themselves, His mission was (1 Co 12”) simply to Pees so that he had no lecal ties, but moved rom city to city, sometimes working for a while from a centre, but more commonly moving about. * Next tothe apostle comes the Prophet. He, too, sustained the Church, and shared with him (Eph 2° 3°) the revelation of the mystery. He spoke ‘in the Spirit’ words of warning, of comfort, or it might be of prediction. His work was universal like the apostle’s, but he was not like him an eye-witness of the resurrection, so that he needed not to have ‘seen the Lord.’ Nor did ‘the care of all the Churches’ rest on him. His office, so far as we know, was purely spiritual, and there is nowhere any hint that he took a share in the administration of the Churches. Women, too, might prophesy, like Philip’s daughters (Ac 21%) at Cesarea, or the mystic Jezebel (Rev 2”) at Thyatira. Yet even in the apostolic age we see the beginnings (1 Th 5%) of diseredit, and false prophets flourishing (2 P, Jude). After the prophet comes a group of reachers, followed in 1 Co 1278 by special ‘ gifts of ealings, helps, governments, kinds of tongues.’ It will be seen that the lists have to do with a ministry of special gifts, and leave no place for an ordinary local ministry of office, unless it comes in under ‘helps and governments,’ or ‘pastors and teachers.’ Any such ministry must therefore have been subordinate to the other: yet there is ample ee that one existed from a very early time, e have (1) the appointment of the Seven in Ac 6: (2) elders at Jerusalem in 44, in 50, and again in 58; mentioned by’ James and Peter; Br ednited by Paul and Barnabas in every Church about 48; at Ephesus in 58: (3) bishops and deacons at Philippi in 63; Phebe a deaconess at Cenchrex in 58. Also (4) in the Pastoral Epistles, Timothy and Titus are in charge of four distinct orders of bishops (or elders), deacons, deaconesses (1 Ti 3% yuvatkas, not ras yuvatxas, cannot be the wives of deacons), and widows. This great de- velopment, which some think points to a much later date, seems fairly accqynted for by the vigorous growth of Church life and the need of organization which must. have been felt near the CHURCH GOVERNMENT end of the apostolic age. To complete our state. ment of the evidence, we may add (5) ths vedrepos who carried out Ananias (Ac 5°), though the tacit contrast with mpecBirepo is clearly one of age, not of office, for we note that veayicxo: buried Sapphira ; (6) the prominent position of James at Jerus. in 44 (Ac 12"), in 50, and in 58; and (7) of Timothy and Titus at Ephesus and in Crete; (8) the indefinite mpoiorduevo. of 1 Th 5! and the equally indefinite rulers (7yovmeror) of an unknown Church (He 137 !") of Heb. Christians shortly before 70; and (9) the angels of the seven Churches in Asia. Our questions may be conveniently grouped round the later orders of bishops, elders, and deacons—taken, however, in reverse order. i. DEACONS.— The traditional view, that the choice of the Seven in Ac 6 is the formal institu- tion of a permanent order of deacons, does not seem unassailable. The opinion of Irenzus, Cyprian, and later writers is not decisive on a question of this kind; and the vague word daxorla , (used too in the context of the apostles themselves): is more than balanced by the avoidance of the word deacon in the Ac (e.g. 218 fiAlarmov Tod evay- yeduoTod bvros ex trav éxrd). If we add that the Seven seem to rank next in the Church to the apostles, we may be tempted to see in them (if they are a pe office at all) the elders whom we find at Jerus. in precisely this position from 44 onward. In this case we are thown back on the Philippian Church in 63 for the first mention of deacons. As, however, Phoebe (Ro 16!) was deaconess at Cenchreas in 58, there were probabl deacons before this at Corinth, though there is no trace of them in St. Paul’s Epistles to that Church. ii. ELDERS.—We first find elders at Jerus. (Ac 11%) readvine the offerings from Barnabas and Saul in 44, ey are joined (15°) with the apostles at the Conference in 50, and with James in 58 (218), As Paul and Barnabas appoint elders (14) in every city on their first missionary vie $ we may infer that Churches generally had elders, though there is no other express mention of them before 1 Peter and the Pastoral Epistles, unless we adopt an early date for Ja 5“, where, however, it is not certain that the word is official. The difference of name between elders and bishops may point to some difference of origin or function; but in NT (and Clement) the terms are more or less equivalent. Thus the elders of Ephesus are reminded (Ac 20%) that they are bishops. So, too, we find sundry bishops in the single Church of Philippi. In the Pastoral Epistles, Timothy appoints bishops and deacons, Titus elders and deacons, though (1 Ti 5”) Timothy also has elders under him. The qualifications also of a bishop as laid down for Timothy are practi- cally those of the elder as described to Titus, and mae point to ministerial duties in contrast to what we call episcopal. Though the elder’s proper duty is to ‘rule’ (1 Ti 5”), he does it subject to Timothy, much as a modern elder rules subject to his bishop. iii. BisHops.—Is there any trace of an order of bishops in NT? The name of a bishop, as we have seen, is applied to elders; but are there permanent local officials, each ruling singly the elders of his own city? This is the definition of the ss when he first appears distinct from his elders; an if we find this, we find a bishop, whatever he may be called. The instances commonly given are James the Lord’s brother at Jerus., Timothy and Titus in Ephesus and Crete, and the angels of the seven Churches. The plural rulers (He 137”) of q single Church are hardly worth mention. ow, James was clearly the leading man of the Church at Jerusalem. His strictness of life and his near CHURCHES, KOLBERS OF CIELED, CIELING 441 relation to the Lord (a more important matter with Easterns than with us) must have given him enor- mous influence. But influence is one thing, office is another. No doubt he had very much of a bishop’s position, and his success at Jerus. may have suggested imitation elsewhere; but there is nothing recorded of him which requires us to believe that he held any definite local office. The case of Timothy and Titus is a stronger one, for we know that they appointed and governed elders like a modern bishop. But this is work which must be done in every Church, so that a man who does it is not necessarily a bishop. Neither Timothy nor Titus is a permanent official, and Titus is not con- nected with any particular city. They are rather pemporary vicars-apostolic, sent on special mis- sions to Ephesus and Crete. The letters by which we know them are (2 Ti 49, Tit 3!) letters of recall ; and there is no serious evidence that they ever saw Ephesus and Crete again. Titus is last heard of (2 Ti 4°) in Dalmatia, Timothy from the writer to the Hebrews (13%), a work which there is no reason to connect with Ephesus. There remain the angels of the seven Churches; and it would be very bold to take these for literal bishops. In addition to the general presumption from the symbolic char- acter of the Apoc., there is the particular argument that ‘the woman Jezebel’ at Thyatira (Rev 2°—the reading Thy yuvaikd cov would make her the angel’s wife) can hardly be taken literally. Moreover, these angels are praised and blamed for the doings of their Churches in a way no literal bishop justly can be. It is safer to take them as personifications of the Churches. Our general conclusion is, that while we find deacons and elders (or bishops in NT sense) in the apostolic age, there is no clear trace of bishops (in e later sense), or of any apostolic ordinance that avery Church was to have its bishop. This conclu- aion is fully confirmed by Clement and Ignatius. If Corinth had had a bishop in Clement’s time, or been remarkable or blameworthy in having no bishop, we should scarcely have failed to hear of it in a letter called forth by the unjust deposition of certain elders. Instead of this, it seems clear that the elders at Corinth had no authority of any sort over them to compose their quarrels. Ignatius certainly uses the most emphatic language in urging obedience to the bishop; but the greater his emphasis the more significant is the absence of any appeal (Trail. 7 is not one) to any institution of an order of bishops by the apostles. The absence of an argument which would have rendered all the rest superfluous, seems nothing less than an ad- mission that he knew of no such institution. Nevertheless, his earnestness implies apostolic sanction. Episcopacy must have originated before the apostles had all passed away; and its early strength in Asia cannot well be explained without some encouragement from St. John. But it must have been at first local and partial, and due per- haps to more causes than one. On one side, the need of firmer government after the apostles and prophets died out, would often tend to raise the chairman of the elders into something like a bishop’s position; on the other, vicars - apostolic of the type of Timothy might occasionally be left fe endal by the apostle’s death, and if they re- mained at their pe would settle down into genuine bishops. See also Hort, Christian Ecclesia (1897), published too late for use in this article, H. M. GwatTKIN. CHURCHES, ROBBERS OF, is the misleading rendering in AV Ac 19 of the word lepbovha (applying the word ‘churches’ in the wider old Eng. sense to pagan temples), while in RV the rendering is ‘robbers of temples’; but both are unsatisfactory. The secretary of the city (ypayuareis rms moAews) Of Ephesus points out to the riotous assembly in the theatre that St. Paul and his friends are not guilty of sacrilege, the catego of erime under which it was natural for St. Paul’s aceusers to bring his action, After the word daéSe had been appropriated to translate the Rom. legal term lesa majestas ‘treason,’ lepoovMa was the natural rendering for the Lat. swcrilegium; and here for emphasis the speaker uses the double term odve iepootaAous ore Bac pnuotvras Thy Oedv, which implies ‘ guilty neither in act nor in language of disrespect to the established religion of our city.’ In 2 Mae 4” the epithet ‘church-robber’ (AV, ‘author of the sacrilege’ RV) is applied to Lysi- machus, brother of Menelaus the high priest, who perished in a riot (B.C. 170) provoked by the theft of sacred vessels committed by his brother and himself, LiTERATURE,—Neumann, Der rom. Staat und die allgemeine Kirche, i. pp. 14, 17; Ramsay, Church in Rom. Emp. pp 260, 401. W. M. Ramsay. CHURCHES, SEVYEN.—See REVELATION. CHURL.—‘ The Saxons made three degrees of free-men ; to wit—an earl, a thane, and a churl’— tisdon (1630). And soon ‘churl’ and ‘churlish’ were applied to any boorish person. In this sense churlish is used of Nabal, 1 S 25%, and of Nicanor 2 Mac 14%. But ‘churlish” as applied to Nabal being popularly taken in the sense of niggardly, helped to give the meaning of niggard, miser, to ‘ehurl.’ In this sense alone churl occurs, Is 3257, though the Heb. (3, 42) probably means crafty (so RVm) or fraudulent (Vulg.). J. HASTINGS. CHUSI (Xov’s B, Xovcel A).—Jth 718 mentioned with Ekrebel (‘Akrabeh) is possibly Kvizah, 5 miles S. of Shechem and 5 miles W. of ‘Akrabeh. See SWE vol, ii. sh. xiv. C. Rk. CONDER. CHUZA(Xovtas, Amer. RV Chuzas).—The steward (émtirporos) of Herod Antipas. His wife JOANNA (which see) was one of the women who ministered to our Lord and His disciples (Lk 8°). CICCAR (123), ‘round.’—A name for the middle broader part of the Jordan Valley (so Buhl, Pal. 12 Vet. Driver ont 34°), Gm 1320-23) 19'7- 45.28.29. Dt 343, 2S 18%, 1 K 74, 2Ch 417, Ezk 478. See PALESTINE. The term is also, perhaps, used of the neighbourhood of Jerus. in a later age, Neh 37 12% (AV ‘plain,’ ‘plain country’). CIELED, CIELING.—This is the pple of the Camb. ed. of AV of 1629, the ed. of 1611 havin sieled and a in all the passages. Amer. R prefers the mod. ceiled, ceiling. Wright (Bible Word Book, p. 134) identifies the word with seed, to close a hawk’s eyes, and quotes— ‘But when we in our viciousness grow hard, O misery on’t |—the wise gods seel our eyes.’ Shaks. Ant. and Cleop. m1. xiii. 112. ‘Come, seeling night, Scarf up the tender eye of pitiful she Macbeth, m1. fi. 66. But Skeat (Htymol. Dict.? s.v,) denies the identi- fication or connexion. Ciel, he holds, is from celum, ‘heaven,’ ‘sky,’ and has no connexion with sill, seal, or seel. Its meaning, therefore, is ‘a canopy’; then, as vb., ‘to canopy’ or ‘cover’; and the only meaning in AV, as in mod. Eng., viz. to cover with timber or plaster, t.e. wainscot, is a later derivation. The Heb. always means ‘to cover.’ In Dt 337 AVm gives ‘cieled’ (text, ‘seated,’ RV ‘reserved,’ the Heb. being sdphan ‘to panel’ [see Driver’s note and Add. in Deut? ad loc.}, tr? ‘ciel’ in Jer 22'4, Hag 14). The ‘cieling’ (only 1 K 6", Ezk 41'™) is any part cieled, walla 442 CILICIA as well as roof, the roof indeed being formerly distinguished as ‘the upper cieling.’ J. HASTINGS. CILICIA (Kidcxla), a country in the 8.E. corner of Asia Minor, on the coast, adjoining Syria, always closely connected with Syria in manners, religion, and nationality, and generally more closely united with Syria than with Asia Minor in political and in Byzantine ecclesiastical arrange- ment. It was commonly divided into two terri- tories—(1) on the W. (reaching as far as Pam- phylia), Cilicia Tracheia (Aspera), a land of lofty and rugged mountains, drained by the considerable river Calycadnus; (2) on the E., Cilicia Pedias (Campestris), a low-lying and very fertile plain between the sea and the mountain ranges Taurus and Amanus. The entire double country is summed up as C. in Ac 275, a geographical de- scription of the lands touching the Cyprian Sea. But elsewhere it is clear that only ihe civilized and peaceful C. Pedias (in other words, the part subject to Roman rule) is intended when C. is mentioned in NT, whereas C. Tracheia was inhabited by fierce and dangerous tribes, loosely ruled by king Archelaus ot Cappadocia from B.C. 20 to A.D. 17, and by king Antiochus of Com- magene from A.D. 37 to 74. C. Pedias had been Roman territory from B.C. 103; and, after many changing arrangements for its adininistration, it was merged by Augustus in the great joint province Syria-Cilicia-Phenice probably in B.c. 27; and this system probably lasted through the Ist cent. after Christ (though temporary variations may possibly have occurred). Hence Syria and C. are mentioned together in such a way as to imply close connexion in Gal 14, Ac 15%4; the combined Rom. province is there meant, over which the influence of Christianity spread from the two centres, Tarsus in ©. and, above all, Antioch in Syria. The close connexion of C. with Syria arose from two causes—(1) C. communicates with it by a very easy pass, the ‘Syrian Gates’ (Pyle Syrie, Beilan, summit level 1980 ft.), whereas the passes crossing Taurus into Lycaonia and Cappadocia are all difficult, incomparably the best being the ‘Cilician Gates’ (Pyle Cilicia, Gulek Boghaz, summit level 4300 ft.); (2) C. Pedias was long separated from Roman territory on the W. and N. by a great extent of indepen- dent country, while it adjoined Rom. Syria. C. has been identified wrongly with the Tarahiah which is so often mentioned in OT (Gn 104 ete.), by some modern scholars, following Jos. Ant. (I. vi. 1), who says that C. was originally called Oapads. That a large Jewish population existed in C. is evident from Ac 6°; and it is rather strange that Cilician Jews are not mentioned in Ac 2°", The existence of Jewish colonists in the Seleucid cities of C. would be in itself highly probable, for they were always the most faithful and trusted adher- ents of the Seleucid kings in their foreign settle- ments; and the Cilieian Jews are alluded to by Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, § 36 (ii. p. 587, Mang.). St. Paul had the rights of a citizen of Tarsus (which see), as he mentions in Ac 21*; these rights must have been inherited, and they imply, beyond doubt, that there was a colony of Jews forming part of the Tarsian State. An interesting memorial of the religious influence exerted by the Jews in C. is attested by the society of Sabbatistai, men- tioned in an inscription, probably dating about the time of Christ, which was found near Elaioussa and Korykos (see Canon Hicks in Journ. of Hellenic Studies, 1891, pp. 234-236); this society was evidently an association of non-Jews in the ractice of rites modelled, in part at least, on udaistic ceremonial. CIRCUMCISION Se aeinet LireraTuRe.—OCilicia is very slightly described in Mommsen, Provinces of Rom. Emp. (Rémische Geschichte, vol. v.) ch. viii. i. pp. 379-8925 its Governors (1853); Ritter, Kleinasien-(1859), ii. pp. 56-235 5 Heberdey and Wilhelm in Denkschriften der Akademie, Wien, 1896. W. M. RAMSAY. CINNAMON (j\03p kinndmén, kwvdpwpov, cin- namomum). — The identity of name makes it impossible to mistake the substance intended. It was early known to the Hebrews, as it entered into the composition of the holy anointing oil (Ex 30%). It is represented as being used to perfume a bed (Pr 71”). The Oriental women use musk for a similar purpose. Like other tropical jlants, it seems to have been cultivated in the Pobanteal gardens of Solomon (Ca 4%). It is the product of Cinnamomum Zeylanicum, Nees, a plant of the Laurel family, indigenous in Ceylon and other E. India islands, and in China. The tree attains a height of 30 ft., and has panicled clusters of white blossoms, and ovate, acute leaves. The cinnamon is the inner bark, separated from the outer, and dried in the sun, in the shape of cylindrical rolls. The best oil is obtained by boil- ing the ripe fruit. In Rev 18% it is enumerated among the merchandise of the Great He? fos G. E. Post. CIRCLE.—In AV c. means the vault of heaven. It occurs Is 40” ‘It is he that sitteth upon the c. of the earth,’ ¢.e. the c. overarching the earth (an, also in Job 22, AV and RV ‘circuit,? RVm ‘vault’; Pr 827 AV ‘compass,’ RV ‘circle’); and Wis 13? ‘the c. of the stars’ (xéxAos dorpwr, RV ‘circling stars,’ RVm ‘c. of stars’). J. HASTINGS. CIRCUIT occurs 4 times in AV, 1 S 7!6 (a late and doubtful passage acc. to which Samuel went on circuit [239] to various high-places), Job 22 (un RVm and Amer. RV ‘vault,’ i.e. the vault of heaven), Ps 198 (753;pn, of the sun’s course in the heavens), Ee 1° (2'20, of the circuits of the wind). Besides retaining these instances, RV substitutes ‘made [make] a circuit’ for AV ‘fetch a compass’ in 2 S 5% (where for MT 37 read with Driver and Budde 35), 2 K 3%, Ac 28)8 (wepeAOdvres, RVm § cast loose,’ following WH epeddvres). See COMPASS. J. A. SELBIE. CIRCUMCISION (bi Ex 4°, rep:rou} Jn 7” ete.). —The cutting off of the foreskin, an initiation rite or religious ceremony among many races, such as the Jews, Arabians, and Colchians in Asia, the Egyptians, Mandingos, Gallas, Falashas, Abys- sinians, and some Bantu tribes in Africa, the Otaheitans, Tonga Islanders, and some Melanesiana in Polynesia, certain New South Wales tribes in Australia, and the Athabascans, Nahuatl, Aztecs, and certain Amazonian tribes in America. In Egypt its practice dates back at least to the 14th cent. B.c., and probably much farther. The circumcising of two children is represented on the wall of the temple of Khonsu at Karnak. The record of the invasion of Egypt by Mediterranean tribes in the time of Merenptah states that as the Aquashua (supposed to be Achaians) were circum- cised, their dead were not mutilated by the Eeypuaus, except by cutting off a hand (Lepsius, Denkmi. iii. 19). Like other mutilations, such as tattooing, cutting off a finger-joint, filing or eee out of teeth, the operation may be a tribal mark. In all these there is the twofold idea of a sacrifice to the tribal god, and the marking of his followers so that they may be known by him and by each other. The sacrifice is a representative one, a part given for the re- eee a... ##.. CIRCUMCISION CIRCUMCISION 443 demption of the rest. Stade (ZA W, 1886) has col- lected a number of notices from many peoples, from which he infers that circumcision is not so much a mark of membership in atribe as initiation into man- hoodand acquirementof the full rights of citizenship. However originated, the rite is said to have been appointed by God as the token of the covenant between Him and Abraham, shortly after A braham’s sojourn in Egypt. It was pedained to be performed on himself, on his descendants and slaves, as well as n strangers joining themselves to the Heb. nation Gn 17” ete. Ex 12% both P), to signify their par- Acipation in the benefits of the covenant and their a Gage of its obligations. It was practised by the Jews during their ca arity in Egypt (Jos 5° D?), but discontinued in the wilderness. Even Moses neglected to circumcise his son (Ex 4% JE). On this occasion Zipporah recognized the cause of God’s displeasure, and removed the reproach by operating (Ex 4%). She thus showed her acquaint- ance with the ceremony ; and as she called Moses on this account a hathan of blood, which may mean one brought into a family by a blood-rite, it has been conjectured that the Jews received the rite from the Midianites. There is, however, no evidence that this was so, and it is contrary to the whole weight of tradition. As women were not ermitted by the Rabbins to circumcise, the case of ipporah is explained away in the Tosephta on Ex 4 as meaning that she caused Moses to operate. The characteristic of Hebrew circumcision is its being performed in infancy. Wellhausen (Hist. 340) sees in Ex 4% the substitution of this for the older and more severe operation in youth or man- hood. (See the same writer’s Skizzen, iii. 154, 215; and cf. Nowack, Heb. Archéol. i. 167 ff.; Cheyne, art. ‘Circumcision’ in Encyc. Brit.®) On the arrival of the Jews in Canaan the rite was renewed at Gilgal (Jos 5*), the operation being performed at a place named Gib‘ath ha‘drdléth, or ‘the hill of the fore-skins,’ with flint knives, which, according to the Sept. addition to Jos 24*!, were buried with Joshua. Although the ceremony is scarcely again mentioned in the historical part of OT, yet it was probably observed continuously, and there is no read ground for the statement made by the Rabbins ( Ya/kut on Jos), that on the separation of the two kingdoms circumcision was forbidden in Ephraim. The Midrash on La 1° conjectures that the priests were uncircumcised in the days of Zedekiah (see 1 Mac 1"); but this is doubtful. Abraham was circumcised at the age of 99, and, according to Pirke R. Eliezer, the anniversary of the ceremony is the great Day of Atonement. Ishmael was circumcised at 13, and among Islamite nations it is performed at some age between 6 and 16, as soon as the child can pronounce the religious formule. It is not enjoined in the Koran, but, according to the Arabian tradition, the Prophet declared it to be meritorious, though not an obligatory rite. As Isaac was circumcised on the eighth day, so that period was named in the institution (Gn 17), and is observed as the proper date by the Jews to this day. The child is named at the ceremony in memory of the change in Abraham’s name (Lk 2”). At the present day the rite is performed either in the house of the parents or in the synagogue, and either by the father or by a Mohel or circumciser, who is usually a surgeon, and must be a Jew of unblemished character, who is not paid for his services. In former times the Rabbins preferred flint or glass knives, but now steel is almost in- variably used. Blood must be shed in the operation, and the inner layer must be torn with the thumb- nail ; this supplemental operation is called péri'ah, and is said to have been introduced by Joshua. The péri‘ah is peculiar to the Jewish mode of operating. In former days the flow of blood was encouraged by suction, and the bleeding stopped by wine, with which the Mohel’s mouth is filled ; but these practices, called by the Jews Mézizah, are not now adopted in many places, where the operation is performed with antiseptic precautions. Chloro- form may be used if the Mohel think it necessary. The night before the rite the parents keep watch, a survival of the precautions formerly adopted to prevent the child being stolen by Lilith, the devil’s mother; they are visited by their friends; and all the little children of the community are gathered together, and the teacher reads the Shema or verses from Dt 6*° 113?! and Nu 15°74. On the day of the operation the child is carried to the door of the room by a lady, who is called the Baalath Berith, and is taken by a godfather or sandek, called also Baal Berith, who sits in a chair, beside which is a vacant seat dedicated to the prophet Elijah, in memorial of his jealousy for the maintenance of the covenant of whieh this rite is the token. The Mohel sets this chair apart with prayer, asking that the example of Elijah, the messenger of the cove- nant, may sustain him in his task. Prayers, accord- ing to a set form, are recited in Heb. by him, and the child’s name is given, then the father and by- standers join in the recitation of formule. After the operation a blessing is invoked by the Mohel, and the event is celebrated by feasting in the parents’ house. The prayers for the occasion are set forth in the works of Bergson, Asher, Brecher, and Auer- bach. The portion cut off is either burned or buried in accordance with ancient rabbinical directions. After the defeat of Haman’s plot, many are said to have been circumcised ‘for fear of the Jews’ (Est 817 LXX). Circumcision was also imposed by Hyrcanus upon the Idumeans (Jos. Ané. XIII. ix. 1). Occasionally Gentiles submitted to it. Elagabalus, Antoninus, and the two sons of Ptolemy Epiphanes (Midrash Bereshith) were circumcised ; but in the Justinian Code the performance of the operation on a Rom. citizen was prohibited on pain of death (i. 9. 10). Antiochus Epiphanes also prohibited the rite, and many Jews were tortured and put to death on this account (1 Mac 1%, 2 Mac 67). Similar prohibitions were issued by Hadrian and Constantius, as well as by the Spanish Inquisition in later years. In apostolic times the Judaizing section of the Church wished to enforce circumcision on Gentile converts; and in order to avoid contention, St. Paul circumcised Timothy as he was a Jew by his mother’s side (Ac 16%). He refused to perform the rite on Titus (Gal 2%), and argues in the Ep. to the Rom. (4!°) that Abraham was as yet uncircumcised when God made His covenant with him. On this subject the Council of Jerusalem gave a final decision adverse to the Judaizers (Ac 152), In some of the Ethiopian and Abyssinian Churches, however, the operation was continued, being the persistence of a pre-Christian ethnic practice. In the 12th cent. a short-lived Christian sect of circum- cist arose in Italy (Schrékh, Christl. Kirchengesch. xxix. 655). Among the Jewish teachers circumcision was regarded as an operation of purification, and the word foreskin has come to be synonymous with obstinacy and imperfection. The rite was regarded as a token in the flesh of the effect of Divine grace in the heart, hence the phrases used in Dt 30°. Philo speaks of it as a symbolic inculcation of purity of heart, and having the advantage of pro- moting cleanliness, fruitfulness, and avoidance of disease. Jeremiah (97% RV) recognized that the outward rite and the inward grace do not always go together, and he groups together Egypt, Judah, and Edom as races which, though circumcised in the flesh, are uncircumcised in heart. 444 CISTERN St. Paul also contrasts strongly the circumcision in the flesh and the purification of the spirit (Ro 278. +8), and hence in Ph 3? he calls the fleshly cir- cumcision xararou}, or Concision, a paronomasia, probably indicating, as Theophylact suggests, that those who insist on the fleshly circumcision are endeavouring to cut in sunder the Church of Christ. LiTERaTURE.—Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, p. 343; Letourneau, Bulletin Soc. Anthrop.,Paris, 1893 ; and Zaborowski, sbid. 1894 ; Brough Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria; Curr, The Australian Race; The Karnak monument is figured by Chabas, Revue Archéol. 1861, p. 298; Autenrieth, Ueber den Ursprung der Beschneidung, Tiibingen, 1829; Collin, Die Beschneidung, Leipzig, 1842; Bergson, Die Beschneidung, Berlin, 1844; Salomon, Die Beschneidung, Brunswick, 1844; Brecher, Die Beschneidung, Vienna, 1845; Steinschneider, Ueber die Beach- neidung der Araber, Vienna, 1845; Asher, 7'he Jewish Rite of Circumcision, London, 1873. For operations for decircumcision see Celsus, de Arte Med. vii. 25, and other authors cited in Groddeck, de Judeis preput. attrah., Leipzig, 1699, and Lossius, de Epispasmo Judaico, Jena, 1665. See also Philo, edit. Mangey, ii. 211; Cohen, Diss. sur la circoncision, Paris, 1816; Terquem, Die Beschneidung, etc., edited by Heymann, Magde- burg, 1844; Meiners, in Commentationes Soc. Reg., Gottingen, xiv. 207. For Circumcision of Elagabalus, etc., see Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, Taylor's transl. p. 632; Jost, Geach. der Isr. fi. 78. A. MACALISTER. CISTERN (72, Adxxos, cisterna, lacus).—A tank for the collection and storage of rain-water, or, occasionally, of spring-water brought from a dis- tance by a CONDUIT. It was always covered, and so distinguished from the POOL (A272, KodupBnOpa, piscina), which was a reservoir open to the air. Cisterns must always have been necessary in Pal., where there are large areas ill supplied with natural springs, a long dry summer, and a small annual rainfall. They were required not only for domestic purposes, but for ceremonial ablutions, irrigation, the watering of animals, and the con- venience of travellers. The cisterns in Pal. vary in size and character, and may be classified as follows: 4. Cisterns wholly excavated in the rock. These are the most ancient, and the oldest form is probably the bottle-shaped tank, with a long neck or shaft, which is common in Jerus., the Hauran, and else- where. Small rectangular tanks, with draw-holes, are found by the wayside and in vineyards. At Jerus. there are some very large cisterns, and in these the roofs are supported by rude rock-pillars. The finest example is the ‘Great Sea’ in the Haram esh-Sherif, which has several rock-pillars, and is estimated to hold 3,000,000 gallons. It derived its supply partly from surface drainage and partly from water brought by a conduit from Solomon’s Pools, near Reihlohene 2. Rock-hewn tanks with vaulted roofs are found in many localities. A few of these may possibly be as old as the 8rd cent. B.C. 8. Cisterns of masonry built in the soil are found everywhere. Some of them are of large size, and have vaulted roofs, supported by pillars arranged in parallel rows. They are of all ages, from the Rom. occupation to the present day. Most of the cisterns have their sides and floors coated with cement, which is often very hard and durable. All have one or more openings in their roofs, through which water is drawn to the surface; and many have a flight of steps leading to the floor, partly to facili- tate cleansing operations. The rain-water, which falls op the flat roofs of the houses and the paved court-yards, is conveyed to the cisterns by surface gutters and pipes, and carries with it many im- purities. This renders periodical cleaning neces- sary, as the water would otherwise become foul, full of animal life, and dangerous to health. Much of the fever and sickness so prevalent in Pal. is due to the neglected state of the cisterns. Jer 2% alludes to the rock-hewn cisterns of Jerus., and it would appear from 2 K 18* that every house in the city had its own cistern for the collection of rain-water (cf. Pr 5%, Is 36!5). One of the great works of Simon, son of Onias, was to cover the large CITIZENSHIP cistern of the temple with plates of brass Sir 50°). When a cistern was empty it formed a convenient prison. It was into one of the roadside cisterns (AV ‘pit’), which had become dry, that Joseph was cast by his brethren (Gn 37” 74); and it was into a cistern in the court of the guard, near the temple, in which the muddy deposit was still soft, that Jeremiah was let:.down with cords (Jer 38°:), The custom of confining prisoners in an empty cistern is alluded toin Zec 9" ; and it may be noted that the word 73 ‘ cistern’ is used for the dungeon in which Joseph was confined in Egypt (Gn 405 414). In Ec 12° there is an allusion to the wheel used in drawing water from a cistern. Jos, mentions the rock-hewn cisterns at Masada (Ant. XIV. xiv. 6; BJ VII. viii. 3) and at Machzrus (BJ VII. vi. 2), and describes those constructed in the towers of the walls of Jerus. for the collection of rain-water. In the smaller towers the cisterns were above the apartments, but in the tower Hippicus the cistern was on the solid masonry, and the apartments were built above it (BJ V. iv. 3, 4) C. W. WILSON. CITHERN.—See Music. CITIZENSHIP.—So RV for wodirela, Ac 2¥%, instead of the vague AV rendering ‘freedom.’ Here Claudius Lysias says that he had obtained his ec. by purchase, possibly from the wife or the freedman of the Emperor (laudvan whose name he bore. Cf. Dio Cass. lx. 17, where, however, it is said that the price of the franchise had fallen to a mere trifle. But the interest of civic privileges in NT lies in their importance in the career of St. Paul. Rom. citizenship was one of the special qualifications of the ‘chosen vessel,’ and it is a chief purpose of St. Luke (in Ac) to exhibit the apostle as a citizen who, though a Christian, receives for the most part courtesy and justice from the Rom. officials. His citizenship, however, was double, of Tarsus and of Rome. That the former did not carry with it the latter, we know from independent sources; hence a comparison of Ac 21% with 227’, by which the separ- ateness of Tarsian and Rom. citizenship is made evident, furnishes proof of the accuracy of the narrative. Tarsus was not a ‘colonia’ or ‘muni- cipium,’ but an ‘urbs libera,’ Plin. VA v. 27 (22), that is to say, a city within a Rom. province, yet enjoy- ing self-government (Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverw. i. 349-353). St. Paul’s citizenship of Tarsus was of no substantial advantage outside that city. But his Rom. citizenship availed throughout the Rom. world, including, besides private rights, (1) exemption from all degrading punishments, ¢.g. scourging and crucifixion; (2) right of appeal to the emperor after sentence in all cases ; (3) right to be sent to Rome for trial before the emperor if charged with a capital offence (cf. Plin. Hpp. x. 96; Schiirer, HJP 1. ii. 278). These rights, at least (1) and (3), are illustrated by Ac 16*7 227-29 254, But there is nothing to show whether he possessed the full citizenship, including the public rights of voting and qualification for office. It was by birth that St. Paul had become a ‘Roman.’ The word citizen is not used in describing his status. ‘Pwyaios alone is enough (cf, ‘cive di quella Roma onde Cristo é Romano,’ Dante, Purg. xxxii. 101-2). There were several ways in which St. Paul’s father or ancestor might have obtained citizenship. The most prob- able are by manumission (ef. Philo, Leg. ad G. § 23), or as a reward of merit bestowed by the emperor (cf. case of Jos. Vit. 76), or by purchase, in which case the contrast implied in Ac 22” would have had less force. The large number of Jews in Asia Minor who were Rom. citizens appears from the decrees quoted in Jos. Ané. XIV. x. Lastly, the metaphorical use of the words citizen This use is closely and citizenship requires notice. CITY CITY 445 connected with Plato’s conception of the heavenly city (fep. ix. 592 B), and with later Stoic thought. It eet in Ph 3”, where for ‘conversation’ we should substitute ‘commonwealth’ (RVm), See parallels given by Lightfoot, in duc. Saints on earth are to live as worthy citizens of the heavenly commonwealth (Ph 1% RVin). The conception of the Church, not as a kingdom subjugating the world, but as a commonwealth pradually extend- ing its citizenship to other lands and alien tribes (ef. Eph 2! and Ps 87), and thus making them fellow- citizens with the saints (Eph 2!"), ran parallel with the extension of Rom. citizenship which was going on at the time, and was to culminate in the inclusion of all Rom. subjects by the edict _ of Caracalla (A.D. 212). The preference for ‘ Civi- tas Dei’ over ‘Regnum Dei,’ as the aspect of the Church and of its goal, was, however, also due to OT influence. The picture of the restored Jerus. io Is 60-62 combined easily with the Platonic ‘pattern’ of a heavenly city, and it is this com- bination in varying proportions which we have before us in He 11, 12, and 138, in the ‘Jerusalem which is above’ of Gal 47°, and, perhaps, in Rev 21. It is worth noticing that it is only in the writings of St. Luke, thorough Greek as he was, that the word ‘citizen’ occurs, Lk 15 194 (add RV reading in a LXX quotation in He 8"). LireRATURE.—For the historical question, in addition to the authorities cited, see Devling, Obss. Sacre, iii. 40, De S. Pauli Romana civitate (very full); Winer, RWB, art. ‘ Burgerrecht’ many reff.); Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller, p. 30 (very brief) ; Wendt’s ed. of Meyer’s Apostelgeschichte on Ac 1637, E. R. BERNARD, CITY (vy, wédcs).—1. Origin.—The Oriental city owed nothing to organized manufacture, and was only in a few instances, such as Arvad, Sidon, Tyre, aeiappe) dependent upon maritime trade. It was a creation of agriculture, which was an out- come of the pastoral life. As the country settled down to the cultivation of the soil, the peasantry found themselves in constant danger from the wandering tribes of the desert, who often sent their flocks among the standing crops, and carried off the cattle and grain. The necessity of pro- tecting life and property from such enemies was the chief factor in the creation of the village, out of which in turn grew the city. These would naturally be found near those who could protect them, or in grain-growing districts, or in positions of natural strength and in possession of a sufficient water-supply. Hence the village or town was often named from the local well (Beer-, En-), the hill on which it was built (Gibeah-), or its sanctity as ‘a high place’ (Baal-), or became distinguished by the name of its ruling family, or of some conspicu- ous house (Beth-). 2. Development.—The city grew out of the village, as the village owed its origin to the house. The expansion was on the same lines as that of the nation from the tribe, and the tribe from the family. Looking, therefore, to these ultimate factors, we find that each house had its ba’al or lord, and under him the family was an indepen- dent organism, seeking its own livelihood and welfare. An act of hospitality to a stranger gave him the sacred privileges of the family guild, and the sanctity of the guest became the right of later citizenship. The gradual slackening of this bond is given in the Arab. proverb, ‘My brother and I against my cousin, my cousin and I against the stranger.’ These two facts of authority and combination made up the aristocratic and democratic elements of the village and city. It might be under the pro- tection of a feudal lord living in a fortress around which the city clustered, or near which it was built; or it might depend entirely upon its own wall and the courage and fidelity of its inhabitants. The agricultural life of Palestine knew nothing of separate farmsteads dotting the landscape. The ph apree had to retire for the night to the village, ike the sheep to the fold. It was customary for the smaller villages to recognize the motherhood or superior protection of a large city. Thus the inhabitants of Laish looked to Zidon the Great (Jg 18°), and at the present day every inhabitant of Syria is considered to belong to Esh-Shim (Damascus). Hence the expression ‘cities and their villages,’ ‘ cities and their daughters,’ in Nu 21% 32”, Jos 15 and 19. The feudal lords or the superior cities, in return for protection offered against nomad invasions and other dangers, re- ceived payment in service and produce (see TaAxks). The service rendered by the peasant to his superior was originally of the nature of a son’s obedience te the father’s command, and passed eventually into corvée labour. * 3. Characteristics. —The chief feature of an Oriental city was its wall. This gave it the right to be so named (Lv 25*"-), though in later times the title turned upon the ecclesiastical distinction of having ten men of leisure and suitability for the services of the synagogue. The wall had one or more gates, which were closed from sunset to sunrise ; hence the explanation of their remaining open where there is no night (Rey 21%). All within the wall were of one mind, pledged to obey the laws of the city, and seek the welfare of its inhabitants. The newspaper office and court of tribunal were found at the city gate by which strangers entered and the inhabitants went out to their daily occupation in the fields. Domestic news circulated around the fountain while the women waited their turn to fll the water-jar. The bank was represented by the seat of the money-changer, while our modern factories of organized labour appeared as special streets allocated to special trades. This last arrangement was due to the different artisan guilds, in which the son usually followed the occupation of his father; it was also of fiscal convenience in the collection of taxes through a recognized and responsible head. On occasions of general taxation, each man, wherever he might be living and work- ing, was reckoned as still belonging to the city of his birth. Thus Joseph went up from Nasareth to Bethlehem, the city of his family (Lk 2). In an Oriental city each house had its own in- violability, its power to admit and exclude. The passer-by in the narrow street could know no- thing of what was going on within those dead walls, with their windows and balconies all open- ing on the central court. He was as much outside as the dog at his feet. It is probable that the streets of Oriental towns have always by prefer- ence been narrow, sufficient for the foot passenger and baggage-animal, and affording shelter from the sun to the merchants and tradesmen. Such are the streets of Hebron and Zidon; and in Damascus the ‘street called straight’ (Ac 9"), once a broad Roman carriage-way, with a foot-path on each side of the stately eolonaste: now shows a return to the Oriental type. Again, each quarter of a large city might have its own homogeneousness. At the present day the distinction is penerally a religious one, as Chris- tian, Jewish, Moslem ; or of race, as Western and Oriental. In Damascus, for example, the ringing of an alarm bell in the Greek church can cause the gates of the Christian quarter to be closed, and the district in a few minutes to assume the character of a fortress. * Any payment made from time to time by the Emir or Sheikh was of the undefined nature of a gratuity, the term for which in Arabic, fudl-in-Na amah, is the equivalent of St. Paul’s ‘ exceed ing riches of grace.’ £46 CITY OF DAVID CLAUDIUS Then, lastly, the entire city, with its massive girdling wall, had the attitude both of friendly enclosure and hostile exclusion. ee DAMASOUS CITY-GATE—ENTRANCE TO STRAIGHT STREET. The chief meanings of an Oriental city are thus found to be Safety, Society, Service. Thus we>ead in Ps 107’ of ‘a city to dwell in,’ ‘a city of hebita- tions,’ around which men ‘sow fields’ (vv.* 34 87), Abraham, dwelling in his black movable tent, journeyed by faith towards a fair city ‘ which hath foundations’ (He 11°). In Rev 21. 22 these various features appear as borrowed from the green earth in the gloriked vision of the Holy City. There the tabernacle of God is with men; the city has its wall and gates; as an extended family- house it has ‘ foundations’ like the special corner- stone; it is a place of safety into which the nations bring their glory and honour; it has its own fountain-head supply of water, and abundant means of sustaining life; there the servants serve their Lord; and all who are hostile to its order and interests shall in no wise enter into it. (See CITIZENSHIP, ELDER, GOVERNMENT, PALESTINE, REFUGE (CITIES OF), and ef. Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 124 ff.) G. M. MACKIE. CITY OF DAYID.—See JrnusALEmM. CITY OF SALT.—See SALT City. CITY OF WATERS and CITY ROYAL.—See RABBAH. CLASPS.—RV for AV TACHEs (wh. see). CLAUDIA (K)avéia).—A Christian lady at Rome, who, with Eubulus, Pudens, and Linus, was on intimate terms of friendship with St. Paul and Timothy at the time of St. Paul’s second imprison- ment (2 Ti 471). The name suggests a connexion with the imperial household, but whether as a member of the gens Clandia or as a slave there is nothing to decide. Tradition treats her as the mother or, less probably, the sister of Linus (A post. Const. vii. 46, Aivos 6 KXavéias); she may also have become wife of Pudens, if they are to be identified with Claudius Pudens and Claudia Quinctilla, whose inscription to the memory of their infant child has been feund between Rome and Ostia (CIL vi. 15,066). Another very ingenious but ere coniecture identifies her with Claudia utina, wife of Martial’s friend, Aulus Pudens (Martial, Epiaqr. iv. 13, xi. 53). On this theory she would be of British origin, a lady of high character and cultivation, and the mother of three sons; peehane the daughter of the British king Tiberius ‘laudius Cogidubnus, who had taken the name of Rufina from Pomponia, the wife of Aulus Plautus, the Roman commander in Britain, and had come to Rome in her train (T. Williams, Claudia and Pudens, Liandovery, 1848; E. H. Plumptre in Ellicott, N.7. Comm. ii. is 185; but against the theory, Lightfoot, Apost. Fathers, Clem. i. pp. 29 and 76-79). W. LOCK. CLAUDIUS (K)avéios), the name by which the fourth emperor of Rome is commonly known. Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus was the son of Nero Claudius Drusus and of Antonia, whose mother, Octavia, was a sister of the emperor Augustus. Born at Lyons on Ist August, B.C. 10, he was of weak health and apparently feeble intellect (see the opinion of Augustus as given in Suet. Claud. 4, and the excuse of C. himself in Suet. Claud. 38); consequently he was kept in retirement, without being allowed to hold any but unimportant oftices, until the reign of Gaius, while the honours conferred upon him by the latter would scarcely seem to have been seriously meant. His time was occupied in historical and literary studies, as well as in less creditable occupations (Suet. Claud. 33. 41-42), until the pretorian guards, by a freak which disappointed all previous expectations (cf. Tac. Ann. iii. 18. 7), raised him to the principate on 24th Jan. A.D. 4l—a position which he occupied until he was murdered by his wife Agrippina, on 12th Oct. 54. Recent inquiry has conclusively shown that the government of the Roman Empire under Claudius compares not unfavourably with that of the other early emperors. It is pointed out that C., although originally appointed through military influence at a time when the restoration of the republic was being seriously discussed, managed to conciliate the Senate and to obtain a permanent reputa- tion as a constitutional ‘princeps’; while, at the same time, considerable advances were made under his rule towards concentrating power more completely in the hands of imperial officers. The views of C. on the citizenship (see the speech quoted in Furneaux, Annals of Tacitus, ii. 208) show him to have been very different from the colourless figure to which traditional historians, following exclusively one side of the picture drawn by Tacitus and Suetonius, have reduced him. It might, however, be argued that the present re- action in his favour is going too far. He allowed his wives, Messalina and Agrippina, whether through their influence over him, or even with- out his knuwledge, to interfere with the ‘course of justice, and to do incalculable harm in Rome; he entrusted power to subordinates in a way which (in spite of the just remarks of Bury, Student’s Rom. Emp. 244) shows him to have been but a weak ruler; and it is probable that C. should be considered to have had good intentions in certain respects, but to have been, for most paewuers pur- poses, powerless ; while the effects of his reign, for good or evil, will have to be mainly set down to the credit of his leading freedmen, over whom he had proverbially little control (cf. Seneca, Ludus de morte Claudia, vi. 2). For the events mentioned in NT which fall in the reign of Claudius, see CHRONOLOGY OF THE NEw TESTAMENT. The emperor is twice mentioned by name :— (1) In Ac 11% the prophecy by Agabus of a famine ‘over the whole world’ is said to have been fulfilled ‘in the time of C.’ Meyer and others protest against interpreting these words of any other famine than that to which Josephus refers (Ant. Xx. ii. 5, v. 2) as occurring under Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander. ieseler (Chron. apost. Zeit. p. 159), though puzzled by the allusion CLAUDIUS LYSIAS CLAY 447 in Ant. II. xv. 3 to the high priest Ishmael, fixes the date of this famine, with considerable prob- ability, at A.D. 45, adding that it may well have lastec for more than one year. There seems to be no reason to doubt that this famine is the one referred toin Ac 11%. At the same time it must be noted that famines seem to have been unusually revalent during the reign of C. (see, for instance, io, lx. 11; Eus. Chron. ii. p. 152, ed. Sch. ; Suet. Claud. 18, ‘assidue sterilitates’); the person of C. was in danger from this cause (Tac. Ann. xii. 43), and the emperor became so sensitive on the point as to allow a dream, which was interpreted as foretelling dearth, to bring about the ruin of two Rom. knights (Tac. Ann. xi. 4). The carelessness of Gaius as regards the corn supply (Sen. de Brev. Vit. xviii. 5 ; Dio, lix. 17. 2) caused great difficulties to C. on his accession, and very vigorous measures were at once taken by the latter, and continued throughout his reign (Suet. Claud. xviii. 20; cf. Lehmann, Claudius, p. 135). When it was noticed that, in spite of these special precautions, famines were a characteristic of the time of C., it is not hard to see how the prophecy may have come to be regarded as amply fulfilled, even if taken in the widest sense. (2) St. Paul met at Corinth two Jews, Aquila and his wife Priscilla, who had come thither ‘ be- cause C. had commanded all the Jews to depart from Rome’ (Ac 187). Suetonius says (Claud. 25) that C. ‘Judzos impulsore Chresto assidue tumul- tuantes expulit.’ Dio (LX. vi. 6), perhaps correct- ing Suet., asserts that the Jews, whose numbers were so great as to make expulsion difficult, were not indeed expelled, but only forbidden to assemble together. The general policy of C. towards the Jews was favourable, as is shown by the two edicts, one relating to Alexandria, the other to the whole empire (Jos. Ant. XIX. v. 2, 3; cf. the edict of Petronius in XIX. vi. 3), which granted to them religious toleration, exemp- tion from the hated military service, and some measure of self-government. But we are expressly told that he was influenced by his personal feeling towards Herod Agrippa I. (id. ib. Xx. i. 1; ef. XIX. y. 2), to whom the emperor was indebted at the time of his accession (XIX. iv. 5). Not only did Agrippa receive ‘consular honours’ and such ex- tensions of territory as to make his dominions coincide with those of Herod the Great, but his brother was given ‘pretorian rank,’ the rule over Chalcis, and, subsequently, certain other districts, as well as the oversight of the temple (Dio, LX. viii.; Jos. Ant. XX. vii. 1, i. 3), while his son is described as having great influence at court (Jos. Ant. Xx. i. 2; cf. VI. iii.). Anger has accordingly shown that the edict of Ac 18? must be put during the years when Agrippa Il. was absent from Rome. As he remained in the capital till A.p. 50 (Wieseler, p. 67 n., 124), and had returned before the end of 52 (Jos. Ant. XX. vi. 3), these limits may be re- arded as reasonably certain; but the attempt of ieseler (pp. 125-8) to fix the date absolutely by @ comparison with Tac. Ann. xii. 52. 3, thoug interesting and ingenious, is hardly convincing. It i3 no doubt true that the Jews often practised magic (e.g. Ac 8°), and Jews and magicians are often mentioned together, but they are, as Wieseler admits, clearly distinct, and Tacitus does not mention the Jews at all in this connexion. LrreratuRE.—Lehmann, Claudius und seine Zeit, Leipzig, 1877 (pp. 1-60 give an account of the original authorities) ; Furneaux, The Annals of Tacitus, vol. ii.; Mommsen, Provinces of Rom. Emp. ch. xi. (Eng. tr.); Wieseler, Chronol. d. apost. Zeitalt.; Nosgen, Apostelgeschichte (on Ac ll.cc., where re- ferences to modern works are given). P. V. M. BENECKE. CLAUDIUS LYSIAS (Kvavédi0s Avolas), the mili- tary tribune of the Roman cohort in Jerus., who is mentioned in Ac 21-23. Hearing that all Jerus. was in confusion, he came down with soldiers and centurions to investigate the cause of the uproar, and bound St. Paul with two chains. As the ‘ sicarii’ had recently become very prominent in Judea (cf. Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 5, 6), and were especially in evidence during the great festivals (id. BJ 11. xiii. 3, 4), he imagined, the season being Pente- cost, that St. Paul was an Egyptian who had recently led out 4000 ‘assassins’ into the wilder- ness (Ac 21%), and who is described by Jos. (BJ MU. xiii. 5) as having had 30,000 associates in all. On discovering his mistake, L. allowed St. Paul to address the people from the castle stairs ; but the mention of the Gentiles renewed the disturbance, so that the tribune was obliged to bring him into the castle, and was only prevented from examining him by scourging through receiy- ing the news that he was a Rom. citizen, and therefore by the Lex Porcia exempt from such treatment. L. next arranged an interview between St. Paul and the Jewish Council, but a dispute be- tween the Sadducees and Pharisees was the only result ; subsequently he learned that a conspiracy had been formed with the object of killing St. Paul, so he sent him to Cesarea by night under an escort of 200 foot-soldiers, 70 horsemen, and 200 ‘spearmen’ (defcohdBor, see Meyer on Ac 23%), The letter given in Ac 237° as written by L. to the procurator Felix on this occasion has been con- sidered by some eminent critics to be an invention by the historian. The letter would almost cer- tainly have been written in Latin, and the word tumos (v.%) would seem to imply that only the general sense is given. But it must be noticed that in v.2” L. represents himself as having rescued St. Paul because he discovered him to be a Roman, a falsification and inconsistency with Ac 237-2” of which the author of Ac, had he been inventing, would not have been guilty (see, on opposite sides, Wendt and Nésgen on Ac 237). The admission of L. that he had gained Rom. citizenship ‘for a large sum’ (implying his incredulity that a native of Tarsus should be a citizen and yet apparently so poor) illustrates the ‘ avarice of the Claudian times,’ and the traffic in honours by Messalina and the imperial freedmen, partly due, no doubt, to a desire to replenish the treasury, partly to even more questionable motives, on which Dio Cassius indignantly comments (Ix. 17. 6). See CITIzEN- SHIP. P. V. M. BENECKE. CLAW.—In older Eng. c. was used for an animal’s hoof, and for any of the parts into which a cloven hoof is divided. So in Dt 146 AV we read, ‘ And every beast that parteth the hoof, and cleaveth the cleft into two claws, ... that ye shall eat’ (RV ‘and hath the hoof cloven in two’); and in Zec 1116 ‘he shall eat the flesh of the fat, and tear their claws in pieces’ (RV ‘hoofs’). The Heb. is parsah, the ordinary word for ‘hoof,’ in_ both passages. Cf. Lovell (1661): ‘With claws like a Cow ; but quadrifide.’ The bird’s ¢. is mentioned only Dn 4% ‘his [Nebuchadrezzar’s] nails like birds’ claws’ (no word in Heb., ‘nails’ [}75»] being understood). J. HASTINGS. CLAY, (wp, 17m, mdés).—This word is frequently used in the Bible either in a literal or a meta- phorical sense, in which latter it is parallel with ‘dust’ (comp. Gn 27 and Is 648). Clay is widely distributed over the surface of nearly all countries, especially in valleys, and from the earliest times of the human race was used both for the con- struction of buildings and habitations and for the manufacture of pottery and works of art. It is a mixture of decomposed minerals of various kinds, and hence is exceedingly variable in com- 448 CLEAN CLEAR, CLEARNESS position. Alumina, silica, and potash are the ager ta constituents ; but along with these may e variable quantities of lime, magnesia, and iron, which give variety both to the quality and colour. Hence various kinds of clay are suited for different uses in the arts. 1. As a building material, clay has been used from the earliest ages. Ancient Babylon, as de- scribed by Herodotus, and verified by modern dis- covery, was built altogether of brick, either baked in kilns or dried in the sun; and amongst the other remains is the great quadrilateral pile of brickwork,—known as Babil, the Gate of God, cor- rupted by the Jews to ‘ Babel,’ *—which might well have been supposed to be the ‘Tower of Babel’ described in en 11", but that the inscriptions found thereon, by Sir Henry Rawlinson, show it to have been the famous Tower of the Seven Planets built by Nebuchadrezzar Il. (B.C. 604-562). Of similar materials was built, in the main, the capital of Assyria, though blocks of limestone, alabaster, and other materials were also employed. The clay used in Nineveh was derived from the alluvia of the Tigris.t The brickmaking in Lower Egypt of the time of the Exodus is still earried on, the clay used being derived from the silt of the Nile; and bricks in the British Museum, inscribed with the names of Tahutmes L., B.c. 1700, and Ramses II., B.C. 1400, show straw mixed with the clay in order to bind it together as deseribed in OT (Ex 1* 5’). Most of the villages both in Lower Egypt and in the Nile Valley are built of sun-dried clay ; bricks of clay were also largely used in the construction of ancient Troy.t 2. The use of clay for pottery was coeval with its use for building purposes. Remains of jars, vases, bowls, and other vessels are found amongst the most ancient ruins of Assyria, Babylonia, and Egypt. The potter's wheel was commonly em- loyed in such works, and is often referred to in the Bible; but of all the purposes for which clay was employed in very ancient times, none was more interesting than its use for imprinting letters of cuneiform characters on tablets which have been discovered in immense numbers amongst the ruins of Assyria and Babylonia ;§ they were either in the form of bricks or cylinders of clay, baked after the inscription had been impressed.|| Amongst the inscriptions is the story of the Crea- tion, the Fall, and the Deluge, deciphered by the late George Smith of the British Museum: of only less interest are the Tel el-Amarna tablets in Egypt, one of which has been discovered by Bliss amongst the ruins at Tell el-Hesy in Southern Palestine (supposed to be Lachish, one of the five Amorite cities, Jos 10°), and dating as far back as B.C. 1480.** E. HULL. CLEAN (see also UNCLEAN, UNCLEANNESS).—4. The orig. meaning of the word is clear, free from eget , as applied to glass, gold, and the like, as Wyclif’s tr. of Rev 21" ‘The citee it silf was of cleene gold, lijk to cleene elas.’ Whence it is ‘used of the transparent purity of white garments, Rev 19% ‘fine linen, ¢. and white’ (ka@apés, RV ‘pure’). And then it is applied to anything that is not dirty (its modern use), as Pr 144‘ Where no oxen are, the crib is ec.’ (12); Is 30% ‘c¢. provender’ (yon, salted, RV ‘savoury’); Zec 35% Amer. RV *a c. mitre’ ("im», AV and RV ‘ fair’); Mt 27° ‘a e. linen cloth’ (ka@apés). * Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. ii. 521, ed. 1879. + Layard, Nineveh and its Remains, passim (1849). ¢ Schliemann, T'roja, ch. i. et seq. (1884). § Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. i. ch. iv. {| Layard, Nineveh, ii. 185 (ed. 1849). ¥ Smith, Chaldean account of Genesis. ** Sayce, RP, N. Ser. ii. iii. iv. and v.; PH/ St, 1802-92. The fe] el Amarna tablets have been translated by Winckler (1896). 2. Before passing from its physical uses we may notice an early application in the sense of complete, still retained in such a phrase as ‘a ce. sweep.’ The only example of the adj. is Lv 23” ‘thou shalt not make ec. riddance of the corners of thy field when thou reapest’ (RV ‘shalt not wholly reap the corners of thy field’). But the adv. is more frequent, Jos 3” ‘all the people were passed c. over Jordan’ (*1y) wa were finished crossing), so 4-1, Pg 778 ‘Is his mercy ¢. gone for ever?’ Jl 17 ‘he hath made it ec. bare’; Zee 11!” ‘his arm shall be c. dried up’; Wis 2” ‘he is c. contrary to our doings’ (évayriofra) ; 2 P 218 ‘those that were ce. escaped’ (TR 6értws diropvyévras, edd. drlyws amogpevyovras, RV ‘those who are just escaping’) ; and Ezk 37. RV ‘we are c. cut off’ (AV ‘cut off for our parts’). Cf. Hooker, Zecl. Pol. m1. i. 13 ‘Excommunication neither shutteth out from the mystical, nor clean from the visible Church.’ 3. At a very early period the word passed into the language of religion to designate (1) that which does not ceremonially defile, whether (a) beasts, as Gn 7? ‘of every c. beast thou shalt take to thee by sevens’; Dt 14" ‘Of alle. birds ye shall eat’; or (6) places, as Lv 4!2 6 ‘without the camp unto a Cc. ings! or (c) things, as Is 667° ‘the children of Israel shall bring an offering in a ec. vessel’; Ezk 365 ‘I will sprinkle c. water upon you’; Lk 11” ‘all things are ec. unto you’ (where the ethical [see 4] closely approaches); and Ro 14” RV ‘All things indeed are c.’ (xa@apss, AV ‘pure’); (2) persons who are not ceremonially defiled, as Ly 7 ‘all that be (RV ‘every one that is’) c. shall eat thereof’; 1S 20° ‘Something hath befallen him, he is not ¢.; surely he is not c.’; Ezk 36% (see above) ‘ye shall be c.’ (passing into 4). 4, Closely related to this ceremonial use is the ethical, and quite as old. In passages like Ezk 36% Lk 114, and esp. Jn 131.1) 155 we see the one passing into the other; in others the ethically stands out from the ceremonially religious mean- ing. Take first of all some passages where the Heb. is the usual vb. (¢@hér) or adj. (tahér) used for ceremonial cleanness: Ps 19° ‘The fear of the Lorp is ec.’ (that is, the religion of J” is morall undefiled, in contrast to heathen religions; cf. Ps 12° ‘the words of the LORD are pure words,’ where the Heb. is the same, a word freq. applied to ‘pure’ gold); Lv 16% ‘from all your sins shall ye be c.’; Gn 35? ‘ Put away the strange gods that are among you, and be c., and change your garments’; Ps 517 ‘purge me with hyssop, and I shall be e.’; 51° Oats in me a clean heart.’ Next, where the Heb. is bar, that is, ‘clean’ because cleansed, ‘ bright’ because polished (as a p. arrow, Is 49"); Ps 73! ‘such as are of c. heart’; Job 114 ‘I am ec. in thine eyes’; cf. Is 52" ‘be ye c. that bear the vessels of the LORD’ (723). Finally, where the Heb. is 2dkhdh or zakhak, ‘be c.,’ oak ceud slay in a moral sense, Job 15 ‘What is man that he should be e.?’; 9° ‘If I wash myself with snow water, and make my hands never so ¢.’ ; 15 ‘the heavens are not c. in his sight’; 23° ‘I am c., without transgression’; Pr 16? ‘all the ways of a man are ¢. in his own eyes.’ 5. In Ac 188 ‘Your blood be upon your own heads; I am ¢.,’ the sense is guiltless, a very rare meaning for this word. Skene (1609) says, ‘ Gif he be made quit, and cleane: all his gudes salba restored to him.’ See under CLEAR, J. HASTINGS. CLEAR, CLEARNESS.—The orig. meanings of these words (from Lat. clarus) are ‘bright,’ ‘brilliant,’ ‘manifest,’ ‘famous.’ But the Bae words early adopted the moral sense of ‘pury,’ ‘guiltless,’ partly through the natural association of these ideas, and partl through confusion with the native words clean, cleanness. 1. Of the orig. — ee ee ee a ea ee ee CLEAVE, CLEFT, CLIFF, CLIFT meanings, we find in AV (in add. to the mod. sense of ‘manifest’) (a) Brightness, 2 8 234‘ By c. shining after rain’; Am 8°‘ f will darken the earth in the ce. day’: Zec 148 ‘ the light shall not be c.’ (RV ‘ with brightness’); Is 184 ‘like a c. heat upon herbs’ (ny, RV ‘like c. heat in sunshine’); Rev 22) ‘ce, as crystal’ (Aaumpds, RV ‘bright’); 217 ‘c. as crystal (kpvoraddAlfwr): so with ‘clearness,’ Ex 241° ‘as it were the body of heaven in his ec.’ (RV ‘the very heaven for c.’); 2 Es 2”! ‘let the blind man come into the sight of my c.’ (RV ‘glory’); (0) Brilliance, Job 11” ‘thine age (RV ‘thy life’) shall be clearer than the noonday’ (op, RVm ‘arise above’). Cf. Wyclif’s tr. of Wis 6 ‘ Wisdom is cler’ (Aaumpés, AV ‘glorious,’ RV ‘ radiant’). A thing is bright often because it is unspotted, whence the transition is easy to moral spotlessness. We see the transition taking place in Ca 6" ‘ fair as the moon, ec. as the sun’ (13); and Rev 2138 ‘ths oy. was pure gold, like unto c. glass’ (xa@apés, RV ‘pure’). 2. Purity, innocence, Ps 514 ‘that thou mightest be...c. when thou judgest’ (73)) ; Gn 24° 410 3), breathing being, in Gn and Lv (once in Gn—1”—of sherez (yr), swarming being, or, as it is there put, moving creature), and, in Ezk, of hai (7), living being (rendered, in each case, living creature). In NT, quite accurately, it represents xricya, and shares with creation the representation of xrlows. Neither xrloua nor riots is ever employed by the LXX as a tr. of nephesh, shereg, or hai, the favourite equivalents for these words respectively being yux7}, épreréy, and {Gov. In Gn the verb bard’ (x73, ‘create’) is tr. solely by roetv: «rife represents it first in Dt 4%, and afterwards more usually than moety ; while both stand for it, sometimes side b side, in Deutero-Isaiah (e.g. 45’). Since moety is simply to make, while «rife is (classically) to found (a city, a colony), and so to make from the begin- ning, originally, for the first time (not necessarily out of nothing), «rifew is especially fitted to express God’s creative activity not only in the phasis (Ec 12}, Ro 1%), but also in the spiritual sphere (Col 3% For an OT premonition of the spiritual sense, see Ps 51!*, where create, xrifew, and renew, éveauwifew, recall together the xawh xrlow, new creature, of 2 Co 5"). The use of the subst. «rice exactly corresponds. In contradistinction to «ricua, which points to the creative act completed and embodied, it denotes sometimes the creative act in process (Ro 1°), at other times the thing created, regard being paid to the process of its production. It is used (1) physically (a) of the whole creation (so invariably in OT and Apocr.; in NT, Ro 8%), often with special reference to mankind as the creation (Mk 16", Col 1%); (6) of the individual creation, the creature (like the purely physical xricya of the Apocr. and NT), Ro8®; (2) spiritually, of the new creature (2 Co 5", Gal 615), and the new creation (Ro 8”-%3) in Christ Jesus, the original and originator of the new race, and the renovator of nature as a whole. Cf. the rabbinical expressions bériyah hdiddshaéh, ‘new creation,’ of a man con- verted to Judaism; and hiddish ha‘élam, ‘the new age’ (lit. newness of the age) to be ushered in by the Messiah ; also Isaiah’s ‘new heavens and new earth’ (6517), the madyyevecla, regeneration (Mt 19%), and the droxardoracts rdvrwy, restitution of all things (Ac 37). The classical sense of xrifgev, to found, occurs only in 1 Es 4°, but is traceable in the meaning of «rlows in 1 P 23, wrdop dvOpwrlvy xrloa, ‘every institution, i.e. ordinance, of man.’ J. MASSIE. CREDIT.—1 Mac 10* ‘ When Jonathan and the people heard these words, they gave no credit unto them’ (ov« érlcrevoay av’rots, RV ‘ credence’). Cf. Introd. to Rhemish NT, ‘The discerning of Canonical from not Canonical, and of their infal. lible truth, and sense, commeth unto us, only by the credite we give unto the Catholike Churche.’ J. HASTINGS. CREDITOR.—See DEBT. CREED.—A creed is an authorized statement or definition of religious beliefs. The name is usually limited in its application to the three formulas known as the Apostles’, the Nicene (or Constanti- nopolitan), and the Athanasian. The history of these documents has been the subject of minute and elaborate investigation. The most convenient collection of the materials for study is to be found in Hahn’s Biblioth. d. Symb. u. Glaubensreg. d. alt. Kirche’, 1897. The earliest traces of the ete Creed are investigated in vol. i. pt. 2, of Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn’s Patr. Apost. Op.,and Harnack, Anhang to Hahn (ed. 2); and the recent controversy as to its original meaning, and the source of certain clauses, is accessible in Harnack, Apost. Glaubens- bek., and Swete, Apostles’ Creed. As Swainson has observed, it is necessary to remark that until the tenth century the name ‘apostles’’ or ‘apostolic’ was applied to the Nicene as well as to the Western symbol to which it is now appropriated ; both wers regarded as embodying the apostolic teaching, and the epithet ‘apostolic’ does not always entitle us to say that the Latin symbol is the one meant. But the purpose of this article is not to enter cn the origin and history of the creeds, but to indi- cate their biblical suggestions or anticipations. Pagan religion was a rite rather than a doctrine ; if the ceremonial were duly performed, the worshipper was at liberty to interpret it, or leave it unexplained, as he pleased. The myths which in a certain sense rationalize ritual do not amount to a doctrine; there is nothing in them binding the reason or faith of the worshipper; and pa religion has no theology or creed. Neither has it a historical basis, which might be exhibited and guarded by a solemn recital of sacred facts. In both respects it is distinguished from the religion of revelation. This rests upon facts, which have to be perpetually made visible, and upon an inter- pretation of those facts, without which they lose their value and power as a basis for religion. ‘This is true both of OT and NT stages in revelation, but it is in the latter only that we can be said to see the first approaches to the formation of a creed. The Ten Words, with their demand for monolatry, if not their proclamation of monotheism, might be regarded as the ‘symbol’ of the ancient religion: the Shema—Hear, O Israel, J!’ our God is one J//— in Dt 6: is the nearest approach to the enunciation of a doctrine. In NT there are various more distinct indications, sometimes of the existence, sometimes of the contents, of what would now be ealled a creed. ‘The emphasis which Jesus lays upon faith in Himself makes Him, naturally, the principal subject in these. ‘The Christian creed is a confession of faith in Him; there is nothing in it which is not a more or less immediate inference from what He is, or teaches, or does. The early confession of Nathanael (Jn 14), ‘Rabbi, thou art the Son of God; thou art the King of Israel,’ is the germ of a creed. ‘There is probably more, though not everything, in Peter’s confession at Csarea Philippi (Mt 16'°), ‘Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God.’ The exclamation of Thomas in Jn 2028 goes further still. We may infer from such passages as 1 Co 123 (‘ Jesusis Lord’) and Ro 109 (‘ If thou shalt confess with thy mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in thy heart that God raised him from the dead’), that a confession of the exaltation of the crucified Jesus was the earliest form of Christian creed. Cf. Ac 2%. Some such confession seems to have been connected from the beginning with the administration of baptism. This appears from the ancient interpolation in Ac 837 in which the eunuch is made, before his baptism, to say, ‘I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God’; but still more from Mt 2819, The formula, ‘into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit,’ which is here prescribed for baptism, is undoubtedly the outline on which both the Western (Apostolic) and the Eastern (Nicene) symbols were moulded ; and candidates for baptism were at a very early date required to profess their faith, sometimes in the very words of those symbols, sometimes in forms virtually equivalent to them. (See BAPTISM.) It has indeed been pointed out that where baptism is mentioned historically in NT, it is ‘into the naine of the Lord Jesus’ (Ac 8'® 19° etc.), not into the triune name of Mt 281%; but the surprise of St. Paul in Ac 193 that any one could have been baptized without hearing of the Holy Spirit, is fair evidence that the Holy Spirit was mentioned whenever Christian baptism was dispensed (observe the force of of» in Ac 193). Expansions of this trinitarian formula constituted what Irenzeus calls ‘the canon of the truth which one receives at baptism’ (Iren. Her. I. x. 1, and the note in Harvey’s ed. vol. i. p. 87 f.). Such expansions, however, are hardly to be found in NT. The brief summaries of Christian fundamentals are usually of a different character. Thus St. Paul mentions, as the elements of his gospel in 1 Co 15%! Christ’s death for sins, His burial, and His resurrection. In 1 Ti 36 there is what is usually considered a liturgical fragment, defining at least for devotioual purposes the contents of ‘the mystery of godliness,’ the open secret of the true religion. There the first emphasis is laid on the Incarnation—He who was manifested in the flesh; and the last on the Ascension—He who was received up in glory. As in the individual confessions mentioned above, Christ is the subject throughout. It is difficult to say whether the summaries of his gospel in which ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons CREEPING THINGS 517 St. Paul delights, sometimes objective as in Ro 18, sometimes subjective as in 2 Th 21f, Tit 8&7, in- fluenced the formulation of Christian truth for catechetical purposes, or were themselves due to the need for it; but it is obvious that outlines of gospel teaching, such as the apostles delivered everywhere, must soon have been required and supplied. Such an outline may be referred to in 2 Ti 18—brorimwow exe bytarvdyvtwy Noywv—though it may well be the case that something is denoted much more copious than anything we call a creed: a catechist’s manual, for instance, such as might contain the bulk of one of our gospels. It is usual to assume that by rapaé7jxn or mapaxaradynkyn (1 Thi 629, 2 Ti 18) is meant ‘the faith once delivered to the saints,’ in the sense of a creed or deposit of doctrine; and though good scholars dispute this, and suppose the ref. to be to Timothy’s vocation as a minister of the gospel, the assumption is probably correct. For in the first passage the rapaéjKy is opposed to ‘profane babblings and oppositions of knowledge falsely so called, which some professing have erred concerning the faith’ ; and in the second, it is evidently parallel to the ‘form’ or ‘outline of sound words.’ There are several passages in which St. Paul uses the word xjpuvyua to denote the con- tents of his gospel (Ro 16%, Tit 18 kijpuvyua 6 ériotevOny éyw) in a way which suggests that idea of the gospel which would naturally find embodi- ment ina creed. The rvzos di6ax7s of Ro 6!" is evidently wider than anything we mean by creed. There is one passage in NI (He 61%) in which the elementary doctrines of the Christian religion are enumerated, partly from a subjective point of view (repentance and faith), partly more object- ively (resurrection and judgment). In one place the reality of the Incarnation is expressly asserted as the foundation of the Christian religion, and as a test of all ‘spirits,* in a tone which had immense influence on early Christian dogma (1 Jn 4*f). The creeds of Christendom go back to these small be- ginnings. The tendency to produce them is plainly as old as the work of Christian preaching and teaching ; and their legitimate use, as all these NT passages suggest, is to exhibit and guard the truth as it has been revealed in and by Jesus. If it be true that ‘he dogma of Christianity is the Trinity, and that this is the central content of the creeds, it must be remembered that the trinitarian con- ception of God depends upon the revelation of the Father, and the gift of the Spirit, both of which are dependent on the knowledge of the Son. In other words, it is truth ‘as truth is in Jesus.’ But on this view of the content of the creeds, we should have to refer for the Scripture basis of them to such passages (besides those quoted above) as 1 Co 124, 2 Co 13!4, Eph 218, Jude #°-2!, Jn 14-16. Apart from the authenticity of Mt 2819, these are sufficient to show how instinctive is the combina- tion of Father, Son, and Spirit in the thought of NT writers, and how completely the problem is set in Christian experience to which the Church doctrine of the Trinity, as embodied in the Nicene- Constantinopolitan creed, is an answer. The his- torical, as opposed to theological, statements in the creeds claim to rest on direct Scripture authority. Lirerature.—Swainson, Apostolic and Nicene Creeds; Heurtley, Harmonia Symbolica ; Caspari, Ungedruckte, etc. ; Quellen z. Ges. d. Tuufsymbols wu. d. Glaubensregel ; Lumby, ITist, of Creeds; Zahn, Apost. Symb. (1892); and the works of Hahn, Harnack, and Swete referred to above. J. DENNEY. **CREEPING THINGS.—Much confusion is some- times occasioned by the fact that two distinct Heb. terms are (frequently) represented by this expression in the KV. (1) The term which is most correctly so repre- sented is rémes (©2}), from ramas, to glide or creep: 518 CREEPING THINGS CREMATION under this term ‘creeping things’ are mentioned Gn 1%-25 (as created, together with ‘cattle,’ and ‘beasts of the earth’ [7.e. speaking generally, herbivora and carnivora ], on the sixth day); 1°6 (as given into the dominion of man, together with the ‘fish of the sea,’ the ‘fowl of the air,’ the ‘cattle and ali beasts [Pesh.] of the earth’); 67-20 714.28 817.19 (as spared, usually together with ‘cattle’ and ‘fowl,’ on occasion of the Flood) ; in other allusions to the animal kingdom, often by the side of ‘beasts,’ ‘cattle,’ ‘fowl,’ or ‘fishes,’ 1 K 433 (618) ‘He spake also of cattle, and of fowl, and of creeping things, and of fishes,’ Hos 218(2°) ; Hab 11 (the Chaldzan makes men to be ‘as the fishes of the sea, as the creeping things, over whom is no ruler’), Ezk 8! (figures of them worshipped by Israelites), 3829, Ps 148! In Gn 93 [RV moving thing], where the term stands by itself, it is used more generally of all gliding or creeping things (cf. the verb in Gn 1% 771 8 [RV moveth, moved]; Ps 10420): and in Ps 104% of gliding aquatic crea- tures (cf. the verb in Gn 1?!, Lv 114, Ps 6934(3°) (RV moveth]) ; so also perhaps (note the context, esp. v.45) in Hab 144. The corresponding verb is often found closely joined to it, Gn 1?) 71! 817, Ezk 38”) ; or used synonymously, Gn 1% 78 92 (RV teemeth), Ly 20% (RV id.), Dt 4!8 (by the side of cattle, fowl, and fish), ct. Lv 1144 (RV moveth). These are all the occurrences of either the subst. or the verb. From a survey of the passages in which rémes occurs, especially those (as Gn 178, | K 4%) in which it stands beside beasts, fowls, and fishes, in popular classifications of the animal kingdom, it is evident that it is the most general term denoting reptiles, which, especially in the East, would be tho most conspicuous and characteristic of living species, when beasts, fowls, and fishes had been excluded. Dillm. and Keil (on Gn 12+) both define it as denot- ing creatures moving on the ground ‘either without feet, or with imperceptible feet.’ It is often defined more precisely by the addition of ‘that creepeth upon the earth,’ or (Gn 175 67°, Hos 2!§) ‘upon the ground.’ ‘The term not being a scientific one, it in- cluded also, perhaps, creeping insects, and possibly even very small quadrupeds: but the limitation of rémes to the ‘smaller quadrupeds of the earth’ (to the exclusion of reptiles), which has been devised (Dawson, Modern Science in Bible Lands, 1888, p.28) for the purpose of ‘harmonizing’ Gn 1 with the teachings of paleontology, is arbitrary, and cannot be sustained. (2) The other term, also sometimes unfortunately rendered ‘creeping things,’ is shérez (/>¥): this is applied to creatures, whether terrestrial or aquatic, which appear in swarms, and is accord- ingly best represented by swarming things. It occurs (sometimes with the cognate verb) Gn 1” ‘let the water swarm with swarming things,’ cf. v.21 ‘every living soul [see SOUL] that creepeth, wherewith the waters swarmed’; 7?! (beside fowl and cattle and beast) ‘every swarming thing that swarmed upon the earth’; Ly 52 ‘the carcases of unclean swarming things’ ; 11! ‘of all the swarm- ing things of the waters’; v.2? (= Dt 141), vyv.2t 28 ‘winged swarming things’? (i.e. flying insects: locusts are instanced) ; v.29 ‘swarming things, that swarm upon the earth’ (the weasel, the mouse, and various kinds of lizards are instanced), cf. v.31 ‘among all swarming things’; vv. +1: #-# ‘every swarming thing that swarmeth upon the earth? — including (v.42) insects with more than four feet ; v.44 ‘any swarming thing that creepeth upon the earth’; v.46 ‘every living soul that glideth (ef. above, No. 1) in the waters, and every living soul that swarmeth upon the earth’ ; 22° *whoso touch- eth any swarming thing by which he may become unclean.’ The cognate verb shdraz occurs also Ex 83 (728) ‘the river shall swarm with frogs’ (cf. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons a Ps 10589) ; zk 479 ‘ every living soul that swarmeth’ (viz. in a river); and fig., of animals generally, Gn 817 (RV breed abundantly), and of men, 97 (RV id.) Ex 17 (of the Israelites multiplying in Egypt: RV increased abundantly). Shérezg thus denotes creatures that appear in swarms, whether such as teem in the water, or those which swarm on the ground or in the air, te. creeping and flying insects, small reptiles, such as lizards, and small quadrupeds, as the weasel and the mouse. Shérez and rémes are not co-extensive; for, though par- ticular animals, as small reptiles, would no doubt be included under either designation, rémes would not be applied to flying insects, or (at least properly) to aquatic creatures, nor is it certain that it was applied to small quadrupeds, or even to creeping insects; while shérez would not probably be used of large reptiles, or of any, in fact, which did not usually appear in swarms. S. R. DRIVER. **CREMATION.—It is sometimes stated that burn- ing was the ordinary mode of disposing of the dead among all ancient nations, except the Egyptians, who embalmed them ; the Chinese, who buried them in the earth; and the Jews, who buried them in the sepulchres. This statement requires a good deal of qualification. Lucian tells us that the Greeks burned their dead while the Persians buried them (De Luctu, xxi.) ; and it is certain that among the Greeks bodies were often buried without being burned (Thuc. i. 184. 6; Plat. Phedo, 115 E; Plut. Lyc. xxvii.). Among the Romans both methods were in use; and Cicero believed that burial was the more ancient (De Legibus, ii. 22. 56). So that Persians, Greeks, and Romans must be added as, at any rate, partial exceptions. Whether religious, or sanitary, or practical reasons were uppermost in deciding between the different methods is uncertain. Where fuel was scarce, cremation would be difficult or impossible. That the Jews’ preference for sepulchres was determined by a belief in the resurrection of the body is very doubtful. The doctrine itself seems to have been of late development; and modern Jews, who accept the doctrine, do not object to cremation. Nevertheless, their forefathers rarely practised it, and perhaps then only as an alter- native to what would be more distasteful. The bodies of Saul and his sons were burned by the men of Jabesh-gilead (1 S 312%), perhaps to secure them from further insult by the Philistines, and to mike it more easy to conceal the bones. Am 610 gives a horrible picture of a whole household having died, and a man’s uncle and a servant being the only survivors left to burn the last body. But we are probably to understand a plague, or something exceptional. That bodies were burned in the valley of Hinnom in times of pestilence is an assertion which lacks support. However large the number of the dead, burial was the manner of disposing of them (Ezk 391-16), The ‘very great burning’ made for Asa at his burial (2 Ch 1614) is not a case of cremation, but of burning spices and furniture in his honour (comp. Jer 34°). ‘When R. Gamaliel the elder died, Onkelos the proselyte burned in his honour the worth of seventy mine of Tyrian money’ (T.B. Aboda Zara 11a). Comp. 2 Ch 2119, Nor is 1 K 13? an allusion to cremation. Bones of men previously buried are to be burned on the altar to pollute it and render it abominable. In the NT there is no instance of cremation, whether Jewish, Christian, or heathen; and there is abundant evidence that the early Christians followed the Jewish practice of burial, with or without embalming (Minuc. Felix, Octav. xxxix.; Tert. Apol. xlii.; Aug. De Civ. Det, i. 12, 138), It was to outrage this well-known Christian senti- CRESCENS ment that persecutors sometimes burned the bodies of the martyrs and scattered their ashes in mockery of the resurrection (Kus. H. 7. v. 1. 62, 63; comp. Lact. Inst. vi. 12). The example of the Jews, the fact that Christ was buried, the association of burning with heathen practices, and perhaps rather material views respecting the resurrection, have contributed to make cremation unpopular among Christians. But there is nothing essentially anti- christian in it: and charity requires us to adopt any reverent manner of disposing of the dead which science may prove to be least injurious to the living. A. PLUMMER. CRESCENS.—A companion of St. Paul in his final imprisonment, sent by him to Galatia (2 Ti 40), tie. either to Asiatic Galatia,—a view sup- ported by St. Paul’s usage elsewhere, and by the context, in which all the other places mentioned lie east of Rome (so Const. Apost. vii. 46; ‘Tille- mont, Mémoires sur St. Paul, Note 81; Smith, DB? s.v.); or possibly to Gaul (so x C, reading TadXlav; Kuseb. H# iii. 4; Epiph. Her. 51. 11; Theodore and Theodoret ad 2 Ti 41°; Lightfoot, Gal. pp.3and 30). A late Western tradition treats him as the founder of the Churches of Vienne and of Mayence (Gams. Series Hpisc.). His memory is honoured in the Roman martyrology on June 27, in the Greek Menologion on May 30, and there he is treated as one of the seventy disciples, and a bishop of Chalcedon. [Acta Sanctorum, June 27; Menologion, May 30.) The name is Latin, and is found among the freedmen of Nero (Tac. Hist. i. 76), the centurions (Ann. xv. 11), and the priests of Phoebus (Jnser. Greece, Sic. et Ital. 1020). W. LOCK. CRESCENTS.—RV tr. of 22°72" Jg 821-25 (AV ‘ornaments’), Is 518 (AV ‘round tires like the moon’). As clearly indicated by its etym. (from Aram. sahr@, ‘moon,’ with On as diminutive ter- mination,—for which see Barth, Nominalbildg. § 212), — the sahdron was a crescent or moon-shaped ornament of gold (Jg 87°), introduced presumably by Syrian traders from Babylonia. In O'T we find these crescents worn by Midianite chiefs (Jg 82°), by the ladies of Jerus. (Is 3!§), and hung by the former on the necks of their camels (Jg 8?!). They were in all probability worn on the breast by a chain round the neck, like the crescents (hila@lat) of a modern Arab. belle (see Del. and Dillm. on Is 3}8; Keil, Bibl. Archeol. Eng. tr. ii. 149; Nowack, Heb. Arch. i. 129; cf. Jg 875», where the crescents seem to be distinguished from the chains by which they were suspended). Others (e.g. Moore, Comm. in loc.) consider the latter to have been ‘necklaces or collars, the elements of which were little golden crescents.’ Originally the crescents were amulets or charms (W. R. Smith in Journ. of Philology, xiv. 122-123 ;* Wellh. Skizzen, sili. 144), although by Tsaiah’s time they may have become more purely ornamental. A. R. S. KENNEDY. CRETE.—Crete, the modern Candia, is an island in the Mediterranean, 60 miles to the S. of Greece. Its ereatest leneth from E. to W. is 156 miles, while its width varies from 30 to 7 miles. The orig. inhabitants were prob. a kindred race with those of Asia Minor. C. plays a prominent part in the legendary, as well as in the early historical period. Lying as a convenient stepping-stone between the continents of the Old World, the island was prob- ably colonised by the Dorians in the 3rd generation after their conquest of the Peloponnesus. Homer numbers them together with the Achwans and * Smith suggests that the sahdrénim may have been of horse- shoe form, ‘so that this is the same kind of amulet which is still often found on stable doors.’ CRETE 519 Pelasgians among the inhabitants. Some striking points of resemblance are noticed by Aristotle ( Politics, ii. 10) between the institutions of Sparta and those of C., prominent among them being the military training, and the system of common meals. ‘The mythical king Minos, round whom so many legends cluster, is alluded to as a historical person by Thucyd. (i. 4. 8) and Aristotle. He was the first to gain command of the sea; he insured the payment of tribute by the suppression of piracy, and finally failed in an attempt to conquer Sicily. C. was mountainous, fertile, and thickly populated. Its cities were said to be 100 in number (Hom. JJ. ii. 649; Virg. Aen. iii. 106), and elsewhere 90 (Hom. Od. xix. 174), the most important being Gnossus, Gortyna (1 Mac 158), Cydonia, and Lyctus. The warlike spirit of the inhabitants, due to their position and training, was fostered by their internal disputes and their fondness for service as mercen- aries. Tacitus (Hist. v. 2) says that the Jews were fugitives from C., and connects their name, ’Iovdazor, with the mountain in the island called Ida. This probably arose from a confusion between the Jews and Philistines, the latter of whom are called Caphtorim, from Caphtor (Dt 228, Am. 97), the country from which they migrated to Pal., and mmay possibly be identified with the Cherethites mentioned 1$ 380!, Ezk 2516, In Jer 474 the passage ‘the Philistines, the remnant of the isle of Caphtor,’ has marginal alternative in RV ‘of the sea-coast’ for ‘isle’; and in the LXX (Zeph 2) rdpockos KpnrGy is found and is tr. ‘inhabitants of the sea- coast, the nation of the Cherethites’ (RV), and Kp7tn (Zeph 2°)=‘ the sea-coast.’ Caphtor may have been a part of Crete, possibly Cydonia on the N. coast, which contained a river, Jardanus (cf. Jordan), Hom. Od. iii. 292. In any case C. was prob. a primitive settlement of the Caphtorim, and the Cretan character resembles in some respects what we know that of the Philistines to have been. The capture of Jerus. by Ptolemy Soter, and the forced emigration of the Jews, B.C. 820, drove many doubtless to C. as wellas to Egypt. C. is mentioned in 1 Mac 10%, Demetrius Soter, an enemy of the Jews, had retired to a life of self-indulgence in Antioch, and was defeated and killed by the usurper Balas. The latter was in turn attacked by Demetrius Nikator, the son of Soter, who invaded Cilicia from C., and, though joined by Apollonius, the Rom. governor of Ccele-Syria, was defeated by Jonathan Maccabeus near Azotus, B.O. 148. In B.C. 141 Simon Maccabeeus, on the recognition of his authority, renewed the old friendship with the Romans, and obtained from the consul Lucius the promise of protection for the Jews from the inhabitants of Gortyna in C. (1 Mac 158). There is no doubt that, after this date, the number of Jews in the island increased greatly. Internal quarrels among the Cretans led to the invitation to Philip Tv. of Macedon to act as mediator, but the effects of his intervention were not lasting. C. was taken by the Romans under Metellus, B.c. 67, and joined to Cyrene and made a Roman province. Under Augustus, Creta-Cyrene became a senatorial province governed by a propretor and a legatus. Cretans are mentioned (Ac 2!) among the strangers present at Jerus. at the Feast of Pentecost. St. Paul touched at C. in the course of his dis- astrous voyage to Rome. Starting from Myra in Lycia, in the charge of a centurion, on board a corn ship of Alexandria, since the winds prevented a straight course, he sailed under the lee of C., i.e. S. instead of N. of the island. Skirting the pro- montory of Salmone (Ac 27"), on the E. side, and coasting along the S., the vessel reached an anchor- age called Fair Havens, a little to the E. of Cape Matala. Five miles to the E. some ruins have 520 CRIB been discovered which may be those of Lasea. This harbour was not considered safe for wintering in, though St. Paul recommended keeping to it. It was getting late in the year. The Fast, i.c. the great Day of Atonement, on the 10th day of the 7th month Tisri, about the time of the autumnal equinox, had passed, and the ancients did not usually sail after the setting of the Pleiades, Oct. 20 (Hesiod, Works and Days, 619) or the beginning of Nov. The centurion, however, preferred the advice of the master and the owner of the vessel, who wished to reach the shelter of Phoenix on the S. W. of the island. This has usually been identified with Lutro, said to have been called by the ancients Pheenike, the only secure harbour on the S. coast which faced E. (RV). There is no harbour existing at that spot now, but one is marked in some Admiralty shasta of the middle of the last cent., and called Lutro. In order to identify Pheenix (Ac 27!2) with this roadstead, the forced interpretation of the words xard Alfa Kal Kxard x@pov, ‘down the §.W. wind and down the N.W. wind,’ found in the RVm is adopted. It is better, however, to take the words as in AV in their usual sense, ‘lying toward 8. W. and N.W..,’ esp. as there is a harbour opposite Lutro called Phineka in that position. On a gentle S. wind springing up, the attempt was made to reach Phenix, and the vessel coasted along the 8. shore of C. There suddenly, however, blew down from the island (xa7’ adrjs) a wind, Euraquilo E.N.E., in the teeth of which it was found impossible to sail, so the ship was allowed to scud before the gale to the lee of Cauda (or Clauda, AV), 20 miles S. of Cape Matala, the southern- most promontory of the island. Fourteen days later the vessel was wrecked on the coast of Melita. It is not known who planted Christianity in C. If St. Paul did so, it must have been before his first Pepe aness possibly in the course of a visit while he was staying at Corinth or Ephesus. Perhaps the Church in the island had been founded by Christian converts. St. Paul seems to imply from his words to Titus (Tit 15), ‘ For this cause left I thee in C.,’ that he had been to the island. The fact that Titus was left to supply all omissions and ApLont elders in every city, shows that the Church had been established long enough to admit the presence of irregularities, and had been im- perfectly organised. The untrustworthy character of the Cretans (Kpfres, Ac 2" AV Cretes, Tit 112 AV Cretians) was proverbial. St. Paul quotes from one of their own poets, Epimenides (Tit 12), who lived about B.c. 600, and is called by Plato ‘a divine man,’ that ‘they were always liars, evil beasts, idle gluttons.’ Witness to their avarice is also borne by Livy (xliv. 45) and. Plutarch Avmilius (§ 23), ‘the Cretans are as eager for riches as bees for honey’; to their ferocity and fraud by Polybius and Strabo; and to their mendacity by Callimachus, Hymn in Jov. 8, who begins a line Kpfres del Yeiora: with the same words as Epimenides. LITERATURE.—Bunbury, Hist. of Ancient Geog. ; Weldon’s tr. of Aristotle's Politics; Rawlinson, Herodotus; and the Comm. on Acts, esp. Page, Blass, and Rendall. C. H. PRICHARD. CRIB (0:3x).—The earliest meaning of the Eng. word (of which the origin is unknown) is ‘a barred receptacle for fodder used in cowsheds and fold- yards ; also in fields, for beasts lying out during the winter.’ And that is precisely the meaning of the Heb. word ’ébhds (fr. oax to feed), which is used Is 1 of a crib for the ass, Pr 144 for the ox, Job 39° for the ‘ unicorn,’ 7.e. wild ox. J. HASTINGS. CRICKET.—See Locust. a CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS CRIER.—In this form the word is not found in the Bible, but the verb from which it is derived (8p, Bodw) is sometimes used in the sense of . ing aloud, or proclaiming. Of Wisdom it is said that she ‘crieth in the chief place of concourse,’ Pr 17; and in answer to the question of the Jews, ‘Who art thou?’ the Baptist calls himself ‘the voice of one crying in the wilderness,’ Jn 1%. In ancient times, when men were illiterate, and could not read written mandates, public criers proclaimed the orders of the king or men of authority. Inthe Middle Ages heralds, preceded by trumpeters wha announced their mission, made public proclama- tions. This custom is still carried out in the E. In every town and village a public crier, distin- guished for his loud voice, is appointed to give notice on the part of governors or other authorities of some fresh order. Or, going through the streets, or standing on some height, he announces the loss of some article,—sometimes the straying of a young child,—giving a description of the lost object, offering sometimes a reward, and always concluding with a reminder of the divine promise of a ‘reward in heaven.’ Of this class of public criers is the muezzin among Moslems, who at the five appointed times of prayer mounts the minaret, and, after proclaiming the unity and greatness of God, calls men to ‘prayer and eternal happiness.’ In the quiet watches of the night this cry, heard from many a minaret, is often | impressive. . ORTABET. CRIME.—About 1611 and earlier, ‘crime’ was used, like Lat. crimen, in the sense of charge or accusation ; ba plore (1568), Chron. ii. 92, ae common people raysed a great c e upon the Archbiaen daa Milton, Par. pe 1181— ‘But I rue That error now, which is become my crime And thou th’ accuser.’ In three out of the four occurrences of c. in AV, this is the meaning. In Job 31" (m1) the Heb., and presumably the Eng., is crime in the mod. sense. But in Yale 7% ‘the land is full of bloody crimes,’ the Heb. (0°73 »5yn) is ‘accusation of bloodshed,’ or as RVm, ‘judgment of blood.’ In Ac 25'® ‘the c. (RV ‘matter’) laid against him,’ the Gr. &yxAnua means an accusation, and is so used distinctly in the only other occurrence in NT, Ac 23% (AV and RV ‘charge’). Lastly, in Ac 25” ‘to signify the crimes laid against hit,’ the Gr. airla certainly means ‘accusation’ (RV ‘charge’) as always in class. Greek. Cf. Ac 25% Geneva, ‘Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought no crime of such things as I supposed.’ J. HASTINGS. CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS.—A. CRIMES. —The term occurs in the Serip res as a tr. of the foll. words:—vayn, Ezk 77; a, Job 31"; ovx, Gn 26%; ailrla, Ac 2577, changed in RV to ‘charges,’ and ‘fault’ in AV Jn 18% 19%® to ‘crime’; &yxAnua, Ac 25, changed in RV to ‘matter.’ Crime is an act that subjects the doer to legal punishment; a grave offence against the legal order; wickedness; iniquity. In the Bible such an act is regarded as an offence against (1) God or (2) man. The distinction cannot always be maintained, for an injury to the creature is ob- noxious to the Creator. For convenience of refer- ence the list appears in alphabetical order. Adultery in general terms was forbidden in the seventh commandment (Ex 20%). It usually de- notes sexual intercourse of a married woman with any other man than her husband, or of a married man with any other than his wife. More specifi- cally in the Isr. as well as Rom. law, the term was confined to illicit intercourse of a married or be- trothed woman with any other man than her TE ————————— CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS 521 husband. Other unchaste relations were dis- approved, but they were described by different words. It was deemed an outrageous crime, striking at the laws of inheritance and inflicting a spurious offspring on the husband, and was to be punished with death, Ly 20 19-22, Ezk 16% #, by the act of stoning, Jn 8°. It has been seriously doubted whether the extreme penalty was exe- cuted, Lightfoot failing to find the record of a single instance, except of a priest’s daughter who was burnt according to the order, but she was unmarried. A bondmaid was only scourged (Lv 19%). Mauti- lation of nose and ears is mentioned (Ezk 23%), See Mutilation. Divorce became a substitute for severer penalties. The word is used to describe the unfaithfulness of the covenant people who dis- solved their relation with God (Jer 2? 3! 1377 3152, Hos 8°), and those who rejected Christ are described as an ‘adulterous generation’ (Mt 12% 164, Mk 8%), Affray.—He who inflicted an injury was required to pay or loss of time and the medical expenses, and an especial consideration for a pregnant woman indirectly injured (Ex 211 1% 20-22), A certain form of vicious attempt was to be summarily and piti- lessly punished (Dt 25": 3%). Assassination.—See Murder. Assault, resulting in damage, incurred the penalty of retaliation. The ger as well as the home-born was protected (Lv 241*-22), Bestiality, treated as a rank and mortal offence (Ex 22", Lv 1820-16), The Talm. gives asa reason for slaughter of the beast, that all memory of the low transaction might be obliterated. The crime was charged on the Canaanites, and was said to exist in Egypt. Blasphemy.—An irreverent use of the name of God, accompanied with cursing (Lv 24!*14) ; a pre- sumptuous deed, or, RV, an act done ‘ with a high hand’ (Nu 15”); contempt towards God. See stparate article. reach of Covenant.—In this term are included: (1) A failure to observe the Day of Atonement (Ly 23”); work on that day (Lv 23%). (2) The Sacrifice of Children to Molech (Lv 20°). (3) Neglect to Circumcise the holy seed (Gn 174, Ex 4%). (4) An unauthorized manufacture of the holy Oil (Ex 30%), and (5) Anointing a Stranger therewith (Ex 30%). (6) Neglect of the Passover (Nu 91). Breach of Ritual.—(1) Eating Blood, whether of fowl or beast (Lv 7” 17%) ; because God has sancti- fied the life to Himself. (2) Eating Fat of the beast of sacrifice (Lv 7%); regarded as insanitary. (3) Eating Leavened Bread during the passover (Ex 124-19), (4) Offering a sacrifice after the ap- pointed time (Lv 19°). See 75-18, (5) Failure to bring an Offering when an animal is slaughtered for food (Lv 17%). "The notion that such was dedicated to a deity existed even in Egypt. (6) Offering a sacri- fice while the worshipper is in an Unclean condi- tion (Ly 7% 2! 293-49), (7) Manufacturing holy Ointment for private use (Ex 30°: 3), Perfume was regarded by the Semites as a holy thing (Pliny, xii. 54; see W. R. Smith, RS p. 433). (8) Using the same for Perfume (Ex 30°), (9) Neglect of Purifi- cation in general (Nu 19*-®). The offender ‘de- fileth the tabernacle of the Lord.’ Cf. 1 Co 31. (10) Slaughtering an animal for food away from the door of the Tabernacle (Lv 17**). The order was designed to enforce religious proprieties in eating, and to prevent formal worship elsewhere. Even the gér must comply. (11) Touching holy things (RV the sanctuary) illegally (Nu 435+ 18-%) See 25 6’, 2 Ch 26. Breach or Betrayal of Trust, including false dealing ‘in a matter of deposit, or of bargain, or of robbery, or oppression,’ and involving the con- cealment of stolen goods, was regarded as a crime to which not only a penalty was attached, but a sacrificial service was required for expiation (Lv 677), In this may be included breach of contract, which was also severely condemned in the religion of the ancient Persians (Zend. Farg. iv.). The removal of landmarks as set by God is an offence that exposes to the divine curse, Dt 19 27" (Jos. Ant. Iv. viii. 18.). It was wrong to move them when set by the fathers (Pr 2278 231%), Bribery in general was forbidden, Ex 238, Dt 16°, and condemned, 2 Ch 197, Job 15%, Ps 26%, Pr 6® 17%, Is 1% 33, Ezk 222, It was a vice to which rulers seem to have been addicted (1 S 8? 123 Am 51%), Burglary.—See Robbery. Debt, while it might be a misfortune, could be incurred so as to expose to penalty where the in- solvency was the result of fraud or neglect (Mt 5% 18-34), Perhaps punishment was inflicted to deter others, rather than as a vindictive act against the offender. In Egypt he was subjected to the bastin- ado (Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians, 1854, ii. 211). See separate article. Divination.—See MAGIC and sep. art. Drunkenness, a vice which, in view of its con- sequences, may be regarded as a crime (Is 28! %7 56”, Ezk 23% RV). Religious abstinence from strong drink was viewed in the same light as refraining from unclean meats (W. R. Smith, &S 465). Teetotal- ism was required of a Nazirite, Jg 134, and com- mended, Jer 35%. Inebriety is forbidden in the Koran. See STRONG DRINK and DRUNKENNESS. Fornication, a sexual vice that was common before the time of Moses, being grossly prevalent in Egypt, as shown in Gn 397 and the evidence of the monuments; also in Babylonia (Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, iii. 30). Prostitution, a hein- ous crime (Jos. Ant. IV. viii. 9), was not tolerated by the Sin. code, being an abomination in the sight of God (Lv 19”, Dt 2317-18), Its price could not: be accepted in the sanctuary, Mic 1’, and death by stoning was the penalty for an unmarried woman who had concealed her crime, Dt 22-21, It would seem from the term ‘strange woman,’ in Pr 25, that harlots were procured from foreigners. By the Koran a courtesan was not allowed to testify, and, according to the Zendavesta, she might be killed without warrant, like a snake. Her vile methods and their terrible effects are severely por- trayed in Pr 2}6-19 58-6 75-27, and as arousing the dis- pleasure of God, Jer 5’, Am 2’ 77. Such excesses were very common among the heathen in the time of the apostles (1 Co 5! * 1 6%, Gal 5", Eph 5°). Terms or this vice are frequently used in a sym- bolical sense, the chosen nation being represented as a harlot or adulteress (Is 17, Jer 2”, Ezk 16, Hos 1? 3'). Idolatry itself is so designated (Jer 389, Ezk 16% 2 2397). Fornication is a type of unholy alliances in the Bk. of Rev, especially in chs. 17, 18, and 19. Homicide, which consists in taking human life without hatred or thirst of blood, or by mistake or accident, included cases like that of the owner of an ox which gored a man when it was not known to bo vicious (Ex 21*8) ; the slaying of a thief overtaken in the night (Ex 227%); taking life without pre- meditation, or by casting a stone or missile at random (Nu 35%), or by the slipping of an axe- head from its helve (Dt 195). See Dt 22° and art. GOEL. Idolatry.—See separate article. Incest.—Carnal intercourse is treated as criminal] when between a man and his mother, step-mother, half-sister, grand-daughter, step-sister, aunt, wife of an uncle, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law, step- daughter, step-grand-danghter (Lv 18%!8) ; or his mother-in-law (l)t 27%-*). Mention of an own sister is omitted as too gross to consider. Infanticide.—See Murder. 522 CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS Kidnapping was a mortal offence (Dt 24"). Lying, an attempt to deceive by speaking an un- truth, was forbidden in the Mosaic law (Lv 19"), and included in the category of sinsagainst God. It was a@ common evil among Oriental people, but con- sidered very dis raceful (Wilkinson, Ane. Egyptians, 1854, ii. 207). The prophets especially fulminated against the effort to lead the people astra by false teaching (Is 91° 281-17, Jer 1414 2710-14. 15.18) Bizk 21”, Mic 14, Zec 13°, and many other passages). Falsehood is severely rebuked in Ps gah 119”, Pr 14°. 1959 In NT it is regarded as a sin odious to God (Ac 5*% 4); contrary to the essence of the gospel (1 Jn 16 27-27); and disqualifying the perpe- trator for the new order (Rev 215 * 2215), It is associated with perjury (1 Ti 1°). See OATH, WITNESS, and LYING. Malice, that was made apparent in tale-bearing, lying in wait for blood, secret hatred, and bearing a grudge, is condemned (Ly 1918-18), Murder, according to the divine word, is a crime against which all nature revolts (Gn 4! 4), The sanctity of human life is founded on the fact that man was made in the image of God (Gn 9). Murder may be instigated by hatred (Nu 35”) ; or by thirst for blood, prompted by hoses Oa design (Dt 19"); or accomplished by deceitful stratagem (Ex 21"), Assassination is an aggra- vated form in which life is destroyed by surprise or unexpected assault and treacherous violence (2 8 45-6), and the following instances occur: Eglon, Jg 320-22; Tshbosheth, 2 S 45%; Nadab, 1 K 15778; Sennacherib, 2 K 19°’, 2 Ch 32”; Gedaliah, Jer 412. In the times of Felix and Festus there appeared a fanatical faction of Jewish patriots known as Sicarii, armed with daggers, sicce, who, flitting about unobserved among the crowds during festival seasons, removed opponents by assassination, and then feigned deep sorrow to avert suspicion. See Ac 218 (Jos. Ant. XX. viii. 5, Wars, Il. xiii. 3, 11. XVii. 6, IV. vii. 2, ix. 5, VII. viii. 1, x. 1, xi. 1; Schiirer, AJP I. ii. 178, 185). There is no mention of parricide and infanticide in the Mosaic code, as if these crimes were not known to exist or be possible. In Egypt the parent was doomed to embrace the corpse of the child for three days (Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. ii. 209); and while the Koran condemned prenatal murder as well, E. H. Palmer states in a note to Koran vi. 137, that female children were buried alive in Arabia. The following cases of suicide appear: Saul and his armour-bearer, 18 $145; Ahithophel, 2 8 17%; Zimri, 1 K 16%; Judas Iscariot, Mt 27°; also Ptolemy Macron, 2 Mac 10!8, and Razis, 2 Mac 14*-48, Jt could be treated as a crime by the Jews (Jos. Wars, It. viii. 5), but there is no mention of penalty in the Scriptures. Murder in all its forms 1s forbidden in Ex 20%, Dt 5!7. No sanctuary was to be allowed to the criminal (Ex 21?", Lv 2417-21, Nu 351618 Dt 19-18, 1 K 28-84), In poetic thought the voice of blood shed cried for vengeance until the murderer was punished (Gn 41°), A woe is pronounced on the city that is regarded as guilty (zk 24°8) ; and when unsuccessful, after the most diligent efforts, in detecting the criminal (Jos. An#. Iv. viii. 16), it must by an elaborate and impressive ceremony exonerate itself (Dt 213°). So sacred was the regard for human life, that the owner of an ox known to be vicious and causing death was held guilty of a capital crime, and the ox was stoned (Ex 21”), In Egypt, he who witnessed a murder without giving information of it was considered particeps crimanis. Ivreverence and Unkindness to Parents.—The command to honour father and mother (Ex 20!%), also inculcated in the Koran (xvii. 24. 25), rests on a sacred relation corresponding to that of the divine creation. God’s majesty is violated when CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS poe are dishonoured (Ex 22"). Hence the ollowing are prohibited : (1) Cursing father or mother (Ex 21", Lv 20°), Examples of this offence in practice are condemned in Mt 15**, Mk 7°13, (2) Striking (Ex 21%), This was a capital crime (Dt 21%!), It is possible that insolence to parents was condonable by reformation, and there are evidences that the laws were not invariabl executed with extreme rigour. Jos. (Ant. XVI. x1. 2) recounts an ineffectual attempt of Herod at Berytus to get rid of his sons on this charge. Prophesying Falsely.See PROPHECY. Prostitution.—See Yornication. Rape, a foul crime that demanded capital punish- meat (Dt 22%), See Seduction. Robbery, when the act is accompanied with violence, as burglary, placed the offender beyond rotection (Ex 22%). The Egyp. law was similar. arious degrees of the crime were recognized, it being a capital offence to take the ‘devoted thing’ (Jos 7%), or to steal a man (Ex 2136 Dt 247). See Kidnapping. Sabbath-Breaking.—See SABBATH. Seduction consisted in the enticement of an un- betrothed virgin, for which restitution was to be made by subsequent marriage, unless the father interposed an obstacle, but then the usual dowry was exacted (Ex 2216), a fine of 50 shekels was required, and there is no hint of possible compromise. Selden (Heb. Laws) states that the Sanhedrin added other mulets, because this was*so insignificant: one for the shame and dishonour; one for the loss of virginit: and the vitiating of the body, and still another if force had been used; and some account was taken of the quality and station of the person injured (see W. R. Smith, 2S 276). An offending bond- maid was scourged, and her enticer, besides payin the fine, must make a trespass-offering (Lv 19-4). Slander was prohibited, though no punishment is named (Ex 23!) except when a wife’s chastity was falsely impeached (Dt 328-19). See separate article. Sodomy was delicately but positively condemned in Gn 13!8 197, and reper 6d as an abomination (Lv 182 20!%), On this crime the Koran and Zendavesta likewise are very severe. The Israelites were not always innocent. It was an evil practised inreligious ceremonies, as appears from the terms W172 and ayip (Gn 38" and Hos 44), which snow that both males and females were set apart for such flagitious uses ; but if allowed in heathen temples, it was never to be permitted in the worshi oh dr; Dt 2317, 1 K 14% 15! 224, 2 K 237, Job 364, Hos 44 (W. R. Smith, RS 133). Speaking Evil of Rulers.—In the theocrac rulers are regarded as standing in the place of God, and so all reproachful words are prohibited. In Ex 22% 38, Jg 58, 1S 2%, Ps 8226 the term ode is used so as to imply that judges or legal officers are divine representatives. Swearing Falsely was never excusable even on behalf of the poor (Ex 20!6 231%) ; but when it was directed against the innocent, it was so aggravated a crime as to permit of no reprieve or pity (Dt 1916-21), See LYING and OATH. Theft involved the culprit, when convicted, im fines of varying grades, and it has been thought, from Pr 6%*1 compared with Ex 22}, that the evil was more prevalent in the later history of the people. Harmer (Observations, ii. 194) shows that it was shameful to steal in a caravanserai (Sir 411), In later times it was not considered a crime to steal from a Samaritan or another thief. Uncleanness as the result of incontinence, lack of restraint, or self-abuse, was forbidden directly (Ly 181° 2018) ; marked with the divine displeasure (Gn 38) ; and indirectly disapproved (Lv 151-1), The Zendavesta pronounces a similar condemnation, In Dt 2278 it is stated that — CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS 523 and allows of no atonement for the last-named. separate article. Usury might not be taken from Isr. brethren, although the toreigner (nokhri) was expressly ex- cluded from this and similar privileges (Ex 22”, Dt 23”- 21), The practice was forbidden by Egyp. laws, and is reproved in the Koran (xxx. 38). eh passages those who abstain from the evil are com- mended (Dt 157" 2438, Ps 155 372-26 1125, Pr 1917, Ezk 18!"), Extortionate and oppressive dealing is condemned (Job 22° 24%-7), See sep. article. B. PUNISHMENTS.—Punishment is defined as ‘pain or any other pouty on a person for a crime or offence by an authority to which the offender is subject ; any pain or detriment suffered in con- sequence of wrong-doing’ (Standard Dict.), This article will describe some forms of eres in- flicted on victims who might not be guilty of legal offences. Various words in OT are tr. by ‘ punish- ment,’ but the Heb. word that most frequently Soren the idea, is 775, in the sense of ‘visit.’ In NT the word is pers genefally as a tr. of xé\acts and rizwplia; also of dix4 (2 Th 1°), émirepla (2 Co 28), éxdlknors (1 P 2'4), Its purpose is not so much to execute vengeance as to deter from further violations, so that the offender ‘will hear and fear and do no more presumptuously’ (Dt 17% 19”). It was the belief of the Israelites that crimes were en- couraged by indulgence (Jos. Ant. VI. vii. 4). The ancient Parsees taught that crime was punished in the next as well as in this world (Darmesteter, Sac. Bks. HE. p. xcvi). The term is properly restricted to prey or violation of law; but suffering has often en imposed on the innocent and weak, as if these had transgressed order, when it meant no more than the arbitrary will of one in satan authority. Punishment may extend to the forfeiture of life, and is then known in common law as Capital. In the Bible one thus liable is described as having committed a sin of death (Dt 2275); a sin worthy of death (Dt 21), Such as he are said to be ‘sons of death’ (1 S 20%! 2616, 2S 125), or ‘men of death’ (19%), ‘He shall be put to death for his own sin’ (Dt 2416 2 K 148), See also Jn 87-%; ‘Ye shall die in your sin.’ Varicus modes of inflicting the penalty are mentioned, some of them as legally authorized among the chosen people, and others as administered by other nations or without regular watrant. The larger class of penalties was of : cea grade, and various means were devised “made by Sargon, king of Assyria (2 K 18). to punish the offender and deter others from repeating the crime. he following are either alluded to or mentioned in the Bible and the historical or literary works of the people of Israel :— Anathema (dvd@eu0).—See sep. art. CURSE. Banishment.—There was no provision in the Mosaic code for exile, unless it is to be understood that in some instances he who was cut off from the 26 Baer was expelled from his country as well as from his people. Temporary exclusion was ordered in the case of Miriam (Nu 12). In the Pers. period it appears as a possible penalty, Ezr 7% (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon, iii. 194). The Rom. authority resorted to this measure in the case of John, the author of the Apoe. (1%), and it was much dreaded by the Jews (Jos. Ant. xvI. i. 1). A wholesale deportation, as a military measure, bbe € flight of Absalom to Geshur to escape his father’s displeasure after Amnon’s assassination (2 S 13% 148-14), and of Jeroboam to Egypt to avoid king Solomon (1 K 11), are cases of voluntary exile, but not formal punishment. Beating (rummavopuds, He 11%).—The bastinado ‘was in common use among the Egyptians for thefts, petty frauds, and breach of trust. With it the male adulterer was punished. In minor offences a stick was used. A debtor was often beaten (Wilkin- son, Anc. Egyp. ii. 210ff.). In Assyria a mace was used to crush the skull (Layard, Nin. and Bab. 458). Though designed as a chastisement for slaves by the Greeks, a criminal might be beaten to death (2 Mac 6% %-®), See Braying. Beheading.—A capital punishment not sanc- tioned in Mosaic law, but frequently practised among the Assyr., Pers., Gr., Rom., and others. A cut in Rawlinson’s Ancient Monarchies shows the victim standing upright, while the executioner seizes him by a lock of the hair in despatchin him. In this way the chief baker who incurred Pharaoh’s displeasure may have suffered (Gn 40"), the subsequent suspension of the body being an added reproach (see Hanging). It is doubtful whether the seven sons of Gideon were thus slain, Jg 9° (see Slaying with Spear or Sword. Ahab’s seventy sons lost their heads by command of Jehu (2 K 10%*), The head of John the Baptist was severed by order of Herod (Mt 14°, Mk 6%). Thus also suffered James the Apostle (Ac 12). Many of the early martyrs were beheaded (Rev 20‘). The head of Ishbosheth was removed after death (2 § 48). Whether Sheba was slain before he was beheaded is not stated (2 S 2072-23), Blinding.—The only legal authority for putting out the eyes under the Mosaic dispensation woul be found indirectly in the law of retaliation ‘an eye for an eye’ (Ex 21%, Ly 24”, Dt 19'*-), and therefore the punishment would be seldom inflicted. There is an indistinct reference to something of this sort in boring out the eyes of the spies (Nu 1614), As prosuised by foreign nations, the Assyrians and Babylonians sometimes using hot irons for the purpose, it was rather designed to incapacitate the victim from rebellion, revolt, or the power of doing further harm. Thus Samson aatered (Jg 167). Zedekiah lost his eyes partly as a vindictive visitation, but more to effectually unfit him for rulership (2 K 257 and Jer 52"). In Persia it was inflicted for rascality, thieving, and rebellion. Criminals were not permitted to look on the face of the king (Est 7°). Nahash the Ammonite threatened that he would thrust out the right eyes of the inhabitants of Jabesh-gilead as a reproach on Israel, 15 112 (Rawlinson, dnc. Mon. ; Harmer, Observations). Branding and Burning.—It has been surmised that in some cases where burning was inflicted as the punishment for unchastity, it meant branding on the forehead as a mark of shame. If, however, the extreme penalty is intended, it is represented as of pre-Mosaic authority, and was proposed for Tamar (Gn 38%). The Sinaitic law directs that a priest’s daughter shall be burned for fornication (Ly 21°); and that this shall be the form of punish- ment for incest with a wife’s mother (Lv 201). Fire from the Lord supernaturally slew Nadab and Abihu (Lv 10’). Burning alive or scorching was practised by the Phil. (Jg 1415), and associated with a sort of confiscation (12'); also by the Bab. and Chald. (Jer 2972), Esarhaddon burned a king alive (G. Smith, Assyr. Discov.), and burning was attempted on Shadrach and his companions (Dn 3). There is an allusion to the practice in Is 437; see also 2 Mac 7>, ‘Tradition states that Nimrod cast Abraham into the fiery furnace for refusing to worship Chald. gods (Layard, Bab. and Nin.; Koran xxi. 68, xxxvii. 95). Cf. Gn 11% with Neh 97, where 7x, *ur, may be interpreted as light (of a flame). The pouring of molten lead down the throat (Jahn, Bid. Arch. ) has no other authority than that of Rabbin. statement. Slaves were sometimes branded on the hand (Is 445), but such disfigurement was forbidden by Jewish law (Lv 19%; cf. Gal 6”). Branding accompanied deportation by the Persians (Rawlin son. Anc. Mon. ili. 194). 624 CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS Braying or Pounding in a Mortar.—This act is mentioned in Pr 27”? as unavailing in the cure of a fool. RV specifies that the victim may be bruised as with a pestle among corn (see Nestle, Cheyne, etc. in Expos. Times, 1897, viil. 287, 335,ete.). ‘Tennant is authority for the statement that it still remains as a Cingalese penalty. The Turks have been charged with such cruelty, and a king of Canday is said to have compelled a wife to pound her infant child to death. There is probable allusion to this form of punishment in He 11*-%, where the faithful are said to have been tortured or beaten (érunwavic- @ncav), and to have had trial of scourgings. It is said that Eleazar was beaten on an instrument like a drum (2 Mac 6), and Jos. (De. Macc. 5, 9) mentions a wheel (7poxés) as an instrument of tor- ture. Hazael put men under sledges with iron spikes (2 K 8! 1082}, with Am 14), to which also the Ammonites were probably subjected (2S 12%, 1 Ch 208). The Talm. is quoted by Lightfoot as saying that Nebuzaradan used iron rakes on sume of his captives (Jer 39° 5275-°), Confiscation.—An act for which no provision is made in the Mosaic economy, but authorized in a modified form by Pers. rule, so that a residence might be destroyed; but no mention is made of the forfeiture of property for the benefit of the State (Ezr 6", Dn 2°3”). The act described in Ezr 7% seems to convey the idea of modern confiscation. Crucifixion.—See vor art. CROSS. Cutting Asunder.—In carrying out the threat as recorded in Dn 2° and 3”, the body might be cnt in more than two pieces. The verb used in Mt 245, Lk iz, is &yoroueiv, which in its etymology signifies severing in two parts. Cutting off from the People (1syr, a2y> m9, ’3,* LXX é€odoPpedw). — A term used in Gn 17" as penalty for neglect of circumcision, and in the law to be employed as a punishment for certain breaches (1) in morals, (2) in the Abrahamic cove- nant, and (3) in the Levitical ritual. For immor- ality such as filial irreverence, incest, and unclean connexions, the offender, in at least seven cases, was unquestionably exposed to death (Lv 18” 20°21), In like manner he who does aught pre- sumptuously (RV ‘with a high hand’), that is, wilful sin in general, was liable (Nu 15*°-*!). In the breach of the covenant it may be doubted whether the extreme peony of death was invariably inflicted, as in Ex 30%, Lv 232 9, and Nu 93. There are instances where the punishment for offences that were kindred to such as are expressly designated as a breach of ritual, meant death. Such are the cases of (1) Nadab and Abihu (Lv 10' 2) ; (2) Korah, Dathan, and Abiram (Nu 16). These ‘perished from the congregation’ (see Nu 12!%, in which it is stated that Miriam, for leprosy, was ‘as one dead’ in her temporary exclusion). The punishment in general seems so severe that it has been sug- gested that it was possibly voidable either by an elaborate atonement on the offender’s part (Nu 1577-81), or by a divine commutation, the penalty being recorded but not executed. In some in- stances it meant, perhaps, only deprivation of cértain civil and social privileges. There are two such cases: (1) when the people ate of the blood in one of Saul’s campaigns (1S 14%); (2) when king Uzziah offered incense (2 Ch 261% 2°), On the other hand, in Ex 31'* the meaning of the penalty as attached to Sabbath-breaking is interpreted as death. + * The plural 0°5Y apparently means ‘kinsfolk,’ ‘relatives,’ so that ‘cut off from his (their) people’ is a better rendering than ‘from the people.’ + It may be questioned whether, when ‘cut off from his people’ stands alone, anything more is intended than to express strongly the divine disapproval under threat of excommunica- tion. Of. ‘Z will cut off,’ Ly 1710 203. 5.6 (all H], and see Nowack, Heb. Arch, 1. 833 f. and Dillm. on Gn 1714, CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS ¢€ Divine Visitation.—In the theocratic economy there were certain sins for which the nation at large suffered. The punishment was considered as inflicted by the aiviie hand, the visitation itself being manifestly due to no human in- strumentality, though man was sometimes the executioner of God’s will. Divine condemnation was executed against idolatry, Sabbath-breaking, oppression of the poor, covetousness, and other sing which betokened a rebellious or unholy spirit, or for which an individual could not obtain redress. Human agencies might be employed in the admin- istration of the penalty, but God Himself waa regarded as the avenger of the wrong. He it was who led the people, for their wickedness, into captivity (Ezr 9’, Jer 15?, Am 94), threatened them with the curse (Dt 28%-”, Jer 24°), with consump- tion and fever (Lv 261°), and inflammation and fiery heat (Dt 2872), caused the drought (Dt 11” 28° 24, Is 58, Jer 141-7 6095, Hag 111), and famine (Lv 2676, Jer 24° 3417, Rev 68), kindled a consuming fire (Dt 4%, Is 661®, He 12”), showed His indignation by hail and tempest (Is 30°, Hag 21), inflicted pestilence and plague (Ezk 6" 7), exposed to the taunt of proverb and reproach (Dt 28*7, 2 Ch 7”, Jer 24°), smote with scourge (Is 1076 2815-18), and with the sword in the hands of enemies, as shown in so many passages that the reader may consult a concordance for a complete view of these and all other providential punishments named. His dis- pleasure at Korah was shown by the earthquake (Nu 16%), Idolatry was punished by captivity. Delay of justice provoked war. Per] invited wild beasts. Neglect of tithes was attended with drought and famine (Schiirer, H/JP I. ii. 91). Drowning was not distinctively a Jewish punish- ment. It was the penalty in Bebylodin or the wife who repudiated er husband (Encyc. Brit. art. ‘Babylonia’). Jerome, however, says that offenders were thus sometimes put to death among the Jews as well as among the Romans. There is an allusion to this mode of dying in Mt 188, Mk 9*%. Jos. (Ant. XIV. xv. 10) states that some Galileans revolted and drowned the partisans of Herod. Exposure to Wild Beasts. — Daniel and his enemies were cast into a den of lions (Dn 6), and the practice of thus dealing with offenders is said to be still in vogue in Fez and Morocco. In the use of a strong figure in Mic 4° human beings are repre- sented as being gored or trodden by beasts. The lion from whom St. Paul was said to be delivered (2 Ti 417) undoubtedly means Nero. No conclusive exegesis has been given of 1 Co 15°. Many are of the opinion that human foes are described, but there issome plausible argument in favour of the literal view. The inroads of wild animals, as by an act of God, are to be regarded as a punishment of Israel for unfaithfulness (Ly 2672, Dt 32%4, 2 K 17%). The disobedient prophet, named Jadon according to Jos, (Ant. Vill. ix. 1), met death from God by a lion (1 K 13%). Contrariwise, the righteous are protected (Job 5%, Hos 23%), Fines were permitted at the option of the injured pee: as a special privilege to freedmen (slaves ing punished), and in earliest times the money was presented to the priest or at the sanctuary. It was not in accordance with Sem. doctrine to com- pel the aggrieved to accept material compensation (W. R. Smith, BS 329, 378). In the case of a mortal result, the mulet which might be in lieu of corporal fou was called ‘ransom (RV ‘redemp- tion’) of life’ (Ex 21°), but was never allowed for wilful murder (Nu 35* +82), The specific amount was generally left to be determined by the judicial tribunal (Ex 217-8), but the sum for fatal injury by an ox to a servant was fixed at 30 shekels (Ex 21%), for humbling an unbetrothed virgin at | 50 shekels (Dt 22”), and the highest amount named ; CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS {is for slander against a wife’s chastity, 100 shekels (Dt 22°), See Restitution. Flaying is mentioned (fig.) Mic 3%. It wasa practice in Assyria, though the victim may have reviously died (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. i. 478; Dagar: Nin. and Bab.; Mon. of Nin.). The Persians would flay and then crucify (Rawlinson, iii, 246; also. recognized in the Zendavesta). Herodotus (iv. 64, v. 25) states that Persians and Scythians used the skins so obtained. anging consisted usually in the suspension of the lifeless form asa mark of reproach. By this David showed his disapproval of the slaughter of Ishbosheth (2S 432). The person whose body was so exposed was ‘accursed of God’ (Dt 21%, Gal 38); and for this reason it might not remain in view over night (Jos 8% 10%). This word is used for the act of impaling (dvacxodorl{ew, Ezr 6"), a common custom in Assyria. A sharp-pointed stake in a rpendicular position penetrated the body just ashes the breast-bone (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon, i. 477). It was frequent in Persia. Darius impaled 3000 Babylonians (Layard, Nin. and Bab. 295 n. ; Herodotus, iii. 159). The Philistines gibbeted (on crosses, Jos. Ant. VI. xiv. 8) the dead bodies of Saul and Jonathan (1S 31, 2S 21}-33), Other Greek words used to represent this act are éfm\idfew and mwapaderyyarttev, for which the Vulg. uses crucifigere (see CROSS); and so St. Paul, according to the accepted exegesis of the time, applied Dt 21” to the ignominy of Jesus. Execution on the gallows was not prescribed for any crime in the Mosaic code. There is a difference of opinion whether the chief baker (Gn 411) lost his life by being hanged b theneck, or whether his body, after being despatched, was exposed to shame (Wilkinson, Anc. Egyptians, ii. 213). In later history offenders were hanged by the hands (La 5", Targ. 12), and in 1 Mac 1® it is stated that dead children were hanged to the necks af their mothers. Ahithophel (28 17%) and Judas (Mt 275, Ac 118) voluntarily, in chagrin and re- morse, took their lives by hanging. There is an apparent allusion to this form of punishment in 1 i 20%). The Gibeonites may have adopted this é of avengement on the sons of Saul (2S 21°), because it was in vogue among the aboriginal nations of the land. Stanley (Hist. Jew. Ch. ii. 37) says the victims were first crucified, then suspended. Under the Persian rule there was resort to the allows (yy, but called ‘tree’ in Gn 40", Dt 21°) & punishing the conspirators against Ahasuerus (Est 2%), Haman (7*?°) and his ten sons (9"*) ; possibly the same as impalement. Imprisonment.—Oflenders were confined by the Israelites as well as other nations. The prison was often used merely for keeping a person in ward until the pleasure of he judicial power should be known. So Joseph by Potiphar (Gn 39-2); the son of Shelomith, for blasphemy (Lv 24!*) ; the man who gathered sticks on the Sabbath (Nu 15%); the apostles after healing the lame man (Ac 4°) ; St. Peter, by order of Herod, till a convenient time for his execution (Ac 12*). Incarceration was often accompanied with other punishments (cf. Samson grinding for the Philistines, Jg 167), or it was re- garded as an alternative (Ezr 7%). Jeremiah was smitten as well as imprisoned (Jer 37”). The murderer and debtor might be delivered both to prison and the tormentors (Mt 18%’), Zedekiah used the prison for the protection of Jeremiah from his enemies (Jer 3774). He was tlien transferred to the princes, who cast him into the dungeon or pit (Jer 38°), For the Eng. word ‘dungeon’ or ‘prison’ in Gn 40 39%, 1 K 22%, 2 K 25%, 2 Ch 16, Ps 1427, Ec 4%, Is 249 427, Jer 374 521, there are eight different roots in the Heb. which would imply that detention of those under accusa- tion or in disfavour was regular and quite common, CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS 525 the confinement itself being for the purpose of punishment. Confinement in jail was inflicted as a preliminary punishment by Ahab on Micaiah, accompanied with spare bread and water diet (1 K 2277); by Asaon Hanani (2 Ch 16), The motive of Herod in imprisoning John the Baptist is un- certain (Mt 4%), Barabbas was committed for insurrection, and it would appear as if this were intended to be final (Lk 23%). In the prison-house, which might contain cells (Jer 371%), there was sometimes a pit with or without water (Jer 38%, Zec 9"), and the court of the prison is mentioned in Jer 37, 38, 39, and elsewhere. In some prisons there were stocks (Jer 20? 2976, Ac 164). o the Rom. prison there were three parts: communiora, ultertora, where Paul and Silas were kept, and the Tullianum or dungeon, the place of execution (Conybeare and Howson, St. Paul, i. 304 n.). There is an allusion to prisoners at labour in Job 318, and they might be held in chains (Ps 105!* 107”, Jer 404). Indignities.—There was resort to various means of heaping contumely on an offender; such as ignominious or obscure burial for a blasphemer (Jos. Ant, Iv. viii. 6; 1 K 14%, 2 K 9! 9118-26 9 Ch 2425, Jer 22), Some victims were slain and left in the street or cast behind the walls (Ps 798, To 2°), Heads of the slain were removed and carried in triumph (1 S 1757 319). Dead bodies were burned (Jos 7'® >, Lv 204, Am 2}. See Burning) or hanged (2S 433, Gn 40"7-9 [see Hanging], Nu 25+ 8, Dt 2122-3), Stones were thrown on the corpse, as on that of Achan (Jos 7”: 8), the king of Ai (Jos 8”), and on the tomb of Absalom (2S 18!7). Mohammedans still maintain the custom when passing by its supposed site (Thomson, Land and Book, i. 61) ; but Harmer plausibly suggests that the ‘heap of stones’ was erected in honour. Some forms of execution were regarded as more disgraceful than others, as cruci- fixion (Jn 19%), but it was not the design of the Mosaic law to cover a sufferer with perpetual infamy. In Egypt a calumniator of the dead was subject to severe punishment (Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp.). Mutilation was practised, but not under Abcat sane- tion of the covenant law. The thumbs and great toes of Adonibezek were severed (Jg 1%7). The slayers of Ishbosheth (2 S 41%) lost their hands, but possibly after death. _Nebuchadrezzar threatened to cut in pieces his offending counsellors (Dn 2°), At the command of Antiochus Epiphanes (acc. to 2 Mac 7\-#), seven brothers suffered horrible outrages, among others that of tearing out the tongue, a very common cruelty among the Assyrians. In Egypt robbers were sometimes deprived of the right hand for the first offence, the left foot for the second, and the left hand for the third; though the theft of food not quickly perishable was not so severely unished (Lane, Mod. Egyp.). To this act our saviour’s statement in Mt 2451, Lk 12%, seems to allude. An Egyptian victor was known to display severed hands as proof of the number of his trophies (see 1S 1877). The town of Rhinocolura was said to be peopled by robbers who had lost their noses. The nose and ears of an adulterer were cut off (Diod. Sic. i. 78), and from Ezk 23” it appears that the usage was in vogue among the Babylonians. (On the horrible cruel tiesof Assurbanipal, as recorded on hiscylinder, see FP iii. 39-50.) Rings were put in the lips or noses of captives (2 Ch 33" ‘among the thorns,’ RV ‘in chains,’ Is 37, Ezk 194-9; Rawlinson, Ane. Mon. iii. 7; and see Am 47), Plucking off the Hair was a punishment inflicted on Jews who had indulged in mixed marriages (Neh 13%). It may have been intended simply for disfigurement. The prophet in Is 50° alludes to the judicial practice as common in his time. The effort was so vicious as described in 2 Mac 77, that the skin was torn off with the hair; but in scalping, 526 CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS as practised by the N. American Indians, a knife was used. As an insult to David’s servants, half of the beard was shaven off (25 104). The head was subjected to other indignities (Job 30”, Mt 27, Mk 12%). Precipitation.—It is stated in 2 Ch 25 that 10,000 Edomites were cast from a rock by the children of Judah. So two Jewish women are said to have suffered (2 Mac 6”). Of the same sort are the acts mentioned in 2 K 8!, Hos 104 1316 On column iv. 100, 101 of Assurbanipal (G. Smith), it is stated that certain persons were thrown on the stone lions and bulls in a quarry, the fall designed to be fatal. Calmet is of opinion, with Jerome as authority, that this was the fate of Oreb and Zeeb (Jg 7”). An attempt after this manner was made on the life of Jesus (Lk 4”). Restitution.—There was enacted an elaborate has for compensating an injured party under the sanction of Mosaism. As far as possible the restoration was identical with, or analogous to, the loss of time or power (Ex 2118-*8, Ly 2418-21, Dt 197), He who stole and then slew or sold a live ox had to restore fivefold; if it was a live sheep fourfold. The Pos. was designed in part to be prohibitory, ecause sheep were more exposed in the desert, while oxen were necessary and not so easily taken. In later history it appears as if sevenfold might be exacted (Pr 6%. See also the LXX tr. of 2S 128, where seven is substituted for four). If theiden- tical animal was restored, another of equal value was all that the law required besides. Burglary doomed the culprit to uniequited death or to slavery. For breach of trust <1 for trespass, twenty er cent. additional to thy original sum was emanded (Lv 6!5, Nu 5°°), He who was de- tected in the theft of a pledge, ur was found guilty in the matter of trespass while the property was in his hand, must pay double. Pecuniary com- pensation must be furnished for damages by an animal, when not on its own ground (Ex 22°); and when a fatality occurred in the case of a servant, thirty shekels must be paid to the loser (Ex 21°; see Dt 22!%), One case only is mentioned of per- mitted commutation for ballcocae (Ex 2175-82), In case a married woman was killed, the fine was paid to her father’s (instead of her own) family (Lewis, Heb. Ant.). Akin to restoration is redemption, referred to in Ly 2577-8, Ezk 187+ }2, Remuneration was expected for loss by fire, through negligence, of astanding grain field; or for the loss or damage of a pledge (Ex 22% 1 18), Under Rom. law a jailer losing his prisoner was liable to the punishment which was to be inflicted for the crime on which the arrest had been made (Ac {12° 1677). In NT morals it was taught that the guilt of theft could not be compounded by restitution. ‘Let him that stole steal no more’ (Eph 4%); but Zacchzus, on the occasion of his pardon, proposed to restore fourfold (Lk 19%). Retaliation was authorized in the code of Ex 21%. 2, Jtwasin use among other nations, esp. the Egyptians (cf. the lex talionis of the Romans). It was not unequivocally approved by ancient authors, because it was apt to degenerate into mere revenge and would often be unfair in its operation. The Sages coat of its baneful consequences is shown by homson (Land and Book, i. 447, 449). | Diodorus Siculus instances a one-eyed man as suffering more than the victim with two eyes. Favorinus shows the injustice of this principle in operation as con- tained in one of the Twelve Tables, in that the same member may be worth more to one man than to another, as the right hand of ascribe or painter compared with that of a singer. Hence it had to be administered with certain modifications. Thus Heb. law adopted the principle, but lodged the appli- cation with the judge (Ex 21°", Ly 241-22); and an CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS — aggressor, by the payment of a ransom, could com- pound with the aggrieved and be relieved from the full penalty of the law. A false accuser was required to suffer the same penalt that he proposed against the accused (Dt 19). Heb. law was milder in spirit than that of heathen jurisprudence. Moses would not allow parents or children to suffer for the offences of each other (Dt 24"*). This equitable exemption was not regarded by the Chaldeans (Dn 6%), or even by the kings of Israel (1 K 2121, 2 K 9%), Sawing Asunder.—In He 11* the term is used to describe an ancient form of punishment, which was possibly a crushing under instruments of iron (Am 1’); and it is said, on the authority of Justin Martyr (Dial. with Trypho), to have been practised on Isaiah. There is an allusion to something of this sort in Pr 207 (RV) ‘He bringeth the threshing wheel over them’ (ef. Is 287728), Saws are men- tioned in 28 12, 1 Ch 208; and while it is painful to admit that David may have been guilty of such severity, the literal interpretation is the most plausible and accords with the usages of the times. (See, however, Driver, Heb. Text of Sam. 226 ff.). In Shaw’s Travels a case is described where the victim was placed between two boards and dis severed longitudinally (Smith, DB), and another case is mentioned by Harmer (Observations) as occurring on Stewart’s journey to Mequinez. Scourging with Thorns (see also Stripes).—In the marginal reading of Jg 8’, Gideon is repre- sented as threatening to thresh the men of Succoth with thorns and briers, and in the margin to 86 it is stated that they were thus punished, as Stanley (Hist. Jew. Ch.) suggests, with the acacia. The scorpions (0°277Y) mentioned in 1 K 12" may have been knotted sticks, or ropes into which wire was plaited, or iron points or nails or cutting pieces of lead were iearal Calmet guesses that David so treated the Moabites (2 8 87). Some attempt to solve the much-mooted difficulties of 2S 12" by a reference to this mode of punishment. Slavery.—In Heb. law it was possible for a person to fall into servitude for a limited time. A thief, when unable to make restitution, was sold with wife and children (Ex 22). The misfortune of debt led to the same result (2 K 41, Neh 5°), The statute of limitations mercifully provided against oppressive usage and permanent enslave- ment (Ly 25°-#, Dt 15", Jer 3414). The Rabbins say a woman could not be sold for theft. Joseph proposed, as an Egyptian procedure, to make a slave of the detected et erer of his cup (Gn 441”). See separate article. Slaying by Spear or Sword.—This was an ex- peditious method, sometimes adopted in an emer- gency. The spear, javelin, or dart (He 12”) was te be used on trespassers at the foot of Sinai (Ex 197%), Phinehas went so armed in eager and immediate punishment of the man found with a Midianitish woman (Nu 257-8), The sword was taken by the Levites against the worshippers of the golden calf (Ex 3277), and in Dt 13” authority is given for its use in the wholesale slaughter of a city for idolatry. Some cutting instrument was employed by Abimelech in the murder of his brethren Je 9°), Samuel hewed Agag to pieces with the swor (1 S 15*), and with the same Doeg massacred the priests in Nob (1 8 22819), According to the lex talionis, the young Amalekite who claimed that he drew the sword to kill Saul was put to death with the same kind of implement (2 8 15), with which or the spear Ishbosheth was assassinated (2 4%”), The sword was used in the summary executions ordered by Solomon (1 K 2?5-29-81.84), By it Elijah slew the prophets of Baal (1 K 19), and it was common in regal and martial proceedings, becoming still more prominent in Tone Bat: times. The sword or axewas employed to carry out the order of Jelia on Ahab’s ail ii CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS CRISPUS 527 sons (2 K 10’) (see Beheading). Thus Jehoram murdered his brethren (2 Ch 214), and Jehoiakim despatched Urijah (Jer 26%). The sword as an instrument of punishment is specifically mentioned in Job 19%. See also Divine Visitation. The Stocks (nz5nD, gvAdv wevrectpryyov). This machine, though probably of Egyp. origin, is not described in the Mosaic legislation, but init Hanani, the seer, was a by Asa (2 Ch 16”), and Jeremiah was punished (Jer 207). In Jer 27? RV uses ‘bars’ for AV ‘yokes,’ and in Jer 29% changes ‘prison’ to ‘ stocks! and ‘stocks’ to ‘shackles,’ that is, the pillory. It usually contained five holes for the neck, arms, and legs, which sometimes were inserted crosswise. One form (10) was designed for the legs only. The word ‘stocks’ is employed in Job 1377 334 and Pr 7”, and this form of torture was areal in mind when Ps 1058 was written. It was an infliction among the Romans as indicated by Ac 16%, Stoning was the ordinary formal and legal mode of inflicting punishment in the earlier history of the children of Israel, and was in vogue before the departure from Egypt (Ex 8%), Even beasts might be the victims, evidently as a spectacular example (Ex 19% 2178- 29.82), Stoning was the penalty for taking ‘ the accursed thing’ (Jos 7”); for adultery and unchastity, the death sentence being pronounced in Ly 20", and the means of carrying it out stated in Dt 227-24, Jn 87; for blasphemy (Lv 241%), and on this specious charge Naboth (1 K 217°) and ; evenhen (Ac 75°) suffered, and an effort was made tos ow Jesus guilty by a feint to stone Him (Jn 10%) ; for divination (Lv 20° 27), idolatry (Dt 13%), dishonour to parents (Dt 217%), har ea falsely (Dt 13°), and Sabbath-breaking (Ex 31" 357, Nu 15: %), Doubtless other capital crimes would thus be punished, and the city of Jerusalem was so threatened as if it were an individual culprit (Ezk 16). In an orderly proceeding the witness was to east the first stone (Dt 17’, Jn 8”), and asthe Rabbins say, on the chest ; and if others were rune to roduce death, the bystanders hurled them. Law Le movements are mentioned or suggested, like that to which Moses thought himself exposed (Ex 17*), the accomplished acts on Adoram (1 K 12') and Zechariah (2 Ch 24”), in the danger dreaded by the priests on account of their estimate of the Baptist (Lk 205), and the assault on St. Paul in Iconium (Ac 145). Poisoners among the Persians were laid on one stone and crushed by another (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. iii. 247; see Mt 21“, Lk 901 Strangling was a later form of capital punishment among the Jews (W. R. Smith, RS 398), but there is no scriptural authority for it. The convict was immersed in clay or mud, and a cloth was twisted around the neck and drawn in opposite directions by two lictors, so as to take the breath. During the operation molten lead ae be poured down the throat (Sanhedr. 10. 3). The pes humili- ation of the Syrians before Israel (1 K 20°!) may hint at the practice. See Hanging. Stripes.—The Mosaic economy ordained that an offender might be punished with stripes (Lv 19”, Dt 22)%), not exceeding forty (Dt 25°); and this limit was carefully observed, as on St. Paul (2 Co 11"), for a single stroke in excess subjected the executioner to punishment. The scourge was com- posed of three thongs, of which 39 was the largest multiple within the limit. It was the most com- mon mode of secondary punishment, and the idea of disgrace did not seem to attach to it (but see Jos. Ant. Iv. viii. 21). No station of life was exempt (see from Pr 17, indicating that the noble may be smitten, and 10% that a rod is proper for the vacant-minded). The bastinado may have been used on Jeremiah (20? 375). Scourging was in- flicted on a bondmaid overtaken in illegal inter- course (Lv 19), on a husband who falsely accused his wife, on a person who used abusive language (Jos. Ant. XIII. x. 6), on ecclesiastical offenders in the synagogue (Mt 10”, Ac 26"), and it might be used on the debtor (Mt 5% 18). As tothe method: the culprit lay on the ground while under casti- gation, in the presence of the judge, who during the infliction proclaimed the words in Dt 28°: 5, and concluded with those in Ps 78%, In later times an adult male was stripped to the waist and in a bending posture lashed to a pillar; a female received the stripes while sitting with head and shoulders bent forward; and a boy was punished with his hands tied behind him. The Mosaic re- gulations were in pleasing contrast with those of the Zendavesta, which authorizes as many as 10,000 stripes for the murder of a water dog (Darmesteter, Intro.). The Porcian law forbade the scourging of Rom. citizens (Cic. in Verr. v. 53, Ac 167 225), Nevertheless, it was regarded as a wholesome punishment, and is zealously advocated in Pr 13% 2315-14; see also Sir 301-4. It is a symbol of divine correction (Ps 89°), and is regarded as a purifier (Pr 20*°). The Moslems have a proverb that the stick is from heaven, a blessing from God. Suffocation was a recognized Pers. mode of dealing with offenders. A case is described (2 Mac 1348); Menelaus was fastened to a revolving wheel in a standpipe 50 cubits high, filled with ashes, in which fe was repeatedly immersed, until death ensued. Another description attributes a similar method to the Macedonians, the victim being placed on a beam, under which the ashes were constantly stirred until he was overcome with heat and dust (see Rawlinson, Ane. Mon. iii. 246). LitzraturE.—In addition to the authorities cited in the art , the reader may consult Hamburger, RF, art. ‘Lohn u. Strafe’ (pp. 691-703) and ‘Vergeltung’ (pp. 1252-57) ; artt. on the varioua crimes and punishments enumerated above, in Riehm, HWB, Herzog, RE, and Schenkel, Bibellex.; Saalschutz, das Mosaische Recht; the Bib. Archdol. of Keil, Benzinger, and Nowack; Post, Familienrecht, 358 f. ; Hartmann, Enge. Verbind. d. A.T. mit d. N. 197 ff.; Schiirer, HJP n. ii. 90 ff.; W. R Smith, OT JC2 340 f., 368 f.; J. W. Haley, Esther (1885), pp. 122-180 ; Dilimann, Com. on the Pent., and Driver, Deut. (passim), J. POUCHER. CRIMSON. — Two words are tr. ‘crimson’ in both AV and RV, yb téla‘ (Is 118), LXX kéxxwvos, and $2 karmil (2 Ch 271434). Karmil is a later word used in place of the earlier ‘3¥ shdni. Shani is rendered once (Jer 43° AV) crimson. Inthe same passage in RV, and in all other passages where it occurs in both VSS, it is rendered scarlet. In Is 128 py is rendered scarlet, LXX qowixody, and ybin erimson, LXX xéxxwov. It is probable that the distinction of these two colours was not accurately made at that time, as indeed it has not been pre- served in the VSS. See CoLours; and for the insect producing both these colours see SCARLET. G. E. Post. CRIPPLE.—See MEDICINE. CRISPING PINS (oy, Is 37, RV ‘satchels,’ and 2 K 5%, AV and RV ‘bags’; see BAG 3).—To ‘crisp’ is in mod. language to ‘crimp,’ that is, curl in short wavy folds. The word is often used in Shaks., Milton, and others, of the curl a breeze makes on the water, as Par. Lost, iv. 237, ‘the crisped brooks’ ; cf. Byron, Childe Harold, iv. 211, ‘I would not their vile breath should crisp the stream.’ But the earliest ref. is to the hair; and a ‘crisping pin’ is an instrument for crimping the hair. Cf. Pocklington poy ‘Fetch me my Crisping pinnes to curle my lockes.’ J. HASTINGS. CRISPUS (Kplozos).—The chief ruler of the Jewish synagogue at Corinth (Ac 18%). Convinced by the reasonings of St. Paul that Jesus was the Messiah, he believed with all his house. The 528 CROCODILE apostle mentions him (1 Co 1") as one of the few persons whom he himself had baptized. Tradition represents him as having afterwards become bishop of gina (Const. Apost. vii. 46). R. M. BoyD. CROCODILE (RVm Job 41!).—The crocodile is doubtless meant by leviathan in the above passage and Job 38. In Ps 74!4 leviathan refers to Pharaoh, under the simile of a crocodile. Cf. Ezk 29%, where Pharaoh is called ‘the great dragon (tannim, for the usual tannin) that lieth in the midst of his rivers,’ and 322, where he is compared to a ‘ whale (also tannim AVm, RV text ‘dragon’) in the seas,’ the reference "being to the crocodile of the river (Arab. bahr = sea, the usual Arab. way of speaking of their great river the Nile). See LEVIATHAN, DRAGON. The crocodile is a saurian, sometimes attaining a length of 20 feet. His back and sides are covered with an armour, impenetrable to dpe swords, slingstones, and arrows(Job 417 19-17. 20 28.29 not to be injured by clubs (RV for AV ‘darts’ v. 29) or even sphericai bullets. The scales of which this armour is composed are beautifully marked. His jaws are set with numerous sharp-pointed teeth(v.1*), His neck is extremely powerful (v.” His tail is also very muscular, and a blow from it will crush aman. His legs are short. The toes of the fore feet are five, and of the hind feet only four. ‘The inner two toes of the fore feet and the inner one of the hind feet are destitute of claws. The rest have strong claws (v.°°). ‘Che crocodile is well characterized as ‘a king over all the childven of pride’ (v.84). In one other passage (Jer 146) RVm gives ‘crocodile’ for tennim, A\' ‘ dragons.’ The Land Crocodile (Lv 11%° RV) is not a croco- dile, but probably the MONITOR (see CHAMELEON). GG. BPosT: CROOKBACKT (Amer. RV ‘crook-backed’), Ly 2120, See MEDICINE. **CROSS is the tr. of the Gr. cravpés, the name applied in NT to the instrument upon which Jesus Christ suffered death. Owing to the variety of the methods in which crucifixion might be inflicted, and the indefiniteness of the terms employed, it is im- possibie to determine with certainty the exact nature of the cross used in His case. oravpds means properly a stake, and is the tr. not merely of the Lat. crux (cross), but of palus (stake) as well. As used in NT, however, it refers evidently not to the simple stake used for impaling, of which wide- spread punishment crucifixion was a refinement, but to the more elaborate cross used by the Romans in the time of Christ. Besides the crux simplex, or simple stake, we may exclude from consideration the so-cailed cross of St. Andrew, shaped like an X, the origin of which is much later, and concerning the actual use of which there is much doubt. There remain of the four varieties of cross usually enumerated only two,’ between which the choice must lie—the crux commissa or St. Anthony’s cross, shaped like a 7, and consisting of a single upright post, across the top of which is fastened a hori- zontal cross-bar; and the crux immissa or Lat. cross, in which the top of the upright shaft projects above the cross-bar, as in the form with which we are most familiar. In favour of the latter is not only the testimony of the oldest tradition, which in such a matter is entitled to great weight, but also the statements of the evangelists concerning the title nailed to the cross (Mt 2737, Mk 1526, Lk 23°8, Jn 1919-22) The upright post to which alone the name properly belongs, was usually a piece of some strong, cheap wood, olive or oak, of such length that when firmly planted in the ground the top was from 7} to 9 ft. high. Most modern illustra- tions err in making the upright much too high. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner's Sons It was erected on some spot outside the city, con- venient for the execution, and remained there as a permanent fixture, only the cross-bar or pat ibulum béing carried to the spot, usually by the person who was to suffer death. This consisted sometimes of a single piece of wood, more often of two parallel bars’ joined at one end, between which the head of the victim passed, and to the ends of which his hands were fastened. ‘The cross which Jesus carried was doubtless simply the cross-bar in one of these two forms. Keim argues in favour of the simpler, partly because Jesus is represented as clothed, which would hardly have been the case had He carried the double patibulum ; partly be- cause of the carrying of it by Simon, which he regards rather as a rude joke of the soldiers than as rendered necessary by the weight of the cross- bar, which could in no case have been very heavy (Jesu von Nazara, ili. 898, Eng. tr. vi. 125). Be- sides the patibulum, the cross was furnished with a support for the body called the sedile. This was a small piece of wood projecting at right angles from the upright, upon which the victim sat as upon a saddle. It was designed to bear part of the weight of the body, which would otherwise have been too great to be supported by the hands alone. Whether there was also a support for the feet, the so-called vzorédé.oy, is still in dispute. The origin of crucifixion must be sought in the E., probably among the Phcen., from whom it passed to the Greeks and Romans. The long list of peoples given by Winer (RirB i. 680), and often ccpied, includes many cases which prove no more than impaling (so the Persians, Egyptians, Indians). For the practice among the Pheenicians, Cartha- ginians, and Numidians we have good authority. We hear of Alexander on one occasion crucifying as many as 2000 Tyrians. Among the Romans this was a very common punishment. At first they confined it to slaves and seditious persons, but gradually extended its use, especially in the provinces, here following Punic examples. In Sicily, Verres crucified even Roman citizens. The same was done by Galba in Spain. But these were rare exceptions, and excited universal indignation. In Judea the punishment was frequently used. Thus Varus crucified 2000 rioters after the death of Herod the Great (Jos. Ant. XVII. x.10). Under Claudius and Nero, various governors, Tiberius Alexander, Quadratus, Felix, Florus, crucified robbers and rioters of political and religious character, includ- ing two sons of Judas Galileus (Ant. XX.v.2; BJ Il. xii. 6, IL. xiii. 2), and even respectable citizens and Roman knights (BJ 11. xiv. 9). Titus cruci- fied so many after the destruction of Jerus. that there was neither wood for the crosses nor place to set them up (BJ y. xi. 1). Especially under Tiberius, who held that simple death was escape, was this method of punishment frequent. The Jews did not practise the crucifixion of living persons. The case of Janneus, referred to by Jos. (BJ 1. iv. 6), was an exception which called forth universal reprobation. But the hanging up of dead bodies meets us frequently in OT. See Jos 1076 (the five kings), 2 S 4! (the murderers of Ish- bosheth), 1 S 31 (the Philistines and Saul, cf. 2S 21!*), Ezr 6" (the decree of Darius), and is distinctly authorized in the law (Dt 21”, cf. Nu 254, where J’’ commands this punishment in the case of the men who have led the people away tc Baal-peor). In such cases the dead body became accursed, and must be buried before nightfall, that the land might not suffer pollution (Dt 21%). Those who suffered crucifixion came under this curse, and hence the passage in Dt is applied to Jesus not only in the Talm., but also by NT writers. This explains the frequent reference to the cross in NT as the tree (UNov), that being the LXX tr. of the ee a ee CROSS CROWN 529 Heb. 72. (Cf. Ac 5% 1099 1329, 1 P 24, and esp. Gal | been particularly emphasized by C. C. Everett in 318 ‘Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us; for it is written, Cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree.’) The method of crucifixion is clearly described in NT. After condemnation, the victim was scourged with the flagellum, a punishment so terrible that men often died underit. In Jesus’ case the scourging seems to have taken place before rather than after, possibly to excite pity (Jn 19!). The cross-bar was then bound on the victim’s back, or his head in- serted in the patibulum, and he was led through the city accompanied by the centurion and four soldiers detailed to conduct the execution. The title, a piece of wood covered with white gypsum on which the nature of his offence was set forth in letters of black, was usually carried before the con- demned person, so that all might know the reason for which he was to die. This custom of carrying the cross gave rise to ‘the proverb aitpev or \apu- Bdvew or Bacrdfey tov cravpdy abrod which was wont to be used of those who on behalf of God’s cause do not hesitate cheerfully and manfully to bear persecutions, troubles, distresses, thus recalling the fate of Christ, and the spirit in which He en- countered it’ (Thayer, Lex. p.686). In this sense it is used by Jesus Himself in the well-known saying, ‘If any man would come after me, let him deny himself, and take up his cross and follow me’ (Mt 1674, Mk 83+, Lk 9°83 ; cf. Mt 1088; Lk 1427). Arrived at the place of execution, the prisoner was stripped, his garments falling to the soldiers as their booty. He was then bound to the patibulum, and both were raised on ladders until the cross-bar rested on the notch prepared to receive it. This was the more common custom. In a few cases the cross piece was fastened to the upright lying on the ground, and the whole then raised together. After the patibulum was firmly fastened, the hands were nailed to its extremities, and possibly the feet to the upright, although this was less frequent. Afterwards the title was fastened to the head of the cross, and the victim was left to the slow agonies of a death which might endure many hours, and even days. All authorities agree that of all deaths crucifixion was the most abhorred. This was due not only to its pain, which was of the most intense character (see the account of Richter, quoted in Smith, DB), but also to its shame, which in the case of the Roman was due to its servile association, in that of the Jew to its rendering the sufferer accursed. Cicero in his oration against Verres (v. 66) declares that it is impossible to find a fit word to describe such an outrage as the crucifixion of a Roman citizen. ‘ Facinus est vinciri civem Romanum: scelus ver- berari: prope parricidium necari; quid dicam in crucem tolli? Verbo satis digno tam nefaria res appellari nullo modo potest.’ The shame of this death is often referred to in NT. So He 12? ‘Jesus, who endured the cross, de- spising shame’; He 131% ‘Let us therefore go forth unto him without the camp, bearing his reproach’ ; ef. He 1176, With more particular reference to its relation to the ceremonial law, Gal 313 ‘Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse for us; for it is written, Cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree’; 1 Co 123 ‘No man speaking in the Spirit of God saith Jesus is anathema.’ Because of this character, the death of Jesus upon the cross, viewed in the light of His Messianic claims, became not merely foolish- ness to Greeks, but a stumbling-block to Jews (1 Co 118-23, ef. Gal 511). It was an outrage to Jewish propriety that He who had become accursed in the sight of the law by His death on the cross should claim to be the Messiah in whom the law was ful- filled. This element of ceremonial defilement has VOL. 1.—34 The Gospel of Paul (Boston, 1893), as a clue to the understanding of St. Paul’s view of the signi- ficance of Christ’s death. This significance he finds not at all in its penal character, but in its character as ceremonial defilement. Christ by His death on the cross became accursed (anathema). Those Christians who accepted this accursed sufferer as the Messiah of God, shared His curse, and were in like manner cut off by the law. But this cutting off by the law brought with it also freedom from the law, since those who were thus outcast were no longer within its realm. Thus Christ’s death under the law, followed by His resurrection, was God’s way of showing that the Jewish law was done away, and a new method of salvation, even that through faith in Christ, ushered in. The use of the word ‘cross’ in a theological sense, as a brief designation of Christ’s saving work, is char- acteristic of St. Paul. The gospel of salvation is ‘the word of the cross’ (1 Co 118), Those who suffer persecution because of their faith in the saving efficacy of Christ’s death, do so ‘for the cross of Christ’ (Gal 6"). They who refuse this gospel are ‘ enemies of the cross of Christ’ (Ph 318), The cross is not only the instrument of the recon- ciliation between God and man (Col 12, Eph 216), through the death of Him who there suffered (Col 17° ‘the blood of the cross’), but also between Jew and Gentile (Col 214 the bond nailed to the cross), since by it the ‘ bond written in ordinances,’ which up to that time had barred the way of the Gentiles to God, is put out of the way. It was through the cross, 7.e. acceptance of the crucified Christ as Saviour, that the world was crucified to Paul, and Paul to the world (Gal 64). Thus eruci- fixion becomes not merely the means of salvation, but the type of that absolute renunciation of the world which characterizes the true Christian life (Gal 52+), Literature.—The articles on Cross and Crucifixion in Smith, DB and in Herzog, RH. Monographs by Lipsius, De Cruce, Antwerp, 1595; Nicquetus, Titwlus s. Crweis, Ant., 1670; Ourtius, De Clavis Dominicis, Ant., 1670; Bartolinus, De Cruce, Amsterdam, 1670; and more recently by Ziéckler, Das Areuz Christi, 1875, and Fulda, Das Kreuz und die Kreuzigung, 1878. Much information is contained in the Lives of Christ of Keim and Hase. On the theological significance of the cross, cf. besides the Biblical Theologies, Everett, The Gospel of Paul, Boston, 1898. W. ADAMS BROWN. CROW occurs once in Apocr. (Bar 65+), where the helplessness of idols is illustrated by the remark that ‘they are * as crows (kopdvar) between heaven and earth.’ In Jer 32 the LXX has écel copy épnuouuéyn for M'T 72722 °27%.2 (‘as an Arabian in the wilderness,’ RV), which implies the punctua- tion 37) (‘raven’) instead of ‘272, (¢ Arabian’). The common LXX equivalent of any is xépaé. See RAVEN. J. A. SELBIE. CROWN.—In OT (both AV and RV) Crown is used to translate several Heb. words, the particular meanings of which must be distinguished. 4, The golden fillets or mouldings placed around the ark of the covenant (Ex 251! 37%), the table of shew- bread (Ex 2574 371) and its border (Ex 25%5 3712), and the altar of incense (Ex 303-4 3726-27) in the Mosaic tabernacle are called Crowns (RVm ‘rim or moulding’). The Heb. word (7) means a cincture like a wreath, and describes rather the foliated appearance of the band than its position on the object to which it was attached. (LXX tr. it by a phrase meaning ‘ twisted golden wavelets’ [kuudria Xpvod orperra | or ‘twisted golden crown? [orperryv arepavnv xpvoqv]; Pal. Targ. by “2 a wreath; Vulg. by corona, whence Eng. translation. The later Rabbins also describe it as 1)? a crown). The * The Syr. VS reads ‘are not.’ 530 CROWN CROWN brevity of the description in Ex has occasioned differences of opinion among archeologists as to both its purpose and its position. Some imagine it a tim to prevent objects from falling off. But the border which passed round the table of shewbread, as well as the table itself, had a crown; nor would the ark need a rim for the purpose suggested. The crown therefore was ornamental. As to its position, Bahr (Symbolik, i. 377, 378) regards the crown of the ark as an ornamental design placed round its middle, but his arguments are not conclusive ; and since the crown is said to be ‘upon’ (v>y) the ark, we should doubtless imagine it as placed round the top of the sacred chest as it was round the top of the table of shewbread (see Neumann, Die Stiftshitte, p. 127). Bihr, however, also denies that ‘the border of a handbreadth round about’ the table (Ex 2575) had a crown of its own (Symb. i. 409, citing also the Rabbins Jarchi and Aben-Ezra; so Keil, Archeol. § 19, but not in his Comm.; Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. 