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ALOIS MUSILS ROUTES
1908-1915
Scale on Latitude 30°
50 100 150 200 KILOMETERS
50 0 50 100 MILES
aceeeavoemeas as described in “The Northern Hegaz’
a ee ie eee » » ‘Arabia Deserta”
mepeseennwesesesel ” ” » "The Middle Euphrates”
aivacon tem agmy eaten “ ” » “Palmyrena”
pee ty pes Ta Se » ‘Northern Negd”
40°
Alois Musil’s routes as described in the topographical volumes of the
series American Geographical Society, Oriental Explorations and Studies:
No. 1, The Northern Hegdz, published 1926; No. 2, Arabia Deserta,
published 1927; No. 3, The Middle Euphrates, published 1927; No. 4,
Palmyrena, published 1928; No. 5, Northern Negd, (forthcoming).
AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY
ORIENTAL EXPLORATIONS AND STUDIES No. 4.
Edited by J. K. WRIGHT
PALMYRKENA
A Topographical Itinerary
BY
ALOTS MUSILL
Professor of Oriental Studies
Charles University, Prague
Published under the Patronage of the
CZECH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS
and of
CHARLES R. CRANE
NEW YORK
E238
THE AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL
BROADWAY AT 156TH
NEW YORK
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
Pees ion os ax eo BPs Le teen SN eT ee xi
PART el
Expedition of 1908
I WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID AND RE-
Pie ay WAY OF HAN -AS-SAMAT 200 SV a. 1
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to RgGim al-Mesajid..................... 2
[EOE OVENS gage wad WT RY RE R02 eC ee aR A A 4
Return to Wadi al-‘Asejfir by way of Han as-Samat..... 7
II WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO THE AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE AND
Tyla TS e Sie GA Misa Mie as eA i apn te ee ena G
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to Ab-al-Gerwe ........ SPR AA PIE oe 9
View from Ab-al-Gerwe; Return to an-Niri’s Camp ...... 12
er reee NN UT) StOAIND skids fw. Moses aces hs wie 5 eee nes 15
The Beni Sahr and the Government............... een enh
Newearom tie Domain: of: EbeniRasid.w 0 0 402. olen. 19
III WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA BY WAY OF ‘UZERIBAT 22
Wadi al-‘Asejfir to Gebb as-Sahr; Gerfid................. 22
Gebb as-Sahr to ie ttle GEL Cewecis otc nt eee Fi oo 24
Al-Rurab to Han al-Manktra....... eS iene een ety 28
The HAn al-Mankira to al-Zerjitejn..................0... 33
Al-Zerjitejn to Abu Rubah; the Fwa're .....0...3...-...; 36
Peumeansh tooGebb Mabiy. fa ee: bas en So a oe 39
Gebb Habl to ‘Uzéribat; the Beni Haled; the MwAali...... 43
Ree sept CPt LOST Jada ema oe Ps ee ee OES ela 49
Dareas even tdejb and the “Ebedew ie... ce. So dt be. 53
Wee CerOL PreST iia Ase fee eee een ee ame Aes oe aa alia 55
IV ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER BY WAY OF AR-RESAFA... 61
eee AMCO AT“ROESATA sha obra y ch cate fe aes oie eee eo a 61
OS) ENE Cea ok ae Rael td ates ge MEN Bre ee Colt ane 64
Bre tcon ad 2) LO als A WOERY hoo eae © Ren rs ee elma cg ae 67
Preven) CO WN aSt Cale Ler ant a ew ne oe wee are a vk en ee) 73
V KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS BY WAY OF ARAK
AND AL-BHARA ..... rece Nndiatr alae ies deepika ACR Mme Reet s 81
ems er POPU CAPEK 9S? Clee | ee ie AR etd Oh evils. a.) ete 81
Pee OS OM MPATA vo oye er ce ae oe eae eee peat Wc atiige) 13)
ee UG! UW Ora Se, erate een cans, Lenses ek RS 88
ra Wat: Aim Dare: ok yas ho eb cette tte we tees eens 95
V
vl PALMYRENA
CHAPTER PAGE
VI AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE BY WAY OF AL-ZER-
JITEIN AND HAN “ANEJBE).....150 2. 200) Se 98
Al-Barde to al-Zerjitejn. .....-......- 15.5: he 98
Al-Zerjitejn to Han “Anejbe .......2:-2... 0.5 ee 100
Han “Anejbe to: Dmejr al-’Ative 2... 25.5 -an a 104
VII SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL“ATIZE .. .:.\. soe 110
Part II
Expedition of 1912
VIII HOMS TO AL-BHARA BY WAY OF AL-BASIRI AND
TUDMOR. «of. n eae aa). ya 124
Homs to al-Geba’ ig) 0600. we lu. 121
Al-Geba’ toal-Barde . 2) 44.424- 255 2 Oe, 125
Al-Barde to al-Basiri 2... 0.22.7...) = “ee
Al-Basiri to al-Béza oo... 0. eae eee 129
Al-Béza to Tudmor. 0.024 2..... 42.5 133
Tudmor to al-Bhara: ... 0522.0: 224) 136
Ix AL-BHARA TO AR-RESAFA BY WAY OF GEBB AL-KDEJM 144
Al-Bhara to Tudmor.. 05-240 202. oy ee 144
Tudmor to Gebb, al-Kdejm:...... 1. - 22 323 146
Gebb al-Kdejm to ar-Resafa; the Hadedijjin Tribe........ 151
Ar-Resafa .. ac. bn wide es ses 2 Se 155
X. AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR; AL-BISRI (= 3.geeeeee 168
Ar-Resafa to ar-Rehtib.... 0...) ieee 168
Ar-Rehtb to Se%b of at-Tniy.<1)...5).ce 173
Se%b of at-Tni to Dejr az-Zor..¢4.): 420) FT
XI ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO BY WAY OF ZEBHO eee 179
PART TH
Expedition of 1915
XIT AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS... 0... 3302 189
Al-Meskene to Gabb@l...0. (0.0 5..238 1) er 189
Gabbftll to ,al-Mrejrat. . ov..a.04. 160.400 a eee 196
The Mesa of Sbhét.. 05. 4.00. a eee 200
Al-Mrejrat to ‘Anadan..::.....2.. 1. 25. 5 203
*Anadan to Helban.. 0... 30s. 5 eee gs 207
Helban to Tell ad-Dra’...... 0) 1... %..) Aa ee 216
Tell ad-Dra‘ to. al-Kara..... cl ,..200 2 218
Al-Kara to al-Ktejfe: i... bac esd 222
Al-Ktejfe to Damascus. ............ «04. ee 225
APPENDIX
I PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIAZ = ee 229
Chalybonitis . 20.0 2.0. . Se) a 230
CONTENTS Vii
APPENDIX PAGE
I PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA (continued)
Apamene, Laodicene, and Coele-Syria..................4.. 233
TED SEC RE TS En ee a Ce a One a 233
Putea, Adada, Adacha, Danaba, and Goaria.......... trys $3)
puerta, Casama, Admana, and -Atera:.i.. 4 licyees. 0. 235
Pealbeneurn, and: Alamathi: m9 exugitin’ vo cide Sols his ba 235
II ROMAN ROADS IN PALMYRENA; THE ROMAN LIMES 237
abheyeh UCC Sis ai Ma ee peraeiae SSR ent | Sheer eee knee ae ne oe 237
According to the Antonine Itinerary ............... MeO L
According to the Peutinger Table.......... Pee 238
Pee mlascu, (Oat y Pains etn sce gee nls doo ee et one Lis 238
Reo LOO LNe TE WOnYAles 2. vere nee ys ha cae 242
Rtn Cyr P ACTA ice SAU ikon Uae See si, Yo Pama aia 242
PetMaAS LO OL ONT VHP a ee eRe eo ee EE x 243
Email tour Ines (HOME) eons. bee a aes Cea 244
Palmyrena According to the Ravenna Geographer ........ 246
emer Tera: PINGS 6 Ue ia oe Me eee Vee bP ha wipe a 247
II ROADS IN PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE ARABIC
PE ee Pee Bl ops eee ee Neots, ee Me A eds Rees ol ee 249
IV ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS IN PALMYRENA ........ 202.
V AL-UWEJR (OR AL-RUWEJR) AND AL-BARDE......... 255
Sejfaddowle at al-Barde and al-"Uwejr ............... Eee st
Al-Ruwejr and the Kalb and Kejs Tribes......-......... 257
MEmiiSTORiCAL NOTES ON AR-RESAPA <0. occ 50)c.e scan. 260
Geographical Situation of ar-Resafa...................... 260
PCa Pe UPA AY West a yn. Soe acs hey Whi kde Role HNL Ia wks 262
Meee TOGO estab OOL PUG ess wt) Po eso ea ice eet elles Shes 263
Ar-Resafa in the Fifth and Sixth Centuries........ ..... 264
arly Episcopal History of ar-Resafa .........0...0.5 05. 267
Ar-Resafa under the Early Moslems............. ey. e08
Ar-Resafa in the Later Middle Ages................. bea ro
VII SOME EARLY BISHOPRICS OF PALMYRENA........... 273
VIII GABBULA OR GABBUL...... only Riana oe ods Waa tet 274
IX THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS..... BAT
Seasons of the Caliphs’ Sojourns in the Country ......... rare |
Hoeestion of the Country. Residences ... 005) .0.5 vce ee 280
Semin lis) COUNTY Y= RESIGeNCRS 64.5 2a 2a oe ea 285
PREM TISU UI CONETPUC TIONS ia ure Shcg be as BA ea pete Gate 287
Walid Il’s Flight from-al-Radaf to al-Bahra’.....-.....-. 290
PM eny OFHON VOL it aD ar Gat ee. ie ek wy ees eo 290
Peconar vorsion) ol.at-Pabarl cee oa ae ee ek ks 294
Papoabarig’s) Camp at. al Hira c8 sce fe oc kee eet 296
X A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA (by PROFESSOR
er OMUNM NGM tate Page) sory ach hs vies Sky eS oa aes Zoo
DONE eau AUS UES 9 GG Sess Bi Casa a fal he eee 299
Vill PALMYRENA
APPENDIX PAGE
X A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA (continued)
The North and East Gates...) 7.73912 300
The Martyry (ioe... Ve, i oh ee 303
The Southern Church .9 2°. 22 43.32 308
Basilica of St.. Sergius’... °. S043) eee 308
Elements Originating in the First Stage of Construction.. 308
Elements Originating in the Second and Third Stages of
Construction ... 2.2. a ee eee 319
Structures outside the Wallis’. 4 0../) 2.) eee 320
BIBLIOGRAPHY «62.00. ee ee 329
INDEX 200 5 3 2 1 oa 341
FIG.
FOoWOOHN OOP WN FH
DRE EE eR HE bt A
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Or WN FR
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Han ak-Samat, OSE EY COR aon 87 von aa ante Use gc Raa | at APR 10
Han as-Samat: upper building, a rosette...................... nb
Peg seretienkured and. environs, planwy, 0... Je. ve ae. ee vee 32
SEE UC ViaTh aN a ENGNG Vy Oko ee vere ee 38
gS EEE CE SR MR Sanco aaa 44
Daresoueainiuah, 42 cross.above. a loophole. ...4...0.00.0.0565... 45
ee ree VINO S, PiAnc.% oy ces oa ke eee eee 4S
Ne rE aE Ore AOU Iw INT Ps unis Le ee oe oe, 49
ree Peete CM DIOS Poise ets ee a ep ee ee 51
Ree ee OMemeT ANG ey ques Poe ia y SS e od a 56
Hsrija: temple, facade: a) detail of lintel and arch............. 57
OSS Coit ON Tat mare N hit 1 tle ee oT
Pegs eae cornice. withea Christian emblem. orc. cc. e ek eee 5g
See ceo rn i PTL IR. wae ee sw so dia ew eee 68
ee PPE CEICR etre hte a OE rt ed Dee dae lee 70
meee Aree POV Dian ok. ee co eee ee eee ee 72
Meeeteticrs sitaier, or Persian, fort....0.).0 00.060 06 cece ee 73
Pome ee NiOslem Sate. oo hie ee 74
Pee Per UO Ne ds oe ee Bene 75
ee eM ePIC ADIGA 2 Fo. ke i aisles Ea ee cada cae es fat
CF NE SETS a 2 US a et a 77
Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort from the southwest................. 78
ieereririteteeiIngiler tort, fAtewaAy.. i... vce. oe oe ane 78
Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort, gateway tower ....................: 80
Kasr al-Hér: larger fort, ornament over the western gateway... 80
Peres) te NOLAN dee es le cs oo. Be ew we OP a ee 92
Pere neve and ‘environs, plan. 2... 6. ee ee eee 106
REDD here cc iia ne Ce te la ac. ee b ether... 107
SIME TIT Here OE. Ga gol es Pe Oe ee 108
Ser emrree oun hor eh ee od lew ale ee dee Oe 112
Cn tier ee Rees, ee Soe en eA ee Pe 130
eet bonne fom “the “SOULNWESE 26. eta ee 132
EMI AH th si ekg wae My weg ae Late shah ahs ot 135
eer em seasteyn Tain, Plan... eee le ee ee 138
Ie ESLOTIY PUI, DIAN coe. ko ie ee es Ne we dae eos 138
REMC LEAGUCTTY TUIT . .ks sc es UR ee ed ele ee ee 139
et eerrsie: WEStern TUG. ive ls. On ete ee, 139
Pete LAN. oth ho pe ks 'n ak pede ae OE Oh es 140
MNT le Sree rah 2 a wR enscae Bs Vin oe ale gk de 141
EE RIT nga es sc x ace vee WR Ste ea ae Bw oe ee ve ea 142
i Pat 1D re CS es ee ae we ial ee be oa hws oe ee 146
SERIE Te EE OUN CATT) tes cui cad ws des Raa Pe ee 150
SeemEaere MAT SEO Vg wl Wi. Ma SP oe ee ees 153
Ar-Resafa: the northeastern part of the walls from the southwest 156
Ar-Resafa: southwestern corner of wall, plan.................. 158
1X
PALMYRENA
PAGE
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, plans, 1724.) 12.5. ga 158
Ar-Resafa: southern gate, plan: ......0)0)-- a 158
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, pian. 0...) 23 jai, no 158
Ar-Regafa: eastern gate from the east, 2.2.0 7). ee 159
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, a capital: 00.13.) 2 29 159
Ar-Resafa: eastern gate, a capital... .7..0.) ce eee 160
Ar-Resafa: northern gate from the north...) .:. {eee 162
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, middle door 72.205, -2 2:5) ane 163
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, east portal |. ..097) ei) 3) ee 164
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, details...>.) a2) ee 164
Ar-Resafa: northern gate, propugnaculum 7. (7.5) 232s 165
Ar-Resafa: inside passage along northern walls ............... 166
Ar-Resafa: martyry, the apse from the east) 72.0)... ane 170
Ar-Resafa: martyry from the southwest...) .. 29) eee 170
Ar-Resafa: martyry from the west... -._.. 2)... es.
Ar-Resafa: martyry, arch and vaulting above diaconicon....... Vii
Ar-Resafa: southern church from the southwest............... 173
Ar-Resafa: southern church, apse from the west............... 174
Ar-Resafa: southern church, right diaconicon.................. 175
Ar-Resafa: detail of a structure adjoining the southern church.. 181
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius from the southwest......... 182
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave looking east.......... 184
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave looking west ......... 185
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, north aisle looking west.... 185
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle looking west .... 190
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle looking east..... 191
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, squinches in the north aisle 194
Ar-Res&afa: basilica of St. Sergius, a capital laa. oe eee 194
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, the apses from the east.... 195
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south side ................. 195
Ar-Resafa: martyry, porphyry columns ......5 50 ones= eee 197
Ar-.Resafa: martyry, a marble pillar ..3205:?). 2a 199
Ar-Res&afa: martyry, a capital......,0/0..).. ae 201
Ar-Resafa: the mosque from the southwest ...........:....... 204
Ar-Resafa: looking southwest from the southern church....... 205
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, interior of the main apse.... 208
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital .~- a0.) ee 208
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital ........ 2... ). 7 ee 209
Ar-Resafa: a mausoleum ., ...,.4. 00. (9a oe 211
The Euphrates north of ar-Resafa, with our camp ............. 218
Ad-Dahal from the east....../0.2....@25 neue oe 215
AS-Sbét and al-Hass from the northeast... 4...) see 218
A&-Sbét from al-Mrejrat..............)...\6 219
Drejb al-Wawi..... 65000005 en ae ee 220
Hanaser from al-Mrejrat.....-..°....) 2... 222
oy. UC: Seen 224
Ar-Resafa: general plan of ruins.........05¢..sen ee 301
Ar-Resafa: gates, ground plan; reconstructed elevation of interior
walls of propugnaculum of north gate..:.2. 7299 ee 302
FIG,
115
Mmeex mapylt2.500,000) : 2.00.0... 6.
Map of Northern Arabia al : 1,000,000, in four sheets)
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS <1
PAGE
Ar-Resafa: north gate, ground plan; reconstructed elevation of
facade facing town; sections of gate and walls............. 304
Ar-Resafa: north gate, east interior wall of the propugnaculum 305
Ar-Resafa: north gate, reconstructed elevation of detail of south
INCE DMPeraCAOe Ol-LNe PropuUgnaculunh. ..,.... bos acene ose eas 306
pene racemase yry, STOUNG PLAN. ...46800e Sanrs de cc ed wes be oe wt 307
Ar-Resafa: martyry, detail of southern apse .................. 309
Ar-Resaia: martyry, longitudinal section ..................... 310
Ar-Resafa: martyry, transverse section....................... 310
Ar-Resafa: martyry, reconstruction of interior of the nave and
Si AUS a 0 ae eo a OL
Ar-Resafa: martyry, perspective reconstruction of the exterior... 312
Ar-hesata: southern church, ground plan.................... 313
Ar-Resafa: southern church, apse of the aisle................ 314
Por teeiia, SOutnern church, the aisle’... 2.26.05. 0. Ge ee 315
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, ground plan.............. 316
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, longitudinal section ....... O17
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking
ee Toe RAI CE en VA ain ey os mice ee tv al Wishes nde 318
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, transverse section, looking
ie ER eRe TRO CSO! tart, Gln pe eS te bi oe ls See eee,
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation of
Seer A heen. 2, aids Aes ee Svcd ie ccuid 6 ) dually o OS 319
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstructed elevation of
pe A EEO MA TA en A ee ba ehh he hie eews ow 320
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, reconstruction of interior,
Wee ee Tet RP Ter) Oh pte eek Spe oe 321
Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, perspective reconstruction of
ie ca REPT ee, tm AO TS ae Sh a ke phe bod ae ateeg 822
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, ground plan................ 323
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, (above) longitudinal section;
MOU ER TANS VOCE SECTION <.4%. io)n Psd ee ee 324
Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, reconstruction of interior,
Fates teem VOR rE GI aa he Whee th ey tev hat oe! als vee a Be EER Boa O20
Sy ede dear he MA at ei in pocket
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PREFACE
It had not been my original intention in 1908 to explore
Palmyrena, but while Prince an-Niri eben Sa‘lan lingered at
Dmejr in the autumn of that year I availed myself of the
opportunity to visit the ruins of al-Kastal and al-Bhara’ and
to follow the Tarik ar-Rasif (Roman Road) which had been
described to me as running from Han as-Samat to ar-Resafa.
My studies of the scientific material collected during this
excursion of 1908 prompted me to return to Palmyrena in 1912
and to explore its more mountainous districts prior to my first
expedition along the middle Euphrates.” In 1915, on my return
from central Arabia and Mesopotamia, I sketched the northern
and northwestern borders of Palmyrena for my map of Northern
Arabia, which illustrates the text of this volume. During the
World War German officers carried out a survey in the western
part of Palmyrena; some of their positions as shown on the
German General Staff map of Mesopotamia and Syria® are more
precise than mine. I have, nevertheless, not felt it necessary
to substitute their results for mine, for to do so would ne-
cessitate a complete change in the character of my map. A
discussion of the method by which the latter was constructed
will be found in the preface of my Arabia Deserta, pp. xili-xv.
The primary motive of my explorations was historical, not
cartographical; I therefore tried to collect as many topograph-
ical names as possible as a basis for my historical researches,
and in so doing I paid especial attention to the spelling. In
- transliterating Arabic letters I have used the same signs as
in my works The Northern Hegaz (New York, 1926), Arabia
Deserta (New York, 1927), and The Middle Euphrates (New
York, 1927), attempting to express each sound by a single
letter or a single symbol. For experts, a full explanation of
the meaning of the different symbols is given below the title
of the map of Northern Arabia. For the general reader I would
point out that g is to be read like g in gem, § like sh, Z like
z in azure, ¢ like ch in chief, 7 like y in yoke, and that ‘ is
1 Discussed in the author’s Kusejr “‘Amra, Vienna, 1907, pp. 160—162.
2 See the author’s The Middle Euphrates, New York, 1927.
3 Kartographische Abteilung des Stellv. Generalstabes der Armee (now: Kartographische
Abteilung der Kgl. Preussischen Landes-Aufnahme), Karte von Mesopotamien und Syrien,
1: 400.000, Berlin, 1917.
xill
X1V PALMYRENA
a strong guttural sound. The remaining symbols need not
trouble him.
Throughout this work most of the Assyrian names have
been transliterated consistently with the scheme of trans-
literation employed for Arabic names. Greek names are in
general spelled in their Latin form rather than directly trans-
literated from the Greek.’
Bibliographical references in the footnotes are given in
abbreviated form. The full references, with the dates of
Arabic and ancient authors, will be found in the Bibliography,
pp. 329—837.
The meaning of the majority of Arabic terms used in
the text will be evident from the context. Two terms, however,
are frequently employed without explanation:
seib (plural, se‘ibdn) : relatively small watercourse or valley occupied
by an intermittent stream;
wddi (plural, wudijdn): relatively large watercourse or valley occupied
by an intermittent stream.
Arabic botanical terms appearing in the text are listed
in the index with brief characterizations and Latin equivalents
as far as these have been determined.
A sketch map showing the author’s route and indicating
the pages in this volume on which the different portions of
his itinerary are discussed accompanies the volume.
The writer considers it both a duty and a pleasure to
express his most sincere thanks to the editor, Dr. J. K. Wright,
for help and advice; to Miss Anna Blechova, secretary of the
Oriental Seminar of Charles University, Prague, for many
days of devoted work upon this volume; and to Mr. Karel
Dyrynk, technical manager of the State Printing Establish-
ment (Statni tiskarna), Prague, for his expert solution of the ©
difficult technical problems connected with the printing of the
present book. Grateful acknowledgement is also due to Mr.
C. O. Cornelius of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
for his careful revision of Appendix X.
4 Exceptions to these general rules governing transliteration are made for those proper
names that have acquired conventional English forms, the latter forms being used to avoid
the appearance of pedantry.
CHAPTER I
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID AND
RETURN BY WAY OF HAN AS-SAMAT
In the first half of July, 1908, I paid a visit to Prince
an-Nuri eben Sa‘lan in his camps near al-GAbija, southwest of
Damascus. At the end of June he had come with his Rwala
from the inner desert to Syria in order to provide himself
with the food and clothing necessary for his sojourn in the
desert. In each camp were to be seen the long white tents
of camel traders and round tents where provisions and cloth-
ing were sold. After obtaining a promise from the Prince
that he would take me along with him to the interior of the
desert, I returned to Damascus, where I got my own stores
ready and hired the required servants. An acquaintance of
mine recommended two members of the ‘Akejl tribe and a
negro, all of whom made a living by camel trading and were
familiar with the desert. My right-hand man was to be ‘Abd-
allah al-Matrtd, a delicate but cunning little fellow who had
to keep an eye on my property and deal with the various chiefs.
Mhammad al-Kazib, who could write, was to accompany me
on my trips and be my assistant in studying the customs and
habits of the people. A negro, Fara& by name, was our cook
and laundryman. My scientific assistant was Rudolf Thomas-
berger, an official of the Military Geographical Institute in
Vienna, who took charge of the scientific instruments and,
besides, had to sketch maps of the various roads and districts.
While in the desert Thomasberger was known as Tuman. As
to tents: I bought a somewhat long one from the ‘Akejl and a
round, smaller one from a dealer who sold tents to the Mecca
pilgrims. Camels I obtained from the Rwala and Sba‘a tribes.
We waited impatiently for the first rain. As arule areport
comes as early as the second half of August or at the be-
ginning of September that there has been rain in this or that
part of the desert. As soon as the Bedouins learn this, with
their herds they leave the district known as an-Nukra to the
south of Damascus and make for the desert; there they find
the rain ponds, holes, and wells filled with water by the last
1
2 PALMYRENA
rains, and also the nutritious dry pasture remaining from the
last rainy season — and therefore the season of prosperity
(rabi*) — in that region. In an-Nukra they can stay no longer,
because the fields are already eaten off; the felldhin are plow-
ing, the water in the cisterns is becoming scarce and of bad
quality, and, furthermore, the first rain is regularly followed
by various epidemics. But not even by the end of August nor
during the first half of September had the glad tidings reached
the Rwala camp that there had been rain anywhere in the
desert. A few clans of the Rwala went into the desert by
the Eastern Gate between the mountain chain of ar-Rawak
on the north and the volcanic area of Tlal al-‘Ijat on the south
and camped on the border ridge of ar-Rawak between the
settlements of Dmejr and Tudmor and along the eastern frin-
ges of Tlal al-Ijat and the Hawran. Only Prince an-Nori re-
mained near Damascus, where his camp had been established
on the marshy meadows south of the ‘Adra’ settlement. There,
then, I sent my baggage and the tents and on September 24
was encamped beside the Prince as his neighbor. At the be-
ginning of October we went to Wadi al-‘Asejfir near the
settlement of Dmejr.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID
Saturday, October 3, 1908. For my topographical map I
needed fixed trigonometric points. It was necessary to survey
from a base, for which we deemed the lowland south of Dmejr
the most suitable position, since it was bounded on the north
by a mountain chain with some isolated peaks visible from
afar and on the south by a volcanic area dotted over with
conspicuous extinct volcanoes. Still, surveying there was not
without danger, because the volcanic area was occupied by the
hostile Ahali al-Gebel. The Prince, therefore, would not permit
me to spend the night there. It was, however, imperative for
me to determine the latitude at one end of the base by ob-
serving the polestar. When I promised the Prince that I would
observe the polestar immediately after sunset, after which
we would start north, he gave me his negro, Hmar, as a com-
panion. Old Hmar was a confidential servant not only of Prince
an-Nuri but also of the late Prince Sattam, whom he had
once accompanied to Constantinople. It was his business to
watch over our safety and to see that we did not act incau-
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 3
tiously. Knowing the names of all the places in the vicinity,
our guide was to be Hsén al-Mazlim.
At 7.26 A.M. we left my tent. There were five of us,
Taman, Mhammad, Hmar, and Hsén — all seated on my cam-
els. Heading southeast, first we crossed the al-‘Asejfir creek,
after a while the se?%b of al-Mubjeza, and by eight o’clock
were following an ancient but lately renovated subterranean
aqueduct, Mufakkar al-Brac, through which water flows from
the Bir Hazzal into the reservoir of al-Makstra and to the
gardens extending east of Dmejr. At 8.10 we reached the al-
Makstra ruins, lying to the south of the reservoir. In the
seventies of the last century, when Midhat Pasha was reform-
ing the Turkish empire, stones from the wall enclosing the
reservoir and from the demolished houses south of it were
used for erecting military barracks. These barracks, intended
for the mounted police, form a long, massive, one-storied build-
ing on a rocky knoll northeast of the reservoir and are now
deserted. To the south of them lies a cultivated plain which
was strewn over with black tents belonging to the Eben Meg-
wel kin of the Rwala. The water flowing out of the reser-
voir formed a streamlet about one hundred meters long, around
which crowded hundreds of thirsty camels. At 8.37 we passed
on our left the extensive Dmejr al-‘Atize ruins and then rode
through the plowed country to the semicircular tower of al-
Burg, built of smoothed square blocks and belonging to a
small square fort which we passed on our right. The land
behind the tower was not cultivated, although it could easily
have been turned into fertile fields.
On all the hills we noticed heaps of stones (rgum), ap-
parently the débris of old watchtowers. Conspicuous in the
lowland were numerous enclosures, fenced around by rough
stone walls. Many of these measured several hundred meters
in circumference, and the walls were up to two meters in height.
The fellahin from Dmejr and the northern settlements catch
gazelles in them. These enclosures, called mesdjid or mesdjed,
are triangular with a single narrow entrance at their sharpest
angle. The walls do not end at the entrance but extend to
a distance of several hundred meters beyond, widening out
gradually and becoming lower all the time. If a herd of gazelles
is grazing somewhere near, the hunters begin to drive the
animals cautiously towards the enclosure in order to get them
into the widest opening of the walls first. When they succeed
4 PALMYRENA
in this, the usual method isto frighten the beasts from behind;
this makes the frenzied game run right into the narrow open-
ing, which the hunters quickly close. Then the hunters begin
to throw missiles of all kinds at the trapped animals. The wall
enclosing the base of the triangle is purposely made lower
in some places, with deep pits dug on the outside. Frightened
as the gazelles are, they invariably jump over the wall into
the pits, where they break their necks or legs and become an
easy prey to the hunters. In this cruel manner from fifty to
sixty gazelles are often captured in half a day.
MEASURING A BASE
At 9.32 we stopped before one of these large enclosures.
To the south and southwest of it were four others, and before
the entrance of each were high piles of stones, visible from
a great distance and thus well suited to our purpose. We halted
at the northernmost pile in order to measure our base from
there to the fourth enclosure. Making a sketch of the land
nearest to us, we placed a long pole on the northernmost pile
as well as on the fourth pile and between them eight more
in such a position as to form a straight line. Then we took
levels and began to measure the distance. I determined the
direction while Taman drove stakes of the proper height at
intervals of approximately twenty meters. When this was done,
in order to determine the exact distance I would lay the point
marked ‘20 m.” on my steel measure upon the cross with
which each stake was marked; Taman would then pull out
the measure to its full length and place the first part of it,
which was divided into millimeters, on the cross mark of
the next stake and read the distance. After repeating this
procedure in the opposite direction, we determined the length
of our base to be 687.74 meters, and then began to determine
the azimuth of the base.
Hmar and Hsén had at first evinced some interest in our
labors but by the afternoon began to grow impatient; deeming
our stay in the same locality too long, they begged us to leave
immediately. Hmar declared that we had gone too far south
and that to remain until sunset was out of the question, be-
cause then the Ahali al-Gebel would certainly attack us. It is
the habit of these robbers after the sun goes down to sneak
behind returning herds of camels and steal such animals as
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 5
fall behind. Our baggage was loaded and HmAr tried to force
me to go. Now, if ever, it was necessary to be careful not to
antagonize him, especially since it was our first trip and be-
cause he could make trouble for me not only with the Prince
but also with his slaves. Appealing to his well-known prudence
and bravery and calling his attention to the fact that we were
well armed, I finally gained his consent to remain until after
sunset for as long a time as it would take him to smoke two
cigarettes. Loading our guns, we waited impatiently for the
sun to set. Our camels knelt behind the pile. Hmar stood on
the top of it with me in front of him and kept urging me
to take a look at the polestar. He could not understand why
I wanted to see that star just on that day and from that par-
ticular heap of stones when I could make the observation from
the camp or some other place with far more comfort and se-
curity. Lanterns we dared not use, for any light would have
revealed to the enemy our whereabouts. Consequently I tried
my hardest to catch a glimpse of the pole star with the help
of my theodolite and to read the vernier with my naked eye.
But the impatient Hmar jumped off the pile and into the saddle,
Hsén following his example, and both warned me that the
Ahali could suddenly leap like wild beasts from any of the
nearest stone heaps and kill us before we knew it. “If, O Sheikh
Misa, thou dost not value thine own property and thy own
life, then at least take pity on our lives,” were the words
which they constantly dinned into my ears. And with all this
going on I had to make an observation of the polestar and
to note accurately, without a light, the reading of the vernier!
Finally, however, the azimuth was determined, the theodolite
wrapped up, and our camels raced with us back northwards.
At the foot of the Ab-al-K6s mountain range we found
a camp of camel herders. Making our beds at a distance of
a rifle shot from them, we started a fire of dry camel manure
(gelle, ba‘ara) and cooked our supper of burrul (boiled husked
wheat kernels, which have been allowed to dry). Taman and I
were the only ones who ate. My other companions while back
in the camp had persisted in saying they would keep the ra-
mazan fast; but they had forgotten their religious duty as soon
as the camp was behind them and had smoked, drunk, and
eaten all day, so that by evening they felt no hunger at all.
Towards midnight one of the herdsmen encamped near us
began to tell stories in such a loud voice that Hmar shouted
6 PALMYRENA
over to him that, being a Weléd‘i, he should not disturb the
sleep of the Rwala. In answer to my query as to how he knew
the story-teller to belong to the Weld ‘Ali, Hmar told me that
he could tell by his way of speaking, because the Weld “Ali
use a different dialect from the Rwala, although both are
members of the ‘Aneze group. The Rwala, who crowded the
Weld ‘Ali out from quite a stretch of grazing land, consider
themselves more genteel and claim that they alone are bedw
(Bedouins), while the Weld ‘Ali would soon change into tenders
of goats and sheep (Swdja). The night was quiet but so chilly
that by five o’clock we were shivering with cold and both my
kerchief and cloak were soaked through with dew.
Sunday, October 4, 1908. Before sunrise I awoke Mham-
mad and ordered him to light a fire and warm up the left-
over coffee, because I knew that Hmar would not mount his
camel unless he had first drunk his hot coffee, and I wanted
to begin work as soon as possible. At six o’clock we were rid-
ing over the plain in a southerly direction and overtook some
herdsmen who had started to drive their animals to pasture
the moment the sun appeared. Silently we went on; there was
not a sound to be heard on the wide, seemingly lifeless des-
ert. The rising sun spread its first rays over the volcanoes
to the south, making them look like small red-hot islets in
a sea of mist. To the northwest, above the tents of the Rwala,
hung countless wisps of smoke, which, as it seemed, drove the
fog to the ground. In front of the tents thousands of camels
were moving slowly, making a picture well worth seeing. They
appeared to be swimming in the fog, which concealed both
their legs and bodies, leaving only their humps and heads vis-
ible. The humps of the white camels (mardtir) glistened like
gold, and wherever there was aherd they resembled the domed
roofs of the north Syrian churches, smoldering, as it were,
in the sun. Reaching our base, we measured off the azimuth
and formed a second much longer base, which cut our first
one almost at aright angle. Running nearly parallel with the
mountain chain to the north this new base promised us the
possibility of better results than the first one, which pointed
almost directly at the mountains.
The mountain chain running from north of Dmejr to Pal-
myra the Bedouins call ar-Rawak. It is part of a ridge extending
from the Kalamtn mountains near Damascus northeastwards
to the Euphrates. North of Dmejr this ridge is cut by the
WADI AL~ASEJFIR TO RGUM AL-MESAJID 7
al-‘Asejfir valley, to the east of which it is called Ab-al-Kos;
still farther east it bears in turn the names Ab-al-Gerwe and
MeSakk Semri, and the last part visible from our second base
is known as az-Zbejdi. The ridge forms a narrow, flat-topped
plateau above which a few dome-shaped hills rise. The highest
of these are the second from the west in the mountain of Ab-
al-Gerwe and the western butte of Ab-al-Kés. To the south
of the ridge the Dmejr lowland spreads out to the Hawran
mountains on the south and far into the desert on the east.
On the west this lowland meets al-Rita, or basin of Da-
mascus. There are hardly any elevations in the northern part
of the lowland. Southwest of the tower of al-Bur& may be
noticed three low, grayish domes known as al-Orejnbat, close
to which are the ruins (hirbe) of the same name. To the south-
east of al-Orejnbat rises the height of al-Hdejb, beyond which
begins the black, stony tract, Tlal al-Ijat, dotted with many
extinct volcanoes and isolated hillocks. AS-Samat, the northern-
most of these, reach almost to the foot of Ab-al-Gerwe. With
the help of my binoculars I discovered some ruins on the high-
est peak of aS-SAmat and resolved to examine them. Hmar
opposed this, but gave in when I promised him a handful of
cigarettes.
RETURN TO WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR BY WAY OF HAN AS-SAMAT
At 12.20 we rode from Rgum al-Mesajid in a northeast-
erly direction to Han aS-Samat. Ten minutes later we crossed
as-Sidd, a partly ruined wall 1.2 meters thick, which leads with
many turnings from the mountain chain on the north south-
wards to the Hawran mountains and forms on the east the
border of the fertile lowland of Dmejr. Originally this wall
was 1.8 meters high, with gates in a few places only, so that
the fellahin were secure from an unexpected attack by the
Bedouins. Now it is completely demolished in places. Southeast
of the wall the ground is covered with black lava out of which
rise a few extinct voleanoes. We could observe very closely
the craters of the fourth largest volcano in the Mtejriéat
group as well as those of the Umm Iden and al-Makhul groups.
At 2.10 P.M. we were at the as-Samat hills (as the Rwala
call them, whereas the Rijat, the clan of our guide Hsén,
know them by the name of as- -Sema’ ), and at 2.30 with our
camels we somewhat laboriously ascended a hillock, on top as
8 PALMYRENA
well as at the base of which lay the ruins we had come to
examine. We stayed there until 3.42.
The building (Figs. 1, 2) on the top of the hill is 53 me-
ters long from north to south and 45 meters wide; but all
that remained of it were the foundation walls and even they
were destroyed in many places and often indistinct. The struc-
ture is entered from the west. In about the center is a square
tower, in the southeastern corner a flight of stairs, leading
to the walls, and in the northeastern a deep well. Below the
hill on the north there are the remains of a fortified Roman
camp, about fifty meters square, facing the northeast. From
each corner of the strong ramparts rises a square tower. Within
the yard, which is entered by a gate strengthened by two but-
tresses, iS a square, walled enclosure measuring about thirty
meters on a side. The space between the wall and the ramparts
is filled with débris from smaller rooms. Within the enclosure
is another still smaller enclosure containing rooms built in two
parallel rows about twenty meters long by eight meters wide.
North of the gate a stairway leads up to the ramparts and
to the southeast of the gate outside the camp is a reservoir
twenty-seven meters square.
It was after sunset when we finished our trigonometric
work and our. plan of the ruins. Mounting our camels we then
rode quickly westward over the now silent lowland as far as
the al-‘Asejfir valley and thence along the terrace on its left-
hand side to the north-northeast until at 9.52 we came to a
halt before my tent.
CHAPTER II
WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO THE AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE
AND RETURN
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE
On Monday, October 5, 1908, it was necessary to go. to
the Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés ridges in order to extend my
trigonometric survey to the north and east from them. As
we had a guide, I sent ‘Abdallah to the Prince to inform him
where we were going, but ‘Abdallah did not find the Prince
in his tent, because the Prince had left for ‘Adra’. An-Nari’s
son, Nawwaf, then came to see me and I told him of my plan.
I impressed upon him the fact that it would be hardly possible
for me to wait in camp until the first rains set in, because
then I could not finish my examination of the territory north
of al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor. The freedom of my movements
so far had been much hindered by the insufficient number of
my camels. Whenever we had to change camp, it took all my
animals to carry our baggage, and, since I did not know when
the Prince meant to order a change, I could never leave the
camp for long. I therefore decided to buy three more she-
camels. With five or six animals I meant to make my scientific
excursions; the other eleven or twelve were to stay with my
tent and be used for carrying the baggage whenever the camp
was changed. Nawwaf asked me to return from my next ex-
cursion the moment it began to rain in earnest, in order that
I might accompany the Rwala on their migration to the inner
desert. On my trip to the Ab-al-Gerwe ridge I had to take for my
companion Nawwaf’s negro, Frejh, whom Nawwaf commanded
to take along a rifle and sheepskin coat (farwe) and to obey
me in everything. Then Nawwaf begged me before I left to call
on his youngest brother Hafagi, who had been ailing for the
last four days. Without delay I entered the Prince’s tent and
in the apartment reserved for women I found Hafagi, a sick
boy of about ten, lying on the ground. After examining him
I ordered them to do what was necessary and possible, and
I gave Nawwaf some medicine, cautioning him to care for his
9
10 PALMYRENA
sick brother as best he could. In front of my tent a woman
with her little daughter was waiting. The child, who was
feeding at its mother’s breast, had been cared for by many
doctors, since it had on its little body scars caused by a red-
HAN AS-SAMAT
METERS
0: 10 20) 30 4059150) 60 70 80S a8
[OPT TTY Ces a eS Ce Ce Mo See ES}
Fic. 1—Han as-Samat, plan.
hot iron and was smeared on the breast, abdomen, and back
with a layer of clay one centimeter thick — all signs of dif-
ferent prescriptions.
At eight o’clock in the morning we started in a northeast-
erly direction. At first we followed the brook of al-‘Asejfir,
which comes from ar-Rhejbe and receives the water of the
spring of al-Méabrat. At 8.20 we entered the wide valley of
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 11
al--Emedijje, close by an old, dilapidated dam, which in times
past was evidently intended to hold the water coming down
from the hills, in order that it might afterwards be distributed
over the surrounding gardens. The soil here is oversaturated
with lime but workable. The hillsides
are not steep, the side valleys are
low, and at one time all were culti-
vated, chiefly as gardens. At 9.15
Hsén showed me to the north the
wells of the ar-Rhejbe settlement.
By 9.50 we reached the ridge of
Batra and by 10.05 turned into the
narrow Se%b of al-Babejn. The right
wall of this se%b is composed of soft
limestone, through which run parallel
sloping veins of quartz. Soon to the
left of our road we saw the holy
terebinth tree Mizar umm ‘Ajjas.
The mighty old tree was broken by
the wind; from its stump grew a few shoots hung full of
very old ribbons and pieces of cloth, votive gifts in honor
of the spirit who made the tree his abode. Our guide Hsén
would not go a step farther until he had obtained some
coffee, tea, and bread. He refused to breakfast at the camp,
asserting that as an orthodox Moslem he must keep the strictly
ordained fast of ramazdn and that from sunrise to sunset he
would neither smoke, drink, nor eat; but by 10.10 he had wanted
to do all these things. Since I had asked him to breakfast
while we were in the tent, I did not mean to give in to him
now; but he sat down under a tree and laughed at us when
we turned into a wrong path. Thus all we could do was to
give him bread and tobacco and then wait until he had finished
eating and had rolled himself some cigarettes, all of which
took him until 10.30. A little later we came to a broad basin
called al-Mkejmen, overgrown with sturdy perennials and full
of camels. The herdsmen were accustomed to stay with their
animals two nights in the basin and on the third day to drive
them to the creek of al-“Asejfir.
We now took a narrow path on the southern slope up to
the pass Tenijjet ab-al-Gerwe. The ascent gradually became
more and more difficult, until finally we had to dismount and
lead our animals by their reins.
Fia.2—Ha4n ag-Samat:
upper building, a rosette.
12 PALMYRENA
At 12.55 P.M. we reached the top of the pass. I asked
Hsén to guide us up to the highest peak of Ab-al-Gerwe, but
he declared that the path there was impassable for the camels
and that he was hungry and would therefore ride no farther,
nor, indeed, go with us at all until he had eaten enough. No
choice was left for us but to unload our baggage in the pass
and for Taman and me to find our way on foot to the highest
peak. Having found it, we returned to our baggage and asked
Hsén — who in the meantime had drunk both coffee and tea
and was comfortably smoking by the fire — if he would take
the theodolite with the tripod and accompany us to the peak,
where he could give us the names of the principal places in
the whole neighborhood. After entreating him for some time,
he finally consented to carry the theodolite, but the tripod
he threw aside, exclaiming that he was no pack camel. Shoul-
dering our various instruments and a leather water bag, in
forty-five minutes we reached the peak of Ab-al-Gerwe. The
view from there was very interesting.
VIEW FROM AB-AL-GERWE; RETURN TO AN-NURI’S CAMP
The mountain chain of ar-Rawak, of which the Ab-al-Gerwe ridge
is a part, forms the southern edge of a mountainous region. On the south-
east Ab-al-Gerwe looks as if it were broken off along a scarp line that
faces the southeast. The sandstone strata comprising the higher north-
western portion of the ridge are horizontal, whereas at a lower elevation
southeast of the scarp what are apparently the same beds dip almost
perpendicularly. South of these perpendicular beds extends a plain, grayish
to the north and black to the south, on which numerous extinct volcanoes
shaped like cones and frozen bubbles rise in various groups. Close by,
almost directly south of us, were visible the truncated cones of aS-Samat.
To the east of them were Mtejricat and Karawisat. In the background
to the southeast and southwest spread numerous other groups. South of
Karawisat is the Malhat al-Kronfol cluster; to the southwest the volcano
of Umm Iden, which falls off quite sharply on the east; west from there
rises the volcano of al-Afejhem; farther to the south the low bubbles
of al-Mintatrat; southeast of them, al-Mahftr; southwest of al-Mahfir,
al-Mutalla‘’; and still farther in the same direction, the highest volcano
of this row, the peaked butte of Dekwa.
Northeast of the volcanic hills Tlal al-‘Ijat spreads a grayish-yellow
plain on which shone large, almost white spots. These are dried-up hol-
lows called habra (pl., habdri), where rain water accumulates. The largest
of them bears the name Sejkal and reaches almost to Mtejri¢cat. Two
smaller ones to the south are called Radajef Sejkal; southeast is the
Habra aS-Subejée, farther east the Habra at-Trejfawi, and southeast of
the last-named the Habra al-Bawlijjat. Far to the southeast of this there
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 13
glistened in the sun the rough environs of the basin of al-Gwejf, and
nearer at hand, to the southeast of us, rose the rolling heights of al-
Butmijjat. No large ruins could be seen south of us. Hsén pointed out,
to the southwest of Mtejri¢at, a heap of ruins called al-Ksejr and north
of that, at the foot of Mesakk Semri, a smaller ruin, Han at-Trab. North
of this there yawns in the range a deep rift dividing Ab-al-Gerwe from
az-Zbejdi, from which stretches, west by northwest, a low ridge called
first al-Hazba and then al-Hamame. The latter and its southern spurs,
al-Morar and al-Fasla, enclose the:basin of al-Mkejmen on the north,
northeast, and northwest and form, with the offshoot of Batra which
extends to the west, the watershed between the valley of al-‘Emedijje,
the depression Dawwat az-Zab‘, and the salina Mellaha Gerfid, which glit-
ters to the north of Batra as if covered with ice. Northwest of the salina
the mountain chain of al-Hagtle and Se‘eb al-Loz stretches from south-
west to northeast, overlooked on the northwest by the almost parallel
ridge of the al-Gid mountains. To the northeast of us appeared the white
hills in the midst of which al-Zerjitejn is situated, and to the southeast
of them two black hills were conspicuous, the northern one being known
as al-‘Abd and the southern as al-‘Abde.
Only at sunset did we interrupt our map sketching and
return to our baggage, where we determined the latitude. In
the night I was tortured with pains in the right side of my
breast. About three weeks before, when jumping from a running
camel, I had bumped against the muzzle of my carbine and
injured three of my right ribs at the very spot where they
change into cartilage. Then, while ascending the top of Ab-al-
Gerwe, where it was necessary to climb laboriously from rock
to rock, the scarcely-healed wounds had opened anew, and in
going down my foot had slipped and I had fallen, striking
against a rock with my still sore breast.
The gap where we encamped was full of large and small
stones, which made my companions grumble, since there was
no comfortable place to lie upon. As the night was cold (4.5° C)
and very damp, they made a fire-as soon as the morning
star appeared.
Tuesday, October 6, 1908. Daybreak (temperature: 13°C)
showed itself in a peculiar manner. All the northern valleys
were filled with thick, moving fog, in contrast to which the
ridges of the mountain chain as well as some of the hilltops
stood forth perfectly clear. A thin violet haze covered the
lowland south of us, and behind it only the outlines of some
hills were visible. The slowly rising fog now became so dense
that we could not see five meters ahead of us, but after a
few minutes it drifted as thin white clouds above our heads
and seemed to change the summits of the mountain into giants
14 PALMYRENA
with white robes. From the east masses of fog rolled, monster-
like, over the lowland, covering it completely and preventing
any observations. Not far from our camp I found in the rocky
clefts red and greenish rite blossoms, the yellow-flowered
snan, the bluish ‘asansal (which our guide called helléwz),
sikkara, serr, ga‘ade, bsejjel, za°*étmdn, nefel, esbet an-na‘dm,
ummu ktejt, resdd, and other plants. In the pass, and es-
pecially on the road to the summit of Ab-al-Gerwe, we fre-
quently noticed tracks of the ibex (beden), gazelle, porcupine
(nis), and even of wild bear (hallif).
At 9.37 A.M. (temperature: 21.8°C) we left Tenijjet ab-
al-Gerwe and rode over the crest of ar-Rawak in a south-
westerly direction. The road was often extremely fatiguing
and even dangerous, as one false step would have sufficed
to send both camel and rider down into the lowland. Several
times we had to dismount and lead our animals by the bridle.
In the lowland south of us we saw thousands of dark, moving
points — grazing camels; over our heads eagles and vultures
were circling. At 10.52 we passed on our left a small spring,
‘Ajn ar-Rahib, near which a hermit once lived.’
In Ab-al-Kos I saw a white gazelle. Notwithstanding the
pains in my chest, I slid carefully from my camel, which I
then drove slowly towards the gazelle until I came within rifle
shot of my prey. All I could see was its head, but soon it was
ours. At 12.30 P. M. we reached the western summit of Ab-al-
K6s, which we had already observed from our base. We stayed
there until 4.30, working on our map (temperature at 3: 26°C).
The mountain spur running from Ab-al-K6s southwest
is called al-Mkére‘e. The valleys of al--Emedijje and al-“Asejfir
separate it from the hillocks of al-Ma‘ésre, which rise south-
west of the ridge of al-Mu‘azzamijje. East of this and south
of the village of ar-Rhejbe is a group of rough white hills
named Arz al-Minkat‘e. Leading our camels by the reins, we
descended the slope of al-Mkére‘e to the valley and, mounting
again, came to our tent at 6.15 (temperature: 27.5°C). After
supper Hsén received his wages and was discharged. He would
gladly have remained,, because our tea and cigarettes were
much to his taste, but we were all dissatisfied with him. He
was obstinate and lazy.
1-The Latin equivalents and brief characterizations of many Arabic botanical terms
appearing in the text are given in the index.
2 Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 756, mentions a hermitage in Syria called Kis,
of which the poet Du-r-Rumma sang.—It may have been this very retreat near ‘Ajn ar-R&ahib,
and it is likely that the mountain of-Ab-al-Kés was named after the hermit’s hut.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 15
SOJOURN AT AN-NURI’S CAMP.