60), but the language of Exodus seems clearly to state that it had (Jahn, Archiol. p. 421; Abarbanal cited by Bahr; Neu- mann, p. 96; Bissell, Bibl. Antig. p. 292). The crown of the altar of incense likewise is placed by some round its top (Carpzov, Appar. Crit. p. 273 ; Neumann, p. 120), by others round its middle (Bahr, i. 378, 419). But, whatever their positions, these crowns were evidently golden wreaths in- tended for decoration. Assyr. monuments afford examples of similar ornamentations (Neumann, p. 27; Layard, Nineveh, ii. 236, 354). 2. Another word tr. Crown (713) means conse- cration, and is applied to the symbolic ornament worn ee high priest upon his forehead over the mitre (Ex 29% 39%, Lv 8 2112); and to that worn upon the head by the Heb. monarch (28 1, 2K 11?2, 2 Ch 234, Ps 89° 13218, so also Zec 915). It is also used figuratively for dignity or honour (Pr 27%, Nah 3” ‘crowned ones’). The high priest’s crown (LXX 7d réradev, Vulg. lamina) was a narrow plate ) of pure gold, on which was engraved ‘ Holy to ". Tradition represents it as about two fingers broad. It was fastened ‘upon the mitre above’ by a piece of blue lace (Ex 28°” 391), The Rabbin. com- mentators suppose three ribbons of lace—two from the ends and one from the top of the front of the crown—all tied together at the back of the head. Jos. (Ant. II. vii. 6) describes the high priest’s crown as of three rows, one above another, upon which were carved cups of gold like the calyx of the plant Hyoscyamus, while the plate with the inscription covered the forehead; but he probably refers to an ornamentation introduced at a late eriod. Acc. tol Mac 10” a crown was given to the igh priest Jonathan by Alex. Epiphanes. Braunius (De Vestitu Sacerd. Heb. ch. xxii.) admits that Ex gives no SAEpOES to Josephus’ description. The crown was the symbol of the high priest’s special consecration, as the people’s representative, to make atonement for sin (Ex 28°8). The same teria is also applied to the symbolic headtire of the Heb. king, but no description of it is given (LXX 7d Bactrevor, létep, Efep, rd dylacua). It was prob. alight, narrow fillet of silk, perhaps studded with jewels, like the early diadems of E. kings (see DIADEM). It was light enough to be worn in battle (2S 1”). The term indicates that the king, as well as the Priest, was divinely consecrated to his office. ence it is attributed to the ideal Davidic King (Ps 89 13216), and His people are called the stones of their Saviour’s Crown (Zec 9"), 8. The commonest use of Crown in OT (gener- ally as tr. of ™py, LXX orégavos, but in Est of 132, Gr. xldaps or xlrapis, LXX diddnua) corre- sponds with the use of the word in mod. times. It is applied to crowns worn by oes (28 12%, 1 Ch 202, the crown of the king of Rabbah, which weighed a talent of gold; Est 17 2)” 6° 85, the tiaras of the king and queen of Persia, probetly high, jewelled turbans ;: see also Is 62%, Jer 13, Ezk 21%); to wreaths worn at banquets (Ca 34, Is 28)35 Ezk 23”); and fig. as an emblem of honour or victory (Job 19° 3158, Pg 85 21° 65" 1034, Pr 49 124 1418 nA) %4 16% 175, La 5's, Ezk 16%). In Is 23° Tyre is calle ‘the crowning city’ because ruling over kingdoms and dispensing crowns. Some have supposed that the kings of Israel had two crowns—the light diadem mentioned above, and a heavier one for state occasions. It has also been inferred from2S 12® that the crown taken by David from the king of Rabbah became the state crown, and Jos. (Ant. VII, vii. 5) enlarges the biblical account by stating that ‘this crown David ever after wore on his own head.’ But there is no positive evidence for this, and only the term 7j3 is used in the Bible for the crown of the Heb. kings. In Zec 64-™ a crown (py) is represented as placed on Joshua, the high priest, to indicate the union of the royal and priestly offices ; but the usual word for the kingly crown of Israel is in this instance apparently avoided because it described also, as has been stated, that of the high priest. The crowns used at banquets were doubtless wreaths of flowers (see Is 281, also Wis 2°, 3 Mac 4° 716). Heroes were also received with them (Jth 38), and dwellings decorated (1 Mac 4°”), 4. In 1 Mac 10” 11% 13%9 allusion is made to crowns due from the Jews to the Syrian kings, by which are meant, not coins so named, but money tribute, which represented allegiance as formerly the presentation of a crown had done (1 Mac 13%”, 2 Mac 144; Jos. Ant. XI. iii. 3, ore- gavirns pdpos; see Levy, Gesch. der Jiid. Miinzen; Madden, Jewish Coinage). The Heb. has other words synonymous with those mentioned (as 1x3 head-dress; 4°33 turban; n7'px dia- dem; 7 garland), but their consideration does not fall here. The later Jews spoke of three crowns, of the law, the priesthood, and the king, and added ‘the crown of a good name’ as best of all (Carpzov, Appar. Crit. p. 60; Braunius, De Vestitu, p. 634). The word is also used in AV for the top of the head (Gn 49%, Dt 33%, 2 § 14%, Is 3%, Jer 218 494; tr, pate Ps 78, head [RV ‘crown of the head ’] Dt 331%, scalp Ps 687). In NT the AV gives ‘Crown’ for two words (aré- gavos and d:ddyua) which RV properly distinguishes. Zrégavos was not applied by the Greeks to a king’s crown. ‘It is the crown of victory in the games, of civic worth, of military valour, of nuptial joy, of festal gladness . . . the wreath in fact, or the arland ... but never, any more than corona in atin, the emblem and sign of royalty’ (Trench, Syn. of NT, xxiii.; see, too, Lightfoot on Ph 4). Roman law likewise regulated the bestowment of special corone as rewards of military valour and civic service; and while it was customary to use crowns on ceremonial and festive occasions, they never symbolized royalty. The word for the latter was diadema (see DIADEM). This distinction is observed in NT, though not always in the LXX (see 2 § 123, 1 Ch 20%, Ps 21(20)4, Ezk 21°, Zec 6-14), In NT a crown is an emblem of victory or reward. It describes the Christian’s final recom- pense (1 Co 9%, Rev 3! 44-1), specifically called a crown of righteousness (2 Ti 48), of life (Ja 1%, Rev 2°), of glory (1 P 54). St. Paul applies it to his converts as being his reward (Ph 4', 1 Th 2%). Hence in the Apoc. a crown is represented on the conquering Christ (Rev 6? 1414), on the symbolic locusts (Rev 97), and on the ‘woman’ of ch. 12, as a sign of victory. In 12° 13! 19%, on the other hand, the ‘dragon’ and the ‘ beast’ and the kingly Christ have diadems, the ‘many diadems’ signi- fying Christ’s universal empire (see v.1*), Thus rown in NT is the emblem of attainment, the CROWN OF THORNS CUCUMBER reward of service. Even the ‘crown of thorns’ was probably a mock symbol of victory, suggested to the soldiers by the corone of military or civic service; though Trench remarks that ‘woven of such materials as it was, diddyua could not be applied to it.’ ile the use of crowns among the Greeks and Romans seems to have originated with the athletic games,—allusions to which are made by St. Paul in the places cited above,—and while the crown does not appear in Homer as an emblem of victory, later traditions attributed its invention to one or other of the gods. Those traditions are collected by Tertullian in his tract De Corona, in which he ns inveighs against the use of crowns by LiTmraToRE.—Paschalius, Coron@; Meursius, De Coronis; Fabricius, Bibliographia Antiquaria; Reland, Antiquitates sacr. veter. Hebr.; Braunius, De Vestitu sacerd. Hebr.; Jahn’s and Keil’s Bib. Arch. ; Bahr, Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus ; Nowack, Hebr. Archdol. G. T. PURVEs. CROWN OF THORNS.—See THorN. CRUCI- FIXION.—See Cross. CRUELTY.— The habits and sentiments of Gentiles and average Israelites, both in OT and NT, are often tainted with gross cruelty. Even acts of divinely appointed leaders of Israel, utter- ances of the psalmists and prophets, and ordin- ances of the inspired Law, sometimes seem inhuman when judged by the highest standards of modern Christianity. These standards require the righteous man to treat human life as sacred, and to refrain scrupulously from inflicting unnecessary pain. But Christianity has only recently secured ‘any widespread practical recognition of these principles, and even now they prevail only with minorities in a few of the most advanced com- munities. Moreover, civilization has developed a sensitiveness which often renders the punishment of a criminal really as severe as in ancient times; the mitigation of physical cruelty has been compensated for by the refinement of mental torture. The constant tendency of inspired teaching is towards humanity, and ordinances which seem inhuman often mitigate prevailing barbarity. The facts are as follows. The extermination of enemies is frequently commanded, Dt 20! etc., and such extermination is described with apparent approval, Jos6# etc. David massacred the Ammon- ites with great barbarity, 2 S 12%), 1 Ch 205, cf. 2K 15, Amongst the Israelites themselves the Law ventures to impose only a moderate limitation of blood-revenge. Ex 21 2 (JE) forbids the actual beating to death of a male or female slave, but does not feel it possible to deal with cases in which the victim survives a day or two. Death is to be inflicted for a large number of offences, some of them slight, ¢.g. sabbath-breaking, Ex 35? (P). An incestuous person, Lv 20 (H), and an unchaste woman of the priestly clan, Lv 21° (H), were to be burnt to death. The OT records great cruelty on the part of Gentiles, barbarous outrages on women and children, 2 K 8}, Hos 13!6, Am 13, and cruel mutilation, 2K 25’. These are more than borne out by the sculptures of the Assyrians, who delighted to depict flaying alive and other tortures inflicted upon their enemies, ¢.g. upon the Elamite prisoners on slabs 48-50 in the pat any Gallery of the British Museum. In the NT we meet with the barbarous Roman punishments of scourging and crucifixion. W. H. BENNETT. CRUSE.—See Foop. The English word, now archaic though not quite obsolete, is apparently of Scandinavian origin, and means an earthenware salt (2 K 2%), jar for holding liquids ; less freq. for drinking from, as Skelton (1526), ‘Then he may drink out of a stone cruyse.’ In AV it holds water (1 S 261) 12-16, 1 K 19), oil (1 K 17!-1*6), honey (1 K 14°), and J. HASTINGS. CRYSTAL.—1. In Job 2817 r3:3) is rendered in AV ‘crystal’ (i.e. rock-crystal); and as it occurs in a passage descriptive of the treasures of mines, this is probably to be accepted as correct. (See, however, Oxf. Heb. Lex. and RV which tr. ‘ glass’). 2. In Ezk 1* another word mp is also tr. ‘crystal’ (RVm ‘ ice’), and, in this case, there is no certainty whether rock -crystal or ice is referred to (cf. Davidson, ad loc.); the same remark applies to xptoraNdos in Rey 4° 21" 22!; but this is immaterial in the case of poetic imagery, as the two sub- stances are similar as regards transparency and absence of colour; hence the Greeks applied the same word (xptcraddos) to both. 3. In Job 2818 RV substitutes ‘crystal’ for ‘pearls’ of AV as tr. of v3. Rock - crystal is pure quartz, crystallizing in hexagonal prisms with pyramidal apices, and is abundant in veins amongst the older rocks in nearly all countries. It was used in ancient times for ornamental purposes, and being softer, could be cut by the diamond or corundum. It is pos- sible that the Heb. word (oom) tr. ‘diamond’ as one of the stones on the breastplate of the high priest was really rock-crystal, as it was engraved with the name of one of the tribes (Ex 287). [See, however, art. STONES (PRECIOUS), and Oxf. Hed. Lex., where the jasper or the onyx are suggested as equivalents of 027:.J E. HULL. CUB (2:5, AV Chub), in Ezk 30°, is almost cer- tainly a corruption of 2:9 (i.e. Lybia) as was read LXX. The ‘ ay ae of AV is a mistransla- tion of Put (see RV). Cf. Nah 3°, where Lybians are mentioned along with Cush (Ethiopia), Egypt, and Put, as here; also 2 Ch 12° 16%. Identifica- tions which assume the correctness of the text lead to no satisfactory result, and hardly deserve notice. J. SKINNER. CUBIT.—See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. CUCKOW (An? shahaph, ddpos, larus).—The Heb. word is from a root signil ying leanness. It occurs only in Lv 116 and Dt 14”, in the list of un- clean birds. No scholar now renders it by cuckow (cuckoo). Various slender birds have been proposed, as the stormy petrel, the shearwater, the tern, and the gull or seamew. The RV, following the LXX and the Vulg., has seamew. It is Probably to be understood generically for birds of the Laride, the gull family. G. E. Post. CUCUMBER (o'xvp kishshw’tm, olxvor, cucumeres). —Cucumbers are universally cultivated in the E., and are a favourite article of food. ‘Two species or varieties are common, Cucwmis sativus, L., which is the ordinary preen or whitish cucumber, and C. Chate, L., which is originally an Egyptian plant. The former is called in Arab. khiydr. It has a very delicate flavour, and is more wholesome than the European variety. The latter is known by the name kiththé or mikti, which is a modification of the Heb. xvp, and is doubtless the vegetable referred to as one of the good things of Egypt (Nu 115). Itis longer and more slender than the com- mon cucumber, being often more than a foot long, and sometimes less than an inch thick, and pointed at both ends. It has a thick, hairy, mottled or striped green rind, with a less juicy pulp than the khiydr, but a similar, though less delicate, flavour. Although originating in Egypt, it is everywhere 532 CULTURE cultivated in the East. It is esteemed coarser than the khiydr, and sold cheaper. A cardinal difference between the kiththa and the khiydr is that the latter cannot be cultivated without constant irrigation. The kiththd, while often cultivated on watered soil, and then attain- ing a large size, grows on perfectly dry soil also, without a drop of water through the hot summer months, during which it flourishes. The word Khiydr is said to be of Persian origin. 7 4 ‘LODGE IN A GARDEN OF CUCUMBERS.’ The expression ‘garden of cucumbers’ (Is 15) is ngpn mikshah, a noun of place, meaning the place of kishshu, and is exactly reproduced in the Arab. mikthwat. The lodge is the booth of the man who watches the patch. This booth is made of four upright poles, 6 or 8 ft. high, planted in the ground, and tied by withes of flexible bark to four hori- zontal poles at their tip. Over the frame made by these horizontal pales are laid cross poles, and, over all, branches of trees. Sometimes a floor is made by tying four other horizontal poles at a few inches or feet above the ground, and laying over them a flooring of cross poles. Walls are some- times made of wattled branches, more or less enclosing the frail tenement. Such booths are to be seen in all the cucumber and melon patches, and in vineyards and other cultivated te which requires watching. They are fitting emblems of instability, as the withes with which they are tied together give way before the winds of autumn, the branches are scattered, and the whole structure soon drops into a shapeless heap of poles and wattles, themselves soon to be carried off and used as firewood, or left to rot on the ground. G. E. Post. CULTURE.—Only 2 Es 8° AV and RV, ‘give us CUNNING seed unto our heart, and culture to our under- standing, that there may come fruit of it.’ The Eng. word is a direct and accurate tr. of the Lat. (cultura), and is used in its own earliest sense of the cultivation or tillage of the soil. Coverdale, Matthew, and the Bishops have ‘build,’ Geneva ‘prepare,’ but Douay ‘give tillage to’ the under- standing. J. HASTINGS. CUMBER (from old Fr. combrer, ‘to hinder,’ which is from low Lat. cumbrus, i.e. cumulus, ‘a heap’; thus c.=‘put a heap in the way’).—1. To harass, worry, Lk 10 ‘Martha was cumbered about much serving.’ Cf. Coverdale’s tr. of 1 K 21° ‘What is ye matter that thy sprete is so combred?’ The usual prep. is ‘with’; here ‘about’ is a lit. tr. of the Gr. mepl (repreomaro wept modi Siaxovlay), RVm gives ‘distracted,’ like Ostervald’s distraite, and as 1 Co 7* ‘without dis- traction,’ AV and RV (depiordorws). ‘Cumbered’ is Tindale’s; Wyclif has ‘martha bisied aboute the oft seruyse’; Coverdale, ‘Martha made hir self moch to do to serue him.’ 2. To ‘block up,’ ‘burden,’ Lk 137 ‘Cut it down; why cumbereth it the ground?’ again from Tindale (and scarcely obsolete in this sense); Wyclif ‘ocupieth,’ fr. Vulg. occupat; Geneva, ‘why kepeth it the ground baren?’ a better tr. of the Gr. here (xarapyéw, @ favourite word with St. Paul, elsewhere only in this passage and He 24, AV ‘destroy,’ RV ‘bring to nought’). Cf. Bunyan, Holy War (Clar. Press ed. p. 47), ‘Thou hast been a Cumber-ground long already.” Cumbrance, only Dt 1? ‘your c.’ (n2m 9), and Is 144 RVm ‘your new moons... are ac. unto me’ (nbd ‘by v7, AV and RV ‘trouble’). mod. forms ‘encumber,’ ete., are not yer equi- valent, being too wholly passive. Davies (Bible Eng. p. 211) remarks, Spenser’s ‘cum- brous gnattes (fF. Q. I. i. 23) seems now a singu- larly inappropriate epithet. J. HASTINGS. CUMI.—See TALITHA. CUMMIN (jb2 kammén, xtyvor, cyminum).—The seed of Cuminum cyminum, L., an umbelliferous plant cultivated in Bible lands. It is known in Arab. by the same name as in Heb., kKammin, and is used in cookery as a condiment, esp. in the dishes prepared during the fasts, which, being made with- out meat, require more seasoning to make them palatable. It has also carminative properties, and is used in poultices for the dissipation of swellings. It has a penetrating odour and savour, not over-agreeable to most Europeans. It is twice mentioned in Scripture. Once the reference is to the mode of rete it (Is 2875-27) by a rod instead of the mérag. This is still practised with this and other seeds of plants cultivated in small quantities. It is also mentioned as subject to tithe (Mt 23%), G. E. Post. CUN (7:3), 1 Ch 18°.—See BEROTHAL, CUNNING.—The Anglo-Saxon cunnan meant both ‘to know’ and ‘to be able,’ whence both can, which Bacon uses as a finite verb, Hssays (Gold Treas. ed. p. 40), ‘In Evill, the best condition is, not to will ; Phe Second, not to Can’; and also © cunning, which is really the pres. sas of the A.-S. cunnan as it appears in its Middle-Eng. form cunnen, to know. ‘Cunning,’ then, up to and after 1611, is generally knowledge, skill. Cf. Purvey’s Preface to the Wycliffite Version of 1388, ‘the Holy Syn author of all wisdom and cunnynge and truth’; Bp. Barlowe’s translation of Ja 3% (Dialoge [1531], ed. of 1897, p. 34), ‘Who that among you is wyse endued with connynge’ ; and Shaks. Othello, mi. iii. 50, ‘That errs in CUP ignorance, and not in cunning.’ In AV the subst. ‘cunning’ occurs only Ps 1375, ‘If I spree thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cun- ning.’* The adj. is common, applied to men who are skilful in some work, or to the work they do skilfully. Thus Ex 35% ‘the c. workman... and ... those that devise c. work.’ Once to women, Jer 9’, in ref. to their skill as hired mourners (on which see Thomson, Land and Book, iii. 403). But in Eph 4" ‘ec. craftiness,’ 2 P 1* ‘cunningly devised fables,’ the meaning is probably ‘wily,’ ‘ deceitful.’ Amer. RV prefers ‘skilful’ where cunning has that meaning (except Is 3* ‘ expert’). J. HASTINGS. CUP.—1. In OT the rendering of various words, the precise distinction between which, either as to form or use, is unknown to us. The usual word is din kég (worjpiov, calix), the ordinary drinking- vessel of rich (Gn 40": 1 21) and poor (2S 123) alike, the material of which varied, no doubt, with the rank and wealth of the owner. Numerous illus- trations are found on the reliefs of the Assyrian palaces, such, ¢.g., as the cups in the hands of Assurbanipal and his queen, in a scene often re- produced. With these compare the specimens of tery actually found on Jewish soil, in Bliss, ound of Many Cities, Nos. 174, 181, etc., and the illustration cited below. Joseph’s divining cup (33 Gn 442%) was of silver, and, we may infer, of elaborate workmanship, since the same word is used for the bowls (AV) or cups (RV), #.¢. the flower-shaped ornamentation, on the candlestick of the tabernacle (which see for details, also BOWL). That the y33 was larger than the kés is clear from Jer 35°. The niyp késdvéth, of 1 Ch 28” (Phoen. opp, see Bloch’s Phen. Glossar, sub voce), were more probably flagons, as RV in Ex 25” 3716 (but Nu 4’ RV cape). The ’aggan (}38 Is 224) was rather a basin, as Ex 24°, than a cup (EV). In NT zorjpiov is the corresponding name of the ordinary drinking-cup (water Mt 10® etc., wine 237 etc.). The ‘cup of blessing’ (1 Co 10%) is so named from the apian ois kés habbérdkhah of the Jewish Passover (which see, also LORD’s SUPPER). The cup represented on the obverse of the so-called Maccabeean shekels may be a cup such as was used on this occasion. 2. The word cup has received an extended figurative application in both OT and NT. (a) As in various other literatures, ‘cup’ stands, esp. in Psalms, for the happy fortune or experience of one’s earthly lot, mankind being thought of as receiving this lot from the hand of God, as the guest the pine-eep from the hand of his host, Ps 16° 23° 73! etc. But also conversely for the bitter lot of the wicked, Ps 118 (cf. c, below), and in par- ticular for the sufferings of Jesus Christ, Mt 20 3, Mk 10®- 9 14%, Lk 22%, Jn 18", (6) Another figure is the ‘cup of salvation’ (lit. ‘of deliverances’), Ps 116%, The reference is to the wine of the thank-offerings (0'>:), part of the ritual of which was the festal meal before J” (cf. vv.1 1"), A striking parallel is found in the inscription of ybom * The Heb. is simply ‘let my right hand forget’ (*3">) n2y/h), which may be dealt with in three ways. 1. As a passive: 80 LXX, iwsane beim 4 38%ie@ ov; Vulg., oblivioni detur dextera mea ; Luth., so werde meiner Rechten vergessen ; Ostervald, que ma droite s’oublie elle-méme ; Coverdale, ‘let my right hande be forgotten.’ But the Heb. as it stands cannot be tr4 passively. 2. As acorrupt text. The simplest emendation is proposed by Delitzsch, N3y/A, which gives the pass. at once, and with which oe Sa Jer 234, Other suggested emendations will be ‘ound in Cheyne, Book of Psalms, crit. n. in loc. But Well- hausen (in Haupt) leaves the Heb. untouched and unnoticed. 8. Asan sera. Del. as an alternative, ‘let my right hand show itself forgetful’ (cf. Wyclif’s tr. ‘my mgt hond be gouun {given} to forgeting’; Cheyne, ‘let m rig! t hand deny its service’ (but in parchment ed. 1884, ‘let the strength of my ht hand dry up’); Geneva, ‘ forget to play’; Bishops’ Bible, AV, and RV ‘forget her cunning.’ CURIOUS 533 of Gebal (Byblus), who is figured on his stele in the act of Pee erane such a cup of thanksgiving to the local deity (see his inscription in CJS i. 1). (c) By a still bolder figure the punitive wrath of the offended Deity is spoken of as a cup which the guilty, Israelites and heathen alike, must drain to the dregs. So Jer 25° (the wine-cup [of] fury), Ezk 23°, Ts 51177 (‘the cup of trembling’ RY peep ering ), Zee 12? (RV ‘cup of reeling’), Ps 75°, Rev 142° 169 188, for all which see the com- mentaries. (d@) Lastly, we have ‘the cup of consola- tion (rorjpior els wapdxdynowv)’ offered to the mourners after the funeral-rites were performed, Jer 167 (cf. Pr 316 and see Commentaries in loc. and Schwally, Das Leben nach d. Tode, § 8). A. R. S. KENNEDY. CUPBEARER (pwr).—An officer of considerable importance at Oriental courts, whose duty it was to serve the wine at the table of the king. The first mention of this officer is in the story of Joseph (Gn 40!"), where the term rendered ‘ butler’ (wh. see) in EV is the Heb. word above, ren- dered in other passages cupbearer (Arabic es- sdki). The holder of this office was brought into confidential relations with the king, and must have been thoroughly trustworthy, as part of his duty was to guard against poison in the king’s cup. In some cases he was required to taste the wine before presenting it. The position of Nehemiah as cupbearer to Artaxerxes Longimanus was evidently high. Herodotus (iii. 34) speaks of the office at the court of Cambyses, king of Persia, as ‘an honour of no small account,’ and the uarrative of Neh. shows the high esteem of the king for him, who is so solicitous for his welfare that he asks the cause of his sadness (27). The cupbearers amon the officers of king Solomon’s household (1 K 103) impressed the queen of Sheba, and they are men- tioned among other indications of the grandeur of his court, which was modelled upon courts ot other Oriental kings. The Rabshakeh, who was sent to Hezekiah (2 K 18"), was formerly supposed to have been cupbearer to Sennacherib, but the word (72¥22) means chief of the princes (see Del. on Is 36%, and Sayce, HC p. 441). Among the Assyrians, the cupbearers, like other attendants of the king, were commonly eunuchs, as may be seen from the monuments ; and such was the case gener- ally at Oriental courts. The Persians, however, did not so uniformly employ eunuchs, and probably never so degraded their own people or the Jews who served them. Certainly, Nehemiah was not a eunuch. Herod the Great had a cupbearer who was a eunuch (Jos. Ané. XVI. viii. 1). H. PoRTER. CUPBOARD (kvNlxiov, 1 Mac 15®2).—A sideboard used for the display of gold and silver plate. This is the earliest meaning of cupboard, a board or table for displaying cups and other vessels; cf. Greene (1592), ‘Her mistress ... set all her plate on the cubboorde for shewe.’ J. HASTINGS. CURIOUS.—Of the many meanings which once belonged to this word only two now remain, in- uisitive and peculiar. Of these the first is found in Apocr., 2 Es 4% (interrogare) 9" (curiosus esse), Sir 3% (uh mepepydfov, RV ‘Be not over busy’), 2 Mac 2” (zroAurparypovetv). In OT curious occurs as a description of ‘the girdle of the ephod’ in Ex 28%: 37. 28 95. BOS. 20. a1 8’, for which RV sub- stitutes ‘cunningly woven,’ Amer. RV ‘skilfully woven.’ ‘Curious girdle’ (AV) or ‘cunningl woven band’ (RV) represents one word in Moun avn héshebh, which comes from 1¥n hdshabh, to think, devise, invent ingenious or artistic things; whence also 1¥n Aéshébh, tr4 ‘cunning workman’; and a3~%n2 mahdshdbhah, device, invention, tré ‘curious works,’ Ex 35%? (RV ‘cunning works’). 534 CURSE CURSE ‘Crafty,’ ‘cunning,’ and ‘curious’ were all used formerly in the sense of clever, ingenious; cf. Barbour (1375), Bruce, x. 359— ‘A crafty man and a curiouss’; and as a good parallel to the passages in Ex, Shaks. Cymb. v. v. 361— * He, sir, was lapp’d In a most curious mantle, wrought by the hand Of his queen mother.’ The same thought is found in Ps 139% ‘I was made in secret, and curiously wrought in the lowest parts of the earth.’ The Heb. here (‘n>p)) means ‘variegated’; ‘the body or the fetus is described as woven together of so many different- coloured threads, like a cunning and beautiful network or tapestry ’"—Perowne. The only other occurrence of ‘curious’ is in Ac 19” ‘c. arts,’ meaning ‘magical arts,’ as RVm (Gr. rd weplepya, lit. ‘superfluous things,’ ‘things better left alone’ (Page); cf. Sir 3% above, and see BusyBODY). ‘Curious’ here is due to Wyclif, ‘curiouse thingis,’ a literal tr. of Vulg. curiosa; Tindale, ‘c. crafts’; Geneva, ‘c. artes’(Vulg. marg. curiosas artes), From this place it has passed into English literature, as Bacon, Hssays, 35, ‘the Q. Mother, who was een to Curious Arts, caused the King her Husbands Nativitie, to be Calcu- lated, under a false Name.’ J. HASTINGS. CURSE.—Under this title an account is given of the ideas connected primarily with the Heb. words o7n7 and o1 (hérem), and with the Gr. word dvddepua (anathema), so far as it is representative of the latter. The Heb. words are variously rendered in AV: ‘the accursed thing’ in Jos7! 1° ; ‘every- thing devoted’ in Nu 18; ‘every dedicated’ thing in Ezk 44”; ‘and I will consecrate their spoil’ in Mic 4%, RV has in all these places ‘devote’ or ‘devoted thing’; where the object is personal, it has usually ‘utterly destroy’ (see Driver on Dt 2% 7? or Sam. p. 100f.). A thing which is 07n is irre- vocably withdrawn from common use. This may be done in two ways, or at least may have two kinds of result. In the one case, the devoted thing be- comes God’s; it falls irredeemably to Him, or to His sanctuary or His priests. In this sense, as has been pointed out, to ‘devote’ a thing is to make a peculiar kind of vow concerning it. The most instructive passage, in illustration of this sense, is Ly 272. * No devoted thing, that a man shall devote unto the Lord of all that ra hath, whether of man or beast, or of the field of his possession, shall be sold or redeemed : every devoted thing is most holy unto the Lord. None devoted, which shall be devoted from among men, shall be ransomed ; he shall surely be put to death.’ In the second and third of the posses quoted above (Nu 184, Ezk 44”), it is sai expressly that every devoted thing in Israel is the priest's: this might include the spoil of conquered nations, carried into the temple treasury, as ak in Mic 4", or property of an other description which a man irrevocab] shenated: But the last words in Lv 27* (he shall surely be put to death) point to the second, and much the commoner, use of the words onn7 and ow. To ‘devote’ a thing means to put it under the ban, to make and to execute a vow of extermination, so far as that thing is concerned. It is this meaning that has occasioned the Eng. rendering for o77— the accursed thing. Whatever is devoted to utter destruction is regarded as under a curse. Things which are so devoted are in a sense inviolable; in the old, morally neutral sense of holiness, it may be said that a peculiar degree of holiness attaches to them. The thing called o7n is at the same time mn"? ow]? Wp (compare the seemingly opp. mean- (ngs of sacer in Latin, and the idea of ae It was common in ancient warfare to ‘devote,’ or put under the ban, the enemy and anything oreverything which*belonged to him. All wars were holy wars; warriors were consecrated (Is 13); and the ban, which seemed natural in the circumstances, might be of greater or less extent. In Dt 2*, which speaks of the conquest of Sihon’s kingdom, we are told that Israel ‘utterly destroyed (devoted) every inhabited city, with the women and the little ones,’ and the same terrible account is given in Dt 3° of Og ana Bashan. In Dt 7? this is even laid down as the law for the conduct of the sacred war against the Canaanites. But it is only human beings that are here put under the ban: ‘The cattle we took for a prey unto ourselves, with the spoil of the cities which we had taken.’ In some cases the ban was more stringent. In Dt 7” it is specially extended to the precious metal on the images of the Canaanites: this is an abomination to J”; and ‘thou shalt not bring an abomination into thy house, and become a devoted thing (079) like it... for it is a devoted thing.’ It was a ban, or curse, of this stringent type which Achan violated at the conquest of Jericho, and Hiel the Bethelite, long afterwards, when he rebuilt the town. He who appropriates what is 077, as Achan did, becomes himself (Dt 7%, Jos 618) on: the ban, or sentence of extermination, is extended to him, and he is ruth- lessly destroyed, with all the persons and propert that attach to him. It was a similar ban whic Saul violated, or allowed the people to violate, in the war with Amalek ; and his action is represented as equally serious, though not followed on the instant by such tragical results. In point of fact, it was not practicable for the Israelites to ‘devote’ the Canaanites wholesale (1 K 97); and the pro- clamation of ruthless warfare, under the auspices of a god, was no peculiarity of theirs. The same thing is affirmed of the Assyrians in 2 K 19", and of Mesha on the Moabite stone. It is more interesting to note that God Himself is sometimes the subject who proclaims this war, or pronounces this sentence of destruction. Thus in Is 34? ‘The Lord hath indignation against all the nations... He hath devoted them (0997), He hath given them up to the slaughter.’ So in v.5 Edom is ‘oyroy the. people whom I have devoted. And in Mal 4° God threatens to come and lay the earth under a ban. It is usual to point to Ezr 108 as an instance marking the transition between the ancient and awful use of 0175, and that post-biblical use in which it is equivalent to Excommunication. We are told here that all the substance of a man who did not answer a certain summons should be forfeited (02n:), and he himself separated (573:) from the congregation. Probably this is the first trace of Jewish ecclesiastical usages, of which hints are to be found in NT in such passages as Mt 18”, Jn 9% 12% 162, Lk 6, Though such usages, no doubt, would influence the practice of the Christian Church, it is not likely that they have anything to do with that ‘delivermg’ of offenders ‘to Satan,’ of which we read in 1 Co 5°,1 Ti 1% The sug- ede in both these cases, and especially in the irst, which has been interpreted of a sentence of death, is rather of a severity resembling that of the ancient ‘ban’; but with the significant difference, that in both the purpose of this solemn exclusion from the Christian community is remedial. Both the incestuous person at Corinth, and Hymenzus and Alexander in Asia, are to profit eventually by their discipline. The true succession to 77 is represented in NT b those passagesin which dvd0eua (Anathema) is found. This is the usual LX X rendering of the word. Thus in Dt 7* referred to above, theGr. is dvd0epa éoy Horep kal robro: thou shalt be ‘ accursed’ like the accursed thing which thou takest. Cf. Jos 6%, Zec 144, CURSE CUSH 535 een = Even the place-name Hormah (Nu 218) is rendered avdfeua; a variant is étodé@pevors. In NT the word is used only by St. Luke and St. Paul (Rev 22% uotes Zec 14", but with the form xard@eua). In ¢ 2312: 14.21 we read of men who ‘ dva@éuart dveJeua- tigapev éavrovs’—bound themselves with impre- cations on their own heads—neither to eat nor to drink till they had killed-Paul. The same verb is used in Mk 147 with éuvivac to describe Peter’s profane denial of Christ: he wished he might be cursed or damned if he knew the man. But the serious passages are in St. Paul. In 1 Co 12° we have, No man speaking in the spirit of God says, Jesus is dvd@eua. This may mean that no man speaking in the spirit of God can do what Paul once tried to get Christians to do—blaspheme Christ, i.e. speak profanely of Him, without defining more precisely how (Ac 26"). Or it may mean that no one speaking in the spirit of God can speak of Christ as an object of hatred to God, as ews with the cross in their minds might do. For illustrations of the prerenee see Edwards, ad loc, (Com. on 1 Cor.), and Harnack’s note on Didache, Xvi. 5 (dm’ adrot rod KaraGéuaros). In Ro 9? St. Paul says he could wish himself to be dvdéeua from Christ for his brethren’s sake. This is exactly the p30 of OT: he could wish to perish that they might be saved—‘a spark from the fire of Christ’s sub- stitutionary love.’ It is only the other side of this passion which is seen in the other passages where the word is used: 1 Co 16%, Gal 1%. ‘If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be dvd0eua’: the apostle assents to God’s will that no part in bliss, but only utter perdition, can be his who does not love the Saviour. So again, when he says, and says deliberately and repeatedly, of the man or the angel who preaches another poepel than he has preached, ‘let him be dvdé0eua,’ e expresses in the strongest possible style his assurance that the gospel he preaches is the one way of salvation, that to preach another is to make the grace of God vain, to stultify the death of Christ and to delude men, and that for such sins there can be nothing but a final irremediable jud. ent, to which he assents. The vehemence 1s like that with which Christ says, that better than a man should make one of His little ones stumble would it be for that man to have a millstone hanged about his neck, and be cast into the depths of the sea. In both cases the passion of indignation is the passion of sympathy with the love of God, and with the weak, to whom an irreparable injury is being done. The word ‘curse’ is also used in the English Bible as the tr. of 7777 and xardpa. The interest of this centres in the passage Gal 3-8, and in the ref. there to Dt 21%. The non-observance of the law, St. Paul teaches, puts men (some limit it to the Jews) under a curse; from this curse Christ redeems them by becoming Himself a curse (xardpa) on their behalf. The proof that Christ did become a curse is given in the form of a reference to the Crucifixion: it is written, ‘cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree’ (Dt 21%). The Heb. is idx nbbp, the LXX xexarnpapévos iwd Geod; and it has been often remarked that St. Paul does not introduce ‘ by God’ into his quotation. Some seem to think that he shrank from doing it, as if it would have been equivalent to saying dvddeya "Incods. But he does not shrink from saying that God made Christ to be sin for us (2 Co 5%), which, in its identification of Christ with, or its substi- tution of Christ for, the sinner, is exactly the same as His becoming a curse in Gal 3%. The important thing is not that St. Paul omits the bd Geov, but that, as Cremer remarks, he avoids the rsonal xexarnpayévos of the LXX, and employs e abstract xardépa. In His death on the cross He was identified under God’s dispensation with the doom of sin: He became curse for us; and it is on this our redemption depends. See Cross. LITERATURE.—Besides the comm. on the various quoted, see Merx in Schenkel, Bibel-Lez. s.v. ‘Bann’; Ewald, Ant. of Isr. pp. 78-79 (Eng. tr.); Smend, A.7’,, Religionsgeschichte, § 334; W. R. Smith, RS, p. 434f.; Weber, Die hren des Talmud, 137-139 ; Schiirer, HIP w. i 608, 157. J. DENNEY. CURTAIN.—1. The ordinary tent of the Semitic nomad, in modern times, is made by sewing to- gether a number of narrow lengths of a water- resisting material, as a rule cloth woven from yarn of goats’ and camels’ hair mixed with sheeps’ wool. And so it must have been in ancient times.* Hence we read of a Heb. country maid being ‘black as the tents of Kedar’ (Ca 15). The name of these lengths of tent-cloth was in the Heb. nippy (AV and RV ‘curtains’). The weaving of them, as well as the preren spinning of the yarn, was and is one of the chief occupations of the women of the tribe (Ex 35%; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, i. pp. 81, 125; Doughty, see footnote). With a more advanced civilization men also took to weaving as a trade (1 Ch 4#!); indeed this particular branch, the weaving of goats’ hair cloth, is well known to have been one of the staple industries of Tarsus, which has led many scholars to interpret oxnvorods (Ac 18°) as ‘a weaver of tent- cloth’ (see art. ‘ Paulus’ in PRE? xi. 359).+ In OT we find that ten of these yéri‘éth or curtains, of special width and workmanship, were to be ‘coupled together,’ in two sets of five, to form the innermost covering of the tabernacle proper (the Mishkan), as given in detail Ex 26'%-, Above this was @ more ordinary covering, composed of eleven curtains of the usual goats’ hair, and constituting the bak or tent of the tabernacle (Ex 267), For further particulars about these curtains see TABER- NACLE. Yéri'éth is also used in OT of the curtains or tent-cloth of ordinary nomad tents (Jer 49”) and of the gala-tents of king Solomon (Cal), and often stands in poetic parallelism with 77% ‘tent,’ Is 54%, Jer 4° 10%, Hab 37. The sing. ny: is even used of the tent erected by David for the ark on Mt. Zion, 28 7? (LXX év peop ris oxnvijs, but 1 Ch 17} niy’m plur.). 2. fh AV the portitre (792) which closed the entrance to the Holy Place of the tabernacle, and is elsewhere in AV tr@ ‘hanging,’ is once rendered curtain (Nu 375), The same Heb. word is also applied to the similar curtain at the entrance of the court of the tabernacle. The uniform tr®in RV is ‘screen,’ even when the name is applied to the ‘veil of the screen’ which separated the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies, cf. Ex 26% 351? etc. See further TABERNACLE. 8. Is 40% the word tr‘ curtain (p54) seems from its etymology to denote some fine material such as gauze (so RVm, Dillm., Duhm). 4, In the Book of Judith we read of Holofernes possessing a very magnificent xwywretoy (EV ‘canopy, Jth 107 13% 15 161%) ‘of purple and gold and emerald and precious stones inwoven.’ This, as the name and the context of 107 imply, must have been a mosquito-curtain. See CANOPY. A. R. S. KENNEDY. CUSH (w:3).—1. In the hieroglyphs Kash, Kaish, Kish, Keshi, Kesh, or Kesha, a nation to which frequent reference is made in the Bible. Its *‘The tent-stuff is seamed of narrow lengths of the house- wives’ rude worsted weaving; the yarn is their own spinning, of the mingled wool of the sheep and camels’ and goats’ hair together. Thus it is that the cloth is blackish,’ Doughty, Arabia Deserta, i. p. 225. + cxnvoroés, loc. cit., is more probably a synonym of sree: one who prepared and put together the lengths supplied 6 weavers. See Ramsay and Nestle in Hapos. Times, viii. (1807) 109, 153, 286. 536 CUSH CUSHAN-RISHATHAIM founder is given in the ethnological tables of Gn (10°) as son of Ham, and brother of Mizraim (Egypt), Put, and Canaan. Though the form Kush is not found in the hieroglyphs, there is no doubt of the identity of the nation ordinarily referred to in the Bible, and located by Ezk 29! S. of Egypt, with the Kesh, whose home was in Ethiopia, but who were known to the Hebrews through the prominent part they pled in Egyp. affairs. This country, ‘embracing the territories 8. of Egypt originally inhabited by negro tribes called Nahs. u’ (Brugsch, Geographie der Nachbarlander Aigyptens, p. 4), and extending S. from the first cataract, though repeatedly invaded by Egyp. kings of the early ee was formally enrolled in Egypt by ahutmes I. of the 18th dynasty, and put under a governor called the prince of Kesh (Egyp. seten-si en Kesh, king’s-son of Cush), who from the 18th dynasty regularly figures in the Egyp. records by the side of the king of Egypt. Somey tare about 1000 B.C., during the wars Between the high priests of Amon (descendants of Hrihor) and the Tahites, the Upper Nile was lost to Egypt, and it is probable that descendants of Hrihor, escaping to Napata, on Mt. Barkal (according to some authorities, the Heb. 43, which is more probably to be identified with Mem- phis), founded a dynasty. These kings took the same titles as the Egyp. monarchs ; at about B.C. 800, at the end of the reign of Sheshonk I1., they occupied Thebes ; and about 775, under the king Pi‘anchi, they had spread as far 8. as Hermopolis, while all important towns had Eth. garrisons. An attempt made by Tefnaht of Sais (whose name survives in Gr. authors under the form Tvé¢ax0os) to unite the petty ers under whose rule Lower Egypt had now allen, in resisting them, was defeated at Memphis, (the great stele of Pi'anchi, edited by Mariette, Monuments Divers, and tr.by Brugsch, Gesch. Zgyp. §82-707, in which this event is described, is one of the most important of the hierog] phicmonuments), although for reasons not known Pi anchi afterwards made terms with Tefnaht, whose son Bokenranf, or Bocchoris, is represented by Manetho as the founder of the 24th dynasty. During the reign of this king (about B.C. 728), a successor of Pi‘anchi (prob- ably after some intermediate reigns), Shabaka, son of Kashtu, called in the Bible mo So’ (2 K 174, which should rather be read Sava, representing the name without the definite article), himself on the mother’s side a descendant of Osorkon III. of the 23rd dynasty, invaded Lower Egypt, defeated Boc- choris, and put him to death; and, unlike his predecessor Pi'anchi, succeeded in obtaining a per- manent hold on the country, whence he and his two successors are regarded as constituting a 25th, or Eth. dynasty. he conspiracy between this king and Hosea of Isr. against the Assyr. led to the defeat of the former at Raphia in 720, and to the captivity of the ten tribes; and the identification of Egypt with Ethiopia at this time is alluded to in Is 7%, where the ‘ fly that is in the uttermost part of the river of Egypt,’ t.e. Ethiopia, is made co-ordinate with Assyria as a first-rate power; and in Is 20*: the names Cush and Mizraim are used assynonyms. (See especially Lenormant, ‘Mémoire sur |’époque Eth.’ Rev. Archéologique, 1870). Under Shabaka’s son Shabataka, or Sebichos (perhaps the Sab¢eca of Gn 107), it is probable that anarchy again broke out in the Delta, a state of things reflected in the prophecy of Is19. The king Shabataka, who had acceded in 716, was followed in 704 by Taharka (the apa of the Bible, 2 K 19°), who is said to have murdered his predecessor and to have married Shabaka’s widow, acknowledging her son as co-regent. As in 2 K 19° he is officially described as king of Cush only, it is probable that his authority was not at first recognized in Egypt. During his reign occurred the famous conspiracy which led to Sennacherib’s invasion of Pal., terminating most probably in the defeat of the Egyp. forces at Altaku, although, as the Assyr. were unable to follow up their victory, eace was made between the two powers, givi aharka time to consolidate his authority; unti! ia 671 a fresh quarrel with the Assyr. led to the in- vasion of Egypt by Esarhaddon, who conquered the country as far S. as Thebes ; and a fresh attempt of Taharka to turn out the Assyr. at the accession of Assurbanipal in 668 led only to a fresh invasion and renewed disasters in the following year. Taharka’s son and successor Tanuatama, or Urdamani, who acceded in 664, would seem to have made one more attempt to free the country from the Assyr., but without more success than his predecessogs, and in the following year the Eth. rule came finally to anend. Their own country was invaded by Cambyses in B.C. 525, whence in the lists of Darius the Cushiya figure as a subject race. Though the Persians could not permanently occupy the country, they would seem to have destroyed Napata, the chief town after this time being Meroé or Barua, slightly N. of Shendi on the Upper Nile, which Herodotus regards as the chief city, although Napata was long regarded as the sacred city. The ancients tell us about the elective nature of the Eth. monarchy, their statements being, in part, confirmed by the monuments of Napata; and it would seem that the kings were chosen out of certain families by the god, #.e. by the priests, who also had the right to command the king to put an end to his life if they thought fit—a right which was finally abolished by king Erkamon, or Erga- menes, early in the 3rd cent. B.c. This custom, which has been illustrated from the practice of tribes still existing in Africa, may be regarded as specifically Eth., as also the female rule, which at most periods of Eth. history seems to have had theoretical or practical recognition ; in Rom. times they were governed by queens, called always Can- dace (cf. Ac 8”), apparently associated with their sons ; but even in their earlier history the import- ant position given to the kings’ mothers and sisters anticipates this practice. Otherwise, Eth. culture, art, and religion, as well as the official Bay ros would seem to have been directly borrowed from Egypt ; and while the idea that Egyp. culture was Eth. in origin must be distinctly rejected, the theory of Lepsius, that the Cush were the nation who circulated that culture through the ancient world, would seem to rest on no secure foundation. 2. The fact that Cush in Gn 10° is represented as the father of Nimrod, probably comes from the confusion of the Kesh with the Cossei, or Kashshu, a tribe who had possession of Babylonia between the 16th and 13th cent. B.c.* 3. For the names of the sons of Cush in Gn 10’, see SEBA, HAVILAH, SABTAH, RAAMAH, and SABTACA. D. 8. MARGOLIOUTH. CUSH (v1, LXX Xovcel).—Mentioned only in the title of Ps 7. The older translators appear to have read 3 (Aq. Symm. Theod. Jer.). ‘As the name of a person, the word is of uncertain mean- ing’ (Delitzsch). Cush is described as a Benjamite, and was probably a follower of Saul who opposed David. The seventh psalm sheds no light on name, person, or character. W. T. DAVISON. CUSHAN - RISHATHAIM (o:nyy jwi2, Kovoapea- 6diz, AV Chushan-rishathaim), king of Mesopo- * Hommel, however (Expository Times [1897], viii. 878) would regard the tribe mentioned here as one existing in Oentral Arabia, to which he finds further reference in 2 Ch 149, where Zerah the Cushite is said to have invaded Judah in the days of Asa (cf. LXX both here and in 2 Ch 2116, where he finds the Arab, tribe Mecovira:, Mazin, mentioned), The name Zerah es Dirrih) is found as a title of early Sabwan kings. It doubted, however, if the LXX readings really preserve either the original text or an ancient tradition respecting its meaning. CUSHI, CUSHITE tamia or Aram-naharaim, was the first of those oppressors into whose hands God delivered Israel for their apostasy in the days of the Judges (Jg 3°"). For eight years they were in bondage to this king, till they were delivered by Caleb’s younger brother Othniel. Of Cushan-rishathaim nothing more is known directly, and his name has not yet been found on the monuments. The country over which he ruled, ‘Aram of the Two Rivers,’ was in all probability the territory lying between the Euphrates and the Chaboras, the last of the tributaries of the Great River. (See Aram- naharaim in art. ARAM, p. 138.) Its two cities mentioned in Scripture are Haran (Gn 28!) and Pethor (Dt 234, Nu 225), It is known as Nahrina on the Egyptian monuments, and Nahrima in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, the native name of its people being Mitanni. Sayce (the soundness of whose argument, however, is denied by Moore and Driver) finds a remarkable correspondence between the notice of Cushan-rishathaim in Jg and the history of the reign of Ramses 11. ‘The eight years, he says, ‘during which the king of Aram- naharaim oppressed Israel would exactly agree with the interval between the beginning of the Libyan attack upon Egypt and the campaign of the Pharaoh against By a. We know from the Egyptian records that Mitanni of Aram- naharaim took part in the invasion of Egypt; we also know from them that the king of Mitanni was not among those who actually marched into the Delta. He participated in the southward move- ment of the peoples of the north, and nevertheless lingered on the way. What is more probable than that he again sought to secure that dominion in Canaan which’ had belonged to some of his predecessors?’ See further OTHNIEL. Lrrsraturs.—Moore, Judges . 84-89; Driver, Contemp. Ree (1804), p. 4202. ; Bayce, HCM, pp. a71-204, fe . NICOL. CUSHI, CUSHITE (-¢39, 'y:2n).—The word occurs with the article in Nu 12!, 2S 182; without the article in Jer 36", Zeph 14. 1. With the article it is probably merely an expression of nationality, ‘the Cushite’ (see CusH). That in both instances it was a sufficient designation of the person in estion, seems to show that there were but few Gushites among the Israelites. In both, the forei character of the person intended is indicated by the narrative. It was looked upon asa disgrace that Moses should have married a Cushite. In 25S 18” the stranger is unacquainted with the short-cut made use of by Ahimaaz. 2. Without the article the word is used merely as a proper name. It is borne by (1) the great-grandfather of Jehudi, the latter one of Jehoiakim’s courtiers (Jer 3614) ; (2) the father of the prophet Zephaniah (Zeph 1). F. H. Woops. CUSTOM (ré\os, Mt 17%, Ro 137, comp. 1 Mac 10# 11*), toll, tax upon goods, generally ad valorem, as distinguished from «jyoos and ¢épos, tribute, an annual tax on houses, lands, and persons. Custom ordinarily went into the treasury of the native government. Thus in Palestine the Herods in Galilee and Perza received the custom, whereas in Judea it was paid to the procurator for behoof of the Roman government. The custom (rédos) was collected by the tax-gatherer (reAwv7s). For full details see PUBLICAN and TAXES. J. MACPHERSON. CUTH, CUTHAH (ams, ma; B Xovvdd, Xové; A Xovd).—One of the cities from which Sargon brought colonists to take the place of the Israelites whom he had deported from Samaria, B.c. 722 (2 K 17%), These colonists intermingled with the Israelite inhabitants who were left by Sar- m; and their descendants, the Samaritans, were Im consequence termed by the Jews Cuthzans CUTTINGS IN THE FLESH 537 = (oma). According to the old Arabic geographers, Cuthah was situated not far from Babylon, and there seem to have been two cities of the same name close to each other (de Sacy, Chrest. Arab. i. 331). This view as to the site of Cuthah is borne out by the Assyrian inscriptions, from which we learn that Kuti (or Kuti) was a city of Middle-Babylonia. It has now been identified with the modern Tell-Jbrahim, N.E. of Babylon, where remains of the temple of Nergal (cf. v.™) have been discovered (see Schrader, COT, i. 270 f.). Cuthah has also been identified as the name of a country near Kurdistan, possibly = Ur Kasdim (Gn 118')—Neubauer, Géogr. p. 379 ; while others consider ‘Cutheans’ to be another form of ‘Cosseans,’ a tribe dwellin vince Jutipa, the modern mouth of ihe Tigris. CUTHA (A Kovéd, B om., AV Coutha), 1 Es 5%, —His sons were among the temple servants who returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel. There is no corresponding name in the lists of Ezra and Neh. The name may be taken from the Babylonian town Cuthah or Cuth (2 K 17%), H. St. J. THACKERAY. CUTTINGS IN THE FLESH.—i. In the legisla- tion of Dt (D) and in the corpus known as the ‘Law of Holiness’ (H), the Hebrews are for- bidden to ‘cut themselves’ (17!pn X> Dt_14) or to ‘make any cutting’ (lit. an incision pqy Lv 19%, nowy Lv 215, LXX évrouls) in their flesh ‘for the dead.’ The prohibition in question is aimed at one of the most widely-spread tokens of grief at the loss of relatives or friends. To scratch and beat one’s self to the effusion of blood, nay, to gash and hack one’s self of set purpose, may be said to be an all but universal custom among un- civilized and semi-civilized races at the present day. It must suffice to refer to such well-known works as Waitz’s Anthropologie der Naturvolker (passim), and H. Spencer’s Principles of Sociology, 3rd_ ed. vol. i. pp. 163ff., 277, 292, etc. (see also authorities named at the close of this art.). The prevalence of the custom is equally attested for nearly all the nations of antiquity, the Egyptians being the most notable exception (Herod. bk. ii. 61, 85; Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. [1854] vol. ii. p. 374). Thus Herodotus tells us that the Scythians of his time on the death of their king ‘ cut off their ears, shear their hair, and make incisions all over (repirdu- vovrat) their arms’ (iv. 71). Xenophon gives a similar account of the Armenians and Assyrians (Cyrop. iii. 1. 13). The legislation of Solon, acc. to Plutarch, forbade the women of Athens to beat themselves to the effusion of blood (duvxds xowro- pévwv.. . ddetrev, Sol. 21), and the same is affirmed of the laws of the Twelve Tables (‘mulieres genas ne radunto’—quoted by Cicero, de Leg. ii. 23). Among the ancient Arabs, further, the practice forbidden at Athens and Rome was associated, as it was among the Heb. (see below), with the cutting off of the hair (Kitab al-Aghdnt, xiv. 101, 28—this and other reff. in Wellh. Skizzen, iii. 160f.). Thus the poet Lebid ‘says to his daughters, When I die, do not scratch your faces or shave oft our hair,’ xxi. 4 [ed. Huber and Brockelmann].* he earliest reference to this custom of making cuttings in the flesh among the Hebrews is in what appears to be the orig. reading in Hos 7!* (see RVm), where several MSS (see De Rossi, Var. Lectt. Vet. Test. in loc.) have yan, which was also the reading of the Greek translators (xararép- vovrat). It was widely prevalent in the time of Jeremiah, not only among his countrymen of the South (16°) and those of the central highlands * Quoted by Driver, Comm. on Deut. 141, p. 156, froma MS note of the late Professor W. R. Smith. in the Persian pro- Chuzistan, E. of the J. F. STENNING. 588 CUTTINGS IN THE FLESH (415), but also among the neighbouring Philistines (47°), and Moabites ‘upon all the hands shall be cuttings’ ni773 48%, The passages cited, taken along with the abundant evidence for the usually associ- ated practice of shaving the head (Am 8”, Is 3% 15722, Mic 118, Jer 48°”, Ezk 718), clearly prove that the customs in question were universally practised by the Hebrews in pre-exilic times. And further, the remarkable phraseology of Is 2213 ‘J” called to weeping and to mourning and to baldness’ (with which cf. Mic 1%), seems to show that the prohibi- tion of D was unknown in the age of Hezekiah. The attitude of this code to both the above-men- tioned practices is very decided : ‘ Ye shall not cut yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead’ (Dt 14'). H, incorporated in the priestly legislation of P, re-states the pro- hibition in more technical language, both for the people generally (Lv 19%) and @ fortiors for the priests in particular (21°). ii. When we inquire as to the raison @étre of these prohibitions we find considerable difference of opinion. We may, however, at once set aside as entirely inadequate the view that their purpose was to restrain that exuberance of emotion which the Hebrews shared with other Oriental peoples ; in other words, to prohibit certain extravagant mani- festations of grief as such. To say, for example, that ‘the practices here (Dt 14") named.seem to be forbidden . . . because such excesses of grief would be inconsistent in those who as children of a heavenly Father had prospects beyond this world’ (Speaker’s Comm. on Dt 141), is quite unscientific, inasmuch as considerations are here introduced altogether foreign to this stage of revelation. Nor yet is it sufficient to regard these prohibitions —for we must remember that artificial baldness and tattooing the skin (see below) stand in the same category with the more drastic cuttings in the flesh—as primarily directed against the disfigure- ment of the human body which is God’s handi- work. It cannot be denied that both the explana- tions just adduced have a certain amount of force and truth, but they do not seem to reach the original significance of the prohibitions in question. n our search for the real origin of the latter, two points have to be kept in mind: both the cuttings and the baldness are expressly stated to be ‘for the dead,’ and, not less explicitly, to be incom- patible with Israel’s unique relation to J”, a relation at once of sonship (Dt 41’) and of con- secration ("> wip 14%). Now it is admitted on all hands (1) that such mutilations of the body as are here condemned have in almost all countries formed part of the religious rites of heathenism. And, in particular, they must have been familiar enough in the Pal. of those days where such self- inflicted bloodshed formed part of the everyday ritual of the Canaanite Baal (see 1 K 18”, the only passage not already cited where the Heb. word has this signification, and note ‘after their manner’). (2) Both the shedding of the blood and the dedica- tion of the hair are found, as we have seen, in the most intimate connexion with the ritual of heathen burial and the belief in the necessity of propitiat- ing the spirit of the deceased. Thus (to give but a single example) we are told that ‘a Samoan ceremony, on the occasion of a decease, was “ beat- ing the head with stones till the blood runs” ; and this they called ‘‘an offering of blood” for the dead’ (quoted from Turner’s Samoa by Spencer, Princip. of Sociol. P. 166). In view of the facts now stated, we are led to the conclusion that both the tokens of grief pro- hibited by the Heb. legislation were so prohibited because they carried with them associations of a character incompatible with the pure religion of J”. Whether we hold with Stade and others that a CUTTINGS IN THE FLESH developed _ancestor-worship was practised by the primitive Hebrews or not, there can be little doubt that the gashing of the body and the shaving of the head as practised by the Semitic peoples gener- ally must, in the last resort, be traced to the desire to propleyis the manes of the departed, and ‘to make an enduring covenant with the dead’ (W. R. Smith, RS p. 305). But while we are forced by the evidence to this conclusion as to the ultimate origin of the practices in question, we would not have it supposed that any such animistic concep- tion was present to the minds of the contempor- aries of Isaiah and Jeremiah. In nothing is man- kind so conservative as in all that concerns the respect due to the dead, and so, to the spiritually- minded at least, the practices prohibited were but the wonted outward signs of excessive grief. All excesses, then—so we conclude—such as making incisions in the hand (Jer 48%) or other part of the body to the effusion of blood, and shaving the head in whole or in part, were strictly forbidden by the daisies of D and of H, not merely or even chiefly gud excesses, but as being alike in origin and association unworthy of those who had attained to the dignity of the sons of J”. ili. Under the head of ‘ cuttings in the flesh’ falls to be considered also the particular practice for- bidden in Ly 19> [Ye shall not] ‘ print any marks (yayp ngnz, LXX ypdupuara ord, Vulg. stigmata) uponyou.’ The expression does not occur elsewhere, but we may be sure that the reference is to the ancient and widely-spread custom of tattooing or branding. Which of these two modes of marking is to be understood here it is impossible to say with absolute certainty, the verbal stem, ypyp, having both meanings in post-biblical Heb., while the same ambiguity attaches to orifw and its derivatives, orlyya, etc. In favour of tattooing, however, the following may be urged : (1) the exegetical tradi- tion; Rashi, for example, explains the marks in question as made with a needle (Comm. in loc.) (2) the probable origin of the custom, as advocat by the acute author of RS. ‘In Lv 19%, where tattooing is condemned as a heathenish practice, it is immediately associated with incisions in the flesh made in mourning or in honour of the dead, and this suggests that in their ultimate origin the stigmata are nothing more than the permanent scars of punctures made to draw blood for a cere- mony of self-dedication to the deity ’ (p. 316, note 1). The best-known illustration of the prevalence of the practice of tattooing or making stigmata in Syria is supplied by the priests of ‘the Syrian goddess’ in Lucian’s treatise of that name, who were tattooed on wrist and neck (ch. 59—on which cf. the classical work of John Spencer, below). Philo (De Monarch. i.) refers to the allied practice of branding, familiar to us in the case of slaves and criminals, as practised by certain misguided idol- worshippers in his own time. In 3 Mace, also, Ptolemy Iv. (Philopator) is represented as havin the contumacious Jews. branded with the ivy-leaf, the symbol of Dionysus (2%). These passages, then, show that it was not an unusual practice to have tattooed or branded in one’s flesh the name or symbol of the deity to whom one was specially devoted—a, practice which at once gives us the true explanation of the interesting passage, Is 44° (another shall mark on his hand ‘ Yahweh’s,’ cf. RVm, also Gal 6" orlypara "Inood). Jewish tradi- tion, we may add, has it that the obscure phrase of the Chronicler with regard to Jehoiakim, ‘that which was found in him’ (2 Ch 368), refers to his breach of the command in Lv 19», letters having been discovered tattooed on his flesh, Pichetey ge the name of some heathen deity (Midrash Levit. fabba 19—quoted by Strack, Comm. tm loc.; Jerome, Quest. Heb. in Paralipom. t.c.). > CYAMON CYPRUS 539 Here, then, we have another heathen custom forbidden to the worshippers of J”; and the un- mistakable evidence of its unworthy associations being the cause of its prohibition—although in itself a thing indifferent (Dillm. Theol. d. A.T. p. 428)— strengthens the view above advanced as to the historical raison d’étre of the ancient custom, here (Ly 9”) forbidden along with it, as ee incompatible with whole-hearted loyalty LITERATURE, — Martin Geier, De Hbreorum Luctu (ed. 8, 1683), and (esp. for the stigmata) John Spencer, De Leg. Hebr. (ed. 2, 1686) lib. ii. cap. xili. Lea contra carnis incisuram lata and cap. xiv. Lex stigmata prohibens; Knobel-Dillmann, Exodus- iticus on Ly 198; Driver, Deut. on 141; Lightfoot, Gal. on 617; W. R. Smith, RS, Lect. ix. ; Schwally, Das Leben nach d. Tode, 1892, Kap. i. §§ 3,5; Benzinger, Heb. Arch. § 23; Nowack, Heb. Arch. i. § 33. See also the works of Waitz and H. Spencer (mentioned above), and Tylor’s Primitive Culture for the customs of savage tribes. R. S. KENNEDY. CYAMON (Kvapdy), Jth 7*.—The same as JOK- NEAM, which see. CYMBAL.—See Mosic. CYPRESS (Ama tirzdh, tlex).—As in the case of the box tree (téashshir), there is nothing in the philology to indicate what tree is signified. The root, which is obsolete in Heb., signifies in Arab. to be strong or hard. The tree is mentioned (Is 4414) in connexion with the cedar and the oak. It might be any of the numerous coniferous or cupu- liferous trees of Bible lands, but there is no means of telling which. The LXX gives us no hep the sentence being confused, and not atr. of the Hebrew. The cypress, Cupressus sempervirens, L., is abund- ant, and suitable as to hardness, but we have no certainty that it is intended. Furthermore, it is robable that Cupressus sempervirens is the fir. ee Fir. Under iiitas circumstances, the best way would be to transliterate, as in the case of the algum and almug, and call the tree tirzah. G. E. Post. CYPRUS lies in the N.E. corner of the Levant (34° 33’—35° 41’ N.. lat., 32° 17’—34° 36’ E. long.), between the convergent coasts of Cilicia and Syria. On its N. coast Cape Kormakiti is only 46 Eng. miles from Cape Anamur, in Cilicia, and its E. extremity, Cape Andrea, only 60 (miles) from Latakia on the Syrian coast. Consequently, the whole line of the Cttician coast is easily visible from the sea-level in -» and vice versa, while the Lebanon can be seen at sunrise even from Stavrovini near Larnaka (2260 ft.).* Its greatest breadth, from Cape Gata to Cape Kormakiti, is 60 Eng. miles, and its ex- treme length, from Cape tees to Cape Andrea, is 145; but the latter includes the Karpass pro- montory, which, though 45 miles long, is nowhere more than 10 miles across. The nearly straight N. coast from Cape Kormakiti to Cape Andrea measures about 100 miles. The area of C. is 3707 square miles, or about equal to that of Norfolk and Suffolk; it is larger than Corsica or Crete, but smaller than Sicily or Sardinia. C. consists of two mountain masses, separated by a broad pane lain: (1) The S.W. half of the island is occupie by a range composed of crystal- line and metalliferous rocks, which in its western and highest section is called Tréodos (6406 ft.), and is continued through Madhari (5305 ft.), Paputsa (5124 ft.), and the Makhaera range (4674 ft.) to the almost isolated Stavrovuni (2260 ft.), about 12 mniles from Larnaka. The same rocks reappear in the plateau of limestone and gypsum beds between Larnaka and Famagusta, but never rise to more than 300 ft. (2) The Messaoria or ‘midland’ * Of. Is 231, where the homeward-bound merchantmen first see the smoke of burning Tyre from their last anchorage at Kition ; ‘from the land of Kittim it is revealed to them.’ lain extends along the N. and N.E. side of d4khaera from the Bay of Mérphu to that of Famagusta. A very low watershed divides the basin of the Serakhis, flowing towards Mérphu, from that of the Pedias (Hed:aios) and Yalias, which rise from the N. side of Makhaera and reach the sea at Salamis through extensive marshes. (3) The N. range is a straight, narrow, and abrupt ridge of the Anatolian limestone, and extends 100 miles from Cape Kormakitito Cape Andrea. Its highest peak is Buffavénto (3135 ft.), crowned by a Byzan- tine fortress. H. Elias or Kérnos (3106 ft.) and Tr¥pa Vund (3085 ft.) are conspicuous peaks in the West. Penteddktylo, father rises to 2405 ft., and Olymbos to 2431 ft,; but in the Karpass nothing is higher than Sina Oros (2380 ft.), close to the fortress of Kantara (161 ft.). Pambulos, near Rhizokarpaso, reaches only 1194 ft. The northern coastland E. and W. of Kerynia is narrow, but well watered and very fertile. The only accurate map of C. is the Government Trigonometrical Survey (Stanford, 1885), incorpor- ated in the subsequent editions of the Admiralty Chart of Cyprus (No. 2074). The principal resources of C. in ancient and medizval times were copper and timber. The former, which in fact derives its name from that of the island, was worked in great abundance on the N. side of Tréodos and Mikhaera, from Limni near the Bay of Khrysokhu, to Frangissa (Tamassds) and Lithrodénda; and in less quantity near Tremi- thusha (Tremithus), The principal centres of export were Soloi (Karavostdsi) and Marion (Péli dis Khr¥sokhu). The supply was finally exhausted some time in the Middle Ages. Iron was worked from the 9th cent. B.C. onwards in the country about Makhaera, though it never rivalled copper in commercial importance. Pliny (xxxiv. 2) says that only inferior qualities were worked in his time. uch glass was made in Roman times at Tamassos and elsewhere (Pliny, xxxvi. 193). The forests of C. had not wholly disappeared even in imperial times, though they were already very much reduced in area by the continuous export of timber (Strabo, xiv. 5). The cypress(AV ‘fir’) or Karamanian pine is the principal forest tree; and the juniper (?, the ‘cypress’ [tirzah] of Is44") probably formerly attained great size in C., and still grows freely between Larnaka and Famagista. Besides these, C. has always pro- duced much wine and oil; and carobs, anise, and madder are considerable crops. It grew enough corn for 1ts own population in the time of Augustus (Strabo, xiv. 5), and exports it now. Ladanum and resin were exported under the Roman Empire (Pliny, xii. 74, xiv. 123, xxiv. 34). Both Pliny (xxvil. 23. 58. 121, etc.) and Strabo (iii. 15) record the occurrence of precious stones; and the former, mines of alum and gypsum (xxxvi. 183). Salt is made in lagoons near Larnaka (Kition), and Pliny records the manufacture here (xxxi. 75) and at Salamis (xxxi. 84). History.—The copper and the timber of C., so long as the supply lasted, gave the island an im- portance in commerce and civilization out of all roportion to its size. From the earlier part of the en Age Cyprus maintained a large population and an art and culture distinct and in many respects highly developed, and exported copper to Syria, Cilicia, and probably to Egypt, to the farther parts of Asia Minor, and even to Central Europe. The influence also of Cypriote pottery was felt in Syria, and widely in Asia Minor; some of the finer varieties have been found in Egypt, South Pales- tine, Thera, Athens, and the Troad. C. was invaded by Tahutmes iI. of the 18th pt (B.C. 1503-1449), and appears to tributary to Egypt for some time. dynasty of E have remain 540 CYPRUS It has been suggested by Maspero and others that the Keftiu (cf. OT ‘Caphtor’) include the in- habitants of C.; but the usual p. name for C. is Asi (Flinders Petrie, Hist. Hg. ii. 118. 124). The next period of Cypriote art and civilization is of great importance, but very obscure. Myce- nan settlements have been found on a number of sites, and the contact with their higher art and culture brought about a profound change in that of rus. Aboutthesametimethe abundant deposits of iron began to be worked, at first for ornaments, but very soon for weapons and tools. Greek tradi- tion asserted a ay early colonization of C., and esp. of Kurion and Salamis, both of which are now known to have been Mycenzan centres; and tradi- tion is confirmed by the primitive ‘ Holic’ dialect of Greek which was spoken, and the peculiar beni script, which was not displaced by the reek alphabet until the 4th cent. On the other hand, Phoen. inscriptions have been found in C. of the 9th cent. and onwards, and there are indica- tions that the culture of the Syrian coast had influence in C. even earlier. The natural centre of Pheen. influence was Kition (mod. Larnaka), but Phenicians and Greeks seem to have settled side a side all over the island. Kition (and perhaps 1 C.) appears to have been irregularly tributary to Tyre in the 10th to 8th cent. (Jos. c. Ap. I. 18; Ant. Vill. v. 3, X. xiv.). Consequently, C. was involved in the conquest of Phenicia in 709 by Sargon, an important inscription of whom has been found at Kition (Berlin Museum). Later, Esar- haddon and Assurbanipal record tribute received from twelve kings of C., some of whom appear to bear Greek names, while the island itself appears as Javnan (‘Ionian’). About 560 C. was conquered and attached to Egypt by Amasis (Hd. ii. 182), and on his fall in 525 passed, with Egypt, to Cambyses of Persia (td. ili. 19. 21). In 501 the Greeks of C., in sym- pathy with those of Ionia, rebelled against Persia (id. v. 105f.), but in so mixed a population united effort was impracticable; the revolt was soon put down, and in 480 C. furnished 150 ships to the fleet of Xerxes (id. vii. 90). During the 5th cent. C. re- mained under Persia, in spite of Cimon’s repeated attempts to attach it to the Athenian League; but a brisk copper trade was maintained with Athens, which sent fine pottery and bronze work in return. Early in the 4th cent. Evagoras succeeded in making Salamis the leading state in C., and in 387 openly revolted from Persia. But the Phenician interest was wholly against him; the Greeks, as usual, were divided, and the attempt failed. Alex- ander the Great, however, received the voluntary submission of all the states of C. after the battle of Issus, and efficient help at the siege of Tyre from their fleets, and supplies of timber. At his death (323) C. fell, with Egypt, to the share of Ptolemy, but was seized by Demetrius Poliorcetes, after a desperate sea-fight (Diod. Sic. xx. 759-761) and vigorous siege of Salamis. In 295, however, Ptolemy reconquered the island, which long re- mained closely attached to E sypt It is under this régime that we first hear of Jewish settlers in C. (1 Mac 15%). It was for a few years (B.C. 107- 89) a separate but dependent kingdom under Ptolemy Lathyrus, but in B.C. 58 was annexed by Rome, as security for financial loans to the bank- rupt Ptolemy Auletes. After reorganization by M. Cato it was first attached to the province of Cilicia, but was made a separate province by Augustus after Actium. As long as serious danger was to be apprehended in the East, the new pro- vince, with its neighbours, remained imperial, and was governed by a propretor (Dio. Cass. lili. 12; Strabo, xiv. 683 [kal vdv]). No monuments remain of this period. But very soon afterwards C. was CYRENE transferred to the Senate (Dio. Cass. liii. 12, liv. 4); consequently, Ac 137 is strictly accurate in describ ing Sergius Paulus as proconsul (dv@vraros) in A.D 46. Of this Sergius Paulus no coins are known, but an inscription exists at Karavostasi, which is dated éxt Iavnovu [avOu] rdrov (Hogarth, Devia Cypria . 114). Several other names of proconsuls are nown, ¢.g. Julius Cordus, CJG 2631, L. Annius Bassus, his successor, A.D. 52, C/G 2632 (quoted Conybeare and Howson, i. p. 187). See Hogarth, Devia Cypria, Appx., for a complete list. The seat of government was at Paphos (wh. see), which had been the capital of the Ptolemaic priest- king, deposed in B.C. 58, and was most easily accessible from the west, though Salamis (wh. see) was by far the largest and most important town in the island, owing to its proximity to the Syrian coast. Paphos was connected with Salamis by two roads—one inland and north of Tréodos, vid Soloi, Tamassos, and Tremithus, about four days’ journey ; the other easier, and along the south coast, wid Kurion, Amathus, and Kition, about three days.* Neither of these was a Roman military road, but both followed well-worn native tracks. Jews appear to have settled in C. in large numbers under the Ptolemaic régime, and probably more were attracted thither under the early Empire by the fact that Herod the Great farmed the Cypriote copper mines (Jos. Ant. XVI. iv. 5, cf. xix. 3, 28). They seem to have had more than one synagogue in Salamis (Ac 13°). The dispersion after the death of Stephen carried Christians as far as Cyprus (Ac 11”), and erie: afterwards C eno were preaching in Antioc (Ac 11”). Of Cypriote Christians, two are known by name: Mnason, ‘an original convert’ (dpyaios pabnrys, Ac 211%), and Joseph the Levite, surnamed Barnabas, the friend and companion of St. Paul (Ac 4%), In A.D. 117 the Jews of C. revolted, massacred 240,000 pagans, and destroyed a large part of Salamis. Hadrian, afterwards emperor, suppressed the disorder, and expelled all Jews from Ceprae (Milman, iii. 111, 112). The Christian Church of C. was divided into thir- teen bishoprics; in the 4th cent., in consequence of the supposed discovery at Salamis (wh. see) of St. Matthew’s Gospel in the tomb of Barnabas, it was made autonomous, and the Patriarch has ever since enjoyed the right to sign his name in red ink. The Council of C. in 401 was summoned, on the suggestion of Theophilus of Alexandria, to pro- hibit the reading of the works of Origen. The word ‘ Cyprus’ does not occur in OT, but the island and the town Kition are Phang! alluded to as ‘ Kittim,’ which is identified with Cyprus by Jos. (Ant. I. vi. 1), Xé0ua . . . Kéwpos atrn vir xaetrat (cf. Epiph. Her. xxx. 25). See KITTIM. LITERATURE.—(A) MiscELLANEOUS : Cobham, An Attempt at a Bibliography of Cy: , Nicosia (8rd ed.), 1894 (exhaustive) ; Engel, X. Ft Berlin, 1841, 8 vols. ; Ungeru. Kotschy, Die Ins Cypern, Vienna, 1865-66; Oberhummer, Aus Cypern, Berlin, 1890-92, Studien zur alten Geographie von Cypern, Munich, 1891; A. Sakellarios, Ta Kuwpaxe, Athens, 1890-91, 2 vols. (. ANTIQUITIES: Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. de? Art dans l’Antiqui (vol. iii. Phenicia and Cyprus), Paris, 1885 (E.T. London, 1885) ; Ohnefalsch-Richter, Kypros, Berlin, 1892, 4to, 2 vols. (many pee and the pees of de Mas Latrie, L. Ross, R. H. Lang, . P, and A. P. di Cesnola, and G. Colonna Ceccaldi ; cf. historical sketch in Heuzey, Les Figurines de Terre Cuite du Louvre, Paris, 1891; Myres and O.-Richter, Cyprus Museum Catalogue, Oxford, 1897. J. L. MYREs. CYRENE (Kup#y7), the chief city in Libya in N. Africa, about half-way between Carthage and (c) Paphos—xi—Palephate (Palwpaphos) — xxii— Curio — xvi— Amathus — xxilii — Cito — [xxiii}_Salamina : (xcvi in all). (6) Paphos—xxiii—Solow— xxix—Tamiso—xxiiil — Thremitus —xviii— Cito — [xxiii] Sala mina ; (cxvi in all). “The Peutinger Gait gives CYRENIUS CYRUS 541 rovince Alexandria, was the capital of a small corresponding to the modern Tripoli. Although in ca, it was a Greek city, dating from B.C. 631. It was famous for its beaut of situation, its commerce, and its culture. Alexander the Great granted the rights of citizenship in it to Jews on equal terms with Greeks, and it became an important centre of the Jews of the Dispersion, the fourth of the population being Jewish according to Josephus. In the reign of Manasseh, Psam- mitichus, king of Egypt, carried off many Jews and settled them in ae parts of Libya about C., while one of the Ptolemies transported 100,000 Jews to Pentapolis in the same district. Like other communities of the Hel. Jews, the Cyrenians had a synagogue of their own in Jerus., and seem to have been more Jewish than the Jews them- selves (Ac 6°). There were Cyrenians among the first preachers of the gospel, and they were associ- ated with the great forward movement of preach- ing it for the first time to the Gentiles (Ac 1119-4), T ceias of C. (Ac 13?) is said by tradition to have been the first bishop of his native district. Tradi- tion also connects St. Mark with the first estab- lishment of Christianity in this part of Africa. An interesting speculation gathers round the name of Simon of C. (Mt 27): eis referred to as the father of Alexander and Rufus, evidently well known to Mark’s readers (Mk 15!) ; while St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans refers to one Rufus as holding an honourable position among the brethren there, ‘Salute Rufus, chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine’ (Ro 16%). From this it has been conjectured that while St. Paul was studying at Jerus. he enjoyed the motherly care of Simon’s wife. er Alexander’s death, the district of which C was capital became a dependency. of Egypt. Under the Rom. rule it was called Cyrenaica, and was politically connected with Crete. In the 4th cent. the city was destroyed by the Saracens, and is now desolate. Cyrenian (Kupyvaios).—Two Cyrenians are men- tioned in Scripture: Simon who bore our Lord’s cross (Mt 27%), and Lucius a Christian teacher (Ac 13?). W. Muir. CYRENIUS.—See QuiRINIvs. CYRUS (e'2, Kipos).\—The name of written Kuras in Bab. cuneiform, Kurush in Old Persian. Ctesias stated on the authority of Pary- satis, the wife of the Persian king Ochus, that her younger son was named Cyrus from the sun, as ‘the Persians call the sun Kdpos’ (Zpit. Phot. 80; Plut. Artaz. 1). In Zend, however, the ‘sun’ is Aware, which could not take the form Kdpos in Old Persian, though in modern Persian it is khur, and in certain Aram. dialects of the Pamir it is khir and kher. According to Strabo (xv. 3), the original name of Cyrus was Agradates, his later name being adopted from that of the river Cyrus. But this is contrary to the fact that his grand- father’s name was also C The classical writers have given contradictory accounts of his birth and rise to power. Herodotus (i. 95) says that he knew of three accounts different from the one he himself adopted, which was that s was the son of a Persian nobleman named Cambyses and Mandané, a daughter of the Median king Astyages, who had caused her to marry beneath her station in consequence of a dream which the magi interpreted as predicting danger to himself from her son. A second dream induced him to order his relative Harpagus to kill the child. Harpagus gave it to the herdsman Mithridates to expose, but he and his wife Spako brought it oF as theirown. Subsequently Cyrus was recognized by Astyages, who, in consequence of the advice of the magi, sent him back to his parents, but punished Harpagus by giving him the mutilated limbs of his own son to eat. Harpagus therefore persuaded Cyrus to lead the Persians into revolt ; after which the infatuated Astyages appointed him the general of the Median army. The result was an easy victory on the part of Cyrus; Astyages, however, impaled the magi who had advised him to let kis adversary go, raised another army, and himself led it into the field. But he was defeated and captured, though his life was spared, and Cyrus became king of Media as well as of Persia. Xenophon, in the romance of the Cyropedia, ives a wholly different account. e makes ambyses, the father of Cyrus, king of Persia. Cyrus is educated first in Persia and then by his grandfather Astyages; and when the latter is suc- ceeded by his son Cyaxares, Cyrus acts as his general, subduing the Lydians, Babylonians, and other nations, and finally succeeding him in the natural course of things. His first victory over the Babylonians was when he was sixteen years old, when Evil-Merodach wantonly invaded Media; the second when he was forty, when Neriglissar, the ally of Croesus of Lydia, attacked Cyaxares. His final conquest of Babylonia took place before the death of the king of Media. Nicolaus of Damascus (vii. fr. 66) asserts that Cyrus was the son of a Mardian bandit named Atradates, whose wife Argosté tended goats. He began his career as a servant in the palace of Astyages. Here he was adopted by Artembares, the cupbearer, and recommended to Astyages, who raised him to power and wealth. Cyrus now made his father Atradates satrap of Persia, and urged by a ‘Chaldean’ began to plot against Astyages, with the help of (bares a Persian. Eventually, after obtaining leave to visit Persia, where eviheer had been prepared for a revolt, he defeated at Hyrba the troops which had been sent against him. In a battle before Pasargada, however, he and his general (bares were tages within the walls, and his father was captured and soon afterwards died. The Persians now fled to the precipitous mountain-peak where Cyrus had been reared, and there, excited by the taunts of their wives, they utterly overthrew their Median assail- ants and desttore the kingdom of Astyages. Ctesias calls Astyages Astyigas, and states that after his defeat by Cyrus he fled to Ecbatana, where he was concealed in the palace by his daughter Amytis and her husband Boitamas, whom s ordered to be tortured, along with their children Spitakes and Megabernes, to make them confess whare he was. Ve ages was put into fetters by (Kbares, but released by Cyrus, who married Amytis after putting her husband to death. All these versions have been shown to be unhis- torical by contemporaneous cuneiform inscriptions. The most important of these are—(1) a cylinder inscription of Nabonidus, the last king of the Bab. empire, from Abu Habba topars) (2) an annal- istic tablet written shortly after the conquest of Babylonia by Cyrus; (3) a proclamation of Cyrus of the same date. The inscription of Nabonidus was composed soon after the conquest of Astyages by Cyrus in B.C. 549. Nabonidus calls Astyages (Istuvigu) king of the Manda or ‘Nomads,’ whom the Assyr. texts identify with the Gimirraé or Cimmerians. He states that the temple of the moon-god at Harran had been destroyed by the Manda, but that Merodach had ordered him in a dream to restore it, assuring him that within three years ‘Cyrus the king of Anzan, their little servant, with his small army, shall overthrow the widespread people of the Manda; Istuvigu, the king of the people of the Manda, he shall capture, and bring him a prisoner to his own country.’ 542 CYRUS CYRUS The annalistic tablet, which, when complete, began with the first year of the reign of Nabonidus, tells us that in the seventh year of the latter's reign (B.C. 549) Astyages had marched against ‘Cyrus, king of Ansan,’ but that his army revolted against him and delivered him to Cyrus, who then marched to Ecbatana, captured it, and carried its spoil to Ansan. Three years later (B.C. 546), Cyrus bears for the first time the title of ‘ king of Persia,’ so that he must have gained possession of Persia between B.C. 549 and 546. In the latter year he crossed the Tigris below Arbela and conquered northern Mesopotamia as well as Armenia. In B.C. 538, aided by a revolt in southern Baby- lonia, he attacked Nabonidus from the north. A battle was fought at Opis, which resulted in the defeat of the Bab. army; and a few days later, on the 14th of Tammuz (June), ‘Sippara was taken without fighting.’ Nabonidus fled and concealed himself in Babylon, followed by Gobryas, the governor of Kurdistan, with the army of Cyrus. On the 16th, Gobryas entered Babylon without resistance, and Nabonidus was captured. The daily services went on as usual in the temples of the city, and the contract-tablets show that there was no disturbance of trade. On the 3rd of Marcheshvan (October), Cyrus came to Babylon, and henceforth bore the title of ‘king of Babylonia.’ ‘Peace to the city did ee establish; peace to all the province of Babylon did Gobryas his governor proclaim. Governors in Babylon he appointed.’ On the 11th of the month the wife* sf Nabonidus died, and for six days there was mourning for her. On the 4th of Nisan, Cambyses conducted her funeral in the temple of Nebo. After this, offerings to ten times the usual amount were made to the Bab. deities. The proclamation of Cyrus justifies his seizure of the Bab. crown, and declares that he had been called to it by Bel-Merodach, who was angry with Nabonidus. He describes himself as ‘king of the city of Ansan,’ the son of Cambyses, king of Ansan, grandson of Cyrus, king of Ansan, and great-grand- son of Teispes, king of Ansan, and says that he had restored to their homes the exiles who were in Babylonia as well as their gods. He concludes by raying that the deities he has thus restored may daily intercede for him before Bel-Merodach and Nebo, whose ‘ worshipper’ Cyrus professes himself to be. It is clear that the Greek writers have con- founded the Manda or nomad Scyths and Cim- merians with the Mad4 or Medes. Cyrus, moreover, like his ancestors, was not king of Persia, but of Ansan or Anzan, one of the most important divi- sions of Elam, which is stated in a cuneiform tablet to be the equivalent of Elam, and of which the native kings of Susa called themselves rulers. Teispes, the son of the Persian Achzemenes, seems to have conquered it at the time of the fall of the Assyr. empire. The fact explains Is 21, as well as the use of Susian as one of the three official languages of the Persian empire. At Behistun, Darius states that eight of his ancestors had been kings ‘in a double line.’ As Teispes was the father of his great-grandfather Ariaramnes, we should have exactly the eight kings, if we suppose that while the line of Cyrus was ruling in Anzan, that of Darius was reigning in Persia. Another fact which is due to the cuneiform texts is, that the account of the siege of Babylon y Cyrus, given by Herodotus, is a fiction, derived probably from one of the sieges of the city by * Or, according to the reading of Pinches, the son. Darius Hystaspis. The date of the conquest of Astyages is also fixed. The conquest of Croesus and the Lydian empire probably took place before that of Babylon, as well as the reduction of the Greek cities in Asia Minor by the Medes, Mazares and Harpagus. Before his death the empire of Cyrus extended from the Mediterranean to Bactria, and was thus larger than that of the Assyrians. Different stories are told of hisdeath. Herodotus, who knew of more than one, says that he was slain when invadin the Massagetz. According to Ctesias, ne ha invaded the Derbikes, and after gaining a victory over them by stratagem, and capturing the son of their queen, Tomyris, was killed in a second engagement in which his troops were defeated. Diodorus asserts that he was taken prisoner by Tomyris, who crucified him; while Xenophon © makes him die peacefully, and be buried at Pasar- gada, seven years after the death of Cyaxares. he Bab. contract-tablets, on the contrary, prove that he reigned nine years over Babylon and ‘the empire,’ dying in July B.c. 529. A year before his death he had made his son, Cambyses, king of Babylon. According to Herodotus, Cambyses was the son of Cassandana, the daughter of Pharnaspés. The supposed tomb of Cyrus at Murghab can hardly belong to the great conqueror: it is difficult to reconcile its character and position with the account given by Arrian (vi. 9), and the figure on a neighbouring column, above whose head is the inscription, ‘1 am Cyrus, the king, the Akhe- menian,’ is that of a winged demi-god who wears an Egyptian head-dress. It can hardly, therefore, have been sculptured before the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. The most probable view is that it represents Cyrus the pia he proclamation of Cyrus shows that he was not a Zoroastrian like Darius and Xerxes, but that as he claimed to be the successor of the Bab. kings, so also he acknowledged the supremacy of Bel- Merodach the supreme Babylonian god. Hence the restoration of the Jewish exiles was not due to any sympathy with monotheism, but was part of a general policy. Experience had taught him the danger of allowing a disaffected population to exist in a country which might be invaded by an enemy; his own conquest of Babylonia had been assisted by the revolt of a part of its population; and he therefore reversed the policy of deportation and denationalization which ted been attempted by the Assyr. and Bab. kings. The exiles and the images of their gods were sent back to their old homes; only in the case of the Jews, who had no images, it was the sacred vessels of the temple which were restored (Ezr 1™), See RP, New Series, v. pp. 148 ff. LiTgraTurRE,—Herodotus i. 95, 108-130, 177-214; Xen. Cyrop.; Otesias, Persika, ed. Gilmore, vii.—xi.; Nicolaus Damascenus, frg. 66-68 (Miller's Fragm. iii. pp, 406 ff.); Diodorus Siculus, wad. 19, Haze. pp. 239f.; RP new ser. v. pp. 143-175 (where references are given to the various editions of the cuneiform texts); Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, i. ii.; Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, iv. ch. vii.; Duncker, Hist, of Antiquity, Eng. ed. v.; Biidinger in the Sitzungsberichte of the Academy of Vienna, xcvii. 711 (1880); Halévy in Rev, des Etudes Juives i. (1880); Floigl, Cyrus and Herodot peda Bauer, Die Kyrossage und Verwandtes (1882); Keiper, Die neuent en Inschriften tiber Cyrus (1882); Sayce, Le Muséon ey PP. 648, 596, Herodotus i-iii. pp. 386f., 438 ff.; Evers, Hmporkommen der sischen Macht unter Kyros (1884); Justi, Gesch. der orient. Volker im Altertum, pp. 371 ff. (1884); Tiele, Bab. - Assyr. Gesch. iv. 35 1886); Winckler, Untersuch. zur altorient. Gesch. i. pp. 109-132; ayce, HCM ch. xi. (1898); PraSek, Medien und das Hause des Kyaaares (1890), Kambyses und die Ueberlieferung des Alter- thums (1897); Tiele, ‘Cyrus de Groote en de godsdienst van Babel,’ in Mélanges Charles de Harlez (1896). The latest ed. of Cyrus’ Annalistic Tablet is by Hager in Delitzsch and Haupt’s Beitrdge zur Assyr. ii. (1891), 216 ff. H. SAYCE. DAGGER 543 D D.—In critical notes on the text of the Gospels and Acts this symbol is used to indicate the readings of Codex Beze, a Greco-Latin MS of the 6th cent. se ddey in the Cambridge University Library. he text, both Greek and Latin, is written sticho- metrically, 2.e. in lines of unequal length, divided according to the sense—the Greek on the left, the Latin on the right hand page of each opening. The Gospels are arranged in the order, Mt, Jn, Lk, Mk—an order found also in many old Latin MSS, the Gothic version, and in Const. A post. ii. 57. Between Mk and Ac there is a gap which, according to the original numbering of the quires, must have contained 67 leaves (8 quires and 3 leaves). It closes with a fragment of a Latin version of 3 Jn™-%, Clearly, therefore, the Epp. of Jn occupied part of the vacant space (14 or 15 leaves). hat else the missing leaves contained itis impossible to say. The other Catholic Epistles, if they were all present, would require about 36 leaves. This would leave 16 leaves (=2 quires) unaccounted for; and it is possible, though not yey likely, that, as Scrivener suggests, the scribe had made a mistake of 2 in numbering his quires at this point in the MS. About 37 leaves are missing in other parts of the MS, and 12 are more or less mutilated. It is also mutilated at the end. The following passages are in consequence wanting in the Greek Text—Mt 1)-® [37-16] 67092 972-12, Jn 116-326 [13142012], [Mk 1615-2), Ac 87-1014 2115-18 9910-20 9929 end. The gaps in the Latin are Mt 1!" 68-877 26%_271, Jn 1}-316 187-201], [Mk 16%}. The passages in square rackets have been supplied by a 9th cent. hand. The MS was written in all probability in Gaul, and Rendel Harris has given good reason for believing that it did not travel far from its birth- ees for the first 1000 years of its existence. ring this period it was corrected at various times by eight or nine different hands. Its modern history begins with the Council of Trent, whither apparently it was taken in 1546 by the Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne. Stephens, in his 1550 edition, published readings from it derived from collations made for him by his friends in Italy—perhaps during this visit to the Council. When Bara presented the MS to the University of Cambridge in 1581, he stated that it had been taken from the Abbey of St. Irenzeus in Lyons at the sack of that city in 1562. It is for the most part the only witness among Greek MSS to a type of text which we know from the evidence of atristic quotations and the earliest versions to cava been widely current as early as the 2nd cent. It has in consequence, especially in recent years, received a great deal of attention, notably in a most ingenious work by J. Rendel Harris, A Study of Codex Beze (‘Texts and Studies’), 1891, and In two careful but not altogether convincing volumes, The Old Syriac Element in Codex Beze, 1893, and The Syro-Latin Text of the Gospels, by F. H. Chase, 1895. The problems raised by these writers will require fuller treatment in connexion with the whole subject of the Textual Criticism of the New Testament. An excellent edition of the MS, including a com- plete transcription of the text and a full introduc- tion, was published by Scrivener in 1864, and this year (1897) the University of Cambridge has undertaken to bring out an edition in photographic facsimile. D,.—In the Epistles of St. Paul the same symbol —written more properly D, to avoid confusion—is used to denote the readings of the MS in the National Library at Paris, the Codex Claro- montanus. This is also a Greeco-Latin MS of the 6th cent. written stichometrically. It seems clear that it was the work of a Greek scribe, and that it remained for some time in scholarly Greek hands ; but there seems no decisive evidence to fix either the place where it was written or its first home. The remarkable list of the canonical books of OT and NT inserted between Philemon and Hebrews —known as the Claromontane stichometry—points on the whole to a Western origin,—Carthage, Rome, or Gaul. The Latin version is of great importance throughout. In Hebrews it is the main representative of the old Latin version of the epistle. It contains all the Pauline epistles virtually com- fee ene Hebrews. It has been most care- ully collated both by Tischendorf and Tregelles, and sumptuously edited by Tischendorf, 1852. J. O. F. Murray. D.—The symbol ordinarily used in criticism of Hex. to signify the work of the Deuteronomist ; often so as to include also his school, although this creates confusion, which may be avoided by using for this sense D?, D®, and similar symbols. See HEXATEUCH. F. H. Woops. DABBESHETH (nv33), Jos 19.—A place on the borders of Zebulun. The line is difficult to follow, but the extreme limits on N. and S. seem to be defined by the names Dabbesheth and Jokneam. In this case the ruin Dabsheh, on the hills E. of Acco, may be intended, the only place where this hame (meaning ‘hump,’ cf. Is 30°) occurs. See SWP, vol. i. sheet iii. C. R. CONDER. DABERATH (ni277), Jos 192 21%, 1 Ch 672,—A city of Zebulun given to the Levites, noticed as the extreme point on the 8.E. border; now the village Debtrieh at the foot of Tabor on the W. In the record of the conquests of Ramses I. (Brugsch, Hist. ii. p. 64) we learn that, about 1325 B.C., he attacked places in the Amorite country, named Dapur, Shalama(Shunem), Maroma(Meirfin), Ain Anamim, Kalopu (perhaps Shalabfin), and Beitha Antha (Beth Anath); and of these places Shunem was in Lower Galilee, and Beth ath and Meirfin in Upper Galilee. Dapur is thought to be Tabor or Daberath, and is represented as a walled town. But in Egyptian the letters L and R are not distinguished, and the name may have been Dapul. In the latter case Dib/ in Upper Galilee would be the site. See DIBLAH. he site of Daberath on Tabor was known in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Dabira), but wrongly identified with Debir. See SWPP vol. i. sheet vi. C. R. CONDER. DABRIA.—One of the five scribes who wrote to the dictation of Ezra (2 Es 14”). DACUBI (A Aaxovst, B om., AV Dacobi) = AKKUB, Ezr 2“2, Neh 7*. DAGGER (Jg 3° AV, ‘sword’ RV, Heb. 277 herebh). —The Heb. word means in most cases a short weapon used for stabbing (cf. 2 S 20% 1), The Arab ‘zhanjar,’ still in use E. of Jordan, has ® curved blade, and inflicts by a downward stab 544 DAGON ‘ust such a horrible wound as is described in § 20% See Sworn. W. E. BARNES. DAGON (jim, Aayér).—The principal deity of the Philistines, whose worship, however, seems to have extended beyond the Phil. country, as is proved by the geographical name Beth-dagon (which see), and perhaps fb the later name Dagon (Jos. Ant. XIU. viii. 1; Wars, 1. ii. 3). It has commonly been held by scholars that the name is a diminutive, and so a term of endearment, from dag, which signifies fish, and hence that D. was worshipped under the form of a fish. He has been generally identified with a Bab. god who is represented on seals and elsewhere as having in part that form. And though there is nothing in the biblical account to confirm this view, there is also nothing to contradict it. D. had face and hands, and, according to the Sept., feet also (1S 5‘); but this is not inconsistent with his having in art the shape of a fish. The pictures of the Bab. Rat god show face and hands, and in some instances feet. Indeed, one is strongly tempted to find in the phrase ‘only D. remained,’ the meaning ‘onl little fish remained,’ the point being that, after the head and hands of D. were cut off, nothing was left of him save the fish-shaped part. Nevertheless, Sayce and others now insist that D. was not a fish- god, and that the resemblance of name is a mere coincidence. The Bab. fish-god was Ea, the patron god of the city of Eridu, the god of. the ocean, of water, of wisdom. In some sense Ea was god of the sea, Anu of the sky, and Bel (Baal) of the earth and the nedanvesl Bel is closely associated with Anu, but not with Ea. And D. appears in the inscriptions as one of the names or one of the forms of Bel. The name and worship of D. were upon either theory imported into Pal. from Babylonia. The name is held to have been originally Sumerian, but a Semitic derivation was found for it in con- nexion with its use to designate the god of agri- culture. D. was identified with dagan, the Heb. word for corn, when corn is thought of as an agricultural product. Presumably, D. was worshipped in Pheenicia as well as in Philistia. There is a Pheen. cylindrical seal of crystal now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, on which, according to Sayce, the name Baal-dagon is written in Phe! letters, with an ear of corn engraved near it, and other symbols, such as the winged solar disc, a gazelle, and several stars, but no figure of a fish. Eusebius (Prep. Evang. i. 6) quotes Philo Byblius of the 2nd cent. A.D. as citing the ancient Phen. legends that go under the name of Sanchoniathon, to the effect that Ouranos (Anu) married his sister the earth, ‘and by her had four sons, Ilus (El), who is called Kronos, and Betylus, and D., which signifies “‘corn,” and Atlas.’ ‘D., after he had discovered bread-corn and the plough, was called Zeus Arotrios.’ The Pheen. Dagon, then, like the Bab., is properly Zeus of the plough.’ With this agree all the notices found in OT in regard to the Phil. Dagon. He had temples in Gaza and Ashdod (Jg 167,158 5-2), and presumably in the other Phil. cities. His worship among the Philistines was national, and not merely local (1 Ch 10, 1 S 58-618). His worship did not exclude that of other Baals (2 K 12-8), The Philistines regarded him as giving them victory over their enemies, rejoicing before him when Samson was in their power, and placing Saul’s head in his temple (Jg 16%, 1 Ch 10”). But he was eminently the god of agriculture; they acknowledged J”’s Manca over him through the mice that marred their fields, and offered golden mice in token of the acknowledgment (1 S 6*°), DALMATIA Apparently, the worship of D. among the Philis- tines was conducted with a highly developed and technical ritual. We may infer this from the elaborate discussions and arrangements for return- ing the ark, as described in 18 5. 6, the golden mice and golden tumours as a guilt-offering, the new cart, the new milch kine with their calves shut up at home. The worship of D. at Gaza con- tinued to a late period. During the Maccabzan wars Jonathan destroyed the temple of D. there (1 Mac 10%: 114; Jos. Ant. XIII. iv. 4, 5). LITERATURE.—Sayce, HCM 825-327 ; Sayce in SS Times, May 27,1893; Smith, HGHL 164; Moore, Judges, 358f.; Wellh. and Driver on 1 8 54; Oa. Hebd. 8.0. . Jd. BEECHER. DAISAN (B Aad», A Aeo-), 1 Es 5*.—Called REzIN, Ezr 2, Neh 7, The form in 1 Es is due to confusion of 5 and 5. DALAN (A Aad», B’Acdr, AV Ladan), 1 Es 5” = DELAIAg, Ezr 2, DALE.—See K1n@’s DALE. DALETH (*).—Fourth letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate er 4th part, each verse of which begins with this etter. DALLY.—Only Wis 12” ‘correction, wherein he dallied with them.’ By a bold anthropomorphism God is described as only sporting with the Egyptians in the lighter plagues that fell on them. The Gr. is raryvlous émeripjoews, lit. ‘ play- es of correction’; Vulg. ludibriis et increpationibus, Cov. ‘scornes and rebukes,’ Geneva ‘scornful rebukes,’ RV ‘a mocking correction as of children.’ ‘Dally’ has now chiefly the sense of ‘delay,’ which easily arose from the older sense of ‘sport,’ as in Milton, Of Reformation (Prose Works, li. 410), ‘Let us not dally with God when he offers us a full blessing’ ; and Bunyan, Heavenly Footman (Clar. Press ed. p. 270), ‘it is not good dallying with things of so great concernment, as the Salvation or Damnation of thy Soul.’ J. HASTINGS. DALMANUTHA (Aa)yavov@d) is mentioned onl in Mk 8% The corresponding statement of Mt (15°° RV) gives Magadan. In Tatian, Diatessaron (Hill’s ed. g 134), it is Magheda. Rendel Harris (Study of Codea Beze, p. 178) suggests that Dal- manutha may be simp 3 Syriac; but see Chase, Bezan Teat of the Acts, p. 145 n%, On the variants in Mk see Chase, Syro- Latin Text of the Gospels, p. 97f. The common reading Magdala is probably a substitution of a better for a less known place. Ewald suggested that Magadan stands here for Megidon= Megiddo ; but Eusebius says this Magadan was near Gerasa. Thomson places Dalmanutha at Ed-Delemiyeh, one mile N. of the Jarmfik, at the S.E. corner of the Sea of Galilee. As the scene of the second Feeding of the Multitude is uncertain, and as there is nothing said to indicate in what direction the boat into which our Lord went was steered, the site of Dalmanutha cannot be determined with certainty. Tristram suggests a site 14 mile from Migdel (Magdala), and Sir C. Wilson thinks it was not far from that. LivgraTuRE.—Besides the works mentioned above, consult Keim, Jesus i Nazara (Eng. Tr.), iv. 238n.; Edersheim, Jesus a corruption from the the Messiah? (1887), ii. 67ff.; Andrews, Life of our Lord, ed 1892, p. 388; Herz and Nestle in Expos. Times, viii. 563, ix. 45, 95. A. HENDERSON. DALMATIA (Aadyaria) in apostolic times was an ill-defined mountainous district on the E. coast of the Adriatic, stretching towards Macedonia. In its more exact use, the name, which is not known | j DALPHON to the earlier Greek writers, was used of the 8. portion of the Rom. province Ilyricum, between the Drinus and the sea. In its more indefinite use it was eee ely another name for Illyricum. St. Paul preached the gospel in the district, or, at any rate, in its neighbourhood (Ro 15'%), and during his last imprisonment in Rome it was visited by Titus (2 Ti 4%). In our ignorance of the lace where the apostle was arrested, we cannot etermine either the exact time when Titus was sent to D. or the reason why he was sent; but it has been conjectured that, having failed to find St. Paul at Nicopolis as he expected (Ti 3), he went on to Dalmatia, W. Moir. DALPHON (j\s}:, Est 9’), the second son of Haman, put to death by the Jews. In the LXX Aedropur. DAMARIS (Adpapis). —The name of a woman who, with Dionysius the Areopagite and certain others, is mentioned as having been converted by St, Paul at Athens (Ac 17%). Ramsay (S¢. Paul the Trav. p. 252) points out that it is not stated that she was of good birth (in contrast with 171 and 13”); that this arose from the fact that women of social position in Athens would cer- tainly not have the opportunity of hearing St. Paul; and that her name suggests that she was a foreigner, perhaps ‘one of the class of educated Hetairai.’ This suggestion seems to go rather beyond the evidence. The name is said to be a corruption of ddyadis, a heifer, which is the reading of one Lat. MS (et mulier nomine Damalis, Flor.). Chrys. (ad loc.) suggests quite erroneously that she was the wife of Dionysius; this could not be the tr. of cal yuvh dvéuare A. These words and all mention of this woman are omitted by Codex Bezw. Ramsay (Church in Rom. Emp. . 161) quotes this in proof of his assertion that the reviser to whom we owe the Western text was « Catholic who objected to the prominent posi- tion assigned to women in the Acts; ‘this was, firstly, pagan rather than Christian ; and, secondly, heretical rather than Catholic.’ (See also 17}? and the variation there.) A. C. HEADLAM. DAMASCUS (pyz2, Aapacxés), This city is the Sep erkesd of all history. Ite origin is lost in antiquity. Jos, ¢ nt. 1. vi. 4) says it was founded b. t is first mentioned in connexion wit e Chaldee and the Syr. have ‘Eliezer the Damascene.’ It occurs in 28 8%as pyp7 Ox, Aram Dammesek, which suggests comparison with the modern Arabic name, Dimashk esh-Sham. As it was the capital of Aram, so it is the chief city of esh-Sham, the modern Syria. Esh-Shdm=‘ the left,’ i.6. the country on the left; as e/-Yemen, Arabia Felix, is on the right of the Arabian looking northward. A Moslem tradition makes Eliezer the founder of the city, and Abraham king for some ears before he went south to Palestine. So also Nicolaus of db. uoted by Jos. (Ant. 1. vii. 2). He mentions a village cated *the Habitation of Abraham,’ which may be identical with el-Burzeh, 3 miles N. of the city, where there is a wely sacred to the patriarch. i. History.—The history of D. really begins for us with its capture by David. Coming to suc- cour Hadadezer, king of Zobah, the Damascenes were themselves overthrown. David smote of the Syrians 22,000 men, took and garrisoned the city, and ‘the Syrians became servants to David, and brought presents’ (2S 8°). Nicolaus of Damascus says the battle was fought on the Euphrates. Rezon, son of Eliada, a follower of Ha adezer, escaped, gathered:a company around him, possibly fugitives like himself, and obtained possession of Damascus. ‘He was an adversary to Israel all the daysofSolomon.’ His experience on the Euphrates possibly led him to abhor Israel (1 K 11%-*). But soon again the sceptre passed to the family of VOL, I.—25 DAMASCUS 545 Hadad. Syria and Israel were in league against Judah. Hard pressed by the king of Israel, Asa bought the friendship of Benhadad with costly presents, and tedused: him to break with Baasha and invade his territory. A successful raid into the northern dominions of Israel called off Baasha and relieved Judah (1 K 151*-!), Benhadad seems to have followed up his advantage in the reign of Omri. Retaining the captured cities, he held the tight to ‘make streets’ in the new capital, Samaria (1 K 20%). ‘Streets’ may have meant quarters for a permanent embassy, or simply accommodation for Syrian merchants, who, like the Tyrians in Memphis, would congregate in one quarter. It was a concession to a power which could enforce it if necessary. Benhadad, son of this monarch, led a great sd oan against Samaria. There were with him thirty-two subject kings, with horses and chariots. Conducting the siege with a contemptuous carelessness, born of a sense of absolute superiority, he was surprised b a sudden attack, and his army routed, he himse escaping with difficulty on horseback. Meeting Israel again at Aphek, he was defeated and his army destroyed. Taken by Ahab, his freedom was granted on most humiliating terms (1 K 20). In about three years’ time we find them again at war, fighting for possession of Ramoth-gilead ; and there Ahab was slain (1 K 22). From D. came Naaman, to be healed of leprosy (2 K 5). Again the Syrians invaded Israel, and a company sent to arrest Elisha at Dothan was led by him, blinded, into Samaria (2 K 6%%), Unaffected by their chivalrous treatment, we find Benhadad directl again besieging Samaria. The city was reduce to the most appalling straits by famine, when, by a miraculous discomfiture of the Syrians, it was delivered, and plentiful supplies provided (2 K 6% 7), From the cuneiform inscriptions we learn that the Assyrians also harassed Benhadad, and were too strong for him and his allies. His reputation suffered heavily from these disasters, making it easier for a strong man to usurp his place. Falling sick, he sent a messenger laden with gifts to con- sult Elisha. To this man, Hazael, the prophet promised the kingdom. On his return he secured the swift fulfilment of the se by the murder of his master (2 K 8). In his encounters with the great Assyr. power, the new king was not more fortunate than his de at 3; but elsewhere success waited upon his standards. Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah attacked Ramoth- gilead. Hazael repulsed them, the former bein seriously wounded (2 K 8%), He then lai waste the whole country east of the Jordan (2 K 10*2-83), He captured Gath (id. 12)), and threat- ened Jerusalem. Jehoash purchased immunity from attack, stripping the temple and the palace of all valuables for this purpose (ib. 12'8). Hazael also prevailed against Israel, and superiority was maintained by his son Benhadad (id. 13%). Ulti- mately Jehoash, son of Jehoahaz, asserted his independence, and recovered the cities Hazael had taken (ib. 13%). Jeroboam U., son of Jehoash, the great warrior-king of the northern monarchy, extended the borders of Israel, recovering D. and Hamath, bac making their kings tribu- tary to Israel (ib. 14°). D. and Samaria next appear in league against Jerusalem (2 K 15*7 165), Rezin of D. reconquered Elath, driving out ‘the Jews.’ Meantime the Assyrians, under Tiglath- pileser 111., whose Bab. name was Pul or Pulu (2 K 15”), were rapidly extending their sway, threatening the independence of D. and Samaria alike. To consolidate their power poets Assyria, Rezin and Pekah sought to attach Judah to thelz cause by dethronin az, and setting up ‘a king in the midst of it, the son of Tabeel’ (Is 75 The 546 DAMASCUS attempt not only failed: it hastened the disaster they wished to avert. Ahaz appealed to Tiglath- pileser, who at once ‘went up against D. and tvok it, and carried the people of it captive to Kir,’ Rezin himself being slain (2 K 16°); and Assyr. colonists were placed init (Jos. Ant. IX. xii. 3). This was the heaviest blow the city had yet re- ceived, and for a time she seems to have been crushed by it. To this period probably refer the prophecies of Isaiah and Amos, ‘The riches of D. ... shall be carried away before the king of Assyria’ (Is 8*), ‘ Behold, D. is taken aay from being a city, and it shall be a ruinous heap’ (Is 17"), ‘T will send a fire into the house of Hazael, and it shall devour the palaces of Benhadad... and the pore of Syria shall go into captivity to Kir, saith the Lord’ (Am 1*°; see also Jer 4973-27), Ahaz came to D. to do homage to Tiglath- ileser. Here he saw the great altar, of which, at is order, a duplicate was made by Urijah the pt and put in the temple to supplant the razen altar (2 K 161-16), For the important issues of this act see W. R. Smith, OTJC? 265, 443, RS 359, 466 ff. A city occupying the position of D. could not be permanently overwhelmed. During the Persian period she displayed afresh her perennial vigour, playing a distinguished part (Strabo, xvi. 2. 9). en Darius advanced against Alexander at Issus, he sent his harem and treasures to D. for safety. After his defeat and inglorious flight, the city was treacherously surrendered to Alex- ander’s general, Parmenio (Arrian, Haped. Al. ii. 11). During the Greek occupation D. yielded to Antioch on the Orontes the rank of first city in Syria. In the course of the wars with Egypt, D., with Palestine and Celesyria, fell at times into the hands of the Ptolemies. On the division of Syria (B.c. 111) between Antiochus Grypus and Antiochus Cyzicenus, D. fell to the latter. Against this prince Hyrcanus made a successful stand (Jos. Ant, XIII. x. 1-3). The next king was Demetrius Euczrus, who, assisted by Ptolemy Lathyrus, established himself in D., and divided the rule of Syria with his brother Philip (Ant. XIII. xiii. 4). Invited by discontented Jews, he marched against Alexander Jannzus, and defeated that prince near Shechem, returning immediately to war with Philip. The latter, assisted by Arabs and Parthians, was victorious. Demetrius was sent to Mithridates, king of Parthia, and remained with him till his death. A younger brother, Antiochus Dionysus, now seized the throne of Damascus. He fell in an encounter with Aretas, king of Arabia; and this monarch, invited by the inhabitants, entered D. and assumed the reins of government. Against Ptolemy Menneus, ‘who was such a bad neighbour to the city,’ Alexandra, widow of Jannzus, sent an expedition to D., under her son Aristobulus, which achieved nothing (Ant. XIII. xvi. 3). Tigranes, king’ of Armenia, obtained temporary possession. The Romans under Metellus took the city, and here, B.c. 64, Pompey received ambassadors from the neighbour- ing kings, who brought him presents; among others, a golden vine from Aristobulus, valued at 600 talents. In B.c. 63 the whole of Syria became a Roman aay and, while the proconsul usually resided in Antioch, D. began to assume her old ascendency. Herod, while still a young man, escaping judgment from the Sanhedrin, came here to visit Sextus Czesar, and was made by him poneres of the army of Ceelesyria (Ant. XIV. ix. 5). ater, according to Jos. (BJ I. xxi. 11), he showed his magnanimity by adorning many cities, not only within but also beyond his own dominions. To D. he added the attractions of a gymnasium and a theatre. It was on the way to D. that the DAMASCUS miraculous event occurred through which Saul of Tarsus was converted to Christianity ; and in this city he first testified for Christ (Ac 977). It was then under the Arabian Aretas, and governed by an ethnarch, whose vigilance Paul escaped, being let down over the wall in a basket (2 Co 1153), Hither the apostle returned, after his sojourn in Arabia (Gall’). It wasreckoned to the Decapolis (Pliny, HN v.16). Josephus curiously remarks that Scythopolis was the greatest of these cities After Herod’s time he says little of D.; but there must have been a strong Jewish colony there: at one time some 10,000 of these were slain by the populace (BJ 1. xx. 2). Under Trajan, D. attained the rank of a Roman provincial city. Since that time, although she has often changed hands, her career of prosperity has hardly been interrupted, save perhaps when she fell before the ferocious Tamerlane (1399). D. is still the chief city in Syria, with a population of not less than 150,000. Christians have always been fairly numerous in the city. Theodosius transformed the great temple into a Christian church. On the advent of Islam it was changed into a Moslem mosque. D. was originally subordinate to Antioch, which was the seat of the patriarch; but this official, still taking his title from Antioch, now resides in Damascus. The darkest blot on the history of the city is the massacre of some 6000 Christians in the summer of 1860. ii. GEOGRAPHY.—One of the most beautiful and fertile plains in the world is that which lies to the east of the Anti-Lebanon range, at an elevation of about 2200 ft. above sea-level. Great Hermon, Jebel esh-Sheikh, a vast snowy bank filling all the horizon, forms the western boundary. A chain of hills, thrown off to eastward from Anti-Libanus, runs along the northernedge. Jebel el-Aswad and Jebel MAni‘ shut it inon the south. Three marshy lakes mark the eastern frontier of fertility ; and away beyond them rises a range of low hills, which definitely cuts off this district from the sandy wastes of the Arabian desert. These sur- rounding hills, all bare and forbidding, save in the deeper and shadier wadies, enclose within their rocky arms a broad expanse of rich waving een. This plain owes its fertility almost entirely to the river e/-Barada, ‘the cool,’ which bursts through the limestone ramparts on the north, to fling itself in many a refreshing stream over its surface; and to the waters of e/-A‘waj, ‘the crooked,’ which, coming down from the eastern slopes of Gt. Her- mon, flows through the southern meadows. Some- thing is also due to the protection of the desert hills in the east, which in a measure bar the way against the drifting sand-storms from the wilder- ness. In the plain the natives distinguish five districts. The western portion, extending about two hours east of the gorge of the Barada, ia divided by that river into the northern and southern Ghautah. To the east is the Merj, also divided by the Barada into north and south; while all dying between these districts and Jebel el-Aswad an the valley of eJ-A‘waj, is known as Wady el-Ajam. Scattered over this tract are some 140 villages. A population of about 50,000 are engaged almost ex- clusively in agricultural pursuits. Clumps of olives, and many varieties of fruit trees pleasantly diversify the landscape, while between them, in season, far and wide, wave seas of golden grain. On the edge of the plain, east of e/-Barada, just under Jebel Kasiiéin, which rises some 1700 ft., lie the famous orchards, some 30 miles in circum- ference, which encircle with luxuriant foliage the ancient city of Damascus. From afar are seen the white roofs, domes, and minarets, in striking relief against the green. The scene of rich beauty here DAMASCUS presented, with the shade of fruitful trees, and on every hand the music of running water, has ever {nspired the Arab with admiration; and when he dreamed of Paradise—‘the garden’ par excellence— his imagery was drawn from the gardens and streams of Damascus. Nor need we wonder if, coming from the ae. monotony of the burning desert, the Bedawi, fascinated by its delights, thinks himself in the midst of an earthly Paradise. Even for the eye accustomed to the fresh beauty and fruitfulness of the West, it possesses many a charm, although the descriptive language of the Arab may appear somewhat exaggerated. There are few places where so rich a variety of fruits is brought to maturity within a similar area. In the vicinity of the city are large vegetable gardens; and in the fields beyond different kinds of grain, tobacco, cotton, flax, hemp, madder-roots, and vicinus are grown. The olive is plentiful, and much of the oil used in the city is made in the neighbourhood. Tall, graceful poplars line the banks of the ercoras, yieldin excellent timber for building purposes. Firewood is mostly made of the olive and the apricot. There are also the cypress, the plane tree, and the stately palm. ut the charm of D. is felt chiefly in her dens, and under the shadow of her far-stretch- ing thickets of fruit trees. There, in generous rivalry, are found the orange, the lemon, and the citron; the apple, the pear, and the quince; plums and prunes, grapes and figs, pomegranate and mulberry, almonds and walnuts, hazel-nuts and pistachios. D. is situated about 60 miles from the coast. Its exact position is 33° 30’ N. lat., 36° 18’ E. long. It is now most easily approached by the magnifi- cent French diligence road from Beirfit, which scales Mount Lebanon, crosses e/-Beka‘, and then follows the easy passes through Anti-Lebanon to the plain of Damascus. The routes by which of old she communicated with the seaboard varied with litical conditions. The way to Tripoli lay past a‘albek and Bésherreh. That to Beirfiit followed closely the line of the present road ; while the aa eight of the two Lebanons lay also between . and e and Sidon. When the way was clear, she found the most convenient outlet at Acre. This road led to the south-west and Kuneiterah over the Jedir uplands, crossed the Jordan below lake Hileh by Jisr Bendt Ya'kib, traversed the rolling downs of the upper Jordan valley, and splitting towards the west, one arm took the difficult but direct route by way of Safed ; the other swept southward past Khan Jubb Yusi to the plain of Gennesaret at Khdn Minyeh, and, following an easy line by the wadies to the north- west, joined the Safed road at Er-Rdmeh. From Gennesaret a branch of this highway ascended the uplands west of the Sea of Galilee to Khdn et- ujadr, and, passing round the base of Tabor, crossed the plain of Esdraelon to Megiddo, and thence to the Philistine plain and Egypt. Another branch kept the valley along the shore of the lake, and southward past Bethshan to Jericho. This was crossed by a road, which, leaving D. in a more southerly direction, traversed the Pas reaches of the Haurdn, came down into the valley from the Jauldn highlands east of the sea, by way of Aphek, and here dividing, one limb crossed the Jordan below the lake, climbed the hills to west- ward, and reached Acre by way of Kefr Kennah ; the other passed up the vale of Jezreel, and again bifurcating, one branch went straight to the sea over Esdraelon: the other, bending to the south- west, is identified with the ancient caravan road from Gilead, which passes by Dothan, and comes down upon the plain of Sharon. The old gold and kincense caravan road from Arabia the Happy ast Sa‘sa' DAMASCUS 547 has frequently changed its course in the northern reaches. The traffic has long been confined to the Poona of the Haj, the Moslem pilgrimage to and rom Ll-Haramein, El-Medinah, and Mecca. The great road from Aleppo in the north is split as with a wedge at Emesa by the Anti-Lebanon ridge. It throws an arm round either side of the moun- tain, that on the west traversing the valley of Ceelesyria by way of Ba‘albek, and unites again at Damascus. Eastward lay the highways across the desert to Palmyra and Baghdad. Thus the great avenues of communication between north and south, east and west, along which flowed the com- merce and marched the armies of the ancient world, lay through the heart of the city. Resting in the midst of a beautiful oasis on the edge of the changeless desert, surrounded by desert hills, she formed the natural harbour whither steered the argosies from the sea of sand, bearing the treasures of the East: whence again the sombre mariners set forth upon their dreary voyage homeward. Herein we have the secret of her perennial greatness. A strong position she never was, and often has she bowed beneath the stroke of the conqueror, be- coming ‘a servant to task work.’ But, ever as the tides of war rolled back, she has arisen again, fresh and vigorous as of yore. She has been the meeting place and mart of the nations ; and as she has been of use to all, to the desert nomad and to the more civilized and settled peoples alike, so the necessities of all have conspired to perpetuate her prosperity. iii, TRADE.—It seems probable that the chief source of income to the people of D. would be the constantly passing caravans. But that the also traded on their own account is shown in Ez 27'8, the ‘handyworks’ of Tyre being exchanged for ‘the wine of Helbon and white wool.’ Halbién, a village about 12 miles north of D., is still famous for its vine ear and the mountain shepherds of Anti-Lebanon would always have a supply of white wool for the D. merchants. From Am 3!2 (RV) we may gather that the city was already known for silken manufactures. Our word ‘ Damask’ is derived from a product of the looms of Damascus. Ata later time her armourers also achieved wide fame, and the ‘ Damascus blade’ was highly prized. They were carried off en masse by Tamerlane, and settled in Samarkand. iv. ANTIQUITIES.—The main stream of E£I-Bar- ada, the true creator of the city, enters from the N.W., and, passing under the great square, part escapes to water the gardens on the north, while the rest is carried off through multitudinous conduits to supply the houses of the inhabitants. The distribution of the water has always been a matter requiring the exercise of both care and tact among these excitable people: so it has come to be a common saying, that ‘every drop of the water of E/-Barada has to run according to law.’ The ancient city was built on the southern bank of the stream. Much more ground is now covered to the north, and especially to the S. and §.W., while the long limb of Hl-Méddn, ter- minating in the ‘Gate of God,’ Bawwabet Ullah, whence issue the pilgrims for Mecca, stretches far to the S. The old walls may be traced, how- ever, along the edge of the stream, and through the centre of the modern city, in circumference about 4 miles. For a city of such extraordinary age, D. is not rich in antiquities. The castle, a rect- angular building of great extent, standing at the N.W. corner of the old wall, probably dates only from the Middle Ages, although the substructures are ancient. To the S. of the eastern gate part of the wall is very old. The gate itself dates from Roman times; and the line of the Via Recta, ‘the street called straight,’ may be traced from this te the western gate. It is still called Derd el-Mus. 548 DAMN, DAMNABLE, DAMNATION DAN takim, straight street, by the natives (Derb es- Sulidny, ‘the king’s highway,’ is the name given every important road in the country). This is the straight street common to all Syro-Greek and Syro-Roman cities, of which fine examples are still to be seen at Bosrah and Shuhbah. The great mosque esis Ms the site of the temple of Rimmon (2 58), It is in accordance with the conservatism of the Orient, that the spot has preserved its religious character under the dominion of successive faiths. It was a spacious Greek temple, then a Christian church, and finally it became a Moslem mosque; the only remaining evidence of Christian use being the Greek inscrip- tion over the southern gateway, ‘Thy kingdom, O Christ, is an everlasting kingdom, and Thy dom- inion endureth for all generations.’ The Moslems say that the head of John the Baptist was buried here; but Christian tradition has it that the church was dedicated to John Damascenus, whose tomb was within it ; and there his body was mir- aculously retained, when an effort was made to remove it. Of this mosque, which for centuries had been the pride of the Moslem world, a large part was destroyed by fire in October 1893. The traditions associating certain spots with Abraham, Naaman, and Elisha are of the most shadowy character. Hardly more reliable are those relating to the experiences of St. Paul. A spot about half a mile E. of the city is shown as the scene of his conversion. It is now the Christian burying-ground. But tradition has several times contradicted itself as to the scene of this miracle : in any case it could not be here, as the traveller from the 8. would not enter the city from the E. Between this and the gate is the grave of 8t. George, the pe porter who connived at St. Paul’s escape, and suffered martyrdom. The spot where the apostle was let down over the wall ina basket, ‘the house of Judas’ in Straight street, and also the house of Ananias, are pointed out; but considerable uncertainty attaches to them all, W. Ewina. DAMN, DAMNABLE, DAMNATION. — These words have in the course of time suffered a process of degeneration, for which, says Bishop Sanderson, ‘we are not so much beholden to good acts as to bad manners.’ The Lat. dammnare signified ‘to inflict loss on one,’ ‘to condemn.’ But, under the influence of theology, the Eng. words thence derived soon acquired the sense of ‘condemnation to eternal punishment’; and this special appli- cation ran alongside the orig. meaning from the 14th cent. to the 18th. In the 1619 ed. of the Bishops’ NT, the translation of 1 Ti 5! is ‘having damnation, because they have cast away their first faith’; and there is added this note: ‘S. Paul doth not here speake of the everlasting damnation, but by this word damnation, doeth rather understand the shame that those wanton widowes shall have in the world for breaking their promise.’ Thus even then the sense to which the words are now wholly confined was the most familiar. But in earlier English it was not so. To Wyclif’s ear the words must have had a very different suggestion, for he not only uses ‘damn’ freely in the sense of ‘condemn,’ as in his tr. of Job 9” ‘If I wole make me iust, my mouth shall dampne me,’ but even uses it of our Lord Himself, as in Mk 10* ‘ For lo! we stien to Jerusalem, and mannus sone schal be bitraied to the princis of prestis, and to scribis, and to the eldre men; and thei schulen dampne hym bi deth.’ In AV ‘damned’ occurs as tr. of xeraxpivw Mk 1616, Ro 14% (RV ‘condemned’), of xpivw 2 Th 212(RV ‘ Pape *), *Damnable’ 1s found only 2 P #1 ‘damnable heresies,’ Gr. wipious &xwrsins, R ‘destructive heresies,’ RVm ‘sects of perdition.’ ‘Damnation’ is the tr. of xeradi«ey Wis 1227 (RV ‘condemnation”); of é*éAua 2 P 28 (RV ‘ destruction’); of xpioi Mt 2333, Jn 529 (RV ‘ judg- ment’), Mk 329 (RV ‘sin,’ reading éuépryue); and of xpiua Mk 1240, Lk 2047, Ro 38, 1 Ti 512 (RV ‘ condonmaliaaty Ro 130, 1 Co 1129 (RV ‘judgment’), while Mt 2314 is omitted from RV. Thus the words are never used in AV in the sense now attaching to them, and they are completely banished from RV. See more fully Roberts in Expos. Times, iii. 549 ff., and the art. JUDGMENT, J. HASTINGS. DAMSEL, now archaic or poetical, is freely used in AV; and it is retained in RV, except where the Gr. is madlov (Mk 5% 40 dé. 41 “child’) or wadloxn (Mt 26, Jn 1817, Ac 12!3 1616 ‘maid’).* In Gn 34? one word (4273 na'‘drdh) is twice tr4 in AV ‘d.,’ in v.4 another (739: yaldah) ; and again in Mk 58% #0 dts. 41 we have one word (madlov), in vv.*+42 another (xopdotov), RV preserves the distinction in St. ark. J. HASTINGS, DAN (fi ‘judge,’ Adv).—The elder of the two sons borne to Jacob by Bilhah, Rachel’s handmaid. The origin of the name, given in Gn 30°(E), is that, after her long barrenness, God had judged Rachel and had given her a son, the son of her handmaid counting as her own. No details of his history are given in the patriarchal narratives. Modern critics usually regard him as, like the other sons of Jacob, the eponymous ancestor of the tribe of Dan. These tribes are divided into two main branches, the Leah tribes and the Rachel tribes. Dan belongs to the latter; but the representation of Dan and Naphtali as sons of Bilhah implies that they were inferior members of the Rachel group. hat the tribe was quite small appears Tom various indications. On yon. son is men- tioned in Gn 46% Hushim (in Nu 26“ Shuham), that is, the tribe consisted of a single clan. It is referred to as a ‘family’ in the important narrative of its migration to Laish, Jg 18*1-, The fighting men on this expedition are only 600, and they seem to have been the majority of the tribe. It is unnecessary to attach much importance to the characteristic statement of P, which places the fighting men of Dan, during the wilderness wandering, at more than 60,000 (Nu 1* 26%), After the settlement in Canaan, the clan seems to have broken off from the main Joseph grou in order to secure a district for itself. In this it was only partially successful. Its territory lay to the S.W. of Ephraim, and joined that of Ben- jamin and Judah. It seems to have stretched forward towards the fertile lowlands, but whether it ever occupied any portion of them or not is uncertain. The reference in the Song of Deborah (Jg 5!) is itself very obscure, and the chronolo of the period so uncertain, that we learn little from it. We do not know whether it refers to the northern or the southern settlements. The most obvious sense of the wordg is that Dan had pushed forward to the sea. But we have no other evidence that it ever reached the coast. Nor is it certain that the words require this interpretation. Moore translates: ‘Dap, why does he live neighbour to ships?’ and explains—Why does he live as a de- endent under the protection of Phenician sea- arers? He thinks the northern Danites are meant. G. A. Smith thinks Deborah may speak ‘in scorn of futile ambitions westward, which were stirred in Dan by the sight of the sea from the Shephelah,’ but admits that Dan may have reached the coast at some time (Hist. Geog. P: 220). RV, ‘Dan, why did he remain in ships?’ is not satisfactory. It is most probable that the tribe never reached the sea; but even if it did so, it * The spelling of AV 1611 is never ‘damsel’ ; ‘damsell’ occurs in Gn 24, 34, and Damsell Mt 1411, while ‘damsels’ is found Gn 2461, Jg 199. Elsewhere it is either ‘damosel’ or (most freq) ‘damosell,’ with ‘damosels’ for plural and possessive. This nearer the Lat. dominicella, dim. of domina, ‘ ” and the Fr. demoiselle. DAN must have been soon compelled to retreat. Not only so, but we learn that it was forced back even from the lowlands by the Amorites (Jg 1%), Wellhausen thinks that it was really the Philis- tines who drove them back into the hill country. But it seems safer to accept the statement of the vext, though possibly the Philistines forced back the Amorites, who, in turn, pushed Dan back. We find the tribe after this living in the vales of Aijalon and Sorek, in and about the towns of Zorah and Eshtaol (Jg 18, cf. 13). The lot of the tribe as given in Jos 19" includes very much more. But it cannot be taken as proving that Dan’s territory ever included, even in idea, during its actual history, all the towns mentioned. It is the work of the Priestly Writer, and therefore very late. Not only so, but the general account of the territories of the tribes makes it clear that the whole land of Palestine was regarded as occu- pied by the Hebrews, though the actual history was very different. In this case the method of the writer has been to specify places actually oes by Dan (Zorah, Eshtaol, Shaalabbin, Aijalon), and to add all the adjacent places which were not assigned to other tribes, though strangely Eshtaol and Zorah are assigned to Judah as border towns (15*). Although the tribe still retained this small district, it was so cramped in it that it became necessary to seek a new home. We have a most valuable account of this expedition in Jg 18. The narrative in this chapter and the Praediig; of which it is a continuation, is probably composite. Budde prints his analysis (which has been fol- lowed in the main both by Kittel and by Moore) in his Richter und Samuel. It is not, however, important for our a ose to follow the sues, as the outlines of the story are quite clear. A small party of spies was sent northward, and found in Laish (Leshem, Jos 1947, which Well- hausen thinks was originally Lesham), a city which from the fertility of the district was ve inviting, and from its isolation, and the peaceful, eal aar character of the inhabitants, was likely to fall an easy prey. Six hundred armed men with their families and goods set out for Laish. On their way they plundered the sanctua of Micah, an Ephraimite, of its images, and too his priest with them. He pursued them with a few neighbours; but his remonstrance was met with a grimly humorous warning that unless he was silent he might irritate them into killing him and his family, a hint which Micah discreetl took. The Danites then moved on to Laish, whic they captured and burnt, while they butchered the inhabitants. They built a new city and called it Dan. Probably only a small remnant was left behind in the south, but at least a remnant, with its home between Zorah and Eshtaol in the camp of Dan (Jg 13%, in Jg 18? Mahaneh-dan is said to be in Kiriath-jearim, but this is less likely). That ® remnant was left is made probable by the story of Samson, who belonged to this tribe. That it was small seems clear from the subsequent eatory It plays no part in the later history of Israel. It is omitted from the tribes in the genealogies of Chronicles and in the list of the Apocalypse. The character of the tribe is sketched in the blessings of Jacob and Moses. In the former we * Dan shall judge his people, As one of the tribes of Israel. Dan shall be a serpent in the way, An adder in the path, That biteth the horse’s heels, So that his rider falleth backward. I have waited for thy salvation, O Lord’ (Gn 4916-18), The first sentence has been variously understood, but probably the meaning is that Dan shall take DANCING 549 his part with the other tribes in defending Israel. The writer probably has Samson in mind. The comparison in v.!” is to the stealthy tactics adopted by Dan in war or on marauding expeditions, by which, weak tribe though it was, it secured a victory over foes of superior strength. The attack on Laish is a good example. In the Blessing of Moses we read— ‘Dan is a lion’s whelp, That leapeth forth from Bashan’ (Dt 8323), Here, too, the point of the metaphor is the suddenness with which the tribe would attack. The reference is not so much to war, probably, as to attacks on caravans, for which it would lie in wait. Although the second line refers to the ‘lion’s whelp,’ yet the mention of Bashan makes it probable that the northern portion of the tribe is in the author’s mind. From 25 20! where we should probably read ‘in Abel and in Dan,’ it seems that Dan was regarded as a tribe that held fast to the good old Israelite customs. The gentilic name Danites (377) occurs Jg 13? 184, ] Ch 12. A. 8S. PEAKE. DAN (jn, Adv).—A city which marked the most N. point of Pal., and naturally became linked with Beersheba, the boundary town in the south. The phrase ‘from Dan to Beersheba’ was at once pictur- esque and suggestive of dimension, and in times of national crisis emphasized the fact that amid all tribal distinctions there was a common inheritance —the whole land of Israel (Jg 20, 1 S 3, 28 3%). The chief independent notice is the account of the Danite invasion given in Jg 18, where the change of name from Laish or Leshem is accounted for. In all likelihood it is the same place that is referred to in the census-journey of Joab as Danjaan, 2S 24°, If the peas jaar instead of ja'an be accepted, it would indicate the first point of contact with the rocky ground and oak scrub of Lebanon, which the Arabs call wa‘ar. At Dan Jeroboam set up one of the calves of gold (1 K 12%), Dan disappears from Scripture after the invasion of Benhadad (1 K 15”, 2 Ch 164). It is referred to by Josephus, Eusebius, and Jerome in terms that identify it with the present Tell el-Kadi (although G. A. Smith prefers to locate Dan at Banias). The mound rises out of a close jungle of tall bushes and rank reeds, with larger trees on the higher slopes, until an irregular oblong plateau is reached, about 40 ft. high on the N. side and 80 ft. on the S., and resting upon one of the broad fringe- like terraces with which the skirts of Hermon sweep down towards the plain of Huleh (L. Merom). On the W. side, amid the rough boulders and blocks of ancient masonry that cover the ground, there ushes out the immense fountain (Leddan) that orms by far the largest source of the Jordan current, where 5 miles down it meets the waters from the upper springs of Hasbeya and Banias. LiTzRATURE.—Robinson, BRP; Thomson, Land and Book ; Smith, HGHL 473, 480f.; Moore, Judges, 390; see also art. Oar (Gowen). G. M. MACKIE. DANCING is, in its origin, an expression of the feelings by movements of the body more or less controlled by asense of rhythm. It was practised, therefore, long before it was raised to the dignity of an art, being simply a natural development of the tendency to employ gesture, either as an accompaniment to, or a substitute for, speech. We may distinguish three stages in the early his- tory of dancing, as exemplified in the practice of ancient nations: (1) Its rudest and most unstudied form, the outward expression of exuberant feel- ing; (2) the pantomimic dance, in which, ¢.g., the movements of hostile armies were represented ; (3) the dance pure and simple, the ibition of 550 DANCING DANCING the poetry of motion, of all the grace of attitude and all the flexibility of which the body is capable. Social dancing, as we now understand it, was almost, if not altogether, unknown in ancient times. Whatever view we may hold of the presence or position of Israel in Egypt, we have no evidence to show that the Hebrews borrowed thence their love or their methods of dancing. They never seem, in ancient times, to have reached the third of the stages which we have enumerated. We hear nothing of performances by professional artists, similar to ‘howe represented on the Egyp. monu- ments, and supposed by Lane to have been the direct ancestors of the modern Ghawazee. There is no mention of solo or figure dancing, of contra- dances (unless we attach this meaning to the nbinp oynen, Ca 6!), or of anything approaching in elaboration the performances associated with the Feast of Eternity. Still less can we expect a reasoned appreciation of the exercise as a means of developing the mind and body, such as we have in Plato’s Laws. All the allusions point to spon- taneous movements; in processions these would be impromptu on the part of the leaders, and more or less closely imitated by the others. Three ideas are represented in the vocabulary : leaping, cire- ling, and making merry. Thus 77), 797 (Ee 34, 1 ch 15”), to leap ; 7272, to circle (2 S 6" 16) ; Sbin (Jg 21%, Ps 877), to twist oneself ; pny, pry (Jg 1675, 1 § 187, 1 Ch 15”), Zié. tolaugh. It is self-evident that these words might be used in a looser and in a more technical sense. They were applied to the artless play of the children (Job 21"), as well as to the dancing of the adults. Few as are the references in the Bible, they show that almost any occurrence might be associated with dancing: the return of the prodigal, the commemoration of an hist. event, the welcoming of a hero on his return from battle, the ingather- tng of the vintage, —whatever called for an expres- sion of joy or excited the heart to gladness. Of dancing for its own sake, of its practice as an art, there is no trace. lLeyrer sees a possible exception to this in Ca 6%, but the passage is too obscure to admit positively of such an explanation. Whether we should look on Mahanaim as the name of a place, or as descriptive of a dancing in which two rows of performers took part, or whether, with Delitzsch, we should understand an allusion to the angels, must remain a matter of doubt. The only unmistakable instance of artistic dancing is that mentioned in Mt 14, the performance of Herodias’ daughter ‘in the midst’ of the guests assembled on Herod’s birthday. This was due, however, to the introduction of Greek fashions, through contact with the Romans, who had adopted them, and hardly belongs to our subject. It is with dancing in connexion with the religious rites and ceremonies of the Hebrews that we are mainly concerned in this article. Their religion was, esp. in pre-exilic times, predominantly social and joyful. It found its proper esthetic expres- sion in a merry sacrificial feast, which was the public veremony of a township or clan. Then the crowds streamed into the sanctuary from all sides, dressed in their gayest attire, marching joyfully to the sound of music. Universal hilarity pre- vailed ; men ate and drank and made merry to- ether, rejoicing before their god (W. R. Smith, ‘S 236 ff.). To such a religion dancing would be a natural adjunct. The cultus was not a system of rites, artificially contrived to express and maintain theological doctrines, but the free outcome of the religious feelings, which found vent in the wa suggested by, and in harmony with, the disposi- tion and genius of the people. It is not surprising, however, that we find comparatively few references to this part of the cultus in OT, or that no pro- vision is made for it in the regulations contained in the recognized standards of the priests. There is no trace of the existence among the Hebrews of any class of priests corresponding to the Salii of ancient Rome, and their vintage and other festivals are far from possessing the significance of the great carnivals of the pagan world. The fact seems to be that the priestly historians and legis- lators resolutely excluded, as far as possible, every- thing that eould infer any similarity between the worship of J” and that of heathen deities. Never- theless, enough remains to show that dancing was practised and acknowledged as part of the Heb. ritual. The dancing of Miriam and the women of Israel (Ex 157t-) may have been due to an ancient ceremony connected with the Passover. In any view of it, the dance formed an essential part of an act of worship (cf. Is 30”). At the annual vintage festival at Shiloh— a feast of the Lord ’— the maidens came out and joined in dances in the vineyards (Jg 2121), When David took part in the procession at the removal of the ark, he did so in a priestly capacity : he wore the linen ephod, the official dress of the priests (2S 674). hese assages exhaust the list of religious dances in OT. ut the allusions in the Psalms and Prophets, and the references to the rites in honour of idols, point in the same direction ; e.g. the dance round the golden calf (Ex 32!*), and at the altar of Baal (1 K 18%), The people retained in later times their fondness for dancing in connexion with religious rites, as is shown by the ceremonies connected with the Feast of Tabernacles and the Day of Atonement. On the latter day, and on the 15th Abib, the maidens of Jerus. are said to have gone in white garments, specially lent them for the purpose so that rich and poor might be on an equality, into the vine- yards close to the city, where they danced and sang. The following fragment of one of their songs has been preserved, and is thus given by Edersheim— * Around in circle gay, the Hebrew maidens see; From them our happy youths their partners choose. Remember! Beauty soon its charm must lose— And seek to win a maid of fair degree. When fading grace and beauty low are laid, Then praise shall her who fears the Lord await; God does bless her handiwork—and, in the gate, ““Her works do follow her,” it shall be said.’ The other dance festival was held on the day receding the Feast of Tabernacles, and is said tc ave been instituted by Judas Maccabeus. At the appointed time everyone went to the ‘ house of the Sho’¢bah,’ carrying branches with lemons attached, for the procession round the altar. In the court were large candelabra, each with four arms; four priests, or youths of priestly descent, climbed ladders, filled the vessels with oil, and lit the wicks, which were made of cast-off belts of the riests. All Jerus. was lighted from the fires. ‘he whole multitude joined in the laudations that followed. Men famous for their piety and good works danced with lighted torches, and great scholars like Hillel were not above exhibiting their dexterity and agility to the admiring crowd. Meanwhile the Levites, standing on the steps that led from the court of the men to that of the women, accompanied the performance with psalms and canticles, and the sound of the kinndérs and cymbals was heard, with trumpets and other musical instruments. The whole festival is proof of that irrepressible love of display and hilarity which revealed itself in the popular religion of Judaism, LrreraTurR.—Spencer, De Leg. Rit. iv. 4; Voss, Gesch. der Tanzkunst ; Grove (etc.), Dancing, in ‘Badminton Library’; Leyrer, PRE? xv. pp. 206-208; Wetstein, Zeitschr. fiir Eth =~ _—_— =. |= aaa DANDLE DANIEL 551 nologie, 1873, p. 285 ff.; Smith, RS? p. 482; Tristram, Hastern Customs, pp. 207-210; Delitzsch, Iris, pp. 189-206; Conder, Tent Work, pp. 306, 826, 346. J. MILLAR. DANDLE (prob. from It. dandola or dondola, a doll), to ‘toss gently,’ is found Is 66! ‘ be dandled upon her knees.’ Cf. Palsgrave (1530), ‘I dandyll, as a mother or nourryce doth a childe upon her pers and Rp. Hall (1614), ‘If our Church, on whose lappe the vilest miscreants are dandled.’ It is doubtful, however, if this tr. is accurate enough, though RV retains it. The Heb. (yyy) is to stroke or caress, rather than to toss or dandle. The older versions have ‘be joyful upon her knees’; except Wyc. 1380, ‘daunte you,’ 1388, ‘speke plesauntly to you,’ and Douay, ‘speake you fayre.’ J. HASTINGS. DANGER.—In Apocr. (Ad. Est 144, Sir 376 2917 3413 43%, 2 Mac 15!) and in Ac 197’-® ‘danger’ has its modern meaning; and so the adj. ‘dangerous,’ Sir 918, Ac 27°. But in the other passages in which ‘danger’ occurs (Mt 57-2r, Mk 3) it is used in the obsol. sense of ‘power,’ ‘control’; Gr. &voxos, fr. év-€xw, held in the power of some person or thing, hence (1) ‘ guilty of,’ as Ja 2, 1 Co 117; (2) ‘liable to,’as here. RV retains ‘in danger of,’ except Mk 3” ‘guilty of an eternal sin,’ for AV ‘in danger of eternal damnation,’ reading éuaprjuaros for xpicews. The Lat. dominus ‘lord,’ was contracted in old French in various ways, of which one was dans, and was thence adopted into Eng. in the form dan. Spenser, F. Q. IV. ii. 32, has— ‘Dan Chaucer, well of English undefyld.’ Chaucer himself uses ‘dan’ freely as a title of respect=sir. From this word was formed danger (first in late Lat. or Fr., and then adopted into Eng.) by adding the term. gev, seen in Passenger, messenger. This ‘danger’ became a great legal word in mediwval Eng., signifying a lord’s rights or sway, the extent of his jurisdiction. Hence ‘ power,’ ‘ control,’ as Chaucer, Prot. 663 (Oxf. ed.)— ‘In daunger hadde he at his owne gyse The yonge girles of the diocyse.’ Cf. More, Utapia, p. 116, 1. 5 (Lumby), ‘so disdaining to be in her daunger, that he renounceth and refuseth all her benefites’ ; and Shaks. Mer. of Ven. tv. i. 180— ‘You stand within his danger, do you not?’ Thus ‘to be in one’s danger’ passed easily into the meaning of ‘be liable to’ punishment or the like, and then ‘be exposed to’ any harm, the mod. meaning. J. HASTINGS. DANIEL, 5x33 (in Ezk 14% 2 288 bun, Leré Ses), meaning ‘God is my judge,’ occurs in OT as the name of three (or four) persons. 4. David’s second son, ‘born unto him in Heb- ron’ ‘of Abigail the Carmelitess’ (1 Ch 3!). In the parallel passage, 2S 3°, the name is Chileab (ax53) ; and since this is the evident source of the chronicler’s list, the name D. probably arose from a corruption of the text. This apparently can be traced through the LXX, which in each passage has Aadoud (B Auer in 1 Ch 33) (anda, ards, des) (Kittel on 1 Ch 3! in Haupt’s O7). 2. A priest of the line of Ithamar who returned in the time of Artaxerxes with Ezra to Judea (Ezr 82), and sealed the covenant drawn up by Nehemiah (Neh 10%), unless two distinct persons are mentioned. 3. The hero and traditional author of the Bk. of Daniel. According to this book, D. was a youth of noble descent and high physical and intellectual endowments, carried b ie bichatnareas in the third year of Jehoiakim from Jerus. to Babylon, and with other Jewish youths, esp. three companions, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, assigned for education at the: king’s court (Dn 1)7). D. and his companions refused to defile themselves with the royal food, and for their fidelity were rewarded by being fairer in appearance ‘than all the youths which did eat of the king’s meat,’ and in their final examination before the king by being superior in understanding and wisdom to all the magicians and enchanters of the realm (Dr 18”), In the second year of Nebuchadnezzar, D. revealed and in- terpreted, on the failure of all the other wise men, the king’s dream of the composite image, and was made ruler over the whole province of Babylon and chief ruler over all the wise men (Dn 2). He also interpreted the king’s dream of the tree (Dn 4). After the death of Nebuch. he seems to have lost his high office and gone into retirement ; but when the handwriting appeared on the wall of the palace during Belshazzar’s feast (Dn 51-5), again D. was, on the failure of the other magicians, sum- moned at the instigation of the queen (vv.!!2), He interpreted the writing, and was then clothed with purple, decked with a chain, and proclaimed the third ruler in the kingdom (v.”). Under Darius the Mede, D. was appointed one of three presidents over 120 satraps, and was distinguished above all the others; ‘and the king thought to set him over the whole realm’ (Dn 6°). Through this favour he incurred the enmity of his fellow-officers, who, find- ing no occasion of accusing him, persuaded Darius to pass a decree that for 30 days no one should aeer a petition unto any god or man except himself on pain of being cast into a den of lions. As they expected, D. faithfully continued his custom of praying unto his God three times a day. Thus an accusation was brought against D.; and although the king tried to rescue him, yet he was cast into the den of lions (vv.}2")5), but was miracu- lously saved (v.%). D.’s accusers were then cast into the den and quickly devoured, and the king decreed that all men should fear and tremble before the God of D. (vv.*4-?7). ‘So this D. prospered in the reign of Darius and the reign of Cyrus the Persian’ (v.78). This is the story of D. in Dn 1-6. In chs. 7-12 he appears as the recipient of a series of divine apocalyptic revelations respecting the future of Israel, for whose welfare he is extremely concerned. Two additional stories, that of Bel and the Dragon and that of Susanna, are also related concerning him in the Apocrypha. This narrative of D. is evidently an example of Jewish Haggadoth (see next art.). Whether D. represents in any way a real hist. character cannot be absolutely determined. In Ezk 14% a D. is mentioned with Noah and Job as a pre-eminently righteous character, and in Ezk 28° as an example of the highest wisdom. This association and allusion imply that the D. in the mind of the rophet was an ancient worthy in the traditions of fee (We can with difficulty conceive of Ezekiel speaking thus of a younger contemporary. See Cheyne in Eapositor, July 1897, p. 25.) Of this D. of Jewish tradition we are entirely ignorant; Ak proneely he was the prototype of the D. of the xile, and many features of this ancient character probably reappear in the laterone. Ewald maples that the D. of Ezk was a Jewish exile of the ten tribes who lived at the court of Nineveh and had acquired there a reputation for wisdom and right- eousness, and whom later Jewish tradition trans- ferred to Babylon. Or it is possible that there was such a distinguished Jew at Babylon, who enjoyed the favour first of Nebuch. and then of the Persian conquerors, who was actually named D., or owing to his wisdom and righteousness was so called by his countrymen after the ancient worthy alluded to by Ezk, and thus a real historical character may have been the basis of the hero of the Bk. of Daniel.* The story of D. appears to have been written in imitation of that o ed pereearaty however, often repeats itself ; yet, if the story is historical, it is strange that no reference is made to D. in the * Cheyne suggests a connexion between D. and Zoroaster, the name having been coined out of the Zend ddnu, ‘wise’ os ‘wisdom’ (Bamp. Lect. on Psalter, 106 ff.). 552 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF OT narrative of the restoration ; that no post-exilic writer before the Maccabzean age knows anything about him ; that no one else shared his expectations ; and that he, with all his patriotism, did not avail himself of the opportunity of returning to Pal. ; and that Benigiene writing about B.c. 170, should entirely omit him from the worthies of Israel, and also write (Sir 49"5), ‘ Neither was there a man born like unto J oseph, a governor of his brethren, a stay of the people. E. L. CuRTIS. DANIEL, THE BOOK OF, in the Heb. Canon, is Ne among the Ha pereD es between Est and Ezr, but in the LXX, ulg., and Eng. Bible as one of the four great prophets, immediately after Ezexiel. It falls into two divisions: chs. 1-6, the history of Daniel; chs. 7-12, visions and revela- tions given to Daniel. In the original, 2‘°-7% is written in Aramaic instead of Hebrew. In literary character the Bk. of Dn is mainly an apocalypse, representing in visions under symbolical torms various historical epochs. The beginning of this kind of writing appears in Ezk and Zec; but Dn is far more complete and elaborate, and exercised a great influence upon subsequent Jewish and Christian literature. i. AUTHORSHIP AND DATE.—The visions (chs. 7-12) are represented as given in the words of Dn (7? 8! 9? 102), hence the inference that he wrote the entire book. This was the ancient Jewish opinion,* and the prevailing Christian one, until within recent years.t Now, however, it has gene- rally been abandoned, and in its place are quitea variety of views all agreeing in this, that the book tn its present form must be assigned to the age of Antiochus Epiphanes (B.C. 175-163); and there is & growing consensus of opinion that the book as a whole belongs to that period, for the following reasons :— 1. Acquaintance with Ant. Epiphanes.—Ch. 11 shows a clear acquaintance with minor events in his reign and in those of his predecessors. In the veiled form of a revelation of the future it gives an outline of history from the time of Cyrus to near the death of Antiochus.t There are sketched the Persian pene (v.2), the rise and conquest of Alexander the Great (v.*), the dismemberment of his empire (v.‘), and then principally the varying relations of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties to each other and of the latter to the Jews (vv.>-*). Attention is called in succession to Ptolemy I. and Seleucus Nikator (v.5), Ptolemy Philadelphus and Antiochus 1. (v.°), Ptolemy Euergetes (vv.7), Antiochus the Great (vv.!°-!¥), Seleucus Philopator (v.”), and Antiochus Epiphanes (vv.7**). While, from the obscurity of the history and the difficulty of determining the meaning of the Heb. text, some references are not perfectly plain, yet it is easy to point out definitely the accessions of these sovereigns, their alliances, intrigues, campaigns, victories, defeats, bestowment of gifts, treacheries, acts of violence, and frequently untimely deaths, The older commentators regarded these details as signal examples of divine prediction; but since * The Talm. statement (Baba bathra 15), that the men of the Great Synagogue ‘wrote’ Dn, does not necessarily imply the contrary or express the idea of a later editing : it may simply mean a ‘recording’ of the book. + Porphyry, the Neo-Platonist (+ 803), wrote a treatise denying the genuineness of Daniel’s prophecy. His views are known from the Commentary of Jerome, who refutedthem. Porphyry had no followers in the Christian Church. The first systematic modern rejection of Daniel’s authorship was by Corrodi in 1783 and 1792. He was followed by Bertholdt, Eichhorn, Gesenius, Bleek, De Wette, Ewald, et al.; while the genuineness was stoutly defended by Hengstenberg, Havernick, Auberlen, Keil, Pusey, etal. Of. for history of the criticism, Bleek’s Hinlettung; Zéckler’s Comm. in the Lange Series, and Hengstenberg on Genuineness of Daniel. t Vv.40-45 are perhaps an ideal description of events which the writer expected. DANIEL, THE BOOK OF such a revelation of the future is without analogy elsewhere in Scripture, and without any apparent moral or spiritual import, this chapter or insertions in it are now allowed, even by those who regard Daniel as the author of his visions or the rest of the book, to belong to the period of Antiochus Epi- phanes.* Similar references elsewhere, however, seem to require these to be taken with their natural force, indicating the true date of the entire book, and not as later additions. In ch. 8 isa clear descrip- tion of the conquests of Alexander (vv.5*%) and the division of his e pire (vv.® 22), and of Antiochus Epiphanes (vv.®!* 4-45), ‘These appear again, acc, to the most probable interpretation (see below), in ch. 7, the fourth beast representing Alexander’s kingdom and its succession in the Seleucid dynasty (with which alone the writer here is concerned), culminating in Antiochus Epiphanes (vv.® *-), The descriptions are very exact. While the numbers of the kings, ten and three (v.™), might be taken relatively or symbolically, yet the corre- spondence to the Seleucida is so precise that these kings seem evidently meant.t The eleventh corresponds exactly to Antiochus Epiphanes. Another clear reference to this sovereign seems also to appear in 9%.¢ Thus throughout all these * Zockler in Lange’s Bibelwerk, 1869; O. H. H. Wright, Introd. to OT, 1890; Kohler, Lehrbuch der Biblischen Gesch. vol. ii. p. 545, 1893. t We do not know, of course, just how the author reckoned these eer Two main schemes have been suspere rt (Hitzig, Kuenen, Cornill, Bevan, et a.), (1) Alexander, (2) Seleucus 1. Nikator, (3) Antiochus 1. Soter, (4) Antiochus m. Theos, (5) Seleucus 11. Callinicus, (6) Seleucus 111. Oeraunus, (7) Antiochus the Great, (8) Seleucus tv. Philopator, (9) Heliodorus, (10) De- metrius 1. Soter, or an unknown elder brother ; (b) (Bert oldt Von Lengerke, Delitzsch, Meinhold, et ai.), (1) Seleucus L Nikator, (2)-(9)=(3)-(10) of (a) (10) Ptolemaus vi. Philometor. (8) (9) (10) of either AO) or (6) fulfil the conditions of the three kings put down (v.%), Seleucus rv. Philopator was assassinated (the Jews may have thought by the connivance of Ant. Epi- phanes). Heliodorus, who seized the government, was over- thrown by Antiochus; Demetrius, the rightful heir, was thrust aside, and Ptolemy, who laid claim to it, was bitterly humbled. For Demetrius, who never became king, Kuenen, after Von Gutschmidt (Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. pp. 175-179), was inclined to place an elder brother who acc, to a fragment of John of Antioch was put to death by Antiochus. } Antiochus Epiphanes, to the Jewish mind, was the incarna- tion of wickedness, arrogance, and blasphemy (cf. 1 Mac 110. 21 262, 2 Mac 97-10. 28), and every term mentioned in the above references in Dn is most epprorier to describe him and his career. The eyes (78-20) and ‘understanding dark sentences’ (828) indicate his vigilance and cunning ; ‘ the look more stout than his fellows’ and ‘ the fierce countenance’ (720 823), the terror he in- spired, and his cruelty; ‘the mouth speaking great things’. (78. 20 1136), his boastful arrogance, seen in the assumption of the title Epiphanes, ‘the illustrious’—changed to Epimanes ‘tLe mad’ by his subjects,—and the title Theos, ‘ the god,’ on some of his coins. His fearful persecution of the Jews and his suppres- sion of their laws and sacred days are clearly indicated in 725 8%, The following outline (abridged from LOT p. 4611.) gives ee leading events of his reign and the references to them in Di B.O, 176. Accession (1 Mac 119), Dn 78. 11. 20 99. 28 11 175. Jason intriguing against Onias m. procures from Antiochus the high priesthood. Rise of Hellenizing party in Jerus. (1 Mac 111-15, 2 Mac 47-22), 172 [171]. Onias m. murdered (2 Mac 432-85), Dn 926a 112%b, 171, aa expeaieen of Antiochus against Egypt (1 Mac 11619), n 4 170, 2nd expedition against Egypt (1 Mac 12), Dn 112527, Antiochus on his return plunders the temple and massacres many Jews (1 Mac 121-28, 2 Mac 511-21, Dn 89b-10, 1128), 169. 8rd expedition against Egypt. Rom. legate Popilius Lanas obliges Antiochus to retire, Polyb. xxix.1; Livy, xliv. 19, xlv. 12; Dn 1129-30a, 169-8. Fresh measures against Jerusalem. City surprised on Sabbathday. Many inhabitants slain or cap and sold as slaves. Syrian garrison placed in citadel. God-fearin, Jews flee. All practices of Jewish religion prohibited. Temple worship suspended, and, on 15 Chislev, B.c. 168, ‘the abomination of desolation’ (a small heathen altar erected on the altar of burnt-offering). Books of the law burnt, and women who had their children circum :ised pat to death (1 Mac 129-64, 2 Mac 6-7, Dn 721. 24b. 25 guir 3b, 24, 25 Q26b. 27a 1130b-32a (renegade Jews) %2b-85 (the faithful) 36-39 121.7. 