Our herdsman, Harran, returned with the camels which
had been at pasture, complaining that he was unable to walk
in his new shoes. I had hired him for three megidijjat ($2.70)
a month and two pairs of shoes a year. Mhammad had then
taken him to the tent of a hawker and bought him shoes
which he himself picked out; but, after wearing them for four
days only, he showed us marks on his feet where they pinched
him. As he had never worn shoes before and did not know
how to walk in them they of course made his feet sore.
Mhammad soaked the shoes in water, wrung them out, and
ordered Harran to put them on once more and not to take
them off even when going to sleep. Harran, who four days
before had shown the shoes to all his friends and boasted
that he would never again go barefoot, obeyed Mhammad’s
order readily and the next morning came to us with the glad
tidings that his feet and his shoes were at peace at last.
Wednesday, October 7, 1908. Intending to work up the
results of my two excursions, I stayed in my tent and gave
a positive order that no one was to enter but the Prince and
Nawwaf. The latter did not come until eight o’clock; he in-
quired what success I had and begged me to visit his brother,
Hafagi, the sick boy. He said that he had given him the med-
icine on the first day until sunset and then, having to leave,
had told the women to take care of him. This they had failed
to do, excusing themselves by saying that they did not know
which medicine to give or how to administer it. Hafagi was
having a chill with high fever and was coughing. What was
needed was nourishing, easily digestible food, but he did not
even get milk, because his father’s she-camels were not yet
back from pasture. The women fed him with bread soaked in
melted butter, which caused him to vomit instantly. I then
prepared a strong soup from Maggi’s extract and had it given
to him in spoonfuls until evening. All other medicines he
stubbornly refused.
I sent ‘Abdallah to invite the Prince and Nawwaf to
supper in my name, but the Prince came to me before sunset
and asked me to sup with him, because he too had meat. He
inquired what spoils I had brought from my raids (razwdan)
and, when I showed him the stones, seeds, mosses, and plants
that I had collected, he could not understand why I should
16 PALMYRENA
bother with such nonsense. On the way he told me that Ha-
fagi had taken all the soup and felt much better. Giving him
now the necessary medicine, I made some fresh soup. Hafagi
lay in the women’s quarters on a dirty carpet, and nobody
paid any attention to him. His mother, Mnife, Sattam’s daugh-
ter, was busy preparing breakfast with her slave women; and
his blind grandmother, Takla, daughter of Fajez eben Gandal
and mother of Prince an-Niri, was quietly smoking her long
pipe (raljvuin). Almost incessantly she drank coffee, which was
handed to her by her slave woman sitting near by. After tell-
ing Hafagi that he would soon ride his filly again, I went
with the Prince to the men’s part (rab‘) of the tent. All those
present rose and greeted me in a friendly way. A clean carpet
would have been placed on the ground for me, but I sat down
beside Nawwaf. Those present formed an oblong close about
a blazing fire. On the narrow side of the oblong, close to the
partition that separated the men’s from the women’s quar-
ters, was spread a small rug with a riding camel’s saddle
upon it. This was the seat of honor, reserved for the most
distinguished guests, who sit with their arms leaning against
the saddle. Along the lower side of the tent as well as along
its back side, rugs were laid out on which were placed pack
saddles (heddjeg). No carpets were spread on the open side
of the tent, where the slaves, servants, or the poorer members
of the clan sat or squatted. Nawwaf sat down by the lower
side of the tent and leaned against a pack saddle. No sooner
had I taken my place by his side than one of the slaves brought
a quilt and pressed me to stand up again so that he could put
it under me. The way to sit on the carpet is with the legs
crossed. Everyone bade me welcome, one after another; then
they inquired about my health and wanted to know what spoils
I had brought from my raids.
Hardly were the customary greetings over, when I was
asked to look at my watch to see if “breakfast time was reign-
ing (hakam al-ftur).’ A peddler who was there pulled out his
watch to answer them, but nobody believed him because he
stated that the sun would set in fourteen minutes, while I
said it would set in only six minutes. The peddler claimed
his time to be correct, since he had set his watch in Damas-
cus, which he had left early that morning. But Fahad, Naw-
wat’s father-in-law, thought this ridiculous and said: ‘So thou
wouldst believe those lying people in Damascus, wouldst thou?
WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 17
Now we won’t take thy word at all, but will listen to Sheikh
Musa, who believes only in the stars.”
At the Prince’s command a negro now poured a few drops
of water over the fingers of our right hands. In the mean-
time four slaves had brought in a large pan (sahn) loaded
with large thin pancakes (srd¢c). The pancakes were covered
with a mixture of tomatoes and the meat, bones, and head
of a goat. Over this melted butter was poured. Then the pan
was placed between the fire and the partition, and the Prince
laid out the pieces of meat in rows. The instant I announced
“the sun has gone down, the breakfast time reigned’; the
Prince invited me and eight others to rise and reach towards
the pan with our hands. Kneeling on our left knees and
sitting on our left heels, we unrolled our right sleeves and
with the words “bismi-lladh” began to eat. The pan lay on
plowed land, and all the invited guests knelt right on the
ground. For me alone and with his own hands the Prince
spread out the leathern cover from his horse saddle. Then
with three fingers of our right hands we fished in the butter
for bits of meat, rolled them together with bread into small
balls, and put them into our mouths. After a few minutes
we licked our fingers clean, stood up, and the Prince called
other guests to the pan. He himself and Nawwaf sat down
with them. A slave poured water over my hands that I might
wash myself; but the others had to wipe both their fingers
and mouths on the tent ropes. After paying another visit to
Hafagi, I went to my tent with Nawwéaf, who stayed with
me until almost midnight.
THE BENI SAHR AND THE GOVERNMENT
Thursday, October 8, 1908. The night was very damp, a
thick fog covered the valley, and it was not until nine o’clock
that the sun broke through. The rest of the day thin clouds
were to be seen grouping themselves in the sky like large
flocks of white lambs. I was working in my tent when ‘Ab-
dallah reported that my friend and brother, Talal Pasha, was
coming to pay me a visit. Talal eben Fajez, prince of the
Beni Sahr, was an old acquaintance of mine; he had been a
good friend and brother to me since 1896. He had come to
Damascus not long before to settle some differences between
his tribe and the Government. For a certain strictly stipu-
18 PALMYRENA
lated consideration his tribe used to guide pilgrim caravans
from al-Mzérib to Ma‘an, lending them the necessary camels
and guarding them from danger. Talal, whom the Govern-
ment had appointed head chief of the Beni Sahr with the
title of pasha, was also to receive a yearly salary; but since
1906, when the Mecca pilgrims began to travel by railway,
neither his salary nor the tribe’s subsidy (ma‘dSe) had been
paid. In addition to this the Government had declared the
country west of the railway to be its own property and had
also demanded from the felldhin cultivating the land there
the annual rent which until then they had paid to the Beni
Sahr. These people started to mutiny and threatened to de-
stroy the railway tracks leading through their territory; but
the mutasarref (governor of the Turkish sanjak) of al-Kerak
leagued himself against them with the Hwétat and Beni “Atijje,
defeated them, and drove them back into the desert. Talal
complained of the Government’s ingratitude, claiming that he
had always been loyal, that with his help alone the Govern-
ment had obtained possession of the settlements of al-Belka’
and Ma‘an, and that if it had not been for him the Turkish
engineers could not have built the Hegaz tracks as easily as
they did. He warned the Government not to play with his
kinsmen, lest they, compelled by hunger and want, should rob
the settlers, attack the trains, and destroy the railway bridges.
Having been invited by the governor, he went to Damascus
in the middle of September to consult with several officials,
but he accomplished nothing. The governor had inquired in
Constantinople what was to be done with the Beni Sahr, had
received no answer, and is said to have told Talal: “Constanti-
nople, our head, is sick. Who there now cares for a thorn stick-
ing into our foot?”
‘Abdarrahman Pasha Jtsef, the emir al-hdgg or chief
overseer of the pilgrim caravans, had told Talal of my pres-
ence in the camp of Prince an-Nfri eben Sa‘lan, and, since
Talal also wished to consult with the latter, he had come from
Damascus to Dmejr. After spending the night with the Prince,
he paid me a visit before noon. He had grown quite old since
the last time I had seen him, and his face bore the marks of
great worry. He was very bitter against the governor and
said he did not know what his kinsmen might yet compel him
to do. After conversing with him, I visited him in the Prince’s
tent and gave him a letter to Jerusalem in order that he might
WADI AL-~ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE 19
obtain there six thousand loaded cartridges for the Mann-
licher carbines of which I had made him a present in 1901.
The cartridges had been deposited in his name with a friend
of mine.
The rest of the time I spent in arranging my cartographic
material with the help of Taman. Nawwaf did not put in an
appearance until after sunset and then only to scold me for
forgetting all about Hafagi. To excuse myself I told him that
the Prince had assured me that Hafagi was in good spirits
and felt hungry. Nawwaf again complained that he himself
was feverish and headachy, which was not to be wondered at
considering that he had been eating and drinking coffee with
his slaves all through the chilly and damp night in order not
to be hungry or thirsty during the hot day. As long as the
Rwala camped near Dmejr, where their tents were visited by
the neighboring settlers, they were obliged to keep the rama-
zan fast.
NEWS FROM THE DOMAIN OF EBEN RASID
Nawwaf told me that two merchants from al-Gowf had
brought his father strange news from the domain of Eben
RaSid, which had been full of unrest since the death of Prince
Met‘eb eben ‘Abdal‘aziz eben ‘Abdallah. In 1906 ‘Abdal‘aziz had
been defeated and killed on the plain of at-Tarfijje in the
northeastern part of al-Kasim. As soon as the report of his
death had reached HAajel, his son Met‘eb had been proclaimed
his successor; but his mother’s brothers, Sultan, Sa‘td, and Fej-
sal, sons of Hmtd son of ‘Obejd, had killed him and his whole
family, with the exception of his brother Sa‘td, a boy of six.
Sa‘td was son of ‘Abdal‘aziz’s second wife, who was a member
of the Eben Subhan family. The boy had been saved by a
faithful slave and had fled with the relatives of his mother
to al-Medina, where he was being brought up. Sultan had then
become prince of Hajel, but in May, 1908, he in his turn had
been deposed, imprisoned, and murdered by his brother Sa‘ud,
who then became prince. Taking advantage of the dissensions
that followed, the adherents of the fallen ‘Abdal‘aziz had
brought his son Sa‘id, now eight years old, from al-Medina
and proclaimed him prince. Supported by several clans, they
had marched on Hajel and laid siege to the town. Their parti-
sans among the inhabitants had then opened the gates to
20 PALMYRENA
them and had killed Prince Sa‘td with all his following. It
was stated that Fejsal eben RaSid, the governor of the oasis
of al-Gowf, to whom I had several letters of introduction, had
also been slain, but this proved to be untrue. Fejsal fled with
his family to Prince Eben Sa‘ad at ar-Rijad.
Friday and Saturday, October 9 and 10, 1908. By this time
Taman and I had worked up the material gathered on our
two excursions and had made a sketch map of the vicinity.
We now started to make ready for a new trip, which was to
last from fifteen to twenty days, and to get together our pro-
visions for this time. But when I examined our baggage for
the necessary stock of food, I noticed that we had used up
too much food during the last fortnight. “Abdallah, who had
charge of our stores, maintained that it was impossible to
live more frugally than we had done, and the servant Farag
impudently reproached everyone with niggardliness who had
enough and would not let others share with him. They both
called on Allah to judge between themselves and me, who ac-
cused them of dishonest manipulations. I said that I could not
understand how we could have consumed three rotols (almost
eight kilograms) of sugar in two weeks, when during all that
time I had had tea only three times in my tent, nor how we
could have eaten up twenty kilograms of butter, over one
hundred kilograms of flour, fifty kilograms of burrul (husked
wheat), etc.; and that I could not see how our provisions would
last us from ten to twelve months if we managed no better
than during the last fortnight. At that Farag started laugh-
ing and bade me buy fresh provisions and more camels to
carry them, averring that they could live no differently from
heretofore. I then learned from Mhammad and Taman that
“Abdallah and Farag were in the habit of making tea twice
or even three times a night; that they-made presents of bread
and burrul to their friends; that Farag drank melted butter
instead of water, and threw to the dogs all that remained
over from supper. I felt vexed that ‘Abdallah, whom my friends
had recommended to me so warmly and who should have been
my confidant and supporter, had made common cause with
the black liar, Farag, and that, like Farag, he was cheating
and deceiving’ me.
Sunday, October 11, 1908. I wished very much to visit
the still unexplored territory north and south of Palmyra,
because I was not sure that it would be possible to do so later
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO AB-AL-GERWE RIDGE _21
on. The Prince and Nawwéaf tried to dissuade me from this,
declaring that the region was the camping ground of their
chief enemies and was also infested by many bands of ma-
rauders, who could easily attack, rob, and even kill me; but
when I stood firmly by my purpose Nawwaf gave me his
young slave, ‘Abdallah, for a companion. We took only enough
provisions for about fifteen or twenty days, because we wished
to return from al-Kastal by way of Palmyra. In the morning
Nawwaf called me and begged me to be careful not to put
myself in any danger. The saddling of the animals and the
loading of the provisions lasted quite a while, because neither
of my servants ‘Abdallah and Farag was willing to help. They
merely sat a little way off and gave us advice. I intended to
take two pack camels: one to carry two large water bags and
one to carry our baggage, since I did not want to overburden
our riding animals. But ‘Abdallah complained that he would
lack camels necessary for the baggage that we left behind if
I were to take two animals, assuring me that in Palmyrena
we should find water enough, that on our road we should
pass one well after another, and that, therefore, we need not
take with us an extra animal to carry the water. I let myself
be persuaded and, in order to reduce our baggage as much
as possible, I left my 13 X 18 cm. photographic apparatus in
the tent — something that I soon regretted. Besides the negro
‘Abdallah, Taman and Mhammad were to accompany me, and
a guide with local knowledge, whom we meant to find for our-
selves.
CHAPTER Il
WADI AL-“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA BY WAY OF ‘UZERIBAT
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO GEBB AS-SAHR; GERUD
On Sunday, October 11, 1908, at eight o’clock I left my
tent, not without anxiety. The bitter experience of the last
few days with my servants Farag and ‘Abdallah had disturbed
my mind to such an extent that I decided to dismiss both of
them and find new servants. I could not hire any among the
Rwala, since I should constantiy have had my tent full of their
friends and visitors. To get servants in Damascus was equally
impossible, because I knew that townspeople were not of much
use in the desert. Therefore I wished to go to al-Zerjitejn,
where I had friends who could find me men on whom I could
rely. I made up my mind to stop there at the beginning of
the trip, find a servant,.and take him with me until I returned
again.
From the tent we went north along the al-‘Asejfir creek
and after a few minutes turned northeast to the valley of al-
“Emedijje.
Numerous short se“bdn coming from the al-Hagtle ridge and con-
verging in the plain of Gertid combine to form the valley of al- Asejfir.
Beginning near.the village of ar-Rhejbe, the valley is watered by a stream
which has cut its way through the white hillocks of al-Minkat‘e on the
east and al-Ma‘ésre on the west. On the southern slope of al-Ma ésre
there bubbles out the sulphur spring al-Méabrat, the water of which
later joins with the al-‘Asejfir creek and supplies power to numerous
small mills. The se%b of al-‘Emedijje, which enters al-‘Asejfir on the left,
rises in the low cross-ridge Zemlet al--Amara, which connects the crest
of al-Fasla with the spur of Batra to the north; al-“-Emedijje then breaks
through the rolling land of al-Msejriha, which is bounded by the moun-
tains of al-Morar and ad-Dahab. Beyond this al-"Emedijje receives on the
left the se%b of al-Mkejmen, which rises in the ridge of az-Zbejdi; farther
west it receives, also.on the left, the narrow Se%b of al-Bab; it then
separates the slope of al-Mkére‘e from the dome-shaped al-Minkat‘e hills,
and finally joins the valley of al-‘Asejfir near a large mill.
At 9.42 we left the Se%b of al-"-Emedijje to go north, as
we were trying to find the camp of the ‘Umdtr tribe, from
among whom we wished to take a guide. One hour later we
22
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 23
saw the gardens of the village of ar-Rhejbe and, heading north-
northeast, entered a large lowland in which we rested near the
Gebb as-Sahr wells from 12.08 to 2.14 P. M. This lowland is
shut in on the north by the high mountain chain of al-Ha-
Sle, al-Hakla, and Se‘eb al-Léz. At its base, by the as- -Sultani
road, lie the settlements and gardens of Geriid, al-Wasta, al-
‘Atne, an-Nasrijje, and Kena Gowha.
The run-off from the whole surrounding country finds
its way into the lowland in which these settlements lie. Water
remains under the top soil, thus assuring crops both in the
large gardens and in the smaller cultivated tracts. Salt works
in the vicinity also help to provide a living for the popula-
tion, which at Gerid numbers about three thousand.®
3 Of the older history of Gerfid not much remains. The classical authorities called the
place Geroda.
According to the Antonine Itinerary, 196: 1, Geroda (var., Cheroda, Gerosa) was a
station on the road from Eumari (Hawwarin) to Damascus. It did not belong to Palmyrena.
In 451 A. D. the metropolitan Theodore of Damascus signed the decrees of the Council
of Chalcedon in the name of his suffragan Peter from the town of Coradaei (Lat. text:
Coradaenorum), and this same ‘‘Petrus episcopus Coradensis” in 458 joined in a petition
from the bishops of the province of Phoenicia to the emperor Leo (Harduin, Conciliorum
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, cols. 485f., 720).
“Eulogius episcopus Danabon”’ and ‘‘Theodorus episcopus Coradensium”’ participated
in the fifth oecumenical synod in Constantinople in 553 (Mansi, Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 9,
col. 394). That Coradaei and Coradensis can refer to no other place than Geroda (Gerfid)
is evident from the list of bishops subordinate to Theodore, the metropolitan of Damascus,
as Harduin, op. cit., col. 486, recorded them. These were: ‘‘Joannes civitatis Palmyrae,”’
““Cochena civitatis Danaborum”’ (var., ‘‘Dada Chonacharorum’’), ‘‘Eusebius civitatis Jabru-
dorum,’’ ‘‘Theodorus civitatis Dabrorum,”’ ‘“‘Abraamius civitatis Alanorum” (var., “Arlano-
rum’’), and “Petrus civitatis Coradaenorum.” The Greek text has, instead of ‘‘Cochena
civitatis Danaborum,” ‘‘Dada poleos Chonacharon’”’; and, instead of ‘‘Abraamius civitatis
Alanorum,” ‘‘Abraamios poleos Archaon.”’ — Instead of ‘‘Cochena civitatis Danaborum’’
should stand ‘‘Dadas episcopus Chomocharenus”. (or ‘“‘Chonacharon’’), as is indicated by this
bishop’s signature recorded in Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2, col. 720, and by the variations
(Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 7, col. 169): ‘“‘Dadapoles Chona Charon,” ‘‘Dadacrum bonocha,” ‘‘Da-
dacorum bonocha.” The settlement of Conna lay between Laodicia Scabiosa and Heliopolis,
where Ras Ba‘albekk is now situated. I. Benzinger (Pauly~Wissowa, Realencyclopddie, Vol. 7,
col. 1547) gives the names ‘‘Chomokara,” ‘“Comoara,”’ and ‘‘Chorokara,” -although none of
these can be found either in Le Quien, Oriens christianus (1740), Vol. 2, col. 848, from whom
he quotes, or in Harduin or Mansi. Benzinger, loc. cit., would identify al-Kara with the Coara
and Goaria of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 14 and,19; this, however, is impossible, as Coara
lay in Chalcidice and Goaria in Palmyrena, whereas a town on the present site of al-Kara
would have been located by Ptolemy in Laodicene. A similar observation applies to the
identification of al-Kara with the Coara given as the seat of the Bishop Gerontius, who
signed the decision of the Nicene Council in 325; ‘‘Gerontius episcopus Coarae’’ was one of
the bishops of Syria, but al-Kara lies in what was the province of Phoenicia of those times.
After all, the reading ‘‘Coarae’’ is not correct. Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 1, col. 314, gives
“TLeontius Larissenus’’ and Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina (1898), pp. 18f., gives in the
Latin text ‘“‘Carison,” ‘‘Carisiensis,” ‘‘Larisa,”’ (var., ‘‘Charisson,” ‘‘Cariensis,’’ ‘‘Lurissae’’),
but in all the other texts (op. cit., pp. 60, 68, 85, 103) ‘‘Larissa.’’ Moritz, Palmyrene, p. 22,
note 38, writes that Kara must be identical with the ‘‘Charran”’ of Le Quien, op. cit., Vol. 2,
cols. 849 f., and this because the latter place was situated in Coele-Syria. But the Christian town
of Kara never was in Coele-Syria, for the country around it, since about 195 A. D., had been
a part of the praetorian province of Syria Phoenices. Thus Ulpian (Corpus iuris civilis,
Digesta, L, 15:1, writes that the Emperor Septimius Severus granted jus. coloniae to
““Emisene civitati Phoenices.”’ In Le Quien, loc. cit., reference is made to the Christian
Arabian writer, Theodore Abu Kara, bishop of Charran, a town lying several hundred kilo-
meters northeast of al-Kara (see Migne, Patrol. graeca, Vol. 97, col. 1446).
In some manuscripts relating to the synod at Constantinople in 553 instead of ‘‘Theo-
dorus civitatis Dabrorum”’ we have the variants (Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 7, col. 169) ‘‘Danaborum”’
or “Dababorum,” and the bishop signs (Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2, col. 720) ‘‘Theodorus
episcopus Castridanabeni,” that is, ‘bishop of Danaba Fort,’ or the al-Basiri of today.
In considering the name ‘‘Alanorum” with its variants (Mansi, loc. cit.) ‘‘Arlanorum,”’
‘““Archaorum,” or ‘‘Uranensis’ (Harduin, loc. cit.), we are led to the ‘“‘Archaon”’ of the Greek
24 PALMYRENA
On the southeast, south, and northeast the lowland of
Gerid is shut in by the following elevations in order from
south to north: the mountain spurs of al-Hwa’ and al-Min-
kat‘e; the height of Tell ad-Dahab; the low ridge of Batra,
the broad Zemlet ‘Omar Ara, and the spurs of the high black
mountain of al-Rurab. Nearly in the center of the lowland
lies the salina Mellaha Geriid, which is about three and a half
kilometers long by three kilometers wide. The environs of the
Mellaha, which receives its water from about two-thirds of
the whole lowland, are saturated with salt. In many places
gypsum is mined. On the edges of the salina about fifteen
small houses had been put up for the guards.
GEBB AS-SAHR TO AL-RURAB. THE ‘UMUR
Between the Gebb as-Sahr and the salina we passed a
government building, the residence of the salt procurer.
West of the Gebb as- -Sahr by the spring ‘Ujan al-Clab
stood the tents of the Rijat clan of the “‘Umutr tribe. From
among them I hired a guide named Nazzal eben ‘Ali.
The ‘Umtir’s camping grounds lie between Til al-‘ljat, al-Zerjitejn,
and Tudmor. The tribe numbers about six hundred tents and consists of
the following clans:
al-Rijat (chief : Gasem eben Mihbas)
Al abu Harba’ (al-Harbawi) ( ,, SlaS walad ‘Err)
Al Hersan ( , Sultan eben Mihbas)
Maharse ( , ‘Addab eben Nowman)
Al ‘Eléwi ( ,, Swélem eben Slejjem)
al-Burku’ ( , Farag al Dur‘an)
Al Garrah ( ,, Rubejje’ eben Gedii‘)
Al Hamis ( , Saleh eben Cerh)
Al Hasan ( ,, Halaf eben Matlak)
Al RaSed ( , Sejran eben RaSed)
Furra‘ ( , Satid eben Melhem).
(This last clan camps with the chief Eben Mezjed [or Eben Melhem] of
the al-Hsene tribe.)
text, the ‘‘Adacha”’ (from ‘‘Aracha’’) of Ptolemy, the ‘‘Harac”’ of the Peutinger Table, and
to the modern Arak, twenty-five kilometers northeast of Palmyra. Thus we see that the
settlements of Arak, Palmyra, and Danaba to the northeast, and of Jabrad and Conna (Ras
Ba‘albekk) to the northwest of Coradaei (Korada: Gerodai or Gertid) were under the juris-
diction of the metropolitan of Damascus.
The Syriac manuscripts (Wright, Catalogue [1870—1872], pp. 709, col. 2; 712, col. 2)
mention Kuradoje’. Noldeke, Topographie (1875), p. 424, connects Kuradoje® with the Kurds,
which is impossible, as ‘‘Kuradoje’” is written with K and “Kurd” with K (ef. Wright,
op. cit., p. 880, col. 2).
In 743 Jazid (Yazid) ibn al-Walid, the adversary of the caliph Walid II, left his
country seat near al-Kastal (at-Tabari, Ta°rth [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1788) and, escorted by
seven men, rode secretly on a donkey to Damascus, a journey of four days. In Gerad, a
day’s march from Damascus, the people gave him food. The following night he arrived in
Damascus, where he was proclaimed Caliph. —
WADI AL“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 25
Our guide led us northeast along the southern edge of
the salina, which shone like an ice field of wondrous beauty;
the reflection of the sun’s rays from it almost blinded us. The
salty soil changes gradually into a sandy tract. East of the
Mellaha the plain is covered many meters deep with drifts of
white sand, so fine and shifting that everything sinks in when
placed upon it. These drifts are called at-Tu‘ts. Out of the sand
rise countless remnants of harder sandstone, so grotesquely
Shaped that from afar they look like the ruins of a great
city. These fantastic shapes undoubtedly inspired the popular
tradition that on the very place where the salina now extends
once stood Lot’s city, which for the greater part has sunken
below the surface. The sand between the rocks forms either
level or hollowed surfaces, on which no one has ever set foot.
It seemed as if even our camels instinctively felt the danger
lurking in these places, for they steadily made for the south
and shied when we urged them to go nearer the sand drifts.
West of at-Tu‘ts we noticed the gardens of the settlement of
an-Nasrijje. To the north were many wells and small ruins
ealled al-Magrune or al-Magnitne, by the side of which a clan
of the Weld ‘Ali was camping. Although we rode at a con-
siderable distance from their tents, a Weléd‘i, who took us
for itinerant traders, came and demanded the fee which is
always exacted from strangers passing through the territory
of some tribes. Not succeeding in his errand, he returned with
a wry face to his people.
As our camels had found no pasture at noon, we stopped
at 4.26 by the foot of the Batra ridge (temperature: 20° C),
where rite, sith, romt, mwassal, and other perennials (Sagar)
grew in abundance. Taking off the baggage we aired the sad-
dles a little, tied the reins tight to the girths, and handed
the animals over to Nazzal. Mhammad gathered dried camel
manure (gelle), by which he baked bread and cooked burrul
(husked wheat). ‘Abdallah prepared our coffee. Timan climbed
If the distance between Damascus and Geriid is thus determined as a day’s march, it
is evident that Yazid’s country seat should not to be looked for near the settlement of al-
Kastal lying 16 kilometers north-northwest of Gerad, but in the vicinity of the al-Kastal
ruins 140 kilometers northeast of Gertd. 5
Jaktit, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 65, places Gertid in the administrative district
of Ma‘lila’ of the political district Rata Dimask.
Ibn Hallikan (al-Makrizi, Sulik [Quatremére’s transl.], Vol. 1, Part 2, pp. 262f.)
writes that Gerad is a settlement in the political district of Damascus in the direction of
Homs and that in that region there are many wild asses; also that there is a hill there, the
summit of which is at all times enveloped with haze-like smoke, wherefore it is called al-
Mudabhen (the smoking one). —
It is interesting to note that as late as the end of the thirteenth century there were
still so many wild asses about Gerad. The hill of al-Mudahhen is undoubtedly identical with
Abu Rubah, seventy kilometers northeast of Gertd.
26 PALMYRENA
the nearest hill with me and sketched a map of the vicinity.
After sunset Nazzal brought the camels home from the pas-
ture, and we made them kneel about our camp and tied the:
left lez of each above the knee, lest she run away. After
a while a shepherd joined us and spent the night with us,
together with his flock of about a hundred head of sheep.
Monday, October 12, 1908. The night was again very cold.
The sheep lying about us had risen after midnight and gone
to their pasture. The camels became restless; therefore we
got up at five o’clock and untied them so that they could
graze; then we prepared breakfast and at 6.10 A. M. were on
the road. We now went through a valley bounded on the
north by the elevation Zemlet ‘Omar Ara and on the south by
the ridge of Batra and its spurs Nktb al-Bir and Lassafet
az-Zab*.
We were all eager for some warming rays of sunshine,
because the temperature was only 5.2°C; but the sun failed
to show itself. No sooner had its first rays given a rosy tinge
to the summits of the mountain range of Se‘eb al-Léz to the
north than they again disappeared behind thick clouds. The
color of the summits then became dark blue, almost black,
and that of the sky a dirty yellow. A stiff, chilling wind from
the east kept blowing our cloaks and thin shirts, uncovering
our bare knees, and making us feel still colder.
At seven o’clock we heard growling and stamping behind
us and saw thick clouds of dust, which enveloped hundreds
— nay, thousands — of camels, running with the utmost speed
to the northeast. Frightened by something, they had broken
away from their herdsmen, and we had to hold our animals
as tight as we could lest they also follow the bad example
and run away. Turning eastwards, we observed many herds
rolling together avalanche-like to the northeast. Each herd
was led by an old she-camel, now pacing, now trotting, and
now madly galloping ahead. The other animals of her herd
followed her example. My companions alighted and ran to-
wards the camels, coaxing them, calling them to come near
and graze. Some of them wanted to obey and turned in our
direction, but they were only swept along by the rest of the
herd. Their herdsmen rode after them, both on horseback and
on camels, trying to get ahead of them by making a wide
detour. When the men reached our troop, they jumped off their
mounts and left them in our care; then, throwing off their
WADI AL-~ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA ae
cloaks, they ran as fast as they could to their respective herds,
forcing them either south or northward to make them lose
sight of the other herds. But only one succeeded in getting
his herd to the foot of Zemlet ‘Omar Ara, behind a small ele-
vation whence the other fugitives could no longer be seen.
For a while the frightened animals ran about, trembling, but
soon became quiet again and began to graze. The other herds
went on running for about twenty kilometers farther to the
northeast, until they were stopped by a number of riders from
the Esage‘a clan. As long as the various herds were rushing
by us and until they had disappeared from the horizon, it was
difficult for us to keep in the saddle and not be thrown off by
the rearing animals. The Bedouin says, not without reason, that
there are eleven thousand devils in the head of every camel.
On our right we noticed numerous paths leading through
the passes Nkub al-Bir to the wells Bijar abu Hjaja. At 9.02
we reached the defile Tenijjet Maksar walad Nimr, which
separates the broad elevation Zemlet ‘Omar Ara from the al-
Rurab mountain. Here we saw a flock of more than fifty ga-
zelles, which disappeared quickly. The plain through which
we were passing ascends gradually towards the northeast. At
9.30 we arrived at the watershed between the Mellaha Geriid
and the rain pool Habra az-Zab* to the east. This pool lies in a
rocky hollow on the western edge of the Dawwat az-Zab‘ basin,
shut in on the north by the al-Rurab mountain and its spurs,
al-‘Enejz and al-Mhasse, on the east by the two dark, isolated
hills, al--Abd and al-‘Abde, on the southeast and south by the
border mountain chain of ar-Rawak already mentioned, and
on the southwest by the ridge of az-Zbejdi, with its spur Zem-
let ‘Omar Ara.
As the summit of the high mountain of al-Rurab was
visible both from the Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés summits,
we meant to extend our triangles from it farther east and
northeast. For this reason we tried to ride by a zigzag route,
keeping as high up as possible; this was also beneficial to our
camels, since the higher, the better the pasture. But as one
of our animals had fallen by eleven o’clock, unable to go any
farther, we had to stop and try to reach the summit on foot.
Accompanied by Nazzal and burdened with the necessary in-
struments and drinking water, we crawled rather than walked
for fully forty-six minutes before attaining the summit (temper-
aiure: 23 .C).
28 PALMYRENA
The view, however, rewarded us richly for our exertions. On the
southwest there shone like a burning lake of ice the salt surface of the
Mellaha Gertid, bounded on the east by almost blood-colored rocky bluffs,
partly covered by rosy sand. The gardens of an-N4srijje, “Atna, and Ge-
rad stood out like dark green islands in the grayish-yellow bottom land,
through which ran, like a yellow ribbon, the as-Sultani road, connecting
Damascus with Palmyra. Northeast of the hamlet of an-Nasrijje, past
the dilapidated watchtower Kal‘at al-Hamra and the demolished Han
Gnejzel,‘ a branch road leads northward through the gap Tenijjet al- Hakla.
Northeast of the defile of al-Hakla is the mountain chain called
Se‘eb al-Léz. Its southern slope is not as steep as that of the border
chain of ar-Rawak. Clearly to be seen were two terraces which broaden
out still more at about the center of the Se‘eb al-Léz, east of the defile
of az-Za‘tnijje, and then run southeast. Above the last-mentioned defile,
towering far to the northwest, stands the sharp cone Halimt al- -Kara,
the highest point in this part of the country. To the northeast the Se‘eb
al-L6z sinks into a wide ridge called Rawdabi-t-Tahin and ends in a broad
height, MaSkikt Mhin. South of the Se‘eb al-Léz runs the valley of al-
Kalabijjat, which begins east of the road leading from the Han al-Abjaz
to the gap of a8-Se‘eb. This valley is shut in on the south by the al-Ru-
rab mountain and its spur, al-‘EnejZ, as well as by the low domes of Rus
at-Twal, al-Mzejble, and al-Gbejl. South of these a chain of hills reaches
eastward to the ar-Rawak range, a northern spur of which, the black
mountain of al-Barde, appeared widely separated from the southern black
mountain of Ratttis and the yellowish Kehle. Southwest of the last-named
the chain of ar-Rawak is called Gebel an-Nusrani; above its low, flat ridge
rise the broad summits of ‘Ade and ar-Rm&ah and between these those of
Kal‘at Tejr. Gebel an-Nusrani extends southwest almost to the defile of
ad-Delle, to the southwest of which stretches the mountain of al-Butmi,
on the west separated by the al-Wazha gap from the Hejmtr mountain.
The Hejmtr reaches to the gap Tenijjet al-Jabarde, above which rise
on the west the mountains Ma‘raz al-Krejze and on the east the high az-
Zbejdi. To the southwest of the last named we sighted the whitewashed
stone pyramids built by us on the tops of Ab-al-Gerwe and Ab-al-Kés.
Through the al-Wazha gap the yellowish walls of the Han al-Manktra
ruin could be seen.
The top of al-Rurab is bare rock, without anything grow-
ing there at all except a few stunted swéddt bushes hidden
among the rocks. Our guide spoke of ibexes often coming there
in great numbers, but we did not see any.
AL-RURAB TO HAN AL-MANKURA
Having finished our work with the theodolite, we re-
turned to our men, loaded the baggage, and departed at 4.17
(temperature: 20.1°C). At first we led our animals because
4 Gnejzel is identical with GulejZel, which Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 109, asserts was
a khan two days from Damascus on the desert road to al-Karjatan.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 29
of the steep slope, and we did not mount again until we reached
the plain Dawwat az-Zab‘; then we hurried as fast as we could
southeast to the gap Tenijjet al-Wazha. When we rode here
between two camps of the ESsage‘a, subjects of the chief Eben
Me‘Sgel, two riders demanded tribute of us for passing through.
Recognizing me, they apologized and invited me to dismount
and enter the tents as their guest; but this I declined with
thanks.
I accepted hospitality only when it was absolutely neces-
sary, and even then I gave orders not to put our baggage in
our host’s tent but to leave it outside, next to the men’s com-
partment. Preferably I lodged in a lonely hollow and, if this
were not possible, at a distance from some camp, but never
in a tent. He who enters a tent has to adapt himself to the
customs of the country, to wait for his supper until almost
midnight, and after supper to sit by the fire again and take
part in the conversation. For his bed the host allots him rugs
and covers, which are seldom, if ever, clean; and then he has
to lie among the other guests. In the morning the esteemed
guest must not leave without breakfast and has to wait with
patience while it is leisurely prepared for him after sunrise. Be-
fore he can seat himself on his animal the servant stretches
out his hand and the host, too, expects the guest to pay
for the cost of his entertainment. The negro or the servant
who makes the coffee must also receive at least one megidijje
(90 cents). So the noble guest has to give something to every-
body; and in addition he has to give thanks for the favor done
him and praise the liberality of the tent when he finally leaves,
thankful to get away, though still hungry and sleepy.
Searcely had we pitched our camp at 5.32 (temperature:
18°C) about two kilometers south of the Esage‘a encamp-
ments when the stout chief Naser eben Me‘gel came to us on
horseback with a barefooted servant trotting behind him. He
sat down on my rug and inquired why I did not honor his
tent by entering it as his guest. He then began to boast both
of his wealth and generosity and to entreat me to order my
men to load our baggage on the camels again and go to him.
His companion expressed regret at not having heard of our
arrival sooner, since they would have ridden out to meet me
and have arranged a sham battle (le‘eb al-hejl) in my honor.
Soon afterwards three more chiefs arrived, all of whom sat
down by me and then ate and drank with us, meanwhile in-
350 PALMYRENA
viting us to get up at once and go to them, where we should
be treated like princes. When supper was over the chief, nes-
tling still closer to me, whispered:
“An-Nari eben Sa‘lan is a chief and I, Naser eben Me‘éel,
am likewise a chief. Give me a few piasters that I may buy
a cloak (‘aba)”; to which I replied:
“T know very well that thou, Naser eben Me‘gel, art also
a chief, and I will gladly give thee a present worthy of thyself,
but not here nor in this manner. Come to my tent some time
and there all thou wishest shall be ready for thee, if it be
Allah’s will (in 8a allah). Hearing this, the chief got up and
rode away with his men without a word. But we all exclaimed
“al-hamdu lillah” that Allah had ridden us of such hosts.
Tuesday, October 13, 1908. The minimum temperature
shown by our thermometer was 0.3° C. This made us get up
as early as 4.40 A.M. and, after warming ourselves a little,
take to our saddles at 5.48 and go east-southeast over the
plain Dawwat az-Zab‘ to the al-Wazha gap. After sunrise the
temperature rose to 3.1°C. To the southwest the somewhat
long but low height of Tarak at-[mede was to be seen and
behind it two rocks, Idan ad-Dib, projecting above the wells
of Abu Hjaja. Our guide showed me a rift in the northern
slope of the az-Zbejdi mountain, where there is a well, Gebb
az-Zbejdi, a favorite meeting place for small robber bands.
South of this well a road leads through the pass of an-Nijas
to the basin of al-Mkejmen and to Dmejr. Another well, Gebb
al-Fa‘i, is located at the beginning of the al-Jabarde gap but
has little water in it. The plain which rises slowly towards
the south was covered with small bunches of hudrdf, just
then in blossom. This plant is from five to ten centimeters
high, has a single stem bearing a corolla from three to six
centimeters wide and almost round, and flowers in nearly all
shades of color with the exception of blue and black.
At seven o’clock we reached the al-Wazha gap separating
the highland of al-Butmi on the east from that of Hejmtr
on the west. Another defile branches off to the west-south-
west, winding between the mountains of Hejmtr on the east
and al-CabS on the west and leading to a basin about three
kilometers in width bounded by the mountains of al-Cabi, al-
Hanejzir, and Ma‘raz al-Krejze. Having reached the highest
point of the first defile at 7.50, we followed the Se%b of al-
Manktra, through which the run-off flows down to the rain
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 31
pond of as-Subejée. Here and there in the rocky river bed
artificial hollows were to be seen and on its banks luxuriantly
growing rite. The slopes here are not steep but very stony.
At 8.46 we found a strong wall across the se%b and east of
it an artificial aqueduct, where we halted at 8.50 in order to
start afoot to the Han al-Manktra. But as the al-Wazha gap
affords a very convenient connection between the north and
the south sides of the range and the ESage‘a were camped due
north of it, we feared that marauders of the Ahali al-Gebel
might be lurking somewhere near. For this reason we hid
our camels in a deep gully and sent ‘Abdallah to a high pile
of stones not far off to watch the whole neighborhood. Leaving
Mhammad with the camels and the baggage and taking the
necessary instruments, the rest of us went to the ruins, at a
distance of about six hundred paces south.
The Han al-Manktra lies on the southern base of the
al-Butmi mountains. To the south, southeast, and southwest
a vast rolling plain spreads out, bounded on the northeast
by the mountains Kehle, Khejle, and ar-Rmah, and east of
these by the table mountain ‘Ade. In the plain east of the
ruins rises the long height Tarak abu Dalje, which runs from
southwest to northeast. Far to the southwest the black Tlul
al-Ijat could be seen.
The Roman fort known as the Han al-Manktra (Figs. 3
and 4) forms a rectangle approximately 90 meters long from
west to east by 82 meters wide. The rampart wall, which is
2.2 meters thick, is strengthened at each corner by a rounded
tower. From the centers of the north and south sides similar
towers rise; there are also two towers each on the western
and eastern sides, between which gates lead into the fort.
No traces of walls can be seen within the yard. Behind the
fortress, by the southwest corner, a reservoir was built 63
meters long from north to south by 43 meters wide, divided
by a wall into two unequal parts. In the smaller northern
part, the rain water was caught and the sediment deposited,
while the cleared water flowed over the wall into the south-
ern part.°
5 The Han al-Mankdra I consider to be the Roman station of Casama shown on the
Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888), Segm. 10, and the Kusam of the Arabic authorities.
Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 124, repeats older reports that Kusam is a place in the
desert near Syria, but that it belongs to Irak; and that Haled on his march to Syria passed
there before reaching Tadmur. — Jakdat traveled through Palmyrena, visited al-Zerjitejn
and apparently Tudmor also, but he was ignorant of the location of the watering place of
Kusam. It is thus evident that even before his time Kusam must have received another name.
PALMYRENA
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WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA
THE HAN AL-MANKURA TO AL-ZERJITEJN
Returning to our baggage at 11.86, we found it already
loaded and the camels prepared for departure. After having
drunk a little tea, we left hurriedly for the north at 11.48.
HAN AL-MANKURA
METERS
10 0 10 20 30 40 So
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Fic. 4—Han al-Mankira, plan.
I should have liked very much to have gone in an easterly
direction to the Han ‘Anejbe and then through the pass of
al-Hufejjer northwards, but my companions feared an attack
from our enemies; besides this, Nazzal, our guide, declared that
the road through al-Hufejjer was impassable for camels.
Therefore there was no choice for us but to return by way
of the gap of al-Wazha. Nazzal told us that in the preceding
winter the snow about the Han al-Manktra and in the moun-
tains of al-Butmi for three weeks had lain over half a meter
deep and that the cold was so intense that in his camp children
34 | PALMYRENA
had died of it. And now, in the middle of October, the sun was
shining warmly and the swallows flying about our camels,
catching the countless flies which we had brought with us
from the Han al-Manktira. Flies had crawled over our backs
as we passed through the ruins and had returned every time
we chased them away. On reaching the plain Dawwat az-Zab*‘,
we turned north-northeast and made our way along the north-
ern foot of the al-Butmi mountains towards the two dark hills
of al-‘“Abd and al-‘Abde. On the ridges to our right we saw
scattered butum (terebinth trees), the fruit of which, called
kzdma, is picked with great care. The ‘Umtr as well as the
fellahin from al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor press oil out of it and
eat it with bread. ‘Abdallah caught a hedgehog about half
the size of the English variety and hid it in his bag to roast
and eat afterwards. To the north we saw numerous herds of
camels returning from the watering places at al-Zerjitejn.
Shortly afterwards three riders reached us; they had taken
us from afar for enemy’s spies and were very glad to find
that we were friends instead.
By 2.25 P.M. we were at the foot of the isolated hill of
al-‘Abd, which is quite black and cleft in two. Rising to the
southeast is the similar but much larger hill of al-‘“Abde, which
consists of five blocks of rock separated by deep rifts. Having
ridden between these two hills, we turned towards the north-
east at the foot of the white limestone height, Tarak al-Kan-
nas, which stretches northeastward. We urged on our animals
in order to reach the wells of al-Hufejjer as soon as possible,
for besides watering our camels we also wished to fill our
water bags.
The plain we were passing over merges gradually into a
tract of countless white hillocks, among which, at 4.50, we
found the wells of al-Hufejjer. Two were abandoned or “dead”
(majjete); the third, situated on the left side of a gully of the
same name, was untouched, and we were greatly surprised not
to find traces of visitors anywhere about. The reason for this
we found, however, in letting our canvas bucket down the well
and pulling it up again. It was filled with yellow, evil-smelling
water full of rotting locusts. And since the well had not been
cleaned, the water was undrinkable and generally avoided.®
6 Abu-l-Farag, Ardni (Balak, 1285 A. H.), Vol. 20, p. 121, records that some divisions
of the Kalb tribe were attacked by the Beni Numejr_in Hufejjer and al-Faras. —
I look for Hufejjer and al-Faras east of al-Zerjitejn. Al-Faras lies about fifty kilo-
meters northeast from there, but Hufejjer may well be identified with our watering place.
WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 35
Mounting our camels again, we rode fast to al-Zerjitejn.
Both to the left and right we noticed stone quarries, from
which came the splendid building material used in the build-
ing of the fortress al-Hosn as well as of the walls of Tell al-
‘Ajn above the spring of Umm al-Kelajed south of the settle-
ment of al-Zerjitejn. The ride was not pleasant. Our animals
as well as we ourselves were tired out and wished to rest, but
there was no water; and, moreover, it was dangerous to camp
on the road from al-Hufejjer, since it was frequented by
marauders hiding among the white hillocks. Very soon we ob-
served many fires—tokens of a large encampment; but for
a long time they seemed to be white, a proof that we were
at least five kilometers away. Not until they appeared red did
we hear the barking of dogs. Finally, at eight o’clock, we lay
down to sleep not far from the tents.
Wednesday, October 14, 1908. We had no rest that night,
as thousands of camels passed by on their way to the watering
places. Having watered our animals in a brook which brings
water from the abundant spring of Umm al-Kelajed to the
southern gardens and fields of the al-Zerjitejn settlement, we
rode northwest over many aqueducts, most of them about five
meters deep and provided with cleaning holes about a hundred
paces apart. This brought us to the spring of al-Gedje west of
the settlement, where we unloaded our baggage. Accompanied
by Mhammad, I rode on a camel’s back to the monastery of
Dejr Mar Elijjan, about one kilometer northwest of the settle-
ment, supposing that a Syrian Catholic priest lived there. The
sanctuary is a square complex of buildings with a small church,
where the grave of St. Elijjan is the object of worship. Next
to the building on the west in a garden there is a spring, ‘Ajn
Gennet an-Nasfra, which fills a small pond abounding in fish.
In the last two years everything had been repaired and the
garden surrounded by a wall about two meters high. Dis-
mounting before a low iron-bound gate, we knocked, but nobody
opened. The house seemed to be deserted. Thinking I could get
in from the garden, I went round and found in the eastern
garden wall several breaches made by the Bedouins; the garden
itself was in a bad state.
The Syrian priest, or kassis, Philip did not live in the house
of Mar Elijjan but in the settlement, where I went to see him.
I begged him to find me a reliable servant; which he obligingly
did, sending for a young man who was willing to go with us.
36 PALMYRENA
Having made an agreement with the latter as to the wages, I
promised to stop for him on my return and to take him with
me to my tent. After this I went to the mudir, or represen-
tative of the Government, and then to the officer in com-
mand of the gendarmes stationed there, whom I asked for a
mounted gendarme as my guide. As my route was to take
me through the territory northeast of al-Zerjitejn, a camping
ground of both herdsmen and felldhin to whom a gendarme
is an object of fear, he was to be a visible sign that I was
traveling with the consent of the Government and he would
save me from their impertinences. The mudir granted my
request very readily, giving me as a companion the gendarme
Haggi Mhammad, who was to come at noon with his horse to
our baggage. The horse caused me not a little worry, because
we had to take along barley and water for him and our ani-
mals were, to say the least, already overburdened. ©
The settlement was full of Bedouins, who entered houses
at will and acted as if they were masters there. They came
even into the kassis Philip’s room on the second floor, seated
themselves, and asked for coffee and something to eat. When
the kassis reminded them that they should keep the fast, it
being the month of ramazdn, they merely laughed and bade
him bring what they wanted. The five gendarmes stationed
in the settlement for its protection were openly laughed at by
them. Returning to my companions, I found them in a very
unpleasant situation. They were surrounded by Bedouins who
demanded the same tax from us that wandering merchants
have to pay. I finally succeeded, partly by reasoning, partly by
force, in convincing them that we were no traders at all and
that we would not give them anything. We=were heartily glad
when we could at last leave the place at 1.40 P. M.
AL-ZERJITEJN TO ABU RUBAH; THE FWA‘RE
After riding in a northwesterly direction across the broad
cultivated plain of as-Sahl, we ascended the limestone elevation
Hazm as-Sajeh, which stretches from west to east. To the
southwest was seen the ad-Dawwa lowland with the shallow
river bed of al-Kalabijjat twining through it. This lowland is
bounded on the north by the Se‘eb al-L6z and its spurs al-
Kawdan and Maskukt Mhin. From the latter the plateau of
ar-Rmejle extends to the north. We went in the direction of
WADI AL~ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 37
the last-named through the bare undulating region of Zahrat
al-Harrtba, and camped at 4.20 in the Se%b of as-Sijar, not far
from the tents of the Fwa‘re. Before long several of the latter
made their appearance, but to our inquiries regarding the ter-
ritory on the northeast they gave conflicting answers.
The Fwa‘re have about six hundred tents. The principal chief is
Hmejjed as-Sibli. The clans are:
al-Aramne (chief: Hmejjed aS-Sibli)
al-‘Alzawijjin » salame eben ‘Afnan)
at-Twémat » salame al-‘Azzawi)
-al-Hananme » Aklat al-“Awwaz)
al-Bahadle » Farag az-Za‘éter)
al-Hanadze “Ali al-‘Adlan)
at-Trejge » Mhammad al-Hmejdan)
az-Zijadne » salame al-Melhem)
al-Ma‘édijjin » Mhammad al-Msétef )
al-Masa id Peer ek bre air’)
at-Twénan 3 Halaf al-Gasem).
Thursday, October 15, 1908. At 6.15 A.M. (temperature:
16°C) we started over. the Wdijan an-Nijasa plain in a north-
westerly direction and soon came to the small poor hamlet
of al-Rontor, made from the ruins of the same name.‘
Southwest of this hamlet lie the settlements of al-Haw-
warin* and Mhin, where there are numerous remains of large
ancient buildings.
EOP RRR OQ ON RN
“
“
7 Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), pp. 411f., states that Sejfaddowle (944—967 A.D.),
on his expedition against the nomads, marched to the waters of al-Furkulus and al-Runtur.
Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 819, records that Runtur is a valley between
the towns of Homs and Salamja.
8 Asurbanipal (Rassam Cylinder [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 7],
eol. 7, 1.111; Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, pp. 64, 66) defeated the Arabs who sup-
ported his antagonist, the Babylonian king Samassumukin, in the neighborhood of the city
of Ha-u-ri-na.
Zachaeus and the young son of the widow whom the Savior raised from the dead
were tortured to death in Hawwarin in the desert (Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot],
Vol. 4, p. 98).
Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14:19, knew of a town ealled Aueria or Aueira, which in
all probability may be identified with our Hawwarin.
The Antonine Itinerary, 195:9 (Parthey and Pinder edit., p. 88), mentions a station
of Eumari, distant about forty miles from the station of Geroda. — Eumari was the starting
point of a road leading by way of Geroda (the Gertd of today) to Damascus. It is almost
certain that an important caravan road led to Eumari from Palmyra and very likely another
led thither from Seriane (Esrija, Serija) by way of Occariba (‘Uzéribat). It seems that Eumari
never belonged to Palmyrena proper.
About 400 A. D. Euhara was apportioned to the province Phoenices Secunda, or
Phoenices Libanensis. The seutarii Illyriciani cavalrymen once camped there (Notitia digni-
tatum, Oriens, 32, nos. 4, 19).
The acts of the Council of Chaleedon were signed among others by Thomas, bishop
of Euaria (Lat. text: Theonas episcopus Euariae) (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio [Paris,
1715], Vol. 2, cols. 473f.; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4, p. 199).
The signature of the same Thomas, as ‘‘episcopus Euariae,’’ a subordinate of the metro-
politan of Damascus, is also appended to a petition of the bishops of the province of Phoe-
nicia Secunda (Mansi, Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 7, col. 559).
The Chronica minora (Brooks, p. 227) and Michael the Syrian (op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 267)
say that after 520 A. D. the monophysite bishops Thomas of Jabrtid, John of Tadmur, John
38 PALMYRENA
Southwest of al-Rontor flows the good spring ‘Ajn al-
Hadat and north of it the ‘Ajn al-Ksejbe. The water from
these springs might well irrigate large gardens were it not
for the Bedouins, who with their herds would immediately
destroy any attempts at cultivation. In the hamlet, numbering
only eight huts, we could not find a guide familiar with the
country, and the Fwa‘re herdsmen who were watering their
flocks there showed no desire to accompany us. Finally an
older man called Ramztn leaped on the camel carrying our
water bags and declared that he would act as our guide if
I gave him one megidijje (90 cents) a day. To my question
whether he preferred to sit on my camel for half a megidizje
a day or in his tent for nothing at all, he replied that he
would go for half a megidi7j7e, but must be given coffee and
cigarettes besides.
the bishop of the Arabian monks in Hawwarin, Nonnus of Circesium, and Marion of Stra’
of the Roman Empire were driven out by the Government.
John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, III, 40—42, states that the curator Magnus
caused a wall to be built around Hawwarin and also that he built a church there. To its
consecration he invited the patriarch of Antioch and the patrician Alamundarus (al-Mundir).
The last-named was escorted by his soldiers, who, however, yielding to Magnus’ entreaties,
went back again. Alamundarus was then captured. No sooner did his soldiers hear of this
than they returned and occupied the fortress, but had to retreat before the superior Roman
strength. An-No‘man, al-Mundir’s eldest son, assembled his troops and, after Magnus’ departure,
attacked and conquered Magnus’ fort (Hawwarin). The Arabs slew some of the inhabitants,
took the rest captive, and carried away whatever fell into their hands: gold and silver, brass,
and iron, dresses of wool and cotton, corn, wine and oil, pack animals-of all kinds, herds
of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats.
In Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p. 50, Hawwarin appears (about 605) on the
list of the towns in the eparchy of Phoenicia Libanensis under the name of Euarius or
Justinianupolis and as subject to the metropolitan residing in Emissa (Homs). — The
new name of Justinianupolis was probably given to the old settlement when it was rebuilt
at the end of the sixth century.
Al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 289, recollects that the caliph Jazid (Yazid) ibn Mu‘awija
liked to reside in HuwwAarin, where he was also buried in 683.
Al-Mas‘tdi, Tanbih (De Goeje), p. 306, and at-Tabari, Ta’rth (De Goeje), Ser. 2, p. 427,
write that Yazid died in the middle of October, 683, in Huwwa€arin in the district of
Damascus near the road leading by way of al-Kutejfe (or al-Kutajjefe) and Kara to Homs. —
Al-Ktejfe and al-Kara lie to the southwest of al-Hawwarin.
When the caliph Walid II was murdered, the inhabitants of Homs rebelled against
the caliph Yazid II, who then sent an army against them, which started a battle near
Huwwarin (at-Tabari, OP. Cis oSeLs La Dee Lau)
In the middle of July, 998, Bakgstir fled from Damascus through the mountains to the
fortress of Huwwarin, where his property was hidden. Snatching up hastily what he could,
he continued to flee to ar-Rakka (Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl [Amedroz], p. 30).
According to Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 355, and Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid (Juynboll),
Vol. 1, p. 827, Huwwarajn, or HuwwaArin, was a place in the political district of Aleppo and
a fortress in the administrative precinct of Homs. Jaktt quotes al-Beladori’s report of.
HAaled ibn al-Walid’s march from Tadmur to al-Karjatan and Huwwarin in the mountainous
Sanir region. Here Haled fell upon the flocks of sheep and goats belonging to the inhabitants
of HuwwaArin, to whose aid came the people of Baalbek. Abu Hudejfa says that Haled, after
marching two days from Tadmur, reached the settlement of al-Karjatan, also called Auwwarin,
where in 683 the caliph Yazid I died. —
Jakat considers all the settlements in Palmyrena as subject to Aleppo. Al-Beladori,
whom he does not quote literally, mentions, besides the inhabitants of Baalbek, the people
of Bosra as having come to the help of al-Hawwéarin. As this seemed to Jakit to be less
credible, he omitted mentioning it. It is not easy to understand why he erroneously identified
al-Karjatan with al-Hawwarin. Being a native of Hama’ and having himself visited al-Karjatan,
he surely must have known that they were two different places, separated by a distance of
nearly twenty kilometers. Abu-l-Fada’il left this mistake uncorrected because he did not
know Palmyrena at all.
Abu-l-Feda’, Taxwim (Reinaud and De Slane), p. 83, says that the settlement of
Huwwarin lies southeast of Hons.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 39
ABU RUBAH TO GEBB HABL
Starting at 7.50 in a northeasterly direction, we came
before long to the foot of the broad but low ridge of Abu
Rubah, which stretches from northeast to southwest, and
halted at nine o’clock before the ruins of the same name. On
the western slope of the ridge lie extensive remains of a huge
fortress enclosed by a wall 120 centimeters thick and provided
with numerous small square towers. The southwestern tower
and a big arch in the northwestern corner are comparatively
well preserved. At about the center of the northern side of
the fortress a gate leads into a small yard, from which it is
possible to crawl through a low opening in the eastern wall to
an old vault, where, through a narrow crevice in the middle
of the floor, escape vapors of a temperature of 51°C. This is
the famous hot bath Hammam abu Rubah, much frequented
by the sick of Homs, Hama, and Aleppo. The spring itself
bubbles out at a depth of about twenty meters down in the
rock.
Nearly four hundred paces east of the fortress steam also
escapes through a similar rock crevice, but there the temper-
ature could not be measured. Out under a stone right by the
hole two adders with thick tubercles on their heads were hiss-
ing at us and would not be chased away with stones. We un-
fortunately had no stick. Above this spring rises a truncated
cone, on which lhe piles of débris from an old ruined watch-
tower. From there we sketched a map of the neighborhood.
Far to the west rose the rocky peak Halimt al-Kara. To the northwest
we could see the Tarak H6laje which extends from southeast to northwest
forming the watershed between the river basin of al-‘Asi (Orontes) and that
of the streams flowing into the lowland of ad-Daw. The last-named extends
southwest of Tudmor. South of the Tarak Holaje spreads the undulating
region of al-Mkejmen, ground easy to cultivate, in the western part of
which could be seen the gardens of the settlements of Sadad, ar-Rhejbe,
and al-Hafar, and in the eastern the settlements of al-Hawwarin and Mhin.
On the southeast the Tarak Holaje joins the flat-topped ridge of Zukum
al-Hanzir, which on the northeast merges with the mighty and much
higher ridge of aS-Somerijje, shuting in the northern horizon. Southeast
of aS-Somerijje stretches the hilly district of Tafha, from which the at-
Tjas hills run south. Southwest of these hills glistened the white escarp-
ment Tar ar-Rhejmi, south of which rose the isolated Tell as-Semen. Far
to the east-northeast shone the steep walls of the al-Abjaz mountains,
overlooking on the northeast the basin of ad-Daw, which extends as far
south as the ar-Rawak range. Near at hand to the east and southeast
of the ruins of Abu Rub&ah stood out clearly in view the white rocks of
AQ) PALMYRENA
the Kih al-Geba’, below which flow the springs ‘Ajn al-Geba’ and ‘Ajn
al-Komkém, well known as watering places for camels. To the west of
these projects the long flat-topped Hazm al-Jasir.
The land south, west, and north of the Abu Rubah ruins
is tillable, but the area to the east, composed chiefly of soft
calcareous rocks, absorbs the moisture so easily that the grain
usually dries up before it can ripen.
At 10.15 we were in our saddles again, trying to destenn
from the ridge of Abu Rubah to the neighboring rolling plain
of al-Wu‘erijje; but this was not easily done, as the side gul-
lies form deep hollows in the slope of the ridge. The valleys
of al-Faras, az-Zebi, and az-Zel‘a, through which we passed in
a north-northeasterly direction, must also have been cultivated
in times past. Low dams for catching the run-off seen there-
about bear witness to this. Here and there were lying the
white skins (ti7@b) of various snakes, which are quite plenti-
ful about Abu Rubah. We also had a glimpse of two herds
of gazelles.
On the southern edge of the rolling plain of al-Bawlijje,
two Fwa‘re from the neighborhood of Homs joined us. They
were traveling to the ‘Ebede division to recover from them five
stolen camels. The Fwa‘re and the ‘Ebede were friends, but
one of our new companions had been camping with enemies
of the ‘Ebede, the Hsene. The ‘Ebede had suddenly attacked
the Hsene, taking their camels and also the five belonging to
our new companion. For this reason the two Fwa‘re were going
to the head chief of the ‘Ebede, Bargas eben Hdejb, to ask
for the return of his animals. They did not know where Bar-
gas was then camping, and yet all they took with them for their
long trip was an old rifle and an earthen pitcher holding no
more than half a liter of water. Of provisions they had none at
all, depending on hospitality in the camps they were to pass
and, whenever these were too distant from each other, waiting
several days until some other travelers whom they could join
chanced to pass. Having met us, they thanked Allah for the
precious gift he sent them in us, for they did not intend to
leave our party until we had escorted them right to Bargas.
For food and drink they depended on us, too, and also hoped
to get a ride occasionally. My native companions were not
overjoyed by their new comrades, and the guide Ramzin did
not even hesitate to say that Allah was often charitable to
wholly undeserving persons.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 41
In the territory we were now passing through there were
no distinctly formed watercourses. If it rains enough, the water
gathers in the smaller flats, and only after a lasting and heavy
rain does it flow through the valleys to the al-Hor basin and
disappear on the lowland of ad-Daw. At 2.47 we came to a big
pile of stones, Abu ‘Akbén, behind which we found deeper gul-
hes, running south. The ride through the monotonous rolling
plain, covered with dried yellow plants, was so very fatiguing
that we were glad when we finally reached the gray slopes of
the as-Somerijje ridge. Both on the slopes and in the gullies
numerous black points —terebinth trees— were to be seen. At
the foot of the ridge we came at 3.05 to the Gebab Hamed
wells, but no one was there (temperature: 27.8°C). We camped
in a basin open only to the northeast, where our animals found
good pasture and we plenty of dried camel manure to cook our
Supper with. From there I went to the two wells to find out
their depth, in order that Mhammad could take along ropes
of the right length. The southern well was partly caved-in
and dry, “dead” (majjet); in the northern, however, there was
water, only it was about twenty-five meters below the surface
and the rope we took measured just fifteen meters. To reach
the water, therefore, we had to tie our reins and girths to the
rope and, as this was not enough, even two shirts. Our canvas
bucket finally reached the water, but being very light, floated
on the surface and could not be made to sink. After pulling it
out again, we tied a large stone to the bottom of it and thus
were able to fill the bucket. The sides of the well, however,
being hewn through the rock, were not even and the bucket,
now full, bumped against all the sides in turn. We trembled
with anxiety’ lest our rope, so laboriously constructed, should
break and lose us not only the water but indispensable parts
of our clothing and the girths and reins as well. Allah helped,
however, and we succeeded in watering the gendarme’s horse
and filling both our bags, although the camels did not get
a drink.
From the wells, lying at an altitude of 819 meters, I went
to a slope to the west, where, at a height of 830 meters, I found
the remains of an old fortification with foundation walls 220
centimeters thick. South of these are two cisterns and a res-
ervoir hewn in the rock. Returning to the camp again, I saw
that our camels were grazing too far away without anybody
to watch them and that the gendarme as well as the negro
A2 PALMYRENA
‘Abdallah were regaling themselves with coffee, tea, rice, and
meat, and allowing the travelers of the Fwa‘re to share with
them. All the baggage was opened and the flour and rice scat-
tered about. Since no one except Mhammad had the right to
take the food out of the baggage, I asked him who had caused
this disorder. To excuse himself Mhammad pointed to the gen-
darme and ‘Abdallah, saying that they of their own accord
and in spite of him took from the baggage whatever they
liked. Reproaching them with their high-handed actions, I
threatened to dismiss them instantly if they should do such
a thing again. I could not permit any uninvited person to
meddle with and waste our provisions, not knowing when and
where we could replenish them.
We had to keep watch all night, being apprehensive of
an attack by robbers or marauders who might come to the
wells after dark. It was manifest before midnight that our
fears were not without grounds. Three riders on camels dis-
covered our camp and prowled about a long time. Finding
that we were the stronger’ party, they finally disappeared.
Friday, October 16, 1908. At 6.22 A. M. (temperature: 15°C)
we started north-northeast, ascending the mountain chain of
aS-Somerijje. The valleys here are wide and their slopes not
abrupt, but their side gullies are narrow and deep. The moun-
tain ridge is broad and almost flat-topped; only here and there
a dome-shaped hillock rises above the general level. At 7.20
we were in the Se%b of al-‘Akulijje, where, a half-hour later,
we saw on our left the ruins of a settlement of the same name.
At 8.20 we reached the ruined village of al-Kattar and saw
standing on a neighboring butte by a large pile of stones a
rider, who instantly disappeared when he saw himself observed.
It was possibly one of the trio who had kept us awake the
night before. Two or three robbers riding on camels are
called ma‘djir. They sneak close to flocks of sheep or camels
and drive away aS many animals as they can. If some of the
herdsmen catch sight of them, they at once give warning to
their companions, who then place lookouts on all the highest
points in the neighborhood to keep watch from there over
their herds. The herdsmen of the Beni Haled, whose flocks
were grazing in aS-Sdmerijje, must have known about these
robbers, because at nine o’clock, when we arrived at the deep
well Gebb Habl, we noticed that all the prominent places were
occupied by watchers.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 43
GEBB HABL TO ‘UZERIBAT; THE BENI HALED; THE MWALI
The Beni Haled number about one thousand tents and obey one head
chief, ‘Abdalkerim eben Naser. Their clans are:
Al Naser (chief: “Abdalkerim eben Naser)
Al ‘Asi ose ‘ snehery
az-Zmil ( ,Mhammad al-Rareb)
al-Ranajem ( , Hadr al-‘Amiri)
al-Bejatre ( ,, Arejmes)
Al ‘Alejjan ( , Haled al-Halaf)
an-Negagir, with al-Haswa
and Batta families ( , Fares ar-Rhejjes)
as-Sakra ( , Sallam al-Mhammad)
at-Ta‘ama’ ( , Hadr al-‘Eléwi)
al-‘Azazre ( , Mhammad al-Misa)
al-Brejéat ( , Hamis al-Brejéi)
az-Zrejg ( , “Abdallah al-Hebaw)
ar-Rfé‘ijjin ( , Mhammad ‘Ali ar-Rfé‘1)
al-‘AkarSe ( , Hazza* al-Btejhes)
as-Sikr (ago Wambar)
al-Mtejhat ( , Ged‘an al-Kasab)
at-Tahhan (ins Pn Gasem al-Mhammad)
as-Smir ( , Ahmad a8-Stéwi).
At 9.13 we crossed the road of at-Tidribe connecting Homs
and Hama’ with the territory of Bilas and Tudmor.
This road runs in an easterly direction across the mountain chain
of Tafha and along the southern slopes of the mountains Zemlet al-
Knéman, as-Safwani, and Mu‘allak as- Ska’. After crossing the Se‘ibdn of
at- -Temajel and al-Futtas, it traverses the Zuml Emhéar hills to the wells
Bijar Ghar and thence cee straight to the Bijar abu-l-Fawares. Near
Gebb Habl a branch leads off to the southeast beyond the seb of al-
Faje, running between Tenaja Haleb and the at-Tjas ridge past the ruins
of at-Tjas to the well Bir Misrab, the demolished Han at-Trab (or al-
Leben), and still farther to the well Gebb Gezel north of the small ruins
of al-Klejbijje. At the Abu-l-Fawares well both the main road and this
branch connect with the as-Sultani road which runs from Tudmor to Da-
mascus by way of al-Zerjitejn. Since the seventies of the last century,
however, when Midhat Pasha ordered the fortress Kal‘at al-Béza to be
built, large caravans bound from Tudmor to Homs and Hama’ have used
the commercial road of as-Sultani as far as this fortress and only from
here have turned directly west-northwest to the well Gebb Cen‘an, called
also Bir (or Gebb) Misrab.
The fort Han abu Sindah, where we stayed from 10.05
to 12.15 P.M. (temperature: 28°C), may have been built for
the protection of the at-Tidribe road.
The Han abu Sindah is situated on a high butte (Fig.
5). Its walls are 220 centimeters thick and form a rectangle
44 PALMYRENA
45.40 meters long from north to south by 41.20 meters wide.
Through the center of the southern wall a narrow gate leads
into a court, the southern part of which is full of débris.
Almost in the middle of the court is a deep well, to the west
\
ee hie i
HAN ABU SINDAH
METERS.
10 20
ie
: a
30 400 eee
10 0
Fic. 5—H4n abu Sindah, plan.
of which there is a square structure built close to the wall.
In the western and southern walls are six loopholes each, in
the northern only five, and in the eastern seven. Above one
of the loopholes on the outside projects a rough-hewn stone
with a cross on it (Fig. 6).
_ The butte of Abu Sindah forms a part of the ridge of
aS-Somerijje and can be seen from far to the southwest. The
highland east of it and north of the ridges of al-Abjaz and
Abu Rigmén is called Bil‘as,? the eastern border of which is
formed by the hillocks near the al-Kdejm wells; this region
extends as far north as Esrija.
As seen from the Han abu Sindah the horizon to the west is shut
in by the aS-Sdmerijje mountains; to the south appear the bare Tafha
hillocks; to the east rises the ridge of al-Kném4n, overgrown in some places
® According to Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 76, and Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1,
p. 722, al-Bal‘as (or Bal‘4s) is an administrative precinct in the political district of Homs.
WADI AL“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 45
with terebinth trees, behind which is as-SawwAani and the still more distant
Mu‘allak as- -Ska’. The high outlines of the al-Abjaz mountains also show
on the horizon. In front of them gapes the wide rift of Ghar, separat-
ing them on the west from the mountain chain of Abu Zhiir, the western
spur of which, Sawwant abu Zhfir, reaches as far as Mu‘allak a3-Ska’.
HAN ABU SINDAH
2.
Fic. 6—Han abu Sindah, a cross above a loophole.
All the se‘ibdn between these ridges might be cultivated, as is proved by
the ruins of old settlements. For instance, to the south of the Han abu
Sindah in the Se%b of as-Sa‘id lie the al-Abitlije (or Abu Elijje) Tuins;
southeast of these in the setb of al-Faje and east of the Han abu Sindah
in the Sawwant abu Zhtr lies the Bita wa-l-‘Ala’ ruin. The se%b of at-
Temajel rises on the western extremity of the Sawwant abu Zhtr. After
being joined on the left by the se%b of al-Futtas, it finds its way be-
tween Tenaja Haleb—as the eastern spurs of the hilly district of at-Tjas
are called — and the E‘jat Ghar rocks, and ends in the lowland of ad-Daw.
About mid-course of the se%b of at-Temajel lie the Murran ruins, in the
neighborhood of which, it is said, much ‘dark-brown stone” (probably
lignite or brown coal) is found, which burns when laid on a fire.
Going north-northeast from the Han abu Sindah, at 1.10
we reached a small ruin, Surrat Rarra. Thence we rode west
of the deep valley of al-Rattas or al-Btim, in which the ruins
of Umm al-Kbébe, Umm al-Hmejme, and Rasm al-Hallaz lie.
East of Umm al- Hmejme and at the eastern base of Abu Zhur,
is the al-Kumejje ruin, and south of the latter in a branch
46 PALMYRENA
of the sevb of Ghar is the well Gebb az-Zubejjed. West of
Surrat Rarra the as-Sémerijj je mountains send out to the west
the broad spur of as-Sawwane.
At 1.42 we had on our left on a plateau covered with tall
dry grasses the hillock Tell Erkab and were crossing Zahr al-
Makta‘ and the low ridge of al-Manktra, on the northwestern
slope of which are the ruins of al-Kars,*° Umm at-Twéne,
and the village of al-HarizZa.
At 2.38 we entered the plowed fields of the new settle-
ment of Gebb Siha and a few minutes later were in the
broad sev%b of al-Mrejzel, which was also cultivated. At 3.48
we stopped by the wells of al-Barrak, not far from the ruins
of the same name. These wells had recently been cleaned by
the MeSarfe felldhin, breeders of goats and sheep. (Temper-
ature: 27.5°C.)
Our guide did not know these new settlements and thought
that we should find our next water in the hamlet of al-Ha-
riza; it was therefore necessary to look for a new guide. Hav-
ing made camp on the eastern slope of the as-Suwejjed ridge,
about five hundred meters from the camp of the Mesarfe
we began to negotiate with two men. After a while the chief
arrived with several companions and complained that we did
not honor his tent as his guests. Our gendarme treated these
fellahin as though they were his slaves. They called him ef-
endi, brought him the best rugs, prepared a soft bed for
him, offered him cigarettes and a water pipe (narkile, or narg-
hile), inquired what his soul was yearning for, and showed
him the barley they had brought for his horse. The gendarme
beamed with pleasure when he noticed the jealous — nay, en-
vious — looks of his companion, ‘Abdallah, and accepted every-
thing, even the barley, but whispered to Mhammad to remember
that he had received this as a present from his friends and
that he expected the Pasha to pay him the price of it. The
chief then brought us a guide and seemed to be glad that
we did not honor his tent by our visit but that, on the contrary,
he could drink tea and eat burrul with us. Also our guide,
Ramzin, was so well pleased with our hospitality that he prom-
ised to go to the Euphrates and then to return with us again
to al-Zerjitejn. He was even ready to give up his wages, if only
he could ride on one of our camels, smoke our cigarettes, and
10 Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 57, knew of a Tell Kurs in the territory of the Ghassanian
tribe. — As our al- Kars is in territory which once belonged to the Ghassanians, we may
identify it with Tell Kurs.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 47
drink our tea, which seemed especially to his taste. Both of
the Fwa‘re men also remained with us without seeking hospi-
tality in the tents. We were, therefore, now accommodating
fourteen men, something we could not, of course, continue
to do, or we should soon have had nothing left for ourselves.
The MeSsarfe belong to the MwAli tribe, who live in about eight
hundred tents and obey Emir Fagr abu RiSe. This tribe is formed of the
following clans:
al-Bu Rise (chief: Fagr abu Rise)
Al Halife Gane: “Abdalkerim eben Ahmad)
ad-Dowle (..4;, + Abdalaziz Ibrahim)
Beni ‘Ezz
ad-Dwadne
Al Razi
al-Kalkal
as-Srejf
al-Hasaw
aS-Sléwa
as-Swértan
at-Towkan ( , Ahmad al-Hamad)
al-Mesarfe.
The Mesarfe clan numbers about two hundred tents and consists of
the following families:
Al-Haz‘al (chief: Gasem eben Mhammad al-‘AzzAwi)
al-Hzémat ( , Dthi al-‘Umejjer)
Al Hasan (ues Hmejd an-Negm)
al-‘Ests ( , ‘Abbtid al-Hmid)
al-Bakkar ( , ‘Aléwi al-Ajjtib)
al-‘Abdelijje ( , Gdé& an-Negm).
Saturday, October 17, 1908. Long before sunrise I sent
Mhammad with three men and all the camels to the wells,
but after a short time they returned with the unwelcome re-
port that there was no water there. But since our new guide,
Ahmad al-“Ali, assured us that we should find plenty in the
new settlement of ‘Uzéribat, we started for that place at 6.20
A. M. (temperature: 18°C). Crossing the se%b of al-Mrejzel
in a northeasterly direction, we saw the al-Barrak wells on
our right and then came upon the cultivated land of the Me-
Sarfe. This clan has plowed during the last few years the
fields of al-Barrak, Umm at-Twéne, al-Msérfe, and al-‘ArStne.
Ahmad complained bitterly of the locusts which had appeared
regularly during the last few years and destroyed not only
the fields but also the pastures. After having passed the ruin
of al-Gabrijje we reached the flat-topped hillocks of as-Swejda,
A8 PALMYRENA
grown over with terebinth and low blackish trees known as
swejd. To the northwest there spread a vast plain bounded
on the northwest by the uplands of al-‘Ala’; above the plain
-rose the butte of al-“Ezejjem, south of which we had a mo-
Paar
eonn-----J bb
fal i
o
a i ‘ z
AL-KASTAL ano environs
METERS
10 20
Fic, 7—Al-Kastal and environs, plan.
mentary glimpse of the little fortress Kasr Sumejmis, stand-
ing on an isolated hill. Farther to the southwest appeared the
outlines of two high black mountains called KrOn Hama’. At
7.50 we passed the caved-in wells of al-Kurbatijje; to the west
we saw the village of as-Stha, and from 8.08 to 9.20 we stayed
in the settlement of ‘Uzéribat (temperature: 31.8°C).
The half-fellahin call this settlement ‘Uzériba’ or ‘Ukériba’.
The new settlement, which is built on a small elevation,
and its productive neighborhood are the property of the chief
11 According to Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, nos. 8, 17, Occariba was garrisoned by
the equites promoti Illyriciani, who obeyed the commander of Syria.
Ibn Hordadbeh, op. cit., p. 76, notes that the administrative district of the town of
Homs contained the precincts Zumajn, al-Kastal, Salamijja, and “‘Ukejriba’. — In the text
“Akbarta is printed, but from the geographical position of the places named above it should
evidently read ‘Ukejriba’.
Nasr (Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 699) refers to “‘Ukejriba’, stating that it is a precinct
of the administrative district of Homs.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 49
of Tudmor (Palmyra). Neither in the settlement nor in its en-
virons could we find any Roman remains. Having watered our
animals and filled our water bags, we gave the two FwaAa‘re
to understand that they had better look for other companions.
They were not a little angry that
we declined to accommodate them
further, but they took the hint.
‘UZERIBAT TO ESRIJA
Proceeding on our way, we now
went through an open productive
country. To the east, behind the
as-Swejda hillocks, rose the high
ridge of al-‘Ekejre, on which lie
the al-‘Amara ruins. This ridge
slopes toward the northeast into Fic. 8—Al-Kastal, a capital.
the hilly region of al-Géne, in which
is the small ruin Rasm at-Tumbak. .
West of al-Géne appear two isolated hills, Sefa? Idéntén, and
northeast the bare hillocks Tlul ar-Raml. On the east the
al-Ekejre ridge overlooks the deep and wide se%b of al-Bim,
east of which the ridges of aS-Sotob and Umm al-Fhid stretch
to the north. Groups of terebinth and swejd trees were to be
seen on all these ridges. Riding along the edge of the fertile
plain which spread to the west, at 1.34 P. M. we passed a pile of
stones, Rigm al-Fahar, the remains of an old watchtower;
then we descended slowly to the broad se%b of al-Rawr, the
sides of which are rocky and covered with small groves of
terebinth trees. In crossing the valley we had frequently to
ride on old dams past the remains of garden watchtowers and
caved-in wells. We headed steadily northeast towards a high
hill at the foot of which stand the ruins of a watchtower
which now serve as a place of burial.
Turning east, we stopped at 2.40 under a half-crumbled
fortress known as al-Kastal (Fig. 7), built nearly in the form
of a square with sides between 17 and 18 meters long and walls
120 centimeters thick. It was built of blocks averaging of
165 centimeters long, 55 centimeters wide, and 60 centimeters
deep. South of it we found the foundation walls of a round
church with basalt columns ornamented on the capitals with
Christian emblems (Fig. 8, 9). Next to the church there is
50 PALMYRENA
a rather large house, probably a monastery, built out of the
material of a very handsome older structure. South of the
monastery are still to be seen the remains of a wide gate.
Northeast of the fortress is the foundation of an extensive
building with a court bounded by a colonnade, and on the south
a structure built of colossal rough-hewn blocks, averaging
280 centimeters in length, 72 centimeters in width, and 50
centimeters in depth.’
We had scarcely completed our examination of the ruins
when a strong west wind brought an icy rain, which made
us run for shelter.
12 The classical name of this place is as yet unknown. The Arabs have always called
it al-Kastal.
Al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 58, writes of saddle covers manufactured in al-Kastal.
Some cavalrymen from the army commanded by Abu ‘Obejda on their march from
Homs to Hama’ went as far as az-Zerra‘a and al-Kastal (al-Beladori, Futaih [De Goeje], p. 181).
In 743—744 Syria was plagued with various diseases, which caused the royal princes
to leave Damascus for the country. Prince al-“Abbas took up his residence in al-Kastal and
his brother Jazid (Yazid) ibn al-Walid went only a few miles farther, whence he often visited
his brother (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser.2, p.1784). —- We know from the same source
that Yazid’s country seat lay back of the settlement of Gertd, a good four days’ march from
Damascus. For this reason we may identify the residence of his brother at that time with
the ruins of al-Kastal, almost two hundred kilometers from Damascus.
In 745 Merw4n II with his followers went from Damascus to the settlement of al-Kastal,
which lay east of the town of Homs, a three days’ journey from Tadmur. In al-Kastal he
received the information that his antagonists had had all the wells between al-Kastal and
Tadmur filled with stones. Still intent on attacking them, he obtained provisions, water bags,
and camels; while in the meantime his followers negotiated with the antagonists. Some of
the latter then joined him, but others fled to the desert region held by the Kalb tribe. Merwan
finally began his march through the desert by way of Strija and Dejr al-Latak to ar-Rusafa,
and from there to ar-Rakka. In ar-Rusafa his follower, Sulejman ibn Hisam, was collecting
an army. When MerwaAn’s troops, sent to humiliate Irak, reached ar-Rusafa, Sulejman openly
declared war against him and encamped with both his own and the newly won warriors in
Kinnesrin (ibid., Ser. 2, pp. 1896f., 1908).
At-Tabari fixes the distance henna al-Kastal and Tadmur at three military marches.
Our al- Kastal lies about ninety kilometers from Tudmor and no infantry can make more
than thirty kilometers a day on a prolonged march. The settlement of al-Kastal on the road
from Damascus to Homs lies south of the latter, while al-Kastal, the camping place of Merwan,
is to be sought east of Homs, under the jurisdiction of which it belonged. The al-Kastal
between Damascus and Homs was politically subject to Damascus and was 150 kilometers
from Tudmor. No infantry could cover that distance in three days.
Strija is written erroneously for Surja or Surija. It is the Serija or Esrija of today on
the road from al-Kastal to ar-Resafa. Dejr al-Latak, lying on the same road, should be sought
in the ruined monastery now called at-Turkmanijje, halfway between Esrija and ar-Resafa.
Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 95, states that al-Kastal is a settlement between Homs and
Damascus and that, according to other authorities, it is also the correct name of a district,
which he also visited. — The administrative district of al-Kastal must have been identical
with the vicinity of the present settlement of that name, to which Jakut paid a visit on
his trip from Aleppo to al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn).
In May, 1812, two political administrators deposed by Sultan Naser leagued themselves
with the Bedouins of the Salamja country. An army was sent against them, which marched
from Aleppo by way of Hama’ to Salamja. The rebels tried to attack the army at night,
but, failing in this, they fled with the army pursuing them past al- Kastal, Kudejm, ‘Ord,
and Kebakeb as far as ar-Rahba, but were not overtaken, since they sought refuge in “H WM°N,”’
near ‘Ana and al-Hadita, which was then under Mongol rule (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler],
WOl, oy DH smsoztahe
The al- Rastal here mentioned may also be sought in the al-Kastal I am desertbing.
The fleeing Bedouins must have had to stop with their herds at several large watering places,
and the pursuing army followed suit. Thus they probably fled from Salamja 50 kilometers
eastward to al-Kastal, thence 75 kilometers eastward to Kdejm, thence east-southeastward to
“Ord (at-Tajjibe), thence 70 kilometers eastward to al-KebaZeb, and finally to ar-Rahba. The
last does not mean the formerly large town of ar-Rahba but the present fortress of ar-Rhaba
near al- Mijadin. After that the Bedouins hurried along the right bank of the Euphrates farther
southeast into Mongol territory and camped beyond the settlements of ‘Ana and al- Hadita
near a locality the correct name of which has not been preserved for us. Judging by the
consonants it might have been the Wadi Hawrdn, which always was and still is a good
camping place.
WADI AL-“ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 51
When it ceased raining Timan and I began to sketch a
plan, but a few minutes later our guide called out and showed
me several riders on the high spur, Ras as-Sinime. While
I was examining the strangers, the guide ran to my com-
Fic. 9—Al-Kastal, some emblems.
panions and urged them to drive in our grazing camels. To
conceal myself, I crawled into the ruined structure built of
gigantic blocks, from which I saw three riders approaching
at a trot. Then, running to my men, I ordered them to fetter
the camels so as to prevent their shying and getting away
from us during the attack. Loading our guns we waited to
see what would happen. After a few minutes we saw two men
in the structure from which I had just emerged. They looked
us over for a while and then, coming out, made signs to us
with their long sleeves, Answering them in the same manner,
I invited them to come over, which they gladly did, seeing
that we were not enemy’s spies, as they had suspected, but
peaceable persons whom they had no need to fear. They were
members of the ‘Umar tribe and told us that their herdsmen
52 PALMYRENA
had sighted in the southeast a troop of the enemy, which all
the men in the camp had gone out to meet. These were the
riders we had seen on the as-Sinime spur. As they had also
sighted our camels, their chief had sent three men to find
out who we were.
Our gendarme had absolutely no desire to sleep in al-
Kastal nor even to sup there, but kept on asking me to place
the kettle, with the supper already prepared, on a camel and
to go with the riders to their camp. Much as I should have
liked to have stayed in al-Kastal to finish the examination of
the ruins, I could not needlessly put myself and my companions
in danger. Therefore, when it again started to rain, I made
them load up and we went to the camp of the ‘Umtr at a
distance of about four and a half kilometers northeast, where
we spent the night (temperature at 6 P. M.: 20° C). It made
the people*in the camp restless to have the enemy so close
when all their fighting men were away, but-they calmed down
on seeing us so well armed. Both the old men and the women
surrounded us, asking all the while what we knew about the
enemy. After midnight two riders, whose mares were too young
for much exertion, returned and the crowding and inquiring
went on as before. Unable to sleep, we determined the latitude
as soon as the clouds had parted, let the camels loose to graze,
and made ready to leave again.
Sunday, October 18, 1908. Since we were camping in a
narrow gully right in front of the chief’s tent, my men would
not light their own fire, but preferred to wait until the women
in the tent had lit theirs and sent milk to us. Having drunk
the warmed-up coffee with the milk, we rode off at 6.41 A. M.
(temperature: 20° C) to the nearest water, Esrija, beside which
Bargas eben Hdejb, the head chief of the ‘Ebede division of
the as-Sba‘a tribe, had his camp.
This chief was just then at war with my friends, the
Rwala. I much wished to meet Bargas and to gain his friend-
ship, since I could then be sure of having nothing to fear
either from the ‘Ebede or the tribes related to them. Crossing
the height Kftf al-Bib in a north-northeasterly direction, at
8.20 we went down into the broad se%b of al-“Azib, which was
overgrown with tall dry grasses (hemrz), with which in a
little while we had filled two large bags to use in feeding our
camels when we reached Bargas’ camp. We also saw a group
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 53
of yellow tulip-like flowers, which our guide called wardet
al-ehwa’.
The se%b of al-‘Azib forms the continuation of the Se%bdn of al-
Rattas and al-Bim. Farther northwest it joins the right-hand side of the
al-Rawr valley, which comes out of the al-Makta‘* and al-Mankitra hills
and stretches, under the name of al-Rarr, in a north-northeasterly direction
to the salt marsh Sbaht al-Morara.
After nine o’clock we rode past the small al-Mdawwara
ruin and sighted to the southeast the broad bare ridge of
al-Hsejje, northwest of which lies the long flat elevation
Hawijjet al-Butma, which is linked on the west with the steep
scarps of Tanahes Esrija.
BARGAS EBEN HDEJB AND THE ‘EBEDE
At 12.08 P. M. we reached the ruins of Esrija, where we
halted by the tent of the head chief Bargas. No one offered
us a welcome, but on entering I saw Bargas sleeping on a rug.
Sitting down by him I waited until ‘Azw, his maternal uncle,
came in. “Azw bade me welcome in the chief’s name and then
woke the latter. Bargas leaned with his back against the main
_ pole of his seven-poled tent and, saluting briefly, began to
examine me.
“Where dost thou come from?”
“From south and west.”
“Where art thou going?”
“To Allah’s gate,’ meaning wherever Allah would lead me.
At this Bargas looked at me with more attention, smiled slightly,
sat closer to me, and began to converse in a whisper. The ice
enclosing his mistrusting heart was broken.
He was then only twenty-eight years old, but his young
life had been filled with sorrows enough to crush an older
spirit. As a boy of twelve he had had to leave the tent of his
father, Farhan, and at the command of the Turkish Govern-
ment go to Constantinople, there to attend a school estab-
lished by the Sultan for the sons of the various chiefs. He
had had to stay in Constantinople for five years and had
ruined his health there. When he reached his eighteenth year
he was made an officer and served for several years in the
army. After Farhan’s death Bargas returned to his tribe as
chief. Now, since he was familiar with both the laws and
54 PALMYRENA
customs of the Turks, he constantly endeavored to protect
his people against ill usage from the Turkish officials and
knew how to coax large tracts of land from the Government,
both for himself and his tribe. He would build houses and
people them with peasants from Syria, whom he protected
and to whom he also let his fields for a rent of an eighth
or a fifth of the net proceeds. He would encourage his poor
kinsmen to engage in agriculture and firmly believed that in
a few decades the whole of northwestern Palmyrena would be
turned into productive fields. Beloved as he was by his people,
who knew his kindness and love of peace, no one had any fear
of him and even his slaves did not obey him. Often he would
bid them ten times to do this or that, but no one would
stir. He complained bitterly of having no children and begged
for a medicine to avert that misfortune. To be his successor,
Bargas was educating the twelve year old Bandar, a very
sensible boy, whose father, famous both for intelligence and
courage, had fallen in a raid. The Rwala, the enemies of his
tribe, he hated fiercely, but he assured me over and over
again that he was not afraid of them, since the ‘“Ebede were
numerically the stronger. The longer he assured me, however,
the more certain I felt that not only he, Bargas, but also his
“Ebede were very much afraid of them. While I was examin-
ing the ruins I overheard a mother in a tent near by thus
threaten her crying boy: “Be quiet, or the Rwejli will come
and get thee.”
Bargas had already been informed that I was to go with
an-Ntri eben Sa‘lan, the prince of the Rwala, to the inner
desert, and he promised that his tribesmen would not rob me
if they should make an attack on the Rwala: Having conversed
with him on all matters important to me and having made
him agree to furnish me with a guide, one camel, and two
large water bags for the trip to ar-Resafa, | strolled over to
the pagan temple of al-Ksejr and still farther into the ruins.
For dinner they gave me jam made from grapes (debes) boiled
soft in butter, and very thin freshly baked bread. In the even-
ing Bargas had our supper of meat and rice brought beside
my baggage, where he ate and sat with me until almost mid-
night. I was eager to leave in the morning, but Bargas’
camels were not to return from pasture until the following
evening, and, since I needed one more camel to carry our water,
I had no choice but to wait.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 55
The ‘Ebede and the Kmusa are two divisions of the as-Sba‘a tribe
of the “Aneze group and number about 3500 tents. The “Ebede are sub-
divided into: ;
al-Mwajze
al-“Ebede proper
al-Mseke.
Clans of al-Mwajze: Al Salem
Al Kwéran
chief: Bargas eben Hdejb)
» Derzi walad Farhan)
an-Nsafa’ » Farhan eben ‘Abbtd)
al-Mesande » Awde)
al-“Aglat Na‘san)
as-Sanabir it ee Sall )s
Clans of al-‘Ebede: Al Dawam » Ramazan al-Fkiki)
LO SE LR mf
“
“
al-‘Arafa » ‘Ames eben ‘Amire)
al-Wutara ( ,, Lebbad eben Fa‘tr)
Al Zuwé‘en (_ ,, Batel eben Sarrab).
Clans of al-Mseke: al-Mseke ( ,, ‘Asi eben Gladan)
Al Rm4h ( ,, Bargas eben Wajel)
Al Mwéne® (_ ,, Fazel eben Mwéne’)
al-“Abadat ( ,,. Ahmad eben Kardis)
al-Bejajea ( ,, Mezjed eben “Awde).
In war the commander-in-chief or ‘‘chief of the camel saddle” (sejh
as-Sdad) is Fazel eben Mwéne’.
Monday, October 19, 1908. I got hardly any sleep that
night. Scarcely had Bargas left when whole groups of visitors
one after another came in with all sorts of questions and
stories; and they were not a little surprised that I was in-
terested in neither. Bargas came in every half hour to re-
mind us to keep an eye on our baggage lest anything be lost.
As soon as the morning star appeared, hundreds of camels
returning from the watering places passed us on their way
to pasture. In the tents, sufr, or the supper of the month
of ramazdn, was being prepared, and the Bedouins ate and
drank. We set up our theodolite to ascertain the latitude,
but the sky was overcast all the time, and when the pole star
appeared for a short time it soon was again obscured by
dense clouds.
RUINS OF ESRIJA
After breakfast I went with Taman to the Esrija ruins,
which cover a basin one kilometer wide. This basin is open
on the northwest and through it winds the bed of a creek
of the same name, Esrija. At the eastern end of the basin,
on the right bank of the channel, there rises a hillock where
there are remains of a strong fort with two deep wells. Op-
56 PALMYRENA
0.85 1.88 0.85
15.3
ee
ae Ie TEMPLE AT fee
ESRIJA
METERS
|
2 5.
'
el
Fic. 10—Esrija: temple, plan.
WADI AL-‘ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 57
lg |
Za
mm
om al
i a Sa S
a ta eae
oS =o
: Ki
on
po] ea
He
+ il
Hl mH a
es
il
pa
E 1 ma ee eer:
~ idly + A } i
all I ON
Fic. 11—Esrija: temple, facade; a) detail of lintel and arch;
b) detail of capital.
58 PALMYRENA
posite the fort on the same bank the foundation walls of a
stately round building measuring seventy paces in diameter
are still to be seen. Its roof evidently rested on gigantic pil-
lars, the drums of which have been dug out by fellahin
searching for water. On one of these I saw two Greek letters.
About two hundred paces to the west I found the apse of
a Christian church. Still farther west both the banks of the
channel and the neighboring hillsides are covered with the
remains of ruined houses. At the northwest end of the ruins
there rises on the ridge formed by the spur Tanahegs Esrija
a tolerably well preserved pagan temple (Figs. 10, 11). This
forms a rectangle 15.38 meters long from east to west by
9.04 meters wide. From the east a gate 2.5 meters wide leads
into it. In the corner to the right of the gate there is a spiral
stairway reaching to the roof. The gate and the whole east
side have remained almost intact. There are heaps of débris
of other ruined buildings about the temple. Here I found and
copied an Arabic inscription.
Northeast of the temple there is a reservoir 236 paces
long from north to south by 174 wide. Northwest of it on the
right bank can be seen the foundation walls of a Christian
church. A few paces farther north is another church with an
adjoining monastery, on the cornice of which are Christian
emblems (Fig. 12). From the Christian church a beautiful
view opens out over the extensive plain stretching west and
northwest as far as the black mountain chains of al-Hass
and Sbéh (or Sbét). Splendid in the rays of both rising and
setting sun, the pagan temple must have been a shrine sacred
to the inhabitants of the numerous towns, villages, and lone-
ly dwellings strewn over the plain to the west, and a place
of annual pilgrimage. When Esrija became a Christian town
the former pagan temple was converted into a Christian
church and after the expulsion of the Christians into a
Mohammedan place of worship. It is owing solely to this
double transformation that it was not demolished entirely.'*
18 The present name of the ruins points to the old town of Seria or Serija.
The Antonine Itinerary, 194: 11—195: 3; 197: 5—198: 1, mentions a road running
from Beroa 15 Roman miles to Calcida, thence 27 miles to Androna, thence 18 miles to Seriane,
thence 82 miles to Salaminiada, and thence 18 miles to Emessa. — Seriane, lying between
Androna (the present Anderin) and Salaminiada (now Salamja), must be identical with
the Serija or Esrija of today.
At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1896 f., and 1908, relates that Merwan II marched from
al-Kastal by way of Strija and Dejr al-Latak to ar-Rusafa. — Strija is identical with our
Esrija, 35 kilometers northeast of al-Kastal on the road to ar-Resafa. See above, p. 50, note 12.
Jaktt, op.cit., Vol.3, pp.187f., places Strija, called popularly Stja, between Hundsira
and Salamja in Syria. Fleischer (ibid., Vol. 5, p. 255) remarks with regard to this that the
WADI AL-ASEJFIR TO ESRIJA 59
Adorned by so many churches, monasteries, and mighty
buildings at one time, what remains of the city of Esrija
today? In the very same places where formerly stood the
houses of rich inhabitants, there were at the time of my
visit about three hundred tents, the
largest of them — that of Bargas —
erected on seven poles, the others
on five, three, two, or even on a
single pole. Here and there long
slender spears projected above the
tents; on the tent ropes hung red
quilts and rugs; through the en- ~——s Fig. 12—Essrija, a cornice
campment fettered mares moved to with a Christian emblem.
and fro, and near them their colts
gamboled. Around the numerous
wells crowded thirsty camels, for which half-naked herdsmen
drew up water, humming short ditties as they worked. The
camels growled; the she-camels wailed for their young ones,
who gave little bleats; and the hungry mares whinnied. The
whole camp was enveloped in rising vapors and smoke. From
the south came flocks of bleating sheep; from the north long
rows of camels, which their herdsmen tried to coax to greater
speed by their characteristically monotonous singsong. From
the plain three wild-looking riders with waving hair came at a
gallop to the camp, announcing that they had seen far to the
northeast a troop of the enemy. Thus appeared before me the
once famous city of Esrija. But Bargas wanted to build it
anew and promised me that after ten years I should surely
eat grapes in Esrija from vineyards everywhere covering the
hillsides. In Sd allah!
Our guide, Ahmad, felt no desire to return and tormented
me all day with entreaties to be permitted to accompany us
still farther. He offered to serve for a fourth of a megidijje
(23 cents) a day, if he could only get plenty of sweet tea.
When I told him it was absolutely impossible, he begged
form ‘‘Stija’”’ (or even “Siijja,”’ as given by Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid [Juynboll], Vol. 2, p. 67)
is possible as an abbreviation for Stirija: it should, rather, read Surja. This view is entirely
correct. The transcribers confused the r with w. We may assume that the form ‘Surja”’
corresponds with the Latin Seriane (and the modern Serija or Esrija), since we know that
the Latins and Greeks also transcribe elsewhere the Arabic uw with 7 or ¢. Thus the Arabic
Rusafa was spelled by classical writers ‘‘Risappa”’ or ‘‘Resapha.”’
Della Valle (Viaggi [Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, p. 569) found here numerous wells with
good water and near them such remains of a large, ancient town as marble slabs, columns,
pedestals, capitals, and stone walls of various thicknesses. He asserts that this great place
was evidently abandoned on account of the sterility of the neighborhood and that the Arabs
call it Serija.
60 PALMYRENA
for higher wages, claiming that the gendarme had made no
agreement with him and that therefore his pay depended on
my liberality and appreciation.
The night was just as restless as the last. After mid-
night we determined the latitude and shivered with cold in
doing so. We should have liked to drink some hot black coffee
but dared not light a fire ourselves; and Bargas’ servant, whose
particular business it was, slept and would not get up. When
Bargas finally woke him with many kicks, he went to other
tents in search of dried camel-manure and after lighting a
fire declared again that he could find no coffee beans. Having
hunted for them through the whole tent, he came begging
us to lend him some. He now began to roast, and then to
erush and boil it, but all this very leisurely, so that not
until six o’clock could we drink a cup of coffee ordered at
two in the morning.
CHAPTER IV
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER BY WAY OF AR-RESAFA
ESRIJA TO AR-RESAFA
Tuesday, October 20, 1908. Our water bags were already
filled, the whole baggage loaded, and still we could not depart.