11), 167. Revolt of the Maccabees (1 Mac 2), Dn re little help) 165. After victories by the Maccabees (1 Mac 428-35), temple puri DANIEL, THE BOOK OF TT DANIEL, THE BOOK OF 553 chapters there are indications of the same kind of knowledge of Antiochus and of previous history asin ch. 11, Antiochus and his persecution of the Jews and defilement of their sanctuary seem ever cot before the writer (cf. 1 Mac 1). When, owever, he touches upon a subsequent period he gives nothing which need be interpreted as refer- ring to specific historical events, but only symbolizes the general Messianic hope of Israel (2‘* 727 121#-), Hence the conclusion that chs. 7-12 belong to the age of Antiochus Epiphanes appears warranted, and then also chs. 1-6 if by the same author. Unity of Authorship has been the prevailing view among scholars of all schools.* That chs. 1-6 belong to one author is evident. Ch. 1 is a necessary introduction to the others. Without it 2'4f. and 2 would be unintelligible, and 3! requires 2; and 5! require chs. 2and 4. Ch. 6 is closely connected with the preceding ones. The visions (chs. 7-12) require an account of D.’s personality and life, and the unity of the two sections is seen from the fact that the substance of the dream of the composite image (ch. 2) is repeated in the vision of the four beasts (ch. 7), and that ‘they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men’ (2%) is evident. . a reference to the unhappy marriages of the Ptolemies and Seleucidew (11% 1”), The homi- letical or didactic purpose of each section is also the same.t 2. Historical Statements. Daniel, according to 1’, began his career as a youthful student at the Bab. court in the 3rd year of Jehoiakim, and lived at least until the 3rd year of Cyrus, i.e. from 606 or 605 to 536 or 535 8B.Cc. Within this period are men- tioned as kings of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar (2'), Belshazzar (5! ®), Darius the Mede (5%! 6% 28), and Cyrus (6%). Events are dated by the years of these kings (2! 71 8! 91 101), showing that the writer must have regarded all of them as reigning sove- reigns, and not in any way as subordinate rulers. Belshazzar is further described as the son of Nebuchadnezzar (54-18) and king of Babylon at its capture by the Medes and Persians, when (acc. to 58) he was slain and Darius received the king- dom. But history knows nothing of a Babylonian king Darius the Mede preceding Cyrus. The reigning monarchs within this period were Nebuch- adnezzar, Evil-Merodach, Neriglissar, Nabunahid, and Cyrus. No Darius reigned in Babylon until a score of years later. The person whom Belshazzar represents was undoubtedly Bil-sar-usur, son of Nabunahid and commander of the Babylonian army during the last aoe of his father’s reign (COT fi. p. 130f.). eing more active and energetic fied and public worship re-established just three years after its desecration (1 Mac 436-61), Dn 814b., 164 [163]. Antiochus dies somewhat suddenly in Persia (1 Mac 61-16, but see also Polyb. xxxi. 11), Dn 711.26 gi4b. 25 end 928b. 2b 1145, * (The explanation of 112224 is uncertain, for we do not know whether they refer to an Egyp. campaign or to conduct in Assyria. On Antiochus the student should consult J. F. Hoff- mann, Ant. Hpiph., Leipzig, 1873.) * That of Gesenius, De Wette, Bleek, Cornill, Kuenen, Driver, KGnig, et al., as well as Havernick, Hengstenberg, Keil, Pusey, Fuller, et al, Diversity of authorship has, however, been held, both by those holding the late authorship and by those regarding ‘chs. 7-12as genuine. Of the former, Bertholdt thought the book to have been written by nine authors. Strack and Meinhold regard 24>-6 as by an earlier writer, about B.c. 300. Of the latter, Sir Isaac Newton thought Daniel wrote only chs. 6-12. Kohler (Lehrbuch der biblischen Geschichte, ii. p. 537, 1893) holds that chs. 1-6 were written some time after the reign of Oyrus by the editor of chs. 7-12. + No reason is clearly perceptible why the book is partly written in Heb. and partly in Aramaic. The tollowing have been suggested: (1) Diversity of origin (Strack, Mvinhold, see fn. above); (2) portion of the original Heb. lost and rej laced by the Aram. translation (Lenormant, Bevan, Haupt); (3) the Aram. language a secret sign that the Chaldwans represented the Syrians, 7.e. Antiochus and his followers (mentioned by Konig, Hintett. p. 882) ; (4) author preferred to give the speeches of the heathen In Aram. rather than in the sacred Heb., and being more at home in that language continued to use it (Behrmanr’\ than his father, he seems to have supplanted him in tradition as sovereign. In reality, however, he was never king. This is proved by the long series of contract tablets, ‘ sion dated month by month and almost day by day from the reign of Nebuch. adnezzar to that of Xerxes,’ make no mention of an intermediate ruler between Nabunahid and Cyrus (Sayce, HC p. 528). Belshazzar also was not a son of Nebuchadnezzar even by descent, for his father, Nabunahid, belonged to a different family.* In introducing Darius the Mede the writer shows the same confused idea of the order of events as the Greek writers.t Cyrus, we now know from the cuneiform inscriptions, obtained possession of Babylon patent . During the reign of Darius (B.C. 521-486) Babylon rebelled, and Darius was obliged to besiege the city, and took it by strata- gem. In the tradition followed by Herodotus this siege is transferred to Cyrus (Her. i. 191). In Dn both the king and the siege seem to have been trans- ferred to the earlier period.t A further confusion about Darius appears in 9', where he is called the son of Ahasuerus or Xerxes. Darius I. was the father of Xerxes. Another apparently inaccurate statement is that of Nebuchadnezzar’s siege and capture of Jerus. in the 8rd year of Jehoiakim, B.c. 605 (Dn 1!). ‘he historical books relate no such event, and that it did not happen seems implied in Jer 25), and necessary from the movements of Nebuchadnezzar. Shortly after the battle of Carchemish (605) he returned to Babylon to secure his accession to the throne. The conquest of the West occupied four years more, since not until 601 or 600 did Jehoiakim begin to pay tribute (Tiele, Bab. und Assyr. Gesch. p. 425 £.).§ A class of wise men or magicians are called Chaldwans (274° 4757), ‘This signification is foreign to Assyrian and Babylonian usage, and did not arise till after the fall of the Babylonian empire’ (COT ii. p. 125). These Chaldeans are also represented as addressing Nebuchadnezzar in Aramaic (2*), which probably was not spoken then at the Bab. court, and, in no case, in the western Aramaic dialect which the writer gives.|| In 9? D. is said to have ‘understood by the books the number of the years whereof the word of the Lord came toJeremiah the prophet.’ Thisexpression * The remote possibility that B. was a grandson of N. on his mother’s side has been urged as an explanation of the author’s statements. This, however, is highly improbable, and an un- natural interpretation (cf. Bar 111f.), + They have given four different accounts of the origin of Cyrus and his relation to the last king of Media, no one of which is entirely correct (art. ‘Cyrus,’ Ency. Brit. 9th ed,). t Ch. 5 implies no peaceable surrender of Babylon, but its capture by assault or stratagem. That Darius should be called a Mede may have arisen from Is 1317, Jer 5111.28, where it is predicted that the Medes will conquer Babylon. The Medes also were allies of Cyrus, and Gebryas, to whom the city sur- rendered, and whom Cyrus placed in command, was governor of * Gutium,’ a Median province (Bettrdge z. Assyriologie, Delitzsch and Haupt, vol. ii. p. 223). The older commentators generally saw in Darius, Cyaxares it. of Xenophon’s Cyropedia. This prob- ably was the view of Jos. (Ant, x. xi. 4). But the Cyropedia is a romance, and modern hist. investigation has failed to find a place for this king. The story of festivities at the time of the fall of Babylon is given in Herodotus, i. 193. The cuneiform tablets mention a religious festival in connexion with the ac- count of the capture of Babylon, but earlier than the entrance of Cyrus or Gobryas into the city. § The writer perhaps drew his statement from a combination of 2 K 241f and 2 Ch 366, misunderstanding the three years in Kings and reckoning them from the beginning of Jehoiakim’s reign. Or by reckoning backward he may have regarded the 3rd year of Jehoiakim as the beginning of the 70 years of captivity. That the author of Dn, both here and elsewhere, does not seem to have rightly apprehended or presented recorded facts of OT history; is no more surprising than the similar variations between the statements of Kings and Ch, and esp. the departures in NT from the Heb. text. Cf. Gn 1181 121.4 (Haran) with Ac 72 (Ur), in 1u22 (70 souls) with Ae 714 (75), Gn 23 (Ephron in Hebron) with Ac 715 (Ilamor in Shechem), Ex 124’ (430 years in Egypt) with Gal 319 (430 years in Canaan and Ey pt). || The word no 1N=‘in Aramaic’ (v.4 RVm), may be a gloss So Lenormant, Bevan, Kautzsch-Marti, P. Haupt (Bk. of Dn Crit. Heb. Text, p. 16), et al DANIEL, THE BOOK O# 554 implies that the prophecies of Jer. belonged to a well-known collection of sacred books, and sug- gests (this is the prevailing interpretation) the second division of the Heb. Canon, which was formed a century or more after the Exile. See art. CANON. Thus the Bk. of Dn contains a series of historical statements which imply a misconception of the exilic period, and that their author lived consider- ably later, and may well have written during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes. 3. The Language of Dn points likewise in the same direction.* The Heb. is distinguished from that of the exilic Ezk and the immediately following Hag and Zec, and resembles more nearly that of 1 and 2 Ch written about B.c. 300, and certainly does not belong to an earlier period. The Aram. also, as far as can be determined, is of the same late date. Persian words appear in both sections, some in connexion with the description of Bab. institutions before the conquest of Cyrus (see list, LOT p.469). This indicates a period long enough after that conquest for Persian words to have become a part of the Jewish language. Three Gr. words, the names of musical instruments (o7n'p, «(@apis, flute; ponion, Yadrrhpiov, psaltery; and 35D0, ocunpovla, dulcimer or bagpipe, 3° 71°15), also occur. One of these, cun¢wvla, as the name of a musical instrument, is peculiar to late Gr., and according to Polybius was a favourite instrument with Antiochus Epiphanes (Bevan, p. 41). This evidence brings the composition of Dn to a date at least later than the conquest of Alexander, unless the supposition be made that the Gr. musical instruments had at an earlier period through channels of trade found their way into the East, and their names become domesticated in the Aram. language. This, how- ever, is unlikely.t 4. The Doctrines of Dn with respect to angels and the resurrection are the most developed in the OT. Angels have special personal names (816 9?! 103. 21 121), special ranks (1018 12'), and the guardian- ship of different countries (10% *-1), These repre- sentations go far beyond those of Ezk and Zec, and are relatively identical with those of Tobit and other Jewish writings of the Ist cent. B.c. Dn plainly teaches a personal resurrection both of the righteous and the wicked (127). This also is a decided advance upon the doctrine elsewhere in OT, and is mentioned by later Jewish tradition in con- nexion with the Maccabees (cf. 2 Mac 12), Thus, while the determination of the date of an OT writing from its religious doctrines is always a delicate procedure, yet, as far as a doctrinal de- velopment can be found in OT, the Bk. of Dn comes after all the other OT writings, and approxi- mates most closely to the Jewish literature of the Ist cent. B.C. 5. The Homiletical Purpose of the Bk. of Dn is most agreeable to the Antiochian period. The narratives in chs. 1. 3. 6 are exhortations to keep the Jewish law and to remain faithful to the worship of J”. While such teaching might be appropriate at all times, it was esp. so then in its peculiar form. The question of eating meat was at that time a test of faith. Then pious Jews ‘chose to die that they might not be defiled with food, and that they might not profane the covenant’ (1 Mac 1S) he lessons of the ‘ fiery furnace’ and the ‘lions’ den,’ chs. 3 and 6, never could have been more fitly presented than when ‘came there forth out * Delitzsch, art. ‘ Daniel,’ PR# (1878), Driver, LOT pp. 469-476 (1891); Konig, Einleit. § 80 (1893); Bevan, Com. pp. 26-42 (1892); Behrmann, Komm. pp. i-x (1894). + Additional evidence in language appears also in the proper names Nebuchadnezzar 11, Belteshazzar 17, and Abed-Nego 17, since their spelling and formation show a lack of acquaintance with the angusee and gods of Babylon during the Exile (COT ii, 124ff.; Sayce, HCH p. 532) DANIEL, THE BOOK OF — of Isr. transgressors of the law, and persuaded many, saying, Let us go and make a covenant with the nations that are round about us’ (1 Mac 14), and when Antiochus commanded the worship of foreign deities on pain of death (1 Mae 14°), The stories of the humbling of Nebuch. (ch. 4) and the fall of Belshazzar (ch. 5) would also be fraught with par- ticular consolation when Israel was oppressed by the heathen. The visions (chs. 7-12), whatever view is taken of their date, are universally acknowledged to have been primarily designed for consolation during the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, 6. The External History of the Bk. of Dn likewise favours its composition at the time of Antiochus. There is no evidence in any OT or Apocr, writing of its earlier existence. The testimony of Josephus, written near the close of the Ist cent. A.D., that the book was shown to Alexander the Great (Ant. XI. vili.5), prob. represents only a Jewish legend, and historically is of no decisive value. The earliest possible reference is in the Sibylline Verses, iii. 388 ff. (about-B.c. 140), where there may be an allusion to Antiochus Epiphanes and the ten horns (Dn 77-4; Schiirer, HJP div. ii. vol. iii. p. 280). The next reference is 1 Mac 2° where Matthias is reported in his dying exhortation to have said ‘that Hananiah, Azariah, and Mishael believed and were saved out of the flame. Daniel for his innocency was delivered from the mouth of lions.’ While this might simply indicate a knowledge of these stories, it is probable that the author of 1 Mac (about B.c. 100), who evidently composed the speech of Matthias, was acquainted with our book. Krom this period on there are abundant evidences of its being well known. Its influence is very appreciable in NT, esp. in Rev, but it is only once directly mentioned (Mt 241),* The place of the Bk. of Dn among the Hagio- grapha favours also its late composition. If it had been written during the Exile, notwithstanding its apocalyptic character, it naturally would have been placed among the Prophets. The Conclusion, then, in favour of the Maccabean date, in view of this accumulation of concurrent facts, seems abundantly warranted. The exact date of composition is usually placed within the year B.C. 165. The ‘abomination of desolation,’ 168, is clearly before the writer, and also the Maccabzean uprising in 167, but not the r--dedica- tion of the temple in Dec. 165, and the ueath of Antiochus in 163. The great difficulty, of course, in assigning the Bk. of Dn to the late date is the fact that chs. 7-12 are represented as revelations of the future given to Daniel during the Exile. But this difficulty vanishes the moment one considers how prevailing in OT and among Jewish writers was the custom of representing present messages as given in the ast through ancient worthies. . Thus the law of eut. is given as though spoken by Moses in the land of Moab, and the legislation of P as though revealed to Moses in the wilderness. The Bk. of Eccles. is written as the experience of Solomon. While in 2 Es, Bar, the Bk. of Enoch, and the Jewish Apocalypses generally, this method of com- position is abundantly illustrated, and was evi- ently a favourite one with the devout and pious of the centuries immediately preceding and fol- lowing Christ. ; Assigning the entire book to the Maccabean period, destroys, it is true, the hist. reliability of chs. 1-6. These chapters must be regarded as a species * This passage, like other similar NT ones, reflects the Jewish opinion of the Ist cent. a.p., but has no further weight in deciding the question of authorship. Christ or the writer of the Gospel naturally expressed himself according to this opinion for we have no reason to believe that the Divine Spirit ever led either of them to instruct or correct their contemporaries om questions of literary and historical criticism. DANIEL, THE BOOK OF of the later Jewish Haggada, or method of incul- cating moral and spiritual lessons by tales of the imagination. Here, again, we meet with striking parallels in the OT Bk. of Jonah and in the Apocr. stories of Tobit and Judith. A quasi defence of chs. 1-6 is frequently made on the ground that the writer used authentic written material of the Exile which he revised. This, of course, is possible, but it is a mere hypothesis, and it is more probable that his material was only traditions or tales.* The view which has been presented of the Bk. of Dn doubtless will appear to some to destroy its religious value and render it unworthy of a place within the sacred Canon. No one, however, under the modern view can read the book without being taught lessons of sublime faith, and having a firmer assurance of the ultimate triumph of the kixgdom of God. The book has in the past been »lessed as an instrument of the Holy Spirit for the strengthening of the Church, and, interpreted in the light of its real origin, this will continue and be enhanced. Great difficulties in receiving its lessons will be removed, and the Church will be spared endless profitless discussion and exegesis necessi- tated by the old view.+ ii. THE INTERPRETATION.—The Bk. of Dn con- tains three representations of the world’s history more or less closely related to each other, which, nips their interpretations, may be outlined as follows :— Ch. 2 Ch. 7 4.Golden=The lion head Silver =The bear breast Dad dated ANd gad 8 = Babylonian Empire. =The ram = The he-goat= Grecian ” =Medo-Persian ,, g Iron legs=The fourth beast and iron = Roman and clay * An argument often repeated reste on the assertion that the whole colouring and character of the book are Oriental and esp. Babylonian, impossible to an age so unfamiliar with them as the Maccabwxan, and reference is made to the colossal image, the fiery furnace, the martyr-like boldness of the three con- fessors, the decree of Darius, the lions’ den, the dreams of Nebuch., and his demands of the Chaldwans, etc. (Fuller, art. ‘Daniel,’ Smith, DB2). Such a view had the countenance and authority of Lenormant (La Divination, pp. 169-267). The truth is, however, that the Bk. of Dn contains no allusions to Bab. customs which might not have been known toa Jewish writer of the 2nd cent. B.c. (who even might have visited Babylon), or have been preserved in the tales from which he drew his material; while, on the other hand, there are the statements already given which seem to prove the author’s real lack of acquaintance with Babylon during the Exile. In addition to these may be mentioned the statement of Daniel's appoint- ment as ‘chief governor over all the wise men of Babylon’ (248). This, owing to the exclusiveness of Bab. sacred caste, even Lenormant regarded as impossible, and hence held the words “all the wise men’ to be an interpolation. Indeed, Lenormant’s or any similar theory of the composition of the book (t.e. an early work thoroughly revised in the Greek period) is worthless for a defence either of the truth of its narrative or of its genuineness, because the line of separation between the carly and late contents cannot be determined. The account of Nebuchadnezzar’s in- sanity (ch. 4) has been thought to receive confirmation by a rege Ap in a fragment of the historian Abydenus (preserved in bius, Prep. Evang. ix. 41). The story relates that Nebuch. on the roof of his palace was inspired by some god or other, and announced the future calamities of Babylon and then suddenly vanished. In this announcement there is a wish that the author of these calamities might be driven into the desert where the wild beasts seek their food, and wander among the mountains and rocks alone. The similarity between this and the biblical narrative is not very great, and yet enough or to show that the same story originally was the basis of each (Bevan, p. 87 ff. ; Schrader, J PT’, 1881, pp. 618-629). + The following from Farrar is worthy of quotation in this connexion; ‘ Though I am compelled to regard the Bk. of Dn as a work which in its present form first saw the Hens in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, and though I believe that its six mag- nificent opening chapters were never meant to be regarded in any other light than that of moral and religious Haggadoth, et no words of mine can exaggerate the value which I attach os this part of our Canonical Scriptures. The book, as we shall see, has exe: ® powerful influence over Christian conduct and Christian thought. Its right to a place in the Canon is DANIEL, THE BOOK OF Ch. 2 Oh. 7 B. eee on 555 Oh. 8 = BabylonianEmpire =Medo-Persian ,, = The he-goat= Macedonian ,, = The ram B razen=The leopard belly and thighs Iron legs=The fourth and iron beast and clay feet . Golden=The lion head Silver =The bear AS ds Tent razen= = belly and se thighs Iron legs=The fourth and iron and clay feet The parallelism between the composite image (ch. 2) and the four beasts (ch. 7) shows that they were designed to represent the same world-powers. In this interpreters are generally agreed. The historic fact that after the fall of the Bab. kingdom there was no distinct Median kingdom, but Media was united to Persia, naturally gave the interpretation of Medo-Persian to the silver breast and the bear, and such a united kingdom appeared in the two- horned ram of ch. 8. The brazen belly and thighs and the leopard then well symbolized the Grecian kingdom of Alexander and his successors, who ace. to ch. 8 were represented by the he-goat. While the legs of iron and feet of iron and clay and the fourth beast with the ten horns, in connexion with which appeared the final everlasting kingdom (2“ 7%"), would represent the Roman Empire in whose days the Christ appeared. Elsewhere, both in OT and NT, there were indications of great wars and dis- tress, and even an Antichrist to precede the final consummation of the kingdom of J”. Hence the interpretation A was most plausible, and became almost universal in the early Jewish and the Christian Church.* The prevailing modern interpretation is C (B has had few advocates). _The reasons for the adoption of C are as follows: Whatever may have been the facts of history, the author does distinguish between the Median and Persian kingdoms. After the Babylonian he places the Median represented in the reign of Darius (5° 6! 91), who has the position of an independent and absolute sovereign, and then follows the reign of Cyrus the Persian (6% 10!), A Medo-Persian kingdom could scarcely have been designated by the writer as inferior to Nebuchad- nezzar or the Babylonian (2%), while this would aptly describe the short-lived Median of his scheme. This kingdom seems also well represented in the bear (75). The kingdom of brass which shall rule over all the earth (2**), or the leopard to which dominion was given (7°), with its four wings = Syrian = Babylonian Empire. = Median Ve = Persian » = The he-goat= Grecian undisputed and indisputable, and there is scarcely a single book of the OT which can be more richly profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God may be complete, completely furnished to every ood work. Such religious lessons . . are not in the slightest Aseece impaired by those results of archwological discovery and criticism which are almost universally accepted by the scholars of the Continent and many of our chief English critics. Finally unfavourable to authenticity, they are yet in no way derogatory to the preciousness of this OT Apocalypse’ (Bk. of Dan. p. 3 f.). * Indeed it is difficult to see how a different interpretation could have been given according to the prevailing exegesis which ignored the original historical situation and meaning of OT prophecies, and sought some fulfilment agreeable to the actual history or expected future of the Church. Christ had applied to His second coming the words of Dn 713 (Mk 1326 1462), hence His parousia was regarded as preceded by the little horn of v.8 which thus became the Antichrist. Many commentators sought hist. kingdoms to represent the 10 horns, and since the Refor- mation the papal power has very often been regarded as the Antichrist. The numbers three, four, and ten have also been freq. interpreted symbolically (so Briggs, Mess. Proph. § 105). 556 DANIEL, THE BOOK OF representing rapid and successive conquests, and with its four heads (corresponding to the four kings of 117), symbolizes particularly well the Persian kingdom which advanced so widely and rapidly under Cyrus and Cambyses, and weed dominion was so great under Darius 1. and his successors. It must also be noted that the two horns of 8°, one of which comes up last, which are interpreted as the kings of Media and Persia (8), can as well represent two successive kingdoms, the power of one of which entered into the other, as one consoli- dated empire. The fourth kingdom of the image, which shall be strong as iron and break in pieces and crush (2), and the beast terrible and powerful with great iron teeth, that devoured and brake in pieces and stamped the residue with his feet (77), seem identical with the he-goat of furious power (8°-7) interpreted as Alexander (871). The feet, part of clay and part of iron (2), represent well the successors of Alexander, often ‘externally allied but inwardly disunited’ ; and the ten toes (2) seem to be reproduced in the ten horns, which fitly represent the Seleucid (see footnote, p. 552). The mingling of the seed seems to refer to the futile endeavours of the Ptolemies and Seleucidee to form stable alliances by marriages (cf. 1117"), But the clear description of Antiochus Epiphanes in the little horn ('7® 2° 4.) is decisive for the modern inter- ehaoehest The introduction of the Messianic ingdom immediately in connexion with or follow- ing events of the author’s own time, is fully in accord with other OT representations. Isaiah places the advent of the Messianic king in immediate con- nexion with a deliverance from Assyr. op ression (Is 86-97 10-11), likewise Micah (5*°); and Deutero-Isaiah blends in one picture the release and restoration from Bab. captivity, and the final consummation of the divine peiren for Israel. The same principle is illustrated in Christ’s eschato- logical discourse in Mt 24, Corresponding with the interpretations of the four beasts are those of ‘one like unto a son of man’ (71), The prevailing Christian and Jewish interpretation has referred these words to the Messiah. In favour of this view is their application by Christ to Himself (Mt 26%, Mk 14, Lk 22%, cf. k 13%, Lk 2177, Mt 167, Lk 12” 188, Rev 14% et al.), and the repeated designation of Christ in NT by the term ‘the Son of Man.’ The Bk. of Enoch applies the same expression to the Messiah (46'¢ 481-8 625-9 6978-29), * aad this is the general exposition of our passage by the Jewish Rabbins, also in the Talm. (Sanh. p. 98, col. 1). A growing modern view, however, finds in 7!* a symbolization of the kingdom of Israel, and this probably was the in- tention of the writer. The expression ‘son of man’ (Aram, #}x 13= Heb. 07x73) ace. to a common Heb. idiom is synonymous for man or one of mankind (cf. Ps 84, Ezk 2} 31-410 17 e¢ qJ.), and stands here evidently for one in human form representing Israel, in contrast with the beasts symbolizing the heathen powers. A striking paralle occurs in Ps 80, where in v.7 ‘son of man’ symbolizes Israel, and ‘the boar’ v.43 the heathen. The interpretation in v.” seems also decisive for this view. a he kingdom is iven to ‘ the people of the saints of the Most High ; is (the people's) kingdom isan everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him (the people).’ Again, no other possible similar Messi- anic allusion appears elsewhere in Daniel. The ‘coming with the clouds of the heaven’ is in evident contrast to the heathen kingdoms ‘rising out of the sea’ (7%). The latter appearance is fig., indicating earthly origin ; the former indicates then, by parallelism, a source in the special power of “The references given from the Bk. of Enoch are by some regarded as belonging to a Christian addition to the original Jewish work (see art. ENocH, Book oF). DANIEL, THE BOOK OF —_— God, just as the stone cut out of the mountain without hands (2% 45) stands in contrast to the image, an evidently human or earthly product. That later writers, esp. those of the NT, should find in this passage a direct allusion to the Messiah, is in exact accord with their interpretation of other OT figures which primarily denote mankind or Israel (cf. Ps 8** and He 2%, Hos 11! and Mt 235, Gn 127 and Gal 3" e al.). iii. THE ‘TIMES’ OF DANIEL (7% 814 924-27 1911. 12) are difficult of interpretation. They are mainly an endeavour under the Antiochian persecution to answer the anxious thought and piercing cry, ‘Lord, how long? When wilt Thou restore the kingdom to Israel? When will the Messianic hope be realized?’ They express the thought that the time of the fulfilment of the divine promise is very near at hand. The glorious assurances of Ia 40-66 had never been realized. The Jews, in their pitiful poverty and national smallness, and above all in this hour of persecution, seemed still in their captivity, still within the period of the seventy years mentioned by Jeremiah (Jer 29"), and an explanation of their duration and the announce- ment of their end is the evident endeavour of our author in 974-27, Of the weeks subdivided into 7 + 62 + 1 (97-97), asin the case of the image (ch. 2), and the four beasts (ch. 7), there are two main interpretations differin, generally according to the view taken of the Bk. o Dn as a whole, or esp. according to the historical and prophetic references in (a) ‘the anointed one, the prince’ (5), (b) ‘the anointed one cut off’ (788), (c) the destruction (7%), (d) the maker of the covenant (7), (e) the desolation (7). The pre- vailing view in the past in the Christian Church has seen in (a) (6) and (d) the Messiah, and in (c) and (e) the destruction of Jerus. by Titus, 70 A.D. The view received at present, agreeably to the Maccabzean date of Dn, refers (a) to Cyrus (cf. Ie 451), (6) to Onias m1. (2 Mac 4%), (d@) to Antiochus Epiphanes, (c) and (e) to the havoc and desolation wrought by Antiochus at Jerusalem. In the case of both interpretations a week has usually been held to represent seven years, but a difficulty has always been experienced in fixing the termini, and the various solutions pre for adjusting the 49+ 434+7 years have been almost endless. The more prevailing one, in the old view, places the advent of Christ at the end of 69 weeks (v.2 AV and RVm), and refers the commandment to the decree of the 7th year of Artaxerxes, B.C. 457 or 458 (cf. Ezr 755), and then 483 yrs. later is A.D. 25 or 26, the date usually assigned for Christ’s baptism, which, from His anointing with the Holy Spirit, might represent His proper Messianic advent (Pusey, Lect. IV.). This view and other similar ones presented by those holding the genu- ineness of the Bk. of Dn contain their own refu- tation, for the termini a quo must be later than the period of the prophet, who would have died many years at the latest before the commencement of the 490 years or the 70 weeks B.C., and such a date could not have been taken as the basis of his reckoning, unless the history of Israel after his death had been revealed to him in detail. Under the other view the natural interpretation would be as follows: To the decree of Cyrus seven weeks (v.*), 3.c. 586-49=537. From this decree the he stands rebuilt during 62 weeks of 434 years, but after this period (v.%) the anointed priest Onias III. shall be cut offin B.C. 171 (¢.e. 537 — 434=103. This should be 171; see below). During the next seven years, the last week (v.%*), occur the havoc and ruin wrought by Antiochus. The sacrifice ceased, and the heathen altar was set up in the sanctuary. The latter event was in Dec. 168 (1 Mac 1%); but the former, with the terrible DANIEL, THE BOOK OF ruin and slaughter (1 Mac 1%-), occurred probabl some monthsearlier. The temple was re-dedicate in Dec. 165 (1 Mac 452), These three years and some months represent the half week of the ceasin of the oblation, mentioned in the time, times, an half a time (7%), in the 2300 evenings and mornings (814), t.e. 1150 days, and in the 1290 days (12!) and the 1835 days (122). The representations, of course, are not exact, i.e. the number of days exceed in each instance 34 years, or half a week. Did we know all the circumstances of the times, we might see a clear solution, or possibly the author designed an enigmatic surplus or remainder to be inter- preted only through the future course of events, even as he had endeavoured to interpret the 70 weeks. In the above interpretation the actual period between the decree of Cyrus and the death of Onias is shorter than the 62 weeks, t.e. 366 years instead of 434. This probably has arisen from the defective chronology of the writer. He placed the reign of Cyrus too early * (Bevan, Cornill, Schiirer). Owing to the great difficulty of aes Sat con- sistent explanation of the ‘times’ of Dn, many writers have regarded the numbers as entirely symbolical. iv. VERSIONS.—The LXX text of Dn has been preserved only in one MS, Codex Chisianus, which cannot be older than the 9th cent., and is jeter 8 much later (Bevan). In place of the LXX the Greek VS of Theodotion was used (even by Irenzus, +202). There is no Targ. on Daniel. The follow- ing diagram (from Behrmann, a xxx) shows ten- tatively the relation of the S to the original text and to each other :— Original Text (164 B.0.) Text with glosses. en. (a 100 2.0). Heb. Archetype (e. 185 ray A Jerome. Theodotion (c. 150 a.D.). Tetraplar Text (0. 220 a.p.). Massoretic Text 8 (700-800 A.p.). oA . Trans. Paul v. Tella (617 A.D.). Codex Chisianus (11th cent.). vy. ADDITIONS.—Thereare three Apocr. additions to Dn: (1) The Song of the Three Children, pre- eeded by the Sag ts of Azarias, in LXX and Vulg. at 3%; (2) The Story of Susanna, in Vulg. ch. 13, in LXX a separate book (?); (3) The Story of Bel and the Dragon, in Vulg. ch. 14, in LXX a separ- ate book (?). (See sep. artt.) ‘Lrrerarurm.—The literature on Daniel is exceedingly voiuminous. ‘On no other book’ (says O. H. H. Wright) ‘has so much worthless matter been written in the shape of exegesis.’ The most poem Commentaries are those of Bertholdt, 1806-8; Von Lengerke, 1835; Hivernick, 1832; Hitzig (Kg/. * Josephus fell into a similar error, aleo the Jewish Hellenist, Demetrius (Schiirer, HJP u. vol. iii. p. 53 f.). 557 DARDA Hndb.), 1850; Stuart, 1850; Ewald (Proph. d. AB), 1867, Eng. tr., 1881; Keil, 1869, Eng. tr., 1872; Zéckler (Lange’s Bibel werk), 1870, Eng. tr. and add. by Strong, 1876 ; Fuller (Speaker's Com.), 1876 ; Meinhold (Kgf. Kom.), 1889; Bevan, 1892; Behr- mann (Hand-Kom.), 1894 ; Farrar (Wapositor’s Bible), 1896. Special Treatises and Articles. —Hengstenberg, Beitrdge, 1831, Eng. tr., 1848; Tregelles, Defence of Authenticity, 1852; Auberlen, Der Prophet Daniel und Offenbarung Johannes 1854-57, Eng. tr., 1857; Pusey, Dan. the Prophet, 1864, 3rd ed, 1869; Fuller, Hssay on the Authenticit Daniel, 1864 ; Lenormant, La Divination chez les Chald. (pp. 169-236), 1875 ; Cornill, ‘Die Siebzig Jahrwochen Daniels,’ in Theol. Stud. u. Skizzen, 1889; Schrader, ‘Die Sage vom Wahnsinn Nebuch.’ J PT, 1881; Kamphausen, ‘ Das Buch Daniel,’ in Neu. Geschichts- Sorschung, 1893; Margoliouth in Kawpos. Apr. 1890; Fuller in Expos. 8rd series, vols. i, and ii.; Sayce, HC. (Pp. 495-537), 1893 ; saat Proph. of Dan. Expounded, 1893; O. Bruston, tudes sur Dan. et Apoc. 1896. In add. to these works, the student will find valuable material on Dn in Kamphausen’s Daniel in Haupt’s OT, in the O7' Intro- ductions of Cornill, Driver, Konig, Strack, et al., and the OT Theologies of Dillmann, Schultz, Smend, et al., and the Messianic or OT Prophecies of Briggs, Delitzsch, Hofmann (Weissagung u. Erfillung), Orelli, Riehm, et a/., andin the Histories of Israel or the Jews of Ewald, Gratz, Kohler, Kittel, Stade, Schiirer, et al. See also art. APOORYPHA. E, L. CurtIs. DAN-JAAN.—Joab and his officers in taking the census came ‘to Dan-jaan and round about to Zidon’ (sv ¥-ON 3°39) Jw! 733), 2S 24%. No such place is mentioned anywhere else in OT, and it is pears. assumed that the text is corrupt. It as indeed been proposed to locate Dan-jaan at a ruin N. of’ ckab w ich is said to bear the name Khan Dénidn; but this identification, although accepted by Conder, has not made headway. The reference is more probably to the city of Dan which appears so frequently as the northern limit of the kingdom. Three leading emendations of the text have been proposed. (1) Wellhausen (Sam. ad loc.) instead of the MT 2°39) ;y: would read 31229 q79) (‘They came to Dan) and from Dan they went about.’ This is accepted by Driver (Sam. ad loc., cf. Deut. p. 421), Budde (in Haupt’s O7), Kittel (in Kautzsch’s AT). (2) Klostermann would read 127) fy)... ‘and to Ijon and they went about.’ Ijon and Dan are associated in 1 K 15” (cf. 2 K 159), (8) Gesenius would change jy: into a... ‘to Danin the wood’ (cf. Vulg. stlvestria). After els Adv LXX reads, B Eldav cal Ovddv, A "Tapav xat’Iovddy. This does not help us much, but Wellh. points out that it indicates at least that the translators found }7 twice in their text and had a verb in place of 3°20. J. A. SELBIE. DANNAH (-77), Jos 15%.—A town of Judah mentioned next to Debir and Socoh. It was clearly in the mountains S.W. of Hebron, probably the present Jdhnah. This place is noticed in the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Jedna) as six Roman miles from Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin). It is now a small village on the W. slopes. See SWP, vol. iii. sheet xxi. LXX has Pevyd. C. R. CONDER. DAPHNE (Ad¢vn).—A place mentioned in 2 Mac 43 to which Onias withdrew for refuge, but from which he was decoyed by Andronicus and treacher- ously slain. Its site, which has been identified with the mod. Beit el-M4, or House of Waters, is laced by Strabo and the Jerus. Itinerary at a a eatahioe of 40 stadia, or about 5 miles, from Antioch. This grove, which owed its establish- ment to Seleucus Nikator, was famous for ita fountains, its temple in honour of Apollo and Diana, its oracle, and its right of asylum. (See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. xxiii.) R. M. Boyp. DARA, 3731 Ch 28, Adpa AB; but codd. Heb., Luc. Aapadé, Pesh., Targ. presuppose y77] DARDA (which see). DARDA (ym3, Aapadd B, Aapad A, Aapdaé Luc. )— Mentioned with Ethan the Ezrahite, Heman, and Calcol as a son of Mahol, and a proverbial type of — 558 DARIC wisdom, but yet surpassed by Solomon (1 K 4#!). In 1 Ch 2) apparently the same four (Dara is prob- ably an error for Darda. See DARA) are men- tioned with Zimri as sons of Zerah, the son of Judah by Tamar (Gn 38%). So Targ. in 1 K 43! interprets ‘the Ezrahite’ as nv 12 ‘the son of Zerah.’? This statement of Ch need not conflict with that of K, ‘sons of Mahol,’ since Zerah, as is suggested by the title ‘the Ezrahite,’ may have been the remoter ancestor, Mahol the immediate father, See MAHOL. C. F. BURNEY. DARIC.—See MONEY. *“DARIUS (71, Aapefos).—1. Darius, the son of Hystaspes (Vistashpa), written Darayavaush in Old Persian, was the true founder of the Persian empire. The usurpation of the crown by the Magian Gaumdata, who pretended to be Smerdis the brother of Cambyses, had thoroughly shaken the empire of Cyrus, and the murder of the usurper by Darius and six others (B.C. 521) caused it to break up. The nations of which it was composed revolted under different pretenders, and had to be reconquered and reorganized by Darius. The history of all this is given in the trilingual inscrip- tion he caused to be engraved on the rock of Behistun (Bagistana). First Susiana rebelled under Atrina, then Babylon under Nidinta-Bel, who pretended to be Nebuchadrezzar, son of Nabo- nidus. Contract-tablets show that the latter pre- tender reigned from October B.c. 521 to August B.C, 520, when Babylon was taken and Nidinta-Bel himself put to death. Next came the revolts of Martiya in Susiana; of Phraortes in Media, who ealled himself Khshathrita, descendant of Uvakh- shatara; of the Armenians; of Chitrantakhma in Sagartia, who said he was a descendant of Uvakh- shatara; of Phraortes in Parthia and Hyrcania, where Hystaspes was satrap ; of Frada in Margiana ; of a second false Smerdis in Persia itself; and of the Armenian Arakha, son of Khaldita, in Babylon, who professed to be Nebuchadrezzar, the son of Nabonidus. But the revolts were all suppressed and the leaders impaled, though many months of hard fighting were needed for the work. D. ascribes all his successes to the help of Ahuramazda (Ormazd), the supreme god of the Zoroastrian faith. He now set about the organization of the empire, which he placed under a bureaucracy centralized in himself. The provinces were governed by satraps appointed by the king, and each province was required to furnish the royal treasury with a fixed amount of annual tribute. Justice was adminis- tered by royal judges who went on circuit. The second revolt of Babylon probably took place in B.C. 514, as no Bab. contract-tablets have been found dated in the seventh year of Darius, and after its suppression a part of the walls of the city were pulled down. Soon afterwards Darius over- came Iskunka the Sakian or Scyth, and hencefor- ward the Sakians formed part of the Persian army. The expedition against the Scyths.of Europe was still later. Darius crossed the Danube near Ismail by a bridge constructed by the Ionians, who had already performed the same service in the case of the Bosphorus, and, leaving it in charge of the Ionian ‘tyrants,’ he marched eastward to the Don. Fight fortresses were built on the banks of the Oarus (probably the Volga), and Darius then returned through a desert country to the Danube, harassed by the Scyths. Histizus of Miletus saved his army by dissuading the Greeks from destroying the bridge. Histiveus was afterwards the indirect cause of the Ionian revolt, which led to the burning of Sardis by the Athenians, and the determination of Darius to punish Athens and annex Greece. Thrace and Macedonia had already submitted. DARIUS Mardonius, the son of Gobryas, was sent against Attica; but his ships were wrecked off Mount Athos, and he was compelled to return. Another army was despatched accordingly the following year. Eretria was pillaged; but the Persian host was utterly defeated by the Athenians at Marathon (B.C. 491), and compelled to retreat. Darius now fitted out another.expedition on a larger scale, but just as it was ready to start Egypt revolted. D. had already explored the Indian Ocean. Skylax of Karyandria sailed down the Indus, and, after a voyage of thirty months, reached Suez. One of the results of the expedition was the sub- jugation of the Indians. The Egyptian revolt was followed by the death of the king, B.c. 486. He had married the daughter of Gobryas in early life, and Artobarzanes, his eldest son by her, was not allowed to succeed him, as he had been born while Darius was still a private citizen. After his accession he married Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Cambyses and of the pseudo-Smerdis, as well as Parmys the daughter of Smerdis, and Phedyma the daughter of Otanes. Xerxes, his son by Atossa, was his successor to the crown. It was in the reign of Darius that the second temple of Jerusalem was finished. The work had languished till the second year of his reign, when Haggai and Zechariah excited Zerubbabel, ‘the governor of Judah,’ and the high priest Joshua to undertake it afresh (Ezr5!f). This made Tattenai, the Persian governor of Syria, inquire by what authority they acted (v.3#-). On being told that it was a decree of Cyrus, he wrote to Darius, who had search made for the decree, which was found in the palace of Ecbatana. Darius caused it to be pub- lished, and added that money for the building should be given out of the revenue of the province, as well as cattle and other things for the temple services, ‘that they may offer sacrifice ... and pray for the life of the king and of his sons.’ Accordingly, the temple was completed on the 8rd of Adar. in the sixth year of Darius (61), According to Josephus (Ant. XI. 1. 3), whose narra- tive rests on chs. 2 and 3 of 1 Es, the goodwill of Darius towards the Jews went back to the time when he was a private individual, and had vowed that if he became king he would restore the sacred vessels to the temple of Jerusalem. He and Zerubbabel were old friends, and, after the return of the Jewish prince from Jerusalem, Darius made him one of his bodyguard. In this capacity Zerubbabel was called on to amuse the king one night when he was sleepless, in the first year of his reign, by determining the relative strength of ‘wine, kings, women, and truth.’ His explanation that truth was the strongest pleased Darius, who promised to grant whatever he asked. He therefore re- minded the king of his promise to build Jerusalem and its temple, and Darius thereupon did all he could to further the work, giving fifty talents towards it, and relieving the Jews of all taxation. 2. DARIUS the Persian (Neh 1222). Which king of Persia is meant is uncertain. Some commen- tators have supposed it to be Darius If. (Nothus) B.C. 423-404, but it was more probably Darius Ill, (Codomannus), the last king of Persia} and the contemporary of the high priest Jaddua, who is mentioned in the same verse. Darius Ifl. reigned from B.C. 386 to 330, when he was — overthrown by Alexander of Macedon in the © decisive battle of Arbela, and the Persian empire destroyed. 8. DAkius in 1 Mae 127 AV is a false reading for the Lacedemonian Areus. See ARIUS. 4 DAk1lUs the Mede.—See next article. Lrrpraturs.—Spiegel, Die altpersischen Keilinschriften (8st). A. H. SAYCE. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner's Sons DARIUS THE MEDE DARKNESS DARIUS THE MEDE (20 e132 Dn 111, Aram. wryp ‘3 (Kethibh), msyp ‘1 (Keré) 6! (Eng. 5%), the son of Ahasuerus (= Xerxes), ‘of the seed of the Medes’ (9'), is said (5%!) to have succeeded to the Bab. ean after Belshazzar’s violent death, and to have been 62 years old when he ‘received the eee His first year only is mentioned (5°! 11). Who this D. was, is difficult to ascertain with certainty. Besides other ailneed D. the Mede has been identified with (1) Cyaxares II., the son and successor of Astyages (Jos. Ant. X. xi. 4), but no proof is given to support this theory ; (2) Darius Hystaspis; (3) Astyages himself; but all these identifications seem quite untenable. It is true that D. Hystaspis conquered Babylon, but that was some thirty years later. Besides this, he was a Persian, not a Mede; and he was about thirty-six years old, not sixty-two, when he began to core The passage in Dn 5* where he is described as having received the kingdom (RV) leads one to ask whether, in spite of the title of king which is given to him (6%7 etc.), he may not have been really governor only. In the Gr. historians and in the as. Chronicle the name of D. the Mede does not occur, he who preceded Cyrus to Babylon, on the occasion of the siege and capture of that city, being Gobryas, who may thus be regarded as having ‘received the kingdom for him.’* Gobryas, like Darius the Mede (6'), appointed governors in Babylon, and seems also to have been in the attack which resulted in Belshazzar’s death (Bab. Chronicle, Rev. col. i. 1. 22). It will thus be seen that Cyrus gave great power to Gobryas, who was, in fact, his viceroy.t Apparently, therefore, the later Jewish writers looked’ upon Bes as hay- ing as much authority as Belshazzar, whom they regarded likewise as king, though he does not appear ever to have reigned. The confusion of the names of D. the Mede and Gobryas of Gutium (he being governor of that place, which is regarded as having included a part of Media), may have been due to the scribes, who, being more familiar with the Gr. form of the name of D. (the end of which, when carelessly pronounced, bears a certain resemblance to that of Gobryas in that language) than with the Heb. form Daryawesh, wrote one name for the other; and there is also the possi- bility that one of Gobryas’ names was Darius,t which would account for the mistake. Under these circumstances we must accept, until further proof, the explanation, that D. the Mede was no other than Gobryas of Gutium, who, being practi- cally viceroy, may have been regarded as kin during the absence of Cyrus from Babylon, an who, under the name of D. the Mede, by which he was known to the Hebrews later on, conquered and entered Babylon on the 16th Tammuz, called Daniel to the very high dignity of ‘one of the three presidents who were placed over the hundred and twenty satraps,’ and issued a decree, after Daniel’s miraculous deliverance, enjoining ‘ rever- ence for the God of Daniel’ throughout his dominions. Josephus gets rid of all difficulties Booeee) by the title of -‘ xing which is given to . the Mede in Daniel, by explaining that he took Daniel the prophet with him into Media, and that it was there that he appointed him one of the three presidents whom he set over his ‘three hundred and sixty’ provinces. According to this *He brought the army of Oyrus to Babylon on the 16th Tammuz, Oyrus arriving nearly four months later, on the 3rd Marcheshvan. + It is noteworthy that Xenophon (Cyrop. N. 6) says that Gobryas was ‘a man in years.’ ¢ Jos. (Ant. x. xi. 4, says that Darius (the Mede), whom he represents as the kinsman of Cyrus, ‘had another name among the Greeks,’ Apparently, the name of Gobryas was present to his mind when he wrote this. authority, therefore, D. the Mede was in fact never ruler of Babylonia.* I. A. PINCHES. DARKNESS (Heb. qh and 55k [and their cog- nates], n'y, 22qy, Gr. oxéros, cxorla, fddos), Besiles its literal meaning, darkness is frequently used in Scrip. metaphorically. Since God is light, because the perfect embodiment of rational and moral truth, and since the knowledge of Him is man’s light, darkness is the natural antithesis of these ideas. Hencein OT it is emblematic of nothingness (Job 3* 5-6) ; more freq. it is equivalent to death (Job 107}. 22 1525 1712-13, 1] § 29, Ec 118 etc.), and to the un- known or undiscovered (Job 1272 28%, Is 45% etc.). So, too, it is the emblem of mysterious affliction, and of the ignorance and frailty of human life (2S 22) Job 19° 23", Ps 1878 107!% 14 Is 92 99}8 427. 16 etc.) ; of moral depravity (Is 5” 60?, Pr 21%), and of confusion and destruction visited on the wicked (Job 5! 15% 2076, Ps 825, Pr 419 20”, Is 822 59°, Ee 24, Jer 2° ete.). It is also the symbol of that which causes terror and distress (Gn 15}, Is 58 475, La 32, Ezk 328 etc.). ‘Since, moreover, God is incomprehensible, His ways mysterious, and His quagments severe, darkness is sometimes associated with His operations in providence (Ps 18°. 1), in punishing (Am 518, Zeph 175), and in His self-manifestations generally (Ps 973, 1 K 81, 2 Ch 6!), even as the guiding ‘pillar’ was light to Israel but darkness to the Egyptians (Ex 14”), and Sinai was covered with dark clouds when J” descended on it (Ex 207, Dt 41 5%, Heb 12%). In NT darkness is prevailingly the emblem of sin as a state of spiritual ignorance and moral depravity (Mt 41° 6%, Lk 17 11% 2253, Jn 15 319 8! eae ve 263 Ro 2!7134) 1 Cor45) 2'Co 6", Eph 5® 1 612, Col 23,1 Th 54 5,1 P 291 Jn 15 6 28-% 1), but also of the desolation of divine punishment (Mt 81? 2218 2530, 2 P 214.17, Jude ® 13), Two instances of special darkness, recorded in the Bible, call for notice. (1) The ninth of the plagues sent by God upon the Egyptians was a plague of darkness (Ex 1071-3). Many commentators explain this as due to a storm of fine dust and sand driven from the desert by the S. wind, the Hamsin, noted for such effects in the spring. The LXX seems to have taken such a view, describing it as ‘darkness, thick cloud (yvddos), storm (@veA\a).? Some have regarded it as wholly miraculous; but the other plagues seem due to God’s use of natural agencies. (2) The darkness at the crucifixion from the sixth to the ninth hour (Mt 27%, Mk 15%, Lk 234+ 4), This the evangelists seem plainly to represent as supernatural. The true text of Lk 23” (rod #Alov éxXelrovros Or éxdurovros, ‘the sun failing’ or ‘ hav- ing failed’; RV ‘the sun’s light falling") has jatocd been thought to describe it as an eclipse. This reading and interpretation were noted by Origen, from whose remarks it appears that objectors to Christianity had so explained it. Origen rejected the reading, attributing it either to a scribe’s wish to provide an explanation or to an enemy’s wish to pervert the evangelical account (see WH, Notes on selected readings). Origen also rejected the view itself that an eclipse, natural or miraculous (for so some explained it), was intended by Luke, though his language elsewhere seems to imply the true text. The charge that it was a natural eclipse is put into the mouth of the Jews in the Acts of Pilate, contained in the pseudo- * Driver, who in LOT! pp. 469, 479n. maintained a cautious reserve, admitting the possibility that D. the Mede might prove to be a historical character, agrees in his later editions with Sayce, that the existence of such a ruler is completely excluded by the monuments (cf. Sayce, HCM 528ff.). The latter, as well as P. Haupt (note on Dn 6! in Haupt’s OT), and a host of modern scholars, argue that ‘D. the Mede’ is due to confusion with D. Hystaspis, who conquered Babylon (B.0. 620). On the theory of the Maccabasan date of Daniel, such a confusion is held to be quite explicable. 559 560 DARKON Gospel of Nicodemus. Eusebius (Chronicon) and later Fathers appealed also to the statement of Phlegon of Tralles (of the 2nd cent.) that in the 202nd Olympiad (July A.D. 29 to 33) there was the greatest eclipse of the sun ever known, that it became night at the sixth hour of the day, so that stars appeared, and that there was a great earth- quake in Bithynia. These writers differ as to the year of the Olympiad, but Wurm and Ideler place it on Nov. 24, A.D. 29 (Wieseler, Synopsis of Four Gospels, p. 354; see, on the other hand, Whiston, Testimony of Phlegon Vindicated, Lond. 1782). The insuperable objections to its identification with the darkness at the crucifixion are, even apart from the above date, that at passover the moon was full, and the darkness lasted three hours. Seyffarth’s view (Chron. Sacr. pp. 58, 59), that the Jewish calendar was so deflected that the passover actually fell at a new moon, has found no advocates, and is wholly improbable, since the Jewish calendar depended on observations of the moon. ‘There is, however, no need to interpret Luke of an eclipse in the astronomical sense (WH, Notes on selected readings). Itis simply a statement that the sun’s light failed. See also LIGHT, PLAGUES. G. T. PURVES. DARKON (1'P71).—‘ Children of D.’ were among those who returned with Zerubbabel (Hzr 2°°, Neh 7°8). D. is called in 1 Es 533 Lozon. See GENEALOGY. DARK SAYING.—This is the tr of Heb. 779 hidhah, in Ps 494 782, Pr 16. Elsewhere Aidhah is trd ‘dark speech’ Nu 128; ‘dark sentence’ Dn 8? ; ‘hard question’ 1 K 101, 2 Ch 91; ‘riddle’ Jg 1412. 13. 4. 15. 16. 17. 18.19 Ezk 172; and ‘proverb’ Hab 26. See RIDDLE. In Wis 88 we find ‘dark sayings,’ and in first Prologue to Sir ‘d. sentences’ (aiviywara. This Gr. word is the LXX tr. of hidhah in Nu 128, 1 K 101, 2 Ch 91, Pr 16; it is found in NT only 1 Co 138!2.éy aiviyuwari, ‘darkly,’ marg. ‘in ariddle’). In Jn 162-29 Amer. RV has ‘dark saying’ for AV and RV ‘proverb’ (rapoiula). Cf. Coverdale, Letter to Cromwell of Dec. 13, 1538, ‘Pitie it were that the darck places of the text (upon the which I have alwaye set a hande) shulde so passe undeclared.’ J. HASTINGS. DARLING.—This is the tr" of Heb. '7) yaA7dh, in Ps 2229‘ Deliver . . . my d. from the power of the dog,’ and 35!” ‘rescue . . . my d. from the lions’ »(marg. ‘my only one’). ‘My darlings’ is also found in Bar 422 AVm (AV and RV ‘my delicate ones,’ Gr. of tpvdepol wou). Cf. Ro 17 Wyclif, ‘to alle that ben at rome, derlyngis of god and clepid holy’; and Latimer (Works, ii. 438), ‘Christ Jesus, the dear darling and only begotten and beloved son of God.’ ‘The word, now too familiar for such usage, is formed from dear with suffix -ing, which became -ling through its freq. addition to words ending in 7; so nestling, seedling, etc. The Heb. y@/idh is used for an only son, but in Ps 222) 3517 it is poetically transferred to the psalmist’s own life ‘as the one unique and price- less possession which can never be replaced ’— Oxf. Heb. Lex. Forthe Eng. use compare Shaks. Othello, ll. iv. 70— ‘ Make it a darling like your precious eye.’ J. HASTINGS. DART.—Joab is said to have thrust three ‘ darts’ (262 shébhasim, LXX Bédn) into the heart of Absalom (2 § 18!4). Shebhe¢ is, however, rather a shepherd’s rod, which might be used as a club if one end were heavy and studded with nails (cf. Cheyne on Ps 284), or as a rough spear if one end were pointed. Hezekiah (2 Ch 325) made darts, n2Y shelak, in abundance for the defence of Jeru- salem. DAVID In Job 4122 AV and RV give ‘dart’ for ¥22 massa’, a drat Neyduevoy of uncertain meaning. In 1 Mac 65! two kinds of darts are referred to as employed at a siege, and cast by engines—(q@) ordinary bolts or large arrows; (0) darts wrapped in some burning material. Ancient defences, being built largely of wood, were easily set on fire. In Eph 6! the suggestions of the evil one are called BéAn rervpwuéva, with an obvious allusion to the practice mentioned above. St. Paul opposes Faith to the suggestions, as the soldier would oppose the great shield (@vpeds) to the darts. W. HE. BARNES. DATHAN.—See KORAH. DATHEMA (Adéeua), 1 Mac 5°.—A fortress in Bashan. It may perhaps be the modern Dameh on the 8. border of the Lejjah district, N. of Ash- teroth-karnaim. The Peshitta reads Rametha (Ramoth-gilead ?). See G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 588 f. C. R. CONDER. DAUB.—To daub, from Lat. dealbare (de down, albus white), is properly to rub down a wall with whitewash. But in English the word has always been used for washing or plastering with any avail- able substance. It is now used, even in its literal sense, contemptuously. It has always been used to describe bad writing, as Marprel. Ep. (1589), ‘When men have a gift in writing, howe easie it is for them to daube paper’; or painting, as Foote (1752), Works, i. 9, ‘ How high did your genius soar? ‘To the daubing diabolical angels for ale-houses’; or besmearing of any kind, but esp. with flattery, as South (1716), ‘Let every one therefore attend the sentence of his conscience; for, he may be sure, it will not daub, nor flatter’ ; or to hide deformity. In AV daub occurs once literally, Ex 23 ‘she took for him an ark of bul- rushes, and daubed it with slime and with pitch’ (77290), from 29, mortar, clay). Elsewhere only in Ezk (1310. 12. 14. 15 di 2328) fio, of whitewashing Jerus. to hide its corruption, Heb. [7°], which is also found in Lv 14%: 43. 4 (EV ‘plaister’), 1 Ch 29! (EV ‘overlay’), Is 4418 (EV ‘shut,’ margins ‘daubed’). The subst. daubing occurs only Ezk 13 + where is the d. wherewith ye have daubed it?’ (0) for the plaster itself, a tr® which has come from Wyclif. J. HASTINGS. DAUGHTER.—See FAMILY. **DAVID (11), but M7 1 K 314 114 8, Ezk 3423, Hos, Am, Zec, Ca, Ezr, Neh, Ch [except 1 Ch 18°]; LXX, NT, Aaveié, but TR AafBis).—The name, which in the Bible is given to no one except the great king of Israel, is perhaps a shortened form of Dodavahu (17) 2 Ch 2087), ‘beloved of J’, or Dodo (1117 2 § 2374, 117 2 § 239, Kethibh), ‘ beloved of him’; but, according to Sayce, was originally Dodo, a title of the sun-god (cf. na on Moabite Stone, 1. 12). In the Tel el-Amarna tablets of the 15th cent. B.c. the form Didu is found. Our authorities for the life of David are derived entirely from the OT. The extra-biblical narratives, of which the earliest are the fragments of Eupolemus in Eusebius, Prep. Evang. ix. 30, and of Nicolas of Damascus in Josephus, Ant. VII. v. 2, are either dependent upon the OT, or are entirely legendary (ef. Stanley, art. ‘David’ in Smith’s DB). The reign of D., according to the traditional chronology, is dated B.C. 1055-1015 ; but from Assyr. inscriptions it appears that Jehu is placed about 40 years too early in Ussher’s chronology, and we must accord- ingly bring down the reign of D. by a period of from 30 to 50 years. The biblical account of D. is to be found (i.) in the narrative of 15 16-1 K 2; (ii.) in 1 Ch 2,3. ** Copyright, 1898, by Charles Scribner’s Sons DAVID DAVID 561]. 10-29 ; see also Ru 4!8-22; and (iii.) in the titles of many psalms. Of these three sources the first is alike the oldest and the primary authority; in- formation derived from the other two can be used only sparingly. A considerable portion of the history in 1 Ch is derived directly or ultimately from the Books of Samuel, and cannot be cited as an independent narrative, though it is often valuable for the restoration of the text. The fresh information given by the Chronicler consists mainly of lists of names and statistical details. In many cases the numbers given condemn themselves; where we have to deal with series of names, there is no absolute criterion to guide us; but it is to be noticed that the new narratives are nearly always marked by their late Heb. style, and by the char- acteristic language of the Chronicler, while the statements made are often more or less at variance with the older account inSamuel. It is rarely clear that the author had access to ancient documents other than the Books of Samuel, and his unverified statements must therefore be received with caution. The picture of D. presented by him differs in important respects from the earlier portrait; it is indeed the picture of an idealized David, such as was present to the minds of devout Jews of the 8rd cent. B.C,, when the true founder of the Isr. monarchy was regarded as a model of piety ; and the recognition of the full Priestly Code in the time of D. was a fact never questioned (see CHRONICLES). Seventy-three psalms bear the title ‘to David,’ and in many cases, especially in Book II., there is a fuller inscription connecting the psalm with some particular event in D.’s life. Many of these titles recall the language of the Books of Sam., from which indeed they may be derived. ‘The picture of D. which they suggest is not unlike that of Chronicles. On closer examination, however, it is seen that the contents of the psalm are often not suitable to the alleged occasion; and so fre- quently is this the case, that it becomes unsafe to accept the superscriptions, or even the Davidic authorship of ‘Davidic’ psalms, unless the titles are directly supported by internal evidence. But, without entering upon the wide question of the date and authorship of the Psalter (see PSALMS), it may be said that in a large number of cases the thoughts and language even of ‘ Davidic’ psalms remind us of the teaching of the great prophets, and seem to be largely dependent on it; the circumstances of the psalmists are often those of the post-exilic Jews; and the religious ideas and spiritual tone of the Psalter as a whole differ widely from those which the most trustworthy authorities ascribe to D. himself, or to the period of the early monarchy. The tendency among the best scholars of the present day is to 1duce the directly Davidic element in the Psalter to the narrowest limits. Hence it does not seem advisable to illustrate the history or character of D. by quotations from the Psalms. For the history of D. we are thus practically reduced to the Books of Samuel (with 1 K 1. 2); but even this work contains elements of unequal his- torical value, and it is necessary to consider briefly the structure of the book, and to form a critical estimate of its contents. One noticeable feature of the D. narratives contained in 1S 16-31 is the existence of a number of ‘doublets,’ ¢.e. accounts of very similar events, or divergent accounts of the same event. These may be here enumerated. (1) The introduction of D. to Saul, 1 S 161+23 and 171-18°; (2) the slaying of Goliath of Gath, 18 171-185 and 28 2119; (8) Saul casts his spear at D., 18 1819. 11 and 199.10; (4) Jonathan’s intercession for D., 191-7 and 20; (5) the coyenant between D, and Jonathan, 2012-23. 42 and 2316-18 ; (6) the origin of the proverb, ‘Is Saul also among the rophets ?’ 19754. and 10-13; (7) D. at the court of Achish, piio-s and 27-28? 29; (8) D. spares Saul’s life, 24 and 26; (9) VOL. I1.—26 the death of Saul, 18 81 and 28 11-16, These parallels are not all equally convincing ; in certain cases the divergent narratives may be harmonized more or less satisfactorily ; in others it is possible that an event occurred more than once in D,’s life, though it would be strange that with reference, ¢.g., to D.’s flight to Gath, or his sparing Saul’s life, no allusion should be made in the narrative to a previous similar occurrence. We cannot, however, separate these peculiarities in the history of D. from similar phenomena in the history of Saul, where we find two accounts of his appointment as king, and of his rejection. We are therefore obliged to recognize the existence of two parallel narratives in the present 18, and these must be separ- ated as far as possible, and compared, if we would gain a clear idea of D.’s earlier life. In 28 the case is somewhat different. Of a double narrative there we have hardly any traces. On the other hand, we have a detailed and continuous narrative (ch 9-20 with 1 K 1. 2), the work of a single writer, which describes the history of D.’s family and court at Jerus., and is a document of the highest importance. The earlier chapters (1-8) and the appendix (21-24) are of composite origin; there are indi- cations that their contents have been partially rearranged ; and later editors or redactors haye left their mark on these chapters. The following analysis, taken mainly from Budde (Richter wnd Samuel), will be found useful. Some comments upon it will be found in the course of this article; for fuller particulars see SAMUEL, Books or, A, (Budde, J) 18 1614-28 185. 20-30 (6-8) 9-11 9() 99. 231-140. 192995244 24, 27. 281.229, 380. 28425 31, 2 § 11-4. 17-27 2. 31.6-39 4, 51-3, 17-25 (? Q115-22 288-39) 6-12 6, 82-5 §18-16 §16-18 — 9()23-26 9-20), WEA" B. (Budde, E)1 § 17, 1514 (6-8) 12-19 191-17 911-9 2314b-18b? 96, 28 1516, Detached narratives of various dates: —2 8 211-1424, 1§ 161-18 1918-24 2110-1 28 7. 22. 281-7, Editorial additions, based in part on older material : —2 8 81-15, 1K 2(2-22), No account is taken here of minor interpolations and editorial additions. Of these different authorities the oldest and most valuable is the family history of D. referred to above (28 9-20, 1 K 1. 2); its detailed descriptions and graphic touches do not indeed prove the writer to have been a contemporary of the events, but he clearly possessed trustworthy sources of information, and must be placed not very long after D.’s time. The remaining portions of A are not so detailed, and are apparently of some- what later date. 5B is still later, and in several points less reliable than A; while of the shorter sections some are shown by their contents, and by the ideas there expressed, to be of high antiquity (2 8 21. 24), others are certainly later than B, and in part dependent on B. All, however, are earlier than the time of Josiah; and only in 2 8 7 (pre-exilic), in the Songs (2 $ 22, 231-7) and the editorial additions, can we trace the influence of Deuteronomy. David was the youngest son of Jesse, a Judzan of Bethlehem, who seems to have belonged to one of the principal families of his native town (yet cf. 1S 18!8), No particulars as to the ancestry of Jesse are given in 1 Sam. (contrast the case of Saul, 1S 9!); but in the (later) genealogy in Ruth he is called the son of Obed, and grandson of Boaz, and his descent is traced back to the family of Perez (Ru 41822; see also 1 Ch 23-17), The name of D.’s mother is nowhere given; his three elder brothers were called Eliab (? Elihu, 1 Ch 2718), Abinadab, and Shammah (Shimeah, 2S 133; Shimei, 2S 212), see 1S 1659 1738, 158 161% and 17! speak of eight sons of Jesse, and in 1 Ch 2!416 three more names are given, Nethanel the 4th, Raddai the 5th, and Ozem the 6th, D. being there termed the 7th. The sisters of D., Zeruiah (the mother of Joab, Abishai, and Asahel) and Abigail (the mother of Amasa), were probably half-sisters, for in 2 S 172° Abigail is called daughter of Nahash and sister to Zeruiah ; cf. 1 Ch 216 17), We first hear of D. when he was introduced to the court of Saul. The king had been attacked with morbid melancholy, called by the historian ‘an evil spirit from J'’.2 His servants suggested that a skilful player upon the harp should be brought to soothe the king with his music, and I)., the son of Jesse, was chosen for this office. The narrative (1 8 16!*%3) is probably to be con- nected with the statement of 1452, that Saul gathered round him every valiant warrior in Israel; and in like manner D., who is described as ‘a mighty man of valour and a man of war,’ Was summoned to the court. In addition to being a skilful musician, he was prudent in speech (or business), a comely person, and one who enjoyed the favour of J/’. The young minstrel won the 562 DAVID favour of the king, who made him his armour- bearer (cf. 1 S 141f- 3146, 2 § 1815 2587), and kept him in attendance upon his person. From another source, however, we have a dif- ferent account of OD.’s first introduction to Saul, in the beautiful and familiar story of the encounter with Goliath (ch, 171-18*). Here David is represented as a mere lad, a goodly youth of fair countenance, inexperienced in war (17%. 42), who used to tend his father’s sheep. During a war with the Philistines, D. was sent by his father with a present to his three brothers, who were serving in Saul’s army in the Valley of Elah. On reaching the camp he heard the defiant words of the giant, Goliath of Gath, and, undeterred by his eldest brother’s reproaches, he inquired among the soldiers concerning the king’s reward promised to any man who would overcome the Philistine champion. When brought before the king, the youth at once offered to go out against the Philis- tine, relating how he had protected his father’s sheep from the lions and bears which had attacked them (tenses in 17% frequentative, see Driver, Text of Sam.). Putting aside the armour offered by the king, he advanced to meet the giant. He brought his opponent to the ground by a stone slung against his forehead, and then cut off his head with his own sword. The fall of their champion was followed by the rout of the Philis- tine army. So far was D. at this time unknown to Saul, that the king instructed his chief com- mander, Abner, to inquire concerning the ‘strip- ling’s’ parentage, — a question which D. answered for himself as he returned from the fray with the giant’s head in his hand. From this time forward D. was kept at the court of Saul, while a close friendship sprang up at once between him and the king’s son Jonathan. Many attempts have been made to harmonize the two narratives. It is suggested that D. had returned home from his position as minstrel, and had since grown out of recognition ; or that Saul’s question to Abner related to D.’s family, but that he personally was known to Saul. Neither of these explanations can be regarded as satisfactory, nor do they account for the discrepancy between the skilled warrior of 16!8 and the shepherd lad of 1738.42, The difficulty attracted attention at an early period. 17!® seems to be a harmonistic addi- tion by some later editor, and represents D. as going backwards and forwards between his home and the court. Similarly, 1619 ‘which is with the sheep,’ a clause which does not agree with v.18, must be regarded as a later gloss. The LXX (cod. B) offers a more violent solution of the problem, omitting 1712-31. 41. 50. 55_185 ; it thus gets rid of the description of D. as sent to the camp by his father, and of Saul’s question concerning the young hero, D. being represented (vy. 2) as already in attend- ance upon Saul. The LXX text has been accepted as original by competent scholars (W. R. Smith, Stade, Cornill) ; but others with good reason adhere to the MT, and regard the omissions of the LXX as due to an attempt to reconcile chs. 16 and 17 (Driver, Cheyne, Wellhausen [ Composition], Kue- nen, Budde, etc.). Even in the LXX text D. is a shepherd lad (vv. °- 42), not the warrior of 1618- 21; in language and style the omitted paragraphs do not differ from the rest of the chapter, while cer- tain expressions which suggest a later hand (e.g. assembly v.47, Jerusalem °*) are found also in the LXX; and the original covenant. between D. and Jonathan, to which allusion is made more than once subsequently, is related only in 18'+. In facet all these attempts to reconcile the two accounts of the first meeting of D. and Saul are unsuccessful ; we can only recognize them as two versions of the history, and choose between them. And here we DAVID see the importance of the statement of 2 § 2119 that ‘ Elhanan the son of Jair (cf. Driver, Text of Sam.) the Bethlehemite, slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver’s beam’ (cf. 1 § 177). The Chronicler indeed states that ‘Elhanan slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath’ (1 Ch 205), but the ‘harder’ reading of 2 Sam. is certainly to be preferred. It has been suggested that Elhanan was the original name of David (Boéttcher, Sayce), — but of this there is no hint in either passage, and the father of Elhanan is Jair (or Jatir), not Jesse ;— or that the name of Goliath has been wrongly transferred to D.’s enemy, who, in 1 S$ 17, is usually termed simply ‘ the Philistine.’ On the whole, however, it seems more probable that Goliath of Gath was slain at a later period by one of D.’s warriors, also a native of Bethlehem ; and subsequently the victory was by tradition as- cribed to D. himself, and put back to the period of his boyhood. In this case we must accept 1 S 1614-23 as giving the true narrative of D.’s first introduction to Saul; but the popular tradition has left its mark on other parts of the history of David. A story of D.’s earliest life is given in 1 § 161-8, where we read how, after Saul’s rejection, Samuel was sent in accordance with J/’s instructions to Bethlehem. There he invited Jesse to a sacrifice, and, after sending a special summons to the young David, who was tending the sheep, anointed him in the midst of his brothers. This narrative now forms the introduction to the history of D. ; it is the counterpart to 1S 10'#- (the anointing of Saul by Samuel), and explains the coming of the Spirit of God upon D., and its departure from Saul; but, as it stands, the account can hardly be accepted as historical. Independently of any difficulties raised by the character and position here assigned to Samuel, which resemble what we find in the later narrative of the choice of Saul, the fact that D.’s anointing attracted so little attention has more than once been remarked as strange. His own brother Eliab seems unaware of it (178), while D. himself appears unconscious of his destiny (1818), and always regards Saul as the Anointed of J’ (1S 246 269,2 S$ 114). The explanation that this anoint- ing was only a mark of favour bestowed on the most honoured guest, and that D. was here given a place like that assigned to Saul at Ramah (922, so Klostermann, Ewald, W. R. Smith), does not do justice to the narrative, and anointing in the OT implies the conferring of some office. Our authorities do not enable us to say how long D. continued in the position of Saul’s minstrel and armour-bearer. His success in war against the Philistines ; his popularity among the soldiers; the love of Michal and her marriage with D.; the strong friendship between D. and Jonathan, who entered into a covenant of brotherhood, — these facts are all attested by more than one passage in both the main narratives. But it is not quite easy to trace and explain the beginning of the distrust which Saul conceived for his young favourite, who had been promoted to the position of captain of the bodyguard (1 S 22'* LXX). It is only natural that there should be some want of definiteness in the narratives. The facts could be known only to those belonging to the innermost circle of the court, and all our records are written from the point of view of friends of David. If any ill- advised action on his part contributed to excite Saul’s ill-will, we are told nothing about it. The main reason alleged for Saul’s enmity is his jealousy of D.’s popularity and success in war, which is said to have been excited by the song of the women, who met the victorious warriors with the words, ‘Saul hath slain his thousands, and D. his ten thousands.’ But besides this there are hints EE ———— es DAVID of a suspicion that D. had conspired with Jonathan to dethrone him (cf. 1 S 203°f 2218), Everything that we are told of Jonathan goes to prove the baselessness of such a suspicion, and his continued affection for D. is evidence of D.’s innocence; but we can well imagine that the melancholy from which Saul suffered served to increase any jealousy or distrust when once aroused, and it is possible that he feared that his subjects might regard him, owing to his occasional attacks of madness, as no longer a fit ruler of the nation. The chapter which describes the growth of the estrangement between Saul and D. lies before us in two forms. Here again the LXX has a shorter text, omitting from ch. 18 vv.%1l- 12b. 17-19, 21b. 29b. 3), Thus the account of Saul’s casting his spear at D. is omitted, and the promise of marriage with the elder daughter Merab ; the gradual growth of Saul’s jealousy is described, and each stage is appropri- ately emphasized with the words ‘Saul was afraid of D.’ (v.22), ‘Stood in awe of him’ (v.1%), ‘was yet more afraid’ (v.29) ; and on account of the clear and consistent picture given in this version, many scholars accept the LXX text as original (so Wellh., Kuenen, Stade, Driver, W. R. Smith, Kirkpatrick). But Cornill allows that the promise of Merab is the proper fulfilment of the king’s promise to the slayer of Goliath (17) ; and Budde urges the in- consistency of adopting the LXX recension in ch. 18, and rejecting it (as Wellh., Kuenen, Driver do) in ch. 17. He accounts for the difficulties pre- sented by the MT by analysing the chapter into sections derived from the two principal documents (so also Cheyne) ; and this seems to be the most satisfactory solution of the problem. Comparing the parallel narratives, we gather that D. was placed by Saul at the head of an armed force, either as amark of favour (185 A), or because of his growing distrust (v.B) ; that Saul’s jealousy was excited on some occasion when D. returned from a victory over the Philistines (vv.°°, probably A and B,—note the double introduction to v.®) ; that this did not prevent the marriage of D. to Saul’s younger daughter Michal (vv.?)-8) A, cf.!"-!9B). In- deed it is not improbable that the estrangement is placed too early, and that Saul gave his daughter to the popular and successful officer in order to bind him to his interests, rather than that he al- ready desired to compass D.’s death. Jonathan’s intercession for his friend failed to effect a real re- conciliation (19!7 B, 20 A); and when Saul, in a fit of madness, hurled his spear at D. while he played the harp before the king, D. felt that his life was in danger, and that he must flee from the court (19% 2 B, 18!’- 11 A, probably removed from its original position when A and B were combined). The details given by the two narratives differ. According to A, Saul offered his daughter to D. as a mere snare, hoping that he might fallin battle, as the dowry was fixed at 100 foreskins of the Philistines; but D., without loss of time, procured twice the required number (1827 200, MT; 100, LXX), and won his bride. After this (vy.%"), Saul ina frenzy attempted the life of his son-in-law, and, when D. complained to Jonathan, the latter repudiated the idea that his father had any real intention of harming him. To determine the king’s true feelings, it was then agreed that D. should stay in hiding during the new-moon festival, while Jonathan was to excuse his friend’s absence from the royal table on the pretext that he had been summoned to a family feast at Bethlehem. On the first day of D.’s absence nothing was said; on the next day, in answer to Saul’s inquiries, Jonathan made the excuse agreed upon, whereat the king burst forth into furious reproaches against D. and his son, and hurled his spear at Jonathan, who attempted to intercede for his friend. In anger Jonathan left the table, and next morning went to the appointed place in the field. Under pretence of shooting at a mark, he sent an arrow beyond the stone where D. lay concealed ; and while the boy carried back his master’s weapons, the two friends took an affectionate farewell. On ch. 20, which has per- haps not reached us quite in its original form, it may be remarked that Jonathan's denial of any wish on the part of Saul to harm D. (.02) is hardly appropriate after 191-7. 11-17; and that while a mere act of frenzy (18! 19%f-) might leave D. uncertain as to Saul’s intentions, he could not have any doubt after Saul had DAVID 563 deliberately sent messengers to kill him (1911-17), or be expected to appear at the king’s table (205. 6. 27). According to the second narrative (B), it was owing to Saul’s jealousy that D. was removed from the position of armour- bearer to that of captain of a thousand (181%), and when the time came for his promised marriage (cf. 1725), Merab the elder daughter was given to Adriel of Meholah. Our account of D.’s marriage with Michal seems to be derived from the other source, but the obscure words at the end of v.21 are perhaps a fragment of the second narrative. Saul’s ill-will towards his former favourite increased so greatly that he purposed to put him to death. Jonathan, however, pleaded to his father D.’s good deeds, and especially his victory over the Philistine (Goliath) ; and on Saul’s relenting he brought D. out of his hiding-place in the field, and presented him to his father (191-7). The recon- ciliation, however, was of no long duration, for, shortly after Jonathan’s appeal, Saul, in a fit of madness, cast his spear at D. as he played on the harp before him. D. fled to his house, but that night (1914 LX)X Saul sent messengers to watch the house, and, while respecting his sleeping enemy in accordance with Oriental custom, he ordered them to kill him in the morning. D. was saved by the faithful Michal, who lowered him through the window, while she placed in his bed the teraphim or house- hold image, and covered it with the bed-clothes. Next morning the messengers brought word that D. was ill; but, when charged to bring him in the bed, the fraud was discovered, and Michal had to plead in self-defence that D. had threatened her life if she hindered his escape. With regard to this series of narratives it may be pointed out that the similarities between portions of 191-7 and ch. 20 suggest, though they do not prove, that we have before us two different versions of the same event, while the reference to the victory over Goliath connects the former pas- sage with ch. 17. Further, the difference of phraseology in 181°- 19%f- (ef. also 2033) favours the view that these verses are the work of independent writers, rather than that the former pas- sage has merely been borrowed from the latter after the time of the LXX. For the rest of Saul’s reign D. was an exile from his home, and an outlaw (1 S 21-31). Some inci- dents during this period of his life are described with minute and graphic touches, which bear the evident stamp of genuineness; in other cases the accuracy of the narrative is more doubtful. ‘The analysis of these chapters does not present many difficulties, and more than once the existence of double versions of the same story can hardly be doubted. It is only natural that many stories of D.’s adventures should have been current among the people long before they were written down ; and many a place in the wilds of Judah would doubtless claim to be the site of some memorable event in the outlaw life of the great national hero ; while from ch. 30?-81 it is clear that we possess but a fragmentary account of his many wanderings. According to the present Book of Samuel, D., after escaping from Saul’s messengers, fled first to Ramah, where he took refuge with Samuel at a prophetic school. Thrice Saul sent messengers to capture him (cf. 2 K 1), but each time the men were overcome by the sacred minstrelsy of the prophets ; and when Saul came in person, he too was filled with prophetic frenzy, and stripping off his clothes lay naked all the night (19'*!). Grave doubts, however, have been raised against this narrative. For a Judean like D., flight south- wards was more natural from Gibeah than north- wards to Ramah; the connexion between Samuel and the prophets is not that presented by the older history of Saul and Samuel, where indeed there is another explanation given of the proverb ‘Is Saul also among the prophets ?’? (101!f-) ; while the present narrative can hardly be by the author of ch. 15, who implies (v.%*) that Saul and Samuel did not meet again. The conception of the pro- phetic school as here described is probably later than the time of D.; and we must regard it as at least doubtful whether D. had any dealings with Samuel. If we reject this narrative as of later origin, the first place visited by D. in his flight will be the priestly city of Nob, which lay south of Gibeah and due north of Jerusalem. To Ahimelech, the head of the priests of Eli’s family, he alleged that he was bound on urgent business for the king, and accordingly obtained through him, as on previous occasions (221), an answer from the oracle. The DAVID 564 only provisions which the priest could offer was the sacred shewbread, removed that day from the sanctuary ; and this David accepted, stating that he and his companions were ceremonially clean. Ahimelech is said also to have given to D. the sword of Goliath, which was kept wrapped in a cloth behind the EPHoD. This visit to Nob was followed by important consequences. Shortly afterwards, while Saul was holding court under the tamarisk in Gibeah, he complained to his Ben- jamite followers of their ingratitude in taking part against him with his own son and David. Here- upon the Edomite Doeg, the chief herdman of Saul, or rather ‘the mightiest of his runners’ (21, so Gratz, Driver), declared that he had seen D. at Nob, where Ahimelech had consulted the oracle on his behalf, and supplied him with food and weapons. Saul at once suspected that the priest also was party to a conspiracy against him, and perhaps that he had been consulting the oracle as to its success. He summoned to his presence Ahime- lech and the priests of his family, and, refusing to accept their denial of any knowledge of a con- spiracy, ordered his guards to put them to death. The guards hesitated, but Doeg carried out the king’s orders. Eighty-five priests were slain, and the city of Nob completely destroyed. Only one member of Eli’s family escaped the massacre, Abi- athar, a son of Ahimelech, who fled to D., probably to Adullam ; and the latter, feeling that the disaster was in some measure due to himself, promised the fugitive his protection. According to Budde, we have underlying 1 S 211° 225-28 two versions of D.’s visit to Nob, and the denunciation of Doeg: notice that 221)-15 imply that Ahimelech consulted the oracle for David, whereas nothing is said of this in 211°, Budde connects the earlier passage with B, the second with A, and regards the allusions to Goliath’s sword in 221-18 as added to connect the two narratives. Others (Wellb., Kuenen, Stade) ascribe both chapters to the same writer, and reject 218 9 (Heb. % 1°) 221% as later glosses. In any case, these verses presupposed the account of D. and Goliath in ch. 17. Our present narrative represents D. as fleeing from Nob to Gath. Here, it is said, at the court of Achish, he was recognized as the Isr. warrior, and ‘king of the land’ ; in consequence he feigned mad- ness, drumming (v.13 LX X) on the doors, and letting the spittle fall on his beard, so that at the com- mand of Achish he was driven away (211-5). It is doubtful, however, whether D. would really have taken refuge among the Philistines at such an early period of his wanderings ; and when he ap- pears at Gath at a later time, no hint is given of this earlier visit. Probably we have here again a ‘doublet,’ and our narrative represents a popular legend, the product of a desire to represent in a more patriotic light D.’s residence among the Philistines. Far more reliable is the account in 221. according to which D. fled (from Nob) to the cave, or stronghold (so Wellh., Stade, Budde ; cf. v.4), of Adullam. ‘This place must be looked for, not, according to a tradition dating from the 12th cent. A.D., on the south of Bethlehem in the Wady Khareitun, but in the Shephélah west of Hebron (cf. Gn 381, Jos 15°; and see G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. p. 229f.). Here the wild character of the country afforded him a hiding-place ; he was among his own tribesmen, and on the extremity of Judah Saul’s authority was weakest. The brothers and kinsmen of D., who had to fear Saul’s vengeance, gathered round him, together with distressed debtors and discontented men of every class, so that D. soon found himself the leader of a band of some 400 men. Of these, several doubtless were not of Israelitish origin (cf. 1 S 26° and perhaps 2 S 2387-89) ; according to 1 Ch 12°18 certain valiant DAVID Gadites and men of Judah and Benjamin joined him here, and not long afterwards (1S 2318) D.’s followers are reckoned at 600. His parents he placed under the protection of the king of Moab, a step which may perhaps be explained by reference to the Book of Ruth, where D.’s descent is traced from Ruth the Moabitess. According to 22°, a verse of which the connexion is somewhat obscure, D., at the advice of the prophet Gad, removed from his stronghold to the forest of Hareth; but he is certainly again in the Shephélah when we next hear of him. News came to D. that the Philistines were raiding Keilah, doubtless a frontier town west of Hebron, and perhaps south of Adullam. An opportunity now offered itself to him of at once assisting his countrymen and making a fresh name as a warrior. Having inquired of the priestly ephod, which Abiathar had brought from Nob, and received a favourable answer, D. marched down with his band, and drove away the Philistines from Keilah, To Saul it seemed that the time for cap- turing his enemy had now come. He summoned his army in order to besiege Keilah ; but D., learn- ing from the oracle that the inhabitants would save themselves by delivering over him and his men to Saul, escaped betimes, and Saul abandoned his expedition. D. is next found in the wild and partially desert country to the south of Judah, or in the neighbour- hood of the Dead Sea. The wilderness of Ziph and of Maon are especially connected with his wander- ings. Here doubtless D. was welcome, and prob- ably he was able to protect the inhabitants from the inroads of wild nomad tribes living farther to the south and east. At this point the double narrative reappears, as is specially noticeable in the case of the two accounts of D. sparing Saul’s life. That ch. 26 refers to a second occasion, although no refer- ence is there made to a former proof of D.’s generosity, seems antecedently improbable; and this impression is confirmed on comparing the two narratives. Each is introduced by an offer of the Ziphites to betray D.’s hiding-place to Saul (2819 261) ; each ends with a confession of D.’s noble conduct placed in the mouth of Saul; and a careful comparison of the language (see Kuenen, Budde) shows either literary dependence of one upon the other, or the dependence of both on some common tradition. Owing to the occurrence in ch. 26 of certain antique conceptions (esp. v.19), it has commonly been supposed that this is the earlier chapter (so Kuenen, Wellh., Stade, Driver); Budde, on the other hand (so Cheyne), shows good reason for connecting ch. 24 with the A narratives, in which case it belongs to the earlier document, while the archaic colouring of ch. 26 may be due to the fact that it has undergone less editorial revision than the earlier chapter (see esp. 242°f-). Budde further argues from the scene of ch, 25 (Maon v.2 LX X14, cf. 25248) that this chapter came originally between chs. 23 and 24, probably having been transposed in order to separate the doublets, chs. 24 and 26. There are other traces of editorial revision in ch. 23, especially in the somewhat exag- gerated language of v.14f-, and the redundant description of D.’s haunts (2b.) is probably the result of conflation. Many regard the covenant of the two friends (vv.118) as a mere doublet of 2041-88 ; like that passage, the verses suggest the objection that Jonathan could hardly have thus definitely regarded D. as his father’s successor. However this may be, the narrative proceeds smoothly after the account of Jonathan’s visit, when the trans- position aboye mentioned has been made. While D. was hiding in the hill of Hachilah and the neighbouring desert, the Ziphites sent word of his haunts to Saul, and at the king’s request began to watch his movements, while an army was being collected. D. meanwhile withdrew southwards to the wilderness of Maon, on the edge of the Arabah, whither he was pursued by Saul. At one time, we are told, a single rocky ridge separated the two forces; but while D. was endeavouring to make good his escape before his band was com- pletely surrounded, Saul was unexpectedly recalled to repel a sudden raid of the Philistines. Popular tradition pointed out the cliff known as Sela- hammahlékoth (i.e. prob. ‘Rock of Divisions’) as the scene of this narrow escape (231°), One of the most detailed and most reliable ac- counts which we possess of the whole period of D.’s wanderings relates to the time when he was still in the region of Maon. landowner named Nabal, belonging to the Caleb- ites, a tribe closely connected with that of Judah, Here dwelt a wealthy though originally distinct from it. His large flocks were pastured on Carmel, S.E. of Hebron ; and not only were they unmolested by D.’s men, but the latter had served to protect them from the attacks of nomad tribes. Hearing that Nabal was shearing his sheep, D. sent ten men with a court- eous request for a present for his band, but was met with a churlish refusal. In wrath D. at once com- manded his men to arm; and while a third of the company was left in charge of the baggage, he marched with the rest to avenge the insult re- ceived from Nabal. Fortunately, Abigail, Nabal’s beautiful and prudent wife, had been warned by a servant of her husband’s unseemly conduct. She immediately caused a large supply of provisions to be prepared, and without informing her husband rode to meet D. with her present. She met the armed band coming down the mountain side, and throwing herself at D.’s feet begged him to accept the gift, and to pay no heed to her husband’s in- sults, while she expressed a hope that in time to come no remembrance of blood needlessly shed might rise up to trouble his mind. Her discretion and her pleadings were not lost on D.; he accepted the present from her hand, and abandoned his pur- pose of vengeance and bloodshed. When Abigail returned home, she found her husband drunk at a shearing feast, but next morning she told him of the danger which he had just escaped. Fear and vexation caused a shock, of which he died ten days later; and D., who now felt that J/’ had indeed defended his cause, took Abigail to wife. He thus established a powerful family connexion with the south of Judah, and he further increased his influ- ence by marriage with Ahinoam of the southern Jezreel (cf. Jos 15%). At the same time his first wife, Michal, was given by Saul to Paltiel, the son of Laish, of Gallim (1 5 25). It seems to have been after this, according to the original history of A, that David removed to the desert tract west of the Dead Sea, and made his abode in Engedi, whither he was followed by Saul, after the retreat of the Philistines. We are told that on one occasion Saul entered a large cave for a necessary purpose, at a time when D. and his men were hidden in the recesses of the cave. Though urged by his followers to slay his pursuer, D. refused to harm the ‘ Anointed of J!’,’ and con- tented himself with cutting off a corner of the long robe which lay spread out before and behind the owner. JD. followed Saul as he left the cave, and, holding out the portion of his robe, showed the king how he had been at the mercy of the man whom he was so relentlessly pursuing; and he begged him no longer to listen to those who charged D. with conspiring against him. Saul was touched at this generosity; and in language which clearly reflects the thoughts of a historian of a later time, he is made to openly acknowledge his rival’s superiority, and to recognize him as the future king of Israel (1S 24). The other version of this story (ch. 26), which, though coming from a later document, has preserved many original features lost in ch, 24, places D. in the hill of Hachilah, and attributes his pursuit hither by Saul to the information of the Ziphites. One night Saul encamped in a deep valley surrounded by steep cliffs; but the place being discovered by D.’s spies, D., accompanied by Abishai, descended from the hills, and entered unobserved into the laager where Saul lay sleeping. Refusing to allow Abishai to smite a sleeping enemy, he bade him carry away Saul’s spear and water-cruse ; and when they had again climbed the hill above the camp, D. shouted aloud, and thus aroused first Abner, whom he blamed severely for his careless watch, and then Saul himself. To Saul, who recognized his voice, D. made a passionate appeal: ‘Why did the king continually pursue him ? if J! had stirred him up to do so, might he be propitiated with an offering: or were men seeking to drive D. out of J/’s land?’ ‘The king confessed that he had sinned, and promised to do D). no more harm, and the two parted their several ways. Whatever be the exact details of this meeting, it is clear that D. felt himself no longer safe in Judah, and as a last resort he passed over to the national enemy, and took refuge with his family and his followers at the court of Achish, son of Maoch, king of Gath. A tried warrior at the head of 600 men, he was readily welcomed ; but, not liking to dwell in the capital, he asked for a settlement of his own, and received the southern town of Ziklag, where he established himself as the vassal of his protector. It was now necessary for David to devise some means of ensuring the confidence of his master without injuring or estranging his own people. Accordingly, he made asuccession of raids upon the Amalekites, Girzites, and other desert tribes living between Egypt and the south of Palestine. By putting to death all who fell into his hands, D. was able to represent to Achish that his frays were directed against Judah, and against the allied tribes of the Kenites and Jerahmeelites (1 S 27). He had been living at Ziklag some 16 months (y.’), when the Philistines prepared for a decisive struggle against Israel. Achish called upon his vassal to accompany him to the war, and DD. with professions of fidelity responded to the eall. He had now placed himself in a false and dangerous position. Even if he were willing to aid the Philistines against his fellow-countrymen, success in the war would have effectually prevented him from becoming the accepted leader of Israel. Fortunately, the other Phil. leaders were less ready than Achish to trust him. When D. and his troops appeared in the rearguard with Achish at Aphek, as the Philistine hosts were mustering, the princes protested against the presence of the famed Israelitish leader, and urged that treachery to them in battle would be the surest way to a reconciliation with the king of Israel. Achish was therefore reluctantly compelled to bid D. depart, and next morning he turned homewards with his men (chs. 281f- 290). Two days later they reached Ziklag, to find that a sudden raid of the Amalekites had laid the town in ruins and carried the inhabitants cap- tive. D. was the first to recover his composure, and, encouraged by an answer from J” given through the ephod of Abiathar, he started to pur- sue the foe. At the brook Besor, probably the Wady Esheria south of Gaza, 200 of his men were compelled to remain, overcome by fatigue. The pursuit, however, was continued, and an Egyp. slave, who was found half dead in the way, offered in return for a promise of life and liberty to guide D. to the enemy’s encampment. The Amalekites were surprised at dusk while feasting, and few of the men escaped. All the captives were recovered, and a large booty was taken. On the return to the brook Besor, a dispute arose as to the right of the men who had been left there to share in the spoil. D., however, decided in their favour, and thus established the principle that those who fought and those who guarded the baggage should share alike. Of the rich spoil D. had a further use to make, for he sent costly presents to the elders of Hebron and other towns in the south of Judah, where he had been accustomed to find shelter during his earlier outlaw life (ch. 30). In this way he secured friends whose assistance was soon to be of the highest importance to him. It would seem, indeed, that these presents were sent after the 566 DAVID battle of Gilboa, for it was only two days after his return to Ziklag that D. heard of the defeat of Israel] and the death of Saul and his three eldest sons. ‘The tidings were brought by a young Amalekite, who is said to have presented to D. the royal crown and bracelet; but the account given by him of the death of Saul (2 11!) cannot be reconciled with the more reliable narrative in 18381. The messenger was rewarded for his tid- ings by being at once put to death (2 S 11816, ef, 41) ; the defeat of Israel was commemorated with mourning and fasting, while D. himself expressed in a beautiful ode his grief for Saul and Jonathan, Of both he speaks in tones of warmest respect and affection ; his love for Jonathan is expressed in a burst of passionate feeling; but it is noticeable that no religious thoughts are contained in the poem. Its genuineness is not unquestioned, but its Davidic authorship is accepted by Kuenen, Wellh., Stade, Budde, Cheyue, Driver, and others. The opportunity had at last arrived for D. to return to his native country. After inquiring of J'’, he removed to Hebron, the ancient sacred city of Judah, accompanied by his family and his followers with their households. His presents had already gained him the goodwill of the Judean elders ; a renowned warrior of their own tribe was more likely to defend their interests than a younger descendant of the house of Saul; and D. was forthwith anointed king in Hebron (2S 21+), We hear of no opposition on the part of the Philistines. ]), still retained Ziklag (1 S 27°), and doubtless continued to be a Philistine vassal. A division of the Isr. kingdom was conducive to the Philistine supremacy. According to the Chronicler, he had received accessions to his forces, outside his own tribe, while still at Ziklag; twenty-two men are named of Saul’s tribe (1 Ch 12!-‘), while of the tribe of Manasseh several chiefs are said to have deserted to D., when he came with the Phil. army against Saul, and to have assisted him against the Amalekites (ib. vv. 22). The Chronicler, indeed, makes no direct mention of the reign of Eshbaal (Ishbosheth), or of the division of the kingdom, but in reality there were still several years of fighting and waiting before D. was recognized as king over all Israel. D.’s first public act was at once generous and politic. He sent messengers to the men of Jabesh- gilead, and thanked them for their loyal and courageous conduct in rescuing the bodies of Saul and his sons. But the adherents of the house of Saul still remained true to the family. ‘The natural heir to the throne was the only surviving legitimate son of the late king, Ishbosheth, or rather Eshbaal (1 Ch 8%8), who was perhaps still under age; for the later gloss in 2S 219 is certainly incorrect. His kinsman Abner, Saul’s powerful general, retired with him across the Jordan to the ancient city of Mahanaim, and there made Eshbaal king. His dominions extended over Gilead and Geshur (Vulg. and Syr.), and on the west of Jordan over Jezreel, Ephraim, and Benjamin ; but Abner was the real ruler and the support of the dynasty, and perhaps he, too, was compelled to recognize the over-lordship of the Philistines (so Kamphausen). Regarding the seven years during which DPD. reigned at Hebron we have but the scantiest information. He seems to have acted on the defensive, and probably felt that his cause would gain by waiting. Possibly, it was only by degrees that Abner extended his authority, so that some time elapsed before the rival forces were brought into collision. Only of one engagement is any account given; Joab’s followers were vic- torious, but in the flight Abner killed Asahel, Joab’s youngest brother. The cause of Eshbaal was declining even before he alienated his pro- DAVID tector Abner, whom he reproached for taking one of his father’s concubines. In anger Abner entered into communication with D., offering to bring over the whole kingdom into his hands. ‘The only con- dition made by D. was the restoration of his wife Michal, through whom he doubtless hoped to sup- port his claim as Saul’s successor. Michal was sent back by Eshbaal’s orders, and Abner conferred with the elders of the various tribes, who had already begun to recognize the inability of the house of Saul to defend them against their foes, and to look to D. as the one hope of the nation. Abner then visited Hebron, where he was entertained by D.; but on his departure he was murdered by Joab, in revenge for his brother Asahel. D. already began to find his loyal but unscrupulous nephew too strong for him. He could only express his abhor- rence of the murder, which was indeed likely to alienate the supporters of Saul’s house, and cause Abner to be honourably buried in Hebron, while he himself composed the funeral dirge—conduct which further increased the king’s popularity (283). The death of Abner could not long delay the fall of Eshbaal; two Benjamite captains shortly afterwards murdered him during his mid- day sleep, and brought his head to D. in Hebron, The king commanded the instant execution of the murderers, while Eshbaal’s head was buried in the tomb of Abner (ch. 4). D., who had formerly led Israel to victory against the Philistines, was now recognized as the natural leader of the people; the elders of the nation assembled at Hebron, a solemn league was made, and J). anointed king over the whole of Israel. He is said to have been at this time 37 years of age (2 § 5! 5), The Chronicler gives an account of the bodies of men sent by the different tribes to make D. king, and of the three days’ feast which they kept at Hebron (1 Ch 1278-40) ; but the language used is that of a later time, the numbers given are in most cases certainly too large, while the position assigned to the contingent of priests and Levites does not increase our confidence in the narrative. Except for the important record of events in D.’s family, our accounts of his reign are fragmentary and incomplete ; our history is not arranged in a strictly chronological manner, and the time and order of events must be to some extent a matter of conjecture. In spite of the present arrangement of 2 S 5, there can be little doubt that the Phil. wars were the first important events after D.’s recognition by the whole nation. The task im- posed upon him by his election as king was that of freeing his country from Phil. domination. It was no longer possible for him to continue a vassal to a foreign power, nor were the Philistines likely to acquiesce, when without their consent he assumed sovereignty over all Israel. When, therefore, ‘the Phil. heard that they had anointed D. king over Israel’ (2S 51”), they at once invaded the country. D. seems to have been unprepared, and was com- pelled ‘to go down to the hold,’ z.e. probably the old stronghold of Adullam, of such importance during his outlaw life, while the Philistines penetrated to the heart of the country and occupied Bethle- hem and the Valley of Rephaim, probably between Bethlehem and Jerusalem (2 § 23!3f ; so Stade, and Kittel who places the valley of Rephaim north of Jerusalem). Of the duration and progress of the war we have no certain information, but some detached notices of it have been preserved. It was while the Philistines had a garrison in Beth- lehem that the three ‘mighty men’ forced their way to the well by the gate, to bring D. a draught of water for which he had expressed a wish; but the gift obtained at such a risk was too precious to drink, and D. poured out the water as an offering to J!’ (2 § 281817), Other incidents of the DAVID DAVID 567 war are recorded in 2 § 211522, At Gob D. was | the succession would have been avoided. On re- nearly slain in combat with a giant, but rescued by Abishai, and in consequence D.’s men declared that he should no longer risk his life in battle. On another occasion Elhanan of Bethlehem slew Goliath of Gath, and other feats of D.’s heroes are recorded (2 § 238-12), ), and declares who shall off the honours of the victory (vi®). All these are features not found in ch. 5, and as coming from ch. 4 must be pronounced of inferior historical value. For the other divergences connected with the mention of Jabin, the position of the battle, the deed of Jael, the authorities must be consulted. LITERATURE.—Hilliger, Das Deborah-Lied tibersetzt u. erklart, 1867; A. Miiller, Das Lied der Deborah, 1887 (Kénigsberger Studien, i.); Budde, Richt. u. Sam. 66-72, 101-107 ; M. Vernes * Except Simeon and Levi. Judah is not mentioned; it had not entered into any close connexion with the other tri and was cut off from them by a line of Canaanite strongholds (Jg 129. 35, Jos 917), ¢ 41-8. 23. 24 51. 81b belong: to the Deuteronomic compiler of Judges ; his hand may also be traced in 44> 938 14a, t Barak=lightning, Lappidoth=jlames (44) ; hence some think that both are names of the same person, and that Barak was Deborah’s husband, This is merely a fancy DEBT, DEBTOR DEBT, DEBTOR 579 ———$—$———— in Revue des Btudes Juives, xxiv. 1802; G. A.’Cooke, Hist. and Song of Deb. 1892; O. Niebuhr, Versuch einer Reconst. des Deboratiedes, 1894; G. F. Moore, Judges (1895), 127-173. 8. Deborah (AV Debora), the grandmother of Tobit, To 1°. G. A. COOKE. DEBT, DEBTOR.—4. Ix OT.—i, Terma.—mb in Qal, EV borrow, ptep. borrower, LXX davsilecbes, Vulg. fenus accipio, mutuo sumo pecunias, mutuor, mutuum accipio; in Hiph. EV tend (i.e. cause to borrow), ptcp. lender, LXX davilw, ixdaviSoo, sixpniss, Vulg. pecuniam mutuam do, faneror. mb is also used in the sense of join, and the sense of borrow may be derived from the dependence of the borrower on the lender; but mb join, and mb borrow, may be independent roots of different origin (so Fuerst). »b Levi, Levite, is not necessarily connected with either. #3 (also in form pw) Qal and Hiph., EV lend on usury, take usury, exact (usury); Qal ptcp. creditor, extortioner, also given in Dt 152 for 9: mip Sy3 ‘possessor of a loan of his hand,’ in Dt 2411 thy debtor is $2 Aya ANY WY WNT, te. ‘the man to whom thou are lending,’ or ‘a creditor.’ So Is 242 \a xv Wr, cf. 1 8 222 ‘he to whom anyone is a usurer,’ i.e. one who borrows on usury,’ EV the giver of usury to him. LXX dwairsiv, paraphrases with égs/Auy (owe), and (for ptcp.) Savuerhs, and in Is 501 dx ypews (debtor). Vulg. commodo, exigo, usuras ewigo, and for ptep. creditor, fenerator, y}2 K 47 EV debt, LXX réxous, Vulg. creditori (reading the ptcp.). Ayn, EV debt, loan, LXX é¢siAnun, Vulg. debitum. yp, EV usury, exaction, LXX deuirnois, Vulg. ces alienum, exactio. This root has been connected with 7w3 bite, cf. 3Y) in ref. to the nature and effects of usury; or with Aw) rage because payment of a debt is remitted for a time (Ges. 39} (WW1= bite) EV usury, LXX réx0s, Vulg. usura. In Dt 2320. 21 (Eng.19. 20) the Hiph. of 13 is used for ‘lend on usury,’ and the Qal for ‘borrow on usury.’ LXX Hiph. ixroxisis, Qal ixdavions ; Vulg. Hiph. fenero, commodo. m’D7B, NR (717 become great), EV increase (and in AV of Pr unjust gain), LXX wrrwvarpuss, iwi «A401, Vulg. super- abundantia, fenus, amplius. 3} and n‘p77 are often coupled together, Lv 2536, Ezk 18817 etc.; Nowack, Heb. Arch. i. 354, takes 4v) as interest on a loan of money, and n’37n as interest or a loan of corn, eta etc., but in Dt 2320 (Eng. 19) we have 57/3 ‘of money ... of food... of anything.’ ain, Ezk 187, EV debtor, Oxf. Heb. Lex. debt, LXX dosiaovres, Vulg. debitori. bay Qal, borrow on pledge, EV borrow, LXX danowos, Vulg. accipio mutuum ; Hiph. lend on pledge, EV lend, LXX davsiZm, Vulg. fenero, mutuum do. olay, anything given as security for the payment of a loan or the fulfilment of any obligation, EV tae LXX ivigupor, Vulg. pignus. In Dt 2419a Qal denom. occurs =secure (the security). p'nay Hab 26, RV pledge=nhy; AV thick clay, Vulg. densum lutum, is due to a mistaken etymology. In J1 27 Piel of nay=twist, bind ; so the root=‘ borrow,’ because the borrower was bound to the lender; but Wellhausen regards bay asan Aram. loan word, and Driver proposes to connect with pas ‘hold firmly.’ ban Qal (it. bind, cf. way), EV take or lay a pledge, LXX insyvpétw, Vuig. phrases with pignus; bun, nbsp, EV pledge, LXX intybparua, -uss, Valg. pignus. aw Qal, Hithpa., BY be surety, give pledges, mortgage, make @ wager, LXX duyyiuy, Jalg. spondo, fidem facio, jidejussor ersto, vadem me offero. pay, EV pledge, LXX apjaBdy, Vulg. arrhabo, pignus. 137% any (Pr 1718), EV becometh surety, LXX iqgudipecvoy iyyvardas, Vulg. spondo. byw (ask) obtains from the context the sense of borrow in Ex 2214, 2 K 48 EV, and similarly the Hiph. may=lend in 181% RVm. li. In History.—1l. Causes of Debt.—There is no trace in OT of any system of commercial credit. Loans of money or large purchases on credit do not occur as ordinary and natural incidents of trade. Debt (except of the most temporary character, see below on Pledges, ‘and on Gn 3818; and cf. Ex 2214) is an exceptional misfortune ; it is always the poor man who borrows, Ex 22%. The existence of a developed credit system in Babylonia is no proof of the existence of any similar system in Israel. In such, as in many other matters, it is as precarious to argue from Babylon to Israel as it would be now from England to Afghanistan. This absence of com- mercial credit naturally resulted from the fact that the Israelites of the monarchy were not a commercial pou and that their trade was mostly in the ands of the Phen. and other foreigners. The other ordinary causes of debt must have operated in Israel. Passing exigencies would create debts speedily paid (Gn 381%); misfortune, extravagance, and suretyship gave rise to more serious indebted- ness. Such misfortunes specially arose from failure of crops (Neh 5%), foreign raids, pressure of taxa- tion for the home government or for the payment of foreign tribute (Neh 5‘). Though debt cannot be said to have been uncommon in Israel,—Is 24? mentions the borrower and the lender as social types,—yet it seems to have been comparatively rare, so that it was never accepted as natural and legitimate. This appears from the paucity of refer- ences to debt, and of terms connected with debt, and also from the primitive character of these terms, e.g. ‘he who has a creditor’ for ‘debtor’ (1 S 22%). 2. Leading Cases.—In Gn 38% Judah promises Tamar a kid, and gives her his signet, etc., as a pledge that he will discharge the debt thus created. He forthwith sends her the kid. In 2 K 417 a widow’s late husband had incurred a moderate debt, —it could be paid by selling a quantity of oil,—his family were still liable for the debt. ‘The creditors were expected to recoup themselves by selling her two sons for slaves. Elisha accepts this as a matter of course, and can only relieve his friend by a miracle. In Neh 5 the farmers are in distress through drought and taxes, they have borrowed money at 1 p. c. per month on theirland. (Nowack, i. 354, proposes to read nxwp for nxp.) The debtors had defaulted, their lands had been seized, and some had been compelled to sell their children. In response to a solemn appeal from Nehemiah (he and his suite being among the lenders) the lands and interest were restored, possibly tl:e debts were wholly or partially cancelled. The only other mention of actual debt is 1S 223, where debtors resort to David in his exile. iii. In the Law, Prophets, etc.—The necessity of borrowing is regarded as a misfortune, sometimes a punishment for sin (Dt 15° 28! “), oftener un- deserved, and therefore entitling the borrower to assistance. His richer brethren should assist him with loans (Dt 157"), even in view of the approach- ing year of release (Ps 3776 112°, Pr 1917); with- out interest (Ex 22% [JE], Dt 237-1 [Eng. 1 2°], Lv 25% 37H}, Ps 15°, Pr 288, Ezk 18817 2918 Neh 5). Nowack, i. 354, and Benzinger, 350, understand that Ex 22” only forbids excessive usury (B. takes 2b as gloss), so that the absolute prohibition of interest first appears in Dt. Such prohibitions do not extend to loans to foreigners. No provision is made in the law. for the recovery of debt, but non- payment of debt is condemned in Ps 377. Both the law and the prophets are chiefly concerned to protect the debtor. The law restricts the exaction of pledges: a widow’s clothing (Dt 242”), the nether or upper millstone (Dt 24°), the widow’s ox (Job 245), ehould not be taken in pledge. The creditor (Dt 241-13) may not go into the debtor's house to fetch a pledge, but must wait outside till the debtor brings him a pledge of the debtor’s choosing (Dillm., Benz.). This pledge would often consist of clothing (Am 28, Pr 20° 2715, Job 22%); and might not be kept overnight (Ex 22% [JE], Dt 24%), Pledges are rather tolerated than approved of; 2 pious Israelite would not require a pledge (Job 22° 24°), or, at any rate, would promptly restore it (Ezk 187-16 335)—whether with or without pee is not obvious. The law also limits claims on debtors by the laws of Jubilee and of the Seventh Year. In Ex 231 1 (JE) the land is to be released (njypo¥n ‘thou shalt release it’), i.e left fallow, every seventh year; cf. Lv 25)" (H). This 580 DECALOGUE DECALOGUE provision does not occur in Dt, but Dt 15!* appoints a release, 7»>y, of debt every seventh year. This nvny has been understood (a) as a cancelling of interest during the seventh year, which is im- ssible in view of the abactate prohibition of interest in the immediate context; (6) as mora- toriwm, the creditor being forbidden to demand payment during the seventh year, but bein allowed to do so at its close; (c) as an absolute an final cancelling of debt, as in Solon’s xpeav droxomy. In any case, some relief in the matter of debt would be specially welcome for the year during which the land lay fallow. The mypy did not extend to foreigners. As the debtor or his family might be sold to pay debt (cf. above and Ly 25% 4’, Is 501), the provisions for the humane treatment of Heb. slaves, for their release in the seventh year (Ex 21%), or (with the land) at the Jubilee (Lv 25°) are a further limitation of the rights of creditors. iv. Actual Practice.—Apart from Neh 5 and the vague engagement in Neh 10%! we do not read of these benevolent laws being observed. Probably, they were never consistently enforced as public law for any long period. When the Jews con- ceived themselves bound by the letter of the law, they at once devised a means of systematically evading the Deuteronomic a»>y¥. This and other laws represent a standard favoured by public opinion and sometimes observed by generous and pious Israelites (Ezk 187). Creditors generally took pledges, required sureties, exacted interest, and seized the land, family, and person of their debtors. Is 24? mentions the giver and taker of usury as social types. The warnings against suretyship (Pr 6! 1145 2016 2976 9718) indicate severe treatment of debtors; according to Pr 22’ the borrower is the slave of the lender, and Jer 15’ indicates a bitter feeling between borrower and lender quite at variance with the ideal of charitable loans. B. Apocr. AND NT.—No actual case of debt occurs in either. Both, like OT, inculcate duty of lending and paying (Sir 29, Lk 6% 8, Ro 138), Mt 6” suggests a generous treatment of debtors. Sir 18% ope out the danger of borrowing. In NT debt occurs chiefly in the parables, The Two Debtors (Lk 7: *), the Two Creditors (Mt 187-8), In the latter we find that, as in Greece and Rome, the slave could have property of his own, and thus become a debtor to his master. The treatment of a defaulter is entirely at his master’s disposal. Here too, however, the person of the ordinary debtor may be seized for debt. In the parables of the Talents (Mt 25'4-8°) and Pounds (Lk 19"-*’), and the narratives of the Cleansing of the Temple (Mt 21, Mk 11518, Lk 1945-48, Jp 212-17), we come upon the advanced commercial system of the Rom. Empire, with money-changers, bankers, and commercial usury, which Christ mentions with- out condemning. In the parable of the Unjust Steward (Lk 16!-!*) we trace a credit system in con- nexion with agriculture. Interest is not con- demned in NT. LITERATURE.—See commentaries on passages cited, esp. Driver on Dt 151-8, and sections on debt in Heb. Arch. of Benzinger and of Nowack. W. H. BENNETT. DECALOGUE.—The law of the Ten Words, virtually a translation of the original Heb. name ena myy Dt 4% 104, cf. Ex 34%) is the most suitable title of the ethical code prefixed to the Sinaitie legislation. The name ‘Ten Command- ments’ is a less accurate rendering, and it pre- judges the disputed question as to whether all of the ten words are of the nature of commandments. It is also called the Testimony (nny Ex 257), and the Covenant (na, Dt 9°). The accounts of the first publication of the D. contain a variety of extraordinary particulars in attestation of its immediate divine origin and of its sovereign authority. The nation gathered at the foot of Sinai to receive a revelation (Ex 191”). Amid thunder and lightning, and with the sound of a trumpet, the Lord descended upon the smoking mount (1916), and from thence proclaimed the words of the law in articulate tones in the ears of the terrified peeve (2018, Dt 4!2). The words thus uttered by the very voice were thereafter graven by the very finger of God on two tables of stone (Ex 3138, Dt 4%). These tables, which were broken by Moses on witnessing the temporary apostasy of the people (Ex 32!), were replaced by another pair on which God had promised to rewrite the former words (Ex 34), and which were there- after deposited in the ark with a view to their safe-keeping and in token of their paramount importance (Dt 10°).* n consideration of these details, in which so much stress is laid on the authority of the D. and on the precautions taken for preserving it in its purity, it is remarkable that the Pent. contains two versions of it which exhibit not a few, or altogether unimportant, variations—the classic version, as it may be called, of Ex 20”, and the less-regarded version of Dt 5°. The principal divergences occur in the reasons annexed to the fourth and fifth commandments. Under the fourth Dt founds the duty of Sabbath observance, not upon the example of the God of Creation who rested from His works on the seventh day (Ex 201), but upon the dictates of humanity and of gratitude. ‘ Observe the Sabbath-day to keep it holy .. . that thy man-servant and thy maid-servant may rest as well as thou. And thou shalt remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt, and J” thy God brought thee out thence by a mighty hand and by a stretched out arm: therefore J” thy God com- manded thee to keep the Sabbath-day ° (Dt 5’), The fifth commandment, in the Deuteronomic text, sanctions filial conduct with the promise of pros- perity as well as of long life (5'6). In the tenth, it may be added, Dt has a different order from Ex— the wife being pleted at the head of the series, while the coveting of the neighbour’s field, which would count for much with a peasant people, is expressly prohibited (571).+ That the Exodus version of the D. is on the whole superior to, i.e. older and purer than, the text of Dt, is the opinion of the es majority of modern scholars, res Delitzsch, Dillmann, W. R. Smith, Driver.t For this opinion the ee ground is that the variations in Dt are obviously a personal contribution from this author, some being mere amplifications in his wonted style, others instances of the intrusion of his character- istic ideas or expressions (cf. Dillmann, Ezod. p. 200; Driver, LOT p. 31). * The account in Ex of the Sinaitic revelation is highly com- posite, and many details of the critical analysis are still unsettled. The Decalogue is imbedded in E, which furnishes most of the matter in Ex 19-24; but this is not decisive as to its date— one section regarding it as derived by E from pre-existing sources (Driver, LO7’ p. 30), while another assumes its intrusion into the E stratum after the formulation of the Decalogue of Dt (Meisner, Der Dekalog p. 11). The J narrative is more prominent in Ex 82-34, and has often been alleged to set forth an older summary as the kernel of the legislation (see infra). This latter inference, apart from other grounds, is rendered very precarious by the fact that a great part of the original contents of J is no longer before us. ¢ final redaction does not determine whether the words were rewritten by God (Ex 341) or by Moses (Ex 3428), + Other Dt variations are multiplication of ponnecis eat ticles, and of details (the ox and the ass entitled to Sabbath rest), verbal changes (‘ observe’ for ‘remember’ in c. 4, ‘desire’ for ‘covet’ in the main body of c. 10), and allusive phrases (‘ As the Lord thy God commanded thee’ in cs. 4 and 5). t Wellhausen, however, ‘protests against the @ consistent preference of the Exod. text,’ Comp. d. and ‘ez.; and evidence that his view is spreading is furnished by the argu- ment of Meisner’s painstaking monograph (Der Dekalog). DECALOGUE — In opposition to the traditional conception of the D. as strictly Mosaic, three theories are widely represented in modern criticism—(1) that it is a prophetic compendium or manifesto belonging at the earliest to the 8th cent. B.c.; (2) that it is in substance Mosaic, but that it was enlarged at a later period by the addition of one or more command- ments, or at least (3) of amplifications and sanctions of the original ‘ words.’ (1) Against the Mosaic origin it is argued that the tradition does not consistently maintain its claim, but alternatively exhibits a summary of a poy different character (Ex 3414) as the Mosaic D. (Wellhausen, Comp. d. Hea. p. 331 ff.)* ; that the ancient ‘Book of the Covenant’ shows no acquaintance with its content (Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, p. 92 ff.), and especially that both in general spirit and in detail it is out of harmony with the essentially ritualistic religion of pre- ees times (following Wellhausen, Kayser, mend, Baentsch, op. cit. 98). Upon this it is sufficient here to observe that the cardinal assump- tion of this group of scholars, viz. that the D. was impossible before the prophetical teaching of the 8th cent., exaggerates the part played by the prophets in fixing the character of the OT religion. Assuredly, the prophets did not first enunciate, but inherited, the doctrine that true religion utters itself in morality ; and it is an obvious inference from the broad facts of the tradition that this fundamental idea was affirmed by and descended from Moses. That as the founder or reformer of a religion he should have embodied its leading prin- ciples in ‘terse’ sentences is not only possible but i bones and the testimony to the fact that in the . We possess such a summary is too strong to be set aside in the interests of a historical theory.t+ (2) A second group of critics, while holding that ‘ Moses in the name of J” prescribed to the I[srael- ites such a law as is contained in the ten words’ (Kuenen, Rel. Isr., Eng. tr. i. p. 285), support the contention of the first group, that one or more of the commandments are post-Mosaic. The main objection to the Mosaic authorship of ¢. 4—that it presupposes conditions of agricultural life unlike those under which Moses could have conceived and T omnlented it (Montefiore, Hib. Lect. p. 554; cf. mend, Religionsgesch. p. 139)—is at the most valid against certain of the amplifications. More serious is the case against the Mosaic origin of c. 2, founded on the facts that its prohibition of graven images was disregarded in the time of the judges and of the early monarchy, that the prophets of the Northern Kingdom offered no opposition to the cult of the * The so-called Jahwistic D., first indicated by Goethe, has 27 pond reconstructed by Wellhausen as follows (Isr. Gesch. La 1. Thou shalt not worship any strange god, 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee molten gods. 8. Thou shalt keep the feast of Unleavened Bread, 4, All the first-born are mine. 5. Thou shalt keep the feast of Weeks. 6. Thou shalt keep the feast of Ingathering in the fall of the year. res shalt not mingle leavened bread with the blood of my sacrifice. ; 8. Thou shalt not retain until the morning the fat of my 9. Thou shalt bring the best of the first-fruits of thy field to the house of J” thy God. 10. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother’s milk, In Ex the code really contains 12 precepts, hence there is no agreement as to the selection to bemade. It may be noted that st is not claimed that itis Mosaic, but only that it is older than the D, of Ex 20 (cf. Smend, Religionsgesch. p. 47). t Of this evidence an important element is the tradition that two tables of stone containing the D. were placed by Moses in the ark (Ex 4020, Dt 105). The arguments used to discredit the tradition are set forth fully by Stade, Gesch. d. V. Isr. i. . 457 ff., where its existence is explained by the supposition tt the ark originally contained sacred stones associated with the presence of J”. But surely Mosaism cannot have bequeathed to posterity as its most precious legacy a stone-fetish (see ARK OF THE COVENANT). DECALOGUE 581 golden calves, and that the prophetic conscience appears first to have revolted against them in the 8th cent. in Judah (Kuenen, Rel. Jsr., Eng. tr. i. 283 ff.). To this it is replied, in general, that the non-observance of a religious law is no proof of its non-existence ; and, in particalar, that as the central sanctuaries possessed no image in the times of Eli, David, and Solomon, the prohibition must have been early operative as a recognized part of the pure Mosaic system (cf. Kittel, Hist. Heb., Eng. tr. 1. pp. 248, 249). It may be added that contact with Egyptian idolatry is likely to have made Moses recoil from image-worship. It must, however, be granted that the historical facts are perplexing; and it is at least possible that ¢. 2 is a development by the prophetical school of a consequence originally only latent in the Mosaic prohibition of the worship of other gods. (3) A third view leaves undisturbed the tradition that Moses was the author of an essentially spiritual and ethical code of ten precepts, but alleges the probability of this having originally existed in a briefer form, to which from time to time various reflexions and promises were added which strengthened their appeal to the mind and will. On this theory, widely held by scholars since Ewald (Gesch. Isr.8 ii. 231), command- ments 2, 3, 4, 5 originally wanted the ‘reasons annexed,’ while 10 may have stopped at ‘house.’ It is strongly supported by the variations of the two texts, and seems irresistible in consideration of the fact that c. 4 presupposes acquaintance with Gn 11-28, It may be added that the terser version gives a better balance to the two tables, and was more suited to the capacity of the popular memory: and in particular that it represents material common to. and thus attested by, the joint testimony of the two divergent recensions.* The division of the D. into its ten constituent parts has occasioned considerable difficulty. The three systems, as adopted by different religious communities, may be thus re- presented— Greek and R. OC. and ish Reformed, Lutheran, Je God the Deliverer out of Egypt. 3 - Preface Preface o1. Prohibition of poly- theism . : > al c1 c. 2 Prohibition of graven ; images : ts. 8. - ue = ~ * ca. 3-9 oe cs. 8-9. Prohibitions of covet- c. ousness . : 6 \ S20 nee 10t \ ¢. 10. The second of these divisions, introduced after Jewish precedent by Augustine (ad Exod.) is slightly supported by the fact that cs. 1 and 2 have a joint sanction, and also by the Dt text of c. 10, but is equally unhappy in combining the two distinct prohibitions of polytheism and idolatry, and in separating the particulars, possibly not original, of the precept against covetousness. The Talmudic division, which treats the preface as the first word, is liable to the objection, not only that it affects the unity of the code, but that the same formula appears elsewhere as introduc- tion or conclusion (Ly 18? 1936), In view of these objections the Greek-Reformed division, represented in antiquity by Philo, Josephus, and many Fathers (Origen, In Ex. Homilia, 12), is favoured by the majority of modern critics (Oehler, Ewald, Delitzsch, Dillmann). See also Nestle in Hap. Tvmes, June 1897. The original sequence of the ‘words’ is disturbed in LXX, where the two commandments which bear upon the life of the family (5 and 7) are brought together, and the sixth becomes the eighth. In NT the order is variable, but usually the seventh precedes the sixth (Mk 1019, Ro 139), The classification of the commandments is suggested by their distribution between two tables. Obviously, they fall into two groups — (1) the religious (1-4), which define certain duties which man owes to God ; and (2) the ethical (5-10), which define certain duties which he owes to his brother man. It has, how- ever, been frequently pointed out that, in the antique mode of thought, filial duty was more closely allied to the religious than * The view that the ‘torso’ was the original D. is assailed by Meisner on the ground that the irreducible minimum of the words of the first table has been ‘inundated’ by Dt (Dek. p. 10), but it is at least as probable that the vocabulary of Dt was enriched by the original D. + While the R.O. and Luth. Churches agree in subdividing the prohibitions of covetousness, the former makes c 9 protect the neighbour's wife, the latter his house. 582 DECALOGUE DECALOGUE to the ethical obligation, and that the first five commandments may accordingly be suitably grouped as precepts of piety, the last five as laws of probity. The precepts of piety, which may fairly be assigned to the first table, are on the whole clear. The first, while not un- ambiguously sounding the monotheistic note, at least excludes iythalam from Israel. The second prohibits the worship of he true God under a visible form—idolatry. That the third had an aqually definite aim is probable, and it is a plausible suggestion that its point was directed against the use of God's name in spiritualistic and other magical rites (Smend), though most exegetes make it include various abuses of God’s name—as perjury, lying, cursing, and other forms of profanity. In the reasons annexed to the words of this table may be noticed the two remarkable features of c. 2, the profound insight into the law of heredity, and the intimation that the soul of religion is the love of God; the Deut. grounding of c. 4, which breathes compassion towards man and beast ; and the confident assertion {n c. 5 of the doctrine of temporal retribution. The laws of probity take under their protection human life (c. 6), the institution of marriage (c. 7), property (c. 8), and character or reputation (c. 9); while c. 10 strikes at the roots of wrong-doing by proscribing the lawless desire. They may be further classified according as they condemn criminality in act (cs. 6-8), in word (c. 9), and in thought (c. 10). From this brief sketch of the contents of the D. we may obtain an impression both of its greatness and its limitations. Its first distinction is that within the brief compass of the ten words it lays down the fundamental articles of religion (sovereignty and spirituality of God), and asserts the claims of morality in the chief spheres of human relationship (home, calling, society). Its ethical precepts are the most far-reaching and the most indispensable. It is, again, a further testimony to the moral value of the code that it provided forms capable of re- ceiving a richer and fuller content than that which they originally held. But the sovereign distinc- tion of the D. lies less in its exhibition of the foundations of religion and of the landmarks of morality, than in its representation of religion and morality as knit together by a vital and indis- soluble bond. The D. is, in brief, the charter of ethical piety, or, in other words, the great Pe advocate for righteousness as the ighest form of ritual. In an age of the world’s history when popular religion found satisfaction in an ethically indifferent ceremonialism, in a country where Mosaic sanction was claimed for an elaborate system of sacrifices and festivals, the D. excluded from the summary of duty almost every reference to this class of obligations, and made it clear that what God above all required was justice and mercy. Consistently with this, the one re- ligious duty, narrowly so called, which finds a place in the code, is Sabbath observance ; for this commandment not only had in view the provision of an opportunity for meditation and worship, but was equally conceived, if we may follow Dt, as a beneficent institution founded in compassion toward the weary and heavy laden. The limitations of the D. lie on the surface. Its brevity forbids us to expect exhaustiveness, and, as a fact, its ethical requirements may almost all be connected with the single virtue of justice. Wisdom and fortitude, which figure prominentl in the Greek scheme of virtue, are not recognized, and even in the prohibitions of adultery and covetousness it is less temperance or self-control than justice that appears to interpose to forbid the sin. Again, it followed from the undisciplined character of the people to whom it was first given, that the D. should be elementary in its teaching. They were children who had need to be taught the first principles of the oracles of God. The demands accordingly are not very high-pitched: with the exception of the tenth, the moral precepts belong exclusively to the region of conduct where actions condemned by the conscience as sins are also punished by the state as crimes. Further, of the ten, eight are prohibitions, two only are positive {njunctions. And herein lies the principal limita- tion of the D. In the main a condemnation of superstition and crime, and as such of the highest value in the training of a primitive people, it does not meet the demand of the enlightened conscience for a positive moral ideal. For this we must ad- vance to Christ’s interpretation or revision of the Decalogue. The frequent references of Christ to the D. are marked by two main features—(l) a hearty re- cognition of its divine authority (Mt 5"); (2) a purpose of so interpreting its precepts as to widen their range and exalt their demands. Its inade- quacy as an ideal, due to its preponderantly negative character, He rectified by condensing the law into the two positive commandments to love God with all our heart, and our neighbour as our- selves (Mt 22°84), Indeed, so closely did the teaching of Jesus lean on the Mosaic form that it is possible to construct with scarcely a gap the D. according to Christ. The following are the principal addi- tions: C. 1. Thou shalt love the Lord with all thy heart (Mt 22°). C. 2. They that worship, worshi in spirit and truth (Jn 4%). C. 3, Swear not at (Mt 5%). C. 4. The Sabbath was made for man (Mk 277). ©. 5. Duty to parents paramount over other religious obligation (Mt 15). C. 6. Murder includes anger (Mt 5%). C. 7. Adultery includes lust (5%). Ofc. 8 we have not Christ’s exposition, but the absence is readily explained by the fact that c. 10 had already aitended the prohibition of theft in the spirit of the teaching of Jesus. Simi- larly, the false witness of c. 9 is referred to a foul heart (Mt 12%), while the idle is included in con- demnation with the calumnious word (12%), Of Christ’s definite consciousness of a mission to handle the D. in the light of the final revelation there is further evidence in His announcement of the new commandment of brotherly love (Jn 13%), by which He re-emphasizes the nature of the positive ideal substituted for the warnings of the second table.* Of the apostolic references to the D. those of St. Paul are most noteworthy. Like Jesus, he employs it as a standard to test conduct and measure wickedness. He supposes the law to have been communicated to Moses through angelic mediation (Gal 319, cf. He 27). What St. Paul held as to the place of the D. in the Christian dispensation is a question of some difficulty. He nowhere draws a distinction between the ceremonial and the moral elements of the Mosaic law, and declares that, while the former are repealed, the latter remain binding: his general thesis is that the law as such has no longer dominion over the Christian (Ro 74). But as certainly it follows for St. Paul that the Christian, while placed in a new attitude to the law, voluntarily and joyfully re-subjects himself to and obeys its ethical commandments. Filled by the Spirit and animated with gratitude, he exhibits towards his fellow-men a measure of love to which it is a small thing to forbear from injustice, as re- quired in the second table of the ancient law (Ro 13%). In Christian theology the D. is commonly re- garded as a revelation, or as a republication, of the fundamentals of religion and morality. It is the most important part of the OT or legal economy, and as such was designed to show the path of duty, to deepen the sense of guilt, and to awaken a profound sense of human inability. The question of its continued validity for the Chris- tian, while capable of being diversely grounded, possesses practical importance only in the case of ec. 4, where the issue is whether the Sabbath is to ba * The perfection of the D. was a favourite thesis of 17th cent. orthodoxy as against the Socinians and Arminians, who declared that Christian ethics added three principles—abnegatio nostri, tolerantia crucis propter Christum, imitatio Christi. The orthodox view was that it did not require to be supplemented or corrected, but only properly peg ee) to furnish the full Christian ideal (see Turretin, 7'heol. Hlenc. Inst. Locus 11). DECAPOLIS DECISION kept as a divine command or as a measure of Christian expediency and a dictate of Christian feel- ing (see SABBATH). The latter view, energetically maintained by Luther, and favoured in the Federal School of Reformed theology, is most in harmony with the Pauline doctrines of law and Christian liberty. See Law. ; LirgratTurR.—Ewald, Hist. of Israel; Kuenen, Religion of Terael; Oehler’s OT Theology; W. R. Smith, art. ‘Decalogue’ in Encycl. Brit.9; Wellhausen, Composition des Hex.; Driver, LOT; H. Schultz, OZ Theology; Smend, Lehrbuch der AT' Religionsgeschichte; Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch; Meisner, Der Dekalog ; Stade, Gesch. Israel's; Kittel, Hist. of Israel; Dillmann, Hwod.; Driver, Deut.; Montefiore, Hibbert Lect. ; Harper, Deut. For the treatment of the D. in the old polemica’ divinity, reference may be made to F. Turretin, lnstitutio heologue Hlenctice; H. Grotius, Hzplicatio Decalogi, and OCocceius, De Sabbato; for homiletical treatment, to R. W. Dale, Ten Commandments. W. P. PATERSON. DECAPOLIS (AexdoXis), ‘ten cities,’ Mt 4%, Mk 5” 751,_A region of allied cities (see PALES- TINE) E. of Jordan in Bashan, but including Beth- shean W. of the river. Such leagues existed in other parts of the Roman Empire for purposes of trade and of defence. The mention of swine kept by the people of Decapolis suggests the presence of a Gr. colony ; and the region had a Gr.-speaking population, mingled with natives, as early as the time of Herod the Great. The cities of Decapolis, according 1e Pliny (HN v. 18), were Scythopolis (Beisin), Hippos (Susieh), Gadara (Umm Keis), Pella (Fahil), Philadelphia (‘Ammédn), Gerasa (Jerdsh), Dion (Adin), Catach (Kanawdt), Dam- ascus, and Raphana. ‘The region thus included all Bashan and Gilead. In the Onomasticon (s.#.) it is defined as the region round Hippos, Pella, and Gadara. (Cf. further, Schiirer, AJP 1. i. 94ff.; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 593 ff.) C. R. CONDER. DECEASE.—_In OT Is 26 only, ‘they are deceased.’ The Heb. is réphd’tm (n'x59), ‘shades,’ which RV translates ‘they that are deceased’ in Job 26°, Ps 88% See REPHAIM. In NT ‘decease’ is used as am intrans. vb. in Mt 22% ‘the first, when he had married a wife, deceased’ (reAevrddw, ‘come to an end,’ used with daydrw, Mt 154). Cf. Fuller, Holy War (1639), m1. x. 132, ‘Queen Sibyll who deceased of the plague.’ The subst. is found Lk 9°! ‘his decease which he should accomplish at Jerusalem,’ and 2P 1 (both é€odos, exodus, ‘outgoing’; used of death also Wis 3? 7°, Sir 38%; cf. elcodos=‘entering into’ the world, Ac 13%). J. HASTINGS. DECEIT.—The misleading of another by word or deed, in which case it is equivalent to falsehood (Pr 14%, Hos 127); or the overreaching of another, as when a false balance is used. Every kind of wickedness, as a rule, involves deceit, since the just and holy must be assumed as a mask, in order to gain credit with men, and make the accomplish- ment of the evil design possible (Pr 12” and 26%). D. shows itself not merely in isolated acts, but also as a settled habit. of eee (Jer 2376), It is so char- acteristic an element of evil that it is frequently used in Scripture as synonymous with it (Ps 119", Jer 75), W. MorGAN. DECEIYABLENESS.—Only in 2 Th 2” ‘With all d. of unrighteousness’ (RY ‘deceit’). The adj. ‘deceivable’ also occurs only once, Sir 10” ‘a d. seed.’ The meaning is ‘able to deceive,’ ‘deceitful’; and that is the usual meaning of the words, as 2P 1% Tind. ‘we followed not deceivable fables,’ and Gouge (1653) on He 3*4 ‘Sin prevails the more by the deceiveablenesse thereof.’ But Milton uses the adj. in the sense of ‘liable to be deceived’ in Samson Agonistes, 942, ‘blind, and thereby deceiv- able.’ J. HASTINGS. DECENTLY. — ‘Decent’ and ‘decently’ have deteriorated with use. From Lat. decens, they expressed originally that which is becoming, as Latimer, Ist Serm. bef. Edw. VI. (1547) ‘God teacheth what honoure is decente for the kynge’ ; and generally that which, by being seemly, adds lustre, hence comely, handsome (cf. Lat. decus), as Pref. to Pr. Bk. (1549) ‘this godly and decent Order of the ancient Fathers’; Bacon, Essays, p. 177, ‘the Principall part of Beauty is in decent motion’; Milton, // Pens. 36— * And sable stole of cypress lawn Over thy decent shoulders drawn.’ Now, the meaning is no more than ‘fair,’ ‘passable, as Darwin, Life, i. 151, ‘If I keep decently well.’ In AV ‘decent’ does not occur, and ‘decently’ only 1 Co 14” ‘Let all things be done d. and in order,’ for which all previous VSS have ‘honestly,’ after Vulg. honeste, Luther ehrlich (Gr. ebaxnudvws, which occurs also Ro 13, 1 Th 412, where all Eng. VSS have ‘honestly,’ with ‘decently’ in AVm of Ro 13%). J. HASTINGS. DECISION.—1. The decision of questions of right between man and man necessarily depends on the form of authority recognized in each successive stage of society. In the nomadic condition a patriarchal government is tempered by custom and the counsels of tribal headsmen. It can scarcely be altogether as a reflection from later times, that Moses continually appears in the Pentateuch accompanied by elders. The appoint- ment of the 70 is distinctly described as designed to afford relief to the leader in the decision of cases of dispute between Israelites (Nu 11°”), The judges appear as dictators, who would necessarily add to their military rule the administrative and judicial functions that accompany supreme power, though the local influence of heads and families must always have tempered their authority. It is as judge to settle disputes that Samuel is represented as making his annual visitation of Bethel, Gilgal, and Mizpah (1S 738, which is of late origin). ‘The kings of Judah and Israel were supreme judges. A judicial decision is the t te instance of Solomon’s wisdom (1 K 3'8-%3), ter the Captivity, since the Jews were now a subject race, the supreme authority for the decision of important cases rested with an alien government; but the transformation of the nation into a Church led to the private settlement of internal affairs on the advice of the scribes. The development of the syna- ogue may have given shape to this method, the foal court of elders settling minor cases. The formation of the Sanhedrin at Jerus. as both a civil and an ecclesiastical court led to the decision there of cases affecting Judea, though with various powers at different times, the Romans recognizing the legal authority of this court, but. requiring cases of life and death to be referred to the procur- ator (Jn 18%). Our Lord instructed His disciples to avoid litigation and to settle disputes with their brethren privately, or, if that were impossible, ip) reference to the Church as a court of judgment (Mt 1817). St. Paul expostulated with the Corinthians for resorting to the heathen law courts on account of quarrels among themselves, directing them to ap- point their own judges within the Church (1 Co 6?). 2. The decision of questions of perplexity in early times was determined by casting lots, with the conviction that what seemed to be chance with man was really directed by God (Pr 16%). This method was employed in the division of the land (Jos 14?, P), and in the cases of Achan (Jos 74), Saul (1S 102), Saul and Jonathan (14”). The Urim and Thummim and the ephod seem to have been used for casting lots (Ex 28°, Nu 27”, 18 288). This method of decision was missed at the restoration but its recovery anticipated (Ezr 2%, Neh 7®). The prophets, however, did not encourage it. Under the influence of the inspiration they enjoyed, the oracle was obtained more directly. Thus, unlike the choice of Saul, the choice of David was made b means of the prophetic spirit in Samuel (1S 16}-¥), Kings would resort to prophets for advice on uestions of going into battle, etc., e.g. the case of hab and Jehoshaphat, in which the contrast between the lying spirit of the false prophet and the true spirit of the genuine prophet of J” is illustrated (1 K 22!-*8), The decision of the prophet is clearly distinguished from divination, witchcraft, dealings with familiar spirits, and attempts to consult the dead—dark practices which are severely condemned (Dt 18%2). In NT the lot reappears, not only in the case of the division of the garments of Jesus among the Rom. soldiers (Mk 15%, Lk 2354, Jn 19%), but also in a solemn decision of the Christians as a means of obtaining a successor to Judas. In this case, however, it only decides be- tween two men, each of whom has been chosen after careful investigation has proved him to possess the qualities essential to apostleship, and then with antes for divine guidance (Ac 12-26), Doubts have een thrown on the wisdom of this course. It is ignificant fact that it never seems to have been followed in subsequent elections of church officers in the apostolic Churches. For Yalley of Decision see JEHOSHAPHAT (VALLEY). W. F. ADENEY. DECK.—To deck (=Lat. tegere, Ger. decken, Eng. thatch) is simply ‘to cover,’ hence the ‘deck’ of aship. Thus Cov. has (Hag 16) ‘Ye decke youre selves, but ye are not warme’ (Gen., AV, and RV ‘Ye clothe you’). In this sense possibly is Pr 71% ‘I have decked my bed with coverings of tapestry’ (7132, LXX réraxa, Vulg. intexui). But Luther has ‘Ich habe mein Bette schén geschmiicket, Wyc. ‘1 have arayed,’ and it is certain that by 1611 ‘deck’ had taken on the sense of decorate, no doubt through confusion with that word, with which it has no roper connexion. Thus Pr. Bk. (1552) Com. Berrios (Keeling, p. 191), ‘when a man hath pre- pared a rich feast, decked his table with all kind of provision, so that there lacketh nothing but the guests to sit down.’ In this sense ‘deck’ is used elsewhere in AV. J. HASTINGS. DECLARE, DECLARATION.—The oldest mean- ing of the vb. ‘ declare’ is to make clear (de-clarus), explain, expound, as in the Title of Tylle’s ed. of Tindale’s NT, ‘declaryng many harde places con- teyned in the texte.’ So perhaps Dt 15 (see Driver). Elsewhere in AV ‘declare’ is the tr. of a great number of different Heb. and Gr. words, but its meaning is probably never more precise than ‘make known,’ as Ps 50° ‘the heavens shall d. his right- eousness,’ Ac 17% ‘Whom therefore ye ignorantly worship, him d. I unto you’ (RV ‘set forth’), Ro 14 ‘declared to be the Son of God with power... by the resurrection from the dead.’ And this is the meaning of declaration in its few occurrences, Job 131’, Est 10?(RV ‘full account ’), Sir 43°, Lk 1? (RV ‘ narrative’), 2 Co 8 (RV ‘to shew’). J. HASTINGS. DECLINE.—In AV to ‘decline’ is always (except Ps 102" 109?) used in the original but now obsolete sense of ‘turn aside.” Thus, Job 234 ‘His way have I kept, and not declined’ (RV ‘turned not aside’) ; Ps 119% ‘yet have I not declined from thy law’ (RV ‘swerved’; so 119%”); Pr 7% ‘ Let not thine heart decline to her ways’ (so RV). In Ps 1024 ‘My days are like a shadow that de- clineth,’ and 109%, the image is of the shadow which lengthens as the sun goes down, till at last it vanishes into night. RV adds Jg 198 ‘until the day declineth’ (see AVm), 2 K 20 ‘It is a light thing for the shadow to decline ten steps’ (AV ‘go down’), and Jer 64 ‘the day declineth (AV ‘goeth away’). Tennyson combines both meanings (Locksley Hall, 1. 43)— ‘Ha known me, to decline On a range of lower feelings an @ narrower heart than mine.’ J. HASTINGS. DEDAN, }1), LXX Aaddv, Acddv (in Is, Jer, Ezk, Aaddv), according to Gn 10’, a son of Raamah, one of the sons of Cush. In Gn 25° he is named along with Sheba, as in Gn 10’, but is represented, not as a Cushite, but as a Keturean. Dedan is in this latter passage a son of Jokshan, son of Abraham by Keturah; but according to Josephus (Ant. I. xv. 1) he was the son of Shuah (or Sous), another of Keturah’s sons. The Shuhites were neighbours of the Temanites (Job 2) in North-Western Arabia. There are traces still of the ruins of a city Daidan in that region, and the Sabzean inscriptions mention the Dedanites as a tribe in that neighbourhood. The Dedanites are represented as an important commercial people, carrying on an extensive cara- van trade with Damascus and Tyre. They fre- uented the highway that ran through the Arabian ~ esert as they journeyed northward with their wares, and when driven back by a hostile force they were thrown upon the charity of their southern neighbours of Tema (Is 21%). Accord- ine to Jeremiah (25°) they formed an Arabian tribe alongside of Tema and Buz, and were accustomed on their business journeys to through the land of Edom. The Dedanites share in the judgments which fall upon the Edomites and upon the kings of Arabia. In all these pro- phetic passages, as in the OT generally, Arabia designates, not the whole of the peninsula now known by that name, but merely the northern art, colonized by the Ishmaelite and Keturean escendants of Abraham. In Jer 25% the refer- ence to Dedan follows immediately upon the men- tion of the kings of Tyre and Sidon, and the coast beyond the sea. This does not seem to require the locating of Dedan by the sea-coast. The connexion with Tyre is quite sufficient to justify such an arrangement. Besides, the order in which the countries and peoples are named in vv.7-% is evidently in a broad way from west to east, with an excursion midway northward and then south- ward, from Edom to Tyre and back again to Arabia. In Ezk 25 Dedan is described as form- — ing the extreme south of Edom, as Teman repre- sents the farthest north. This may only mean that the country of the Dedanites constituted the southern frontier of Edom. The destruction of all Edom is described as a desolation extending from Teman to Dedan. In Ezk 27% Dedan is spoken of as carrying to the market of the wealthy and luxurious Tyre precious cloths for chariots or saddle cloths for riding. From the place which it occupies in this passage, it is evidently to be regarded as a country of Northern Arabia. If we accept the correction of some of the ablest modern critics in the reading of v.'%, we find the mention of Dedan preceded by a reference to Southern Arabia; while v.24 names Arabia, in the narrower acceptation of Northern Arabia, and the princes of Kedar. This precisely suits the locality assigned in other passages to the Keturzean Dedanites. Considerable difficulty has arisen over the only other allusion to Dedan in the OT, to which we have not yet referred. In Ezk 27% we read: ‘The men of Dedan were thy traffickers; many isles were the mart of thine hand: they brought thee in exchange horns of ivory and ebony.’ The ivory and ebony are represented as tribute due to the supreme importance of Tyre as mistress of the DEDICATION DEEM 585 commercial world. There is no reason why the Dedanites of Northern Arabia should not have acted as intermediaries in transporting to the western markets the products of the far East. But the men- tion of the isles is supposed to make the assumption of a Dedanite people on the sea necessary. The LXX reads Rhodians, R (1) and D (1) in the writing of Heb. being easily mistaken for one another. In this case, however, it has all the appearance of a correction made by the Gr. translators, so as to make the whole verse refer to islands and islanders. But the order in which the names are given in this sirsiag a seems unfavourable to such a view. The list of those who brought their goods to the market of Tyre begins with Tarshish in the far West, passing on to Javan, Tubal, Meshech (Asia Minor and the coasts of the Black Sea), Togarmah (Armenia). With Dedan there is clearly a fresh start made, whether we understand it of Rhodes or of a part of North-Western Arabia. But if in v.65 we read Edom instead of Aram (Syria), where again only the interchange of R and D is required, we have in vv.!*18 the order from south to north (Edom, Judah, Damascus). Seeing, then, that Dedan lay south of Edom, it would form the appropriate starting-point for this second list. hus in all the prophetic passages the only theory that easily a naturally fits into the text is that which places Dedan on the south border of Edom, and regards the Dedanites as a Keturzean tribe, occupying a position alongside of other allied tribes in the north-west of Arabia. The only trace, therefore, that we have of a Cushite Dedan isin Gn 10’. It is quite impossible to conjecture with any vonfidence how it came about that both Shehka and Dedan should be names securring in two families so far removed from one another as that of the Cushite Raamah and that of the Keturean Jokshan. Possibly, a branch of the Keturean Dedanites may have settled among Cushites near the Persian Gulf, and, while retain- ing their ancestral name, may have been included in the genealogy with their Cushite neighbours. It is, however, difficult to assume that the same had happened with respect to the sons of Sheba. The Peden of the Edomite border is, placed by Eusebius in the neighbourhood of Phana on the east of Mount Seir, between Petra and Zoar, the ancient Punon or Phunon, at which the Israelites encamped during their wanderings (Nu 33%). LitrraTuRE.—Besides Dillmann and Delitzsch on Gn and Is, and Davidson on Ezk, see Winer, Realwérterbuch,3 263 f., whose article is much more satisfactory than those of Steiner (Schenkel, Bibellexicon, i. 595f.) and Kautzsch (Riehm, Hand- worterbuch, 266). See also Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad. 239 f. J. MACPHERSON. DEDICATION.—The idea of withdrawing (per- sons, places, things) from a common and setting apart to a sacred use, which seems to be the original connotation of the important Sem. root wp, is embodied in various expressions of EV, such as consecrate, dedicate, devote, hallow (holy, etc.), sanctify. Of the first two we may say that the general usage is to apply ‘consecrate’ and ‘con- secration’ to the setting apart of persons, and ‘dedicate’ and ‘dedication’ to the setting apart of things. Accordingly, we read of silver being ‘dedicated unto J”’ (Jg 175), so that it could no longer be used for other than sacred purposes, of ‘vessels of silver, and vessels of gold, and vessels of brass (nvin})’ so dedicated or set apart by David (2S 8-2=] Ch 18-1, 1 K 751=2 Ch 5), just as we read of the dedication of a bow] ‘of the first (quality) of copper (nyn3)’ to Baal-Lebanon (CJS, Tab. iv.; ef. Mesha’s inscription, lines 17, 18, m7 %b5 vessels of J” dedicated to Chemosh). The same Heb. word is used of the dedication of the ‘tent of meeting’ (Ex 29#, EV ‘sanctify’), of the altar of burnt- offering (Ex 29%), and of other parts of the fur- niture (Ex 401°), all as described in Lv 8. In another ref. to this dedication (so EV, but RVm dedication-gift, Nu 78-8) we first meet with the apn Hanukkah (for wh. see Dillmann in loco, Jo. Selden, De Synedriis, 1679, bk. iii. p. 148 ff., and the next art.). Other dedication ceremonies in OT are the dedication of Solomon’s temple, related in detail, 1K 8 (where note v.® 335, évexalvicev, EV dedi- cate, but v.© wap, yylacev, EV hallow), the dedication of the second temple (Ezr 6!* 1”)* and of the wall of Jerusalem (Neh 12”). The last passage is of in- terest, moreover, as showing that the completion of buildings of a more secular character was also the occasion of a dedicatory service. That this holds good, even of a private house, is to be in- ferred from Dt 205. For much curious information on this practice among other ancient peoples, and on its continuation in later times, see Selden, op. cit. (cf. CONSECRATION). A. R. 8S. KENNEDY. DEDICATION, THE FEAST OF THE (ra éyxalvia Jn 10”, 6 éyxatvicpds Tot Ovocacrnpiov 1 Mac 4°), was instituted by Judas Maccabzeus (B.C. 164) in com- memoration of the purification of the temple and altar after they haa been polluted by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Mac 4°). It was to be ‘kept from year to year by the space of eight days from the five and twentieth day of the month Chislev’ (about the time of the winter solstice). The Feast of the Ded. is only once mentioned in NT (Jn 10”), and in this passage there is an incidental reference to the season of the year, apparently to explain why it was that Jesus was walking under cover instead of in the open air. This is one of the numerous instances in which the author of the Fourth Gospel shows a close acquaintance with Jewish customs. Westcott thinks that the title chosen by our Lord in Jn 9° may refer to the lighting of lamps at this feast, no less than to the ceremonies of the Feast of Tabernacles. This illumi- nation was so prominent a feature in the Feast of the Ded. that it was sometimes called the Feast of Lights (Jos. Ant. XI. vii. 7). Josephus, however, does not mention the illumination in private houses, which has been a marked feature of the feast from the end of the Ist cent. to the present time. According to Maimonides, every house should set up at least one light. Those who did honour to the command should set up a light for each person in the house, and those who did more honour still should begin with one light for each person, and double the number each night (Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. in loc.). Another school directed that eight lights should be used on the first night, and the number diminished by one each night. The feast lasted eight days. The reference in 2 Mac 10° seems to show that the points of resemblance between some of the ordinances of this feast and the Feast of Tabernacles were not accidental, but were designed from the first. The Feast ot Dedication, however, was unlike the great feasts, in that it could be celebrated anywhere and did not require the worshipper to go up to Jerusalem. The words of the Jews in Jn 10% would natur- ally be suggested by the direction which this feast would give to men’s thoughts. The hymn which is at present used in Jewish synagogues during its continuance records the successive deliver- ances of Israel, and contains a prayer for yet another. J. H. KENNEDY, DEEM was once in freq. use, but is now almost extinct. Even in AV it occurs but twice, Wis 13? ‘deemed either fire or wind or the swift air, or the *The title of Ps 30 most probably refers to the dedication by Judas Maccabsus (see Baethgen tn doco, and next art.). 586 DEEP DEGREE circle of the stars, or the violent water, or the lights of heaven, to be the gods which govern the world’ (évéuicav, RV ‘ thought’), and Ac 2777 ‘the shipmen deemed (imevdouy) that they drew near to some country,’ though Wyclif has the word and its cognates often, and uses it with fine effect. Thus 1 Co 11 *1-82 ‘for he that etith and drynkith unworthili etith and drinkith dome to hym, not wiseli demynge the bodi of the Lord. And if we demeden wiseli us silf we schulden not be demed, but while we ben demed of the Lord we ben chas- tisid, that we be not dampned with this world.’ RV gives ‘surmised’ for ‘deemed’ in Ac 27”, but ‘deemed’ for ‘as’ in Ezr 2%, Neh 7% ‘therefore were they deemed polluted and put from the priesthood’ (Heb. simply ‘and were polluted from the priesthood’). J. HASTINGS. DEEP.—The adj. is used fig. in the sense of ‘profound’ without any thought of malevolence, as Ps 925 ‘Thy thoughts are very deep’; Ec 7% ‘that which is far off, and exceeding deep’ (poy poy ‘deep, deep’); Is 29 ‘woe unto them that seek deep to hide their counsel from the Lord’ (apnea); Dn 2?‘ He revealeth the deep and secret things’; 1 Co 2” ‘the deep things of God’ (Wyclif’s tr.; Tind. ‘the bottome of Goddes secretes,’ so Cranmer, Geneva (1557); but Gen. 1560 restored ‘the deepe things of God,’ and so Bishops’ ; Rhem. ‘the profoundities of God’). Cf. Bacon, Essays, ‘the more deepe and sober sort of Politique persons.’ ‘Deep’ is a common subst. in Shaks. and others of that day, and is often used figuratively, as Jud. Ces. IV. iii. 226— ‘The deep of night is crept upon our talk.’ But in AV where ‘the deep’ is not the sea, it refers to the waste of waters (the primitive ¢éhém), or to the bottomless pit. The Heb. words are olan téhém, as Gn 1? ‘ darkness was upon the face of the deep’ (see COSMOGONY) ; nbyy zdlah, Is 4477, and nbywn mézilah, Job 41*!, Ps 695 107%, or adisp mézdlah (in the plu. ‘deeps’), Neh 94, Ps 88°. The Gr. words are dBvocos (see ABYSS), BdOos, Lk 54, 2Co 8?; and Bv06s, 2 Co 11%, Deepness, new almost replaced by ‘depth,’ is retained from Wye. in Mt 13° ‘ they had no deep- ness of earth’ (RV retains, and restores ‘ deepness’ to the par. passage Mk 4°, which Wye. had also ; Tind. has ‘ depth’ in both places). J. HASTINGS. DEER.