Sheikh Bargas wanted to make me a gift of a killed sheep
but could find no one who would kill the animal, which had
been tied to his tent since the evening before. In the morning
Bargas asked several men, promising them both the fleece
and the head, but nobody felt inclined to do the job. At last
his coffee cook took pity on him, killed the sheep, and skinned
it with the help of Mhammad. Having received the meat, we
had still to wait until our new guide could procure a sheep-
skin coat to wear on the journey; having none of his own,
he wandered from tent to tent begging at each for the loan
of one. I squatted with Bargas and his uncle ‘Azw, waiting
patiently until a coat was finally found. At last we left at
7.10 (temperature: 14°C). Bargas accompanied me part of the
way and promised me his friendship. It cost me a Mannlicher
carbine and a nickeled Gasser revolver; also one hundred
rounds of ammunition. This revolver I brought Bargas as a
present; but when he wanted Timan’s carbine too, at first I
would not give it to him, pretending that I could not be
without it on our dangerous trip, but finally let him have it
in exchange for a Martini rifle with fifty rounds of ammu-
nition. The maker of coffee received one megidijje (90 cents)
for his thorough and quick work.
‘After riding alongside the tents and then going east-
northeast, we crossed the Se%b of ad-Dwejlib and shortly after
the se%b of al-Habar.
The latter rises on the northern slope of the a’-Sotob mountains
and receives on its right the short Se‘ibdn of al-Fasde and al-Fsaka, the
latter opposite the ruins of al-Hamra. To the southeast of al-Hamra there
flows a spring at the ruins of the fortress of al-‘ASze. The Se%b of al-
Habar ends at the salt marsh Sbaht al-Morara. West of it from north
to south stretch the hills Tanaéheg Esrija and Hawijjet al-Butma, and
east of it rise the hills of al-Harbaka (or Harbakat al-Hsejje) and al-
61
62 PALMYRENA
Fasde. East of al-Harbaka appeared the ridge of Umm ‘Ajjas, south of
which extends the Durmand basin. This basin is bounded on the west
by the al-Mra’ ridge; on the south by Abu Rigmén; on the east first
by a spur of Abu Rigmén and then by Abu Tummén, as well as by the
rough hills of Ebrérit, all of which also enclose the basin on the north.
To the northeast of the hills of Ebrérit is the well Gebb al- Kdejm, west
of which rise the isolated crags Asabe‘ Kdejm and al-Jetime, and farther
north al-Hassabijje.
Looking up the broad valley of al-Habar we sighted to the south,
above the hillocks of Harbakat al-Hrejbée, the northwestern part of the
high mountain ridge of al-Abjaz, called Zahr al-Metenne; northwest of
it we could see the crest of a3-Sotob, with aS- -Sa‘er, Umm ‘Aker§e, and al-
Mra’ extending to the east. Northeast of the last-named spread out the
gray, rocky hillocks of al-Mezabe’, among which rises the Se%b of al-
Faska. On the right, in the basin of the al-Kdejm wells, this se%b is
joined by the sevbdn of Ahejzer, Nasabt al-HStini, and ad-Defa‘i, and
the combined Se%b is called Rar. Parallel with our course extended the
hilly region of Hesjan al-“Ejr (with the wells Gebab Gam‘ )and Abu-l-Fejjaz
(with a well of the same name); farther east lay the Ab-an-Nétel hills,
where a sulphur spring bubbles out; and finally al-‘Afuwijjat with the
at-Turkmanijje ruin on its northeasterly spur.
The neighborhood of the Ab-an-Nétel wells is a favorite camping
ground of the Bedouins.!4
Hast of the se%b of al-Habar we passed over an undulat-
ing plain between the oblong flat-topped height Hazm as-Serr
on the north and the hilly area of Srejja on the south. We
had to watch our camels carefully lest they fall into some
of the numerous holes dug by the jumping mice called gerdt.
From 11.28 to 12.56 we rested and then rode on again over
a similar plain until 3.25 P.M., when in the vicinity of the
Rar valley we found good pasture for our camels about ten
kilometers north of the Gebb ab-an-Nétel, where we spent
the night.
Our new guide Halil eben Ahmed was not a member of
the ‘Ebede, but of the His family, who are goat and sheep
breeders camping between ad-Dejr and ar-Rakka; he soon
had no rival among us for timidity. We should have liked
to have reached the foot of the height near the water holes
of al-Hrejbe, but our guide begged us not to, because there
are caves at al-Hrejbe inhabited by spirits.’
14 Al-Hazemi (Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 788) knew of the mountain of Nabtal in the
territory of the Tajj tribe, as well as a place of that name in Syria. — Nabtal in Syria is
perhaps miswritten for Nejtel, and I suppose it to be the watering place Ab-an-Nétel.
15 I identify the wells of al-Hrejbe with the place named al-Gerib in the territory
which formerly belonged to the Tarleb tribe.
Abu-l-Farag, Ardni (Balak, 1285 A. H.), Vol. 4, p. 141, and al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiusten-
feld), p. 75, write that al-Ahass is a valley in the territory of the Beni Tarleb, where the
Tarleb were often attacked by their relatives, the Bekr ibn WaA4’il. There, too, fell Kulejb ibn
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 63
After making camp, Taman and I sketched a map of the
neighborhood.
Wednesday, October 21, 1908. In the evening we agreed
to start the next day at least an hour before sunrise in order
to reach ar-Resafa before nightfall, but when I tried to wake
my companions in the morning not one of them wanted to
get up, saying that they were shivering with cold. There was
nothing for me to do, then, but unfetter the camels for pas-
ture, light a fire, and put on the coffeepot myself. That
made one after another of them crawl out of their cloaks and
come to the fire. ‘Abdallah hesitated the longest and, when he
finally rose and had drunk his coffee, he went with Halil for
the camels and at the same time tried to find his short pipe
(sebil), which he had lost. He seemed to care so little for the
camels that Mhammad and I had to bring them home and load
the baggage ourselves. In answer to my rebukes ‘Abdallah re-
plied that he did not come with me to work, but to have a
look at regions new to him.
At 6.20 A. M. (temperature: 14.2°C) we finally broke camp,
going in a northeasterly direction, and at 6.50 we crossed the
Setb of Rar, near which are the wells of al-Kdejm, Rar, and
Ab- an-Nétel, and which disappears in the plain of al- Metajih.
At eight o’clock we approached the broad and flat height Tarak
al-Hrejbe, which sinks gradually from north to south, and then
went over the plain of as-Safja, where we noticed great num-
bers of snakes. Soon to the southeast and then to the south of
us were the walls of a square ruin called at-Turkmanijje and
farther southeast of them the low long ridges Zel* an-Na‘am.
From 10.18 to 11.45 we rested in the plain of an-Nbag (or
Ambag) by a large pile of stones, from the top of which we
could see the whole country from south to east.
To the west the view was obstructed by the heights Tarak al-Hrejbe
and Tarak as-Safja. To the north rose the heights Tarak Ambag, al-‘Atfa
and al-‘Anz. To the northeast spread a vast plain shut in on the south by
the little gray rocks Zel‘ an-Na‘am and al-A‘wugat. To the southeast we
looked into the wide valley of al-Meleh, bounded on the west by the hills
of Zel‘ an-Na‘am and al-Harit with its western spur, ‘Orf Twénan. West
of the last-named rises the steep cone of al-"Wejr and to the south, al-
Rabi‘a, struck down by Gassds ibn Murra of the Bekr tribe. Kulejb had been troubling the
Bekr tribe, who camped with the Tarleb; he had driven them away from the rain pools in
Subejt, al- Ahass, and al- Gerib, and finally from ad-Dana’ib. Here he posted himself at the
watering place and sent the thirsty Bekr away from the water. At that Gassas rushed at
and pierced him with his spear. This was the cause of the Basts war between the two tribes
which lasted forty years. —
Subejt and al-Ahass are the modern districts Sbét and al- Hass northwest of al-Hrejbe
For al-Gerib I read al- ‘Herib, which is probably the same as our al- Hrejbe.
64 PALMYRENA
Mistah, which on the southwest joins the long ridge of Abu Rigmén. This
ridge stretches, with a steep descent to the north, from al-Mra’ as far
east as the ridge of al-BiSri and is made up of several mountains. A
spur of it, Tamm Ahejzer, runs out westwards. The Abu Rigmén ridge is
split at about the middle by the gap Ri al-Hawa, separating the moun-
tains of al-Morar from those of Umm ‘Astr on the east. Above the latter
rises the high dome of Hawijjet ar-Ras with its northern spur, al-Labde;
farther east lie the mountain chain of al-Morara and the steep dark
ridges of al-Mkejbre and al-Minsar. Al-MinSar reaches almost to the
southern part of the valley of al-Meleh. All these mountains give good
pasture to the flocks of goats and sheep of the ‘Umitr tribe, and among
them numerous valleys are cultivated.
Soon after noon we met great herds of camels owned by
the “Ebede. From the herdsmen we learned that some of their
kin were camping near ar-Resaéfa and watering their herds
in the Euphrates. Finally, after three o’clock, we sighted the
walls of ar-Resafa and scared away large flocks of kata’ and
kidri (sand grouse) as well as a few habdri (gray bustards with
white-bordered wings, a little smaller than our hens).
My companions wanted to go and spend the night with
the ‘Ebede encamped far to the northwest of ar-Resafa. Our
guide Halil especially begged me not to sleep near a town
where spirits live. Therefore at 5.20 (temperature: 23°C) we
lay down about three and a half kilometers south of the tents
in a small dry flat, which in the rainy season receives the
water from the whole neighborhood. Halil lamented all night
and would not be calmed until we were joined by several
herdsmen, among whom he then hid himself.
AR-RESAFA
Thursday, October 22, 1908. In spite of the opposition of
my companions, I had no fire lighted, and we set out at 5.20
A. M. Our camels bore us to the east as quietly as if we were
swimming. Already the eastern horizon was turning rosy, but
the earth was still dark. The sky in the east slowly cleared up,
and we sighted in front of us first three black peaks and im-
mediately after the black towers and battlements of the ruins
of ar-Resafa.'® Everything in the ruined town was black and
covered by night. Through the crevices in the walls and re-
flected in the windows the bright eastern sky could be seen.
‘I should have liked much to have seen the town in the rays
of the rising sun; but it was still very early, and all the time
146 For a more complete description of ar-Resafa, which I again visited in 1912, see
below, Chapter IX.
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 65
we were drawing nearer the black masses of masonry in this
dead city. The sound of a human voice could nowhere be heard.
Only a hyena howled among the ruins and was answered by a
few owls. My companions remained far behind, and my she-
camel shied before the ghost-like outlines we were now ap-
proaching. Nothing was left but for me to turn south and
make my animal kneel down near the city walls. Having fet-
tered both its front feet and having concealed my saddlebag,
I prepared to enter the ruins. Ascending the wall, I called out
to my men to light a fire and warm up some coffee, because
I had to begin work with Taman at once.
Rifle in hand I entered the ruins to find a place to work
from; but, returning after a short half hour to our baggage,
I found neither my companions nor the camels. The latter
were grazing far to the south and, as far as my binoculars
helped to show me, were dragging their reins after them. The
baggage was scattered, and the men were in the ruins treasure-
hunting. Even Halil had conquered his fear of the spirits and
attached himself to Taman, believing that in his company the
hidden treasure would soon appear. There was nothing to be
done, then, but to find all the other men and make them
prepare the coffee for us.
Having supplied ourselves with the necessary instruments,
after breakfast I went with Timan and-the gendarme to the
church of St. Sergius, where we worked until past noon. First
we sketched a plan; then I copied the inscriptions and took
photographs, while Timan made drawings of the ornaments.
In the afternoon we worked in the southern basilica. Fearing
the rain, my men led the animals into the town, carried our
baggage there, and unloaded it under the arch of a half-
ruined house. Halil warned them not to anger the spirits, but
they seemed to be more afraid of the rain than of his spooks.
Since it was evident that our stay in ar-Resafa would be longer
than we were prepared for and since we needed water and bar-
ley for the gendarme’s horse, I asked Halil to go and get both,
but neither he nor ‘Abdallah showed much liking for the errand.
Only after I had promised to pay two megidijjat ($ 1.80) for
getting what we now urgently needed, were they both at once
eager to go; but each claimed that he could go alone and needed
no one to help him. Then I decided that together they should
eo to the Euphrates, buy barley there, and fill two water bags.
I never saw a man so afraid of spooks as Halil proved
66 PALMYRENA
to be on the following night. He groaned and lamented, em-
braced the gendarme’s legs, and begged me wailingly to order
the baggage to be loaded and to leave the wretched town. He.
saw a ghost called ar-Resafa in every shadow. He described the
ghost as a tall woman with long loose hair. He showed us how
she was approaching him, how she wanted to embrace and kiss
him, and that she would strangle him. At first we laughed at
him; then I tried to calm and cheer him; but when | finally
saw that his hallucinations made the rest of the men afraid
too, I became angry and told him to get ready for his trip
to the Euphrates. ‘Abdallah would not leave before he had
had a drink of coffee, but we had no dry camel manure for
building a fire. Halil now fell on ‘Abdallah’s neck, kissed him,
and begged him to take pity on him and not to allow his
three little daughters to become orphans, should ar-Resafa
strangle their father. After that they loaded the empty water
bags on a camel and departed after midnight. I advised them
to encamp north of ar-Resafa among the “Ebede herdsmen
and to start for the Euphrates only after daybreak. When
they left I lay down in the hope of getting a good sleep. But
the gendarme, who was on the last watch, was hardly less
afraid than Halil and came every few minutes either to me
or to Mhammad to ask about one thing or another. Not until
the morning star had shown itself above the eastern horizon
and the power of spooks and ghosts had vanished, could any
of us fall asleep, and then we did not wake up until the first
rays of the sun showed themselves.
Friday, October 23, 1908. After breakfast we finished the
plan of the southern basilica and began to survey the town
walls, work which occupied us until almost three o’clock in
the afternoon; then we made a drawing of the martyry south
of the northern town gate. Before sunset I went to the mon-
astery church north of the town, and, shortly after, Mham-
mad came there with the report that Halil was waiting south
of the town with both the camels that carried the water bags
and the fodder, declaring that he would not enter the ruins
again and that he would leave us altogether if we would not
camp with him south of the town.
I then sent him word to mount Bargas’s camel and return
to his chief and tell him how he had behaved while with us
and why he had deserted. At the same time I ordered him
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 67
to say that I had asked the chief for a man and that he
had given me a craven coward.
I did not return to our camp until after sunset and there
I learned that “Abdallah had joined Halil and that both would
spend the night south of the town.
Saturday, October 24, 1908. Early in the morning I went
to the monastery church north of the northern gate and
copied a Greek inscription. After this I sketched two mauso-
leums built north of this church and copied several Arabic
inscriptions in the old cemetery northwest of the town. While
there I disturbed several adders with thick tubercles on their
heads. Two were lying under one of the tombstones. The mo-
ment I tried to turn the stone over, one of them leapt at my
hand and I only escaped being bitten by a miracle. On return-
ing to the town I- examined the reservoirs as well as the
larger buildings to the north of them, where I found several
inscriptions. My companions now pressed me to depart. As
the ‘Ebede had gone farther west and there was no other
camp then in the neighborhood of ar-Resafa, they feared lest
we be attacked by marauders at night and either killed or
robbed.
AR-RESAFA TO AL-KWEM
At 3.45 A.M. we led our camels out of the town and rode
south. The guide, Halil, was to return to his master, but he
insisted that he dare not leave until he had delivered us to
the chief al-Fkiki; that such was the order of the head chief
Bargas and that he must therefore act accordingly. When
I reminded him how he had threatened to leave us the night
before, he replied that Bargas did not order him to perish
in the embraces of ar-Resafa and therefore he was perfectly
justified in protecting his own life.
Our new guide, a herdsman of the ‘Ebede, Nassab eben
Zasem by name, knew the surrounding country well but was
very indolent. All he delighted in was rest and sweet tea, and
scarcely had we left ar-Resafa than he began to ask when
and where we should encamp and what we should have for
supper.
The country south of ar-Resafa is an undulating and
fertile plain where at 4.52 we made camp near a small but
solid building called al-Ksejr (Fig. 13). This forms a square
68 PALMYRENA
with sides of almost fifteen meters; at the northern end of
its western wall a door leads into a court 13.6 meters long
from east to west and 7.6 meters wide. At about the center
of the south side there is an entrance to a room 4.45 meters
METERS
Ze
Fic. 183—Al-Ksejr, plan.
long by 3 meters wide, adjoining which both on the west and
east are similar rooms. All three are vaulted and windowless.
From the roof of this building we sketched a map of the vicinity.
To the northeast, east of ar-Resafa, rises the isolated hill of al-Mhéra,
northwest of which projects the rather low but steep escarpment of the
plateau of al-Mezabe‘, which is connected with the ridge of al-Bisri on
the south by the hills of Rgtim a3-Sih, az-Zmejli, and Zemlet al-KA‘ijje.
From the latter the hills of al-Bowlijjat extend westward and their spurs
of al-A‘jfigat close the valley of al-Meleh. Behind these heights tower the
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 69
steep walls of al-BiSri, the limestone ridge stretching northeastward from
the head of the al-Meleh valley. This ridge is broad and flat-topped and
is intersected by numerous deep ravines. After abundant rain both camels
and sheep find good pasture in the ravines and gullies and on the slopes
of al-Bisri.
To the southeast of al-Ksejr, on which we stood, and west of al-
Bisri there appeared on the sky line the high mountain chain of Abu
Rigmén with the deep notch of Ri° al-Hawa, from which the upland of
Bil’as extends to the north and northwest. Nearly south of al-Ksejr the
mighty butte ‘Orf at-Tajjibe projected from the eastern spur of the al-
Minsar ridge, and almost in the same direction but nearer where we stood
rose the truncated cone Tell Fhede. The hills of Asabe* Kdejm, Ab-an-Nétel,
and al-“Afuwijjat clustered together to the southwest of our position,
forming the western edge of the drainage basin of al-Meleh, which gathers
all the run-off into the low plain west of ar-Resafa during an abundant
season, giving it the appearance of a big lake.
The smoke of our fire attracted a traveling Bedouin who
declared that he would serve as our guard against a night
attack. The reason for this magnanimity was the goat’s meat
which Mhammad was just then cooking for supper.
Sunday, October 25, 1908. There was lightning that night
on three sides and a cold westerly wind driving black clouds
before it. When we started out at six o’clock, the whole
southern sky was overcast, and broad bands slanting down
told us of rain in that direction. The damp cold penetrated
to our bones. The plain of ar-Rg&Gm, through which we were
now passing, rises gradually towards the south. At eight o’clock
we were close to the ruins of al-Hulle village, which lie on
the northern slope of the height of al-A‘jagat. About five
hundred paces southwest of this hamlet we saw the remains
of a fortified encampment. At 8.10 Timan and I went to
examine them, while our companions proceeded farther south.
I called to them to stop, but in vain, since they were afraid
of the rain and paid no attention. Unable any longer to hold
our camels, who wished to follow the other animals, we had
to survey the ruins but superficially and at 8.20 to trot after
the others.
Our guide called the ruins al-Halla, but Turkijje, Prince
Sattam’s widow, to whom I traced the ruins after our return
to Prince an-Niuri’s encampment, pronounced it al-Holle or
al-Hulle. The camp (Fig. 14) is approximately 60 meters long
from north to south by 55 meters wide. The walls are but-
tressed at each of the four corners by a round tower and
between the corners by two towers on each side. From the
70 PALMYRENA
east and west sides gates lead into a yard, where the founda-
tions of several walls are still perceptible, and nearly in the
AT H ULLE
METERS
ie) 10 «0
Fig. 14—Al-Hulle, plan.
center of the yard there is what might have been a well or
a deep cistern.
Our guide was positive that we should find a huge ruin
below the hill of Fhede, which from afar resembles a fort of
large dimensions. Having crossed at nine o’clock the shallow
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER id.
but wide river bed which emerges from the wells of ar-Rehtib,
we halted at 9.28 at the foot of Tell Fhede, where we stayed
until 11.45. Here we were caught by a chilly shower which
fortunatelly ceased after half an hour. But we found no ruins
either about Fhede or on its summit.
The view from the summit, however, was splendid. To the southwest
the eye rests on the high ridge of aS-Sa‘er and to the south on the mighty
mountain chain of Abu Rigmén with its northeastern spur, al-MinSsar. To
the east appears the high ridge of al-BiSri, in the center of which stood
three dome-shaped hills called Tlejtuwat. North of the eastern dome lie
the wells Gebab al- -Ka‘ijje and southwest of it the well Gebb al- Gajri.
Southwest of the western dome projects an oblong hillock, Tell ad-Dabbe,
and to the south glistens the steep white scarp Tar as-Sbé1.
Wending our way farther through the innumerable broad
but low white hillocks and mounds of al-A‘jagat, at 1.20 P.M.
we reached the al-Kdejr ruins, whence we turned a little to
the left. At 1.40 we sighted the Nedwijjat al-Kdejr wells about
two kilometers to our right. They were in the center of a
white area, to which the black tents of the Arabs camping
there formed a bizarre contrast. All about us were white
rocks of soft limestone. Salinas glistened in the valleys and
lowlands, and both to the right and left of our road there
were heaps of dug earth and the rather shallow but wide
pits from which salt is mined. The largest salina, Sbaht al-
Kdejr, shone forth about ten kilometers west of us. The small
village of al-Kowm, which we. passed on our right at 3.40,
numbers fifteen huts built on high’ mounds of dug earth.
Here also salt has long been mined. Hasan al-Hmejd was the
village elder.**
In al-Kowm as well as in the smaller village of al-Kwém,
which lies to the south, there are numerous wells of salt
water. The valley of al-Meleh, on the edge of which lie both
villages, is over five kilometers wide. About ten kilometers
west of al-Kowm there is a small depression, from which the
17 In the year 1302 the Tartars prepared a new onslaught on Syria. Having crossed
the Euphrates, they encamped for a time on the flood plain by its banks. A detachment
of about ten thousand men attacked the settlement of al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn) and other
neighboring villages. The Moslem army gathered at Hama’, whence a detachment was sent
to al-Karjatan on March 27, 1303. It met the Tartars on March 31 in Kawm, near the ‘Ord
settlement, and defeated them there. But when the main Tartar army advanced on Hama’,
the Moslems drew off to Damascus and waited for the enemy in the Merg as-Suffar, where
the Sultan of Egypt joined them. The Tartars took up their position near the settlement
of Sakhab on the western line of the Mer& as-Suffar and ventured an attack; but they were
repulsed on April 21 and pursued by way of al- Karjatan. As the Euphrates was flooded at
that time, many of the fugitives were drowned in the river, which they could not cross, and
the rest fled along the right bank towards Bagdad. The Arabs pursued and killed many of
them and others died of hunger. (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 5, pp. 182 f.) —
Kawm, where the Tartars were defeated on March 30, 1803, is identical with our
al-Kowm, which is scarcely nine kilometers north of the ancient ‘Ord, the at-Tajjibe of today.
72 PALMYRENA
salt is extracted that accumulates there during the summer
after good winter rains. Salt is also plentiful in the as-Sak
valley, which stretches southeastward. Our guide promised
to take us direct from al-Kwém to the Kasr al-Hér ruins,
KASR AL-HER
ME ARGCE RE POR
METERS
10 20
30
Fig. 15—Kasr al-Hér: larger fort, plan.
thus leaving at-Tajjibe on our right. For this reason we
wished to fill our water bags at al-Kwém, since the nearest
water was as far distant as the settlement of as-Suhne. It
so happened that chief Ramazan al-Fkiki, a good friend of
Bargas eben Hdejb, was camping near al-Kwém. As my com-
panions were positive that the next night would be the last
one in ramazgdn (the month of fasting) and that from the
morrow the Arabs everywhere would hold great feasts, they
gave themselves up to the glad anticipation of being al-Fkiki’s
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 73
guests and the recipients of various presents, as is the custom
of the country on such occasions. Knowing, however, that a
prolonged visit to chief Ramazan al-Fkiki would but cause
me unnecessary fatigue and expense, I turned to the wells
where we wished to replenish
our water bags. But the guide
warned me against the salt
water of al-Kwém and was also
of the opinion that we should
not go through the as-Sauk valley.
He had heard that the ‘Amarat
herdsmen were camping south-
east of at-Tajjibe and might
attack us. Taking his advice,
therefore, we left al-Kwém at
once and made for the as-Sul-
tani road leading along the foot
of the al-Minsar ridge, east of
which at 4.42 we pitched our Fic. 16—Kasr al-Hér:
camp on a small flat. ‘Abdallah smaller, or Persian, fort.
and the gendarme were much
displeased at this arrangement and kept on asking Allah why
He suffered them to spend the last night of ramazdn in so
lonely a manner.
SMALLER FORT
Same scale as Fig 15
AL-KWEM TO KASR AL-HER
Monday, October 26, 1908. Leaving at six o’clock, we ad-
vanced south-southeastwards on the as-Sultani road. We passed
a watchtower on our right and then crossed the aqueduct Kenat
an-Nedwijje, which carries the water southeast to Kasr al- Her.
There we saw before us the little shrine of as- Sejh Ibrahim
and east of it an old square tower, about which were grouped
the twenty-five huts of the hamlet of at-Tajjibe. The latter
is inhabited by the Felalih, who obey their elder, Hmejd al-
Glal. Northwest of the hamlet there rises a high mound of ex-
cavated earth, which proves that here also salt was formerly
mined. At the eastern foot of the mound the spring of Nahr
al-Kebir flows forth, from which we wished to water our
camels; our guide, however, declared that the water of ‘Ajn
al-Gbéb to the south was better; therefore we rode on, halt-
74 | PALMYRENA
ing at 6.25 at the southern end of the village in front of a
huge lintel of a gate which now served as a prop for two
huts. ‘Abdallah, the guide, and the gendarme led the camels
to the watering place. Mhammad went to the village to
in
ve it
eae i i : :
ty Peas pore >
aa Pee as al
Inte fe a vm? PR
oH
aii lt
ie eas
—
a
Ie a
il
Ty
ih hi l
Fic. 17—Kasr al-Hér: Moslem gate.
buy barley for the horse, while Taiman and I watched the
baggage.
In a little while we were surrounded by the inquisitive and
no less impudent ‘Amarat, who were camping south of us. It
was not easy to make them keep a proper distance from our
baggage. A villager about forty years old had to help me, for
which I presented his little son with a piece of soap. In the
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 75
meantime the gendarme arrived with the report that the water
in the ‘Ajn al-Gbéb was so turbid that it was impossible to
fill the water bags immediately and that we must wait from
two to three hours until it became clear again. Motioning to
Fic. 18—Kasr al-Hér: mosque.
the guide, who was just leading back the camels already
watered, I ordered him to fetter the animals, take the camel
that was assigned to carrying the water to the northern
spring, and fill the bags there.
The father of the boy to whom I had given the cake of
soap brought me a stone with a Syriac inscription, of which
I made both a squeeze and a written copy. He also wished
to show me an old burying ground there, but, scarcely had
I gone with him as far as the lintel mentioned above, when
I heard a violent dispute between the gendarme and the
“Amarat and hence I had no choice but to return. The ‘Ama-
rat were making fun of the gendarme, inspecting the contents
of his bag, and even trying to pull things out of his pockets.
The gendarme resisted, threatened to shoot, and called to me
to protect him and not let a representative of the Government
in Constantinople be insulted by an uncivilized Arab rabble.
Wishing to end this unpleasant affair quickly, I swung myself
76 PALMYRENA
into the saddle and rode southeast, my companions following
my example. As we passed the ‘Amarat tents I noticed that
our new guide hired in at-Tajjibe was not with us. Mhammad
then told me that the old guide had frightened him away.
Since it was impossible to go on without a guide, I sent
Mhammad back to the village to hire another one there. We
waited for them in the Kenat-as-Shejm valley until 9.30.
The settlement of at-Tajjibe’® lies on the eastern spur of
the al-MinSar ridge and dominates a large basin extending
to the south and east. The boundaries of this basin on the
west are the ridges of al-MinSar, Kotkot, and az-Zaheé;* on
the north, the hills of al-Hamra and Menajet al-Hér; on the
east, the spurs of the al-BiSri mountains — called ad-Didi—
and also the hillocks Zahrat al-Harriba which sink gradually
18 The old name of the at-Tajjibe settlement is ‘Ord. Since this word calls to mind
the Day of Judgment, it is supposed to bring bad luck; hence it was replaced by the at-
tributive at-Tajjibe (The Beneficial) and became obsolete.
The earliest mention of our ‘Ord is, I believe, in the annals of King Assurbanipal
(Rassam Cylinder [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 8], col. 8, I]. 101—104;
Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, p. 72). On the ninth expedition (about 640—638 B. C.) his
army supplied itself with water at a walled-in place called Laribda, which had many wells. —
The walled-in place of Laribda may be identified either with “Ord or with al-Labde beside
the al-Kdejm wells. Both from ‘Ord and from al-Labde a road leads to the Palmyrene moun-
tains, over which the Assyrian army was marching.
Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 644, writes that the town of ‘Ord, belonging
to the administrative district of Aleppo, lies in the Syrian desert between Tadmur and
ar-Rusafa,
Al-Makrizi, Sulik (Quatremeére’s transl.), Vol. 2, Part 2, p. 198, states that in the
year 1303 the Tartars occupied al-Karjatan and “Ord. On March 31 the Egyptian army at-
tacked the Tartars in their camp at ‘Ord, defeated and plundered them, and took many
prisoners.
In January, 1313, Harbanda besieged ar-Rahba with his Tartars-eand’ undertook the
invasion of Syria. The heads of the Syrian towns assembled with their armies in the neigh-
borhood of Hama’. Their spies penetrated even to ‘Ord and as-Suhne. When hunger and
pestilence broke out in Harbanda’s camp, he drew back without withdrawing his war engines,
which the defenders then brought into the fort of ar-Rahba. (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler],
Vol. 5, pp. 268 f.)
Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 202, knew of ‘Ord as a great town on the edge of
the desert, where also was as-Suhne, the administrative center.
In 1616 Della Valle (Viaggi [ Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, p. 569) reached a walled-in settlement
called Taiba, which he said means ‘‘the good.” There he found many old relies, especially
in the mosque. The tower of the mosque was built with great care and, it seems, originally
formed the tower of a Christian church. There are many columns there, used by the Moslems
to strengthen their mud huts. Inside the mosque Della Valle saw a large square stone with
a Greek inscription and, below this, two lines in letters unknown to him, but resembling
either Hebrew or Samaritan.— This was a Greco-Palmyrene inscription of August, 134 A.D.
(Lidzbarski, Handbuch [1898], Vol. 1, p. 477).
Tavernier, Les six voyages (Paris, 1679), Vol. 1, p. 285, says that Taiba is a kind of
fort on the plain, built of mud bricks like Mached-Raba. At its gate a spring flows out filling
a small pond close by. — Mached-Raba, or MeShed ‘Ali, an habitual stopping place for cara-
vans, lay beside the fort of ar-Rhaba.
19 Mount az-Zaheé was known to Arabie writers.
The poet ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika‘, who frequently visited the caliphs Walid I and Sulejman
ibn ‘Abdalmalek, speaks of the table-like mountains of Dahek and al-Hazim (Jakut, op. cit.,
Vol. 4, p. 974). —
The caliph Walid I often stayed in the neighborhood of al- Zerjitejn,. whence a_ road
leads via ‘Tudmor and as-Suhne to Irak. About twenty-five kilometers southwest of Tudmor
is the well of al-Hazim, and north of the as-Suhne settlement rises the hill of az-Zaheé; we
might, therefore, identify both these places with the al-Hazim and D&ahek of the poet “Adi.
But there are two places called Hazim and Zaheé in the northwest corner of the depression
of Sirhan which lie much nearer together and for this reason may well have been the ones
to which the poet referred. Abu-l-Feda’ in the first redaction of his Takwim, p. 105 (Rei-
naud’s translation, Vol. 2, Part 1, p. 105) compared al-‘Ared in Negd with Dahek near as-
Subne.
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER ei
from north to south; and on the south, the long flat ridge
of az-Zwéheé. The whole of the basin might be cultivated.
Riding in an east-southeasterly direction along the aque-
duct Kenat as-Shejm, we soon sighted the high walls of the
fort of al-Hér, where we remained
from 11.52 to 3.50. At the southern
foot of the height of al-Hamra
stand two forts. The outside di-
mensions of the larger one are ap-
proximately 160 meters long from
east to west by 150 meters wide;
it has round towers on each corner
and smaller towers on each side,
20.7 meters apart on the east and
west sides and 22.6 meters apart
on the north and south sides (Fig.
15). In the center of each side there
is a gate flanked by two towers
and leading into a spacious court,
where a few remains of old walls
could be seen. Five brackets orna-
mented with human faces project
above the western gate (Fig. 24).
About in the middle of the court
there is a reservoir with a door
shaped like a horseshoe, above which is written in Arabic
(Fig.17): “Al-Malek Said ibn Gemaleddin... tiSrin the second,
eight hundred and ten. Manstr wrote this.” Thus the inscrip-
tion dates from November, 1407; yet the fort itself is un-
questionably of Roman origin. In the southeast corner of the
fort a mosque was built (Fig. 18), with three aisles resting
on pillars. The walls above the arches are constructed of brick,
and among the débris lay various capitals (Figs. 19, 20). In
the mosque grows luxuriant bengi.
Of more interest is the smaller fort, 42 meters east of
the eastern gate (Figs. 16,21). This is approximately 65 meters
square on the outside. There is a round tower at each corner,
and on each side except the west two smaller equidistant ones
serve as buttresses. On the west the towers are a little nearer
together, and a gate (Fig. 22) between them leads into a court
full of débris. Abutting against each wall a row of rooms
of unequal size is still to be seen. In the southeast and north-
Fics. 19, 20—Kasr al-Hér,
capitals.
718
PALMYRENA
HiGgu22Z
21—Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort from the southwest.
Fic. 22—Kasr al-Hér: smaller fort, gateway.
ESRIJA TO KASR AL-HER 79
east corners there are stairs leading up to the ramparts. Some
of the towers are topped by brick domes (Fig. 23) and orna-
mented all around with pairs of semi-columns connected by
arches. The columns, as well as the spaces between them, are
covered with decorations. Between the two forts there is a
well with a high tower above it, up to which more than twenty
steps lead.?°
20 In 1616 Della Valle (op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 570; Vol. 4, p. 614), having started from Taiba,
grcached a place where there had-once stood a town with a strong fort; its walls were built
of huge boulders. It was called El Her by the Arabs. In 1625 Della Valle passed a similar
fort named Heir. This was a large square building of white marble, with fortification walls
having small round towers. In the court walls of white stone were still to be seen, but every-
thing there was so dilapidated that it was impossible to obtain any idea of the arrangement
of the interior.
Parsons (Travels [1808], pp. 75ff.) traveled in the spring of 1774 from Aleppo via
Hekla, at-Tajjibe, and ‘Ana to Bagdad. He calls the castles of al-Hér and al-Hwér ‘“‘Soor”’
(ibid., p. 86). Sighting the walls from afar, he probably asked what they were and his guide
answered ‘fortification walls (stir)’’; whereupon he put in his notes that both the forts were
named Soor.
80 PALMYRENA
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Fic. 24—Kasr al-Hér
CHAPTER V
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS BY WAY OF ARAK
AND AL-BHARA
KASR AL-HER TO ARAK
Suddenly ten ‘Amarat came to us on camels and would have
driven away our animals if we had let them. They asserted
that we might be the spies of the enemy’s troop whom their
herdsmen had sighted on the previous day at al-Bisri. As there
was a possibility of our being attacked not only by this troop
but also by the marauding ‘Amarat, we left the ruins in the
evening and sought a sleeping place in the az-Zwéheé ridge.
For over an hour we rode along a wall enclosing a garden. -
Six arches could be seen to the southeast, but we could not
go to examine them just then. As we have already seen, the
whole vicinity of Kasr al-Hér might be cultivated, but only
really good rains would assure a crop, and, since frequently
periods as long as two years elapse with but little rain, artifi-
cial irrigation would be necessary. In olden times the aqueducts
Kenat an-Nedwijje and Kenat as-Shejm conducted water to the
neighborhood of the castle and they were easy to repair.
The run-off from the whole basin of al-Kowm flows to the se%b
of as-Stk. As-Sik begins at the junction of the al-Minsar and al-“Afwijjat
ridges, then runs along the western foot of ad-Didi and Zahrat al-Harrtba,
and finally disappears on the plain Fejzat “‘Edeme southeast of the al-
Muhejfir well. This well, now caved-in, lies at the southern foot of the
tabular hills of az-Zwéhe¢ on the old trade road leading from as-Suhne
to Dejr az-Zor. About thirteen kilometers northwest of it a new well,
which the Bedouins call Gebb al-Gedid and the settlers Bir al-Barr4la,
was dug by the order of the governor of Dejr az-Zor. This well is located
west of the se%b of ad-Didi and has plenty of water, which is unpalatable
because of its brackish taste. In the dry period merchant caravans approach
this well by the new as-Sultani road along the northern side of az-Zwéheé
and do not enter the old as-Sultani road until east of ad-Didi near the
Seibdn of ad-Defajen. During the winter months, whén, water is to be
found southeast of az-Zwéhec either in Radir at-Tejr or in Radir al-
Muhejfir, they follow the old as-Sultani road. Fresh water can be had all
the year round at the Zelib Negib well, which lies several kilometers south
of the al-Muhejfir well. The western of the two seibdn of ad-Defajen
begins at the Tlejtuwat domes near the al-Gajri well and winds in an
81
82 PALMYRENA
easterly direction between Tell ad-Dabbe and Tar as-Sbéii on the west
and Sa‘afet al-BiSri on the east. It is joined on the right by the se%b of
ad-Didi and disappears in the plain Fejzat Fazel. The eastern Se%b of
ad-Defajen originates in Sa‘afet al-BiSri and ends in the same plain. At
about the center of the long flat-topped az-Zwéheé ridge, which runs from
east to west, stands the low dome of al-Klejb.
At 5.40 we reached the new as-Sultani road and went
along it southwest as far as the knoll of al-Bwejb; there at
6.05 we encamped at an altitude of 452 meters.
Tuesday, October 27, 1908. We were not disturbed at night
either by robbers or by rain, although after midnight we heard
the neighing of a horse and observed incessant lightning. Having
left our camp at six o’clock, we descended from the hill and
took the new as-Sultani road on the vast, white, rolling plain
of al-Emejlat, which is shut in on the northeast by the az-
Zwéheé ridge, on the north by az-Zaheé, on the west by the
white escarpment of the ar-Ruraj, and on the south by the
mighty heights of az-Zbejwat. Numerous se%badn which wind
- through the plain merge in the al-Kebir valley and conduct
the run-off down to the plain of “Edeme.
At 8.05 we crossed the Se%b of al-Razwanijje, which rises
on the western slope of the steep white az-Zahe¢ ridge and
merges with the al-Kebir valley. Numerous springs flow forth
west of the upper part of al-Razwanijje and irrigate the gardens
of the settlement of -as-Suhne. The most important are the
‘Ajn Fejjaz to the north and the ‘Ajn ‘AjjaS to the south of
the settlement; southeast of the latter bubbles out the “Ajn
al-Waz‘ijje. South and east of as-Suhne there are cultivated
tracts and numerous small gardens, irrigated in some places
by the spring ‘Ajn al-Hammam, while elsewhere water is
pumped out from shallow wells. The soil is marshy, and every-
where there is water a meter and a half beneath the surface.
Here we saw peasants cutting millet (dura) in some of the
fields. ,
In as-Suhne there are about four hundred small houses
called hdne, out of which four communities are formed. The
first, Harat al-Habas, the second, Harat al-Mar4ziz, and the
third, Harat al-"Afjat, obey Mhammad al-‘Ajed. In the fourth,
Harat ar-Rhamat, the families of al-MZejbel, M48, and Beni Sbat
live, all of whom obey Ahmad eben ‘Abdal‘aziz.24. ~
Bass 21 Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 52, states that the Suhne settlement, inhabited by Arabs,
lies in the Syrian desert between Tadmur, ‘Ord, and Arak, or, more correctly, between Arak
and “Ord. — And in reality as-Suhne is situated between Arak and ‘Ord, at-Tajjibe of today.
_ At the beginning of the year 1348 Ibn Battita traveled from ar-Rahba to as-Suhne. He
writes (Tuhfa [Defrémery and Sanguinetti], Vol. 4, p. 315) that as-Suhne is a fine settlement
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 83
Mhammad and the gendarme went to the settlement of
as-Suhne, while the rest of us rode about the gardens and at
9.28 stopped near the spring of al-W4z‘ijje by the foot of a
small hillock near a pile of débris from an old watchtower.
About an hour later a poorly clad Bedouin joined us and sat
down by the fire, inquiring whether we should need a little
brother or companion (haw). Since I was quite sure that the
guide we had hired at at-Tajjibe was not familiar with the
country which I wanted to pass through south and southwest
of the as-Suhne oasis, I had asked Mhammad to find us
another guide and therefore told the Bedouin to wait until
he returned. When Mhammad brought no one back with him,
I made an agreement with the newcomer and discharged the
old guide. The new guide very readily helped Mhammad with
a wether he had bought in the settlement for two megidijjat
($1.80). The guide killed and skinned it and gave the fleece to
a fellah, who was working in a garden near by, to keep for
him. My companions asked me whether they might cook their
dinner near al-Waz‘ijje, to which I agreed; and we stayed there
until one o’clock.
When it was time to go, our new guide, who had made
a good meal of meat and bread and had alone drunk almost
half a pot of black coffee, all at once declared that he could
not accompany us and ran to the fellah to whom he had given
the fleece in safe keeping. The gendarme rode after him, but
at the same moment we heard the war cry of the ‘Amarat
and saw eleven riders on camels galloping close to us. They
surrounded us and forced our camels to kneel. But, having
satisfied themselves that we were not Bedouins — as they had
thought at first — but wandering traders, they let the camels
go. In the meantime Mhammad recognized one of them and
called out to him by name, which brought forth apologies from
all of them. Returning from an unsuccessful marauding expedi-
tion, they had taken us for booty sent to them by Allah himself.
But they did not wish to despoil wandering peddlers, who have
their protectors in every tribe, especially since they are obliged
to return to them anything of which their kinsmen may have
robbed them. Since we did not feel sure that there had not
attached themselves to this group some ordinary robbers who
inhabited chiefly by Christians and named ‘‘The Hot” (as-Suhne) because of its hot springs,
near which were built baths both for men and for women. To be able to drink the hot water,
the inhabitants draw it in the evening, leave it on the flat roofs of their houses to cool
overnight, and have it entirely cold in the morning. From as-Suhne Ibn Batttta went by
way of Tadmur to Damascus.
84 PALMYRENA
might assail us at night, without taking a guide we left as-
Suhne by the as-Sultani road, where we met six more groups
of the ‘Amarat, all of whom scrutinized us greedily.
The road runs along the foot of a long steep escarpment,
Sekif ad-Dabbas, which stretches from northeast to southwest.
It marks the northwestern edge of a plain which ascends gradu-
ally to the south with only a few isolated domes rising above
it. The highest of these is called Rigm as-Sabin (Soap Pile),
because a great pile of stones is heaped on its summit and
because in the neighborhood much ‘azgw and sndn grow, the
ashes (kelw) of which are used in the manufacture of soap.
At 1.50 P.M. we crossed the wide al-Kebir valley, which
comes from a deep rift between the mountains of aS-Sejh
WaAsel on the east and those of al-Klélat and Satih on the
west. It rises in the Abu Rigmén ridge south of Ri* al-Hawa
and east of the pass Nakb al-Hmejde and runs eastward along
the western edge of the fertile plains Fejzat Fazel and Rozat
al-Basal. Both of these plains are bounded on the north by the
main ridge of Abu Rigmén and Kotkot, on the west by the _
Zahrat al-Bedr heights, on the south by the ridges of Satih
and al-Kattar, and on the east by az-Zaheé. At two o’clock
we rode through the river bed of al-Fares, which comes from
the hillocks of al-Mkate‘ and Zahr al-Hmar to merge later with
the al-Kebir valley.
After three o’clock the road led through a gap west of
the small al-Hléhle ruin, and at 3.45 on the left side of the
Se?b of al-Butmi we entered a wide plain, shut in on the south-
west by the peaked hillocks of ar-Rumamin and on the north
by the spurs of al-Mkate’. The se%b of al-Butmi, also called
al-Bustan, runs southeastward to the salt morass Sbaht al-
Mumbatah south of Rigm as-Sabtn and joins the al-Hejl valley.
We noticed on its left bank the ruined shrine of al-Kubba. At
six o’clock we had Tell al-Ku‘ajjed on our left and crossed the
channel of al-Hesja, which runs under the name of al-“Obejje
from the hills of al-Wa‘arijjAt and an-Nhéle, winding south-
east to the Zelib al-Mumbatah where it ends in a morass of
the same name.
At 7.25 we finally encamped with the Kmusa division of
the Sba‘a tribe near the hamlet of Arak, or Raka (temper-
ature: 10.2° C). Mhammad went into a tent to beg dry camel
manure and returned after a while with an armful. He was
followed by the owner of the tent, who asked us to come in,
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 85
at once. To show that he was in earnest, he put out our fire
twice — nay, he even pulled out the iron stakes which were to
hold our kettle and was not a little angry when I, knowing that
a late guest would not get supper (ze7f al-masa’ ma lah ‘asa’),
declared that we would not disturb him. After a poor meal,
I lay down in order to avoid being questioned and entertained,
but scarcely had I covered myself, including my head, when
the chief of the camp, Fejjaz al Mesreb, came in with about
ten companions. He sat down by me and began to question
my men as to whence we had come and where we were going.
He said that he was very sorry he could not talk to me person-
ally and wanted them to wake me up, which, however, they
refused to do. It was after midnight when he finally left.
A little later some strange Arabs who were camping with the
Kmusa tried to sneak in, and twice we chased away what we
took to be thieves.
Wednesday, October 28, 1908. In the morning I noticed that
someone had pulled the case containing my toilet set out of
my saddle bag lying beside me, but the set had been thrown
away again about eight paces from the saddle bag, the thief
evidently having no taste for anything of that sort. As we
were loading our baggage a young man stepped up to me and
asked whether we should not need a companion (hdwi), saying
that he would very much like to ride with us. The guide that
we had, an old man hired by Mhammad, did not seem to be
what I needed; therefore I nodded to Mhammad to settle it
with the young man. The old man gave up his job gladly on
hearing that his relative Blejhan had something to do in al-
Zerjitejn and would have to go there in any case.
We filled our water bags from the spring ‘Ajn umm as-
Sardak, which gushes out by the southern foot of the small
hillock Tell at-Tafsih, the last spur of the hilly region of ad-
Dwara. West of this hillock there flows a better spring, the
Umm Srejhige. Both of these springs could irrigate large gar-
dens as well as fields, but their water now runs to waste.
ARAK TO AL-BHARA
All of the fifteen huts of the hamlet of Arak—or, ac-
cording to the Bedouins, Raka (or ar-Raka)— were deserted.
The inhabitants, Tadamre from Tudmor, had suffered much
from the Bedouins camping in the neighborhood and still
86 PALMYRENA
more from the numerous raiding bands; therefore, as they
always do under such circumstances, they had moved in a
body with their supplies to Tudmor. The Turkish Govern-
ment, it is true, some time in the seventies had ordered a
strong barrack to be built halfway between the hamlet and
the springs, with five gendarmes for a regular garrison; but
this was now deserted, because the Bedouins only made fun
of it. South of the hamlet we saw remains of a few old build-
ings.2? (Temperature at 5P.M.: 11°C.)
Blejhan’s brother went with us part of the way and begged
me, in the name of his mother and himself, to be good to his
dear brother. At 6.15 we were riding over a plain that rises
towards the south and.where hardly a pebble could be found.
On the north this plain is shut in by several mountains running out
from the main ridge of Abu Rigmén, which projects above them all. North
22 Arak is often mentioned in history.
Assurbanipal’s army on its ninth expedition, about 639 B. C., marched as far as
Hurarina and defeated the nomads in the desert between Jarki and Azalla (Rassam Cylinder
[Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5, pl. 8], col. 8, l. 107; Streck, Assurbanipal
[1916], Vol, 2, p. 72). — I identify Jarki with Arak and Hurarina with the Kal‘at al-Hurri
or al-Harr4r ruins, fifteen kilometers northwest of Arak.
Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14:19, mentions Adacha; the Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888),
Segm. 10, shows Harac; the inscription published in Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3,
Suppl. no. 6719, mentions Aracha; the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, nos. 14, 29, gives the
name Adatha; and the anonymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, II, 15 (Pinder and
Parthey’s edit., p. 89), refers to Adatis. —
Ptolemy lists Adacha (misrendered from Aracha) among the Palmyrene settlements.
It lay on the road built by the Emperor Diocletian and called after him Strata Diocletiana,
which connected Damascus with Palmyra and the ford of Sura (Strija) on the Euphrates.
After the new division of the province of Phoenices at the end of the fourth century, Adatha
(misrendered in the Notitia dignitatum from Adacha, in turn misrendered from Aracha)
belonged to Foenices Secunda and was garrisoned by equites sagittarii indigenae.
Peters, Nippur (1897), Vol. 1, p. 372, publishes an inseription from a milestone, which ~
indicates that the building of the Roman road Strata Diocletiana was in progress during the
reign of the Emperor Constantine. The milestone was found about eight Roman miles from
Palmyra in the direction of Arak.
The decision of the Council of Constantinople in the year 381 was signed among others
by Alexander Arachensis (var., Arachon) (by the proxy of the priest Timotheus), one of the
cnr of the province of Phoenices (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 1,
col. iF
The resolutions of the Council of Chaleedon,-451; were ratified by Theodore, metro-
politan of Damascus, in the name of his suffragan ‘‘Abraamios poleos Archaon”’ (ibid.,
Vol. 2, col. 485). ;
The petition to the Emperor Leo to recognize the resolutions of this council was signed
(ibid., col. 720), among the other bishops of Phoenicia’ Secunda by the same ‘“‘Abraamius
episcopus Uranensis.’’ — The first n in Uranensis is due to an original substitution of a Greek v
for a Greek x.
Jakuat, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 210, writes that Arak is a small town on the borders of the
Aleppan desert near Tadmur and that palm and olive trees thrive there. — By ‘the Aleppan
desert”? JakGt must have meant the old Palmyrena, because immediately south of Arak he
placed the northern edge of the desert of as-SamAwa.
Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 5, p. 246, relates that in February, 1312, Kara’
Sonkor, the administrator of the town of Aleppo, journeying through the desert, reached
the pilgrim’s station of Birket Ziza. Fearing lest the Egyptian soldiers escorting the Egyptian
pilgrims should arrest him in the Hegaz by order of Sultan NAser, he returned from Ziza
via Araka and Suhne to the Aleppan desert, where he and the Arab Emir Muhanna ibn
‘Isa conspired to rebel against Naser. He then attacked Aleppo, but before he could take
possession of it the Egyptian army had reached Hama’ and, by the middle of April, had
driven Kara’ Sonkor as far back as al-Hammam near az-Zerka. From there he fled to the
Euphrates, where he took refuge in the camps of Emir Muhanna ibn ‘isa. —
Both al-Hammam and az-Zerka lie on the highway from Palmyra by way of Esrija
to Aleppo. It is interesting to note that Abu-l-Feda’ does not call the settlement Arak, but
Araka, as do the Bedouins, who pronounce it either Raka or ar-Raka.
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 87
of Raka tower the high mountains of Zahrat al-Bedr and al-Rassabijje,
to the southwest of which appear the Zahrat as-Safra and al-Mizar (other-
wise called aS-Sejh Mhammad eben “Ali). The last-named falls steeply
into the plain southwest of Tudmor. Hast of Zahrat al-Bedr, beyond the
Se%ib of al-Mzebbed, the ridge of Satih stretches parallel with it, and
both merge on the southeast into the rough hills of al-Wa‘arijjat, which
send out the narrow spur of an-Nhéle to the southeast and the crest of
ad-Dawwara to the south. Al-Mzebbed winds through the al-Wa‘arijjat
hills, separates ad-Dawwara from the mountain of al-Harrar to the west,
is joined on the left by the Se%b of Carej‘e and on the right by the
Seibdn of Hale and al-Minsef, and disappears finally in the marsh south-
east of Tudmor. At the head of the se%b of al-Minsef there are the ruins
of al-Kattar with a little spring; southwest of them lie the Kal‘at al-
Hurri ruins.”°
On the west by the ridge of al-Harrar stretches the deep se%b of
al-Ahmar with its wells Bijar al-Ammi. This Se%b also disappears in
the marsh of Tudmor. South of the wells rises the height Mkate‘at ad-
Darag, which falls off steeply to the southwest. Above it projects the
steep scarp Marbat al-Hsan, the south side of which is called Tar an-
Nwejser. South of the latter gapes the pass Tenijjet ad-Demis, through
which a road leads from Tudmor westward. South of the pass rises the
conspicuous gray ridge of al-Kajez, merging to the southwest into the
darker ridge of Hejjal, which skirts the plain of Tudmor on the west.
To the southwest this plain extends as far as the rose-colored rocks of
the hilly region of Abtar?‘ and to the south and east as far as the heights
of at-Telile and az-Zab*. Many parts of the plain might be cultivated.
As our camels were very hungry we let them rest from
9.00 to 11.30 and then made our way southward along the
eastern edge of the Tudmor marsh. This marsh is covered
with deep drifts of gray sand, in which grow arta, rimt, and
‘alanda bushes. The animals’ legs sank into the sand, and we
were more than thankful when, at 1.30 P. M., we again trod
on firmer ground. At 1.50 (temperature: 26°C) we crossed the
river bed of al-Frej, which comes from the south and ends in
the marsh. To the northwest, about fifteen kilometers from
us, the fort Kal‘at eben Ma‘an, built on a high rock above
the ruins of Palmyra, was clearly outlined on the horizon.
South of the fort dark-green palms veiled the poor grayish
huts of the village of Tudmor, the wretched heiress of the
imposing queen city of the Palmyrene desert. It seemed as if
the village were seeking shelter in the folds of the al-Mizar
ridge, to find safety from the countless attacks of raiders.
23 Nasr records (Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 228) a place called Hurra’ in the territory
of the Kalb. — As our Kal‘at al-Hurri lies in the former territory of this tribe, we might
identify it with Hurra’, but in this case JakGt should have written the last letter as a j and
not an alif.
2% Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 78, mentions a place called Abtar in Syria. — This might
have been the ridge of Abtar. ‘
88 PALMYRENA
Two Tudmor felldhin told us that only four days before their
settlement had been attacked and they had lost 230 sheep and
60 pack camels, and that in spite of this they had had to regale
the raiders as their most welcome guests. 3
The men were gathering on the plain ‘agw, rimt, and
§ndn plants, which they pressed into piles about one meter
high; about these piles they would lay dry sith; then they
would throw some earth on, set fire to the whole, and wait
until the plants withered and turned to ashes (kelw). These
ashes are sold to soap makers in Hama’ or Aleppo and bring
250 to 800 piasters ($ 11.25—13.50) for 260 kilograms.
Blejhan pointed out to us to the west the spring wells
of a’-Sagara, al-Ksejbe, Zebara, and al-“Edejje, the watering
places of the camels of the Kmusa division of the Sba‘a tribe.
At 3.48 we halted before a small ruin at the northern
foot of the low hillock Tell al-Bahra, on the top of which
a watchtower once stood. There we sketched a map of the
neighborhood.
To the north we could see the Tudmor mountains all the way from
al-Abjaz and aS-Sa‘er in the west to az-Zahe¢ in the east. To the north-
west rose the reddish domes of Zhtr al-Humr, which lie south and south-
west from al-Abjaz. To the southwest stretched the mountain chain of
ar-Rawak, the various parts of which are called Hejjal, al-Gurnijje,
al-Keteb, and al-Wu‘tl. A broad valley separates this mountain chain
from a lower ridge to the south, Abtar by name. At the northeastern
foot of the latter are the extensive al-Bhara ruins, south of which rise
the bare rocks Swéwint al-Hamra; southeast of these the isolated hill
Tell al-Frej marks the easiest approach from the south to al-Bhara as
well as to the lowland of Tudmor. Southeast and east of al-Frej stretch
the steep escarpments of Tlejlat al-‘Eleb and al-Giffa, above which stands
the dark red cone of al-Rurab. The view to the east was obstructed by
the mighty height of at-Telile.
There is an abundance of water in the neighborhood of
of al-Bhara, with possibilities of cultivation that must have
been made use of in times long past, as the numerous re-
mains of gardens and country houses bear witness.
AL-BHARA TO AL-HAWA
Having finished. our work, we went to the al-Baztrijje
ruins, which lay about one kilometer farther south at the
western foot of the hillock Tell al-Bahra. Al-Bazirijje had
evidently never been a settlement, but, rather, a country res-
idence. It was built in the center of a large garden irrigated
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 89
from two wells. Solid buildings once stood near the northern
well, but of these little remains. The southern well is in the
court of a small square fort with a projecting gate and a
huge tower. As herds of camels were being watered at the
wells by singing and shouting men, we were prevented from
sketching a plan. After a while some Arabs came and asked
what we had for sale. When my companions told them that
we were not hawkers but wished to survey the country, they
began to curse the Government for sending engineers to rob
them of the land inherited from their fathers. It was quite
a long time before I succeeded in pacifying them. (Temper-
ature at 5.45: 20°C.)
Tuesday, October 29, 1908. Leaving al-Baztrijje at 6.20
A.M. (temperature: 12°C), we went in a southwesterly di-
rection to a rather small, partly ruined farmhouse which we
had on our left at 6.38. At 7.08 we dismounted before the tent
of Ratwan eben MerSed, the head chief of the Kmusa divi-
sion of the Sba‘a tribe. My policy was to become personally
acquainted with the head chiefs of all the ‘Aneze tribes. I
wanted, if for only a short time, to visit Ratwan. When I had
entered the men’s compartment of his seven-poled tent, he
commanded me to sit down on a rug spread out for me op-
posite him. But I sat quietly beside him, remarking that a
Rwejli belongs to a Sbé. This made Ratwan laugh. He was
pleased that I] did not refer to him as a Kmasi (one of the
Kmusa) but, rather, as a Sbeé‘l (one of the Sba‘a), because
the word kmdsi means a man with long protruding teeth and
is therefore avoided by the Kmusa. Ratwan knew that I had
attached myself to the Rwala and was therefore considered a
Rwejli. The Rwala and the Kmusa division of the Sba‘a were
friends of long standing and had helped each other against
all their common enemies. It was his duty as a Sbé‘% to sup-
port me — a Rwejli.
Ratwan, a man of about thirty, tall, with thick black
brows, black curly hair, and a pleasant face, behaved amiably,
but with composure. It seemed as if he possessed no judgment
of his own, because he consulted his scribe all the time. The
latter had formerly been in the service of Farhan eben Hdejb,
head chief of the ‘Ebede and Bargas’ father, from whom he
had stolen more than one hundred Turkish pounds ($ 450).
Farhan had then confiscated all his property and chased him
out. After this incident he had entered the services of. Ratwan
90 PALMYRENA
and was now examining me. Instead of replying to him, |
handed him the letters of introduction addressed to his lord,
and when the scribe asked if the Sublime Porte was informed
of my journeying there, I told him to read the order of the
Government addressed to all the head chiefs of the various
tribes and not to bother me any longer with his questions.
He then read all the documents aloud and left me in peace.
After drinking a cup of tea made for me by Ratwan’s orders,
I went to the ruins.
Al-Bhara lies at the southwestern end of the Tudmor
lowland on the northeastern spur of the ridge of Abtar. The
fresh water in the wells, the fertile soil of the neighborhood,
and the proximity of the great Roman road from Damascus
to the Euphrates gave the inhabitants of al-Bhara so many
advantages that the place prospered, at least as long as it
was protected by a strong Roman garrison against the attacks
of the Bedouins. I could not examine the ruins very closely,
as the scribe made himself one of our party and began to
worry me with questions; when I did not answer, he boasted
of all the things he had ever done for noble foreigners. For
instance, he claimed to have accompanied the Bartn (Oppen-
heim?), a lady of the French royal family, and many other
exalted personages, and he said that Ratwan did not have
a good pair of binoculars and that I should put him under
a great obligation by presenting him with mine. In answer
to my remark that I needed the binoculars myself, he thought
that I could order a pair for Ratwan from Damascus. Seeing
that the scribe’s impudence would paralyze my whole activity
about the camp, I returned to the tent, and, having written
to my friend Halil Fattal in Damascus to buy Ratwan eben
Mersed a pair of binoculars, I prepared to leave. My compan-
ions urged me to get another guide from Ratwan, but when
the latter saw our present guide, Blejhan, he declared that
I needed no other, because I could travel all over his territory
without any of his tribesmen molesting me.
During the conversation several members of the Slejb
tribe came in and, on hearing that Timan was a Frangi,
wanted to befriend him. They claimed relationship to the
Franks, who had left them behind in the desert when they
emigrated from Arabia to Europe. Also they wished me to .
induce Ratwan and an-Nitri eben Sa‘lan to compensate them
for some goats which the kinsmen of these chiefs had killed
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 91
and eaten. Some of the Slejb wore long skirt-like robes made
of gazelle skins. Strange to say they were all dressed cleanly,
if poorly, and evidently washed much oftener than Ratwan
and his Bedouins.
The Kmusa belong to the Sba‘a tribe of the ‘Aneze group. According
to the Rwala their name is derived from their long teeth. They live in
about twelve hundred tents, obey the head chief. Ratwan, and are divided
into three subdivisions:
al-‘Amira
ar-Rasalin
al-Mesarbe.
Clans of the “Amira: al-Btejnat (chief: Ratwan eben Mersed)
ar-Rhama (35 Barras eben_Sa‘ajjed)
al-Hamsan ( ,, Hajes eben Selhtb)
as-Shejm ( , Fellag eben Stéwi)
al-Mwahib tar “Abbtad eben Rasem).
Clans of the Rasdlin: Al Gasem ( , Rati eben Nawwak)
Al ‘Aglan ( ,, Mhammad eben ‘Ide)
Al HwejSan (_,, Siran eben Matra).
The Mesarbe form one unit only; their chief is Fejjaz al Mesreb.
The recognized leader of the Kmusa in war is BeSir eben MerSed,
a half-brother to Chief Ratwan by his father.
After a meal of boiled rice soaked in melted butter, we left
al-Bhara at 10.30 and rode westward to the Gebb as-Sikkerijje
well (otherwise known as al-Hazim), which we reached at 10.52.
The well was dug in the yard of some gentleman’s residence
northwest of a strong tower. Southwest of al-Bhara there is
a similar country seat called al-Bhéra.
Without making a stop, we rode along through the broad
valley of al-Hallabat, which separates the ridge of Abtar
from the mountain chain of ar-Rawak. Far to the west-south-
west were seen the Han (or Kasr) al-Hallabat ruins. Accord-
ing to Blejhan’s explanation, this name was given the ruins
because of old the women from al-Bhara used to come there
every day to milk the goats and sheep grazing in the neigh-
borhood. Consequently it is called “the Castle of Milking Women.”
In this sense people often explain to themselves the names of
old buildings, about the origins of which they are ignorant.
On the road we met about twenty camels carrying the tents
and smaller property of a migrating family of the Sba‘a. Every
now and then both to the right and left we saw the remains
of old graves, garden walls, and even dams.
These dams became especially numerous just before al-
Hallabat was reached at 1.25 P.M. (temperature: 24.3°C). Since
92 PALMYRENA
the neighborhood did not have a good reputation for safety,
we meant to stay near the fort only long enough to sketch
a plan of it; therefore I ordered my men to make coffee while
I began work at once with Taman.
|
ae
yee
Eom 33,
HAN AL-HALLABAT
METERS
10
=
w
0 1S 20 25
Fic. 25—H4n al-Hallabat, plan.
Han al-Hallabat forms a square 49 meters on each side
with mighty, rounded towers at each corner (see Fig. 25).
In the center of the eastern wall is a gate 3.1 meters wide
leading into a court in the middle of which lies a heap of
débris from several ruined chambers. By the north side of
the gate a stairway leads up to the rampart 3.4 meters wide.
In each tower is a square room with two stairways giving ac-
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 93
cess to the loopholes. After the soldiers had gone, the inside
of the fort had evidently been made to house peaceful in-
habitants, possibly monks.?°
The plan finished, we sketched a map of the vicinity and
then began to look for old inscriptions. At this moment I
sighted several horsemen far down the valley west of the
castle. Thinking that they belonged to the migrating clan we
had met that morning, I did not pay much attention to them,
but when I noticed four separating themselves from the rest
and galloping over to us, I ran with Taman to warn our com-
panions, who were concealed by the eastern wall and could not
see them. Blejhan knew them as attackers at once, started
after the camels, and drove them towards us. In the mean-
time the strangers were already close to the castle and headed
directly for our party; two of them pointed their rifles at
us; the other two held their spears ready to throw. Another
four surrounded us at the same time from the north; two
threw themselves at our camels; and the rest, reinforced
by two more, seized our water bags, quenched their thirst,
and watered their horses. The thirsty mares trod all over our
baggage and when I tried to drive them away with a club,
two of the band took hold of my hands, laughing derisively.
Blejhan and Mhammad came to my aid, snatching the water
bags away from the strangers; but the gendarme hid his gun
and with the coffeepot in his hand waited on the attackers un-
blushingly, calling them ‘“‘efendijje’; ‘Abdallah ordered Mham-
mad in a loud and angry tone to prepare dinner for our es-
teemed guests. This order evidently pleased the men who were
still holding me, for one of them let me loose and went with
‘Abdallah to our baggage, from which he helped himself to
rice, burrul, and tea. At that moment two more riders appeared
on the scene.
One of them, who was the commander (‘azid) of the band,
Blejhan recognized as Met‘eb, son of Fahad eben Haddal, the
head chief of the ‘Amarat. When he approached me I said
reproachfully to him:
2% Han al-Hallabat is the Roman station of Heliaramia (Peutinger Table [Vienna,
1888], Segm. 10). Perhaps no soldiers were there in the Byzantine era, and later it became
a monastery.
Wright, Catalogue (1870—1872), p. 718, col. 2, records the following Monophysite settle-
ments in the ecclesiastical province of Arabia; ‘Awejra, Gubejl, Hadita, Helioram, Gejgil,
“Awkaba, “Afa’? and (ibid., p. 714, col. 1) the monastery of “Entin. — Helioram is undoubtedly
identical with the Roman post of Heliaramia, southwest of Palmyra; the monastery of “Entin
with ‘Anén, southeast of Palmyra; ‘Awejra, probably with al-Barde; and Gejgzil with Han
Gnejzel, northeast of Geri on the road to Palmyra. (See also Lamy, Profession [1898],
p. 138, nos. 116 and 119.)
94 PALMYRENA
“Took, Met‘eb, how thy friends are treated by thy men.”
He made no reply whatever, but sat down by our fire and
commanded Mhammad to prepare a good dinner for him and
his men. Then he invited me to take a place beside him. When
I declined with the remark:
“T cannot sit with a friend who treats me as an enemy,”
he replied:
“Since when am I thy friend?”
“Since the time thy friends gave me letters of introduction
to thee and when I myself wrapped up the presents intended
for thee and thy father!’
“Show me those letters!”
“T will, but only in the tent of thy father, who shall know
how thou hast treated me!”
My words did not fail in the result desired. Met‘eb rose,
sat down by me, and begged to be forgiven for the way he
had acted. At his command his men helped to load our bag-
gage, the kettle in which our husked wheat (burrul) was mer-
rily boiling was taken down, and the flour just ready for mak-
ing bread was returned to the sack, so that by 2.52 we could
continue on our way again. Met‘eb offered me his friendship
and his hand; but I refused to give him mine, saying that I
would do so only in his or his father’s tent.
We had been on the march about half an hour when
Met‘eb overtook us and again offered his hand, begging for-
giveness. Then I gave him mine and sent greetings to his
father. The young man now told me that he had set out at
‘the head of about four hundred riders on camels and thirty
on horseback against the Rwala; but the Rwala’s herdsmen
sighted them and so alarmed the neighboring camps that
nothing was left for him to do but to save himself by flight.
His camel riders and some horsemen escaped by way of al-
Zerjitejn and Tudmor, while he and about a dozen riders went
home by way of al-Basiri and al-Bhara.
At 4.15 we reached the ruined well Zelib al-Hawa, north
of which lies the demolished Han al-Hwénize. Northeast of
the latter, through the Se%b of as-Sihle and the defile Ri* al-
Hawa between al-Gurnijje to the west and as-Seklawijje to
the east, there leads an easy road to the spring of al-“Edejje
and to Tudmor. Another road heads northwesterly to the Kal‘at
al-Béza fort through the saddle between al-Gurnijje and al-
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 95
Keteb, running thence alongside the se?%b of ar-Raml, which
disappears in the ad-Daw lowland.
AL-HAWA TO AL-BARDE
South of the Zelib al-Hawa I noticed the first Roman mile-
stones, but most of them were broken and crumbled, thus
making the reading of even a single letter absolutely impos-
sible. From five to six o’clock we rested and then rode on in
the same direction, not desiring to sleep where we had lighted
our last fire. But in a little while a heavy cold rain began
to beat across our faces. For more than half an hour we and
our animals struggled against the rain and wind with all our
strength; then suddenly our camels turned their faces to the
east, knelt down, and could not be made to rise again. Un-
loading the baggage and covering it as best we could, we, too,
sought protection from the rain. I sat down beside my camel
and the baggage with my back to the wind and wrapped my
cloak tight about me; but the wind kept raising it and the
rain sent one trickle after another down my back. After an
hour the rain ceased a little, which gave me a chance to get
a blanket out of the baggage, stretch it on the wet ground,
pick up some large stones, and lie down, covering myself with
my cloak, the edges of which I weighted down with stones
lest it be blown away by the wind. Just then it started to rain
heavily again. The blanket on which I was lying got wet, the
night was cold, and the morning star would not show itself.
My companions wrapped themselves up in their clothes, wool
coats, and blankets, pulled their knees almost to their faces,
and seemed not to mind the bad weather at all. But the gen-
darme pressed, closely to me, making my head ache with his
lamentations and complaints. The second watch fell to Mham-
mad’s lot and the third to Blejhan, but both of them de-
clared that in a dark rainy night like this, no thief or robber
would venture out and to guard our baggage or camels would
therefore be unnecessary. The gendarme, however, was con-
cerned about his horse, which had no iron fetters, and feared
that any marauder, from what he knew of that gentry, would
take a horse before anything else. I advised him to consult
his good friend and ally ‘Abdallah, who surely would keep
awake with him; but ‘Abdallah declared that he had not known
96 PALMYRENA
the gendarme up to a month ago, that in two days he would
forget all about him anyway, and that if he were afraid for
his horse he should watch it himself. Having thus relieved
his mind, ‘Abdallah crawled back into his covers again and
did not stir until morning.
Friday, October 30, 1908. At five o’clock we started to-
ward the southwest. The sky was dark, but the clouds were
breaking, and here and there a star appeared. From 5.18 to
6.34 (temperature: 15°C) we let our camels pasture on the
abundant rate in the neighborhood, while we warmed up the
coffee. After a while we sighted on the south side of the valley
about sixty camels laden with the tents and furniture of the
Hamsan clan of the Kmusa division. Soon after, an elderly
man seated on a she-camel came over to us and asked where
we had come from, of what tribe we were, and where this and
that clan were camping. At 7.48 A.M. Blejhan showed me a
place to the north where the spring “‘Ajn al-Kattar lies on
the eastern slope of the ridge of al-Wu‘il. There is another
spring called al-Wu‘tl southwest of al-Kattar. The deep rift
Tenijjet al-Wa‘are separates the ridge from al-Keteb to the
east. North of the rift begins the Se%b of Misa Ara, which
ends northeast of the at-Tw4ale ruins and well (also called an-
Najfe). At the entrance to Tenijjet al-Wa‘are there lies, east
of ‘Ajn al-Kattar, the small fortress of al-Kattar, which I did
not see, since it was hidden in the fog and Blejhan did not
call my attention to it in time.
To shorten our way, we left the Roman road which leads
through the valley to the al-Basiri ruins and went across the
pass between the al-Hlejjel and an-Neknekijje ridges in a
westerly direction.
To the south the Abtar ridge sinks gradually to’ the flat hillocks
of al-Makta‘a, southeast of which appear the gray rocks Swéwint aS-Shaba,
connected on the west with the broad black crest of ‘Ade. This ends in
a cluster of scattered crags not unlike a black castle, which is called Kal‘at
Tejr. West of the crags projects the mighty black pyramid of ar-Rmah
with its two terraces, partly concealing the bluish rocks of the low tabular
hill of Khejle. Northwest of ar-Rm&h glisten the dark blue mountains
of Kehle, with the higher Rattis to the north of them, and, still farther,
al-Barde. To the north was seen the Kasr al-Hér al-Rarbi ruin on the
as-Sultani road, which runs from al- -Zerjitejn to Tudmor. The lowland of
ad- Daw, which fie road cuts through, is shut in to the north of al-Hér by
the white escarpment Tar ar-Rhejmi and by the white heights of at-Tjas as
well as by the low hillocks Zuml Emhar, al-Hadidijje, and Ras al-Medrir,
which cluster in front of the southern spur of the high ridge of al-Abjaz.
KASR AL-HER TO AL-BARDE WELLS 97
At ten o’clock, leading our camels by the reins, we reached
the western foot of the ridge, crossed the road to the spring
‘Ajn al-Wu‘tl, and went through the basin to the isolated
hillock Tell al-Akta, which rises east of the spring wells of
al-Barde. Around the water were about two hundred tents,
through which I should have had to ride had I wanted to visit
the dam of al-Harbaka. From the camp several men came to-
wards us and invited us to enter their tents as their guests.
Since our baggage was soaking wet and every one of us dead
tired, we turned west and encamped at 11.38 (temperature:
23.5°C) at the foot of the mountain of al-Barde, which rises
on the left side of the valley of the same name about a kilo-
meter and a half south of the wells. The gendarme with Blej-
han went to the wells, the former to water his horse, the
latter to get water for us. Having unloaded the baggage, we
spread out the blankets, hung our clothes on the ‘alanda bushes
to dry, and began to sketch a plan of the vicinity. This done,
Taman and I lay down for a short rest, but just then the
gendarme brought to us Chief Fellas eben Stéwi with six of
his friends, who bothered me a long time, trying to persuade
me to come as their guest to their tent and in the mean-
time drinking up all our coffee.
CHAPTER VI
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE
BY WAY OF AL-ZERJITEJN AND HAN ‘ANEJBE |
AL-BARDE TO AL-ZERJITEJN
At 2.05 we left in the direction of the gap Tenijjet az-
Zerka, which separates the ridge of al-Barde from that of
Rattis. On the way to the pass we found a small cluster of
yellow flowers which resembled the tulips of Europe and which
Blejhan called ‘asansal. Leading our camels all the way, we
reached the summit of the pass in about twenty minutes
and there sighted to the south-southeast at about six kilo-
meters from us a few tents of the Fwa‘re, camping by the al-
Basiri wells. The Roman road branches off from the al-Basiri
wells through the Tenijjet al-“Alézijje rift to the southwest.
Another road leads from these ruins north through the valley
of al-Kantara to the al-Barde wells and farther on to Kasr
al-Hér al-Rarbi; and a third road goes west through the al-
Haramijje and al-Maszijje passes to al-Zerjitejn. These two
passes separate the mountain of Kehle from the long ridge
of an-Nusrani, which is grown over partly with groves of
terebinth trees.
Far to the west in the desolate white plain our eyes were
refreshed by the sight of the dark green gardens of the al-
Zerjitejn settlement, where we wished to spend the night;
we therefore urged on our tired animals to greater speed. The
descent from the pass was much more difficult than the as-
cent because the path leads over and among big boulders,
where our camels could move only with the utmost care and
very slowly. On reaching the foot of the ridge we were over-
taken by two riders going from the Fwa‘re camp near al-
Basiri to visit their relatives, who were camping in the Se%b
of al-Abtah. Recognizing us as the travelers guided a short
time ago by their kinsman Ramzin, they inquired what: clans
we had met on the road and what experiences we had had
thus far.
From 4.28 to 6.45, letting our camels graze at the western
foot of the al-Barde mountain in a shallow valley in the un-
98
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-ATIZE 99
dulating region of al-Hazerijjat, we sketched a map of the sur-
rounding country. After supper we passed through the rolling
plain to the west to the lowland Rozat al-Mizra‘a, where the
camp fires of the Fwa‘re were then burning. At first it seemed
that the flames were white, visible one minute, out of sight
the next. Not until an hour later, when we had crossed the
Abu Tine valley, which rises at the Tenijjet al-Hufejjer pass,
did the fire assume its normal red ‘color. It could plainly be
seen to rise, flare up, and then die down again. We also began
to hear dogs, then human voices and the wailing of the she-
camels caring for their young; and at last we halted before
the camp itself, where we lay down at eight o’clock and had
a good night’s rest.
Saturday, October 31, 1908. The sky was clouded and the
air was moist when we resumed our trip at 5.08 the next
morning (temperature: 8°C). The Fwa‘re drove their sheep
to pasture —or, rather, led them; for every herdsman sat on
a donkey, his dog trotting beside him; then came a ewe with
a bell hung around her neck, and in her wake the rest of the
flock, long rows of them in single file with heads bent down.
The lowland of al-Mizra‘a, which we were passing, might be
cultivated very profitably.
We let our camels graze from 6.22 to 6.40, after which
we headed for the gardens of al-Zerjitejn. We should have
liked to go around them in the direction of the Umm al-Ke-
lajed spring and to encamp northeast of the settlement on
the very spot where we had stayed at the time of our first
visit (see above, pp. 35f.), but the gendarme declared that we
should have to go too far out of our way and that he would
lead us straight through the gardens. As he had been stationed
at al-Zerjitejn, we took his word for it; but no sooner were we
between the high garden walls built of dry marl than he did
not know which way to turn. Our camels shied and made us
fear for our instruments, which might easily have been da-
maged if rubbed against the walls. Nothing was left for us
to do but face about and lead our animals by the reins; hence
we did not reach the northern edge of the settlement until
9.42, when we finally pitched our camp.”°
i 26 The poet al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 86, mentions al-Karjatan (the modern al-
Zerjitejn).
The caliph al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek once listened at the al-Karjatan settlement to
a quarrel between two men, one of the Kalb tribe, and the other of the Kejs tribe. The
Kalbi was standing in a pond and challenged all present to a wrestling match. The Kejsi
took up his challenge, but got a ducking and could save himself only by great efforts. He
was thus humiliated, with nobody willing to help him. At that very moment another burly
100 PALMYRENA
AL-ZERJITEJN TO HAN ‘ANEJBE
Al-Zerjitejn is divided into four Moslem and two Christian
precincts. The Moslem precincts, Harat aS-Serkijjin, Harat al-
Rarbijjin, Harat al-Bali‘a, and Harat al-Wasta, number about
six hundred huts, peopled exclusively by Moslems. Harat as-
Sarijjan and HAarat al-Katilik, with about two hundred houses,
belong to the Christians. The Strijjan (Syrian orthodox Chris-
tians) have two priests, Gebrajil and Haran; the Katdlik (Syr-
ian Catholics) only one, Philip. The head chief of the whole
settlement is Ahmad eben Fejjaz. j
To save themselves from robberies, the people of al-Zer-
jitejn have protectors in the several tribes of the desert, who
are obliged to return to them everything of which their kins-
men have robbed them. For this such protectors get an an-
nual tribute called huiwa, as follows.
In the Rwala Eben Me‘gel gets 30 megidijjat ($27)
se . Eben Rowzan » 40 e ($ 36)
» » Weld ‘Ali Al Halfl Mee? ; ($27)
» 9» Hsene ar-Raffase ecu % ($18)
pin uc ehigab Ahl Fellah 520 4 ($18)
Sg a. Eben Sa‘dan as a 5 ($ 14.40)
Pry iakt OC an Eben Nubejhan ee pi ($18).
One of the “‘Amarat chiefs Wee . ($27).
As long as Fejjaz eben Da“as was living, nobody dared
to ask the inhabitants of al-Zerjitejn, who are commonly
Kejsi arrived in al-Karjatan on his camel, and scarcely had he dismounted when the caliph
al-Walid ordered him to challenge the victor. The newcomer hesitated at first, fearing that
he would have to pay the eustomary blood price; but when the victorious Kalbi yielded his
claim for the blood money, the Kejsi engaged him in a struggle, which ended by the Kejsi’s
holding his opponent’s head under the water until he was dead. The caliph was much
displeased with this. (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [B0l4k, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 12, pp. 32f.)
At the beginning of February, 1071, some bands of the Turkoman army, then besieging
Aleppo for the caliph al-Kajim, passed through the desert to seize al-Karjatén, which, as
well as the country thereabouts, they thoroughly plundered (Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nugtim [Popper],
Vol. 2, p. 245; Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl [Amedroz], p. 100).
In October, 1104, Emir Sukman, leader of the Seljuks of Mardin, who ravaged the
surroundings of Damascus, died at al-Karjatan and was buried at Hisn Kifa near Mardin
(Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 10, p. 268; Ibn al-Kalanisi, op. cit., p. 147).
tive In 1199 al-Malek az-Zaher, son of Saladin, came with only a small retinue to the
vicinity of the town of Sarhad and from’there went through the desert of as-Samawa to
Tadmur. The baggage-laden mules followed him to al-Karjatan. During the next rainy season
he camped with his army in the Merg as-Suffar and Ras al-Ma’, after which he marched
by way of al-Karjatan to Aleppo. (KemAaladdin, T'a’rih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or. lat.,
Vol. 4, p. 220; al-Makrizi, Sulik [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or. lat., Vol.9, p.107; Abu-l-Feda’,
Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 4, p. 180.)
Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 77; Vol. 2, p. 355, and Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid (Juynboll),
Vol. 2, pp. 406f., write that al-Karjatan is a large settlement inhabited only by Christians
on the desert road from Homs to Suhne and Arak. According to Abu Hudejfa (as cited by
Jakut) Haled marched out of Tadmur to the settlement called al-Karjatan, or otherwise
Huwwarin, two days distant from Tadmur. — Al-Karjatan, however, was not situated on
the road from Homs to Arak and Suhne, as the direct road between these places ran north
of it. Al-Karjatan also was quite different from HuwwéAarin, a settlement lying twenty kilo-
meters to the northeast, and it is indeed remarkable that Jakdat failed to point out the
difference between them. ;
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 101
called al-Karawne, to pay the huiwa. But he died in 1903 and,
as his sons are weak and afraid of everybody, they have to
buy protection from strangers.
Having paid a visit to the kassis Philip, I told the ser-
vant I had hired there to follow me to our camp. Asking for
eight napoleons ($ 30.40) in advance, he promised to bring his
clothes and to be with us before noon; but in the afternoon
a messenger came with the report that my man was afraid
and that he did not know whether he would go with us or
not. This meant that his friends, having found out that I
had come to take him with me and begrudging him the good
wages he was about to get, were trying to scare him away in
the hope of entering my service themselves. ‘Abdallah eben
Huri in particular, the son of the late parish priest Ibrahim,
was spreading rumors throughout the settlement that anyone
going out with me and the Rwala would put himself in the
greatest danger. And after that ‘Abdallah was impudent
enough to offer me his own services, adding by way of ex-
planation that he had accompanied a number of consuls to
Palmyra, had more than fifty letters of recommendation, knew
what every traveler wanted, and that I could hardly find so
reliable and experienced a servant as he. But, having no suc-
cess in this, he begged the kassis Philip to plead for him,
so that I would hire no one but him, ‘Abdallah. Since even
this did not help, he brought to me the chief of the settle-
ment, Ahmad eben Fejjaz Agha, who declared that there was
only one man between Damascus and the Euphrates whom he
could vouch for, that his name was ‘Abdallah eben Hari, and
that he warmly recommended him; then he said that all he
asked for his exertions in this matter would be a rifle, Tt-
man’s carbine. When Ahmad eben Fejjaz Agha also failed to
convince me, I was visited by about twenty other men, all
offering me their services; but I stated over and over again
that I wanted only the one with whom I had made the agree-
ment. For him I waited until one o’clock that afternoon, when
he sent the prepayment back with the excuse that he would
not accompany me because he really could not. Then, when
I was ready to leave, a new messenger came, announcing
that the brother of the man whom I had hired would like
to go with me on the same terms; because I liked his looks,
I accepted him. I had, however, to wait for him until 4.22,
when he finally came with his mother and several relatives.
102 PALMYRENA
At five o’clock we stopped at the spring ‘Ajn umm al-
Kelajed where we planned to spend the night. Telling Mham-
mad to show the new servant how to prepare our supper, I
went to the al-Hosn ruins. The building material, huge stone
blocks, was covered with variously executed ornaments and
therefore must have been taken from other ruined buildings.
Use had also been made of it in building a small fortress, the
vaults of which were in a good state of preservation.
Returning to the camp, I found the new servant working
hard. Soon after, his brother came with two strangers who
were buying horses from the Bedouins then watering their
herds at the spring. Having bidden a farewell to his brother,
who turned to go back to the settlement again, our new
servant suddenly leaped on the baggage pile, took out from
a bag his bundle of clothes, and called to me, saying that I
was not to be angry with him, that he could not leave his
mother, and that he would return the prepayment directly.
Then he ran after his brother.
Mhammad, having forgotten the tea he had bought as
well as the raisins for which al-Zerjitejn is widely famed,
went back for them with ‘Abdallah to the settlement, so that
only Blejhan and I remained by the fire. To my question
whether he too had now to return to his relatives, Blejhan
replied that he would stay with me as long as I wished him
to and that he would serve me conscientiously if I would only
“rid him of coffee and bread,’’ meaning I should not ask him
to prepare our meals, since he did not understand that kind
of work.
At that moment I heard the war cry of the Esage‘a and
saw ourselves surrounded by eight armed herdsmen, who be-
lieved us to be camel thieves. We were encamped in a small
basin between low limestone hillocks, and neither we nor our
fire could be seen except from very near. Having satisfied
themselves of our peacefulness, they left again, with the ex-
ception of one, who sat down beside Blejhan who was just
then about to finish making our coffee. Fifteen minutes later
Blejhan brought the empty coffeepot to me with the words:
“There, thou seest that the ESage‘a are not Sha‘a. The
Sba‘a have sense, but the ESAge‘a.are insatiable like a bot-
tomless bucket.” .
“Why didst thou give it to him?”
“He helped himself.”
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 103
“Then why didst thou not tell me before?”’
“Because Allah has ordered that all our coffee be eve
by an Esage'i today.”
This opened my eyes to the fact that Bhejhan would not
be able to defend my provisions either against my always
hungry servants, Farag and ‘Abdallah, or against their guests.
A sensible and fearless man Blejhan certainly was, but at
the same time very open-handed. The only thing left for me
to do was to look for a servant of mature age and without
generous notions; one who out of sheer greediness and antip-
athy to the Bedouins would know how to protect my pro-
visions against them. Such an older servant would have to
cook, whereas Blejhan would take care of our camels, sad-
dles, and water.
Mhammad reported to me on his return that the kassis
had found a new servant for us, a much better and more re-
liable one than either of the former two. He said that he
would have offered him to me the day before, if he had not
been away from the settlement, returning only towards even-
ing. This aspirant for our service was said to be a camel
driver named Naser, who, with the help of his beast, acted
as a sort of carrier between the settlements. He knew the
roads, was accustomed to exposure, and could be away from
his family for several months if necessary. This proposition
appealing to me, I told Mhammad to start for the settlement
before sunrise and bring the man back with him. We had to
watch our baggage all night to prevent the herdsmen frequent-
ing the watering place from stealing anything.
Sunday, November 1, 1908. At four o’clock I woke Mham-
mad, reminding him not to stay in the settlement too long but
to return as soon as possible. Two or three hours had passed,
however, before he came with the report that Naser had left
after midnight for the spring to buy a camel, which he wanted
to kill, cut in pieces, and sell in the settlement. His brother
went to look for him, saying that he would soon be with us.
Before long the brother came, but without Naser, who he said
had returned home by another road. All that I could do now
was to send Mhammad to the settlement again. This time it
took two hours before he brought the expected guide. Naser
asked for six napoleons ($22.80) in advance and wanted us to
start out at once.
By ten o’clock we broke camp, rode around the Turkish
104 PALMYRENA
barracks, which had been built in the eighteen-seventies but
were now deserted, and made our way along the foot of the
hillock Tell al-‘Ajn. This hillock is about ten meters in height
and on it once stood the fortifications of the old town; the
foundation walls were still visible here and there. Many of
the blocks used in building the walls were 2.60 meters long,
90 centimeters wide, and 60 centimeters thick. To the south-
west, under the hillock, there bubbles out the large spring of
Umm al-Kelajed, the water of which irrigates the gardens
and fields; the farmers just then were industriously plowing
and sowing. On the north of the Ri* aS-Sam gap, through
which runs the as-Sultani road, projects the butte Muntar
al-Radir, and south of the gap stretches the long hillock al-
Gbejl. At 10.20 P.M. we crossed the Se%b of al-Fahel and
then, riding between the limestone domes of ar-Rts, reached
the junction of the two branches of the Se%b of al-Jehmutn.
The western branch gathers the run-off between the hills of
al-Mzejble, Ris at-Twal, al-“Enejz, and as-Sawwane; the south-
ern gathers that from between the mountains of an-Nusrani,
as-Sejh, and ad-Delle. The combined Se‘ibdn of al-Jehmiin and
al-Fahel form the Se%b of al-Abtah, which receives on the
right the at-Tine gully and ends in the low plain of Arz al-
Kamt‘. At 12.12 we reached the black hill of al-“Abd, made
a little turn eastward, and went on over the plain to the pass
Tenijjet ad-Delle, situated between the ranges of al-Butmi
and an-Nusrani. From the summit of the pass we sighted on
the south the Han ‘Anejbe, which we reached at 1.38 and
where we stayed until 4.46 (temperature: 15°C).
HAN ‘ANEJBE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE
The Han ‘Anejbe lies on the southern foot of the an-
Nusrani range. On a high hill north of it stands a ruined
watchtower. The dn is a ruined fort the interior dimensions
of which are 44 meters long from south to north by 35 meters
wide (Figs. 26, 27); the walls are 2 meters thick. At the cor-
ners, Square towers, the outer sides of which are each 9 me-
ters in length, project 6.5 meters beyond the walls. In the
center of the south side the wall is additionally strengthened
by a buttress which projects 6.5 meters beyond the wall and
is 14 meters long on the outside. A gate 2.7 meters wide in
the middle of the east side leads into a court divided into six
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-ATIZE 105
parts by low walls. North of the gate a stairway leads up to
the ramparts. The towers on the east side have five loopholes,
the other towers four each. The door in the northern wall opens
upon two reservoirs, one of which on the inside is 35 meters
long from east to west by 11.8 meters wide, while the second
is 12.6 meters long from north to south by 11.6 meters wide
and extends northward along a ditch in a projection 2.3 meters
wide by 20.8 meters long. Into these the rain water used to
flow from several gullies.
The gap Tenijjet al-“Alézijje, which opens to the north,
is a favorite thoroughfare for marauding bands; therefore
Blejhan warned me not to spend the night near the hdn, but
to go farther southwest. Thick clouds began to envelop the
mountains of Kehle and ar-Rmah, making a never-to-be-for-
gotten picture. These clouds seemed to come down from the
skies as if to draw a curtain over the two mountains. Gigan-
tic sluggish masses of vapor rolled up and down the hill-
sides. The sky to the east was very black, while to the west
it glowed in the setting sun as if colored with blood. And
down ar-Rmah thick columns of smoke seemed to be tum-
bling eastwards. Riding as fast as we could in a southerly
direction, at 5.82 we reached the camp of the ‘Abdelle clan
of the Rwala tribe, near which we lay down to sleep.
Monday, November 2, 1908. At 5.10 A. M. we were on our
way again and from 6.08 to 6.42 we rested about one kilo-
meter from the Han al-Manktra. South of here spreads an
almost level plain, partly covered with basalt and intersected
by the numerous wide valleys of al-Butmijjat. The largest of
these runs out of the Tenijjet al-‘Alézijje, the rest coming
from the southern slopes of the an-Nusrani, al-Butmi, Hejmatr,
Ma‘raz al-Krejze, and az-Zbejdi mountains, which shut in the
plain on the north. East of al-Butmijjat and the long height
Tarak abu Dalje the valleys are called al-Bowlijjat; and still
farther east, as-Serijjat. All these Se“ban trend toward the
Tel‘et as-Sai, which carries the run-off west to the rain ponds
Habari Sejkal. Scattered all over the region of al-Butmijjat are
isolated terebinth trees. The entire plain is sparsely covered
with various perennials, on which the herds of camels of some
Rwala clans were then grazing. Their watering place was the
springs near al-Zerjitejn.
The Roman road we now took runs along the foot of the
border range of ar-Rawak. At seven o’clock we passed a ruined
106 PALMYRENA
watchtower and a large camp of the Weld ‘Ali. Half covered by
fog banks (kubejs), the tents resembled some giant monsters
AG e
Re CAO! RRS aon
oS ney
Na CVV NA hy
as ee pes
) ara
( ea
\
7 HAN ANEJBE
AND ENVIRONS
METERS
0 20 40 60 100
SSE ERT Nase eee eee Sy MIR
Fic. 26—Han ‘Anejbe and environs, plan.
of bizarre shapes. The camels appeared to be swimming in
the mist and parting it with their necks. Here and there
projected the head of a herdsman or an unreal-looking rider
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL“ATIZE 107
HAN ANEJBE
METERS
10 15 20
Fic. 27—Han ‘Anejbe, plan.
108 PALMYRENA
on a camel; and with each shifting of the wind these pictures
changed. At 7.58 we sighted on our right three broken mile-
stones and at 8.11 two more. At 8.50 we passed a watchtower
on our right, at nine o’clock a milestone on our left, at 9.15
HAN AT-TRAB
METERS
10
Fig. 283—H4an at-Trab, plan.
another one, at 9.50 a watchtower, at 10.28 a milestone num-
bered VI, and from 10.52 to 12.56 we sketched a plan of the
ruins of the Han at-Trab.
The Han at-Trab was built of soft stone, now almost wholly
crumbled and fallen to pieces. The walls have disappeared, but
the plan is still distinct (Fig. 28), forming a rectangle 44.8
meters long from east to west by 41.5 meters wide, with a
mighty square tower in each corner. In the middle of the
north side is a gate. The court is divided by thinner walls
AL-BARDE TO DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 109
into many spaces of various sizes. West of the gate are traces
of a staircase to the rampart, which was three meters wide.
In each tower there are four loopholes.
The Han at-Trab stands at an important crossing. The
Roman Road stretching from northeast to southwest is cut
here by the highway leading from the Hawran in the south
to Homs in the north. North of the Han at-Trab the latter
divides, one branch running past the well Gebb az-Zbejdi, the
other through the pass of al-Jabarde.
At 1.52 we noticed a Latin inscription on a fallen mile-
stone. I made an impression and a copy of it, which took me
until 2.45. At three o’clock we passed another milestone, and
the negro ‘Abdallah pointed out to me some ruins about five
kilometers to the south of our road. At 4.52 we reached the
Han aS-Samat, where we had wished to let our camels rest,
in order that they might graze and then be able to continue
traveling after supper. But far and wide there was not a vestige
of a plant. The herds of the Eben Hnejjan of the Rwala tribe,
which had camped here for some time, had eaten everything
in the vicinity, and there was nothing left for our camels. All
we could do was to leave the place; which we did without
further delay, riding on as fast as possible to Dmejr, where
we halted at 7.08 before my tent between the al-Makstra bar-
racks and the Roman camp of Dmejr al-‘Atize. Hither, while I
had been away, an-Nitri had moved his camp from the al-“Asej-
fir valley. Coming to my tent we surprised a large party that
my servant Farag was treating to burrul, rice, and tea. ‘Abd-
allah al-Matrad was away somewhere visiting.
After a while the Prince’s scribe GwAd abu ‘Ali, who hailed
from ‘Ana on the Euphrates, delivered to me several letters
which he had brought from Damascus. He was followed by
Nawwaf and finally by Prince an-Niri himself, who asked
all kinds of questions about my trip and did not leave me
until after midnight. Then, since GwAd had to go to Damascus
that same day, I sat down to my correspondence and wrote
until dawn.
CHAPTER VII
SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE
Tuesday, November 3, 1908. After sunrise I dismissed my
servant Farag. His dismissal came to him so unexpectedly
that he found the parting with my tent and supplies very
hard indeed. He cursed, reviled everything and everybody,
asked several persons to put in a good word for him, and
begged and promised to mend his ways; but*it was out of the
question to keep him any longer. He then called on all his
friends to bear witness that he had received fourteen napo-
leons ($54.04) from me in advance and, since for this sum
he had served me two months and ten days, he now owed. me
nothing. He even wanted me to confirm this in writing, a
request I refused to comply with, since he was hired for me
for three napoleons a month by the Hagg Datd 4l Salem, a
good friend of mine. Farag’s complaints having no end, I
threatened to have him led off by a gendarme to Damascus —
which helped, because he went out and was not seen any more
about the camp.
Prince an-Ntri was very uneasy because the rains were
so late in coming that season; he was thus prevented from
going to the inner desert, since he could not have found water
there either for his people or the camels. As the mountains
northeast of Dmejr and the plain east of aS-Samat were grazed
over completely by this time, all the Rwala could do was to
send their herds into the territory of their enemies, the Ahali
al-Gebel, or even into the volcanic area, Tl0l al-jat. The herds
were remaining at pasture (je‘azzebaw) for six days under the
protection of the younger warriors, who were commanded by
Nawwaf. The latter came to take leave of me when he went
to the pasture on his ash gray, pure blooded she-camel. I
accompanied him for quite a stretch, at last leaving him at
the Roman tamp of Dmejr al-‘Atize, where I spent an hour
or so at work.
Dmejr al-‘Atize was the largest fortified camp northeast
of Damascus (Fig. 29). It is 189 meters long from east to west
by 173 meters wide. There is a round tower in each corner
110
SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 111
measuring 20 meters in diameter, and rounded turrets project
from the sides. The middle turrets on each side are only 8 and
9.95 meters apart on the east and west and on the north and
south sides respectively; between each pair a gate leads into
the camp. From north to south the camp is cut through by a
road seven meters wide, with columns ornamenting both sides
of it. Two narrower roads run parallel with it from north to
south, and there are three similar ones from east to west. In
the western half of the enclosure are two buildings of almost
equal size, each 20 meters long from north to south by 17
meters wide. Outside the camp, near its southwest corner, is
a basilica 30 meters in length by 24 meters in width, divided
into three aisles by four pillars on each side. The nave ends
at the east with a stately apse. Neither in the camp nor in
the basilica are any columns or even pieces of marble left,
everything having been sold in Damascus.
Returning to my tent, I found the Prince there with the
chief, Fahad. An-Ntri showed me a Mannlicher carbine of the
1898 model which I had given him. Being used to the Martini
rifle, he could not accustom himself to the Mannlicher lock
and had had it changed to the Martini type. This pleased him
beyond measure and made him boast that his carbine carried
much farther and better than the Martini. To my mild reproof
that he could have loaded the original Mannlicher with five
cartridges, while now he had to be satisfied with only one,
he replied that at least he would not have to waste so much
ammunition as before.
At noon I was visited by the Turkish official at Dmejr,
who was very pleasant to me when he saw that I had orders
as well as letters of introduction from Constantinople and
Damascus. He also told me that my discharged servant, Farag,
had denounced me as having come to the country with the
intention of inciting the Bedouins against the Government.
In the afternoon I overhauled my provisions and was not
a little surprised to find to what extent they had been pillaged
by both my servants during my absence. ‘Abdallah kept quiet;
when I asked him what they had done with the flour, which
was 150 kilograms, and the sugar, which was 30 kilograms
short, he said that he knew whom he served and that he
must act accordingly. After supper the Prince came, complain-
ing that he had received from Nawwaf only thirty instead
of the promised two hundred rounds and begged me to make
112 PALMYRENA
good the rounds of which he had been cheated by Nawwaf. I
gave him what he wanted, making the remark that he should
not allow his son to cheat him. Then he began to explain that
a messenger had come from Fejsal eben RaSid with letters in
DMEJR AL -‘ATIZE
10 Lo) 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 BO 90 100 METERS
LOTT TT CTY es ee Sn ee ene CSS
4
7. e ie
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Sieteiaiaiataiateiaiaiaieaa | 5S ee a merce ec ines ng en
Fic. 29—Dmejr al-‘Atize, plan.
which Fejsal and his followers asked him for his help against
Eben Subhan, offering him the oasis of al-Gowf as a reward.
An-Nuri said that scarcely had Nawwaf heard of this than
he wanted to go with a thousand riders to al-Gowf in order
to get possession of that important place, which Eben Rasid
had taken away from the Rwala sixty years before. NawwéAf,
he added, was counting on the help of the Rwala clans then
camping in the neighborhood of al-Gowf, but he, an-Niari,
would not permit him to begin to fight before all the Rwala
divisions had collected in the northern part of the Nefad.