—See FALLOWDEER. DEFECTIVE.—Sir 49* only, and the meaning is ‘guilty of wrongdoing,’ ‘ All, except David an Ezechias and Josias, were defective: for they for- sook the law of the Most High’ ( mAnuperelav érdnupérnoay, lit. ‘erred an error,’ t.e. acc. to the Heb. idiom ‘erred greatly,’ RV ‘committed trespass.’ The same Gr. is found in LXX Ly 5”, Jos 7! 2230.81), Bissell (in loc.) says ‘were de- fective’ is not strong enough. Nor is it now, but in older Eng. it was used for positive transgres- sion or wrongdoing, as Act 10 Henry VILI. 1518, ‘Persons . . . so founden defective or trespassing in any of the said statutes.’ ‘Defect’ in the mod, sense of a shortcoming is given by RV in 1 Co 6? (j7r7nua, AV after Wye. Fault,’ Cen. ‘impatience,’ RVim ‘loss’: see Sanday-Headlam on Ro 11), J. HASTINGS. DEFENCED is used in AV (only of cities) where we should now say ‘fortified,’ the Heb. being either the vb. [os2] bdzgar (Is 257 27! 36! 3775, Ezk 21”) ‘to cut off, render inaccessible,’ or the subst. 1y29 mibhzdr (Jer 18 4° 814 347, always with vy ‘tr, city), ‘a place cut off.’ RV gives ‘fenced’ in Is 36! 37% and in Jer 45 347; Amer. RV has ‘fortified ' in all the passages. ¢, HASTINGS. DEFER.—From dis apart, and ferre to carry, te defer is properly ‘to put aside,’ and this meaning is found in early English. The mod. meaning is ‘to: put off to another occasion,’ ‘to postpone’; but in older Eng. the word was loosely used in the general sense of ‘ put of,’ ‘delay,’ as Dn 9” ‘defer not, for thine own sake, O my God’ (anxm-by ‘delay not,’ ‘ tarry not,’ the vb. is never used in the sense of putting off to another occasion; so Gn 34!%, Ee 5+); Pr 132 ‘ Hope deferred maketh the heart: sick’ (n2¥n0 ‘drawn out,’ ‘ protracted,’ ef. Is 18% 7 where same part of vb. is tr. ‘tall’ in RV); Is 48° ‘For my name’s sake will I defer mine anger’ (7788, not postpone to another occasion, but delay so as not to vent it at all if possible, so Pr 19). Delay is the meaning also in Apoer., Jth 2" (uax- pivw), Sir 48 (mwapéAxw), 1872 (uelyw), But in NT (Ac 24” only) the eae is postpone to another occasion, viz. to a fuller hearing; the obsol. con- struction is, however, employed of having a person as the object, ‘Felix .. . deferred them’ (dveBdero avrovs). Cf. Rogers (1642), Naaman, 137, ‘If it seem goode to thy wisdome to deferre me.’ RV gives ‘deferred’ for ‘ prolonged’ Ezk 12-8 (qv). J. HASTINGS. DEFILEMENT.—See UNCLEANNESS. DEFY.— When Goliath ‘defied’ the armies of Israel, it is probable that the translators of AV understood him to challenge them to combat, thouvh the Heb. (429) means to tawnt or scorn (so LS [71 25+ 26. 86.45) O'S 212! 939" 1 Ch 207). But when Balaam is summoned to Balak’s camp with the words (Nu 237: 8), ‘Come, curse me Jacob, And come, defy Israel,’ it is manifest that ‘defy’ is used in some other and now obsol. sense. The Het. (DY) means to be indignant, then express indiguation against one, denounce, curse; and that is the meaning the parallelism would require (LXX érixardpacat, Vale) detestare, Luth. schelten). Now ‘defy’ (from late Lat. dis -jfidare, dis- trust) primarily means to renounce allegiance or affiance, to pronounce bonds of faith and fellowship dissolved (whence war would generally follow, and so the modern sense of the word), Thus Tindale’s tr. of 1 Co 12° ‘no man speakynge in the sprete of God de- fieth Jesus.’ This is probably the sense in which ‘defy’ should be taken in Nu, since it is Tindale’s word; though there is a meaning of the word that is closer to the Greek, viz. ‘despise,’ ‘set at nought,’ as Olde (1549), Hrasm. Par. Thess. 4, ‘1 defie all thinges in comparison of the gospel of Christ’; and a rare use nearer still, viz. ‘curse,’ as Hall (1548), Chron. 526, ‘The faire damoselles defied that daie [at Agincourt] in the whiche thei had lost their paramors.’ Geneva and Douay have ‘detest’ in its old sense of ‘denounce.’ J. HASTINGS. DEGREE.—Late Lat. degradus (de down, gradus a step) gave Fr. degré, whence Eng. ‘degree.’ So a ‘degree’ is simply a step, whether up or down, and esp. one of a flight of steps, or the rung of a ladder. Thus Chaucer, Romaunt of Rose, 485— ‘Into that gardyn, wel y-wrought, Who-so that me coude have brought, By laddre, or elles by degree, It wolde wel have lyked me.’ And Shaks. Jul. Cesar, I. i. 26— ‘But when he once attains the upmost round, He then unto the ladder turns his back Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees By which he did ascend,’ This is the meaning of ‘degree’ in AV wherever it occurs in the plur.: the ref. being either to the degrees of Ahaz’s dial (2 K 209>#. 10 dis.11, Ts 388 ter, see DIAL) or to the Songs of Degrees (Ps 120-134 titles, see PSALMS) and the Heb. nbyp ma alah, DEGREES, SONGS OF DELICACY 587 But from signifying a step literally, ‘degree’ soon passed to express also a step in rank, whence 1 Ch 158 ‘their brethren of the second d.’ (o3¥9n, lit. ‘the seconds’); 17!7 ‘a man of high degree (o7x7 nbyen), Ps 629 ‘men of high d.’ (w7"33) ; 62° ‘men of low d.’ (017x732), Sir 111 ‘ wisdom lifteth up the head of him that is of low d.’ (razewds: so Lk 1, Ja 1°); 1 Ti 3% ‘ they that have used the office of a deacon will purchase to themselves a good d.’ (faéyJs, lit. ‘step,’ RV ‘standing’). In the last panene the meaning is quite exceptional in the Eng. asin the Greek. The Eng. word is Wyclif’s, who has been followed by all the versions except RV. It is simply a literal tr. of the Vulg. gradus, itself a literal tr. of the Greek. The Gr. word occurs here only in NT. In the LXX it is used either as tr. of ma'dldh (2 K 209 dis. 10 bis. Ww) or of miphtdn (1 8 55), the former being the ‘steps’ or ‘degrees’ of Ahaz’s dial, the latter the ‘threshold’ of Dagon’s temple: it is also found once in Apocr. (Sir 686) for the ‘steps’ of the wise man’s door. See further Humphrey’s note im loc. (Camb. Bible), and Hort, Ecclesia (1897), p. 202. J. HASTINGS. DEGREES, SONGS OF.—See PsALMs. DEHAITES (AV Dehavites, »m, Kéré wm, Ezr 4°).—The Dehaites were among the peoples settled in Samaria by ee t.e. probably the Assyr. king Assurbanipal. They joined with their fellow-colonists in sending the letter written by Rehum and Shimshai to king Artaxerxes, to com- plain of the attempt made by the Jews to rebuild the walls.of Jerusalem (probably about 447 B.C.). The name has been connected with that of a nomadic Persian tribe, the Ado, mentioned in Herod. i. 125 (Rawlinson), or with the name of the city Du’-fia, mentioned on Assyrian contract- tablets (Fried. Delitzsch); but according to Schrader these identifications are very doubtful. The LXX reads Aavaio: (A), but in B the text runs Lovovvaxaton. of elolv “HAapyaioe (for ‘the Shushan- chites, the Dehaites, the Elamites’; cf. Meyer, Judenthum, 36). H. A. WHITE. DEHORT.—Only 1 Mac 9° ‘they dehorted him, saying, We shall never be able’ (dmocrpé¢w); and in the headings of some chapters. ‘ Dehort’ (fr. Lat. dehortari) is the opposite of ‘exhort.’ ‘‘‘Exhort” continues, but ‘‘dehort,” a word whose place ‘“‘ dis- suade” does not exactly supply, has escaped us’ *— Trench, Eng. Past and Pres.’179. Ussher (1656) in Ann. iv. 24 has ‘Exhorting them to observe the law of God... and es them the breach of that law.’ J. HASTINGS. DELAIAH (m5, a awe One of the sons of Elioenai, a descendant of David (1 Ch 3%, AV Dalaiah). 2. A priest and leader of the 23d course of priests in the time of David (1 Ch 24"), 3. The son of Shemaiah, one of the ‘princes’ or officers of state at the court of Jehoiakim (Jer 36%), 4. The son of Mehetabel, and father of Shema- iah, who was associated with Neh. in the rebuild- ing of Jerus. (Neh 6). 5. The head of the children of D., who returned with Zerub. from Babylon (Ezr 2®=Neh 7%). The name in 1 Es 5” is Dalan. P R. M. Boyp. DELECTABLE.—Is 44° only, ‘Their d. things shall not profit.’ AV and RV retain the word from Geneva Bible, which explains, ‘Whatsoever they bestow upon their idoles to make them to seeme glorious.’ But it is the idols themselves that are called ‘the d. things’ (oq &dmidhim), which the Bishops’ expressed by the (too) free tr. ‘the carved image that they love can doe no good.’ ‘Delectable,’ from Lat. delectabilis, came in through old Fr., whence came also the form quotes from Cheyne, Isaiah (1882), good reason... to dehort the Jews from ‘delitable,’ which was afterwards spelt ‘delight- able’ by a mistaken association with light; later forms are ‘delightsome’ and ‘delightful.’ Only the last has held its ground; but ‘delectable’ ia remembered by Bunyan’s ‘delectable Mountains’ (Pil. Prog. p. 52); cf. Shaks. Rich. IT. 11. iii. 7— ‘ And yet your fair discourse hath been as sugar, Making the hard way sweet and delectable.’ J. HASTINGS. DELICACY.—Trench (Select Glossary, p. 52 f.) says, ‘In the same way as self-indulgence creeps over us by unmarked degrees, so there creeps over the words that designate it a subtle change; they come to contain less and less of rebuke and blame; the thing itself being tolerated, nay allowed, it must needs be that the words which express it should be received into favour too. It has been thus with Juxury ; it has been thus also with this whole group of words.’ The words are ‘delicacy,’ ‘delicate ’ (adj. and subst.), ‘ delicately,’ ‘ delicate- ness,’ ‘ delicious,’ ‘ deliciously,’ all of which except ‘delicious’ are found in AY. Delicacy.—Rev 18* ‘the merchants of the earth are waxed rich through the abundance of her delicacies’ (c7pjvos sing., RV ‘wantonness,’ RVm ‘luxury’). ‘ Delicacies’ is Rhemish tr., after Vulg. delicie, so Wyclif; but Tind. and others ‘pleasures.’ Voluptuousness is the oldest meaning of ‘ delicacy’; see Delicate, and cf. Chaucer, Former Age, 58— ‘ Jupiter the likerous, [=lecherous] That first was fader of delicacye.’ Delicate.—The adj. has two meanings in AV. 1. Softly nurtured, as Sus * ‘Now Susanna was a very d. woman, and beauteous to behold’ (rpugepés); Bar 476 ‘my d. ones’ (ol rpudepol ov) ; and probably Dt 2854 56, Is 47} (all ay, LXX rpudepés), bee 67 ‘a comely and d. woman’ (a2ysn, LXX different read- ing), and Mic 178 (aaya, LXX rpudepss). 2. Luxuri- ous, as Wis 19" ‘they asked d. meats’. (édécuara tpy¢js, RV ‘luxurious dainties’); Sir 29% ‘ Better is the life of a poor man in a mean cottage, than d. fare in Raother man’s house’ (édécpara Aaysrpd, RV ‘sumptuous fare’); and Pr 19° RV ‘delicate living’ (aya, AV ‘delight’). As a subst. delicates occurs Jer 51*4 ‘he hath filled his belly with my d.’ (o'y7y, Amer. RV ‘ delicacies’) ; Sir 30% (dya0d, RV ‘good things’), 31° (rpydjpara, RV i peed things’). Cf. Ps 1414 Gen. ‘let mee not eate of their delicates’ (AV ‘dainties’); W. Brough (1650), ‘ Hunger cooks all meats to delicates,’ which Herrick seems to copy (Country Life), ‘Hunger makes coarse meats delicates.’ Delicately means ‘luxuriously’ in the foll. passages in AV, La 45 (yw2), Pr 297 ‘he that d. bringeth up his servant from a child, shall have him become son at the length’ (p3»=‘fordle,’ ‘indulge’; ‘delicately’ is Wyclif’s tr., who, following Vulg., renders ‘ who delicatli fro childhed nurshith his seruaunt, after- ward shal feelen hym vnobeisaunt,’ V. contumacem) ; Lk 7 ‘ they which are gorgeously apparelled, and live delicately, are in kings’ courts’ (rpvg¢7, as LXX La 4°, and at 2 P 2% where AV ‘riot,’ RV ‘revel’); 1 Ti 5° AVm ‘she that liveth delicately (text ‘in leasure,’ Gr. 7 omwaradwoa), is dead while she iveth’; and add 2S 1% Ja 5° RV. But in Ad. Est 15°(AVm and RV ‘carrying herself d.,’ AV ‘daintily,’ Gr. tpupepedouar) the meaning is ‘as one that was tender’ (Cov.), that is, weak; and so perhaps 1S 15% ‘Agag came unto him delicately.’ The last is the only doubtful passage. AV took ‘delicately’ from the Bishops’ Bible; Cov. ‘tenderly,’ Gen. ‘pleasantly.’ The Bishops’ marg. is ‘in bondes,’ and RVm ‘cheerfully.’ The LXX gives rpizev; Vulg. pinguissimus, et tremens, whence Douay ‘very fatte, trembling’; Luther, getrost come: Ostervald, gaiement. The possible ways of taking the Heb. (nsiyp) are given by Driver (Notes on Sam. p. 99), who decides that it is safest, on the whole, to acquiesce in ‘delicately,’ ‘yoluptuously.’ And, undoubtedly, voluptuously or luxurio is the most natural meaning of the Heb. (for which see La 588 DELIGHTSOME but its use in this place is not very apparent. The Eng. expression ‘ delicately’ is probably meant to express weakness and fear (as Ad. Est 153) rather than pride or voluptuousness. Delicateness.—Only Dt 28° ‘the tender and delicate woman . . . which would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for d. (aayn7>) and tenderness,’ 7.e. not ‘weakness,’ but ‘fineness.’ Deliciously = luxuriously, Rev 187-9 ‘lived deliciously ’ (tpyrvidw, RV ‘lived wantonly’). Cf. Latimer, 1i. 412, ‘I am more inclined to feed many grossly and Mrcran t than a few deliciously and voluptuously’ ; and Lk 16” Tind. ‘a certaine rich man, which . . . fared deliciously every daye.’ J. Hastings, DELIGHTSOME, now only poet. for ‘delightful,’ was once good prose, and occurs in Mal 3” ‘ye shall be ad. land’ (75a yyy). Davies (Bible Eng. p. 236) uotes appositely from T. Adams, Works, i. 273, ‘If this gentle physic make thee madder, He hath a dark chamber to put thee in—a dungeon is more light- some and delightsome—the grave.’ J. HASTINGS. DELILAH (adrda, Aadevdd).—The woman who be- trayed Samson into the hands of the Philistines, The account as given in Jg 16 does not say whether she was an Israelite or a Philistine; but she was doubtless the latter, and Sorek, her place of resid- ence, was then within the Philistine territory. Samson often sought her society, and allowed her to gain a great influence over him. That she was his wife is very improbable, notwithstanding that that is the opinion of Chrysostom and other patris- tic writers. See SAMSON, W. J. BEECHER. DELOS (A#)os), a famous island in the Augean Sea, has played a part in history quite out of proportion to its tiny size and rocky unproductive character. It was considered to have been anchored by Zeus to the bottom of the sea, and therefore not to be ex- posed to ordinary earthquakes.* It was the seat of a very ancient and widely-spread worship of Apollo, who, with his twin sister Artemis, was said to have been born there; and the Gr. peoples flocked from a great distance to the annual festival on the island, which is celebrated in the Homeric hymn to the Delian Apollo. The festival of the Virgin on the neighbouring island of Tenos is the modern representative of the ancient feast of Apollo. D., in B.C. 478, was selected as the meeting-place of the great confederacy of Gr. states on the Aigean coasts and islands for defence against the Persians; but after a time Athens, the presiding city of the confederacy, became alsoits centre. The Athenians treated D. as a rival to their own interests. As Athens became great, D. lost its importance ; but when Athens grew weak, D. recovered. During the 2nd and Ist cent. B.C. it became one of the greatest harbours of the A‘gean Sea, playing the same part in ancient trade that the island of Syra has played in modern commerce, and being favoured by the Romans after B.c. 190 as a rival to the maritime power of Rhodes. It was a nominally independent state under Rom. protection from B.C. 197 to 167. Then it was punished, for coquetting with Macedonia, with the ee of freedom ; it was given to Athens, and its natives fled and settled in Achaia; and the Delian archons came to an end. The island was repeopled by Athenian colonists (kAnpodxor), along with many Roman settlers; and henceforth its inscriptions are dated by the Athenian archons; and it was always considered to be part of the Roman province Achaia (which see). The earliest trace of a Roman settler in D. is contained in an inscription of B.c. 250. During the 2nd cent. it became the largest settlement of Roman (or * An earthquake at D. was considered a specially grave ex- ression of the will and power of the god; see Herod. vi. 98; ucyd, ii. 8. DEMAND Italian) merchants and traders in the Mediter. lands; mainly through their efforts and wealth ita rather poor harbour was greatly improved ; in theiz interest it was declared a free port by the Roman state in B.C. 166 in order to strike a blow at their commercial rivals, the merchants of Rhodes; and to satisfy them their other commercial rival Corinth (which see) was destroyed utterly by the Romans in B.C. 146. Owing to its great importance in the E. Mediter- ranean trade, D. is mentioned in the list of states to which the Roman government addressed letters in favour of the Jews in B.C. 138-137, 1 Mac 1518-33; and the inscriptions of D. form the best commea- tary on that important historical document. D. was the great exchange where the products and the slaves of all the states of the E. were bought for the Italian market, and most of the names mentioned in the passage of 1 Mac occur in the Delian documents, The strange omission of the kingdoms of Pontus and Bithynia in 1 Mae becomes all the more remarkable by comparison with the frequent mention of them at Delos. As Homolle says, ‘Among the Orientals who fre- quented D., the Jews doubtless held a considerable pee (Bulletin de Corresp. Hellén. viii. 1884, p. 98) ; ut, as the inscriptions are to a large extent con- cerned with religious purposes, it is not easy to find the traces of their presence. A decree of the Delians confirming the immunity of the Jews from military service is quoted in full by Jos. (Ant. XIV. x. 14). A frightful calamity brought the prosperity of D., and especially of the Roman settlers, to an end. In the Mithridatic war Athens took part with the king, while D., where the Roman settlers were so numerous, naturally remained true to the Roman interest. After maintaining itself for a short time, D. was captured in B.C. 87 by the enemy ; 20,000 Italians were massacred there and in the neigh- bouring Cyclades; and, when the Romans re- covered it in the course of the war, they found it, as Strabo says, deserted. It recovered to a certain extent in the following years; but direct trade between Italy and the oh harbours now became more common ; Ostia and Puteoli took the place of D. as the great emporia for the purchase of E. aerice required in Italy, and under the Roman mpire D. became utterly insignificant. LITERATURE.—The excavations conducted at Delos for many years by the French School of Athens have thrown a flood of light on the history of the island. An excellent summary and estimate of their earlier results, as published in many scattered works, is given by Jebb in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1880, pp. 7-62. Since then numerous articles in the Bulletin de Corresp. Hellén., by Homolle, S. Reinach, and others, have added much information, especially vi. pp. 1-167, vii. pp. 103-125, 329-373, viii. pp. 75-158, xiv. pp. 389-511, xv. pp. 113-168. See also Homolle, Archives de ?Intendance Sacrée a Delos; Scheffer, de Deli Insule rebus. W. M. RAMSAY. DELUGE.—See FLoop. DEMAND.—Throughout AV ‘demand’ is simply to ask, as Fr. demander, without the sense of authority. This is manifest from the Heb. and Gr. words so tr’, which have all this simple meaning. In Introd. to Gen. Bible we read, ‘ The Catechisme, or maner to teache children the Christian religion, wherein the minister demandeth the question, and the childe maketh answer.’ See Field, O.N iii. on Mt 24. Asa subst. d. occurs only Dn 4” with the same simple meaning. Cf. Chaucer, Troilus, v. 859— ‘ * And of th’ assege (siege) he gan hir eek bysechs, To telle him what was hir opinioun. Fro that demaunde he so descendeth doun To asken hir, if that hir straunge thoughte The Grekes gyse, and werkes that they wroughte.’ Once RV introduces d. in mod. sense (Neh 58) for AV ‘require’ (see Ryle’s note). J. HASTINGS. DEMAS DEMAS (A7yas, possibly an abbrev. of Demetrius) is described by the Apostle Paul as a fellow- labourer, and unites with him in sending salutations from Rome to the Colossians and to Philemon (Col 44, Philem v.%). In the 2nd Ep. to Timothy (4°) he is described as having forsaken the apostle when he was awaiting his trial before Nero, because he ‘loved this present world.’ Whether he was discouraged by the hardships of the Christian life, or allured by the hope of some earthly advantage, and bether his apostasy was a a or final, we have no means of knowing. Tradition leans to the darker view of his character, and classes him among the apostates from the faith {Epiph. Her. 51). R. M. Boyp. DEMETRIUS I., surnamed Zwr%p, ‘Saviour,’ by the Babylonians in gratitude for the removal of their satrap Heraclides, was the son of Seleucus Philopator. In his boyhood he was sent (B.C. 175) to Rome as a hostage, and remained there during the reign of his uncle, Antiochus Epiphanes. When the Senate several times refused his request to be recognized as the king of Syria, he fled from Rome, with the assistance chiefly of the historian Polybius(Polyb. xxxi.; Justin, xxxiv. 3). Landing at Tripolis, he was joined by large bodies of the people, and even by the bodyguard of his cousin, Antiochus Eupator. Eupator was soon defeated and put to death, and in B.c. 162 D. was pro- claimed king (1 Mac 7!*, 2 Mac 141-2; Jos. Ant. xu. x. 1; Liv. Epit. xlvi.). He conciliated Rome by valuable presents (Polyb. xxxi. 23), and, after interfering in the affairs ot Babylon (App. Syr. 47; Polyb. xxxii. 4), turned his attention to 5 udeea. Alcimus (wh. see) was established in the high priesthood, and the Syrian lordship was for a time completely renewed. In the seven years that followed, D. again offended the Romans by putting a supporter of his own in the place of Ariarathes on the throne of rf area (Polyb. xxxii. 20; Liv. Epit. xivii.), whilst his tyranny and excesses alienated his own people. Alexander Balas (wh. see) was set up as a claimant to the crown of Syria (B.C. 153); and he and D. competed for the support of Jonathan (1 Mac 10!-2! ; Jos. Ant. x11. ii. 1-3). The former, offering princely rank and the high priest- hood, won at the first bid; and when the latter made a further promise of exemption from taxa- tion and investment with privilege (1 Mac 105-*), the people ‘ gave no credence’ to his words, which are very important for the mee they cast upon the nature of the imposts exacted by the Syrian kings. The salt tax, the king’s share of the crops and fruits, the poe, the pressed service, with a variety of other burdens, were to be remitted, and the expenses of the temple to be met from the royal revenue (see Mahaffy, Emp. of Ptolemies, § 117). With the help of the Jews, Balas was able to recover from the reverses he suffered during the two years’ war that followed; and in B.c. 150 a decisive engagement took place, in which D. dis- layed the utmost personal bravery, but was Fefuated and slain (1 Mac 10°; Jos. Ant. XIII. ii. 4; App. Syr. 67; Polyb. iii. 5; Justin, xxxv. 1; Euseb. the on. ed. Schoene, i. 263 eq). . W. Moss. DEMETRIUS II., surnamed Nixdrwp, ‘Con- queror,’ was sent by his father, D. Soter, for safety to Cnidus after the success of Balas seemed prob- able (Justin, xxxv. 2). For several years he re- mained in exile; but as soon as the unpopularity of Balas gave him an opportunity, he landed (B.C. 147) with an army of Peatea Mercenaries on the Cilician coast. The entire country rallied to him except Judea, where Jonathan still supported Balas. But Ptolemy Philometor declared in his favour, and their combined forces inflicted a fatal DEMETRIUS IIL 589 defeat upon Balas (B.C. 145) on the banks of the (Enoparas, from which event D. derived his surname (1 Mac 11"; Jos, Ant. XII. iv. 8; App. Syr. 67; Liv. Zpit. lii.). Jonathan now set him- self to separate Judea from the Syrian Empire, and besieged the citadel in Jerus.; but D. per- suaded him to raise the siege on the addition of three Samaritan provinces to Judea, and the exemption of the country thus enlarged from tribute (1 Mac 11-87; Jos. Ané. XIII. iv. 9). When the excesses of D. had estranged his subjects, piypnen (Diodotus), a former general of Balas, set up the latter’s son as a pretender to the throne; but D. obtained the help of Jonathan by promising the removal of the Syrian garrisons from Judza, and put down the revolt (1 Mac 114-8; Jos. Ant. XIII. v. 2, 3). On Jonathan’s return to Judea the revolt broke out again, and Tryphon made himself master of Antioch. As D. failed to keep hia pone to the Jews, they now took the side of Typhon, and drove the royal forces out of Cele- Syria (1 Mac 1153-4; Jos. Ant. xu. v. 5-11). D. withdrew from the S. part of his kingdom; but when Tryphon, who had secured the Syrian crown for himself, attempted to reduce Judea, Jonathan’s brother Simon attached himself to D., and ex- tracted from him a formal recognition of independ- ence (1 Mac 13%-; Jos. Ant. XIII. vi. 7). Soon after D. invaded the dominions of the king of Parthia, by whom, in B.c. 138, he was taken ahaa’ (1 Mac 14!*; though Jos. Anté. xu. v. 11, ustin, xxxvi. 1, and App. Syr. 67, 68, arrange the events in a different order, and support B.C. 140 as the date of the disaster). The imprisonment lasted for ten years, at the close of which D. was liberated by the Parthian king, who was engaged in war with Antiochus Sidetes, brother of D. (Jos. Ant. XII. viii. 4; Eus. Chron. ed. Schoene, i. 255). D. recovered the kingdom (B.C. 128), and at once undertook a war against Ptolemy Physkon of Egypt. Ptolemy thereupon claimed the Syrian crown for Alexander Zabinas, who was announced to be the son of Balas (Eus. Chron. i. 257), or of Sidetes (Justin, xxxix. 1). D. was conquered by Zabinas at Damascus, and fled to Ptolemais, and thence to Tyre, where in B.C. 125 he was murdered (Jos. Ant. XIII. ix. 3), possibly at the instigation of his wife Cleopatra (App. Syr. 68; Liv. Hpit. 1x.). R. Ww. Moss. DEMETRIUS III. (surnamed Evxaipos, ‘ Pros- perous,’ and on coins Theos, Soter, Philometor, etc.) was a son of Antiochus Grypus, and grand- son of D. Nikator. On the death of his father civil wars ensued, in the course of which two of his elder brothers lost their lives, whilst Philip, the third, secured a part of Syria, and D. established himself in Cele-Syria, with Damascus as his capital, by the aid of Ptolemy Lathyrus, king of Cyprus (Jos. Ant. XIII. xiii. 4). In Judea, too, civil war broke out between Alexander Jannzeus and his Pharisee subjects. The latter invited the assistance of D. (Jos. Ant. XIU. xiii. 5; Wars, I. iv. 4), who possibly regarded it as a good opportunity to extend his kingdom to its ancient limits on the West and the South. He entered the country with a large army, was joined by the insurgent Jews, and defeated Janneus in a pitched battle near Shechem (Jos. Ané. XII. xiv. 1; Wars, I. iv. 5). But the desertion of the Jews, who either pitied the plight of Jannzus (Jos. Wars, 1b.) or more probably feared the re-establishment of Syrian supremacy, made it impossible for D. to follow up the victory, and he withdrew to Berea (Aleppo). The town was occupied by Philip, who, when besieged by his brother, called the Parthians to his aid. D. was in turn shut up closely within his encampment and starved into surrender. He was sent as a prisoner to Arsaces Ix., by whom he 590 DEMETRIUS was detained in captivity until his death (Jos. Ant. XIII. xiv. 3). The dates of the reign of D. cannot be fixed with precision ; but coins of his are known, dated from the Seleucid year 217 to 224, i.e. approximately from B.C. 95 to 88 (Eckhel, iii. 245; Gardner, Catalogue of Gr. Coins in the Brit. Mus. 101). R. W. Moss. DEMETRIUS (Anuijrpios).—Two persons of the name are mentioned in NT—the ringleader in the riot at Ephesus (Ac 19%), and a disciple commended by St. John (3 Jn v.12), Both of these dwelt either in Ephesus or its vicinity,— the very name is redolent of Ephesian surround- ings, and there is nothing impossible in the sugges- tion that the agitator had become the disciple of good report, and that, therefore, both 1eferences are tothe same man. In its contracted form of Demas this is also the name of one who has an unhappy notoriety as a recreant, ‘Demas hath forsaken me’ (2 Ti 4), He is also mentioned in Col 44 and Philem v.™, and it is not certain that St. Paul meant to imply anything like utter apostasy. W. Murr. DEMON, DEVIL, Gr. daluwv, or datudviov (more 0. = frequently), Heb. 1, Syr. \oLs, Aram. stv (ef. Assyr. Sidu). The supposed Heb. root is [72] ‘to be mighty,’ hence ‘to rule,’ Arab. Oks (cf. 119 ‘to treat violently, to destroy’). Demoniac, da:pov- fSuevos. For ‘devil’ (properly didBodos, see SATAN) RV rightly substitutes ‘demon’ wherever the Greek text has dayéviov. Both physical and moral evil may be regarded from two standpoints—(1) As existing in man physically in the form of bodily disease, or spiritu- ally as moral evil; (2) as having a source outside man. It is with physical and moral evil in the latter aspect that we are now dealing. Among the Hebrews, both in pre-exilic and post-exilic times down toa comparatively late ariod of the Christian era, both moral and physical evil were attributed to iD bacon agencies. ‘This conception of personal evil agencies, that affected man’s body and soul, exercised a pees and enduring influence over the minds of Christ and the apostles, and played a very considerable part in the writings of the Church Fathers. In tracing this conception of evil spirits influenc- ing man to its primitive sources, we shall find that it has its springs in early Semitic ideas which surrounded the Israelite people in the dawn of their histo Baudissin hes clearly shown how the demonology of the Greco-Roman period of Judaism emerged out of the earlier polytheism. On this we shall have more to say later on. But it should be noted that that polytheism was itself the outcome of the principle called by Tylor, in his well-known work Dronitve Culture, by the name ‘animism.’ Even early mankind instinctively sought for causes, and interpreted the forces and other manifestations of nature as personal, i.e. as emanating from beings analogous to himself (cf. Risbedkir dokebac. Religionsphilosophie, p. 58 {f.). Thus primitive man dwelt in a cosmic society of superhuman agencies, some of which ministered to his well-being and others to his injury. At the dawn of human consciousness man found himself confronted by forces which he was unable to control, and which exercised a baleful or destructive influence. Hurricane, lightning, sunstroke, plague, flood, and earthquake were ascribed to wrathful personal agencies, whose malignity man would en- deavour to avert or appease. The nomadic Arabs of the time of Mohammed believed in the existence of hostile powers or _ DEMON, DEVIL Jinns, who were held to be the inhabitants of lonely spots, and Mohammed himself recognized their existence just as fully as his heathen con- temporaries did. Various names were given to them, viz. GAdl, ‘Ifrit, Sv'ld, ‘Aldk; and we have likewise feminine names. The word ‘[frit, which occurs so frequently in the ‘One thousand and one nights,’ is also found in the Korn (Sur. 27. 39), and according to Wellhausen means, like the Heb. yyy, ‘hairy.’* ‘The desert is full of these spectral shapes. Whoeves spends his time there as a traveller must steel his heart against them. A child of the desert must be on friendly terms with the wolf and on terms of intimacy with the ghil.’ On this subject consult W. R. Smith, #S?, p. 119 f. A, THE DEMONOLOGY OF THE OT.—The paral- lels which we find in OT to the Jinn of ancient as well as modern Arabia may now benoted. Isaiah, in an oracle describing the doom of Edom, por- trays a scene among Edom’s ruined fortresses, when ‘one vyy (hairy satyr) shall call out to an- other, and Lilith (the night hag) shall take up her abode’ (Is 344), This Lilith is a demon of feminine sex. The same mythical creature meets us in the cuneiform inscriptions (see Schrader, COT ii. p. 311). In one of the magical texts cited by Hommel (Semiten, p. 367) occurs the line (iv. Rawl. 29, Ne 1, Rev. 23)— ‘The lilu, the lilat, the handmaid of Llu.’ The Babylonian dildtu or lilitu is placed in tnis incantation in close connexion with the plague- demon Namtar. There can be little doubt that this plague-demon was connected in the popular imagination with the Semitic- Babylonian word lildtu, which means ‘night,’ and se became a word of terror, denoting the night-demon, who sucked the blood of her sleeping victims. This im feminine personality became a subject for ater Jewish legends (see Sayce, Hibbert Lect. p. 146), which multiplied these night-demons (lilin). * Skizzen u. Vorarbeiten, iii. (‘Reste des Arabischen Heiden- thums’), p. 135 ad jin. But this view appears to me somewhat s “ Se’ doubtful, and the connexion of +! phe with pe (75y) ‘dust,’ seems more probable. When we bear in mind the close connexion between the Jinn and the serpent according to Arabic belief (see Néldeke, Zeitschr. fiir Vélkerpsychologie u. Sprachwissenschaft, vol. i. 1860, p. 412 ff.; and Baudissin, Stud. zur Semit, Religiongesch. i, 279 ff.), we might connect with this the curse pronounced on the serpent in Gn 314 ‘ Dust thou shalt eat’... Winckler, it is true, regards thisas simply an expres- sion of dishonour or disgrace, and compares the phrase tikalu ipra in one of the Tel el-Amarna letters (Altorient. Forsch. iii. 271). But a hint which we obtain from Doughty’s Arabia Deserta (i. p. 136) places us on the right track both for the explanation of the word ‘Jfrit and of Gn 314 ‘ Malignity of the soil is ascribed to jan, ground demons, ahi el-ard, or earth-folk.’ Malignant demons are believed to inhabit the seven stages of the under-world (ib. p. 259). I should therefore prefer to cite, as an Assyrian illustration of Gn 314, the 8th line in the Descent of [Star to Hades, asar ipru madu bubussunu akalsunu titu, ‘a place where much dust is their sustenance, mire their food.’ Mr, Buchanan Gray of Mansfield College, Oxford, in a letter which he kindly sent to me on this subject, says, ‘I have looked through the article in the Lisdn el‘ Arab on 1 aE, and can find nothing that necessitates giving to ‘Ifreet the sense “‘hairy.” I daresay you have noticed that some of the derivatives of the root \ ac, us he (in plu.) denote the feathers of the neck or the mane, or the front hairs of a horse. In the line cited by Wellh. from Hudh. 22710 —¢ s slic (plu. of L¢ Re) is used of the hair of women. The feminine of _¢ 5 ae is dy ) yes whence, according to Arabic lexicographers, Ley fe (rit), through quiescence of the yd, and subsequent change of the § into CL°, This is all the connexion with hair which I have yet been able to find, and thus there seems less in favour of connecting ‘Ifreet with hairiness, than of your attractive alternative view of connecting it with dust.’ In the new ed (1897) of Wellhauser’s Reste, see pp. 151ff., and footnote 1 p. 152, DEMON, DEVIL See Weber, Syst. der altsynagog. Palistin. T heol. p. 246; Kisenmenger, Lntdecktes Judenth. ii p. 413 ff. Even conservative critics like Dillmann and Konig assign Is 34 (together with 35) to a period not earlier than the end of the exile; Cheyne, indeed, would regard it as post-exilic (Introd. to Isaiah, . 205 ff.). In the case of this chapter, as well as 37-14%, it is impossible to deny the existence of clear traces of direct Babylonian influence. But the date of authorship of these passages does not determine the question when the belief in demonic personalities embodied in animal shapes first be- came prevalent in Israel. From the mention of jackals, ostriches, wild cats, and hyzenas in con- nexion with the oyy ‘satyrs,’ both in 34% and its parallel 132%, we are led to infer that demons were held to reside more or less in all these animal denizens of the ruined solitude. From Lv 177 we also learn that in post-ex. times sacrifices were offered to o"'yy—a practice which is expressly forbidden. On the other hand, the curious rite respecting ‘AzAzel (ue), detailed in Lv 168*, formed an in- tegral part of the ceremonies on the great Day of Atonement, and clearly shows how firmly embedded in popular imagination was this belief in evil powers of the solitude. ‘Az4zel is here an evil spirit, and stands opposed to J”.* See AZAZEL. The belief that certain animals were endowed with demonic powers, somewhat like the Arabic Jinn, must have existed in comparatively early pre-ex. times, since Gn 3!"”, containing the tempta- tion of Eve by the serpent, belongs to the earlier stratum of J. We might compare with this Nu 227-4, coming from the same documentary source. But in the narrative of the temptation of Eve by the serpent there is no hint that an evil spirit resided in the serpent. The serpent is identified with it, and we have no suggestion that a demon was able to detach itself from the animal and pass into something else. This was a later develop- ment. The animal was itself the demonic power, and the latter is not abstracted or treated as a separable personality. he Jewish exile, covering the larger part of the 6th cent. B.c. and the close of the 7th, wrought a great change. It is probably to this period that we owe the Heb. word 1. This word, occurring in the plural form oy” in Dt 32", like the Aram. x1v, is probably a loan-word, taken from the Assyro- Babylonian (s(du). The word Sdu in Assyr. means good or evil genius, represented in the monuments in the form of acolossal bull. The word occurs only twice in OT (Dt 32” and Ps 106°). The Song of Moses (Dt 32) in its present form can hardly be earlier than the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel (Kuenen). Indeed, its retrospective and didactic character, as well as the references to Israel’s past sins of idolatry, would point quite as well to the 6th cent. as to the 7th for the date of its composition. In other words, it may be held, with considerable probability, to reflect the feel- ings of pious Jews in the exile period. ow, magic played a very considerable part in Babylonian religion. Magic rests on the basis of a belief in evil and destructive spirits, to whose baleful influences man is daily exposed, and which can be counteracted by certain incantations, whereby the countervailing name and power of the higher beneficent gods are invoked. As Sayce has clearly shown (Hibbert Lect. p. 317), magic was closely bound up with medicine, since ‘all sickness was ascribed to demoniacal possession; the demon had been eaten with the food and drunk with the * See Schultz, Alttest. Theologie 4(1888), p. 368; and also Cheyne in ZATW, 1895, Heft i. p. 185ff. The curious rite of sending forth the goat for ‘AzAzel into the wilderness (Lv 1641. 23) should be compared with the despatch of the bird into the field ix the ceremony respecting leprosy (1459). DEMON, DEVIL water, or breathed in with the air, and until he could be expelled there was no chance of recovery ' (p. 310). Specimens of these magical texts may be seen in the translations given in Appendix 3 of Sayce’s Hibbert Lectures. We subjoin the follow- ing specimen :— ‘The plague (namtar), the fever which will carry the people away, The ie. the consumption which will trouble mankind, Harmful to the flesh, injurious to the body, The evil incubus, the evil alu, the evil maskum, The evil man, the evil eye, the evil mouth, theeviltongue . Against my body never may they come, My eye never may they injure... Into my house never may they enter, - Ospirit of heaven conjure, O spirit of earth conjure.’ * A comparison of this vast system of belief in evil spirits and in incantations, which prevailed in Baby:onia, with the later Jewish traditions of demonology, at once reveals the close connexion between the two. During the exile these Baby- lonian traditions effected an entrance into the Jewish world of ideas, and there became per- manently domiciled. But while 1y is obviously borrowed from the Bab. Sdu, its signification was by no means the same. For ow is used in the sense of deities of the heathen, onpx ody. Now, the attitude of ancient Israel towards foreign deities varied con- siderably in different periods of the nation’s history. The continued declension of the people towards idolatry in the pre-exilic times clearly shows that, in the popular mind, belief in the power as well as existence of foreign deities was firmly rooted. Many OT passages clearly indicate this, Jg 6%! 9%, Nu 21 (cf. Jer 48% 491), 1S 26, Ru 125 2)? (see Baudissin, Stud. zur Semit. Religionsgesch. Hefti.). In other words, the religion of Israel in early times was henotheism rather than monotheism. In fact, monotheism came very slowly to displace the ‘monarchic polytheistic’ belief of primitive Israel. It is true that, from the 8th cent. B.C. downwards, the ‘other gods’ are called ‘no gods,’ ‘emptiness,’ ‘wind,’ ‘vanity’ (or ‘ breath’), ‘corpses,’ and ‘dead’; but these are terms which are rather selected to express the utter powerless- ness and insufliciency of foreign deities in com- pereon with the supreme might of J”, the true iving God of Israel, than to assert their absolute non-existence. + Accordingly, in the two passages Dt 32! and Ps 106’, the word nw ‘demons’ is used to describe the subordinate position, as compared with J”, of the Moabite deities, to whom the Hebrews sacri- ficed in the time of Moses. Baudissin rightly observes in reference to Dt 32 ‘when in the Song of Moses it is said that J” alone has led Israel, and no strange god (133 5x) was with Him, we must merely understand that the active influence of strange gods over Israel is excluded, but that their existence was rather recognized than denied.’ The use of oY in these two passages may, in fact, be regarded as the first step taken by Israel in the direction of demonology, under Babylonian *See Tiele, Babylon-Assyr. Gesch. p. 548 ff. ; Hommel, Gesch. Babyl. Assyr. p. 888 ff. The subject was first comprehensively dealt with in Lenormant’s Chaldwan Magic, about twenty years ago. The latest work is L. W. King’s Bab. Magic and Sorcery, Cuneiform Texts from the Kouyunjik Collections in B.M. + Baudissin (%. p. 72) in our opinion errs in holding that, in all passages which describe the victorious conflict in which J” engages with the gods of the heathen, we have merely poetic personification of the latter, e.g. Is 191, Jer 46, The language of Ex 154. ‘Who is like unto thee, O J”, among the g (ody, ef. Ps 7714 1053 964, in which comparison is made be tween God and the deities of other nations), clearly indicates that some kind of existence and power, however slight, is assigned to the latter. That the terms ovdx, an, apy, ab oabe, etc., cannot be pressed into signifying the absolute denial of existence, is recognized by Be idissin himself (id p. 101 ad fin.). 592 DEMON, DEVIL influence, the deities of foreign nations being relegated to this subordinate rank, and desig- nated by this term. Elsewhere in OT and in the literature of a later period, we find the deities of the heathen identified with the host of stars. Of this we have an example in the apocalyptic section in Isaiah (24-26), which is placed by many critics, with good reason, in the Greek period, not much earlier than the Maccabean book of Daniel. In Is 2431 we read ‘ And it shall come to pass in that day, that J” will visit the host of the height in the height, and the kings of the earth upon the earth, and they shall be carried away captive to the pit, and shut up in the prison, and the moon shall grow pale,’ etc. This is a fresh development of the ok pre-exilic Heb. conception of the heavenly host of attendant personal powers or angels, repre- sented as stars. This belief is reflected in Micaiah’s vision (1 K 22!%), Deborah’s song (Jg 5“), and embodied in the name nix3x mn’, which frequently recurs in prophetic literature (Am 5”, Is 1° 6° etc.),* and thence passed into post-exilic psalm liturgy (Ps 10371 1487), In the apocalyptic passage Is 2474, the host of the height are Ae heathen deities identified with fallen angels. Here, again, the roots of the conception of fallen national deities may be found in the influences of the exile (cf. Is 46). It isimpossible to mistake the significance of the passage Is 142% ‘Oh! how art thou fallen from heaven Lucifer bon) son of the dawn! How art thou hewn down to earth who didst lay peoples low! And thou saidst in thy heart: To the heavens will I mount up, Above the stars of God will I set my throne on high’... B. THE DEMONOLOGY OF LATER JUDAISM.— During the Greek period the conception of the ods of the heathen as demons became firmly estab- ished, and its development was no doubt largely helped by a growing tendency to assume an inter- mieuiate realm of dalywoves (later dayuévia). Its beginnings may be traced even in Hesiod, who made a distinction between @eol and daluoves—the latter being good, and the survivors of the happ olden race whom the Olympic gods first made. But in the 5th cent. B.c. Empedocles widened the gap between gods and demons. The gods were powerful and good, without appetite or passion ; the demons, on the other hand, held a middle position between men and gods, and were the ministers from the latter to the former. These dalwoves lived long, but were not immortal like the gods. They had passions like men, and there existed varying grades among them, some being beneficent and others malignant. It was the demons who communicated dreams and oracles to men, and inspired them towards good and evil (Grote, Hist. of Greece, i. pp. 66, 409ff.), Stoic theology subsequently adopted into its system this conception of an intermediate realm of dada, in order that polytheism, as a moral power, might be rehabilitated. This finds full expression in the 2nd cent. A.D. in such writers as Plutarch, Apuleius, and Maximus of Tyre. The demons stand between men and gods, and all the elements of mythology that were derogatory to the char- acter of the national deities were referred to the demons. Greek influence, therefore, stimulated the growth of Hebrew angelology and demonology. Inter- mediate personal agencies became interpolated between the absolute transcendent God and the henomenal world. As God in His transcendence ecame removed from participation in the material * I disagree, however, with Smend in his conclusion that this name was a speciality of prophetic literature, borrowed, as Wellhausen suggests, from Amos (Lehrbuch d. Alttest. Religions- gesch. p. 185ff.). The origin of the phrase was undoubtedly much more primitive. DEMON, DEVIL world, these mediating personalities became a quasi- intellectual necessity. Accordingly, the LXX renders ox in Ps 95 [Heb. 96]® by dauéma, and sa also ony in Dt 32”, Ps 105 [Heb. 106], 13 in Ia 654, and oy in Is 3414. Similarly, in the Bk. of Baruch heathen deities are called da:uéva or evil spirits. The Ethiopic Bk. of Enoch designates the gods Aganent, ‘demons,’ while in the préem to the Sibylline books the gods of the heathen are called Saluoves ol év diy. It should be noted, moreover, that both in the Sibylline books and in the Bk. of Enoch the deities are regarded as evil spirits. Philo, on the other hand, who came more directly and completely under Greek influence, occupied an exceptional position. He treats the gods of the heathen as good heavenly powers, identified with stars, in opposition to the prevalent Jewish-Alex- andrine conception.* We notice again in Po 645% the evil spirit Asmodeus is called simply dacudnor, and in 3°17 rovnpdv Sayudviov. Similarly, in Josephus daudmoy is used of the ghostly evil spirit. The subject of Jewish demonology is too vast to te into the compass of this article. We shall therefore cite a few only among the salient features which may be gathered from Weber's System der altsynagog. Palast. Theol. § 54. The ordinary word for ‘devil’ in later Heb. is 9 x 7y. Similarly, in the Peshitta })Le is the render- ing of the daiuédnov of NT.t Another term em- ployed by the Jews was }’p"72, meaning ‘destructive’ or ‘injurious ones’ (cf. Pael p33 ‘injure’). Thus the Targ. renders oY in Ps 106% «pp. In fact, the rvetuara dxd@apra (movnpd) of NT is merely a rendering of ;y°2 77 or AND ‘9m; and just as ym is sometimes used by itself to express this, so also in NT with rvevyara. According to Jewish conceptions, Satan stands at the head of the demons. From Berachéth 5la we learn that they form societies or bands which lie in wait for men. The sick, women in men- struation, bridegrooms and brides, those in sorrow, and even disciples (0°39 197A), are liable to their assaulta. According to Pesachim 1126 the nightly wanderer is specially open to danger, for the night season until cock-crow is the time when demons walk abroad. They surround the house, and injure those who fall inte their hands. More particularly, they destroy children who during the night pass outside the house. As soon as the cock crows this power ceases, and the demons return to their place of abode. Also there are special animals which, according to Jewish belief, are united with demons, viz. serpents, asses, bulls, mosquitos, etc. We are here again reminded of the Jinn of the desert in primitive as well as modern Arabian belief.t ‘Don’t remain standing,’ is the warning of Pesachim 1126, ‘when the bull comes from the meadow, for Satan dances between his horns.’ God alone has power to quell the demons. His protection is always bestowed on the congregation when the priest recites the 77y! of Nu 6%, an expression which, according to Stfre 12a, bears special reference to evil thoughts and demons. The protection is afforded by means of the guardian angels whom God assigns to His pious followers. Berachéth 40a gives the advice that covenant salt (Lv 24%, Nu 18%) should be eaten and drunk at every meal as a protection against demons. Certain formule or passages from Holy * Philo also identifies the heroes and demons of Greek specu: lation with the angels of Moses. His tendency was to rationalize myth, ‘In souls and demons and angels we have, it is true, different names, but, in conceiving the thing represented by them all to be one and the same, you will set aside a heavy burden, viz. superstition’ (Conybeare in JQR, Oct. 1896, p. 79). + This is the Syr. equivalent of 3e/za” in Lk 8%, and da«jcéviov (Mt 1718 etc.), and yy (Lv 177, Is 1331 8414), t Of. Mik 118 fy parc cay Onpior. DEMON, DEVIL DEMON, DEVIL 593 Writ were considered specially potent against demons. Berach, 51a 1ecommends the passage from Zec 3? ‘The Lord rebuke thee, Satan,’ as specially effective agents the Angelof Death. Aboda Zara 126, Pesachim 1126, warn the reader against drink- ing water in the night, for he runs the risk of death, or of the demon Shabriri, who can make men blind. The remedy is to strike the water-jug with the lid, and say to oneself, ‘Thou N., son of N., thy mother hath warned thee, and said, Guard thyself from the Shabriri, beriri riri, iri, ri,’ the pronunciation of the name with a syllable short each time being a potent spell to drive the demon away. We shall now cite an interesting illustrative passage from Josephus (Ané. VII. ii. 5), which is poe poate because it shows how profoundly the belief in demonology atiected even the most culti- vated and cosmopolitan of Jews. In his account of Solomon’s wisdom * we are informed that ‘God enabled him to learn that skill which expels demons,’ and that Solomon composed such in- cantations as alleviate distempers. ‘And he left behind him the mode of using exorcism by which ey drive away demons so that they never return. And this method is prevalent unto this day, for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were de- moniacal in the presence of Vespasian. . . . The manner of the cure was as follows :—He put a ring that had a root, of one of those sorts mentioned by Solomon, to the nostrils of the demoniac, after which he drew the demon out through his nostrils ; and when the man fell down at once, he adjured him (the demon) to return unto him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed.’ Another passage shows that Josephus considered demons to be the spirits of departed wicked men (BJ VII. vi. 3). Passing tor a few moments to the Jewish apocryphal literature of the age preceding the birth of Jesus, we observe that according to the Book of Enoch the demons are lost angels. They assail men’s bodies, cause convulsions, and in other Ways vex and oppress mankind (ch. 15); and this war of the demons on men will continue until the day of consummation—the great judgment (16), when they will receive dire chastisement.t In 19! we learn that evil spirits in various shapes shall corrupt men, and lead them astray to sacrifice to demons as if to gods until the great judgment day. In 535 we read of the iron chains prepared for the angelic hosts who are hurled down into the abyss of condemnation (cf. 2 P 24, Rev 20 8), In the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (test. Reuben) we are informed that there are seven evil eles sent out from Beliar against mankind, viz. those of life, seeing, hearing, smell, talking, taste, and the procreative impulses. Another group of seven is mentioned, viz. of fornication, gluttony, combativeness, flattery, pride, falsehood, injustice. C. THE DEMONOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. —This is in all its broad characteristics the demon- ology of the contemporary Judaism stripped of its eruder and exaggerated features. Evil detnonis or anclean demons, daiudvea (OY), mvevuara dxddapra or sovnpé (j'¥'2 7), hover about the world, and these are unier subjection to Satan (dpyxwy r&v dapovlwr), * Respecting Solomon as a nucleus of later legend, see Stade, Gesch. p. 309ff., and the Arabic story of Bilkis (given in the Ohrestomathy of Socin’s Arabic Grammar), ¢t Conybeare, in quoting this, appositely cites the cry of the daemons to Jesus, ‘Art thou come hither to torment us before our time?’ 1 desire here to express my obligations to this writer, whose interesting articles on the ‘Demonology of the New Testament’ (JQR, July and October 1896) contain much valuable information. They are occasionally marked, however, Le a certain tendency to accentuate unduly some of the details of the NT narrative. Note, for example, his rendering of iwizscs as ‘fell bodily’ in Ac 104, whereas it has no more | ebpsiee significance than in Eurip. Androm. 1042, ool wove br ppovas imtwsroy Adres, VOL. I.—38 Mt 9% 12%, Mk 322, Lk 11. The demon was said to enter (elcépxecOa) into a man somewhat as though it were a physical entity, and similarly waa said to pass out (¢éépxeoGar), or was forcibly expelled by some superior power who had authority to cast out (éxBd\deav) demons. The demons may pass into other animals, e.g. into the Gadarene swine. man possessed with a devil was said to have or hold a demon (éxe dacudviov), or to be a demoniac (Satmovigouevos, cf. the Arabic mejniin, said of a man possessed by a Jinn, Doughty, i. p. 259). Mt (4% 1735) also op oye the verb cernuidterba, ‘ to be a lunatic,’ as though it expressed something distinct from dapovltecOa (44). In Mk 1” 5° the phrase used is (4v@pwia) ev mvevpare dxabdpry, where the preposition ¢v means ‘in the power or under the influence of’; cf. Winer, § xlviii. (Eng. ed. p. 483), Luke also uses ¢voxAeic#ac of demon possession (618). The manifestations of demoniac possession are very varied in NT. In the case of the Gadarene he 1s compelled to dwell among the tombs, which are associated with solitude and uncleanness. As water is connected with purity and cleansing, the demons have a preference for waterless spots. Demons are, however, chiefly associated with abnormal forms of human life, especially disease. Dumbness (Lk 9, Mk 97), deafness and dumbness (Mk 9%), blindness and deafness combined (Mt 127%), and epilepsy (Mk 1% 9”, Lk 9%), are the mani- festations of demoniac influence. Of all the synoptic evangelists, Luke is the most power- fully impressed with this conception. Even high fever is attributed to demoniac agency, as we can clearly infer from the fact that, in the case of Peter’s mother-in-law, Jesus stood over her and rebuked the fever which possessed her (Lk 4**- *, cf. 131%), It is to be noted, however, that in this Gospel a saying of our Lord is reported whick expressly distinguishes between ordinary cures and expulsion of demons, éxBdAd\w daiwdvia cat ldoes dmoreA@ (Lk 1352), The demons, moreover, were able to speak, and exercised mastery over the vocal organs of the human subject. Thus in one case, as the demon came forth, it cried with a loud voice (Mk 1%). It was possible for many demons to possess a human being at the same time. Sevendemons were cast out from Mary Magdalene by Jesus(Lk8*), while the Gadarene demoniac was possessed by a legion. As regards the method of procedure adopted by Jesus, we observe the stress which is laid upon His own personality. The power which He wielded in His person is placed in direct opposition to the ee of moral and physical anarchy. Faith was necessary in order that the exorcist should accomplish his task (Mt 17} *°), and this was aided by prayer (Mk 9”). Faith was sometimes required on the part of near relatives, as in the case of the father of the epileptic patient (Mk 9%-*4), in order that the cure might be effected. In these cireum- stances Jesus relied upon a simple direct command addressed to the demon, ‘Thou dumb and deaf spirit, I charge thee come out of him’ (Mk 9”), or the muzzled and depart’ (Mk 15). ‘He cast out spirits with a word, and healed all who were sick.’ e Himself declared that He did this by. the finger or spirit of God (Lk 11”, Mt 12%). There was no use of magic formule. In the case of the woman who had been bound by Satan for eighteen ears, He merely laid His hand upon her (Lk 13"). tn Mt 12?” He appears to place His own expulsions of demons on a footing of equality. with those worked by Jewish exorcists; but here it is im- possible to deny that there is irony latent in the question, ‘By whom do your sons cast them out?’ It is asked by way of argument rather than direct statement, and is intended to apply to the special belief and standpoint held by His Jewish opponents. This power of delivering men from unclean DEMON, DEVIL spirits Jesus bequeathed to His disciples (Mt 10). hey effected their cures simply by naming the name of Jesus (Mk 16!", Ac 3°). This belief in the poner efficacy of the name comes from a hoary emitic past (see Sayce’s Hibbert Lect. pp. 302-307). It Bacall be remchibered that name meant to an ancient Semite personal power and existence, and hence involved to those who invoked the name of Jesus belief in the actual presence and might of the divine Saviour of mankind. Before passing from the subject of the Gospel narratives in their relation to demonology, it should not be forgotten (1) that we are dealing with the reports of chroniclers whose minds were necessarily coloured by the prevailing beliefs of the age, psychic and cosmic; (2) that the properly demoniac element is almost wholly absent from the Fourth Gospel. In 8# 10” the language employed by the Jews is quoted, while in 6” Judas is called didBoros and not dausvror. St. Paul, however, shared the conceptions of his contemporaries respecting devils. Several passages may be cited in illustration. In the first place, the much disputed passage 1 Co 10!” points, in our opinion, to the conclusion adopted by Baudissin, and more recently by Everling (Die Paulinische Angelologie u. Démonologie, p. 27 ff.), that St. Paul had borrowed from Alexandrian Judaism the belief that the offerings to heathen deities were offerings to demons (cf. above the demonology of the Bk. of Enoch and the Sibylline books). In 1 Co 10” Paul argues, ‘But I say, that the things which the Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils, and not to God: and I would not that ye should have communion with devils. Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of devils.’ He is pleading that it is not permissible to partake of the heathen sacrificial offerings. He quotes the two examples of the Christian Lord’s Supper and the Jewish sacrifice. In both cases there is a real com- munion between the participator and the object of worship. The statement in 84 ‘We know that no idol is anything in the world,’ does not involve any inconsistency. For St. Paul the gods as such are creatures of the imagination ; yet he does not hold that nothing at all exists behind the image- worship of the heathen, but that demons lurk there and the kingdom of Satan, and that partici- pators in heathen feasts are drawn into the circle of their evil influence (so Holsten).* Moreover, Everling (ib. p. 33 ff.) has shown with considerable probability that the reference in the obscure phrase 1 Co 11° ‘for this cause ought the woman to have power over her head on account of the angels’ is to be found in the legend of the inter- course of the fallen angels with the daughters of men. Book of Enoch (ch. 6) and other citations from the Book of Jubilees, Apocalypse of Baruch 564 in Charles’ ed., and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (test. Reuben 5), show the im- portant place held by this tradition in the litera- ture that preceded the time of St. Paul. It would lie beyond the scope of this article to trace the development of demonology in post- apostolic Christian writers. The elaborate demon- ology of Origen is portrayed in Conybeare’s inter- esting article (JQR, Oct. 1896), to which the reader is referred. The enormous range of this belief in all its varieties, and the extent to which it pene- trated into popular belief and practice from the hoary antiquity of Babylonian and Egyptian magic down to the time of the Reformation and beyond, is a fact of which this modern age of * The opposite view is taken by Beyschlag in his Programme, * Did the Apostle Paul regard the gods of the heathen as demons?’ and he is followed by Marcus Dods (Expositor, March 1895, Sel ff.). But on the subject of Demonology in the NT, and e belief of Jesus in a personal devil, Beyschlag is an unsafe guide, as I shall attempt to show in my article Saran. scientific discovery is but dimly conscious. Readers of Doughty’s Arabia Deserta, however, soon become aware how fervently the modern Arab of the desert believes in the Jd@n (see especially vol. ii. p. 188 ff.). Monumental evidence presents a vast array of examples. A considerable mass of Aramaic in- scriptions could be cited, if space permitted, con- sisting of nothing else than conjurations, charms, or spells. See, for example, the transcription and translation by Jos. Wohlstein, in Zettschr. fiir Assyriologie, April 1894, of Aramaic inscriptions on clay vessels preserved in the Royal Museum at Berlin, No. 2416 (consisting of nearly 100 lines) ; also in Dec. 1893, No. 2422 (of 44 lines). See also the interesting Greek form in Deissmann, Bibel- studien, p. 26 ff., and cf. art. EXORCISM. Respect- ing modern examples of demoniacal possession and exorcism it is difficult to speak with certainty, though some examples appear well authenticated. One of the most striking is to be found in the account given by the missionary Waldmeier cf his ten years’ labour in Abyssinia, Autobiography of Thomas Waldmeier, pp.64-66. Though the ahadoue of such beliefs have been slowly passing away from Western Europe, the gloom still invests a large portion of the world, and fills the hearts of many millions of our fellow-men with anguish and terror. Like our first parents, we behold ‘all the eastern side With dreadful faces thronged and fiery arms.’ OweEN C. WHITEHOUSE. DEMOPHON (A7podav, 2 Mac 12”), a Syrian com- mandant in Palestine under Antiochus Eupator. According to the author of 2 Mac, after terms of eace had been agreed upon for the first time bbetwean Judas Maccabeeus and Lysias (see ABSA- LOM IN APOcR.), some of the provincial com- mandants, and Demophon among them, continued to act in a hostile manner towards the Jews. H. A. WHITE. DEN (27s the lurking-place of wild beasts, Job 378; my a cave where robbers hide, Jer 74; 7739 in Jg 6? is perhaps [but see Moore, ad loc.] a deep valley or water-course. In NT omjdaov).—The lions’ den into which Daniel was cast (Dn 67 etc.) was doubtless that in which the king’s lions were kept, in accordance with a custom known to prevail at Oriental courts. Layard (Nin. and Bab.) shows that these beasts were used for purposes ef sport by the kings of Assyria. A royal lion hunt is depicted in a bas-relief of the palace of Assur- nazir-pal (B.c. 885-860) discovered at Nimroud, now in the British Museum. A seal of Darius has also been found, on which the king is represented in the act of shooting an arrow at a lion rampant. G. WALKER. DENARIUS.—See Monry. DENOUNCE.—In AV Dt 30’ only, ‘I d. unto you this day, that ye shall surely perish’ (*n7a7, tr? ‘I profess’ 26%). This is the orig. meaning of the word (fr. Lat. denwntiare, ‘to give official inti- mation’). So Peacock (1449), ‘The Euangelie of God... which to alle men oughte be denouncid’ ; and 2 Th 3” Wye. (1380) ‘we denounceden this thing to you, that if ony man wole not worche: nether ete he’ (after Vulg. hoc denunciabamus vobis). J. HASTINGS. DENY.—In the sense of ‘refuse,’ deny (Lat. de-negare, ‘say no,’ ‘refuse’) is not yet obsolete. Examples in AV are 1 K 2" ‘IT ask one petition of thee, deny me not’ (yeny ‘3vrby ‘turn not away my face’; in v. the same phrase is twice tr4 in AV ‘say not nay,’ RV ‘deny not’; ef. Lk 12”); 1K 207, Pr 307 ‘Two things have I required (RV ‘asked’) of thee ; deny me them not before I die’ (both y3p). But we cannot now say ‘deny to do’ ee ee a ee | ee DEPART a thing, as Wis 12” ‘the true God, whom before they denied to know’ (jpvobvro eldéva, Vulg. negabant ge nosse, RV ‘refused to know,’ RVm ‘denied that they knew’); so 16° ‘the ungodly that denied to know thee’; and 1 Mac 5 «ing ‘He destroyeth Ephron for denying him to pass through it.’ Cf. Shaks. Winter’s Tale, v. ii. 128: ‘You denied to fight with me this other day, because I was no entleman born’; and Knox, Historie, 88, ‘the rd Gray ... plainely denyed to charge again.’ J. HASTINGS. DEPART.—The earliest meaning of ‘depart’ is ‘divide into parts’ (dis-partire), as Maundeville, xi. 43: ‘The woe of Moyses, with the whilk he de- partid the Reed See.’ Then to ‘distribute,’ as Jn 19% Gen. ‘They departed my rayment among them.’ Next came ‘separate,’ which occurs once (intrans.) in AV, Ac 15 ‘they departed asunder one from the other’ (droxwpifoua, RV ‘ parted asunder’). -This is the meaning (but trans.) of ‘depart’ in the Pr. Bk., ‘till death us depart,’ which was retained from 1549 till 1662, when ‘depart’ was changed into ‘do part.’ Cf. Ru 1” Cov. ‘ death onely shal departe us.’ J. HASTINGS. DEPUTY, the rendering once (1 K 227) of 243, elsewhere in OT of ans. The latter was a gover- nor subordinate to the satrap (which see), and is mentioned under both the Assyr. and the Chald. governments (2 K 18%, Ezk 23°), although the office seems to have been better defined under the Persian rule (Est 8° 9°, cf. Behist. Inscr. col. iii. par. 3, § 4; par. 9,§ 2). The deputies who were set over the lesser districts and cities within the satrap’s province occupied a position of con- siderable dignity and authority (Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. iv. 416; cf. Xen. Hell. iii. 1. § 10-12; iv. 1. § 1). In NT ‘deputy’ is AV tr. in Ac 137 18! 19% of 4960naros, which is more accurately rendered in RV ‘ proconsul’ (which see). . WALKER. DERBE (Aép8n, ethnic Aepfaios, Ac 204, but AepSirns in Strabo, P 569, and Cicero, ad Fam. xili. 73) was a city of Lycaonia, on the main road from Iconium (or Lystra), 8.E. to Laranda. Ofits early history nothing is recorded. It was in the part of Lycaonia that was added to Cappadocia as an ‘eleventh Strategia’ by the Romans (prob. in B.C. 65); but, under the weak rule of the Cappadocian kings, it was seized by a native ruler, Antipater (called ‘the robber’ by Strabo, p. 569, which merely shows that he opposed the Rom. policy ; he was a friend of Cicero, ad Fam. xiii. 73). Amyntas, king of Galatia, conquered Derbe and Laranda, and at his death in B.C. 25 they passed with his kingdom to the Romans, were incorporated in the province Galatia, and supplied soldiers to the Rom. legions (CIZ iii. 2709, 2818). In A.D. 37 or 41 Laranda was probably transferred to the kingdom of Antiochus, and the coins of king Antiochus mentioning the Lycaones must have been struck there ; hence from 41 to 72 Derbe became the fron- tier city of the Rom. province, and was honoured with the title Claudio-Derbe. Soon after, it was visited by St. Paul (Ac 14°), who, having here reached the extremity of Rom. territory, now turned back and retraced his former steps to Lystra, Iconium, Antioch, and Perga. Nothing is said in Ac about any sufferings of St. Paul at D., nor is it mentioned among the places (like Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra) where he had suffered (2 Ti 3%). On his second journey, coming from Cilicia (doubtless through the ‘Cilician Gates’), St. Paul passed through D. to Lystra, ete., and on his third journey he took the same route (ace. to those who maintain the ‘S. Galatian’ view, though most scholars consider that on this DESCRY 595 occasion he wert northward from the ‘Gates’ through Cappadocia towards N. Galatia). Gaius of D. was one of the delegation which accom. panied St. Paul to Jerusalem in charge of the contributions of the Pauline Churches for the benefit of the poor in Jerus. (Ac 204). According to the text of Codex Beze, Gaius is styled AovBpios; this is the ethnic derived from Doubra, doubtless a local pronunciation of the name (which may be compared with Seiblia or Silbion or Soublaion). A third form, Aé\feu, is mentioned by Stephanus Byzant. as meaning ‘juniper’ in the Lycaonian tongue (cf. Ac 1414). ery little is recorded of D. in NT; it is rarely mentioned in general history ; and in Christian history it hardly reappears until A.D. 381, when its bishop, Daphnus, was present at the Council of Constantinople. The site of D., after many diverse conjectures, was placed by Prof. Sterrett at Zosta or Losta ; thongh the evidence is still not perfect, yet general considerations point conclusively to this neighbour- hood, and especially to a large mound called Gudelissin, evidently in great part artificial, from which protrude numerous remains of a city, about three miles N.W. of Zosta. The buildings that remain above ground at Gudelissin are all of the Byzantine period ; but the mound has the appear- ance of great antiquity, as one of those sites where city has been built over city, until a hillis formed (like the ‘mounds of Semiramis’ at Tyana and Zela, Strab. pp. 537, 559). The statement of Stephanus Byzant., that Derbe was a fortress and harbour (Acxuwjv) of Isauria is erroneous; and the proposed change of text (Aluyn) has no authority. LITERATURE about Derbe begins with Sterrett, Wolfe Expe- dition in Asia Minor, pp. 22-30; Losta was visited by MM. Radet and Paris, who, however, wrongly identified it with Lystra, Bulletin de Correspond. Hellénique, 1886, pp. 509-512. The reasons for the identification of D. with Zosta are stated by Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 336 f., and more definitely (after a visit to the place) in Church in Rom. Emp. pp. 54-58; St. Paul the Trav. pp. 110 ff., 178 ff. See Ganaria. W. M. Ramsay. DERISION.—With one exception, all instances of the phrase ‘ have in derision ’ represent a simple verb: either 1y) Jd‘agh, ‘mock,’ Ps 2 598, Ezk 238; pny sdhak ‘laugh at,’ Job 30!; wba héliz, ‘deride’; or puxrnpifw, 1 Es 15 (RV ‘ mocked’). The exception is Wis 5° ‘This was he whom we had sometimes in derision’ (év &cxo0puév ore els yédwra, Vulg. habuimus in derisum). J. HASTINGS. DESCRIBE.—In Jos 18-6 8 d#.9 “to describe’ is to map out, or divide into lots, as Jos 18° ‘ Ye shall therefore describe the land into seven parts, and bring the description hither to me, that I may east lots for you here before the Lord our God.’ This is Coverdale’s tr., from Vulg. describere (in Jos 18* & 8 bis, in © diviserunt, scribentes). In Jg 8"4 the same Heb. (102 ‘ write’) is again tr. ‘ describe’ (Vulg. describere), but the meaning is ‘ write a list of.’ In this passage the LXX gives ypd¢w, the word used in Ro 10° ‘ Moses describeth the righteousness which is of the law’ (RV ‘writeth that,’ etc.) ; while in 4® ‘describeth the blessedness’ the vb. is déyw (RV ‘ pronounceth blessing upon ’). : Besides Jos 18° (above), where there is no corresp. Heb., description occurs only 1 Es 5 with the meaning of ‘list’ : the description of ‘the kindred’ (rijs yerixfs ypad7s, t.e. the genealogy). J. HASTINGS. DESCRY.—‘ Describe’ and ‘descry’ are both from Lat. describere, the former immediately, the latter through the old Fr. descrire. And in earlier Eng. their meanings were often very close, to ‘ descry being to ‘reveal,’even as late as Milton, Comus,141— And to the tell-tale Sun descry Our concealed solemnity.’ . 596 DESERT But Milton uses the word also in the sense of re- connoitre, as Par. Lost, vi. 530— ‘ And scouts each coast light-armed scour, Each quarter, to descry the distant foe.’ This is the meaning of ‘descry’ in AV, where it occurs only Jg 1% ‘And the house of Joseph sent to descry Bethel’ (71m, RV ‘sent to spy out’). J. HASTINGS. DESERT.—See WILDERNESS. DESIRE.—‘ To desire,’ says Trench (Sel. Gloss. 66), ‘is only to look forward with longing now: the word has lost the sense of regret or tee back upon the lost but still loved. This it once er in common with desideriumand desiderare, Tom which more remotely, and désirer, from which more immediately, we derive it.’ And he quotes as an example 2 Ch 21” ‘and [Jehoram] departed without being desired.’ Now this sense of ‘ desire’ is certainly found, as Berners (1533), ‘ Of the death of suche an entierly desyred husbande’; Jer. Taylor, ‘she shall be pleasant while she lives, and desired when che dies.’ But it is not so certain that 2Ch 21” isan example. The Heb. is lit. ‘he went {or walked] without desire’ (77997 Xba 3d; LXX cal éropetOn ovx év éralyy; Vulg. Ambulavitque non recte, whence Cov. ‘and walked not well’), and the tr. of AV is taken from Gen. Bible, which has ‘and lived without being desired,’ with the gloss ‘ he was not regarded, but deposed for his wickedness.’* J. HASTINGS. DESOLATE.—An example of the primary mean- ing (de-solus, alone) ‘left alone,’ ‘solitary,’ is Ad. Est 14° ‘help me, d. woman, which have no helper but thee’; and an example of the obsolete constr. with ‘of,’ is Bar 2% ‘the whole land shall be d. of inhabitants’ (RV ‘d. without inh.’). So 1 Ti 5° Wye. ‘sche that is a widewe verili, and desolate’ ; AS Ru Lb Cov. ‘the woman remayned desolate of both hir sonnes and hir huszbande.’ For Desolation see ABOMINATION OF DESOLATION. J. HASTINGS. DESPITE is now only a prep., though as a subst. it is still used in poetry. The subst. (=‘contempt’ actively shown, ‘dishonour,’ from Lat. dspicere, to look down on) occurs Ezk 256 ‘rejoiced in heart with all thy despite against the land of Israel’ (v>32 awxy-b2a, RV ‘with all the d. of thy soul’); and He 10” ‘hath done despite unto the Spirit of grace’ (évuBpicas ; ‘doith dispit’ is Wyclif’s word; Tin., Cov., Cran., Gen, ‘doth dishonour’; Rhem. ‘hath done contumelie’). Cf. Jer. Taylor, ‘ Liberality . . . consists in the de- spite and neglect of money.’ Asa vb. ‘d.’ occurs in Pref. to AV, ‘The Romanists ... did no lesse then despite the spirit of grace,’ that is, ‘treated with contempt.’ Despiteful is found Ezk 255 ‘a d. heart,’ 36° ‘d. minds’; Sir 315! ‘give him no d. words’ (Aéyor évecdiauo0, RV ‘a word of reproach’); and Ro 1” (iSpicral, RV ‘ insolent’). Despitefully, 1 Mac 9% ‘used them d.’ (évéractov avrots); Mt 54, Lk 6% ‘which d. use you’ (éry- pedtw) ; Ac 14° ‘to use them d.’ (v8ploa adro’s, RV ‘to entreat them shamefully’). Despitefulness, Wis 2! ‘Let us examine him with d. and torture’ (WBpe, Vulg. contumelia, RV ‘outrage’). Here, and in the passages where ‘despitefully’ occurs, the idea is cruelty more than contempt; but the meaning of ‘spite,’ ‘spitefulness,’ is never present in these words. In Est 1}8 Cov., ‘thus shall there aryse despytefulness and wrath ynough,’ d.=con- tempt, as AV and RY. J. HASTINGS. DESTRUCTION (j13x).—See ABADDON. DETERMINATE.—Only Ac 2* ‘the d. counsel * This is the sense in which the passage is taken by Oay. Heb. Lez. (8.0. 79DN), ‘he lived as no one desired.’ DEUTERONOMY and foreknowledge of God’ (d&picpévos, fr. dpltw, to mark a boundary, fix, appoint. The closest parallel is Lk 22" ‘the Son of man indeed goeth, as it hath been determined’ RV, Gr. xara 1d wpicpévov). ‘ Deteriminate’ is Tindale’s word, whom all the VSS follow ; but Wyclif has the form we should now employ ‘determyned.’ Chaucer has ‘determinat’ in the same sense, as Astrolabe, 1. xxi. 7: ‘sterres fixes, with hir longitudes and lati- tudes determinat’; and cf. Shaks. Twelfth Night, Il. i. 10: ‘My determinate voyage is mere extrava- gancy.’ Determination, Zeph 3° ‘my d. is to gather the nations’ (p97p, lit. ‘judgement,’ as RVm); 2 Es 10" ‘if thou shalt acknowledge the d. of God to be just’ (terminus, lit. ‘end,’ RV ‘decree’; cf. Ja 5" ‘ye have seen the end of the Lord,’ réXos). Determine was common about 1611 in the sense of ‘end,’ ‘ terminate’; but in AV only the derived meanings are found, fix, decide, resolve. In AV Pref. the obsolete construction with ‘ of’ is used: ‘ For as it is a fault of incredulity, to doubt of those things that are evident ; so to determine of such things as the Spirit of God hath left (even in the padecnieye of the judicious) questionable, can be no less than presumption.’ J. HASTINGS. DETESTABLE THINGS.—The tr® in AV and RV of oyipy in Jer 168, Ezk 5! 720 1118 21 3723, the reference being either to actual idols or to objects connected with idolatry. Elsewhere the word is tr? ABOMINATION (see the references above, p. 12, —adding Nah 3°[AV, RV ‘abominable filth’), Dn 977 1181 12" 2 Ch 158), which usually represents nmayin (see p. 11); but as in the first five passages cited both Heb. words occur together, ‘ detestable things’ is adopted for oy:py for the sake of dis tinction. It would have conduced to accuracy and clearness, had it been adopted uniformly. The cognate verb ppv, to treat as detestable, is rendered ‘to detest’ in Dt 7%, but unfortunately ‘to have in abomination’ in Ly 112!+5, and ‘to make abomin- able’ (for ‘make detestable’) in Lv 11% 207 (in these four passages, in connexion with yay, the technical term for the flesh of prohibited animals, See ABOMINATION, No. 3). In 2 Mac 5% ‘that detestable ringleader’ (Apollonius) stands for rév puodpxnv; RV ‘lord of pollutions,’ with marg. ‘Gr. Mysarch, which may also mean ruler of the Mysians.’ The tr® of the text is, no doubt, correct (similarly Grimm, Rawl., Zéckler; Pesh. ‘ruler of all the unclean’); the term is evidently one of disparagement, framed on the model of titles such as €0vdpxns, srparomeddpxys, ete. S. R. DRIVER. DEUEL (5x:y7 ‘ knowledge of God,’ ‘Payouy\).— Father of Eliasaph, prince of Gad (Nu 114 7*:- 47 10?) =Reuel, Nu 24 (perhaps the original name, see LXX, 7 being put tee 5) p. G. H. BATTERSBY. DEUTERONOMY.—i. THe NAME OF THE Book. —The name Deuteronomy is taken from the Lat. ‘Deuteronomium,’ which transliterated the Gr. word Aevrepovduiov. This Gr. word appears in the LXX of Dt 17'8, where the words ‘a copy of this law’ (nig ay\AD 73D) are incorrectly tr? 7d Aeurepo- voucov rodro, as if the Heb. had been ‘this copy of the law’ (ma a7hAp 43%). The word also occurs, with the same error of tr®, in Jos 9° [Heb. 8%}. Though the word was a mistranslation, it fur- nished an appropriate title to a book which in a large measure ‘reformulated’ previous laws. The book is referred to by this name in the writings of Philo (Leg. Allegor. iii..§ 61, i. 121, Quod Deus immutab. § 10, i. 280), although that writer also quotes it by the name of ‘The Appen. dix to the Laws,’ 7 "Emvouls (Quis rer. dives hoe § 33, i. 495). 4 DEUTERONOMY In Heb. literature the book was known by a title taken from its opening words, ‘These are the words’ (97370 nby), or, simply, ‘words’ (0°37). In Rabbinic writing it is sometimes cited as ‘The book of Threatenings’ (MiNDiA 150); but in such cases the reference is to the latter portion of the book, which also appears to have been known to Philo as ‘ The Curses’ (ai "Apai). See Leg. Allegor. iii. § 35, i. 109, quoting Dt 2717; De Posterit. Caini, § 8, i. 280, quoting Dt 2885, (Ryle’s Philo and Holy Scripture, Introd. p. xxiii) ii. THE CONTENTS OF THE Book.—The book eee to contain the last utterances of Moses, elivered in the plains of Moab just before his death. The historical position is defined by the brief Introduction (11-5) and by the Epilogue (34), which narrates the death of Moses. The utter- ances of Moses comprise ¢Aree main discourses: (1) The first is chiefly historical, reviewing the life of Israel in the wilderness, 1°4, (2) The second, which has a brief historical preface (4-4), is, at first, hortatory (5-11), but is chiefly taken ap with the legislation (12-26), i.e. the code of laws which constitutes the nucleus of the whole work. To this is appended the description of a ceremony which was to symbolize the popular ratification of the laws in the land of Canaan (27), and a rehearsal of warnings and blessings that should ensue upon the neglect and observ- ance of these laws (20). (3) The third address is an additional exhortation urging the people to keep the covenant with J”, promising restoration even after relapse into idolatry, and offering the alternatives of obedience or disloyalty to J” (29. ). These three addresses to the poops are followed by a collection of more miscellaneous materials, such as Moses’ farewell, his deliverance of the Deut. law to the priests, his commission to Joshua, the Song of Moses, the Blessing of Moses (31-33). The whole is concluded by an account of the Death of Moses (34). Although it is true to say that the legislation constitutes the nucleus of the book, the character of the writing is very far from being that of a legal work. The tone of exhortation which runs through the earlier and later addresses, pervades also the legislative portion. The laws are not systematically and technically stated. They are ethically expounded in order to set forth their relation to the theocratic principles laid down in chs. 5-11. The purpose of the book is thus, practically, wholly ‘hortatory,’ or, as it has been termed, ‘parenetic’; and its ‘parenetic’ aim ac- counts for the diffuse and somewhat discursive treatment which is found in the historical and legislative, no less than in the directly homiletical assages. A very cursory perusal enables us to see that the writer is neither historian nor jurist, but a religious teacher. When we investigate Dt in relation to the books which immediately precede and follow it in the Hex., we cannot fail to be struck by the general vnity of its composition, and by the dis- tinctiveness of its character and style. In Nu 27! it has already been said, ‘And the LorD said unto Moses, Get thee up into this mountain of Abarim, and behold the en which I have given unto the children of {srael. And when thou hast seen it, thou also shalt be gathered unto thy people, as Aaron thy brother was gathered.’ Again, in Nu 27" we find the commission to Joshua thus described, ‘And the LoRD said unto Moses, Take thee Joshua the son of Nun, a man in whom is the spirit, and lay thine hand upon him, etc. And Moses did as the LORD commanded him; and he took Joshua and set him before Eleazar the priest, and before all the congregation ; and he laid his hands upon him, and gave him a charge, as the LORD spake, by the hand of Moses.’ DEUTERONOMY 597 Now, at the close of Dt we find in 3248-59 * And the LoRD spake unto Moses that self-same day, saying, Get thee up into this mountain of Abarim . and behold the land of Canaan, which I give unto the children of Israel for a possession; and die in the mount whither thou goest up, and be gathered unto thy people; as Aaron thy brother died in Mount Hor, and was gathered unto his people.’ Again, we find in 31/4 the charge given to Joshua, ‘And the LorD said unto Moses, Be- hold, thy days approach that thou must die; call Joshua, and present yourselves in the tent of meeting, etc. And he gave Joshua the son of Nun a charge, and said, Be strong and of a good courage.’ Dt thus practically repeats the in- cidents which have already been recorded in Nu 27; and the whole work, which intervenes between the two commands to Moses to prepare for death, presents the appearance of a great parenthesis, interrupting the main thread of the narrative. The command to go up to the heights of Abarim, in Dt 32, is followed almost immediately by the narrative, in Dt 34, of the death of Moses. The same command has occurred in Nu 27; but be- tween the two commands is interposed the series of three addresses which were given, according to Dt 1°, on the first day of the eleventh month of the fortieth year. Not only, however, has the Book of Dt all the appearance of a parenthesis, but it is rendered dis- tinct from the other books of the Pent. by its very clearly marked characteristics of style and diction. These will require fuller consideration later on. But they are so distinct and so obvious to the reader, whether of the original or of a translation, that they inevitably contribute very largely to the general impression that Dt represents a work in some way separate from the rest of the Penta- teuch. The same general impression is produced by a comparison of the laws in Dt with the three gat groups of laws contained in Ex, Ly, and u. The Deut. legislation ‘stands in a different relation to each of the three codes referred to; it is an expansion of that in Ex 20-23; it is, in several features, parallel to that in Lv 17-26; it contains allusions to laws such as those codified in the rest of Lv-Nu’ (Driver, s.v. ‘ Deuteronomy’ in Smith’s DB*), The legislative section of Dt is distinct in contents and treatment from the parallel sections in Ex—Nu. The principal historical allusions in Dt (as pre- sented by Driver) are the following :— 18 fond frequently) the oath to the patri- Gn 1516 2216f. 247 268, arcns 43 (Ba‘al-pe'or) Nu 25155, 410i. 52M. 1816 delivery of Decalogue, etc. Ex 193-2021, 616 (Massah) Ex 177. as = elsewhere (deliverance from Ex 1314 1480, 88. 18 (the manna) Ex 164.5, 815 (fiery serpents; and rock (")x) of Nu 216 and Ex 176, flint) LV.B. In Nu 208-11 (P) the term for ‘rock’ is ybo, not Ws.) 922 Tab'érah, Massah, Kibroth-hatta’’- Nu 1113, Ex 177, vah) Nu 1134, 11 (passage of the Red Sea) Ex 1427, 116 (Dathan and Abiram) Nu 161». 27b. 80, 32a, 236f. (4f.) Bala’am) Nu 222-242, 249 (Miriam’s leprosy) Nu 1210, 2517-19 (opposition of ‘Amalek) Ex 17816, 266-8 (affliction and deliverance from Ex 19-12 37.9 ete. Egypt) 2922 (a) overthrow of Sodom and Go- Gn 1924f. morr: An investigation of the historical allusions in Dt confirms the impression produced by the legis- lative portion. The references are, almost with- out exception, made to events recorded in those portions of Ex and Nu which scholars assign to JE, or the ‘prophetic’ group of narrctives incor- 598 DEUTERONOMY DEUTERONOMY porated in the Pentateuch. The other main group of narratives in the Pent., denominated P from its generally Spake fs characteristics, does not appear to have supplied the foundation for the treatment of the history in D. Thus in 1° the reader notices that Caleb alone is mentioned as the recipient of especial favour; there is no men- tion made of Joshua. In the Book of Nu the passage which records the favour granted to Caleb alone (Nu 14%) belongs to JE, the passage which associates Joshua with Caleb (Nu 14%) belongs to P. Similarly, in 11° we find mention of Dathan and Abiram, but not of Korah, who figures so conspicuously in Nu 16. But in Nu 16 the Korah passages are assigned by scholars to P; the JE portion of the narrative speaks only of Dathan and Abiram. There are only three incidents in the historical references of Dt which are to be found in the P and not in the JE narrative of the Pentateuch. These are (1) the mention of the number ‘twelve,’ of the spies, Dt 1%, cf. Nu 137%; (2) the mention of the number ‘seventy,’ of the family of Jacob, Dt 107, cf. Gn 46”, Ex 15; (3) the mention of acacia-wood as the material of which the ark was made, Dt 10%, ef. Ex 25% But it is to be remem- bered that these facts may have been recorded in JE, but have been preserved to us only in the excerpts from the P narrative. . Assuming the correctness of the general pro- position, which is universally admitted by modern scholars, that the Pent. is of composite origin, we are brought, by a consideration of the distinctive- ness ia D’s treatment and style, to the opinion that D must take rank with JE and P as one of the component elements of the Pentateuch. Not, of course, that D should necessarily be assigned any more than J, or E, or P, to any one writer or author, but only that in style and treatment it may be attributed to a literary source, representing the influence of a particular period, or of particular circumstances, upon a writer, or a school, or a succession of writers. iii, THE UNITY oF THE Boox.—Though we have hitherto spoken of Dt as if it were a unity in itself, it would be a mistake to suppose that it presents an unbroken homogeneous piece of litera- ture written by a single person. There is good reason to suppose that the same kind of literary history is to be attributed to D as to JE and P. The original nucleus of writing has been revised, at Pear and modified. It is not difficult to indicate portions which could hardly have worn their present appearance if from the first they had been part of a consecutive piece of writing. It appears the most probable view that Dt 5-26 (27° 1°), 28 represent the original work, either in art or in its entirety. Im this work chs. 5-11 ormed the introduction ; ch. 28 the peroration. Wellhausen, indeed, limits the original work of Dt to chs. 12-26. But there seems no sufficient ground for separating 5-11 from 12-26. The style and diction are in marked agreement; and the differences which have been detected in the two sections are only those which might be expected to arise from the differ- ence of subject-matter. With regard to chs. 1-4 doubts have been more generally expressed. It has seemed to many improbable that the intro- duction, consisting of 6-11, should have been preceded by a long prefatory section. It is objected that the arrangement is too cumbrous to be the original one; that the awkwardness of the present arrangement is cmphesieet by the presence of two formal headings, 11-5 and 44449, Moreover, the absence in the hortatory passage 41-40 of any allusion to the preceding historical summary has suggested a doubt whether ch. 4 could be homo- ‘eneous with chs. 1-3. On the other hand, the style is admittedly euteronomic; and it is difficult to believe that 1-4 did not come in some form or another from the same writer or school as the contents of 5-26. 28. Dillmann has made the suggestion that 1-3 formed originally she hist. introduction, which was written in the third person, and that this was altered in character from narrative into a ae by the redactor of the Pent., who incorporated Dt into main work, Dillm. also considered that 41-40 originally belonged to the conclusion of the book, and that it was trans: ferred from that position by the redactor: for confirmation od this view, he appealed to the disordered and inconsecutive con- dition of chs. 29. 30, and to the use of the past tense in 45, which seemed to imply that the legislative portion had already been recorded, and was present to the reader’s mind. lt may, however, be doubted whether there is not a danger of too great ingenuity in the hypothetical rearrangement of the original materials. Taking into consideration (1) the very close resemblance of style, and (2) the absence of any serious con- tradiction in statement between the different portions, there is not room for any confident theory of different authorship for 1-4, though it may have been composed at a later time than the rest, and prefixed afterwards. When, however, we come to consider the question of chs. 29-34, it is impossible not to admit that we have there to deal with materials widely differing in origin. One passage in particular, 30'™, obviously has no direct connexion with the section 30"-”, which immediately follows; 31!%-*? interrupts the thread of the narrative; while 32) and 33, two lyrical pieces, have evidently been derived from some independent collection of early Heb. songs. A few portions of 32 and 34 (32*-52 and 3414 5b.7-9) are, on literary grounds, assigned with great probability to P as their original source. The most reasonable explanation of the history of the structure of the book is excellently summarised in Driver’s Deuteronomy (p. Ixxvii). ‘Some little time after the kernel [chs. 5-26. 28] of Dt was composed, it was enlarged by a second Deuteronomic writer (or writers), D2, who (1) supplemented the work of D b adding the passages indicated ; (2) incorporated, with additions of his (or their) own, the excerpts from JE, and (taking it probably from a separate source) the Song 321-43, with the his- torical notices belonging to it, 3116-22 3244, Finally, at a still later date, the whole thus constituted was brought formally into relation with the literary framework of the Hexateuch as a whole by the addition of the extracts from P.’ iv. THE Reviaious TEACHING OF DEUTER- onomy. — The characteristics of the religious thought of this book are very marked. They exercised a profound influence upon the religious development of the people. The great lessons of the spirituality of the Godhead (4'*), and the uniqueness of J”, and His absolute unity (4° %9 6479 107), are strongly and impressively taught. We pass from the older conception of ‘monolatry’ into the fuller and deeper thought of ‘monotheism.’ The relation in which the God of the people stands to the people is represented primarily as one of love rather than of law. The thought of the love of Israel towards her God, which is indeed laid down in the words of the Decalogue (Ex 20°, Dt 5°), is not required else- where in the Pent., but in Dt it is earnestly in- sisted on as the basis of faithful service on the part of the creature to the Creator and of the redeemed to the Deliverer (cf. 10!2 12} 18- 22 133 199 305 16-20), Appeals made to Israel to keep the com- mandments are, it is true, often based on the recol- lection of God’s might and of His terrible visitation, on motives of awe and fear; but the highest appeal is made to the consciousness of J”s love, in that He had chosen Israel, not for Israel’s greatness or goodness, but out of His own free love (Dt 77-8 817 94-6), The love and affection of Ged towards the nation, as distinguished from His love towards individuals, constitutes an especial feature in Dt (4°7 7'8 238 33%) ; and Dt shares with Hosea (3! 11? 14*) the distinction of first familiarizing Israel with the thought and teaching that underlie so much of NT theology (cf. 1 K 10%, 2 Ch 2" 98, Mal 1). Again, love as indicating the people’s affection and devotion to J” is again and again insisted on as the true spring of all human action (cf. 5! 6° 78 1032 15 ]] 1. 18-22 138" 1.99) 3051920) TD nts Cenc in anor the reciprocal relation of love between J” and Israel has left the mark of Dt deeply impressed upon OT theology. It is this which leads more directly than any other line of OT teaching to the revelation ultimately contained in the words, ‘God so loved the world,’ etc. (Jn 31), DEUTERONOMY DEUTERONOMY 599 As the outcome of the thought of the divine love which Israel has enjoyed, there also comes into view the consideration of Israel as ‘the son’ and of J” as the people’s Father. The loving God had given Israel life by redemption from Egypt; He had brought Israel up and educated him in the wilderness (see Dt 14? and 8” 8-16), The intimacy of the relation between J” and Isr. emphasizes the demand that Israel should also ‘cleave’ to J” (117 134), and not follow ‘ other gods’ (614. 15 74 819. 20 ] 116. 17. 20 3017. 18), Tdolatry is the great peril; its temptations must be resisted with ruthless severity (137 17°) ; no compromise is to be allowed nor alliance struck with the idolater (7? 2018), The inducements to yield to superstitious ae are pictured as strong and numerous; ut to yield is fatal. J”s wrath and His just unishment are the nation’s penalty, and will be its extermination (61-15 811-20 ]]16.17 3]29)| The alternative between obedience and disobedience, between the service of J” and the service of ‘ other gods,’ constitutes the theme of the great passage ed Rone and denunciation which is presented in ch. 28. The holiness of the people is another chief thought, the prominence of which is a marked feature in this book, resulting from the conception of the close relationship between Israel and J” the Holy One., The people are holy to J’, and cannot therefore join themselves to ‘other gods’ (7%), It is this ‘holiness’ which should prevent them from bodily mutilation as a sign of mourning ; for such behaviour was the mark of a nation serving ‘ other gods’ (142). This ‘holiness’ is the reason for which the people must refrain from food that would render unclean those who were J”’s pos- session (147). God has chosen His people, not only to make them ‘high above all nations which he hath made, in praise, and in name, and in honour’; but also that they may be ‘an holy people’ unto J”’ (26%). The ‘holiness’ of the people depends upon its obedience (28°). The spirit of ‘holiness’ to J” is ethically to be ex- pressed by the observance of love towards the neighbour, and by kindness and charity towards the poor, the widow, the orphan, the Levite, and the stranger (1018 2417-21)) The millstone was never to be taken in pledge; the garment taken in pledge was to be returned before nightfall (248- 10-18), Jeelings of humanity were to be ex- tended towards the animals; the ox treading out the corn was not to be muzzled (254) ; and thought was even given to the bird and its young ones (227). In outward worship the ‘holiness’ of the people can be adequately safeguarded only by worship at the central sanctuary chosen by J”. This regu- lation, which is laid down in ch. 12, is repeated in connexion with the laws of tithe (14% etc.), the firstborn (15), the festivals (167. ®- 14), the firstlings (26), the judges (17% 1°). So long as worship was carried on at local shrines, on the high-places, and under trees (127), it was inevitably tainted with heathenism ; the hearts of the people would be alienated from the service of J” ; and the moral purity of the nation would be corrupted by the assimilation of idolatrous practices. Thus the relationship of Israel to J” is asserted as the spiritual principle which must animate the people’s whole existence. The laws which are mentioned illustrate how the high mission of Israel is to be interpreted in daily life. These laws are no formal code. The blessing for obedience is promised as a reward for pee acts, and for the whole regulation of life; and the blessing promised is expressed in terms which Israel could understand and appreciate,—outward prosperity and length of life (127-78 1318 14 15118 16% 1938 2371 241° 2515), It is to preserve unimpaired the recollection of their spiritual relation to J” that so much stress is laid upon the training of the children (4° 67-%-25 1119); while provision is also made, that even in the dress and the dwellings of individuals (6% 1112 2212) the people should be reminded of their spiritual duties. v. LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF DEUTERONOMY. —The style in which the book is written has very clearly marked characteristics of its own. It is quite distinct, and easily recognizable. It bears no resemblance to the style of P, nor does it show any likeness to the narrative style of JE. In certain hortatory passages of JE there may be noticed ‘an approximation to the stvie of Dt; and these sections (Gn 265, Ex 135-16 15% 193-6, parts of 202-17 2370-83 3410-26] appear to have been the source from which the author of Dt adopted some of the expressions currently used by him’ (Driver). he style of Dt is remarkable for its command of rich and effective periods, in which the sen- tences are framed with great oratorical skill. They are rhythmical without. being tedious ; and copious without being shallow and rhetorical. Some of the writing of Jeremiah approaches most closely in style to Dt; and the influence of Dt upon subsequent Heb. literature was very marked. The Deut. style was imitated and adopted by a aeee or succession of writers in and after the ays of the exile. The Deut. passages in Jos, Jg, and K are easily distinguishable ; they are gener- ally of a hortatory character, and represent a particular attitude of fervent patriotism and religious thought, expressed with considerable redundancy of language, and with the use of certain characteristic phrases. Very full and complete lists of the characteristic Deut. words and phrases have been drawn up by Driver (Deut. Introd. p. lxxviii ff.) and Holzinger (Hinleit. in d. Hez.). The followin are instances of words perfectly simple in themselves, but us: with great frequency or with marked effect in Dt, though else- where not found, or only used with great rareness, in the Hexateuch :— Thy (your) gates (=cities). A mighty hand and a stretched out arm. The land whither thow goest in to possess it. Statutes and judgments ; commandments and statutes, With all your heart and with all your soul. the priests the Levites. observe to do. that it may be well for thee. a peculiar people, to make his name to dwell there. to do that which is right (good or evil) in the eyes of J” as J” hath spoken. to walk in the ways of J”. to hearken to the voice. Under this head should be noticed the use of (a) with God as obj. ; (b) of God’s love to His people, D OY OWN other gods. W717 to prolong (of days). wa to dispossesa. "3 to choose, } P27 to cleave to. 209 thoroughly. mb 1D} to deliver up before. 1]? to ransom. a7; nbyp that to which thou puttest thine hand, vown to destroy. mar ngyin the abomination of J” (of idolatry) I 7VYB to root out the evil. mp Dv) as at this day. pr>2 continually. Wiig oY a holy people Other characteristics of his style are— (1) The preference for ‘33x (56 times) above *3p (1299 295); the use of "ji in the Song 3221. 39 and 3249. 53 is not from the same hand as D. (2) The preference for ab (47 times) above ab (411 2865 998. 18), (3) The use of the emphatic j¥ in the 2nd and 8rd per. plur. of the impf. to love 600 DEUTERONOMY 4) The frequent employment of the reflexive dative. t The collocation of words without the conjunction (asyndeta). (6) The fem, form of the infin. AN7!, TAI, TWiy. The following words or phrases are found in Dt only (see Driver, Dewt. p. 1xxxiv). Ty 2314, 5w3 195 2840, VDNT 2617. 18, FAIDDD 89. owiaD 251, nD 279, AWID 2820, DIY 156-8 2410. 13, i338} 2385, “ag7 miovoy g214.17, M7 715 2960, DYN 2114 247, APPT 2822, pryn 1544, png 14, MAMI 228, bon 2888, niAYY 718 gg4. 18. 51 @D17 169 2326, Q7 nyqy 2314 241, ww 2822, IND 2420, D1 2877, bydy¥ 2842, bein 2518, Wp 927, wy 262 4 286.17, 137 2885, nb 2332, RYPON Ty 713 284 18. 61, no 847, ; mo 2857, nbsbr 2328 (EV 251 Mypy 151.2 2 8110, nod 1610, 130 67. ornp ay 234 36 (cf. Jg 2048), ‘The following expressions, occurring mostly only once in Dt, are more or less frequent in subsequent writers, esp. those of the Deuteronomic school :— prada and oryipy 2916 17 s my) 28%; ora to vex (esp. by idolatry), 425 918 3129 3216 (cf. py v.21); 517 to expel (from Canaan), 301, cf. v.4; the name to be called over, 2819 ; abby: pw 2820 5 mW, 13°3y 2887; mia7W 291819 ; wi 2927.’ (Driver id.) vi. THE LEGISLATION OF DEUTERONOMY.— Turning to the subject of the laws contained in Dt, we have only space to make the following general observations :— (1) The laws are arranged upon a rough general plan, in which the order observed is that of (a) religious duties, chs. 12-16; (6) civil ordin- ances, chs. 17-20; (c) rules for social and domestic life, chs. 21-25. But the reader will notice that there is no strict adherence to orderly arrange- ment. (2) The language in which the laws recorded in 12-20 are written is, as a rule, somewhat diffuse and hortatory ; but in 21-25 there are many pas- sages having a close resemblance to the style of Ex 21-23, terse, and evidently often reproducing the precise terms of the ancient codes. (3) The laws make no claim to be a new code. So far as they are peculiar to D, they ‘have, with very few exceptions, the appearance either of being taken directly, with unessential mcdifica- tions of form, from older law-books (especially many of those in 21'-25'), or else of being accepted applications of long-established prin- ciples (as 17°18 191621), or the formulation of ancient customs (as 21)-® 2218-21 955-10) expressed in Deuteronomic phraseology. And such laws as are really new in Dt are but the logical and consistent development of Mosaic principles’ (Driver, Deutero- nomy, Introd. p. lvi). The following outline will serve as a rough analysis of the principal laws :— A. Nationat Revicious Lire. 1, Public Worship. (a) Law of single sanctuary, 121-28, 4 Law against idolatry, 1229-1319, 2. Religious Duties. (a) Personal purity, 141-21, b) Charity, 1422-1518, 8. Religious Observances, Offering and festivals, 1519-1617, B NATIONAL ADMINISTRATION. 1. Civil Oficers. (a) Judseg, 1618-20 178-18 b) King, 171420, 2, Religious. a) Priests, 181-8 8 Prophets, 189-22, eee | DEUTERONOMY C. CriminaL Law. a) Murder and homicide, 191-18 211-0, 6) Property, 1914. c) Witness, 1915-21, (d) War, 20. 2110-14, D. Misceuuantous Laws, ¢g. primogeniture, seduction, divorce, 2115-21 2213-30 241-5 255-11, interest and loans, 2320. 21 946. 10-13, Synopsis OF Laws IN DEUTERONOMY (taken from Driver’s Commentary, pp. iv-vil). JE. DEUTERONOMY. P (tnctupine H). Ex 20217 66-18 (21) (the Decalogue). 2074, * 121-28 (place of sacrifice). Ly 171-9.* ef. 2324, 1229-31 (not to imitate Canaanite | Nu 3352, 8412-16f. rites). cf. 2219 (20). |ch. 13 (cases of seduction to idolatry). 141-2 Mac e U in mourn-| Ly 1928, ing). 143-20 ree and unclean ani-| ,, 11223 2038, mals). 2230 (31), 142la (food improperly killed). yy 1715 1140, 2319b 3428b, | 1421b (kid in mother’s milk). 1422-29 (tithes), »» 2730385 Nu 1g21-83,* 2310f.,* 151-11 (year of release), yy BOLT, 212-11,” 1512-18 (Hebrew slaves). ») 2539-46, * 2229 (30) 1312} 1519-23 (firstlings of ox and sheep: | Nu 1817f.* (cf. Ex 9, cf, 126.17. 18 1423), igif.; Ly 2) ;Nusla 2314-17 3418-20 | 161-17 (the three annual pilgrim-| Ly 23*; Nu 28- end, 22-24, ages). . 1618 (appointment of judges). 1619-20 (just judgment). 1621-22 (Ashérahs and ‘pillars’ prohibited). 171 (sacrifices to be without blemish ; cf, 1524). 1727 (worship of ‘other gods,’ or of the host of heaven). 17813 (supreme tribunal). 1714-20 (law of the king). 181-8 (rights and revenues of the tribe of Levi). 189-22 (law of the prophet), 1810a (Molech-worship ; cf. 1281 1810b. 11 (different kinds of divi- nation and magic). 231-8. 6-8, 2219 (20) 208 2318 3414, 2217 (18) (sor- ceress alone). 2112.14, * 19113 (asylum for manslayer : murder). 1914 (the landmark). 1915-21 (law of witness). ch. 20 (nilitary service and war ; ef, 245), 211-9 (expiation of an untraced murder). 2110-14 (treatment of female cap- tives). 2115-17 (primogeniture). 2118-21 (undutiful son), 2122. 23 (body of malefactor). 221-4 (animal straying or fallen ; lost property 225 (sexes not to interchange garments). 226.7 (bird’s nest). 228 (battlement). 229-1] (against non-natural mix- tures). 2212 (law of ‘ tassels’). 2213-21 (slander against a newly- married maiden). 2222-27 (adultery). 2228f. (seduction). 231 (2230) (incest with step- mother). 2329 (1-8) (conditions of admit- tance into the theocratic community). 2310-15 (9-14) (cleanliness in the cmp) 2316 (15) f. (humanity to escaped - slave). 2318 (17) f. (against religious pro- stitution). 2320 (19) & (usury). 2322-24 (21-23) (vows). 2325 (24) f. (regard for neighbour's crops). 241-4 (divorce). 246. 10-13 (pledges). 247 (man-stealing). 248f. (leprosy). 231, ct. 2115-17, ct. Lv 208, 234 6, Ly 1919, Nu 1587-41, 2014, Ly 180 2ott, 2215 (16) £. » 198201, Nu 514,* 2224 (25), Ly 2586-37 Nu 303, 2225 (26) f., 2116, | Ly 18-18 601 (5) dxa for nbyz. This form occurs 8 times in the Pent., 4 times in Dt 4” 722 9", once in 1 Ch 20! x. As the usual ‘dissyllabic’ form occurs in the Pent. some 260 times, and in the cognate dialects the dissyllabic form was usual, the monosyllable is almost certainly an orthographical anomaly, and should have a second vowel, bx, bya; cf. nx. (c) 13; (1618 20!5), as in Ex 237 3488 instead of The use of 2} for 17} goes back to the old law of In Jos it is spelt in; 28 times, and we have ‘nm in The suggestion has been offered that ‘Israel picked up a new pronunciation after they came to the place,’ in other words, that until the death of Moses the Israelites called the place ‘Yéréch6’ incorrectly, and that this was embodied in the Pent., but that the local pvro- It might have been supposed that the writer of the account of the death of Moses (Dt 341%) would have had as good opportunities for ‘picking up a new pro- But the pro- nunciation followed in the Pent. is found also in K, Ezr-Neh, and Ch; so that no argument can (d) \nr; (82% 341-8), as elsewhere in Pent. Other supposed archaisms seem to arise from the mannerism of the author rather than from he use of 1y3, equally for masc. or fem., appears indeed to be a genuine archaism; but the fact that 73 appears as the fem. of 1y; elsewhere in the Heb. Scriptures except in the Pent., is merely an indication that the text of the Pent. had be- come regarded as too sacred to modify, at an earlier date than the other books subsequently Finally, the presence of an archaism is no more proof of a very early date than the presence of an Aramaism would be proof of a very late date. We have to account for the one as well as for 6. The evidence derived from the language is corroborated by that which the religious teaching (1) It has already been noticed that the emphasis laid upon the Jove of God is a feature almost DEUTERONOMY DEUTERONOMY JE. DEUTERONOMY. P (inctupine H). 2414f. (wages of hired servant | Lv 1913, not to be detained). 2416 (the family of a criminal not to suffer with him). Kx 2220-38 | 2417f. (justice towards stranger,| ,, 1983, (21-24) 239, widow, and orphan). a} 4 . p 2419-22 (gleanings). oy 1982 2822, "31, which is used over 50 times in the Pent. aeration = infliction of e bastinado). 254 (threshing ox not to be Ex 23”. muzzled), ae perirate marriage). mis Gut eee |, some, 2S 105, Jer 39° 52°, 1714, 2517-19 ( Amalek). Gf. 22%8e (29s) | 261-11 (thanksgiving at the offer- | cf. Nu 18122, 23190 3426a, ing of first-fruits). 2612-15 (thanksgiving at the pay- ment of the triennial tithe). 2920-38, 28 (peroration, presenting | Lv 26845, of the Oode) observance nunciation was given by Joshua. 204.23 9417, | 416-18. 23 725 (against images). Ly 194 961, nunciation’ as the writer of Jos 2}. 2312, 6l4b (philanthropic object of yo. on bath). a aa ie Gu di Onston etn pods"), » 1949, be based upon the variety of the spelling. 1814, 6% (instruction to children). 2324e. 82f. 724. 16 (no compact with Canaan- | Nu 8355, $412 16f. ites). Vahtiauitv in their for 2324b 3418, 75 193 (Canaanite altars, ‘pil-| ,, 8352, an Teai antiquity in eir torm. lars,’ etc. to be Hestroyed), 196 2229 (80), | 76 142 21 2619 289 (Israel a‘holy|Lv 1144f. 192 pone ». 207.23; Nu En ifferent connexions). 1540, 2220 (21) 289, | 1019 (to love the ‘ stranger’). »» 1934, 1216.23 1523 (blood not to be| ,, 1710-14 1926 eaten). (cf. 317 7288; 18a 9435a, | 1680 ed bread to be exe 23) . leaven r not 5 2 4 bros with Passover). admitted into the Heb. Canon. 136f. 2315 1685428 (unleavened cakes for! ,, 1215. 1820, Ly 3418, seven days afterwards). 238, %Bl8b 3425b, | 164b (flesh of Passover not to| ,, 1210, Nu 912, remain till morning). aR Kise of ‘booths,’ ‘seven | Ly 2354 39. 41-43, ays’ 176 1915 (‘two or three wit-| Nu 3530, the other. nesses’), 21S, 1921 ae eae : : Ly 2419f., ' ut ina erent applica- i tion in each case). as al Ae 2035, 275.6 (altars of unhewn stones). oe instances in which the divergence is most marked are indicated by an asterisk *.] vii. DATE AND AUTHORSHIP. —The date to which the composition of Dt should be assigned cannot be determined with any degree of cer- tainty. But it is clear, from.what has been already said, that it cannot reasonably be attri- buted to any very early period in the history of Heb. literature. a. The testimony of the style and language connects it with the period preceding the age in which the imitators of the Deut. style wrote and flourished. Certainly, the rich and fluent oratori- cal periods of Dt belong to a period of ripe literary development, and not to the rough beginnings of & national literature. It has been asserted that this is contradicted by the presence of certain archaisms. But, even iP there were a few archaisms, their presence would not affect the general impression produced by the character of the Deut. style. The alleged ‘archa- isms,’ however, are not of a kind to furnish any proof of the antiquity of the book. (a) wm. The ‘epicene’ use of the pronoun throws more light upon the history of the text than upon the antiquity of the book. The vowels in #37 and x’7 were in all probability absent from the original autographs. The fem. form fz seems to have existed in the earliest periods of the language. unique (except for Ex 20); and it is generally believed that the prophet Hosea is the first ex- ponent of this teaching. Dt ‘builds upon the foundation of the prophets’ (Driver). (2) The ‘monotheism’ of Dt is an expansion of the ‘monolatry’ of early Israel ; and the command to worship at a single sanctuary expresses in a con- crete form the conception of a monotheistic religion. Weare confronted with a stage of religious thought which has been reached only after a long prepara- tory period of discipline and teaching. c. A comparison of the laws with those in Ex 20-23 shows that whereas the Deut. legis. lation is founded upon the laws of ‘the Covenant,’ and often repeats them almost verbatim, e.g. 14% = Ex 23! 34%, 79=Ex 341%, and, as a rule, merely expands them with hortatory phrase, in other cases Dt presents us with a modification of the earlier law, showing a more advanced and humane civilization. Thus comparing the law of release for bondservants in Dt 15-17 with the parallel law in Ex 212, we notice (1) that female slaves are included in the law of release, (2) that pro- vision is granted to the released slave so that he should not starve, (3) that the old custom of boring the ear is not required to be done publicly. Similarly, in Dt 5 the institution of the sabbatic . year is put in force to restrain the exactions of the usurer, whereas in Ex 23” it had only an agricultural significance. 602 DEUTERONOMY d. Yhe laws in Dt regulating national worship represent a later stage of Isr. history than those in Ex 20-23. This is conspicuously shown in regard to the place of sacrifice. In Ex 20% an Israelite may erect local altars: ‘in every place where I record my name, I will come unto thee and bless thee.’ The practice of sacrificing at local altars and shrines was apparently universal from the time of Joshua (Jos 241-78, 1§ 7% 913-14 108 1135 1495 208, 2S 151-82) until the days of Hezekiah, who endeavoured to centralize all wor- ship at Jerus. as the one national sanctuary (2 K 18* #2), The law of Dt imsists (12438 etc.) upon the necessity of sacrificing at one place which J” shall have chosen ‘to set his name there.’ It expresses in the terms of direct injunction the change for which Hezekiah contended and which Josiah finally carried into execution. e. It may be granted that the laws of worship in Dt are quite too incomplete to be regarded as containing any exhaustive account. Thus the recise dates lor the Festivals of Passover and abernacles are not given. In the former case the month is given, but not the day ; in the latter case, neither month nor day. In the description of the Passover no direction is given that every- one should partake of it; while the command to observe the 7th day of Passover as ‘a solemn assembly’ and a day of rest is not applied to the other two feasts. But, making all allowance for the general and fia Sone a character of the religious legislation in Dt, we cannot pretend to be able to reconcile the discrepancies between the law of Dt and that of the (so-called) Priestly Code. The most notable discrepancy is in reference to the status of the Levite, and the provision for his maintenance. In Dt the regular expression ‘the priests, the Levites ’ (17% 18 181 24° 27%), does not seem to recog- nize the distincticn between ‘the sons of Aaron’ and ‘the Levites,’ which is found in the priestly laws. The Levites are pictured as wanderers and objects of Israelite charity, for which special regula- tions are laid down (1212-19 1427. 29 1611: 14 1.86 961. 12) ; there is no reference to the provision in Nu 18 for the maintenance of priests and Levites, and in Nu 35 for the reservation of 48 cities for their place of residence. A complete difference is also expressed in the laws relating to jirstlings and to tithes. In Dt 128. 17f- 1519 the firstlings are to be presented at the central sanctuary, and there eaten by the owner. In Nu 18% the firstlings are pronounced to belong to Aaron, ‘ And the flesh of them shall be thine; as the wave-breast and as the right thigh it shall be thine.’ In Dt (12!#- 14%2) it is enjoined that a tithe of the vegetable produce is to be set aside, and to be consumed by the offerer at the central sanctuary; while, in every third year, the tithe is to be devoted to the poor or the destitute and the Levite. In this there is no resemblance to the tithe law of Nu 18?!-28 and Ly 27%: 82, according to which the tithe was to be paid of animal as well as of vegetable produce; it was to be paid to the Levites, who, in their turn, were enjoined to render a tenth to the priests. Another instance of ritual discrepancy is found in the description of the priestly dues. In Dt 18%-5 the sacrificing priest received as his share ‘the shoulder, two cheeks, and maw’; in Ly 73!-* ‘the wave-breast’ and ‘heave-thigh’ or shoulder are assigned to the priest. Added to this, there is the argument from silence, in that Dt makes no mention of the year of jubilee, the great Day of Atonement, the Levitical cities, uhe meal-offering, guilt-offering, or sin-offering, nor even of the tent of meeting (Dt 3114 is from JE). DEUTERONOMY And it is incredible to suppose that the Levitica] system, if formulated as we have it in P, should have been so wholly overlooked in an address te the people. It is impossible to resist the impression that the law of Dt represents an expansion and develop- ment of the ancient code contained in Ex 20-23, and precedes the final formulation of the priestly ritual, which only received its ultimate form in the last period of revising the structure of the Pentateuch. In order to approach more nearly the limits of time within wink it is reasonable to suppose that Dt was composed, we may take into consideration the further possible indications of time, and judge of them not as individually convincing items of evidence, but as collectively carrying considerable weight. (a) It was written on the W. side of the Jordan ; ef. the use of ‘beyond Jordan’ in Dt 1%5 38 441. 46. 47.49, as in Jos 2" 77 etc. See BEYOND. (6) The law of the kingdom, 17}*”, is expressed in language indicating acquaintance with the evils of Solomon’s reign. (c) The law of the judicial tribunal in 178-4 does not ordain a new institution, but describes a court already existing, and having a close resemblance to the one described in 2 Ch 19%” as appointed by Jehoshaphat. (d) Isaiah, who speaks of the erection of an ‘obelisk’ (mazzébdh) for a sacred purpose in con- nexion with the worship of J” in Egypt, could hardly have been acquainted with the law of Dt 16% ‘Thou shalt not set thee up ‘an obelisk, which J” thy God hateth.’ (e) Dt refers to the worship of ‘the host of heaven’ as a dangerous form of idolatry (4% 17°). We do not find in the historical books any men- tion of this superstition being a source of reli- gious temptation until the days of Ahaz; see 2K 2312, (f) The style of Jeremiah’s writing shows abund- ant traces of the influence of Dt. If we may take these hints together, we arrive at the probability of Dt having been composed during the period which intervenes between the accession of Ahaz and the literary activity of Jeremiah. A terminus ad quem for the composition of Dt is supplied by the discovery of ‘the book of the law’ in the 18th year of the reign of Josiah (B.C. 621). There can be no manner of doubt that this book corresponded to a work practicall identical with the main portion of Dt (5-26. 28). This work contained denunciations and curses, such as are found in Dt 28 (ef. 2 K 221-1319); it contained mention of the covenant with J”, with clear reference to Dt 28% (cf. 2K 237-21), The reforms instituted by Josiah are such as would be required by conformity with the law of Dt, especially in regard to the centralization of wor- ship, 2K 23°; the prohibition of the worship of the heavenly bodies, 2 K 2345; the prohibition of the high-places, obelisks, Ashérim, ete., 2 K 234. 5-14.15; the prohibition of religious prostitutes, 2K 237; the maintenance of the ere ejected from the local shrines, 2 K 23%°; the prohibition of Molech worship, 2 K 23; the celebration of the Passover in Jerusalem ‘as it is written in this book of the covenant,’ 2 K 237-8; the ejection of diviners and consulters with familiar spirits, Ka The finding of this ‘book of the law’ in the temple is described as a fortuitous occurrence. There is no foundation for the suggestion that Hilkiah himself had written the book, and that the story of its finding was a fabrication. The account is straightforward and natural. It is [ —pevreronomy ==s—=*=~C~*~S*«éSiS TIONS generally agreed that the book may have been written in the reign of Manasseh, or in the early part of the reign of Josiah. Hezekiah, who had commanded all Isr. worship to be offered at the sanctuary in Jerus. (2 K 18+ *2 215), commenced the policy of removing the high-places. Manasseh’s reign reversed all that Hezekiah had done. It is thought probable that the composition of Dt was intended, in the days of Manasseh, to protest against the religious evils of that time, against the forms of superstition that had begun to find their way into Judah from Babylonia, as well as against the corruptions and disorders at the high- places which presented a form of J” worship wholly alien to the teaching and spirit of the prophets of Israel. Such a work, written in the troublous reign of Manasseh, may well have been deposited for safety within the precincts of the temple. The descrip- tion of its discovery leads the reader to suppose that the book was one that had been written some considerable time before the 18th year of Josiah’s reign. The character of Dt agrees exactly with the spirit of Huldah’s warning in 2 K 2215-2, where she speaks of the people of Judah having forsaken J”, and burned incense to other gods, etc. The traditional view, that the work in its present form was written by Moses, is now generally recognized by critical scholarship as impossible. The fact that Moses is described in Dt 31° as having committed the Deut. legislation to writ- ing, was, in former times, regarded as sufficient Bae that the whole work came from his hand. he writer (Dt 31°) narrates the fact that Moses ‘wrote this law’; he also narrates the fact that Moses delivered farewell discourses to the people. There is no appearance of autobiography in Dt. There is no Raia to Mosaic authorship for the whole work. A copy of the Deut. law is stated (Dt 31°6) to have been committed by Moses to the keeping of the priests ‘by the side of the ark.’ Heb. laws went back to the founding of the nation under Moses. The name of Moses embraced the whole legislation, both in its earlier forms and in their later expansion and modification. The writer of Dt employed the nucleus of ancient law as the means of conveying the teaching needed by his time. The authority of Moses is invoked as impersonating the spirit of Isr. law in its later application, no less than in its original framing. oses is made to plead with his people, and to show the abiding principles of the worship of J”. The work is that of a prophet, a religious teacher, not of a jurist or a statesman. In language, in thought, and in character, it is most easily under- stood as the composition of one who lived in the 7th cent., and who sought, by a ‘ dramatic’ use of the last words of Moses, to recall his countrymen to a holier life, and a purer service of J”. It has been objected that the allusions to the dwellers in Canaan, and to the Amalekites (7! 201%), would be unintelligible and unnecessary at so late a period as the 7th cent. B.c. But the writer’s purpose is to transfer himself to the age of Moses, and from that historic standpoint to appeal to the nation’s conscience. If Moses were represented as speaking in the plains of Moab, it would be natural for the writer to make him refer to the Canaan- ites, and to introduce suitable local allusions. And the writer’s argument was perfectly intelli- gible. If severity of the sternest kind was tradition- ally said to have been inculcated by Moses against the idolatrous inhabitants of the ae how much more was it required in dealing with those who, in Israel itself, had proved so faithless to J”, in spite of the warnings of the prophets ! It has been objected that the substance of Deut. laws is alluded to in writings earlier than the 7th DEVOTION cent. B.C. Thus 1 S 28? has been compared with Dt 184, Hos 44 with Dt 2338, Hos 5! with Dt 19%, Am 8 with Dt 254, Neh 2! with Dt 1, while 2 K 148 refers to the law contained in Dt 2418. But this line of objection assumes that the existence of the laws is contemporaneous with the composi- tion of Dt, and it ignores the fact, which criticisn has clearly revealed and strenuously reiterated, that Dt contains and expands laws of very much greater antiquity than its own composition. In the following passages, in which the words of the prophetical writers have been regarded as referring to Dt, it is obvious that Dt, as well as the prophets, refers back to the older law of Ex 20-23 :— Ie 117.23 102=Ex 2221, Dt 2417, ry REP eay BEED TT aie Am 28 =}, 2995 7 9419, >» 512 =,, 238 ,, 1610, There are, of course, in Dt abundant allusions to offerings (e.g. ch. 12), tithes (1422-9), distinctions of ‘clean’ and ‘unclean’ (12"-22 145-20), the ‘solemn assembly’ (16%), law of leprosy (24°), and kindred topics, which show the familiarity of Dt with the national religious observances; they do not exhibit acquaintance with the distinctive ordinances of P, although reference to them is necessarily made with technical terms. Certain words and phrases have also been adduced from the prophetical writers, which it is alleged must have been taken from Dt, e.g. Hos 5" oppressed from Dt 28%; 81 they shall return to Egypt from Dt 28%; 118 Admah and Zeboim from Dt 29%; Am 4° blasting and mildew from Dt 28”; 41 overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah from Dt 29% ; 5’ wormwood from Dt 29" ete. But the occurrence of such words and phrases is not sufficient te justify the claim for direct citation. They are expressions, most of them, which would quite naturally occur independently to the writers. Nor is there any means of showing that there is more probability of these writers having borrowed a phrase from Dt than of Dt having borrowed a phrase from them. Considering the resemblance of Dt’s style to the writing in Jer and Kings, it would be more natural to expect Dt to have borrowed from Hosea or Amos than for Hosea or Amos to have borrowed from Dt. The Deuteronomie style in Jer, Jos, Jg, Kings, shows at once the influence of Dt; but there is no clear proof of the earlier prophets having been acquainted with Dt. LrrrraTorE.—For a fuller discussion of the subject the reader is referred to the admirable treatment of it by Driver, in hi commentary on ‘Deuteronomy’ (/nternational Critical Com- mentary, T. & T. Clark, Eieboreh), in his ZOT, and in his art. ‘Deuteronomy’ in Smith’s DB2; to all of which the writer of the present article is largely indebted. Other works dealing with the same subject, to which reference may be made, are the commentaries of Oettli and Harper, and Hinleitungen of Riehm, Cornill, Kénig, Strack, Kuenen, Holzinger; Cheyne, Jeremiah (‘Men of the Bible’ series); W. R. Smith, OTJC2; Ryle, Canon of the OT'; Montefiore, Religion of the Ancient Hebrews; Wildeboer, Lt. d. A.7.; Picpenbring, ‘La Reforme et le Codede Josias,’ in Revue d. P Histoire des Religions, t. xxix. 1894. H. E. RYLE. DEVIL.— See Demon, SATAN. DEYOTED THINGS.—See ACCURSED, CURSE. DEVOTION. — RV gives ‘devotion’ for AV ‘prayer’ in Job 154 (av). In AV the word is found only Ac 17% ‘as I passed by, and beheld your devotions,’ Gr. ra ceBdopara dpar, RV ‘the objects of your worship.’ That RV gives the meaning of the Greek there is no doubt. The same Gr. word occurs Wis 1420 (Vulg. deus, AV ‘a god,’ RV ‘object of devotion’), 1517 (Vulg. quos colit, AV ‘the things which he worshippeth,’ RV ‘object of his worship’); Bel 27 (EV ‘the gods ye worship’); and 2Th 24 (EV ‘that is worshipped,’ RVm ‘an object of worship’). Did the AV trans- lators understand ‘devotions’ in the sense of ‘objects of wor- ship,’ then? Aldis Wright (Bible Word-Book,? p. 198 f.), after @ 604 DEW a full discussion, concludes that they did not. He quotes, how- ever, from Sidney, Arcadia (ed. 1598, p. 282 [ed. 1622, p. 277), as follows: ‘Dametas began to speake his lowd voyce, to looke big, to march up and downe, and in his march to lift his legges higher than he was wont, swearing by no meane devotions, that the walls should not keepe the coward from him.’ The Oaf. Eng. Dict. gives ‘an object of religious worship’ as one of the meanings of ‘devotion,’ quoting the above from Sidney, Ac 172, and a passage from Fletcher (1625), Double Marriage, Iv. iv.: ‘Churches and altars, priests and all devotions, Tumbled to- gether into one rude chaos’; but says, ‘this sense is not very certain, the meaning of the quotations being in every case doubtful.’ As Wright points out, AV took the word from Gen. Bible of 1560; Wyclif (1380) having ‘mawmetis’ ; Tind. ‘the maner how ye worship your goddes,’ so Cran., Gen. of 1557 (Whitting- ham), Bishops’; Cov. ‘youre gods seruyce’ (from Zurich Bible, euwre Gottsdienst); Rhem. ‘your Idols.’ But it has not been observed that Tomson’s NT of 1576, which from 1587 onwards supplanted the NT of 1560 in most copies of the Gen. Bible, has the marg. note: ‘Whatsoever men worship for ys de sake, that we call devotion.’ That note, which removes all doubt of this meaning from the word, was before the translators of AV, and they would have no hesitation in using an abstract word in this concrete sense: cf. Ac 1415 Gr. ca péraia, AV ‘vanities,’ RV ‘vain things.’ Coverdale has ‘devotion’ in Ja 126 for AV and RV ‘ religion.’ J. HASTINGS. DEW (bn, éal).—i. The atmosphere is capable of holding in suspension a certain amount of aqueous vapour proportionate to its temperature under a cia pressure. The greatest amount is taken up uring the daytime; but on the approach of sunset, when the temperature is lowered, part of the vapour is precipitated in the form of dew, till the dew-point 1s reached. This process is enhanced in Eastern countries like Palestine, where the surface of the ground and the air in contact therewith are highly heated during the daytime, but where at night, and par- ticularly under a cloudless sky, the heat of the ground is radiated into space and the air becomes rapidly cooled down. e excess of moisture in the air then gently ‘falls as dew on the tender herb,’ and sometimes so sopionty as to sustain the life of many plants which would otherwise perish during the rainless season; or even, as in the case of Gideon, to saturate a fleece of wool (Jg 6%). When the sky is clouded, radiation is retarded, and rain may fall. Thus rain and dew alternately benefit the vegetation; and to the latter agent may possibly be ascribed the presence of a beauteous, though dwarfed, flora amongst the waterless valleys of the Sinaitic Peninsula, which in the early morn sparkles in the sunshine, owing to the multitudes of dewdrops which have settled on the leaves and stems of the plants during the cool hours of the night. ii. Thus deprivation of dew, as well as of rain, becomes a terrible calamity in the East. On this account ‘dew and rain’ are associated in the aoe ae called down by David on the mountains of Gilboa in his distress at the tidings of the death of Saul and Jonathan (28S 1"); and in the curse pronounced on Ahab and his kingdom by Elijah (1 K 17!); as also by the prophet Haggai on the Jews after the Restoration (Hag 1!°) owing to their unwillingness to rebuild the temple. iii. In the Book of Job the formation of dew is ointed to as one of the mysteries of nature insoluble by man (Job 38%) ; but in Pr it is ascribed to the omniscience and power of the Lord (Pr 3”). iv. Dew is a favourite emblem in Scripture ; the following are examples: (a) Richness and F ertility, *God give thee of the dew of heaven (Gn 27%, Dt 33%). (6) Refreshing and Vivifying effects, ‘My speech shall distil as the dew’ (Dt 327); ‘Like a cloud of dew in the heat of summer’ (Is 184). (c) Stealth, ‘ We will light upon him as the dew falleth on the ground’ (2817). (d) Incon- stancy; the goodness of Judah is ‘as the earl dew, it goeth away’ (Hos 6’); Ephraim... shall be ‘as the early dew that passeth away’ (ch. 13%). (e) The young warriors of the Messianic king, DIAL —— with flashing weapons like dewdrops, ‘ Thou hast the dew of thy youth’ (Ps 110°). E. HULL. DIADEM.—This term (d:d5nua) was applied by the Greeks to the emblem of royalty worn on the head by Pers. monarchs (Xen. Cyr. viii. 3. 13). It consisted of a silken fillet, 2 inches broad, of blue or purple, mixed with white, tied at the back of the head. Originally intended to confine the hair, and worn by all Persians, it became an ornamental head-dress, the king’s being distinguished by its colour, and perhaps by jewels studding it. It was tied round the lower part of the khshatram (Heb. sanz, Gr. «ldapes or xlrapis; see Rawlinson, Anc. Mon. iii. 204 note), a tall, stiff cap, probably of felt, and of bright colours, which formed the tiara or turban of the king (Q. Curt. iii. 3. 18, 19; see head from Persepolis in Rawlinson, iii. 166). The head-dress of soldiers other than the king was soft, and fell back on the head (Suidas, Lexicon, ridpa. See also the Pompeian mosaic of the battle of Issus, given in Ainé, Herculaneum and Pompeii). Later, the fillet was enlarged by broad pendants fallin on the shoulders. The Persian diadem was slanted by Alexander and his successors (1 Mac 1°; Harstad: i. 3.7). To the Greeks and Romans it was the distinctive badge of royalty, unlike the wreath, and is commonly described as white (Tac. Annales, vi. 37). Its presentation to Julius Cesar was therefore specially offensive (Cic. Phil. ii. 34 ; Sueton. Jul. 79). Phi vy, (NA vii. 57) attributes its invention to Father Liber (the supposed Latin Dionysus), and it was long confined in art to him; but later artists placed it on the head of other deities. Diocletian was the first Rom. emperor to wear it permanently and pee Out of it- in combination with the ‘corona,’ the later royal crowns were developed. In LXX ddéqyua is used loosely to translate not oy ‘crown rove (mabp app Est 1" 217) but ‘pallium’ (qapa Kst 8 duddnua Bioowor roppupoiv) and ‘tiara’ (733 Is 625, But not so in Job 29%, Is 3%; in Zec 3° 733 is tr. xldaps, a rendering also iven to the high priest’s turban in Ezk 21*! (5) 284, v 16‘). In 1 Mac 1° 13° it describes the strictly royal insignia for the head adopted by the Greeks from the Persians (d:ddyyua rs ’Aclas). In AV of OT, diadem is again used loosely for the high priest’s turban (Ezk 215 n53s0), a royal tiara (Job 29%, Is 62? 43) and a crown (Is 28° aypx). RV more properly confines diadem to the last three passages, using ‘mitre’ in Ezk 21", and also ‘turban’ in the marg. of Job 294. But though thus the royal head-dress of the kings of Israel is not described as a diadem, there can be but little doubt that it was such (see CROWN). In NT the distinction between crown and diadem is accurately observed in the Gr. and in RV, but not in AV. Diadem should be read in Rev 12? 13! 19!2, where it symbolizes respect- ively the empire of ‘the dragon,’ ‘the beast,’ and of the royal Christ. The phrase ‘on his head were many diadems,’ describes Christ’s universal dominion (see CROWN ; also for bina ee G. T. PURVES. DIAL (n\oyn, dvaBaduol, horologiwm), RVm ‘ Heb. steps, 2K 204, Is 388.—The Heb. word commonly denotes ‘steps’ (see Ex 20”, 1 K 10), and isso ren- dered elsewhere in this narrative (2 K 20%, Is 38°; AV degrees). The ‘steps’ referred to are doubt- less not simply the steps of the palace (so LXX, Jos. Ant. X. ii. 1), but formed part of some kind of sun-clock (so Targ., Vulg., Jerome on Is 38°, and most commentators). According to Herod. ii. 109, the Babylonians were the inventors of the odds or concave dial, the yvwszwv, and the division of the day into 12 hours. The introduction by Ahaz of a device for measuring the time may be re- garded as a result of his intercourse with the — a a a ee a . DIAMOND ssytians (2 K 16!#-), but it is uncertain what kind of clock is intended. Some have supposed that it was in the form of a dial with concentric circles, and a central gnomon (Ges., Hitz., Keil, etc.) ; but it is doubtful whether my can denote ‘degrees.’ Hence it seems simpler to think of actual ‘steps’ arranged round a pillar or obelisk, the time of day being then indicated by the posi- tion of the shadow on the steps. Since in 2K J.c. it is regarded as possible for the shadow to go down or to return 10 steps, it is clear that these steps did not each mark an hour of the day, but some smaller period of time. In biblical Heb., indeed, no word denoting an hour is found ; 7yy first appears in the Aram. of Dn 4!® (Env. ?9) 5°. Our ignorance of the real form of the ‘dial’ of Ahaz renders precarious all attempts at explaining the henomenon of the recession of the sun’s shadow. oreover, a discussion of the probe requires a critical comparison of the parallel accounts in Is and 2K; and it must be recognized as probable on independent grounds, that our narrative is con- siderably later than the time of Hezekiah. Cf. esp. Dillmann and Cheyne on Is 38}, H. A. WHITE. DIAMOND.—See STONES (PRECIOUS). DIANA OF THE EPHESIANS is the Latinized rendering of the name Artemis ("Aprems rév "E¢ectwv), by which the Greeks designated a Eide whose sanctuary was situated close to phesus. The situation and splendour of the temple, and the part that the sanctuary and its priests played in the history of the city, through the influence of the conservative anti-Greek party, which favoured the interests of the temple and the power of the Hiseee are described under EpHEsus. The goddess, who had her seat in the rich valley near the mouth of the Cayster long before Gr. colonists had set foot on the Asian coast, had little in common with the chaste virgin oddess Artemis of Greek poetry and mythology. She was the impersonation of the vitality and wer of nature, of the reproductive power which eeps up the race of man and animals in an un- broken series of offspring, and of the nourishing power by which the earth tenders to the use of man and animals all that they require to keep them in life. She was worshipped, with almost complete identity of character and image, over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydian Artemis resents such close analogies with the Phrygian Ttels; and with other feminine envisagements of the divine power in Asiatic countries, like the Cappadocian Ma, the Phenician Astarte or Ash- taroth, the Syrian Atargatis and Mylitta, as to suggest that these are all mere varieties of one ultimate religious conception, presenting in different countries certain differences, due to varying develop- ment according to local circumstances and national character. The old hypothesis that this wide- spread similarity was due to Pheen. colonists, who carried their own goddess with them to new lands, is now discredited: there is no evidence that Pheenicians ever sc ttled in the Cayster Valley, still less in other parts »f Lydia. The Ephesian goddess was represented by a rude idol, which was said to have fallen from heaven (Ac 19%*)—a tradition which attached to many sacred and rude old statues, such as that of Cybele at Pessinus (said to be merely a shapeless stone), Athena Polias on the Athenian Acropolis, etc. In the representation which is familiar to * In this place the rendering ‘ which fell down from Jupiter’ rast and RV) gives a wrong impression : the word dsortrovs merely tes that the naps was believed to have fallen from the clear sky. In Eurip. 0 ph. T. 977, 1384, evpavod rionue is given DIANA OF THE EPHESIANS 605 us from coins, statues, and statuettes, the goddess appears as a standing idol, in shape partly human ; the upper part of the body in front is covered with rows of breasts (symbolizing her function as the nourishing mother of all life); the lower part is merely an upright block, without distinction of legs or feet, covered with symbols and figures of animals; the arms from below the elbows are extended on each side, and the hands are supported by props; the head is surmounted either by a lofty ornament, polos, or by a mural crown, and something like a heavy veil hangs on each side of the face down to the shoulders; the figure stands on a peculiarly shaped pedestal, gener- ally low on coins, but sometimes high; frequently stags accompany the goddess, one on each side. A similar representation of the native goddess is found very widely both in Lydia and in Phrygia. The Gr. colonists in Ephesus identified this Oriental deity with their own Artemis, on account of certain analogies between them ; they represented her on their coins in the Gr. character, and intro- duced some of the Gr. mythology of the twins Artemis and Apollo; but they never succeeded in really affecting the cultus, which remained always purely Asian and non-Greek. The chief priest bore the Persian title Megabyzos, and in earlier time he had to be a eunuch; but Strabo seems perhaps to imply that this condition was no longer required, when he was writing (about A.D. 19). Some authorities think that there was a body of Mega- byzoi in the ritual ; but Canon Hicks seems rightly to argue that the title was appropriated to the single chief priest, who represented the divine associate of the goddess, Attis or Atys, whom she herself mutilated. A large body of priestesses were under his authority, divided into three classes (Plutarch, An seni sit per. resp. p. 795, § 24), called Mellierai, Hierai, and Parierai; and accord- ing to Strabo they Suey. had to be virgins. Some authorities seem to apply the name Melissai, ‘Bees,’ to them; and the bee is the most charac- teristic type on earlier Gr. coins of Ephesus. A single priestess (lépeca) is mentioned in inscriptions, who was probabl the head of the cultus and representative of the goddess. here was also a body of priests (some wrongly say a single high priest), to whom was given the title Hssenes. The Essenes were appointed for a ear only (Paus. vili. 13. 1); and they seem to have teen officials at once of the city and of the sanctu- ary, for they allotted new citizens to their proper tribe and division, sacrificed to the goddess on behalf of the city, and seem in general to have guarded the relations between the State and the goddess. Various other bodies of ministers at- tended the sanctuary, such as the Kouretes, the Akrobatai, the Hieroi, whose nature and duties are obscure (the first two, perhaps, colleges similar to the modern dervishes, the last a Greek form of hierodouloi). There can beno doubt that the ritual was of an orgiastic type, and accompanied with ceremonial prostitution and other abominations: traces of the ritual and its accompaniments are collected in the works on Ephesus (which see) ; the Lydian ritual of the Mysteries, which are mentioned at Ephesus in inscriptions (Hicks, p. 147, CJG 3002 ; Strabo, p. 640), as well as in many other cities, is described in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Ramsay), i. p. 91 tf., and the general character of the religion in Lyd. et le Monde Grec, (Radet), p. 261 ft. The epithets ‘Queen of Ephesus’ and ‘great’ or akg U seem to have been specially appropriated to Artemis in Asia: so C/G 2963 c. ris pweyedrns Jews “A., 6797, "Eqicoy &verrn; Xen. Eph. i. 11. p. 15, ray petyaany 'Egecioy "A.; Achilles, Tat. viii. 9. p. 501, “A. % wtyedAn Os0¢ ; Hicks, No. 481, I. 278, vis sylorns Oss “A. Further, the expression pwsyaan ” Aprepus seems to have been @ formuls of sn invocatory character: see 606 DIBLAH DIKLAH the inscriptions given in Bulletin de Corresp. Hellénique, 1880, . 430, from Lesbos; and in Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of As. Trin. p. 410, from Pisidia (cf. wéivas ’ArédArwy, td. Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 151, No. 49, wsyean “Avouris; Mous. et Bibliotheca Smyrn, No. va%). It is therefore probable that the shouts of the excited crowd in the Ephesian theatre (Ac 1984) were really invocations to the goddess, as her wor- shippers repeated a formula familiar in her ritual (see Ramsay, Church in Rom. Emp. p. 138 f.). The Naoi or Shrines of Artemis, which were made in silver by artisans such as Demetrius, and in other less expensive materials (esp. marble and terra-cotta) by ‘the workmen of like occupation’ (robs rsp) tx rosmtira ipyerus, Ac 1925), were first correctly explained by Prof. E. Curtius (Athen. Mittheil. d. Instituts, ii. p. 49f.). They were not mere statuettes of the Ephesian Diana,* for such could not be called ‘shrines.’ The worshippers of the goddess dedicated to her representations of herself in her shrine : ‘a great city erected a great temple with a colossal statue of the goddess ; private individuals propitiated her with miniature shrines containing embodiments of her living presence. The vast temple and the tiny terra-cotta shrine were equally acceptable to Artemis; she accepted from her votaries offerings according to their means; she dwelt neither in the temple nor in the terra-cotta shrine; she lived in the life of nature ; mother of all, and nurse of all, she was most really present wherever the unrestrained life of nature was most freely manifested : in the woods, on the mountains, among the wild beasts. Her worshippers expressed their devotion, and their belief in her omnipresence, by offering shrines to her, and doubtless by keeping shrines of the same kind in their own homes, certainly also by placing such shrines in graves beside the corpse, asa sign that the dead had gone back to the mother who bore them’ (Church in Rom. Emp. p. 125f.). These small dedicatory shrines were not modelled after the splendid Gr. temple of Artemis ; for the creations of Gr. art in sculpture and architecture, beautiful as they were, were never so holy in the estimation of devotees as the simple and rude types of primitive art and religion. The type most familiar to us from extant remains shows the goddess seated in a niche or naiskos, sometimes alone, sometimes accompanied by one or two figures (among them her favourite Atys). In the ruder examples, she sits in stiff fashion, holding in one hand the tambourine (rozecyor), in the other a cup (q«An). Beside her are one or two lions. In some more artistic examples, she has laid aside the stiff symbols, and sometimes caresses with one hand the lion which climbs to her knee or lies in her lap. Sometimes the lion serves her as a footstool ; in other cases two sit in stiff symmetry, one on each side of her throne. Works of this class are found very widely both at Ephesus and elsewhere, in marble and in terra-cotta; the examples in marble are usually marked by inscriptions as dedi- catory ; no examples in silver have been preserved, but naturally their intrinsic value led to their being melted down. The pre- cise relation between this type and the Lydian type already described (commonly designated, wherever found, as the Eph. Artemis) has not yet been determined. It is highly probable that the whole class of sacred dedicatory objects fabricated by the artisans for use in the cultus of Artemis were designated by the generic term navi, taken from the most common and characteristic type. LiTERATURE.—See under EPHEsus. W. M. Ramsay. DIBLAH (aba), Ezk 64.—Four MSS read Riblah (which is eceepios by Cheyne, Davidson, Hitzig, Smend, Cornill, Siegfried-Stade, and Oxf. Hed. Lex.). It was near a wilderness, and this would suit for Riblah. It has also been supposed to be Beth-Diblathaim. There is a village in Upper Galilee called Dibl. See SWP vol. i. sh. iii. C. R. CONDER. DIBLAIM (oda3, AtBnralu), the father of Gomer, Hosea’s wife. See GOMER, HosEA. DIBON.—4. (j!27 in MT, but the spelling j2"5 of the Moabite Stone and Aa@év of LXX indicate that the * had a consonantal value; see Driver, Notes on Heb. Text of Samuel, |xxxix.). A city east of the Dead Sea and north of the Arnon in the land which, before the coming of the Israelites, Sihon, king of the Amorites, had taken from a former king of Moab (Nu 21*% %), The Israelites dispos- sessed Sihon, and the territory was assigne to Reuben (Jos 13°27), but the city Dibon is men- tioned among those built (or rebuilt) by Gad (Nu 323. #4), hence the name Dibon-gad by which it is once called (Nu 33%). The children of Israel were not able to retain possession of the land, and in the time of Isaiah Dibon is reckoned among the cities of Moab (Is 15). In Is 15° Dimon is supposed to be a modified form of Dibon, adopted in order *Canon Hicks, Eapositer, June 1890, p. 403 ff., takes a different view. to resemble more closely the Hebrew word for blood (Dam), and support the play on words in that verse. The modern name of the town is Dhiban, about half an hour N. of ‘Ara‘ir, which is on the edge of the Arnon Valley. It is a dreary and featureless ruin on two adjacent knolls, but has acquired notoriety in consequence of the discovery there of the Moabite Stone. See Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 182 £., Seetzen, Reisen, i. 400, and ef. MOAB. 2. A town in Judah inhabited in Nehemiah’s time by some of the children of Judah (Neh 11”), Perhaps it is the same as Dimonah (Jos 15") among the southernmost cities of Judah. If this identi- fication be correct, it illustrates the passage Is 15° referred to in (1). Dibon-gad (Nu 33* only); see above. A. T. CHAPMAN. DIBRI (727).—A Danite, grandfather of the blasphemer who was stoned to death, Ly 244. DIDRACHMA.—See Money. -DIDYMUS.—See THOMAS. DIE.—To die by a specified form of death is a common expression ; as Caxton (1477), Jason, 42: ‘Tf I dye not of bodily deth I shal dye of spirituet deth’ ; and so Caxton, G. de la Tour, Gv v.: ‘ Your sone deyd this nyght of a good dethe.’ Similar is the phrase Nu 16” ‘If these men die the common death of all men’; and 23! ‘Let me die the death of the righteous,’ and other examples in which the Broke is omitted. But the expression ‘die the eath’ is un-English, and is prob. everywhere due to a literal rendering of the Heb. idiom. It occurs Sir 1417 ‘the covenant from the beginning is, Thou shalt die the death’ (Gr. @avdrw drofarg, from Gn 2!7 ‘thou shalt surely die,’ Heb. nipp nin, lit. ‘dying thou shalt die,’ LXX @avdry droaveicbe) ; and Mt 154 ‘He that curseth father or mother, let him die the death’ (Gr. Oavadrw redevrdrw, lit. ‘let him end by death,’ Vulg. morte moriatur, Cov. ‘shal dye the death,’ after whom Cran., Gen., Bish., AV, RV; but Rhem. ‘dying let him dye’). The phrase ‘die the death’ is not uncominon in Shaks., and is generally interpreted as meaning ‘die the death appointed for the particular offence’; but it is probate a reminiscence of the phrase in Mt,* and means ‘let him assuredly die.’ Thus Mids. Night’s Dream, I. i. 65— ‘Hither to die the death, or to abjure For ever the society of men.’ J. HASTINGS. DIET (fr. Gr. dtarra, mode of life, through late Lat. dicta) is used in AV in the obsol. sense of ‘an allowance of food,’ Jer 52%4 ‘And for his [Jehoia- chin’s] diet, there was a continual diet given him’ (WoR now ingq, RV ‘allowance,’ as AV in par. passage 2 K 25%, In Pr 15” the same Heb. is tr. ‘dinner,’ with ‘portion’ in RVm; in Jer 40° ‘victuals,’ RVm ‘an allowance’). The Eng. word is rare in this sense, and is not used in any previous version here. In the more usual sense it occurs Sir 30° ‘A cheerful and good heart will have a care of his meat and diet’; ef. Chaucer (Prol. 435)— ‘Of his diet measurable was he, For it was of no superfluitee, But of greet norissing and digestible.’ J. HASTINGS. DIKLAH (abp3, AexAd).—The name of a son of Joktan (Gn 10”, 1 Ch 1”), probably representing a nation or community. The Aramaic name for the river Tigris (Diklath) is practically identical with this form, and hence the conjecture of Michaelis, that Diklah signified the dwellers on * Of. Macbeth, rv. iii. 111: ‘Died every day she lived,’ a reco} lection, no doubt, of 1Co 1531 ‘I die daily.’ DILAN DIONYSIA 607 that river, is not wholly improbable; we know, however, of no community so called, and the home of such of the Joktanidz as can be identified with certainty is in Arabia. The word dakal (in Syr. dekla’, ‘palm’) is well known in Arabic, and signifies dry dates of bad quality ; as they possess no cohesive power, to ‘scatter like dakal’ is a proverbial phrase. The geographer Yakit knows of a place in Yemamah called Dakalah, ‘where there were palm trees,’ of too little importance to be connected with the son of Joktan; moreover, the corresponding form in Hebrew should be Dékalah rather than Diklah. The names imme- diately preceding and following Diklah give no clue to its identification. D.S. MARGOLIOUTH. DILAN (jybx), Jos 15°%.—A town of Judah in the same group with Lachish and Eglon. The site is unknown. C. R. ConDER. DILIGENCE. — ‘Derived from diligo, to love, ‘‘ diligence ” reminds us that the secret of true in- dustry in our work is love of that work’ (Trench, Study of Words, p. 314). But as diligence has adually forgotten the rock whence it was hewn, t has also lost some of its proper meaning. It is @ synonym now for ‘industry’; but formerly it was also a syn. for ‘carefulness,’ since our love of a@ work may express itself as readily in care or caution as in perseverance. Hence Wyclif’s tr. of 1 Ti 3° ‘If ony man kan not gouerne his hous, how schal he haue diligence of the chirche of God’ ; and Coverdale’s tr. of Pr 4% ‘Kepe thine hert with all diligence,’ which is retained in AV and RV. Cf. Knox, Historie, 15: ‘He declared what diligence the ancients took to try true miracles from false.’ Diligent and eeeent y had the same range of meaning. Thus Job 42° Cov. ‘I have geuen dili- gent eare unto the’ (Gen., AV ‘I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear,’ RV ‘I had heard,’ etc.—thus reversing Coverdale’s meaning); AV 1611 Title, ‘with the former Translations dili- gently compared and revised’; Shaks. Tempest, Il. i. 42— ‘The harmony of their tongues hath into bondage Brought my too diligent ear.’ DILL.—See ANISE. DIMINISH.—To diminish is to make less, and that primary meaning is alone in use now. We do not even use the word figuratively, ‘to lessen the influence of,’ ‘belittle,’ as Ezk 5" ‘ therefore will Talsod. thee’; 29% ‘I will d. them, that they shall no more rule over the nations’; Is21!" ‘the mighty men... shall be diminished’ (RV ‘shall be few’) ; Ro 11 ‘if... the diminishing of them [be] the riches of the Gentiles’ (7d #rrnua atrév, RV ‘ their loss,’ Sanday-Headlam ‘their defeat’). Cf. Argu- ment of Ep. to Heb. in Gen. NT: ‘For seing the Spirit of God is the autor thereof, it diminisheth nothing the autoritie, althogh we knowe not with what penne he wrote it.’ Still less can we speak of diminishing one thing from another, #.e. withdraw- ing or withholding, so as to cause diminution, as Dt 4? ‘Ye shall not add unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye d. ought from it’ ; Jer 26? ‘d. not a word’ (RV ‘keep not back’). So in Atkinson’s tr. (1504) of De Imitatione, Iv. ix. : ‘Take from our hertis ... all that may... dimynyshe vs from thy eternall loue.’ J. HASTINGS. DIMNAH (7303).—A Levitical city in Zebulun, Jos 21%. Dillmann, followed by Bennett in Haupt’s OT, emends to 7327, Rimmon (cf. 1 Ch 6”, Jos 19). J. A. SELBIE. DIMON, DIMONAH.—See Dizon. J. HASTINGS. DINAH (73°3).—The daughter of Jacob by Leah (Gn 30"). The composite and very obscure narra- tive of Gn 34 relates how, when Jacob was en- camped at Shechem, after his return from Meso- otamia, she was seduced by Shechem the son of amor, a Hivite prince. This outrage was bitterly resented by her full brothers, Simeon and Levi. Shechem was ready to prove his attachment by marrying the maiden, and offered to pay any marriage price or dowry that might be fixed by her family. ‘To this her brothers consented, but only on condition that all the men of Shechem should be circumcised. This being conceded, her brothers made it the means of inflicting a barbarous revenge for their sister’s dishonour, by killing all the men of the place on the third day, when the effects of the circumcision made them incapable of self- defence. Both at the time and on his death-bed, their father Jacob (according to J) spoke of this act with indignation and abhorrence (Gn 34” 495-7), It was, however, approved by later Jewish fanatics (Jth 97). (For the tribal significance of Dinah and the historical incidents which may underlie the above narrative, see SIMEON). . M. Boyp. DINAITES (x37, LXX Aewato, Ezr 4°), a people settled in Samaria by Osnappar (i.e. prob- ably Assurbanipal). They joined with the other Samaritans in denouncing the Jews to Artaxerxes. The Dinaites have been variously identified with the Da-ja-éni, a tribe of western Armenia, mentioned in inscriptions of Tiglath- pices I. (Schrader) ; and with the inhabitants of einaver, a Median city (Ewald), or of Din-Sharru near Susa (Fried. Delitzsch). On account of the other peoples named in the same verse, the last view seems the most probable. See further Meyer, Judenthum, 39 f. H. A. WHITE. DINHABAH(aan3).—The capital city of king Bela in Edom (Gn 36%7=1 Ch 1%). There is some doubt as toitsidentification. The name, which is accented so as to mean ‘Give judgment’ (Ball, Genesis, ad loc.), occurs in Palmyrene as Danaba or Dahbdna (x21); ef. AavdBy in Babylonia, and see Dillm. and Del. on Gn 36. It has been proposed by Neubauer (Academy, 1891, p. 260) to identify Dinhabah with TYennib. This is accepted b Tomkins (2). p. 284), who further identifies Tenni with Thenib, E.N.E. from Heshbon, described in Tristram’s Moab, p. 222. See further Hommel, Anc. Heb. Tradition, 223 n. J. A. SELLIE. DINNER.—See Foon. DIONYSIA (Avovicia, Bacchanalia, EV ‘Feast of Bacchus’), 2 Mac 67.—A festival in honour of Dionysus. Dionysus is usually regarded as the god of the vine, but, as Frazer shows in the Golden Bough, hewas a god of trees in general. Ashe comes before us in Greek worship, he is quite clearly a vegetation deity ; but Jevons may be right in think- ing that two cults have been combined,—that of the vegetation spirit and that of the wine-god Dionysus, the latter lending its name to the former, which at first was naturally nameless. The char- acter of the god is to be determined, not from the myths told about him, which are tales invented to explain the ritual, but from the ritual itself, interpreted through comparison with parallel rites among other peoples. The festival was intended to celebrate the revival of vegetation in spring after the long sleep of winter. Not only to cele- brate it, however, but by sympathetic magic to secure the fertility of the fields. This imitation of the processes of nature was associated with the wildest orgies and excesses, stimulated no doubt, in this instance, by the connexion of Dionysus 608 DIONYSIUS with the vine. Jevons gives a reconstruction of the festival as it was held at Thebes and other places. A branch, or something else representing the vegetation spirit, was carried round the cul- tivated fields, to secure his blessing on the crops. A human figure, also representing this spirit, was fastened to the top of a tree trunk, which had been felled and prepared for the purpose. This was hoisted up and then pelted till it fell. The women then tore it in pieces, and the woman who got the head raced with it to the temple or chief house and nailed it to the door. But in many cases the rites were much more savage, and bulls or goats, which represented the god himself, were torn to pieces by the worshippers in a mad scram- ble to possess themselves of portions of the flesh, and even human beings suffered at times in this way. The flesh was taken home and some of it buried in the fields. (For parallels to this custom of killing the god the Golden Bough should be ponsaltet: It secured a certain communion with the deity, the preservation of his vigour through the death of his temporary representative and his re-incarnation in a fresh life, and the fertility of the land in which the flesh was buried). The most famous festivals of Dionysus were held in Attica. Besides the Anthesteria and Lenwa there were two, known as the Lesser and the Greater Dion- sia. The former was held in country districts in ecember, and was a vintage festival, accompanied by dancing, songs, improvised dramatic suteg ances, and a procession, in which the phallus was borne. The utmost licence of speech and conduct characterized it. The Greater Dionysia were held in the city, and were chiefly important from the fact that at them the great dramas of the tragic and comic poets were produced. Before the dra- matic performances there was a great public pro- cession of worshippers, wearing masks and singing the dithyramb, in which an image of Dionysus was carried from one temple to another. This was followed by a chorus of boys. According to 2Mac 6’ Antiochus compelled the Jews, when the feast of Dionysia (RVm) came, to go in procession in honour of Dionysus, wearing wreaths of ivy. The ivy was specially sacred to the god. See further under DIONYSUS. A. 8S. PEAKE. DIONYSIUS.—Dionysius, designated the Areo- agite (6’Apeoraylrns), is mentioned as one of the ee converts made by St. Paul at Athens (Ac 17*). He is probably thus specially named as having been a member of the Council of Areopagus (see AREO- paGcus). Nothing further is known of him. It has been suggested that St. Luke, who apparently was not at Athens, may have owed to Dionysius his report of the speech on Mars’ hill. According to Dionysius of Corinth (in Euseb. HE iii. 4) he became the first bishop of the church at Athens; according to one account (Niceph. HE iii. 11) he suffered martyrdom at Athens under Domitian ; according to another (Martyr. Rom.), having come to Rome, he was sent by Clemens I. (about 95) to Paris, and there beheaded on the Martyrs’ Mount (Montmartre); and no small con- troversy has arisen in France over his title to be regarded as St. Denys, the patron saint of France. Various mystical writings, circulated in the Middle Ages under his name, are still extant; but they have long been regarded as non-genuine, and are now generally supposed to have been put into circulation about the 5th century. WILLIAM P. DICKSON. DIONYSUS (Bacchus).—A Greek god, in whose worship there are three distinct strata. The first consists of those rites with which spirits of vegeta- tion (originally probably plant-totems) are wor- shipped by all primitive peoples, in the new world DIOSCURI as well as the old, who possess any cultivated plants. This stratum is probably not older than the separation of the European from the other mem- bers of the Aryan family, for it was only after that separation that the Aryans began to domesti- cate plants. The next consists in the worship associated with the cultivation of the vine: this originated where, according to the most recent researches, the vine was first cultivated by the European branch of the mys dem viz. in Thrace. The process of syncretism by which these rites were amalgamated with those of the vegetation- spirit was not completed, if indeed it had begun, in the time of Homer; for in the Homeric poems D. occurs as a god, but is not associated with the vine, except in passages generally admitted to be comparatively late interpolations. The third stratum belongs to the 7th cent. B.c., the period in which, among the E. nations conquered by the Assyrians and Babylonians, national calamity led men to look for assistance to a ritual more potent than that in daily use. This more potent ritual was found in the older and more awful forms of sacrifice which lingered on in connexion with out- of-the-way altars. To the form of worship thus revived, only those were admitted who were formally initiated into these ‘mysteries.’ From the East the institution of ‘mysteries’ spread to Greece; and the reason why it attached itself cobapepnpe! to the worship of such deities as emeter and Dionysus was that that worship was an evolved form of the rites (common to man Aryan and Semitic and bap pee with whith vegetation-spirits were originally worshipped. The resemblances which thus made possible the spread of ‘mysteries’ from the East to the West also facilitated that dissemination of the worship of baie over the E., for which mytholcgists (e.g. Nonnus) accounted by the hypothesis of an E. campaign on the part of the god. It is in the readiness with which the worship of D. was re- ceived in many parts of Syria and Pal. that we find the explanation of the attempts or threats to establish the worship of D. amongst the Jews: it was presumed, e.g. by Nicanor (2 Mac 14") aud Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mac 67), that it would be acceptable to them as to other peoples, while Ptolemy Philopator, who branded the Jews with the ivy-leaf of Dionysus (3 Mac 2”), had an additional motive, in the fact that D. was the family God of the Ptolemies, for forcing his worship on them by a means analogous to that which many Hindoo sects adopt to symbolize their devotion to their Ag? god, and which has a further parallel in the common barbaric custom of tattoo- ing the worshipper’s body with the symbol of the od under whose protection and power he is. See Earther under DIONYSIA. F. B. JEVONS, DIOSCORINTHIUS (Acés Kopiw6lov [rerpdd: xad elxdét], Dioscorus, 2 Mac 117). See TIME. DIOSCURI (Acécxovpor, RVm at Ac 28" ; text, The Twin Brothers; AV, Castor and Pollux) are men- tioned as giving their name to the ship in which St. Paul sailed from Melita to Puteoli, on his way to Rome. The D. in mythology were the sons of Zeus and Leda, and brothers of Helen, Castor was the horse-tamer, and Pollux the prince of boxers. For their brotherly affection they were placed in the sky as the constellation of the Twins (Gemini). They were worshipped from early times in Greece, (‘Greecia Castoris memor’ Hor. Od. iv. 5. 35), in ope in Africa (Pind. Pyth. v.), not far from Alexandria, in Southern Italy, and enjoyed especies honour at Rome on account of their supernatural appearance at the battle of Lake Regillus. Their image was printed on the reverse of the earliest DIOTREPHES silver coins of the Romans (denarii) as that of two youths on horseback. They were, however, best known as the tutelary gods of sailors, who identi- fied their presence with the pale blue flame or light seen in thundery weather at the mast-head. They are thus mentioned Hor. Od. i. 3. 2: ‘Sic fratres Helenz lucida sidera’; also Od. iii. 29. 64: ‘tutum feret geminus Pollux’; also Catull. iv. 27 and Ixviii. 65; and Eurip. Helen. 1663-65. It was a common practice to put, as a rapdonuoy (Ac 28") or insigne, some device for a figure-head to a ship, in imitation of the person or object (not always complimentary, Virg. 4/n. x. 188) after which the vessel was named. See Virg. din. v. 116, ‘Mnes- theus agit Pristin’; in. x. 166, 195, 209, ‘Hune vehit immanis Triton,’ etc. This figure-head was to be distinguished from the tutela (Ov. Trist. i. 10. 