Wednesday, November 4, 1908. My men occupied them-
selves with repairing our riding and pack saddles; Taman was
SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 113
sketching a map of our trip, and I went to Dmejr to return
the Turkish official’s visit. He welcomed me cordially, praised
my Gasser revolver, and asked if I could not order one for
him, or, perhaps, give him one. I promised not to forget him
on my return from the desert. This pleased him so much that
he offered to let me ride his mare when I returned to my
tent. The official was a Circassian named Rajsuli, a descendant
of the famous Shamyl who gave the Russians so much trouble
in the Caucasus in the first half of the last century.
The settlement of Dmejr has about 2500 inhabitants and is divided
into five precincts (hdrat):
Harat al-Rarbijje (or al-Hasel), of the ‘Akejdat (alderman: Hajel
al-Ibrahim).
Harat a3-Serkijje (or as-Sijjad), of the Nu‘ejm (alderman: Halil
eben Hamdan).
Harat al-Kiblijje, of the Lhejb (alderman: “Abdallah al-‘Ali).
Harat al-‘Allak, of the Swarke (alderman: Hazim al-Fathallah).
Harat al-MSarrez, of the Hawalde (alderman: Ism&‘in al-Hasan,
who is also the mayor of all Dmejr).??
Having ridden to my tent on the official’s mare, I visited
the ailing Turkijje, widow of Prince Sattém, who had died six
years before. Turkijje was the daughter of Eben Mhejd, the
head chief of the Fed‘an tribe, the worst enemies of the Rwala.
She evinced much interest in my trip, particularly in the
country about the town of “ar-Rusejfe’’—as she called ar-
Resafa— because her tribe used to camp there very often
and she knew every gully in the district, even the smallest.
In the afternoon I dismissed my other servant, ‘Abdallah
al-Matrad, who would.not take sufficient care of my property
and, moreover, never made an effort to conceal his hatred of
the Christians.
In the evening my neighbor ‘Adib eben Megwel brought
me his sulkijje (greyhound bitch) as a present, which I de-
clined with the excuse that I had neither a falcon nor a fal-
econer, without which his well-trained hound would only de-
27 According to the inseription given in Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3. no. 129,
the camp at Dmejr was built perhaps about 162 A.D.
In the settlement of Dumejr, about fifteen miles distant from Damascus, ‘“Obejdallah
ibn Ma‘mar died of grief on learning that his nephew Misa had been murdered in Irak
(in 701) because he took part in the revolt against “Abdalmalek. According to others, he
was said to have died of the pestilence ravaging Syria at that time. (Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam
[Wistenfeld], pp. 622f.; Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Btlak, 1285 A. H.], Vol. 14, p. 105.)
Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 3, p. 481, writes that Dumejr is a settlement and
fort on the farthest border of Damascus and the desert of as-Samawa.
Hagsi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A.H.), p. 586, states that in “Adra’
and Dumejr the kelw plant is burned for its ashes and used in the preparation of soap,
thus bringing a good profit to the population. The best ashes of this sort (called kull) are
produced by the inhabitants of the fort of Gertd.
114 PALMYRENA
generate. I did not accept presents and thus avoided putting
myself under obligations to anybody.
Thursday, November 5, 1908. In the morning I explained
to my new servants, Naser and Blejhan, their duties, after
which I spent the entire day working on and arranging the
scientific material I had brought from my trip. Towards noon
a slave of the chief Haled eben Sattam came to me with his
master’s request for ammunition for the Gasser revolver,
which he had received from me some time before. | said that
whenever his master wanted something he should tell me so
himself. This made Haled come soon. I gave him forty rounds,
but asked him at the same time never to send his servant on
such an errand again. The Turkish official Rajstli Efendi
also came, begging for belladonna drops for his wife. An-
Nari asked me to go with him to see a sick warrior — the
bravest of his tribe, as he said — who had been wounded by
a shot in a raid about three months before. The wound had
healed, but he had suffered over two months from diarrhoea,
which enfeebled him until he looked like a skeleton. Scearcely
had I come to the sick man when he hastily stopped his
mouth and nose with his fingers, fearing that my odor, or
rather the emanation from my body, might injure him. I tried
to encourage him and left the necessary medicine, while the
Prince counseled the patient’s brother to take care of him as
I had instructed.
Friday, November 6, 1908. All day I spent cataloguing my
scientific material. When noon came, the report was brought
to me by the brother of the sick warrior that he was asking
for food for the first time in six weeks. He asked what the
sick man should be given now.
“Milk,” said I.
“We have no milk.”
“Rice.”
“Neither have we rice, but an-Ntri would give us some.”
“Then what have you?”
“Four loads of barley for our mare and the eight of us.
The barley will last us all winter, and in the spring we shall
have milk!”
The wandering merchants and the other friends of my
discharged servants could not get used to the idea that they
would not have access to my provisions any more and for
that reason kept bothering my new servants with all kinds
SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 115
of supplications, requests, and even threats. Twice I had to
drive them away from my large tent. One Kubejsi— as such
traders are called in the desert because the majority of them
hail from the settlement of al-Kubejsa, west of Hit —even
had the impudence to come to my round tent, where he lit a
cigarette and sat down most composedly. To my curt question
as to what he wanted, he said that he had cut his hand and
had come to me to have the wound washed, salved, and ban-
daged. I said:
“Go to the Prince and ask him to come with thee. If he
does that, I will do as thou wishest; not otherwise.” Then
he left and did not return.
Saturday, November 7, 1908. My neighbor ‘Adtb eben
Megwel pitched his tent again today. His women pulled out the
tent pegs, drew the tent about twenty meters to the south,
drove in the pegs anew, lifted the tents over the poles, and
then lit a fire under it. The winter supplies as well as the
litters remained outside. In the afternoon, when the sky be-
came clouded in the west, and later in the evening, when a
strong wind brought a heavy rain—unfortunately only of
short duration—, ‘Adib asked my servants to help him carry
the barley and burrul sacks into the tent. Blejhan had to dig
a trench (ni‘) around my tent to carry off the rain water,
and from all sides could be heard the noise of blows strik-
ing tent pegs, strengthening them to withstand the wind and
rain, which soaked the roof and the walls of the tents, mak-
ing them as heavy as lead.
My tent could not have been put up in a more incon-
venient place. It stood in the channel of a short side gully
on the very edge of a wide road leading from the desert to
the watering place and would have been flooded if the rain
had been of some duration; its ropes shook more than once
a day under the hoofs of the she-camels walking about the
camp. Even if they did keep two or three meters from the
pegs of my tents, the incessant clamor made by the coaxing
cries and threats of the herdsmen, the grumbling, the roars,
and uneasy murmurs of the camels, and the stamping of the
horses could be heard all night long, waking me from sleep
every little while. The night before, a camel carrying two
large water bags had stumbled against one of my tent pegs
and the girl or woman driving him called out: “O, he who is
noble-minded will help me!’
116 PALMYRENA
Sunday, November 8, 1908. We were: all sorry that the
rain ended so soon, since we had been waiting for it anx-
iously for so many months, and now it was over in two short
hours. In the morning the sky in the west cleared, and the sun
rose as if from a bath. The earth was breathing, the air freed
from dust, the birds sang as if awaking to a new life —it
seemed as if it were the first day of spring. In the afternoon
Gwad returned from Damascus with several letters for me,
which I answered immediately, in order that the Prince’s
messenger might take them to Damascus again before we left
Dmejr. Gwad brought 120 napoleons ($463.20). I offered him
one as his reward, but he would not accept it, asking from
me a ten-shot repeating pistol. I had to refuse his request,
telling him that he did not need it, while I might be obliged
to give presents to the chiefs of other tribes in whose ter-
ritories I should work later on.
An-Niri dropped in for a chat and said he felt sorry to
see me sitting all day and doing nothing but write, write,
write. Then my neighbor ‘Adtb eben Megwel came in, stricken
with grief for his sister, who had died the day before, hay-
ing been ailing for years. Her death was what caused the
women to move the tent to another place, since no Bedouin
can spend the night on the spot where a person has died.
‘Adtb stayed all night with the Prince, who gave him a good
supper.
Monday, November 9, 1908. My camels came back from
pasture at nine o’clock in the morning. They had been there
six nights; on the seventh they were to rest by the water
(‘ala sumh). Nawwaf, who brought them back, alighted at my
tent and stayed with me until afternoon. He said that the
pasture on the northern border of the territory of Tltl al-
‘ljat was eaten off and for that reason all the Arabs had
moved their camps to the south of the rain pools of Sejkal.
Since I intended soon to visit that very territory, this news
did not please me.
In the afternoon a feast was given by my neighbor ‘Adtb
in honor of the deceased. The sheep, tied the day before at
the place where the woman had died, was killed on the spot
and cooked. The tent ropes were loosened so that the tent
seemed to be sinking. ‘Adtb invited me to the feast too, but,
having been unwell for the last two days, I was unable to go.
His guests stayed with him long past midnight.
SOJOURN AT DMEJR AL-‘ATIZE 117
Tuesday, November 10, to Sunday, November 15, 1908.
On Tuesday morning the camels went to pasture again. I
should have liked to have kept four or five animals near
my tent to enable me to make shorter excursions, but, since
there was no pasture in the immediate neighborhood, I had
to wait another seven days. I had plenty to do. I finished
my topographical report about the last trip, sketched and
completed the map, and revised the architectural plans. All
of us worked from sunrise to sunset and often even longer
by candlelight. Naser and Blejhan, being thoroughly familiar
with the terrain we had examined, proved excellent assistants.
They drew the various valleys in the sand; the mountains
they marked with coarse gravel; they defined distances and
directions and argued about the pronunciation and correct
spelling of this or that word. It was hard but profitable work,
because I could now complete and verify my memoranda.
I was not feeling well. From Wednesday to Sunday I ate
very little and what I did take I vomited. The nights were
a torment as I could not sleep, and in the daytime I had to
work hard to be ready on time. The Prince and Nawwaf
showed their native courtesy by coming every day to inquire
about my health.?®
28 The author’s subsequent journeys in the winter of 1908—1909 and spring of 1909
are narrated in his Arabia Deserta (1927), pp. 1—3853.
, fy . : : 1p
2 wale,
ti
. on
he. &
} P
of al-ASwugat to the Euphrates. As-Salawtah is called
both merg (meadow) and ldébe (stony ground); therefore it should be looked for in the stony
plain between the Radir az-Zemle and the Tell Fhede. Abu RassAn is right when he states
that the distance between al-BiSri and ar-Rakka is a day’s march; but al-Bekri errs in
differentiating between this al-BiSr and the one mentioned by ‘Omara. He does so, thinking
that the al-BiSr described by ‘Omara extends much nearer to Damascus.
AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 173
some of which have caved-in. The best water is drawn from
a well twenty-one bd* (c. 42m.) deep.
The basin of al-Ka‘ijje is bounded on the south by outliers
of the hillock region of al-Bowlijjat, on the northeast by the
Fic. 61—Ar-Resafa: southern church from the southwest.
mighty elevation of Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje, and on the north by
az-Zme]le.
AR-REHUB TO SEB OF AT-TNI
On Friday, April 5, 1912, we were on the road as early
as 5.45 and stopped at 6.30 at the foot of the al-BiSri ridge.
This ridge is separated by the deep rift of the al-Meleh and as-Stk
valleys from the Abu Rigmén. The Abu Rigmén sends into the rift a
narrow ridge, on the western end of which lies the settlement of at-
Tajjibe, which is divided only by the channel of as-Stk from the Zahrat
al-Harrtba, a part of al-Bisri. Al-BiSri extends to the northeast as a
huge, generally flat-topped ridge, with, however, a few isolated domes
on its top and numerous dry watercourses stretching northwest and south-
Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol.1, p. 631, records that the al-BiSr ridge, a posses-
sion of the Tarleb, stretches from the settlement of ‘Ord in the Syrian desert to the Euphrates.
Beds of bitumen, ocher, of the marl for making vessels for iron smelting, and of the white
sand which resembles white lead and is used in the manufacture of glass in Aleppo are
found here. The bitumen is exuded by the spring Ab-al-Zir.
Jaktat, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 789, looks for the locality ar-Rudab in al-BiSri and also in
the immediate neighborhood of ar-Rusafa, his opinion being that ar-Rudab was the name
of ar-Rusafa before it was rebuilt by the caliph Hisim (at-Tabari Ta’rih [De Goeje],
Ser. 1, p. 2078).
174 PALMYRENA
east from it. The western part of al-BiSri is called ad-Didi, northeast of
which the ridge reaches its highest point in the cone of ad-Dabbe. Farther
east are the three domes of Tlejtuwat, behind which the main ridge, Zetab
al-Bisri, turns somewhat to the east. Al-A‘jigat is the name given to the
northwestern slopes of the western part of al-Bisri; east of these are
Fic. 62—Ar-ResAafa: southern church, apse from the west.
the slopes of al-Bowlijjat; then follow the hills of Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje, Ab-
al-Zir, al-‘Obéd, and as-Sirre. Along the western slope of al-Ka‘ijje winds
the deep Se%b of al-Bowl, which begins in Tlejtuwat. On the northeastern
slope of al-K&‘ijje is the spring Ab-al-Zir, which exudes from time to
time small quantities of bitumen. At Ab-al-Zir commences the Se%b of
al-Harrar, on the eastern branch of which lies the heap of ruins Hajj
Rumman with, north of them, the Radir as-Slubi. At the eastern bend
of Zetab al-Bisri is the spring a&- -Sizri.4s
4 Tiglath Pileser I (Annals, No. 2 [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions (1861—1884),
Vol. 3, pl. 5, no. 2], obverse, 1. 12; Budge and King, Annals [1902], p. 118) took possession
of six towns in the land of Sthi, all of them lying at the foot of the Bisuri mountains.
In 877 Asurnazirpal (Annals [Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 1, pl. 24], col. 3, ll. 40f., 48 f.;
AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR 175
Our guide refused to go any farther. Naser and Mhammad
went with one camel to bring water from the ar-Rehtb wells,
but did not come back until one o’clock They were delayed
because the Walde half-felladhin, who just then happened to
Fic. 683—Ar-Resafa: southern church, right dzaconicon.
be watering their goats, sheep, and cows at ar-Rehthb — or,
as they pronounced it, ar-Rehim — would not let them ap-
proach the wells. At 2.18 we left, again going in an easterly
direction. 7
After a while we were overtaken by two Fed‘an from a
camp near Ab-al-Zir, who gave us a good description of the
Budge and King, op. cit., pp. 357 f., 860) pursued the rebellious natives in the desolate mountains
of Bisuru and on the right bank of the Euphrates caught eight wild bulls alive and killed fifty.
The poet al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 134, says that the territory between Irak and
al-BiSr as far as Manbig& (Hierapolis) belongs to the Tarleb.
176 PALMYRENA
road we had to follow. Likewise our gendarme, a native of
Dejr az-Zor, knew al-Bisri fairly well.
Rotting sheep were seen everywhere. We were told that
in the first days of January snow fell all the way from al-
BiSri to ar-Resafa and remained on the ground forty-five days.
The half-fellahin and Swaja (breeders of goats and sheep)
who did not take their flocks to the Euphrates in time lost
all their property, it was said. The animals died of cold and
hunger. At 5.35 o’clock we made camp in the se%b of al-Bowl.
Saturday, April 6, 1912. We rode forth at 5.52; first
through the al-Bowl valley until seven o’clock, when we reached
the water parting of al-BiSri. The view northwards was not
clear, owing to a dense haze enveloping the whole country.
On our right were the three domes of Tlejtuwat, the middle
one of which is cleft in two. These domes project about one
hundred meters above the ridge. The valleys are wide and deep
and the slopes grown over with grass. On the south of Tlej-
tuwat stands another dome, ad-Dabbe, and southeast of it
stretches the broad, sloping plain Sa‘afet al-Bi8ri.
At 7.26 we saw to the east the flat-topped crest 6s an-
Nazra, which is gashed by short but very abrupt gullies with
deep limestone sides, and which forms the western boundary
of the al-Fassajat district. We rode over a well-trodden path
leading east-southeast. On the hillsides were seen hundreds of
dead sheep, and in the river bed of al-GAjri carcases were
piled high. In one bend of the channel we also saw among the
sheep three dead mules and even the gnawed skeleton of a
small child. We were told that toward the end of February
the snow had melted so fast that the tents of the poor half-
fellahin, who had sought shelter against the freezing north
winds in the deep gullies, floated away with the first rush
of melted snow.
From 9.36 to 9.56 we let the camels graze in the Se%b
of al-Gajri. After ten o’clock we encountered another enemy
of the poor half-fellahin. Several grassy spots were swarming
with tiny locusts, which, hatched from eggs laid the year
before, were now feeding on and destroying everything upon
which they hopped.
From 11.16 to 12.55 o’clock we rested; then we left the
road leading southeastward through the valley and, turning
east, passed over several low, table-shaped ridges separating
wide, shallow valleys. At each prominent point were piled up
AR-RESAFA TO DEJR AZ-ZOR eg
stones serving as landmarks for the migrating half-felldhin.
We encamped at 4.38 o’clock in the setb of at-Tni, which
heads at an-Nazra. On its right slope looms the high dome
Gubejlat at-Tni, whence the Bedouins, camping at their out-
post at as-SiZri, keep a sharp lookout for the ever possible
coming of a raiding troop from the south. Below the Gubejlat
AMA
at-Tni is the spring well of Htézan.*°
SETB OF AT-TNI TO DEJR AZ-ZOR
On Sunday, April 7, 1912, we started at six o’clock (temper-
ature: 10°C) but had to stop at 6.35 and wait till 7.15 be-
cause the wind was so cold that our fingers at once became
stiff and numb. Not until the sun came out did the air grow
warmer. .
In the district through which we were passing rose many
low flat-topped hills, between which appeared the vast desert
to the south. Right at the foot of the al-BiSri range we sighted
by the se%b of al-Kebab the gendarme station of al-Kebazeb,
which was built beside a well of the same name on the road
Darb as-Sultani running from Damascus by way of Palmyra
to Dejr az-Zor.*"
East of al-Kebazeb in the valley of ‘Azaman a Christian
traveler lies buried, his grave being called, therefore, Kabr an-
Nusrani (Tomb of the Christian). The white, desolate hillocks
of Fejzat al-Rurr, with the high Tell al-Rurr rising among
them, stretch to the east of this grave. At 10.12 we crossed
the valley of Gebb ‘Azaman, which comes from the steep,
46 At-Tni I regard as identical with at-Teni, frequently mentioned in Arabic literature.
Jaktt op.cit., Vol.1, pp. 937f., states ‘that at-Teni is a place in al-Gezire near as-Sikri
east of ar-Rusafa, arene the Tarleb and Bugejr assembled when they wished to make war
on Haled in the reign of Abu Bekr (see Musil, The Middle Euphrates [1927], pp. 309—313).
But “Haled surprised them at at-Teni and completely defeated them.
Jaktt’s text reads: ‘“not_far from as- -Serki, Serki ar-Rusafa.” The first Serki is un-
doubtedly a misrendering of a&- Sikri, by which name the range and a spring north of Gubejlat
at-Tni are called. A&- Sikri, like at-Tni, is situated east-southeast of ar-Resafa, which agrees
with Jakiat’s term ‘‘Serki ar-Rusafa” meaning “east of ar-Resafa.”’
47 In pre-Islamic times the negro Arab as-Sulejk, son of the negress as-Salaka, captured
No‘man, son of ‘Okban of the Kinana tribe, and set him at liberty again. Years after, when
as-Sulejk visited the camp of the Beni Kinana at their watering place of Kubakeb beyond the
al-Bisr range, No°’man offered him his two sons, chiefs among the Kinana, and his daughter,
declaring that the sons as well as the daughter belonged to him by right (Abu-l-Farag,
* op.cit., Vol. 18, p. 137). — The modern Kebazeb lies to the south, or, as viewed from the north,
“beyond” the al-BiSri range proper (or, as it was formerly called, al-BiSr).
Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 26, says that Kubakeb is a watering place of the Tarleb
beyond the al-Bisr range in Mesopotamia. — Kubakeb was not in Mesopotamia Mae in the
administrative district belonging to it.
According to Halil ad-Daheri, Zubda (Ravaisse), p. 117, Kubakeb was a neat for
carrier pigeons. There was a tower there arranged in such a way that the pigeons could
roost in it comfortably. In the tower were also cages, roosts, ladders, and provisions for
both the keeper and his servants, who had immediately to send off the letters brought there.
178 PALMYRENA
reddish rocks of an-Nazra on the north, and went on farther
over the wide, slightly undulating plain, where from 11.15 to
1.45 o’clock we rested near the spring of at-Trejfawi. At 3.16
we were nearing the end of the broad Se%b of al-Ksejbe, when
we saw on our left a gendarme station and a khan on the edge
of the extensive cultivated fields irrigated by the springs of
Karktr and al-Ksejbe.** Their owners are Sahane, or inhabitants
of as-Suhne.
After four o’clock a horseman appeared to the south; then
a second, and before long six riders were heading towards us.
They stopped but, on finding out that we were ready to defend
ourselves, went away again. At 5.15 we made camp at the al-
Meéatel hillocks (temperature: 14°C). On the south rose the
height of al-Haba, and to the west and north glistened the
white rocks of an-Nazra, which form a sloping ridge, the
eastern side of which looks as if it had been planed down.
Above them all projects the high Zetab al-BiSri. We kept watch
all night, feeling that the suspicious riders we had seen in the
afternoon might come back to attack us.
On Monday, April 8, 1912, we were on the road at 5.58
A.M. At 7.20 we sighted on our left two extinct volcanoes
and farther to the northeast two more, all of them called al-
Hzéfat. At 3.12 we were on the height of al-Malha and could
see the town of Dejr az-Zor down by the Euphrates. From
10.15 on we rode along the Darb as-Sultani highway. On our
left were the stone quarries of al-Erham, and before us, beyond
the river, spread an endless plain enveloped in a magic violet
haze through which projected only the two volcanoes of al-
Hzéfat. The plain was that of al-Gezire, Mesopotamia. At 10.28
o’clock we reached a cemetery with whitewashed tombstones
on many graves and began to descend to the valley of the
Euphrates, arriving before Dejr az-Zor at 10.42 o’clock, when
we encamped.’
48 In connection with al-Kusejbe Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 126, mentions al-Kawatel,
al-BiSr, and ar-Rakka. — The modern al-Ksejbe lies on the southern foot of the al-BiSri range,
through which a road leads to ar-Rakka. The watering place of al-Kawatel is 52 kilometers
southeast of al-Ksejbe.
49 For the narrative of the continuation of this journey along the Euphrates as far
as ar-Rumadi, April 8 — April 21, 1912, see author’s The Middle Euphrates (1927), pp. 1—34;
for its continuation thence to an-Negef or MeShed ‘Ali, April 22— April 26, 1912, see his
Arabia Deserta (1927), pp. 857—373; for the return journey from an-Negef through Meso-
potamia to Abu Hréra (on the Euphrates nearly due north of Tudmor), April 27— May 27,
1912, see his The Middle Euphrates, pp. 34—96. The continuation of the journey thence to
Aleppo is narrated in the following chapter of the present volume.
CHAPTER XI
ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO BY WAY OF ZEBED
Monday May 27, 1912. At 1.28 we left the station of Abu
Hréra,”° a gendarme and a reliable guide accompanying us, and
went northwest along the cultivated flood plain of al-Mehkan.
At 1.48 we crossed the se%b of Selmas, which is joined by
the short gully of as-Selm4ani, and continued on our way over
the plain of al-Ma‘ata. On the right by the river bank in the
field of Hamtd dura’ was being sown. Every water hoist was
working to its fullest capacity, which means three seven-hour
shifts, since each animal used at the hoists must be replaced
after having worked seven hours.
At 3.40 we had before us the Razale fields; on our left,
in the bluffs of ar-Rukafa, was the deep rift of the se%b of
Mhammad al-Kurdi; and in front of us the orange spur of
ad-Dibsi, which shuts in the plain along the river. From 3.57
to 4.25 our camels pastured, and at five o’clock we left the
plain and started northwest for the upland of Abu Kbara, on
top of which we encamped about four kilometers southeast
of the Umm Hartm ruins.
On Tuesday, May 28, 1912, we left camp at 4.55 and going
west-southwest passed through an undulating clayey plain cov-
ered here and there with fine gravel and bordered on the
south by the spurs of the al-BiSri and Abu Rigmén ranges
and on the northwest by the basalt mesa of Sbét and plateau
al-Hass. Broad swells projecting into the plain in several
places prevented a full view. To the southeast was the low
flat-topped rise Tarak al-‘Atfa and to the southwest the hill-
ocks al-‘Anz and al-‘Anéza, which are broad but not high.
West of the latter rose the white knolls of Ab-al-Rurr and
north of these and of al-‘Anéza the hillock range of Tléelat
al-Humr, with the isolated domes of as-Sej h, Hsejfan, and the
Tell Fuzza. Southeast of the last-named are the Medint al-
Far ruins. At 5.20 we passed al-Hrejbe, the ruins of a small
building. At 6.30 we saw to the south the dark height of al-
Hrejbe and the well of the same name in the Se%b of al-He-
bara, which merges with the se?b of Selmas.
50 See footnote 49.
179
180 PALMYRENA
From 7.15 to 7.57 we let our camels graze in a basin by
the hillock of al-“Anéza, which here forms the western limit
of the Euphrates watershed. At ten o clock the brown mesa
of Sbét was sighted to the west, with, behind it, the black
and jagged al-Hass; and in front of these heights glistened
the white surface of the salina MAalhat Gabbil. About four
kilometers south-southwest of us was seen a pile of old
building materials.
Our march was very fatiguing. We were alone, and there
was nothing in the monotonous country to cheer us. More-
over, a dry and hot southeast wind, called by our guide sa-
mim, blew with an effect depressing both to man and beast.
The air seemed to be filled with filmy golden veils, which
obstructed the view as noon approached. Two camels became
sick; as one kneeled down and refused to rise, we were obliged
to rest from 10.30 to 11.20 and try to cure her; luckily we
were successful: she was finally able to get up and we could
continue on our way.
Passing through a deep valley, we sighted on our right
at twelve o’clock two camel riders; a little later there were
about ten of them in our rear, and before long we were sur-
rounded by a troop of more than one hundred men. Defense
was not to be thought of. Each of us carried about thirty
rounds of ammunition, and there was more in the baggage;
but we were down in a hollow, while the enemy had occupied
the high ground all about us.
Ordering my men not to shoot, I cried out that we placed
ourselves under the enemy commander’s protection; but in
vain. They threw themselves at us like so many wild beasts,
tore us from our saddles, and took all we had on, even to
disrobing us entirely.
The commander was not with the troop at the time but
arrived in about half an hour with five other men, one of
them an elderly negro, who on seeing me shouted to his
master:
“Allah protect us from all evil! Beware of punishment!
Is not this Misa, the brother of Nawwaf eben Sa‘lan?”
The commander. bounded at the negro with the words:
“Thou art mistaken!’
“T am not mistaken, so help me Allah! I am not mistaken.”
I likewise protested that the negro was not mistaken, but
the commander ordered me to keep still. At that moment our
ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 181
guide from Abu Hréra stepped up to him and declared that
my name was Musa in fact and that we were under the pro-
tection of the Government, whose representative, the gen-
darme, was accompanying us. Instead of answering him, the
Fic. 64—Ar-Res&fa: detail of a structure adjoining the southern church.
commander knocked the poor guide down with the stock of
his gun, taking no notice whatever of the mention of the
gendarme.
From the bits of conversation I overheard IJ learned that
our enemies belonged to the Singara and ‘Abde tribes of the
182 PALMYRENA
Sammar. Although both obeyed Eben RaSid, they had to keep
on friendly terms also with the emir of al- Gowf, since they were
wont to camp in the Neffid, on which his territory bordered.
Since my good friend Nawwaf eben Sa‘lan was at that time
Fic. 65—Ar-Resfafa: basilica of St. Sergius from the southwest.
emir of al-Gowf, I said to the commander: “Hear my words!
Thy name I do not yet know, but I know that thy troop is made
up of the Singara and ‘Abde, both of whom obey Eben Rasid,
to whom the Government pays a monthly salary for suppress-
ing robberies. And now thy Singara and ‘Abde have robbed
not only us but, in the person of the gendarme, the Govern-
ment as well. I also know that thou and thy troop are afraid
of Nawwaf, who is my brother; and .you have robbed me, the
brother of Nawwaf. Hear what I am going to do! I will re-
quest the Government to discontinue Eben RaSid’s pay until he
has returned ten times what his Singara and ‘Abde have taken
from us. And so that thou shalt not laugh at the Government
any more, I will send a report to the emir Nawwaf at once,
asking him to avenge the insult thou hast heaped upon his
brother, Mtsa. And that Nawwaf will avenge me thou well
knowest. This old man, a slave, will testify to that. By Allah,
I will do so!”
The commander then called some of his men together to
confer with them. They came to me after a while with their
decision, which was that all that could be found should be re-
turned to us. First they gave us the papers; also the camels,
with the exception of one that had disappeared with her load
and which the robbers pretended not to have seen at all. We
ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 183
had to look ourselves for our saddles. Two were gone and in
their place we got old ones, very much out of repair. As for
our arms, we received back two rifles but without ammuni-
tion. Our clothes the raiders simply put on. One wrapped
three shirts around his legs, pulling two pairs of trousers
over them, which he tied under his shirt with a belt. Most of
the scientific instruments were damaged. When they wanted
to see the contents of a barometer or camera, they simply
broke open the instrument with a stone or cut it with
a dagger and then gave it back to me. One of the raiders
buried the theodolite and the best barometer in the sand,
where we found them, undamaged by the merest chance. All
the plants we had collected they threw on the ground for the
wind to scatter. But the most galling for us was, and still is,
the loss of all our ground plans and sketches of ar-Resafa,
dating both from 1908 and 1912, as well as of the detailed
plan of the ruins in the vicinity of Palmyra. These large
sheets had been wrapped up and put into a special tin case,
which was lost, like other things too numerous to mention.
We did not get back any of the provisions at all, and the
raiders also drank up all our water. When the sun began to
dip down to the west, the commander demanded from me a
written receipt stating that he had returned to me all that he
had robbed us of. This, of course, I would not give. After
long haggling we finally agreed that I should write that I
had received what was found and that he would return the
rest as soon as he could find it.
At last we could prepare for our departure, which took
place at 8.30. We rode northwestward fast and silently, fear-
ing that the raiders might attack and murder us at night. At
ten o’clock a hyena, suddenly jumping from his den, scared
our camels to such a degree that they galloped away like
mad, causing us to lose many more things. Finally we calmed
them with great effort, but the things they had dropped were
gone for good. Night had long since set in and here we were,
lacking both water and food. At midnight we reached the
eastern edge of the Sbét mesa and at 1.380 in the morning
made our beds on a threshing floor near the settlement of
Zebed.°!
On Monday, May 29, 1912, early in the morning, Naser
went and begged a little milk for us from the farmers of
51 Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol, 2, 1914, writes that Zabad is a settlement in the
territory of Kinnesrin, inhabited by the Beni Asad.
PALMYRENA
184
‘yS¥o SUIYOO] ‘oaavuU ‘SnNId1Eeg 49 fo BoITISeq :Byesey-Iy—g9 ‘DI
ABU HRERA TO ALEPPO 185
FIia. 68
Fic. 67—Ar-Res&fa: basilica of St. Sergius, nave, looking west.
Fic. 68—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, north aisle, looking west.
186 PALMYRENA
Zebed, who were camping near their threshing floors not far
away. At 6.45 we left, setting our course as nearly northwest
as we could without the compass. On our left were the dark
brown slopes of Sbét and on the right a white salt marsh.
At 7.45 we were close to the north corner of the Sbét mesa,
whence we passed through the plain separating it from the
range of al-Hass, which we reached at 9.15 o’clock.
From 10.45 to 11.50 we rested beyond the hamlet of Umm
“Amutd. Naser and Mhammad begged some bread and curdled
milk for us, as we had neither provisions nor money with
which to buy them. Having eaten, we looked each other over.
The Emir (Prince Sixtus) had got back his shoes, trousers,
and coat but was without a kerchief to cover his head. In
place of one, he had made himself a headgear out of the
dishcloth that Naser used when on duty, fastening it with °
a piece of string. My headcloth had been returned to me, but
it had been partly torn during the quarrel. I, too, fastened
it with string. I also had got my coat, but the shirt and
trousers I could not discover; instead of this I found my
Bedouin cloak, which I wrapped around me. This worked well
enough as long as I was on the back of a camel, but when
walking it was quite a bother. The Emir had a good laugh
at me, comparing me with a sans-culotte. The rest of my
companions looked just as funny; and yet we were all glad
that nobody had been killed or wounded and that we had
saved our diary and most of our photographs.
From 1.830 to 2.35 we halted by the settlement of Abu
Derih, from which Mhammad brought us some bread. At 3.45
we reached the northwest end of the salina of Gabbil; from
4.30 to 5.10 our camels grazed; at 5.38 we entered the town
of Sfira, situated in the mide, of large gardens and fertile _
fields; at 6.15 we crossed the creek ‘Ajn Sfira and made ~
camp on 6.50 in a field not far from a small hamlet, where
Naser and Mhammad again obtained bread and milk for us
by begging.
Thursday, May 30, 1912. By starting at 5.15 we reached
Aleppo at 8.50.
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CHAPTER XII
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS
Towards the end of 1914 I undertook an extensive explor-
ing expedition to Ne&d, from which, in the spring of 1915,
I returned by the Pilgrim Road to al-Ktfa, and from there
along the Euphrates to Syria.°? My scientific assistant was
Karl Waldmann — whom we called Halaf — an official in the
Military Geographical Institute at Vienna; and my servant was
Naser eben ‘Obejd al-Marlik from al-Zerjitejn. At first we
followed the left bank of the Euphrates; but at Dejr az-Zor
we crossed to the right, and on May 25 reached Balis, the
Barbalissus of old.
AL-MESKENE TO GABBUL
On Wednesday, May 26, 1915, after spending the night
in the fields near Balis, we stopped from 6.40 to 7.30 at the
station of al-Meskene, where there are gendarme barracks and
a big khan, the residence of the telegraph superintendent. Our
camels grazed below the station on the fields of al-Ishakijje;
here an old canal, which branches off from the Euphrates,
formerly irrigated the flood plain about the town of Balis.
On a slope to the south are situated the hamlets of ‘AtsSane,
Wazha or al-Gdejde, and Zeben. At 8.12 we sighted the ruins
and hamlet of at-Tanntze before us to the northwest on a
bluff sloping towards the river bank. At 8.83 we crossed the
Se%ib of al-Mellah and ascended the bluff. On the right was
seen the gravelly plain of al-Warde, which slopes gradually
towards the Euphrates. Beyond it, to the north, were the
hamlets of al-Babiri, at-Trid (built on a heap of ruins), al-
Habtbe, and the shrine of al-‘Artde, which glistened white on
a high hillock. West of these hamlets stretch the low hillocks
of al-Cettale.
Turning west, we rode over a rolling, rather stony plain,
dotted with low domes, on most of which were the remains
52 The narrative of the author’s journey from Damascus to al-Gowf will be found in
his Arabia Deserta, New York, 1927, pp. 375—474; that dealing with his explorations in
Negd will appear in his forthcoming volume, Northern Negd; that treating the journey
from al-Ktfa to al-Meskene will be found in his The Middle Euphrates, New York, 1927,
pp. 99—193.
189
190 PALMYRENA
Fic. 69—Ar-ResAafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle, looking west. |
of oldbuild ings. The Setbdn here were wide and shallow. At
9.25 a stiff wind began to blow from the west. At 9.386 we
were among the knolls of aS-Sa‘ar near the hamlet of Ras al-
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS Lor
‘Ajn, and at 9.48 we passed the Han a8-Sa‘ar. On top of a
hillock on the left of the se%b of aS-Sa‘ar stands a square,
half ruined building, formerly a gendarme station. A similar
building could be seen to the northwest. Much of the level
Fic. 70—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south aisle, looking east.
land in the neighborhood is under cultivation. At 10.25 our
way took us through the fields of ad-Drtbijje, where. the
wheat, not of a very vigorous growth, was just ripening. At
10.35 we saw to the north the hamlets of at-Titen and Hafsa.
From 11.08 to 12.35 we rested near the hamlet of al-Ksés
(temperature 25.3°C), the first human settlement with conical
buildings that we had seen on our whole trip. Along the road
192 PALMYRENA
northwards stretches the big heap of ad-Drésijje ruins, below
which squats the hamlet of of al-“Atsan. To the southwest the
horizon was shut in by two black spurs of the range of al-
Hass; to the north by the mighty hill Salma-z-Zor; to the
northwest of this by the lower Salma abu Gadha; and to the
west, in front of us, by the low but extensive dome of al-
Mhadtim. At one o’clock we rode past the Gerrah ruins on
our left; at 1.30 we passed to the right both of the hamlet
of an-Nfa‘ijje and of three dome-shaped ruin mounds, Nhtd
al-Banat, all of which have ruins on their summits. The time
between 1.45 to 2.08 we spent at the ruins of al-Mhadtim.
These ruins were about four hundred meters long by three
hundred meters wide. On their southern side rain wells had
been dug to catch the run-off from the whole neighborhood. —
Right above them rises a knoll where there are the ruins of
a former fortress and acropolis. At 2.15 we had on our right
the new village of al-Mhadtim, which lies almost on the divide
between the salina of Gabbil and the Euphrates, At 2.33 Mount
Salma was in clear view with the high ruin mound of Abu
Gadha to the west of it. Farther west appeared the hill of
Abu Bakr and farther northwest the as-Slejmi crest. South of
Salma-z-Zor cluster the conical huts of the hamlet of at-Tan-
nuze, and a little farther off lies the village of ‘Abbace. South
of Salma abu Gadha the settlement of al-‘ASSini is located;
and south of the crest of as-Slejmi appears a heap of ruins
by the hamlet of Za‘raja. The hill Tell Fuzza was sighted
to the south and west of it the hillocks Tlélat al-Humr and
Tell Hsejfan, North of the Tell Fuzza the hamlet of ‘Atra
showed faintly, with the Tell Hassan and the hamlet of al-
Manstra to the west of it and the hamlet of Kejstma north-
east of al-Mansutra.
At 2.40 we passed through the Tell al-Hamr ruins, with
the hamlets of Abu Hanaja and Rasm al-Hamis lying directly
north of them. The Fed‘an call the settlements southeast of
Aleppo Keraja-l-Hsaf (Hsaf Settlements), after a high ruin
mound that rises southwest of Tell al-Hamr. At four o’clock
we were at the al-Mukbara ruins, which form approximately
a square with an acropolis in the western part. To the north
were seen the hamlets of Gféle, SengArijje, al-Hwés, and Lala;
to the southwest the Gafr ruins and the hamlets of Dham and
Kamkum. West of the last-named, at the northeast corner of
the salina MAlhat Gabbil, we saw the settlement of as-Srejme,
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 193
and north of it the settlements of al- Gnejje and ‘Aktle. To
the south-southwest appeared the mesa of Sbét, west-north-
west of which rise the gradual slopes of the lofty plateau of
al-Hass, which was soon quite clearly in sight, with numerous
domes projecting above its flat top. At 4.50 on our left was
the hamlet of Umm ‘Adasa nestling under big ruins; to the
northeast was the hamlet of al-Hwés, and to the north-north-
west by the side of yet larger ruins appeared the hamlet of
Lala, from which flows a brook with evil-smelling water. This
we crossed at 5.05. Above the eastern end of the ridge of as-
Slémi, which stretches from east to west, there rises a stunted
cone. The mighty hill of Abu Bakr is cleft on the south. At
5.30 we had a splendid view both to the west and southwest
and at six o’clock we encamped by the settlement of Dejr
Hafer near a vigorous spring the water of which flows into
a brook that disappears after running for about two kilo-
meters. Here we determined the latitude. (Temperature at
dee MES AT C,)
Thursday, May 27, 1915. Starting at 4.30 and proceeding
nearly due south (temperature: 14°C), in half an hour we were
at the hamlet of Umm al-Mara. Close by were the ruins of
the same name enclosed by high square ramparts. Here we
stayed until 5.27 and then went on west-southwest, passing
through cultivated land all the time. On the south the whole
country is dominated by the Tell Hsaf, which was probably
once a border fortress between the country of the settlers
and that of the nomads and from which the whole region took
the name of Hsaf,”*
53 The descendents of the famous warrior Maslama ibn ‘Abdalmalek lived in BAalis
and an-Na‘tra. In 749 a company of the partisans of “Abdallah ibn “Ali entered Balis and
began to harass them in their stronghold there. The descendents of Maslama then complained
to the chief of the Kinnesrin district, who was staying at the time at his country seat of
Zerra® Beni Zafar, or Husaf. He made up a troop of his servants, with whom he attacked
and slew the intruders to a man, including their leader. (At-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje],
Ser. 3, p. 52.)
Al-Istahri, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 28, and Ibn Hawkal, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 29,
place the desolate region of Husaf between ar-Rakka and Balis south of the road leading
to Syria through the Mesopotamian desert. There, also, on the Euphrates between ar-Rakka
and BAalis, is located the Siffin district.
Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 441, writes that Husaf is the name of the
desolate region between Balis and Aleppo, known to the inhabitants of both towns. He asserts
that it evidently once contained a great number of settlements, because their ruins still
extend for a distance of about fifteen miles. Jakit (ibid., p. 965) relates that Zajd is a place
not far from Husaf, which was situated near the town of Balis in Syria, and cites Nasr
as saying that the place Zajd lies in the Merg Husaf in Mesopotamia near al-Hasa’, and
that a battle once took place ae
Al-Hazemi (ibid., Vol. 3, p. 716) states that Kafr ‘Amma’ is a region in the desert
of Husaf ‘between Balis and PiGiae Jakat also asserts (ibid., Vol. 4, p. 290) that Kafr
Ramma’ is a region between Husaf and Balis in the administrative district of Aleppo. —
Husaf is indeed a merg (irrigated meadow), for quite a number of creeks disappear in it.
Zajd was probably transcribed for Zabad, the name of a settlement lying twenty-two kilo-
meters south of the Tell Hsaf.
194 PALMYRENA
PIG. tL
Fre. 72
Fic. 71—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, squinches in the north aisle..
Fic. 72—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, a capital.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 195
Fia. 73
Fic. 73—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, the apses from the east.
Fic. 74—Ar-Resafa: basilica of St. Sergius, south side.
196 PALMYRENA
Northeast of Umm al-Mara appeared the hamlet of al-
Gnejje and beyond it to the south those of aS-Srejme and
Kamktiim. To the north rose the ridge of as-Slémi, with the
ruin mound of Zayraja to the south of it and north-northeast
of the latter the hills of Abu Bakr, Abu Gadha, and Salma. To
the south-southwest the horizon was bounded by the mesa of
Sbét, which is separated on the northwest from the plateau
of al-Hass by a deep depression (Fig. 86). At 6.10 we passed
the village of Harmel, built on the slope of a low ruin mound,
to which a small orchard close by forms a pleasant contrast.
North of Harmel lies the hamlet of Mab‘uge, and farther
south those of Ahmedijje and al-Hmejmi. At 6.25 we crossed
a creek which comes from the settlement of al-Hmejmi and
on the right bank of which is the ruin mound Ummu-z-Zleéle.
At 6.35 we were at the hamlet of Ummu-z-Zléle as-Sarire
where we let our camels graze from 6.57 to 7.30. At 7.30 we
saw the village of Umm ‘Adasa on our right and that of az-
Zbejdi on our left; at 7.50 we passed through the village of
Tell Ajjib, southwest of the hamlet of Tell ‘Abbad; at 8.15
we marched through the hamlet of Hazzaze; then through
that of al-Krejn; and after that we passed south of the settle-
ment of al-“Asmijje near the salina Malhat Gabbil, down to
which the marshy plain gradually slopes. At 9.30 we sighted
to the southwest the two rocky islands of al-Wasta‘*, to the
northwest the village of al-Kutbijje with the ruins Tell Sab‘in,
and right before us the big ruin mound Tell Mizan. At 9.40
we rode alongside the salina, which here makes a bend towards
the north; at 10.05 we saw on the right the Tell Sab‘in, and
at 10.30 we halted at the foot of the Tell Mizan by the large
creek Nahr Dahab, on the left bank of which lie the hamlets
of al-Kutbijje, al-Bréée, and Sab‘in. West of this creek and
almost west of Sab‘in are the villages of ad-Dekwa4ni, and al-
Meflese; and northwest of the latter are those of an-Nasrijje
and al-Halabijje, and the high ruin mound of Abu Denne.
(Temperature at 11 A. M.: 36°C.)
GABBUL TO AL-MREJRAT
In the surrounding fields the peasants were cutting barley,
which was then carried home by the women on the backs of
camels, mules, and donkeys. Continuing our way at 12.45 to
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 197
the modern settlement of Gabbil,®* we had the Tell Mizan on
our right. This must have been the fort of an ancient town
which was situated right above the salina. The modern settle-
ment is made up of two parts: the smaller, on the east, is
Fic. 75—Ar-Resafa: martyry, porphyry columns.
built on the site of the ancient ruins; west of this stands a
large government building, the residence of the local governor
and the salt inspectors. The larger part of the settlement proper
extends westward and is separated by the Dahab creek from
gardens full of figs and poplars.
At 1.15 we left the settlement, following the margin of
the salina in a northwesterly direction. At 1.55 at the point
54 See below, Appendix VII.
198 PALMYRENA
where the an-Na‘am creek touches ruins of the same name
south of an-NAsrijje, we turned southwest and from 2.10 to
2.42 rested. At 3.25 the high ruins of Ksér al-Ward and Istabel
lay north of us, the ‘Ajn Saber and Tell ‘Aran* to the north-
west, the gardens of the settlement of Sfira to the west-
northwest, and the big Tell Haber ruins, which stretch from
east to west, to the south-southwest.
The black basaltic plateau of al-Hass falls off in a steep slope, much
eroded by se‘ibdn, into the fertile plain to the northeast. At its foot, as
well as on the slopes higher up, were to be seen numerous settlements.
East of the Tell Haber are the hamlets of Zenjan and Galrim; to the
southeast those of Harabras, al-Birke, al-Mesjede, “Anaze, Kubbtén, al-
Gnéd, and Umm ‘Amid; to the southwest of the last in a Se%b the hamlet
of Smad; farther southwest on the upland the hamlets of al-Berg, Fegdan,
and al-‘Amri; and to the southwest of al-Gnéd, in a Se%b the villages of
al-Hmére, Bakktiira, and Rasm ‘Entas. In a ravine southwest of ‘Entas
are the hamlets of Kubbtén, Tat, and al- ‘Amri; and south of al-Mesjede in
a long depression which stretches from north to south the hamlets of al-
“Akraba, Sehtr, Sowjan, Rasm “‘Omejs, SowkAn, al- -Hwejjer, and Germa-
kijje. Northwest of al-‘Akraba, at the northern edge of the upland, are
the hamlets of Ga‘ara, Blaze, Zerra‘a, Umm Gurn, Dim4n, and as-Safi;
southwest of the last is the hamlet of Ebnan, and farther south that of
‘Ajan al-Rarf and as-Serge; east of as-Serge are the hamlets of Gubb
al-A‘ma and as-Srésrat ; and south of the last-named is that of as-Smejrijje.
To the east of as-Smejrijje gapes a deep ravine, beyond which lie the
hamlets of al-Knétrat and Belle, and east of the latter that of Kafr
Hid. The land northwest of Kafr Had is cultivated by fellahin from the
villages of Abu Ratte, al- Gdejde, Abu ‘Abde, al-Amri, al-Berg, Serz Fare,
Kufr Kar, and as-Safi, most, of which villages are situated near the
northern edge of the upland echich rises west of the settlement of Sfira.
We crossed the creek which comes from Sfira at 3.30 and
then headed directly south. At 4.10 we were at the hamlet of
Abu Grér, which is built on a high ruin mound; at 4.45 we
arrived at the settlement of ‘Akrabtis, beyond which we turned
almost due southeast. At 5.05 we marched through the hamlet
of Abu Derih, also built on a high and extensive ruin mound,
and at 5.56 we made camp and determined the latitude east
of Kubbtén on the western edge of the ruins and hamlet of
Galrim. (Temperature at 7 P. M.: 21.5° C.)
On Friday, May 28, 1915, we were on the march again at
4.38 (temperature: 16°C). At 4.53 we had ruins to the right
and left of us. To the north rose the hills stretching from
as-Slémi as far as Salma and on the east the hills of Hsaf
and Sees At five o’clock we saw ruins on the right “and
° Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl (Amedroz), p. 34, estimates the distance from Tell A‘ran to
eee at four parasangs.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 199
the big settlement of Hekla on the left. In a Se%b south of
us the settlement of Smad was sighted and southeast of it,
stretching to the salina, the black spur of al-Btz. At 5.44 we
were in the settlement of Umm ‘Amid, where in 1912 after
our adventure with the Sammar we had
drunk milk begged from the natives (see
above, p. 186). Leaving here we crossed
the seib of Smad and at 6.10 reached
al-Biz. To the east appeared the long
reddish isthmus of al-Gid, which extends
from north to south and separates the
salina of Gabbil from the salt marsh
Mamlahat al-Hamra. In summer and
autumn the whole salina is guarded by
soldiers to prevent the salt from being
stolen. From 6.54 to 7.40 we sketched a
map of the vicinity and at eight o’clock
rode past the al-Bab ruin, where several
fragments of basalt columns were lying
on the ground. At 8.38 we arrived at the
point where the salina proper ends in a
ruined settlement of considerable size.
At 8.50 the settlement of Gubbén was
sighted on our right; at nine o’clock to
the south the settlement Gubb ‘Eli at the
northern foot of the Sbét mesa; and at
9.10 on the right the hamlet of al-Uméleh,
beyond which the se%b of al-Mu‘allak ,
reaches to the hamlets of Fe&dan and
Germakijje. On the slopes of the upland
‘of al-Hass, around which we had been
circling since the day before, the traces of ¥!¢- eae aicaags
old gardens and vineyards could be seen, x
especially in the nighborhood of Rasm Ae ake b
Nafal, which was on our right at 9.20.
At 9.45 we came to the settlement of Hidlu, situated at the
southwestern end of the salina. At 10.05 on our right was
the hamlet of as- -Sellalet al-Wasta; at 10.25 we saw a- -Sellalet
al-Ziblijje with its many slender columns and broken pieces
of porphyry. The Gubb ‘Eli settlement was still visible, north
of which, on the north-northeastern corner of the Sbét mesa,
lay the Rawwam ruins. To the west of Gubb ‘Eli were visible
200 PALMYRENA
the settlements of al-Kwés and ‘Atsane and near them in the
low ground the hamlet of as- -Srejme; west of the last-named
lay the settlement Rasm al-‘Askar. After continuing our way
southwesterly over the fertile lowland separating Sbét from
al-Hass, we rested from 10.55 to 12.34 (temperature: 39°C).
At 12.45 the hamlet of ar-Rwéheb was on our right and
west of it in a cove in the edge of the plateau of al-Hass that
of ar-Raheb. Northwest of the latter, on the upland, lie the
villages of Min‘aja south of Fegdan, and al- Gtha; west of the
last is Germakijje and south from there Hamed and al-Hjs.
We heard thunder from the south. At 1.48 on our left lay
the village of al-Mizra‘a, on our right that of al-Kur‘a with
al-‘EjS above it, and at 2.10 on our left were two huts, Rasm
al-Huwwas. At 2.52 we encamped by the hamlet of al-Mrejrat,
where I made inquiries about the settlements in the districts
of al-Hass and Sbét. In the evening we determined the latitude
as usual (temperature at 8.30: 20°C).
THE MESA OF SBET
On Saturday, May 29, 1915, we planned to visit the basaltic
mesa of Sbét, called by the ‘Aneze Sbéh.°®
We left on horseback at 4.30 (temperature: 16.5°C), going
in a south-southeasterly direction. At five o’clock we were
almost half way between al-Mimbatah, a square ruin mound
about ten meters high lying southwest of us, and al-Batha
to the northeast. To the east we saw the Umm al-Hejani
ruins. At 5.40 east of the al-Kréket ruins we crossed the
Setb of al-Abjaz, which rises in the Sbét mesa (Fig. 87). At
six o’clock we arrived at the foot of the mesa, whence we
followed a gully up to the summit, which we reached at 6.35.
The gullies, slopes, and the whole surrounding basalt-covered
plain were once cultivated. Numerous low walls on the hill-
sides and innumerable heaps of basalt which served to sup-
port vines bear witness that there were extensive vineyards
here in former times. At 7.05 we arrived at the ruined settle-_
ment of Drejb al-Wawi, the buildings of which once covered
56 Jakut, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 149-158, writes that the districts of al-Ahass and Subejt
lie not far from Aleppo. Al-Ahass is a large, well-known district with numerous villages and
much cultivated land lying “between south and north” of Aleppo. Its central point was Huna-
sira, once a residence of the caliph ‘Omar ibn ‘Abdal‘aziz but only a small village in Jakiat’s
time. Subejt is a black mountain in this district, in which there are the ruins of four
villages, whence the inhabitants of Aleppo get the black stone out of which they make
querns. Jakat also records (ibid., Vol. 8, p. 257) that Subejt is an isolated table mountain
in the al- Ahass district, with three villages nestling on its sides. From the black stone
brought from there to Aleppo querns known as as-Sbejtijje are manufactured.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 201
both slopes of a small basin stretching southwest to the
hamlet Rasm Ma‘az. On roughly hewn basalt blocks (Fig. 88)
were short inscriptions in Greek.
At 8.388 we left Drejb al-W4wi and at 9.28 reached the
southwestern edge of the mesa, whence we could look out
Fic. 77—Ar-Resafa: martyry, a capital.
over the bare, desolate plain of al-Metajih. Our guide pointed
out to us to the south-southwest the well of al-Hammam, sur-
rounded on the east, south, and southeast by a salt marsh.**
The knoll at the wells of al-Morara was seen far to the
south-southeast and the hamlet Rasm al-Ma‘az nearer to us
to the west-northwest at the foot of the Sbét mesa. No
valley deep enough to mention could be observed anywhere
on the southern plain. As this plain slopes gradually to the
north, the run-off is impounded at the foot of the Sbét and
al-Hass uplands, and here, on evaporating, converts the land
into salt marshes. West of al-Ma‘az and ar-Roda in the low-
land between Sbét and al-Hass lies the tiny hamlet of Gubb
al-‘Azami, to the north-northwest of ar-Roda appeared the
huts of al-Kurbatijje, to the west at the foot of al-Hass we
saw the hamlet of ar-Ramle with good water, and finally the
57 In 1616 Della Valle (Viaggi [Venice, 1664], Vol. 1, pp. 568f.) visited this place, called
Hamam (hammdm: warm bath) by the Arabs because of the warm water that flows out of
the ground.
202 PALMYRENA
hamlet of Rasm ar-Rabiz. At 9.88 we started to ride north-
eastward across the surface of the mesa, past the at-Twahine
ruins. At 10.30 the truncated cone of Drejhem, an outlying
isolated spur of Sbét, appeared to the northeast.
At 10.58 we started down by a narrow path between
loose basalt boulders to the southern foot of the mountain,
where in a pocket among the rocks we found the Gubb al-
Hagal ruins, with several churches and many inscriptions.
Scarcely had we begun to work there, when our mares, shying
at something, ran away. Leaving Halaf with the baggage, the
guide and I went after them. Stopping at times to tear off
a mouthful of grass, they ran first northeast and then west
across the undulating summit of the mesa, which is here cov-
ered in places with coarse gravel and small basalt boulders.
Fearing to leave Halaf alone too long, I returned after twelve
o’clock to Gubb al-Hagal. There a peasant was reaping barley
inside the ruins on a piece of land which he had laboriously
turned into a field. All at once he threw the barley down
from his camel and rode away, calling out to us to flee before
raiders whom he had just sighted coming from the south.
Quickly loading our things on his camel, we ran after him
northwestwards through a gully. From the summit, which
we soon reached, we saw a large troop of camel riders at a
distance of about four kilometers. They were Bedouins who
were coming to get the grain sown, cut, and threshed by the
fellahin. All over the mesa of Sbét shots and alarm cries were
now heard; the reapers dropped their sickles to seize their
rifles. Hearing the shooting, the Bedouins suddenly turned
west.
In the meantime our guide brought back the mares he
had caught with much difficulty, so that at 2.05 we were
able to leave the gully where the ‘Allis ruins are located and
to go to the al-Rarawi and at-Tiba ruins to the northeast,
where we arrived at 3.12.
At-Tuba is situated above the right-hand side of the Se%b
of Zebed. There are several well-preserved buildings in the
place. No sooner had we begun to copy the numerous Greek
inscriptions than a small troop of fellaéhin, suddenly emerging
from the Sse%b, clambered up its left side and began to shoot
at us. It was in vain that our guide, a peasant from al-Mrej-
rat, shouted to them that we were friends. They fired about
thirty shots. Luckily we were protected by a square fortress
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 203
with walls about four meters high between the gully and the
ruins in which we had been working. The felladhin took us
for the enemy’s spies and stopped shooting only when they
had no more ammunition. From at-Tiba there is a fine view
of the southern bay of the salina called Mamlahat al-Hamra
and of the peninsula of al-Gid.
Leaving the ruins at 4.48 we set forth in a westerly
direction, halting at 5.12 south of the village of ‘Akél in the
settlement of Klej‘a, above which rise the supporting walls
of a mound such as is found beside every ruin in this region.
Almost all these mounds are artificial: a space enclosed by
four thick walls of rough boulders is filled with smaller stones
and loose earth. At Klej‘a the four side walls were about
five meters high, but the enclosure had been left empty. On
a man-made foundation like this it was possible to build a
fortress and a church. The rough walls could be lined with
hewn blocks. Whenever a fortress was demolished or went
from a state of partial dilapidation to complete ruin, the fall-
ing brickwork covered the walls, giving the whole the appear-
ance of a natural hillock. The fortresses on many of these
mounds were built and destroyed over and over again, which
accounts for their height as well as their extent. At 5.29 we
rode away and at 6.05 had the ruins and hamlet of Sirdah
on our left and the huts of ‘Atsane on our right. Finally we
reached our camp.
AL-MREJRAT TO ‘ANADAN
On Sunday, May 30, 1915, at 4.38 (temperature: 14°C), we
left the hamlet of al-Mrejrat, going in a west-northwesterly
direction. We rode among the Hamed hillocks, which stretch
westward from ar-Raheb, ending southwest of al-Mrejrat and
separating the southern lowland from the basin of al-WaSSsas.
In this basin at 5.18 we arrived at the hamlet of al-Harba-
kijje. The basin is over one kilometer wide; its channel dis-
appears above the settlement of Hanaser which lies to the
southwest.
Hanaser, situated at the northeastern foot of a spur
running out from al-Hass (Fig. 89), dominates not only the
plain of al-Batha but the basin of al-Wassas as well. It is in-
habited by Circassians who immigrated there from Membig:
(or “Bembeg,” as our guide pronounced it). The fellahin from
204 PALMYRENA
the neighboring villages highly praise the drinking water of
the Handser settlement.” .
Passing the settlements of Habes and Ranime, which are
situated on the road, we came; at six o’clock to the well of
Fic. 73—Ar-Resafa: the mosque from the southwest.
al-Mudarrag, the water from which runs underground as far
as the village of Habes. At 6.10 we saw in a deep gully to the
left the hamlet of Gubb al-A‘ma and beyond it the hamlets
of Gubb Gasem, Sijar al-Biz, as-Sijale, and ar-Ramle. We were
traveling along the road which leads to Sfira and Aleppo and
58 The resolutions of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 were signed among others by
Maras, bishop of Anasartha, who represented Romulus, bishop of Chalcis (Harduin, Conci-
liorum collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, col. 373; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4,
p. 197. In Michael the Syrian’s Chronicle the name given is not Maras but Marinus of
Hanasarta).
A letter sent in 458 by the bishops of the province of Syria Prima to Emperor Leo
was signed by Flavianus, bishop of Gabala; Domnus, bishop of Chalecis; and Cyrus, bishop
of Onosartha (Harduin, op. cit., col. 7138).
At the synod of Antioch summoned by Justinian there participated Bishop Leontius
of Hanasarta (not ‘‘Haisarta”’ as printed in the text) and Abraham of Rusafa (Michael the
Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 325; Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastica, 1V, 40).
The Notitia Antiochiae (Itin. hier.), p. 338, of the middle of the sixth century likewise
records an archbishopric of Anasarphon (instead of Anasarthon, which would be more correct).
There was a monastery at Hanasarta, the abbot of which in 585 was named Sergius
(Wright, Catalogue [1870—72], p. 756, col. 2).
Nilus Doxopatrius (Taxis [Finck], p. 7; Hierocles, Synecdemus [Parthey], p. 278)
mentions an independent archbishopric of Anasartha, otherwise known as Theodoropolis,
in the patriarchate of Antioch.
Al-Beladori, Futtéih (De Goeje), p. 149, writes that the Christians of the town of
Hunasira asked Abu ‘Obejda for peace, which he granted.
Jakut, op. cit., Vol.2, p.657 (Abu-l-Fada’il, Mardsid [Juynboll], Vol. 1, p. 428) records
a poem composed during the reign of Caliph ‘Abdalmalek (685—705) which calls the settle-
ment also Dejr (Monastery) Hunasira. It is therefore probable that the Christian monastery
was still inhabited there at that time. ;
In 709 the Jacobite patriarch Elijah came to Hundasira, then the residence of the
caliph al-Walid ibn ‘Abdalmalek (Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 450, where Hana-
sarta should be read instead of ‘“Hasarta’’).
Al-Ja‘ktbi, Ta’rth (Houtsma), Vol. 2, p. 368, relates that the caliph ‘Omar selected
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 205
which had been improved by the Circassians so thoroughly
that it might have been used as a wagon road.
By 6.24 we had reached the plateau surface of al-Hass
and turned west-northwest. At 6.45 we saw to the south the
Fic. 79—Ar-Resafa: looking southwest from the southern church.
villages of al-Istablat and ‘Abde, to the northwest the village
of Hageb, to the west that of Rasm al-Karktir, and to the
southwest that of at-Tine. At 7.10 at the hamlet of ‘Abdet
al-BiSe we crossed a Se%b which extends to Sijar al-Biz. From
8.10 to 9.15 we stayed near Hageb, sketching a map of the
for his residence Hunasira, in the desert on the southern border of the district of Kinnesrin,
since he would not live in the manors built by his relatives out of funds belonging to Allah
and taxes paid by the Moslems. When reproached that because of his living in the distant
desert the Moslems would suffer, he went to Damascus, where he took quarters in the house
of his father by the mosque. But in twenty days, annoyed by the countless visitors, he left
again for Dejr Sam‘an.
By the middle of February, 720, ‘Omar had died in Hunasira and was buried at Dejr
Sam‘an (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, pp. 1361f.).
Al-Istahri, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 61, considers the fort of Hundsira on the border
of the desert as belonging to the district of Kinnesrin.
Ibn Hawkal, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 119, writes that in his time the once flourishing
and charitable town of Hunasira was deserted, after having been pillaged by the Greeks.
Its inhabitants were scattered all over the desert, and the road from Syria to Hunasira had
become desolate.
Al-Mukaddasi, Ahsan (De Goeje), p. 154, knew among the towns belonging to Homs
of Salamijja, Tadmur, and al-Hunasira.
Keméaladdin, Ta’rih (Barbier de Meynard), p. 629, relates that at the end of the summer
of 1121 King Baldwin II, the ruler of Antioch, laid siege to the town of Hunasira and,
taking it, had the gate of the castle brought to Antioch. He also pillaged the Burg as-Sibna,
Nakira, al-Ahass, and other places.
According to Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 478, the town of Hunasira,
lying on the borders of the desert, belonged to the administrative district of Aleppo and
was the seat of government of the district of al-Ahass.
Abu-l-Feda’, Takwim (Reinaud and De Slane), pp. 232f., states that HunAsira is situated
on the border of the desert two days southeast of Aleppo at the eastern foot of the mountain
of al-Ahass, which extends to the east of Aleppo. East of al-Ahass stretches the smaller
mountain of Subejt, between which and al-Ahass is a lowland ‘‘the time of a horse’s gallop”
(about three kilometers) wide, where the settlement of Hundsira was built.
206 PALMYRENA
neighborhood. We could see almost the whole southern half
of al-Hass, which forms an undulating plateau strewn over
with basalt stones and dissected by deep narrow gullies. Most
of the hamlets are situated on the heights and were thus
easily and accurately marked on the plan. In spite of the ba-
salt stones, the upland is cultivated and fertile.
Our work over, we went west to the deep black gully of
Gehennam, which gapes precipitously in the plateau. At 9.40
we came to the edge of the plateau and started to descend
into this gully, reaching the bottom at 10.11. In the small
channel, water can be found anywhere with ease.
At 10.30 we left Gehennam and entered a basin which
rises gradually northwards, where our guide pointed out to
us to the west-northwest the hamlet of al-Medajen, on a hill-
side to the northwest that of al-Bakat, and to the southwest
that of ar-Rbej‘a. At 10.48 we crossed the road from ar-Ramle
to Aleppo and at 10.50 were in the village and ruins of ar-
Rbej‘a. To the northeast appeared on the plateau the village
of Rasm al-Bsas. At 11.85 (temperature: 28° C) we were at the
village of ‘Alés (Fig.90) and from 12.00 to 1.40 P.M. we rested
by a brook which comes from the walled spring of Hanitte
and irrigates a small garden, to the east of which stand a
a few huts and to the south the Umm Rarafa ruins. At 2.10
the glistening salt marsh of al-“Ajta appeared to the south,
forming a broad white belt extending from east to west, with
the ruin-hill of as-Sabha just north of it. To the northwest
of this marsh are the village of Umm al-W4adi and the ruin
mound of Rétal. Near the marsh there bubbles up the spring
of al--Ajta which irrigates the neighboring fields.*®
We now took a west-northwesterly course along the western
foot of the al-Hass plateau. At 2.35 we had the hamlet of Ummu
Rbar to the south of us; at 2.45 we passed Umm al-‘Amid on
our right; then we turned west and began the ascent of a
broad height which stretches to the southwest. At 2.50 there
rose far to the north-northwest the high Tell al-Arba‘in and
nearer to us on the northwest the Tell az-Zaman. Reaching
the top of the rocky height, we made a sketch of the sur-
rounding country, this work lasting from 3.22 to 4.20. In front
59 Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 750, knew of the district of °“Ajta in Syria.
Della Valle, Viaggi (Venice, 1664), Vol. 4, p. 617, relates that on returning to Aleppo
from Mesopotamia in 1625 he had on his right the road leading to Aleppo past Achila, and
that he turned to the left. At noon he reached a settlement called Haita with four deserted
huts and some kind of shrine. — Achila may be identified with the station of Hekla and
Haita with ‘Ajta.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 207
of us extended a large, fertile lowland strewn over with ham-
lets and bounded on the east and northeast by the al-Hass
plateau, on the south by the plateau of al-‘Ala’, and on the
west and northwest by the spurs of the range of Sra‘. This
lowland is the old Chalcidena, praised by Pliny (Naturalis his-
toria, V, 81) for its fertility. The Arabs called it Kinnesrin.
At the western foot of al-Hass and southeast of it lie the settle-
ments of Umm al-‘Amtd, Umm Rarafa, Hanfte, and Dibs; northeast of it
in‘a gully lies Bise; and on a rise the settlements of Umm Raba‘a and
Birg as-Shene. South of Dibs appeared the settlements of Dbejsan, Klej‘at
as-Sih, al-Hamar, ar-Ramle, and Rasm ar-Rabiz. Northwest of Umm al-
“Amtid were seen the hamlets of Gubb al- Hafi, as- Swéha, al-Istablat,
Ergel, Kufr ‘Abid, Gufr Mansfr, and Eblas; east of the last named Dejr as-
Salibe, and northwest the hills of al- Agha in and a$-Sehid. North of these
hills are the settlements of al-“Wénat, Batlane, and Hobar; southwest of
the last those of Dlame, Abu Rweél, and al-MeSrefe. South of al-MeSrefe
stretches the marshy lowland of al-Math, from which there projects an
isolated, flattened ‘elevation along the western side ef which runs the
railroad connecting Aleppo and Hama’. The station of Tlejgine stands
about opposite the center of this elevation. North of this rise and east
of the railroad are the settlements of ad-Drejzile and as-Sa‘bijje; to the
east of it is al-‘AtSane, and to the southeast at-Trejfawi, Tell ad-Dubban,
and Wezz. On the southeastern edge of the marshy lowland of al-Math
emerged the hamlet of al-Mimbatah, and south of this hamlet (but north
of us) the gendarme station of az-Zaman beside a large ruin mound. West
of al-Mimbatah the marsh stretches as far as the settlements of al-Batha,
al-Gafra, al-Msérfat, at-Trejfawi, al-Hmejmat, and the hill Tell Fahhar,
which rises north of a ruin mound with which the red roof of the railroad
station of Abu-d-Dhtr formed a pleasant contrast. We rode directly toward
this station through the lowland, which was entirely cultivated.
At 4.55 we saw to the north of us the hamlet of al-Mim-
batah, to the north of which lay that of Ergel with Gufr Man-
sir farther to the left. At 5.05 we rode past the village of al-
Helwa. On the south appeared the huts of Umm al-Huta and
in front of us those of Barhamijje; at 5.30 we were in al-
Hajjanijje. To the north we saw the settlement of Tell al-Razal,
to the south al-Abjaz, to the southwest Dwér al-Hawa, north
of this Rabje, farther north ‘Anadan, and still farther north
al-Maseh and al-Megaher. At 5.55 we encamped at ‘Anadan.
‘“ANADAN TO HELBAN
On Monday, May 31, 1915,-at 4.34 (temperature: 14°C)
we left ‘Anad&an, where the water was plentiful but bitter. To
the south appeared the hamlets of as- Swéha and al-Kur‘a. At
208 PALMYRENA
Fig. 81
Fic. 80—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, interior of the main apse.
Fic. 81—Ar-Resafa: Alamundarus’ church, a capital.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 209
5.15, with the village of Abu-l-Mrér behind us, we headed south-
west and at six o’clock passed al-Megas and sighted the village
of at-Twém. At 6.25 we saw the railroad station of Abu-d-Dhir
to the west. From 6.30 to 7.30, being then east of the village
of Umm al-Bararit and north of Smejja, we sketched a map
of the vicinity; after which we turned
south. To the southwest we observed
the villages of Tell Selma, Bétje, and
al-Mazlak; to the southeast those of
al-Hamidijje, al-“Alijje, al-Hasir, Umm
Gura, and Réetal. To the southwest the
horizon was shut in by the plateau of
al-“Ala’, from which the high Rigm
Sra‘®? projects northward.
At 8.30 our way led past the
Ummu Grejn ruins and the hamlet Pah oe 3
of al-Bejja‘ijje, both on our left. At stamundarne’ chanch,
8.00 we were passing through the a capital.
latter in a rocky hollow. Both right
and left were seen the gentle slopes of stony hillocks with
numerous flocks of goats and sheep grazing upon them. At
9.15 the cone of al-‘Oge rose almost directly west of us, below
which lie the hamlet and railroad station of the same name;
to the east appeared the hamlets of al-Bwéder and Maradig.
At 9.50 we were at the al-Mab‘asa ruins east of Rasm al-
Abjaz, and at 10.20 at Umm ‘Adasa, whence we rode through
a broad, shallow valley to the settlement of al-“Okla, where
from 10.53 to 12.20 (temperature: 28°C) we sketched a map
of the neighborhood. At al-“Okla is a steam flour mill.
South of the railroad station of al-“Oge lie the settlements of al-
Wréde, al-Harmala, Merderane, Singar, and Ummu-l-Mélat; and at the
southeastern foot of the cone of Sra‘ nestles the village of Srejje*. East
of al-“Okla salt marshes stretch along the foot of the al-‘Ala’ plateau.
To the southeast, where al-‘Ala’ broadens out, there rises the high ruin
mound Tell as-S6r, which dominates the whole plain to the east. At its
60 The basaltic plateau of al-‘Ala’ forms a district of its own, which I take to be the
classical Parapotamia.
Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2:11, writes that the districts bordering the region of Apamea
are: on the east Chalcidica and Parapotamia, the country of the Arab phylarchs; on the
south the plain of the Scenitae. All these people resemble the nomads of Mesopotamia,
except that those living nearer Syria are more tractable than the Arabs and Scenitae, be-
cause they live under a better rule. They obey the lords Sampsiceramus of Arethusa, Gambarus
of Themella, and others. — In my opinion this Themella was transcribed from Theledda, an
easy error when Greek capital letters are used.
Pliny, Naturalis historia, XII, 132f., mentions the oennathe (i. e. the grapes of the
vitis labrusca) as the best in Parapotamia. —
The western half of this Parapotamia of Strabo and Pliny is still full of the remains
of ancient vineyards, and its wine, especially that from the vicinity of the town of Chalybon,
the modern Helban, was famous in antiquity.
210 PALMYRENA
northeastern base are the villages of al-Koéla and al- Gaha§, and south-
east of aS-Sor lie those of al-Rzejle, al- Mfakkar, al- Hanader, al-Lweze,
and al-Harajez.
At one o’clock we saw on the east the hamlet of Ummu
Tmar and on the south that of Gehaman, near a high ruin
mound. At 1.10 we again sighted on the southeast the Tell
as-Sér, a huge heap of ruins on acrest stretching from south-
west to northeast. At 1.15 we crossed the creek of al-‘Okla
which flows from the east-southeast, and at 1.48 had the settle-
ment of Geham4an on our right and large ruins on our left.
Our camels grazed from 1.438 to 2.10, while we sketched a map
of the surrounding country. On the right in a valley winding
in a south-southeasterly direction we saw the hamlets of Srejje“
and Sra‘*. At 2.50 we stopped at Dawadijje, where we stayed
until 3.30, sketching another map. To the east-northeast, east
of the Tell a8-Sér, the broad, glistening surfaces of salt marshes
began to appear. Going southwest we.came at 4.02 to the gap
Ri‘ al-Hawa, from which we had a fine view both to the north
and to the southwest.
In the latter direction the high ruin mound Rasm al-Abjaz, with
the settlement of Estéb, was sighted. To the northeast from Rasm al-
Abjaz stretches a valley with the following villages lying along its sides:
on the left, at-Twejbe, Shérig, al--Amara, al-Hejrijje, al-Mrejzeb, al-Rzejle,
Abu Deriha, and al-Mfakkar; and on the right, al-Gerise, Labde, Abu ‘Aléz,
and Sellége. This valley ends northeast of the Tell asS-S6r in the salt
marsh east of the settlement of al-Kola. Along the railroad track south
of Sra‘ are the settlements of Rasm al-‘Abed, al-Hakkijje, the railroad
station of Ummu-r-Rgejm, the settlements of al-Hawa’, al-Mrejzeb, ar-
Rbej‘a, ad-Dugag, Abu Dali, the station of al-Hamdanijje, the settlements
of Umm Hartén, at-Tamme, at-Tlésijje, al-Kbébat, Hafsin, al-Krah, at-
Tajjibe, and the station of Kowkab. Southwest of Estéb are the settle-
ments of Bir az-Zurba, al-Hardane, ‘Ezzeddin, as- -Se* ate, al- Gnéne, Abu
Samra, al- -Muharram, Dima, al- Fan, and Abu Mensaf. The ruin of Rigm
Sra° rises above a dark spur extending into a deep basin by the railroad.
From 4.10 to 4.41 we made a sketch map of the surround-
ing country. At 5.15 we approached a village and ruins both
named Abu ‘Aléz. Here, east of an artificial mound which is
over ten meters high, lie great heaps of old building material;
to the northeast flows a vigorous spring. Near the spring there
appears the large ruin of Sellége. At 6.45 we encamped between
the hamlet and the mound of al-Maksar in a broad basin which
stretches towards Sellége. To the northeast rose the Tell as-
Sor. (Temperature at 7.20: 16.3° C. )
“a. a ee
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS rll
Tuesday, June 1, 1915. We started at 4.25 (temperature:
12° C) going southwesterly; at five o’clock we were at the al-
Hmar ruins, which lie at the junction of two valleys; on the
west we sighted the Tell al-Hanzir, rising above on a high
AR-RESAFA
l ed | 2 3 METERS
Fic. 88—Ar-Resafa: a mausoleum.
ridge. Through a gap in this ridge showed the range of al-
Ma‘arra. At 5.35 we reached the village of ar-Rwéza, lying
at the southeastern end of a fertile basin. In the large ruins
here were seen pieces of broken columns and sarcophagi. At
the western end of the basin appeared the huts of the ham-
lets of al-Hardane and Bir az-Zurba, with az-Zebade to the
north of them and north of this again al-GeriSe. Northwest
of az-Zebade is the settlement of Estéb. To the west of Bir
az-Zurba extend huge ruins, among which are located the huts
constituting the hamlets of at-Tamme. Southwest of ar-Rwéza
was seen the Kasr ‘Eli.
212 PALMYRENA
From 6.42 to 7.40 we stayed at the village of ar-Rabda,
sketching a map of the vicinity.
We sighted here for the first time to the southwest of us Mount
7én al-‘Abedin near Hama’. To the west of us were the tall ‘Arfa’ ruins
with, to the south of them, the villages of al-Hazm, Semakat, and Dima,
and to the east of ‘Arfa’ the elevation of al-Mdawwara extending from
east to west. On the southern slope of this elevation lie the settlements
of al-Hamar, al-Zena, and Abu “Agwa; on the eastern slope the Kasr Eben
Ward4n; and on the northern the settlements of al-Fwéde, Abu Hanadez,
al-Kohle, al-Mhammadijje, and “‘Ombos. On a plain east of the elevation
of al-Mdawwara is the settlement of al-Hellébat, and north of the elevation
those of Umm Gurn and Gubb as- -Sukkar. West of Umm Gurn is situated
the hamlet of Kur’ Rubfi‘a, with the hamlets of Abu “Agwa’, al- -Gnéne, and
Anderin lying to the north.®!
West of Abu ‘Agwa are the al-Haw4jes ruins, and southwest those
of al-Hazne. Southeast of the Kasr Eben Wardan the hillocks of al-‘Abel
stretch from south to north. In these hillocks heads a Seib of the same
name, which runs thence in a north-northeasterly direction. On its left side,
east of Anderin, lies the settlement of Umm al-Kids and northeast of the
latter the well of Abu Darak, beyond which the valley disappears. South
of Umm al-KidS are the ruins of al-Matran, east of them the well of
az-Zerka,®? northwest of this well the spring ‘Wént al-Razal, and east
of this spring the al-Morara ruins.
At 8.20 we rode among the ruins of Kasr SAwi, which lie
to the northeast of al-Fan and Dima. At 8.30 we had a splen-
did view of three waves of land stretching to the southeast.
61 The Antonine Itinerary (Parthey and Pinder), 195:1—3, mentions a road from
Calcida (Chalcis, Kinnesrin) via Androna (Anderin) to Seriane (Esrija).
An-NA&bira, Diwdn (Derenbourg), p. 92, and al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Salhani), p. 62, mention
plaited leather reins made at Andarin.
Jakat (Mu'gam [Wiistenfeld], Vol. 1, p. 373) knew of a ruined town of Andarin, one
day south of Aleppo on the borders of the settled territory. To the south of it there was
scarcely an inhabited place. Andarin was famous for the wine and the plaited leather reins
made there. — Andarin lies on the borders of the district of al-“Ala’, the center of which
was formerly the town of Helban, from which wine was exported even to Tyre and Babylon.
6 The spring well of az-Zerka’? was known to the Arabic writers.
Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 437, knew of az-Zerka’ as a watering place in
Syria between the towns of Hun@sira and Sdrija. It was there that a lion attacked ‘Otejba
ibn Abi Lahab and bit his head in two because he incited the people against the Prophet.
The Beni ‘Amer, when rebelling against Sejfaddowle, the lord of Aleppo, encamped at az-
Zerka’. Abu-l-Farag, however, records (Ardéni [Bil&k, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 15, pp. 2f.) that
‘Otejba’s adventure with the lion took place in the valley of al-Kasera, while he was escorting
a caravan to Syria. Jaktt (op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 924) did not know the precise situation of
this valley. — These reports would seem to show that there were two places called az-Zerka’,
one in the vicinity of Hundsira, the other on the trade road from the Heg&z to Syria. This
road passed east of the Dead Sea, running by the well-known station of az-Zerka’. This
station is at a spring of the same name, which forms a fairly large creek, and east of it
in the neigborhood of the fort of al-Azrak there are large marshes and bushes, which were
a favorite haunt of lions as late as the early years of the eighteenth century. It was at the
other az-Zerka’, however, the one in the district of Hundsira, that the Beni ‘Amer camped.
Jakut, loc. cit., states that az-Zerka’ is a spring well never without water, and that
it lies between Hunasira and Sdrija near the hot spring of al-Hammam. — “‘Strija” should
be read ‘‘Surja” or, as it is pronounced now, “Esrija.” From Esrija there formerly led and
still leads a transport route via az-Zerka’? to Hundasira. The well-known Roman camp of
Sura (Strija) lay far to the east on the Euphrates and should not be confused with Esrija.
Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 5. pp. 102f., relates that in 1292 Sultan al-Malek
al-ASraf, while marching from Hama’ to Aleppo, visited al-Hammam and az-Zerka’, lying
in the desert, and caught many gazelles and wild asses.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 213
To the north of these lies the village of Abu Mensaf, west of which
are the village of al-Mbattel and the station of Kowkab. Southwest of
Kowkab by the railroad track appearcd the hamlet of Soran, with al-
Mréwid to the east-southeast and, south of al-Mréwid, Kafr Ra‘ and al-
Mazba‘a. South of the last two are the high hills of Kran Hama’ with the
Fig. 84—The Euphrates north of ar-Resafa, with our camp (p. 168).
little shrine Zén al-‘Abedin. To the northeast of us the gap was visible
through which the se%b of as-Selile enters the plain to the east. At nine
o’clock, to the east-northeast between the hillocks of al-Mdawwara and
the hamlet Rasm al-Hamar, the settlement of al-Zena’ was sighted with
its ruins, and the hamlet of al-Uméleh to the south of them.
To the east we saw the two ruin mounds of Debbarin,
which rise from a common foundation of huge dimensions, at
the southeastern foot of which stands a village of the same
name. To the south-southeast, on a fine plain into which a
spur of the ar-Rhajje hillocks runs from the west, emerged
the settlement of Lale. At the northeastern base of this spur
is a military post, where thoroughbred mares were kept.
North of the post flows the creek of as-Selile, on the banks
of which we rested from 9.45 to 11.24 (temperature: 25°C).
At 11.54 on our left was the breeding station of al-Hamra,
a building in the form of a square, with a gate on its west-
ern and a well on its southern side. From 12.15 to 1.24, dur-
ing a stop at the hamlet of Ras al-‘Ajn, near which the creek
of as-Selile rises, we made a map of the neighborhood. The
Seib of as-Selile heads far to the southeast, almost due east
of Homs. A creek of considerable size and bearing the same
name enters the valley at Ras al-‘Ajn and runs through it
in a northerly and northeasterly direction.
On the left side of the Se%b of as-Selile, going north from Ras al-
“Ajn, are the settlements of al-Hamra, al-Hawijje, al-Haz‘ali, al-Mhasar,
214 PALMYRENA
Umm Hasan, Kasr Sawi az-Zba‘ijje, al-Eftéh, al-Kla‘a, - -Gubb ‘Otm4n,
al-Halawa, al-Gedt‘ijje, and: al- Harajez; on the right side areythose of
Abu Hajje, Gehennam, ‘Obb al-Hazne, “Obb al-Genne, az-Zhtr, al-Haime
west of Anderin, and al-‘Azizijje. East of the hillocks of -ar-Rhajje are
the villages of Tléhan and Totah; north of these the villages of Abu
Harik and al-Msétbe; and sguth of Tléhan those of Rezézi and al-Hrézi,
both on the side of rather high hills. Much farther to the south, on the
left side of the Se%b of as-Selile lies the settlement of al-“Arsfine, while
farther north on the same side are the villages of Abu Hubélat, al-Mas-
‘adijje, al-Helfi, Malta, ar-Rawi, al-Mfakkar, Dil al-“Agel, Esnan, Umm
at-Twane, al-Harida, and ar-Rhajje. On the right side of as-Selile north-
east of al-“ArSfine is the settlement of Tell al-‘Azam, followed as one goes
northward by Abu-l-Belaje, Abu-l-Hanaja, Kasr al-Homr, Gaddti‘a, Sab-
bara, Abu-l-Hanadek, Rezézi, and Lale. To the south of us was seen the
Kasr Tamak, on top of a-height to the northeast of it the Kasr Nawa’,
and farther east four stunted buttes in the low range of hills known as
Rgim al-‘Abel. From south to north on the west side of this range lie
the settlements of as-Sejjade, Salba, Ab-al-Rorr, and al-Mu‘akkar. On the
east side of the range almost due southeast of Ab-al-Rorr lies the little
hamlet of al-Kenafed, southeast of which on a long ridge are the settlements
of al-Hort, Zénab, as- -Sejh Helal, as-Se‘en, and as-Su‘én, near all of which
bubble out vigorous springs. Northeast of these settlements lie the al-
Mébiga and al-Hinna ruins. The country south of al-‘Abel is also cultivated,
comprising the settlements of Tell Kata’, Frétan, Tell al-Gedid, al-Mes‘ade,
and al-Msé‘id. East of the last-named lie the Rigm al-Hanzir ruins.
The small flats, undulations, and gullies through which
we were passing are strewn with broken fragments of basalt.
Low walls and little heaps of stones abound, and the remains
of small buildings containing olive and wine presses are un-
mistakable signs that the whole region must formerly have
been one large vineyard. In the volcanic soil the vine undoubt-
edly thrived.
Geographically the al-‘Ala’ plateau district, wie we were
now passing through, is separated not only from the territory
of Aleppo but from Palmyrena proper as well. It is separated
from the former by the al-Math lowland and from the latter
by the barren plain of al-Morara. On the south it extends as
far as the creek of as-Se‘en, near Salamja; on the west it
sinks away into the plain where Hama?’ is situated.
At 2.15 the ruins and hamlet of Ab-al- Kdtr were on our
right, and on our left lay the settlement of al- “Anz, with a
spring. At 2.28 we came to the Helban ruins, which lie on a
wide slope which faces the east and is bounded on three sides
by lower ground. To the west, at the highest part of the
slope, there rises a ruined fortress, east of which in times
past there stood a walled town six hundred meters long by
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 215
five hundred meters wide. At the southeastern side of the
town there is a dilapidated tower with a Greek inscription,
in a house north of which we found a second inscription. To
the north of the town are many graves with large stone cof-
Fig. 85—Ad-Dahal from the east (p. 169).
fins. A number of felldhin had built huts among the ruins,
in which they were now busy making excavations.™
83 The Helban ruins I consider to be those of the Biblical Helb6n, the Assyrian Hilbunu,
and the classical Chalybon. The whole basaltic plateau of al-“Ala’ in times past was planted
with the vine, the yield of which was undoubtedly plentiful as well as of excellent quality.
Ezekiel, 27:18, states that Damascus traded with Tyre, bringing wine from Helb6én
and wool from Sahar. :
Nebuchadnezzar (605—562 B.C.) mentions wine from Hilbunu (Inscription from Wadi
Brisa A, col. 4,1. 51; Grotefend inscription [Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 1, pll.65f.] col.1, 1. 238;
Langdon, Building Inscriptions [1905], pp. 82, 158; idem, Neubabylonische Konigsinschriften
[1912], pp. 90, 154).
216 PALMYRENA
HELBAN TO TELL AD-DRA’
We left the former town of Helban at 4.50, going south.
On the east were seen the al-MSsérfe ruins and to the north-
west the ruins and hamlets of al-Bardtni, at-Tiba, and ad-Dibe.
Our way led through extensive old vineyards and cultivated
fields. We encamped at 5.50 by the hamlet and large ruins of
the Kasr ad-Dahab. The ruin mound here, nearly ten meters
in height, affords a fine view of the ridge of al-“Abel lying to
the east, and of the settlements between this and the plateau
proper of al-‘Ala’, which, beginning at ar-Rhajje, falls off quite
steeply near Tell ‘Ada’ into the plain. Southeast of the Kasr
ad-Dahab winds a deep Se%b, adjoining which on the north lie
the villages of al-Obejjez, al-Kbebat, and al-Hnéfes, and on
the south those of Zabbtde, Nawa’, and Suhba. On a height
south of Nawa’ and Kasr Tamak are situated the villages of
Sabba‘, Daise, Semni, and Tell ‘Ada’ with a tall ruin.** We
completed our work by determining the latitude (temperature
at. 145: ob ae
On Wednesday, June 2, 1915, at 4.10 (temperature 8.5°C)
we set forth on our journey. On a huge height to the south-
east we saw the Zabbide ruins; to the north of us emerged
the mound and settlement of al-Barduni; and before us a
high ruin mound with a hamlet next to it named “Ali Castn,
both situated on a fertile swell. From here many settlements
to the southeast, south, and west could be seen.
To the northwest was the village of Da‘in, southwest of which, on
the right-hand side of a se%b which stretched to the southwest, lay al-
Hulla, and, still farther on, al-‘Ewer, as-Sféne, al-Barl, and al-‘Oga. The
last two are in the plain east of Hama’. North of them, on the western
edge of the plateau of al-‘Ala’, are situated the villages of Castn al-
Gebel, Kennos, ad-Dwejbe, and Taj jebt at-Turki. By the twin mountains of
Kran Hama’ are the hamlets of al-Gwéze, al-Hasmijje, Gebrin, and ‘Ajn
al-BAd.
We stayed at ‘Ali CAsin from 5.30 to 5.41; then, continu-
ing our way southwestward, we came at 6.10 to the hamlet
of Tarrad, south of which stand the Rabba ruins, resembling
64 Pliny, Naturalis historia, V, 89, states that the Palmyrene desert comprises the
districts of Telendena, Hierapolis, Beroea, and Chalcis. A part of the desert land belongs
to Hemesa as well as to Elatium, which is nearer by half to the town of Petra than to
Damascus. — Detlefsen in his edition of the Natural History, loc. cit., had printed ‘“‘Stelendena
regio,” which is a mistake. Telendena is the plateau of al-‘Ala’? in which Tell “Ada? is located.
It is interesting to note here that Pliny knew of a distinct ‘regio Telendena,” by
which he undoubtedly meant the surroundings of Tell ‘Ada’, which lies not far from the
ruins of Helban, the old Chalybon. Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 13, calls the same district
Chalybonitis.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 217
a fortification. Southwest of these ruins gapes the black Se%b
of Gehennam, and south-southeast of us appeared the settle-
ment of al--Ezejjem. South of this Se%b, which ends at the
village of al-Béza south of Tell “Ada, lie the villages of al-
Maflah and GAtelin. From 7.02 to 7.43 we stopped at the
little hamlet of al-Lahtine, situated in a broad valley sloping
to the southwest, which we crossed, coming just beyond to
a big basin with numerous settlements. At 8.15 we reached
at-Twejzijje, a village on the southern foot of a spur of the
al-“Ala°’ plateau. To the southwest we sighted the white huts
of the villages of Umm Gurn, Sm4h, al-Mbarakat, and Cafat,
beyond which on the west appeared the deep, black river bed
of al-‘Asi (the Orontes), winding along the eastern foot of
the hillocks of Abu Derde, which end on the north in the
truncated cone of Ma‘arrin. On the slope of the latter emerged
the white hamlet of Brak; at the northeastern foot of Abu
Derde lie the huts of the hamlet of Tahsis. On the left, east
of us, rose the steep sides of the al-‘Ala’ plateau. At 9.18
we rode through the village of aS-Shale. To the north-north-
west, on the western slope of the al-‘Ala’ plateau, appeared
the settlement as-Sféne, and northwest from there the trun-
cated cone of al-Gurn with a settlement of the same name;
but higher than them all towered to the northwest of us the
mountains of Krun Hama’, where there is the little shrine
Zén al-‘Abedin.*
At 9.45 we were in the broad Se%b of as-Se‘en. This is
bounded on the northeast by the black wall of the plateau of
al-‘Ala’, the southern end of which curves toward the south-
east. Though the view to the west was obstructed by the white
hillocks of Abu Derde, on the south there appeared the exten-
sive orchards of the settlement of Tell ad-Dra’, which are irri-
gated by the creek of as-Se‘en.
At 10.18 we reached the road leading from Hama’ to
Salamja. To our left rose an isolated white butte on which
stands the Kasr Sumejmis.*°
6 Jakat, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 332, writes that the Kurtin Hama’ are two
mountains rising opposite each other.
On April 18, 1175, Saladin was victorious in an encounter with the lord of Aleppo
at the Kurtin Hama’ (Ibn Saddad, Nawddir [De Slane], pp. 61f.; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Torn-
berg], Vol. 11, p. 279).
66 The Arabic writers mention Sumejmis. In August, 1157, Syria was visited by an
earthquake. Beside many other places, the towns of Hama’ and Homs and also the fort of
Sumejmis near Salamja were destroyed (Kemaladdin, Ta’rih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or.
lates Vol. 35) p: 1529).
In 1231 Asadaddin Sirkéh, the lord of Homs and ar-Rahba, built the fort of Sumejmis
on a high isolated hill near Salamja (Ibn al- Atir, op. cit., Vol. 12, p. 329).
218 PALMYRENA
The &e%b of as-Se‘en, beginning to the southeast of where we crossed
it and almost due east of Homs, winds across an undulating plain covered
with settlements. On its right side west of al-‘ArStne lies Maksad al-
Hsan, then come Sellam, Umm Hartén, al- Barri, Tell at-Tat, as-Safawi,
ar-RAwi, and the town of Salamja, southeast of the Kasr Sumejmis. On
Fic. 86—AS-Sbét and al-Hass from the northeast (p. 196).
its left are the settlements of al-Heble, Tell al- Ward, ad-Dwé'‘er, Muntar
al-‘Abd, as-Senkere, al-Ubéza, Umm Gurn, Skara, Umm al-‘Amad, al-
Mzére‘, al-Merg, and Tell ad-Dra’ where the creek runs into the river
al-‘Asi (Orontes).
TELL AD-DRA’ TO AL-KARA
From 10.30 to 11.52 (temperature: 26° C) we setae x the
ereek of as-Se‘en by the Tell ad-Dra’ ruins, after which we
rode through the village of ad-Dra’ southwards and at 1.05
were at the hamlet of Kubbt al-Kurdi, lying southeast of al-
‘Ader and Tahsis. At 1. 50 the village of Gemm§ari was on our
left and east of it that of Skara; at 2.10 al-Mrejsi lay to the
west, and to the west-southwest east of the ridge of al-Arba‘in
appeared the settlements of al-‘Eséle and Abu-l-Hamame. Stop-
ping from 2.55 to 3.25 in ‘Ezzeddin, a large settlement on a
creek of the same name, we drew a map of the neighborhood.
This ‘Ezzeddin is situated at the western base of the low hil-
locks Tltl al-Homr, which stretch from south to north. On
their eastern slopes lie the villages of Tell al-Hazne, ‘Ejdin,
Slém, and al-Midan. South of Tell al-Hazne is the village of
Tell ‘Amri.
Beginning at Tell ad-Dra’ the country assumed an entirely
different appearance; the slopes were gentle, the valleys wider
and longer, there was an abundance of spring water and even
several brooks. At 3.45 we saw on our right, in a broad valley
which slopes northwestward, the large settlement of Dérfiir with
In about the year 1261 Bibars ordered the fort of Sumejmis, which the Tartars had
demolished, to be rebuilt (al-Makrizi, Sultik [Quatremére’s. transl,], Vol. 1, Part 1,143),
Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 202, considers Samsin, Samajmis, and Salamja as
belonging to the administrative district of Homs,
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 219
its extensive gardens. This settlement is inhabited by Circas-
sians. Northwest of Dérfir is the village of Timin, and west
of it lie the settlements of Gergise and ar-Rastan. At Dérfir
the creek of ‘Ajn al-Hsén joins the creek Se‘en al-Migma‘,
Fic. 87—A8-Sbét from al- Mrejrat (p. 200).
which rises near the hamlet of ‘Ujtin Zat and which we crossed
at 4.15, reaching at 4.40 the creek ‘Ajn al-Hsén; by the latter
are large irrigated gardens of the settlement of the same
name, where we encamped at 5.38 (temperature at 6.50: 20° C).
The valley of “Ajn al-Hsén begins southeast of the settlement of al-
Forklos, which lies on its left side as do also the villages of as-Sajjid,
Garba‘ ijje, Tell “Ejfir, Abu Dalje, al- Bwér, Tell Bel’an, al- Gabrijje, al-
Misrefe, and al-Wurédi. On its right are as- Setlaja, Tell as-Snan, “Abbas,
al-Harraki, al-Rarr, as- -Stikatlijje, as- Séh Hméd, Tell Gnénat, and Ummu
Gbab.
Thursday, June 3, 1915. We started at 4.21 (temperature:
6°C) and at 4.40 sighted on our left the great pre-Roman camp
of al-MiSrefe, fortified by a high rampart and to the west of
which lay a settlement of considerable size. To the southwest
before us in the rays of the rising sun glistened the snow on
the summits of Mount Lebanon. At 5.15 we saw to the soutb-
east the hamlets of a8-Séh Hméd and al-Gabrijje and at 5.35
on the right of the road the Se‘en al-Asmar ruins, with, to
the west of them, a white hill on which were scattered the
white huts of Tell Bise. To the north-northwest in the plain
emerged the houses of the town of ar-Rastan. At 6.18 we
passed the spring of Se‘en al-Asmar, at 6.34 the ruins Tell
al-Kaddah, and at 6.55 the vineyards and fields of the settle-
ment of Zejdal. At 9.15 al-Féraizi was on our left, and to the
southeast appeared the huge Tell Zbejde with the little hamlet
al-Gdejde to the west of it; north of al-Férizi rose the high,
red Tell Hantn.
From 9.56 to 11.24 we rested. At 11.836 (temperature:
21°C) we reached the village of al-Meskene, where quite a
220 PALMYRENA
number of houses were deserted and in ruins. At 3.08 we were
south of the settlement of SinSar on the road from Homs to
Damascus, which we now took. A strong, cold northwest wind
was blowing all the time. At 3.16 on our right were the ruined
houses of the hamlet of Samsin.
To the northeast lay Umm Ddlab
and Kaff al-Kalb, and to the east
al-Manztl, southeast of which is
ar-Rkama; still farther east are
al-‘Azizijje and al-Balha. Al-Balha
is situated on the western foot of
the elevation Tarak Holaje. At
four o’clock to the east-southeast
the hamlet of Gandar could be
seen and southeast of it the large
Umm al-Afawe‘ ruins; the ham-
lets of ‘Alijjat and aS-Sa‘érat
were a little farther along in the
same direction. At 5.15 we rode
across the wide se%b of ar-Rbej‘a,
at 5.45 across the Se%b of al-Hasja,
and at 5.52 we made camp near the settlement of al-Hasja,™
which is located in a barren basin shut in on the north, east,
and south by the white, rocky hillocks of at-Tafri. Northeast
of al-Hasja les the village of al-Harbijje, south of which —
southeast of al-Hasja— appeared the village of Denderan, and
still farther to the southeast the village of al-Hamra (temper-.
ature ati Gy:
On Friday, June 4, 1915, we left at 4.08 (temperature:
12.6°C). At 4.20 on the left of the road was a demolished
military post. At 4.85 we observed to the northeast the long,
low rise of the Tarak H6élaje and west of it the white heights
of Hazm at-Tafri* bordering al-Hasja on the east. At six
Fic. 88—Drejb al-Wawi (p.201).
87 Thevenot, Voyages (Amsterdam, 1727), Vol. 2, p. 90, relates that he camped near the
station of Assia. There was a small fort and a large khan built of hewn stones in the place.
Below the gate of the khan markets were held, as in Cteifa. On the western and on half
of the eastern side of the khan there were vaulted chambers for travelers; on all other sides
were the selling booths. A gate in the center of the eastern side led into the second court-
yard, where rooms were built for the travelers a little above the ground, with two or three
steps up to each to separate them from the space allotted to the animals. In the middle of
the yard was a small square mosque with a whitewashed dome and an adjoining fountain
with good drinking water spouting from it on three different sides. From the second court
yard there was an entrance into a place called The Manor, although it was nothing but an
enclosure with low walls where, at the time, a number of families, mostly Greek, were
living. About fifty paces from this so-called manor was a hamlet, of which only a passing
glimpse could be caught, since it consisted merely of twenty low mud huts built in-a large
moat so deep that not even the roofs rose above its sides. Anyone standing on the edge of
the moat might easily mistake the huts for boulders in a quarry.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 221
o'clock we passed on our right the ruined pigeon tower al-
Brej&.®*
Our camels grazed from 6.20 to 6.54. At 7.14 near the
dome of al-Mdawwara we crossed the deep se%b of Sekif al-
Cebir. At 7.385 there rose on the southeast the high crest of
the Se‘eb al-Léz, which extends under various names from
the southwest as far as the hillocks of Maskikt Mhin. The
last named lay to the east-southeast of us. The eastern part
of the Se‘eb al-Loéz is called al- Kawdan and is separated by
the pass Tenijjet al-Habra from the Se‘eb al-Léz proper, in
which there is the pass Tenijjet as- -Se‘eb. Through the latter
a road leads southeast to the Han al-Abjaz. North of this
high ridge extends the depression of Hmért al-Habbaz, which
is covered with low hillocks and across which Wadi Zabtr
winds in a northeasterly direction. Adjoining this wadi, almost
due north of the Tenijjet aS-Se‘eb, lies the village of al-
Hméra; and farther to the north-northeast are Gubb Sacer,
al-Hafar, ar-Rhejbe, and Sadad. Beyond the last named the
wadi disappears; after good rains, however, the water runs
down as far as ar-Rbej‘a, near the settlement of al-Hasja.