1), ‘tutela Minerve,’ or image of the protecting genius, under which the ship sailed, placed gener- ally in the stern of the vessel. In later times the distinction appears to have been effaced, and, in the vessel which carried St. Paul, the Dioscuri were probably intended for the ‘tutela’ as well as the ‘insigne,’ and their heads were probably fastened, one on each side, in front. LITERATURE.—Seyffart, Dict. of Class. Antiq. by Nettleship and Sandys; Rich, Dict. of Antig.; Page, Acts of the Apostles, tn loc. C. H. PRICHARD. DIOTREPHES (Acorpegjs, WH-é¢ns).—A person, otherwise unknown, who is introduced in 3 John (vv.* 2°) as ambitious, resisting the writer’s author- ity, and standing in the way of the hospitable recep- tion of brethren who visited the Ot ch techably travelling evangelists, such as are mentioned in the Didaché. It has been inferred by some that he was a presbyter or a deacon in the Church. It has also been supposed that he was in conflict with the Jewish-Christian party ; or, on the other hand, that he was a teacher of false doctrine, Judaistic or Gnostic. But all is matter of conjecture. Others think that his action indicates an ‘egitim: ate assumption of authority over the Church, con- nected with the tendency to the establishment of a monarchical episcopate, which may have begun during the lifetime of St. John. S. D. F. SALMOND. DIPHATH (np) occurs in RV and AVm of 1 Ch 18, but it is practically certain that AV Riphath is the correct reading. By an easily explicable scribal error n5"7 has arisen from np", the reading of MT in the parallel passage Gn 10°. See RIPHATH. J. A. SELBIE. DISALLOW. — ‘Allow’ is in AV either to ‘approve’ or ‘accept’ (see ALLOW); ‘disallow’ is always distinctly to ‘reject.’ So Nu 3052-8 12 (x39 refuse, reject ; see Ps 1415 RV); and 1 P 247 (dwodoxpdfw, RV ‘reject’). So Latimer (Serm. and Rem., 11), ‘I must not suffer the devil to have the victory over me. I must disallow his in- structions and suggestions.’ J. HASTINGS. DISANNUL, which scarcely differs in meaning from ‘annul,’ the prefix being only intensive, is now goin out of use. RV removes it only from Gal 3", giving ‘make void’ instead (Gr. dOeréw, of which the subst. d@éryos is tr? ‘disannulling’ He 778 and retained by RV). Amer. RV prefers ‘annul’ in Job 408, Is 1477288 The use of the word in biblical English may be illustrated by Coverdale’s tr™ of Is 147 ‘For yf the LoRbE of hoostes determe a thing, who wyl dysanulle it?’ ; and Tindale’s tr® of He 8 ‘In that he sayth a new testament he hath abrogat (aeradalwxev) the olde. Now that which is disanulled (aacotjsevov) and wexed olde, is redy to vannysche awaye.’ J. HASTINGS. DISAPPOINT has a stronger meaning in AV VOL. I.—39 : DISCIPLE 609 than in mod. English, Job 5" ‘He disappointeth the devices of the crafty’ (197, RV ‘ frustrateth,’ as Is 44% AV, RV; so Pr 15%); Ps 178 Arise, O Lord, d. him’ (135 apap, RV ‘confront him,’ RVm ‘forestall him,’ Cheyne ‘intercept him’); Jth 16¢ ‘the Almighty Lord hath disappointed them by the hand of a woman’ (79érycev avrots, RV ‘ brought them to nought’: see under DISANNUL). Cf. Hall, Hard Texts (1633), 311: ‘All those curious and wealthy Trades... shall be utterly undone and disappointed.’ J. HASTINGS. DISCERN.—To discern (Lat. dis apart, cernera separate) is to separate things so as to distinguish them, as Coverdale, Hrasm. Par.1 Jn, p. 48: ‘It ia not the sacramentes that discerne the children of God from the children of the devyll; but the puritie of lyfe and charitie.’ So Ezr3'* ‘the people could not discern the noise of the shout of joy from the noise of the weeping.’ To discern a person or thing is therefore, in biblical lang., to separate out from others, so as to recognize, as Gn 2723 ‘he dis- cerned him not, because his hands were hairy, as his brother Esau’s hands’; He 412 ‘the word of God... . is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart’ gael RV ‘quick to discern’); 1 Co 1129 ‘not discerning the Lord’s body’ (ud dia- xplvon £6 eee roi Kupiov; Vulg. non dijudicans corpus Domini ; Calvin, non discernens ; Wyc. ‘not wiseli demynge’; Luther, dass er nicht unterscheidet ; Tind. ‘ because he maketh no differ- ence of’; so Cov., Cran., Gen. 1557; but Gen. 1560, ‘ because he discerneth not,’ with oon note, ‘But as thogh these holie mysteries of the Lordes bodie and blood were commune meate, so without reverence he commeth unto them’; so Tomson; Bish. ‘making no difference of’; Rhem. ‘not discerning the body of our Lord’; whence AV; but RV ‘If he discern not the body ’—omitting re} Kupiov with edd. J. HASTINGS. DISCIPLE.—This word—in Greek pa6nris; fem. pabjrpa (occurring only Ac 9%); verb, pabyretw (occurring four times)—is in sacred literature con- fined to the Gospels and the Acts, though it often appears in Attic Greek (esp. Plato) as denoting the pupil of a philosopher or rhetorician, in contra- distinction to the master, d:ddcxanos (just as in NT, Mt 10%), or to the discoverer, eiperijs. We havea similar contrast in OT, e.g. 1 Ch 25° redelwv xat pavbavivtwy, the perfect and the learning (AV and RV, the teacher and the scholar), referring to the senior and fice members of David’s trained musical guilds. Likewise, in the case of the rophetic guilds superintended by Samuel and more ully organized by Elijah and Elisha, in order that by spiritual force they might cherish the theocratic spirit among the people, and check the tendenc to apostasy, the general ‘company’ is contraste with him who ‘stood as head over them’ (1S 19”), and the ‘sons,’ 2 K 27 (i.e. pupils; cf. Pr 4%}, and passim) with him ‘ before’ whom they ‘sat,’ 2 K 4°, their master (xUptos), 2K 6°. [Teacher, d:ddcxKanos, however, occurs in LXX only in connexion with heathen monarchs, and then but twice: Est 6! (the teacher of Ahasuerus) and 2 Mac 1” (the teacher of Ptolemy) ; and the phrase ‘ schools of the prophets’ (however truly it may represent facts) is ‘a pure invention of the commentators’ (Smith, Perey Israel, 85).| In Talmudic literature talmidé hakha- mim, pupils of the learned (i.e. the scribes), is a founeny recurring phrase, and of these St. Paul was one when he was ‘brought up at the feet of Gamaliel,’ sitting, t.e. with the rest of the pupils on the lower benches in front of him (Ac 228 cf. Mt 5%). : The usage of the word in NT is very simple. We read of the disciples of John the Baptist (Mk 218), of the Pharisees (same place), of Moses, Jn 9% (only by way of contrast to Jesus), but most of all of Jesus, to whose disciples, in fact, the subst. is almost entirely, and the verb entirely, limited. The word maintains its classical connota- tion of compliance with the instruction given: the 610 DISCIPLINE pabynr}s is not only a pupil, but an adherent (see Cremer, Bib. Theol. Lex.; cf. Xen. Mem. i. 6.3, where uadnral are called the pipnral, imitators, of their diddoxados ; so Jn 81, ‘ If ye abide in my word, then are ye truly my disciples,’ cf. 15°). Hence it is applied most esp. to the Twelve in all four Gospels, sometimes with déd5exa and sometimes without ; they are ‘the disciples,’ Mt 10! 121, Mk 8”, Lk 8°, Jn 3%, Mt seems, indeed, to confine the plural to them (Weiss), unless 8% and 5! be exceptions. When it denotes the wider circle, as in Lk (par- ticularly 6% 7"), it has the same sense of adherence. Hence it stands, occasionally in Gospels (Mt 10%, taken with 185) and invariably in Ac, as a syno- nym for ricredwy, a believer (cf. Aristot. Hept cop. édeyx. 161° 3—8e? xiorevey roy pavOdvorra, the learner is bound to have thet even where, as in Ac 19} 4, the word is applied to half-instructed believers, who, while believing apparently in Jesus as greater than John the Baptist, were still (as it seems) not sure that Jesus was absolutely the Messiah, and that they had not to ‘look for another’ (Mt 11)). So also, quite distinctly, with the verb padyretw (three times in Mt, once in Ac), which is once intrans. (Mt 2757), twice trans. (Mt 2819, Ac 147), and once deponent (?) (Mt 13°, where, in accordance with the usual dative construction, the phrase signifies a disciple of the kingdom of heaven personified). (See Meyer and Meyer- Weiss). J. MASSIE, DISCIPLINE.—‘ Discipline’ is properly instruc- tion, that which belongs to the dtscypulus or scholar, and is distinguished from ‘doctrine,’ which pertains to the doctor or teacher. In this sense Wyclif (1382) gives Pr 3¢ ‘Thou shalt finde grace and good discipline (1388 ‘teching’) befor God and men’; and Chaucer (Skeat’s Student’s ed. p. 716), ‘Thanne shaltow anderstonde, that bodily peyne stant in disciplyne or techinge, by word or by wrytinge, or in ensample.’ But under the influence of the Vulg. and the Church, ‘dis- cipline’ came early to be used for ‘chastisement.’ In Pr 3" Wyc. has ‘the discipline of the Lord, my sone, ne caste thou awey.’ See CHASTISEMENT. In AV whether ‘discipline’ means instruction or chastise- ment it is not easy always to decide. It occurs Job 3610 ‘He openeth also their ear to d.’ (magdr, RV ‘instruction,’ which the sense seems to demand ; but the Heb. has nowhere else this meaning, and the whole passage is of chastening or moral dis- eipline); Wis 15 617 bts, Sir 417 [-f2] 1718 1814 232. 7 3214 4114, Bar 413 (all reideie, which in class. Greek means ‘ education’ or its result, ‘mental culture,’ never ‘chastisement,’ but is used in LXX as the regular tr. of masdr, hence=chastisement there, and so in NT thrice, He 125.6.8; see Kennedy, Sources of N.T. Greek, p. 101). J. HASTINGS, DISCOMFIT, DISCOMFITURE.— From dis apart, and conficere to poe together, to ‘discomfit’ is to undo, destroy. oth words, now archaic if not obsolete, are always used in AV of defeat in battle, Is 318 being a mistrans. for ‘become liable to forced service.’ Cf. More, Utopia (Rob. tr.), p. 140: ‘if al their whole armie be discumfeted and overcum’; and Chaucer, Knight’s Tale, 150— ‘ After the bataille and disconfiture.’ RV introduces ‘discomfit’ for ‘destroy,’ Ex 23”, Ps 1446 (op7), Dt 728 (nxn); for ‘trouble,’ Ex 14% (o99); and ‘discomfiture,’ Dt 72,18 5°(AV ‘de- struction’), Dt 28% (AV ‘vexation’), Is 225 (AV ‘ trouble’), the Heb. being always apino méhiimah. ’ J. HASTINGS. DISCOVER.—In mod. Eng. ‘to discover’ is ‘to detect,’ ‘ find out,’ which is a late use of the word. The meanings in AV are: 1. Uncover, lay bare (the primary sense, lit. ‘to take off the cover,’ Fr. deueri te 29° ‘The voice of the Lord .. . dis- covereth the forests’ (qvn, RV ‘ strippeth bare’: ‘I do not understand this of stripping the foliage merely, but rather of the breaches and openings made by the lightning and the wind in the heart DISHON of the wood ’—Earle, Psalter of 1539, p. 271); Ezk 1657 ‘Before thy wickedness was discovered’; Hos 2° ‘now will I d. her lewdness in the sight of her lovers’; 7! ‘the iniquity of Ephraim was dis- covered’; Sir 1” ‘ Exalt not thyself, lest thou fall . .. and so God d. thy secrets’ (RV ‘reveal’); 1177 ‘his deeds shall be discovered’ (RV ‘the revelation of his deeds’). Cf. Knox, Hist. p. 182, ‘Which God of his infinite goodness hath now discovered to the eyes of all that list to behold’; and p. 250, ‘ who rashly discovering himself in the Trenches, was shot in the head.’ 2. Withdraw (spoken of the cover itself, so as to uncover), Job 418 ‘who can d. the face of his garment?’ (RV ‘strip off his outer garment’—see Davidson in loc.); te 228 ‘he discovered the covering of Judah’ (RV ‘took away’); Jer 13° (=Nah 3°) ‘I will d. thy skirts upon thy face.’ So Bacon, New Atlantis, 129: ‘At the beg he discovered the face of the deep, and brought forth dry land’; Chapman, Hesiod, i. 161— ‘When the woman the unwieldy lid Had once discover’d, all the miseries hid . . . dispersed and flew About the world.’ 8. Disclose or reveal, 1 S 148 ‘ we will d. ourselves unto them’; 22° ‘when Saul heard that David was discovered’ (y1\3 ‘made known,’ ‘ revealed’); Job 12” ‘ He discovereth deep things out of dark- ness’; Pr 259 ‘d. not a secret to another’ (RV ‘disclose not the secret of another’); Sir 6° 27%, 1 Mac 7! ‘when he saw that his counsel was dis- covered’ (drexahidOy, ‘made known,’ ‘revealed,’ not ‘found out’); 2 Mac 6" ‘ others, that had run together into caves near by, to keep the Sabbath secretly, being discovered to Philip, were all burnt together ’ (RV ‘betrayed’). Cf. Bacon, Essays, . 17: ‘For Prosperity doth best discover Vice ; ut Adversity doth best discover Vertue’; and Shaks. Merry Wives, U1. ii. 190— *] shall discover a thing to you.’ 4, Exhibit, display, as Blount (1600): ‘The more he mounted, the more he discovered his incapacitie.’ In AV Pr 18?‘A fool hath no delight in under- standing, but that his heart may d. itself’ (RV ‘reveal’). 5. Descry, sight, Ac 21° ‘When we had discovered Cyprus, we left it on the left hand’ (dvapalyw, RV ‘come in sight of’). 6. Notice, Ac 27% ‘they discovered a certain creek ’ (xarevéouy, RV ‘ perceived’). J. HASTINGS. DISCUS.—See GAMES. DISEASE.—See MEDI- CINE. DISH.—See Foon. DISHAN (jy3).—A son of Seir, Gn 367-2 %2— 1 Ch 1%-#, In Gn 36% the reading j~ of MT should be emended to ji#y, after 1Ch1“. See following article. DISHON.—1. A son of Seir, vy Gn 367=]e4 1 Ch 13, 2, A son of Anah and grandson of Seir, #1 Gn 36%, cf. v.2=jev 1 Ch 1“, which should also be read for MT j7¥ in Gn 36%, Dishan (see art. above) and Dishon are, of course, not indi- vidual names, but the eponyms of Horite clans, Their exact location is a matter of uncertainty. j#-3 occurs in Dt 14° (only) as the name of a clean animal (LXX réyapyos, AV and RV ‘pygarg’), which is generally taken to be some species of gazelle or antelope. Tristram (Nat. Hist. of Bible, 127) identifies it with the Antilope addax; but Hommel (Namen der Sdugethiere, 391), deriving the word from a root w=spring, leap (cf. Assyr. dagsu), thinks of the mountain-goat. So also Delitzsch (Assyr. Stud. i. 54). The existence of such animal names amongst the Horites has been used by W. R. Smith as an argument in faveur of ee a i i ee DISHONESTY DIVINATION 611 totemism. See Journal of Philology, ix. 75ff., Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, and RS iad ; and for the contrary opinion, Néldeke in DMG (1886), 148-187. Cf. also Jacobs, Studies in Bib. Archeol. (1894), and Gray, Heb. Prop. Names (1896), p. 86 ff. J. A. SELBIE. DISHONESTY in 2 Co 4? is used in the obsolete sense of ‘disgrace’ (alcx’vn, RV ‘shame,’ after Wyc., Gen. ; AV followed Rhemish NT; Tindale has ‘urhonesty’). Cf. Coverdale’s tr. of Ru 2" ‘ Let her gather betwene the sheues also, and do her no dishonestye’ ; and of Sir 3!! ‘Where the father is without honoure, it is the dishonesty of the sonne.’ ‘Dishonest’ Sir 2674, and ‘dishonestly’ 22‘, are used in the same sense. J. HASTINGS. DISPATCH.—To ‘dispatch business’ is still in use, as in To 78 ‘let this business be dispatched,’ 2 Mac 12! ‘ before he had d. anything he departed.’ But to ‘d. a journey, ’i.e. ‘expedite,’ is out of use ; nor is any example given in Oxf. Eng. Dict., 2 Mac 9% being missed : ‘Therefore commanded he his chariotman to drive without ceasing, and to dispatch the journey.’ To ‘dispatch,’ t.e. ‘get rid of quickly’ by death, is found Wis 1119, and in Ezk 2347, where RV gives ‘despatch,’ a spelling which is incorrect, and which was unknown till the beg. of the 19th cent. It seems to have arisen from Johnson having accidentally entered the word so in his Dict., though he himself always it ‘dispatch.’ See Ozf. Eng. Dict. s.v. J. HASTINGS. DISPERSION.—See ISRAEL. DISPOSITION.—Ac 78 ‘ Who have received the law by the d. of angels’ (Gr. els diarayas dyyéAwy ; RV ‘as it was ordained by angels’; RVm ‘unto ordinances of angels,’ cf. Ro 13? rod Geod diaray%, AV and RV ‘the ordinance of God’). ‘Disposition 2 is the Rhemish word here (Wyc., Tind., Gen. have ‘ordinance’; Cov., Cran. ‘ ministration’), and it is used in the archaic sense of administration. In the same sense ‘ disposer ’ is used by Tind. in 1 Co 4! ‘Let men this wise esteeme us, even as the ministers of Christ, and disposers of the secretes of God’ (EV ‘stewards,’ Gr. olxovduo); and by Gen. (1560) in 1 P 4! ‘Let euerie man as he hathe received the gifte, minister the same one to another, as good disposers of the manifolde grace of God’ (EV ‘stewards’). ‘ Disposing’ in Pr 16® ‘The lot is cast into the lap; but the whole Sel Sa thereof is of the Lord,’ is used in the earlier sense of control, disposal; while the vb. ‘dispose’ in Job 3418 375, 2 Hs 5 84, Sir 16% has the still earlier and primary meaning of ‘arrange in proper order.’ This primary meaning (as Lat. dis- ponere) seems to be intended by ‘disposition’ in 2 Es 8* (plasma) 8” ( figmentum), the Lat. words so tr. having ref. to the creation of man ; but in Jth 8”, Ad, Est 16°, Sir 20%, the word is used in the familiar sense of ‘ bent of mind,’ ‘ character,’ a sense which is found as early as 1387: Trevisa, Higden, iii. 113: ‘Nought by chaungynge of body, but by chaung- ynge of disposicioun of wit and of semynge.’ J. HASTINGS. DISPUTE, DISPUTATION.—As ‘debate’ has lost the meaning of wrangling, so ‘dispute’ has acquired it. In older Eng. to ‘dispute’ was to discuss or argue, without strife. Thus Bp. Carleton (1610), Jurisd. Pref., ‘I have disputed the Kings right with a good conscience, from the rules of Gods word,’ t.e. I have discussed it, argued for it: cf. Sir T. More, Utopia, p. 53, ‘that they maye in everye matter despute and reason for the kynges right’; Knox, Hist. p. 25, ‘after that Sir James Hamilton was beheaded (justly or unjustly we dispute not),’? and p. 215 ‘He [Knox] did gravely dispute upon the nature of the blinde world.’ So in AV, Job 237 ‘There the righteous might dispute with him’ (ni, RV ‘reason’); Mk 9% ‘What was it that ye disputed among yourselves by the way?’ (d:adroylfoua, RV ‘were ye reasoning,’ as 2*8 AV); 934 ‘for by the way they had disputed among themselves who should be the greatest’ (d:akéyouat): RV keeps ‘dispute’ here, but the disciples’ shame was not that the had wrangled, but that they had discussed suc a question at all. The same Greek is similar] tr? in AV of Ac 177 (RV ‘reasoned’), 198° (R ‘reasoning’), 241%, Jude® (so RV). The subst. diaoyiouds is once tr. ‘disputing,’ Ph 24 AV, RV, ‘Do all things without murmurings and disput- ings’; but even here Thayer prefers ‘ hesitation,’ ‘doubting,’ Lightfoot never: questionings.’ In Ac 6° 9” (cutnréw) the eens is ja ‘discuss,’ ‘argue’; so 157 (cugjrynots) and 1 Co 1” (cugyrnris). The only passage in which ‘dispute’ seems to have the meaning of ‘wrangle’ is 1 Ti 6° ‘ Perverse dis- putings of men of corrupt minds’ (TR zapadia- TpiBal, edd. d.araparpBal, RV ‘wranglings’). Here Wyc. has ‘fightyngis’ and Rhem. ‘conflictes’ after Vulg. con/lictationes, but Tind. and the rest ‘ disputations,’ a word which never seems to signify ‘altercation,’ ‘wrangling.’ The Gr. word is found nowhere else. ‘Disputation’ occurs in AV, Ac 15? (TR cufyrnois, edd. {%rnows, RV ‘ questioning’), and Ro 14! ‘ Him that is weak in the faith receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations’ (els Suaxploes diahoyiouar ; lit. ‘unto discussions of doubts’; RVm ‘for de- cisions of doubts’; see Sanday-Headlam in Joc.). Bp. Bonner’s injunction for the reading of the Bible (1541) ends thus: ‘he is not to expound, nor to reade with a lowde voyce, and without dis- putacion,’ where, as elsewhere, d. means ‘ discus- sion’: the reader is neither to expound the mean- ing himself, nor to discuss it with others. J. HASTINGS. DISTAFF (355).—This term occurs in AV only in Pr 31°, The Hebrew word is found repeatedly in Neh 3, where it means ‘part’ or ‘district’ of the city, something ‘cut off’ or ‘divided’ from the rest. It is found also in 2S 3”, where it is rendered ‘staff,’ but prob.=distaff (see Driver's note). RV renders the word in Pr 3179 ‘spindle,’ for which it may no doubt be used; but if we may judge from the cognate Arab. word ( falkat),it means the whorl of the spindle, a piece of wood or other material, of hemispherical form, through which the spindle-pin passes, and above which is the hook balding the thread. The design of this piece is to give steadiness to the circular motion of the spindle. This form of spindle is in common use among the women of Syria to-day. H. PorTER. DIVERS, DIVERSE.—‘ Divers’ has now dropped out of use, or, if used archaically, is restricted to the sense of ‘several.’ But formerly ‘divers’ and ‘diverse’ were indifferent spellings of the same adj., which expressed either ‘varied,’ ‘different’ (Lat. diversus); or ‘various,’ ‘several.’ Thus Ridley, A Brefe Declaration (Moule’s ed. p. 106): ‘in the matter of thys Sacrament ther be diverse [=several] poyntes, wherein menne (counted tc be learned) can not agree’; Grindal, Letter to Q. Eliz. (1577): ‘divers [=different] men make divers senses of one sentence of Scripture.’ In AV 1611 ‘diverse’ occurs Lv 191°, Est 3°, Dn 719 3-34, Mt 4%; elsewhere ‘divers.’ The conjunction of ‘divers’ with ‘sundry,’ as in He 1’, is common in old Eng., as in the Act authorizing Matthew’s Bible (Hen. vill. 1543): ‘divers and sundrye his subjects of this his realme.’ . HASTINGS. DIVES.—See LAZARUS. DIVINATION has many different mudes amongst 612 DIVINATION DIVINATION the different peoples of the earth, but all are in their orivin either natural or supernatural. Methods which originally were supernatural may come to lose their supernatural character; methods which were at first natural may come to be regarded as supernatural; and, from lack of evidence, it may be difficult or impossible to say with regard to any given method whether in its origin it was a natural or a supernatural method. We shall begin with the supernatural methods as being those first suggested by the word ‘ divina- tion,’ and we shall define them as those by which man gains foreknowledge ef the future from a supernatural source, ¢.g. by inspiration, posses- sion, or direct interrogation of the divine will. These methods, the supernatural, again fall into two classes, the licit and the illicit, according as the supernatural source is or is not a god of the Sonny We may think what we will of the honesty of the priests of Apollo, and entertain what idea we like as to the way in which the oracle of Delphi or of Baal-zebub (2 K 1?*) was worked, but the worshipper of Apollo who consulted the oracle was doing what was approved of by the religious consciousness of his age and race (however low we rank it in the scale of religion): his action was licit. On the other hand, we may pity both the witch and the witch-finder of the time of James I. of England, but we cannot deny that witchcraft was considered, both by those who practised and those who persecuted it, to be irreligious: it was illicit. And the same distinction has prevailed over the world: savages, however low, distinguish in their way between the worship of their tribal gods and commerce with supernatural spirits who are no gods of theirs. But before proceeding to inquire more closel into the licit modes of divination, t.e. those aah are religious, we must notice that these, again, fall into two classes, viz. those which are objectively religious and those which are only subjectively religious. That is objectively right, true, or religious which is so, whether a man thinks it so or not; that is subjectively right, true, or religi- ous which is honestly believed to be so, whether it really is so or not. All peoples of the earth have honestly believed that their gods communicated supernatural foresight to certain favoured men, and so divine inspiration or possession is a sub- jectively religious method of divination. When and where the belief is not merely subjectively but also objectively true, the divine inspiration takes the form, not of ‘divination,’ but of PRo- PHECY (which see). In this article the only side of inspiration we have to deal with is the sub- jectively religious — without pre to the question whether any given example is or is not, as it is honestly believed to be, really divine. Amongst this class of diyiners we must place the sacred scribes of Gn.41° and the ‘ magicians’ of Ex 74, as also the Sibyl of Virgil or the Pythia of Delphi, and the inspired priests or ‘divine kings’ of savages all over the world. All are believed by themselves and their fellow-worshippers to be in- spired by one of their respective national or tribal gods ; and in all cases possession or inspiration is conditioned by some kind of sacrament or com- munien. That communion may take the form either of a sacramental meal or of a sacramental investiture. The worshipper may partake of the substance of the animal or plant in the shape of which his deity habitually manifests himself, and which is sacrificed to the deity : thus the priestess of Apollo Diradiotes at Argos and the priestess of Earth at Aegira became inspired by drinking the blood of the animals offered to those deities re- spectively ; the Bacchz of Dionysus obtained in- spiration by tasting the blood of the grape, sacred to that god; the Pythia, by eating the leaves of Apollo’s sacred plant, the laurel. Or the wor- shipper may be (like the idol of the god) clad in the skin or smeared with the blood or fat of the animal, or the juice or oil of the plant, which is the corporate manifestation of the deity, or be robed in the insignia of the god, and so be ‘in- vested’ by the power of the divinity. Possession, then (whether by means of the sacred meal or of sacramental investiture), is one of the licit and subjectively religious ways in which foreknow- ledge of the future may be dérived from a super- natural source. It is the way peculiarly appropriate to gods which manifest themselves in animal or vegetable form. But it isnot the only way: there are deities of earth, air, fire, and water, who may or must be interrogated in another way. In one cult a draught of a sacred stream may have the same effect as a draught of sacred blood in pro- ducing inspiration ; but in another cult the deity of the stream may be consulted by casting offerings into the sacred waters, and inferring that the prayer made at the time will or will not fe granted, according as the offering is or is not accepted by the sacred waters. And the ordeal by fire is based on the same principle as this ordeal by water. Divi- nation by a bowl or cup of sacred water (Gn 44°), again, has the same origin. The leaves of a sacred tree may be eaten to produce inspiration, but their voice in the wind may speak directly to the wor- shipper, as did the rustling of the leaves of the sacred oaks of Dodona. Or the branches and twigs themselves, being of the substance of the divinity, my be made to give indications of the divine will: our word ‘lot,’ like the Gr. «Anpos, originally meant simply ‘a twig.’ See Lor. Rhabdomanc or ee bate yea (Hos 4%) and belomancy (Ezk 21?') are but forms of divining by the aid of a tree-god. Still more, when a deity habitually manifests him- self in animal form, may the inward disposition of the deity be augured by the sacrificing priest, ac- cording as the entrails of the victim have or have not anything extraordinary in their 7 bed ns ; (Ezk 217). In the same way and for the same reason the flight of a sacred bird may be ‘auspici- ous’ or ‘inauspicious’ (Ps 585, 2 K 1717 218), The illicit or irreligious forms of divination need not detain us long. They are those in which the supernatural Being consulted is one who is not a god of the community, has no bond of loving- kindness with the community, and is accordingly regarded by it, not merely as a strange god, but as a malevolent and evil spirit. No man consults such a spirit except for purposes which the national gods, as being the guardians of the nation’s interests and the national morality, cannot sanction. Com- merce with such a spirit is anti-social as well as anti-religious ; and the man who is guilty of it is a wizard (Lv 19% 205), and has always been punished as @ criminal all over the world by the peoples whe believe in the possibility of such commerce. Necromancy, consulting the spirits of the dead (Lv 19%, Is 8! 198), is a way of obtaining fore- knowledge from a supernatural source which was illicit among the Jews (to whom ancestor-worship was forbidden), but licit amongst all other peoples. Consultation of the teraphim (Ezk 21", Zee 10?) seems to have persisted amongst the Jews in spite of the fact that it was, strictly speaking, idola- trous: the teraphim were images (1S 191%), like the altar-stones of the Scandinavians and the cla: or wooden idols of the Balonda and Barotse, whic could be made to prophesy by smearing them with the blood of sacrifice. ‘or oneiromancy see DREAMS. All we need here remark is that it is a form of divination which may be licit (Jg 7'*) or illicit (Dt 1378), according as the source of the dream is a divine or an evil spirit. We have now ee ae es DIVINATION DIZAHAB 613 finished our account of the supernatural methods of divination, and may sum it up in tabular form as follows :— until he finds out their incorrectness, they are to him just as scientific as the rest of his stock of acquired and inherited knowledge; and conse- Supernatural Methods | Lit mileit Variable (WitcHoraFt) Objectively . Bubjectively religious religious (ProrHecy) Possession Interrogation | | | | Sacramental Sacramental - By fire By water By lot Necromancy Oneiromancy Teraphim meal. investiture We have now to consider the natural methods : they are, in a word, exploded science. The modern man of science makes forecasts of the future which are not supernatural, but strictly scientific. So, too, the savage and primitive man make forecasts (e.g. as to the rising and the setting of the sun and stars) which may not be exact but are certainly scientific, and which, even when wholly erroneous, are not supernatural or superstitious. The science of the savant has been evolved by slow and imper- ceptible degrees out of the science of the savage. The difference between them is, not that the savant uses methods of observation and experiment unknown to the savage,—for the savage employs all four of the Inductive Methods,—but that the savage, when he goes wrong (which he does not do always, else he would speedily perish), does so because he has not yet learned the limits within which the method or logical conception is valid. Thus he observes that in many cases the effect resembles the cause: fire causes fire; to make a thing moist, or to make it move, you must impart moisture or movement to it; and he jumps to the conclusion that in all cases ‘like produces like.’ Thus he becomes armed with a very simple and ready means of forecasting the future: the effect of anything which strikingly arrests his attention will resemble the cause—a fiery comet will be fol- lowed by conflagrations, the mention of the name of what is evil will be followed by the appearance of the evil thing, that which moves as the sun moves (1.e. E., S., W., N., ‘ clock-wise’) will follow the same glorious and beneficent course as the sun, and soon. Inthe same way the savage unduly ex- tends the sphere of the Inductive Method which is known as the Method of Concomitant Variations : according to that method, things which vary to- gether are causally related to one another. Thus the movement of the great tidal wave varies with the movement of the moon round the earth, and it is therefore inferred that the motion of the moon causes the movement of the tides. But the savage jumps to the conclusion that all things which are related together (according to his notion of relation) vary together and are cause and eflect, the one of the other. A footprint and the foot which makes it vary together, and what affects the one affects the other, and therefore a knife stuck in a footprint will cause a wound in the foot. And so, if you can observe one of two things which are thus reluted to each other, you can, by watching the changes in it, tell what changes are going on in the other: a lock of a person’s hair will inform you by the changes in its condition of the changes in the fortunes of the person from whose head it was cut. In making these and similar primitive forecasts the savage is but acting on the same theory of causation, and employing the same methods of induction, as he uses, e.g., in judging as to the probable behaviour of the animal he is hunting. In a word, at first, and quently it would be as erroneous to call them ‘divination’ as it would be to apply that term to the predictions in the Nautical Almanac. But as these primitive modes of forecasting the future come to be discarded, with the advance of know- ledge, as erroneous and unscientific, their char- acter also changes. ‘They still continue to be practised in holes and corners not yet illumined by the rising sun of science; they are known to be wholly unscientific, and yet the ignorant to whom they have descended believe in them more sin- cerely than in the science which they do not com- pe The exploded science of primitive times ecomes the divination of a later age. It is then literally a ‘ superstition,’ something which ‘stands over’ and survives into a period and environment with which it is wholly incongruous. Finally, a deeper shade than that cast by mere ignorance is frequently imparted to the character of this anti- quated science because it is practised by the same persons who give themselves up to the illicit and ureligious forms of divination described above. See also Exorcism, MAGIC, SOOTHSAYING. LITERATURE.—A. Bouché Leclerg, Histoire de la divination dans Vantiquité; W. R. Smith, LS, 246, 407, 427; F. B. Jevons, Introd. to Hist. of Religion ; Driver on Dt 1810f., F. B. JEVONS. DIYORCE.—See MARRIAGE. DIZAHAB (1711; Karaxyptcea; ubi awri est plurimum).—The name of a place mentioned in the obscure topographical notice Dt 1, which is in- tended apparently to define the locality in the ‘steppes of Moab,’ in which the Deuteronomic discourses were delivered, but several of the names in which resemble those of places passed by the Israelites in the previous stages of their wander- ings. If it be the name of a place in the ‘steppes of Moab,’ the situation is unknown. Upon the supposition that it is the name of some previous camping-place of the Israelites, it has been identi- fied by Burckhardt, Syria (1822), p. 523, Knobel, and others, with Mina edh-Dhahab, the third of seven boat-harbours between the Ras Muhammad and ‘Akaba, nearly due E. of Jebel Misa. Keil objects that this is too inaccessible on the side of Sinai for the Israelites to have made it one of their halting-places, and considers it to be the name of a place otherwise unknown in the desert of the wanderings. The same view is taken by Dillm. (who supposes the verse to have originally formed part of an itinerary of the Israelites). he form of the name is curious; the | suggests naturally the oblique case of ro possessor of (often in names of places); but it is not apparent how an Arabic gd 40 would become in Hebrew aa1-~, the . being represented differently in the two parts of the name. Jerome, in rendering ‘ubi auri est plurimum, probably thought of “1, constr. of 4 enough. 8. R. DRIVER. 614 DO DOCTRINE DO.—Most of the forms and uses are familiar. But as to form, notice ‘doeth’ in the plu. Sir 35% (AV 1611) ‘Doeth not the teares run downe the widowes cheeks?’ (mod. edd. ‘do’). Cf. Pr. Bk. (1549) Com. Ser.: ‘And whosoever willingly upon no just cause, doth absent themselves: or doth ungodly in the Parish church occupy themselves: .. . to be excommunicate’; and in the imperat. Piers Plowman, v. 44— ‘That ye prechen to the peple * preue it on yowre-seluen, And doth it in dede - it shal drawe yow to good.’ As to usage, notice that ‘do’ is steadily losing its active and independent power. 1. We now prefer a stronger word like ‘ perform’ in such phrases as ‘do sacrifice,’ Is 19% ‘the Evyptians. . . shall do sacrifice * and oblation’ Ry! shall worship with sac. and obl.’); or ‘do a trespass’ Nu 5°; or ‘do goodness’ Nu 10 (RV ‘do good’); or ‘do service’ (Heb. m1Sy-ny aay, lit. ‘to serve the service’), a ays phrase in Nu; cf. also Jn 16? ‘whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service’ (Aatpelay poo pepery, RV ‘offereth service unto God’). 2. ‘Do’ meaning to act is still in use, but scarcely as Ac 177 ‘these all do contrary to the decrees of Cesar’ (TR zpdrrovo1, edd. rpdccovar) ; Ph 2% ‘it is God which worketh in you both to will and to do of his good pleasure’ (7d évepyeiv, RV ‘to work’). 3. But ‘do well’ is good Eng. still, as Jn 11'? ‘if he sleep, he shall do well’ (cwOjoerat, Tindale ‘he shall do well ynough,’ and s0 Cov., Cran., Gen. 1557; but Wyc. ‘he schal be saaf,’ and so Gen. 1560, Tomsoz, Rheims; RV ‘he will recover,’ RVm ‘be saved’). 4. To ‘do,’ meaning to ‘fare,’ is in use in the phrase ‘how d’ye do?’ but not as 2S 117‘ David demanded of him how Joab did and how the people did’ (ot$y5 oyz otoyid) air, lit. ‘for the health of Joab and for the health of the people,’ RV ‘how Joab did and how the people fared’), so Est 2"; Ac 15° ‘ Let us go again and visit our brethren . . . and see how they do’ (x@s Exovar, RV ‘how they fare’); Eph 67 ‘that ye also may know my aflairs and how I do’ (ri mpdcow). 5. The phrase ‘to have to do with’ is still good idiomatic Eng., but notice the Greek Mt 8% ‘what have we to do with thee?’ (r/ new cat col; lit. ‘what to us and to thee?’ as Wye. has it, after Vulg. quid nobis et tibi? the idiom of AV being Tindale’s) ; He 4 ‘all things are naked and opened unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do’ (zpos dy jut 6 Abyos, lit. as Wye. ‘to whom a word to us,’ Vulg. ad quem nubis sermo, Tind. ‘of whom we speake,’ Gen. 1557 ‘with whome we have to do’). 6. As an auxiliary, ‘do’ is noted by the grammarians as (1) the vicegerent for any antecedent verb, Ac 7% ‘Wilt thou kill me, as thou diddest the Egyptian yesterday ?’ (in Gr. the vb. is repeated, dvedetv . . . dv rpbrrov avetdes, hence RV ‘as thou killedst); (2) to express the tense, now used in negative sentences, as ‘I do not know’ and interrog. ‘do you know?’ but formerly in affirm. also, as Gn 22! ‘God did tempt Abraham.’ This is a peculiarly Eng. idiom; but closely akin to it is another, which is older, and is common to French, but now quite obsolete. As Fr. has faire savoir ‘cause to know,’ so Eng. had ‘T do you to know’ with the same meaning. Thus North, Plutarch, p. 561: ‘1 do thee to understand that I had rather excell others in excellency of knowledge than in greatness of power’; Chaucer, Troilus, 11. 1022— ‘ And we shal speke of thee somwhat, I trowe, When thou art goon, to do thine eres glowe!’ {n Malory’s King Arthur we read: ‘ And so they looked upon him and felt his pulse, to wit (i.e. to know) whether there were any life in him. In the name of God, said an old man. For I do * Cf. Shaks. Jul, Cas. u.ii.5; ‘Go bid the priests do present ice.” you verily to wit he is not dead.’ Thatis, ‘I causa ou to know,’ mod. Eng. ‘I would have you snow.’ This phrase is found in AV, 2 Co 8! ‘we do you to wit of the grace of God bestowed on the churches of Macedonia’ (yrwplfouev duiv, RV ‘we make known to you,’ which was Wyclif’s tr.; ‘do you to wit’ came from Tindale; Rheims has ‘we doe you to understand’). The Eng. auxiliary and this form are sometimes found together; an in- teresting example being in Caxton’s Game of the Chesse (1474), Pref.: ‘I delybered in myself te trans- late it in to our maternal tonge. And whan I se had achyeued [achieved] the sayd translacion, 1 dyde doo set in enprynte [I caused to be printed] a certyn nombre of theym, Which anone were de- pesshed and solde.’ 7%. Lastly, notice the phrase ‘do away,’ Nu 274 ‘Why should the name of our father be done away ise among his family, because he hath no son?’ (32x, RV ‘be taken away’); 1 Ch 218 ‘I beseech thee, do away the iniquity of thy servant’ (xr1g70, RV ‘put away’); 1 Co 13”, 2 Co 374-14 (all karapyéw=‘ render in- operative,’ a peculiarly Pauline word; St. Paul uses it 25 times, elsewhere in NT Lk 137, He 2™ only ; RV in 2Co37-" ‘pass away’). Cf. Wyclif’s tr. of He 10° ‘he doith awei thi first, that he make stidfast the secunde,’ and of 12! ‘do we aweie al charge and synne.’ J. HASTINGS. DOCTOR, DOCTRINE.—Doctor is used in the old Eng. sense of ‘ teacher’ in Lk 2“ (d:ddoxados) ; and ‘doctor of the law’ for ‘teacher of the law’ in Lk 517, Ac 5* (vouodiddoxados), Cf. Melvill’s Dia (Wodrow, p. 95), ‘to the Doctor is giffen the wor of knawlage, to open upe, be simple doctrine, the mysteries of fathe.’ So Bacon (Essays, p. 9) calls St. Paul ‘the Doctor of the Gentiles,’ and Latimer (Works, i. 430) calls the devil ‘that old Doctor,’ and this is the use in Pope’s lines— * Who shall decide, when doctors disagree, And soundest casuists doubt, like you and me ?* Ep. to Ld. Bathurst, . L See under Scribe. Doctrine (see next art.) is similarly used for ‘teaching’ in Dt 32?, Job 114 Pr 4°, Is 29% (all npp, lit. ‘something received,’ elsewhere only Pr 1° 4? 9° 167%); Is 28% (Aysoy, lit. ‘something heard,’ RV ‘message,’ RVm ‘report’); Jer 108 (190, really ‘discipline,’ RV ‘instruction’); 1 Es 5% (dems), Sir 16% 2437 82 (radela), 248 (dudacxadla); and freq. in NT for Gr. didacxadla. Still more freq. for ‘the process of teaching,’ ‘instruction’ (ddax7), as Ac 2” ‘they continued stedfastly in the apostles’ doctrine and fellowship.’ Cf. Chaucer, Non. Preest. Tale, 622— * For seint Paul seith, that al that writen is, To our doctryne it is y-write, y-wis.’ J. HASTINGS. DOCTRINE, etymologically regarded, signifies the work of a doctur or teacher, from doceo, to teach; hence it denotes sometimes the act of teaching, sometimes the substance or matter of that which is taught. It may also be theoretical or practical, refer, that is, to either truth or duty—tket which is to be believed, or that which is to te done. On the theoretical side, doctrine may be com pared with, and distinguished from, dogma or tenet. Dovma and doctrine, especially in the plural, are often identified, but the latter is really a wider conception than the former. It differs from it in two respects—a doctrine is less formal, less of a scientific construction than a dogma, and there is implied in the latter a reference to some religious community on whose authority it is main- tained. By some the distinction is thus stated : ‘Doctrine summarizes the statements of Scripture on a particular point, adding and diminishin nothing ; dogma formulates che principles an relations involved in the doctrine, and the infer- a st DODAI —— ences following from it. Every dogma, therefore, is of the nature of a theory, yviving the rwtionale of the facts.’ The word dogma does not occur in EV nor in the original, except in the sense of a ‘decree’ or ‘ordinance’ (Lk 2!, Ac 164 177, Eph 2", Col 2%, He 11 [Lachm. déyua, but TR and WH didraypua)). The modern meaning of the word is foreign to the sacred book. On its practical side, doctrine is almost synonymous with precept or principle. In OT, doctrine occurs chiefly as tr. of nb (mostly in Wisdom literature) ‘that which is received’ (Dt 323, Job 114, Pr 42, Is 294) ; it appears once only in each case as tr™ of 19:0 ‘discipline’ (Jer 108), and ay:0¥% ‘that which is heard’ (Is 28°, RV ‘message’). In Apocr. there are several occurrences of the word. It appears in Sir as tr.of raidela, as when 16% the writer says: ‘I will show forth doctrine in weight’ (RV ‘instruction by weight’), that is, as is made apparent by the parallel clause, ‘with exactness.’ In 1 Es 5” ‘doctrine and truth’ appear for the Gr. d4Awors Kal é)\7Gea, which in their turn represent the ox oon, Urim and Thummim—‘ Lights and Per- fections (?)’ of the parallel passage Neh 7°. In NT, with one exception (He 6!, where for AV ‘the principles of the doctrine of Christ’ RV reads ‘the first principles of Christ’), doctrine is employed to represent either didax4 or didac- xadla, both of which words are used in active and passive sense, the active being predominant in the case of didacxadla, the passive in that of 5.dax4. ‘The latter emphasizes the authority, the former the act’ (Cremer; but see Hort, Chr. Ecclesia, 191). Both words are employed in an absolute way for ‘the teaching’ (d:dax7 in Tit 1%, 2Jn® RV; diéackanla in 1 Ti 416 6}, Tit 27). It is worth noting that out of 21 occurrences of d:dac- xaNla in NT, no fewer than 15 are in the Pastoral Epistles. RV has almost uniformly substituted ‘teaching’ for doctrine as tr. of didax7, but has only occasionally made the same substitution in the case of didackadla. In only one instance has it introduced the word doctrine when it does not appear in AY, viz. in 1 Ti 6* where it reads ‘If any man teacheth a different doctrine,’ for AV ‘If any man teach otherwise.’ The intimate relation between doctrine and practice, between right thoughts and right action, is fully and constantly recognized in Scripture. The warnings against false doctrine and its evil effects are numerous (1 Ti 1! 4!, Tit 2', He 139, 2Jn° etce.). Christ’s hearers were astonished at His doctrine (Mk 1%) not less than at His wonder- ful works ; while, on the other hand, He Himself indicated that His doctrine is only to be truly known through obedience (Jn 77). The forms of teaching characteristic of the Bible as a whole, as well as of its individual writers, will fall to be considered in the article THEOLOGY. A. STEWART. DODAI.—_See D_ . DODANIM (oy75, LXX ‘Pédi0n, Gn 104).—Fourth son of Javan (Ionians, Greeks), and therefore andoubtedly intended to designate a Gr. tribe or eolony. There can be no connexion, beyond an accidental similarity in sound, with the inland tewn of Dodona in Epirus. Nor can it mean Dardanians, as Delitzsch still maintains, for the Trojan province of Dardania was never of such consequence as to give its name toa leading family in the genealogy of mankind. Dillmann and others are inclined to accept the reading of the LXX (which is also that of the Samaritan trans- lation of the Pent. and of Jerome, as well as the MT of 1 Ch 1”), and identify the Dodanim with the Rhodians or the inhabitants of the islands of the A’gean Sea. If Elishah be Southern Italy and Sicily, the two pairs of sons of Javan will be a DOG 615 named from east to west: Elishah and Tarshish; Kittim (Cyprus) and Dodanim (Rhodes). The inhabitants of Rhodes from B.c. 800 onward were [onian Greeks, sons of Javan, who took the place of the earlier Phonician population. The Rhodians are certainly in their proper place alongside of the Kittim. They were hoe even to Homer, and were visited from a very early period by all the trading peoples of the Mediterranean coasts. Bochart’s idea that they might be identified with the Gr. colonists on the banks of the Rhone (Khodanus) has not commended itself to anyone. LiTeRaTURE.—Baudissin in Herzog?, iii. 634, under ‘ Dodanim,’ treats ably of the four sons of Javan. See also Winer, Schenkel, Riehm ; and Bertheau on 1 Ch 17 in his Commentary. J. MACPHERSON. DODAYVAHU (3m17 ‘beloved of J’,? AV Doda- vah).—Father of Eliezer of Mareshah, the prophet who censured Jehoshaphat for entering into alliance with Ahaziah (2 Ch 20%). Gray (Heb. Prop. Names, 62, 232) contends that the correct Heb. text is amin. So also Kittel in SBOT (ef. Nestle, Higennamen, 70). J. A. SELBIE. DODO (so the Keré ‘11, Kethibh Dodai (1), or ossibly Dodi (*7\7) ; LXX combines the two, trans- ating, vlds marpadéApov atrod vids Loveet).—1. The father of Eleazar, the second of the three captains who were over ‘the thirty’ (2 S 23%). In the parallel list (1 Ch 1122) the name is given as Dodo (iin, LXX Awédat), and also ‘the Ahohite’ for the erroneous ‘son of Ahohi.’ In the third list (1 Ch 274) Dodai ("i7, LXX Awéed) is described as general of the second division of the army, but the words ‘Eleazar theson of’ appear to have been accidentally omitted. Bertheau considers that Dodai is the more correct form, and appeals to the LXX and Jos. (Awéelov) ; he accordingly restores this form in 2 S 23° and 1 Ch 11%, The traditional spelling (Dodo), however, is most probably right: the name Dudu has been found on the Tel el-Amarna tablets, apparently as that of an Amorite official at the Egyp. court. In the Inscription of Mesha (1. 12) we also find nm (prob- ably a\3= Dodo); it appears to be the name of some deity. 2. A Bethlehemite, father of Elhanan, one of ‘the thirty’ (2 S 23%, 1 Ch 11% 9), 3. A man of Issachar, the forefather of Tola the judge (Jg 10'). LXX and Vulg. tr. mrarpadéAgov avrod; patrui Abimelech. . F. STENNING. DOE.—RV (Pr 5%), AV ‘roe,’ is in Heb, aby: ya'dlah, the female ibex. See GOAT, under ovdy:, DOEG (x5, sx), 231 *).—An Edomite, and chief of the herdmen [or better, ‘runners,’ reading with Gratz o'yqa for o'y47] of king Saul. When David fled to Nob, to Ahimelech (or Ahijah) the priest, D. was there ‘detained before the Lord.’ aving witnessed the aid given to the fugitive, he reported what he had seen to the king, who summoned Ahimelech before him, and accused him of treason. Regardless of his protestations of innocence, Saul ordered him to be slain. The king’s guard shrank from laying hands upon the sacred person of a priest, and the order was then given to D., who not only slew all the priests, but perpetrated a general massacre of all the inhabitants of Nob, destroying even the cattle (1 S 217 22%), D. is mentioned in the title of Ps 52. R. M. Boyp. DOG (ada keleb, xuav, Kuvdpwov, canis).—The dog is mentioned in many places in the Bible, and (with the somewhat uncertain exception of the grey- hound, Pr 3071, where the Heb. signifies Blake in the loins, and is rendered in the marg. horse, RVm war-horse) always with contempt. The dog * On this form see Driver on 1 § 2218, 616 DOGMA retecred to is doubtless the pariah animal so common in the streets of all villages and cities in Bible lands. The original of this degenerate race of dogs is probably the shepherd dog (Job 301), which differs fron the town animal chiefly in his long fur and bushy tail, and his far greater strength, courage, and ferocity. All of these qualities are the natural result of the hardships of his life. Compelled to go long distances, to guard the flocks from the wolves and other savage beasts, to face the cold winds of winter, and its pelting rains or sleet or snow, he needs all the endowments which he possesses over those of his idle, cowardly relative, who spends most of the time, when not in search of his carrion food, in sleeping under the shelter of walls or vaulted passages, or sprawling in the soft mud or dust of the streets. The street dog is 2 to 3 ft. long, exclusive of his tail, and from 18 inches to 2 ft. high, usually tawny in colour, but often cream-coloured, white, or black, with short, stiff fur, small eyes, and usually with little or no bushiness to the tail. These dogs usually occupy defined quar- ters of the towns, and any dog intruding into a oe? not his own is certain to be set upon and very severely bitten. They act as public scavengers (1 K 14! 164 211% 23 2988) 2 K 90. 36, Jer 15°). They wander from pee to place, especi- ally in the neighbourhood of the city walls, and make the night hideous with their barking (Ps 59% 14), They not infrequently attack passers in lonely places, especially in the neighbourhood of Arab encampments. Violent men are compared to them (Ps 22!°-2), They are used to watch houses and tents (Is 56%). The name dog: is a term of reproach (1S 244, 2 § 38 98 169, 2 K 8%, Is 66%, Ph 3?, Rev 22'5). ‘The price of a dog’ (Dt 2318) pie a refers to the practices of the male kédéshim (see Driver ad loc. and Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad. 114). In a word, the Eastern street dog is a type of all that is cowardly, lazy, filthy, treacherous, and con- temptible. They seem to Wee been omnipresent in the time of Chirist (Mt 1578, Mk 777, Lk 1671), as the former citations prove them to have been in more ancient times. With the doubtful exception before given (Pr 307), there is no allusion to hunting dogs in Scripture. As the friend of man, endowed with Goble intelligence, the dog had no place in Heb. life. G. E. Post. DOGMA, properly an opinion or judgment ; then, as a decision of one in authority, a decree—of rulers (Lk 2', Ac 17’, He 11°), of Moses (Eph 2", Col 2'*), of apostles (Ac 164). The same word in its verbal form is used of the decisions of the elders (Ac 1572-25-38) Hatch (Hib. Lect. 1888, pp. 119-120) has very well shown how, from this original meaning of ‘personal opinion,’ the word came to signify ‘decrees’ in the case of rulers, and ‘doctrines’ in the case of teachers.. By far the most important NT use of the term is in Eph and Col. All the early Gr. commentators under- stand by ‘dogmas’ in both passages the doctrines or precepts of the gospel. Lightfoot correctl insists upon renderi: g the word, as in all other N passages, decree, ordinance; in Eph it is restricted to Mosaic ordinances, but in Col it is applied more generally to all decrees in which moral principles and religious precepts are set forth. The re- striction in the one case, however, is not in the word, but only in the context. In Eph the déyua7Ta as ‘ authoritative decrees’ are distinguished from évro\al as separate precepts, by both of which terms the Mosaic law is characterized from differ- ent points of view. By styling these precepts ‘dogmas’ the apostle emphasizes the point that they were imposed by external authority. This is in keeping with the ecclesiastical use of the word DUMINION to indicate doctrines which are enunciated authori- tatively by the Church. See DOCTRINE. J. MACPHERSON. DOK (Adx).—A fortress near Jericho, where Simon the Maccabee, along with two of his sons, was murdered by his son-in-law Ptolemy, 1 Mac 16%. The name survives in the modern ‘Ain Dak, 4 miles N.W. of Jericho (Robinson, BRP ii. 309; Ritter, Hrdkunde, xv. i. 460; SWP iii. 173, 191, 209). In Jos. (Ant. XII. viii. 1; Wars, 1. ii. 3) it appears as Dagon (cf. G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 250). J. A. SELBIE. DOLEFUL.—Is 13?! ‘ their houses shall be full of doleful creatures’ (Heb. on ’Ghim); and Mic 24 ‘and lament with a doleful lamentation’ (*7} 77} aa3, AVm ‘lament with a lamentation of lamenta- tions,’ RVm ‘lament with the lamentation, It is done,’ after Ewald, Cheyne, and others, taking the last word as Niph. of 77, instead of a subst. from 773 to wail). There is a general agreement that the ’6him of Is 1371 are jackals, as there is the Assyr. ahd used in the bilingual texts for Bab. /ik- barra, lit. ‘evil-dog.’ The older Eng. VSS mostly ive ‘great owls,’ the Geneva keeping the Heb. him, with a note suggesting the possibility that they and the Ziim (AV ‘ wild beasts’) are ‘ wicked spirits whereby Satan deluded man, as by the fairies, gobblins, and suche like fantasies,’ which probably suggested the ‘doleful creatures’ of AV (cf. Wyc., Douay, ‘dragons’). The Heb. is probably onomatopoetic, from [nnx] to howl ; but ‘doleful’ is mournful (fr. Lat. dolere), as in Shaks. Pass, Pil. xxi.— * She, poor bird, as all forlorn, Lean’d her breast up till a thorn, And there sang the dolefull’st ditty.’ Shaks. uses ‘dole’ in the same sense, as Hamlet, 1. ii. 13— * In equal scale weighing delight and dole.’ J. HASTINGS. DOLPHIN.—See BADGER. DOMINION, used in the ordinary sense, is ths tr. of various words in OT and NT, and only note- worthy as the rendering of xupiérys in Eph 1”, Col 1 (pl.), and, perhaps, 2 P 2” and Jude* (sing.). Associated as it is in Col 1° with dpxal and efovola, and in Fph 1# with these and dvvaus (all sing.),—words used elsewhere (e.g. Eph 6”, Col 215, Ro 8%, 1 Co 15%) primarily, at any rate, of the angelic powers, good or bad or both,—it stands, without doubt, in Eph (ascensively) and Col (de- scensively) for a grade in the angelic hierarchy ; probably, along with @péva (Col), the highest grade (as Lightfoot concludes from the earliest lists; see his note on Col 1%), being at the same time second in that grade, while dpxyal and éfovcla belong to the next grade below; just as kingship, suggested in Opévos, is naturally superior to lord- ship (xupi6rys), (compare the @eol and xkvtpix of 1 Eo 85), and both are superior to the ordinary rule and authority. Opédvos, kupidrns, apxy, éEovala, and dvvayis, or their linguistic equivalents, are found among the orders of angels in Jewish or Jewish-Chr. books ranging over the NT period or its immediate neighbourhood. Thus in Jubilees, § 15: ‘Over all [the Gentile nations] hath [God] set spirits as dords’ (cf. Sir 17"); in Test. XJ. Patr. Levi 3, ‘In the heaven next to God are thrones (6p4vo), powers (efovela:),’ angels being, in the same passage, assigned to each of the first six out of the seven heavens, in descending order; in Enoch 6, ‘The host of the heavens and all the holy ones above, and the host of God. . . all the angels of power, and all the angels of principalities,’ etc. Christian Fathers, such as Origen, Ephrem Syrus, Pseudo-Dionysius, accept similar though varying gradations (see Lightfoot, Col 1%). The DOOM DORCAS 617 belief in such gradations may be traced to the OT, with its Elohim and sons of: Elohim (Pss 58 and 82), the mighty beings of the same class as God, yet ruled by Him (Ps 103™:), His host, led by His captain (Jos 51° dpx.orpdriyos Suvduews xuplov, cf. dpxdyyedos, 1 Th 41%), Being originally, in all probability, the nature-spirits of Semitic heathen- ism, they were physical rather than ethical (Gn 618), and are sometimes connected or identified with the stars of heaven (Job 38’, Is 45%; cf. Enoch 18-6, and see article ELEMENT). As the knowledge of God advanced, these ‘gods’ ceased to have any religious importance, and receded more and more into the position of com- parative nonentities (Ps 89°), but were still re- arded as superintending the nations under Him (Dn 10%, Is 2471), though in some special sense God reserved Jsrael for Himself (Dt 32% LXX), making Michael, the chief archangel (Dn 12!), their prince. Being thus distinguished from God, and not irre- vocably bound by the moral law, they could come into opposition to Him, not merely relative but actual, either by blameworthy conduct of the charges committed to them (Is 247, Job 438, cf. Baek 184-16; also the ‘angels’ in Rev 2, 3), or by diametrical contravention of God’s purposes (Dn 10%, 2 Co 44, Eph 64-6; and see ANGEL, DEMON, and SATAN). The oe ata of xupiérns in Jude ® and its parallel 2 P 2! is perplexing, and is much dis- feet A reference to angelic powers—unseen ignities worthy of reverence (cf. 1 Co 11?°)—is supported by the contiguous 6é£a (‘ beings in light like God’), and by the example of the sin of the Sodomites (Gn 19); while a reference to the lordship of Christ or God is suggested by Jude 4, ani 2 P 2° (angels that sinned, 7.e. against God). See Spitta on the two passages, and Harnack, Teste, ii. 14. LiTgRATURE.—Schultz, Old Test. Theology (Eng. tr.), i. 215 ff. ; Apa, Fated Paulinische Angelologie und Damonologie, pp. 38, 122 ff. ; Lightfoot, Colossians. J. MASSIE. DOOM.—In AV, 2 Es 7* only, ‘the day of doom shall be the end of this time’ (dies judicii, RV ‘the day of judgment’) ; to which RV adds Ezk 7” ‘Thy doom is come unto thee, O inhabitant of the land,’ v.!° ‘thy doom is gone forth’ (ayax¥0, AV ‘the morning,’ RVm ‘the turn’ or ‘the crowning time ’—see Davidson), and the vb. 1Co 49 ‘God hath set forth us the apostles last of all, as men doomed to death’ (ws émi@avarlovs) AV 1611 ‘approved to death,’ mod. editions ‘ appointed,’ of which Scrivener (Camb. Parag. Bible, p. xevii) says : ‘A deliberate but needless correction [in 1616] derived from Tind., Cov., the Great and the Bishops’ Bibles. The Gen. (1557) has ‘‘destinate to death.”’ For ‘doom’ in the sense of ‘judgment,’ cf. Wyclif’s tr. of Ps 98 ‘He made redi his trone in dome,’ and of Rev 192 ‘ trewe and iust ben the domes of hym.’ Shaks. (Macbeth, u. iii. 59) os of ‘the great doom,’ t.¢. the day of judgment; and in ul, Coes. m1. i. 98— . : “Men, wives, and children stare, cry out, and run As it were doomsday.’ The word is connected with ‘deem’ to Judge, whence the ‘Deem- sters’ of Isle of Man and Jersey, and philologically with Gr. Jésus law, fr. */@ms place, whence ‘ something laid down, ‘a decision.’ Bee Oraik’s an . of Shaks, p. 226; Verity, Shaks. Jul. Cox. p. 158f.; and art. DEEM. J. HASTINGS. DOOR, DOORKEEPER, DOORPOST.—See House. DOPHKAH (5753).—A station in the itinerary of the children of Israel (Nu 33). This station and the next one, Alush, which lie between the ‘encampment by the sea’ and Rephidim, have not been identified, and they are not alluded to in Exodus. As, however, the itinerary in Nu has every appearance of being taken from a regular pilgrim book, we should say that, on the hypothesis that Mount Sinai and Rephidim [=Feiran] have been correctly located, the position of Dophkah cannot be far from the entrance to the Wady Maghara; this wady contains the oldest Egyptian mines, and as the blue-stone which the Egyptians quarried is known by the name of Mafkat, and gave its name to the district of Mafkat, it is a tempting suggestion to identify Dophkah as an erroneous transcription of Mafkah. Alush would then lie half-way between this and Feiran; it does not appear that any more exact location can be suggested. The identification suggested for Dophkah was made, in the first instance, by Ebers; I arrived at it independently. J. RENDEL HARRIS. DOR (73, wa), Jos 11? 1277171, Jg 17, 1 K 4", 1 Ch 7*.—A Can. city in Galilee, in the ‘uplands’ (nb), RVm Naphath-[or Naphoth-]dor) towards the W. Itsking is noticed between Jokneam and Gilal of the Goiim—which was in Sharon. It seems tu have been in Issachar or in Asher, and is noticed as attacked by Manasseh with Taanach. The ‘uplands’ of Dor formed that part of Solomon’s king- dom, which seems to correspond with Zebulun, the next province to Issachar ; but, according to the last cited passage, Dor belonged to Manasseh, though noticed with towns of Issachar. These indications do not suffice to fix the site. Jos. makes it a sea- side town (Ant. V. i. 22, VIII. ii. 3) near Carmel (Contra Apion., ii. 10). It was at Dor that Tryphon (c. B.C. 139) was besieged by Antiochus Sidetes, 1 Mac 15"*, In the 4th cent. A.D. (Onomasticon, s.v. Dornapheth) it is identified with Tantirah on the sea-coast, 9 Roman miles from Cesarea Palestina on the way to Tyre; but the names have no connexion, and the site is not on the uplands. The low hills 8. of Carmel may be intended, but the name has not been recovered. C. R. Conver. DORCAS.—‘ Tabitha, which is by interpretation called Dorcas’ (Ac 9°) ; xnav is Aram. for Heb. ‘2s, by regular interchange of » for xs (see Driver, Hebrew Tenses*, p. 225f.). When occurring as the name of an animal, it is tr? in AV ‘roebuck’ or ‘roe,’ in RV ‘gazelle.’ Aopxds is the Gr. equivalent, used in LXX. Both the Aramaic and the Greek were, also, not uncommon names for women: the former denoting ‘ beauty,’ the latter the animal’s gaze (fr. dépxoua:). For instances see Wetstein’s Comm. on Ac 9° ; Jos. BJ Iv. iii. 5 may be mentioned as one. The raising of Dorcas of Joppa is the second of three narra- tives (Ac 982-85. 3643 10-1118) connected with St. Peter’s visit to the towns of the Maritime Plain on the W. coast of Pal., whither he came in the course of a journey undertaken by him after the Church at Jerus. was scattered through ‘the persecution which arose about Stephen.’ The first of these narratives, like the second, relates a miracle; they are told to illustrate the supernatural powers granted to St. Peter, whose miracles in Jerus, have already been described Ac 31-11 §1-11.15, The Churches in Lydda and Joppa were not founded by St. Peter (Ac 982.38), but on this occasion his presence and his miracles served to strengthen and extend them. He does not seem to have visited Joppa till the Church there, in its distress on account of Dorcas’ death, sent to fetch him from Lydda (938), Dorcas was a ‘disciple’ (uaé4rpia, this fem. form occurs in NT only here). She must have been a yerson of some worldly substance so as to have had hear for the ‘good works’ and means for the ‘alms. deeds’ of which she was ‘full.’ The former term is more comprehensive than the latter. Nevertheless, by it also in all probability, according to Jewish associations, works of charity are more especially denoted (cf. the Talm. expression o’2» pDwyn, and see on it Weber, Theol. d. Synagoge, § 61; see also ra dyad pov at Sir 201% and cf. 16. 18% and To 12%). Dorcas’ labours for the good of others were instances. We may note that they were the 618 DORYMENES more creditable in one who was able to give alms, and might have contented herself with doing this. The garments which the widows showed to St. Peter may most naturally be supposed to be those which she had previously given to them. The widows are thus seen here, as in 6!, to form a recog- nized class, dependent upon bounty. ‘The account of the actual raising of Dorcas (vv.* 4!) bears a close resemblance to that of the raising of Jairus’ daughter (Mt 925, Mk 54). 41, Lk 8°), V. H. STANTON. DORYMENES (Aopuperns), the father of Ptolemy Macron, who was a trusted friend of Antiochus Epiphanes (2 Mac 4*), and was chosen by Lysias to command the Syrian army in Pal. in conjunction with Nicanor and Gorgias (1 Mac 3%8). Ptolemy had formerly been in the service of the Egyp. king Ptolemy VI. Philometor (2 Mac 10); and his father, Dorymenes, may perhaps be identified with the Atolian Dorymenes who fought for Ptolemy Ly. against Antiochus the Great (Polybius, v. 61). H. A. WHITE. DOSITHEUS (Aocl6eos).—1. The priest who, ac- cording to a note in one of the Greek recensions of Esther, brought the book to Alexandria in the 4th year of Ptolemy Philometor (?) and Cleopatra, c. B.C. 178 (Ad. Est 111). 2. A soldier of Judas Mac- cabzeus, who (2 Mac 12%) laid hold, in the heat of battle, of Gorgias the general of the enemy, and sought to take him alive. The attempt was frus- trated by a Thracian horseman, who cut off the arm of Dositheus. 3. A renegade Jew who frustrated the plot of Theodotus to assassinate king Ptolemy Philopator (8 Mac 1%). 4 An officer of Judas Maccabeeus (2 Mac 1219. 24), J. A. SELBIE, DOTAA (Awraia).—Another form of DOTHAN (which see). AV has incorrectly Judea. DOTE.—The orig. meaning of to ‘dote’ is to be foolish (cf. ‘dotage,’ and Scotch ‘doited’), as in Chaucer, Legend of Good Women, 261— ‘Wel wot I ther-by thou beginnest dote As olde foles, whan hir spirit fayleth’ ; and Piers Plowman, i. 188— ‘Thow doted daffe, quod she, dull arne thi wittes. In this sense occurs ‘ dote’ in Jer 5035 ‘A sword is upon the liars, and they shall dote’ (Coy. ‘ they shall become fooles,’ Heb. si, the vb. [9x] is only found in Niph., and always=be foolish, or act foolishly, whether innocently as Jer 5, or not as Is 1918); Sir 26? ‘an old adulterer that doteth’ (édar- Tovuevoy cuvéce, RV ‘lacking understanding’) ; and 1 Ti 64 ‘ doting about questions and strifes of words’ (AVm ‘a fool,’ RVm ‘sick,’ Gr. voodv, only here in NT, and véonyua only Jn 54 TR; but the sense is clearly ‘unsound,’ ‘mad,’ a common meaning of the word ; Tind. tr. freely ‘wasteth his braynes’ ; ‘doteth’ is the Geneva word of 1560). Elsewhere ‘dote’ occurs only in the sense of ‘be (foolishly) Fond, Wzks2s>eile 942-180 2B yy J. HASTINGS. DOTHAN (12% and 197, Awédem), Gn 38717 (Dothaim, in Jth 4° etc.), now Tell Dothan, was an ancient town situated 10 miles N. of Samaria. Thither Joseph followed his brethren from Shechem (Gn 3745). The pasturage about it is still the best and freshest in a time of drought (Thomson, Land and Book, p. 466). The site of Dothan, known in earlier times by Eusebius, who placed it 12 miles N. of Samaria, had for some centuries been lost. till recovered by Van de Velde (vol. i. p. 364 ff.). It lay on an ancient (Jewish ?) road, of which Van de Velde found the remains, crossing from the plain of Esdraelon into the plain of Sharon, and must have always been an important military post. It ** Copyright, 1898, 6Y Charles Scribner's Sons DOUBT stood on the top of a mound, as the language of 2 K 614-1" would suggest. There are still two large ancient cisterns, into one of which possibly Joseph was cast. There are two wells, as the name implies, but only one of them seems ancient. It bursts from the foot of the hill (Sur. Mem. ii. 169, 215). Most probably, Joseph’s brethren were gathered watering their flocks when he approached. Dothan was the residence of Elisha when the incident of 2 K 6" occurred. It is several times mentioned in the account of the siege of Bethulia (Jth 4° 7% 18 88), A. HENDERSON. DOUBT.—See next article. The middle Eng. douten most freq. meant to fear, after dubitare in late Lat. And this meaning is still very common for ‘ doubt’ in Shaks., as Macbeth, Iv. ii. 66— ‘I doubt some danger does approach you nearly.* In AV this meaning is evident in Sir 918 ‘ Keep thee far from the man that hath power to kill; so shalt thou not doubt the fear of death’ (od wh bromretogs pbBov Oavdrov, RV ‘thou shalt have no suspicion of the fear of death’). But in NT also it is often more than ‘hesitate’ or ‘ mistrust,’ esp. where the Gr. is diropéoua, ‘to be at a loss’ (Jn 13, Ac 2529, Gal 4°), or the stronger diaropéw, ‘to be utterly at a loss’ (Ac 2!2 574 1017), In like manner doubtful means ‘ perplexing’ or ‘ perplexed,’ Sir 187 (dzropéopat, RV ‘in perplexity’) ; Lk 1229 ‘neither be ye of doubtful mind’? (uh perewplfecde, a word of disputed meaning here, see Plummer, ad loc.) ; Ro 14! ‘d. disputations’ (see under DISPUTE). J. HASTINGS. **DOUBT.—The Heb. of OT seems to lack an exact equivalent to our term ‘doubt,’ when used in a religious reference. Some have, indeed, under- stood ‘doubters,’ ‘ sceptics’ to be meant when the Psalmist, who loves God’s law and hopes in His word and delights in keeping His commandments, declares that he ‘hates them that are of a double mind’ (Ps 119118 0220), Apparently, however, it is rather hypocrites, what we should call ‘ double- faced men,’ who are meant; and it seems to be hypocrisy, rather than doubt, which is in mind also in 1 K 18#!, where the kindred term 572'0 occurs, and in 1 Ch 1238, Ps 122, where the simi- lar phrase ‘ double heart’ (22) 32) appears, as well as in Hos 102, where the comm. differ as to whether the words 92° P50 are to be tra ‘ their heart is di- vided,’ or, perhaps better, ‘their heart is smooth,’ i.e. deceitful. In NT, on the other hand, we meet with a series of terms which run through the shades of meaning expressed by our words, perplexity, suspense, dis- traction, hesitation, questioning, scepticism, shad- ing down into unbelief. Perplexity is expressed by the verb dopéw (Mk 6%, Lk 24%, Jn 1322, Ac 2529, 2 Co 4°, Gal 490), with its strengthened compound, dramopéw (Lk 97, Ac 2!2 524 1017), expressing thorough per- plexity, when one is utterly at a loss, and the still stronger compound ééamopéw (2 Co 18 48), in which perplexity has passed into despair. This perplexity is never assigned in NT to the sphere of religion. Even in such instances as Lk 24+, where we are told that the women, finding the Lord’s tomb empty, ‘ were perplexed thereabout ; ’ Mk 62, Lk 95, where Herod’s perplexity over John’s preaching and the subsequent preaching of Jesus and His followers is spoken of; and Ac 22, where the extreme perplexity of those who witnessed the wonders of the Day of Pentecost is adverted to, it is not a state of religious doubt but of pure mental bewilderment which is de- scribed. The women merely had no explanation of the empty tomb ready, they were at a loss how to account for it; Herod simply found John’s preaching and the reports concerning the preach- ing and work of Jesus and His disciples inexpli- cable, he had no theory ready for their explana- tion; the marvels of Pentecost, before Peter’s explanation of them, were wholly without mean- ing to their witnesses; and, similarly, in Ac 10", Peter was just at a complete loss to understand what the vision he had received could mean, and required a revelation to make it significant to him. It was this state of mind, a state of what we may call objective suspense due to lack of light, which the Jews claimed for themselves when in Jn 1074 they demanded of Jesus: ‘ How long dost thou lift up our soul (ry Puxhy judy atpes)? If thou art the Christ, tell us plainly.’ They would sug- gest that they were in a state of strained expec- tation regarding His claims, and that the lagging of their decision was due, not to subjective causes rooted in an evil heart of unbelief, but to a lack of bold frankness on His part. Jesus, in His reply, repels this insinuation and ascribes the fault to their own unbelief. They were not eager seekers after truth, held in suspense by His ambiguous speech: they were men in possession of full evi- dence, who would not follow it to a conclusion opposing their wishes; they were therefore not perplexed, but unbelieving. For the doubt of the distracted mind the NT appears to have two expressions, perewpltecOar (Lk 12%) and dicrdfev (Mt 14%! 281’). This state of mind is superinduced on faith, and is a witness to the faith which lies behind it; only those who have faith can waver or be distracted from it. But the faith to which it witnesses is equally neces- sarily an incomplete and imperfect faith; only an imperfect faith can waver or be distracted from ics firm assurance. ‘The exhortation, ‘Be ye not of a wavering mind,’ is appropriately given, there- fore, in Lk 1229, to those who are addressed as ‘of little faith’ (édvydriror), of whom it is the specific characteristic. It is to trust in God’s provi- dential care without carking anxiety as to our food and drink and clothing that the Saviour is exhorting His hearers in this context—to fulness of faith, which, according to its definition in He 111, is absorbed in the unseen and future in con- trast with the seen and present. ‘Those who have full faith will have their whole life hid with God ; and in proportion as care for earthly things enters, in that proportion do we fall away from the heights of faith and exhibit a wavering mind. It was a similar weakness which attacked Peter, when, walking, by virtue of faith, upon the water to come to Jesus, he saw the wind and was afraid (Mt 1481) ; and, accordingly, our Saviour addressed him similarly, ‘O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt (édicracas) ?’ Here, again, is real faith though weak, but a faith that is dis- tracted by the entrance of fear. The same term, and surely with similar implications, is used again and on an even more interesting occasion. When the disciples of Jesus came to the mountain where He had appointed them and there saw their risen Lord, we are told (Mt 28!"), ‘They worshipped : but some doubted (édloracav).’ It is this same doubt of imperfect and distracted faith, and not the sceptical doubt of unbelief, that is intended. All worshipped Him, though some not without that doubt of the distracted mind which is no more ‘psychologically absurd’ here than in Lk 1229 and Mt 1431. Whence the distraction arose, whether possibly from joy itself, as in Lk 24#!, or from a less noble emotion, as possibly in Jn 205, we do not know. But the quality of doubt resulting from it, although manifesting the incompleteness of the dis- ciples’ faith, was not inconsistent with its reality ; and the record of it is valuable to us as showing, along with such passages as Lk 2437-41, Jn 20%, that the apostles’ testimony to the resurrection DOVE 619 was that of convinced rather than of credulous witnesses. A kindred product of weak faith, the doubt of questioning hesitation, is expressed in NT by the term diadoyiopds (Lk 24%, Ro 141, Ph 214, 1 Ti 28), It is the Nemesis of weakness of faith that it is pursued by anxious questionings and mental doubts. Thus, when Christ appeared to His dis- ciples in Jerus., ‘ they were terrified and affrighted, and supposed that they had beheld a spirit’ (Lk 24%), provoking their Master’s rebuke, ‘ Where- fore do questionings arise in your heart ?? And in St. Paul’s Epistles, the timid outlook of the weak in faith is recognized as their chief characteristic. This seems to be the meaning of Ro 141, where ‘he that is weak in faith’ is to be received into full Christian brotherhood, but not ‘for the ad- judication of questionings’ (cf. the k«pivérw of v.3 and the xcplywy of v.4): here is a man whose mind is crowded with scruples and doubts,—he is to be received, of course, but not as if his agitated conscience were to be law to the community; he is to be borne with, not to be obeyed. ‘The same implication underlies Ph 21%, where the contrast between ‘murmurings and disputings’ seems to be not so much between moral and _ intellectual rebellion, as between violent and timid obstacles in the Christian pathway,—a contrast which ap- pears also in 1 Ti 2°. It would seem that those who are troubled with questionings are every- where recognized as men who possess faith, but who are deterred from a proper entrance into their privileges and a proper performance of their Christian duties by a settled habit of hesitant casuistry, which argues lack of robustness in their faith. The NT term which expresses that deeper doubt which argues not merely the weakness but the lack of faith is the verb d.axplyerOac (Mt 2121, Mk 1123, Ro 429, 1423, Ja 1%, Jude 22). Wherever this critical attitude towards divine things is found, there faith is absent. The term may be used in contrast to that faith by which miracles are wrought, or in which God is approached in prayer (Mt 212', Mk 1128, Ja 16s); in either case it implies the absence of the faith in question and the conse- quent failure of the result,—he that ‘doubteth’ in this sense cannot expect to receive anything of the Lord. It may be used of a frame of mind in which one lives his life out in the Chris- tian profession (Ro 14?) ; in this case, the intru- sion of this critical spirit vitiates the whole course of his activities,—because they are no longer of faith, and ‘whatsoever is not of faith is sin.’ Or it may be used as the extreme contrast to that fulness of faith which Abraham exhibited in his typical act of faith; and then it is represented as the outgrowth of unbelief (Ro 42’). From the full description of its opposite here, and the equally full description of it itself in Ja 1° (see Mayor’s note), we may attain a tolerably complete concep- tion of its nature as the critical, self-debating habit of the typical sceptic, which casts him upon life like a derelict ship upon the sea, and makes him in all things ‘double-minded’ and‘ unstable.’ Such a habit of mind is the extreme contradiction of faith, and cannot coexist with it; and it is there- fore treated everywhere with condemnation—unless Jude #2 be an exception, and there the reading is too uncertain to justify its citation as such. See further, FAITH. B. B. WARFIELD. DOVE (" yonah, wepiorepd, columba).—There are several species of wild doves in Bible lands, which all go by the name of am@m in Arabic. (1) The ring doye or wood pigeon ( Columba Palumbus, L.), which appears twice a year, at the spring and autumn migration, in all the wooded districts of 620 DOVE DRAGON Palestine. Itistaken by means of a decoy bird, tied to a perch, with its eyelids sewn up. consider- able number remain through the winter. (2) The stock dove (Columba enas, L.), which is common in Gilead and Bashan, and in the Jordan Valley. (3) The rock dove (Columba livia, Bonnat), which is found along the coast, and in the highlands W. of the Jordan and in Lebanon. (4) The ash-rumped rock dove (Columba Schimper, Bp.), which is found in the interior of Pal., and makes its nests in the caves and fissures of the chalk precipices. The name hamdm is associated with a number of wadis and other natural features of the country. Tame doves are found in every city and village, often in immense numbers. They have been kept from most ancient times. The writer discovered in Wady Sir, in Gilead, a rock-hewn dove-cot of large size. It is described and figured in PHFSt, Oct. 1886. It is a favourite amusement of boys and young men, especially in the interior cities, as Damascus, Hems, Hasiae , etc., to spend the later afternoon hours in superintending the flight of igeons. They train them to wheel about over the ouses, making their own home a centre, and to come back and alight on their owner’s hand, and, with a shrill whistle, to be tossed off into the air again for a short whirl. It is one of the earliest mentioned birds in the Bible (Gn 8°!?). It is a bird capable of distant flight (Ps 55°). A domesticated variety has yellow plumage (Ps 681). The wild doves make their nests in the cliffs over- hanging the wadis (Ca 2'4, Jer 48", Ezk 7'%). The mournful cooing of the dove is well known, and often alluded to in Scripture (Is 38! 59!!, Nah 27). Its harmlessness is proverbial (Mt 10%). Its foolish- ness is used to illustrate the stupidity of Ephraim (Hos 7"). Its lovable qualities are also proverbial (Ca 15 ete.) Young pigeons were used in sacrifice (Gn 15°). Dove’s Dung accumulates in immense quantities around the dove-cots, and is an invaluable manure, especially for cantelopes. It is owing to the use of this fertilizer that the melons of Versia are so renowned for their excellence. The talus in front of the cliffs where wild doves nest in large numbers is covered with thick deposits of tlieir excrement, which is almost as powerful a fertilizer as guano.” G. E. Post. * There seems to be no doubt of the etymological significance of the word oyi~90 Aart yontm (2 K 6%), Last means liter- ally dung. The Arab. preserves the word exactly, heri, with the same signification. It is, however, now regarded as obscene, and constantly so used by low-lived people in the East. What was the substance which was sold at the rate of five pieces ot silver the quarter cab, that is, 6s. 4d. the pint? Many efforts have been made to find some plant which might have been called by this name, Avicenna says (ii. 141) that the best quality of ushndn, a name for several species of Salsolacece, is called heri el-‘asdfir, that is, sparrow's dung. There are numerous instances of a similar nomenclature. Nevertheless, no one has as yet found a plant that bears the name of dove’s duny, or which can be identified with the material which was sold so dear ; and nothing is gained for science by mere conjecture. It is better to accept the literal interpretation, and conclude that, in the last resort, the dove-cots were drawn upon to satisfy the cravings of starving men. The ordure and urine of almost all kinds of animals and birds, domestic and wild, were adminis- tered by the ancients as medicine—among them dove’s dung. There are long unsavoury articles in the ancient medical treatises of Avicenna and others on their virtues. They were and are still used as collyria in the treatment of ophthalmia. Houghton cites a statement from a Spanish author, who says that in the year 1316 so great a famine distressed the English that ‘men ate their own children, doys, mice, and piyeons’ dung.’ With this statement compare Rabshakeh’s threat (2 K 1827, Is 3612), It is well known that pigeons and other birds often pass seeds unchanged through their alimentary canal. When the Dutch tried to enhance the price of nutmegs in their E, Indian possessions by limiting the growth of the trees, the large wild pigeons of those regions thwarted their purpose by carrying the nutmegs in their crops, and depositing them in their excrement at points far removed from the Dutch posses- sions. The seeds took root, and produced nutineg trees. Birds are a recognized factor in the propagation of plants in this manner. The flora of the coral islands is largely indebted to them for species thus introduced. The existence of such un- DOYE’S DUNG.—See DovE and Foon. DOWRY.—See MARRIAGE. DOXOLOGY, which is not a biblical word, is the name which has been applied to any formal ascrip- tion of praise or glory to God (dofo\oyla, glorificatio). Such are the closing sentences of several apostolic prayers, ¢.g. Ro 16%, Jude*, Eph 3% In par- ticular, the name is given to the last sentence of the Lord’s Prayer as it stands in TR and our AV of Matthew (ct. 1 Ch 29"). This verse, however, is omitted in the parallel passage of St. Luke, neither is it found in the earlier Uncials or the Vulg., but first in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles and Chrysostom. Hence it has been omitted from the text of WH and RV (text, not margin). See Chase, Lord’s Prayer, 168 ff. The ‘angels’ hymn’ (Lk 2"), Gloria in Eacelsis, etc., has been made the foundation of another doxology by the addition of several non-biblical sentences. This, which is known liturgically as the ‘greater doxology,’ occurs in one of its forms in the Psalter of Codex A (LXX), while the ‘lesser’ (Gloria Patri, ete.) is wholly extra-biblical. C. A. ScorT. DRACHMA.—See Monty. DRAG.—See NET. DRAGON.—Four Heb. words are rendered in AV by this fabulous name. 1.0% tannim, dragons, the plural of ja tan, which latter is not used in Scripture. This word signifies a howler, and refers to a beast inhabiting the desert. RV tr. it in every instance by jackals. But in Is 1372 3418-14 it is found associated with ox ’iyyim (which would seem to be the same as ibn-dwa in Arab., vulgo wdwi). This animal is undoubtedly the jackal. It is clear that the same animal would not be men- tioned twice in a short list of animals, and by two totally different names. We must therefore seek for another desert howler, than which none could fulfil the conditions better than the wolf. The Arab. word ¢indn is one of the names of the wolf. The LXX renders tannim variously. Thus Job 30%, Is 3418 43°° cecpqves, Ps 44° kdxwots, Is 1378 éxivot, Jer 10% 49% orpovdol, Jer 94 14° 5157, Mic 1° dpdxovres. 2 on tannim, a singular form, which is probably a clerical slip for }3a tannin (Ezk 29° 327), as the latter is the reading in several MSs. This is properly rendered dragon in both AV and RV of the first passage, and in RV of the second, where AV has whale in text and dragon in marg., the reference being to the erocodile, and applied to Pharaoh. 8. nism tannéth (Mal 1), a fem. plural of tan, rendered by RV jackals, but preferably, for the reason given above (1), female wolves. 4 [in tannin, pl. o'y3n tanninim. This word is the exact equivalent of the Arab. tannin, pl. éandnin, which signifies ‘a great serpent,’ or ‘a dragon,’ or some mythical sea monster, of which it is said that it was two leagues in length, of a colour like that of a leopard, with scales like those of a fish, two great fins, a head of the size of a hill, but in shape like a man’s, two great ears, and two round eyes, and from its neck branched six other necks, every one nearly 20 cubits long, and every one with a head like a serpent. The LXX translates this dpd«wy, dragon, in every case except Gn 121, where it is kjros, AV whales, RV sea digested seeds would account for the alimentary value (slight though it might be) of dove’s dung. Furthermore, doves convey nourishment to their squabs by disgorging some of the partially digested food from theircrops. Some of the grains would - occasionally be spilled. In addition, the dung contains feathers, scales of epidermis, and other organic débris. When itis remem- bered that such substances as tanned leather, glue, ground wood, and all manner of tainted garbage are greedily devoured by starving men, it is not strange, or beyond belief, that dove'r dung was eaten in Samaria in the last agony of despair. ’ : 5 4 DRAGON’S WELL monsters. In AV (Job 7}%) it is rendered whale, and in sea monster. It is applied to sea monsters under the name dragons, in AV and RV (Ps 74" 1487, Is 27'); and to land serpents, even of the smaller sort (Ex 7% 1-12, where it ia tr. serpents {[RVm ‘Heb. tannin, any large reptile,’] Dt 32°, Ps 91, where it is tr. in AV dragon, and in RV serpent). In every case it might have been trans- lated ‘dragon’ as in LXX (see SERPENT, 2). It is applied metaphorically to Pharaoh (Ps 7433, Is 51°; cf. o3n (2) above). In the comparison of Nebuchadnezzar with a dragon (Jer 51%), we may still imagine the reference to be to a crocodile, which may well have existed in the Euphrates at that time. The word }3" tannin (La 4°) is either the Aram. form of 0'33 tannim or a textual error for it (Siegf.- Stade), or a defective scription for oy (Lohr). It is rendered in sea monsters, and in RV jackals. The reference is prob. to some fierce desert mammalian. The same objection obtains to the jackal as that stated in the case of o'%8 tannim (1). he word is preferably rendered wolves. It might, as in AV, refer to some cetacean sea monster were it not for the comparison with the ostrich, which would seem to imply that it was a land animal. In NT the word dragon (Rev 12'*-) clearly refers to a symbolical, serpent-like monster. Modifications of this ideal have obtained credence in the legends of almost all civilized nations. Dragons of all shapes and sizes have been described and figured, and their lairs are still pointed out in every land. Representations of them are found on coins, in pictures, sculptures, and even on the banners of nations, as on that of China to-day. Dragon worship has prevailed in many lands. The serpent of Gn 3 was transformed ultimately into the ‘old serpent called the Devil and Satan’ (Rev 207), Apollo slew the Python. The story of Bel and the Dragon shows how the idea of this monster was lodged in the Hebrew mind. DRAGON’S WELL.—See JERUSALEM and WELL. DRAM.—See Money, DRAUGHT, DRAUGHT HOUSE.—The ‘draught’ (dpedpov) of Mt 15”, Mk 7" isa pt , as in Burton, Anat. of Mel. 165: ‘Muck hills, draughts, sinks, where any carcasses or carrion lies.” And the ‘d, house’ (ax7N2) of 2 K 10?’ is the same (lit. ‘ place of hari,’ see p. 620n.); Cov. ‘prevy house.’ In earlier writers this and other words in ugh are generally spelt with f (see Earle, Philology, § 153) ; thus Wyecli?’s tr. of Ps 40° ‘he ledde out me fro the lake of wretchidnesse, and fro the filthe of draft.’ J. HASTINGS. DRAW.—In mod. usage ‘draw’ is too mild a word for the action expressed by 200 sdhabA, in Jer 49 50% (RV ‘draw out’); or by ct’pw in Ac 141° ‘having stoned Paul, drew him out of the city’ (RV ‘ dragged’), 175 ‘they drew Jason and certain men unto the rulers of the city’ (RV ‘ dragged’) ; Rev 12 ‘his tail drew the third part of the stars of heaven, and did cast them to the earth’ (RV ‘draweth’): or by cw in Ac 16 ‘they caught Paul and Silas, and drew them into the market- lace ’ (RV ‘dragged ’) ; 21° ‘they took Paul and ae him out of the temple’ (RV ‘dragged’). In older Eng. ‘draw’ had a stronger sense than now; the verb to ‘drag,’ which sprang from the same Anglo- Saxon dragan, having in course of time carried off soine of its strength. Cf. Spenser, F.Q. I. v. 23— * Tho gan that villein wex so fiers and strong, That nothing might sustaine his furious forse ; He cast him downe to ground, and all along Drew him through durt and myre without remorse, And fowly battered his comely corse.’ J. HASTINGS. G. E. Post. DREAD, DREADFUL 62] DRAWER OF WATER (o:p sx¥).—According to Jos 97! 3-27 the humiliating drudgery of bringing water for the service of the sanctuary, coupled with the task of providing wood, was the price paid b the Gibeonites for being allowed to live (cf. Dt 294 and Driver’s note there). The business of carrying water to the different houses in a town or village is one of the humblest and most poorly paid in Oriental life. It requires little skill or capital. The water is carried in a goat-skin, slung on the back; or two skins are loaded, one on each side of a small donkey, usually driven along by an infirm oldman. His clothes are splashed and soiled; the fountain is often some distance away, and on account of the number of women impatiently waiting to fill each one her jar in turn, he has often to bring some of the water at night or very early in the morning. He is engaged continually in what the Samaritan woman found irksome even as an occasional duty (Jn 4"), CARRIER AND WINE-SKIN. G. M. MACKIE. DREAD, DREADFUL.—1. These words have gained in peek during their history. Hie Fisher says: ‘I wel perceived it in myself, but all too late, | dread me’; and it once was possible to say ‘without dread’ for ‘without doubt,’ as in Chaucer (?) Rom. of Rose, B. 2199— ‘ For certeynly, withouten drede, A cherle is deemed by his dede.’ By 1611 the word had gained somewhat of its pres- ent strength, so that ‘fear’ is used in AV where ‘dread’ was used by Wyclif, as Mt 2™ ‘he hirde that Archilaus regnede in Judee for Eroude, his fadir, and dredde to go thidir’; 145 21 ‘thei dredden the ye >; Lk 2° ‘thei dredden with great drede’ (AV ‘they were sore afraid’). But even in AV dread is used with scarce more intensity than modern ‘ fear,’ as 1 Ch 22! ‘dread not, nor be dismayed’ (axyr>x, RV ‘fear not’). 2. But the change is not in intensity only; there is also a change in quality. We may still say that we fear God, but we must not say that we dread Him, or that He is our dread, as in Is 8% ‘let him be your fear, and let him be your dread’ (x7) o2N7!10 NIT p23»), for ‘dread’ has lost the sense of ‘awe’ or ‘reverential fear’ it once possessed, and signifies that which shocks or terrifies. Jacob’s excla- mation, Gn 28!7 ‘how dreadful is this place,’ conveys a wrong impression to our ears ; ‘ awful’ would a nearer word now. So in Dn 9 ‘the great and dreadful God.’ Dreadful in AV is simply that which may be feared, as Wis 1016 ‘d. kings” (go8epds, RV ‘terrible’); 17° ‘a fire kindled by itself, very a (atro- pdrn wupd pbBov mrijpns, RV ‘full of fear’). Cf. Act. Hen TIT, (1543) ‘by lawes dredful and penall, to take awaye, purg, and clense this his highnes realme.’ J. HASTINGS. 622 DREAMS DREAMS are regarded by men in the lowest stage of culture as objective realities, and all dreams are to them equally true: in the case of every dream the savage believes that he really visits the places he dreams of, or is visited by the persons of whom he dreams. Hence those savages whose gods are, for instance, animal-totems, believe that when they dream of the animal they have been visited by the god: thus the young Red Indian adopts as his manitou the animal of which he dreams during his ROD ee A person who is visited by frequent reams is regarded as a chosen medium between men and gods: the Zulus term a person thus chosen ‘a house of dreams.’ For the purpose of obtaining supernatural communications of this kind, dreams are induced by artificial means, e.g. by fasting or the use of drugs. Then dreams come to be con- sidered less as objective experiences than as visions, warnings, revelations of the future sent by the gods. Such revelations may be sought, e.g. as by those who visited and slept in the cave of Trophonius for the express purpose of obtaining supernatural com- munications, or they may come unsought, as, ¢.g., the dream sent by Zeus to Agamemnon in the Iliad (ii. 1-34), or that of Xerxes described by Herodotus (vii. 12). To Homer and Herodotus it seems quite natural that the gods should, to accomplish their larger ends, send dreams to the individual which are intended to deceive him, and the dreams of Agamemnon and Xerxes are deceptive dreams of this kind. But to the deeper spiritual insight of Plato it appears a manifest impossibility, a viola- tion, so to speak, of the laws of religious thought, that a god should deceive men in any way (fep. 382 E), whether by waking visions or by dreams in the night; while at the same time he does not deny itiat dreams may come from the gods, and elsewhere (Tim. cc. 46 and 47) he assigns a prophetic character to some dreams. But side by side with this, the religious view of dreams, there existed and exists the superstitious view: the re- ligious view discriminates between dreams (which are sub-conscious states) just as it discriminates between our waking states of full consciousness, and marks off some of them as moments in which the spirit of man is in direct communication with his ie ; the superstitious view, however, makes no such iscrimination, it regards all dreams as omens, none as having a religious import. Its object is not to know the will of God, but to forecast the future; and its method of doing so is neither religious nor scientific ;—not religious, for it makes no attempt humbly to approach the throne of heavenly grace ; and not scientific, because for the patient study of the laws by which God rules the universe it substitutes a system of jumping at con- clusions. It applies to dreams the same mode of in- terpretation as to other omens: it blindly assumes that things casually connected in thought are causally connected in fact, and draws its erroneous conclusions accordingly. These illogical processes frequently become developed into regular codes of interpretation (as, for instance, among the Arabs, the Persians, and in the Oneirocritica of Artemi- dorus) by means of which anyone can interpret his own dreams, and thus the uneducated classes in a civilized people relapse into a stage of thought as low as that of the savage. Assuming it, for the moment, to be true that the state of partial consciousness which we call dreaming may, in exceptional cases, be chosen as the moment for divine communications to man, we see from the above sketch that the human race generally has reached the truth only after, and in consequence of, making many mistakes, just as Kepler invented and rejected fourteen theories to account for the apparent position of Mars before he hit upon the right one, and just as the path of DREAMS every science is strewed with the ruins of aban- doned hypotheses. The question then arises whether the Jews also struggled through error into truth. In the first place, dreams are recorded both in NT (Mt 1” 2": °) and in OT (Dn 2%) which are expressly said to be communications from God ; though it is only in OT, and there only in Gn (282, Jacob’s ladder), that God is said to appear Himself. In the next place there are dreams recorded (e.g. those of the chief butler and baker and of Pharaoh, Gn 40 and 41) which, though rophetic, are not expressly said to come from bod indeed, from Gn 408 it appears that in the case of such dreams it is rather the ‘interpreta- tions’ that ‘belong to God.’ Third, all the dreams actually mentioned in the Bible are dreams which came unsought, but the words of Saul (1 S 28% ‘God ig departed from me and answereth me no more, neither by prophets nor by dreams’) seem to indicate the existence of the practice (whether approved or disapproved of by the higher religious consciousness of the community) of de- liberately seeking supernatural dreams, as they were sought in the cave of Trophonius. Fourth, it would appear from Jer 27° that there was amongst the Israelites a tendency, which the prophets opposed, to regard the mere dreaming of dreams as itself an indication that the dreamer was a chosen medium of divine communications, as the Zulus regard a ‘house of dreams’ as a chosen medium also. On the other hand, we do not find in the Bible any traces of the superstitious interpretation of dreams such as was known to the Arabs; on the contrary, Joseph declares (Gn 408) with emphasis that ‘inter- retations belong to God’; and we do not find that Areas when sought, were induced by artificial means. Thus, to sum up, on the one hand thie Scriptures start from a spiritual height to which the religious consciousness of the heathen world attained only after a long course of evolution, and then only in the case of an isolated genius like Plato; on the other hand, there are indications that the Israelites passed through several of the same stages of error as the rest of mankind. Thus far we have said nothing of the psycho- logical and physiological laws of dreams. The connexion between bodily states and dreams is recognized in practice if not in theory by the savage who induces dreams by fasting or the use of drugs. Civilized man, even in the prescientific period, further recognizes that the experiences of the day furnish most of the material for our fancies of the night: dreams, says Lily, ‘come either by things we see in the day or meates that we eat’; Herodotus makes Artabanus explain Xerxes’ dream as due to his anxiety about his projected invasion of Greece; and the dream of Pharaoh ney similarly have been due to the anxiety which a ‘low Nile’ must cause in any one responsible for the government of Egypt. Hippocrates discovered that certain diseases announce their approach by disturbing dreams, and modern medical science con- firms the discovery. Without going further into the physiological theory of dreams, we may note that the ordinary concomitant of dreaming is probabl an excessive or a deficient supply of blood to the brain. Now, the recognition o the fact that dream- ing has its laws, combined with the belief that some dreams are supernatural communications, some- times leads to the statement that some dreams are sent by God, some (most) not; and this statement conveys a truth in a form open to serious misappre- hension. It may be taken to imply two things, both false, viz. (1) that dreams whic 1 pen accordin to natural laws are not part of God’s will an design; (2) that dreams which are divine are irreconcilable with the laws by which He governs the universe. A less misleading way of stating DRESS DRESS the facts would seem to be to say that His laws act in such a way that we find ourselves at some times in closer communion with Him than at others. All our states of consciousness (whether of complete or of partial consciousness) have their psychological laws and also their physical counter- parts in the chemical processes of the brain and nervous tissue ; the mental processes which issued in the production of the Iliad or Hamlet were all im accordance with psychological laws, and all had their physiological counterparts. So, too, every process of reasoning has its psychological and physiological laws, but we do not consider that this fact impedes us in any way from distinguish- ing good reasoning from bad, or that it prevents us from recognizing the truth when it is presented to us, or that any study of either of those sciences ill enable us to dispense with logic or supply us with a better means of distinguishing, say, be- tween a correct syllogistic inference and an illicit ee of the minor than logic already affords us. 0, too, the fact that our states of partial con- sciousness are all under law — physiological and psychological—does not constitute Ca impediment to our distinguishing those states which do from those states which do not possess the charac- teristics of divine revelations; nor can it impeach the validity of the distinction thus drawn by the religious consciousness of mankind, Christian, Jew, and Gentile, any more than it can impeach the validity drawn by logic between correct and in- correct inferences. The question is one of fact. Do sub-conscious states, possessing the charac- teristics in question, occur? And to recognize those characteristics is the prerogative of the religious consciousness. If it be said that in the waking state such recognition is possible, but not in a state of partial consciousness, we must inquire on what grounds the statement is made. If on the ground that our sub-conscious states are under physiological laws, then our reply is that so also are states of complete consciousness. If on the ground that in a state of partial consciousness the very faculty whose function is recognition of the kind in question may be dormant, to this our reply is that in the vast number of cases it undoubtedly is dormant; but just as Condorcet, in an excep- tional abnormal condition, could, in sub-conscious sleep, work out a mathematical problem which awake he could not solve, and just as Coleridge could compose in sleep the poem of Kubla Khan, so in abnormal cases the power of spiritual per- ception, relieved from the pressure of external sensations, may conceivably be heightened to a pitch of exaltation as far above its ordinary degree of activity and receptivity as the imagination of Coleridge or the mathematical reason of Condorcet was in the cases alluded to. ‘The fact that all or most men suppose some significance in dreams con- stitutes a ground for believing that the supposition is based on experience’ (Aristotle, Div. per Somn. i.). ee Mental Physiology; Clodd, Myths and Dreams; Ladd, Doctrine of Sacred Scripture (1883), ii. 429-436; Reynolds (J. W.), Natural History of Immortality (1391), 124-139; Driver on Dt. 132, F. B. JEVoNs. DRESS.-—-To ‘dress’ (fr. Lat. directus, through old Fr. dresser) is in meaning as in deriv. the same es ‘direct.’ Thus Wyclif translates Ps 5° ‘ dresse thou my weie in thi sight,’ 40? ‘he dresside my goyngis’; Lk 1” ‘ to dresse oure feet in to the weie of pees.’ (Cf. the use still of ‘dress’ as a military technical term.) In AV the word is used in the general sense of ‘ put right,’ much as we now use ‘do.’ Indeed the Heb. most freq. translated ‘dress’ is the ordinary verb ‘to do’ (ayy ‘dsdh), Gn 187-8 a calt for food; Lv 79 meat-offering, ‘dressed in the frying-pan,’ 1 S 25"® sheep for food, 2S 124% a lamb for food, 13°-7 meat, 1974 the feet= wash, 1 K 17" 4 cake, 18%: %+26 4 bullock for sacrifice. The other words are 12y ‘bhadh, to ‘ work,’ Gn 2 the garden of Eden (in 2’ tr. ‘ till’), Dt 28% vineyards ; cf. Lk 137 dumedoupyés, AV ‘ dresser of his vineyard,’ RV ‘vinedresser’ ; yedpy.ov Ev\ov, Sir 278, AV ‘if the tree have been dressed,’ RV ‘the husbandry,’ as in 1 Co 3°; yewpyéw He 6’, AV ‘dress,’ RV ‘till’; a hétibh, ‘prepare’ (lit. ‘do good to’), Ex 30? lamps. Cf. Tidal, Works, p. 453: ‘The lampe must be dressed and snuffed dayly.’ RV gives ‘dresser’ for AV ‘gatherer’ Am 7! (5413, see Driver’s note). J. HASTINGS. DRESS. -— The study of Oriental dress serves to explain particular allusions to clothing in the Bible; it imparts a fresh interest to the narrative by presenting to the eye a picture of those written about; and through a knowledge of the various articles of costume and of Oriental usage and sentiment connected with them, it enables us to follow the sacred writers into the figurative mean- ings they sought to convey when common facts about the outward garments were applied to the clothing of the inner man. Special attention is rendered necessary by the fact that while the general character of Oriental dress is recognized by all, it is often difficult to pronounce upon articular articles as to origin, material, and usage. n this respect the subject resembles that of lal. architecture, inasmuch as an ancient wall may have stones of Phcenician, Jewish, Greek, Roman, Saracenic, and Crusading styles, and yet the ex- perienced archeologist may have much difficulty in naming the builder and assigning the date of actual construction. So with regard to dress, amid certain features that were characteristic of Israel, the separated people copied largely from the customs of Canaan, Egypt, Babylon, Greece, and Rome. The chief points of inquiry are those that deal with 1. Materials of Dress; 2. Articles of Dress; 3. Oriental Custom and thought about Dress. I. MATERIALS OF DRESS.—These were(1) wool and hair; (2) linen and cotton; (3) silk. 1. Wool (72), Hair (yy). One of the earliest forms of clothing in the East would be that of a sheepskin worn as a vest or jacket, or in the larger form of a cloak made of several sewn together, with the wool left on. These are still in use with the wool either inside or outside. The next stage was the removal of the wool and the art of weaving (which see). Sheep-shearing is mentioned in Gn 31” 38", 1S 252%, 2S 1374 ete. The hair of the goat has also been used from time immemorial, especially for material that had to bear much exposure and strain. The shepherds’ tents are made of it, also bags for holding grain and flour. Hence it is called eaerlcee (pv). The hair of the camel was also manufactured into cloth, rougher than that made from wool, but softer than sackcloth. At present it is largely employed for cloaks and rugs, and naturally for camel-harness. The term nyix (1 K 1933-19 2 K 238, Jos 721-24, Jon 3°) may either indicate that the cloak was originally taken from a skin, or may be simply descriptive of its size. The com- bination yy nyax occurs Gn 25”, Zec 134. 2. Cotton, Linen, #% (Arab. shash), ons; 72, ya (Arab. bazz), Buooos ; n3np (Arab. kitan), 605n0v, Alveos. The warmth of the Oriental climate and the advance of civilization bringing more of indoor- life and social gradation, tended to create a wide- spread demand for this manufacture. Egypt and Syria sent their merchandise of linen and broidered goods to Tyre, Ezk 2778, The Indian source of supply is preserved in the Arab. name Shesh- Hindi (Indian cambric), The word karpas (of Pervian origin) should also be translated ‘cotton’ in Est 1°. See Corron. Cotton and linen were not carefully At the present day the Indian distinguished. 624 DRESS cotton cloth with stamped bright patterns, used for hangings and dados, is very like the linen of the Egyptian mummy-cloths. For the Israelites it was enough to know that. those stuffs were both of vegetable fibre, and not of wool. The mixture of wool and linen was called 1yyv (Dt 22", Ly 19” only), a word of uncertain (perhaps Egyptian) origin (see Driver, ad Joc.). Garments made of it were forbidden to the Israelites. 8. Silk. wo* Ezk 161-8, onpixdy, Rev 18" (from Zijpes, the name of an Indian people from whom, ace. to Strabo [516, 701], the ancients got the first silk), A common name for silk in Arabic is hartr, a word whose derivation is most uncertain (see Frinkel, Aram. Fremdwérter, 39. In Pr 31” AV incorrectly gives ‘silk’ as tr® of Jy (RV correctly ‘fine linen’). II. ARTICLES OF DrREsS.—1. Shirt, Sheet, Linen Garment (117 sddin, cwddy, Jg 14-™, Pr 31%, Is 3%, 1 Mac 10", Mk 14°). This was worn next to the body, and was nearest in purpose to the first cover- ings mentioned in Gn 37”), en it appears as the only garment, it is a cotton or linen wrapper of various sizes. Once representing all, it continued to give something of its character to all the other articles of Oriental dress. It would be the waist- cloth of the Israelites in the brick-fields of Egypt as shown in the monuments, a towel, white or coloured, wrapped tightly round the loins or reaching down towards the knees. Of similar material and shape, though somewhat larger, it was worn in Palestine by boatmen, fishermen, wood-sawyers, and drawers of water. It was also found asa simple large sheet thrown round the body (Mk 14"), with an end flung over the shoulaer, with or without a girdle. When worn with other garments it took the form of a night shirt, of white cotton or linen, or coarse silk, reaching below the knees. It was made by DRESS town under conditions of trade and agriculture. The alterations consisted in having the entire front cut open, long sleeves attached, and the shape more adapted to the figure. The two fronts were drawn tightly round the body overlapping each other, and the waist was firmly beund with a coat (Kéthéneth). belt or sash. It thus resembled a cagsock or dressing-gown. [rom the fact of its covering and supplementing the shirt, and béing like it in form, it was obviously meant to be superior to it in material and appearance. It was most frequently EGYPTIAN LOIN-CLOTH AND SYRIAN SHIRT, taking a long pisee of the material and folding it into two equal lengths, with the sides sewn up, and holes at the top corners for the arms, or with sleeves inserted. At the present day it is usually sold without any opening for the head. This is the proof that it is new, and allows the purchaser to please himself as to whether the opening is to be smallorlarge, plainorornamental. It is the same for menand women, thelatterrequiring a largeropening for convenience in nursing. Anyone wearing only the shirt is called naked (Jn 217). It is undress. 2. Coat (njhp kéthéneth, xurdv, tunica). The shirt passed by easy transition to the tunic-coat or second arment. It completed the indoor costume for amily life, the shop, and familiar outdoor sur- roundings. It was not needed in the simple privacy of pastoral or Bedawi life, and its presence marked the change to the life of the village and * ‘Bilk’ is accepted by Siegfried-Stade as the meaning of YD, but A. B. Davidson (Comm. ad loc.) doubts if silk was worn as early as the time of Ezekiel. ‘The LXX (cp/yarros) and ancients thought of some very thin and delicate material. The kind of garment was probab! ly some large wrapper or veil covering the whole person. made of striped and bright-coloured cotton or linen, and sometimes of woollen cloth. ‘he over- lapping front confined by the girdle tormed a recess for carrying any small parcel, such as bread for the journey. A slit was made on each side of the skirt, about a foot long, so as to allow greater freedom in walking. See Coat. 3. Cloak (yn mé-%l, ayn simldh, 12 beged, tudrtor ; Arab. jubbeh, meshiah, abda’).— The outermost garment was distinguished by its greater size, and the absence of the girdle. There was much variety in shape, quality, and material caused by the social position of the wearer and the style of Baby- lonia, Egypt, or Syria, which it most resembled. It was called 1, rodijpys, from its length; wis), mp2, n'y, érevdrns, wepiBdraor, from its enveloping fulness. Hence it represents clothing generally, and is translated ‘apparel,’ ‘raiment,’ ‘ vesture,’ ‘attire,’ ete. To it especially refer the expressions ‘changes of raiment,’ ‘suits of apparel.’ Two varieties may be distinguished. (a) 9p, orod}. This was a long loose robe with very wide sleeves worn over the belted coat and shirt. It was a dress A inet es) ee oe DRESS that expressed dignity, culture, and distinction, and was expressly the mark of the priestly, educated, wealthy, and official classes. It resembled (2) in length, and was as much superior to it as it was to the shirt. Whilea public dress, it was of lighter and more ornamental material than the square simldh, which was pre-eminently the out- door cloak. It was the characteristic robe of the professions (1 Ch 15°”, 1 S 2! 157), the mark of high rank and station (1 8 18424°), the ay$n mahaldzdh, suit of exchange of the Hebrews (Is 3”, Zec 34), the thaub or baddleh of the Arabs. In Egypt it is sometimes worn as a long black surplice, but usually it is open and unconfined. Such was the robe of the Ephod with its fringes and bells sway- ing with the motion of the figure., The Jewish tallith and the Arabie burnous resemble it in ornamental lightness, but the stripes of the one and the form of the other point rather to the simlah, It was worn by Saul (18 244), was given by Jonathan to David (1 S 184), was the long robe of the Pharisees (Lk 20%), and of those ‘arrayed in white robes’ (Rev 7"). It was always emblematic of social intercourse and high rank. It was the CLOAK OR ROBE (Mé-'il, croAn). full dress of ancient times. At present in Syria it is almost confined to the Oriental clergy, and to Moslems of the official and merchant classes, tlie latter often having it faced and partly lined with soft fur. Joseph’s coat (n°=3 nina) was most likely an open long mé-i. It was an unusual article of pastoral or Bedawidress, which generally comprises the shirt with belt, and the square cloak or simléh of wool or haircloth, with frequently a sheepskin vest between. Such a special garment worn by Joseph would be a mark of favour and an occasion of jealous comparison. The coat (RV ‘robe’), 182”, annually brought to Samuel would also be of this sort. (b) non simldh, tudriov. This was the largest and heaviest article of Oriental dress, being the dress of travel, of the shepherd, worn for protection against cold and rain, and used as a covering during sleep (Ex 22*5), It consisted of a piece of cloth about 7 ft. from right to left, and 4} from top to bottom. A width of 14 ft. was folded in at each side, and sewn along the top, with a slit at each top-corner through which the hand and wrist could pass. The garment thus losing about 14 ft. on each side became asquare. Usually, two pieces, each 7 ft. long and 2 ft. wide, were sewn together to make the block material, and the over-edged joining is seen running across the back. The VOL. I.—40 DRESS 625 $< finest kind, however, is made of one entire piece. Such, most likely, was Christ’s ‘garment without seam’ (Jn 19%), The ‘hairy garment’ (nqqx), Gn 25%, may have been a camel-hair simldh. ‘The Arabs CLOAK (Simldh, iwérsoy). SIMLAH AS WORN. call their black tents houses of hair, and the term usually distinguishes cloth of camel or goat hair from that made of sheep's wool. Cloaks of camel hair are common at the present day, those made in the neighbourhood of ancient Cilicia having a rough surface like that of Scotch shooting tweed, but much firmer and heavier in the make. They are often of a coppery-brown colour, and the com- parison in Gn 25% would be easily suggested. They are also made of wool and of goats’ hair. Orna- mentation of coloured silk or red wool is frequently sewn upon the neck, front, and back. The general surface is often further relieved by its being woven in broad stripes of darker and lighter, or black and white colours. In the ordinary simldh of the Syrian shepherd and farmer this is the most characteristic feature. Elijah’s mantle and John the Baptist’s raiment were of the square cloak pattern. The Bab. garment in Jericho was an ornamental one, possibly of crimson colour, like those described in Ezk 23%, The large outer SHEEPSKIN COAT. garments of shepherds on the hills and inward plains is often made of sheep skins with the fleece left on; but as frequently this is a vest, and the ordinary cloak is worn over it. See CLOKE. 4. Breeches of linen (12 ‘732m mikhnésé bad, Ex 28"; pbarp sarbdlin, Dn 32; RV hosen; Ges. Thes. ‘vel feminalia vel pallia’). The first word indi- cates that which is drawn together, that is, by the waist-cord passing inside the hem of the gathers. The second means most likely the Persian divided skirt or leose trousers, Arab. sirwdl, as the principal article of the common dress when such trousers are worn. In modern Arab. it is called 626 - DRESS DRESS libds =‘ clothing,’ for the same reason. It was evi- dently a modification of the long shirt or tunic- coat, dividing it into two parts at the belt, the upper part being ashort Zouave jacket, often highly ornamented, and the lower part being the sarbdlin, Shosen.’ A long piece of cloth was made into a wide ee phy BRINE : TRANSITION FROM ‘ KiTHONETH’ TO ‘SARBALIN.’ open bag by sewing up the bottom, except a hole at each corner for the feet to pass through. The upper edge was hemmed, and drawn together by a cord or sash within the hem. A mass of plaited cloth thus hung down between the knees, and even trailed between the feet, as a sign of leisure and luxury. During active exercise, such as hoeing, walking, running, these folds were tucked up under the belt in front or behind or at the sides. This was to have the loins girt. 5. Girdle. 1. 33715184. 2. vray ’adnét, only of high priest or a high official, Ex 284, Is 227, prob. a sash wound round the waist several times and falling to the feet; cf. Stade, 7/L (1894), p. 236 ; Jos. Ant. Ill. vii. 2. 3. 18 ‘waistband,’ see W. R. Smith as quoted in Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v., also Expos. Times, iii. (1893), 243, 256. The girdle was worn over (1) and (2), and was sometimes a cord, often a leather belt as now worn by Eastern monks, For the purse arrangement in it, see BAG. The girdle braced the hip-joints for prolonged exertion, and under it the hanging skirts were drawnup. It served to hold the ink-horn of the scribe, with its box of atramentum or black fluid, soaked up into sponge or pith, and its case for holding reed pens. ‘The sash was the order of the garter in Oriental costume, the ends being richly ornamented with needlework in silk and gold (see MALE HEAD-DRESS (1. PASTORAL, EMBROIDERY). a baldrick, often set with gems. not used to bind up the loose outer garment for pur- The military girdle (2S 20°) was The girdle was poses of activity, although the Bedawin occasion- The simldh, cloak, ally apply it to this purpose. 1. LOINS GIRT. 2. GIRDLE WITH INKHORN, was then rather folded over the arm, or thrown over the shoulder, or laid aside, as at the stoning of Stephen. But when a large bundle had to be carried a considerable distance, the cloak was drawn up somewhat, and the belt fastened tightly around it over the waist, thus forming ay pouch or sack behind. This was prob. the way in which the Israelites carried their kneading-troughs (Ex 12°). 6. Head-dress ; AV Bonnet, RV Head-tire (nyzip migbi'dh (see BONNET); we pé&ér, Is 3%; Any zdniph, Is 3“). The head-dress of the Israelites in early pastoral times would be the same as that which is worn by their successors the Bedawin. It is a piece of cotton or linen, white, blue, or black, or of brightly coloured silk, about a yard square, folded diagonally, and laid on the head so as to screen the eyes, protect the cheek-bones and the back of the neck. It is held in its place by a cord (9°79 Gn 3838) of soft elastic wool, usually dark brown or black, or of twisted cotton whipped with threads of silk and gold, coiled in several rings tightly round the head, making a covering at once picturesque, comfortable, and protective. The rich colours of the Bab. head-dress are described as ‘dyed attire,’ obay (Ezk 23"), The article is now called kufiych (from the town of Kufah), After- wards a skull-cap came to be worn, with a napkin usually white, or white with gold thread, folded into a long band and wound round it. In 1 K 30%* 41 the head-band is drawn over the face to conceal the features, after the manner of Bedawin robbers. The pees of Dn 3% (RV tunics, RVm turbans, 2, PERSIAN. 3, SYRIAN PEASANT). see Bevan, ad loc.) may have been the Persian fez, named from the mould in which the felt was pressed. In the case of the royal crown the cord ri of the original head-dress was represented by the Id circlet, and the scarf by the cap of cloth and the coronation veil. For military head-dress see HELMET. J. Border, Hem, Skirt (us ede 18 244; bw shill, Ex 394; xpdoredov, Mt 9”). The outer gar- ment had four cords with tassels (ny'y zézith, Nu 15%, ovb13 Dt 222, see Driver’s note) at the corners. To make the border and fringes large and conspicuous was part of the Pharisaic form (Mt 23°). The corner fringes are seen on the large tallith of synagogue worship, and on the small one FRINGES. of white cotton worn like an unseen ephod next to theshirt. In the large fallith, about 2 yds. sq., of white cotton or wool with black border or stripes, a sq. inch of coloured silk is sown on each corner inside, and through a hole made precisely in the middle of the patch, so as to make the opening a mathematical corner, there is passed a cord com- posed of eight threads and five knots. This, with the numerical value of n'y'y, 600, makes up 613, the rabbinical number of commandments in the Law. During worship the tassel is taken in the hand and raised to the lips. The histo y and sig- nificance of the Fringes will be found fully dis- cussed under the art. FRINGES, vol. ii. p. 68°; see also the literature cited there. 8. Napkin (covddpiv, Lk 19%, Jn 207, Ac 1913), In a climate like that of Palestine the need of a napkin was occasioned not by cold so much as by dust and heat, asits name implies. At the present day it is used to wipe the face and the back of the hands, and is often partly folded in around the neck to protect the collar of the coat from per- spiration and to give coolness. The same name is given by the Arabs to the small cotton cap which they wear under the woollen fez, and call an arkiyeh (sweat-cloth). 9. Sandals (orby3, oy, nidy3, cavdddca, Mk 6%, Ac 128), The primitive shoe or sandal was a flat sole of leather, wood, or matted grass with loops attached, through which the shoe-latchet, a leather thong, passed and strapped in the foot. The Arab. na‘al means the sole of the shoe, as bein the principal part, thus pointing to the sanda origin. ven with the shoes or slippers of red, black, and yellow leather in common usage, the ancient habits survive, as the natives like to bend down the leather behind the heel, and make it more like a sandal. The wooden sandal in very common use has a strap nailed on to hold the foot across the toes, showing the beginning of the upper. Those worn by brides at the marriage feast are made 7 or 8 inches high to give the dignity of the cothurnus. Sandals are removed when entering a house or church, or any place where prayer is offered. The shoe being associated with outside defilement, and being the lowest article of dress, is used as an epithet of contempt and vituperation, and as an implement of beating. Socks are seldom worn, and in walking the shoe is often removed, or the foot with the shoe on is held up to shake out the dust. 10. Female Dress. This so far resembled male attire as to make interchange possible and pro- hibited, Dt 225. There was the sddin. or shirt- dress, 133%; over it a kéthéneth or tunic-robe, Ca 5%, bound with a girdle, Is 3%. Over this, ladies of nobility wore an ungirded mé-‘tl or robe after the pattern of Joseph’s ‘coat,’ 2 S 13% Social life made it possible also for women to have festival robes (AV ‘changeable suits of apparel,’ Is 3%). There is mention of turbans, ornamental bands of silk, or embroidered linen, Is 3%, probably rather deeper than those commonly worn by men. Another ornamental head-dress is described by the term used for the priestly head-dress, 12. These must have been very elaborate, judging from those ELEVATED HORN. of the Egyptian monuments, and the tardiness with which the metal head-bow] and horn (Arab. tantur) were given up by the women of Syria in modern times. The horn was worn erect, day and night, the veil of a widow being black, others white. The chief articles of specially fem. attire were the veils and mantles. ere were mufflers (nby), Is 3!°, thin face-veils like gauze-muslin and nun’s- veiling, the former brightly coloured with floral designs, used for the face and breast (Arab. barka‘a, mandil). It is impossible to say precisely what sort of mantle-robe the nayyn mantle, Is 3%, may have been, The ninsep shawls (AV wimples), Is 3%, were large veils of white lace, or tough muslin (white or indigo at present), worn over the head and falling down the back. Those worn by Bedawi and peasant women are often used for carrying grass, vegetables, or various parcels, Ru 3%, The veils (n° Is 3%) were the largest envelop- ing veils, now called by the Arabs izars, made of DRESS DRESS white cotton, black twilled silk, or rich silk stuffs | for women, and the love of respectful attention of the brightest colours and of highly ornamental | and dignity makes the third equally so for men. FACE VEILS (1. SYRIAN MOSLEM. 2, EGYPTIAN, patterns. This veil is one of the most familiar objects in the streets of Eastern towns. About HEAD AND BACK VEIL (Mitpahath). the caul (RVm ‘networks,’ p'p’av Ts 318) there is no certainty ; possibly it was a light netted veil covering LARGE VEIL (Rddid). the hair and falling over the shoulders, set with tiny discs of silver and gold and other pendants, something like whatis still worn. So with regard to stomacher (>yn2), Is 34; as the antithesis suggests some sort of girdle, highly or even fantastically ornamental in contrast with sackcloth, it may have been the loose apron-sash with dangling rib- bons and attachments worn by dancing girls. III. ORIENTAL CUSTOM AND THOUGHT CON- CERNING Dress.—Food and clothing are the two great requisites of the natural life, 1 Ti 68. Cloth- ing is the second necessity. Of its three services, protection, decency, and ornament, the warmth of the climate of Palestine causes the first to be less important than it is in colder countries, while the domestic customs make the second very important 3, LEBANON DRUZE). Clothing distinguishes man from the beast. ‘To be unclothed’is not merely to suffer cold, but ‘ to be found naked’ (2 Co 5°). The phrase ‘naked, and ye clothed me’ (Mt 25%), over and above personal comfort to the individual, means restoration to human society and human dignity. ‘Clothed and in his right mind’ (Mk 5") were two equal indica- tions that Legion was no longer an outcast. So to have fine apparel was apt to carry the assump- tion of all inward graces (Ja 2°). Eastern clothing is throughout an adaptation not only to climate but to character. Clothes are flung off and on with the same rapidity as that with which heat changes to cold and sunshine to starlight ; so it is with the quickly se moods of the people. Oriental clothes appear to the European to be cumbersome and prohibitive of exercise. This to the ordinary Oriental mind carries a subtle recommendation, implying that the wearer does not need to work. A common Arab proverb says, ‘There is a blessing in being busy,’ but it is usually the spectator that quotes it. The loose and ornamental style of Oriental dress emphasizes the thought that the chief good of life is not in active achievement, but in rest and the privilege of rest. Among the trades a work loses in public respect in proportion as the worker has to take off clothing when engaged init. All clothing above the undermost easily takes on meanings of office, investiture, and precedence. Brightness and colour are synonymous with happiness and prosperity, and grief of soul is expressed by the darkest object seen in nature, the intense black of goat hair(Rev 6"). Orientals always travel in their best clothes ; it was scarcely necessary for the Gibeonites to assure Joshua that their raiment had been new when they started, except as indicating the length of their journey. In public worship Orientals are impressed and apparently satisfied by changed vestments and spectacular ritual to a degree that always puzzles the more ethical and introspective mind of the West. In the Bible there are numberless instances of the employment of facts concerning dress for the ex- pression of spiritual truth. The metaphorical application is carried out in much detail, showing that the subject was at once familiar and of extreme interest. _We have such phrases as ‘clothed with humility’ (1 P 5°), ‘the garment of salvation, the robe of righteousness’ (Is 611°), into which is meant to be borne all that Oriental dress means with regard to completeness of cover- ing and dignified grace. The girdle, head-dress, and sandals are especially rich in similitudes of streneth, honour, and defilement. Thus with ref. to the girdle, there is the significance of its cleaving to the loins(Jer 13") ; of its being loosened (Is 5") 5 its strengthening value (Is 2271, 1 P 1°, Eph 61) ; —" DRINK there is the sree of being compulsorily girded (Jn 21"); and the mystery of invisible support (Is 455). Lirzrarunn.—Keil, Benzinger, and Nowack, Heb. Arch.; Schirer, HJP (see ‘Olothing’ in Index); Conder, Handbook to the Bible; Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah 4 (1887), i. 621-626; Thomson, Land and Book, 8 vols. 1881-1886 (see ‘Garments’ under ‘ Manners and Oustoms’ in Index to each vol.); Tristram, Eastern Customs in Bible Lands (1894), pp. 155-176 ; Maspero, Dawn Civilization (1896), p. 718f.; Lagarde Gesammelte et (1868), p. 209 ff. "GM. MacKIE. DRINK.—See Foop. DRINK-OFFERING.—See SACRIFICE. DROMEDARY.—Besides the word (173) rendered dromedary, but which ought to have been tr‘. young camel (see CAMEL), there are two words, #29 rekesh (rendered in 1 K 4* dromedaries, and in Est 81-14 mules, and in Mic 1” swift beasts), and 721 rammaék (Est 8 AV young dromedaries). Kekesh (a rare synonym of 0:b) probably denoted a species of horse noted for some choice quality. hat this quality was here is quite uncertain. Rammak is Pers, ramah, ‘flock’ or ‘herd’ (see Ges. Thes.). In Est 8 ’s +a, lit. ‘sons of the herd,’ is tr’ in RV ‘bred of the stud.’ To all appearance, then, we must drop the dromedary from the list of Bible animals. G. E. Post. DROPSY.—See MEDICINE. DROSS (rp, Kethibh xo, sing. only in Ezk 22), elsewhere always plur. op, 0°30, 0°10).—For the process whereby dross was separated from the pure metal, see FURNACE, REFINER. The word is several times used in the OT metaphorically for what is base and worthless, e.g. Ps 11949 (of the wicked), Is 17-25, Ezk 228-19 (of degenerate Israel). J. A. SELBIE. DROUGHT.—See CrimEs AND PUNISHMENTS, also FAMINE. DROYE.—This word is the equivalent in AV of two Heb. words. 4. 71 ‘éder (Gn 32" 1), ‘Fider is elsewhere rendered flock (see FLOCK), except in one place (J1 128), where it occurs twice in the construct state, 22-"11y, which is tr? ‘herds of cattle,’ and Wyn 1 ‘flocks of sheep.’ 2. m0> mahdneh. This word, although rendered in Gn 338 AV drove, is rendered once in the same connexion (327) bands, and twice (328) company. This last, which is the correct tr., is adopted by RV (cf. Gn 50%). See HERD, G. E. Post, DROWNING.—See CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS. DRUNKENNESS.—The spectacle of men beside themselves through alcoholic drink has been familiar from the beginning of history, and all languages have terms in which to describe it. It is a subject that appears in the Bible, as in other ancient writings. 1. Some of the terms used in the Scriptures in connexion with drunkenness.—The Heb. has no word that describes this vice, like the Eng. words ‘drunken,’ ‘drunkard,’ ‘ drunkenness,’ ‘ inebriate,’ in terms derived from the physical act of drinking. It has two stems in common use ([shdkdh] and shathah, np? and apy) referring to the act of drink- ing; and each denotes indifferently the drinking of water or wine or other liquids, drinking by men or by animals or by the ground. From one of these stems comes the word mashkeh, not often used, denoting a butler or cupbearer, one who serves wine at table (Neh 1", Gn 40! etc.). From the other comes the word mishteh, much used, denoting a formal feast, a banquet. This is often tr? by the Gr. wéros, and once (Est 77) by cuyrdccor. DRUNKENNESS 629 Like the Gr. word, it has in it the idea of a social feast as a gathering where men drink together. This shows that the idea of social drinking is older than the differentiation of the Heb. language. Hence it is the more remarkable that the words of these Heb. stems never, of themselves, denote either vicious carousal or intoxication. They are sometimes used in connexion with carousal or intoxication, but in such cases the author always adds other words to indicate the vicious meaning. Even Ec 10” is not an exoeption to this. See BANQUET. A different stem is rdwdh (m2), occurring 14 times as a verb, and 6 times in all in the form of three different nouns. The idea is that of being brimful, or saturated, or soaked (Ps 23°, Job 374, Is 58" 16° 34°7 etc.). It is possible to tr. the Heb., in every passage where these words occur, without recognizing an allusion to drunkenness. But LXX commonly tr. them by derivatives of HeOiw or wlyw, and they are no doubt to be re- garded as denoting drunkenness. It is as when we speak of a habitually drunken man as a soaker, or as sodden with drink (Jer 46'°, La 3%), Another stem, s@bhd (x30), is used in all 8 or 9 times. Its meaning is nearly that of our Eng. ‘to guzzle,’ that is, to Sink intoxicants greedily, with stupefying effect. The active participle denotes the guzzler as in the act, the passive participle describes him as affected by the liquor, the noun denotes either the liquor or tne act of guzzling (Is 56", Dt 21%, Pr 23-21, Nah 1, Is 12, Hos 418), More important than all these is the stem shikhar (12%). The verb means to become in- toxicated, and in common use are the nouns shékhar, ‘intoxicating liquor’ (see STRONG DRINK); shikkor, ‘drunkard,’ and shikka@rén, ‘drunkenness.’ Many hold that the word is the same with our sugar, and that group of words in the Western languages. Ifso, the Heb. word and the Western word start together with the fact that sugar is present at the formation of alcohol, but follow entirely different lines of meaning. The usage of the Heb. stem is abundant and clear, leaving no doubt as to its meaning. Hebrew-speaking people were familiar with the spectacle of men overcome by alcohol, and they used the words of this stem to express this familiar fact. In NT, and in Gr. VSS of OT, quite a variety of terms are used, but we need mention only one group: “é0y, ‘habitual intoxication’; peiw, ‘to be intoxicated’; pwedicxw, ‘to make intoxicated’ ; peOiocua, ‘an intoxicant’; péOvcos, ‘intoxicated.’ In their meaning and use (both literal and meta- phorical) the words of this group are similar to those of the Heb. group last mentioned. 2. Particulars given im the Bible concerning drunkenness. —The OT and NT passages that give these particulars, though numerous, are too familiar to need direct citation. If one needs to refer to them, they are easily found by the hele of a concordance. Of apocr. passages one will easily recall the contest concerning wine, kings, women, and truth, in 1 Es 3**; the drunkenness of Holofernes, as described in Jth 127° 137; the many references to drinking usages in Sir; and other like passages. These various canon. or apocr. passages mention abundantly many of the familiar physical effects of drunkenness: staggering, reeling, dizziness, incoherent speech, redness of eyes, vomiting, stupid sleep, insensibility to blows, insatiable appetite for more stimulant. They speak of its mental effects: exhilaration, jollity, loss of good judg- ment, inconsequence of thonght and purpose, inability to keep secrets, quarrelsomeness, shame- lessness, failure to remember afterwards what occurred while one was drunk, the purposed for- 630 DRUNKENNESS DUMAH getting of one’s misery, such facts as the naked- ness of Noah, the helplessness of Amnon, the sodden condition of Nabal. They speak of festal drinking, of usages compelling one to drink, or exempting him from compulsion (Est 18), of carousals, en excess, riot, of the Syrian king drinking himself drunk in his tent in the face of the enemy, many times of the high-born people of both Israel and Judah as wasting their property and energies in costly drinking feasts, of the connexion of drunkenness with licentious- ness and gambling, of orgies in which the three were mingled (J13*). They speak of the permanent effects of these things on one’s condition of life, of the guzzler and the glutton who bring themselves to poverty, to loss of energy, to rags. They speak of sociological effects, of men who by reason of private dissipations neglect public duty, of men who ought to be ambitious to serve God and their country, but whose actual ambitions run in the line of compounding or drinking intoxicating pereragss (e.g. Is 54 4-22), of consequent incapaci- tation for leadership, and resulting oppression and injustice at home, and boundless defeat and slaughter by foreign invaders. In these and other particulars no one can fail to recognize the widespread prevalence of drunken- ness and its evils in the biblical times, and their identity with the same evils as now existing. Especial importance attaches, therefore, to any- thing the Bible has to say in regard to the remedy. The author of Sir says: ‘ Wine drunk in season and to satisfy is joy of heart and gladness of soul ; wine drunk largely is bitterness of soul, with provocation and conflict’ (31%-). Similar passages abound in ancient literature. They commend the moderate use of intoxicants, and condemn the excessive use; generally drawing the line, how- ever, not between exhilaration and drunkenness, but between drunkenness that is regarded as occa- sional and seasonable and drunkenness that is habitual and unseasonable. In view of this, it is worth noting that our canonical books contain no such passage. On the other hand, they unquali- fiedly condemn drunkenness. They lay down the proposition, ‘ Look not on the wine when it is red’ (Pr 23%), In such cases as those of the priests (Lv 10°), of Daniel, of the Rechabites, of the Nazirites, oy teach that even total abstinence is sometimes a duty. An account of the intoxicating liquors mentioned in the Bible will be found under the titles STRONG DRINK and WINE. See also Foon. 3. The dy eroiee between the ancient and the modern problem.—With all their many points of identity, there is a large and important group of differences. Any one who will carefully study all the passages in the Bible which speak of this matter will note that, in a large majority of them, drunkenness is explicitly spoken of as the vice of the wealthy. Parke 8 there is not an instance in which habitual drunkenness is attributed to any who are not wealthy. In modern times, on the contrary, drunkenness is supposed to be much more prevalent among the poor than among the well-to-do. This difference is not an accident. It is mainly the result of the cheapening of intoxi- cants, through improved processes of distilling and brewing, introduced within the past two or three centuries. When the price of enough wine or beer to make a man drunk was equal to half a month’s wages, and no other intoxicants were to be had, it was impossible for most men to become sodden drunkards. The case is different when an hour’s labour will pay for an intoxicating quantity of cheap liquor. ie the older time, habiegal drunkenness was possible for thousands where it is now possible for hundreds of thousands. This vast modern extension of the domain of intemper- ance should not be forgotten when we study the Bible for practical light on the subject. To this might be added a large number of important difierences of detail between ancient life and modern life that have bearings on the question in hand. The outcome of such a comparison is that drunkenness and its attendant evils, inexcusable, widespread, harmful, and dangerous as they were in the civilizations in which the Scriptures were written, are immeasurably more so in our existing civilization, and we ought to deal with the problem accordingly. W. J. BEECHER. DRUSILLA (Apotoidda).—_See HEROD. DUKE.—This word being applied in AV with two exceptions * to the chiefs of Edom, the im- pression is formed that in the family of Esau this was 4 hereditary title, as it is in Britain now. It is, however, never a title in AV, but a general expression for ‘ chief,’ being formed from Lat. dux (the word in the Vulg.), and the tr. of a word (48 or af *alliph) which is also applied to the princes of Judah (Zec 97 125-5, See CHIEF, ii. 3). The Heb. word is probably more specific than its Eng. equiva- lent, being held by Dillmann (on Gn 3615) to be derived from 7x *eleph, a thousand ; so properly ‘a chiliarch,’ and understood by Driver (Expos. ui. ii. 9) ‘to denote proves leader of @ clan,’ and as ‘ probably the indigenous name borne in Edom by the chiefs of the several gva«/ or clans’ ; while in Eng. ‘duke ’ wag freely applied to any leader or chief of any rank and nation. Thus * Annibal, duke of Carthaginensis ’—Sir T, hen The Governour, ii. 233: ‘Ther was a duk that highte eseus ’—Ohaucer, Knight's Tale, 2; after whom Shaks. Mids. Night’s Dream, 1. L 20: ‘Happy be Theseus, our renowned duke !’; Latimer (Works, i. 31) calls Gideon ‘a duke’; and Wyclif uses the word of the Messiah, Mt 28 ‘And thou, Bethleem, the lond of Juda, art not the leest among the prynces of Juda; for of thee a duyk schal o out, that schal gouerne my puple of Israel’; and Select Vorks, iii. 137, ‘ Jesus Christ, duke of oure batel, taght us lawe of pacience, and not to feght bodily.’ Between 1572 and 1679 (that is, when AV was made) the title was extinct in England J. HASTINGS. DULCIMER.—See Music. DUMAH (77).—1. Son of Ishmael (Gn 25'*, 1 Ch 1”), representing some Arabian tribe or locality. There are many places of this name mentioned by the Arabian geographers, its signification in Arabic (daumun, nom. unit. dawmatun) being the branched wild nut, common in Arabia Deserta (Doughty, Travels in A. D., Index). The most important of the places called after it, Dumat al-Jandal (also written Daumat and Dawmda’) was identified by the earlier Mohammedan archeologists with the place mentioned in Gn (Yakut, s.v.); and it is probable that the same place is referred to by Pliny (AN vi. 32), who is acquainted with a Domatha in the neigh- bourhood of the Thamudeni (as well as a Thumati), and Ptolemy, who mentions a city Aovyedd or Aovyaéd in Arabia Deserta (v. 19, 7), as well as a city of importance of the same name in Arabia Felix (viii. 22, 3). Stephanus Byz. s.v. quotes Glaucus in the second book of his Arabian Anti- quities as mentioning a city of the name, and Porphyry, De Abstinent. ii. 56, asserts that an Arabian tribe named Dumathii sacrificed a boy every year, and buried him under the altar which they used as an idol, probably with reference to the same place. Its site is fixed by the geographer Al-Bekri (i. 353) as ‘ten days’ journey from Medina, ten from Cufa, eight from Damascus, and twelve from Misr’; but by Mas'‘udi (Bibl. Geog. Arab. vii. 248) as ‘five from Medina, and fifteen or thirteen from Damascus,’ the latter numbers being probably more correct. The ‘sik Dima,’ *The one exception Is Joe 18% ‘dukes of Sihon’ (0°9'D}, RV ‘princes’), and the other 1 Mac 108, where Jonathan Mao cabwus is said to have been made a ‘duke’ by king Alexander (crparnyos, RV ‘ captain’). DUMB DYEING 631 discovered by Burckhardt in the Jauf (Travels in Syria, 662), has been identified with it partly on the ground of the correspondence of the names of the surrounding villages with those mentioned by the geographers (cf. Ritter, Erdkunde von Arabien, ii. 360-388). The only further reference to it in the Bible is perhaps to be found in the heading of Is 21%, where an obscure oracle in a strange dialect is introduced with the words ‘the massa’ of Dumah’; for this the LXX substitutes Idumeza, and many modern critics are inclined to interpret the name Dumah (in Heb. ‘ silence’) allegorically. It is probable that more accurate knowledge of the eS ishe of the oracle would show the geo- graphical interpretation to be right. 2. Name of one of the mountain cities of Judah (Jos 15°) according to the reading of most of the editions; but in that of Ginsburg, Rumah (915) is substituted, and this reading is supported by the LXX (‘Peuvrd or ‘Pouzd) and the Vulg. It is probable, however, that the ordinary reading Dumah is correct. In the Onomast. Aovyd is given as the name of a large village in the Daroma, seventeen miles from Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin) ; and it was identified by Robinson with Khirbet Daumah, in the neigh- bourhood of Beit Jibrin, where are to be seen the ruins of a village situated on two hills separated by a valley, with remains of many cisterns and caves excavated in the rock, belonging to: the Canaanite or Jewish epoch, as well as vestiges of Christian buildings. The ‘seventeen miles’ of the Onomast. is an overstatement, due to the tor- tuous routes followed in the mountain country (Guérin, Judée, iii. 359-361). D. S. MARGOLIOUTH. DUMB.—See MEDICINE. DUNG.—1. Used in the East as manure (Lk 13°) and for fuel ; especially that of cattle, where wood and charcoal are scarce or unattainable. In Eastern cities there is usually a receptacle for the offal of cattle, whence it is carried out and either burnt or used asmanure. Directions for personal cleanliness are given in Dt 23-4; and in the case of sacrifices the dung of the animals was burnt outside the camp (Ex 2914, Ly 441-12 817, Nu 19°). 2. The word is used (a) to express contempt and abhorrence, as in the case of the carcase of Jezebel (2 K 9°); and in that of the Jews (Jer 9”, Zeph 1”). (6) To spread dung upon the face was a sign of humiliation (Mal 2°), (c) As representing worth- lessness, St. Paul counted all things but dung that he might win Christ (Ph 3°). E. HULL. DUNG GATE.—See JERUSALEM. DURA (xy Dn 3}, « plain ‘in the province of Babylon’). Etym. uncertain. The word may be connected with the Bab. duru, a strong wall or fortification, possibly also with Dor (Jg 1”) and with 1x. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxv. 6) mentions it as situated E. of the Tigris. The distance of such a locality from Babylon seems to preclude the ssibility of its being the same as that alluded to in Daniel. The validity of this objection depends upon the extent of territory which may be re- garded as included in the expression $33 nj192. The same objection of distance applies to the place of this name which occurs in Polybius (v. 48), which was on the Euphrates near the mouth of the Chaboras, more than 200 miles N. W. of Babylon. A third (and the most probable) locality sug- gested is to the E. of Babylon, where Oppert found what sa ge to be the base of a great statue, near a mound known as Duair. G. WALKER. DURE.—The simple vb. ‘dure’ (fr. Lat. durare, be hard,’ ‘last’) is now obsol., its place being filled by ‘endure.’ It occurs in AV Mt 137 only: ‘ Yet hath he not root in himself, but dureth for a while’ (RV ‘endureth for a while,’ Gr. mpdcxacpos éort, lit. ‘is temporary’; Wyc. ‘is temperal,’ Rhem. ‘is for a time’; ‘dureth’ is Tindale’s word, who translates the same expression in Mk 4!7 b ‘endure,’ and is followed by AV). ‘ During,’ still in use, is the pres. ptep. of this verb; cf. Tindale, Works, p. 476: ‘when the disciples were come together vnto the breakyng of the bread, Paule made a sermon duryng to mydnight.’ Not in AV, ‘during’ is introduced by RV into Mt 26°, Jn 2” 132, Rey 118. Durable is still in use, and applicable to clothing, as Is 23**, but scarcely now to riches, as in Pr 8%, Cf. Purchas, Pil. p. 28: ‘They might take up their Crosse, and follow the second Adam unto a durable happinesse.’ J. HASTINGS. DUTY is that which isdue. In mod. Eng. it is only that which is due by one, but formerly expressed also that which is due ¢o one. This is the meaning of Ex 21, AV ‘If he take him another wife ; her food, her raiment, and her duty of marriage shall he not diminish’ (so RV). Cf. Tindale’s tr. of Mt 20" ‘Take that which is thy duty, and go thy waye,’ and of Lk 12" ‘to geve them their deutie of meate at due season’; and Knox, Hist. p. 117: ‘I will serve my Prince with body, heart, goods, strength, and all that is in my power, except that which is God’s duty, which | will reserve to him alone.’ Shaks. uses the word in both senses, Tam. o Shrew, Iv. i. 40: ‘Do thy duty, and have thy uty.’ For the biblical conception of Duty, see ETHICs. J. HASTINGS. DWARF is the rendering in AV and RV of 73, a word (Ly 21”) denoting one of the physical disqualifications by which a priest was unfitted for service. The word means thin, lean, small. It is applied to Pharaoh’s lean kine (Gn 41° ete.), to the minute grains of manna (Ex 1614), to the still, small voice (1 K 19!), and in other like instances. The conjecture that it here meansa dwarf is plaus- ible. But others regard it as meaning an unnatur- ally thin man—a consumptive, perhaps. The Sept. (@pdos) and Vulg. connect this specification with the one that follows, as indicating defective eyes. So the meaning must be regarded as uncertain. W. J. BEECHER. DYEING.—The art of dyeing is not mentioned in Scripture, but dyed stuffs are referred to in various passages, and hence it is altogether robable that dyeing was known to the Israelites. he coloured stuffs mentioned are blue, rple, and scarlet; these all occurring together in the description of the hangings of the tabernacle (Ex 26%), It would seem that the yarn was dyed before weaving (cf. Ex 35%), as we know was the custom of the Egyptians (cf. Wilk. Anc. Eg. ii. p. 166, ed. 1878), from whom the Israelitish women may have acquired the art. The Egyptians were certainly acquainted with the art of dyeing by the use of chemicals, though they may not have under- stood the chemical properties of the materials em- ployed (cf. Pliny, xxxv. 11, and Wilk. ii. 168, 169), ate the Hebrews no doubt knew something of it at the time of the Exodus. Ata later period they may have learned from the Phenicians the process of making the Tyrian purple, so renowned among the ancients; butit isnot probable that they produced it, as they could not readily procure the shell-fish used in its manufacture. The purple of the taber- nacle, if made by the Hebrews, must have been obtained from other sources and by other methods. Purple occurs in Pr 31” as the clothing of the virtuous woman ; and as it stands in a long list of items of her handiwork, it may indicate that she knew how to make it. Scarlet was obtained by a 632 E EAR process similar to that of purple, as we learn from Kenrick, Phen. ch. viii., and Rawlinson, Phen. ch. viii. Blue was doubtless obtained from indigo, which was known to the Egyptians from their commerce with India (Wilk. i. 164). See CoLouRs. Rams’ skins ‘dyed’ red (o°73yp ob mdy) are | mentioned in Ex 25°. This process the Hebrews could have learned also from the Egyptians (cf. Wilk. ii. 185). The art is still carried on in Syria, and large quantities of skins are tanned red for the native shoes and saddles. H. PORTER. | DYSENTERY.—See MEDICINE. 1 E.—The symbol ordinarily used in criticism of Hex. to signify the work of the [second] Elohist. See HEXATEUCH. EAGLE (wW} nesher, derés, aquila).—The Arab. retains the same name, in a modified form, nisr, substituting sin for shin. This term is used by the Arabs for the vultures, of which there are four species in the Holy Land. (1) Gypetus barbatus, uv., the lammergeier, the 035 peres of the Hebrews, AV ossifrage, Arab. ‘antik. (2) Gyps fulvus, Sav., the griffon. (3) Neophron percnopterus, L., the Egyptian vulture, called in Arab. raham or dejdj- Fir'aun, Pharaoh’s hen. It is the gier eagle of AV, notof RV. (4) Vultur monachus, L. It is also used for the true eagles, of which there are eight species in the Holy Land. (1) Aquila aie ieee ., the ospray of AV, which is the golden eagle, ayy ‘ozntyydh. (2) A. heliaca, Sar., the imperial eagle. (3) A. clanga, Pall., the greater spotted eagle, and perhaps 4. pomarina, Brehm, the lesser spotted eagle, of which, however, only one a geeee has been noted. (4) A. rapax, Temm., the tawny eagle. (5) A. pennata, Gmel. (6) A. Nipalensis, Hodges, the steppe eagle. (7) A. bonelli, Temm. (8) Circetus Gallicus, Gmel., the short-toed eagle. The last is easily recognized by its large flat head, its huge golden eyes, and brightly spotted breast. Its short toes and tarsi are covered with tesselated scales to protect it from the serpents on which it preys. It is the most abundant of the eagle tribe in Palestine. All the above birds are included by the Arabs under the generic term nisr=nesher, even those which have also specific names, as the ossifrage, the ospray, and the Egyptian vulture. They agree in swiftness of flight (Dt 28” ete), in soaring high into the air (Pr 23° 30", Is 40%!), in making their nests in high trees or inaccessible rocks (Job 3977-, Jer 4915), and in keenness of vision (Job 39”). The expression ‘enlarge thy baldness as the eagle’ (Mic 12°), refers to the griffon, which has its head and neck free from feathers. The references to feeding on the slain (Job 39, Mt 24) are not to be understood of vultures alone, as eagles also will feed on dead animals if they find them. But it is especially applicable to the griffon and Pharaoh’s hen. Therefore in such passages (cf. Pr 30”, Mt 24%) the allusion is generic. The ‘ravenous bird from the East’ (Is 46") describes Cyrus, prob- ably in allusion to the fact that the griffon was the emblem of Persia, and embroidered on its standard. This emblem in various forms has been copied by the Romans, Russians, Austrians, Ger- mans, and by the United States. The renewal of the youth of the eagle (Ps 1035) is an allusion to its longevity, whisk sometimes reaches a hundred years. The eagle is one of the ‘living creatures’ of Ezk 1, Rev 47, It has been hl pes as an emblem of St. John (in Irenzus of 8t. Mark), owing to his insight into the divine char- acter, and his power of looking at the divine glory. The ‘ bearing on eagles’ wings’ (Ex 19*) is clearly metaphorical, and does not refer to any habit of the eagle. The passage in Dt 324 ‘As an eagle stirreth up her nest, fluttereth over her young, spreadeth abroad her wings, taketh them, bearet! en on her wings,’ is explained by the pee verse, which reads, ‘ He found him 1m a desert land, and in the waste, howling wilderness; he led him about, he instructed him, he kept him as the 9 of his eye’; and in the following verse, ‘So the Lord alone did lead him, and there was no strange god with him.’ The allusion is to the fostering care of the eagles for their young, and the pains they take to lure them from the nest and h them to fly. These are well-known facts. It would be no wise difficult for an observer to fancy, in their evolutions, that the old birds actually bore up the younger ones in the air, as well as fluttered over them. G. E. Post. EAR (1k, ’6zen, ofs).—Hearing is associated with obedience as seeing is with conviction. In the East when an order is given, the responsive gesture is to lift the hand to the head and breast, implyin; that the order is understood and will be carrie out. Thus also in the Arabian Nights, after a command by a superior, the invariable reply is, ‘ Hearing and obeying !’ Eye, ear, and heart are concrete terms for understanding, will, and affection, and the gospel is declared to be something beyond human thoughts, desires, and passions. Men had at all times offered sacrifices to influence the will of the gods appealed to, but here God made the sacrifice to lead captive the will of man. ‘Ear hath not heard’ (1 Go 2°). Its limit is in man’s willingness to listen (Mt 13°, Rev 274-17, ete.). Assurance concerning God's ability to hear is drawn from the fact that He planted the ear (Ps 94°). The alien- ated heart is called an uncircumcised ear (Jer 6”), The boring of a slave’s ear by his consent was the token of life-long surrender and ownership (Ex 21%; but not Ps 405, see Kirkpatrick, ad loc.) ; the tip of the ear was touched with blood in the consecration of Aaron and his sons (Lv 8*) and in the cleansing of a leper (1414: 17-8); the cutting off of the ears is mentioned as one of the atrocities perpetrated by an enemy (Ezk 23%); to incline the ear is a frequent expression for to give attention (Ps 45", Pr 22" ete.); the ears nae (Sb) at dreadful news (18 3", 2 K 2122, Jer 193); to open one’s ear (Jk 773) is a common ox pres sion for to reveal a secret to one (1 S 94 20% 12 13, 28 777, 1 Ch 17% ete.). G. M. MACKIE. EAR.—To ‘ear’ is te plough (Old Eng. erian, connected with dpédev cad arare), as ‘ After that he tempereth it with dong, then eareth it, soweth it, and haroweth it’ (Pilgr. Perf. 1526, p. 23); ‘A silver saucer ... was eared up by a plough’ (Harrison, England, i. 361). In AV, Dt 214 ‘A rough valley, which is neither eared nor sown’ EARNEST EARTH 633 (RV ‘plowed’; so at Gn 45°, Ex 347, 1S 812); Is 30% ‘the young asses that ear the ground’ (RV ‘till,’ Heb. 13y ‘ work,’ as in Dt 214). J. HASTINGS. EARNEST.—There are three well-known NT passages in which this word occurs; Eph 1 ‘The earnest of our inheritance’; 2 Co 122 and 2 Co 5° ‘The earnest of the Spirit.’ In all three instances the Greek word (introduced perhaps by Pheenician traders) is the same, dfpafsv. Its Lat. equivalent is arrha or arrhabo (not pignus), and its Eng. arles, now obsolete except in Scotland. The corre- sponding word in Heb. eke (Gn 3817. 18. 2°) means a pledge or token, something to be returned when the terms of the contract have been observed ; but by dfpafév, arrhabo, arles, we are to under- stand a first ins ent, given as a sure and binding BtEagomeut that the rest shall follow in due time. The earnest is a pledge, but it is a pitas consisting of part of the possession, or mefit, or blessing with which the contracting parties are concerned. Thearles given to aservant signifies that a contract has been entered into, and it is a binding promise that the wages agreed upon will be forthcoming when the term of engage- ment has expired. It is really a part of the wages, and it is the same in kind as the money payment to be afterwards made. In very olden times a similar formality used to obtain in connexion with the oped? keg of land, or houses, or mills. In buying a field, the purchaser had given him a clod of earth as an earnest that, at the appoinied time, he should enter upon complete possession. When houses were transferred from one owner to another, the purchaser or receiver had handed him some of the thatch as arles or earnest that by and by the whole property should pass over into his posses- sion. the case of a mill, some small piece of the machinery was passed from hand to hand, These simple ceremonies were as binding as an agree- ment written upon parchment and made valid by the impression of a Government stamp. The idea underlying them all appears in various forms in Scripture history. Abraham’s sojourn in Canaan was a kind of earnest to a wanderer like him that his seed should by and by possess the land. When Abraham’s servant, having gone to Mesopotamia to fetch a wife for Isaac, gave Rebekah a nose-ring and bracelets and jewels of gold and silver, these were to her an earnest of Isaac’s wealth, and the evidence of a comfortable homein Canaan. Using the word in the sense above explained and illus- trated, the apostle tells us that the work of the Holy Spirit in our hearts is an earnest of our heavenly inheritance. Christian knowledge, holi- ness, and happiness are not only a pledge, but also a foretaste of heaven’s bliss, See Eadie, Eph. p. 68f. G. M. Puttrs. EAR-RING.—}} nezem, orig. nose-ring (0}33 o'yx) redy Gn 24%, axa ‘pp Is 32, cf. Ezk 16%, where first clause should read as in RV ‘I put a ring upon thy nose’), oe ae equiv. to nj in Ex 35” (AV bracelet, RV brooch); also applied to ear- ring, OF '1NZ Wy ODD, Gn 354. In RV it is tr. ring, where the text makes no special reference to nose or ear. For the nose the nezem was a plain ring of gold worn either in the wing or central cartilage of the nose. For the ear the circular form (5*3y Ezk 16%) was the most common, but usuall ornamented wit’: some sacred or talismanic symbol, or having one 4. more balls attached, hence called nioy3 Is 3% (AV chains, RV pendants). In Is 3” for ond AV ‘ear-rings,’ RV gives ‘amulets’ (see AMULET). Such rings formed an important part of the bride’s ornaments (Gn 24”). At the present day in Syria, when a jibes peasant woman comes into town with her friends to buy the marriage outfit, the first purchase is usually that of the ear- rings. Ear-rings are now confined to women, being regarded as barbaric and effeminate wher worn by men. Among the Bedawin, in the case of an only son, the ear-ring is sometimes worn as SYRIAN EAR-RINGS, an amulet in the form of a large silver ring sus- pended round the outer ear, with discs or balls attached to the lower half of the ring, hanging visible below the lobe of the ear. Rings for nose and ear formed the material of the golden calf (Ex 322), of Gideon's image (Jg 8%), and were offered for the furnishing of the tabernacle (Ex 35”), LITERATURB.—Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 107; Lane, Modern Egyptians (Append. A. ‘Female Ornaments’); Wilkinson, Ane, Egyp. ii. 336ff.; Hartmann, Hebrderin, ili. 205; Wellsted, Travels, i. 821; Harmer, Oba. iv. 811, 814; Moore on Jg $44, G. M. MACKIE. EARTH is the tr. of various Heb. and Gr. terms, the most notable of which are— 4. noqx (deriv. uncertain, perhaps from a root containing notion of being ¢ézlled, or of smoothly covering and closely fitting. See Oxf. Heb. Lex. s.v.), which with its LXX and NT equivalent 77 is used (1) of the earth as tilled, Gn 2°3!” ete. Hence nDing &xy=a husbandman, Gn 9”. (2) Of earth asa material substance, from which were fashioned man Gn 2’, animals v.¥, vessels Is 45° (see POTTERY), of which at times altars were made Ex 20%, cf. 2 K 57, and which was put upon the head as a token of woe or of contrition 1S 4%, 2813, Neh 9}. In this last reference the term more frequently employed is »»y=dust, which is rendered earth in such passages as Gn 26), Job 8! 19% 282 30° 413, Is 2 Dn 12%, (3) Of earth as the visible surface of the globe, in such phrases as ‘ every- thing that creepeth upon the face of the earth’ (R ‘ ground’) Gn 1” 6° ete. (4) Of earth as=land or country Gn 47}, Is 197, esp. of the Holy Land Zec 2'*, (5) Of earth as=whole earth Gn 12° 2814, This last usage is rare, and, like the preceding, belongs rather to— 2. yx (in Aram. portions of Ezr and Dn snx, Syr. ‘ar‘d’), which is used (1) of earth as opposed to heaven Gn 1}, cf. Mt 28}8; (2) of earth as opposed to sea Gn 1”, cf. Mk 4! 647; (3) of the whole earth Gn 1818, or its inhabitants Gn 1%, cf. Lk 188 21%; (4)=land, country, district Gn 10! 19%, cf. Mt 2” 44, (5) as synonymous with mpjg=soil Gn 121-13, cf. Mt 135. See GROUND. 3. A poetic synon. of yx is baz (perhaps fr. a root =productive ; according to Hommel, Expos. Times, 1897, viii. 472, it had gues a mythological sense), 18 28, Is 142 etc. Both pry and ban are reproduced in the LXX by 74 and olxouyévn, the 634 latter of which occurs a good many times also in NT, e.g. Lk 4°, Ro 108, Rev 16%, See further CosMOoGONY, WORLD. J. A, SELBIE. EARTHQUAKE.—Palestine has from time imme- morial been a country subject to earthquakes, and it is aerefore not surprising that several references to these phenomena should be found in Holy Writ. Nor is it improbable that during prehistoric times, especially during the Miocene ane Pliocene epochs, it was even more liable to seismic shocks than in the former period, when we consider that the regions beyond the Jordan witnessed volcanic eruptions on a vast scale from craters and foci which are now altogether dormant.* The references in this article will be restricted to the region of Pal. and the adjoining territories of Syria, Asia Minor, and Arabia Petrzea, and the subject will be treated under the foll. heads :— 1. Historical. 2. Prophetic. 3. Earthquakes of the Christian Era. 4. Origin of Earthquake Phenomena. 5. Literature. 1. HIsTORICAL.—(a) Earthquake at Mount Sinai on the giving of the Law: ‘the whole mount quaked greatly’ (Ex 1918). (6) Earthquake accompanied by fissures and sinking of the ground, by which Korah and his companions were destroyed (Nu 16%!; also Jos. Ant. IV. iii. 3). (c) Earthquake in the days of Saul (1 S 14). (@ ) Elijah, fleeing from the wrath of Jezebel, finds a refuge on the solitary heights of Horeb (Mount Sinai) in Arabia Petrea (1 K 19"). Assuming Jebel Musa to be actually the mount in question, tradition has handed down to us the name of the cave from which the prophet witnessed the effects of the earthquake. At about 200 feet below the suminit of this mountain there lies in a recess a circular pool surrounded by rocks of granite and EARTHQUAKE porphyry penetrated at one spot by a cave, prob- ably of artificial origin, known amongst the Arabs and the monks of St. Catherine as ‘ Elijah’s cave.’ The position and surroundings fit in so well with the narrative that it would be useless to call in question the truth of this identification.t The solitude of the place would have aftorded the . prophet protection; the cave, shelter; and the pool, water to quench his thirst. (e) Earthquake in the reign of Uzziah. This earthquake must have been one of extraordinary severity, a8 it is twice referred to, Am 1! and Zec 14°; and from the latter passage we may infer that it caused a precipitate flight of the inhabitants of Jerus., and may have been accompanied by fissur- ing of the earth at the Mount of Olives. The exact date cannot be determined, as Uzziah’s reign was long, extending from c. B.C. 790-740. (f) B.c. 31, Sept. 2. In the reign of Herod an earthquake occurred in Judea, ‘such as had not happened at any other time,’ destructive to men an animals (Jos. Ant. XV. v. 2). (g) Earthquake at the Crucifixion. In this case the earthquake described in Mt 27° was one of the miraculous manifestations of divine power which accompanied the death of our Lord on the cross, and was followed by rending of the rocks and of the veil of the temple, and opening of the tombs, A.D. 29. (A) Earthquake at Philippi. This has often been considered a miraculous manifestation of divine ower, called forth for the release from prison of t. Paul and Silas, A.D. 51. *In Keith Johnston’s Physical Atlas, as also in Prestwich’s Map of Active and Hxtinet Volcanoes (Geology, vol. i.), the region of Pal. and Syria is shown as one greatly subject to earthquake shocks. t The only other rival is that of Serbal; but the claims of J. Mus to be Horeb far outweigh those of Serbal. See Stanley, Sinai and Pal., ed. 1860, p. 49; Picturesque Pail., p. 118. EARTHQUAKE 2. PROPHETIC. — Earthquakes being pach the most terrible and impressive of natural phe- nomena, are made use of in the Bible for prophetic imagery connected with future calamitous events ; thus—(a) ‘she (Ariel or Mount Zion) shall be visited of the Lord of hosts with thunder and with earthquake’ (Is 29°, RV). (6) ‘And there shall be famines and earthquakes in divers places’ (Mt 247). (c) ‘And I saw when he opened the sixth seal, and there was a great earthquake’ (Rev 6!2). (d) ‘And he (the angel) taketh the censer, and he filled it with the fire of the altar, and cast it upon the earth; and there followed thunders, and voices, and lightnings, and an earthquake’ (Rev 8°). (e) ‘ And there were killed in the earthquake seven thousand persons’ (Rev 11%), (f) ‘And there was a great earthquake, such as was not since there were men upon the earth’ (Rev 1674). 3. EARTHQUAKES OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA.— Out of the large number of recorded earthquakes, of greater or Alas intensity, from which Pal. and the neighbouring countries have suffered, only a few of special importance can be noticed here. (1) a.p. 494. Syria and Asia Minor; the cities of Laodicea, Hierapolis, Tripolis, and Agathicum were ove! (Mar. Comes, p. 46, quot. by Mallet). (2) A.D. 551. Felt over Pal., Arabia, and Syria (Theophanes, p. 192). (3) a.D. 658. Month of June; very destructive in Pal. and Syria (Theoph. p. 282). (4) creche : J arn a surrounding regions suffered greatly eoph. p. . (5) a.D. 755. A severe shock of earthquake occurred at Jerus., whereby the Haram es-Sherif (‘Mosque of Omar’) was much injured (Besant and Palmer, Hist. Jerusalem, ed. 1888, p. 97). (6) a.D. 859. Earthquake throughout 8: ; in Antioch 1500 houses were thrown down (Abulfaraj, p. 166, quot. by Mallet). (7) a.D. 1036. Earthquake by which Jerus. was much injured (Cedrenus, p. 737). (8) 4.D. 1170. Succession of earthquakes passed through Pal., which, by their violence and frequency, filled all men’s hearts with fear; hundreds perished in the ruins of their houses; grief and consternation spread around (Hist. Jerusalem, p. 352). (9) a.p. 1202 (or 1204), An earthquake shook Pal. from end to end; Damascus, Tyre, and Nablfis were reduced to heaps of ruins; the walls of Acre and Tripoli fell; Jerus. alone seemed spared, and there Christian an Mohammedan met together to thank God for their safety (Hist. Jerusalem, p. 492; Abulfeda, Ann. iv. p. 211). (10) a.p. 1402. Coast of Syria affected ; sea retired and then invaded nM land ; several towns ruined (Muratori, t. xviii. p. 974). (11) 4.p. 1759, An earthquake protracted through a period of three months, in which Acco, Saphat, Baalbek, Damascus, Sidon, etc., were severely injured (Volcanoes, Past and Present, p. 219). (12) a.p. 1822, On Aug. 13 an earthquake occurred at Aleppo, lasting only ten or twelve seconds, by which this town, together with several others in §; were converted into a heap of ruins, and 20,000 human beings were destroyed (Chesney, Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris). (18) a.p, 1837, 1st Jan. Great earthquake in Pal. by which the town of Safed was barge be with many of the inhabitants (Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 581). 4. ORIGIN OF EARTHQUAKE PHENOMENA.— From the observations made by Hopkins, Lyell, and others regarding the cause and nature of earthquakes, it seems clearly established that they have their origin in some sudden impact of gas, steam, or molten matter, impelled by gas or steam under high pressure, beneath the solid crust. The effect of such impact is to originate a wave of translation through the crust, travelling outwards from a focus, and causing a movement of the surface to greater or less distances. These waves of translation can in some cases be represented on a map by curved lines; each line representing approximately an equal degree of seismal intensity. hat there is. an intimate connexion between earthquake shocks and voleanic action is proved by the fact that eruptions from volcanic cratere EASE EBAL 635 are generally preceded by earthquake shocks, and these latter are more frequent in those regions where volcanoes, either active or extinct, abound. At the same time, the most destructive earth- quakes are not necessarily in the neighbourhood of volcanoes, many of the most disastrous having occurred in places far removed from centres of gear ; as, for example, those of Lisbon in 1755, and of Charleston in K. America in 1886. Such cases as these have given rise to the view that active volcanoes act as safety-valves for the ares of the elastic gases and vapour underlying the crust.* LrreraturEe.—Hopkins, ‘ Theory of Earthquakes,’ in Rep. Brit. Assoc. 1847, p. 83; Mallet, Harthquake Catalogue, ibid. 1868 ; Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. ii.; Prestwich, Geology, vol. i. . 13, with map of earthquake areas; Judd, Volcanoes, ed. 1888, p. 843; Hull, Volcanoes, Past and Present, Contemp. Science Ser. p. 217 (1892): for the earthquakes referred to in Bible, Plumptre, Biblical Studies, 136; Andrews, Life of Our Lord, 661, 575; Schiirer, HJP, i i. 403, 426; Pusey on Am 41], E. HULL. EASE.—The subst. is found chiefly in the phrase ‘at ease,’ which has both a good and a bad meaning: Ps 25% ‘His soul shall dwell at ease; and his seed shall inherit the earth’ (ai»a ‘in good’); but Am 6! ‘ Woe to them that are at ease in Zion’ (o%3;xvn), so Job 12°, Ps 1234, Is 32%", Zec 1 with same Hebrew. Once ‘ease’ means ‘relief,’ Sir 3814 ‘ that which they give for ease and remedy to prolong life’ (avdmavois, RV ‘ relief’). Elsewhere ‘rest’ or ‘enjoyment,’ as Dt 28% ‘geaneg § these nations shalt thou find no ease’ (w'37n «28>); Jth 1° ‘there he took his ease, and banqueted’ (fv éxet paduudr) ; Lk 12! ‘ take thine ease, eat, drink, and be merry’ (dvaravov), But in Apocr. the word occurs as the opposite of diffi- culty, as 2 Mac 2® ‘that they that are desirous to commit to memory might have ease’ (evxorla), 2”7 ‘it is no ease’ (ovx evxepés). In these places we should now use the adverb ‘easily.’ But we still have ‘ with ease,’ asin Jg 20% ‘they .. . chased them, and trod them down with ease’ (n9u7, RV ‘at their resting place’). But the meaning of this p: 6 is uncertain ; Moore thinks the Heb. is corrupt. The word ahah means ‘a resting place,’ as Nu 1033, and is often translated ‘rest’ (see Cox on Ru 19); but it may be a place-name here, as AVm ‘from Menuchah,’ RVm ‘at Men ’; there is, however, no prep. in the Heb. The older versions are at a loss. The AV rendering is from the Geneva Bible ‘chased th drove them The verb has always the meaning of ‘give relief’; but that may be either by lightening a burden, as 2Ch 104 ‘ease thou somewhat the ievous servitude of thy father’; or by removing it altogether, as Is 1% ‘I will ease me of mine adversaries’ (053x), 2 Es 78 ‘if he did not so of his goodness, that they which have committed iniquities might be eased of them, the ten cthou- sandth part of men should not remain living’ (ut alleventur). Cf. Jer. Taylor (1630), Works, iii. 90, ‘I am no sooner eased of him, but Gregory Gandergoose . . . catches me by the goll’; and Pope, Diyas: xxi. 342, ‘Hase your bosoms of a fear so vain.’ Tindale meant to express the removal of the burden when he tr? Mt 11% ‘Come unto me all ye that laboure and are laden, and I will ease you’; and so Hos 117 Cov. ‘their pro- *The theory of Mr. R. Mallet differs somewhat from the above; briefly stated, he considers that earthquakes originate in shocks caused by the strain overcoming the resistance along” lines of fracture traversing the earth’s crust; this strain being due to the secular cooling of the crust and consequent con- traction (Trans. Roy. Irish Acad. vol. xxi.) phetes laye the yocke vpon them, but they ease them not of their burthen.’ J. HASTINGS. EAST, CHILDREN OF THE (037-33, vla dvarohGv).—A general name for the inhabitants of the country east of Palestine, especially the Ue desert, but also including what was known of Arabia; in Jg 6° 72 and 8, the Children of the East are coupled with Midian and Amalek ; in Jer 49% with Kedar. The mention of their nivy, or Bedawin encampments (Ezk 254 1), which they are to erect on the lands of Moab and Ammon, identifies them with the Ishmaelites, of whom the same technical term is used. To their roverbial wisdom reference is made in 1 K 5 and s 194, and it is probably the reason why the author of the Book of Job made his hero one of them (Job 1’). In Gn 29! ‘ the land of the children of the E.’ might seem to be Mesopotamia; but it is more robable that different views of the habitation of aban are conflated in that chapter. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH. EAST SEA, EASTERN SEA.—See DEAD SEa. EASTER, used in AV as the tr. of 7d wdoxa in Ac 124 ‘intending after E. to bring him forth to the people.’ RV has substituted correctly ‘ the Passover.’ The anachronism of AV was inherited from older Vss which avoided, as far as possible, expressions which could not be understood by the people. A. C. HEADLAM. EBAL or. OBAL.—-1. Name of a son of Joktan (Sziy Gn 10% MT, bay ib. Sam., TaBdd Luc., 1 Ch 1*), probably representing a place or tribe in Arabia. There are several places in S. Arabia with names approximating to the Hebrew forms, e.g. ‘Atban, a mountain near San‘a frequently mentioned by Hamdani; ‘Odal, a place in the neighbourhood of Hujailah visited by Glaser (Skizze, ii. 427); ‘Abil, mentioned by Halévy ; but till more is known of the source of the ethnological tables in Gn, it is impossible to assign any proba- bility to such identifications. Derivatives from the root ‘abl occur as tribal names at the com- mencement of Islam (7a al-‘ariis, viii. 4), and it is likely that the author had in mind some tribe, otherwise unknown, bearing such an appellation. 2. Name of a son of Shobal son of Seir (S3y Gn 367, 1 Ch 1), D. S. MARGOLIOUTH. EBAL (53'y, Arab. el -Islamtyeh). —Ebal and Gerizim, the mounts of Cursing and Blessing, form the most conspicuous and important summits of the hills of Samaria. This distinction is due partly to their superior height and to their central posi- tion in the whole land, but chiefly to the deep cleft between them which breaks the outline of the lon mountain ridge running N. and S. This natura pass between E. and W., led up to by wheat- growing plains on each side, became inevitably a place of importance both for purposes of commerce and in times of war. The existence of a branch of the main road from N. to §. leading through the harrow opening between Ebal and Gerizim, would still further tend to make the locality familiar and important. It needed only the additional cireum- stance of numerous fountains in the fertile hollow where the bases met, to create an Oriental town where the traveller might rest in safety and the inhabitants would possess all that was necessary for man and beast. Such a town was the ancient Shechem (Gr. Neapolis, Arab. Nablds), occupying the defile where it 1s only 150 yds. wide. This attractiveness and convenience of the place is exemplified in the lives of Abraham and Jacob; the former arriving here on his first entry into the land of Canaan (Gn 12*7), and Jacob resting at 636 EBAL EBER the same spot on his return from Paddan-aram (Gn 331*-), Ebal and Gerizim face N. and S., the latter being the more celebrated in religious history, but the f. summit (3077 ft.) being 200 ft. higher, and commanding a more free and extensive prospect. 1. View of the Land from Ebal.—The beginning of the ascent from Nablis is over grass of intensest green and enamelled lustre, through irrigateu vegetable gardens of rank luxuriance, and under foliage of amey, transparency sparkling in the sun- light—one of the most fertile and picturesque spots in Palestine. Above this, one enters immediately upon the silvery grey of the olive trees, which rapidly become scanty and irregular as the path opens in earnest upon the mountain climb. Then stony terraces and rocky face, with thistles and thorny shrubs, until the traveller reaches the broad, bare summit, and stands upon the central height of the whole land. Looking N., one sees Mt. Hermon towering aloft in the distance, glimmering with snow-streaked crests beyond the boundary plain in which lay Abel (Ibl), Baal-gad (Cesarea Philippi, Banias), and Dan (Tell el-Kadi). On the E., rising steeply from the Jordan bed, is seen the long, slumbrous, uniform ridge of Gilead and Moab. To the S., conspicuous summits can be identified in the neighbourhood of Jerus.; and to the W., beyond the lower hills and patchwork of broad lain, the yellow coast-line sweeps from Jafia to armel. Such a commanding view from such a central ae. emphasizes at once the limitations of the and and the grandeur of the events that have given it immortality. 2. Religious Connexion.—One of the most im- portant of those events was the arrival at this spot of Abraham in his journey of faith to the land of Canaan, and his receiving by the terebinth of Moreh a promise from the Lord, ‘unto thy seed will I give this land’ (Gn 127), It was fitting that the fulfilment of the promise, after more than 400 years of waiting and preparation, should receive its great public announcement at the very place where it had been given. It was also deeply appropriate that in a land where customs and occupations, scenery and social life, were to bea storehouse of parable and moral teaching to the world, its central heights of Ebal and Gerizim should be baptized into this service and be known as the mountains of Cursing and Blessing. It was accordingly here that Joshua (Jos 8-8) assembled the congregation, and erected the memorial altar according to the command and detailed instructions of Moses (Dt 117% and 27. 28). In addition to the duty of formal compliance with such a command, there was an inner urgency of the hour that called for such an act of declara- tion and decision. During the past 40 years the Isr. had received the discipline of adversity : they were now to face the greater temptation of success. The emergency was a suitable one for setting forth the moral regalia of the kingdom, and the re- sponsibilities of its service. The recent experience at Jericho and Ai had emphasized the plain condi- tions of triumph and failure. Still further the incident of the Gibeonites, and the rumour of confederated opposition, set before them the dangers and difficulties of the work. And so on that memorable day, in the defile between Ebal and Gerizim, the Isr. entered upon the inheritance of the promises in the only way that it can be entered—through the door of complete and con- scious surrender to the will of God. They were to possess the land, but not for themselves. The assemblage was on a scale of vastness suitable to the moral elevation of the thought. In the central hollow of the hills rested the sacred ark that had so unerringly guided them in their journeyings and was now pointing to the final resting-place ol secure possession. Up the opposing sides of Ebal and Gerizim, six tribes to each, rising with the mountain slopes and terraces in solid masses where the ground was level, with fluttering groups and sprinklings on points of advantage, all bright colours mingling with the predominant white, the whole congregation of Israel was drawn up—an army in array for the battle of life. It was the Coronation Day of the Moral Law. God could not do more for His people, and, to invert the familiar phrase, His extremity became muin’s opportunity. If righteousness could come by law, it might have come then and continued. As the solemn entail of forfeiture was proclaimed from Ebal, and the bright succession of blessings from Gerizim, the announcement was received with an acclamation of amens. It was a mingling of the two voices of Dee, and Disposition, of Divine purpose and human choice. LITERATURE. — Robinson, BRP; Stanley, Sinai and Pal.; Thomson, Land and Book ; Smith, Hist. Geog.; Murray's and Badeker’s Guide Books. G. M. MACKIE. EBED (73y).—1. The father of Gaal, who headed the rebellion against Abimelech (Jg 97-*), 2, One of those who returned from Babylon with Ezra (Ezr 8°), called in 1 Es 8% Obeth. EBED-MELECH (3bp73y).—An Ethiop. eunuch, at whose intercession and by whose personal exertions Jeremiah was released from the pit- prison of Malchiah. For this kindly service E. was promised immunity from the fate of his companions at the capture of Jerus, (Jer 387% 39%), It is pos- sible that the name E., which means ‘servant of [the] king,’ may have been an official title. A ve ancient seal (see fig. on p. 258 of Benzinger’s Hed. Arch.) is inscribed ‘Obadiah servant of the king’ (Obadjahu ‘ebhed hammelekh). More probable, however, is the view of Gray (Heb. Prop. Names, 117, 147), who takes Melech as a divine name. J. A. SELBIE. EBENEZER (yn jax or jaxa ‘Stone of help’). —Mentioned three times in 18. According to 4! 5! it is the scene of a great defeat of the Isr. at the hands of the Phil. in the time of Eli, while in 77? it is the name of a stone set up by Samuel to com- memorate a great victory over the Philistines ; it is further noticeable that in 71? the name is appar- ently given for the first time, though the victory there described happened some twenty years after the events of ch. 4151. In 7!, which belongs to a somewhat later document, E. is placed under Beth-car, and between Mizpah and Hasshen (‘the tooth’); but we must here follow the LXX (ris wadacds), and read ‘ between Mizpah and Jashan (or Jeshanah )’ ; the latter (cf. 2 Ch 131%) is probably the modern ‘Ain Sinia, to the N. of Bethel. On this view, E. would lie somewhere at the head of the valley of Aijalon; this site is further favoured by the notice in 4%, The more generally accepted theory, however, places E. more to the south, at the head of the vale of Sorek, and either identifies the stone set up by Samuel with the great stone at Bahshaiiesh (6'8) or places it in the immediate neighbourhood. But this identification does not suit 72, and is hardly compatible with the narra- tive of 471, See G. A. Smith, Hist. Geogr. p. 223f. ~ J. F. STENNING. EBER (13y).—1. The eponymous ancestor of the HEBREWS (which see), great-grandson of Shem, son of Shelah, and father of Peleg and Joktan (Gn 10%t 1114, 1] Ch 178: 19-25), perhaps used poetic: ally for Israel in Nu 24% (but see Dillm. a loc.), EBEZ ECCLESIASTES 637 8. The representative of the priestly family of Amok in the days of Joiakim, Neh 12% 3. A Gadite family name, 1 Ch 5%. 4.5. The name of two Benjamite families, 1 Ch 8%™, See GENE- ALOGY. J. A. SELBIE. EBEZ (73x), ‘white.’—A city of Issachar (Jos 19”). The site is uncertain. Probably the ruin El-Beidhah, ‘the white,’ east of Carmel. SWP vol. i. sheet v. C. R. CoNDER. EBIASAPH.—See ABIASAPH. EBONY (07339 hobnim).—The Arab. name for this wood is very near the Heb., being ebnis. There can be no reasonable doubt of the identit of the wood intended in the single passage in whic it is mentioned (Ezk 27"). It was brought to Tyre by merchants from Dedan, on the Pers. Gulf. It is the black heart-wood of Diospyros Ebenwm, L., and several other species of the same genus, trees owing to a large size in Ceylon and S. India. . Ebenum, however, furnishes the best wood. It resembles the common and the Japanese persimmon in its mode of growth and inflorescence, and in bearing an edible fruit, between a pome and a berry. The sap-wood is white and valueless, but the heart often yields a log 2 ft. in diameter, and 10 to 15 ft. long. G. E. Post. EBRON (}52y).—A town in the territory assigned to Asher (Jos 192 RV ; wrongly written Hebron in AV, as if from 1737, the name of the famous Judean city). It is just possible that we should read ‘Ebdon, for ‘Ebron, the latter form having arisen from the substitution, not uncommon, of 5 for 7. It is noteworthy that this name, ‘Ebron, occurs but once, while in the other name-lists for Asher (Jos 21", 1 Ch 64) we have an ‘Ebdon or ‘Abdon, which is absent here. This supposition has the support of twenty MSS (Gesenius). It is, how- ever, in conflict with the ancient versions, all of which give ‘Ebron, with the single exception of B, which unaccountably has ’E\Sav. From the order in which the towns are mentioned, we should seek for E. somewhere north of Cabal, and south of Rehob, Hammén, and Kanah. No certain identi- fication has yet been made: in position the ruin of ‘Abdeh answers well enough the condition indicated. Twelve miles north of Cabfl, about 10 miles N.N.E. of Acre, and 3 miles east of Achzib,—the modern Ez-Zib,—it occupies a slight eminence on the northern edge of the Plain of Acre, the mountains rising like grim guardians behind. If we accept the identification of ‘Ebron with ‘Abdon, this seems to be the most probable site. W. Ewina. ECBATANA.—See ACHMETHA. ECCLESIASTES (nbnp Koheleth, LXX "Exxdno- aorhs, Aq. Kwdé0).—1. The TITLE.—This presents some difficulties, which have scarcely as yet been satisfactorily explained. The word is a fem. part. of the Qal conj. The verb is not found elsewhere in this conj. In the Hiph. the word means ‘to call an assembly together.’ It is commonly held that here the Qal is used with the force of the Hiph., and that Koheleth means ‘one who convenes an assembly.’ There have been other interpretations, such as ‘a collector of sayings,’ or ‘one who gathers wisdom from various quarters.’ But since the verb is always used with ref. to persons and never with ref. to things, these are untenable. Tyler urges that the causative force cannot be put into the word, and he explains it to mean ‘ one who ts an assembly.’ Koheleth would thus be a personi- fication of ‘an ideal assembly of those Jewish philosophers, Stoic, Epicurean, and others, whose opinions were influential at the time when the book was composed’ (Tyler, Zc. 59). But this is too artificial to be probable, and it seems best to fall back on the common view, that K. means ‘the convener of an assembly.’ A greater difficulty is caused by the fem. form. This has been explained on the hypothesis that the speaker is Wisdom, impersonated in Solomon, and &. is fem. as agree- ing with the fem. word for Wisdom. This view has been taken by Ewald, Hitzig, Ginsburg, and others. Against this, however, serious objections may be urged. It is strange that Wisdom should be no- where mentioned as the speaker. Further, it ia barely conceivable that Wisdom should have used some of the language put into the mouth of K. (117-18 723 ete.), or that Solomon should be regarded as her impersonation, considering the experiences through which the speaker says that he has passed. Again, the tone of the discourses is so different from what we find in those passages where Wisdom is actually represented as speaking, that if the writer had intended to make Solomon the spokes- man of Wisdom he would have felt it necessary, in view of this striking difference, to say so explicitly. It is also to be observed that the verb used with K. is masc., and on the view we are discussing it is Stage by the theory that the fem. Wisdom speaks through the masc. Solomon. The objections already urged against the identifi- cation of K. with Wisdom have led to the view that we are to find in the fem. form, not a distinction of sex, but a variation in meaning. In other words, the Preacher is a male, but the fem. termination conveys a special shade of mean- ing. This gives a better account of the use of the masc. verb. The word may then mean ‘one who holds the office of a teacher or preacher’ (Delitzsch, Nowack, Cheyne), or, if the fem. has an intensive force, ‘the great orator’ (W. Wright, RVm). Kuenen feels himself unable to decide between the view that K. is Wisdom and that the fem. does not express distinction of sex. The arguments for the latter view seem to be stronger, and we should probably interpret K. to mean ‘one who holds the office of teacher.’ The title Zcclesi- astes comes from the LXX. That by K. the author means Solomon has been subject to dispute, but should admit of none. He is identified with ‘the son of David, king in Jerus.’ (11), and says of himself, ‘I, K., was king over Israel in Jerusalem.’ The son of David who was king is best explained strictly and not loosely to mean descendant. After the division of the king- dom a king could not have spoken of himself as reigning over Israel in Jerusalem. It is also clear that Solomon is the king whose varied experiences of pike? and luxury are referred to in chs. 1 and 2. 2. AUTHORSHIP AND DATE.—The book was, till the period of critical investigation, almost univers- ally ascribed toSolomon. Some writers still support this view, though it is abandoned by all critics of eminence. The main reason is that Koheleth speaks in the first person, and therefore if the author was not Solomon he would be deceiving his readers. This does not follow. The author of Job uses the literary vehicle of a debate to reach the solution of his problem. Here the writer has chosen an autobiographical sketch of Solomon as his literary vehicle. And he has done so for reasons which are quite obvious. Solomon was the typical representative of Wisdom, and the author wished to set forth his conclusions as those of a man who had brought the deepest and sanest reflection to bear upon life. But it was also im- portant that his experience should be wide, and his opportunities of testing the value of life in ita ECCLESIASTES ECCLESIASTES various forms of the fullest. Here Solomon admir- ably served his purpose. Not only was he the wise man, but he was a king whose magnificence has passed into a proverb, and who was able to gratify every wish. He was thus able to wring the most out of life, and from him the sentence ‘ All is vanity ’ would come with greater force than from any other. This is no proof that he is not the author, but it removes any antecedent prejudice against the denial of the Solomonic authorship, based on the statements of the book. The objections to the Solomonic authorship are overwhelming. The very language quoted to prove it is seen on examination to be unfavourable to it. Solomon can hardly have said ‘I was king,’ as if he had ceased to be so, for he reigned till his death. The words ‘over Israel in Jerus.’ are most naturally explained by the writer’s knowledge of kings of Israel who did not reign in Jerusalem, And since it was his own father who had made Jerus. the royal city, and Solomon had not been preceded by a long line of kings, he could scarcely have spoken of ‘ all that were before me in Jerus.’ (12° 27°), There are also many passages which do not suit the Solomon of history. The writer speaks with bitterness of the oppression of the weak and the perversion of judgment. Solomon would not have tolerated such abuses if he had felt them so keenly as the author. Certainly, so far from feeling any keen distress at oppression, his government was systematically oppressive. The words of the author do not impress us as those of a king who stands above his subjects, but as those of a subject sympathizing with the misery of his fellow-subjects. Instead of judgment and righteousness he sees wickedness, and bids his readers not to wonder at oppression and violence. The State is not well-ordered and prosperous asin the time of Solomon. ‘ Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich sit in lowplaces.’ Thisis an error which proceeds from the ruler. Servants ride on horses, and princes walk on the earth. Nor can the reference to the king’s system of spies, and the writer's bitter advice based upon it, be seriously regarded as from a king (10). Other references to kings (418-16 101617) are equally inconceivable in Solomon’s mouth. Nor has the popular view, that Solomon wrote the book in his old age after repenting of his idolatry, any support in the book itself. From beginning to end there is no con- fession of wrong-doing, no ref. to idolatry, no hint of repentance. It dwells on the unsatisfying nature of life, but penitent confession is quite alien to its whole spirit and purpose. The author is certainly not a satisfactory or edifying penitent. But the same conclusion that Solomon cannot be the author is shown by the language. The linguistic evidence is so decisive that Delitzsch has said, in words that have been quoted with approval by many critics since: ‘If the Book of K. be of old- Solomonic origin, then there is no history of the Heb. language.’ And Driver, whose opinion on such a matter is of exceptional value, says: ‘ Lin- guistically, K. stands by itself in OT. The Heb. in which it is written has numerous features in common with the latest parts of OT, Ezr, Neh, Ch, Est, but it has in addition many not met with in these books, but found first in the fragments of Ben-Sira (c. B.C. 200) or in the Mishnah (c. A.D. 200). The characteristic of the Hebrew in which these latest parts of OT are written is, that while many of the old classical words and expressions still con- tinue in use, and, in fact, still preponderate, the syntax is deteriorated, the structure of sentences is cumbrous and inelegant, and there is a very decided admixture of words and idioms not feund before, having usually affinities with the Aramaic, or being such as are in constant and regular use in the Heb. of post-Christian times (the Mishnah, etc. ). And this latter element is decidedly larger and more prominent in Ee than in either Est or Ezr- Neh-Ch’ (LOT, 444). The phenomena, in f are consistent only with the post-exilic date, an the Solomonic authorship is therefore out of the question. The detailed evidence may be found in Delitzsch’s Com. (Germ. ed.), or in Wright’s Ecclesiastes, Execursus iv. (see also Driver, LOT as above). Critics who deny the Solomonic authorship, t.e. all critics who need be taken into account, are unanimous in assigning the book to the post-ex. eriod, There are two main theories—one that it elongs to the later years of the Pers. period, which came to a close B.C. 332; the other, that it comes from the Gr. period, and should be dated about B.c. 200. The former is the view of Ewald, Delitzsch, Ginsburg, and Cheyne in his Job and Solomon. Ib favour of the latter are Néldeke, Kuenen, Hitzig, Tyler, Plumptre, Cornill, and Toy ; while Cheyne in his Founders thinks it is probably correct. Nowack and Driver think the language points to the later date, but is not decisive; and so much is undoubtedly correct, if we ought not to accept the later date on the ground of the linguistic evidence alone. There are. other criteria of importance. The political conditions implied yield valuable data. Cornill says: ‘The general picture of the circumstances makes us fix on a period of complete anarchy, in which well-ordered political life cannot be spoken of, worthless revolutionaries seize the government and exhaust the country, and political wisdom is recognized to consist in a dull, listless submission to despotism and tyranny’ (Hinlett. 251). The justice of this description is clear from these passages, 41-8 5° 1057”, This compels us to pee it at the earliest in the later years of the ers. I pears” and precludes a date in the earlier part of that period. But it will suit equally well the date in the Gr. period, about B.c. 200. Hitzig thinks on account of 10'® that its date is B.c. 204, when Ptolemy Epiphanes ascended the throne at the age of five. He takes 9'** to be an allusion to the siege of Dora in B.c. 218. But this did not succeed owing to the strength of the place, not because a poor wise man delivered it. He explains 413-16 of the high priest Onias (‘the old and foolish king’) and his nephew Joseph (‘the poor and wise youth’), but the statements of the passage are not true of them. The political cireumstances admit of either date. Kuenen thinks that the cosmopolitan tone of the book speaks for its origin in the Gr. eriod ; but, as Nowack points out, this is character- istic of Heb. Wisdom generally. In its attitude to the doctrine of a future life Kuenen regards it as a forerunner of Sadduceeism. The writer’s views, it is true, are those of the older Heb. theology, but they are put forth in opposition to the newer doctrine. Nowack thinks that these arguments would tell rather in favour of a Maccabzean date, when the two tendencies of Pharisaism and Saddu- ceeism became explicit. This does not follow, since, as Kuenen points out, while he is a forerunner of the Sadducees, he is so little a Sadducee that Graetz could regard him as a disciple of Hillel. This is most naturally explained by the view that he wrote before the rise of these distinct parties. The most plausible argument in favour of the later date ia derived from the supposed influence of Gr. philosophy. Tyler was the first to work out in detail the supposed influences of post-Aristotelian philosophy, and he was followed by Plumptre inhisCommentary. A fulland a) Logs conclusive refutation may be found in Cheyne’s Job and Sol. (see also powers Tyler's view is that the signs of acquaintance with Stoicism and Epicure- anism are unmistakable. The author, however, he takes to be neither Stoic nor Epicurean. but one who leaves the doctrines of the two schools side by side in order to warn his readers against studies which could conduct to no certain goal, but led to opinions so opposed. The following points of contact with Stoicism are adduced. The doctrine that man should live +) a ECCLESIASTES ECCLESIASTES 639 according to nature is set forth in the catalogue of Times and Seasons (31-8). The doctrine of cycles, according to which history presents no progress, but only movement in a circle, is found in the description of the endless round in which the affairs of men move, so that all effort secures no progress but only return to a former condition (1219). Fatalism is present in both ; both regard the weaknesses of men asa kind of insanity, and both dwell on the nothingness of life. But no weight can be attached to these. The dreary repetition which character- izes life is not put forward as a philosophical doctrine, but as something taught by observation and experience. The sense of the emptiness of life is due to disillusion, and was not learnt in a school of philosophy, but in the hard school of life. Fatalism is only a coincidence, the Semite has a natural tendency to it. The view that the weaknesses of men are a kind of insanity is a genuine idea of Heb. Wisdom, which treats wisdom and folly as moral rather than intellectual. And the catalogue of Times and Seasons contains in its main idea nothing that cannot be well derived from Heb. thought. The traces of Epicureanism are equally unsatisfactory. Men are as beasts, coming from the dust and returning to it; pleasure is the highest, good, esp. in the form of undisturbed tranquillity. The rivers run into the sea, Ae the sea does not fill, the body is dissolved into its elements. e parallels are commonplace, and no distinctively Epicurean doctrine is to be found. It needed no acquaintance with Gr. Leng to learn that man returned to dust, or that the sea was not filled by the rivers that fed it, or that pleasure was good if enjoyed in moderation. The comparison of man to the beasts that perish might occur to a Hebrew who did not accept the newer view of the future life. For traces of either Epicureanism or Stoicism the appeal is often to late authorities. And the coincidences are either unreal or insignificant, or readily ex- ed from Heb. as well as Gr. ideas. We can therefore ly rely on this alleged influence of Gr. philosophy as a criterion of date. Kuenen thinks that the proofs break down, and that the philosophical element in the stricter sense is absent. But a general influence, he thinks, may be detected. And if the date in the Gr. period is accepted, we may believe that the writer was susceptible to the influence of the atmo- sphere of Gr. thought, rather than of any special view. So far, then, as the arguments for the two dates go, they cannot be said to be decisive. The lin- guistic argument pleads strongly for the later date, and there is no argument to set against it on the other side. The balance of Pe therefore, dips towards a date c. B.C. 200, though the book may possibly belong to the Persian period. Renan has ut forward the view that the date is B.c. 125. ut it was probably quoted as scripture shortly afterwards, which implies a longer previous history than Renan assigns to it. And after the Macca- bean struggle we should expect greater religious fervour. Grraxte view, that it belongs to the reign of Herod the Great (whom he identifies with £.), is robably excluded by the fact that it seems to have uoted as scripture before that time; and apart from this it is questionable if the history i cies Canon will permit of its composition so 3. THE INTEGRITY OF THE BooK.—Certain pas- sages have been suspected by several critics as later interpolations. The Epilogue (12% 4) was the first to be suspected, but later the authenticity of the following has also been denied, 317 75 812-18 1% 12!-7>, The whole of 12%"4, however, does not stand or fall together, since vv.°" are denied on other grounds than vy.-14, It will be most con- venient to take 12° first. The substance of the book evidently ends at 128. K. ends on the same note as that on which he began, ‘Vanity of vanities, all is vanity.’ In itself, however, this does not mark these verses as due to another hand. To the end of 128Solomon is represented as speaking, and in 12° the real author may be regarded as speaking in his own person, and commending the book as the work of one of ‘the wise.’ Nor is it any serious argument against this that the author is represented in the body of the book as a king, but here as a wise man, for Solomon was the chief representative of ‘the wise.’ It is true that there are difficulties in the passage, and some uncommon expressions, but in themselves they do not warrant the view that the verses are the work of another writer. Those who think so regard them as a recommendation affixed to the work by a later hand. But the writer speaks of the author as if he were another than himself, in order to keep up the assumption of Solomonic authorship. The other alleged interpolations raise a much more difficult question. 12 are suspected artly on account of their general tenor, partly rom their reference to the judgment. It seems strange to announce as the conclusion of the matter, that the teaching of the book may be summed up in the injunctions to ‘fear God and keep his commandments.’ Its teaching is rather that ‘all is vanity and striving after wind,’ and that man’s wisest course is to recognize this and extract as much pleasure from life as he can. It is not denied that the fear of God is advised in the book, but that it is its main theme, or the chief lesson to be drawn from it. Kuenen, who gives a very long and elaborate defence of the authen- ticity of the entire Epilogue, admits that if this were interpreted in the highest sense as the one thing about which man had to concern himself, we should be compelled to deny 12-4 to the author of the rest of the book. He argues, however, that the writer simply means that the fear of God and keeping of His commandments is the indispensable pohisbon of enjoying life. But it is questionable whether the explicit words, ‘for this is the whole duty of man,’ do not compel us to interpret the command in the larger sense whith Kuenen denies. This passage has been also suspected because of its ref. toa judgment. And the same objection lies against 3!7 and 11°¢ (‘ but know thou that for all these things God will bring thee into judgment’), If the reference is to a judgment after death, it seems improbable that they can be harmonized with other passages in the book (cf. 3'9-#1 95-619), But it is pores that a judgment in this life is referred to. his requires a change of reading in 3!’, when instead of ‘there’ (oy¥ sham), ‘he hath appointed’ (Dy sam) would be read. It is not clear, however, that this yields so good a sense, and it is not iza- robable that in all the passages a judgment after eath is spoken of. In 12” the difficulty arises partly from the idea, which is thought to be alien to the general tenor of the book, partly from its incongruity with the context. The counsel, ‘ Re- member thy Creator in the days of thy youth,’ is not what we expect from the author of such a book. Nor do the preceding counsels lead up to this. The young man is bidden to rejoice in all the days of his Yifo, esp. in the days of his youth, remembering the dark days that await him in Sheol. But remembering not only these, but all the failure of manly vigour and his physical powers, and of the zest for pleasure that will come upon him with old age, he would do well to make the most of his prime of life. This gives a connected sense, and one in harmony with the rest of the book, and we obtain it by deleting 12 and con- necting 12!» with 11% The meaning in that case will be—make the best of your youth in the en- joyment of pleasures before the evil days of old age come, when you will say, I have no delight in them. It is true that the connexion of 12! with 11” is a little awkward if 12! is omitted, but the connexion in the text is even more awkward. Graetz proposes to retain the words with a slight alteration of the Hebrew, and to read, ‘ Remember also thy fountain (i.e. thy wife) in the days of thy youth.’ This is not grotesque, though it has been criticized as such ; nor even unworthy, for it is an exhortation to a life of conjugal purity (in opposi- tion to illicit amours), such as we have also in 9°. But it is scarcely a happy suggestion. Bickell not only adopts the correction of the text, but attempts to improve the connexion by transposition. 127 (‘and the spirit return unto God who gave it’) may be retained on the ground that it simply implies the dissolution of the personality into its 640 ECCLESIASTES original sources, the body will return to dust, the spirit toGod. The ‘spirit’ probably means nothing more than the breath of life (cf. Ps 104%). No very. serious objection need be felt to 75 or 8% 13, hile Kuenen retains these passages (except 12), which he regards as altered on dogmatic grounds) by denying that they contain anything of a higher point of view than we generally find in the book, several critics defend the genuineness of the whole, with the obvious interpretation. Sanday in his Bampton Lectures argues that they must have been included, for otherwise a scribe would have passed it by, and it would have been simply left out of the Canon. This, however, is questionable. A book professing Solomonic authorship would not be lightly rejected ; it would be assumed that it must really teach true religion, and a few interpolations would bring this out more clearly. He also urges that it is psychologically more probable that an Isr. would ‘ have this reserve in the bottom of his soul, than that he should give way to blank and unrelieved pessimism.’ It is more remarkable to find so radical a critic as Cornill defending their authenticity. He maintains that the same thoughts run throu P the whole book; the fear of God and God the Judge are cardinal conceptions. In his very den passage on the contents of the book he says: ‘OT piety has never achieved a greater triumph than in the Bk of K.’ (Zinleit. 251). While the author sees the misery of the world as clearly as our modern pessimists, he is so penetrated by the piety of OT that he does not hit on the simplest and most obvious solution, that the world is the laything of blind chance. He returns to the aith of his childhood in a personal God and a moral order of the world. These views, and they are shared by other critics, are of weight. Yet it is doubtful if they do justice to the phenomena on the other side. It 1s very significant that the author’s meditations end as they began—‘ Vanity of vanities, all is vanity.’ Would this have been so if he had really fought his way back to the faith of his childhood? Cornill seems to overstate the case when he says that similar assages run through the book, and that the fear of Bod and God the Judge are cardinal conceptions. The theism of the book is not very pronounced. Cheyne says with justice: ‘To me, K. is not a theist in any vital sense in his philosophic medita- tions. . . . He certainly never lost his theism, though pale and cheerless it was indeed, and utterly aoatla to stand against the assaults of doubt and despondency.’ Looking at his speculations from a somewhat different viewpoint, it might even be alleged that K.’s theism is the source of all his per- plexities. To every Hebrew, God and Providence were convertible notions, and this God, which to Job was an immorality, might be to K. a puzzle. Upon this theory it may, of course, be urged that rigid con- sistency is not to be expected in a man of the writer’s temperament, who would eeree according to his mood. Yet we may surely think that a man of his intellectual power and close observation of life would have some fixed principles; and we find them running through most of his meditations. When we find a few sayings that seem to run contrary to these, we may either try to explain them in harmony with the general view of the author, or regard them as interpolations due to a working over in the interests of orthodoxy. Hither course seems preferable to that of leaving them as unreconciled contradictions. It seems on the whole most probable that at least 12'*1%14 are later interpolations (assuming that ‘thy Creator’ is correctly read in 12!5), and possibly also 37 and 11%, n the other hand, 127 can be explained so as to avoid any conflict with the author’s views. Th» view of Krochmal with reference to the Epilogue must ECCLESIASTES not be passed over in silence. He regarded 1211.12 or 1911-14 (iq is not clear which) as appended to the whole of the third division of the Oanon (the Kethubim or Hagiographa), and not simply to Ec. QGraetz adopted the view that 1211-14 was added as the conclusion of the Kethubim, but thought also that the collectors of the third Canon added 129. 10 ag an apology for Ec. Renan accepts 129.10 as by the author of and agrees with Krochmal as to 1211.12, and also considers 1213-14 as unauthen- tic. It is unnecessary to discuss this view, which rests on pure hypothesis, and has been almost universally rejected. Before leaving this part of the subject, it remains only to speak of the bold and original theory of Bickell. Eng. readers may find it presented in Dillon’s Sceptics of O7', with a tr. of the book as rearranged, and in Cheyne’s Job and Solomon (p. 273 ff.), where it is criticized. It is that the Heb. MS. from which our text is descended met with an accident. The sheets became disconnected, and, in replacing them, owing to a turning of the 2nd and 8rd sheets inside out, the text was completel: dislocated, and passages were brought into juxtaposition whi had originally no connexion with each other. Two sets of interpolations were then made. One series was designed to connect the verses which had been thus brought together. The other interpolations were intended to give the book an orthodox tone. The detailed working-out, which is very brilliant and ingenious, cannot be exhibited here. We may, however, give his results as to the original book and its order. He makes the orig. K. to consist of the following passages in the order given:—12-212 59-67 39-48 212-8 96-93 815 911-101 68-722. 20 4958 1016-116. 5 723_g5a 102-15. 14b 93-10 117-128, The theory is a to very serious objections. It is questionable whether it will stand the test of exegesis; and to quote Cheyne’s words: ‘ Apart from other difficulties in the way of the theory, the number and arbitrariness of the transpositions, additions, and alterations are reason enough to make one hesitate to accept it.’ Kuenen also says that it is as good as unthinkable that all the accidenta assumed should have taken place together, and combined to produce our Bk of Ec, Euringer has urged an objection, which if valid is fatal to the supposition that such an accident could have occurred. It is that, at so early a period, the codex form would not be used, but the roll form, and therefore there would be no sheets to be dislocated by such accidents as are postulated by the theory. 4, CONTENTS AND THOUGHT.—It is very difficult to give an account of the contents of Ee which shall be at once clear, brief, and adequate. There is very little strict development of the thought, and the endless repetition which the writer sees in nature and life has its partial counterpart in his book. The difficulty is increased by the uncer- tainty as to interpolations and the exegesis of particular passages. The following outline may be given. Vanity of vanities, all is vanity. No profit comes to man from all his toil. Nature and man go ceaselessly round and round in the same course with utterly wearisome monotony, and there is no new thing under the sun (17). K. pret: Laps j over Jerus. uses his wisdom to understand the life of men, and finds that all is vanity (1125). He finds, too, that the search to know wisdom and folly is vanity, and that wisdom brings sorrow (1!*5), He tries to find happiness in pleasure, and exhausts every source of enjoyment, but finds it is all ea (21-1), Wisdom far excels folly, yet wise and foo erish and are forgotten alike (2!2-”), The accumu- ation of wealth is vanity, for the man who has gathered it by toil and wisdom must die and leave it to another, it may be to a fool (2'*-). The best thing in life is to eat and drink, as God permits. Yet even this is vanity (2%), A time is allotted for everything. This is the doing of God, who has set the world [or eternity] in man’s heart, yet so that His plan cannot be understood, Since man cannot understand the plan by which the season for everything is appointed, he will do well to enjoy life as much as he can. All is fixed unalter- ably by God, that men should fear Him (31%). The sight of oppression makes him think that God will judge the righteous and the wicked. But man dies ike the beasts, and should enjoy life while he may, for he cannot return to it after he is dead (31%-*%), The oppression of the helpless convinces him that the dead are in better case than the living, and best of all is not to have been born at all (41°), Successful labour is vanity, for it only causes a man to be envied (448), The efforts of the lonely man to attain wealth are vanity; and there is safet; and comfort in the possession of a friend (47-14), ECCLESIASTES ECCLESIASTES 641 poor wise youth succeeded an old and foolish king, yes the bright expectations of his rejoicing subjects were Be peotates (418-16), Be very circumspect in ro service of God and the vows you make to im, or it will be worse for you (5'-7). Do not be surprised at oppression, for the oppressors them- selves are under tyranny. Far better the state which depends for prosperity on the pursuit of agriculture [or men are much more on a level than they seem ; the king himself depends like all his subjects on the products of the earth] (5*®). Accumulation of wealth is vanity, for it brings little pleasure and much anxiety (5-1), Some- times wealth is accumulated by labour and lost by misfortune, so that the possessor has no enjoyment out of it (517), It is best to eat and drink and enjoy life, so far as God gives one the power, and thus make life pass without too much reflexion (5'8-), God sometimes gives the means of en- joying life, but withholds the power of enjoyment (6'*). Toil is for the appetite which is insatiable, the wise is no better off than the fool ; possession is better than inordinate desire, but this too is vanity (67°). The destiny of man has been deter- mined for him, he cannot eragele against it, nor does he know what is good for him (6-2), A ood name is better than ointment, death than irth, sorrow than mirth (7}"*). The end is better than the Ee ea patience than vexation, wisdom than property. hether prosperity or adversity be your lot, consider that both come from God, and cannot be altered (77-4). Do not go to extremes in virtue or vice, in wisdom or folly (758). Yet wisdom is strength, since all sin and may need it. Gossip should not be listened to, for a man is sure to hear something unpleasant about himself (7). K. sought wisdom, but could not fully attain it. But he found this, that woman was more bitter than death, and only the man who pleased God would escape her snares. A good man was as one in a thousand, but a good woman he had not found at all. ‘This was not the fault of God, but of man, who had sought out many inventions (7%-”), Wisdom is the best. Be obedient to the king, and in time of oppression do not be tempted to rebel, for judgment will come on the tyrant (8!°). The wicked some- times fare as the righteous, and the righteous as the wicked, yet it is better with the righteous than with the wicked ; but since all is vanity, it is best to eat, drink, and be merry, for that, at any rate, will last as long as life (8!°!5). However wise a man may be, he cannot understand the work of God. All men are in His hand, and cannot escape the universal lot. Life is bad, but it has hope ; death comes to all, and with it the loss of consciousness, feeling, and activity (8'°-9°). Enjoy life to the full, unvexed by scruple as to the approval of God(?); get the most out of this life, for there is nothing to be looked for beyond it (97°). In the conflict of life merit does not ensure success, but it is matter of chance and circumstance. Men are snared by misfortune as fish are caught in a net. Wisdom is better than strength, yet, as in the case of the poor man who delivered the city, it meets with ingrati- tude and forgetfulness (9"-!6), Wisdom is far better than folly, it will guide man aright in his relations with princes, save him from danger by putting him on his guard, and guide him in practicallife. Yet @ capricious ruler may exalt folly (9'7-104). A fool’s talk is worthless, and his labour wearisome y10!2-45), Unhappy is the land whose king is a child and whose princes are slothful and glutton- ous; while that country is blessed whose king is of noble character and whose princes are temperate. But if the king be bad, it is prudent not to curse him even in secrecy, for his spies are everywhere, and will tell him of it (10), Be benevolent [or prudent], so that you may be safe in time of VOL. I-—4I calamity. Do the work you have to do without waiting for the exact circumstances you would like. The laws of nature are above you, and the attempt to attain too close conformity with them is likely to paralyze industry (11), Life is sweet, but let man remember also the days of darkness that await him after death. And, remembering these, let him enjoy life to the full in his youth, before the evil days of old age come on him, when all his physical powers will fail, and all appetite for peers be gone; before his life be shattered, and e pass away. Vanity of vanities, all is vanity (117-12%). So end the meditations of K.; for the Epilogue, whether in whole or part authentic or not, lies outside the work itself. There can be little question as to the fundamental thought of the book. All is vanity, life yields no real satisfaction. If we had unlimited means at our disposal to secure happiness, it is quite unattainable. The best thing is to seek for enjoyment, to eat, drink, and bemerry. Yet we zhould do the author an injustice if we regarded him as a mere sensualist. From oss indulgence he would have turned with disgust. t was madness, and no man who valued his peace of mind would be enticed by it (cf. his words on ‘the woman whose heart issnares and nets,’7*), Heurges rather a moderate enjoyment of the good things of life: ‘ Eat thy bread with 1°; and drink thy wine with a merry heart; ... Let thy garments always be white; and let not thy head lack ointment. Live joyfully with the wife whom thou lovest all the days of the life of thy vanity.’ Life is a bad business at the best, but it lies within our power to palliate its misery by prudence and the dus enjoyment of what little pleasure we can get. And we should be all the more eager to make the most of our opportunities for pleasure that in the drea: darkness of Sheol no possibility of enjoyment will be found. His motto is Carpe diem; and if in the abstract it be not a high motto, we must remember the misery of his time, and the absence of any hope of improvement in this world or immortality in the next. If we ask the cause of this misery, and of the general vanity of life and uselessness of all endeavour, it lies in the conditions of human life. God has a plan of the world, everything has its time and season. But man cannot find out what this plan is, and hence rarely orders his life in accordance with it. He may think that a certain line of conduct will produce a certain result ; but it may be quite different, so that life may seem ruled by chance, not by law. And he is not master of his own fate. God has ordained this, and he Lhapee | struggles against it. He is caught in an evil snare and cannot escape. But when K. speaks of God, we may easily read more into his language than he meant. J”, the national name of the God of Israel, nowhere occurs. K. is certainly a theist, and the name of God frequently occurs. But God is withdrawn from the life of men (‘God is in heaven, and thou upon earth,’ 57). God is to be regarded with fear, and man must be very circumspect in his approaches to Him (5'?). Man should be very careful in his utterances, and especi- ally avoid a hasty vow. If he vows he should not delee to pay, for God ‘hath no pleasure in fools,’ and if provoked to anger may destroy the work of his hands (57%). K.’s conception of God has nothing attractive or winning, He is rather set before us as the omnipotent Ruler who has ordained all the course of history, which man vainly seeks to com- prehend, and as the austere Deity on whose favour or forbearance none may venture to ee Such enjoyment as may be gained from life in harmony with His laws is legitimate, hence the gratification of appetite in a legitimate manner has His approval, it is His gift (24 318 51% 1 97 ete.)_ 642 ECCLESIASTES His view of the future is equally gloomy, but in this he stands upon the old ways of thought. Men are beasts. ‘For that which befalleth the sons of men befalleth beasts; even one thing be- falleth them : as the one dieth, so dieth the other; yea they have all one spirit; and man hath no pre-eminence above the beasts: for all is vanity. All go unto one place ; all are of the dust, and all turn to dust again’ (3%), On this follows the question: ‘Who knoweth the spirit of man whether it goeth upward, and the spirit of the beast whether it goeth downward to the earth?’ (37). This has been interpreted as if the writer meant to say that such a distinction really existed. But in face of the plain statements just quoted, it is hard to see how such a view can be maintained. The state of the dead is described in the most cheerless lan- guage. ‘The dead know not anything, neither ave they any more a reward ; for the memory of them is forgotten. hatred and envy is now perished; neither have they any more a portion for ever in anything that is done under the sun’ (9*8), ‘There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in Sheol, whither thou goest’ (9%), ‘Let him remember the days of darkness, for they shall be many’ (11°). Sometimes he speaks as though life were worse than death, and as if it had been best never to have been born at all (4%® 71); sometimes as if death were worse than life (9*-5), though for the The reason that ‘ the living know that they shall ie ; but the dead know not anything.’ There is no fundamental inconsistency ; both life and death were so evil, that there was little to choose between them, and now one, now the other, might according to his mood be esteemed the worse. It would be different if we could assume, as some do, that he reached a higher point of view. Some of the assages already discussed under the head of the ntegrity of the Book might be so interpreted. But it seems quite decisive against this that he ends his work with the words, ‘Vanity of vanities, saith K., all is vanity.’ Another passage which has been variously interpreted, is 34 ‘ Also He hath set the world [or eternity] in their heart.’ The word tz ‘ world’ is obiy, and it is found in this sense in later Heb., but nowhere else in OT. It is true that this leads for the sense ‘eternity’ adopted by elitzsch, Wright, and others. And this would pe to belief in a future life in the higher sense. an has the longing for immortality placed in his heart by God. But the context speaks rather for the other rendering. God has a plan for the course of history, and has given men their labour in which they toil. He has set the world in their heart ; in other words, He has implanted in men the instinct which causes them to busy themselves with the things of the world. & CANONICITY OF THE Boox.—It does not fall within the province of this article to discuss whether Ec is or is not rightly included in the Canon. But the question of its canonicity is of con- siderable historical interest. It is well known that in the 2nd cent. A.D. there was dispute about it in the Jewish schools. The evidence may be con- veniently seen in Wildeboer’s Origin of Can. of OT. The question which is disputed by scholars is whether it was regarded as canonical in the Ist cent. B.C., and whether the later discussions con- cerned the question of its right to retain the peau it had already attained, or whether it was rst admitted into the Canon in consequence of these discussions. The question hardly admits of examination in our space, but the evidence seems to us to favour the latter view. The reader may consult the art. OLD TESTAMENT CANON, and the eb of Ryle, Buh], and Wildeboer, especially the t. As well their love as their. EDEN LITERATURE.—The Comm. of Ewald, Hitzig, Ginsburg, Graetz, Delitzsch, Tyler, Nowack, Plumptre, OC. H. H. Wright. The Introductions to OT' by Kuenen, Driver, Cornill, Wildeboer ; A. B. Davidson in Book by Book; W. T. Davison, Wis; Lit. OT ; Cheyne, Job and Sol. ; Renan, L’ecclésiaste trad. de Uhéb. etc. ; Bickell, Der Prediger tiber d. Wert d. Daseins’ (1884), and Koheleth Untersuch. tiber d. Wert d. Daseins (1886); Dillon, Sceptics of OT ; O. Taylor, Dirge of Koh. in Ec. 12 ; Salmond, Christ. Doct. of Immortality, 165 ff., 267 ff. ; and the literature in Strong, Student's Comm. pp. 31-38. A. S. PEAKE. ECCLESIASTICUS.—See SrRAcH. ECLIPSE.—See ASTRONOMY AND ASTROLOGY. ED.—In the Hebrew (and also in the Greek) text of Jos 22%4 the name given by the two and a half tribes to the altar erected by them on the east bank* of the Jordan has dropped out. Our English translators have filled the gap by inserting Hd as the name of the altar in question. For this they have the authority of a few MSS (see de Rossi, Varie Lectiones Vet. Test., in loe ). The Syriac (Peshitta) reads smn «a9 ‘altar of witness.’ The suggestion of Dillmninn in his commentary, Die Bucher Num. Deut. u. Josua (1886), that the original text had ryba Gal'ed (as Gn 3147, EV Galeed), ‘ Mound of witnesi:,’ has been very favourably received (Oettli,Kautzsch, Bennett, See footnote). This name was probe ty aoe by some later copyist or editor who detecsed therein a possible inconsistency with the earlier narrative in Gn 31. The MT in its present form can onl mean that the name of the altar was the whole sentence: It-is-a-witness- between -us-that-J”-is- God ! A. R. 8S. Kunnepy. EDDINUS (’Eddewods B, ’Eddi:vots A), one of the ‘holy singers’ at Josiah’s passover, 1 Tis 1%. In the parallel passage 2 Ch 35 the corresponding name is Jeduthun, which is read also, contrary to MS authority, by AV in 1 Es. The text of the latter is probably corrupt. “Hédewvofs may have arisen from one or other of the numerous Gr. equivalents (perhaps "HéeGodv) of the narae Jedu- thun, but a more difficult question is vhe sub- stitution in the same verse of Zacharias (wh. see) for Heman. J. A. SELBIE, EDEN (j3y).—A Levite in the time of Hezekiah (2 Ch 29% 3135), EDEN (jy).—1. ‘The children of E. which are (not were as in EV) in Telassar’ are enumerated in 2K 19” (=Is 372) amongst the peoples con- quered by Sennacherib’s predecesscrs. Telassar, if Schrader is right in identifying it with Til- Afurri of the inscriptions, lay on the east of the Tigris, and must have been the district to which the conquered had been jaiekat in accordance with the custom introduced by Tiglath-pileser M1. From their being mentioned along with Gozan, Haran, and Rezeph, we naturally seek for the original home of the Béné-Eden in Mesopotamia. They are doubtless the Bit-Adini of the inscrip- tions, an Aramean principality in the far west of Mesopotamia, some 200 miles N.N.E. of Damascus, which we know to have offered a stubborn resistance to Assur-nazir-pal, and to have been conquered by Shalmaneser II., B.C. 856 (see ASSYRIA, pp. 183%, 184), In Ezk 27% Eden is mentioned amongst the traders with Tyre. The name here also occurs in connexion wit Haran, and is therefore probably Bit-Adini, although the * This location is required by the whole tenor of the narrative. The west bank is suggested by v.10 in its present form, and maintained also by RV in v.1, by a translation of doubtful admissibility, ‘in the forefront of the land of Canaan, on the side that pertaineth to the children of Israel.’ See further the Comm. in loc., and Bennett’s edition of Joshua in Haupt’s polychrome OT. EDEN conjecture of Margoliouth (see ARABIA, p. 181°), that it may be the modern Aden in S. Arabia, is not without plausibility. LiTgRATURE.—Schrader, KAT, 827; Delitzsch on Is 8712; Davidson on Ezk 2723; Frd. Delitzsch, Paradies, 4, 98, 184. 2. ‘The house of Eden’ (AVm and RVm Beth- eden) is mentioned in Am 1°, The context has led to the inference that it was in the neighbourhood of Damascus, ‘some royal paradise in that region which is still the Paradise of the Arab world’ (G. A. Smith, Twelve Proph. 125). Ewald (Pro- phets, i. 159, Eng. tr.) identifies it with the Para- dise of Strabo, xvi. 2-19; and Farrar (Minor Prophets, 53) thinks it may be Beit el -janne *House of Paradise’ (see, however, Driver’s note on Am 1°), about eight miles from Damascus, referring in support of this view to Porter (Five Years in Damascus, i. 313). Driver considers the most probable identifications to be (1) the modern Ehden, 20 miles N.W. of Baalbek; or (2) Bit- ‘Adini, described above. Wellhausen (KU. Proph. 68) considers it improbable that Beth-eden is to be sought near Damascus, and is sceptical also about identifying Aven of the same passage with Baalbek. (See, further, G. Hoffmann in ZA JV, 1883, p. 97; Schrader, KAT? Pe 442; and esp. Driver, Joel and Amos, 132f., 228.) J. A. SELBIE. EDEN (}1y, “Edex).—We read that ‘the Lorp God planted a garden in Eden, eastward, and there put the man whom he had formed’ (Gn 2°). CAnd a river went out of Eden to water the garden; and from thence it was parted, and became four heads’ (v.2°). Two of these were the Tigris and Euphrates ; a third was the Pison, which compassed the land of Havilah; the fourth being the Gihon, which com- passed Cush. After Adam had been expelled from the Paradise, his firstborn, Cain, ‘dwelt in the land of Nod, on the east of Eden,’ and there built the city of Enoch (Gn 4"), Eden means ‘delight’ in Hebrew, and the posi- tion of its garden has been assigned to various parts of the world. Even the North Pole and Australia have found advocates. Josephus (Ant. I. i. 3), the Book of Enoch (xxxii.), and Cosmas Indicopleustes place it in the extreme north-east, towards the Altai mountains of Mongolia. San- son, Reland, Calmet, Bunsen, Keil, and von Raumer locate it in Armenia, between the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates, the Araxes and the Phasis. Colvin, Bochart, Huet, Rask, and the modern Le Clercq Assyriologists assign it to Chaldea. places it in the neighbourhood of Damascus, be- tween the Chrysorrhoas and the Orontes; while peenet seeks for it in Palestine, near the sources of the Jordan; and Hardouin and Halévy in southern Arabia. Renan identifies Eden with Udy4na, ‘the arden,’ near Kashmir; Bertheau, Lassen, Obry, iegel, and Lenormant, with the Meru of the Hin u Puranas, and the Airyana-Vaéja and Har4- Berezaiti of the Zoroastrian VendidAd and Avesta. Meru seems primarily to have denoted the moun- tains above the Pamir, Airyana-Vaéja being the country between the sources of the Oxus and Jaxartes, and Haré-Berezaiti the Belur-dagh. Ezk 28'4 is appealed to in behalf of the theo that the garden of Eden was on a mountain, thoug the text may be differently explained. The rivers Pison and Gihon have been the sub- ject of asimilar variety of identifications. Josephus, usebius, Augustine, Ambrose, and Jerome make the Pison the Ganges, Cosmas Indicopleustes identi- fies it with the Indus, while the Jewish commen- tators, Saadya and Rashi, as well as the Samaritans, declare it to be the Nile. The Nile, on the other hand, is identified with the Gihon by Josephus (Ant. 1. i. 3), most of the Fathers, Kalisch, EDEN 643 Gesenius, Lengerke, and Bertheau, as well as in Sir 24% The Sept. also, in Jer 28, substitutes Gihon (Inv) for Sihor, the Nile. Cosmas makes Gihon the Ganges; the Samaritan version calls it the Asképh, which seems to be the Cho-aspes. Mohammedan writers identified the Gihon and Pison with the Oxus and Jaxartes, whence their modern names of Jihfin and Sihfin, which were transferred by the Seljuk Turks to the Pyramus and Sarus in Cilicia. St. Martin identifies the Pison with the waterless Wady er-Ruma in Arabia. The cuneiform inscriptions have, however, cleared up the geography of the garden of Eden. The Sumerian name of the ‘plain’ of Babylonia was Edin, which was adopted by the Semites under the form of Edinu. Its Assyr. equivalent was Zeru, corresponding to the Arab, Zor, the name still applied to the ‘depression’ between the Tigris and Euphrates. These rivers formerly flowed immedi- ately into the Persian Gulf, though, owing to the silt annually deposited by them, theirancient mouths are now more than eighty miles distant from the sea. The seaport of primitive Chaldxa was Eridu, ‘the good city,’ now Abu-Shahrein, which stood near the mouth of the Euphrates. In its neigh- bourhood was a garden, ‘a holy place,’ wherein grew the sacred palm-tree—the tree of life—whose roots of bright lapis lazuli were planted in the cos- mic abyss, whose position marked the centre of the world, and whose foliage was the couch of the goddess Bahu, while the god Tammuz dwelt in the shrine under the shadow of its branches, within which no mortal had ever entered. An oracle was attached to ‘the holy tree of Eridu,’ and Eri-Aku (Arioch) calls himself its ‘executor.’ This tree of life is frequently represented in the Assyr. sculptures, where it is depicted with two guardian spirits or cherubs, kneeling or standing on either side of it. They are winged, with the heads sometimes of eagles, sometimes of men. Lenor- mant states that on an Assyrian talisman in the collection of M. de Clereq he found the word Kirubu in place of the ordinary sedu or ‘ protecting eae (Les Origines de Histoire, i. p. 118). The aming sword of the cherubim has its counterpart in the sword of Merodach ‘ with fifty heads,’ ‘ whose light gleams forth like the day’; and Sumerian texts speak of ‘the wicked serpent,’ ‘the serpent of darkness,’ See further, art. CHERUBIM. The statement of Genesis, that the river which went out of Eden was parted into four heads, is explained by the fact that the Persian Gulf was held to be a river by the Babylonians, and was accordingly called by them nar marratum, ‘the bitter river.’ In the second millenniumB.c., notonly the Tigris and Euphrates, but other rivers besides flowed into it; but the tide, which carried the salt water a long way up their channels, made it possible to speak of their mouths as ‘heads.’ The Tigris was called Idigla and Idigna, ‘the encircling,’ in Sumerian, and id signified ‘a river.’ The Pison and Gihon were identified by Sir Henry Rawlinson with the Uknu and Surappu, which Tiglath- ileser 111. couples with the Tigris in southern abylonia (Report of Fortieth Meeting of British Assoc. p. 173). Subsequently he held the Pison to be the Arakhtu or canal on which Babylon was built; and the Gihon the modern Jfikh&, which flows westward from the Euphrates towards Abu- Shahrein. Friedrich Delitzsch also identifies the Gihon with the Arakhtu, which he believes to be the Shatt-en-Nil of to-day ; but the Pison with the Pallukat, the Pallacopas of classical geography. The names of the two rivers are, however, still unidentified in the inscriptions. But the land of Havilah encompassed by the Pison was the ‘sandy’ region of northern Arabia, which extended west- ward towards the frontier of Egypt (Gn 25%, 644 1§ 15’). The ‘bdellium’ that came from it may be the budilkhati of the cuneiform inscriptions, which is preceded by the determinative of vegetable; the ‘onyx-stone’ or shoham is the Assyr. sdmtu, which we are told was brought from the desert which lay to the east of Egypt. The Gihon is perhaps the Kerkha, which rises east of the Tigris among the mountains of Luristan, formerly inhabited by the Kosszans, called Kassi in the cuneiform texts. The whole of Susiana was termed Kissia or Kyssia by the classical writers, and its two chief rivers were the Eulzeus or Choaspes, the modern Kerkha, and the Pasi-ticris, the modern Karan. In a cuneiform text the Ulai or Euleus is described as entering ‘the sea.’ The land of Nod or the ‘ Nomads,’ to the east of Edom, would correspond with the country of the nomad Sute and Manda in the Babylonian inscriptions. Pinches has found the name of Pardésu or ‘ Para- dise’ as that of a country, apparently mythological, in some Babylonian cuneiform tablets (PSBA, Dec. 1896). It is coupled with the ‘land of Bit- Napsanu,’ and in one passage, by a punning ety- mology, is derived from the name of ‘the god Esu.’ LiTERATURE.—Friedr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies ? (1881) ; Sayce, HC'M 95 ff.; Hommel, Ane. Heb. Tradition, p. 314. A. H. SAYCE. EDER (7y).—4. Gn 35% ‘ And Israel journeyed, and spread his tent beyond the tower of Eder’ (AV Edar). ‘Eder means ‘a flock’; and the phrase Migdal-eder (‘flock-tower,’ cf. Mic 48) would have been the appellation given to a tower occupied by shepherds for the protection of their flocks against robbers (cf. 2 K 188, 2 Ch 26). The tower here mentioned lay between Bethlehem and Hebron cf. vv. 27), Jerome mentions a Jewish tradition that this Eder was the site of the temple, ‘hunc lecum Hebrei esse volunt, ubi postea templum edificatum est: et turrim Ader, turrim gregis significare, hoc est, congregationis et coctus: quod et Micheas Propheta testatur, dicens; Et tu turris gregis nebulosa, filia Sion.’ Jerome himself, how- ever, prefers to think that it was the spot on which the shepherds received the angels’ message, ‘ pasto- rum juxta Bethleem locus est, ubi vel Angelorum rex in ortu Domini cecinit’ (Qucest. in Gen.). The tradition that the locality was near Jerusalem probably accounts for the verse (21) appearing in the LXX before y.6, This transposition would favour any identification which placed ‘ Migdal- Eder’ between Bethel and Bethlehem. The LXX transliterates 1y as Tdédep. 2. Jos 15%, The name of one of the towns of Judah ‘in the south,’ close to the Edomite frontier. For Eder, the LXX (B) ives “Apa; and (A) ’Edpal. Conder (PEF Mem. lil. 236) identifies with Kh. el-‘Adar, 5 miles S. of Gaza. 3.1 Ch 23% 249, The name of one of the Levites in the days of David, of the house of Merari, and the son of Muhi. For Eder we find in the LXX (B) of 1 Ch 23% AtSa, and of 1 Ch 249 "HAd, where (A) has”Eéep in both instances. 4% A Benjamite, 1 Ch 8% (AV Ader), where LXX (B) gives”Q676 and (A)Qéep. H. E. RYE. EDIFICATION, EDIFY, EDIFYING. — These words are always used in AV in the sense of build- ing up. spiritually, either (a) the Church, or (2) the individual Christian. The Gr. vb. cixedouéw and subst. of~odex4 are used in NT, as in class. Greek and in the LXX, in the lit. sense of building—a house (Ac 747), tombs (Mt 2329), ete. But our Lord having employed the figure of building His Church, which is expressed in St. Matthew's report (Mt 1618) by the verb olzodouém, the metaphor was taken up, and gradually both verb and subst. were used with more and more freedom in this spiritual sense, esp. by St. Paul, to whom the metaphor may almost be said to belong. The Vulg. renders oizodousiv by cedificare, and ix odope4, edificatio; and Wyclif, and all VSS following, render vficare by ‘edify,’ cwdificatio by ‘edification,’ or ‘edifying.’ See Hece Homo, ch. xviii. EDER EDOM, EDOMITES The word ‘edification’ seems to have been introduced inte Eng. direct from the Lat. edijicatio, but ‘edify’ more probably through the Fr. édijier. They were used early, and probably first of all in a literal sense. Thus Paston, Lett. (1462), ‘A plase late be the said Sir John edified at Caster’; Thomas, Hist. Ital. (1549), ‘About 700 yeres after the edification of Rome,’ The spiritual sense was due perhaps entirely to the influence of the Vulg., which sometimes was the cause of the litera] use, as Wyclif’s tr. of Gn 222 ‘and the Lord God edified the rib, the whiche he toke of Adam, into a woman,’ after Vulg. ‘ edificavit.’ Trench (Hing. Past and Pres. p. 161) states that the mod. use of ‘edify’ and ‘edification’ began with the Puritans; it is more correct to say that by them the words were first used freely and extensively in the spiritual sense, whence Oldham’s complaint— ‘The graver sort dislike all poetry, Which does not, as they call it, edify.’ J. HASTINGS. EDNA ("Eiva=any ‘delight,’ but Fagius any) was wife of Raguel of Ecbatana, and mother of Sarah, who became wife of Tobias. She gave a cordial welcome to Tobias and his attendant Raphael in disguise, and questioned them as to their kindred (‘To 7°), weeping over the recital of Tobit’s adversities (7°). She prepared once more the ill-fated bridal chamber (7!*), and led Sarah thither. Her maternal blessing (om. in Vulg.) was given on the departure of the bridal pair (10%); and (B only) she received the blessing of Tobias in return (111), Vulg. and Itala call her Anna. J. T. MARSHALL. EDOM, EDOMITES (0%%, Eddy, Idumea).—Edom, the ‘Red’ Land, so called from the red colour of its sandstone cliffs, embraced the ranges of Mount Seir on either side of the ‘Arabah, or depression which runs southward from the Dead Sea to the head of the Gulf of Akabah. The name corresponds with that of Deser or ‘Red,’ applied by the Egyptians to the desert to the east of their coun which was inhabited by the Shasu or Bedawin, an included Mount Seir. In the time of the Twelfth Dynasty, as we learn from the story of Sinuhit, the country in which Edom was situated went by the name of Tonu (or Tennu), the portion to the north-east of it being called Kadfiim4, the Kedem of the OT, whence the Kadmonites of Gn 15 (see also 1 K 4°), Sinuhit received in it the district of Aia. In one of the Tel el-Amarna tablets (The Tel el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, No. 64) the city of Udumu or Edom is mentioned as hostile to the Egyptian king, and as being in a foreign land, together with the cities of Aduri (Addar), Magdalim (Migdol), and Khini-a- nabi (En-ha(n)-nabi). Udumu is sometimes called a ‘city ’in the later Assyr. inscriptions, though it is also spoken of in them as a ‘country.’? We may conclude, therefore, that the country took its name from its capital. In the Leyden Pap (i. 343, 7) the wife of the Semitic fire-god Reshpu is said to be ‘ Edom’ (Ztum), and at Karnak both Amenophis 11. and Thothmes II. mention the city of Shemesh- Edom (Shemshu-Edum), which is coupled with Anukhertu, the Anaharath in Issachar of Jos 19% Rethpana, the Egyptian name of the Dead Sea, may be a derivative from Reshpu (ef. Job 5’, where ‘sparks’ are called ‘the sons of Resheph’). The name QObed-edom, ‘servant of Edom,’ occurs in the OT (2S 6). Edom, there- fore, was probably (but not certainly [see Driver, Text of Sam. 205]) the name of a deity; and since both Udum and Etum correspond to the same Hebrew word, it would seem that the local and divine names were connected with one another. The original inhabitants of Mount Seir were Horites (which see), who were ‘destroyed’ by the children .of Esau (Dt 2”). The genealogies in Gn 36, however, show that the destruction was not complete, and that the two races intermarried. Esau himself married a descendant of ‘Seir the Horite’ (36%, where 367-21 show that we must read ‘Horite’ for ‘Hivite’). When the campaign of Chedorlaomer and his Babylonian allies took place =. v=” -' EDOM, EDOMITES the Horites had not yet been dispossessed (Gn 14°). The Horites were governed by ’alliiphim or ‘ dukes,’ and both the office and name were handed on to their Edomite successors (Gn 36”: 49-48), As the ‘’alldiphim of Edom’ are alone referred to in the song of Moses (Ex 15) after the overthrow of the Egyptians, we may Panay infer that at the time of the Exodus a king had not been established in Edom ; at any rate the reference is an indication of the eviignity of the passage in which it occurs. Before the Israelites had quitted the desert, however, there was a king in Edom. Moses sent messengers from Kadesh-barnea to the king of Edom asking him to permit his ‘brother Israel’ to pass through his territories, promising that they would march along the highway and do no injury to the country. But the Edomites refused permission, and came out with an army, so that the Israelites were obliged to ‘compass the land of Edom’ (Nu 204-7! 21%). The kings of Edom who reigned ‘before there reigned any king over the children of Israel’ are enumerated in Gn 36*!-89, The first, Bela the son of Beor, seems to be identical with Balaam the son of Beor, the seer of Pethor. If so, this would account for his having been slain in the war with the Midianites (Nu 315). ‘Rehoboth by the river,’ from which Shaul came (Gn 36%’), must have stood on the Euphrates, as that is ‘the river’ of the OT; consequently it cannot be the Rehoboth or ‘Suburbs’ of Nineveh (Assyr. Ribit), which were on the Tigris. The list of Edomite kings must have been extracted from the royal annals, and, as it breaks off in the reign of Hadar (Gn 36%) (or Hadad, 1 Ch 1), may have been composed at that time. It will be noticed that the monarchy was elective, not hereditary. The children of Israel were ordered not to * contend’ with their ‘ brethren the children of Esau, which dwell in Seir,’ for God had ‘given Mount Seir unto Esau for a possession’; and accordingly they turned eastward after passing the Edomite rts of Elath and Eziongeber (now ‘Akabah and Kala’nt el-Akabah), at the head of the Gulf of kabah, and made their way to Moab along the eastern edge of Mount Seir (Dt 2**). Similarly, the Edomite, like the Egyptian, was allowed to ‘enter into the congregation of the Lord in the third generation’ (Dt 237°), in contrast to the Ammonite and Moabite, who could not do so till the tenth generation. Ramses Il. of the Twentieth Egyptian Dynasty, after defeating the northern hordes who had attacked Egypt, and overrunning the south of Palestine, ‘smote the people of Seir who belong to the Shasu (Bedawin), and plundered their tents.’ Among the pictures of his prisoners at Medinet Habu is that of the Edomite ‘chief,’ who, it must be observed, is not called ‘king.’ So far as we know, it was the only campaign ever undertaken by a Pharaoh against Mount Seir. Its date was about B.C. 1230-1200, some thirty years after the Exodus, so that the Israelites might have been in the neighbourhood of Edom at the time (cf, Nu 21"). Edomite tribes settled in the south of Judah, and even Othniel the brother of Caleb, and the first judge, was a Kenizzite (Nu 32%, Jos 15”, Gn 36-15), Saul warred with Edom (158 14%); and David conquered the country, putting garrisons throughout it, and occupying its ports in the Gulf of Akabah (2 S 88:14, where we must read ‘ Edom’ for ‘Aram,’ AV ‘Syrians’). It was in these ports that Solomon with the help of the Tyrians con- structed the merchant vessels which traded to Ophir for gold (1 K 96%). Throughout his reign, however, Edom was in a state of revolt under Hadad, ‘of the king’s seed,’ who had escaped to Midian when Joab was for six months cutting ‘ off every male in Edom’ after David’s conquest of the EDOM, EDOMITES 645 country. From Midian he and his companions went to Paran, and from thence to the court ot Egypt, where the Pharaoh gave him his sister-in- law as a wife, and his son Genubath was brought up as an Egyptian prince. But on the death of David and J cAG Hadad obtained leave to return to Edom, and became ‘an adversary unto Solomon’ (1 K 11+), He does not seem to have succeeded in making himself independent, however, as we find Edom still subject to Judah after the revolt of the Ten Tribes. Jehoshaphat still held Ezion- seber, where he built ships to trade to Ophir; and it is stated that ‘there was then no king in Edom: a deputy was king’ (1 K 22"), This means that there was no Bedepentient king there, since, in the war against Moab, when Edom had to follow its suzerain, its ruler is called ‘king’ (2 K 39 10 12. 26), In the reign of Jehoram, Jehoshaphat’s successor, Edom revolted, ‘and made a king over themselves.’ The revolt spread to the south of Judah, where Libnah was the centre of disaffection; and though Jehoram defeated the Edomites at Zair, he was unable to reduce them to obedience (2 K 8-22), About fifty years later Amaziah invaded Edom, slaying 10,000 of the enemy in the Valley of Salt, and taking Sela (or Petra), which he named Joktheel (2 K 147), Edom seems to have been crushed by this defeat, as Amaziah’s successor, Uzziah, ‘restored’ Elath to Judah, and rebuilt it (2 K 14”). It remained in Jewish hands till it was captured by Rezin of Damascus, who colonized it with Syrians * (2 K 16°), This was in the reign of Ahaz, when ‘the Edomites had come and smitten Judah, and carried away captives’ (2 Ch 281”). Rezin, however, was conquered and put to death in B.C. 732 by Tiglath-pileser 11. of Assyria, who thereupon held a court at Damascus, where he received the homage and tribute of numerous princes, among them being ‘Jehoahaz (Ahaz) of the land of the Jews,’ and ‘Kaus-malaka (Kaus- melech) of the land of the Edomites.’ Schrader has pointed out that Kaus is the name of a god which appears as Kos in Greek ieee one: with which Paley compares the name of the early Arab. deity Kais (Heb. Kish, Kishon). In B.c. 711, Edom joined the league against Sargon along with Judah, Philistia, Moab, Egypt, and Merodach- baladan of Babylon; but Ashdod, the Syrian centre of the league, was taken by the Assyrians, and Edom, like Moab and Judah, paid tribute to the conqueror. Edom again joined the revolt against Assyria in B.C. 701, of which Hezekiah was the head ; but when Sennacherib marched into Pales- tine, A-rammu of Edom submitted like the kings of Moab and Ammon. Esar-haddon caused Kaus- gabri, ‘ king of the city of Edom,’ together with the other vassal kings of the west, including Manasseh of ‘the city of Judah’ and the king of ‘the city of Moab,’ to convey to Nineveh timber from Lebanon and various stones for the construction of his alace. When Jerusalem was destroyed by ebuchadrezzar, the Edomites took part with the enemy, and rejoiced over the calamities of Judah,— conduct which aroused bitter feelings against them on the part of the Jews (La 4°”, Ezk 35°19, Ob?0-6), These feelings were not diminished by their occupation of southern Judah, with Hebron as their capital, and their attacks upon the Jews during the Maccabwan war. Judas Maccabzeus, however, drove them from the south of Judah (B.c. 164); and John Hyrcanus, in B.c. 109, conquered their country, and compelled them to adopt Judaism. ount Seir, as far north as Petra, had already fallen into the hands of the Nabateans, who spoke an Aramaic dialect. Hyreanus 1 , the *So the Kethibh o’DI08. The Keré, however, reads 0D} (Edomites) ; and this, which has the support of the L doupeios, is adopted by Siegfried-Stade and Oa, Heb. Lexicon. 546 EDOS randson of John Hyrcanus, on being driven out of D crate lees was induced by the Idumzxan Antipater to seek the help of Aretas, the king of Petra. Pompey, however, intervened, and after sacking Jerusalem, made Hyreanus high priest (B.C. 63), while Antipater was subsequently (B.c. 47) appointed by Julius Cxsar procurator of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee on account of his services against Pompey. His son was Herod the Great. Edomite proper names show that the language of Edom was practically identical with Hebrew. Of Edomite deities we know only the names of Hadad (also Dad), Kaus, Kozé, Edom, and A. The name of Esauw’s son Jeush (Gn 36°), however, corre- ochre phonetically with that of Yaghfith, a pre- ohammedan deity of Arabia. LiITERATURE.—Baxthgen, Beitrdge zur semitischen Religions- gerne 10 ff. ; Reland, Pal. 230 ff. ; Robinson, BAP ii. 117 ff., 68 ff.; Baedeker, Pal. 183ff.; Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, 429ff.; Hull, Mount Seir, 85ff.; Trumbull, Kadesh-Barnea; Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 263 f. A. H. SAYCE. EDOS (B ’Héés, A’Héals, AV Edes), 1 Es 95= Ippo, Ezr 10%, EDREI (‘y7x, "Edpdew, Edrai).—i1. Edrei was a city of Bashan (now the Haur4n, eastward of Lake Tiberias), where the Amorite king Og was defeated and slain by the Israelites (Nu 21, Dt 31, Jos 13”). It was then given to Machir, the son of Manasseh (Jos 13%, see Jg 54), the district in which it was situated being known as Gilead (Nu 32), The Amorites do not seem to have been long in possession of it, as one of the letters of Tel el- Amarna, about a century and a half before the Exodus, is from Artama-Samas,* the governor of Ziri-Basana, ‘the field of Bashan.’ Edrei is the Adraha of classical geography, and in Christian times was the seat of a bishop. It has been identified with the modern Der‘dt or Der‘a, where there is a large reservoir, as well as an aqueduct and mausoleum. About 10 miles to the north of it is Tell ‘Ashtera, the supposed site of Ashtaroth, which is associated with Edrei, and in the time of Abraham was inhabited by the Rephaim (Gn 14°), In one of the Tel el-Amarna letters (B. M. 43. 10) it is called Astartu, and the writer of the despatch accuses a certain Biridasyi of taking the chariots out of it and giving them to the Bedawin. The neighbouring city of Buzruna (Bostra) was at the time under a king of its own. W. Max Miiller identifies the city of Autara in the Karnak List of Thothmes m1. (No. 91) with Edrei. Philologically the names would correspond, but the identifica- tion is impossible, as Autar4 is enumerated among the towns of southern Palestine. Astartu or Ashtaroth is in an earlier part of the list (No. 28). 2. EDREI is mentioned in Jos 197 between Kadesh and En-hazor, in the tribe of Naphtali. The site of it is unknown. LitrraTuRE.—Tomkins in Records of the Past, New Series, v. p. 43ff.; Wetzstein, Retsebericht wb. Hauran, etc., 47, 77, 123; Porter, Giant Cities of Bashan, 93 ff. ; Baedeker, Pal. 201 ; Schumacher, Across the Jordan, 121-147; Dillmann on Nu 2133 and Dt 310; Driver on Dt 14 81 310, and his art. ASHTAROTH in present vol. ; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 528n., 576. A. H. SAYCE. EDUCATION.—Every student of the history of education will endorse the judgment of the Alex- andrian scholar (Prol. to Sirach), that Israel must needs be commended for its zeal in the cause of moral and intellectual culture (raidela cal codia), since the canonical Books of Deuteronomy and Proverbs, the deutero-canonical Wisdom of Jesus ben-Sira, and the Mishna treatise commonly called the Sayings of the Fathers (niax *775 Pirké’ Abéth), provide a catena of pedagogic principles without a parallel in ancient literature. Two sentences only * Now read Artama-Ya or Artama-anya by Winckler, EDUCATION may be selected for quotation at this stage. The one is the motto prefixed to the Book of Proverbs : ‘ The fear of the Lord is the beginning of knowledge’ (Pr 17, cf. 91°); the other is attributed to Simeon, the son of the famous Gamaliel: ‘ Not learning but doing is the chief thing’ (Ad. i. 17).* In these maxims we find the two distinguishing notes of Hebrew education, which from first to last was at once religious and practical—an education which sought to combine instruction in the positive truths of the ancestral faith+ with preparation for the prac- tical duties of life. It was this successful com- bination which led J alter in his treatise Against Apion to contrast the education of his countrymen with that of the Lacedemonians and Cretans on the one hand, and with that of the Athenians on the other—the former being too severely practical, the latter too exclusively theoretical. ‘But our lawgiver with great care combined these two methods, for he neither left the practice of right habits without oral instruction (lit. ‘dumb,’ cwPjv), nor did he pee: the rules thus taught to remain unpractised.’ e propose here to study the educational methods of the Israelites historically. For this purpose it will be convenient to group the material at our disposal under three historical periods, as follows :— i, HEBREW EDUCATION FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE EXILE.—When the Hebrews came to settle in the valleys west of the Jordan, they found them- selves among a race or races immensely their superiors in all the arts of civilization and culture. Of this there can be no reasonable doubt, though we may doubt whether the country was so thickly studded with schools, teachers, and libraries as has recently been maintained.t In any case the troublous times of the conquest were not the most suitable for assimilating the higher civilization of the Canaanites. Reading and still more writing (Jg 84) must rather have ‘been the accomplishment of the few than the custom of the many, How- ever that may be, one fact of Hebrew historw remains indisputable, namely, that throughout the long period closing with the exile, education was exclusively domestic and private. It is true that the late Jewish writings, Talmud, Targum, and Midrash —those storehouses of magnificent anachronisms—represent even the patriarchs as attending school and college, but such statements are merely harmless flights of fancy. In the whole range of pre-exilie literature there is no trace of any provision by public authority for either elementary or higher education. The word ‘school’ occurs neither in the OT nor in the Apocrypha, and in the NT only of the lecture- room of a Greek rhetorician at Ephesus (Ac 19°). The explanation is that the home was the school, and the parents, in all but the highest ranks of society, were the only teachers. The duty of reverence for and obedience to parents imposed on children by the oldest legislation (Ex 20%”), had its counter- part in the duty incumbent on the parents (and in particular on the father) to instruct their children in religion and morals. This aspect of parental responsibility is repeatedly emphasized in the Book of Deuteronomy (4° 67), ‘Thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children, and shalt talk of them when thou sittest in thine house, and when * Quotations from Aboth will be made from ‘The Authorized Daily Prayer-Book of the United Hebrew Congregations of the British Empire’ (ed. Singer), as providing the most easily accessible text and translation. References to other treatises of the Mishna are given acc. to the sections of Jost’s edition. + Contrast this with the statement of Iwan Miiller: ‘ Special instruction in religion was not known to either the Greeks or the Homans of se ’(Handb. d. klass. Alterthumswissenschaft, 4'isp. by Sayce in Patriarchal Palestine (passim), and else where, EDUCATION EDUCATION 647 thou walkest by the way, and when thou liest down, and when thou risest up’ (GRO? OED Bye9). The special provision of Dt 311-18, requiring the presence of the children at the reading of the law in ‘the year of release,’ ¢.e. every seventh year, can have had only a peas application before the great calamity of the exile (cf. Dt 31! with Neh 8!’). In the families of the aristocracy the place of the parents, the child’s natural teachers, was taken by tutors (ok 2 K 10-5), The infant Solomon, according to the simplest rendering of 25 12”, was entrusted to the care of the prophet Nathan. It is now impossible to form an exact estimate of the extent to which education, as tested by the ability to read and write, was common among the uae The standard of learning would naturally igher in the cities than in the country dis- tricts, highest of all in the neighbourhood of the court. Yet such facts as that Amos and Micah among the literary prophets belonged to the ranks of the people; that Mesha, king of Moab, could count on readers for the stele commemorating his victories; that the workmen who excavated the tunnel from the Virgin’s spring to the pool of Siloam carved in the rock the manner of their work,—these facts, taken along with more than one possae of Isaiah (8! 109 ‘a child may write them’ ; cf. 291-2 the distinction between the literate and the illiterate), should make us pause before drawing the line of illiteracy too high in the social scale. A single word must suffice for the schools of the prophets (an expression with no scriptural authority), of which so much was made by scholars of former days, All that the Scripture narrative warrants us in holding is that in a few centres, such as Bethel (2 K 2%), Jericho (2°), and Gilgal (4°5), men of prophetic spirit formed associations or estherhoods (hence the name ‘sons of the pro- phets’) for the purpose of stimulating their devo- tion to J” through the common life of the brother- hood. Edification, not education, was the main purpose of these so-called ‘schools.’ ii. FRoM THE EXILE TO SIMON BEN-SHETACH, c. B.C. 75.—The arrival in Jerusalem of Ezra the ‘ready scribe’ (155) in the law of Moses (Ezr 7°) was an event of epoch-making importance in the educa- tional not less than in the religious history of the Jews. For Ezra had set his heart to study (v7) the law (Torah) of J” and to do it, and to teach (1295) in Israel statutes and judgments (Ezr 7), The story of Ezra’s activity belongs to the general history of the period. For our present purpose it is enough to recall the fact that the culmination of that activity was the acceptance by the Jewish community of the Torah, in its written form, as the regulating norm in every relation of life. From this time onwards the Jews were pre- eminently ‘the people of the book.’ But in order that the moral precepts of a book may be obeyed, and its ritual requirements duly observed, the book must be pelatea, must be read and studied. The first step in this direction was the great assembly of which we read in Neh 8 ff. The centre of interest throughout is not the living word of a prophet, but the book of the law and the ex- position of its contents by accredited teachers (note Neh 87 ® oan, the same word as is rendered ‘teacher’ in 1 Ch 258 and in Ezr 8!® RV). Wewould gladly know what measures were taken by Ezra and his associates for the continuance of the public instruction so auspiciously begun. Unfortunately, we have no information on this point from con- temporary records, and what a late age has to tell of the work of the so-called ‘Great Synagogue’ belongs to the world of fable.* There can be little * See esp. Kuenen’s classical essay, ‘On the Men of the Great Eynagogue,’ now accessible in German in Budde’s Gesammelte bhandlungen, etc., von Dr, A. Kuenen (1894). doubt, however, that one of the oldest institutions of Judaism, the synagogue, goes back to the time of fizra, if not indeed to the days of the exile. The synagogue, it is important to remember, was not originally a place of worship but a place of re- ligious instruction, and indeed it is so named by a writer so late as Philo of Alexandria (Vita Mosis, ili, 27, r& mpocevxrjpia th érepov éorw A didacKkanreta, x.7.A.). With this agrees the fact that in NT times dddoxew, to teach, is still used to express the function of the preacher in the synagogue (Mt 4%, Mk 17, Lk 4 cou often).* But whether we regard Ezra as the immediate founder of the synagogue or not, there can be no doubt of the fact that, by securing the recognition by the public authorities of the need of organized religious instruction, he accomplished a work of supreme importance in the educational history of the Jews. ‘The Bible became the spelling-book, the community a school, religion an affair of teaching and learning. Piety and education were inseparable; whoever could not read was no true Jew. We may say that in this way were created the beginnings of popular education. In what way this took place is, it is true, wrapped in mystery; in the synagogue men did not learn to write and read, and the scribes were not elementary teachers. But the ideal of education for religion’s sake was set up and awoke emulation, even though the goal was not reached all at once’ (Wellhausen, Jsr. u. jiid. Gesch.1 p. 159). During the whole of the period under review the early education of the Jewish child continued, even more than before, to be the business of his parents. Elementary schools were still unknown. Now, as in much later times, it was ‘the duty of the father to instruct his son in the Torah (Kiddushin, 29a),’ a duty in which the mother took her share (Pr 6” 31}, Sus’). The obligation extended even to ‘child- ren’s children’ (Dt 4°). A noteworthy feature of the pentateuchal precepts, from the view-point of pedagogic method, is the extent to which certain religious rites are to be used as object-lessons to the children [Ex 12” 13° (passover) 13+4 (first-fruits), cf. Jos 4°]. Their interest and attention are first to be aroused, and only after question asked is the ex- planation of the rite to be given. In the case of the passover the question, ‘ What mean ye by this service?’ (Ex 12?5)—now expanded to four—has re- mained as part of the eremony. to the present day. The leading feature of the educational history of this period is the rise of a body of men as pro- fessional teachers. These are the Sophérim (0755, literally ‘book men’), or scribes. For the circum- stances which led during the exile to a species of literary renaissance, or rather to a new interest in the literature of the past, and thereby to the growth of a body of literati (-ypapparets),—students, copyists, and teachers,—we must refer to the article ScripEs. We have seen, however, under what circumstances the study and the exposition of the Torah, in particular, were begun among ‘the children of the captivity’ in the new community at Jerusalem. From that time to the end of the Jewish state and beyond it, the office of the scribe was one of ever-increasing importance. But to identify, as is too often done, the scribes of the Persian and early Greek period with those whose character and aims are familiar to us from the Gospels, is to do the former great injustice. For these ancient scribes have shared in the rehabili- tation of the late Persian and early Greek periods of Jewish history, which is so remarkable a feature of the critical scholarship of the day.t Here we * For further testimony by Philo and Josephus to the teaching HJP wi. ii. p. 54. leche Ges- function of the synagogue, see Schiirer, H. + See, inter alios, Wellhauaen, Israelitische w. ziid chichtel, p. 154. EDUCATION are concerned with them only in sv far as they continued the work of instruction committed to them by Ezra. Unfortunately, from the lack of historical material, it is now impossible to trace the development of education under their guidance. We know, however, that by the time of the Chronicler (1 Ch 255) they had been ‘organized in regular ‘‘ families,” or as we should now sa ‘‘ guilds,” an institution quite in accordance with the whole spirit of the East, which forms a guild or trades-union of every class possessing special technical knowledge’ (W. R. Smith, OT JC? p. 44). From the proverbial form of 1 Ch 25°*—‘as well the small as the great, the teacher as the scholar’ —we may further infer that the relation of master and pupil was by this time (c. B.c. 300) a familiar one; which, of course, implies facilities for education other than the Levitical music schools to which the proverb is here applied. Here we are met by one of the most interesting but difficult problems in the history of Hebrew education. Not the least important of the critical results above referred to, is the bringing down of the compilation of our present Book of Proverbs, and so of the Golden Age of the Wisdom Litera- ture, to the Persian period. In this case, who are the ‘ Wise’ (0.»3n), the sages of whom this depart- ment of Hebrew literature is the characteristic and enduring memorial? May we identify them with the older race of Sopherim, the book-men or Jiéerati of the period?* The temptation is great. Thus the scribes were the accredited teachers of the people (see above), and the most venerable of the traditions preserved by the fraternity from the ‘men of the Great Synagogue’ was the obligation to ‘raise up many disciples’ (Ab. i. 1). But the sages were also teachers (o in, 0259 Pr 5'3), who address a pupil as ‘ my son,’ and whose teaching is known as ‘ the words of the wise’ (Pr 1° 221’, Ec 9!” 124; see also the Oxf. Heb. Lex. sub osn). Again, the scribes formed, as we have seen, a guild or corporation. But we have abundant evidence that the sages are also to be regarded as forming a distinct fraternity (Pr 1° 13! 2217 243, Ke 12". Cf. Cheyne, Job and Solomon,p. 123 and passim; Riehm, Handwért. d. Bibl. Alt.2 sub ‘ Weise’ + ; Kautzsch, Abriss d. Gesch. d. AT Schriftiwms?, 1897, p. 135 ff.). Wellhausen in his recent history, while maintaining their original independence, admits that by the time of Jesus ben-Sira (B.c. 200-180) the scribes ‘ were scarcely any longer to be distin- guished from the sages’ (Conk p. 154, notel). This admission is due to the fact—and here perhaps we have the strongest argument for the identity of the two classes—that Ben-Sira, the last of the sages, was himself a scribe. Of this there can be no doubt ; one has but to read his glowing panegyric on ‘the wisdom of the scribe,’ and the glory of his calling (Sir 38%-39"). It is therefore but natural that ‘the best, and almost the only data regarding the earlier scribes, are to be found in the Book of Pee pene G88. Ql4f. 1 420%. Zgrf.” (Wellhausen, 0s. cit.) For our present purpose the final answer to our query regarding the personnel of the sages is immaterial; for whether we hold that they are identical with the Sopherim or book-men, or regard them as forming a distinct but allied class in the pre-Maccabean community, the fact remains that the sages represent a great educational force in the period under review. The Book of Proverbs is the * This identification was first proposed by A. T. Hartmann (Die enge Verbindung d. AT. mit d. Neuem, 1831), and more recently and independently by Smend in his Alttest. Religionsgeschichte, 1893, p. 512 ff. Cf. Montefiore, Hibb. Lect. 396f. x t ‘They (the sages) occupy in the everyday life of ancient {srael a position precisely similar to that of the scribes in later Judaism.’ Riehm is, of course, assuming the pre-exilic date of Proverbs. I Se EDUCATION repository of their pedagogic experience (see esp. 12-6), and so the oldest handbook of education. Life is here conceived as a discipline (19D, a word occurring 30 times in the book acc. to Driver, LOT? 380). This is its central thought. ‘The whole of life is considered from the view-point of a pedagogic institution. God educates men, and men educate each other’ (O. Holtzmann in Stade’s GV/J? ii. 296-97). Father and mother are the child’s natural instructors (18 41-4 6° 13! 30!”) ; from them he shall first learn that ‘fear of the Lord which is the beginning—or it may be the chief part—of wisdom’ (9%). Their duty in this respect is emphasized ; they are to study their child, since his character is known by his conduct (204). To them is addressed the golden maxim, ‘train up a child in the way he should go, and even when he is old he will not de- art from it’ (22° RV). The child is by nature oolish, and needs the ‘rod of correction’ (225), Corporal punishment is repeatedly advocated (‘he that spareth his rod hateth his son,’ 13%, ef. 1918 23% 14 9915.17, also La 3%), yet with the intelligent child reproof is better than ‘a hundred stripes’ (17°). From the parents’ care the child—of the upper classes only, in all probability, cf. 17}6 47 (RV) with Sir 51%—if he would attain to ‘wisdom.’ passes into the hands of professional teachers (57), the sages, whose words ‘ spoken in quiet’ (Ee 9” RV) ‘are as goads’ (Ec 12"), and whose direction (7m) is ‘a fountain of life’ (Pr 134), The pupil’s progress in religion and morality is the teacher’s ighest joy (23! 18), but not all are capable of receiving this higher instruction (27%). Prudence and forethought (24”7), temperance (2117 23%. 21. 29-8 and chastity (75 29° and oft.), diligence (6°) and truthfulness (177), consideration for the poor (147! 1917 22%), and a truly noble charity towards enemies (257): 2 = Ro 12”), the value of trae friendship (1717 18% 27°), and the dignity of woman- hood (311°-8!),__these are some of the moral lessons to be learned in ‘the house of discipline’ (otky racdelas, Sir 51°’) from ‘the lips of the wise’ (Pr 157).* The founding of Alexandria was an event the importance of which for the history of Jewish life and thought even in Palestine it is impossible to over- estimate. What would we not give to be able to trace the working of the subtle influences on the religious thought of the time, in particular, of those forces of Hellenism by which the little Jewish state was girt about on every side (cf. 1 Mac 1")! For something like a century Alexandria, with its great library and university, its brilliant array of scholars and littérateurs, was the capital of Southern Syria as well as of Egypt. How was popular education affected by this close connexion of Alexandria and Jerusalem? A solitary notice, so far as we have been able to discover, from the period in question, almost warrants us in believing that the Greek educational methods had penetrated to Jerusaiem. The infamous tax-farmer Joseph (c. B.C. 220),+ we are told, sent his sons ‘severally to those that had the best reputation for instructing youth’ (Josephus, Ant. xt. iv. 6). The education re- quired was certainly of the Greek type, and this fact, taken in connexion with the rapid progress of Hellenism at this particular epoch, even under the shadow of the temple (see 1Macl, 2 Mac 2-4), makes it very probable that schools on the Greek model were then established in Jerusalem. When the author of Ps 119 says, ‘I have more understanding than all my teachers,’ ete. (vv.%: 1), there is good reason for thinking that he wishes * How much, one wonders, of what is best in our Scottish char- acter to-day is due to the use till almost the other day of this great peak (4 raveépstos copia) as the reading-book of our parish schools + For this corrected date see Wellhausen, op. cit. pp. 197-98. EDUCATION EDUCATION 649 to exalt the study of Holy Scripture above the secular learning of the Greek schools. However this may be, Ben-Sira was still true to Jewish traditions and uninfluenced by Hellenistic culture. He had travelled in other countries, and studied perhaps in other literatures, but he remained ‘a true ‘‘scribe,” and gloried in the name’ (38%). The object his translator had in view, as we learn from his preface to his grandfather’s work, ‘was to correct the inequalities of moral and religious culture (ra:dela2) among the Jews of Egypt b setting before them a standard and a lesson boo of true religious wisdom’ (Cheyne, Job and Solomon). ‘The Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach,’ or ‘ Ecclesiasticus,’ is therefore avowedly a manual of ethics, and as such deserves more space than we can give it in this review of Jewish educational history. ‘Draw near unto me, ye unlearned,’ we read in the epilogue, ‘and lodge in the house of instruction. Say, wherefore are ye lacking in these things, and your souls are very thirsty ?’ (Sir 51*#.), His religious standpoint is essentially that of the Book of Proverbs, on which his own is modelled. Thus the fear of the Lord is not only ‘the beginning of wisdom’ (114), but also wisdom’s fulness (1!*) and crown (138), Yet the author’s ethical tone is distinctly lower than that of his model. As a disciplinarian he is severe even to excess (30! 7*-%). The principles of humane conduct are exhibited in many lights, including even the ‘manners’ of the dinner table (31)%1), The notable passage (3874-39) in which he sketches his ideal of the scribe has been already adverted to. One point, however, must be further emphasized, viz. the assertion that learning is the monopoly of the wealthy: ‘The wisdom of the scribe cometh by opportunity of leisure. How shall he become wise that holdeth the a Las ete. ? (384%) Educa- tion is costly (51%), but he himself offers the means of culture ‘without money and without price’ (cf. 51”). Many questions regarding the practical aspects of education in this period suggest themselves, to wnich only tentative answers can be given. Where, for example, did the teachers of whom we read (Pr 5', Ps 119, perhaps Dn 12?)—be they sages or scribes—meet their pupils? What were their methods of instruction? The synagogues first occur to one as the scene of those expositions of Scripture to which the name of Midrash was already applied (2 Ch 13” 24”), There the people were instructed on Sabbaths and feast-days by competent expounders of the Scriptures, as a rule, no doubt, by the scribes, although these never had a micnepory of the synagogue teaching. As early as the beginning of the Srd cent. the scribes had apparently facilities for teaching within the temple precincts: such, at least, seems the legiti- mate inference from their description as ‘scribes of the temple’ in the edict of Antiochus m1. (Jos. Ant. XIl. ili. 3). ‘Within the massive city gates or in the adjacent squares or “broad places” on which the streets converged (Pr 1-21, cf. Job 297) the ‘‘ wise men” awaited their disciples’ (Cheyne, op. cit. p. 124). Most of the instruction, however, was doubtless given by sage and scribe alike in private houses, their own or those of wealthy dis- ciples. ‘My son,’ says Ben-Sira, ‘if thou seest a man of understanding, get thee betimes unto him, and let thy foot wear out the steps of his house’ (Sir 6° RV). With this advice we compare that of José ben-Joezer of Zeredah, in the early Macca- bean days: ‘Let thy house be a meeting-place (141 m2) for the wise; sit amidst the dust of their feet, and drink their words with thirst’ (Ad. i. 4).* * The mbdiayix which, according to Sota, ix. 9, ceased since José’s time, cannot, as some have thought, mean schools («x 0A% —in late Heb. *inpy); see Derenbourg, Hist. de la Palestine, p. 456 ff. Here was found the opportunity for those ‘ words (eae in quiet’ that were ‘like nails fastened by the masters of assemblies’ (Ec 1214), As to methods, we have still less information To judge from the practice of a later age, the pupils would learn by frequent repetition the pro- verbs of the wise (cf. Cheyne, toc. ctt.). The alphabet was already used in ways cattulated to assist the memory, as in the 119th Wsaln. To this period may be assigned the invention of the mnemonic device known as Athbash (wanx), of which the present text of Jer 25° 51! atiords the classical examples (see Giesebrecht’s Comm. in loc.), as also the introduction of the ‘numerical’ pro- verbs, so much in vogue in later times (cf. Pr 30!» with A both, v.). Finally, we may assume that, at least from the beginning of the Greek period, a fairly high standard of general culture prevailed. It was now that the editor, if not the author, of Ecclesiastes could write: ‘Of making many books there is no end; and much study is a weariness of the flesh’ (Ec 12"). At the beginning of the Maccabwan revolt, also, the possession of copies of the ‘ book of the covenant’ was certainly not the exclusive privilege of priest and scribe (1 Mac 1°”), III. FROM SIMON BEN-SHETACH (c. B.C. 75) TO THE END OF THE JEWISH STATE (A.D. 70).—Just as the synagogue was the novel feature of the preceding period from the educational point of view, so is the elementary school the feature of this third period. Such, at least, is the tradition preserved in the so-called Talmud of Jerusalem. In a passage commemorating the merits of the famous scribe and leader of the Pharisees, Simon ben-Shetach (or Shatach),* brother of queen Alex- andra, we read that three additions were made by him to the statute-book, so to say, the second ob which runs thus— appa may pada mpyxnn vad ‘that the children shall attend the elementary school’ (Talm. Jer. Kethuboth, viii. 11, p. 326; see the whole passage in Derenbourg, op. cit. p. 108). The words quoted, it will be seen, are not altogether free from am- biguity. They may also be interpreted to mean that attendance on schools already existing was henceforth to be compulsory. In view of what was said above regarding the spread of Greek ideas in pre-Maccabeean days, it is difficult to believe that schools preparatory to the more ad- vanced instruction in the scribal college (see below) were not to be found—at least in Jerusalem. One can hardly escape the conviction that the erection of the Greek gymnasium at Jerusalem (1 Mae 174, ef. 2 Mac 4%*-) was not the first step, but the last, in the assimilation of Jewish and Greek education. Be this as it may, there is no good reason for rejecting the tradition regarding Simon ben-Shetach’s efforts on behalf of popular educa- tion. All that we know regarding the predomi- nant influence of the scribes in the reign of Alex- andra (B.C. 78-69) prepares us for more aggressive measures for the extension of their principles among the people. According to unanimous tra- dition, the elementary school (1957 na ‘house of the book,’ see below) was always in intimate con- nexion with the synagogue. Either the synagogue proper—in this period to be found in every con- siderable village in the land—was used for this purpose (Léw, Die Lebensalter in jiid. Literatur, p. 287, where the reff. are to Berachoth, 17a, Taanith, 23b, Kiddushin, 30a), or a room in the same build- ing. The school might also be held in the teacher’s house (Hamburger). 3y all writers on Jewish education it is stated * See Schtrer, HJP, index; Derenbourg, Lssai sur histoire de la Palestine, pp. 96-111, and the Jewish historians Gratz, Herzfeld, etc. 650 EDUCATION that the synagogue officer (no3p0 733)—the minister (smnpérns) of Lk 4%—was the teacher of the synagogue school. This uniform tradition seems founded on a precept regarding Sabbath observ- ance in the Mishna treatise of that name, where, even on the sacred day, ‘the pin (Hazzdn) is allowed to look on where the children are reading, but he may not read himself’ (Shabdath, i. 3). Now it will be observed that the proper title of the synagogue official, as given above, is not found here—a fact hitherto overlooked. For }3n is a word of general application, meaning ‘overseer,’ ‘in- spector,’ or the like, and its exact significance has to be decided by the context (see the Lexx. of Buxtorf, Levy, and Jastrow). In the passage quoted the context requires us to render ‘over- seer’ or ‘master (of the school).’ This rendering is supported by 4 passage in the treatise Sota (ix. 15), where R. Miieser says: ‘Since the destruction of the temple the sage (x’n'2n) has become like the scribe (x55), and the scribe like the Hazzdn (x31n), and the Hazzdn like the uneducated man.’ Here we have evidently the hierarchy of the teaching profession, and it may fairly be assumed that they all belong to the ranks of those who, in the NT, - are known as vowodiddoxado, ‘doctors of the law’ (Lk 51”), i.e. the scribes. Now this passage of St. Luke (cf. Mt 9%) is of the utmost importance, as showing that these doctors or teachers were to be found in ‘every village (xéun) of Galilee and Judea.’ It is absurd to suppose—even granting the hyperbolic nature of the evangelist’s state- ment—that the higher colleges, where alone the scribes are usually supposed to have taught, were to be found in ach numbers throughout the country. But there would, at this time, be an elementary school wherever there was a synagogue. We conclude, therefore, that teachers of all grades were members of the powerful guild of the scribes (ol ypayparets, cf. ypapparior}s, ‘a schoolmaster’). In the Aramaic of the period 8750 no doubt already meant ‘teacher’ in general, since we find s7150 n’3 =‘school’ (see the Leax., and ef. Targum on 1 Ch 258, where ‘ the teacher as the scholar’ is rendered xtoon oy xp). It follows, therefore, that the Hazzaén or master, who conducted the elementary school, was an official of a higher social grade than the ‘ Hazzdn of the synagogue,’ who had to perform such menial offices as the whipping of criminals (Makkoth, iii. 12). The most usual form of address to a teacher was Rabbi (‘22 ‘my master,’ lit. ‘my great one’), but it ‘does not seem to have been used as a title [e.g. Rabbi Eliezer, Rabbi Akiba, etc.]} till after the time of Christ’ (Schiirer). In the NT our Lord is addressed by His disciples as paBBel (paBBouvel), cipre, dddoxadre, and—in Lk only—as émordra. The opinion just stated, that in the time of our Saviour every place of any size in the country was provided with an elementary school, does not quite coincide with that of the Jewish doctors of a later day, unless we suppose (as is not unreason- able) that the political and religious troubles of the period injuriously affected the provincial schools. We refer to the oft-quoted eulogium on Joshua ben-Gamala (Gamaliel), who was high priest about A.D. 63-65 : ‘Verily let it be remembered to that man for good, R. Joshua ben-Gamala is his name, for had he not been, the Law would have been forgotten in Israel. At first every one that had a father (alive) received from him instruction in the Law, but he that had no father (alive) learned not the Law. . . Thereafter teachers for the children were appointed in Jerusalem. . . . But even this measure sufficed not, for he that had a father was brought by him to school, and was taught there, but he that had ao father was not brought to be taught there. In EDUCATION a consequence of this, it was ordained that teachers should be appointed in every district. To them the children were sent when they were 16-17 years of age. When a teacher became angry with a scholar, the latter stamped his feet and ran away. In this condition education remained until the time of Joshua ben-Gamala, who ordained that in every province and in every town there should be teachers appointed, to whom children should be brought at the age of six or seven years’ (Baba bathra, 21a).* : 2 It is not now possible to speak with certainty regarding the condition of the elementary school at the period of which one would most like to know, dis period of the childhood of our blessed Lord. The Mishna, almost our only authority, is not, as a whole, older than A.D. 200. Accordingly, we must be content to infer—and always with caution—that some, at least, of the methods ‘ere referred to as of long standing may have been operative in the Ist cent. But before attempting even such hesitating results, it will be convenient to give at this point what requires to be said of the education to be got beyond the synagogue schools. For the great mass of the boys—for the girls no public provision was made (see below)— these schools sufficed. Only those destined for the study of the Law were sent to the Beth ham-Midrash (¥q750 m2) or Shouse of study,’ as the colleges of the scribes were called. These colleges were prob- ably a development of this period. They were, naturally, most numerous in Jerusalem, where the most famous scribes seem to have had each his ‘house of study.’ Josephus mentions two by name (Wars, 1. xxxiii. 2; Ant. XVIII. x. 5) who drew crowds of students in the last days of Herod the Great. But by far the most famous of these ‘doctors of the law’ were the two heads of the rival schools, Hillel and Shammai, although for Christian students a greater interest attaches to Hillel’s grandson, himself the most respected teacher of his day, Gamaliel I., who numbered the young Saul of Tarsus among his pupils (Ac 22%). At these colleges the scribe-aspirant received a professional rather than a general education, for which reason the further discussion of their sub- jects and methods of study belongs rather to the article SCRIBE. Returning now to the elementary school, we propose to touch briefly on such of the outstanding features of the school system as we have reason to believe existed in the century preceding the destruction of Jerusalem. As regar‘s the age of the pupils on admission, our authority, though often quoted, is unfortunately too late to be of value for the period in question. ‘ At five years the age is reached for the study of the Scripture (x77), at ten for the study of the Mishna, at thirteen for the fulfilment of the Commandments, at fifteen for the study of the Talmud, at eighteen for marriage,’ etc. (Ab. v. 24). There is a con- sensus of opinion, on the other hand, in the Tal- mudic winnie that six was the earliest age at which school life should begin.t The child had already learned from his parent to repeat the Shema (see Driver on Dt 64), selected proverbs, and verses from the Psalms. He had also had the historical significance of various rites and cere- monies explained to him (see p. 647> above). It is extremely unlikely that the subjects of instruction included more than reading, writing, and, perhaps, the elements of arithmetic. The first of these was by far the most important, and * The above is Wiinsche’s translation in Der babyl. Talmud, c. t For the curious ceremonies observed at a later period on the child’s first appearance at school, see Schechter, Studies in Judaism, p. 368. EDUCATION the fact that the much esteemed privilege of read- _ ing, and even of expounding, the law in the syna- gogue was open to all, must have acted as an incen- tive to diligent study. The only text-book was the Scriptures—hence the most usual name for the elementary school 1557 n'3 the ‘house of the Book’ —mostly but not exclusively the Pentateuch. ‘Turn it (the Torah), and turn it over again, for everything is in it’ (Ab. v. 25), well expresses the attitude of the orthodox Judaism of the time to secular literature. Even so early as the beginning of our era, it was probably usual to begin with the Book of Leviticus, as the book whose contents it was necessary for every Jewto know. Care would be taken that the words of the sacred tongue (for only Hebrew was allowed in school) should be cor- rectly pronounced * and reverently read. Foreign languages were no part of an ordinary Jewish education, as Josephus expressly informs us (Ant. XX. xii. 1); yet few lads can have grown up in the busy cities of Palestine without learning to speak both Aramaic and Greek, and at least to read Hebrew. Tradition has it that a knowledge of Greek was an essential qualification for member- ship of the Sanhedrin (Sanhed. 17a). + he Latin maxim, ‘repetitio mater studiorum,’ may be taken as the keynote of Jewish educational method. So great was the importance attached to constant repetition, that the verb 79 ‘to repeat’ came ultimately to mean both ‘to learn’ and ‘to teach.’t After the letters were mastered § the teacher copied a verse which the child had already learned by heart, and taught him to identify the individual words. The absence of vowel signs in Hebrew, as then written, prevented the child from learning to read syllables as he does in the ‘ Talmud Torah’ schools of the Jewish communities in the East at the present day. In one point, however, the schools of 1900 years ago resembled those schools of to-day, namely, the babel of childish voices that rose from every corner of the school- room, for ‘audible study and distinct pronuncia- tion’ (Ab. vi. 6) were the first of numerous re- ues for the proper study of the Torah. Was there not once a pupil who learned his tasks with- out repeating the words aloud, and who, in con- sequence, forgot all he had learned in three years? (Erubin, 54a). The ideal schoolboy of the period was R. Eliezer, whom his teachers likened to ‘a cemented cistern which loses not a drop’ (Aé. ii. 11). The scholar sat on the ground facing the teacher (cf. Ac 22, Ab. i. 4), who sat slightly raised above his pupils. Benches were a later invention. The old conception of education as above all a dis- cipline was not forgotten, and probably never before was education so exclusively religious and scriptural, with so little reference to the teachings of nature and history. The teacher’s function, as then conceived, was not to inform the mind or to impart knowledge for its own sake, but to train up his pupils in the fear of the Lord, and so to prepare them for the ceremonial and moral duties incum- bent on them as the true sons of the covenant of Abraham. It has become a commonplace that the scribes taught gratuitously. This may have been true of the great doctors of the capital,—although even * On the defects of the Galilean pronunciation (Mt 2673), see Buxtort sub $a, and Lightfoot’s dissertation in Hor. Hebr. (ed. Gandell) i. 170 ff. + See also Sota, ix. 14, for a statement that the study of Greek had only been stopped since the ‘war of Titus’—for which read ‘war of Quietus,’ with most modern scholars. $ Cf. the interesting quotation from St. Jerome in Schiirer, op. cit. m1. i. 824. § On the later method of teaching the alphabet on the ‘ A-was- an-Archer’ principle see Shabbath, 104a, given in full in Wiinsche’s Babylon, Talmud, etc., i. pp. 155-57, cf. Lewit {title below), p. 47. EDUCATION then, perhaps, only as regards judicial work (Schiirer),—but scarcely of the elementary teachers in the provinces. It has been suggested that the honorarium was paid under some pretext, such as compensation for loss of time, ete. (Lewit, p. 26). This is quite in the spirit of the casuistry of the time. Still, as is well known, the scholars of the day had a much worthier conception of the dignity of work than had Jesus the son of Sirach (Sir 38%), and taught that the study of the Law should be combined with the exercise of a trade (Ab. ii. 2). We must not aed that the educational system here outlined was the only system then to be found in Palestine. It was the system adopted by the strict Jews, it is true, but there were other schools of the Greek type, not only in the many Hellenistic centres,—whence came some of the most famous oets, philosophers, and orators of that age (see chiirer, II, i. 28),—but even in Jerusalem itself. Such a school was that which the youthful Herod attended (Josephus, Ané. xv. x. 5). In nothing, however, did the Jewish educational ideal (for which cf. Josephus, Ant. xx. xii. 1, povors 5é coplay paprupovor rots Td vouima capds émiorapévas, k.7.A.) differ so widely from the Greek as in the value attached to physical training. For the ordinary forms of gymnastic exercise the Jew apparently had little inclination, unless, perhaps, for swim- ming (Kiddushin, 29a), while wrestling in public was peculiarly abhorrent to his sense both of dignity and decency (1 Mac 114, 2 Mac 419%), We have said nothing hitherto of the education of Jewish girls. These were from their birth to their marriage their mother’s special care, by whom they were taught, like their brothers, ‘to fear God and keep his commandments.’ By her, too, they were taught to read, and perhaps to write, as boys in former days were taught by their father, and thereafter instructed in the domestic arts corresponding to their station. The deeper wiene of the Torah, and still more the higher secular learning, were discouraged. The ideal to which every Jewish daughter was—and we may add, is—taught to aspire is that of the ‘ virtuous woman’ who ‘looketh well to the ways of her household, and eateth not the bread of idleness. Her children arise up, and call her blessed; her husband also, and he praiseth her, saying: Many daughters have done virtuously, but thou excellest them all’ (Pr 31*%-”), Truly a noble ideal of womanhood ! Lrrgraturg.—A critical history of Hebrew education is still a desideratum. The standard works of the historians, Jewish and Christian, contain only incidental references. Professor Laurie’s Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Education, 1895, pp. 69-105, gives a good account of the subject from the con- servative standpoint. Quite a number of Jewish writers have dealt with it in recent years, mainly, however, as organized by the Jewish authorities from the 2nd cent. a.D. onwards. The following are the best of these special works (only those with the number of pages added have been consulted): M. Duschak, Schulgesetzgebung und Methodik d. alten Israeliten, 1872; E. yan Gelder, Die Volksschule d. pid, Alterthums, 1892, 31 pp. ; Seidel, Ueber die Padagogik d. Proverbien, 1875; 8. Marcus, Die Peedagogik des Israel. Volkes, 1877 ; J. Simon, L’ Education et Vinstruction des Enfants chez les anciens Jwifs?, 1879, 63 pp.; A. Astruc, L’Enseignment chez les anciens Jutfs, 1881 ; B. Spiers, The School System of the Talmud, 1882, 27 pp.; B. Strassburger, Geschichte d. Erziehung und d. Unterrichts bet d. Israeliten, etc., 1885, 310 pp. (Pre-Talmudic period, pp. 1-24 ; Leash Sie of Jewish pedagogics, pp. 273-77); J. Lewit, Darstellung d. theoretischen u. praktischen Pddagogik in jud. Altertume, 1896, 80 pp.; Oehler’s ‘ Pidagogik d. Alten Test.’ in Schmid’s Zncyclo- iidie d. gesammten Hrziehungs und Unterrichtswesen, vol. v. 1866, pp. 653-695 (1883, pp. 637-578), is full and suggestive, but in great part antiquated; Gustav Baur in Schmid’s Gesch. d. Erziehung, 1892, pp. 554-570 (not seen). Hamburger’s Real- encyclopidie d. Judenthums, 1883 (vol. i. art. ‘Erziehung’; ii. ‘Lehrer,’ ‘Schule,’ ‘ Unterricht, etc.), is a mine of informa. tion for the later period; see also Schiirer’s HJP um. i. 25, ‘Scribism,’ vol. ii. 27, ‘School and Synagogue’ (older literature of the subject, p. 46); Ginsburg in Kitto’s Biblical Cyclo- pedia’, art. ‘Education’ ; Edersheim, Sketches of Jewish Social 652 EFFECT Life the Days of Christ (esp. chs. vii. viii.), and Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah; L. Léw, Die Lebensalter in d. jiuid. Interatur, 1875, passim (esp. p. 180 ff. : ‘Education in ible Times,’ and relative notes); 8. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896 (p. 343 ff.; ‘The Child in Jewish Literature’). The standard authorities for Jewish education in the Middle Ages (which may be added for coinpleteness’ sake) are the works of M, Giidemann, Geschichte d. Erziehungswesen u. d. Kultur d. Juden, etc., France and Germany, 1880; Italy, 1884; Spain, 1888. See also I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, 1896 (esp. chs, xix. xx.). A. R. S. KENNEDY. EFFECT.—In 2 Es 9 ‘effect’ is used in the obsolete sense of ‘deed,’ ‘the times also of the Highest have . . . endings in effects and signs’ (consummatio in actu et in signis); cf. Shaks. Lear, i. iv. 182— ‘Thou better know’st The offices of nature, bond of childhood, Effects of courtesy, dues of gratitude.’ In Ezk 12% the sense is purport, significance. ‘The days are at hand, and the effect of ever vision’ (133 ‘word,’ as RVm). So Chaucer, Merch. Tale, 153— * And for his freendes on a day he sente, To tellen hem th’ effect of his entente.’ With those exceptions, the use of ‘effect’ is much as in mod. English, though the phrase in Ro 96 may be noticed, ‘as though the word of God hath taken none effect’ (ixatarwxey, lit. ‘has fallen out,’ RV ‘hath come to nought’). The usual phrase is ‘to make of none effect,’ always a single vb. in the original, of which the most interesting is zarapyiw (Ro 414, Gal 317; trad ‘make without effect’ Ro 33), a characteristically Pauline word. Its opposite is évepyéw, a word always in NT of some ponciple or power at work, esp. in the soul (see Mayor on Ja 516), Wher- ever ‘effectual’ and ‘effectually’ occur in NT they translate either ivspysiv, as Gal 28, 1 Th 213 ‘ work effectually’; 2Co 16 ‘be effectual’; Ja 516 ‘the effectual fervent prayer of a right- eous man availeth much’ (RV ‘the supplication of a righteous man availeth much in its working,’ Rendel Harris, ‘the energized prayer of a righteous man is of great force’*); its adj. ivepyns, a8 1 Co 169, Philem 8; or its subst. tvépyssoe, whence Eng. ‘ energy,’ as Eph 37 416 ‘ effectual working,’ RV ‘ working.’ In all these places we should now use ‘ effective,’ ‘ effectively.’ J. HASTINGS. EGGS.—See Fow.L. EGLAH (nb.y ‘a heifer’).—One of the wives of David, and mother of Ithream (2 S 35). Both here and in 1 Ch 3° she is distinguished by the title ‘David’s wife.’ Jewish tradition (cf. Jer. Quest. Heb. im libros Regum) identified E. with Michal, since the latter was his first and best-loved wife. More probably the name of E.’s first husband is con- cealed in the word ‘ David.’ J. F. STENNING. EGLAIM (o::x), Is 15%. — Noticed with Moab. The name has not been recovered. In the Ono- masticon (3.v. Agallim) it is placed 8 Roman miles south of Areopolis. C. R. ConpDER. EGLATH-SHELISHIYAH (avy nbiy) occurs in an ancient oracle against Moab, which is quoted in Is 15° and Jer 48%. In both these passages RV takes the word to be a proper name, giving in margin the alternative tr™ ‘[as] an heifer of three ears old,’ which is AV in Jer 48% and AVm in s 15°. Inthe latter passage, AV text omits ‘[as].’ It is still somewhat uncertain whether the word is an appellative or a proper name, although the latter view has commended itself to the majority of modern scholars (Ewald, Reuss, Graf, Rothstein in Kautzsch’s A.7. ete.). Delitzsch (Isaiah, ad loc.) defends the rendering of AV and Luther, laying stress upon the fact that both in Is and Jer 9 '3y occurs asyndetically. He points out that it might be an appellative of Moab (cf. * Having given ‘earnest’ as one meaning of ‘effectual’ when used of prayers, the Of. Hng. Dict. (8.v.) adds: ‘Cf. Anglo- Lat. effectuose supplicantes ‘‘ earnestly entreating,” a.p. 1229 in Rymer, 1. 308. Perhaps this use was originally due to confusion with affectual ; but the translators of AV ingeniously availed themselves of it in Ja 516 to render Gr. ivipyouévm.’ It is to be observed, however, that AV uses two words, ‘ effectual fervent,’ for this one Gr. word. Tindale’s tr. is ‘if it be fervent.’ EGLON Jer 46” 507, Hos 46104, in all of which ‘heifer is similarly used), but thinks it more probable that the reference is to Zoar (Is) or Horonaim (Jer) as beautiful, strong, and hitherto unsubdued cities. In Is 15° after Zfywp (Zoar) LXX has dduakts ydp éorw tperjs, referring to Moab. In Jer 48 (Gr. 31]* the MSS show a perplexing variety of readings (see Swete). B has, after Horonaim, kal dyyeNlav Zahaced. Aq. and Symm., however, had ddpuadis rpierjs (see Field). LITERATURE.—Comm. on Is and Jer; Baudissin in SK, 1888, p. 509 ff.; Dietrich in Merx’ Archiv, i. 342 ff. J. A. SELBIE. EGLON (}\91y).—A king of Moab who, upon the relapse of the children of Israel into idolatry after the death of Othniel, was the divine instrument for punishing them. He is represented as formin a confederation with Amalek and Ammon,* an in conjunction with them taking arnt) of Jericho (‘the city of palm trees, 33).¢ For eighteen years he ruled over them, till a deliverer arose in the person of Ehud, of the clan of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin. With the excuse ot taking Eglon his tribute (or, perhaps, a present), Ehud with a retinue of servants went to the king’s court. The king, we are told, in order that we inay understand what is coming, was a very fat man. The present was offered, and the whole party started on their way home again. When they reached the graven images (LXX, Vulg. AVm, RVm), or perhaps graven stones (by some connected with the twelve stones of Jos 4”), or the quarries (AV, RV, following Targ. Syr.),t Ehud went back to the king by hineele and, by giving him to believe that he had a secret to com- municate to him, obtained an interview with him by himself alone. He was sitting in his cool upper-chamber. Now that he has the king by himself, Ehud claims that his message for the king is from God, upon which Eglon rises out of respect to the source of the message. Ehud then draws his two-edged dagger, taking advantage of his left-handedness, which would enable him to do so without much notice being taken of his act, and stabs E. with such force that the dagger, haft and all, goes into him, while the fat closes upon the blade.§ It is some little time before the murder of E. is discovered, and meanwhile Ehud has escaped and summoned his countrymen to the destruction of the Moabites on the W. of Jordan with such success, that ‘ the land had rest fourscore ears.” ! Jos. (Ant. Vv. iv.) makes several additions to, and variations in, the story told in the Book of Judges; that E. built a palace at Jericho; that Ehud also dwelt there, and became familiar with E. by means of his presents, and was beloved by E.’s courtiers. Ehud gathers the Israelites together to destroy Moab dimnost before his murder of E. is known. LiTERATURE.—For the latest description of the history of Eglon, see Moore, Judges, 89 ff. H. A. REDPATH. EGLON ()52y).—An ancient town in the She- phelah, close to Lachish. Its king, Debir, joined in the alliance formed by the king of Jerus. ayainst the Isr. under Joshua, and after the battle of Aijalon it was captured and destroyed (Jos 101-8712"). It is not again named in Scripture, so that it was prob. utterly destroyed. In LXX, cf. Jos 10, Adullam takes its place by some (prob.) early mistake, they * This is held to be an exaggeration of D by those who dis- tinguish various hands in this book; see, however, Ps 836.7, which seems to refer to the period of the Judges. t The fortifications, at any rate, of Jericho must have bees in ruins (cf. Jos 626 with 1 K 1634), but we are never told that the ruins left from the burning of Jericho were pulled down. { The notion that they were boundary stones or images scarcely deserves mention. § For the meaning of the last clause of verse % see Mocra pp. 97, 98. EGYPT are in consequence identified in the Onomasticon. The name remains in ‘Ajlfn, some 15 miles N.E. from Gaza and 2 miles N. of Tell Hesy, now con- elusively identified with the ancient Lachish. But Flinders Petrie (PEFSt, 1890, pp. 161-163) oints out Tell Nejileh as probably the true site. hiirbet ‘Ajladn his practised eye pronounced un- likely to be the site of an ancient town. On the other hand, ‘it is certain,’ he says, ‘that Tell Hesy and subordinately Tell Nejileh must have been positions of first-rate importance from the time of the earliest settlements; they would then agree to the character of Lachish and Eglon. The history of Tel? Hesy begins about B.c. 1500, and ends about B.c. 500; while Tell Nejileh, as far as can be seen on the surface, is of the same age, or ruined even earlier.’ ‘There are no sites in the country around so suited to the importance of Lachish and Eglon as these two Tells.’ To this may be added, that the course of Joshua (ch. 10) brought him first to Lachish—Eglon lying between Lachish and Hebron; and the position of Tell Nejileh suits this account better than that of ‘Ajlin. See LACHISH. Lirgraturs.—Robinson, BRP ii. 49; Porter, Gtant Cities of Bashan, 209; PEF St (1895), 165; Bliss, A Mound of Many Cities (1804), 142, A. HENDERSON. EGYPT.— 1. Name. fi. Physical character, fii, Fauna. iv. Flora. vy. Ethnology. vi. Language. vii. Chronology. viii. History. ix. Relations with Asia. x. Religion. {. NAME.—The name by which the Egyptians at all times designated their country was Kimez (Copt. KHMé€, xHM ), @ word of which the probable etymology—root km ‘black’—would confirm the statements of Herodotus and Plutarch, who con- nect it with the dark colour of the soil. The contrasting redness of the neighbouring desert sand gave to that the name of ‘the Red Land.’ It is phonetically impossible to connect Kimet with the name ree (on). To the Semites the country was known as Mizraim (0:5, seldom 1x9, Meorpalu, Meoapalu), the termination here being no doubt locative and not a dual. The older cunei- form texts vocalize Musr, the later Misr; the Amarna letters have generally Misri, pl.* For this word a favourite though undemonstrable derivation is that from 7x» ‘fort.’ The Greek name Atyurros (Arab. Kibt, Eth. Gebs, and European Copt) is of equally obscure origin. It cannot be satisfactorily derived from any pt ear or Semitic word or combination of words. the earliest Greek writers (Odyssey oohapr tl it is the name of the river, for which Ne?dos (cf. 973, 773?) is first found in Hesiod. In the later epochs and in tical texts we meet with many other names for Fen t. Of such @ mri is among the most frequent, and seems connected specially with Lower Egypt and the inundation. ‘The Land of the Sycamore,’ ‘of the Olive,’ ‘of the Sacred Eye,’ are names which require for their explanation a greater knowledge of the geographical myths than we possess. ii. PHYSICAL CHARACTER.—The geological con- * According to W. Max Miiller (Z. Ass. viii. 209), Musru, whence Shalmaneser 1. received presents, was Egypt, not a N. Syrian or Armenian district (Winckler, Hommel, etc.). Winckler has suggested (Alt. For. 24 ff.) that another Mugri, which he locates in Edom or Sinai, may have been the real origin of the Exodus tradition, reminiscences of wanderings in that district having got confused with the name of Egypt. In 8. Arabian inscriptions this Musri and Egypt are distinguished as [13D and sD (Hommel in Festschrift f. Ebers, 27). EGYPT 653 stitution of Egypt is simple; its elenents are three—the bed of rock (limestone for the most part, with sandstone and granite in the S.), which stretches across the N.E. corner of Africa; then the sand which lies upon this, and extends from the Arabian desert hills on the E. to the Libyan range on the W.; lastly, the black Nile mud, resting upon the sand in the centre of the valley, and forming the highroad for the great stream on which the prosperity of the country depends. The number and dimensions of the buildings erected at all periods gave a high import- ance to the geological elements of the country. The limestone obtained near Memphis (Turrah) furnished the material for the principal works of the early periods. The great temples higher up the valley, especially those of Thebes, are built of sandstone, conveniently obtainable at Silsileh. Red granite for statues, sarcophagi, etc., was worked at the first Cataract (Asw4n); black granite and diorite for similar purposes came from the eastern desert (Hammfmat). Alabaster, a favourite material, usually for smaller objects, was quarried opposite Dahshfr, or (a better quality) at Hind, near Beni-Hasan, whence it was extracted under the earliest Dynasties. In metals the Nile valley itself is poor; those most valued come from abroad,—gold in plenty from Nubia or the eastern desert ; silver, which was rarer, probably from Cilicia; copper from Sinai, later also from Cyprus; malachite and lapis lazuli from Sinai and Mesopotamia. Bronze, familiar during all later epochs, was made with tin, the provenance of which is uncertain, but which was already used under the 6th Dynasty. Nor can we tell whence iron, well known at any rate from about 800 B.c., was obtained, though a limited amount could be got from the western desert. The course of the Nile through Nubia is hindered by a succession of rocky barriers, the last or northernmost of which—the first Cataract—has often been the political as it is the natural frontier of Egypt. Between the Cataracts and the Delta the country is of a very uniform character. The valley is extensive or narrow as the two hill-ranges recede from or approach the stream. Its breadth varies from about nine to four miles. As the river progresses northward, the hills gradually fall back and the valley expands into the plain of the Delta, across which the river makes its way by various channels to the Mediterranean. though the surface-denudation recognizable at certain points of the river’s course and the petrified forests still extant testify to very different climatic condi- tions at a remote geological period, it is unlikely that during the five or six thousand years of historic Egypt there has been much change in the aspect of the country. By the opening of that period the valley had been dried, the river-bed raised, and the stream’s course fixed practically to its actual extent, though the number of its mouths was greater than it is to-day. History is concerned during the earlier periods almost exclusively with the upper valley; the Delta was evidently still but partially reclaimed, though certain towns there are already met with in the myths and in the earliest history. Physical contrasts are coincident with that division into Upper and Lower Egypt which we find an estab- lished fact of the remotest historic times; already the two kingdoms—for such undoubtedly they once had been—are united, each, however, retain- ing its own tutelary deity, and its independent eapital, Vib (El-Kab) and Buto. eyond this twofold partition, Egypt appears from the earliest times subdivided into a number (about 22 in south and north respectively) of smaller districts (nomes, from voués), which become later the basis of an administrative system, but 654 EGYPT EGYPT A - which originated probably in the vaguely defined settlements of different tribes. ‘The lists of the nomes are our chief source of topographical know- ledge; but no full lists are preserved from early periods, although several most ancient documents (tomb of Min, Pyramid texts) mention a few of the nomes. In the later lists each nome is per- sonified by its guardian deity, fetish, or emblem, which serves as a kind of coat-of-arms. A nome was held to be composed of four elements: (1) the metropolis, the seat of the tribal religion and residence of the chief; (2) the cultivated land; (3) the canals by which the fields were fed with river-water; (4) the marshes which, rarely cul- tivable, served as a hunting-ground for the local nobles. The hieroglyphic --—-, which expressed one of the words for ‘nome,’ is a testimony to some primitive irrigation system, representing as it does a canal-divided field, and the founder of the Ist Dynasty is credited with the construction of the great dyke which still protects the province of Gizeh from a too extensive inundation, while his successors had all to occupy themselves with the regulation of the water, the cutting of canals, and the satisfaction of local claims upon the benefits of proximity to the river itself. Varia- tions in the annual height of the inundation were no doubt carefully observed in the remotest ages ; we know that they were recorded in the Cataract district by the kings of the 12th Dynasty, and at Karnak in later times. The Nile is not only the great fertilizer ; it is also, now as formerly, the main highway. We hear relatively little of journeys by road ; locomotion was normally by water, either upon the river or upon the subsidiary canals. The commonest words for journeying implied the idea of sailing up or down stream. The dead were drawn to their rock-cut tombs on boat-formed cars; the solar gods were thought to traverse the sky in a divine bark. Such roads as we do hear of are chiefly those leading from the Nile across the desert— eastwards (from Coptos) to the Red Sea, west- wards to the Natron Lakes, or southwards into the Soudan. iii. FAUNA.—The bones of sacrificial animals from various periods, and countless animal mum- mies from the base epochs, might, if carefully preserved and located, teach much as to the ultimate homes of several species, while an exten- sive knowledge of both the domesticated and wild animals might be had from the frescoes of the tombs—especially those of the Middle Kingdom. Each animal is there accompanied by its name, though it is often difficult to find for these their modern equivalents. For the earliest times the hieroglyphic signs themselves would supply a considerable list, giving evidence that the species then known have since changed little. The lion is frequently depicted, though probably seldom met with until the desert had been reached. The lion hunts recorded in the New Kingdom refer mainly to Syria or Nubia, though Thutmosis Iv. hunted lions in the neighbourhood of Memphis. Leopards (or panthers?) seem to have been seen in the south; elephants and giraffes were not unknown to those who traded on the Upper Nile; jackals, then as now, were very familiar ; desert wolves and hyenas somewhat less so; many kinds of antelopes were well known. The hippopotamus, once commonly met in the river and hunted in the swamps, has by now been driven far up the Nile. Of oxen various breeds were kept; the familiar long-horned species existed until the plague in the middle of the present century. Oxen are often represented ploughing or threshing. Certain varieties, or rather individual members of certain varieties, distinguished by peculiar, carefully sought mark- ings, were held sacred from the earliest times— Apis at Memphis, Mnevis at Heliopolis, Bacis at Hermonthis. Sheep were no doubt kept, but occur rarely on the monuments. Varieties of the long- and the spiral-horned ram were sacred. The ass was the usual beast of burden, and was not rivalled by the camel till a very late date. It wil! be remembered that in Gn 12% (Abraham and Pharaoh) and Ex 9° (Moses) camels are neverthe- less mentioned—both by J—as if known in Egypt. The horse is likewise unknown in the older epee A as it appears first after the Hyksos period, it is assumed to have been introduced by those in- vaders. The reference to Egyptian horse-breeding in 1K 10% should more probably be applied to some Asiatic country (Winckler, Altt. Unt. 173 A). The Egyptian name for the horse meant properly ‘a pair,’ and was due probably to its first employ- ment in the war-chariot. Foreign names, among them Semit. 01», once borrowed, became even more usual, The horse appears to have been seldom ridden, Several breeds of dogs were known; some were valued for the chase. The names of some breeds are preserved, and show that certain Libyan (or Nubian?) varieties were popular. The cat, sacred to the goddess B’stt, was larger in ancient than in modern Egypt. It figures in a very ancient solar myth (Book at the Dead, ch. 17). The pig, except for its mention in the sacred books, is not met with until late times. Of birds a great number are depicted—geese, ducks, herons of many sorts; migratory birds, e.g. swallows, plovers, quails. Eagle, vulture, hawk, and owl are among the most constantly recurring hieroglyphics, while the vulture, hawk, and ibis were sacred to pro- minent divinities, and were embalmed in numbers (in the base epochs) in the localities of which those divinities were the patrons. It is remarkable that, though hen-breeding is universal in Egypt to-day, that bird was apparently unknown to the ancients. Of the larger reptiles the most important was the crocodile, now no longer to be met with below the Cataracts. There is a vena of snakes, the best known being the ureus, emblem of the patron- goddess of Lower Egypt and hence of the king, and the horned viper. From the importance and frequency in the earliest religious literature of charms against large snakes, it may be inferred that their numbers and dimensions were once greater than they are at present. The texts show us several insects, notably the scarabeus-beetle, regarded, especially in later times, as a symbol of eternity and of the sun-god, and the bee, associated in writing from the remot- est times with royalty in Lower Egypt. Fish are often represented. The most peculiar is the oryrrhynchus, the badge of the 19th nome of Upper Egypt. Fish were much eaten ; some of the dos frescoes depict them speared in the marshes, landed in drag-nets, and then split for drying ; while texts equally ancient tell of the construction of fish-powded iv. FLoRA.—Egypt is remarkably poor in variety of vegetation. Many of the cultivated plants most common now—cotton, sugar, rice—are modern im- portations. In prehistoric ages the valley was no doubt con- siderably wooded ; but to-day, with the exception of the various palm species, trees occur only singly or in small groups. The representations of the flora—of trees especially—in the frescoes, carv- ings, or hieroglyphies are generally too far conven- tionalized to be instructive. More can be learned from extant remains of edible grains or funerary floral wreaths (from the New Kingdom onwards), or of woodwork (from all periods). From these it is clear that the native vegetation has altered very little during the course of history. The Egyptians EGYPT EGYPT 655 were at all times ill off for workable woods, and were compelled—where the stalks of river plants would not serve—to make the best of their own comore or acacia (the latter especially in the older epochs), or to Bar yew from Cilicia (?) and ebony from Nubia. ore than one Pharaoh of the New Kingdom brought specimens of trees and vegetables from Syria or the Red Sea coasts, either as curiosities or with a view to their propagation. From the nature of the soil, agriculture must aprey® have been the main occupation of the population, and we learn from the monuments the names of several cereals, of which wheat and bar- ley were the commonest, dhurah being well known since the New Kingdom. Gardens were laid out, and much interest was shown in them since the 4th Dynasty. Many vegetables are represented in the frescoes and as hieroglyphic signs, especially the bulbous sorts—onions, leeks, ete. (cf. Nu xi. 5). The vine was always largely cultivated, and from the Delta came several famous wines of Greek and Roman times. The fig, too, is early represented. Many plants were valued medicinally, as can be shown from the numbers occurring in the medical works, notably in the Papyrus Ebers; others were used for dyeing. The most important of all plants to the Egyptians was the papyrus, which, unknown now in the Delta, grew there once in vast thickets where the nobles hunted, and whence was obtained the material, not only for writing, but also for numerous other purposes, decorative and useful. As the papyrus became one of the pictorial emblems of Lower Egypt, so the lotus was often that of the southern country, although a sort of water-reed seems also to have been so employed. v. ETHNOLOGY.—The problem of the origin and relationships of the Egyptian race is still unsolved. Its solution is to be sought in the evidence of (1) philology ; (2) miyebolory 3 (8) physical anthro- logy ; and (4) material culture. Investigations in these various fields have hitherto given results partially discordant. (1) The most ancient lin- guistic documents point to an undeniable though already very remote relationship with the Semitic languages (see below). (2) The divinities and myths familiar to the earliest texts were, until recently, accepted as growths of the Egyptian soil, the inclination beng to recognize in extraneous ele- ments, if any, the influence of neighbouring A fri- can races. Hommel indeed invites us to take other considerations into account by pointing out certain coincidences between the ancient religions of Egypt and Babylonia. (3) Racial types, as depicted on the monuments, and the measurements, etc., of mummies, have led to no uniform results. Formerly, anthropologists saw in the sculptures and paintings one race, identical with the Conta of to-day ; now they generally discern various types among the most ancient portraits, and seek on such evidence to distinguish at least two races. Few mummies remain from the oldest epochs—one of the most ancient is that from Medtim, at present in the Royal College of Surgeons, London,—and those from later times point apparently to a short-skulled, while the modern ey. tian is of a long-skulled type. Prob- ably the o dost group of remains (from Abydos, 1895-96) seems to point toa long-skulled, orthogna- thous, smooth-haired race; but the type there is not homogeneous, neither is that of the Medfim mummies, and their relationship to the race of historic Egypt is not yet clear. (4) There is cer- tainly evidence of African elements, whether due to primitive kinship or to mere proximity, in some branches of the material civilization, such as dress, weapons, possibly circumcision. On the other hand, Hommel seeks to show that a very early form of religious or sepulchral architecture (pyra- mid) is derived from Babylonia. It must be owned that the oldest remains of Mesopotamian civiliza- tion appear to exceed in antiquity any hitherto brought to light in Egypt. Most are agreed that, whatever be the case with their forerunners, the Egyptians from the 3rd or 4th Dynasty onwards were not a negroid race; that they came, on the contrary, from Asia. But the questions of their previous home there and the route by which they reached the Nile,—whether by Bab el-Mandeb and Abyssinia or the Wady Ham- mamat and Coptos, or by the Syrian desert and the Isthmus,—are as yet unanswered. The route S. Arabia-Hamm4imat-Coptos has for it the evidence (a) of prehistoric remains at Coptos, pointing to a people coming direct from the Red Sea; (6) of certain facts—physical resemblance, peaceful rela- tions, and the apparently Pena attitude of the Egyptians—which have been held to point to Pwnt, i.e. the country about the southern end of the Red Sea, as a former home of the race. To this may be added the tradition that the founders of the monarchy came from Thinis, a town not far distant from Coptos—a tradition which has been confirmed by the recent discovery of the First Dynasty tombs in the same neigh- bourhood (Abydos). No reminiscence has been discerned in the literature of a prehistoric immigration. The people apparently considered themselves aborigenes, and called themselves merely Léme(t), ‘men’ par excellence. Traces of a stone age, undeniable though compli- cated by the long historic survival of flint-work- ing, show that the country has been inhabited since the Pliocene period. Paleolithic remains are rare, but some half-dozen stations are said to have been recognized. Considerable evidence has been adduced (though contested) to demon- strate a New Stone age. That a Hebrew writer of the 6th or 7th cent. speaks (Gn 10%) of Mizraim as related to Cush (Ethiopia), Put (S. Arabia, Pwnt), and Canaan, is not a fact of much ethnological importance. By the earlier annalist (0.4) eight names—mostly unidentifiable —are given which may preserve a then current Hebrew view of Egypt’s ethnological relationships. vi. LANGUAGE.—The relative position of the Egyptian language among its neighbours is a question closely associated with that as to the racial connexions of the people. Our means of comparison with the surrounding idioms are not of equal value. For the Semitic languages—for the A Mlebopotaniian dialects at least —we have documents perhaps as ancient as any from Egypt. For the Berber and Cushite languages of Africa we can but infer from quite modern evidence the linguistic conditions of earlier ages; and im this important field, therefore, little has as yet been attempted. The Egyptian language, together with certain languages of Barbary, Nubia, and Abyssinia, used to be regarded.as forming one of the distinct main divisions of human speech; now it is clear that this isolating classification cannot be justified. The group is not independent. Since Benfey’s attempt to demonstrate the affinity of the Egyp- tian and Semitic languages, his main contention has received increasing confirmation, until it is no longer possible to deny an originally very close relationship—collateral rather than filial—between the proto-Hamitic and proto-Semitic groups. The affinity is specially prominent in grammatical features common to both. Of these the principal are—(1) the same gender-endings, masc. w, fem. ¢; (2) an all but identical series of pronominal suffixes ; (3) the use in both of a peculiar adjectival termina- tion, ‘nisbeh’; (4) identity in four or five ¢f the numerals; (5) analogous treatment of the weak EGYPT 656 verb and derivatives; (6) the identity of an old form of Egyp. verbal flection and the Sem. perfect ; (7) verbal nouns with prefixed m ; (8) the import- ance of a single accent-vowel in each word or syntactical group, and the resultant ‘construct’ state of the remaining vowels. There is, more- over, to be noted the correspondence between the Sem. and Egyp. consonants, extending to some fifteen undoubted equations (which embrace the important series x, }, ', y); also two or three more which are almost certain.* Further, the same lack of any written representatives of the vowels. In the vocabulary the case for Sem. affinity is less strong. The number of Egyp. roots for which correspondents can reasonably be claimed in any Sem. dialect is small; the large Sem. element in the language of the New Kingdom owes its pre- sence, not to any primitive relationship, but merel to the political circumstances of the time. The balk of Egyp. roots is of a decidedly non-Sem. type. One of the most distinctive features of the Sem. languages—the preponderance of triliteral roots— is, at any rate, not paralleled, even in the oldest Egyptian documents, though it has been sug- gested that the divergence here is due to early phonetic degeneration. Hommel offers another explanation of the facts. By the aid of certain very potent phonetic laws he institutes com- parisons between a number of Egyp. and Sumerian words, the latter being, in his view, an import dating from the prehistoric (Semitic) immigration from Mesopotamia. It is a question of at least equal difficulty how large a proportion of the roots should be regarded as of African, ¢.e. negroid, origin, and so as vestiges of a still remoter, pre- Semitic period, during which the valley was peopled by an African race, part of whose lin- guistic stock was subsequently amalgamated with that of the invading Asiatics. If it were possible to trace with certainty the genealogy of the hieroglyphic script, we might expect to find ourselves nearer the birthplace of the language. Hommel’s theories do not ignore this prebiens ; the hieroglyphics came, he holds, like the rest of the intellectual e uipment of the Egyptians, from Mesopotamia. If this were true of the script as a whole, it would nevertheless be obvious that many of the signs had their origin in Africa ; they represent natural objects, to be met with only there. Be this as it may, it is evident that the Babylonian and Egyptian systems had, for ages before we first meet with them, followed widely divergent lines of development. The former, influenced by the nature of its writing materials, had lost almost entirely the pictorial character which the latter, on the contrary, retained from the beginning to the end of historic times. A conventionalizing, abbreviating tendency was, of course, inevitable if a script so ponderous was to be put to any but occasional decorative uses. But the abbreviated forms — first the ‘hieratic,’ later the ‘demotic’ script—grew and found employment side by side with their prototypes, the hieroglyphics, which to the end were alone held suitable for sacred literature or ornamental inscriptions. The signs in general employment during the classical period —the Middle and earlier New Kingdoms — are estimated at about 500; some * The following are the conventional transcriptions used in this article (see 4g. Zeitschr. xxxiv. 61 and ZDMG xlvi. 727). 1. Ascertained equations: rx’, 3b, nh, w,nbh eb, +4, 9k, 52,99, Dm, 39,9", Bp, pF, At; 2 doubtful: 2 E Hh Bd, 04%, b d, @ e(the values of the sibilants, of course, particu- larly uncertain). The Egyp. / and a form of § are without Semitic equivalents. Y and é represent secondary forms of ° ¢. EGYPT from the older cp oeee had then fallen into disuse, many employed later had not yet appeared. The signs are pictures of material objecte— natural and artificial,—or of parts of such objeets. Primarily, each sign must have had for its phonetic value merely the name of the object depicted. But since no provision was thus made for expressing abstract ideas or the grammatical needs of the language, a secondary use of the signs had been developed, and abstractions were expressed by the same signs as those material objects of which the names contained the identical consonants. For example, -o~ is the picture of a ‘rib,’ written by the consonants spr; the verb ‘ reach’ is also spelt spr; it, too, is therefore written with the sign 7x. Hocided such signs as these, capable unassisted of et eric complete words, there are many with only the value of single syllables (7.e. consonant +- vowel + consonant). These are, no doubt, primitive word-signs which have lost their original function, and so become available as pure phonetics for the writing of longer words. A still remoter stage of the language is recalled by the 24 signs called by us the ‘alphabet,’ and reduced from the representation of 24 monosyllabic words (? consonant -++ vowel) to that of 24 consonants, the initials of those forgotten words. To these three phonetic elements is to be added one purely ideographic and complementary. To avoid ambiguities certain signs, ‘determina- tives,’ are added, as in Babylonian and Chinese, to phonetically written words in order to indi- cate the class of ideas to which such words refer. Thus, dignity or age would be followed by the figure of an old man, strength or power by that of an armed hand, literature or learn- ing by that of a papyrus roll. The absence of written vowels leaves us ignorant of the correct pronunciation of Egyptian words; our only guides are the transcriptions in vocalized forei languages—cuneiform or Greek,—or in Coptic, which is but the youngest stage of Egyptian, expiared in the Greek alphabet. Yet by these aids we merely approximate to the vocalization of the later epochs ; for that of the Old Kingdom we have no guide. The Egyptians themselves did indeed, during the period of their intimacy with Asia (18th and following Dynasties), feel the need of some system of vowel-transcription, and they naturally took as their model the cuneiform syllabary, already in common use in Syria. The vowels which under this influence they aimed at representing were a, t, and w, and for their hiero- glyphic representation the signs for three aah mate weak consonants were selected. Similar necessities were met at later periods (the Persian, Ptolemaic, and Roman supremacies) .by similar means, though during these the elements of the ancient hieroglyphic system were speedily losing their original values, and complete irregularity already reigned in the transcription of foreign consonants as well as vowels. vii. CHRONOLOGY.—Many of the problems in- volved in this subject still await satisfactory solution. Astronomical calculations combined with the monumental evidence have doubtless done much already to fix the dates of later epochs; but beyond the age of the New Kingdom it seems impossible to find unanimous acceptance for more than approximate dates. Much obscurity still prevails as to the eras and methods employed by the Egyptians in their calculations. A. The-available Egyptian documents are—(1) The lists of kings inscribed in temples or private tombs. The three most important (at Abydos, Kar- nak, Sakkara) date from Dynasties 18 and 19, and give the names of 76, 61, and 47 kings respectively. Tombs and MSS of the same period have preserved shorter lists. In such lists the sequence of names _. + = EGYPT is not always correct, nor is more than a selection ‘delgoe or ritualistic?) from the full series of past ngs given. They supply no data as to length of reign. (2) The lists in a dilapidated papyrus of the Ramesside period at Turin, which probably enumerated when complete all kings from the Ist to the Hyksos Dynasty. (3) Dates are found in, or can be reckoned from, the annals inscribed in the temples by certain kings, or incidentally in the tombs of private persons. This is the most reliable class of document, and the records in ee tombs are the sole contemporary source ora See of the py Dynasties. B. Of Greek writers, by far the most important is Manetho, a native priest, c. B.C. 250, whose works are known only by the excerpts preserved by Josephus, Africanus, and Eusebius, or by the medium of still later chronologists. We are ignorant of the sources upon which his Alyurriaxd was based; presumably, he had at his disposal documents far fuller and more reliable than any now available, though his chronology of the remoter periods can be proved much at fault. Nor can we judge how far he manipulated his authorities to suit his own views; and it is, moreover, probable that his Jewish and Christian abbreviators had their own systems to harmonize with his state- ments. The misfortunes inevitable in the long transmission of such writings must also be con- sidered in aerating their present value. The lists appended to Manetho’s history divided the Egyptian kings into 31 Dynasties. The grounds for such divisions are often difficult to appreciate ; they do not always coincide with the divisions in the Turin papyrus. The lists compiled by Eratos- thenes, B.C. 275-194, in which pretended Greek interpretations of the royal names are given, con- tain in reality many words which are but inaccurate ae Apne of titles, formule, etc., which accom- panied the names. Many scholars have occupied themselves with these Greek chronologists. Béckh sought to demonstrate an astronomical era as the basis of Manetho’s calculations. Lepsius appealed to the *Sothis’ book, —a Christian forgery, — which ascribed 3555 years as total duration to the Egyptian monarchy ; while, according to Unger, anetho’s system gave 5613 as the date of its foundation. Brugsch has attempted reckoning from the basis of average length of generations and reigns, and thus arrives at 4400 for the same event. Ed. Meyer lays stress chiefly on data as to length of reigns actually recorded on the monu- ments, and has thus constructed a series of ‘ mini- mum dates,’ t.e. dates below which, at any rate, the various periods could not be brought down; but C. Torr has since re-examined the monuments with the result of a possible further reduction of Meyer’s figures. he most important assistance towards the estab- lishment of indisputable dates is derived from astronomical calculations, based on the following ascertained facts as to the Egyptian calendar. The Egyptians did not use a leap year. Consequently in every four years a day was lost, and in 1460 years these losses had resulted in a complete shift of all the nominal months throughout the seasonal year. An absolute method of reckoning could, however, be obtained by observing the variation in the sun’s sition, This variation was gauged by the first visible (heliacal) rising of Sothis (Sirius), an event which coincided with the beginning of the Inunda- tion. When the ‘natural’ years, reckoned from this point, amount to 1460, that total is therefore called a Sothis period. The natural or Sothic year was probably of importance to the Egyptians only for agricultural and ritualistic calculations ; but to us itis of great value. For the known fact that a VOL. I.—42 EGYPT 657 Sothis period began in A.D. 139 enables us to fix tts revious occurrences in B.C. 1322, 2784, 4242, ete. Vith these points for a basis, and taking into con- sideration the recorded Sothis risings under kings Mrnpth (Merenptah) and AmenophisI., Ed. Mahler fixes the reign of Thutmosis mI. at 1503-1449. He has, indeed, also calculated exact dates for the remainder of the 18th and 19th Dynasties; but results drawn from documents still often disputable cannot be relied on. To such astronomical dates Flinders Petrie has contributed 3410 as the probable commencement of the 6th Dynasty. The followin are selected dates, from those provisionally ado ved by Petrie,* Ed. Meyer, Mahler, and Steindorff (in * Baedeker,’ 1897) :— Petrie. Meyer. Dynasty. B.C. B.O. I. 4777 3180 Iv. 3998 2830 VI. 3410 2530 XI. 2985 XII. 2778 2130 XII. 2565 1930 Mahler. XVIII. 1587 1530 1575 XIX. 1327 1320 XX. 1240 XXI. 1089 1060 XXII. 930 XXV. 728 XXVI. 663 XXVII. 625 Steindorff. xxx. 382 Macedonians, 332 Romans, 30 viii. History.—Modern historians conveniently pee Manetho’s series of 31 Dynasties into the ollowing groups: (a) the Old Kingdom, Dyns. i.-vi. ; G) the Middle Kingdom, Dyns. xi.-xiii. ; (c) the New Kingdom, Dyns. xviii.-xx.; (d) the Foreign Dominion, Dyns. xxii.-xxv.; (e) the Res- toration, Dyn. xxvi.; (f) the Persian Supremacy, Dyn. xxxi. Between these lie obscure, disturbed eriods, not assignable to any of the more distinctly seined pone (a) The Old Kingdom. — Although nothing is known of the history of the earliest Pharaohs, the tombs of the Ist and 2nd Dynasties have lately been discovered at Abydos (Om el-Ga‘ab), the lecendary cradle, it will be remembered, of the monarchy. Unfamiliar royal names of the same remote age have come to light somewhat farther south egadeh);+ while the so-called ‘New Race’ cemetery—the remains of a very rude stage of culture—in the latter locality, is regarded as dating from at least as distant a period. In Greek times legends could still be collected, attri- buting to some of these early kings notable achievements, such as the first damming of the river, the establishment of a certain divine cult, or the regulation of succession to the throne; to others, some memorable experience—a devastating plague, or an earthquake. It is to be remembered that, while the first historic Dynasty and that of demigods which pre- ceded it are said to be native to Upper Egypt, the legends of the still remoter Dynasty of gods are localized in the North; the great gods were at home first in Heliopolis and the Delta. This may point, it is said, to a racial contrast which, now- ever strong at first, was early obliterated. One oi * So far as yet published ; see History, vols. L M.; Meyer’s are the minimum dates referred to above. t See 4g. Zeitschr. xxxv. 1 ff. 658 EGYPT EGYPT the prehistoric races had occupied districts about the river’s mouth ; another—that, perhaps, to which the rude monuments at Coptos are due —had arrived in the upper valley, and one of its chiefs, attaining, we may suppose, at Abydos, or more roperly Thinis, to a position of supremacy, had Fast able to extend thence his power down the river, settling near the later Memphis, subduing or absorbing the Delta tribes, and finally identi- fying himself with the religion of the district which became thenceforth the state religion of tne nation. Relics of a possibly pre- dynastic monarchy can be traced in archaic survivals in the titles, functions, dress, etc., of the later kings; but of the people ruled by these primitive Pharaohs, or of the limits of their domains, little can as yet be said. Interments, flints, pottery, regarded by some as prehistoric, are by others assigned to far later ages. History properly so called opens with Dyn. 3. Yet here still we have knowledge of only one or two out of half a dozen kings. Some fragments on which the name of Ndk’ (Nebka) occurs are held to belong to his time; Dsr (Zezer), his suc- cessor, in all probability built (possibly usurped) the step-pyramid of Sakkara. He was a monarch of some power, for he extended his activity to the mines of Sinai, where his name is found, and his cult was revived at quite a late epoch. The Dynasty closes (or the next begins) with a better known king, Snfrw-Soris, whose name survives on numerous monuments, the most important bein his pyramid-tomb at Medim. He, too, exploited the Sinaitic copper, not, however, as his inscrip- tions there show, until he had crushed the hostile nomads of the neighbourhood. The tombs of several of his nobles are extant in the cemeteries of Abusir, Dahshur, and Medim. The 4th Dynasty has left a memorial more indelible than that of any that followed it; for the successors of Soris built as their tombs the three great pyramids of Gizeh. Their relationships to Soris and to one another are uncertain. Some close blood connexion can be argued from genealogies in contemporary tombs and from later tradition. Hwfw-Cheops, Hfr'-Chephren, and Mnk’wr'-Mykerinus appear to have spent their energies chiefly on the con- struction of their pyramids. With this object they brought granite from Asw4n and alabaster from quarries near Tel el-Amarna. Cheops, how- ever, continued the work in Sinai, and built in the Delta (Tideh and Bubastis). Indeed we learn from the inscriptions of Min (Methen), a magnate of the time, that the Delta was already, at any rate in rere reclaimed and worked for the crown by great ctionaries. Of the remaining three or four kings of the Dynasty, one at least is known to have built a pyramid. The great Sphinx is usually attributed to this period, though it possibly belongs to a considerably later age. The relative scarcity of remains of the 4th Dynasty probably points to the small development of the custom of building monumental tomabe. Tradition regarded the 5th Dynasty as a new family, possibly as one of usurpers. One legend— probably not without interested motives—ascribes to it an origin half-priestly, half-divine, and places its home in the neighbourhood of Heliopolis; else- whereitiscallednativetoHlephantine. The Dynasty consisted of some nine kings, mostly little more now than names; for we know of no achievements more remarkable than work in the mines of Sinai or Hammfm§t and a trading expedition down the coasts of the Red Sea. The pyramids of all but one of the kings are identified—mostly at Abusir. That of Wnis-Onnos, the last of the Dynasty, is at Sakkara, and, though smaller than most tombs of its class, is to us of much greater importance than the gigantic but barren erections of earlier plpne for in it are inscribed the most azcient texts o all Egyptian literature (see below). ‘thie 6th Dynasty, in its widespread activity abroad and at home, is a strong contrast to its forerunner. Inscriptions of its kings meet us in all parts of Upper and Lower Egypt, as well as in Sinai and the desert quarries. nd now, more- over, we may read in the earliest of narrative in- scriptions—those of Wni (Una) and Hrhof (Herk- huf), the generals and ambassadors of kings Ppy (Pepy) 1. and Mrnr‘ (Merenera)—of expeditions against both the Syrian and Nubian barbarians. These resulted, indeed, in little but booty and conciliatory presents from the tribes over whom a temporary victory could probably be achieved with little trouble, by the (at least partially) dis- oe troops of Egypt. One of the latter kings of this Dynasty, Ppy 1., sat longer on the throne than any monarch in the world’s history; native and Greek documents assign him a reign of over 90 years. e know not under what circumstances the 6th Dynasty had reached the throne,—whether through some blood claim or by violence,—nor do we know amidst what events its rule closed. Evidently, however, it had no peaceful end. The last of its kings are but empty names, and indeed in the latter years of Ppy UW. complete phn sur- rounds the political and social existence of Egypt. When, some two or three centuries later, that obscurity is dissipated, the country has assumed a new face, the capital is no longer at Memphis, the oon of gravity is several hundred miles farther south. ; The outward characteristics of the Hey pean polity show little change under the 3rd, 4th, and 5th Dynasties. The southern and northern king- doms, bound together, it has been said, in a sort of personal union, each retains to some extent its separate organization, although important offices, once proper to one or other of them, are often found united in the hands of a single functionary, just as the official nomenclature of the Pharaoh combined the royal titles of both South and North. The king is omnipotent; his ministers—a mere bureaucracy—are members of the royal house or of the great territorial families. The ancient division of the country into nomes forms the basis of an elaborate financial and judicial administration, yet controlled by the court through officials dependent on the central government, by whom the abr] dues are collected and legal questions settled independently of the local authorities. But as time goes on, and (as we may infer) weak rulers succeed the strong, the old provincial independence reasserts itself, and the nomarchs begin to move beneath the weight of central despotism. One of the first signs of this decentralizing tendency is the growth of the custom of burial, now no longer at Memphis, beside the king, but at home, in the cemeteries of the provincial capitals, at Akhmim, Abydos, Thebes, Elephantine, and elsewhere. The court of the nomarch was modelled upon that of the king; its officials grew in number, its militia in strength. The kings of the 6th Dynasty are left surrounded only by courtiers and placemen ; the magnates seem to have withdrawn, and to be ready, when opportunity offers, to reassert the primitive independence of their position. The period between the6th and the 11th Dynasties is one of the most obscure in Egypt’s history ; yet the complete dearth of monuments can scarcely be fortuitous. _Manetho localizes the 7th and 8th Dynasties still at Memphis, and we may indeed suppose that there was no sudden break with the past. The provincial nobles could only graduall assert their strength, and the Pharaohs sti EGYPT —— reigned, at least nominally, in their ancient capital. But of these kings we know nothing, scarcely their names. Possibly they were, in later times, regarded as usurpers. Genealogies in certain _ tombs (El-Bersheh) appear to reach back to their times, and show how the nomarchs already flourished. The succeeding Dynasties, the 9th and 10th, would be equally unknown were it not for the inscriptions of Siut, whose princes record their participation in the struggle of the petty Dynasty of gree ee (Ahnas) against ‘the South” The 9th and 10th Dynasties are indeed currently ascribed to Heracleopolis, while subsequent events make it evident that by ‘the South’ is here meant the principality of Thebes. That town had been the seat of a noble family under the 6th Dynasty ; and while the royal power had grown weak, the Theban nomarchs had nursed their strength, till at length, having overcome the Heracleopolites, awd by degrees re-established unity and order. (6) The iddie Kingdom.—The claims of these first Theban Pharaohs—the 11th Dynasty—to be the legitimate successors of the Memphite kings were recognized in their own and future genera- tions. Their number and sequence isnotclear. They bear alternately the names Mntwhtp (Mentuhotep) _and Intf (Intef), though it is pretty certain this does not imply the undisturbed succession of one family. The royal honours were not attained by the first member of the series, who bears merely the title of nomarch ; the kingly titles are assumed by his successors. One at least of them—Mntwhtp 111.— had a long reign, and left evidence of his power from the Cataracts to the Delta. Another records a trading expedition on the Red Sea as well as uarrying work in the eastern desert. Whether the 12th Dynasty succeeded the 11th without disturbance is not certain. It gave to Egypt seven of the most active, powerful, and long-lived of her kings, and seems in every sense to have been worthy of the admiration bestowed on it in after ages. To Jmnmh'‘t-Amenemes I. fell the task of completing the work of union and pacification initiated by his predecessors. The magnates of Middle Egypt (Beni-Hasan) have recorded his intervention to settle local disputes as to territory on the basis of former arrangements, and to confirm his faithful vassals in their pos- sessions. Elsewhere we read of revolts suppressed and of conquests abroad. Indeed, Egypt had now for the first time a royal house whose aspiration it was to extend the frontiers of their dominions. It is true that booty or tribute were still the chief inducements to war; but the campaigns were now upon a larger scale, the enemies attacked more distant, and the results of victory more lasting. The energies of the kings were turned chiefly southward, towards the gold mines of Nubia. That country, once subdued,—mainly by the exertions of Wsrtsn (Usertesen) I1I.,—was to be held by means of fortresses, of which two can still be traced beyond the second Cataract. All Egypt contains scattered remains of the building activity of the 12th Dynasty, whose kings resided in various capitals—the earlier in Thebes, where the nucleus of the Amon temple dates from their time, and possibly at Memphis; the later, in the Fayyfim, where Amenemes III. built the most colossal of Egyptian funerary temples, known in later ages as the Labyrinth, and where he utilized an extensive natural lake (L. Moeris) to fertilize the whole district. The custom of burial in pyramids, maintained on a modest scale by the 11th Dynasty at Thebes, was carried on by their successors, who built large tombs of this class near ag Ti (Lisht, Turrah, Dahshur) or in the Fayyfiim (Mlahun, Hawarah). There are grounds for supposing the later kings of the Dynasty to have Pay foreign blood in their EGYPT 659 veins; their portraits show features singularly different from the accustomed type of the age. The internal history of the middle kingdom is the history of the development of the decentralizing tendencies which had their rise in the conditions of the 6th Dynasty. The development can be traced in the inscribed tombs of the noble families buried at Beni-Hasan, El-Bersheh, Siut, and Aswan. The nomes of Middle and Upper Egypt are the centres of interest, each of ea in the hands of a family of which the genealogy can, in some cases, be traced back to the Old Rinzdom! The nomarchs were still, however, under certain obligations to the central power. But the crown was no longer in the position of irresponsible despotism which it had enjoyed in former times, Its powers were restricted on all sides by the growth of the provincial resources. The nomarchs, some of whom by judicious marriages had become lords of several provinces at once, had their own courts, officials, and levies, though the latter were apparently at the king’s disposal for external wars. So far, however, as we can judge, the country suffered little as yet from these conditions. The age of the Middle Kingdom, though differing rather in degree than in kind from that of the Memphite Dynasties, was one of probably greater material, artistic, and literary wealth, and appeared, not undeservedly, to succeeding generations as a golden age. The obscurity which gradually follows the ex- tinction of the 12th Dynasty is no less impenetrable than that which follows on the Dynasties of the Old Kingdom. On some sides, indeed, the decline is scarcely perceptible; the outward aspect of the kingdom is little changed ; the southern conquests are maintained, commerce on the Red Sea con- tinues, and the art of the period does not fall far short of the high standard lately set. But of the individual Pharaohs of the 13th Dynasty we know scarcely anything ; of those of the 14th, absolutely nothing. he former series, with the names (among others) of Sbkhtp (Sebekhotep) and Sdkms’f (Sebekemsef), is localized in Thebes; the latter in Chois, an obscure Delta town, though it is quite ossible that the Theban tradition was being upheld y a contemporary Dynasty in the south. The whole interval, indeed, between the 12th and 17th nasties may have been occupied by the struggles of rival houses, each claiming legitimate rights to the throne, yet none strong enough to vindicate its claims permanently. We do not know at what point in this dark period of some 150 years the internal troubles were first complicated by foreign invasion. The name of one of the kings assigned to this time is regarded as evidence for an Ethiopic supremacy ; on the other hand, there is perhaps ground for placing here one of the frequent Libyan invasions. Of trustworthy contemporary documents there is a complete dearth; the Turin papyrus and the Manethonian fragments are our sole authorities. In Manetho’s arrangement these two obscure Dynasties are followed by two more of which still less is known; yet they are of greater interest, for they are drawn from those foreign invaders who by this time had subdued at least a part of northern Egypt, and whom Manetho names Hyksos (‘Tkows, 2pl. ‘Yxovecds). The racial position of this people is still unknown. Their Greek (=Egyptian) name means merely ‘Sheikhs of the (south Syrian) Be- dawin,’ * and it has been supposed that they con- sisted of mixed hordes, partly Semite, i of some other race. Another hypothesis, based on the fact that the worship of Swt} (Set) was common to Hyksos and Hittites, and on the occurrence in * The gloss ‘shepherd’ for ¥sw is demonstra)le only at a far later period of the language. 660 EGYPT EGYPT cuneiform documents of Hy’n (Khyan) as a Hittite king’s name, while his namesake in Egypt is re- garded as a Hyksos king, would make of Hyksos and Hittites one race. From the language we ean draw no arguments, for we know nothing of it save a few Greek transcriptions of the royal names. Nor can we appeal to the portraits of the kings; for the Sphinxes, etc., formerly regarded as such, are now held by many to belong rather to the latter kings of the 12th Dynasty. Asiatics had undoubtedly been crossing the frontier for ages past; but only in small numbers. Now they appear to have made a much more formidable onslaught upon the eastern Delta, and, after slaying, plundering, and burning, to have established themselves there in a dominant posi- tion. The events which had produced this south- ward migration from Asia are quite unknown; peer: the contemporary attack of Elam on esopotamia gave the immediate impetus. Egypt Was weak, and the earlier at least of the Hyksos princes were strong rulers; and though resistance was persistent farther south, northern Egypt remained in their hands for two or three centuries, possibly longer. They resided in the eastern Delta, in the fortress of Htw'rt-Avaris or at D'nt-Tanis (Zoan), where they soon so far assimilated Egyptian civilization that the remains of their work is indistinguishable from that of the native kings. (c) The New Kingdom.—Just as the disorders of a former period had been ended by the energy or fortunate position of the Theban nomarchs, so now resistance to the Hyksos oppression centred at Thebes, which may even itself have suffered at their hands, since traces of them have come to light still farther south. Their expulsion neces- sitated a long struggle, and they probably only finally eg the Delta many years after being driven from Upper Egypt. he 17th Dynasty, which began the war oft eration, seems for some time to have been contemporary with the Hyksos kings. It is, however, only of its later members that we have any knowledge. There is preserved from this period the autobiography of an Egyptian officer, J‘ims-Amosis, who took part in the war, and from it we learn that, Avaris having been captured, the foreigners were not merely expelled from Egypt, but pursued into 8. Palestine and their stronghold (or, perhaps, place of temporary retreat) Sharuhen (Jos 19°) taken. The military expeditions here described are the first-fruits of a new tendency in the history of the nation. The art, language, and social organization of the early period of the New Kingdom bear a close resemblance to those of the age that had sunk in the obscurity of the Hyksos invasion. Indeed, that the change had been so slight may be an argument for the relatively short duration of the foreign occupation. But the political his- tory of Egypt, with the rise of the new Theban Dynasty, begins to follow a new course. Instead of : a nation content with victories over the wild tribes of Nubia and the Soudan, both kings and people appear now to be eager for conquest among races of quite other attainments, in the arts both of peace and war. The nations of Syria had not, so far as we know, seen an Egyptian invasion since that conducted by Wni (6th Dynasty), The Pharaohs of the New Kingdom, however, initiated into Asiatic warfare by the circumstances of the Hyksos expulsion, soon came to regard such cam- paigns—agegressive now—as their most important occupation. But first they set about the recon- quest of Nubia, and before long carried their southern frontier as far as Dongola- The decisive strokes in the war of liberation were fought under the first king of the 18th Dynasty, I’ms-Amosis, who seems to have been the lineal descendant of his predecessors. The relationships and sequence of the kings and queens —the latter, heiresses in their own right—who followed him are much disputed. His son and successor, Jmnhtp-Amenophis I., was a king of no great political importance, though Lpiteaey A Te- vered, as we see from his special deification in later times. His chief occupation was the re- organization of the Nubian dependencies. He was followed by his son, DAwtims-Thutmosis I., ti co this prince’s succession was only legitimized by marriage with a half-sister, the direct heiress, Whether he was the father of his three successors Th. u., Th. 11., and queen HtSpswt (Hatasu) or only of Th. 1. and the queen, Th. WI. being a generation farther off, it is difficult to decide. The queen, though certainly daughter and heiress to Th. 1. and wife of her brother Th. I., may have been either half-sister or aunt (and step- mother) to Th. 11. She was, at any rate, a pe of strong character, and a very important actor in the politics of the time, acting at least once as co-regent and, during the minority of Th. 11., ruling on his behalf. e have evidence however, in the successive erasure of these royal names upon the monuments, that, whatever was the sequence of the changes of rule among them, such changes were not made in any spirit of friendly acquiescence. Queen A'tspswt never really reigned alone, though for years, whether owing to the insignificance or youth of the king, the fortunes of the country were in her hands. Beyond the proofs of her activity recorded at Deir el-Bahri (Thebes), we know little of the direction her energies took. The Hyksos were no doubt not yet completely expelled, and there is again mention of a Nubian campaign. The event of which we know most, however, is her expedition to Pwnt, t.e. the Somali coast. Her fleet had, like its predecessors from the 6th Dynasty onwards, solely a commercial object. Pwnt (Punt), the ‘Land of the Gods,’ the home of the ‘bearded’ people,* was rich in frankincense, and a market for ebony, ivory, and panther skins. Beyond the vast temple, on whose walls the ex- pedition is depicted, the queen found opportunity to build also in other quarters of Thebes, and erected at Karnak the loftiest (with one exception) of extant Egyptian obelisks. Left free nha the death or final retirement of H'tspswt, Thutmosis WI., who had already reached the age of thirty, at once set about a campaign in Syria which culminated in a great defeat at Megiddo of the confederated Syrian princes, who forthwith recognized the Pharaoh as overlord, and professed themselves, with more or less sincerity, the vassals of Egypt. Not, however, that one campaign sufficed to ensure this condition of things. During twenty years Thutmosis 11. himself led some fifteen expeditions into Syria, where the withdrawal of his armies was repeatedly the signal for a rising among the subjugated states. His most distant vassals at the time of his death were in the neighbourhood of Mt. Amanus and the upper Euphrates; he was suzerain of the Canaanite pina and coasts and of the Amorite hill-country, while Egypt’s ‘sphere of influence’ embraced, more- over, ‘the isles of the Great Sea,’ t.e. the Augean islands, as well as Cyprus, the nearer parts of Asia Minor, and the Hittite territory around Kadesh (on the Orontes). ‘Tribute’ is recorded from Assyria, though here, as often elsewhere, the annalist probably refers but to propitiatory gifts, which indicated a desire to stand well with the powerful invader. The Nubian dependencies were * So W. Max Miiller, Z. Ass. xi, 82, and not por ee Abys sinians, also extended in this reign as far south as Gebel Barkal and probably far across the Soudan, while we hear, too, of campaigns against the Libyan nomads. Thutmosis II. was not less active as a builder than as a warrior; his architecture meets us on all hands. In every considerable town he built or enlarged a temple, as at Thebes, where he surrounded the central shrine of Amon with extensive halls and corridors. His name, engraved on scarabs, etc., is more frequent than that of any other king, and seems, in later ages, to have been regarded as a talisman. e was succeeded peacefully by his son, Amen- ophis I1., whose long reign is not remarkable. His father’s energy had secured, for the time, the Syrian conquests. Nubia seems to have occupied him somewhat more, and from his reign date the most southerly of Egyptian monuments (Ben - Naga). The reign of the next king, Thutmosis Iv., was short and still less remarkable. There were occa- sional demonstrations of supremacy to be made in Syria and Nubia, and tributes of respect to be paid to the gods by some additions to their temples. That the contact with Asia was already of influ- ence is shown by this king’s marriage with a Sinoey of Mtn-Mitanni, the then leading power yond the Euphrates. Amenophis II. sat for thirty-five years on his father’s throne. He seems to have been still able without much exertion to maintain abroad the position he inherited, for we hear nothing of Asiatic and but once of Nubian campaigns. Extensive building and much observance of religious cere- monies are—for us, at least—the characteristics of the reign. At this period of the 18th Dynasty the royal marriages are among the most significant and influential in Egyptian history. Amenophis 11., himself possibly the son of his father’s foreign wife, took into his harem Kirgip’ (cuneif. Gilu- hipa), another daughter of the house of Mitanni, while we know that among his wives was also a Babylonian princess. He had, moreover, already married a lady named 7yi, who may or may not have been of foreign parentage, but who, at any rate, took a prominent share in the public life both of her husband and son. It is thought, in- deed, that Amenophis Iv. was influenced by his mother towards those reforms in the state religion, initiated a few years after his accession, which have left to his name a peculiar interest. (See below.) The marriages, domestic relations, and foreign history of this period can be followed in excep- tional detail owing to the records deposited at el-Amarna, where a portion of the correspondence between the Egyptian court and its allies, envoys, and vassals in Syria lay stored until its discovery in 1887. The correspondence was almost wholly in the a ga language,—clearly the diplomatic medium of the age,—though the writers were not, with one or two exceptions, Babylonians. Some of the letters are from the kings of Mitanni, but most are from the Syrians entrusted with the leas of the subjugated provinces. Those etters which belong to the reign of Amenophis UI. show a condition still of peaceful allegiance to Egypt and respect for its king. Those, however, dating from his son’s reign bear witness to the defection of the vassals and speedy loss of the Asiatic empire, which resulted from the neglect and incapacity of the suzerain power. Amenophis IV. was tuo fully engrossed at home to spend time or money upon external affairs. Although this king reigned for some seventeen years, there is nothing recorded of him beyond his religious activity. The religious revolution was accompanied by an ephemeral, though for the time complete, revolution in art, traceable through- out the remains of the great palace and temple which Amenophis, no longer content to reside at Thebes, had built at el-Amarna in Middle Egypt. Place and personal names were changed, in ac- cordance with the reformed cult; the new residence was called ‘Horizon of the Sun,’ the king took the name J/mitn (Khuenaten), ‘Spirit of the Sun,’ the names of his wife—another princess of Mitanni and his own cousin—and daughters being likewise altered. There has been much speculation as to the king’s personality, owing to the wide diverg- ence between his youthful and mature portraits. The peculiar, almost deformed, type of the latter has been thought in some way connected with the religious change. It is scarcely likely that the very similar portraits of his courtiers are due to more than imitative flattery. On the death of the reformer-king, he was pre- sumably interred in the great tomb hewn for him at el-Amarna. His courtiers had planned to lie around him there; but only some of them were destined to complete their tombs. For in a short time it was clear that the schism had depended on the energies of its originator ; with him dead, the ancient religion quickly reasserted itself. His two sons-in-law, who succeeded him, were not the men to resist the reaction which, within twent: years of Amenophis’ death, was complete, and lett the 18th Dynasty to end its course where it had begun it, at Thebes. The most conspicuous results of the intercourse with Asia of which the 18th Dynasty had wit- nessed the growth, are eels seen in the military character of the age, the new basis on which the army was levied,—dependent no longer on the feudal nomarchs, but immediately on the king,—and the new methods of warfare taught by the introduction of the hitherto unknown horse and chariot into Egypt. The gradual extinction of the nomarchs—an effect perhaps of civil war— implied a corresponding exaltation of the crown; their lands seem mostly to have passed into the king’s hands. Conquest gave to the new mon- archy a prestige and resources (treasure and slave- labour) which placed it in a position of hitherto unattained magnificence. The country became, as under the early Dynasties, filled with royal officials and favourites, who soon rose to form a new no- bility ; a royal tax was levied upon all land, and ae justice administered by mixed courts of officials and priests. The Asiatic vassal-provinces were governed chiefly by native viceroys, whom the Egyptian court controlled by means of envoys. Nubia and part of S. Egypt were entrusted to an official known as the ‘Prince of Kush.’ The evils of the irresponsible security attained by the capacity and fortune of the earlier Pharaohs of the New Kingdom and those resulting from their close alliance with the all-powerful priesthood, become visible first under the following Dynasty. Whether Hrmhb-Armais be reckoned the last king of the 18th or the first of the 19th Dynasty, it is he who really initiates the new epoch. The disturbance for which Amenophis Iv. had been responsible could not be quieted without vigorous reorganization, and this was the main work of Armais, a strong ruler, and probably already acting regent when called by his patrons, the priests of Thebes, to the throne. Beyond reconstructive work at home, we hear of one Asiatic war in which the principal enemy is the Hittite power, now advanced southward (probably from the Armenian highlands) and making havoe among Egypt’s allies and vassals in N. Syria. It is uncertain whether this reign saw a treaty between them and Egypt. Armais was followed by the first of the famous Ramesside Pharaohs who ruled Egypt during the following 200 years. But 662 EGYPT EGYPT Ramses I. died after a short and uneventful reign, and his son Sty-Sethés was the first whose hands were free enough at home to allow of any real attempt to regain abroad the ground of late lost. Yet now even Sethés was unable to do more than assure his hold upon such districts as the Hittites had not already annexed. A march through Palestine to the Orontes and back by the Pheni- cian coast overawed Bedawins and Canaanites ; but he made no fresh conquests, and finally came to terms with the Hittite king, who was to be suzerain from the Lebanon northwards, while Palestine remained in allegiance to Egypt. Nubia, Libya, and, with the last, the editerranean pirate hordes who now begin to appear on the N. and W. for the first time, were likewise chastised or repelled ; but most of the reign must have been spent peacefully, as the king’s colossal monuments at Thebes and Abydos testify. His son, Ramses 11.—the best known of Egyptian Pharaohs, because the most industrious in record- ing his own glory,—succeeded young, and reigned for 67 years. .Ot these the first score were occupied in the war with the Hittites, till it became evident that a peace, similar to that of the last reign, could alone end a struggle in which neither side was strong enough to retain the mastery. alliance, offensive and defensive, was at the same time concluded and cemented, some years later, by a marriage. The war had been signalized by at least one great battle—that at Kadesh,—in which prodigies of valour are ascribed to the king. But the position of Egypt in Asia, as defined by the peace of the king’s 21st year, was far inferior to that attained two centuries earlier by Thutmosis 1. Instead of the frontier at the Euphrates and Mt. Amanus, Ramses 1. had to be content with one which crossed the Lebanon about Beirfit. As a means of controlling Phoenicia and Palestine, he erected a series of forts across the desert, while strengthening various Delta towns (cf. the Hebrew tradition of ‘Pithom and Raamses,’ Ex 1"), and choosing for his favourite residence Tanis (Zoan), a much more apt centre than Thebes for the direction of operations in Syria. After the Hittite eace, Ramses II. appears to have devoted himself principally to architecture. Not only did he build endless temples to the gods (and some even to himself) throughout the country, but he did not scruple, while restoring, to appro- poste the work of his predecessors, whose names e frequently replaced on their buildings and statues by his own. He had more than 150 children. His successor was his fourteenth son, Mrnpth (Merenptah), whose reign is as yet the only one in which reference has been found to the Israelites (see below). As well as his famous Libyan war, Mrnpth boasts of a campaign in Syria, where he still claimed the allegiance of the southern half of the country. The great Libyan host, defeated in his 5th year, had come allied again with those pirate hordes which had appeared in the Delta under Sethés, and whose homes it is impossible to localize, owing to the difficulty in exactly identify- ing their names. They came, at any rate, from the Mediterranean coasts; but whether Asia Minor, the Aigean islands, and the Italic countries all sent contingents, cannot be decided. The name ef Mrnpth is found on numerous monuments, but we know little of his doings. The long reign of Ramses U., and perhaps apathy and self-indulgence in his iatter years, had enfeebled the royal power, and by the time of Mrnpth’s death the country was ready for revolu- tion. Power fell into the hands of the magnates and great officials, and only after half a century of disturbance did Stnht succeed in re-establishing order. This prince, who presumably had claimed legitimate Ramesside descent, left the throne to his son, Ramses II., whose reign lasted over 30 years. During its first decade, three formidable attacka from without had to be repelled—two by Libyan coalitions, and one by a hest of the northern mari- time invaders, whom the wealth of Egypt had more than once attracted under former kings. This time, however, they approached the eastern Delta by land through Syria as well as by sea, and it was only after a destructive battle at the frontier fortress of Magdolos that they were repulsed. The hold of each successive Pherae upon the Asiatic provinces was growing weaker, and it is doubtful how far the authority of Ramses II. was effective there, even though the Hittite empire had long been dissipated. At home the king’s tran- quillity was broken by a widespread and mysterious conspiracy, originating in the palace, and sup- pressed with great severity. Otherwise, the reign appears to have been peaceful. The king’s chief ambition was the imitation in all points of his ancestor, Ramses Il. The wealth of the count was enormous. The king lived the life of a selt- indulgent despot, while the real power was with the Theban priests and the foreign mercenaries— mainly Libyans and S’rdin’, i.e. Sardinians, of whom the latter had already served the Pharaohs of the preceding Dynasty. Ramses Il. was followed by a series of his sons and grandsons, who each bore the name of Ramses. Under their weak rule Egypt finally lost her Syrian dependencies, and left them open to the conquests of Assyria. Each king seems to have been principally occupied with the preparation of a vast rock-tomb (Bibin el-Mulfik), and meanwhile the ascendency of the priests of Amon grew always greater, until Hrhr (Herhor), who had already added to the office of chief priest the principa: political and military titles, felt strong enough te mount the throne and thus put an end to the Ramesside rule. The Ramesside Pharaohs had, with even greater resources at theircommand, rarely displayed the eee or vigour of the 18th Dyn- asty, and the nation had readily relapsed into the unwarlike apathy and distaste for foreign inter- course which had marked its earlier history. Mer- cenary troops became therefore the only means of retaining a hold on the foreign provinces, and the king grew more and more completely the tool of the BRAT. leaders. On the other hand, the recent triumph of orthodoxy had further strengthened the position of the priesthood, on whom royal piety heaped untold quantities of treasure, the product of the foreign tributaries, The great offices of state in the hands of a mere bureaucracy were effective only in filling the royal treasury, while the popu- lation at large was starving and discontented. (a) The Foreign Dominion.—But the 21st Dynasty does not, according to Manetho, consist of the poetly successors of Hrir. The legitimate haraohs he held to be the Tanite princes (S’mntw- Smendes, P’sbh'‘nnt-Psousennes, etc.) who rebelled against this usurpation, and were acknowledged first in the North, then also in the Thebaid. Be- fore long the rival families intermarried and so restored unity; but their celine and sequence are not clearly ascertained. On the monuments little more than their names occur, though mum- mies (of the priestly family) and much genea- logical evidence were found in the famous cachette at Deir el-Bahri. The next Dynasty, the 22nd, owed its rise to the political conditions of the period. The captains of the Libyan mercenaries had by this time attained a position, territorial as well as military, which made usurpation easy, and, when the opportunity offered, their chief S’s’nk-Sousakim-ShishaX wag able without serious opposition to assume the royal hs cs. "a ae EGYPT EGYPT 663 titles. He was ambitious, and had pretensions to a reconquest of Syria. His inscription records a raid against both the Hebrew kingdoms—not against Judah only (1 K 14%). The Dynasty resided at Bubastis, and built extensively upon the ancient temple of the goddess B’stt (Bast); but we know little of its kings beyond their names, S$’s’nk, W’s’rkn-Osorkon, Tkr¢-Takelothis. The Dynasty by which they were (presumably) overthrown shows likewise Libyan names, but ruled from Tanis. The times may well have been too disturbed by dynastic rivalries to leave leisure for building; at any rate, the history of the 23rd Dynasty is as yet totally obscure. During the period of weakness and dissension through which Egypt had been passing, the Nubian princes of Napata (Gebel Barkal) had pas growing in strength, and were able now to shake off the Pharaoh’s sovereignty, and even to contemplate the invasion of Egypt. This adventure was not diffi- cult to carry out in the southern country, where there was no leader to withstand them; but as they advanced northward, the Ethiopians found an obstinate opponent in 7/n}t-Tnephachthos, the powerful prince of Sais (W. Delta), whose suprem- acy was recognized as far south as Hermopolis (Eshmunein). To this town the Ethiopian king, P'nhy (Piankhi) (775) laid siege. The Saites capitu- lated, and Tnephachthos fled, while the victors advanced to Memphis. A treaty was, however, soon arranged, neither pany, being strong enough to suppress the other. The Ethiopians retired up the river, nominally in possession of the whole valley ; but the Delta remained in the hands of Tnephachthos and his son Bknrnf-Bocchoris, who seems to have finally extinguished the old legitim- ist families, extended his authority up to Thebes, and reigned for some time in comparative tran- oe The Ethiopians, however, had not aban- oned their ambitions, and, strengthened by a marriage with a Tanite princess, and favoured by the still powerful Theban priesthood, they again marched northward and put an end to the rule of Bocchoris. This time their conquest was more complete. Their family, whose relationships and history are as yet far from clear, constitutes Manetho’s 25th Dynasty, and its most conspicuous member is its first king, §’b’k’-Sabakon (707-695). His successors were not, however, strong enough, at such a distance from home, to maintain a dominant position in the North, though the petty princes of, the Delta towns accepted for the moment the Ethiopian suzerainty. One of the latter—and probably not Sabakon himself, as was formerly assumed—was the So (mo=Sewe™*) of 2 K 174, who ventured, in alliance with Gaza and Israel, to withstand the threatening growth of the Assyrian power in Palestine. Sargon, however, defeated the coalition at Raphia, though he seems afterwards to have made a treaty with Egypt. Throughout this oats the hopes of the small Syrian states were placed on Egypt, whence, how- ever, in the confusion of party strife, no effectual help could come. Yet it was toward Syria that the ambitions of Sabakon’s son, T’Ark-Tharaka-Tir- hakah (690-664), were directed. He was there brought, however, into speedy collision with Sar- on’s successor, Sennacherib, who, at Eltekeh, efeated the combined troops of several Egyptian princes. Attempts at interference in Asia were thus for a time checked, and Tirhakah had leisure for considerable building, both at Napata and at Thebes. But the Syrians still counted on an Egyptian alliance, and it was clear that, if the Assyrian rule was ever to be peacefully accepted by them, Egypt must once and for all be rendered * Greek Inydp, Lhe, The Lucianic text has the inexplicable variant ’Adapuirsy. powerless. An Assyrian army proceeded therefore southwards, and, while Tirhakah fled to Ethiopia and the minor princes submitted, Esarhaddon advanced as far as Thebes and subsequently organ: ized a government under twenty local regents, of whom the most notable was Nk’w-Necho of Sais. Yet still Tirhakah had hopes, and his advances from the south, abetted by some of the local princes on whom Assyria relied, resulted at length in the expulsion of the invaders from Memphis. Assurbanipal, the son of Esarhaddon, thereupon hastened to Egypt, and, with small trouble, re- established the Assyrian supremacy, while Necho, who had joined Tirhakah, became a temporar captive in Nineveh. At length Tirhakah died, and his successor, Tnwtimn (cuneif. Tandamanie), having failed to recover the lost position, the Ethi- opians finally retired homeward, while Assurbanipal requited the sympathy his opponent had received in Upper Egypt by devastating Thebes. For two or three years Assurbanipal was undisputed master of Egypt. Then came an Elamite war and simultaneous revolts in Babylon, Arabia, and Lydia. (e) Lhe Restoration.—Incited by Gyges, king of the last country, Psmtk-Psammitichus of Sais (663-610), son of Necho, whom the Assyrians had reinstated, seized this opportunity to raise a fresh insurrection. He was himself of either Libyan or Nubian descent, and the success of his policy depended wholly on the foreign troops he em- be With the help of Lydia and of Ionian and Carian mercenaries (the xddxeot dvdpes of the prophecy, Herod. ii. 152), Psammitichus overthrew the Dodecarchy, t.e. the Assyrian regents, and, by marriage with a niece of Sabakon’s, gained the approval of the Theban priests and so of Upper Egypt. He pursued the Assyrians into Palestine, eal captured after a long siege the town of Ashdod. The misfortunes of Assyria favoured the attempts of the Saite Pharaohs to re-establish their domin- ance in Asia, and during this and the following reign (Necho Il.) Syria was again brought under Egypt's sovereignty. But the rise of Babylon under Nebuchadrezzar put a check on this revival, and Necho It. (610-594), after defeating Josiah of Judah at Megiddo,* was himself routed by Nebuchadrezzar at Carchemish, and expelled from Syria. *The energivis of the 26th Dynasty were directed before all things to taking advantage of Egypt’s geographical situation and bringing her, by the help of hired Pheenician ships, within the sphere of Mediterrunean commerce. Relations were opened with Periander of Corinth and with other Greek states. Greek traders were assigned special quarters in Memphis, where a he colony had already been settled; indeed, [‘ims-Amasis, a later king of the ot fear th allowed them to found a separate toww on the Greek model—Naucratis in the W. Delts—to which their operations were to be restricted, and which only waned in importance before the rise of Alexandria. Amasis had been the general vf Whibr'-Apries-Hophra (588-569), whom the troops had driven from the throne in his favour. bout this time Nebuchadrezzar appears to have invaded Egypt, though the history of the campaign is not known. His object was resumably vengeance for the part which Apries ad recently played in Syria, where Judah, again trusting to pyptien support, had begun the hostilities which ended in the fall of Jerusalem (586) and the flight of many of the inhabitants— among them Jeremiah—to Egynt, where they were settled in Tahpanhes (Tell Defeneh), a frontier fort in the E. Delta. * Presumably S. of Carmel, though this identification ia disputed, 664 EGYPT The characteristics of the Saite period are, in all but commercial aspects, those of an archaizing renaissance. To judge by art, literature, names, titles, etc., we might imagine ourselves again in the age of the Pyramid builders, though on closer inspection the resemblance is seen to be but superficial, (f) The Persian Supremacy.—This prosperous and uneventful period was suddenly terminated by an invasion by the great power which was now overturning the political balance of W. Asia. Cyrus had seen the formation of a hostile league between Lydia, Babylon, and Egypt; but his death had delayed chastisement, and the expedi- tion against Egypt was left for his son, Cambyses (525), who appears not to have acted with the customary clemency of Persian conquerors; for his memory was execrated throughout Egypt. The'Saites had grown weak, and the country fey m-easy prey to the invaders. The conquest was turned to full advantage by his successor Darius (521-486), who set about the reorganization of the country on its former lines, and won the acqui- escence of priests and people by assuming the ancient titles and functions of the native eevee The check suffered by the Persians at Marathon, however, gave courage to the patriotic party in Egypt, and under the leadership of a Libyan, {bd (Chabash), the Persians were for a time expelled. But a fresh expedition was undertaken by Xerxes (486-465), and the insurrection suppressed with severity, Egypt being constituted a satrapy under the king’s brother Achemenes. Some years of uiet followed, and then, in the W. Delta, came a resh revolt led by Inaros—possibly a Saite prince —and aided by the Athenians (463). This in turn was suppressed by Megabyzus, the general of Artaxerxes, while the leadership of the party fell to Amyrteus, for whose support Cimon, on his Cyprian expedition, sent a fleet (449). The history of this period is fragmentary and obscure; of native records we have none. The chronology of events cannot be accurately settled. We gather that, throughout the time of Persia’s decline, various revolts of the national party took plats in northern Egypt—the upper valley plays y this time no historical part. Manetho intro- duces, in the midst of the Persian supremacy, two more native Dynasties, the 28th and 29th, of which we know very little, and then another, the 30th, to which belong two kings, NAthrhbt-Nektanebes (382-364) and Nhitnbf-Nektanebo (361-343), the former of whom succeeded in suppressing his rivals, while the latter, during a long reign, was active as a builder throughout the country (Phil, Edfu, Thebes, Heliopolis, the Delta). Persia, however, by a final effort, was able to reinstate herself (343), and Nektanebo, the last of the Pharaohs, abandoned his Greek allies and fled to Ethiopia. But the Persian domination, too, was at an end. In a few years Alexander of Macedon had dis- membered the empire of the Achemenides, and in 332 he led his armies into Egypt, which submitted without resistance. The Macedonians.—The rule of Alexander’s suc- cessors, the Ptolemies, brought Egypt again into the advantageous position attained for her in some degree by the 26th Dynasty. Now, however, the Greek element became the dominant factor in her ee ; the ancient native culture gradually aded and retreated from the North, where Alex- andria, the new capital, had become the centre of the Hellenic world. But the wide dominions of the Ptolemies were not to be retained by a series of rulers so degenerate as those of the house of Lagus soon became. After a century of good government and unequalled prosperity (323-222), EGYPT the political fortunes of Egypt began again to decline and anarchy to spread throughout the country. Insurrections followed each other in constant succession, while treachery and murder shortened the reigns of many of the kings. At length the Romans, under whose toleration the Lagides had for a century and a half existed, were able, by the victory of Octavius over Anthony and Cleopatra (30), to assume the actual govern- ment of the country, which remained thenceforth a part of the empire, either of Rome or of Byzan. tium, until conquered by the Saracens A.D. 642. ix. E¢ypr’s RELATIONS WITH ASIA.—Our sources of knowledge are (1) for the primitive periods, chiefly inferences from the foreign words already in use in the ancient (religious) texts, especially the names of cereals, woods, oils, etc., known to have been not native; (2) under the Dynasties of the Old Kingdom we have early evidence from the mines of Sinai,* where the troublesome nomad tribes were known as Ss (cf. ? 0y), from a 5th (?) Dynasty fresco depicting the capture of a Syrian fortress, and from at least one biographical narra- tive—that of Wni, Dyn. 6—recounting several mili- tary and commercial expeditions to Syria, the land of the ‘’mw (root probably ‘’m, ‘boomerang,’ not oy). Wehere read of the fruitfulness of the land through which the Egyptian army marched, and it is evident the description is that of S. Palestine. The same text tells, too, of a journey by sea to the Pheenician coast ; (3) under the Middle Kingdom Dynasties we can see that a considerable intercourse is arising. Embassies come with presents from Semitic chiefs and are received by the king or the nobles (Beni-Hasan), and no doubt many groups of nomads had by this time crossed the frontier and got leave, as they did later (4g. Zeitschr. xxvii. 125), to settle in the Delta. Journeys into Pales- tine became so frequent that they formed the sub- ject for a story—founded, no doubt, upon fact, and popular for many centuries—whence many details of Syrian desert life at the time may be learned (S’nht). The tribes among which the hero of this story passes many years are called by the general term sti, ‘archers’ (cf. Babyl. swtz). Egyptian traders visited them, and the conditions of life appear very similar to those of the modern Beda- win. (4) But the relations of Egypt with her northern neighbours were revolutionized by the Hyksos invasion and the long series of military expeditions which followed. The language receives a very strong admixture of foreign (not exclusively Semitic) loan-words, and is forced even to evolve a new system of orthography for their reproduc- tion. Syrian slaves—females, at least, ‘’mé—met with in the households of the Middle Kingdom, are now employed in great numbers. Asiatic textile work, weapons, vases (pottery and metal), musical instruments, besides various wines, beers, oils, breads, etc., are imported from Syria, Asia Minor, and possibly even lands farther west, and preferred to the native products. The native names even of many objects are discarded and replaced by corresponding foreign terms. Syrian deities—Baal, Astarte, Anat, Resheph—are gradu- ally admitted to places beside the Reyes gods, and the Pharaohs appear now and then under their special protection. The countries whence these new influences emanate, bear in the Egyptian texts of different epochs different names, many of which are confus- ing and elude exact definition. All Syria, as far as the Euphrates, is divided into the countries of Upper (Southern) and Lower (Northern) Rénzw (cf. the more ancient Znw and the cuneif. Tidnu), Palestine proper bears also the name H’rw, origin ally only the designation of the southern (later * See dig. Zeitschr. xxxv. 7 ff, EGYPT EGYPT 665 Philistine) coast. Phcenicia, on the other hand, was known by the name D’/i, and, together with the still more northerly coast, by the vaguer term Kdi, ‘the Circular (land),’ perhaps from the form of the Gulf of Issus. Aft was the name, perhaps, of Cilicia, perhaps of the N. Syrian coasts. Certain peoples whom we find, under the 19th Dynasty, among the allies of the Hittites, have been local- ized in W Asia Minor; the Rw’ Lycians, D’rdny Dardanians, Ywnn’ Ionians, [k’yw’s Achseans,* and others. The difficult designation H’wnbw, found in the oldest literature, appears to embrace the peoples of the North in the vaguest way ; only in late epochs was it used for the Hellenic race. Cyprus, whence much copper was imported, is ’sy, a part of it Jrs’-Alasia. Mesopotamia was, until the New Kingdon, practically unknown to Egypt; then we begin to read of presents passing between the court of Egypt and those of Bér-Babylon, called in the Amarna letters Shankhar (S’ng‘r 7y3) or Karduniash, and Jsswr-Assyria. Asia east of these was always unknown to Egypt. The votive inscriptions, in which the 18th and 19th Dynasties recorded their conquests, have pre- served the names of many towns, etc., in Syria, of which, however, the majority are still unidentified. The campaigns of Thutmosis 111. furnish the best of such material; the lists of his successors are often mere copies of his, and of relatively small value. The Amarna tablets show several of these same names in a cuneiform transcription. Of the localities identified the following are among the best known: Aleppo, Carchemish, Kadesh (on Orontes), Damascus, Hamath, Byblos, Simyra, Beirat, Sidon, Tyre, Megiddo, Akko, Joppa, Gaza, Ashkelon, Janoah, Taanak. In one group of the Amarna letters Jerusalem is often mentioned, but in hieroglyphic texts it has not been found. Certain names, though not yet identified, are compounded of interesting elements: for example, A’rir $snn, Bty wna, in which the divine names appear—the second already (Dyn. 18) abbreviated ; or Y‘kbi’r, Y§pir, in which have been recognized the names apy: and Ay combined with 5x (as in Israel, Ishmael). These much-discussed names are more likely to have then had local than ethnic significance.t A connexion between them and the names of the patriarchs, Jacob and Joseph, cannot of course be proved ; indeed the equation Y#p=-py has consider- able phonetic difficulties. It may here be noted that certain scarabs, probably of the Hyksos period, appear to bear royal (?) names compounded of ‘kb and Ar (? 5x), which might point, at any rate, to the Semitic name Jacob at an unex- ectedly early period. The whole tradition of Teenel’s early connexion with Egypt—the sojourn there of the patriarchs and the exodus of their descendants —is still obscure, and the recent discovery for the first time of ‘Israel’ in a hiero- glyphic text seems but further to complicate the problem. The facts as to this document are the following : In 1896 an immense stele was discovered, one text of which commemorates the victory of Mrnpth, son and successor of Ramses Il., over the Libyans in his 5th year.t In the latter part of the text where other triumphs are enumerated, the locali- ties subjugated occur in the following order: the Hittite land, Canaan (? land or town), Ashkelon, Gezer, Janoah (?), Ysiri’r-Israel, S. Palestine, ‘all lands.’ There is no corroborative evidence for an Asiatic campaign of Mrnpth; possibly, in the fashion of the age, he is here merely assuming to himself the conquests of his predecessors. The * See Streitberg in Indoger. For. vi. 184. ’ + The former, which occurs twice, can be localized in the district Ephraim-Dan (see W. M. Miiller, Asien, 164). t His reign began, according to Mahler, in 1280. name Israel is written so as unmistakably to indicate a people, not, like the other names, a locality. Further, the words used of its condition imply devastation and the destruction of crops. The obvious and only safe conclusions to be drawn from these facts are that Israel, or a part of that people, was already in some part of Syria, and had een in hostile contact with Egypt. On the assumption that ‘Pithom and Raamses’ were built for Ramses I1., whose long reign answered the requirements of Ex ii. 23, the Pharaoh of the Exodus has been identified as Mrnpth ;° though, owing to the supposed more appropriate political conditions, others would place the Exodus 30 or 40 years later, about the time of Stnht. If we assume that by the reign of Mrnpth the Exodus had already been accomplished, —the name Isrw is found in the previous reigns in the territory of the tribe of Asher,—we have an argument for the proposed identification of the Hebrews with the Khabiri, of whose invasion of Palestine, some 150 years earlier, the Amarna letters say so much, and whom it is proposed to identify with the S’sw chastised by Sethos 1.t The story of the priest Osarsiph (?=Osiris+a) and the impious lepers, whose revolt he led, converted b Josephus into a history of Moses and the Hebrew struggle for freedom, has been with some probability re- ferred rather to a reminiscence of the expulsion of the heretics of AmenophisIv.t The name Hebrews has not been met with in Egyptian texts. That of the foreign tribe of ‘prw, found variously employed throughout the 19th Dynasty, is rarely now held to represent it, and may be merely a form of a familiar Egyptian term for ‘ workmen.’ The Egyptian names given to Joseph, his wife, and father-in-law in Gn xli. 45 have received various inadmissible interpretations. The only transcriptions which conform to Egyptian gram- mar and usage are (1) Jephnoute’fénch, ‘God speaks (and) he lives’; (2) [N]Jasneith, ‘devoted to (the goddess) Neith’ ; (3) Pedephré, ‘he whom the sun- god gives.’ All three names are cast in forms increasingly frequent from the time of the 22nd Dynasty onwards, but practically unknown earlier —except, indeed, the second; and this fact agrees with ‘he date (8th cent.) to which the document E is assigned.§ For a difficult word used in the story of Joseph, 7728 Gn xli. 43, a parallel ex- ression has been noticed in a text of the 2lst ynasty, where the words ib rk seem to form an interjection, ‘Give heed!’ or the like.|| x. RELIGION. — Our sources of information on this subject are very numerous, but at the same time very inadequate. Egyptian texts not bear- ing, even indirectly, upon some aspect of the religion are in an extremely small minority ; yet some primary questions remain unsolved for lack of explanatory documents. Since it is wholly owing to the supreme importance attached to the preparation for a future life that Egyptian antiquity has come again within our reach, it is natural that the side of religious life upon which we are best informed should be that dealing with the dead. Of the everyday religion of the people we know practically nothing. We have the names of many deities, and can enumerate their functions, attributes, and temples; but we are quite ignorant as to the way in which they were worshipped. It has been mentioned that Hommel * On the still less demonstrable assumption that the Hebrew immigration had been a part of the Hyksos invasion, Mahler bases calculations which give 1335 (%.e. Ramses II.) as the year, and, with the help of Rabbinical tradition, March 27 as the day of the Exodus (Der Pharao des Exodus, 1896). t See Ed. Meyer in Festschr. f. Hbers, 75. } Ed. Meyer, Gesch. 4g. 276; Wilcken in Festschr, f. Hbers 46. § See Steindorff, lg. Zeitschr. xxvii. 41. || See Spiegelberg in Not. et Extr. xxxiv. 261. 666 EGYPT EGYPT is eager to demonstrate a Babylonian origin for the civilization of Egypt. One of his chief conten- tions is that some of the principal Egyptian deities can be proved identical with those of Babylon, from the identity of their attributes, distinctive animals, legends, etc. It is, however, as yet in many cases impossible to recognize what were the original réles and functions of the Egyptian gods, and it seems more probable that, should a pre- historis immigration from Mesopotamia ever be demonstrated, the invaders will be found to have at most adopted certain of the native divinities and combined them with corresponding figures from their own Pantheon. No religious document of the earlier ages com- pares in importance with the great body of texts —some 4000 lines—collected and copied on the interiors of the 5th and 6th Dynasty Pyramids, but in partial use, too, in all succeeding ages. Some of the documents thus brought together belong un- doubtedly to a far earlier period, and give evidence that the official religion was even then completely developed, many of the gods having already the réles by which they are characterized throughout history, and several of the most popular myths— notably that of Osiris—being referred to as already current. Certain of the gods are con- spicuously absent from the Pyramid texts ; Amon, for example, who being originally but the local god of Thebes, remained obscure until his city rose (Dyn. 11) to political importance. Indeed the local divinities as such play a remark- ably small part in these texts. Yet the local cults were the real basis of the popular religion, which did not, so far as we can see, recognize any single unifying element before the various tribal districts had been united under the first historic Dynasties. The nomes (see above) corresponded to independent cults, each centred in the shrine of the local god, who revealed himself to his worshippers in an animal, tree, or other material object — perhaps once the tribal totem. One aspect of the advance from this primitive stage of fetish worship can be seen in the semi-human and finally completely human representations of certain of the gods in art. Yet the sacred animal was revered side by side with the anthropomorphic god, receiving, as we know, much honour even in Greek and Roman times. Beyond the famous story of Osiris and many otherwise unknown legends, the Pyramids contain countless allusions to that cycle of myths which Atop weve pera’ the doctrines of the other great school of theology. For as Abydos appears very early—though probably not pps (GES: the home of the Osirian legend and of the all- important views of future life and retribution attached to it, so does Heliopolis ("{2v, }ix) become the centre of the solar theology represented by the myth of Re’, the sun-god, and his daily contest with the dragon of darkness. : A number of the gods—many merely local deities once—had been gradually drawn within the cycles of Osiris or of Re’. The chief actors in the former story are, besides Osiris himself (whose original locality and character are very obscure), his brother Sét-Typhon, regarded now as the impersonation of darkness (when Osiris is a solar god), now as the god of the barren desert (when Osiris is the fruitful river-valley) ; Isis, wife of Osiris, a goddess (from the Delta or Phils) of merely mythological im- portance until the base epochs ; Horus, his son and avenger, a puzzling figure owing to the variety of his local forms ; and Thouth, the god of Hermopolis, the ally of Horus. The myths of the sun-god are concerned either with the phases of the sun’s daily and also supposed nightly, invisible journeys, or with cosmic pheno- mena. In the former, Horus again plays a part, now as the son of Re’; in the latter, adcal divinities such as Jtm (Tum) of Heliopolis, or elemental ods, as Kb, Nwt, Sw, Tfnwt, are introduced. Posts speculations produced a variety of myths. In one heaven and earth are female and male; in another the sky is a cow with spotted hide (the stars); another held the earth to be a box, with the sky for its raised lid, supported on the encircling hills or on four tree-stems. The gods and goddesses associated with Re‘ are 9 in number (Ennead), and are regarded as a related family, just as later theology grouped several of the local deities into family ‘ triads.’ Not all cosmic doctrines, however, were con- cerned with the Heliopolitan gods; various local gods had once been regarded as creators, ¢.g. fnmw-Chnoubis who, in the clay districts near the Cataracts, had formed the world upon a potter’s whee! ; and Ptah of Memphis was a similar artisan god. Other and very ancient divinities were the local earth and harvest gods, e.g. Min of Coptos and (perhaps) Amon of Thebes. Others, again, were water deities, e.g. Sbk-Souchos of the Fayyim and Ombos—for the same god is frequently met with in several localities, though originally proper, no doubt, to but one of them. Several were guardians of the local cemeteries, e.g. Sokaris at Memphis, Anubis at Siut, ‘The Lord of those in the West’ at Abydos. The doctrines and practices of which the Osirian legend was at once the pattern and consequence are chiefly to be studied—beyond very numerous parenges in the Pyramid texts—in the great 1eterogeneous collection of incantations known to us as the ‘ Book of the Dead,’ but to the Egyptians robably as (‘the Book of) coming out from (i.e. Sepa tine from) the Day and from the Necropolis.’ The work is composed of texts (‘ chapters’), some as ancient as those of the Pyramids, others much later, and was intended as a guide through the various difficulties, and a magical protection against the enemies to be encountered by the dead, with whom a copy of it was buried. Some of the texts seem to be remnants of primitive rituals, but all had been by the time of their definite collection (beginning of the New Kingdom) edited for the use of the dead himself. It is this more than once repeated editing which has rendered the Book for the most part unintelligible to us. It may be asserted that none of the older chapters are now available in their first simplicity. The oldest MSS ~ (Dyn. 12, 13) already show the glosses of more than one redactor, and each successive gloss seems but to obscure the original text. Several totally divergent views, Solar and Osirian, as to the future life are represented in the work. The soul is, according to some chapters, to take the form of a bird and quit the tomb, and may accompany the sun bark on its heavenly journey ; elsewhere it is regarded as orreae before Osiris, and, after the famous ‘negative confession,’ recetv- ing merited justice. If judged ‘of true voice,’ te, correctly pronouncin, the potent magic formula, the deceased proceeds to the ‘Fields of J’rw,’ and spends eternity in a very materialistic pedis, conceived upon the model of rural life in Egypt. The: lt, in man which survived death were four: 6’ soul, ihw spirit (2), h’ ydt shadow, and ? double. What were intended by the first three of these it is difficult to say; the fourth is that of which*we hear most; for its maintenance was the object of all the: funerary rites which from the earliest times occupied so much attention among all classes. The double, in appearance the exact counterpart of the man, after accompanying him EGYPT EGYPTIAN, THE through life, lived on in the tomb so long as the corpse remained intact, and the piety of the survivors provided sufficient nourishment. Hence the processes of mummification, the inscriptions whose magic could, if supplies failed, call up food, the portrait-statues into which the double could enter. Certain of the Pyramid texts and recent ex- cayations do indeed recall an age in which funer- ary practices differed much from those of his- toric times—an age in which cannibalism and human sacrifice were not extinct, and in which all but the most rudimentary embalmment was unknown. Confusion of doctrines is not characteristic of the funerary literature alone; it is common to all aspects of the Egyptian religion. The priestly tendency, discernible from the first Theban supre- macy onwards, to assimilate all secondary deities to those at the head of the Pantheon, and, finally, to teach that all were but manifestations of the supreme deity (t.e. the sun-god), introduced, indeed, a kind of order, though for us the course of the foregoing development is thereby but obscured. The supremacy of the Theban Amon, assimilated in the first place to the sun-god, led to his identi- fication with such a host of other deities, while the wealth and power of his priests became so threaten- ing a danger to the state, that Amenophis Iv., urged perhaps by the ancient hierarchy of Heliopolis, was tempted to a reform which should replace as the state religion the worship of Amon and his asso- ciated divinities by that of the sun’s orb, ttn, alone. This is the only conscious movement towards monotheism recorded in the religious history of Egypt. It is not necessary to seek in it the reflexion of some of the foreign influences of the time ; the itn was a recognized aspect of the sun- god in Egypt in previous periods. The reformed octrine contained conceptions far more lofty and enlightened than those of the ancient religion ; yet it had but an ephemeral success, and became extinct shortly after the reforming king’s death. LITERATURE.—(A) Grnzrat :—Descript. de UEgypte, a colossal publication, the result of the Napoleonic expedition, con- taining monographs upon many branches of Egyptology, ancient and modern (1809 and 1817); Wilkinson, Mann. and Cust., ed. Birch (1878); Erman, d/gypten u. Algypt. Leben (1885 ff.), super- sedes in most respects the foregoing work; Ebers, Cicerone (1886) ; Baedeker, by Steindorff (1897). (B) Lanp :—On Geology, Zittel, in Baedeker, Untertgypten? by Ebers (1885); first part of De Morgan, Rechs. 8, les Origines de U Hy. (1896); chaps. in Fl. Petrie, Ten Years’ Digging, History I. and in Ninth Or. Congr. (1893). On Metals, Lepsius, Die Metalle (1872), and articles by Montelius, M. Berthelot, etc. (C) Fauna ann Fora :—The respective chapters in Baedeker (1885 and 1897); articles by Y. Loret in Rec, de Trav. (Paris); chapters of the works under A (above).—(D) EtHNoLoey:—J. de Morgan, Rechs. 8. les Oxigines (1896) ; Sergi, Anthrop. de la Stirpe Camitica (1897); R. Hart- mann, Volker A frikas (1879); Amélineau, Nouv. fouil. d’ Abydos 1896); articles by Virchow; chapters by Schweinfurth in aedeker; chapters in the works of Erman, Maspero, Ed. Meyer, Petrie. (#) Lanavace :—Erman, Agypt. Gram. (1894), esp. for classical periods ; do. Neudg. Gram. (1880), for the New Kingdom ; Brugsch, Gram. démotique (1855), works and articles by Reyvillout, Krall, W. Max Miiller, J. J. Hess, for language of Saite and following epochs; G. Steindorff, Kopt. Gram. (1894), for language of Christian epoch; Dictionary, Brugsch, Dict. hiérogi. (1867 ff.). For Semitic affinities, Erman in ZDMG xlvi.; Bondi, Dem Hebr. Sprachzw. angeh. Lehnwérter (1886) ; Hommel in Beitr. z, Assyr, ii., and in Ninth Or. Congr. (1893, ef. Briinnow in Z. Ass. viii.). For African affinities, Pretorius Beitr. z, Assyr. ii. (F') PROFANE LirzRaTurE :—Chapters in the works of Erman, Maspero; Maspero, Contes pops. (1889) ; Petrie, Egyp. Tales (1895); Amélineau, Contes de l Ey. chrét. (1888). (@) CuronoLoey :—Lepsius, Kénigsbuch (1858); Brugsch-Bouri- ant, Livre des Rois (1887); Wislicenus, Astron. Chronol. (1895) ; articles by Mahler in 4g. Z, xxvii. xxviii. xxxii., and Der Pharao d. Exod. (1896); articles by Petrie and chapters in his History; O. Torr, Memphis and Mycene (1896, cf. Myres in Class. Rev. 1897); for Manetho, Unger, Chronol. d. Man. (1867). (4) History :—Maspero, Hist. ane. d. pewp. de VOr. class. (2 vols. 1895-96, transl. SPCK); Ed. Meyer, Gesch. d. Altert. i. ii. (1884, 1893); do. Geach. d. Alt. dZg. (1887); Erman, dgypten 7m); Petrie, Hist. of Hg. i. ii. (1894, 1896); Wiedemann, ch. v. Altdg. (1891), with special qypt. Gesch. (1884 ff.) ; do. ref. to OT; Mahaffy, Emp. of Ptols. (1805). For Herodotus, Wiedemann, Herod.’s 2. Buch (1890). Hist. Geography, Diim- ichen, Geogr. d, Alt. lg. (1878). (J) RELATIONS witH ASIA :— W. Max Miller, Asien u. Huropa (1893, cf. Jensen in Z. Ass. x.). For relations with OT, Ebers, 4g. u. Biich. Mose’s (1868); do. Durch Gosen z, Sinai (1872); O. Niebuhr, Gesch. d. Ebr. Zeit. alters (1894); Sayce, Patr. Palestine (1895); Ed. Meyer in Festschr. f. Hbers (1897). (K) Ruxicion ;—Erman’s Algypten; Maspero’s and Meyer’s Histories (passim); Maspero, Ets. de Mythol. (1893), the most important work on the subject; do. Pyramides de Saqqarah (1894= Ree. de Trav, iii.-xiv.), with transl. ; Le P. Renouf, The Book of the Dead, transl. (PSBA xiv. ff.) ; peg in C. de la Saussaye, Lehrb.2 (1897), an excellent summary. (4) ArT :—Perrot-Chipiez, Hist. de Art, i. (1882); Maspero, L’Archéologie é9. (1887) ; chapters in Erman’s Aigypten, Maspero’s Histoire. (M) PusiisHep Monuments, Ero. :— The chief collections are those of Champollion, Rosellini, Lepsius, Sharpe, Prisse, de Rougé, Mariette, the Mission franc. au Caire, Hg. Explor. Fund, the Leyden Museum. Catalogues of the museums of Gizeh-Boulak (Maspero), Berlin (Erman), Louvre (de Rougé, Pierret, Devéria), Florence (Schiaparelli), Turin (Rossi, Lanzone), St. Petersburg (Golénischeff), Further, the works of Fl. Petrie; de Morgan, etc., Catal. de Mons. et Insers. 1894 ff.); do. Dahshour (1895); Translations in Records of the ‘ast (first and second series), (NV) PuRIODICALS :—Zeitschr, f. dg. Spr. eo itec. de trav. rel. a la phil. ég. et ass. (Paris); PSBA (Lond.); Sphina (Upsala, Leipz.). . KE. CRUM. EGYPT, RIYER OF, occurs repeatedly in AV (Nu 345, Jos 154, 1K 8%, 2K 247, 2Ch 78, Ts 2712) as tr® of aryp bn3 (worapds Alyérrov, Jth 19), The term is used to designate not the Nile, whose common title is 7k:7, and which cd. never be called $n3, the latter word being the exact equivalent of the modern wady. (See BRooK.) In all the above OT passages (cf. also Ezk 47! 4878) RV substitutes ‘brook’ for ‘river,’ but inconsistently retains ‘river’ in Jth 1°. The stream referred to is the Wady el- Arish, which flows through the northern portion of the Sinaitic peninsula, draining into itself the waters of many other wadies, and flows into the Mediterranean midway between Pelusium and Gaza (Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, 348). It derives its name from the village el-‘Arish (the ancient hinocolura, Diodor. i. 60), situated near its mouth. The ‘river of Egypt’ is repeatedly specified in OT as the 8S. W. boundary of Canaan. The same stream is called nahal Muzur by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon, who apparently means to distinguish it from the Nile by adding ashar naru la ishu, ‘ where no river is,’ 7.e. no continuous stream (Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad. 257). Once in OT (Gn 1518) the ‘river of Egypt’ (70; ‘sp, not 53) means the Nile if MT is correct, but we shd. probably emend to 5n3 (so Lagarde, fol- lowed by Ball in Haupt’s OT). Shihér, which elsewhere (Is 23°, Jer 2!) is applied to the Nile, appears to be a designation of the Wady el-‘Arish in Jos 13°, ‘Shihor (RV ‘the Shihor’) which is before Egypt,’ and 1 Ch 13° (cf. 1K 8%), ‘from Shihor of Egypt (RV ‘Shihor the brook of Egypt’) even unto the entering in of Hamath.’ (So Del. on Gn 158 and Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad. 242f., although Frd. Delitzsch and Dillmann prefer te understand it of the most easterly arm of the Nile.) J. A. SELBIE. EGYPTIAN, THE (6 Alytmrios)) —In Ac 21% Claudius Lysias the chief captain (Chiliarch) is represented as saying to St. Paul, ‘Art thou not then the Egyptian, which before these days stirred up to sedition and led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the Assassins?’ This E. is mentioned by Josephus in both his works. While describing the procuratorship of Felix, he mentions the Sicarii or ASSASSINS, then in distinction to these the religious impostors, then a certain Egyptian. The latter professed to be a prophet, and collected together a body of 30,000 ersons, whom he led to the Mount of Olives, assert- ing that the wall of Jerus. would fall down before him, and that he could capture the city. Felix attacked him with a considerable force, and dis- persed his followers, slaying 400, and taking prisoner 200. The Egyptian himself escaped. 668 EGYPTIAN VERSIONS Krenkel, following Holtzmann, Hausrath, Keim, and the author of Supernatural Religion, attempts to show that the author of the Acts is indebted to Josephus for his knowledge of this event. He is quite unsuccessful. There are no signs of literary obligation, and very definite discrepancies. Josephus gives different numbers; he does not definitely connect the Egyptian with the Sicarii, but rather contrasts him ; and he does not represent the wilderness as the place to which the people were led, but the Mount of Olives. It may be quite possible to explain these discrepancies so as to save the historical accuracy of both writers, but they are fatal to our regarding Josephus as the source of information. The only reasonable opinion that can be held is that we have two independent and contemporary accounts of the same event, and that the resemblances arise from this fact. LiTERATURE.—Jos. Ant. xx. viii. 6; BJ m1. xiii. 6; Schiirer, HJP i. ii. 180; Krenkel, Josephus und Lucas, p. 240. A. C. HEADLAM. EGYPTIAN YERSIONS.—The various Egyptian dialects and the Versions contained in them are a subject of so much confusion that it will be well for the sake of distinctness to deal in this article first with the Dialects and their proximate dates, and then with the extant remains of the Versions and their proximate dates. We will conclude with a short study of the Greek Text implied by ie Versions, anal the history of the criticism of them. 1. DIALECTS OF CopTic.—The latest stage of the Egyptian language, and that which was spoken in Christian times, is now known by the name of Coptic. The word itself comes from a corruption of the Greek Atyurros. Coptic was written in Greek characters, with the addition of some extra letters representing sounds which could only im- pricey, be expressed by the Greek alphabet. hese letters were modifications of characters found in Demotic—the popular form of the old Egyptian language spoken in the centuries im- mediately before the Christian era. Although it is still used in the services of the Church, Coptic is now practically a dead language. Our knowledge, therefore, of it must be derived from manuscripts and inscriptions. When these began to be studied by European scholars, it soon became evident that the language as spoken in different parts of the country presented certain dialectical peculiarities. Not only was it early recognized that the dialect used in the North differed considerably from that used in the South, but a third dialect was also detected, which, as a general rule, resembled the southern: it had, however, many northern forms, and sometimes showed peculiarities of its own. A long controversy, lasting for more than a cen- tury, was waged over the district to which this third dialect was to be assigned. The attention of Coptic scholars was early directed to a noteworthy pane from Athanasius, a bishop of Kos in the hebaid, who flourished in the llth century. In his Arabic-Coptic Grammar, Athanasius says: ‘Know that the Coptic language is divided into three branches. One of them is the Coptic of Misr, which is the Sahidic; and another is the Bohairic Coptic, which gets its name from El-Bohaira;a and the other is the Bushmuric Coptic, which is used in the country of El-Bushmur, as thou know- est. But those now in use are only the Bohairic Coptic and the Sahidic. And the origin of them is one language.’8 Here we have a mention of three dialects — Sahidic, Bohairic, and Bush- muric. The first two are, as Quatremére pointed e I.e, the district south of Alexandria. & The original of the passage is given in Quatremére, Re- cherches sur la Langue et la Littérature de l’Egypte (Paris, 1808), p. 21. EGYPTIAN VERSIONS out,a clearly the same as those sometimes called © Thebaic and Memphitic. But what was the last? Was it to be identified with the third dialect known to us? Or was it the name of a still unknown dialect? Before this question could be answered, the position of Bushmur had to be determined. Quatremére proved that it could not be placed in the South of Egypt, nor in the Oasis and neigh- bouring deserts, but that it must be situated in the North.g It is the country in the east of the Delta bordering on the sea.y Quatremére was of opinion that our third dialect had no con nexion with Bushmuric, of which we had only a single word preserved to us.6 But if it was not Bushmuric, how came it not to be mentioned by Athanasius? Quatremére answered the ques- tion by supposing that it was in use not ex- actly in Egypt, but in a country close by— the great ie little Oases, ‘which, situated at a little distance from Egypt, stretch from north to south, from the paralle of Assouan as far as the frontier of the Fayfim.’e Since Quatremére’s time a large number of fragments have come to light which prove that he was right in refusing to call the dialect Bushmuric. Whether or not it was spoken in the southern Oasis, we now know for certain that it was used in the neigh- bourhood of the Fayfm and Memphis; and a study of Middle Egyptian shows us that the reason why Athanasius did not mention it may have been that he did not regard it as a separate dialect. This third dialect, lying as it does geo- graphically and linguistically between Sahidic and Bohairic,{ may conveniently be termed Middle Egyptian. When we come to examine it more carefully, we are confronted with fresh difficulties. Whilst Sahidic and -Bohairic are for the most part clearly defined and regular dialects, Middle Egyp- tian presents us with an almost bewildering number of alternative forms. When spoken in the Nile Valley the dialect is a kind of mixture between Sahidic and Bohairic. ments which come from the Fayim—a district some distance to the west—the dialect has de- veloped more decided peculiarities of its own. It is dangerous, however, to draw rat hard-and- fast distinction between the forms of the language current in the two places; for at a later date the dialect used in the Fayfim bore a considerable resemblance to that used at one time in Memphis.y Many of the other varieties are no doubt due to ignorance or indifference on the part of scribes, some of whom in the Fayfim belonged to the asant and artisan class.@ Such an explanation oes not, however, cover the case of some frag- ments recently found in Akhmim and in the Fayfim, which present further dialectical peculiari- ties unknown to us before. Stern has carefully examined the dialect of these fragments, and has shown good reason to believe that it presents us with an earlier form of Middle Egyptian, closely allied to the dialect found in fragments written at Memphis.« We may sum up these results as follows :— Sahidic = Dialect of Southern (or Upper) Egypt: sometimes called ‘ Thebaic.’ a Quatremére, op. cit. p. 22. B Ib. p, 147 ff. Gates ileal i. 634, ey juatremére, op. cit. p. i o1b. p. 217. - e ® = Sometimes it very closely resembles Bohairic. See the dialect of the prog meet of the Song of Moses given by Crum, Coptic USS brought from the Fayyum, p. 12 ff. » Cf. the dialect of the Fayfim fragment published by Quatre- mére, op. cit. p. 248 ff., with the dialect of those edited by Revillout, Papyrus Coptes (Paris, 1876), p. 101 ff. @See Krall, Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrwa Erzherzog Rainer (Vienna, 1887), i. p. 65. i Zeitschrift fiir Agyptische Sprache, 1886, p. 120 ff. But in some of the frag- © EGYPTIAN VERSIONS EGYPTIAN VERSIONS 66S Middle Egyptian=Dialect of (a) Memphis and neighbourhood, and (5) the Fayam. Bohairic= Dialect of district south of Alexandria: sometimes called ‘Memphitic’ (or ‘ Coptic’). 2. RELATIVE DATES OF DIALECTS.—The Arabic historian Macrizi, who flourished at the beginning of the 15th century, speaks of Sahidie as ‘the rimitive source of the Coptic language, and that rom which is derived the Bohairic dialect.’a Such evidence as there is confirms his statement as to the late date of Bohairic. Bohairic (which was originally confined to the district south of Alex- andria) is the most literary and artificial of Coptic dialects. The form of many of its words, when compared with the corresponding Sahidic, points to a later stage of development. Its frequent use of connecting particles, reminding us of Greek rather than Egyptian, seems also to point in the same direction. It was most probably developed from Middle Egyptian, which at one time may possibly have been spoken in the neighbourhood of Alex- andria itself.8 To what extent it was used for other than ecclesiastical purposes we have at present no means of ascertaining.y But if it was in the main a literary rather than a popular language, this fact would explain why it died out, except for ecclesiastical purposes, earlier than Middle Egyptian and Sahidic.6 There is, on the contrary, no doubt that the last-named dialects were the language of the people. We have numerous fragments of letters in Middle Egyptian and remains of school-books in Sahidic.e The line of demarcation between the two dialects was not sharp, and sometimes pieces of writing are found in which single sentences are almost entirely written in Sahidic, whilst others are almost entirely in Middle Egyptian. Thus, whilst we find Sahidic forms in use in documents written in the neighbourhood of Hermopolis Magna and Antinoe,y we have evidence that as far south as Thebes pure Sahidic was not always written.@ When Middle Egyptian and Sahidic began to be written we do not know. As far as the evidence « Steep hear op. cit. p. 42. B the interesting fragment Say by Krall, at the end of an art. “‘iiber die Anfange der Koptischen Schrift,” op. cit. i. . 112, where an Alexandrian in signing his name makes use of Phe FayQdmic dialect. Too much stress, however, must not be laid on this p: ; for, as Mommsen points out, ‘ the belonging to’ an Egyptian district ‘ was independent of dwelling-place, and hereditary. The Egyptian from the Chemmitic nome belonged to it with his dependents, just as much when he had his abode in Alexandria as the Alexandrian dwelling in Chemmis belonged to the burgess-body of Alexandria’ (Mommsen, The Provinces 0) the Roman Empire, c. xii. Eng. trans. p. 235). The arguments put forward in that article in favour of an early date for the Bohairic dialect (see also Headlam in Scrivener’s Intro- duction to NT4, ii. 126f., and Hyvernat, Revue Biblique, 1897, No. 1, p. 67) are valueless. (1) The abbreviations found in Coptic MSS for ‘God’ and ‘Lord’ need not have originated in Bohairic, If they occurred (and they never do, as far as I know) in MSS written in one Sahidic, they might as easily have been taken from M.E. as from Bohairic. Indeed an abbreviation of ‘ Lord,’ which is almost exactly the same as the one in common use in Bohairic, is found in a M.E. MS, which ‘in its writing,’ says Krall @ 110f.), ‘reminds us of the Codex Sinaiticus.’ (2) Even if Krall’s hypothesis of the origin of the last letter of the Coptic alphabet were satisfactory, it does not prove his point. The contraction might have arisen in M.E. as easily as in Bohairic. But most probably his hypothesis is wrong, and the letter is derived from Demotic (see Steindorff, Koptische Grammatik, § 4). v Attempts to use Bohairic for letter-writing, using through- out Greek characters, are given by Krall, op, cit. ii.-iii. p. 56, v. 41; Crum, op. cit. p. 59f. Unfortunately, as Krall says, ‘ the geographical and climatic conditions of the Delta are not favour- able to the preservation of papyrus.’ We cannot therefore be certain of the exact dialect which the hermits near Lake Men- zaleh spoke, when Cassian visited them at the end of the 4th century. It may have been a form of M.E. or Bohairic. We gather from Cassian (Coll. xi. 3, xvi. 1; Migne, P.Z. xlix. 850, 1011) that some of them did not know Greek. 3 Quatremére, op. cit. p. 41 f. ‘ 1, op. cit, ii.-iii. 43 ff., iv. 128 ff. = Krall, op. cit. i. 64. Krall, op. cit. i. 64, ii. 63 £. 8 ZAS, 1884, p. 140 f. of documents is concerned, we have fragments in Middle Egyptian (earlier and later) and Sahidie, some of which take us back to the 4th or 5th centuries.a But as early as the 2nd century efforts were made to write Egyptian in characters not unlike our present Coptic ones.f 3. EXTANT REMAINS OF VERSIONS.—We have remains of biblical versions in all three dialects ; but a considerable portion of the Sahidic has dis- appeared, whilst only very short fragments of the Middle Egyptian areextant. A useful list of MSS containing Pape of the Coptic Bible has been given by M. Hyvernat in the Revue Biblique Internationale for 1896, No. 4, p. 540ff. e shall here confine ourselves to editions of the versions. (a) Sahidic.—The fullest collections of extant fragments of the version of the NT are those pub- lished by Woidey and Amélineau.s Some frag- ments of the Apocalypse have recently been brought together by Goussen.e A complete collection, together with a translation, is urgently needed. The best collections of the remains of the OT have been made by Ciasca,¢ Maspero,n and Lagarde.@ Quotations from the Sahidie Bible are found in the ‘ Pistis Sophia,’« and other Sahidic books. The Psalms quoted in the former work resemble the Sahidic version. In fact, asa general rule citations in either the Bohairic or Sahidic dialect agree with the version of the Bible current in that dialect.« Other collections of fragments of the Sahidic Bible are described in the Revue Biblique Internationale, 1897, No. 1, pp. 55-62. (6) Middle Egyptian.—That there was a sepa- rate Middle Egyptian recension of part, at least, of the Bible is proved by the text of some of the NT fragments published by ZoegadX and Maspero.u These are written in the dialect as spoken in the Faytm, and sometimes in text and translation differ considerably from the corresponding Sahidie and Bohairic. How far all the biblical fragments extant in Middle Egyptian really constitute a separate version, we shall be able to judge with greater certainty when more fragments have been discovered, and when the Sahidic NT has been edited. Meanwhile, it is unsafe to conclude that a fragment written in this dialect necessaril presents a distinct recension. It may give, with merely dialectical changes, exactly the same version as the Sahidic.y We shall here te state where specimens of the Bible written in Middle Egyptian may be found, without venturing to determine whether they are parts of a single version. Besides the fragments already alluded to,é Bouriant has published two Gospel fragments, together with a « Orum, op. cit. plate i. No.2; Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient MSS, p. 163 (plate xvii.); Krall, op. cit. i. 110; Fiihrer durch dve Ausstellung (Vienna, 1892), p. 33, Tafel iii. ; Stern, 74S, 1886, p. 135. B Steindorff, Koptische Grammatik, § 2. y Appendia ad editionem Novi Testamenti Greci (Oxford, 1799). 3 ZAS, 1886-1888. s Apocalypsis S. Johannis A postoli (Leipzig, 1895), % Sacrorum Bibliorum Fragmenta Copto-Sahidica Musei Borgiani, Rome, vol. i., 1885; vol. ii., 1889. » Mémoires publiées par les Membres de la Miesion Archéo- ique Francaise au Caire (Paris, 1892), vol. vi. 6 Agyptiaca (Gottingen, 1883), p. 65 ff. 4 Cf. Harnack, Texte u. Unters. vii. 2. 2 ff. x See eg. F. Robinson, Teate and Studies, vol. iv. No. 2, . xix. Pe Catalogus Codicum Copticorum (Rome, 1810), p. 149 ff. : cf. Engelbreth, Fragmenta Basmurico-Coptica Veteris et Novi Testamenti (Copenhagen, 1811), p. 20ff. pw Recueil de Travaua relatifs ala Phil. et & ? Arch. Egypt. et Assyr. (1889), xi. p. 116. »Cf. the translation in old M.E. of Jude 1719 with the corresponding Sahidic. See Crum, op. cit. p. 4. & Zoega publishes the first half of 1 Th and part of the follow: ing chapters: Is 1.5, Jn 4, 1006-9. 14.15, Eph 6, Ph 1. 2 He 5-10 (Engelbreth gives the same). 10Co 9. 10-15 had already been edited by Giorgi (Fragmentum Evangelit S. Johannis, etc., Rome, 1789, p. 55 ff.), and Minter (Commentatie —— 670 EGYPTIAN VERSIONS EGYPTIAN VERSIONS small portion of Isaiah, the end of 2 Co and the beginning of Hebrews.a A single verse from Jon 2 will be found in Tuki;f the last part of La and most of the Epistle of Jer. (with Latin translations) in Quatremére.y Crum has given a few verses from Mt ll. 12,6 and Krall some verses of Ro 1l. 12.e Besides these, Von Lemm has made another short collection of fragments in this dialect.¢ To this list must be added some inter- esting biblical remains written in Old Middle Egyptian.» Small portions of Exodus, Sirach, eal 2 Mac are published by Bouriant.6 We have an incomplete MS of the Minor Prophets, from which Krall has published specimen verses,« briefly enumerating the contents of the rest, which he will shortly publish.« Part of the same MS has recently been edited by Bouriant.’ The NT fragments published by Crumyz are unfortu- nately very minute. Jude -” and part of Ja 4! 8 alone survive. (c) Bohairic.—The best edition of the Gospels is that of Schwartze,y and of the Acts and Epistles, that of Lagarde.é The NT as a whole has never been satisfactorily edited. A serviceable edition was made by Wilkins, but the Latin translation which it contains is unsatisfactory A new edition of the Gospels is being prepared for the Clarendon PressbyG. Horner. The Pentateuch was first published by Wilkins (with a translation),r and then more carefully by Lagarde.p Tattam has edited and translated (but uncritically) the Major and Minor Prophets and the Book of Job.o The best editions of the Psalms have been made by Schwartzer and Lagarde,v the latter edition being unfortunately printed in Latin characters. F. Rossi has lately edited a MS containing part of the Psalter.6 Only small ortions of the rest of the OT have been printed. or a list of these portions and of editions not mentioned here, see Hyvernat, op. cit. 1897, No 1, . 48 ff. : 4, DATE OF VERSIONS.—The earliest evidence for the existence of a Coptic version is usually said to be afforded by the Life of St. Antony, com- monly attributed to St. Athanasius. Weare there de Indole Versionizs Novi Testamenti Sahidice, Copenhagen, 1789, p. 78 ff.), Maspero has published Mt 546-619, « Bouriant, Mémoires de l'Institut égyptien, vol. ii. (Cairo, 1889), p. 567 ff. The Gospel fragments are parts of Mt 13, 14, _and of Mk 8.9. The difficulty of drawing a sharp line of dis- tinction between the various forms of the M.E. dialect is shown by the fact that Headlam is inclined to regard two parts of one MS of the Gospels as belonging to separate versions and dialects (see Headlam, op. cit. ii. p. 141f.; cf. Hyvernat, op. cit. 1896, No. 4, p. 565 ff.). ome, 1778), p. 446. B Rudimenta Lingue Copte y Quatremére, op. cit. p. 228 fi. 3 Crum, op. cit. p.1f. Cf. also the fragments of the Song of Moses and the Song of the Three Children on p. 12 ff. s Op. cit. ii.-iii. p. 69ff. In i. p. 69 he gives quotations in this dialect from Mt 1127, Ps 1484, § Mittelaegyptische nd paddy peda Etudes Archéologiques Linguistiques et Historiques dédiées @ M. le Dr. C. Leemans, Leyden, 1885. Old M.E. is often called Akhmimic, because most of the fragments of it come from Akmim. 6 Mémoires Miss. Arch. i. p. 246 ff. + Krall, op. ctt. ii.-iii. (1887) p. 265 ff. _A list of the verses will be found in Hyvernat, op. cw. (1896), No. 4, p. 568, under the title ‘ Version Akhmimienne.’ o Nov. Test. Aigyptium vulgo Copticum (Oxford, 1716). « Quingue libri Moysis Prophetce (London, 1781). p Der Pentateuch Koptisch (Leipzig, 1867). o Prophetce Majores (Oxford, 1852); Duod. Proph. Min. Libr. (Oxford, 1836); The Ancient Coptic Version of the Book of Job (London, 1846). ; ap ose tae tn Dialectum Memph. translatum (Leipzig, v Psalterrd Versto Memphitica (Gottingen, 1875). ¢ Di Aleunt Manuscritti Copti (Turin, 1893). told that he was an Egyptian, that his parents were Christians, and that as a child he went with them to church, and ‘ gave attendance to the read. ings’ (t.e. from the Scriptures).2 When about 20 ears of age ‘he went into the church, and it happened that the Gospel was then being read.’ A He heard a text which influenced him profoundly. On other occasions, also, he heard passages read, and ‘he gave such attendance to the reading that none of those things which were written fell from him to the ground, but he retained all, and thereafter his memory served him for books.’ From these passages it has been argued that, since we further know that St. Antony as a boy refused to learn letters,é and was unable through- out life to speak Greek,e there must have been in his boyhood a translation of the Scriptures in the Egyptian tongue. This, it is maintained, is confirmed by other passages in his Life, especially by the discourse which begins at c. xvi. e are there told that he spoke to the monks in’ the Egyptian tongue, saying, ‘The Scriptures are sufficient for teaching; but it is good for us to exhort one another in the faith, and encourage with words.’¢ In the discourse which follows there are quotations from, or allusions to, texts from various parts of the Bible. Since Antony, shortly before his death in A.D. 356, said, ‘I am well- nigh one hundred and five years old,’7 he must have been born about A.D. 250. Thereforethere must have been a translation of the Bible into Egyptian about the middle of the 3rd century. But such reasoning is not conclusive. This Life never speaks of Antony as reading the Bible. He only hears it read. he Coptic translation which he heard might well have been made at the time by an interpreter. The need of a written translation in the services of the Church would not at once be felt.@ The Gospel would first be read in Greek, and then the Greek would be rendered into Coptic,¢ as at a later date the Coptic was rendered into Arabic by ‘anyone who had the gift of speaking, so that he could interpret aright.’« In so far as Antony was in the habit of repeating texts in his discourses, he was enabled to do so by his remark- able memory. For we have no reason to suppose that he hed. a Bible of his own. But the speeches put into the mouth of the hermit cannot be used as evidence in such a case. For, even if we admit the historical character of the biography, it does not in the least follow that the discourses are verbatim reports.A On the authority, therefore, of this Life alone it is unsafe to base any conclusion as to the existence of a Coptic version of the Bible in the 3rd century. There is, however, good ground for believing that a version existed in the 4th cent. It was at the beginning of this century that St. Pachomius first gathered solitary ascetics together in the south of Egypt under a common rule. If we may trust the a Athan. Vit Ant. 1(Migne, PG, xxvi. 840f.). 8 Ib. 2. The Syriac version of the Life has: ‘There was the reading in the church; and at the end_of all the Scriptures the Gospel was read’ (see Schulthess, Probe einer Syrischen Verston der Vita St. Antonié (Leipzig, 1894), Syriac text, p. 6, lines 12 f. Cy ae 8. sJb. 74; Hier. Vit. H@. 80 (Vall. il. 31); Pallad. Hist. Laus. 26 (PG, xxxiv. 1076). = Vit. Ant. 16. n Ib. 89. 6See Renaudot, Liturgiarum Orientaliwm Collectio (Paris, 1716), vol. 1, p. 203 ff. + 1b, pp. exxiii, 207. x Ib. p. 204, a E.g. the discourse in chapter 74. Robertson, who believes in the genuineness of the Life, admits that ‘even an Athanasius would not so entirely rise out of the biographical habits of his day as to mingle nothing of his own with the speeches of his hero’ (‘ Athanasius’ in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, p. 191). ae ee EGYPTIAN VERSIONS EGYPTIAN VERSIONS 671 accounts given in his Life, he himself spoke Egyptian, and only acquired Greek in later years.a His monks as a rule were common Egyptian asa who knew no language but their own. he Greeks and Romans of his settlement were in @ separate house, presided over by Theodore of Alexandria.8 Yet throughout his Life great stress is laid on the study of the Bible, and there are frequent allusions to learning passages by heart. Pachomius himself was in the habit of speaking from the Scriptures to his monks. hen a novice first came, according to the rules of the monastery extant in Greek, he began by receiving ‘the Prayer of the Gospel’ (ri etxyiv rod evayye- Mov) and learning certain Psalms.e Unless our accounts of Pachomius’ life and work are most misleading, we can scarcely doubt that there was, early in the 4th cent., a Coptic version of the Bible. The attempt to trace the translation paxtiee Ree is beset es jen aaa We ene v ittle concerning Christianity in er Egypt beiate the time of Pachomius. qT eissbiua tidoea tells us that in the persecution under Severus (A.D. 202), which was especially felt at Alexandria, martyrs were brought to that city from ‘Egypt and all the Thebaid.’¢ But no such tradition survives in Coptic literature. We have no eviconce that in early days the Alexandrian Church seriously attempted missionary work. If the Aiexandrians had wished to do so, it would have been no easy task. For they were regarded as foreigners by the rest of Egypt ; 7 and their position was not unlike that which Englishmen occupy in India to-day. Besides the difficulty of the language, they found it, as Origen says, no easy task to persuade an Egyptian to give up idolatry and ‘despise those things which iv had received from his fathers.’ x Heathen worship down to a late time ‘ retained its firmest stronghold in the pious land of Egypt.’d The increase of the Episcopate under Demetrius (c. 189-232 A.D.), and more especially under his successor Heraclas (c. 233-248 A.D.), must indeed be regarded as an indication of missionary activity.u If Christianity in the time of Demetrius had spread as far south as Antinoe,v the Church was evidently becoming too large for the personal supervision of a single bishop at Alexandria. The bishop who succeeded Heraclas—Dionysius « Of. Amélineau, Annales du Musée Guimet, xvii. pp. 147, 629; Acta SS. Mai. xiv. Vit. Pach. 60; Paral. de SS. Pach. et Theodor. 27. 8 Amél. op. cit. pp. 147, 150. y See e.g. Amél. op. cit. pp. 12, 18, 22, 37, 41f., 50f., 78f., 92, 3 1b. p. 141; Mission Arch. Mémoires, iv. p. 553, «Migne, PG, xl., 949. For the corresponding Ethiopic see Basset, Les Apoc. Ethiopiens, viii. (1896) p. 31. The Latin form is found in Hieron. Vail. ii. 62. = Eusebius, HZ, vi. 1. In the Life of Theodore we hear of brethren ‘ who inter- reted his words in Greek to those who did not know tian, because they were strangers (Zswxo/) and Alex- andrians.’ See Zoega, op. cit. p. 371; Amél. Annales du MG, xvii. p. 302. (7) Ot. Mommsen, Provinces of the Roman Empire (Dickson’s Eng. trans.), ii. p. 262. ites the account of Macarius, bishop of Antaeopolis, in Amél. Mission Arch. Mémoires, iv. pp. 93, 95f. ; Zoega, op. cit. . 99. . x Origen, Contra Cels. i. 52 (Lomm, xviii. p. 97). A Mommsen, op. cit. ii. p. 266. See also Amél. Les Actes des Martyrs de Uéglise copte (Paris, 1890), p. 7, note 2; Erman, ZAS, 1895, p. 43 ff. ; w# Eutychius, Annales (Pococke, Oxford, 1656), i. p. 332 (see Lightfoot, Philippians, p. 231f.). The fact that before the tims of Demetrius there was no Egyptian bishop outside of Alexandria need not suggest that ‘the progress of Christianity was for a long time confined within the limits of a single city’ (see Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, c. xv. Bury’s ed. ii. p. 60). For the Alexandrian diocese might have been, like fhe early dioceses of Gaul and N. Italy (Duchesne, Fastes épiscopauaz de Vancienne Gaule, i. p. 33 ff.), of very considerable extent. See Pearson, Vindicie Hpist. S. Ti ii (Cambridge, 1672) i. p. 170. » Between the years c. 212-216 A.D. we find Alexander, bishop ef Jerusalem, writing to the Antinoites and exhorting them to the Great—has given in his letters a vivid picture of the Alexandrian Church of his time, but has told us little of the rest of Egypt. In his day no fees was needed to start a persecution of Christians (A.D. 249). A large part of the popula- tion of Alexandria was still pagan, and only needed a leader to revive ‘their native superstition’ (rh emixwprov derordaipovlav). When the Decian persecu- tion (A.D. 250) broke out, he specially mentions four ‘Egyptians’ as among the sufferers.a The persecution was not confined to Alexandria, but many others ‘ in cities and villages’ were martyred, and the bishop of Nilus (in Middle Egypt) fled from his see.8 Coptic traditions of this persecu- tion are scanty,y and we. do not precisely know how far it extended. We find the same bishop writing letters to the brethren in Egypt é and to Egyptian bishops.e He also went to the Fayftm district. Here the teaching of Nepos, an Egyp- tian bishop (érlcxoros rév kar’ Alyvmrov), had for a long time prevailed, so that ‘schisms and defec- tions of whole churches had taken place.’ Diony- sius therefore called together ‘the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in the villa es,’ and discussed their difficulties with them for three successive days.{ We cannot gather, from any letters of his which have come down to us, in- formation regarding Christianity farther south, We have to wait for such information till the beginning of the next cent. In the latter part of the Diocletian persecution Eusebius in person visited the Thebaid. He was an eye-witness of the massacres, and of the fanatical enthusiasm of many of the martyrs. The persecution continued, ‘not for a few days or for a short time, but for a long period of whole A eedat (ért paxpdy 8d\wv érdv dudornua). Most of the sufferers apparently be- longed to the lower classes of society, but there were some of high birth and distinction.» Many bishops suffered for the faith, @ but Eusebius does not say whether any of them came from the south. He has described the sufferings of the rest of the Beyoyen Church in Egypt itself: and elsewhere ; « and has preserved an account by an eye-witness of the persecution in Alexandria.A But when we bring together all the historian’s statements, it is singularly difficult to determine how far they imply the existence of a widespread native Chris- tianity. We can only conjecture that amongst the numerous martyrs some of those in a lower station of life were natives. A century had passed since the bishop of Jerusalem wrote to the Greek- speaking population of the capital of the Thebaid.u In the meantime the Christians in that town may have done good work amongst the ‘ barbarians,’ even if they had not attempted such work at first. be of one mind (épcogpovijras), See Eus. HH, vi. 11, In the next century a bishop of Antinoe was present at the Council of Nicwa (Zoega, op. cit. p. 244). a Dion. ap. Eus. HE, vi. 41. Their names were Heron, Ater, Isidore, and Nemesion. Dionysius seems to imply that most of the others at Alexandria were Greeks. Arguments cannot be safely based on the absence of Egyptian names. Thus we have in the Fayim a son of Satabus bearing a Latin and Greek name ‘ Aurelius Diogenes.’ See Benson, Cyprian, Appendix B, . 542. » 6 Dion. ap. Eus, H#, vi. 42. y See Amél. Actes des M. pp. 14-17. ‘Matra’ (p. 15) is prob- ably the same as ‘ Metras,’ who suffered the year before the Decian persecution (Eus. HE, vi.41). See also Malan, Calendar of the Coptic Church, p. 10. 3 Eus. H2#, vi. 46, vii. 22. «The bishop of Hermopolis (vi. 46), Hierax, an Egyptian bishop (vii. 21), z Hh? E, vii. 24. n HE, viii. 9. 0 HE, viii. 9, 18, ix. 6; De Mart. Pal. 18. We gather from Epiphanius, Her, ixviii. 8 (PG, xlii. 197), that Potamo of Her- aclea lost an eye in the persecution. + HE, viii. 6, 8, 13, ix. 11; De Mart. Pal. 8, 13. x HE, viii. 6f.; De Mart. Pal. 8,10, 18. A Phileas, ap. Kus. HE, viii, 10. The account of Phileas’ own trial is given by Ruinart, Act. Sinc. 2nd ed. p. 494 ff. p» Eus. HE, vi. 11. 672 EGYPTIAN VERSIONS EGYPTIAN VERSIONS The Coptic accounts of this persecution were written at a later date, and are disfigured by legendary additions. Yet the traditions of mar- tyrdoms having taken place in the towns lying between Antinoe and Latopolisa must have some historical foundation. They point to the fact that the persecution was particularly severe in the south. Many of the martyrs bear Greek names, and are connected with the army.8 Com- paratively few bishops are mentioned.y Diocle- tian is hated with a wild, unreasoning hatred, due no doubt in pa to political considerations, A religion must have gained in popularity among the fanatical, disorderly natives of Upper Egypt, simply because Diocletian and the Government were opposed to it. In fact we find, as we study these Coptic traditions, that however much the new religion had already appealed to the natives, a fresh era began wit locletian,é and Chris- tianity became, in a fuller sense than ever before, the religion of the people. Hatred of Dio- cletian, the faith of the martyrs, the sufferings which they endured, all contributed to this result. The consequence was that, when the persecution was over, ‘the repentance of the heathen (ray é6vSv) was multiplied in the Church, the bishops leading the way unto God, according to the teaching of the apostles.’ e It will be evident from this brief study of the subject, that but little is known of Egyptian Christianity outside of Alexandria before the time of Pachomius. The state of the Church in his time—the history and legends of the Diocletian persecution—the increase of the Egyptian epis- copate under Demetrius and Heraclas—suggest, but do not prove, that some time before the end of the 3rd:cent. there was a considerable number of native Christians. They would soon feel the aeed of a translation of the Bible. Historical evidence, then, on the whole, points to the 3rd cent. as the period when the first Coptic transla- tion was made.f But this view can only be regarded as tentative. In the light of future discoveries it may have to be modified. This translation was most {probably made, not in the neighbourhood of Alexandria, but in Middle or Upper Egypt. Here the native element was stronger than in the north; and, as Greek was less spoken, the need for a translation would be more keenly felt. All the evidence that we ossess at present goes to prove that Coptic iterature, whether orthodox or heretical, took its rise in the south; its development being assisted by the hatred felt towards Ake foreign or Greek element.7 a Amél. Actes des M. p. 80 ff. 8 1b. pp. 26, 30, 103, 219. y Zoega (Cat. pp. 237, 239) and Amélineau (op. eft. pp. 89, 53 f.) speak of the martyrdom of the bishops of Ptolemais and Hermopolis Magna. Amélineau (op. cit. p. 47 ff.) tells of the inartyrdom of the bishop of Latopolis. Pisura and three other bishops (Zoega, Cat. p. 52; Hyvernat, Actes des M. i. p. 114 ff.), and the bishop of Prosopis in Lower Egypt (Zoega, Cat. pp. 62, 183; Hyvernat, Actes des M. i. p. 225ff.), were also martyred. The bishop of Akmim fled (asoblinea, Actes des M. p. 82). The bishop of Lycopolis used the persecution as a means of self-aggrandisement (Hyvernat, Actes des M. i. 260), and, according to Athanasius (Apol. c. Artanos, 59) and Socrates (HE, i. 6), actually sacrificed. 3 The era of the martyrs, on which Coptic chronology is usually based, begins with a.p. 284, the year of the accession of Diocletian. «See Amédl. Vie de Pakhéme, Annales du MG, xvii. BP. 2, 839; Acta SS. Mai. xiv. Vit. Pach. Prolog.; cf. also Migne, PL, lxxiii. 231. = The evidence of MSS does not help us much. Our oldest MSS are fragmentary, and their date a matter of uncertainty. But a Sahidic MS of part of 2 Th 3 (Kenyon, op. cit. plate xviii), and fragments in Old Middle Egyptian of Jude (Crum, op. cit. pee 1, No. 2), and of the Minor Prophets (Krall, Fuhrer, p. 33, ‘afel iii.) take us back to the 4th or 5th cents. Cf. also Stern, ZAS, 1886, Le 135. » Of. Guidi, Nachrichten von der K. G. d. W. zu Gittingen, 1889, No. 8, p. 50f. 5. GREEK TEXT IMPLIED BY VERSIONS.—AIl three versions of the NT must be more carefully edited before we can determine with certainty the underlying Greek text. The Sahidic NT contains some remarkable interpolations, usually classed as Western. Two striking ones are found in Lk. The parable of Dives and Lazarus begins thus in the Sahidie Bible: ‘Now there was a certain rich man, whose name was (lit. is) Nineveh’ (16'%).a When Joseph had laid the body of Jesus in the tomb (23°), the Sahidic adds: ‘ Now when he had laid him, he placed (or laid) a stone at the door of the sepulchre, which twenty men could not have rolled’f (cf. De). Several interesting ‘ Western’ interpolations are found in the Acts. Three ex- amples may be quoted.y After the words ‘ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost not many days hence,’ the Sahidic has a strange gloss, ‘ but (4Ad) until Pentecost’ (15, cf. D). ‘The negative form of the ‘Golden Rule’ is placed at the end of the apostolic injunctions to Gentile converts (15-29, ef, D). After the vision of the man of Macedonia to St. Paul, the tenth verse of Ac 16 runs thus: ‘And when he had risen, he told us the vision. Straightway we sought to go forth into Macedonia, telling (07 showing) them that the Lord had called us for to preach unto them’ (cf. D). - On the other hand, several ‘Western’ interpola- tions, which we might have expected to find, are absent from the Sahidic. The text of the Bohairie version, as is well known, corresponds in general with that of Codex Vaticanus. hether it is yet more closely allied to the text used by Cyril of Alexandria is a matter which still remains to be determined. There can be but little doubt that in their original form both the Bohairie and Sahidic were free from ‘ Antiochian’ interpolations. A collation of the versions in those parts of the NT, where all three are extant together, proves that the Middle Egyptian is often closely related to the Sahidic. This is most clearly seen in the Pauline Epistles. Thus an examina- tion of the three versions in 1 Co proves that the Sahidic and Middle Egyptian are not entirely independent translations. Sometimes they are based on a different Greek text from that which underlies the Bohairic. But, even when they are translating the same original, their rendering is often strikingly different from that of the Northern version. We may take 1 Co 15!“ as an example. Here the Sah. and M.E. translations are practically identical: ‘But if Christ is preached that he rose from the dead, in what manner do some amon you say that the dead do not rise? If the de do not rise, then Christ did not rise. If Christ did not rise, then is our preaching vain, and vain is oure faith also.’¢ The Boh. translation is not so free: ‘But if Christ is preached that he was raised from the dead, how (més) do some among you sa) that there is no resurrection (4vdcracis) of the dead? But if there is no resurrection (dvdcracts) of the dead, then not even (ovéé) was Christ raised. But if Christ was not raised, then (dpa) vain is our preaching, vain also is your faith.’y This instance—and it is one among many—shows us that the Sah. and M.E. must in some way be related to one another. A cursory examination might suggest that they are practically the same version, « Of. Harnack, Teate u. Unters. xiii. 1, 75 ff. B In the bilingual MS described by Amélineau (Notice des MSS Coptes de la Bibl. Nationale, Paris, 1895) the Gr. runs thus : xa Osvroe avrou sxelnxcy tw pvyeio Aidov peeve ov Lovie Sixees avdoIa sxvdsov. The corresponding Sahidic is not published. y Other interpolations will be found in Ac 12 233 §%8 535 68 @A 940 127 1410 151. 23. 34 1812. 19 196. 25 2024 211, 3 M.E. omits ‘but.’ s So Engelbreth’s Sah. Amélineau has ‘ your.’ & Sah. omits ‘also.’ » A Coptic word for ‘faith’ is used. 3B, and M.E. employ the Greek sicvis, i, — a on EGYPTIAN VERSIONS EITHER 673 and that the differences between them are purely dialectical. But when we inquire more aigaele into the passages where all three are extant, we find that such an explanation is not satisfactory. Sometimes each version is apparently an independ- ent translation. Geesaouily the Sahidic and Bohairic agree in rendering or in underlying text as against the Middle Egyptian. In other places— and this is especially the case in the Gospels a—the Bohairic and Middle Egyptian are opposed to the Sahidic. Thus, in St. Matthew’s account of the Lord’s Prayer the difficult word éovcros is repre- sented in Sahidie by chat which ts coming, in the other two versions by of to-morrow.8 When we have recovered a larger portion of the Middle Egyptian version, and when the fragments already known have been collected and edited, we shall be able to speak with greater security. Meanwhile we may provisionally state our view as follows. The New Testament was first translated into Sahidic from a text containing a considerable *Western’element. The translation was idiomatic and in some casesinexact. The Middle Hgyptian,y robably made very soon afterwards, was largely influenced by the Sahidic. The Bohairic, made last of all, though in places influenced by the two wees translations, represented an effort to ranslate with more literal exactness what was felt to be a superior Greek text. The Coptic versions of the Old Testament are based upon the LXX. The study of them is of great interest, because it may help us to recon- struct the edition of the LXX made by Hesychius, which, as we learn from Jerome, was well known in Alexandria and E ed Whether any of the versions of the Coptic 0. d Testament are free from the influence of Origen’s revision is doubtful. Some Sahidic MSS give the Book of Job in a shortened form. The claim has been put forward e that we have in these MSS a witness to the original text of the LXX, before Origen made his copious additions from Theodotion’s version.¢ But the last word on this subject has not been said. (Cf. Burkitt, Texts and Studies, iv. 3, p. 8.) The rela- tion of the Middle Egyp. of OT to the Sah. has yet to be worked out.7 5. HisTORY OF CRITICISM OF VERSIONS.—A careful study of the Coptic versions of the New Testament is given by Lightfoot in Scrivener’s Introd. to the New Test.6 Lightfoot, as many distinguished scholars before him,: believed that ‘we should probably not be exaggerating, if we « An examination of Mt 6515 and Jn 428-80 will prove the truth of this assertion. 8 This translation in the Bohairic of Mt is probably the result of a deliberate revision. The older rendering (cf. Lat. Vulg.) still remains in Lk, where the Boh. has that which ts coming (M.E. is wanting in Lk 11), At the end of the prayer the Doxology is wanting in Boh, The Sah. has, ‘For thine is the power and the dominion for ever and ever, Amen.’ The MLE. has, ‘ For thine is the power and the glory for ever, Amen’ (cf. Didache viii. 641 cot torsy 4 Sivepess xo} H DdEce sig robs widvag). yas fragments of the NT written in Old M.E. are too minute for classification. The little that remains shows the si.me text as the Sahidic. But when we recover more, we may find that it differs only dialectically from the ordinary M.E version. iy ag in Par. (Vall. ix. 1405); Apol. adv. Ruyin. ii. 27 (Vall. 522). «See Ciasca, op. eit. vol. if. p. xviiiff.; Hatch, Hseays in Biblical Greek, p. 216. 2 Hier. Pra. in Job (Vall. ix. 1097). » The translations of Zec 135 in Sah. and Old M.E. cannot be independent. Both add (? cf. Field) zai iu26 ~s—a reading evidently derived from Theodotion, and omitted in Boh. The words d:071 &vO pwros ipyalousvos Thy yay iy sis are found in the Cld M.E., but not in Boh. and Sah. ‘eh 6 Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the NT, ed. iii. p. 365 ff.; see also Gregory, Prolegomena (1884), 859 ff. For an interesting and concise account of these versions see Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient MSS (1895), p. 75 f. 160 ff. A useful summary of the literature of the subject is given by Nestle, Urteat und Ubersetzungen der Bibel (1897), p. 144 ff. +See Quatremére, op ft. p. 9. Of. Schwartze, Hv. in Dial. Memph, p. xviii. VOL, 1.—43 placed one or both of the principal Egyptian versions,’ ¢.¢. the Bohairic and the Sahidic, ‘or at least parts of them, before the close of the 2nd cent.’a This view has been followed by Westcott and Hort, who maintain that ‘the greater part of the’ Bohairic ‘ version cannot well be later than the 2nd cent.,’ whilst ‘the Version of Upper Egypt -.. was probably little if at all inferior in antiquity.’ Headlam, who, in the last edition (1894) of Scrivener’s Introduction, has given a summary of the history of the criticism of the Coptic NT from the point where Lightfoot stopped, considers that ‘it has been sufficiently proved that translations into Coptic existed in the 8rd cent., very probably in the 2nd.’y Ciasca, in the introd. to his edition of the Sahidic OT (where references will be found to the work of former editors 6), discusses the text and date of the Book of Job.e His examination of the book confirms him in the belief that Lightfoot was right in assigning part at least of the Coptic versions to the 2nd cent.¢ It is with the greatest diffidence that we have ventured to suggest that this earl date (even if it is right) has not been aeoced! Our belief in the historical evidence for such a date was shaken by an article n published by Prof. Guidi, to which reference has already been made; and subsequent study has confirmed us in the view that there is, as yet, no adequate evidence of the existence of a Coptic version at such an early date as is often maintained. 5 ForBES ROBINSON. EHI (‘7x).—The eponym of a Benjamite family, Gn 467, where, however, o>) WX) ‘ny must be corrected after Nu 26% to opw) oyny. ‘The cor- ruption was perhaps prior to the adoption of the square character; D and # in the old script being similar and liable to confusion. It may, however, be due to mere transposition of the two letters’ (Ball in Haupt’s Genesis, ad loc.). See further AHIRAM, and cf. Gray, Heb. Prop. Names, 35. J. A. SELBIE. EHUD (7x), son of Gera, a left-handed Benjamite, delivered his people by a bold exploit from Eglon, king of Moab, who had captured Jericho and oppressed Israel for eighteen years. This history is given in Jg 3%, The compiler has furnished an introduction and conclusion in his usual manner (vv.22-16a- 80d) the narrative itself (vv.15>-%) is one of the most ancient in the book, and a character- istic specimen of the best style of Heb. story- telling. Doubts have been cast upon the name of the hero, because Ehud and Gera elsewhere are names of Benjamite clans. Gera is a son (Gn 467) or grandson (1 Ch 8°), Ehud is a great-grandson (1 Ch 7"), of Benjamin (Néldeke, Untersuch. p. 179f.; Stade, Gesch. i. 68). But E. may wet have been the name of the hero before it was the name of the clan called after him (Budde, Riché. u Sam. 100). Wellhausen (Gott. Nachrichten. 1895, p. 480) suggests that nox may be an abbreviation of 1728 in 1 Ch 8%, G. A. CooKE. EITHER.—1. Now alternative, one or the other in older Eng. ‘either’ was comprehensive, each of e Scrivener, op. cit. ed. iii B Westcott and Hort, The ed. p. 574. : Scrivener, op. cit. ed. iv. vol. fi. p. 105 f. $ Clases, op. cit. vol. i. p. viii f. 1s Op. cit. vol. ii. p. xviii ff. = Op. cit. vol. ii. p. xxxvi f- 4 « Nachrichten von der K.G. d. W. zu Géttingen, 1889, No. 8, p. 49ff. Steindorff (op. cit. § 2) suggests the end of the 8rd cent. as the date of the Coptic translation of the Bible. Stern in his Critische Anmerkungen zu der boheirischen et. zung der Proverbia Salomonis (ZAS, 1882, p. 191 ff.) con- jectures that the Boh. Version may be much later than the Sah., which, in part at least, was made in the 8rd cent. (p. 202). He thinks it possible that the Boh, and Sah. Versions may prove to be based on some form of the M.E, (ZS, 1886, p. 185). . p. 871. ic T in the Original Greek, smaller 674 EKER Thus two, like its German equivalent ‘jeder.’ Ly 10! ‘Nadab and Abihu, the sons of Aaron, took either of them his censer’; 1 K 7°; Jn 19'8 ‘on either side one,’ and Rev 22? ‘on either side of the river was there the tree of life.’ Cf. Ridley, Brefe Declaration (1555), p. 102 (Moule’s ed.), ‘as some of them do odiously call either other’— changed in the Oxf. ed. 1688 into ‘each other.’ 2. ‘Either’ was formerly used to introduce the second or any later alternative, as well as the first ; so Ja 34% and Ph 34 ‘ Not as though I had already attained, either were already perfect’ (RV ‘or’); and so Lk 6” ‘ Either how canst thou say to thy brother’ (RV ‘Or’). In this sense ‘either else’ is also found, as Stubbes, Anat. Abus. ii. 10, ‘ Hither else they would never be so desirous of revenge.’ J. HASTINGS. EKER (7py).—A Jerahmeelite (1 Ch 2”). See GENEALOGY. EKREBEL (’Expe87d), Jth 71°.—Apparently the town of ‘Akrabeh, E. of Shechem, the capital of Akrabattine (SWPP ii. sh. 12). EKRON (j'npy, "Axxapdv), one of the five principal cities of the Philistines, the one farthest to the N. (Jos 13%). It was a centre, having towns and villages dependent upon it (Jos 15“). In the first division oF the land W. of the Jordan it was assigned to Judah, being on the N. boundary of that tribe (Jos 15%: “-1), but in the later division the boundaries were so rectified as to give it to Dan (Jos 19%). It is mentioned as among the cities not captured under Joshua (Jos 13%). After his death it was taken by Judah (Jg 18); but the ossession was not permanent, for we afterwards nd it in the hands of the Philistines till the time of David. It is prominently mentioned in the history of the time when the ark was in the land of the Philistines (1 S 5. 6), and in connexion with later events (1 S 7/4 1752). Like the rest of the Phil. cities, it became pene independent soon after the disruption. It is mentioned in history in the time of Jehoshaphat (2 K 1% * 618) in the time of Amos (Am 18, Zec 9°7), and in the time of Jeremiah (Jer 25%). The records of Sennacherib, king of Assyria, mention a revolt of E. from the Assyrians to Hezekiah, and the condign punishment inflicted (see, ¢.g., Smith’s aye Disc. pp. 304-306). It is found in the Apocrypha (1 Mac 10%, AV Accaron) as a place given by Alexander Balas to Jonathan Maccabzeus in reward for his services. It is spoken of in connexion with a march of kin Baldwin the crusader, A.D. 1100 (Robinson, BR. ii. 228). It is apparently identified with ‘“Akxir, 4 miles E. of Yedna, and is now a station on the railway from Jaffa to Jerusalem. (See PHILISTINES. See also Smith, HGHL 193, 218). Ekronite.—A citizen of Ekron. The word is used in the singular in Jos 13°, where ‘the Ekronite’ is spoken of, meaning the people of Ekron collectively, and in the plural in 1 S 5”, where the citizens are spoken of individually. W. J. BEECHER. EL.—See Gop. ELA (Hd). 4.1 Es 97=ELAm, Ezr 10%, 2, (1 K 498 xbx, AV Elah) Father of Shimei, who was Solomon’s commissariat officer in Benjamin. ELAH (ax ‘ terebinth’).—1. (Gn 364, 1 Ch 1°) The fifth ‘duke of Edom.’ These names prob. ‘cticate districts called after certain chieftains. «sip. the use of Mamre, Caleb, ete. 2. (1 K 16514) King of Israel, son of Baasha. His reign can scarcely have lasted two years, since he came to the throne in the 26th year of Asa, and was killed in the 27th. The story of Elah’s death suggests ELAM, ELAMITES that he was a worthless sot (‘ drinking himself drunk in the house of Arza his steward,’ 1 K 16%), Jos. (Ant. VII. xii. 4) says that Zimri took advan- tage of the absence of the army at Gibbethon (1K 16%) to kill Elah while unprotected. His death was followed by the extirpation of his family, in fulfil- ment of the prophecy of Jehu (1 K 164); but the sacred narrative reminds us that the fact of a man’s being the rod of God’s anger does not exempt him from punishment for the crimes he commits in accomplishing the design of Providence (1 K 16’), cf. Hos 14, Am 14. The office which Arza held was a very high one, see 1 K 4%®, 3, Father of Hoshea, last king of Israel (2 K 15° 17} 1819), 4, (1 Ch 4%) Second son of Caleb. Rawlinson suggests that the last words of the verse should be: ‘and the sons of Elah, Jehallelel and Kenaz.’ (So Keil.) Similar omissions occur in 6% 8? 941, 8, (1 Ch 98) A Ben- jamite who dwelt in Jerus. in the time of Neh. e is not mentioned in the parallel list, Neh 11. N. J. D. WHITE. ELAH, THE VALLEY OF (abyn poy; 4 KovAds ’"Hda, A ris Spvds ‘the valley of the terebinth’). —The scene of the defeat of the Phil. champion Goliath at the hands of David (1 S 17: 21°). The valley of E. is probably the modern Wady es- Sunt (=terebinth), the third and most southerly of the valleys which eut through the Shephelah, and so lead up from the Phil. plain into the heart of Judea. ‘An hour’s ride from Tell es-Safi’ (at the entrance to the Phil. plain) ‘up the winding vale of E. brings us through the Shephelah to the spot where the Wady es-Sur turns g towards Hebron, and the narrow Wady el-Jindy strikes up towards Bethlehem. At the junction of the three there is a level plain, a quarter of a mile broad, cut by two streams, which combine to form the stream down Wady es-Sunt. This plain is probably the scene of David’s encounter with Goliath’ (G. A. Smith, Hist. Geogr. p. 227). The Philistines had pitched their camp between Socoh and Azekah, i.e. on a ridge separated from the rest of the low hills, and facing the Israelites across the valley. The ‘ gai’ (x13) or ravine, which separated the two armies, is the deep trench formed by the combination of the two streams ; this, in fact, formed a valley within the valley. The Israelites had taken up their position on the farther or eastern side of the vale, somewhere on the slopes of the Wady el-Jindy, thus securing their line of retreat up the Wady. The natural strength of both positions was thus very great, since, if either army attacked, they must not only cross the ravine, but - also climb the opposite slopes, and so place them- selves at a great disadvantage; the long delay of the two armies, in face of each other, was probably due to this fact. J. F. STENNING. ELAM (oby).—4. A son of Shem (Gn 10%=1 Ch 11’), the eponymous ancestor of the Elamites (see following article) 2 A Korahite (1 Ch 26%). 3. A Benjamite (1 Ch 8%). 4. The eponym of a family of which 1254 returned with Zerub. (Ezr 2", Neh 77%, 1 Es 5”) and 71 with Ezra (Ezr 8’, 1 Es 8°). It was one of the Bené-Elam that urged Ezra to take action against mixed marriages (Ezr 10*), and six of the same family are reported to have put away their foreign wives (Ezr 106). Elam ace. te Neh 10" ‘sealed the covenant.’ 5. In the parallel lists Ezr 2%, Neh 7% ‘the other Elam’ has also 1254 descendants who return with Zerubbabel. It appears certain that there is some confusion here (cf. Berth.-Ryssel, ad loc.,and Smend, Listen, p. 19). 6. A priest who took part in the dedication of the walls (Neh 12%). J. A. SELBIE. ELAM, ELAMITES (oy, Edu, Elymais).—The Heb. Elam is the Assyr. Elamtu, ‘the Highlands’ —— —_—et oN ELAM, ELAMITES (a name also applied to the Amorite ‘ Highlands’ in the west), Elamfi, ‘an Elamite.’ Elamtu is the Semitic translation of the Sumerian Numma or Nimma, which has the same signification, and was the name applied by the Proto-chaldzans to the mountainous land to the east of them. Elam possessed two ruling cities, Susa or Shushan, called Susun (‘the old’) in the native texts (now Shuster), on the Ulai or Euleus, and Anzan or Ansan, nearer Babylonia in the south-west. The two cities gave their names to the districts in which they were situated, an inhabitant of Susiana being called Susunka, the ‘Susanchite’ of Ezr 4°. The district of Anzan was more extensive than that of Susa, and at one time was equivalent to ‘the land of Elam’ among the Babylonians (W. A. J. ii. 47. 18). Cyrus and his immediate predecessors were kings of Anzan, the country having apparently been conquered by the Persian Teispes during the decline of the Assyr. empire. Sir H. Rawlinson notices that an early Arab. writer, Ibn en-Nadim, states that writing was invented by Jemshid, who lived at Assan, one of the districts of Shuster. The kings of Susa, however, eventually got pos- session of Anzan, and so founded the kingdom of Elam. They call themselves lords ‘of the king- dom of Anzan’; and as this title is found on their bricks at Bushire, the kingdom must have ex- tended as far as the sea. To the east is the plain of Mal-Amir, where there are sculptures and cuneiform inscriptions, from which we learn that here was another king- dom called Apirti, the ‘ Apharsites’ of Ezr 4°. In the agglutinative language of the second transcript of the Achemenian texts the name is written Khapirti, and it has there taken the place of Anzan or Susa as the equivalent of the Bab. flamtu. The equivalent in the Persian transcript s Uwaja, whence the modern Khuzistan. The dialects of Mal-Amir, of Susa, and of the second Achemenian transcripts differ but slightl from one another. They are agglutinative, and, so far as can be judged, unrelated to any other known language. The statement in Gn 10”, that Elam was the son of Shem, does not imply any racial or linguistic connexion, the object of the chapter being purely geographical. Acccrding to Nearchus, as reported by Strabo (xi. 13. 3, 6), ‘four bandit nations’ inhabited the mountainous region east of the Euphrates, the Amardians or Mardians who bordered on the Persians, the Uxians and Elymeans on the frontiers of Persia and Susa, and the Kosseans contiguous to the Medes. The Amardians may be the people of Khapirti, the Uxians belonged to Uwaja, Elymais (1 Mac 6') is Elam, and the Kossans are the Kassi of the Assyr. inscriptions of whose language many words are preserved, which, how- ever, seem to have no connexion with the dialects lam. ‘Ansan, in the land of Numma’ or Elam, was @onquered by Gudea, an early viceroy of southern ae hare (in B.c. 2700), whose monuments have n found at Telloh ; and Mutabil, another early viceroy (of Dur-ilu on the eastern frontier), ‘ broke the head of the armies of Ansan.’ Kudur-Mabug, the prince of Iamutbal, a district of Elam immedi- ately east-vard of Chaldza, was the father of Eri- Aku or Arioch (which see), and ‘father of the land of the Amorites’ or Syria. At the same period Chedorlaomer (Kudur-Lagamar) was suzerain of Babylonia and Palestine (Gn 14"), and the notices in the Bab. astrological tablets which refer to ‘the king of Anzan and Subarti’ or Mesopotamia probably belong to the same date. The defeat of the Elamites by Khammurabi, king of Babylon, enabled him to overcome Eri-Aku, and make Babylonia a united monarchy (B.C. 2330). In B.c. ELAM, ELAMITES 675 2280 the Elamite king Kudur-Nankhundi made 4 raid into Babylonia, and carried away the image of the goddess Nanza (see 2 Mac 178), which Assur- bani-pal recovered 1635 years afterwards. Nearly a thousand years later we find Khurba-tila of Elam going to war with Kuri-galzu 01. of Babylonia (B.c. 1340); but his own men revolted from him, and he was defeated and captured at Dur-Dungi by Kuri- galzu. About a century afterwards (c. B.C. 1230) Kidin-Khutru invaded Babylonia, and, after taking Dur-ilu, put an end to the Kassite dynasty at Babylon. A second invasion by the same kine was not so successful. In B.c. 1115(?) Babylonia seems to have been conquered by the Elamites, as a dynasty of two Elamite kings then began to rule it. In B.c. 742 Umman-nigas or Khumba-nigas became king of Elam, and in 721 assisted Merodach- baladan against Sargon of Assyria, whom he repulsed at Dur-ilu. He died in 718, and was succeeded by his sister’s son, Sutruk-Nankhundi, who in 711 again assisted Merodach-baladan, but this time to no purpose. Sargon defeated and captured his general Singusibu, and added the Elamite districts of Iatbur, Lakhiru, and Rasi to Assyria. After a reign of eighteen years Sutruk- Nankhundi was imprisoned by his frother Khal- ludus, who seized the crown. Tle captured Babylon in the rear of Sennacherib, who hed gone by sea to Nagitu, on the Elamite coast, in order to destroy a settlement made there by the fugitive Merodach- baladan, and the Bab. king, who was a son of Sennacherib, was carried captive to Elam. A year and a half afterwards (B.c. 693) the Elamite nominee at Babylon was captured by the Assyrians, and in the following September Khalludus was murdered. Kudur - Nasichundi succeeded him, and Sennacherib ravaged Elam, capturing even Madaktu north of Susa, until driven back by the winter. The following July, Kudur-Nankh. was killed in an insurrection, and Umman-menanu put on the throne. In B.c. 690 came the great battle of Khalulé, when Sennacherib met the combined forces of Elam and Babylonia, and both sides claimed the victory. The king of Elam had under him the troops of Parsuas (Persia), Anzan, Pasiru, and Ellipi (where Ecbatana afterwards stood), besides the Aramzeans and Kaldi or Chal- dans of southern Babylonia. On the 15th of Nisan, B.C. 689, he was paralyzed, and died the following November. Uiinan Khalies L, his successor, reigned eight years, when he was burnt Eo death on the ord of Merl, and Ununau-Khaldis 11. ascended the throne. He was murdered in 675 by his two brothers, Urtaki and Te-Umman, the he of whom took the crown, and about ten years later made an unprovoked raid into Babylonia. The result was the conquest of Elam by the Assyr. king Assurbanipal, who placed Umman-igas the son of Urtaki on the throne as a tributary prince. He joined the great revolt against Assyria, which was headed by the viceroy of Babylonia; but he had hardly sent his army into that country when his son Tammaritu conspired against him, and, cutting off his head, sent it to Assurbanipal. Tammaritu then joined the Babylonians, and, during his absence, one of his servants, Inda-bigas, usurped the throne. Thereupon Tammaritu sur- rendered to the Assyrians. Shortly afterwards Inda-bigas was murdered by another military ad- venturer, Umman-Khaldas m1., and the Assyr. army again entered Elam, took Madaktu, and restored Tammaritu to the throne. He was soon found to be plotting against his masters; and as Taman nak tae once more possessed himself of the country, the Assyr. general wasted it with fire and sword. Susa and the other cities were levelled with the ground, the temples and palaces destroyed, and the sacred groves cut down. Thirty-two 676 ELASA statues of the kings were carried to Assyria, as well as the images of all the Elamite deities— Susinak, the god who delivered oracles, and whose image was concealed from the sight of the laity, Sumudu, Lagamar, Partikira, Amman-Kasimas, Uduran, Sapak, Ragiba, Sungursara, Karsa and Kirsamas, Sudanu, Apak-sina, Bilala, Panintimri, Silagara, Napsa, Nabritu, and Kindakarbu (to whom we have to add also Laguda, Nakhkhunte or Nankhundi, and Khumba). The kingdom of Elam perished, and a desolated province was added to the Assyr. empire. But the empire was already on the decline, and in a few years Elam ceased to belong to it. In B.C. 606, the year probably of the destruction of Nineveh, Jeremiah refers to ‘the kings of Elam’ (Jer 25”), and eight years later he declares that Elam is about to be consumed by its enemies, its king and princes destroyed, and its people scattered (49-89), This would fit in with the conquest of Anzan by Teispes the Persian, the ancestor of Cyrus (which see). When Elam and Media are called upon to besiege Babylon in Is 212, Cyrus, king of Anzan, must be meant, as Anzan was synonymous with Elam among the Babylonians. It would appear from Ac 2° that the old language of Elam was still spoken there in the first century of our era. LiTERATURE.—Billerbeck, Susa (1898); Dieulafoy, L’ Acropole de Suse (1890); Sayce, ‘The Inscriptions of Mal-Amir,’ in the Transactions of the Leyden Oriental Congress (1885); Loftus, Chaldea and Susiana (1857). H. SAYCE. ELASA (’A\acd), 1 Mac 9°.—The site may be at the ruin J/’asa, near Bethhoron (SW iii. sh. 17). ELASAH (nyyby ‘God hath made’).—4. One of those who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10”). 2. The son of Shaphan, who along with Gemariah, the son of Hilkiah, carried a message from king Zedekiah to Babylon (Jer 29%). For no apparent reason, RV retains the AV spelling Elasah in both the above passages, although both AV and RV give for the same Heb. the form Eleasah (wh. see) elsewhere. ‘J. A. SELBIE. ELATH or ELOTH (nox, ribvx).—A seaport in the extreme S. of Edom, at the head of the Gulf of Akabah. Itis mentioned in Dt 28in connexion with Ezion-geber, one of the ‘stations’ of the Israelites. Elath, Eloth, and Elim may possibly be various names of one and the same he the ‘ palm-grove’ which was the second halting-place after the pueee of the Red Sea, (See Sayce, HCM p. 268). . is probably identical with El-paran of Gn 14° and Elah of Gn 36%. It has also been suggested that it is referred to in 1 Ch 4", where for ‘Iru, Elah’ (ndx, vy) we might read ‘Ir and Elah’ (y n?x}). See further Dillmann on Gn 364. The history of E. wasa chequered one. Coming into the ossession of Israel when Edom was subdued by avid (2 § 84), it was an important naval station during the reign of Solomon (1 K 96). When the disruption of the kingdom took place, Edom con- tinted to be a vassal of the house of David, until it recovered its independence in the time of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat (2 K 8”). The ay of E. passed once more into the possession of udah, when Amaziah and Uzziah had inflicted a succession of defeats upon Edom (2 K 14”). It was wrested permanently from Judah during the operations undertaken against Ahaz by Pekah and Rezin (2 K 16%), and egher the Syrians (Kethibh) or the Edomites (Ke) became its pos- sessors. With this event (c. B.c. 734) ends its history as far as OT is concerned. E. is the modern ‘Akabah. J. A. SELBIE. EL-BERITH (Jg 9*).—See BAAL-BERITH, and his way back from Paddan-aram, Gn 357 (P ?). LXX (Ba:6r), Vulg. (Domus Det), Pesh. and Arab. VSS omit ‘ El,’ which Ball (in Haupt’s O7) suggests ELDER cf. Moore, Judges, 242, 265; W. R. Smith, RS 93n.; Baudissin in PR# ii. p. 334. EL-BETHEL (5y-nv3 5x). —The name which Jacob is said to have given to the scene of his bs ae ae C) may have been corrupted from 79 ‘that,’ which would naturally be attached to otp2> (so in Pesh. and Vulg.). Ball justly adds that God of Bethel ia an extraordinary name for a place. See, however, the note (*) om p. 278° of the present volume. J. A. SELBIE, ELDAAH (nyzby, perhaps ‘God hath called ’).— A son of Midian (Gn 254, 1 Ch 1%). See GENE- ALOGY. ELDAD (75x). — One of the seventy elders appointed to assist Moses in the government of the people. On a memorable occasion in the wilder- ness journey, he and another named Medad were not present with Moses and the rest of the elders at the door of the tabernacle to hear God’s message and receive His spirit. But the spirit of the Lord came upon them where they were, and they prophesied in the camp. Joshua regarded this as an irregularity, and appealed to Moses to forbid them. But he received the reply, ‘Art thou jealous for my sake? would God that all the Lord’s people were prophets, that the Lord would put his spirit upon them 1’ (Nu 1175-9), . M. Boyp. ELDAD AND MODAD, BOOK OF. — The fact that the prophecies of these men are unrecorded in Nu 11%-29 furnished an inviting theme for imagina- tion to some unknown seer and author. His book is quoted in Hermas, Vis. ii. 3: ‘Thou shalt say to Maximus. Behold the tribulation cometh... ‘“‘The Lord is near to them that turn to Him,” as it is written in the (book) of Eldad and Modad.’ The Pal. Targums (Jerus, i. and Jerus. ii.) both supply us with the subject of E. and M.’s prophecy, filling in, as is their wont, the supposed hiatus in the Heb. Bible. They agree with Hermas that it had reference to pre-Messianic tribulation, which is described under the coming of Magog against Israel at the end of days. Jerus. ii. says that Gog and Magog shall both fall by the hand of King Messiah. Jerus.i. omitsthis ; butadds, ‘The Lord (see Levy, s.v. op) is near to them that are in the hour of tribula- tion.’ The close resemblance thus pointed out be- tween Hermas and the two Targums seems certainly ' to indicate that all three authors were acquainted with the same Bk of E. and M.; and renders the hesitancy of Schiirer and Zéckler no longer neces- sary. In 1 Clem. xxiii. 3. 4 and 2 Clem. xi. 2. 3 is a long quotation, called in the one case ypa¢7j, in the other rpopyrixds Adyos, but not in OT, which Lightfoot and Holtzmann conjecture to have been taken from our book. In both eases, as well as in Hermas, the quotation is designed to refute one who is sceptical about the approaching tribulations ‘at the end of the days.’ Our book is found in the Stichometry of Nicephorus (400 orlxo.), and in the Synopsis Athanasii (see ABRAHAM, BOOK OF). LITERATURE. — Fabricius, Codex pseudep. V.T. t. 801-804; Schiirer, H./JP 0. iii. 29; Zockler, Apoc. des A.T. 489; Weber, Lehren des Talm, 1886, p. 870 (who, However, mistranslates the Targ. Jerus. i. in the line cited); Holtzman, Hinlettung, 558. J. T. MARSHALL. ELDER (In OT).—Inaneient days the institution of Elders was not peculiar to the Jewish people, and the word elder did not suggest those purely ecclesiastical and religious functions with which it is now associated. The origin of the office is easily traced. Under the primitive conditions of society that prevail in the early history of all nations age ELDER ELEAZAR 677 —— ec. — ee eee is an indispensable condition of investment with authority. ([Cf. the yéporvres so frequently men- tioned by Homer (e.g. Zl. xviii. 503), the yepovala of the Dorian states, the Patres and Senatus of the Romans, the zpeofus at Sparta, and the Sheikh, t.e. elder, in Arabia]. Hence from the beginning of Israel’s history downwards we hear of elders (DRI, mpecBvrepo) as an official class. The title, which at first is inseparably associated with the idea of age, came afterwards to designate merely the dignity to which age was formerly the neces- sary passport.” Inthe narratives of the Hex. both J and E are acquainted with the institution of elders (Ex 316 197 241, Nu 1136, ete.), and that not ony in Israel but amongst the Egyptians (Gn 50’) and the Moabites and Midianites (Nu 227). Their sition and functions in early times are thus escribed by Wellhausen (Hist. of Isr. and Jud. 15), ‘What there was of permanent official authority lay in the hands of the elders and heads of houses; in time of war they commanded each his own household, and in peace they dispensed justice each within his own circle.’ They are frequently referred to in Deut. as discharging the functions of local authorities (Dt 1912 21? 225 257, cf. also Jos 204, Jg 84, Ru 42), Their number varied with the locality, it must sometimes have been con- siderable ; e.g. the elders of Succoth who came into collision with Gideon (Jg 84) numbered seventy- seven. Ata later period they appear in connexion with the adoption of the kingly form of govern- ment (1 S 84), with the intrigues of David and Abner about the succession to the throne (1 S 30”, 2S 33"), while the part they played in the judicial murder of Naboth is well known (1 K 21°). It was from amongst the previously existing body of elders that Moses, according to Nu 11'** (JE), chose an inner circle of seventy ‘to bear with him the burden of the peoples (The important part played by this incident in late Jewish traditions vill be referred to under SANHEDRIN). The elders of the city (1y7 *3p1) acted as judges (Dt 22}5), just as the village Kadi and his assistants do in an Arab community at the present day (Driver, Deut. 199). It is true that in Dt 16% ‘judges’ (oY) and ‘officers’ (o-wY) appear to te dis- eeaehed from elders; but Schiirer is prob. right in his suggestion, that both these classes were selected from the general body of elders, the ‘judges’ being entrusted with the administration of justice, while the ‘officers’ took charge of the executive department. Elders reappear in the Persian and Greek periods (Ezr 5°-® 67-14 108, Jth 616 7% 8! 108 134, 1 Mac 12%, and in the story of Susanna), while the mpecBirepo. rod aod during the Rom. eriod are often mentioned by Josephus and NT. he authority which the elders of any com- munity possessed as the municipal council in civil affairs extended also to religious matters, particu- larly after the synagogue (see SYNAGOGUE) had become a flourishing institution. ‘In purely Jewish localities the elders of the place would be also the elders of the synagogue’ (Schiirer). As a general rule, at least, they had absolute jurisdic- tion, and had not to take the sense of the con- re or the community. In Nu 35%", Jg 20. 21, zr 10, we have rare exceptions to this rule (see CONGREGATION). The right of exercising religious discipline was in their hands, and in particular it lay with them to pass the sentence of exclusion from the synagogue, to which allusion is frequently eaade in NT (e.g. Lk 6%, Jn 9% 12% 162), In addition to what is contained on the NT Elder in art. BIsHoP, various details regarding this office, esp. in the later periods of Jewish his- * The AV tr. of 0°32] sometimes by ‘elders’ and sometimes by Saari (e.g. Is 314, Jer 191) is unfortunate and misleading. CIENT. tory, will be found under artt. SANHEDRIN and SYNAGOGUE. LirgraTure.—Schiirer, HJP mm. i. 150, 165f., 174f., ii. 58f.; Cremer, Bib.-Theol. Lex., and Thayer, NT Lex., 8. xpsaBirspos ; Driver, Deut. 233; Hartmann, Die enge Verbind. d, AT mit d. N. 168f.; art. ‘ Aelteste,’ in Herzog, RE3, Winer, RW, and Schenkel, Bibellexicon ; Vitringa, de Syn. Vet. 595, 613, etc. ; Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 296, 306, 314f., 320, 828f.; Kosters, Het herstel v. Isr. etc, 99 f., 116 f.; Nowack, Heb. Arch. i. 800f., 320f.; Deissmann, Bibelstudien, 153 f. J. A. SELBIE. ELDER IN NT.—See BisHopr. ELEAD (1y>x ‘God hath testified’).—An Eph- raimite (1 Ch 74). See GENEALOGY. ELEADAH (mybxy ‘God hath adorned,’ AV Eladah).—An Ephraimite (1 Ch 7%). See GENE- ALOGY. ELEALEH (abyby in Nu 32 x= '), Nu 32%, Is 154 16°, Jer 48%4,_A town of the Moabite plateau, conquered by Gad and Reuben, and rebuilt by the latter tribe. The expression (v.*%), ‘their names being changed,’ referring to this and other towns, is rendered by Knobel (following the LXX), ‘en- closing them with wails’; but this is very improb- able (11 ‘wall’ is only poetic). See Dillm. ad Joc. Elealeh is noticed with Heshbon, and in the 4th cent. A.D. was known (Onomasticon, s.v.) as being a Roman mile from Heshbon. It isnow the ruined mound of £/-‘Al, about a mile N. of Heshbon. See SHP vol. i. under the Arab. name. C. R. CONDER. ELEASAH (nyyby ‘God hath made’),—14. A Judahite (1 Ch 2°), 2, A descendant of Saul (1 Ch 897 9%), See ELASAH. ELEAZAR (1y>s ‘God has helped.’—Cf. Azarel, 1 Ch 12%, and the Phen. names Eshmunazar= ‘Eshmun has helped,’ CZS'1. i. 3, 1. 1; Baalazar= ‘Baal has helped,’ CJS 1. i. 256, 1. 2). Ten or eleven persons bearing this name are mentioned in the canonical and apocryphal books. 4. The third son of Aaron by Elisheba (Ex 6”, Nu 32), who, with his father and three brothers, was admitted to the priestly office (Ex 281). After the death of Nadab and Abihu by fire, E. and Ithamar were the chief assistants of Aaron (Ly 10!2:16), The former is represented as the chief of the Levites in the time of Moses (Nu 3*2). When Aaron died, E. succeeded him in his functions (Nu 20: 28, Dt 10°). Heis ota of as taking part with Moses in the numbering of the people (Nu 26! 8); and after the death of Moses he aided Joshua in the work of partitioning the newly conquered land of Canaan amongst the twelve tribes (Jos 141 174 195 211). His burial-place is mentioned in Jos 243, From Eleazar and his wife, a daughter of Putiel (Ex 6%), were descended all succeeding high priests down to the Maccabean period ; the only exceptions being the high priests who lived in the period between Eli and Solomon, when, for some unexplained reason, the office was held by members of the family of Ithamar. 2. A son of Abinadab, who was sanctified to take charge of the ark at Kiriath-jearim, after its return from the country of the Philistines (1 S 7’). 3. Son of Dodo, one of David’s three principal mighty men (2 § 23°,1 Ch 1118), The name should probably be inserted in 1 Ch 274. 4. A Levite, son of Mahli, and grandson of Merari (1 Ch 237) 4 248), 5. A priest of the time of Ezra (Ezr 8, Neh 12). (There may be here two distinct persons.) 6. One of the family of Parosh, who had married a ‘strange woman, #.¢. one of non-Israelitish descent, in the time of Ezra (Ezr 10). 7. The fourth son of Mattathias, and brother of Judas Maccabzeus, surnamed Avaran (1 Mac 25). He fell in the battle 678 ELECTION ELECTION fought at Bethzacharias against Antiochus v. Eupator, B.c. 163 (1 Mac 6*-4%). His name occurs also in 2 Mac 8**, 8, ‘ One of the principal scribes’ martyred during the persecution of Antiochus wae anes, B.C. 168 (2 Mac 68-81), 9, The father of that Jason who was sent on an embassy to Rome by Judas Maccabzeus in B.C. 161 (1 Mac 81”). 40. An E. is mentioned in the genealogy of our Lord given by St. Matthew (175). W. C. ALLEN. ELECTION [éxdoy}. The subst. is rare, not found in LXX (yet Aq. Is 22’, Symm. Th. Is 37%, cf. Ps, -Sol 97 18%). In NT, Ac 9%, Ro 94 1157-28, 1 Th 14,2P1% Cf. exAéyouac (in LXX generally for 3n3)=to ‘choose,’ implying (see Cremer’s Lez.) (1) a special relation between the chooser and the object of his choice, and (2) the selection of one object out of many: éxdex7ds (in LXX for n3 or 153, also fairly often for var. forms of 171, besides being used occasionally, sometimes by a misreading of the Heb. text, for 17 other Heb. roots=‘ chosen’ or ‘choice’ (adj.)]. The word is common in Dt and TI Is. It is not in Hos, Am (but idea in 32), or Is (yet cf. LXX Is 281%, which is the source of 1 P 2°). t is used chiefly to describe God’s choice of Israel out of all the nations of the world to be His own people, Dt 4°’7' etc., and of Jerus. to be the covenant ome of worship, Dt 12° ete. It is used also of God’s choice of individuals to the chief offices in the nation, e.g. His choice of Aaron and his family for the service of the sanctuary, His choice of the king, and especially of David. It is once used of Abraham; and in Is 40-66 it passes naturally from its use in connexion with Israel to the ‘Servant of the Lord.’ It is rare in the Apocrypha ; yet cf. Wis 3°, Sir 461 etc. It is constant in Enoch. Cf. Ps-Sol 97 18% In NT it is used once of God’s choice of OT israel (Ac 13"), but for the most part it passes over with other theocratic titles to the ‘Israel of God,’ and describes either the Church as a whole, or individual members of it, sometimes merely in virtue of their membership, sometimes as chosen to some special office or work, ¢.g. the Twelve, St. Peter, Bt. Paul. It is twice used as part of the title of our Lord (Lk 9* [var. lect.] 23%, Jn 1%), The word appears constantly in the Apostolic Fathers, especially in 1 Clement and Hermas. The thought of ‘election’ has formed so promi- nent a feature in all the most important attempts that have been made in Western Christendom for the last 1500 years to provide a complete and formulated scheme of Christian doctrine, that it is peculiarly hard for us to approach the considera- tion of the original meaning of the term in Holy Scripture without distracting associations. And yet the effort is worth making. The only hope of any further progress in the elucidation of the prob- lem, the only prospect of extricating its discussion from the deadlock at which it has arrived, lies in a careful reconsideration of the scriptural premisses on which the whole argument has been based. The questions that require examination fall naturally into three divisions. i. The questions touching the author of election—who chooses the rlect? What can we know of His character? What are the grounds of His choice so far as He has vouchsafed to reveal them? ii. The questions touching the persons of the elect—who are they? and for what end are they chosen? iii. The ques- tion belonging to the eflect of election—what influence does the fact that they have been chosen by God exert over the elect? i. On the first part of this difference of ean Every theory of election is based on the fact, constantly emphasized in Hol Scripture, that election is the immediate wor of . It is His act as directly as creation is. uestion there is no In fact, God’s purpose in creation, His sternal purpose (% mpddears T&v aidvwr, Eph 3"), is revealed in Holy Scripture as working to its end by the method of election. It is in St. Paul’s language kar’ éxhoyhy mpdbects, Ro 9". The two thoughts are in reality inseparable. We can understand, there- fore, how it is that St. Paul should say that God chose His elect before the foundation of the world in His Son (Eph 14). He is only expressing the truth that underlies our Lord’s words when He says, ‘To sit on my right hand and on my left hand is not mine to give, but it is for them for whom it hath been prepared of my Father’ (Mt 20%), Our first conclusion then, the one fixed point in the whole discussion, is this: God is the author of election. He Himself chooses His own elect. When we go on to ask on what grounds His election is based, by what considerations, in accord- ance with what law His choice is determined, we find ourselves at once on debatable ground. To some minds, indeed, the question put in this form seems foolish, not to say irreverent. It involves in their judgment a pitiable blindness in regard to the inexorable limits of human knowledge. In the spirit, sometimes in the very words of Zophar the Naamathite (Job 117), they ask, ‘Canst thou by searching find out God? canst thou find out the Almighty to perfection?’ ‘The main facts of the divine government may, indeed, be known, but the reasons which underlie them, the motives which prompt them, are unfathomable; only an unchastened curiosity can seek to intrude into such secrets.’ To some minds, again, the question involves an assumption inconsistent with one of their primary philosophical or theological postulates. It seems to them inconsistent with the reality of the divine freedom, which in this connexion is only another name for the divine omnipotence, to suppose that God should acknow- ledge any law as regulating His choice. If either of these objections is well groundea, further discussion of the question is, of course, precluded. We must therefore begin by detfinin the position we are prepared to take up with regard to them. Let us consider the second objec- tion first. No doubt, if in its ultimate analysis our conception of God resolves itself into a con- ception of abstract omnipotence, or of an absolutely sovereign will, and if omnipotence means the power to do anything, and if no will can be ab- solutely sovereign which is not as free to do wrong as to do right, it is meaningless if not profane to inquire into the laws which regulate the choice of God. An abstract omnipotence must be inscrut- able. We cannot even begin to understand the action of a will in this sense ‘absolute.’ But if goodness, and not power, lies at the heart of our conception of God, then we shall not be ashamed to confess that for us, in Westcott’s magnificers plirase, ‘Truth and justice define omnipotence.’ And we shall not shrink from pressing to the full the human analogy which is present, though latent, every time we use the word ‘will’ in relation to God. We sliall contend that the action of the divine will, like the action of the human will, of which it is the archetype, must be at once deter- mined by, and reveal, the character which lies behind it. We shall maintain the paradox, if Fevedee it be, that the will of God is free, only vecause, by the blessed necessity of His being, Le cannot will anything but that which is perfectly holy and righteous and good. And we shall claim every revelation that He has given us of His character as a revelation of the principles which regulate His choice, the laws of His election. And if we are met at this point by the warring, that as men our powers of apprelending and expressing truth are limited, and that there must | q | 4 | ELECTION be infinite depths of mystery in the divine nature which we are powerless to fathom, we shall hope to learn humility and patience from the caution. But we shall not desist from pushing our inquiries to the utmost limit of the power that is given to us. We believe that, in spite of all our limitations, we yet were created to know God. And it is a matter of life and death for us that we should be able to bring this revealed method of His working into harmony with the rest of the revelation that He has given us of His character. Nor can we doubt that He will justify us as He justified Job for refusing to be satisfied with any explanation of the facts of the divine government which can- not be reconciled with the sense of justice which He has Himself implanted in us. He has revealed election to us as the method of His working. There can be no presumption in asking whether in making this revelation He has given us any help to enable us to understand His purpose and enter into His plan. When in this spirit we approach the examina- tion of the scriptural evidence, the result may well, at first sight, seem disappointing. Great ains are taken to negative what we are naturally inclined to regard as the simplest and most obvious solution. The ground of a man’s choice lies not so much in himself as in the object that he chooses. It is, of course, true that his own character deter- mines what qualities in an object will, and what ualities will not, prove attractive to him. But, or all that, it is the real or supposed loveliness of the object that rules his choice. It would be natural, therefore, to assume that the choice of God is in like manner determined by the loveliness of its object. But itis just at this point that the analogy of the human will is necessarily imperfect. It is not, indeed, that we are Seaiced. to believe that God can love that which is, in itself, neither lovely nor capable of developing loveliness; but that since the root of all loveliness is in God, and since there can be no goodness apart from Him, we cannot argue as if it were possible for man to ssess or develop any goodness or loveliness in- ependent of, and so constituting a claim on, the choice of God. We ought not, therefore, to be paet when we find Israel expressly warned in Holy Scripture to reject the flattering assumption that they had been chosen on the ground of their own inherent attractiveness. They were not as a nation either more numerous or more amenable to the divine discipline than other nations (Dt 77 9°). We can understand why St. Paul declares that the election of Christians does not depend on the will or the energy of men (Ro 9"). It is not of *vorks but of grace (Ro 115, cf. Jn 1). it must therefore be a mistake to try to dis- cover the ultimate ground of God’s choice in any consideration drawn from outside Himself, even though it be in His foreknowledge of the faith and obedience of His chosen; for the goodness in which He takes delight is, after all, from first to last His own creation. The testimony of Scripture is not, however, really limited to this negative result. The choice which is not determined from without is all the more certainly determined from within. And the ground of the choice which we are forbidden to look for in ourselves or in human nature is expressly declared to lie in the love _ (Dt 78) and the faithfulness (Dt 95, Ro 11”) and the mercy of our God (Ro 9"). ii. We pass on now to consider the second group of questions connected with our subject. Who are the elect ? and for what end are they chosen? In OT the term ‘elect’ is most often applied to the nation of Israel, regarded as a whole. They are at all periods of their history taught to regard them- selves as the ‘chosen people.’ At the same time ELECTION 679 — special divisions of the nation, e.g. the tribe of Levi and the house of Aaron, are chosen to erform certain functions on behalf of the whole ody; and certain prominent individuals, e.g. Abraham and David, are regarded as the objects of a special election. In Is 40-66 the term is applied to the nation generally and to the ‘servant of J”’ in all the different connotations of that many-sided title,—so little is the prophet con- scious of any fundamental contradiction between the thought of a national and an individual election. In NT the universal Church takes the pac of Israel as the ‘chosen race,’ and not only 1er head and her most prominent ministers, but also all her individual members, sometimes by name, sometimes by an inclusive form of address, which it is impossible to narrow down, are described as ‘elect,’ just as they are described in similar connexions as ‘called’ and ‘holy’ and ‘ faithful’ and ‘beloved.’* It does not seem possible to deter- mine on NT evidence whether the individuals are regarded as owing their membership in the Church to their election, or as becoming elect by virtue of their membership. Three points are clear—(1l} that they were chosen before the foundation of the world ; (2) that they were chosen ‘in Christ’; (3) that membership in the Church is treated as an objective assurance to each individual of his personal interest in this eternal election. Such in outline are the different classes described as ‘elect’ in Holy Scripture. We must consider next what can be learnt with regard to the purpose for which they were chosen. We must not, of course, assume that the purpose is the same, or even in all points analogous in the different cases. Still it is not unnatural to suppose that we shall gain some help towards understanding the application of the method in any one case by a careful study of its application to the rest. The selection of the family of Aaron and the tribe of Levi need not detain us long. It is a simple case of the choice of certain individuals to fill an office of trust, a position at once of privilege and responsibility on behalf of their fellow-countrymen. The choice of Israel presents a more com- plicated problem. The choice in the first instance involved a call to oceupy a special position in rela- tion to J’—to be, and to be acknowledged before the world as, His peculiar people. ‘Ye are m witnesses,’ saith the Lord, ‘my servant whom have chosen; that ye may know and believe me, and understand that I am he’ (Is 43"). And this eee of privilege involved a special responsi- ility towards God and towards the rest of man- kind. On the one side, they were the trustees of God’s glory in the world, ‘his witnesses,’ ‘the died which he formed for himself, to show forth is praise.’ On the other, they were the heirs of the promise made at the call of the Father of the elect, that ‘in him and in his seed should all the families of the earth be blessed’ (cf. Gn 1819). And this work for others is the characteristic function of the ideal ‘servant of the Lord,’ who embodies in himself all that is most characteristic of the chosen Israel. In NT comparatively little is told us of the purpose of election. ‘The poor in this world,’ St. James writes, ‘God chose (to be) rich in faith and heirs of the kingdom which he promised to them that.love him.’ ‘God chose you,’ writes St. Paul to the Thessalonians, ‘from the beginning (or ‘‘as a firstfruit,” drapxjv for am’ dps) unto salvation.’ ‘ He chose us,’ he writes again (Eph 14) ‘in him (i.e. in Christ) that we should be holy and without * There is, indeed, one passage in the Gospels, which will call for notice later on, in which a distinction is drawn between the many ‘called’ and the few ‘chosen.’ But the existence of this one passage does not invalidate the statement in the text, which merely asserts that there are other passages in which this narrow siguification for ‘elect’ is excluded, ~ 680 ELECTION ELECTION blemish before him in love.’ The Christian, there- fore, stands as the Israelite stood before him in a special relation of intimacy with God, receiving from Him the spiritual gifts and graces, together with the responsibility for appropriating them (Col 3"), which such an intimacy presupposes, and the assurance of eternal salvation, of which that intimacy is at once the foretaste and the pledge. The indications of a wider purpose in the election of the Christian are not, indeed, as definite as in the case of OT Israel. It would, however, be a mistake to regard them as altogether wanting. Our Lord (Jn 15) Himself told His apostles that He had chosen them that they might bear much fruit. The chosen race exists, as St. Peter reminds us (1 P 2°), appropriating the words of Is 43, ‘to show forth the excellencies of him who called them out of darkness into his glorious light.’ And St. Paul, in the same sentence (Eph 1**) in which he speaks of our election in Christ ‘to the praise of the glory of his grace,’ reveals as the final goal of the eternal purpose, ‘ the summing up of all things in Christ, the things in heaven and the things upon the earth’; a goal towards the attainment of which our election cannot be regarded as more than a preparatory stage. We conclude, therefore, that according to the predominant use of the term in nee Scripture, election is an attribute of the visible Church, and finds its true goal, not simply in the salvation of certain elect individuals, but in the evangelization of the race. There is indeed good scriptural analogy for a concurrent use of the term in a narrower sense, to describe as it were an election within the elect. For St. Paul uses it (Ro 117) to describe the inner circle in Israel who accepted the gospel when it came to them—‘the remnant’ to which alone an immediate salvation had been romised by Isaiah (Ro 97, Is 10%). And our ord again and again warns us in His parables that the members of His Church will be subjected to a searching judgment—as the result of which the unworthy will be cast into the outer darkness. It is in this connexion that He uses the warning words about the many called and the few chosen to which allusion has already been made. But there seems no authority for restricting the use of the term, as some theological systems do to this narrower sense—refusing to recognize as elect in any real sense, either those Israelites who in St. Paul’s day were disobedient to the gospel, or those members of the visible Church who bil to stand in the judgment. Still less justification is there for assuming that the object of the election of this restricted circle has no end beyond the personal salvation of the individuals who compose it. iii, We pass on now to the last stage in our inquiry, the consideration of the effect of election. We ask what influence does the fact that they have been chosen by God exert over the elect? May we assume that the divine purpose working through election must of necessity attain its goal ? Can we, granting this assumption, find a place in our system for any self-determining power in the human will? The theological systems, which adopt the re- stricted sense of the term election, and limit the scope of its operation to its effect on this limited circle, find no difficulty in supplying a logically coherent set of answers to these questions. It is inconsistent with any real faith in the divine Omni- otence to suppose that any deliberate purpose of od can finally fail of its accomplishment. The elect, therefore, being chosen for salvation, cannot fail to attain salvation. No power from without or from within can prevent this result. The fact that they have been chosen for this end carries with it the divine determination to provide all the means required to ensure its attainment. The elect, therefore, receive first a gift of ‘ irresistible grace’ to raise them out of their naturally depraved state, and then a gift of ‘final perseverance,’ as the result of which they are assured, whatever their intervening lapses may have been, of being found at the moment of death in a state of grace. These systems do not seem to find room, at least in the all-important moment of conversion, for any true act of self-determination on the part of the human will. A doctrine of reprobation forms an inevitable, however unwelcome, complement to the doctrine of election so defined. It is impossible not to regard with the deepest respect systems which embody the conclusions of the most strenuous thinkers on this subject, from St. Augustine to Calvin and Jonathan Edwards. At the same time it is a remarkable fact that these conclusions have never been able to secure general acceptance. Unasgsailable as they may be in logic, it is felt that somehow they fail to fit the facts of life. There are elements in human experience and elements in the divine revelation for which they fail to account. And the general result is one from which the Christian consciousness seems instinct- ively to shrink in horror. It can only be accepted, if it is accepted at all, as a dark enigma, which our present faculties have no power to solve. What, then, we seem forced to ask, are the foundations on which these conclusions rest? Can it be that the results of the argument are vitiated by any unsuspected flaw in the premisses ? The premisses are these—(1) God is omnipotent. (2) Because God is pare oe the final goal of creation must correspond at all points to His original purpose. (3) The final goal of creation, as far as it affects the human race, involves the division of mankind at the day of judgment into two sharply defined classes, the saved and the lost. (4) The position of any individual man in one or other of these two classes must be traced back in the last resort to the original purpose of God with regard to him. Tt seems impossible to take exception to either of the first two of these premisses. It is part of the idea of God, that He must be able to effect what He purposes. To speak in human language, there may be enormous difficulties to overcome in the tasks to which He sets Himself, We have therefore no right to assume that at any moment before the end all things are as He would have them to be. But the end must be a perfect embodi- ment of His original design. Again, if the third of these premisses is sound, the fourth seems to follow from it by an inevitable deduction. Everything, therefore, depends on the validity of the third premiss. Is it, or is it not, a true and complete statement of the end towards which ‘the whole creation moves’? Now, there can be no doubt that it expresses accurately one side of the scriptural teaching on the subject. It is, however, very far from expressing the whole. On this point, as is well known,* the evidence of Holy Scripture seems divided against itself. It speaks of eternal punishment (Mt 25%). It epee also of the divine will that all men should be saved (1 Ti 24). It speaks of those who shall be cast into the outer darkness on their Lord’s return (Mt 24° etc.). It speaks also of an end, when God shall be all in all (1Co 15%). It seems clear that to our apprehension these two sets of statements must be mutually exclusive, unless we may regard the judgment as being not the end, but only a means towards the end. If we reject this solution of the difficulty, we must remain content with an unreconciled antinomy But, in any case, it is important to remember whick * Westcott, Historic Faith, p. 50 ff. } ' J ; ELECTION EL-ELOHE-ISRAEL 681 side of the antinomy was dominant in St. Paul’s mind in the chapters (Ro 9-11) which contain his most explicit teaching on the subject of election. These chapters are devoted to a consideration of the problems raised by the failure of Israel to accept the offer of salvation made to them in the gospel. The first line of solution is suggested by the thought, to which attention has already been called, of an election within the chosen people (Ro 9°11"). Such an election has parallels in the history of the patriarchal family (9°"). It is in accordance with express utterances of prophecy (97). Itis therefore no evidence of a final defeat of the divine plan that Israel, as a whole, should for a time be shut out from salvation, and only the election should attain it. St. Paul, however, ex- pressly and indignantly refuses to accept this as a complete solution (11%). It is very far from the perfect triumph, the vision of which has been opened before him. He finds in the salvation of the part a sure pledge of the ultimate deliverance of the whole. ‘If the first-fruit be holy, the lump is holy too’ (112°). However much the nation as a whole had incurred the divine wrath by their opposition to the gospel, they were yet dear to od for their fathers’ sake (11%). The power of their original election was by no means exhausted. The gifts and the calling of God are without repentance (112). In the end all Israel shall be saved (11%). And lest we should think that in this respect Israel stands on a different footing from the rest of the world, he adds—‘ God hath shut up all men unto disobedience, that he may have mercy upon all’ (11%). In the face of these utterances no scheme of election which assumes the doctrine of everlasting punishment as one of its fundamental postulates, can claim to rest on the authority of St. Paul. Leaving, then, on one side the attempt to con- sider the effect of election in its relation to the elect in the narrower sense of the term, what are we to say of its influence in the case of the wider circle? St. Paul’s argument in relation to Israel (1125t-) is sufficient to show that in his view, even in the wider sense, the fact of God’s election carries with it an unalterable declaration of the divine purpose for good towards those to whom His call came. He believed also that the will of each man was in its natural state so utterly enslaved to evil that nothing but the divine power could set it free (Ro 71+). At the same time, the action of the divine will on the human was not to over- whelm it, but to restore its power of action. He exhorts men to work out their own salvation, just because it is God who is working in them both to will and to do of His good pleasure (Ph 2”), The love of Christ is indeed a constraining motive (2 Co 5%). Without faith in that love as its abiding source and spring the Christian life is impossible (Gal 2”, cf. 1Jn 4'%).* And surrender to that love is the last act for which a man could dream of claiming any credit to himself. It is the gift of God (Eph 2°). Yet the refusal to surrender is not due to defect of grace. It is possible to receive the grace of God in vain (2 Co 6'). Again, the presence of the divine grace does not supersede the necessity for constant watch- fulness (cf. Mk 13*7 etc.). Even the ‘chosen vessel’ (Ac 918) contemplates the possibility of becoming himself a castaway (1Co 9’). Branches have been cut out of the good olive tree before now —and what has been done once may be done again (Ro 1172), While, however, his language does not leave us room to believe that he regarded himself, at least at this part of his career, as possessing any * Of. Council of Orange, A.D. 529, Oanon xxv, Donum Det = fiat Deum, Ipee ut diligeretur dedit qui non dilectus - inalienable gift of ‘final perseverance,’ or aa absolved from the necessity for strenuous effort on his own part ‘to make his own calling and election sure (2P 1”), it is clear that he had an unfaltering faith in the perseverance of God. He knows whom he has trusted (2 Ti 1”), and is con- vinced that He is able to keep what has been entrusted to Him. He can trust God to bring to perfection any good work in a man when He has once set His hand to it (Ph 1%). Even the human potter, whom the prophet watched at his work (Jer 18*), when the vessel that he made of clay was marred in his hand, made it again another vessel, as seemed good to the potter to make it. If anything like this is the truth about the doctrine of election, we need no longer shrink from the contemplation of it as if it were ‘a portion of eternity too great for the eye of man.’ The favoured few are not chosen, while the rest of their race are left to their doom in hopeless misery. The existence of the Church, however much it may, nay must, witness to a coming judgment, has in it a promise of hope, not a message of despair for the world. As Israel of old was chosen to keep alive in the hearts of men the hope of a coming Saviour of the world, so the Church is chosen to bear abroad into all the world the gospel of a universal redemption, forbidden to leave out one single soul from the vast circle of her intercessions and her giving of thanks, because she is called to live in the light of a revelation which bids her believe and act in the belief that God will have all men to be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth (1 Ti 214). We can enter with full hearts into the spirit of the marvellous doxology with which St. Paul concludes his study of the subject, and cry with him in exultant adora- tion, ‘Oh, the depth of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge of God! how unsearchable are his judgments and his ways past finding out. ... For of him and through him and to him are all things; to whom be glory for ever.’ LITERATURE.—The history of the various controversies con- nected with Election is given in outline in various treatises on the history of Christian Doctrine as a whole, e.g. Hagenbach, Shedd, and G. P. Fisher. The Pelagian controversy is treated at length, in Latin, by G. T. Vossius, 1618; and, in German, by Wiggers, 1821, 1833; Part I. tr. by R. Emerson, Andover, U.S., 1840. The Anti-Pelagian Treatises of St. Augustine have been edited for the Oxford University Press by W. Bright, D.D. (1880), and for D. Nutt by Woods and Johnston (1888): cf. J. B. Mozley on The Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination (3rd ed. 1883) ; Cassian’s Conferences, tr. by E. O. Gibson in Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1894. A full collection of documents connected with the Gottschalk controversy in 9th cent. in Mauguin, Paris, 1650, 2 vols. 4to; cf. Archbp. Ussher, Works, vol. iii, The Scholastic Theories are discussed in chs. ix. and x. of J. B. Mozley. Special treatises by St. Anselm, De cone. Preesc, et Proed. etc. (1100), and Thomas of Bradwardine, De causa Dei c. Pelag. etc. 1325. For Reformation and Post- Reformation controversies see esp. the various collections of Confessions and Doctrinal Standards, esp. Winer, Confessions of Christendom ; Niemeyer, Coil. conf. eccl. reform. in Latin; cf. Melanchthon’s Loci Communes, 1521; Luther, De servo arbitrio, with Erasmus’ reply, 1525; Oalvin, Christiane Religionia Institutio, 1536 ; Arminius, Disputationes, xxiv., 1609. For the Jansenist controversy see Molina, Conc. (ib. arb. etc. 1588, and Jansenius, ‘ Augustinus,’ 1640. The most important treatise of 18th cent. is J. Edwards on ree Will. In 19th cent. note esp. Whately, Essays on some difficulties in the writings of St. Paul, 1828; G. 8. Faber, The Primitive Doctrine of Election, 1835; T. Erskine, The Doctrine of Election, 1837 ; T. Chaliners, Five Lect. on Predestination, 1837; W. Channing, The Moral Argument against Calvinism; Miiller, The Christian Doctrine of Sin, 1839; M‘Cosh, The Method of the Divine Government, 1850; Copinger, A Treatise on Predestination, Election, and Grace, 1889, including a full bibliography, pp. ccxvi. The relevant sections in Martensen’s Christian Dogmatics and Cunningham’s Historical Theology repay careful study; cf. also Sanday- Headlam on Romans ix.-xi. af 0. F. Murray. ELECT LADY. —See JouN (EPISTI Es). EL-ELOHE-ISRAEL (sy ‘75s 5y).—Upon the ‘parcel of ground’ which he had bought from the Béné-Hamor, Jacob erected a mazzébdh (so Well., 682 EL ELYON Kautzsch-Socin, Ball, Dillm., ete.), and built an altar, giving to the latter the name El-elohe- Israel, ‘El, the god of Israel,’ Gn 33° (E). This appears a strange name for an altar, hence Delitzsch (ad loc.) supposes it to be meant, as it were, of its inscription. The LXX reads érexadécaro rdv Oéov *Iopay\, ‘he called upon the God of Israel’; and it is just possible that this is correct, and that we should emend the MT xy %b xypn to dyb wap. See Gop. J. A. SELBIE. EL ELYON (jy 5x) occurs in RVm of Gn 141 19. 20. 22 where RV (text) has ‘God most High,’ and AV ‘the most high God.’ It is probably a proper name, the appellation of a Canaanite deity. In v.” “1 have lift up mine hand unto J”, God most High,’ there can be little doubt that the introduc- tion of the word ‘J”’ and the identification of the latter with El Elyon are due to a redactor (so Ball, Kautzsch-Socin, Hommel, etc.). The word J” is wanting in the LXX (@edr rév tyorov), and the collocation of names reminds one of ‘ Jahweh- Elohim’ of Gn 24-3. See further under Gop. It has been proposed by Sayce to identify El Elyon with the ‘mighty king’ referred to in the letters of Ebed-tob (or, as Hommel writes the name, Abdi-khiba) to the Pharaoh Amenéphis (ec. B.C. 1400). This ‘mighty king’ is indeed gener- ally supposed to be the king of Egypt; but Hommel, while agreeing with Driver, against Sayce, that an earthly potentate is meant, argues, from the use of the term in the letter of Rib-Adda of Gebal, that it cannot be intended to designate the Pharaoh, but was more probably the king of the Hittites. He suggests, further, that the title ‘mighty king’ had originally a religious significance. He remarks that the thrice-repeated asseveration of Abdi- khiba, that he owed his exalted position not to his father or his mother, but to the ‘arm of the mighty king,’ sounds like the echo of some ancient sacred formula. ‘To the Pharaoh, of course, the “mighty king” meant nothing more than his rival the king of the Hittites; but in Jerusalem the original significance of the words ‘not my father and not my mother, but the arm of the mighty king” (i.e. of El Elyon), must still have been per- fectly familiar.’ It is well, however, to remember that this is pure conjecture. There is no reason why a title like the ‘ mighty king’ should not have been applied to more monarchs than one. In the letters of Abdi-khiba it may refer to the Hittite king, as elsewhere it may designate the king of Egypt or the king of Babylon, but that it has ever anything to do with E Elyon remains to be proved. LivzRATURE.—Dillm. and Del. on Gn 14; Kittel, Hist. of Hebrews, i. 179 f.; Hommel, Anc. Heb. Tradition (1897), 151 ff., 156 ff., 226; a series of papers in the Expository Times, vols. vii.-vili. (1896-97), om ‘Melchizedek,’ by Sayce, Driver, and Hommel. J. A. SELBIE. ELEMENT.—A word, with its original orovyetov (always in pl.) and its derivative crovyelwois, entirely confined in sacred literature to the Apocr. and NT. AV renders the Greek variously : six times as ‘elements’ (Wis 7!” 19%, Gal 43-9, 2P 3.12) twice as ‘rudiments’ (Col 2° 2°), once as ‘principles’ (He 5%), once (crovxelwois) as ‘members’ (2 Mac 7”). RV gives ‘elements’ in Wis, 2 Mac, and 2P; elsewhere (St. Paul and He) ‘rudiments.’ In the untranslated (LXX) Apocr. it occurs once, 4 Mac 1235, plainly meaning elements. In Wis, as in 2 P, it means unmistak- ably the physical elements of which the cosmos is composed ; in 2 and 4 Mac those of which the human body is composed ; in Hebrews its defining genitives show that it stands with them for the elements of Christian knowledge. All these signi- ELEMENT fications march with the usage of the word in secular Greek and follow from its original signi- fication—that which stands in a orotxos, ‘row,’ ‘series’; then (1) in pl. the letters of the alphabet, not as written signs, but as the primary elements of words (Plat., Aristot.) ; (2) the primary elements of the universe (from Plat. downwards) ; (3) as suggested by the usage in Xenoph. (Mem. I. i. 1) and Aristot. (see Bonitz, Index Arist. p. 702),— where it occurs as the simplest elements of an argument or demonstration,—but definitely onl in later Greek from Cornutus (Ist cent. A.D.), Plut., Diog. L., downwards, the primary elements, the first principles, of knowledge, almost always with a defining genitive or a guide from the context determining what the knowledge is. The passages in St. Paul alone remain, Gal 4*- °, Col 2%, In each of these there is the defining genitive rod xdcuov, except in Gal 4°, where, how- ever, the rod xécuou of v.® clearly fixes the context. The first natural impression, therefore, is that the orotxeta in all these fe should be interpreted in the same way; and the second is that, as roi xécuov is not a branch of instruction, like Aoylwy in He, or dperfs in Plut. (De puer. educ. 16), the basis of the interpretation should be physical, as with the other instances in biblical literature (cf. for the influence of Wis upon St. Paul, Baars Headlam, Romans, p. 51), rather than ethical ; ‘elements of the material world’ (cf. Philo, De Vita Contempl. ii. 472), rather than ‘ elements [of religious knowledge] furnished by the material world’ (Lightfoot), or ‘elements [of religious knowledge] characteristic of the non-Christian world,’ z.e. elements of religious truth belonging to mankind in general (Meyer). The ‘religious knowledge’ and ‘religious truth,’ with their alleged relation to rod xdcu0v, seem to be imported to help interpreters out of a difficulty. The impression in favour of the physical inter- pretation (the interpretation of the word in Clem. Hom. x. 9) is confirmed by the context of the passages, In Col 2° what is referred to is not an elementary knowledge from which a moral and spiritual advance could be made, not a circumcision and a ceremonial law with which the heathen cultus would in its ritual have something in common, but a ‘philosophy’ and a ‘deceit,’ a delusive speculation offered as superior to the ordinary belief in Christ, and spoken of later (v.18) as characterized by a false humility and a worship of angels. In Gal 4*® the ‘elements of the world,’ ‘the weak and beggarly elements,’ to ~ whose service Jew and heathen Christians were set on returning, are put parallel to ‘them that by nature are not gods, and such service is exemplified in the keeping of days and months and seasons and years. This context at once suggests the worship of the heavenly bodies, which were called especially croxeia as elements of the universe (Just. Mart. Dial. 23; Polycrates in Euseb. HE iii. 31; Epiphanius, adv. Her. i. in her. Phariseorum, 2), and whose movements regulated the calendar (Just. Mart. Apol. ii. 5; Letter to Diognetus, 4); the Colossian worship of angels finding its explanation in the fact that the heavenly bodies were supposed by Jew and heathen to be animated heavenly beings ; cf. Philo, Mundi op. i. 84; Hnoch 41. 43; Clem. Alex. Strom. vi. 5; Orig. on Jn 4”; and, within the Scriptures them- selves, Job 38’ (morning stars=sons of God), 1 Co 15* (bodies clothing spirits), Ja 17 (Father of the lights). Cf. also Holtzmann, Neutest. Theol. 52 f., and Meyer-Haupt on Col 2°. But a philosophy of astral spirits (which reminds us of modern theosophical speculation) is not quite homogeneous, after all, with the reference to food and drink in Col 26, though, no doubt, food and ELEMENT ELEPHANT 683 drink were ‘features of the world’s life,’ which, for its times and seasons, was under the govern- ance of the heavenly croxeta. And, further, xécpuos, a8 predominantly used in biblical Greek, seems to lead us away from rather than towards odpayés, and must, at any rate, emphatically include the world inhabited by men. Hence, apparently, we must seek a consistent interpreta- tion for the Pauline passages in a meaning of oroxeta clearly sanctioned by usage at a later date, and also in harmony with ideas prevalent in St. Paul’s day. It may be called an extension of the meaning we have just been considering, for it maintained that not only the heavenly bodies, but all things, in the heavens and in the earth alike, had their angels, and were under the govern- ance of spirits. This view reveals itself not only in the later Jewish literature, but also in OT and NT. In the former region we find, for example, in the Book of Jubilees, a Jewish composition belong- ing to the century immediately preceding the Christian era (see Charles, Hih. Version of the Heb. Book of Jubilees, Oxford, 1895), the following pee (c. 2): ‘On the first day created he the eavens which are above and the earth and the waters and all the spirits that serve before him, and the angels of the face (or presence), and the angels that cry “‘holy,” and the angels of the spirit of fire, and the angels of the spirit of wind, and the a bee of the spirit of the clouds of dark- ness and of hail and of hoarfrost, and the angels of the depths and of thunder and of lightning, and the ee of the spirits of cold and of heat, of winter and of spring, of autumn and of summer, and of all the spirits of his works in the heavens and on the earth and in all pepths, and of darkness and of light, and of dawn and of evening, which he has prepared according to the discernment of his un Se 8 Everling (see appended literature) ‘quotes also Hnoch 824 (angels of the stars, with names of leaders), 60"* (angels appointed over the various phenomena of nature); Ascensio Isaie (2nd cent. A.D., according to Harnack) 4'8 (angel of the sun, etc.), 2 Es (81-96 A.D., acc. to Schiirer) 8% (army of angels... in wind and fire), and Sibyll. Orac. (2nd cent.) 7-* (angels of fire, rivers, cities, winds). The same view is found in the region of OT and NT. In Ps 1044 (according to the LXX, as quoted also in He 1’) angels take the shape of winds and fire; in Rev 7? there are the four angels of the four winds, in 1438 there is an angel of the fire, in 16° an angel of the waters (cf. the angel of the pool of Bethesda in the spurious passage Jn 54). In Dn 10-2 we have angels as princes of Persia and Greece, and in 12! Michael as the great prince ‘standing’ for Israel, just as he stands for the Church as a whole (Rev 12’), and as each of the seven Churches has its angel (Rev 2. 3), and perhaps also each individual human being (Mt 18”). Every- thing that happens is wrought by angels: ‘there are no secondary causes.’ Angel powers are the in- visible background of human life and of nature. Such angels are sometimes called ‘gods,’ as in Ps 821-6 being ‘sons of the Most High’ (the Peshitta actually gives angels in both clauses of the first verse), and God Himself is the ‘God of gods’ and ‘Lord of lords’ Dt 10", Ps 1367; cf. Apoc. of Zephaniah. ‘In the fifth heaven... angels called lords,’ quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. v. xi. 77. Hence St. Paul’s expression 1 Co 8° ‘are called gods, whether in heaven or on earth, just as there are gods many and lords many,’ yet (Gal 4°) ‘by nature not gods’ like the ‘one God’ and the ‘one Lord’ (1 Co 8°). Thus there was common und for heathen nature-worship and for Jewish legalism, for the law had been ‘administered by angels’ Gal 3, He 27, Ac 7-5 (cf. Jos. Ant. XV. v. 3; Il. i. 3), and was thus on a level lower than the new dispensation ; He 2° ‘ For not to angels did he subject the world to come, whereof we speak.’ Angels were the media of God’s government ; and, having ‘a certain independence in the discharge of their functions, could stand (to use Ritschl’s phrase) in “relative opposition to God,” so that, in some cases, their service was an imperfect representation of God, in other cases an actual misrepresentation of Him, and consequently a veiling rather than an unveiling of Him. In this light we can more easily understand how St. Paul can attribute to angels the imperfect and transitory dispensation of the law; and the perplexing passage Col 2%, where Christ is said to have “stripped off from himself the principalities and the powers, and made a show of them openly, triumphing over them in [his cross],”—or, as it may be otherwise worded, ‘‘exhibited them in their real nature, leading them in his triumphal train,”—may pos- sibly find its elucidation in the idea that these dpxat and éfovola: (cf. éfovclay éml rév Vddrwv Rev 11°) had hidden His personal activity, and even attracted worship to themselves.’ * This relative opposition may become absolute, the relative independence may become absolute insubordination, as in the ease of the Prince of Persia (Dn 10%), and Satan and his angels (2 P 24, Jude *), yet never in the dualistic sense. Accom ney: Christ can speak of ‘the prince of this world’ (Jn 12%), and St. Paul of the ‘ god of this age’ (2 Co 44): both can attribute evils and hindrances to Satan (Lk 131°, Mk 8%, 2 Co 127, 1 Th 2}8), and St. Paul can see the dac:uéa in the dark background of idolatry (1 Co 10°). Over all these powers Christ is to trrumph (1 Co 15%), either by crushing insubordination and destroying the insubordinate (Rev 197), or by displaying His real headship, which by the ‘tradition of men’ has been concealed (Ph 2”, Eph 1°, Col 215. 19), and delivering the ‘ heirs’ from the tutelage of the érlrporot, the ‘ governors,’ the croxela Tod Kécpou, under whom they had been enslaved (Gal 4-4) (ef. Everling, Angelologie, 74 n., for Michael as called értrpomos of Israel in later Jewish literature, the word being transliterated into Hebrew). The suggestion by St. Paul in his rots pice uh ovat Geots (Gal 48), that by his oroxeia he means angelic powers, is not illustrated by any actual use of the word in this sense in the extant litera- ture of the Ist cent.; but Everling (p. 70) quotes the following passage from the Testament of Solomon (date uncertain, probably not very early ; Harnack, Gesch. Alt. Christ. Lit. i. 2, 858), where the spirits that appear to Solomon say, ‘We are the so-called croxeta, the world rulers of this world.’ For the ‘ Stoicheiolatry’ of the modern Greeks and their belief that there is a crovxeiov everywhere to be propitiated, see Kean in Lxpos. Times, viii. (1897) 514. LirERATURE.—Klopper, Brief an die Kol. 1882; Spitta, Zweite Brief des Petrus, 1885; Meyer-Haupt, Die Gefangenschafts- briefe, 1897 ; Everling, Die Paulinische Angelologie und Dimon- ologie, 1888; Hincks, Journal of Bib. Lit., Boston, 1896, pp. 183-192 ; and Kean, as above quoted. J. MASSIE. ELEPH (9bx7), Jos 18% only.—A town of Ben- jamin, probably the present village Lifta W. of Jerus., which has often been wrongly identified with Nephtoah. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. C. R. CONDER. ELEPHANT (’Edé¢as, elephas).—This animal is mentioned in 1 and 2 Mac as employed in war. It is not found in AV of OT, except in the marg. for behemoth (Job 40), and elephants’ teeth for ivory (1 K 10, 2Ch 92), The word is mani shen- * Quoted from an article by the present writer in the Thinker, May 1895, on ‘St. Paul’s view of the Greek gods.’ 684 ELEUTHERUS ELI, ELI habbim. The word shén is the ordinary word for ivory in OT, and habbim seems to be the same as the modern vernacular word for elephant in the languages of Malabar and Ceylon. See Ivory. G. E. Post. ELEUTHERUS (’EAcvOepos), 1 Mac 117 12%.—A river which separated Syria and Pheenicia (Strabo, xvi.), and appears to be the mod. Nahr el-Kebir or ‘Great River,’ which divides the Lebanon in two north of Tripoli. C. R. CoNDER. ELHANAN (j3nby).—4. In 2 S 21! we read: ‘and Elhanan the son of Jaare-oregim the Bethlehemite slew Goliath the Gittite, the staff of whose spear was like a weaver’s heam’; in the parallel passage, 1 Ch 205, by a slight change in the Heb. this becomes ‘and Elhanan the son of Jair slew Lahmi the brother of Goliath the Gittite, ete.’ The ductus litterarum in each case is so similar that most moderns agree that the two passages represent but one original text. It is evident that the superfluous ‘oregim’ in 2 S has merely crept into the text from the following line (‘’oregim’= weavers); for the rest, it can hardly be disputed that ‘Lahmi the brother of’ (‘ns ‘ondny, 1 Ch) is a corruption or harmonistic correction of ‘the Beth- lehemite’ (nx ‘nba m2, 2S), whilst ‘Jaare’ (-qw:, 2S) is merely a transposition of the letters of ‘Jair’ (vy:, 1 Ch). It is impossible that any one who had a similar text to that of 1 Ch before him, and who knew the story of 1S 17, should have altered it into direct contradiction with the earlier narrative, whilst the correction of 2 S by the Chronicler is clearly due to harmonistic motives. Itis admitted by most modern critics that the story of David and Goliath in 1 § 17-185 embodies a later tradition as to the introduction of David to Saul (as opposed to the earlier account, 16'*%), in which the exploit of the warrior Elhanan was transferred to his royal master. The reading of 1 Ch, then, is merely an attempt to harmonize the two independent narratives. 2. Son of Dodo the Bethlehemite, one of David’s ‘ Thirty’ (2S 234%=1 Ch 11%). See Dopo (2). J. F. STENNING. ELI (*by) belonged to the house of Ithamar, the fourth son of Aaron, and was apparently the first high priest of that line; cf. 1 Ch 24°, where Ahi- melech the son of Abiathar (2 S 8!”), who escaped from the massacre at Nob (1S 22%), is expressl stated to be one ‘of the sons of Ithamar.’ It is owing to this fact that neither E. nor his im- mediate successors in the high priestly office, up to and including Abiathar, are mentioned in the genealogy of the high priests from Aaron and Eleazar down to the destruction of the temple (1 Ch 64), The last high priest mentioned before E., Phinehas, belonged to the house of Eleazar (Jg 20%); but no account is given of how or when this change in the priestly succession took place, though it would seem to have had the divine sanc- tion (1 S 2%). The high priesthood returned to the descendants of the house of Eleazar in the reign of Solomon, when Abiathar was deprived of his office and banished from Jerus. because of his participa- tion in the revolt of Adonijah ; his place was filled by Zadok, of the house of Eleazar (1 K 2#-), ‘the faithfu: priest’ of 1 S 2%, In the person of E. were united for the first time in the history of Israel the two offices of high priest and judge. He is stated to have judged Tersel 40 hepa (1S 48 LXX elxoo. rn); but this chrono- ogical notice, as also the statement of his age (4), is prob. due to a later deuteronomic redactor. We learn little of the life and character of E. from 18, the first eight chapters of which are mainly concerned with the history of Samuel. We gather, however, that he was a man of kindly disposition, and, setting aside the treatment of his sons, sincere and upright in the performance of his twofold office; while his ready submission to the divine sentence pronounced against his house, roves the reality of his belief in the God of Isruel. hus while officiating, by virtue of his priestly office, at Shiloh, he first reproves Hannah, and then, on discovering his error, gives her his bless- ing; whilst the kindliness of his disposition shows itself in his treatment of the youthful Samuel. It was, however, the kindliness, not of a strong but of a weak character, and as such was destined to come into conflict with the stern dictates of duty. His two sons, Hophni and Phinehas, were, in the language of Scripture, ‘men of Belial’ (or worth- lessness) ; they ‘knew not the Lord,’ and profaned their sacred calling by their greed and licentious- ness. Nevertheless, their father shrank from the distasteful task of punishing their conduct in the way that it deserved, and contented himself with administering a mild rebuke. Their punishment, therefore, must be left to a higher tribunal, and on two occasions was the aged priest warned of the fate that would befall his sons in consequence of their neglect of duty. At the first an anonymous rophet is sent to show him his sin in honourin his sons above God, and to announce the downfa. of his house (‘ there shall not be an old man in thy house for ever’). In token of the certainty of this impending doom, E. is given a sign, viz. the death of his two sons in one day (1 § 277-8), The text of this section is apparently in disorder, and would seem to have been expanded by a later deuteronomic author. On the second occasion, the Lord Himself appears to the child Samuel and confirms the sentence which had previously been announced. His faith unshaken, Z. submits with- out a murmur to the divine decree (1 S 3), The end is not far off; the Philistines once more swarm across the Shephelah, and at the first attack defeat the Israelites. In vain is the ark of the covenant brought from Shiloh by Hophni and Phinehas. The Philistines renew the battle, and inflict a further crushing defeat on the Israelites ; the ark is captured, and Eli’s two sons are slain. Overcome by the terrible news, the aged E. fell from his seat by the gate of the city; ‘his neck brake, and he died’ (18 4%). J. F. STENNING. ELI, ELI, LAMA SABACHTHANI and ELOI, ELOI, LAMA SABACHTHANI.—Slightly different forms of the exclamation uttered by Jesus, accord- . ing to the evangelists Matt. (274°) and Mark (15*4) respectively, shortly before his death. ‘Both evan- gelists follow it with the translation, in slightly peryine terms: ‘My God, my God (in Gospel of St. Peter 7 dvvauls wou ‘my power’) why hast thou forsaken me’ (or ‘why didst thou forsake me’)— which shows the cry to be a reminiscence of Ps 22}, But the Heb. of the psalm (*3B2Y, apd vox oby, te, eli, eli, lama azabhtani) agrees with neither form of the saying as given by the evangelists. Indeed the MSS of the Gospels exhibit considerable variety of spelling in the case of nearly every word (see Tischendorf, Nov. Test. Gr. ed. octava crit. maior, ll.cc.). These variations start interest- ing inquiries, which this is not the place to follow out. Suffice it to say, that there is in the words a singular and somewhat perplexing combination of Heb. and Aramaic. ether, for instance, the loi (’EXwl) represents a provincial (Galilean ?) pro- nunciation of the Heb. Eli (#1), or the (poetic) sing. Hloah (even the reading édwelu occurs; ef. too, édwel, Jg 55 Sept.), or is intended for a trans- literation of the Aram. alohi (elahi), has been questioned. Either form, we must suppose, could be so perverted as to serve the mocking pretence that the sufferer was invoking Elijah. For the form ELIAB lama or lamma (so in Mark the Geneva version of 1557, and Rheims), representing the Heb. (?), even fome modern translators ae lema, after the Aramaic. The Aram. shebaktani reappears in cafa- aravel or ca8axdavl (so Lachmann in Matt.) :—the substitution in the majority of texts of x for « being due, perhaps, simply to the ordinary law of Greek euphony ; or, should the spelling with x be equally ancient, it may indicate a variant pro- nunciation ; for the Heb. pis transliterated by x in other words also (as dxeNaudx Tdf. Treg., paxd Tdf.; see Dalman, Gram. d. jiidisch-pal. Aramiiisch, p- 304). The curious readings fapfavel and faBa- p0avel (see Tischendorf, w.s.) show the influence of the Hebrew. ‘This mixture of tongues points, per- haps, to independent traditions; see the ed. of the Vulg. by Wordsworth and White, esp. the note on Matt. /.c. It seems, however, to afford but equivocal support to the theory that an Aram. version was current in our Lord’s day, as the ecclesiastical or popular Bible [cf. Gesenius, Gesch. d. Hebr. Sprache wu. Schrift., Leip. 1815, p. 73; De Wette, Hinl. ins A.T. § 57 ei Schrader, 1869, § 68); E. Bohl, Forsch. nach ein. Volksbibel zur Zeit Jesu, Wien, 1873]. J. H. THAYER. ELIAB (295s ‘God is father,’ A ’EXd8, except in 1 Ch 15%, B x! ’EdcaBd, x* ’EXGd, 2 Ch 11% B "Exidy, Jth 8! B ’Bded@, x "Hvdg).—1. According to P, son of Helon, and prince of Zebulun, who repre- sented his tribe at the census and on certain other occasions, Nu 19 27 7%- 29 19!6 (P). 2. A Reubenite, father of Dathan and Abiram, Nu 16! 12 (JE), Dt 116. P gives, as further details, Eliab’s father’s name, Pallu, and the name of another son, Nemuel (Nu 26%), The father’s name, Pallu, probably stood in the original text of Nu 16!». See Dillmann, ad loc., and art. KoRAH. 8. Eldest son of Jesse, and brother of David. His appearance led Samuel to mec that he must be the chosen of J” to succeed Saul. With his two brothers, Abinadab and Shammah, he joined Saul’s army at the time that Goliath was insulting Israel; during this time David visited his brother in the camp, and was addressed by E. in insulting terms. E. had a daughter named Abihail (see art.), 1S 16% 1715-28, 1 Ch 24, 2Ch 118: on 1 Ch 27}8 see ELinvU. 4 According to the reading of 1 Ch 6” (Heb. 1”) the name of an ancestor of Samuel—an Ephraimite. Variants are Eliel, 1 Ch 6% (Heb. 1°), and Elihu, 1S}. See Exiav. 5. One of the Gadite warriors who joined David during his wanderings, 1 Ch 12°. These warriors and their doings are described in 1 Ch 12% 14, 6, A Levite who, according to the Chronicler, was a musician appointed in the time of David to play the psaltery (23), in the first instance in connexion with the bringing up of the ark to Jerus., 1 Ch 15°. Perhaps the name was that of a (post-exilic) family of singers. Cf. refer- ences in AMMIEL (No. 3). 7. According to the genealogy in Jth 8', a remote ancestor of Judith, and consequently a Simeonite, cf. 9?; and with *Salamiel, the son of Salasadai’ (8), cf. Nu 16 (Heb. and LXX), G. B. GRAY. ELIADA (yrP8 ‘whom God takes notice of,’ or ‘cares for’; Jit. ‘knows.’ For this nuance of the verb, cf. Gn 18%, Ex 2%, Ps 16 RV).—4. "Emdaé, repeated as Baadewuwd0 B, ’Eddaé A, Baad Luc. A son of David (2 S 5%), called yz:bya Beeliada (which see) in 1 Ch 147. 2, (’EX:adaé A, om. B Luc.) Father of Rezon, a Syrian, captain of a marauding band which resisted Solomon’s autho- rity (1K 11%), 38. (‘Ededd B, "EXcada A Luc.) A warrior of Benjamin (2Ch17”), C.F. BURNEY. ELIADAS (’Edwéas), 1 Es 9%,—In Ezr 10” €LIOENAI. ELIAKIM 685 ELIAHBA (x2mbx ‘God hideth’), one of David’s ‘Thirty,’ 2S 233, 1 Ch 11%; ‘a>yen ‘the Shaal- bonite* of the Heb. text, should be more correctly pointed »yabyv'n ‘the Shaalabbinnite’ (cf. Jos 19%), J. F. STENNING. ELIAKIM (ops ‘whom God sets up’; cf. Sabeean dsxppa, Sxpp’; "Edcarely ?Edaxty x Q* in Is 22”)).—4, Son of Hilkiah, and prefect of the palace in succession to Shebna during the latter or middle portion of Hezekiah’s reign (Is 22°", 2 K 1818 —Tg 364), This Peete, described as nmza-dy ‘ over the household,’ seems to have embraced the dis- charge of all the domestic affairs of the king, and was a position of the highest rank, being held by Jotham the heir to the throne, after his father king Azariah had been smitten with leprosy (2 K 15°). First mention of the office occurs during Solomon’s reign (1 K 4°), and it existed, apparently with similar powers and dignity, in the kingdom of Israel as in Judah (1 K 168 183, 2 K 10°). Delitzsch and others compare the Merovingian office of major domus (maire du palais). The prefect appears to have also been known as }2b sdkén, rendered by RV ‘treasurer,’ m ‘steward.’ This title is connected b Cheyne (Js. ii. 153) with the Assyr. 3akau ‘a hig officer,’ from sakin ‘ to set up, place’; but the fact that the fem. n32b sokéneth is used of Abishag in 1 K 1? seems rather to connect the word with the verb }'20n hiskin, ‘deal familiarly with,’ from which was derived the general meaning of caretaker or attendant (see the writer’s note on 1 K 1). The title occurs in a Phen. inscription from Lebanon belonging probably to the 8th cent. B.c.: ‘Sokén of the New City, servant of Hiram, king of the Sidonians’ (CJS I. i. 5). E. appears to have been a disciple or political ally of the prophet Isaiah, who predicts in glowing terms his succession to the office of prefect in place of his unworthy predecessor (Is 22%), At his institution he is to be invested with long tunic and girdle, the insignia proper to his office, and is to receive as prime minister the title of ‘ Father’ of the kingdom (v.”!, ef. Gn 458, 1 Mac 1152). In figure, if not literally, as part of the ceremony of institution, the key of the house of David is said to be laid on his back, ¢.e. he is to act with full powers as the king’s vizier or representative (v.”, uoted as a Messianic type Rev 37; cf. Mt 161). t Sennacherib’s invasion of Judea, B.c. 701, Isaiah's prediction has come to fulfilment, and E. appears as prefect, while Shebna holds merely the lower office of scribe. The last two vv. of the prophecy (Is 22%) are involved in considerable obscurity. (a) Most obviously ‘the nail that was fastened in a sure place,’ v.%, must refer, as in v.%, to E., whose fall will result from the abuse of his high position by the undue exercise of nepotism (v.™, the vessels large and small denote the various members of his family of greater or less importance. 45 723, RV ‘all the glory,’ is rendered by Delitzsch ‘the whole heavy lot’). Such a prediction, however, is scarcely consistent with the enthusiasm of vv, 2, supposing the whole prophecy to have been written down by Isaiah at one sitting, either prior to E.’s elevation (Orelli), or ‘after the fate of both dignitaries, revealed to him at two different times, had found its fulfilment’ (Delitzsch). If, therefore, vv.%2 refer to E., we must conclude (Hitzig, Cheyne) that they were penned subsequently to the former part of the peepee whether by Isaiah himself, or by some other hand. (6) Gesenius, Ewald, Driver, Dillmann consider the ‘nail’ of v.“ to be different from that of v.%, and to refer back to Shebna, whose fall is to take place ‘in that day,’ te. simultaneously with the rise of E. 2. The orig. name of Jehoiakim, king of Judah, ELIEZER 686 ELIALI which see (2 K 23%=2 Ch 364). 3. A priest who took part in the dedication of the wall of Jerus. under Nehemiah (Neh 12%), and in Lk 3-41; GENEALOGY). 4%. 5. In Mt 1% ancestors of our Lord (see C. F. BURNEY. ELIALI (A ’Edarel, B ’EduaXels), 1 Es 9%4.—The name either corresponds to Binnui in Ezr 10* or is unrepresented there. ELIAM (oxox ‘God is kinsman’; ’EXid8, BA in 2S 113, and B in 2S 23, where A has Ovedad).* —1. Father of Bath-sheba, whose first husband was a Hittite, 1S 113 (=1Ch 3°, where Eliam is called Ammiel; see below). Eliam himself, therefore, may have been a foreigner. 2. Son of Ahithophel the Gilonite, and one of David’s heroes. It is not impossible that this Eliam is the same as the pre- ceding, but there is no evidence that such was the case (2 S 23"). The omission of the name from the parallel list in 1 Ch 11 is probably due to textual corruption. See Driver, Samuel, note on 2 8 23*, G. B. GRAY. ELIAONIAS (A ’EXawvias, B ’EXtadwvias), 1 Es 8%,—A descendant of Phaath-moab, who returned from Babylon with Esdras. In Ezr 84 ELIEHOENAI. ELIAS.—See ELIJAH. ELIASAPH (neers ‘God has added,’ ’E\cdd).— 14. Son of Deuel, and prince of Gad at the first census (Nu 14 2! 742. 47 1020 P), 2. Son of Lael, and prince of the Gershonites (Nu 3™ P). ELIASHIB [sxx ‘God will (or, does) bring back (or, restore).’ In LXX the most frequent forms are ’EdeootB (B), ’EdicovB (& A), ’BAccacelB (x B), "Edcacel8 (AB)].—A popular name after the Exile ; perhaps, in spite of 1 Ch 24, it was not in use in pre-exilic times. The persons of this name mentioned in OT are—i. The high priest who was contemporary with Nehemiah. He was son of Joiakim, grandson of Jeshua the son of Jozadak, the contemporary of Zerubbabel (Neh 12%, Ezr 31), and father of Joiada (Neh 12" 13%), He assisted in the rebuilding of the walls of Jerus. during Nehemiah’s governorship (Neh 3!). He can have had no sympathy with the exclusive policy of Ezra and Nehemiah, for both he himself and members of his family allied themselves with the leading foreign opponents of Nehemiah (Neh 2). The exact nature of Eliashib’s own alliance with Tobiah the Ammonite is not stated (Neh 134), but a son of his son Joiada, during the period of Nehemiah’s recall to the Pers. court, married a daughter of Sanballat the Horonite, and was in consequence driven away by Nehemiah on his return (Neh 13%). This, combined with the ex- pulsion of Tobiah from the temple-chamber pro- vided for him by E. (Neh 134*-), must have created, even if it had not existed before, an open schism between E. and Nehemiah. Cf. further below (No. 7), and Ryle’s notes on the passages cited above in the Cam. Bible ed. of Ezr-Neh. 2 A singer of the time of Ezra, who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10%), called in 1 Es 9% Eliasibus. 8. An Isr. of the family of Zattu (Ezr 10’, in 1 Es * Note on the genuineness of the name.—The name occurs but twice in MT ; in one case (2 § 113) all VSS except the Vulg., and in the other the LXX, show a different name. In spite of this a close comparison of the VSS confirms the correctness of the Massoretic tradition of the rare name Eliam, which certainly occurs in Phan. (CIS 147, oybx, on a Sardinian inscription) as against the commoner names which appearin the VSS. Ammiel (1 Ch 85) may be an actual alternative name of the same man (cf. Jehoiachin and Coniah), or may be the alteration of an offensive, because misunderstood, name (Eliam being regarded as=‘ God of the people’) into a less exceptional form (Ammiel regarded as=‘ People of God’); see further, Gray, Stud. in Heb. Proper Names, p. 45 9% Eliasimus); and 4 another of the family of Bani (izr 10%), who had married foreign wives. 5. A son of Elioenai and descendant of David. From the position of the name in the genealo, this E. must have lived after the Exile, and possibly as late as the middle of the 4th cent. (1 Ch 3%), 6. According to the Chronicler (1 Ch 24), E. was the name of a priestly house in the time of David. But see the references and the literature cited in AMMIEL 3. 17. Father of Jehohanan, to whose chamber in the temple Ezra resorted (Ezr 105). But the suggestion (see, ¢.g., Ryle on Ezr 10°) that this E, is identical with No. 1 is not improbable. See art. JOHANAN. G. B. GRAY. ELIASIB (A ’EdidowBos, B Ndce:Bos), 1 Es 91.—A high priest in the time of Neh. Ezr 10°, ELIASHIB. ELIASIBUS (A ’ENdoiBos, B -oeBos, AV Eleazurus, perhaps from the Aldine ’Eddfoudos, p being read for ¢), 1 Es 9%.—One of the ‘holy singers,’ who put away his strange wife. In Ezr 10% ELIASHIB. ELIASIMUS (A’Edidoiuos, B -et-et-, AV Elisimus), 1 Es 9%.—In Ezr 107” ELIASHIB. ELIASIS (’EXacels), 1 Es 9%.—This name and Enasibus may be duplicate forms answering to Eliashib in Ezr 10% (Speaker’s Comm.). ELIATHAH (apyyy or amdy ‘God hath come’).— A Hemanite, whose family formed the twentieth division of the temple service (1 Ch 25* *7). ELIDAD (1y>x ‘God has loved,’ ’EAdé6).— Son of Chislon, and Benjamin’s representative for dividing the’ land, Nu 347 P (perh. = Eldad, one of the elders, Nu 112% E), ELIEHOENAI (‘ryimbx ‘to J” are mine eyes’).—4. A Korahite (1 Ch 26, AV Elioenai). 2. The head of a family of exiles that returned (Ezr 84, AV Elihoenai), called in 1 Es 8*! Eliaonias. ELIEL (5y5x, prob. ‘ El is God’).—4. A Korahite (1 Ch 6%), prob. = Eliab of v.27 and Elihu of 1 S 11. 2. 3. 4. Mighty men in the service of David (1 Ch 1146 47 124. 5, A chief of eastern Manasseh (1 Ch 5%). 6.7. Two Benjamite chiefs (1 Ch 8%). 8, A Levite mentioned in connexion with the removal of the ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Ch eg 9. A Levite in time of Hezekiah (2 Ch 318), ELIENAI (‘yy $x, textual error for ‘sybx Elioenai).—A Benjamite (1 Ch 8), ALOGY. ELIEZER ("5x ‘God is help’).—See ELEAZAR. 4. Abraham’s chief servant, a aah (Gn 15?, AV, RVm). (The construction here is difficult, but the words can hardly be rendered as a double proper name as RV, ‘ Dammesek Eliezer.’ What- ever the exact construction, the words, unless there is a corruption in the text, must be intended to suggest that E. was in some way connected with Damascus. See Delitzsch, New Com. on Gen. ii. 4). This same E. is prob, the servant referred toin Gn 24, 2. A son of Moses by Zipporah ; so named to commemorate the deliverance of Moses from Pharaoh (Ex 184, 1 Ch 23%: 17), 3, The son of Becher a Benjamite (1 Ch 78). 4. The son of Zichri, captain of the tribe of Reuben in David’s reign (1 Ch 2736), 5, The son of Dodavahu of See GENE. Mareshah, who prophesied the destruction of the fleet of ships which Jehoshaphat built in co- operation with Ahaziah (2 Ch 20°), 6. An E. is ashe eats ae a ELIHOREPH ELIJAH 687 mentioned among the ‘chief men’ whom Ezra sent from Ahava to Casiphia to find Levites and Nethinim willing to join the expedition to Jeru- salem (Ezr 8%), 7.8.9. A priest, a Levite, and a son of Harim, who had married ‘strange women,’ t.e. wives of non-Israelitish descent, in the time of Ezra (Ezr 101% *- %), 40. One of the priests pe onied to blow with the trumpets before the ark of God when David brought it from the house of Obed-edom to Jerus. (1 Ch 15%), 14, A Levite mentioned in 1 Ch 26%, 12. An E. is mentioned in the genealogy of our Lord given a Luke (3), . C. ALLEN. ELIHOREPH (471"bx, possibly ‘God of autumn,’ or ‘of ripe age’; cf, Job 294 RV. "Edd B, ’Evapéd A, ’ENd8 Luc.).—One of Solomon’s scribes (1 K 43). ELIHU (:">x).—4. An ancestor of Samuel, 1S 1', called in 1 Ch 6* Eliel and in 1Ch 6” Fliab (wh. see). 2. A variation in 1 Ch 27!8 for Eliab, David’s eldest son, 18 16% Kittel (in Haupt’s O7) emends the text of Ch to 15x. 3. A Manassite who joined David at Ziklag, 1Ch 12% 4 A Korahite, porter, 1 Ch 267. 5. See next article. 6. (’HAeod) an ancestor of Judith, Jth 8}. ELIHU (ax, LXX ’EXi0ds, ‘my God is He,’ cf. Elijah, ‘my God is J”’).—Described in Job 32? as ‘son of Barachel the Buzite, of the family of Ram’; he would therefore be descended from Nahor, brother of Abraham (Gn 227, J), E. is introduced as an interlocutor in the Book of Job, speaking after the three friends Eliphaz, Bildad, and Zophar have failed to convince Job by their arguments. He is described as younger than the three; he undertakes, however, to act as moderator between the disputants, and speaks at length in chs. 32-37. But the fact that E. is mentioned neither in the prologue nor in the epilogue of the book ; that his arguments do not add substantially to the discussion ; that the transition from ch. 38 to ch. 39 is abrupt and awkward ; together with certain features of style in the speeches assigned to E.,— have led most critics to the conclusion that chs. 32-37 represent a later addition to the book. Lightfoot, Rosenmiiller, Derenbourg, and others support the strange conjecture that E. is the name of the author himself (see JoB, Book OF). W. T. DAVISON. ELIJAH (:725x; bx in 2 K 18% 22, Mal 33 [Eng. 4°] © J” is God’; LXX’HaAeiod; NT Hvclas, AV Elias).— 1. The loftiest prophet of the OT, raised up by J” at @ crisis in the Ristory of Israel to save the nation from lapsing into heathenism. His public life is sketched in a few narratives wonderful for their vivid representations and graphic details. His personal history is full of human interest, and presents lessons of the highest ethical and spiritual value. His first appearance is surrounded with an element of mystery which is in keeping with his whole history. There is but a single brief refer- ence (1 K 171) to his origin, and even that is not without ambiguity. The words are tr. by AV, in accordance with the MT, ‘E. the Tishbite, who was of the inhabitants of Gilead.’ If this render- ing is correct, it signifies that a certain place called Tishbeh or Tishbi of Gilead, not named elsewhere, had the distinction of giving birth to the prophet. Some have sought to identify it with Thisbe of Naphtali, mentioned in To 17. They point out that the correct rendering of ‘avAD (on the assumption that it is a common, not a proper name) is not ‘of the inhabitants,’ but ‘of the sojourners’ (so RV), which would imply that E. came from another or foreign district. But the LXX makes the dis- uted word a proper name, and reads ‘E. the ishbite from Thesbon of Gilead.’ This reading seems to be followed by Josephus (Ant. viu. xiii. 2). It is supported by the fact that, when- ever the word is a common noun, it is written avin, _ There seems therefore little reason to doubt that E. was a native of the wild but beautiful mountain district of Gilead, the highlands of Palestine, on the eastern side of the Jordan, bordering on the great desert. There he had a prophet’s nurture in solitude. He always loved the wild defiles and rushing torrents of his native land. Lonely mountains and bleak deserts were congenial to his spirit. He learned to dwell familiarly on the sterner aspects of religion and morality. He had the austere, ascetic, mono- theistic spirit of the desert. He learned the fear of J” which knew no other fear. Nothing is said of his parentage, and the omis- sion is in striking contrast to the wealth of detail with which the descent of some other prophets is stated. E. occupied from the first a unique and exalted position in the goodly fellowship. He seemed to be like Melchizedek ‘ without father, without mother, without genealogy, having neither beginning of days nor end of life.’ Strange tradi- tions arose in later times among the Rabbis, as that he was Phinehas, the grandson of Aaron, returned to life, or an angel in human form. E.’s whole manner of lifeis meant to be a protest against a corrupt civilisation. He has some of the habits of the ancient Nazirite, and not a few of the characteristics of the modern Bedawin. His unshorn locks streaming down his shoulders and his rough mantle of camel’s hair (2 K 18) alone make him a remarkable figure in Israel. He has the fleet foot of a true son of the desert (1 K 18%), and an iron frame which enables him to endure a forty days’ fast (198). He dwells in the clefts of the Cherith (17%), sleeps under a desert broom (19%), lodges in the cave of Horeb (19°), and haunts the slopes of Carmel. If he enters a city, it is only to deliver the message of J” and be gone. His start- ling appearances, abrupt speeches, and sudden dis- appearances create around his personality a pro- found air of mystery. He is believed to be borne hither and thither by the Spirit of J” (1 K 18, 2 K 2'6), He comes down from the hills of Gilead as the champion and prophet of J” in the dark days of Israel’s apostasy. e comes to bear witness to truths which ought never to have been denied in Israel. Like every true reformer, he takes his stand upon old principles. He is the personified conscience of the nation. He comes, a prophet of heroic mould, to witness by deeds rather than by words. The spiritual danger which E. was called to avert arose out of a political alliance formed between Israel and Pheenicia, and cemented by the marriage of Ahab and Jezebel, the son and the daughter of the allied kings. A covenant between two Semitic peoples was always supposed to imply a friendship between their gods. Its natural sequel was a syncretism of faith an@ worship. That Ahab did not at first think of denying J” is proved by the names he gave his sons—A haziah (J” holds) and Jehoram (J” is high). But his religious instincts were as dull as his olitical instincts were keen. Brave enough in attle, and on the whole a successful ruler, he war morally weak, and came completely under the baneful influence of his strong-minded Tyrian wife, a fanatic in her own faith. It was to please her that he not only erected a temple to Baal at Samaria (1 K 16°") and introduced a multitude of foreign priests (181°), but allowed a religious per- secution, in which many of the prophets of J” are said to have been slain (18*1%). The effect of these events on the religious life of Israel could not be small. The people had hitherto been ensnared only by the gods of the hostile tribes of Canaan 688 ELVAH whom they had subdued. They were now tempted vo adopt the cultus of a great allied nation, and the temptation proved too strong to be resisted. Baal-worship became the court religion, and, if its progress had not been effectually checked, would soon have become the national religion. To prevent this disastrous consummation is E.’s life-task. His fiery zeal against the Tyrian cultus springs from moral at least as much as religious considerations. ‘That superstition had such accom- paniments as would soon sap the moral vigour of any nation. ¥, AV Eliah) A Benjamite chief, 1 Ch 8”. 8. 4. A priest and a layman who had married foreign wives, Ezr 10: 26, J. STRACHAN. ELIJAH, APOCALYPSE OF.—This is the title of a lost pseudepigr. work which stands eighth in the stichometrical list of Nicephorus and tenth in an anonymous early list. In the first of these it is called ‘HXla mpogpijrov, and said to consist of 316 verses. In the other its title is ‘HNlouv droxd- Avyts. The Constitut. Apost. vi. 16 also contain a reference to a writing bearing the name of Elijah. Origen (Comm. Mt 27°) informs us that this work was the source of the quotation in 1 Co 2? ‘Things which eye saw not, and ear heard not,’ etc. Similar testimony is borne by Euthalius and others, and it is propabla that the statement is correct, although Jerome (Comm. Is 643, Ep. 57 ad Pamm.) denies it for apologetic reasons. On the other hand, there seems to be less probability in the statement of Epiphanius (Her. ch. 43), that Eph 5% ‘Awake thou that preg ete., was quoted from the same Apoc. of Elijah. Origen makes no mention of this where he might be expected to do so, and Euthalius alleges that the words of Eph 5 are derived from a lost apocryphon which bore the name of Jeremiah. For further information and for the pasion quotations in full,’see Fabricius, Cod. seud. V.I. i. 1070-1086; Schiirer, HJP W. iii. 129 ff. J. A. SELBIE.. ELIKA (75x), the Harodite, one of David’s ‘Thirty’ (2 S 23%5).—The name is omitted in B, and in the parallel passage 1 Ch 11, possibly owing to the repetition of the gentilic ‘the Harodite.’ J. F. STENNING. ELIM (0° x).—One of the stations in the wander- ings of the children of Israel (Ex 152’, Nu 33%); apparently the fourth station after the passage of the Red Sea, and the first place where the Israelites met with fresh water. It was also marked by an abundant growth of palm trees (cf. Ex 15”, twelve wells and seventy palms). If the traditional site of Mt. Sinai be-correct, the likeliest place for Elim is the Wady Ghurundel, where there is a good deal of vegetation, especially stunted palms, and a number of water-holes in the sand ; but some travellers have pushed the site of Elim farther on, and placed it almost a day’s journey nearer to Sinai, in the Wady Tayibeh, where there are again palm trees and a scanty supply of brackish water. The Greek monks who have located Elim at Tér were probably guided thereto by the luxuriant palms and a special taste for the extravagant in miracle. The biblical account takes the Israelites from Elim to a camp by the sea; and this accords very well with the experience of travellers who go to Mt. Sinai by the southern route, camping one night in the Wady Ghurundel, and the next night by the shore of the Red Sea. It should be remembered, however, that grave doubts have been cast upon the popular identifica- tion of Mt. Sinai (see SINAI); and as these doubts turn, in part, upon the identification of Elim and of the encampment by the sea, we must be careful not to fall into a topographical reasoning in a circle, so as to identify Sinai by means of Elim, and then Elim by means of Sinai. It has been suggested that the Elim of Ex 15, Nu 33, is only a variant form of the plural name Eloth which we find in 1 K 9%, 2 Ch 8", a place which was certainly situated near the head of the gulf of Akabah, and whose name still survives in the Arabic Aileh (cf. the suggestive doublet of Hazeroth, Nu 11%, and Hazerim, Dt 2%). If this be so, then the camp by the sea is to be sought for in the neighbourhood of Akabah, the position of Mt. Sinai is unknown, and the earlier stages of the journey of the children of Israel are to be sought in the line of the present Haj route from Egypt to Mecca. See Beke, Origines Biblice, 1839; Baker Greene, The Hebrew Migration from Egypt, 1879; Sayce, HCM, 1894; and the art. Exopus (ROUTE). J. RENDEL HARRIS, ELIMELECH (xbox ‘God is king,’* so the name Malchiel).—The husband of Naomi and father of Mahlon and Chilion, Ephrathites of Beth-lehem-judah (ef. 1817”). He was driven by a famine into the eee | of Moab, where, after a residence of undefined length, he died. He is spoken of as if he were the head of a clan in the tribe of Judah (cf. Ru 28). This would be the Hezronites (1 Ch 2°, ef. Gn 4672). H. A. REDPATH. ELIOENAI (‘3y\>x ‘to J” are mine eyes’).—1. A Simeonite chief (1 Ch 4%). 2. A Benjamite (1 Ch 78). 8. A descendant of David who lived after the Exile (1 Ch 3%-%), 4, A son of Pashhur who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10”), called in 1 Es 97 Elionas. 5. A son of Zattu who had committed the same offence (Ezr 107’), called in 1 Es 9” Eliadas. 6. A priest (Neh 12"), ELIONAS.—4. (A ’EXtwvds, B’EXtwrals), 1 Es 973, —In Ezr 10”, ELIOENAI, 2. (A ’EXwvrds, B -das), 1 Es 9°?=Ezr 10# ELIEZER. ELIPHAL (babs ‘God hath judged’).—One of David’s mighty men (1 Ch 11%), called in 2S 23" Eliphelet (wh. see). ELIPHALAT. —1. (A ’Edi¢ddaros, B ’EXecpada, AV Eliphalet), 1 Es 8°°.—In Ezr 8% ELIPHELET. 2. (EXepaddr), 1 Es 9°%=Ezr 10° ELIPHELET. ELIPHAZ [ip"x, possibly ‘God is fine gold’; but in the absence of analogous meanings this must be considered very doubtful. LXX generally EXid¢ds (so A in Gn) or ’EAed¢ds (so B in Ch and Job, except 2") or ’Eki¢dt (so A in Ch and Job, and D in Gn 36"5)] is the name of two foreigners (Arabs) mentioned in OT. 1. E. appears in the Edomite genealogy of Gn 36 (and hence 1 Ch 1+) as son of Esau by Adah (vv.* 2°), and father of Amalek by his Horite concubine Timnah (vv.!**22), In v." various other sons are mentioned, as ‘the dukes that came of E. in the land of Edom,’ noticeable among them being ‘Duke Teman,’ and another is the well-known tribal name Kenaz. See further, art. Epom. 2. See next article. G. B. GRAY. ELIPHAZ (15x, LXX ’Eddds, an Idumean name, transposed =Phasael?).—Described as the first, and apparently the oldest and most important, friend of Job: He is called ‘the Temanite.’ Teman was a son of Eliphaz, the eldest son of Esau (Gn 36115); and jo was a district of Idumea, proverbially known for its wisdom (Jer 497), It is mentioned in close connexion with Edom in Jer 49%. E. speaks at greater length than either Bildad or Zophar; his speeches are recorded in Job 4. 5. 15. and 22. He is also more moderate in tone than the others ; his first speech, especially, is gravely tender towards what he holds * Or acc. to others, ‘ My god is Melek’ (the god-king). a ee ELIPHELEHU to be Job’s errors. Many of his utterances, taken by themselves, contain important truth; but his orthodox statements and maxims fail to cover the facts of Job’s case. In his later speeches E. speaks more directly and sharply, but he never becomes violent or cruel. For an outline of his arguments, see JOB, BOOK OF. W. T. DAVISON. ELIPHELEHU (sbp>x ‘may God distinguish him,’ AV Elipheleh).—A doorkeeper (1 Ch 15%: 24), ELIPHELET (nboby ‘God is deliverance’).—4. One of David’s sons (2 S 516 1 Ch 147 (AV Eliphalet), 1 Ch 3%®=Elpelet of 1 Ch 145), The double occurrence of the name in Chronicles, as if David had had two sons named E., is probably due to a scribal error. 2. One of David’s mighty men (28 eae of 1Ch 11%), 3. A descendant of Jonathan (1 Ch 8). 4. One of the sons of Adoni- kam who returned from exile (Ezr 8%=Eliphalat of 1 Es 8). 5. A son of Hashum who had married a foreign wife (Ezr 10%=Eliphalat of 1 Es 9°), ELISABETH (’Exicdfer [WH ’Edet.]; Heb. yay ‘God is an oath,’ Ex 6”3).—The wife of Zacharias, and the mother of John the Baptist (Lk 15*-), E. herself belonged to the priestly family of Aaron, and was a kinswoman (cvyyevls) of the Virgin Mary, though we do not know what the actual relationship was. She is described, along with Zacharias, as ‘righteous before God, walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless.’ Upon her, however, had fallen what to a Jewish woman was the heaviest of misfortunes, the reproach of barren- ness. And not till she and her husband were ‘well stricken in years’ was the promise of a son given them. Five months later Elisabeth was visited in her home in the hill-country of Judah by her kinswoman Mary, and the degree of illumi- nation which she had reached is proved by her addressing Mary as ‘the mother of my Tord’ > (Lk 1%), See ZACHARIAS, G. MILLIGAN. ELISEUS.—See ELIsHA. ELISHA (y¢bs ‘ God is salvation’; LX X ’Edewaie ; NT 'Enioaios, AV Eliseus).—The son of Shaphat, of the tribe of Issachar, the disciple and successor of the prophet Elijah. He is first mentioned in the threefold commission with which Elijah is charged by J” at Horeb (1 K 19%). Obeying the divine voice, Elijah goes to Abel-meholah (‘meadow of the dance,’ Ley ‘Ain Helweh) in the N. part of the Jordan Valley, not far from his native Gilead, where he finds E. ploughing with twelve yoke of oxen in one of the rich level fields of his father’s heritage, eleven yoke being with his servants, and he last with the twelfth (19). Leaving the high- way, Elijah passes over to him, and throws his mantle over his shoulders—a symbolic act of double significance: he adopts E. as his son, and invests him with the prophetic office. No word is spoken, but the symbol is understood. Elijah, robably resuming his mantle, strides on, leaving Fe amazed at the sudden call, and bewildered by the necessity of making so tremendous a decision. But the young man’s natural shrinking from so high a calling—a hesitation similar to that of Moses, Isaiah, Jeremiah—is quickly overcome b the consciousness that this is a call from God. Running after Elijah, he declares his readiness to follow him, only begging permission to return and ive the kiss of farewell to his father and mother. he mention of domestic ties ee Elijah’s eyes to the greatness of the sacrifice he is calling E. to make: perhaps it is too great for the youth; at any rate his choice must be voluntary and de- liberate ; the casting of the mantle over him was ELISHA 693 in itself nothing. There is no accent of rebuke, but tender consideration for E.’s natural feelings, in the austere prophet’s testing words: ‘Go back again, for what have I done unto thee?’ E. how- ever, has made his choice. He is ready to leave father and mother, and houses and lands, and marks his act of self-renunciation by a sacrifice which has sacramental significance. Unyokin the oxen from his plough, he slays them, an taking the plough, the goad and the yokes for fuel, roasts the flesh of the oxen, and invites his eople to a farewell feast. Then, having kissed nis parents, he follows Elijah, and ministers unto him. One graphic touch indicates his relation to the greater prophet: he is referred to as ‘E. the son of Shaphat, who poured water on the hands of Elijah’ (2K 3"), They seem to have been together some six or seven years (1 K 22},2K 1"). How and where this time was spent is not definitely stated. There is no evidence that Elijah ever called E. to be a dweller in desert solitudes. There are rather indications that during these years they lived in familiar intercourse with the sons of the prophets (2 K 2), The narrative of Elijah’s last journey shows the deep filial affection, as well as reverence, which he had awakened in his disciple. See ELIJAH. From the scene of the translation, Elisha returns bearing Elijah’s mantle, and endued with a ‘double portion’ of his spirit. Thus began a prophetic career in N. Israel which lasted for more than half a century, during the reigns of Jehoram, Jehu, Jehoahaz, and Joash. E. is Elijah’s spiritual successor, but he presents in many respects a striking contrast to his teacher. Only metaphorically does he wear Elijah’s mantle : after its first display it appears no more. He wears the common garments (o73a 2 K 2¥), and carries the walking-staff of ‘ordinary grave citizens,’ sometimes using it for working miracles (2 K 4). With his bald head, he does not escape unfavourable comparison with the prophet of the flowing locks (2 K 2%). EE. is no son of the desert. Brought up at a peaceful farm in the Jordan Valley, amid the sweet charities of home (1 K 19”), he always prefers human companionship. He is generally found in cities, sojourning at Jericho among the sons of the prophets, or dwelling in his own house at Samaria or at Dothan (2 K 6'* *), A prophet’s chamber is built for him by a lady of Shunem (4%), Elijah’s power was derived from communion with J” in lonely mountains and valleys; E. is helped by the strains of music— ‘the hand of J”’ is upon him when the minstrel plays (2 K 315). Elijah’s short career was memorable for a few grand and impressive scenes, E.’s long career is marked by innumerable deeds of mercy. Both in publie and in private life his activity is incessant. He enters palaces not as an enemy, but as a friend and counsellor. Kings reverently address him as ‘father’ (2K 62134). The kings of Israel, Judah, and Moab come to seek his advice in war (3!~!%), The king of Syria consults him in sickness, and offers him costly presents (878), The king of Israel comes to receive his parting counsels (134*”). Hie influence at court and in the army would immedi ately secure a boon for a friend from the king or the captain of the host (4%). He is expert in camp-life, ambush, and scouting, and more than once is the means of saving the life of the king (6°). Even more than in palaces is he welcome in the homes of the people. He is ‘the holy man of God who passeth f us continually’ (4°). Most of his miracles are deeds of gracious and homely beneficence. Elijah began his career by predict- ing a famine in the land; E. begins his by healing aspring, that there might not be ‘from thence any more death or barren land’ (2”4). 694 ELISHA ELISHA Several of E.’s recorded words and deeds seem to show how much he profited by the chastening experience—and it may be by the direct teaching —of Elijah. He has learned the lesson of tolera- tion: when Naaman inquires if it is possible to reconcile the homage due to Rimmon with loyalty to J”, E. sends him away with a word of peace (5'8). He knows how to temper justice with mercy ; he forgives his own and his country’s fierce enemies when he has them entirely in his hands (6). Yet he has his master’s sternness when it is needed. He refuses to speak to Jehoram king of Israel, that ‘son of a murderer’ (34 6%2). Not in vain was it prophesied at Horeb, ‘him that escapeth from the sword of Jehu shall E. slay.’ It is E. who devises the plot that leads to the overthrow of the house of Ahab (9%). And though he weeps for his country when he foresees the evil which the ferocious Hazael will bring upon Israel, yet he does not shrink from anointing him king of Syria (81 1%), As a prophet E. had no new truth to proclaim. But he exercised a wide and lasting Ginses as the head of the prophetic guilds for more than half a century. The sons of the prophets regard him with profound reverence (2!), and obey him implicitly (91). E.’s single aim is to complete the reforms begun by Elijah—to re-establish the ancient truth, and repel heathen superstition. He is a statesman as well as a prophet. Among all the prophets, none intervene in the highest national affairs more boldly than E., and none so success- fully. For many years he eagerly watches every turn of events. When the nation is ripe for revolution, he summons the destined man at an opportune moment, puts an end to the Tyrian domination, and extirpates the base Tyrian super- stition. After the fall of the Omrite dynasty, he is the trusted friend and sagacious adviser of the house of Jehu, and the strength and inspiration of Israel in all its trials. Even to old age his zeal burns unquenchable: in the closing scene of his life the patriot is as evident as the seer; and his bequest to Israelis hope (13). E. has no stormy spiritual experience ike his master, and does not hold such immediate converse with J”, yet he too has visions. He sees Elijah borne away to heaven by chariots and horses of fire; and at Dothan, when the town is surrounded by enemies, and his servant cries out to him in fear, he bids the young man look to the mountains, and see that they are full of chariots and horses of fire round about Elisha (67). It is impossible to arrange the events of E.’s life in chronological sequence. While the topography of the narrative is often precise, there is a singular want of definiteness as to personal names and dates. The only indication of time atforded by several of the anecdotes is the mention of the ‘king of Israel’; but as no name is specified, the reader is left to conjecture which of the four kings who were the prophet’s contemporaries may be referred to. It is impossible to say in whose reign the cure of Naaman, or the attempt of the Syrians to copyine E., took place. In some cases occurrences are obviously grouped together, according to the connexion of their contents (2 K 2. 4). In others no principle of arrangement is apparent, and the loose connexion of the narratives becomes very awkward. For instance, the siege of Samaria by the Syrians is described immediately after it has been stated that ‘the bands of Syria came no more into the land of Israel’ (64). Gehazi appears in familiar intercourse with ‘the king of Israel’ after the account of his punishment with leprosy (5% 8°); and the visit of Joash to E. during the prophet’s last illness is related just after the mention of the death of Joash (13). Most of E.’s deeds and experiences are set down before the account of Tehuts revolution ; but the prophet lived 45 years after that event, and his influence in the nation was certainly greater, and his deeds of beneficence probably more numerous, after than before the overthrow of his enemies. The narratives are for the most part a record of E.’s activity as a seer, diviner, and worker of miracles, rather than as a prophet in the usual sense of the word. The ordinary prophet is a revealer of spiritual truth, and a preacher of righteousness. If he is represented as working miracles at all, they are entirely subsidiary to his teaching functions. But the reminiscences and tra- ditions of E. represent him chiefly as a wonder- worker. He suspends the laws of nature (6°), fore- sees future events (82), divines the secret thoughts of men (5”6 62), and knows what events are happen- ing out of sight or at a distance (6%). It will be convenient (A) to group together E.’s deeds in his more private capacity, and afterwards (B) refer to his achievements as the friend and adviser of kings. A. (1) Recrossing the Jordan after Elijah’s trans- lation, E. either dwells or sojourns (2%) at Jericho, lately rebuilt (1 KX 16*) in a ‘pleasant situation’ (2 K 2), the fertility of whose groves and gardens was due then, as always, to its perennial springs. At the time of E.’s visit one of these springs has noxious properties, which make it unfit for drink- ing, and injurious to the land (2). The citizens represent the facts to E., who, taking salt in a new vessel, casts it into the spring, and in the name of J” declares the water healed (271). (2) From Jericho E. goes to Bethel, which he had lately visited with Elijah (2%), Passing through the wooded gorge (now called the Wady Suweinit), which leads up to the town, he is met by a noisy troop of boys, who, though they were probably very respect- ful to the great and awful Elijah, stand in no fear of his youthful successor, and rudely greet him with shouts of ‘Go up, thou bald head!’ E. turns and curses them in the name of J”, and two she- bears come out of the wood and rend forty-two of them in pieces. One naturally asks if this narra- tive is literal history. The extreme severity of the punishment is evidently out of all proportion to the offence. The deed is strikingly in contrast to E.’s conduct on other occasions (see especially 2 K 67-22), One MS of the Sept. inserts the word édlOatov (‘they pelted him with stones’), the tran- scriber evidently feeling the moral difficulty. Some of the Rabbis say that E. was punished with sick- ness for the deed. The story probably had some basis in fact, but in its present form it reads like a folklore tale, of the kind familiar im all lands, intended for the admonition of rude and naughty children. (3) The widow of one of the sons of tha pieDn ele a name and place are wanting—is in ebt, and her sons are about to be taken away by her creditor and sold as slaves. She has nothing left in her house but a pot of oil, but E. causes the oil to multiply till it fills all the vessels she can borrow from her neighbours. Having sold the oil, she pays her debt, and lives with her sons on the surp us (2 K 417), (4) The next reminiscence (2 K 4®*7) gives a charming picture of private life in Israel. As E. chances to pass the village of Shunem (now Sélam, three miles from Jezreel, on the slopes of little Hermon), he is pressed to accept hospitality by a lady of substance. Whenever he eae that way again, he turns in to eat bread. he lady is so impressed by the character of the man of God that she persuades her husband to build a chamber on the roof of the house, to which the prophet may have free access at all times. As a recompense for her kindness, E. grants her fondest wish: a child is born to her. After some years— ELISHA ELISHA 695 the narrative goes on without break—her son dies of sunstroke. The lady rides to Carmel, and summons E., who comes and restores the boy to life. (5) E. is next found residing at Gilgal, with the sons of the prophets, during a famine (4°84), People are subsisting on any roots that can be found. One of the young prophets brings home some wild gourds (nyps, Vulg. colocynthidas agri), and shreds them into the caldron. Bat when they begin to eat, the taste reveals the presence of oison, and they cry out, ‘O man of God, there is eath in the pot.’ ‘Bring meal,’ answers the wonder-worker, and forthwith the dish is rendered harmless and wholesome. (6) Apparently during the same famine, while E. is still living at Gilgal, he is visited by a farmer from Baal-shalishah (44), who brings him a present of first-fruits—twenty loaves of new barley and a sack full of fresh ears of corn (Ly 2" 2314), KE. bids his servant set them before a hundred men. The servant hesitates, but the small supply is miraculously rendered sufficient for the whole company. (7) The next narrative (2 K 5) gives an account of the healing of Naaman —the only miracle of E. which is referred to in the NT (Lk 4”), Naaman, commander-in-chief of the army of Syria, being afflicted with the most malignant kind of leprosy (the white variety, v.*), hears of the prophet in Samaria through a Hebrew maid, kidnapped in a border foray and taken into his household. He resolves to visit the great healer. When he arrives at the prophet’s door, attended by his train of horses and chariots, E. sends a servant to direct him to go and bathe seven times in the Jordan. Naaman, who has expected a deferential reception and a striking ceremonial, is enraged by the seeming want of courtesy, and even more by the nature of the prescription. But his servants calm his ruffled eel and when he obeys the propaeys command, his flesh comes again as the esh of a little child. He returns to thank and reward his benefactor, but E. refuses to touch any of the presents which are pressed on his accept- ance. Naaman, made to feel by E.’s self-denial that the glory is due to E.’s God, resolves to be- come a worshipper of J”. He asks permission to take earth from Israel, that he may erect an altar to the God of Israel; his idea being the popular one, that J” was a local deity, and could only be worshipped on his own soil. E. does not seek to correct his mistake. He even gives the proselyte a ae to continue to pay outward homage to immon, the god worshipped by the king of Syria (518-19). Naaman having departed in peace, E.’s servant Gehazi follows him, and by dint of lying obtains the treasure which E. refused. But E. divines his dishonesty, and dooms him and his house to be afflicted with the leprosy of Naaman for ever (5%), (8) The sons of the prophets, who are increasing in numbers, resolve to build a larger dwelling-place by the Jordan, While they are engaged in felling trees, the head of a borrowed axe flies off and falls into the water. It would be vain to search for it in the deep and turbid river. But a cry brings the man of God to the spot. He breaks off a stick and casts it into the stream, and forthwith the iron comes to the surface, and is restored to its possessor. B. The remaining narratives exhibit E. in his relation to kings and rulers, and recount some of his services to his country as an inspired seer and wise counsellor. (1) E. is with the confederate armies of Israel, Judah, and Edom, in a campaign against Mesha, king of Moab (2 K 3%), His presence is not discovered till the armies are erishing for lack of water. When the three kings, in their extremity, come to him for counsel, he refuses to have anything to do with the king of Israel, bidding him go to the prophets of his father Ahab and his mother Jezebel. But out of respect for Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, he consents to give his advice. When a minstrel plays before hin and the hand of J” is upon him, he commands that deep trenches be dug, and prophesies that though ey shall see no rain, yet the valley will be filled with water. His orders are obeyed, and next morning, owing to a plentiful fall of rain high among the mountains of Moab, the torrents swell, and all the country is filled with water. (2) The next narrative (2 K 6*°8) presents the prophet in a very pleasing light, fearless though an host encamps against him, confident though war rises against him, and magnanimous in his treatment of his baffled enemies. Marauding bands of Syrians have made numerous incursions into the north country, but all their movements have been mysteriously checkmated. Whenever they have laid an ambush in ‘such and such a place,’ E. has warned the king of Israel to avoid the spot, thereby saving the king’s life ‘not once nor twice.’ Ben- hadad, finding all his designs frustrated, begins to suspect treachery in his camp. When he hears the true explanation, he sends a strong force of horses and chariots to Dothan to capture Elisha. After comforting his alarmed servant with a vision of the spiritual hosts that always surround the dwellings of the just, the prophet goes down to meet the Syrians, and in answer to his prayer they are struck with blindness (0°30, a word found only here and in Gn 19", probably meaning illusion, d8\ey~ia). Then telling them, evidently not without a relish of the ludicrous aspect of the situation, that they have lost their way and come to the wrong city, he offers to conduct them to the person whom they are seeking. He leads them into the heart of Samaria. When their eyes are opened in answer to E.’s prayer, they find them- selves at the mercy of the gnomy. The king would have destroyed them, but KE. enjoins him to set food before them, and send them back to their master. An enemy at once so powerful and so merciful makes such an impression upon the Syrians that their marauding expediticas entirely cease. (3) The next incident (6*:), though intro- duced without remark immediately after the last, evidently occurred at a different time. The king of Syria gathers a great army to besiege Samaria. E. encourages the men of Israel to defend their city to the last. When the besieged are reduced to famine, he still counsels no surrender, and heartens the people with the prophecy of coming deliverance. The king of Israel—who is not named—wishes to capitulate. He vents his help- less rage upon E., and vows to take his life, because the prophet will not swerve from his purpose even when the people of the city are eat- ing the flesh of their own children. While E. is in his house giving counsel to the elders of Israel, he divines that a messenger of the king is on his way to take his life, and that the king is following close behind. When the king enters, the prophet declares that on the morrow there will be abund- ance of food at the gate of the city. One of the king’s officers sneers at the sanguine prediction : ‘Yes, no doubt, J” will open windows in heaven! And yet can this thing be?’ E. retorts that the ofticer will see the abundance, but shall not eat of it. During the night there is a panicin the Syrian host, the camp is deserted, and every part of the prophecy fulfilled. (4) We next find E. at Damascus. Having heard of the mortal sickness of Benhadad, he realizes that the time has come to execute the commission which Elijah received at Sinai, by anointing Hazael to be king of Syria. No sooner does E., whose fame as a prophet has now spread far beyond Israel, enter the city of Damascus, than the tidings are carried to the palace. King Ben- 696 ELISHA ELISHAH hadad immediately sends Hazael, his commander- in-chief, laden with presents, to inquire of the seer if he may recover of his sickness. E.’s reply is un- certain: according to one reading, he bids Hazael return and tell the king that he shall surel recover ; according to another reading (the kéthibh, and therefore probably authentic), Hazael is to reply that Benhadad shall surely die. At any rate, E. leaves Hazael in no doubt that the king is not to recover, and that his successor is none other than Hazael himself. But it isa hard task which J” has laid upon E.—to anoint the man whom he knows as the destined scourge of Israel. E., as he looks steadfastly in the fierce captain’s face and foresees the coming evil, bursts into tears. When Hazael inquires what this weeping means, E. shows him his future. The Syrian, who has no ear for the tale of Israel’s sufferings, and thinks only of the promise of personal distinction, replies ironically that the task is too great for a dog like him. But E. assures him in plain words that J” has chosen him to be king of Syria. (5) The chief business of E.’s life is to avenge the crimes and apostasy of the house of Ahab. The mission to anoint Jehu king over Israel, which Elijah did not live to fulfil, must be carried out by his successor. During a war between Israel and Syria for the possession of Ramoth-gilead, Ahab’s son Jehoram is wounded, and goes home to Samaria to be cured. His ally the king of Judah leaves the army, and goes to visit him (8%). During their absence E. calls one of the sons of the prophets, and sends him to Ramoth-gilead, with instructions to seek out Jehu, and secretly anoint him king. As soon as Jehu divulges the secret to his brother officers, they proclaim him king, and the whole army at once espouses his cause. The nation has long been ready for a change, and the house of Omri falls without being able to strike a blow in self-defence (9'#-), (6) E. lives to extreme old age, and his last thoughts are given to his country. It is sad to reflect that, in spite of all his labours, Israel has become feeble and dependent. During the reigns of the pusillanimous sons of Jehu, the Syrians have done to Israel according to their will, and the nation has more than once been brought to the verge of extinction. But Jehu’s grandson Joash is a youth of great promise, and E. sees in him one - capable of making Israel once more independent and prosperous. The young king comes down to visit the aged Prophet as he lies on his peaceful death-bed (13'*). The king is moved to tears. No words could be more appropriate than those in which he addresses the prophet: ‘My father, my father, the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof.’ E. has still the spirit of the master to whom he first applied these words (2 K 2”), To impress on the young king’s mind a sense of his duty, he uses a fine piece of symbolism. The window is opened eastward, toward the country of the enemy, the king’s bow is pointed in that direction, the prophet’s consecrating hand is laid on the king’s right hand, and ‘the arrow of J”s deliverance, of deliverance from Syria,’ is dis- charged. The king is then commanded to take up a sheaf of arrows and smite the ground. Hesmites only three times, and halts. This does not please the zealous old prophet: before closing his eyes he would fain have foreseen that the enemies of the people of J” would be defeated five or six times; as it is, the king has only energy enough to smite them thrice. There is one other tradition regarding E., and that the most marvellous of all. His wonder- working power does not terminate with his life. In the spring of the year after his decease a burial is taking place in the cemetery which contains his sepulchre, when it chances that a band of maraud- ing Moabites comes in sight. The mourners, in their eagerness either to attack or to escape from the invaders, hastily place the corpse in the tomb of Elisha. No sooner does the body touch the bones of the prophet than the dead man revives and stands upon his feet (137) The foundation of E.’s character is laid in the strong affections of his home-life (1 K 19%). He learns to call the great ascetic prophet his ‘ father,’ but he never ceases to be attached to his fellow- men. While his career is less impressive than that of Elijah, his achievement is to make a common .‘fe illustrious. It cannot be said that all the narra- tives show him in an equally favourable light, but on the whole he is represented as humane, large-minded, tender-hearted, a prophet called to comfort, heal, and reconcile. nteresting side- lights are thrown on his character. His quick per- ception of the fitness of things is evidenced by his choice of beasts for a burnt-offering and fuel for his sacrifice (1 K 19#!), his sense of humour by his treatment of the Syrian emissaries (2 K 6”), and his tenderness of heart by his tears over Israel’s coming misfortunes (2 K 8"), He is constantly (29 times in all) called the man of God, and he proves his love of God by loving men. His religion is to visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction (2 K 41), And amid all the seductions of court favour he retains the true prophetic simplicity of character and contempt for worldly wealth (51%). Like his great master Elijah, he is eulogized by the son of Sirach (Sir 4812-14), Some of E.’s miracles—the dividing of the Jordan, the increase of the widow’s oil, the restora- tion of the Shunammite’s son—are almost identical with the recorded miracles of Elijah. The heal- ing of the leper and the multiplying of the barley loaves bring to mind some of the miracles of Jesus. But ‘it has often been remarked that to find parallels to the miracles of the iron axe-head made to swim, the noxious well healed with salt, the oisoned pot rendered harmless with meal, and the aead man quickened by the touch of the prophet’s bones, we must go outside the Scriptures. Stanley says that ‘E.’s works stand alone in their likeness to the acts of the medieval saints. There alone in the sacred history tlhe gulf between biblical and ecclesiastical miracles almost disappears.’ And Farrar compares the stories of E. to ‘other Jewish haggadoth, written for edification in the schools of the prophets, but no more intended for perfectl literal acceptance in all their details than the life of St. Anthony or St. Francis.’ Elisha is canonized in the Greek Church, his festival being on the 14th of June. LireraTuRE.—Driver, LOT 185f.; Wellhausen, Comp. 286 ff. ; W. R. Smith, Proph. of Isr. 86ff., 116, 208f.; Cornill, Zs. Proph. 14f., 33ff.; Kittel, Hist. of Heb. ii. 214f., 268, 278, 280 ff., 290, 292f.; Farrar, Bks. of Kings, ll, cit.; Kuenen, Rel. of Isr. i. 360 ff.; Graetz, Hist. of Jews (tr. by B. Lowy), i. 213; Renan, Hist. of People of Isr. (Eng. tr.), ii. 229 ff. ; Montefiore, Hibbert Lect. p. 94f.; Maurice, Prophets and Kings, 142; Liddon, Sermons on OT Subjects, 195-334. J. STRACHAN. ELISHAH (ayzbx, ’Ediod, ’EXewal, Elisa).—The eldest son of Javan according to Gn 10% In Ezk 277 the Tyrians are said to have procured their purple dye from the ‘isles’ or ‘coastlands’ of E., which shows that we must look for the locality in the Greek seas. Josephus (Ant. I. vi. 1) identified E. with the AZolians; phonetically, however, this is impossible; moreover. Greek ethnology made olus the brother, and not the son, of Ion, the Heb. Javan. Many modern writers have seen Elis in E.; but the name of Elis properly began with digamma, and is probably the same as the Lat. vallis. Dillmann proposed to identify E. with Southern Italy, and Movers with Carthage; both identifications, however, are inconsistent with the ELISHAMA ELKOSHITE 697 statement that it was the source of the purple dye, and it is difficult to find any name on either the Italian or the African coast which can be com- pared with that of Elishah. The Tel el-Amarna tablets have thrown a new light on the question. Several of them are letters to the Pharaoh from ‘the king of Alasia,’ a country which a hieratic docket attached to one of them identifies with the Egyptian Alsa. Alsa, sometimes read Arosa, was overrun by ThothmesIII., and is mentioned in the list of his Syrian conquests engraved on the walls of Karnak (Nos. 213 and 236), Maspero (Recueil de Travaux, x. p. 210) makes Alsa or Alasia the northern part of Ceele- Syria. An unpublished hieratic papyrus, however, now in the Hermitage of St. Petersburg, which de- scribes an embassy sent by sea to the king of Gebal in the time of the high priest Hir-Hor, states that the Egyptian envoys were wrecked on the coast of Alsa, where they were. afterwards oe Gade by the queen of the country. Alsa or Alasia therefore must have adjoined the Mediterranean, and Winckler and W. Max Miiller accordingly propose to see in it the island of ee Conder had already suggested that asia and E. are one and the same. The two chief objections to the identification with Cyprus are that the ordinary Egyptian name of that island was Asi, and that Thothmes III. includes the country among his Syrian conquests. It is tempting to identify E. on the phonetic side, with the Greek Hellas. We might assume that the Egyptian form of the name, Alsa, was taken from the cuneiform Alasia, in which the initial aspirate of the Greek would not be expressed. But the Homeric poems seem to show that the name of Hellas could not have migrated from its original home in northern Greece to the eastern basin of the Mediterranean so early as the age of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. Moreover, as late as the reign of the Assyrian Sargon, Cyprus was still known to the inhabitants of Asia as ‘the country of the Ionians,’ not of the Hellenes, while a Yivana or ‘Ionian’ is mentioned in two of the Tel el- Amarna letters. The termination of Alasia im- plies a Greek adjective in -c.os, and it is poets that Crete, rather than Cyprus, is intended by the name. LiraRATURE.—Sayce, HCM 130; Conder, Bible and the East. A. H. SAYCE. ELISHAMA (eve ‘God has heard’).—41. A prince of the tribe of Ephraim at the census in the wilderness, son of Ammihud, and grandfather of Joshua (Nu 1! 218 1 Ch 7%), 2, One of David’s sons, born in Jerusalem (2 S 516, 1 Ch 3°14”). 3. In 1 Ch 3° by mistake for Elishua (which see) of 2S 5, 1Ch145, 4. A descendant of Judah, son of Jekamiah (1 Ch 2“). §&. The father of Nethaniah, and grandfather of Ishmael, ‘of the seed royal,’ who killed Gedaliah at the time of the Exile (2 K 25%, Jer 411). Jerome, following Jewish tradition, identifies him with No. 4. See Sayce HCM 380. 6. A scribe or secretary to Jehoiakim (Jer 3612. 21), 7. A priest sent by Jehoshaphat to teach the law in the cities of Judah (2 Ch 178). R. M. Boyp. ELISHAPHAT (n2y"4x ‘God hath judged’).—One of the captains who helped Jehoiada to instal king Joash (2 Ch 23}). ELISHEBA (ysy5x ‘God is an oath’), LXX, EdeodBed B, ’EdtcdBer A} (cf. Lk 1"), daughter of Amminadab, sister of Nahshon, a prince of the tribe of Judah, and wife of Aaron. The name occurs only in Ex 6% (P). W. C. ALLEN. ELISHUA (yes, 2 S 5%, 1 Ch 14°).—A son of David born at Jerusalem. The variant in 1 Ch 3°, yoydy, is due to the similar name occurring in the next line. J. F. STENNING. ELIUD (’E):ov5).—An ancestor of Jesus (Mt 1"), See GENEALOGY. ELIZAPHAN (jsy>x ‘God has protected’; cf. Pheen. 9y235s, EXevcapdv).—1. Prince of the Kohath- ites, son of Uzziel, Nu 3, 1 Ch 158 (’EXicaddr), 2Ch 29% = Elzaphan (a¥dx, ’EAecadpdv), Ex 67, Lv 10! P. 2. Zebulun’s representative for dividing the land (Nu 34” P). G. H. BATTERSBY. ELIZUR (wbx ‘God is a Rock,’ cf. ZURIEL, *EXecoovp).—Prince of Reuben at the first census (Nu 15 210 780. 8 1918 P), A similar name occurs in the Zinjerli inscriptions (8th cent. B.C.), Bir-tsfir, ‘the god Bir is a rock’ (Hommel, Anc. Heb. Trad, 320), or Bar-tsfir, ‘son of a rock’ (D. H. Miiller). G. H. BATTERSBY, ELKANAH (mipbx ‘God has possessed ’).—1. The second son of Korah, brother to Assir and Abi- asaph, one of the clans of the Korahites (Ex 6%). We are told that ‘ the children of Korah died not’ in the overthrow of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram (Nu 26), 2. The son of Jeroham, the son of Elihu, the son of Tohu, the son of Zuph, an Ephraimite of Ramathaim-zophim,* of the hill country of Ephraim, the husband of Hannah, his favourite wife, and Peninnah. Hannah felt her childlessness very much, especially as Peninnah mocked her for it; but E. endeavoured to comfort her. At length, after several yearly visits to the temple at Shiloh, Hannah was promised a son. This son was called Samuel, and Hannah and her husband offered him to the Lord when he was but an infant, and left him with Eli on their return to Ramah (18 1! 24), 8. The son of Assir, the son of Korah (1 Ch 6%), apparently identical with (1), and an ancestor of (2). 4. The father of Zuph or Zophai (1 Ch 66-85), §, An ancestor of Berechiah, the son of Asa, ‘that dwelt in the villages of the Netopha- thites’ (1 Ch 91%), 6. One of David’s mighty men, a Korahite (1 Ch 12°). 7%. One of the two door- keepers for the ark (1 Ch 15%), perhaps identical with (6). 8. ‘That was next to the king,’ slain in the reign of Ahaz with ‘ Maaseiah the king’s son, and Azrikam the ruler of the house,’ by Zichri, ‘a mighty man of Ephraim’ (2 Ch 287), H. A. REDPATH. ELKIAH (‘EAxed). — An ancestor of Judith, Jth 8}, ELKOSHITE (wpbyn, LXX’EAxecaios).—A gentilic adjective employed to describe the prophet Nahum (11), implying that a place named Elkosh was his birthplace. Three identifications have been pro- osed for the latter. (1) Jerome (in his Comm.) ocates Elkosh at a village in Galilee named Zicest (cf. also Capernaum=o%1n} 99 (2), ‘village of Nahum’). (2) Ina work ascribed to Epiphanius, On the Prophets, how they died and where they were buried, we are told that ‘Nahum was of Elkosh, beyond Bét Gabré, of the tribe of Simeon.’ This Bét Gabré is Beit Jibrin, the ancient Eleu- theropolis, N.E. of Lachish. (3) Medizval tradition connected Nahum with E/kush on a tributary of the Tigris, 2 days’ journey N. of Mosul(Nineveh). We must be content to leave the prophet’s birthplace uncertain, although weighty considerations plead * For this name see art. RAMATHAIM-zOPHIM. In 1 Oh 6%-38 and 33-35 Samuel is represented as a Levite, and the three names, Elihu, Tohu, Zuph, appear as Eliab, Nahath, Zophai (626-28) ; Eliel, Toah, Zuph (KethibA Ziph) (638-35), It is noticeable that in the first of these places there is no connecting link between the Elkanah mentioned and Samuel. The usual explanation given of this apparent discrepancy is that the Levites in any particular city were counted as part of the tribe amongst whom they were dwelling ; but this doer not seem very satisfactory. 698 ELLASAR ELYMAIS in favour of the second of the above identifica- tions. LitgraTuRE.—A. B. Davidson, Nahwm, Introd. § 1; Nestle, Zeitsch. d. deutsch. Pal. Vereins, i. 222 ff. (transl. in PEF St (1879), p. 136 ff.); G. A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 231 n. J. A. SELBIE. ELLASAR (19>x, ’Ed\acdp, Pontus). — Arioch, king of Ellasar, was one of the vassal Babylonian kings who took part along with their suzerain, Chedor-laomer of Elam, in his campaign against Canaan (Gn 141). In the early days of Assyri- ology (see F. Lenormant, La Langue primitive de la Chaldée (1875), pp. 377-379) he was already identified by the fos pherers of the cuneiform inscriptions with Eri-Aku, king of Larsa, who was called Rim-Sin (or Rim-Agu) by his Semitic subjects. The identification has now been verified by further discoveries, which have shown that Eri-Aku was a contemporary of Kudur-Lagamar (Chedor-laomer) of Elam, Tudghula or Tid‘al, and Khammurabi or Ammi-rabi, whom recent research has proved to be the Am-raphel of Genesis. Larsa is now represented by the mounds of Senkereh, in Lower Babylonia, on the east bank of the Euphrates and about midway between the sites of Erech (Warka) and Ur (Mukayyar). One of its early names was Ararma, and it was celebrated for its temple and worship of the Sun-god (see Sayce, Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, pp. 166, 167). The temple, called Bil-Uri ty the Semites, was of very ancient date, and had been restored by Ur- sau (2), B.C. 2700, by Khammurabi, by Nebuchad- rezzar, and by Nabonidus, Among the ruins of its library and tombs Loftus found fragments of a mathematical work (Chaldea and Susiana, 7 255, 256). The biblical form of the name arobanty represents 4 Larsa, ‘the city of Larsa’ (but see Ball’s note on Gn 14! in Haupt’s O7). LITERATURE. — Sayce, HCM 165ff.; Loftus, Chaldwa and Susiana, 240 ff. ; Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? 223f. ; Tiele, Gesch. i. 86; Schrader, COT on Gn 14. See also Hommel’s art. BABYLONIA, p. 226 in present vol., and his Ancient Hebrew Tradition, 148 t. A. H. SAYCE. ELM.—A mistranslation of AV for terebinth (Hos 43%), ELMADAM (’Eduaddy, AV Elmodam, perh. =710bx (sn 107%).—An ancestor of Jesus (Lk 3%), See JENEALOGY. ELNAAM (oyzx ‘God is pleasantness’).—The father of two of David’s mighty men (1 Ch 11%), ELNATHAN (jnbx ‘God has given’; ef. ym), 2 K 248, Jer 2672 361225, Ezr 8'6—4, The father of Nehushta, the mother of Jehoiachin. 2. The son of Achbor. A person of influence in Jehoiakim’s court. He was the chief of those sent to Egypt to fetch Uriah, who had offended Jehoiakim by his prophecy, and one of those who had entreated Jehoiakim not to burn the roll. It is possible that (1) and (2) are the same person, but by no means certain when we consider the commonness of the name. 8, The name occurs no fewer than three times in the list of those sent for by Ezra when he encamped near Ahava in the course of his journey to Jerus., twice among the chief men, and also as one of the teachers. But it is extremely probable that the second occurrence of the name is a corrupt reading, arising out of the following name Nathan. F. H. Woops, ELOHIM.—See Gop. ELOHIST.—See HExa- TEUCH. ELOI.—See Ett. ELON (ox ‘a terebinth’).—4. Of the tribe of Zebulun, one of the minor judges (Jg 12%), Al} that is told of him is smpry that he judged Israel for ten years, that he died, and was buried in Elon (pox) in Zebulun. The MT points idx Aijalon; but the seta a yeah between name of the judge and his burying-place is quite arbitrary. Baer, Tlibrs Jos. et Jud. P, 98, roads x Elon, ta both verses. 2. A son of Zebulun (Gn 46%, Nu 268, where gentilic name Elonites occurs). 3. A Hittite, the father-in-law of Esau (Gn 26*4 367). G. A. CooKE. ELON (j'>'x), Jos 19.—A town of Dan, perhaps the same as Elon-beth-hanan (1 K 4°), which was in Solomon’s province corresponding to the terri- tory of Dan. The site of Ananiah seems too far E., being in Benjamin. In some MSS Elon and Beth-hanan are made distinct places, in which case the latter may be Ananiah, and the former is unknown unless Aijalon was the ee reading. CONDER. ELON-BETH-HANAN.—See Eton. ELOTH.— See ELATH. ELPAAL (5ybx ‘God of doing’ (?)).—The head of a Benjamite family (1 Ch 81218), See GENE- ALOGY. ELPARAN (Gn 14°).—See PARAN, ELPELET (vb=>x, AV Elpalet).—One of David’s sons=ELIPHELET No. 1. EL-SHADDAI.—See Gop. ELTEKEH (Jos 19% apnaby, 21% wppby).—A town of the territory of Dan, mentioned in connexion with Ekron and Gibbethon. It is probably the same as Altaku (Al-ta-ku-u), a town mentioned in the Prism Inscription of Sennacherib as the scene of the defeat of the Philistines and their Egyp. allies by the Assyrians in the days of Hezekiah. G. A. Smith (Hist. Geog. p. 236) urges that Altaku (Eltekeh) cannot have been situated up the valley of Aijalon, where it is marked on the PEF map, for such a site is unsuitable as the papell ae of the main Assyr. and Egyp. armies. The PEF identification may, however, be correct, and the fight may have been between detachments. Yet a site near Ekron suits Sennacherib’s narrative, for after taking Altaku he tells us next that he took Ekron (Am-kar-ru-na). In any case it is improbable that the retreat of Sennacherib was the result of the encounter. W. E. BARNES. ELTEKON (jprby), Jos 15°.—A town of Judah, noticed with Maarath and Beth-anoth. It was in the mountains. The site is unknown. Possibly Tekoa. ELTOLAD (1binby), Jos 15°.—A town in the ex- treme S. of Judah, given to Simeon (194); probably Tolad (1 Ch 4%), The site is unknown. ELUL (iby, "EdovA, Elul, Neh 6', 1 Mac 14”),— See TIME. ELUZAI (‘nybx ‘God is my strength’).—One of the mighty men who joined David at Ziklag (1 Ch 125), ELYMAEANS.—See ELAMITES. ELYMAIS (’EAtvuats).—This name, which repre- sents the OT ELAM, was given to a district of Persia, lying, according to Strabo (xvi. p. 744), along the southern spurs of Mt. Zagros, S of Media and N of Susiana. In 1 Mac 6}, according to he ) ’ common reading, which is adopted by re sO ELYMAS EMERODS 69¢ Elymais is named as a rich city in Persia. No such city, however, is mentioned elsewhere, except by Josephus (Ant. x11. ix. 1), who is simply follow- ing 1 Mac. There can be no doubt, therefore, that we should correct the text with A (év ’H)vyes), x (éy Avyots), and most cursives, and read ‘in Ely- mais in Persia there was a city’; so Fritzsche and RV. In the year B.c. 164 Antiochus Epiphanes made an unsuccessful attack upon the rich treas- ures of a temple of Artemis in this province, but the name of the place is unknown. Polybius (xxxi. 11), like 1 Mac, merely speaks of the temple as being in Elymais; while Persepolis, which is mentioned by the later account in 2 Mac 92, was not situated in this district. Comp. Rawlinson (Speaker's Comment.), and Strack and Zéckler on 1 Mac 6}. H. A. WHITE. ELYMAS.—See BARJEsus. ELYON.—See Ex Exyon, Gop. ELZABAD (19)5x ‘ God hath given ’).—4. A Gadite chief who joined David (1 Ch 1212). 2. A Korahite doorkeeper (1 Ch 267). EMADABUN (’HyadaBotv, AV Madiabun, after the Aldine text MadiaBodv), 1 Es 5°8 (°° LXX).—E., of the sons of Jesus (AV ‘the sons of Madiabun’), is mentioned among the Levites who super- intended the restoration of the temple. There is no corresponding name in the parallel Ezr 3°, and it is omitted in the Vulg. : it is probably due toa repetition of the name which follows, Eid:adovr. H. St. J. THACKERAY. EMATHEIS (B ’EyaG6ls, A ’Eyadels, AV Ama- theis), 1 Es 9%,.—Called ATHLAI, Ezr 10%, EMBALMING.—See MEDICINE. EMBROIDERY was the ornamentation of cloth, usually linen, by means of variegated colour and artistic design. (1) yawn tashbéz (the verb in Pi. and Pu. occurs Ex 28”- ® [all], the noun nxpyn 8 times in Ex 28. 39, and in Ps 451%) is used (only) of the high priest’s coat (n3np). AV has ‘broidered,’ RV ‘chequer- work,’ Ex 284, This was simply a surface device of lustre upon one colour giving an effect of broken light, like the sparkle oh iek ead ornament. Work of this kind is still done by hand by the Jewish women of Damascus, and by the people around Iconium. The coat is cut in two kinds of material, the outer one often of silk or of shining linen, the inner of white or coloured cotton. Then threads of cotton-twist are inserted between the two, and are carefully and patiently stitched in according to pattern. This has been copied in modern manu- facture in such articles as the white honeycomb bedcover, except that the hand-wrought article is the same on both sides. This ornamental effect of light upon a uniform surface seems ta be the origin of damask in all its beautiful varieties. The ‘coat’ of the high priest would be of this description, either sewn by hand or woven in squares and lines, so as to give the effect of chequer and lustre. (2) nop rikmd@h, needle-work, broidered-work, Re Dae Gs > 8+ 18618 27 7-18-34 (ef Hix) 26% 35°: Ps 454). The same word is used in 1 Ch 29? of stones, and in Ezk 178 of feathers. In both instances AV and RV tr. ‘of divers colours.’ 075 avyp ‘ work of the variegator’ (QPB uses this term consistently) occurs 6 times in Ex, and o75 ‘ the variegator’ by itself twice (cf. Ps 139 ‘poa7 ‘I was curiously wrought,’ AV, RV). (3) ayn myyp ‘work of the designer’ (of artistic designs in weaving ; QPB ‘pattern weaver’), Ex D6}. 31 Qgs. 15 G8 85 393-8 cf. ayn Ex 38% and (some- what more generally) syn avn Ex 314 (‘to devise designs’) 35°? 5, 2 Ch 213, cf. Ex 35% (‘designed work’), Where the process was that of needlework, the cloth was stretched and held in a frame, and the sewn work in coloured thread was added; or it might be introduced during the weaving. Anything in nature or art that was variegated by spots, lines, squares, etc., was rikmdh, some- thing embroidered. Where a principal part of the charm was due to originality of decorative design, or successful drawing of resemblances, the in- tellectual distinction would give it the name cunning-work (‘work of the designer’). Oriental broidered cloth, whether hand-wrought or woven, is usually the same on both sides. In Damascus, prayer-cloths are made in stripes of crimson, sky-blue, white, purple, etc., with gold thread interwoven, after the manner of the tabernacle fabrics. LiTERATURE.—Wilkinson, Anc. Egyp. ii. 81; Moore on Jg 530; Hartmann, Hebréerin, i. 401 ff., iii. 138 ff.; Schroeder, De vestitu mulierum, 221f.; Braun, De vestitu sacerdotwm, 301 ff. ; Knob.- Dillm. on Ex 261. $1 2811, M. MACKIE. EMEK-KEZIZ (psp pry), Jos 1874, AV ‘ Valley of Keziz,’ mentioned among the towns of Benjamin. —A place apparently in the Jordan Valley near Jericho. The site is unknown. See Dillmann, ad loc. C. R. CONDER. EMERALD.—See STONES (PRECIOUS). EMERODS (that is, hemorrhoids).—The word used in AV to denote the disease brought upon the Philistines when they had captured the ark (15 5). Two Heb. words are used for this disease. One of these is ‘dphel (75). It is supposed to mean some- thing swollen. It is the name of a portion of the fortifications of Jerus. (2 Ch 27° 334, Neh 32% 27 1121), The verb of the stem is used twice, in the sense of being puffed up, presumptuous (Hab 2%, Nu 14%). This exhausts the use of the stem, except in the six places where ‘6phel, in the plural, is used for the disease in question (Dt 2877, 1S 5% 9-12 645), So far, the disease seems to be something tumid, a swelling of some sort. The other word, ¢éhodrém (om), is the only word of its stem in the language. It is used in the six places last mentioned, as the keré, or marginal reading, to be substituted for ‘dphe/, and is also used in 1S 6+”, Cognate words in Syr. and Arab. convey the idea of breathing hard, of easing the belly with violent effort, of tenesmus with flow of blood. It is said that the Massoretes directed this word to be substituted for the other as being a less indelicate term. As to the nature of the disease, not much can be inferred from 1 S 5%, where AV tr. ‘They had emerods in their secret parts,’ and RV ‘tumours brake out upon them,’ for the verb there used appears nowhere else. That the disease was externally loathsome is evident from Dt 2877, where it is classed with the boil of Egypt, the scurvy and the itch. That it was terribly fatal seems to be implied in 1S 5%, That it had some particularly noteworthy symptom appears from the fact that they made golden images of it. The traditions handed down in Josephus, and in the added specifications in the Sept. and Vulg., are sufficiently specific and horrible. According to the Vulg. ‘computrescebant promiuentes extales eorum.’ Josephus says, ‘They died of the dysentery, a sore distemper that brought death upon them very suddenly; for... they brought up their entrails, which were eaten through, and vomited them up entirely rotted away by the disease’ (Ant. VI. i. 1). Josephus is imaginative, but the evidence EMIM 700 indicates some form of dysenteric or typhoid disease, in which a loathsome rectal protrusion was a prominent symptom. See MEDICINE. LrrgraturE.—Driver and Dillm. on Dt 2827; Thenius, Well- hausen, and Driver on 18 56-9 64; Hitzig, Urgesch. d. Philistder 1845), p. 201; Geiger, Orschrift, 408f.; Oxf. Heb. Lex. and iegfried—Stade, 8.vv. W. J. BEECHER. EMIM (o'0"x, ’Onpaelv, Oouelv; AV Emims).—The name is that of a body of Rephaim or giant people, living E. of the Jordan, in the S$. half of the territory between Bashan and Seir (Dt 2%"). The name signifies ‘formidable ones,’ and we are told that it was given them by the Moabites. The Emim were in this region in A braham’s time, and were attacked by the four invading kings during their march 8. (Gn 145), They are said to have been ‘a people great and numerous, and tall as the Anakim.’ We are not told what became of them, but the natural suggestions of the narrative are to the effect that this Moatited destroyed and superseded them. See GIANT. W. J. BEECHER. EMINENT is now only metaphorical, ‘exalted,’ but in AV it is always literal: an ‘eminent place,’ Ezk 16% 81-8 (33, RVm ‘a vaulted chamber,’ see Davidson on Ezk 16%), 2 Es 15” (locus eminens) ; ‘an high mountain and eminent,’ Ezk 17% (bn). Cf. Elyot, The Governour, i. 4, ‘he made not only herbes to garnisshe the erthe, but also trees of a more eminent stature than herbes.’” Eminence occurs in AV only in the compound ‘ pre-eminence’ (Ec 3, Sir 332, 1 Mac 11”, Col 18,3 Jn °). RV gives ‘eminency’ in Ezk 7" ‘neither shall there be eminency among them’ (073 ar8), AV ‘ wailing for them,’ so RVm), using the word in its modern sense, and following the Arab. for the translation. See Davidson, ad loc. J. HASTINGS. EMMANUEL.—See IMMANUEL. EMMAUS (Exuaots),—1. Lk 24! only. This place was 60 furlongs from Jerusalem. Some MSS follow & in reading ‘an hundred and sixty’; but this is robably a corruption, to suit the views held as to the site in the 4th cent. A.D. ; for a journey of 320 furlongs, or 40 miles, in one day (see vv. 1. 28 29. 88), would have been improbable. In the Onomasticon (s.v.) it is placed at Emmaus Nico- acres "Amwds, 20 miles from Jerus., near ijalon. Josephus, however, speaks of an Emmaus 60 furlongs from Jerusalem (Wars, VII. vi. 6), the habitation of a colony of Titus’ soldiers. The direction is unknown. The name Kulénieh or ‘Colony,’ and the distance from Jerus. (which, however, is not exact), have suggested the village so named in the valley W. of the Holy City. In the twelfth cent. Emmaus was shown at another village, Kubcibeh, to the N.W., at about the re- quired distance. To the 8.W. of Jerus., near the main road to the plain, is a ruin called Khamasah, which recalls the name of Emmaus. The distance is more than 60 furlongs, but perhaps not too great for a rough estimate. The site, however, remains uncertain. See SW P vol. iii. sheet xvii. 2. Emmaus Nicopolis is not mentioned in OT, but appears as a place of importance in the time of the Maccabees. tt was in the neighbouring plain that the Syrian army was defeated by Judas (1 Mac 3*- 57 43-25), Emmaus was one of the towns fortified by Bacchides in order to ‘vex’ Israel (1 Mac 9», Jos. Ant. XIII. i. 3). LivERATURE.—Robinson, BRP iii. 147f.; Guérin, Judée, i, 29f., 801f.; Reland, Pal. 427, 758; Thomson, Land and Book, {. 116, 123 ff., 132, ii. 59; Schwarz, Das heil. Land, p. 98; Neu- bauer, Géog. du Talmud, 101f., 152f.; Baedeker-Socin, Hdbk. to Pal. 141; Sepp, Das heil. Land, i. 42; PEF St, 1876, 172, 174; 1879, 105; 1881, 46, 237, 274; 1882, 24, 59; 1883, 53, 55; 1884, 83, 189, 248; 1885, 116, 156; 1886, 17; Smith, HGHL 214; Schiirer, HJP 1 i. 218, 236, ii, 231, 253, 386ff., 1. i, 1574f.; ENAN Conder, Tent Work in Pal. 8,140; Bible Places, 73, 103; Keim, Jesus of Nazara, vi. 306; Caspari, Chronol.-Geog. Leben Jesu ; Andrews, Life of our Lord, 617-619. C. R. ConDER. EMMER (A ’Eppip, B ’Epip), 1 Es 97.—In Ez 10” IMMER. EMMERUTH (A ‘'Expnpoté, B “Epunpos, AV Meruth), 1 Es 5%.—A corruption of Immer in Ezr 287, Probably “Exunp was first Grecized into “Exypnpos, and the form in A arose from mistaking ’Exuhpov for a nominative. The AV is due to the Aldine text, which has vlol ék Mnpové for b. Hyp. H. St. J. THACKERAY. EMULATION is now used only in a good sense, healthy rivalry. But about 1611 it wavered be- tween that and a distinctly bad meaning, ‘am- bitious strife,’ or ‘malicious envy.’ Shakespeare uses it in both ways, and of the three occurrences in AV, two are bad (1 Mac 8", Gal 5, both ¢#Xos) and one good (Ro 11'4 ‘If by any means J ma _provoke to e.’, ef mws mapafndow, RV ‘to jeal- ousy’). The Douay Bible uses ‘emulation’ of God, after Vulg. emulatio, in Ps 78° ‘in their grauens they provoked him to emulation,’ where AV has ‘jealousy’ (‘moved him to jealousy with their graven images’). For the sense of ‘mali- cious envy’ take the Rheims tr. of Ac 7° ‘the Patriarches through emulation, sold Joseph into alin Emulation and envy are distinguished and discussed by Trench, NZ’ Synonyms, p. 83 ff., » in his article on the Gr. words (Hos and Pévos. J. HASTINGS, ENABLE occurs only 1 Ti 1%, and it is used, without an infinitive following, in the obsolete or at least archaic sense of ‘strengthen.’ Cf. Mul- caster (1581), Positions, xli. 232, ‘Exercise to en- able the body’; and Melvill, Diary (Wodrow, p. 280), ‘ obteining of God’s mercie that night’s repose, quhilk I luiked nocht for, to inable me for the morne’s action.’ J. HASTINGS. ENAIM (oy¥), probably the same as Enam (oxy) which is mentioned among the towns of lowland Judah in Jos 15%. From the reference to Enaim in Gn 38-2! we gather that it was the name of a village on the road to Timnah; and, as the incident recorded in this chapter is prefaced by the mention of the sojourn of Judah with his friend Hirah the Adullamite, the village possibly stood on the road between Timnah and Adullam. In Jos 15* Enam stands in the same group of towns with Tappuah and Adullam and Azekah. The AV in its rendering Gn 38'4 ‘in an open place’ (RV ‘in the gate of Enaim’), and Gn 3871 ‘openly by the way side’ (RV ‘at Enaim by the way side’), has followed the explanation adopted by the Targums, the Pesh. Syriac, and the Latin ulgate (in bivio itineris), on the supposition that ‘enayim had its usual meaning ‘eyes,’ and was not a proper name. Cf. Jerome, who, comment- ing on the words ‘Et sedit ad portam Enam,’ remarks ‘Sermo Hebraicus Enaim transfertur in oculos. Non est igitur nomen loci; sed est sensus: sedit in bivio, sive in compito, ubi dili- gentius debet viator aspicere, quod iter gradiendi capiat.’ The Old Latin (Lyons Pent.) and the LXX (Alvdy) rightly rendered the word as a proper name. The double form Enaim and Enam may be com- pared with Dothain and Dothan (Gn 37” and 2 K 618), The meaning of the name was presumabl ‘the two springs.’ Conder has identified it with Kh. Wady Alin, which is close to Beth-shemesh and En-gannim. H. E. RYLE. ENAN (j»y ‘having fountains,’ or ‘eyes’ t.e. ‘keen- eyed,’ Alydv).—Prince of Naphtali at the first census (Nu 125 229 778. 88 1027 P), ENASIBUS ENASIBUS (A ’Evdorfos, B -e-), 1 Es 94,—In Ezr 10% ELIAsHis. The form is probably due to read- ing AI as N. ENCAMPMENT BY THE SEA.—One of the stations in the itinerary of the children of Israel, where they encamp after leaving Elim, Nu 33” [see Eni]. If the position of Elim be in the Wady Ghurundel, then the camp by the sea is on the shore of the Gulf of Suez, somewhere south of the point where the Wady Tayibeh opens to the coast. The curious return of the line of march to the seashore is a phenomenon that has always arrested the attention of travellers to Mt. Sinai: and if Mt. Sinai be really in the so-called Sinaitic peninsula, the camp can be located within a half-mile. [But it is within the bounds of a reasonable probability that the ‘Encampment by the Sea’ may mean the Gulf of ‘Akabah, and Sinai be out of the peninsula.] St. Silvia of Aquitaine [?in the year 388] returned from the traditional Sinai, ae especially notices the approach of the line of march to the seashore (‘pervenimus ad mansionem, que erat jam super mare, id est in eo loco, ubi iam de inter montes exitur, et incipitur denuo totum iam iuxta mare ambulari; sic tamen iuxta mare, ut subito fluctus animalibus pedes cedat’). Her identification is that of an accepted tradition which must be many years older than herself. It is very valuable evidence for a Christian tradition which is sensibly constant in her time, and shows no signs of having undergone any revision at the hands of ecclesiastics. : J. RENDEL HARRIS. ENCHANTMENT.—See DIVINATION. S; END.—The uses of this word are not so often obsolete as biblical, and demand attention from their very familiarity. 1. The end as opposed to the beginning. To the Heb. mind, especially in the later and more rigorous days of the history of Israel, the most perplexing problem was the prosperity of the wicked; and the conclusion which bel the most satisfying shelter, was the thought of the end, Ps 8737.38 ‘Mark the ect man, and behold the upright: for the end (RV ‘latter end’) of that man is peace. But the transgressors shall be destroyed together ; the end (RV ‘latter end’) of the wicked shall be cut off.’ So even the author of Ps 73, who, though a true worshipper, felt the perplexity so keenly that he said, ‘Surely in vain have I cleansed my heart’ (v.13), found rest when he went into the sanctuary of God and ‘considered their latter end’ (v.17). Moreover, this is the solution of the Book of Job, if (apart from the Elihu chapters) that book may be accepted as a unity. It is Bildad who utters the prophecy 87), unconsciously as Caiaphas; but it is fulfilled to the letter (4212), for the word used of Job’s ‘latter end’ is the same in both places. And it is a truly religious solution, since it is God that declares the end from the beginning (Is 4619), Nor was it so precarious as we may suppose, for the word (‘ahdrith) had a certain elasticity of meaning, and did not absolutely restrict the thought to the end of this present life. Its sense varied with the context, but it was capable of standing for even the great Messianic future. Still, we must observe that this source of encouragement, while frequent in the Apocr. is 216 54, Sir 113 736 911 1127 [1622] 1812 219. 10), is scarcely found NT; cf. (doubtfully) He 137 ‘considering the end of their conversation ’ (riv ixBacsw r5s avarrpopis, Wyc. ‘the goynge out of lyuynge’ ; but Rendall takes it in another sense, ‘ the issue, gc. of the word which they had preached, presented to the observer by their daily course of life’); and 2 P 220 ‘the latter end is worse with them than the beginning’ (r& iczxara, RV ‘the last state ). 2. The ‘end’ is used to denote the extremity. The Heb. words are ‘(1) gabhlath, only Ex 2822 3915 (AV ‘at the ends,’ RV ‘like cords,’ fr. (gdbhad) to twist). (2) peh, lit. ‘mouth,’ 2K 1021 2116, Ezr 941 ‘full from one end to another’ (AVm ‘full from mouth to mouth,’ but Ryle thinks the metaphor has been taken from a drinking vessel). (3) pé’dh, Ezk 4112 (usually ‘side,’ as RV here). (4) ré’sh, ‘head,’ 1 K 88=2 Ch 59 ‘the ends of the staves’ of the ark. (5) séph (a late word, 2Ch 2016, Ec 311 72 1213, J] 220, and in Dn). But the most freq. is (6) ‘ephes, only in the phrase ’aphsé ’erez, ‘ends of the earth’; which is also the tr. of (7) kanéphéth hd@’drez, lit. ‘wings of the earth’ in Job 373 3813, On the last passage Davidson says, ‘The figure is beautiful; the dawn as it pours forth along the whole horizon, on both sides of the beholder, lays hold of the borders of the earth, over which night lay like a covering ; and seizing this pe pines oe its extremities it shakes the wicked out of it. The wick ee from the light. The dawn is not a physical phenomenon merely, it is a moral agent.’ ENDEAVOUR 701 In NT cf. Mt 2481 ‘from one end of heaven to the other’ (é#’ arpa odpavar ing &xpav abrir), Ro 1018 ‘the ends of the world’ (ra xipare ris cixouztvns). See EARTH, WORLD. 8. The end may also the conclusion, as Is 248 ‘the noise of them that rejoice endeth’ (hddhal). The Heb. is nearly always kdzdh and ita derivatives; but once we find ydzdh, ‘ta go out,’ Ex 2316 ‘in the end of the year’; and twice the subst. tékiphah, ‘the circuit’ (of the sun, Ps 196), used of the year, Ex 3422, 20h 2423 (AVm and RVm ‘revolution’). In NT the chief word is rides, but the more precise cvvriAge is found in Mt (1329. 40. 49 243 2820, always followed by rod wldves, EV ‘end of the world,’ RVYm ‘consummation of the age’) and in He 92 c. vor widver, AV ‘end of the world,’ RV ‘end of the ages,’ Vm ‘consummation of the ages’). See EscuaToLogy; also MILLENNIUM, Parousia, Wor.LD, and B. W. Bacon in Old and New Test. Student, xiii. 225-233, ‘End’ in the sense of con- clusion is common in Apocr., as 1 Es 917 ‘their cause... was brought to an end’ (4xn isi xépas); with which cf. He 616 ‘an oath for confirmation is to them an end of all strife’ (xtpes tig BsBaiwoi, RV ‘is final for confirmation’). ‘In the end of the Sabbath’ (Mt 281) is lit. ‘late of the Sabbath’ (é)i caSBére). 4, A work may be ended, not merely because it is concluded or terminated, but because it is completed or perfected. In this sense ‘end’ occurs both as vb. and subst. The Heb. is mostly either kdladh or tamam in some of their parts; and the meaning is either completeness, as of the end of sin (Dn 9%4), or perfec- tion, as of the end of God’s creative work (Gn 22), The subst. kdldh is tr. ‘a full end’ in Jer 427 510.18 3011 bis 4628043, Ezk 1113, and ‘an utter end’ in Nah 18.9(RV ‘a full end’). The phrase ts védog carries the sense both of termination and of complete- ness, 80 that in Jn 13! it is difficult to decide between ‘he loved them to the end’ and ‘he loved them to the uttermost.’ In 1 Th 216 ‘to the uttermost’ is clear; in Lk 185 ‘ to the end’ is most natural. In 1P 113 the adv. rsAs‘ws, which occurs in bibl. Gr. only here, is trd in AV ‘to the end,’ in RV more probably ‘perfectly.’ These meanings easily pass into that of perpetuity, which is manifest in Ps 11933.112, EV ‘unto the end’ (Heb. ‘ékebh); Job 3436 (adh-nezgah); Jer 35 (ldnezah); and ‘world without end’ Is 4517 (3y ‘D?\y7Iy), Eph 821 (sod aldivos siv aiwvow, RV ‘for ever and ever’). Like Lat. finis (and probably owing to it), ‘end’ is used in Eng. for the purpose, as in Tomson’s NT (1576) Heading of Ep. to He, ‘The drift and end of this Epistle is.” In AV this meaning is found only in the phrase ‘to the end...” or ‘to this end... ,’ and once ‘to what end’? (Am 58). In old Eng. this phrase is sometimes followed by the infin., as Bacon’s Hssays, p. 201, ‘Some undertake Sutes .. . to the end to gratify the adverse partie.’ But in AV it is followed by ‘that,’ or the conj. is omitted. The constructions in the orig. are: 1. jy2? ‘in order that,’ Ex 8" ‘to the end thou mayest know’; Lv 17°, Dt 1736 %, Ps 30%, Ezk 20% 314, Ob % 2. mary ‘for the sake of’ (see Ec 3!8 87), Ec 74 ‘to the end that man should find nothing after him.’ 3. rod with infin., 1 Mac 13% 14%, 4, 8rws, 1 Mac 14%. 5. els 75 with infin, Ac 7%, Ro 17 46 1Th 3%, 6. els rodro, ‘to this end,’ Jn 18°’, Ro 14°, 2Co 2°, 7. mpds 76, Lk 18} ‘to this end that men ought always to pray’ (RV ‘to the end that’). RV has shown much fondness for this phrase, intro- ducing ‘to the end that’ in place of the simple ‘that” of AV, for qyob in Gn 19%, Ex 333, Nu 16; for els 76 with infin. (on which see Votaw, The Use of the Injfin. in Bibl. Gr., 1896, p. 21) in Ro 438, Eph 12, 2 Th 15 22-6 1 P 37; and for tva in Eph 3”, 2 Th 34, Tit 38. RV also introduces ‘to this end’ for els rodro in Mk 1°, 1 Ti 4% (AV ‘therefore’), Ac 261%, 1 Jn 3° (AV ‘for this pur- pose’), and Jn 187 (AV ‘for this cause’); ‘unto this end’ in 1 P 4° (Gr. es rodro, AV ‘for this cause’); and ‘to which end’ in 2 Th 1" (Gr. eis 8, AV ‘ wherefore’). J. HASTINGS. ENDAMAGE.—Ezr 4" ‘thou shalt e. the revenue of the kings’ (pij0n), and 1 Es 6% ‘that stretcheth out his hand to hinder or e. that house of the Lord in Jerusalem’ (xaxororjjou). The word is still used, but is somewhat old-fashioned. Cf. Quarles, Emblems, 1. xi. 47, ‘The Devil smileth that he may endamage’; and H. Vaughan, Silex, i. Pref., ‘No loss is so doleful as that gain that will endamage the soul.’ J. HASTINGS. ENDEAYOUR.—‘ Endeavour’ seems a very in: ENDIRONS ery 5 ENFLAME adequate tr. of omrovddtw, which in 2 Ti 4° ig rendered ‘do thy diligence,’ in Tit 3! ‘be diligent,’ (RV ‘give diligence’), and in Gal 2” ‘was forward’ (RV ‘was zealous’). But ‘endeavour once denoted all possible tension, the highest energy that could be directed to an object. With us it means the last feeble hopeless attempt of a person who knows that he cannot accomplish his aim, but makes a conscience of going through some formalities for the pea i of showing that the failure is not his fault’ (Maurice, Lincoln’s Inn Ser. quoted by Trench, On the AV, p. 48). One of the places where in AV omovdd{w is tr. ‘endeavour’ is h 48 ‘endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace,’ and in his comment on that assage, Abp. Laud (Sermons, i. 155) shows the orce of ‘endeavour’ in his day: ‘If you will keep it you must endeavour to keep it. For it is not so easy a thing to keep unity in great bodies as it is thought; there goes much labour and endeavour to it.’ Cf. also Act 7, Henry VII. c. 22, ‘Endevoir youre self and put to your hand and spare no cost.’ The subst. occurs only Ps 284 ‘according to the wickedness of their endeavours’ (omboyp, RV ‘doings’). The vb. is found for Gr. ¢nréw Ad. Est 163, Ac 16° (RV ‘seek’); for reipdfw 2 Mac 11; for orovddtw Eph 4° (RV ‘give dili- gence’), 1 Th 27, 2P 1% (RV ‘give diligence’). To ‘endeavour’ is ‘to do one’s devoir’ or duty: en having a verbal and active force as in ‘encumber,’ ‘enforce,’ etc., it is the expression in one word of Chaucer’s ‘ Doth now your devoir’ (Cant. Tales, 1600). ‘Devoir’ is the Fr. form of Lat. debere, to owe, and ‘en’ is the Fr. form of Lat. im. The spelling in AV 1611 is always ‘endeuour’ (except 2 Th 217, by accident ‘endeuor’). But about this time it was customary to affect |. the Latin form, so in Pref. we find ‘that hath bene our in- deauour, that our marke.’ J. HASTINGS. ENDIRONS.—Ezk 40°" (text ‘hooks’ [which see] m. ‘or endirons, or the two hearth-stones’). The spelling of 1611 is ‘andirons.’ The change into ‘end- irons’ was first made in 1638, under the impression, nodoubt, as Wright says, that being the iron standards, one at each end of the fireplace, to support the log of wood that was burning, this was the derivation, and should be the spelling. But this is not the derivation. It cannot be traced farther back than old Fr. andier and late Lat. anderia; and the form -tron is an Eng. corruption as much as end-. Another false spelling is ‘hand- iron,’ as Florio (1591), See. Frutes, 159, ‘Set that firebrand upon the handiron.’ J. HASTINGS. EN-DOR (15 yy Jos 177, 1 ’y 1S 287, awa ’y Ps 83!°.—A town in Issachar belonging to Manasseh, mentioned with Dor as one of ‘three countries’ (AV; the text n5; is undoubtedly corrupt) which appear to have been in the Jordan Valley (Beth- shean and Ibleam), in the Esdraelon plateau (Dor and En-dor), and in the low hills to the W. (Taan- ach); but for ‘countries’ we may read ‘heights’ (RV), as referring only to Dor, En-dor, and Taanach. It was not far from Shunem and Gilboa, and near the Kishon and Tabor, where Sisera is said in the last passage (Ps 83!) to have perished. In the fourth cent. A.D. it was known as a large village 4 Roman miles south of Tabor—now the hamlet Hnddr in this position, on the N. slope of the conical hill of Nebi Dhahy. Possibly the site of Dor should be placed near En-dor, which means the ‘spring of Dor’; but it may be objected that both are noticed in a single passage (cf., however, Sheba and Beersheba in Jos 19?).* En-dor was one of the places conquered by Tahutmes III. about 1600 B.c. See SWP vol. ii. sheet viii. See Dor. LiTgratuRE.—Lagarde, Onom, 96, 121,226; Robinson, BRP iii. 460, 468f. ; Baedeker-Socin, Pal.2 460f.; Van de Velde, ii. 383 ; * W. H. Bennett in Haupt’s OT remarks on Jos 1711 ‘ As the Endor clause does not occur in Jg 127, and Endor is about 25 miles E. of Dor, the clause is probably due to accidental repetition of the Dor clause.’ In Jos 192 in like manner Sheba, which is wanting in 1 Ch 428 and in some Heb. MSS, may be an accidental repetition of the Yaw in yaw 3K23- Tristram, Land of Israel, ie 127; Conder, Tent-Work in Pal 63; Porter, Giant Cities of Ba shan, 247, 250. C. R. CONDER. ENDOW, ENDUE.—These words are distinct in origin. Endow is fr. Lat. in-dotere (fr. dotem, a dowry), through the Fr. en-dower. Its Pre meaning is, therefore, to provide with a dowry. Endue is fr. Lat. inducere, through the old Fr. induire, and properly means ‘to lead on,’ ‘ intro- duce.’ But a supposed derivation from Lat. in- duere, ‘to put on (clothing),’ helped to give the word its meanings of ‘clothe,’ and then ‘invest’ with some quality or spiritual gift, Then this was so close to the meaning of ‘endow,’ and the spelling was so uncertain, that the two words were often confounded. When the spelling is ‘endow’ the meaning is rarely wrong; but ‘endue’ (often spelt ‘indue’ from he influence of Lat. induwere) took on all the meanings of both words. In AV they occur Gn 30” ‘ God hath endued me with a good dowry’ (131, RV ‘endowed’); Ex 2276 ‘he shall surely endow her to be his wife’ (np m7a:, RV ‘pay a dowry for her’); 2Ch 2% ©endued (1611 ‘indued’) with prudence... under- standing’ (yi); Sir 178 ‘he endued them with strength’ (évéducev); Lk 24” ‘till ye be endued (1611 ‘indued’) with power from on high’ (eds 0d évdtcnc0e, RV ‘be clothed’); and Ja 3% ‘endued (1611 ‘indued’) with know (émorhuwv, RV ‘understanding’). That the distinction between the words was not always forgotten about 1611 is shown by this quot. from Hieron (1616), Works, ii. 37, ‘ Was it with what religion is the woman endewed, or with what portion is shee endowed t’ J. HASTINGS. EN-EGLAIM (o:5yry'y).—A locality on the Dead Sea, mentioned along with En-gedi, Ezk 47% It has not been identified, but is not improbably ‘Ain Feshkah (Robinson, BRP ii. 489). Tristram (Bible Places, 93) would make it ‘Ain Hajlah (Beth- hoglah). In any case, it probably lay to the N. towards the mouth of the Jordan. Eglaim of Is 15° is a different place, its initial letter bein x, not y, and its situation apparently to the sout of the Dead Sea (cf. Davidson on Ezk 471°). J. A. SELBIE. ENEMESSAR (’Evenecodp).—The name of a king of Assyria, found in Gr. codd. of To 1?, where Heb., Aram., and Lat. codd. all read Shalmaneser. Shalmaneser is explained by recent Assyriologists to mean ‘Salman (the god) is chief’; but, im accounting for the form Enemessar, it is possible that the Hebrews interpreted the name to mean ‘Esar (or Assur) is peaceful’ (ef. Esarhaddon) ; then the Gr. translator capriciously altered jobw nox ‘ Esar is peaceful’ to 1px j3n ‘ Esar is emcee toning down the final ; to 0 as in Hanamel (Jer 32") for $x 37 ‘El is gracious.’ Other explanations are: 1. That Enemessar is for Senemessar (sh changed to s, and then to the light breathing, as in Arkeanos for Sargon), Z being dropped, and the m and m transposed (so Pinches). 2. That Shalmaneser drops the 2v (which was possibly mistaken for the genitive) and then transposes m and n (so Rawlinson). 3. It is an unrecorded private name of Sargon, for Anumasit =‘the god Anu is gracious’ (so Oppert). 4. It is a corruption of Sarru-kinu=Sargen reversed (so Bickell). J. T. MARSHALL. ENENEUS (’Ev4os, AV Enenius), 1 Es 5°.—One of the twelve leaders of the return from Babylon under Zerubbabel. The name is omitted in the arallel list in Ezr 2, which gives only eleven eaders; but answers to NAHAMANI, Neh 7’. ENFLAME.—This is the spelling of mod. edd. of AV in Is 57°, though that of 11] was ‘inflame. ag ENGAGE ENGRAVING 703 In is 5" 1611 had ‘enflame,’ mod. edd. ‘inflame.’ The word also occurs Sir 28”, Sus’, 1 Mac 2?! (1611 and mod. edd. ‘inflame’). The meaning is always ‘excite,’ and the ref. is to lust in Is 57°, Sus®; to wine Is 5"; to anger Sir 28"; while the sense is good in 1 Mac 2% ‘ Mattathias - . . was inflamed with zeal’ (éffdwoe), Wryclif uses the word in Ja 3° of the tongue, ‘it is en- flawmed of helle, and enflawmeth the wheel of oure birthe.’ J. HASTINGS. ENGAGE.—Jer 307 only, ‘who is this that engageth his heart to approach unto me?’ (31 tab-ny; Vulg. ‘applicet cor suum’). Engage is used in the sense of ‘ pledge,’ though to ‘engage one’s heart’ seems to be a unique expression. Shaks. has ‘I do engage my life,’ and ‘I will en- gage my words,’ where the meaning is nearly the same. Ihe older VSS vary : Cov. ‘ what is he, that sare over his herte’; Gen. ‘that directeth his eart’; Dou. ‘that applieth his hart.’ RV tr. ‘that hath had boldness to approach unto them,’ with marg. ‘ Heb. hath been surety for his heart.’ J. HASTINGS. EN-GANNIM (0°23 ;'y).—T wo places so named are noticed in the Book of Joshua, the name signify- ing ‘the spring of gardens.’ 1. Jos 15%. A town of Judah noticed with Zanoah and Eshtaol. It is supposed by Clermont-Ganneau to be the ruin Umm Jina in the valley near Zanoah—a suitable site. See SWP vol. iii. sheet xvii. 2. Jos 192! 219 (in 1 Ch 6 Anem). A town of Issachar given to the Levites, now Jenin, a town on the S. border of Esdraelon, with a fine spring, gardens and palms. It marked the S. limit of Galilee, and appears to have been always a flourishing town. The ‘ garden house,’ Beth-hag-gan, in 2 K 9?" has been thought to be En-gannim, but it is more probably Beit Jenn E. of Tabor. See IBLEAM. See SWP vol. ii. sheet viii. LrTeRATURE.—Guérin, Samarie, 1. 327; Robinson, BRP iii. 116, 337; Baedeker-Socin, Pal.2 237; Van de Velde, p. 359; Tristram, Land of Israel, 65, 130; Conder, Tent-Work in Pal. 58; Bible Places (ed. 1897), 67, 180, 265. C. R. ConDER. EN-GEDI (3 ;y, Arab. ‘Ain Jidi, ‘fountain of the kid’), the name of a spring of warm water which bursts forth from the cliffs overlooking the W. shore of the Dead Sea near its centre, and 2 miles S. of R&4s Mersed. The ancient name of the spot was Hazazon-tamar (2 Ch 207), by which it was known in the days of Abraham (Gn 14’); and it has been suggested by Tristram that a group of ruins below the cascade near the shore of the Dead Sea may mark the site of a town through which marched the Assyrian host of Chedorlaomer (Gn 14’). The lace was included in the wide skirts of the tribe of udah (Jos 15°), and is associated with the City of Salt, which probably lay a few miles farther S. on the shore of the aie near Khashm Usdum the Salt-mountain). The name ‘ Wilderness of n-gedi’ applies to the wild rocky district forming the E. part of the Wilderness of Judah; an here amongst the deep ravines, rocky gorges, and the caves, which nature or art have hewn out in their sides, David found a safe hiding-place from the vengeance of Saul (1S 24!). At a later riod it was the scene of the slaughter of the ordes of Ammon, Moab, and Edom, who had invaded the kingdom of Judah in the reign of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch 20%). The limestone cliffs of En-gedi are deeply intersected by numerous river channels which descend from the table-land of Judah towards the Dead Sea. At the place itself two streams, the Wady Sudeir and Wady el-‘Are- eh, enclose a small plateau, nearly 2000 ft. above the waters and bounded by nearly vertical walls of rock, Terraces of shingle and white calcareous marl envelop their bases to a height of several hundred feet, and mark the level at which the waters of the lake formerly stood. Only a few bushes of acacia, tamarisk, Solanwm, and Calotropis procera (Apple of Sodom) decorate the spot where palms and vines were formerly cultivated (Ca 14), The district is tenanted by a few Arabs of the Jahalin and Rashfybeh tribes, and is the safe retreat of the Jbex (‘wild goat,’ 1S 24%), the coney (Hyrax syriacus), and numerous birds of prey. The spot is amongst the wildest and most desolate in the whole of Palestine. LITERATURE.—Lagarde, Onom. 119, 254; Seetzen, Reisen, ii. 227 ff. ; Robinson, BRP ii, 439ff.; Baedeker-Socin, Pal.2 175; Tristram, Land of Israel, 280{f., 296 ; Schtirer, HJ P 1. i. 160; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud, 160; G, A. Smith, Hist. Geog. 269 ff. ; Conder, Tent-Work in Pal. 266; Bible Places (1897), 8, 118; Sayce, Patriarchal Pal. 40. HULL. ENGINE. — Besides the battering-ram, ‘forts’ dayek, pri (LXX mpopaxdves, Oxf. Hed. Lex. ‘bul- wark,’ ‘siege-wall’), are mentioned as used in sieges in the Chaldean era (2 K 25!=Jer 524, Ezk 4? 17 21” 27) 268 [all]). These forts were prob. towers on wheels manned with archers, and pushed for- ward by degrees against the wall to be attacked (cf. 1 Mac 13%"). Such a tower might be combined with a battering-ram, or at least used to cover the attack of the ram. See BATTERING-RAM. In 1 Ch 26" Uzziah is said to have ‘ made in Jerusalem engines invented by cunning men (lit. ‘contrivances, the invention of inventive men,’ avin navim> nivayn, see Oxf. Heb. Lex. 8. ji29n) to be on the towers and upon the battlements, to shoot arrows and great stones withal.’ These ‘engines’ were probably similar to the Roman catapulta and balista. 'The only other occurrence of the word }i2¥n is in Ec 7% ‘God made man ee but they have sought out many inven- ions. In Maccabeean times several different kinds of engines were in use. ‘He encamped,’ writes the author of 1 Mac, ‘against the sanctuary many days, and set there artillery, and engines, and instruments to cast fire (or ‘fiery darts’), and others to cast stones, and tormenta (cxoprléia) to cast darts, and slings’ (6°). W. E. BARNEs. ENGRAFTED.—Ja 1” only, ‘the e. word.’ This tr? may be traced from Tind. ‘grafted’ (which would be the mod. form), through Gen. ‘ graffed,’ Rhem. ‘ engraffed.’ * J. HASTINGS, ENGRAVING.—4. nvnn Adrésheth, Ex 315 35%. *5 [minj in Ex 321% is prob. text. error for wip, ef. Jer 17). 2. mnp pitidah, Ex 2811-21-36 3914.30, Zee 39 (cf. 2 Ch 28 15), 1K 6%, Ps 748. 3. nybpp mikla‘ath, 1 K 618: 29.32 731, 4, nano méhukkeh, 1 K 6® (cf. Is 4916, Hzk 81° 234, Job 1377). 5. xdpayua, Ac 17”, Of these terms, the first possibly refers to the artistic skill of the worker, and the others to indicate the process or result of etching, punching, gouging, relief, etc. The material used was stone, wood (2S 54=1Ch 14), metal (1S 13%), and jewels (Ex 28"). The effect sought was either that of engraving into the surface, as in the signet- ring, and the jewels of the high priest’s dress, o1 that of relief by the removal of the surrounding material, as in the cherubim carvings on the temple doors. The incisions made by the graving-tool (»77, Ex 324) gradually led to ornamental inlaying in * The Gr. ({9ures), which occurs only here in NT, gave the late Lat. impotus, whence our Eng. word ‘imp.’ An ‘imp’ ia orig. a graft, as Piers Plowman, v. 137— *T was sum-tyme a frere, And the Couentes [Convent’s] Gardyner, for to graffe ympes.’ So ‘an imp of Satan’ isa graft, scion, child of the devil. 704 EN-HADDAH metal, and to mosaic of marble, ivory, and mother- of-pearl in palaces (Ps 458). ; WOOD, IVORY, AND METAL ‘ENGRAVING.’ The final form of engraving, amounting to com- plete separation, was that of the >p3 (Arab. fas!) graven image (see CARVING). LiTgratuRE.—Benzinger, Heb. Arch. 255 ff.; Wilkinson, Anc. Eyup. fi. 837; Herod. vii. 69; Miiller, Hdb. d. Archiiol. der unet, § 811. G. M. MACKIE. EN-HADDAH (mn ;y), Jos 19%.—A city of Issachar noticed with En-gannim and Remeth. It is perhaps the present village Kefr Adhdn on the edge of the Dothan plain, W. of En-gannim. See SWP vol. ii. sheet viii. C. R. ConDER. EN-HAKKORE (xvipn py ‘spring of the part- ridge’; cf. 1S 26%, Jer 174).—'The name of a fountain at Lehi (Jg 15"). The narrator (J (?)) of the story characteristically connects hakkoré with the word yikra (‘he called’) of v.18, and evidently interprets ‘Hn-hakkoré as ‘the spring of him that called.’ The whole narrative is rather obscure, and the tr. in some instances doubtful, but probably the story is something to the following effect. After his exertions in slatiehbegne the Philistines, Samson was very thirsty, and, finding no water, he cried to J”, who clave the maktésh (‘mortar’ or ‘hollow place’) which is in Lehi, and from a cleft in one of its sides water flowed (so Moore). This certainly seems eee to the interpretation re- resented by AV, which understands the water to ees sprung from a hollow place in the jaw (Zehi). There is much difference of opinion regarding the situation of ‘En-hakkoré. In Jerome’s time it was shown at Eleutheropolis; Conder identifies it with ‘Ayan Kara, N.W. of Zorah; Van de Velde ENOCH with a large spring between Tell el-Lekfyeh (4 miles N. of Beersheba) and Khuweilfeh. LiTzRaTuRE.—Oonder, J'ent-Work, i. 277, Bible Places, 67; Guérin, Judée, ii, 818f., 896ff.; Van de Velde, Memoir, 848; Moore, Judges, 846 ff.; Reuss, AT i. 158; PH F'St, 1869, 182. J. A. SELBIE. EN-HAZOR (1x5 ]'y), ‘spring of Hazor,’ Jos 19°’. —A town of Naphtali, noticed between Kedesh, Edrei, and Iron. There were three Hazors in Upper Galilee, and the site is uncertain ; but the most probable place for En-hazor seems to be Hazireh, on the W. slopes of the mountains of Upper Galilee, W. of Kedesh. See SWP vol. i. sheet iii. C. R. CONDER. ENJOIN.—To enjoin is first to ‘join together’ vat in-jungere), as Mt 19% ae (1380), ‘ there- ore a man departe nat that thing that God en- joyngde, or knytte to gidre.’ But it early came to mean to ‘impose’ something on some one. Generally it is a duty or penalty; but in Jot 865 it is used in the rare sense of commandin or directing one’s way, ‘Who hath enjoyn him his way?’ (779). The later and mod. sense of ‘command’ is found in Est 9%, He 9” (‘ en- joined unto you’; RV ‘commanded to you- ward’), and Philem® ‘I might be much bold in Christ to enjoin thee.’ J. HASTINGS. ENLARGE, ENLARGEMENT.—To ‘enlarge’ is to ‘cause to be large’ that which is narrow or confined. It also signifies ‘to make larger’ that which may be considered large already, as Mt 23° ‘they make broad their phylacteries, and enlarge the borders of their garments’ (ueyahvvw) , but the prefix en- (= Lat. im) has pro erly a strong * causative force, as in ‘enable,’ ‘entorhinal ‘enrich. Hence arises the meaning of ‘set at large,’ ‘liberate,’ asin Sidney, Arcadia (1622), 329, ‘Like a Lionesse lately enlarged.’ Thisis undoubtedly the meaning of enlargement inits only occurrence Est 4" ‘ For if thou altogether holdest thy peaceat this time, then shall there e. and deliverance arise to the Jews from another place’ (m , AVm ‘ respira- tion,’ RV ‘relief’). Cf. Act 32, Henry VIII. c. 2, § 9 (1540), ‘After his enlargement and commyng out of prison.’ And that ‘enlarge’ is used in this sense in AV is evident, as Ps 4! ‘thou hast en- larged me when I was in distress’ (RV ‘hast set me at large’); prob. also 2S 22°7=Ps 18% ‘thou hast enlarged my steps under me.’ So when applied to the heart, Ps 119* (2777), Is 60° (379), 2 Co 64 (rdarvvw), the sense is first of all freedom, and then the joy that flows from it (cf. 2 Co 6% mrarivew, and 10% peyadtvw), the oEes being ‘to be straitened,’ as in La 1” (cf. Jer 4 ‘I am pained at my very heart,’ lit., as RV¥m ‘the walls of my heart !’), and 2 Co 6%, J. HASTINGS. EN-MISHPAT (p5y¥p yy), “spring of judgment,’ or ‘decision’ (by oracle), Gn 14.—A name for Kadesh—probably Kadesh-barnea. See KADESH. ENNATAN (Evvardy, AV Eunatan), 1 Es 8# (® LXX),.—See ELNATHAN. ENOCH (3):9).—4. The eldest son of Cain (Gn 417.18), His father is said to have built a city and called it after his son’s name. Its identity is quite uncertain (cf. Dillm. and Del. ad Joc., also Budde, Urgesch. 120ff.). 2. The son of Jared, and father of Methuselah, seventh in descent from Adam in the line of Seth. His life is described by the remarkable expression, ‘Enoch walked with God’ (Gn 5%). Not less remarkable is the brief account given of his death. After 365 years ‘he was not, for God took him.’ This is under- ENOCH IN NT stood by the writer to the Hebrews to mean, ‘By faith Enoch was translated that he should not see death ; and he was not found, because God trans- lated him’ (He 115). In Jewish tradition many fabulous legends gathered around Enoch. He was represented as the inventor of letters, arithmetic, and astronomy, and as the first author. A book containing his visions and prophecies was said to have been preserved by Noah in the ark, and handed down through successive generations. (See Ryle in Lapos. Times, iii. (1892), 355, and Early arratives of Genesis, p. 90f.; and the next three articles.) R. M. Boyp. ENOCH 1n NT.—Enoch, the son of Jared (Gn §16#:), is mentioned in three passages of the NT; traditional exegesis has found an allusion to him in a fourth. 1. In Lk 3” he has a place among the ancestors of our Lord. 2. In He 115 it is said that ‘by faith Enoch was translated.’ His faith is inferred (v.°) from the LXX word ebdnpécryncev (Gn 5”: 4; this verb is used in translating the Heb. ‘to walk with [before]’ in Genesis Jl.cc. 6° 17! 24 4815, Ps 114°, Sir 4418, cf. Ps 25% 3444). Nothing is added in He 11° to the record of Gen. J.c. (LX-X), except the explanatory phrase rod yh ldeiv Odvaror. ith this exposition in the Alexandrian Epistle to the Hebrews it is interesting to compare the allegorical interpreta- tion of Philo de Abr. §§ 3, 4. The name ‘Evwy is explained by him as meaning (ws dy °“E))qves elmorev) xexapicuévos (t.e. Wn is connected with j23). The perddecis is explained as mpds rd BéATtov petaBorn; the otx niploxero as signifying either that after repentance the old evil life is blotted out as though it had never been, or that the good man (6 doretos) droxwpet kal wbywow dyarg. Though in the original Hebrew of Sir 441° Enoch is de- scribed as ‘an example (lit. sign) of knowledge’ (cf. civeow a’rod, Wis 44), yet in the Greek and Old Latin (Cod. Am. ‘ut det gentibus pzniten- tiam’), as in Philo, he is represented as ‘an ex- ample of repentance.’ In Sir 49% (dveAjugOn dard ths yas; cf. Cod. Am. in 441° ‘translatus est in obec his translation is Bu preted literally. osephus (Anz. I. iii. 4) uses an ambiguous classical phrase, ‘He went unto the Deity (avexwpyoev pds 7d Oetov); hence neither is his death recorded.’ For Jewish and Christian legends about Enoch, see the references in Schiirer, HJP U1. i. 342, I. iii. 70. 8. In Jude ™ the description &8depuos dd ’Addu is taken from the Book of Enoch (608 93%), and a passage from that book (1: *) is quoted as a warn- ing actually uttered by the patriarch, dealing pro- phetically (émpod. kal rovros) with the false teachers of the apostolic age. The text of the passage in Enoch comes to us in three forms. (a) The Akhmim fragment: 87: epxerat ody rois [sic] pupidow atrod kal rots aylos atrod wovjou Kplow xara TavTwr, cal daodéce mwdvras rods doeBeis kal eddy. (MS AévEe) macav cdpxa wept mavrwy Epywv ris doeBelas atrév Gv qoéBnoav Kal oxdnpdv dv €\ddnoay bywr xal rept mdvrwv dy xaredddyoav Kar’ atrov duaprwrol dceBets. (b) Ad Novatianum 16 (Hartel, Cyprian, ili. p. 67; Harnack, Texte u. Untersuch. xiii. 1, assigns the treatise to Sixtus U1. of Rome, cf. Benson, Cyprian, p. 557ff.): ‘Sicut scriptum est: Ecce venit cum multis milibus nuntiorum suorum facere judicium de omnibus et perdere omnes impios et arguere omnem carnem de omnibus factis impiorum que fecerunt impie et de omnibus verbis impiis que de Deo locuti sunt peccatores.’ {c) The Ethiopic version (ed. Charles, p. 59): ‘ And lo! He comes with ten thousands of (His) holy ones to execute judgment upon them, and He will destroy the ungodly, and will convict all flesh VOL. I.—A45 ENOCH, (ETHIOPIC) BOOK OF 705 of all that the sinners and ungodly have wrought and ungodly committed against Him.’ It is clear that Jude* quotes loosely and abbreviates, but it will be noticed that (1) in /dos Jude agrees with Novat. Eth. against Gr.; (2) in édéyéa: he coincides with Novat. alone, as possibly (for the tense of venit is ambiguous) in #\@e. On the importance of the citation in ad Novat. and its independence of Jude (contrast Westcott, Canon, My 374), see Harnack, op. cit. p. 57, and especially Zahn, Gesch. des Neut. Kanons, ii. p. 797 ff. It may be added that Jude’s quotation from Enoch was regarded (a) by Tertul- lian, De Cult. Fem. i. 3, as upholding Enoch ; (8) by some referred to by Jerome, De Vir. Iilust. 4, aa condemning Jude. 4, A very common Patristic opinion, found as early as Tert. De Anima, 50; Hippol. De Antichr. 43 (ef. Bonwetsch, Texte u. Untersuch. xvi. 2, p. 48), identified ‘the two witnesses’ of Rev 11 with Enoch and Elijah (see the references in cea Com- tnentary, p. 651). . H. CHASE. ENOCH, (ETHIOPIC) BOOK OF— I. SHorT ACCOUNT OF THE BooK.—In Gn 5 it is said of Enoch that he walked with God. This expression was taken in later times to mean that he enjoyed superhuman privileges, by means of which he received special revelations as to the origin of evil, the relations of men and angels in the past, their future destinies, and particularly the ultimate triumph of righteousness. It was not unnatural, therefore, that an apocalyptic literature began to circulate under his name in the centuries when such literature became current. In the Book of Enoch, translated from the Ethiopic, we have large fragments of such a literature proceeding from a variety of Pharisaic writers in Palestine, and in the Book of the Secrets of Enoch (see next art.), translated from the Slavonic, we have additional ~ portions of this literature. The latter book was written for the most part by Hellenistic Jews in Egypt. he Ethiopic Book of Enoch was written in the second and first centuries B.c. It was well known to the writers of NT, and to some extent influenced alike their thought and diction. Thus it is quoted as a genuine work of Enoch by Jude ('). Phrases, and at times entire clauses, belonging to it are reproduced in NT, but without acknowledgment of their source. Barnabas (Zp. iv. 3, xvi. 5) quotes it as Scripture. It wasmuch used by the Jewish authors of the Book of the Secrets of E. and of the Book o Jubilees ; in the Testaments of the XII Patriarc its citations are treated as Scripture, and in the later apocalypses of Baruch and 4 Ezra there are many tokens of its influence. Thus during the Ist cent. of the Christian era it possessed, alike with Jew and Christian, the authority of a deutero- canonical book. In the 2nd cent. of our era it was rejected by the Jews, as were also many other Jewish Messianic writings that had been tr? inte Greek and well received in the Christian Church But with the earlier Fathers and apologists of Christianity it preserved its high position till about the close of the 8rd cent. Henceforth it gradually fell into discredit, and finally was banned by the chief teachers of the Church. Thus the book ceased to circulate in all but the Church of Abyssinia, where it was rediscovered in 1773 by Bruce. This traveller brought home two MSS of this book, and from one of these Lawrence made the first modern translation of Enoch in 1821. II. ORIGINAL LANGUAGE.—Apocalyptic scholars * In the text of Jude there are some important varianta, the chief being these : (1) in v.14 8 cur sah. arm. read ty mupsdow dylen dyyiaen (ct. Novat.); (2)in v.15 ® sah. for w. cebs doeBsis read waeay Yuyty. 706 ENOCH, (ETHIOPIC) BOOK OF ENOCH, (ETHIOPIC) BOOK OF are now practically agreed that E. was derived from a Sem. original. The only question at issue now is: Was the original in Heb. or Aramaic? Halévy, in the Jowrnal Asiatique, 1867, pp. 352-395, decides in favour of the former; and, so far as our present materials go, this view may be regarded as valid. Some Dutch and German scholars, it is true, think that it is possible to prove an Aram. original b means of the Aram. forms preserved in the Gize Greek fragment, t.e. govca in 188, wavdoBapa in 28}, and fa8dnpa in 291. The first is undoubtedly an Aram. form of 3:5, and the two latter of 1275. But it is over-hasty to conclude from the presence of these two Aramaisms upon an Aram. original; for exactly on the same grounds we should be obliged to conclude to an Aram. original of Neh 24, where the Aram. form Alvd is found in the LXX as a transliteration of yy. In the Eth. VS also of Jos 56, 1 K 5*%[Eng.™], and Ezk 1" there are trans- literations of Heb. words in Aram. forms. Ill. Versions.—Greek, Latin, and Ethiopic.— The Heb. original was translated into Greek, and the Greek in turn into Ethiopic and Latin. Of the Gr. VS chs. 6-94 84-10!4 15-16! have been pre- served in the Chronography of George Syncellus (c. A.D. 800); 89% in a Vatican MS published by Mai in the Patrum Nova Bibliotheca, vol. ii. ; and 1-32 in the Gizeh MS discovered only a few years ago, and published in 1892.