At 7.42 we saw at about six kilometers to the northeast
the Burg Janes ruins. The barley in the fields about us was
scarcely ten centimeters high and badly scorched. At 8.15 we
were at the hamlet of al-Brej&, where there are remains of a
demolished khan built in the Middle Ages of hewn blocks left
over from the time of the Roman domination. Near the en-
trance to the khan stands a sarcophagus. Beyond here the
road leads across ravines and steep slopes. At 9.15 we passed
on our left in a deep ravine the spring of at-Tahta with a
hut close by.
The region was becoming drearier and more desolate at
every step. Bare limestone domes and cones rose to the east
and south, with the high crest of the Se‘eb al-Léz range
projecting from behind them. The smaller plains and fields
were all sown with grain, but to no purpose; everything was
dried up. At 9.52 two springs, ‘“Ujiin al-‘Alak, lay to our left
in a gully, with a garden and a hut beside them; south of
them rose a conical hillock with a shrine on top. At 10.10
we passed a third spring of al-‘Alak. To the southeast we
sighted the broad depression of Hmért al-Habbaz, which winds
68 Thevenot, loc. cit., writes that he and his companions passed a rather small fortress
called El Bouraidgé (al-Burejge), the gates of which were studded with iron and with
loopholes in the walls.
222 PALMYRENA
along the foot of the Se‘eb al-Léz and was cultivated in some
places. On the east was seen the plain between Mhin and Sadad
and to the south-southeast the orchards of the big settlement
of al-Kara. At 10.20 (temperature: 22°C) we had on our right
Fic. 89—Hanaser from al-Mrejrat (p. 203).
the spring ‘Ajn al-Kotne. From 10.30 to 11.49 we stayed in the
valley of al-Kotne and sketched the neighborhood.
AL-KARA TO AL-KTEJFE
The settlement of al-Kara, which we next passed through,
takes its name from a large, white tabular hill, on the western
side of which it was erected. Its church is an old building in
the Syrian architectural style, with a gabled roof. On the left
of the road is the finely ornamented gate of an old khan
and a house with two niches, and an artistic lintel. On the out-
side all the huts were very clean, and the gardens were kept
in excellent condition.®
The easiest road from the Han al-Abjaz to al-Kara is
through the pass Tenijjet as-Se‘eb.
69 Jakit, Mu‘gam (Wistenfeld), Vol. 4, pp.12f., writes that Kara is a large settlement
and the first station on the road from Homs to Damascus. It marked the boundary line
between the administrative districts Homs and Damascus, being built on the top of a tabular
hill called Kara. Its inhabitants were all Christians, who cultivated fields irrigated by the
neighboring springs.
In 1266 Sultan Bibars was hunting in the vicinity of Gerfid. Later he returned to
Damascus, whence at the end of September of the same year he marched on Hama’,
While in camp at Kara, he heard that the Christians of that place held intercourse with
their brethren of the town of Acre. He ordered the settlement to be pillaged and the women
and children led into slavery. The local churches were then converted into mosques and
Turkomans were brought in as settlers (al-Makrizi, Sulik [Quatremére’s transl.], Vol. 1,
Part 25)p. 34i\-
Thevenot (op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 705; Vol. 2, p. 89) visited the settlement of Kara twice.
He states that there were two khans in the settlement and a Greek church consecrated to St.
George. A creek ran by. Various ruins proved that formerly buildings of much larger
dimensions must have existed in the place. The Greeks, who then formed a considerable
part of the population, owned a church adorned with fine paintings. According to them
Kara was once a famous town... About two miles from Kara was a stronghold called
Cosseitel, with a spring inside its walls that filled a pond twenty paces long. For night
quarters it was necessary to go from there to Assia. —
“Cosseitel,” the diminutive of al-Kastal, is to be sought at ‘Ujiin al-‘Alak, five kilo-
meters north. ‘‘Assia”’ is Hasja.
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 223
At 12.45 the spring ‘Ajn al-Mazra‘ was on our right and at
1.20 we crossed the Seb of al-Grejgir, which rises west of the
settlement of the same name on the right of our route and
extends to the village of Dejr ‘Atijje, lying on the road from
the pass of a&-Se‘eb. From this pass the Se‘eb al-Loz range
rises gradually to the northeast, but to the southwest it falls
away gently as far as the settlement of Nebk. At 2.15 we saw
to the southeast the pass of al-“Arkub, separating the Se‘eb
al-Loz from al-Hakla. A road leads from the Han Gnejgel, lying
to the south, by way of the monastery Dejr Mar Misa to the
settlement of Nebk, lying to the north. From 2.35 to 3.00 we
let our camels graze.
We had now before us the settlement of Nebk and south-
west of it that of Jabrid. The town of Nebk is located on the
northern foot of a spur of the range to the south and is en-
circled both on the north and northeast with fine orchards.
At 3.40 we came to the abundant spring at Nebk. In this
settlement, as in al-K4ra, cleanliness is strictly observed, and
each hut boasts a well- kept little garden in front of it.*°
At 3.50 we sighted Jabrad to the southwest. From there
a road leads through the pass of al-Hagitle across the Se‘eb
al-Loz range southward to an-Nasrijje. Because of its low
grade, the al-Hagile road is the easiest one to travel. Camels
carrying heavy loads can go through the pass of al-Hagile
only."!
We now rode across the white plain of Mléta. This plain,
as well as the slopes thereabouts, was plowed and sown,
but the grain was very sparse and short. There had been
no rain since February, it was said, and the peasants were
threatened with famine. At 5.18 we crossed the road run-
ning from the north to Jabrid and thence through the pass
7 Wright, Catalogue (1870—1872), p. 468, col. 1, mentions the monastery of Natfa’
at Zakl near Tudmor, which possessed a manuscript from Abu Karib’s time (sixth century
after Christ). He adds that later this manuscript became the property of the monastery
of Mar Misa, situated on a hill east of Nefata, a hamlet in the province of Damascus. —
The name of Nefata, or Nefaka as it is sometimes spelled, is undoubtedly an erroneous
transcription of Nebaka, the modern Nebk. The monastery of Mar Misa lies by the pass of
al-‘Arkaib, on a road leading to Nebk.
Jakait, op. cit., Vol. 4, pp. 739f., states that an-Nebk is a fine, wealthy settlement
between Homs and Damascus and has a famous spring, the water of which is said to be
deliciously pure and cool even in the height of summer. The water is supposed to come
from Jabrid.
The settlement of Nebk visited by Thevenot (op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 89) was built on
the top of an elevation, below which ran a creek with a three-arched bridge. Not far
from it a khan had been built of hewn stone from the quarry near by. The settlement
was inhabited by Greeks, and the creek was bordered by several gardens planted chiefly
with vines.
71 T am of the opinion that Assurbanipal defeated the rebellious nomads in 648—647
B.C. in this gap, which leads to Jabrid (Annals [Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions, Vol. 5
pl. 7], col. 7, 1.110; Streck, Assurbanipal [1916], Vol. 2, p. 64).
224 PALMYRENA
of al-Hagtle farther south, a wide and well trodden track,
evidently much used. At 5.55 we had on our left the old for-
tress and khan of al-Kastal on a white hillock, right behind
which was a small settlement with a church. On the slope of
the Se‘eb al-L6z range to the east
of us were seen several groves
and two springs, and in a valley
on the right gardens of large di-
mensions. At 6.08 we made camp
in a field southwest of the settle-
ment. Our hungry camels scat-
tered in all directions. The gend-
arme escorting us complained like
a child and shook with fever; his
stallion got loose and ran away
Fig. 90—‘Alés (p. 206). to the settlement (temperature
ate 7.302517
On Saturday, June 5, 1915, we started out at 4.12 (temper-
ature: 14.5°C). The part of the Se‘eb al-L0oz range rising east
of al-Kastal is called al-Kabbas. After 4.40 we rode down the
basin Hrejg al-Mal to the se%b of ‘Ajn at-Tine, which has
eroded its valley southwards through the Se‘eb al-Léz range.
From 5.36 to 6.10 our camels grazed. At 6.50 on our left were
the Umm as-Sahin ruins, where ancient gateposts are still
standing. At eight o’clock we entered the gorge of ‘Ajn at-
Tine. At 8.25 we had the mill of al-‘Arfs on our right and
about one hundred meters farther, on the left, the demol-
ished Han al-‘Ariis. Beyond this point the channel sinks into
a narrow, deep ravine, while the road high above has had to
be laboriously carved from the rocky cliffs by the hand of
man. At 8.40 we had on our right in a short gully the spring
‘Ajn at-Tine, and at 9.15 we passed out of the gorge near the
Han al-Ma‘eze (temperature: 24.3°C).
Right at our feet a basin spread out to the northeast,
in the southwestern part of which lay the settlements of al-
Ktejfe,‘* with ar-Rhejbe in the southeastern part and al-Mu-
‘azzamijje nearly in the center.
7 In February, 1304, the Emir Nu‘ejr gathered together great numbers of Arabs with
whom he encamped near Tadmur, while Tamerlane marched with his army from Damascus
to al-Kutejfe (Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nugam [Popper], Vol. 6, p. 72).
Thevenot, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 85f., writes that Cteifa is a large settlement having
an extensive khan with fairly high walls of hewn stone. Two large gates with: small side
doors lead into it from the north and south. Through the south gate one entered a long
vaulted corridor, and on either side were stalls where the traveler could buy anything he
needed; this gate was also the entrance to the cellar and the bath. From the arched corridor
AL-MESKENE TO DAMASCUS 225
Southeast of al-Mu‘azzamijje the white shrine of Abu
Sa‘id came into view. The hillocks of ad-Dahab shut in the
basin on the south. From 9.30 to 10.58 we stayed in the fields,
here covered with coarse gravel, and sketched a map.
AL-KTEJFE TO DAMASCUS
At 11.40 we left the settlement of al-Ktejfe and went
slowly up toward the pass of al-Hwa’ over the Kalamin or
ar-Rawak mountain chain, which reaches from Damascus to
the Euphrates. Arriving at the pass at 12.20 and casting a
last look at the basin to the north, we sighted on the north-
east the glistening surface of the salina Mellaha Gerfid, which
was shut in on the northwest by black gardens. As early as
12.32 we had below us the boundless lowland of al-Raita with
the gardens of Damascus and numerous settlements; at 12.40
we went by a half-demolished khan and a capacious cistern.
Near the khan lay a few fragments of broken pillars. At
2.15 on our left we passed the little shrine Kubbt al-‘Asafir,
built in its lower part in the form of a square and higher
up like an octagon with a dome on top. At 2.26 we had on
our left the Han ‘Ajjas, built from old Roman stonework, with
a reservoir behind it and to the east of the khan a dilapi-
dated shrine.“
Our camels grazed from 2.28 to 2.58. At 3.87 on the left
lay a heap of ruins; at 3.52 the road to ‘Adra’ turned off,
and at 4.32 we reached the Han al-Ksejr. At five o’clock
we made camp. The camels were to remain in the pasture
and then to follow me to Damascus, where they were to meet
a door led into a large square yard, about which were spaces reserved for caravans. On
each side of this yard was a gate, the eastern and western ones being studded with iron.
Through the northern gate the way led to a mosque with a handsome dome and a minaret.
The eastern gate led into another vaulted corridor, with rooms for travelers on both sides,
and then into another paved courtyard, in the center of which was a square pond, faced
with hewn stone, where the beasts brought to the khan were watered. The pond was filled
through a little aqueduct from a creek east of the khan. The paved yard was surrounded
by a colonnade supported by eleven columns on each of its long sides and nine on its shorter
ones. Outside the colonnade were vaulted stables and chambers with stores, and on each side
of the yard there was a single gate. Above the settlement there also rose a huge round tower.
733 The Han ‘AjjaS I regard as the station of Thelsea of the Antonine Itinerary,
196 : 2 (Parthey and Pinder’s edit., p. 88).
Thelsee was garrisoned by the equites Saraceni, under the command of the dua Foenicis
(Notitia dignitatum, Oriens, 32, Nos. 13 and 28).
The plain south of the Han ‘AjjaS is the famous camping ground of the Merg Rahet.
Ibn al-Kalanisi, Dajl (Amedroz), p. 278, writes that “Imadaddin Atabeg, returning from
Damascus with rich spoils in the second half of March, 1149, encamped at the Merg Rahet,
after which he took the road to the north. — This road is identical with the road running
past the Han ‘AjjaS to Homs. It is evident from this that the Merg Rahet is to be sought
below the entrance of the pass of al-“Okab — that is, in the eastern vicinity of the modern
Han al-Ksejr.
226 PALMYRENA
me at the shrine of as-Sejh Ruslan. My companions, Halaf,
Naser, and the gendarme, stayed with them, while I left for
Damascus to make the necessary, arrangements. The ride
through. the garden district was delightful. The wild rambler
roses clinging to the low walls were a mass of white blossoms;
among the green leaves of the apricot trees the ripening fruit
shone like gold, while the air was filled with the fragrance
of drying grain. Away from the wilderness, back to seclusion
and safety, with the consciousness of work well done.
.
*
;
: 1
.
3 is ‘
‘
=
“
as
f
¢
APPGND TEX I
PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA
Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14: 5, places the southeastern end of Syria
at long. 738° 20’ E., lat. 35° 5’ N., or, in topographical terms, right at
the point where the Euphrates runs past Thapsacus. His Greek sources,
dating from the time either of Alexander or of the first Seleucids, without
doubt mentioned the important point of Thapsacus both as a junction and
as the starting point of several commercial roads. But we do not know
whether the old Thapsacus lay on the boundary between Syria and Arabia
in Ptolemy’s time; nor may we concede this as probable, as it would be
in direct contradiction to other statements of Ptolemy. He mentions
(tbid., V, 18) Thapsacus as a town lying in Arabia Deserta. This is im-
possible, because the old ford of Thapsacus cannot be looked for so far
south. The astronomical position of Ptolemy’s demarcation point between
Syria and Arabia on the Euphrates brings us very close to the mouth of
the river Chaboras (al-Habitr), lat. 35° 10’ N., or even to the south or
southeast of there, perhaps to where the modern town of al-Mijadin is
situated. According to other sources, however, the old Thapsacus was
west or northwest of Nicephorium (ar-Rakka) and therefore over 950
stades northwest of the demarcation point fixed by Ptolemy, showing that
the latter does not agree with the true location of Thapsacus. On the
other hand the boundary line between Syria and Arabia Deserta estab-
lished by Ptolemy on the Euphrates at lat. 35° 5’ N. agrees perfectly
with the nature of the ground, because a straight line drawn from this
point southwestward marks the boundary between the fertile and once
cultivated lands on one side and the sterile regions on the other. As
numerous ruins show, this natural frontier lies more than 130 kilometers
southeast of Nicephorium and consequently far from the old Thapsacus
ford. But since classical authorities before Ptolemy’s time referred to the
Arabs and Arabia as if they were in the immediate neighborhood of the
old Thapsacus — for they stated that the territory on both the right and
left banks of the Euphrates south and east of Thapsacus belonged to
the Arabs, and hence this territory might well have been considered part
of Arabia —, it is possible that the actual sources used by Ptolemy may
have referred to the old Thapsacus as a boundary station between Syria
and Arabia in the larger sense of the word, and this may well explain
why Ptolemy himself placed his Thapsacus on the line between Syria and
Arabia Deserta. According to the Arabic writers Arabia in the larger
sense reached as far as the settlement of Balis: that is, to the vicinity
of the old Thapsacus; but the desert of as-Samawa, identical with Ptolemy’s
Arabia Deserta, ended at the modern town of al-Mijadin. (On the Thap-
sacus of Ptolemy and of earlier writers see also the author’s The Middle
Euphrates [New York, 1927], pp. 219, 340f.)
Syria, as far as we are concerned, is divided by Ptolemy (op. cit.,
V, 14: 18, 15, 16, 18, 19) into the following districts: Chalybonitis, Apa-
mene, Laodicene, Coele-Syria, and Palmyrena.
229
230 PALMYRENA
CHALYBONITIS
In Chalybonitis Ptolemy mentions the following towns: Thema, Aco-
raba, Derrhima, Chalybon, Spelunca, and, on the Euphrates, Barbalissus
and Athis.
Miiller, in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 974, expresses
the opinion that Thema was a misrendering of Thelda, which is not
unlikely. The Roman post of Thelda, or Theleda of the Peutinger Table
(Vienna, 1884), Segm. 10, the Tell ‘Ada’ of today, lies 32 kilometers east-
southeast of Hama’; 35 kilometers north-northeast of Hama’, however,
stand the ruins of the large settlement of at-Tamme, which might be
identified with an ancient Thema.
Acoraba, erroneously given as Akoraka in the editio princeps of
the Greek text (Basel, 1533), is identical with Occaraba of the Peutinger
Table, loc. cit., the modern “Uzéribat, 76 kilometers southeast of Hama’.
To other classical writers Derrhima was unknown. Ptolemy puts it
about 450 stades (or 71 kilometers) north of Palmyra. Not only were
data given in his sources as a rule very.superficial, but his figures were
themselves confused by the copyists; hence it would be a wonder, indeed,
if the latter agreed with the reality. For this reason the location of places
mentioned by Ptolemy cannot be determined by reference to his manu-
scripts alone. It happens, however, that 80 kilometers north-northwest of
Palmyra and 47 kilometers northeast of the site of Acoraba are the ruins
of a once important town of Seriana, indicated both in the Antonine
Itinerary and Peutinger Table, and it would be remarkable if Ptolemy
had failed to refer to it. Now, as Seriana written in Greek capitals
might easily be wrongly transcribed as Derrhima, I would suggest read-
ing Seriana instead of Derrhima in Ptolemy. Seriana is identical with
the great Serija (or Esrija) ruins, at the northern foot of the Palmyrene
mountains and at the junction of roads running from north to south and
from northeast to west.
Miller’s statement (zbid.) that it is necessary to differentiate between
Seryie or Seridchi (Esrija) and the Seriana of the Antonine Itinerary,
now called Serin and lying about thirty-five Roman miles southwest of
Serie, is entirely erroneous, since Miller substitutes Serin for the correct
as-Se‘en.
Spelunca (var., Spelueca, Speluema), meaning cave, is the Latin
translation of the native place name Morara, now applied to a large ruin
and a hamlet called al-Mrejrat, 65 kilometers’ north-northeast of Helban
on the road from there, or from Serija, to BaAlis.
Barbalissus is the present settlement of B&alis, 65 kilometers east-
northeast of al-Mrejrat.
Athis may be indentified with the ad-Dibsi ruins, twelve kilometers
southeast of BAlis. :
Commentators on Ptolemy’s Geography, notably Benzinger (Pauly-
Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie, Vol. 3, cols. 2100—2101), have expressed the
opinion that the name Chalybon is derived from Helbtin or Halbtin (about
16 kilometers north-northwest of Damascus), and that the name Chaly-
bonitis was in turn derived from Chalybon. Streck and Néldeke, however,
argue that the district of Chalybonitis centered, not about the site of. the
modern Helbiin, but around Beroea (in Cyrrhestica), the modern Aleppo.
PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 2351
Streck (ibid., Supplement 1, cols. 248, 282) holds that Ptolemy con-
fused Halman or Halab-an, the old native name of Beroea, with the name
Chalybon. Noldeke, Topographie (1875}, p. 486, note 1, on the other hand,
believes that, as the native name of Beroea was not Halbtfin but Halab,
the name Chalybonitis for the vicinity of this town must have been
erroneously transferred from the actual Chalybon (Helbfin) in southern
Syria. Noldeke furthermore asserts that Ptolemy in listing both Chalybon
(in Chalybonitis) and Beroea (in Cyrrhestica) and thereby, presumably,
mentioning the same place under two different names does nothing that
need be wondered at, considering the manner in which his work was
compiled.
Streck and Noldeke have no valid grounds for their assertions.
Ptolemy for his geography of Syria surely must have used almost ex-
clusively Greek and Roman sources, in which no name other than Beroea
was employed for Haleb (Aleppo). The latter lay in the Seleucid province
of Cyrrhestica, where Ptolemy correctly places Beroea. During the disruption
of the Seleucid power, a semi-independent state was formed by Heracleon
in 96 B.C. out of territories belonging to the towns of Bambyce (Hierap-
olis), Heracleia, and Beroea (Strabo, Geography, XVI, 2:7); after 88 B. C.
this state was ruled by Strato, but it appears to have perished before
64 B.C. If Ptolemy had been thinking of this former state in referring
to Chalybonitis, he surely would not have named it after Beroea (Chalab)
but after the far more important Bambyce (Hierapolis). Moreover, in
Ptolemy’s Chalybonitis there is neither a Bambyce (Hierapolis) nor a
Heracleia. How far south the former state reached we do not know, but
its southern boundary was undoubtedly far north of the straight line
running eastwards from Apamea or Chalcis (Kinnesrin) that marks the
northern frontier of the region which I identify with Ptolemy’s Chaly-
bonitis, as will be explained below. Had Ptolemy, through false information,
confused Chalybonitis and the territory of Beroea, he surely would have
mentioned some of the same towns in both regions; but, as a matter of
fact, not a single town that he places with Beroea in Cyrrhestica appears
in his Chalybonitis.
The native name of Beroea was Chalab. The form Halman, whic
Streck (loc. cit.) sees as the origin of Ptolemy’s Chalybon and Chaly-
bonitis, is found only in Egyptian and Assyrian sources. It would indeed
be remarkable if this foreign form had persisted for six hundred years
after the downfall of the Assyro-Babylonian rule, especially when the town
itself had had for more than three hundred years a new and different
name (Beroea). It would also be unusual if the foreign form Halman
had been given to the district lying to the south which I identify with
Chalybonitis and which never belonged to Beroea. Furthermore, across
this district a much-frequented commercial road led from Chalcis (Kin-
nesrin) to Barbalissus; and the town of Chalab (Beroea), located as it
was at some distance from this commercial road, before and even during
Ptolemy’s time was less important than Chalcis. Therefore it would have
been more reasonable for Ptolemy to join this district to Chalcis and call
it Chalcidice than to Beroea and give it the foreign name of Chalybonitis.
Whereas Streck (loc. cit.) argues that Ptolemy confused Chalab
(Beroea) with Chalybon, Miller (op. cit., p. 970) asserts that Chalybon
differs from Chalab (Beroea) and identifies it (ibid., p. 975), as does
232 PALMYRENA
Noldeke (who separates the town of Chalybon from the district Chaly-
bonitis), with the settlement of Helbtin, north-northwest of Damascus.
We cannot be sure, however, that any district was ever named after this
settlement, and Miller submits no valid[proof to this effect. He merely
cites certain ancient texts in which it is stated that the vine flourished
in Chalybonitis, the most fertile district of Syria. These texts, he believes,
make it impossible to associate Chalybonitis with the vicinity of Beroea
— where, he asserts, the vine was not cultivated — but justify him in
identifying the former with the region south of Chalcis adjoining Chalybon
and Damascus, a region which Miller claims to be “the most fertile
district of Syria.”
As a matter of fact, in this latter district — that is, in the mountains
northwest of Damascus and northeast of Helbtin — agriculture is restricted
to a few valleys, whereas the hilly voleanic country east and northeast
of Hama’, south of Beroea, and south and east of Chalcis ad Belum is
excellently adapted to viticulture (Pliny, Naturalis historia, V,81; XII, 132f.).
Nowhere in Syria have I found more extensive remains of old vineyards
than where the wide, shallow valleys and numerous plains are very fertile
and strewn with hundreds of ruins. In this region, at 28 kilometers north-
east of Hama’, are the huge, partly re-peopled ruins of Helban, which
I assume to be Ptolemy’s Chalybon. The Arabic form Helban exactly
tallies with the Aramaic Chalybon. .
Taking this into consideration and judging from the other place
names given by Ptolemy, we may conclude that the Chalybonitis of Ptol-
emy probably extended north as far as the fertile lowland of Chalcis
(Kinnesrin), the range al-Hass, the salina of Gabbil, and the Euphrates
at the Balis ruins; that on the east it extended along the Euphrates as
far as the bend where the river turns due east near Abu Hréra; and on
the south that it reached to the head of the Se%b of Selmas, to the northern
foot of the range of Abu Rigmén, and to the southern end of the volcanic
region of al-‘Ala’, the western flanks of which formed its western boundary.
The western and northeastern parts of Chalybonitis might be cultivated
and were once inhabited, as countless ruins witness. Its southeastern part
formed and still forms a grassy plain with good pasture.
The Chalybonitis of Ptolemy, therefore, probably corresponds to the
region of al-‘Ala’ and its eastern vicinity. Syria is characterized by well-
defined topographical regions of this sort, which have always formed
independent political, or at least administrative, units. This is as true
now as it was in Ptolemy’s time and before. Strabo (op. cit., XVI, 2: 11)
knew, to the east of Apamea and south of Chalcidice, of the territory
of Parapotamia, with the town of Themella. Themella must be a mis-
spelling of Theledda, the modern Tell ‘Ada’ in the region of al-‘Ala’.
Evidently the Parapotamia of Strabo should be identified with the region
al-‘Ala’ and with the districts into which it merges on the east. Pliny,
op. cit., V, 89, in writing about Palmyrena, mentions a territory of Te-
lendena, which also constituted the wider environs of Tell ‘Ada’ in the
modern region of al-‘Ala’. No wonder, then, that Ptolemy also placed an
independent region which he called Chalybonitis south of Chalcidice and
west of Apamea, this region representing the entire Parapotamia of
Strabo and possibly the entire Telendena of Pliny. It was named Chaly-
PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 233
bonitis after the town of Chalybon (HelbAan) and was as famous for its
wine as was Pliny’s Parapotamia (ibid., XII, 132f.).
APAMENE, LAODICENE, AND COELE-SYRIA
According to Ptolemy (op. cit., V, 14: 15) the vicinity of Emisa
(Homs) formed a part of Apamene and the vicinity of Iabruda (Jabriid)
(ibid., 16) a part of Laodicene; the inhabited district east and northeast
of Damascus belonged to Coele-Syria.
PALMYRENA
In Palmyrena, Ptolemy included (ibid., V,14: 19) Resapha, Cholle, Oriza,
Putea, Adada, Palmyra, Adacha, Danaba, Goaria, Aueria, Casama, Ad-
mana, Atera, and, on the Euphrates, Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha.
The first three lay on the Roman road from the Euphrates to Pal-
myra and are identical with the present ar-Res&afa, al-Hulle, and at-Taj-
jibe ruins. At-Tajjibe in the Middle Ages bore the name “Ord (or ‘Orz).
Putea, Adada, Adacha, Danaba, and Goaria.
Putea is unmistakably the Roman post Centum Putea of the Peutinger
Table (Segm. 10), which was in all likelihood called Beriarac by the na-
tives; it is probably the Bijar Ghar of today, situated on the Roman
road from Palmyra to Occaraba (‘Uzéribat). Miller, in his edition of
Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 988, and Moritz, Palmyrene (1889), p. 8, iden-
tify Putea with Abu-l-Fawares, seven kilometers west-southwest of
Palmyra, but this seems impossible, as there is only a single well at
Abu-l-Fawares, the water of which formerly ran to Palmyra through an
aqueduct, and no ruins of any considerable extent remain. Besides, it would
be hard to understand why the Romans should have built a station in
a perfectly safe place not more than four miles (7 km.) from Palmyra.
In the face of these difficulties Moritz (loc. cit.) proposes alternatively
to identify Putea with al-Kattar, “the only place where there is water.”
Al-Kattar is situated in the mountains about twenty-five kilometers
northeast of Palmyra, whereas Centum Putea is shown on the Peuwtinger
Table as lying on the road from Occaraba (“Uzéribat) to Palmyra, there-
fore to the west of the latter and on the southern slope of the mountains.
Moreover, al-Kattar is not the only watering place in the region, since
the mountain range north and west of Palmyra abounds in natural wells,
both old and new.
Adada (var., Adda) is identical with the Roman military station of
the same name (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 19), the Roman camp
now known as al-Hér, about fourteen kilometers southeast of at-Tajjibe
(Oriza). This camp stands on the western foot of the hillocks of ad-
Didi, the name of which reminds one of the old Adada. Miller (op. cit.,
p. 984) suggest that Adada was the hirbet “Aschika” (al-‘ASZe) 17 kilo-
meters southeast of Esrija at the northern foot of the Palmyrene moun-
tain range; this, however, lies in a region which must have belonged to
the Chalybonitis of Ptolemy.
234 PALMYRENA
Adacha, like Aratha of the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 11,
is a false transcription of the Harac of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11.
The form Aratha (in Not.dig., Oriens 33, No. 20, corrupted into Anatha)
originated from Aracha (the ¢ being changed to t when written in minus-
cule). It is the modern Raka (or Arak), northeast of Palmyra.
Danaba (var., Danama, Adanaba) lay, according to the Peutinger
Table, loc. cit., on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra. It is
identical with the al-Basiri ruins.
Goaria is likewise mentioned by Stephen of Byzantium, E'thnica
(Meineke), p. 210, as Goareia. Since a whole Arabian district is named
after this town, it is safe to assume that it was of considerable importance
even beyond its immediate neighborhood. This would seem to apply to the
great al-Bhara ruins, 26 kilometers south of Palmyra, formerly the only
commercial center of the nomads, since these ruins lay outside of the
circle of Roman border fortifications. We may therefore place Goaria
and Goarene, the district bearing its name, in Arabia. Stephen of By-
zantium locates Goareia near Damascus; it should be remembered, how-
ever, that this town was directly connected with Damascus by a com-
mercial road and that al-Bhara belonged to the ecclesiastical province
of Damascus.
That Goareia was the Aramaic name of the ruins of al-Bhara is
evident when the Arabic and Syriac reports of the murder of the caliph
al-Walid II are compared. According to all the Arabic sources this caliph
was killed in the manor of al-Bahra close by the settlement of the same
name, whereas a Syriac writer, the Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell Mahre’,
Chronicle (Chabot), p. 33, states that the murder happened near (‘al
genab) the town of Koari. The Syriac ‘al genab indicates immediate
proximity, as, for instance, in the phrase ‘dna ‘al genab prat (‘Ana
which lies by the Euphrates). The Syriac Koari also corresponds to
Goareia or Goarei, as the k may correctly be transcribed as g.
Moritz (Palmyrene [1889], p. 22), Miiller (op. czt., p. 984), and Ben-
zinger (in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddie, Vol. 7, col. 1547) all identify
Goaria with the Cehere of the Peutinger Table, loc. cit. The Latin Cehere
(Kehere) probably conceals a native word designating the Roman post
as a dreaded fortress, whereas goaria means a rounded basin. The station
of Cehere, which I identify with the ruins of the Han “Anejbe, lies over
one hundred kilometers southwest of al-Bhara, whereas, as we have seen,
the ‘al genab of the Pseudo-Dionysius presumes close proximity. It is there-
fore necessary to distinguish between Goaria and Cehere. We must also .
distinguish between Goaria and “Karyetin (al-Zerjitejn) in the district of
Rouaria,” which Miiller, loc. cit., proposed to identify with each other.
A district with such a name as Rouaria is unknown in the neighborhood
of al-Zerjitejn. To write, as does Moritz, loc. cit., that Goaria and al-Kara
are the same is incorrect not only on account of their locations but also
because of their names. According to Ptolemy Goaria was in Palmyrena,
whereas the surroundings of the present town of al-Kara he places in
Laodicene, statements that we have no sufficient reason to alter. But
even the names are not the same, since the Syrians make a sharp
distinction between Kara and Koari, writing the first K’R’, the second
KWRJ. And we should make Ptolemy still more confusing should we,
like Moritz, identify Coara, counted by Ptolemy (Geography, V, 14: 14)
PTOLEMY ON SOUTHEASTERN SYRIA 2355
among the towns of Chalcidice, with both Goaria in Palmyrena, and al-
Kara in Laodicene. Moritz cites the Bishop Gerontius of Coara, who
participated in the Council of Nicaea in 325. Yet the proper name of this
bishop’s seat cannot be stated with precision. In the Latin text of the
signatures (Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina [1898], pp. 18f.) it is called
either Carison or Larisa and all the other texts call it Larisa. But even
if the reading Coara were justified, it still could not be identified with
al-Kara, because Coara lay in the ecclesiastical province of Coele-Syria
and al-K&ara in that of Phoenicia.
Aueria, Casama, Admana, and Atera
Aueria (var., Aueira, Aberia) is the same as the Eumari of the
Antonine Itinerary, 195: 9 (Pinder and Parthey edit., p. 88); the Euhara
or Euhari of the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, Nos. 4, 19; the Euarius
of Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p.50, and the modern Hawwarin,
Casama lay, according to the Peutinger Table, loc. cit., on the Roman
road from Damascus to Palmyra; I look for it in the ruins of the Han
al-Mankfra.
Admana (var., Odmana, Ogmana), or, according to the Peutinger Table,
loc. cit., Ad amana, was likewise on the Roman road, at the Han at-Trab.
Atera is perhaps the Adarin of the Peutinger Table, loc. cit. If this
is the case, we should look for it in the ruins of the Han aS-Samat.
Miller, op. cit., p. 985, identifies Atera with Dejr ‘Atijje, but this
is impossible, the latter place surely having been in Laodicene.
Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha
On the Euphrates in Palmyrena, according to Ptolemy, lay the towns
of Alalis, Sura, and Alamatha.
Sura is the Sure of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11, or the modern Strija.
Other classical writers do not mention Alamatha at all, although
the Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 35, refers to Ammattha and Stephen
of Byzantium, H'thnica (Meineke), p. 82, mentions Amatha, deriving this
name from the Aramaic ammu; therefore Ammatha ought to be correct.
Written in Greek capitals it could so easily have been corrupted into
Alamatha, that the Alamatha of Ptolemy might well be identified with
the Ammatha of the Notitia dignitatum and the Amatha of Stephen of
Byzantium. Nevertheless, either Alamatha or Ammatha may have been
the correct Aramaic form. Miiller in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography,
p. 985, compares Alamatha with the Acauatha of the Notitia dignitatum,
Oriens 33, No. 22; this, however, is impossible, because the latter did not
belong in the province of Augusta Eufratensis.
According to Stephen of Byzantiun Amatha was a settlement in
Arabia. Ptolemy’s latitude for Alamatha (35°5’ N.) would place it on the
boundary line between Syria and Arabia Deserta near his ford Thapsacus;
that is, below the point where the Chaboras river (al-Habar, at 35° 10’ N.)
empties into the Euphrates. This brings us to the vicinity of the modern
town of al-Mijadin. East of this town, beside a large island, the Euphrates
turns almost due east. The channel here is broad and the current slow,
and therefore the river is easy to cross. The convenient location of this
236 PALMYRENA
ford also proves its importance. The commercial road leading from Chalcis
or Beroea crossed the Euphrates at Barbalissus (Balis), or a little north
of it at Obbanes (Samtima) (see The Middle Euphrates, pp. 319f.), and
joined the road to Edessa. At Sura another ford gave access to a road
running from Nicephorium (Callinicus, ar-Rakka) along the river Balichus
(al-Balih) northward. The ford at Alamatha conducted one across the
Euphrates to Circesium and to the road leading along the Chaboras into
the interior of Mesopotamia and to Armenia.
At Sura resided the praefectus legionis scetaedeowe ae Flaite fir-
mae (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, No. 28); at Callinicus was the camp
of the equites promotz Illyriciant (bias 35, No. 16); Circesium was the
seat of the praefectus legionis Parthicae (ibid., No. 24), while at Ammatha
(Alamatha) the frontier was guarded by the cohors prima uictorum
(ibid., 33, No. 35).
If we do not accept Ptolemy’s indication that Alalis lay west of
Sura, we might look for it halfway between Sura and Alamatha, in the
Roman ruins at Tabiis, following Isidore of Charax (Mansiones parthi-
cae [Miiller], p. 247), who puts the station of Allan (the name of which
greatly resembles Alalis) almost opposite Tabtis. Of course, the station
named by Isidore is situated on the left bank of the Euphrates, but he
applies also to other stations on the left bank the names of the settle-
ments lying on the right bank or on the islands, a custom which still
prevails on the Euphrates. These locations for Alalis and Alamatha are
supported, if we reflect on the importance of Palmyra as a commercial
center in the first centuries after Christ. Through the gap between the
ranges of Abu Rigmén and al-Bisri caravans came and went, plying be-
tween Palmyra and northern Mesopotamia and Armenia. Crossing the
Euphrates at Sura, the north-bound caravans traveled northwards along
the left bank of that river or along the river Balichus, But Palmyra
also had important commercial relations with the Persian Gulf, Babylonia,
and southern Mesopotamia.
During the rainy season the commercial caravans crossed the desert,
but in the dry season they followed the rivers, which gave them water
all the year round, provided there was a powerful government in control.
Generally the caravans followed the southern base of the range of al-
BiSri to the Euphrates, east of which a natural road led into central Meso-
potamia along the river al-Habir and its tributaries. The old Royal Road
paralleled the left bank of the Euphrates to southern Mesopotamia, Ba-
bylonia, and the Persian Gulf. The right bank was avoided by the caravans
as much as possible, because it was much more intersected by gullies
and ravines than the left. This was also one of the reasons why the Royal
Road was built along the latter. That the most frequented passage across
the Euphrates was below the mouth of al-HAbir is shown by the fact that
the ford across this river was shunned not only by the caravans traveling
beside it, but also by those on the left bank of the Euphrates. I judge,
therefore, that the ford. of the Palmyrene caravans going to Babylonia
or central Mesopotamia’is to be sought below the mouth of al-Habir,
at the site either of the modern town of al-Mijadin or at the as-Salhijje
ruins. Were this true, the Palmyrene territory must have reached as far
as here. Ptolemy’s placing of Thapsacus on the right bank of the Eu-
phrates below al-Habir on the very border of Syria, Palmyrena, and
ROMAN ROADS 237
Arabia Deserta, would strengthen this theory, The Thapsacus of Ptolemy,
therefore — necessarily a different Thapsacus from that of the older
classical writers — would correspond to the ford used by the Palmyrene
caravans. (See above p. 229.)
APPENDIX II
ROMAN ROADS IN PALMYRENA; THE ROMAN LIMES
ROMAN ROADS
According to the Antonine Itinerary
Several reports from the classical period about the highways of Pal-
myrena have been preserved.
The Antonine Itinerary, it seems, was published in the time of the
emperor Antoninus Caracalla, but it also contains later amendments down
to death of Constantine the Great. It is remarkable that in it no roads
are referred to in Palmyrena proper.
The Antonine Itinerary, 195: 9-196: 3, lists a road from Eumari to
Damascus and states that the distance from Eumari to Geroda is forty
Roman miles. If in the word “Eumari” the letter b were substituted for
m, this 6 representing an original w, we should have a word resembling
Huwwarin, the Arabic name of the site of Eumari. Geroda is the large
settlement of Gerid. The road went around the eastern side of the moun-
tain range Se eb al-L6z, the distance amounting to about sixty kilometers,
which would agree with the estimate of forty Roman miles.
From Geroda to Thelsea was 16 and from there to Damascus 24
miles. The station of Thelsea guarded the pass through which the descent
to the lowland of Damascus was made. Since it was 16 miles thence to
Geroda I look for Thelsea in the ruin at the Han ‘Ajjas, 24 kilometers
from Gertid. A garrison in the Han ‘AjjaS could easily maintain order
on the roads both to Geriid and to Dmejr, the latter being the old Roman
post of Ad medera. From the Han ‘AjjaS to Damascus is 27 kilometers,
therefore only 18, not 24, miles.
The Antonine Itinerary, 194: 11-195: 8, describes the road from
Beroea to Emesa — first the stretch from Beroea (Haleb, or Aleppo)
to Calcida (Chalcis), which is now represented by the ruins of the Arab
town of Kinnesrin, 28 kilometers southwest of Aleppo.
The distance from Calcida to Androna is given as 27 miles. This
station is to be sought in the ruined town of Anderin, 63 kilometers
southeast of Kinnesrin.
From Androna (Anderin) to Seriane (var., Seria) is given as 18
miles. The name Seriane or Seria would point to the extensive ruins at
Serija, or Esrija, southeast of Anderin; the distance between them is
actually over 388 Roman miles (56 kilometers).
According to the Antonine Itinerary, 197: 5-198: 1, from Seriane
a road led by way of Salaminiada (Salamja) to Emesa (Homs); the
distance from Seriane to Salaminiada was given as 32 miles. Salamja,
238 PALMYRENA
however, is not 32 Roman miles but 60 kilometers, or 40 Roman miles,
west. of Esrija.
The distance from Salaminiada to Emesa is given as 18 nes though
in reality it is 42 kilometers, or 28 miles. It is remarkable that Eumari
(Hawwarin) was in no way connected either with Seriane (Esrija), with
Salaminiada (Salamja), or with Emesa (Homs), although it was the
starting point of a long road leading to the southwest. Possibly only a
slight oversight is to blame for the fact that Eumari was not included
in the net of roads of northeastern Syria. The most natural thing would
have been a road from Seriane to Eumari through the sites of the present
‘Uzéribat, Han abu Sindah, and Gebab Hamed, in which there are still
some remains of old buildings. A connecting road from Salaminiada to
Eumari would have come near Emesa and for the first third of the distance
would have coincided with the main road from Salaminiada to Emesa.
The road shown on the Peutinger Table, Segm. 9, from Emesa to Adarin
did not touch Eumari, but passed far to the west.
By studying the Antonine Itinerary we get a fairly good idea of
the northern and western borders of Palmyrena, which at the time of
the late Roman Empire was still largely independent. The Roman frontier
posts were Seriane (Esrija), Salaminiada (Salamja), and Eumari (Haw-
warin). Seriane lay at the northern foot of a spur of the Abu Rigmén
range, which thus in all probability belonged to Palmyrena in its entirety.
If we admit the existence of a connecting road from Seriane to Eumari,
then the present settlements ‘Uzéribat, Han abu Sindah, Abu Rubah, and
Hawwarin on the western edge of the Bil‘As hillocks, mark the former
western borders of Palmyrena. But even if a road from Seriane to Humari
was not built by the Romans, Palmyrena would not have stretched any
farther west, because the territory belonging to Sampsiceramus’ city of
Emesa surely comprised the whole fertile country thirty to forty kilo-
meters east of Emesa itself. The original town on the site of which al-
Zerjitejn now stands was located either exactly on the border, or what
is more likely, actually within the Roman province. Gerfid and Dmejr
al-“Atize would not have fallen within Palmyrena. The Peutinger Table
may be right in indicating that Casama (Han al-Manktra) marked the
western boundary of Arabia or of the original Palmyrena. If so, the
western boundary may well have passed by the sites of the H&n al-
Mankira, al-Zerjitejn, Abu Rubah, Abu Sindah, ‘Uzéribat, al- -Kastal, and
Esrija. How the line ran northeast of Seriane (Esrija), we do not know;
but, as the Antonine Itinerary records no roads either to Sura or to Risapa
(ar-Resafa) — these places being expressly counted by Ptolemy as belong-
ing to Palmyrena—,the boundary must have been drawn from Seriane
northeast to the Euphrates, which it probably met at Sephe (Abu Hréra).
This superficial delimination is very serviceable in enabling us to locate
the places in Palmyrena which Ptolemy recorded.
According to the Peutinger Table
Damascus to Palmyra
The Peutinger Table (Vienna, 1888), Segm. 10, shows a road — ignored
in the Antonine Itinerary —from Damascus by way of Palmyra and Risapa
(ar-Resafa) to the Euphrates.
ROMAN ROADS 239
As Palmyra lay northeast of Damascus the roads connecting these
two towns must have run in a northeasterly direction and could not have
deviated to any appreciable extent either to the north or south from this
direction. For a distance of ninety kilometers north from Damascus
there is mountainous country. The volcanic region southeast of Damascus
extends almost to the very base of the mountains, thus restricting to a
narrow strip the zone available for a roadway and making any deviation
from a northeasterly course highly improbable. Farther northeast, east
of the mountains, there lies a hilly area adjoining the nearly impassable
ranges west of Palmyra and merging on the south into a wild desert;
thus any divergence from a straight course would hardly be possible here
either. But even in the zone between the mountains on the north and the
volcanic region on the south, the possibilities of road building were very
limited. About thirty kilometers northeast of Damascus the range of ar-
Rawak branches off from the main mountain mass and stretches north-
eastward as far as Palmyra, falling off steeply to the plains on either
side. Roads from Damascus to Palmyra followed both the northern and
southern foothills of this range. As the ar-Rawak range marks part of
the southern boundary of the fertile, once cultivated country, a road along
its northern base undoubtedly connected settlements located there in times
long past. When Syria became a Roman province, the western portion
of this road, with the stations of Thelsea and Geroda (Gerfid), was in-
cluded in the Roman system of roads; but whether or not the Romans
built the stretch between Geroda and Kumari (Hawwéarin), we do not
know.
From a military standpoint the road along the southern base of the
ar-Rawak range was of far greater importance. Whoever controlled this
road also controlled the few passes from north to south and could protect
the settlers against the raids of the nomads, And to commerce, as well,
this road offered more advantages than the northern one. The caravans
were spared all the steeper ascents and could trade with the nomads at
the settlements along the route. Deep wells or reservoirs full of water
were as plentiful here as on the northern road, and the pasture for the
pack camels was likewise more abundant than in the cultivated north.
We are therefore justified in believing that the Palmyrenes used this
southern road. In the second half of the third century after Christ when
Palmyra was incorporated with the provinee of Syria and. Diocletian
wished to build a Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra to
Sura on the Euphrates with the object of protecting the borders, in my
opinion it was not the northern, but the southern, road which he developed
into the Via Strata. If he had developed the northern road, the stations
of Thelsea and Geroda would have lain on his new road; but this was not
the case. Along the southern foot of the ar-Rawak range, moreover, there
now stretches a road paved in some places, provided with Roman mile-
stones, and traceable from Palmyra as far as the Roman camp at Dmejr
al-‘Atize. Beyond this point it merges with the old as-Sultani road, leading
along the southern base of the Kalamtin range to Damascus. This Roman
road forms nearly a right angle with the road from Damascus to Abila,
as is accurately shown on the Peutinger Table, Segm. 9. This is worthy
of our attention, since the directions in the Peutinger Table are very
frequently correct.
240 PALMYRENA
The Peutinger Table, loc. cit., enumerates on the road from Damascus
to Palmyra eight stations, and along the Roman road under discussion
there are actually the ruins of eight fortified places. The sixth Roman
station from Damascus is sometimes designated in other sources as the
camp of the Third Legion and the seat of a bishop, while the sixth
group of ruins on the Roman road is clearly that of a fortified camp
and of a town of some size, with a church where only fifty years ago
oil lamps were still lighted during the principal Christian holidays. The
sixth and the fourth stations both resemble, not merely in name but
in location, places frequently mentioned by Arabic writers. The inscription
relating to a Roman road and said to have come from al-Bhara (Corpus
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, No. 6726) was not actually found there
but on this Roman road, which did not pass by al-Bhara but was con-
nected. with that place by a branch leaving the main.road at a point
more than fifteen kilometers from Palmyra. On a milestone lying be-
tween the Han at-Trab and aS-Samat may be read “Strata Diocletiana”
and the name of the emperor Constantine, suggesting that the road was
repaired in the time of that emperor (2bzd., No. 6719).
The exact truth will be ascertained from the milestones as soon as
they are thoroughly examined. But even now we may assume that the
road shown on the Peutinger Table is identical with the southern road
leading from Damascus to Palmyra. The direction given this Roman road
by Miller in his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, p. 984, and by Miller
(Itineraria romana [1916], pp. 814f.) is entirely arbitrary and impossible,
because they make the road lead across high mountains or along the
ridge of a steep range without regard either to topography or to the
position of the numerous ruins, and they put Roman forts in localities
where there is no vestige of any ruins. It is a pity that all the way
from Damascus to Palmyra not a single name of the Roman stations
recorded on the Peutinger Table has been preserved to us in any other
source and that even the distances shown on the Table do not agree
with the actual distances.
According to the Peutinger Table the total distance is 212 miles;
according to Ptolemy, 145 miles, and according to Pliny, Naturalis histo-
ria, V, 88, it is 176 miles. In reality the road measures 154 Roman miles,
or nearly 230 kilometers, whereas in a bee line the distance is only 214
kilometers. For the discrepancy of about one hundred kilometers between
the reported numbers of the Peutinger Table and the reality the copyists
alone are to be blamed, because any considerable deviation from a direct
course, would, for the reasons given above, have been impossible, and
the road was surveyed exactly and marked by milestones.
From Damaspo (misspelt for Damasco) the road as shown on the
Peutinger Table runs in 26 miles to “Ad medera.” — The Roman road
leads to the ruins of a Roman camp lying about four kilometers east of
the settlement of Dmejr; thus the appellation “Ad medera” may have
been wrongly derived from an original “Ad Demera,” just as a copyist
of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 18 (see Miiller’s edition, p. 1013), wrote Psa-
thakos for Thapsakos. The camp near Dmeijr is actually 26 miles, or
40 kilometers, from Damascus.
From “Ad medera” (Dmejr al-‘Atize) to Adarin the distance is given
as ten miles. — About fifteen kilometers east-northeast of Dmejr al-‘AtiZe,
ROMAN ROADS 241
at the passage from the desert to the cultivated country, the large ruins
known as the Han a3-SamAt are probably identical with the Roman station
of Adarin. The distance agrees, but the name has not been preserved,
the present name of the ruins having been taken from the neighboring
gray and black hillocks, of a kind generally called sdémdt.
From Adarin (Han as-Samat) to “Ad amana,” the distance is given
as 12 miles. — This station must be identical with the now dilapidated
Han at-Trab (Dusty Khan), the ruin being so called because of its con-
dition; it lies actually 17 kilometers, or almost twelve Roman miles, from
the Han a&-Samat. In the text of the Peutinger Table we observe bet-
ween the “Ad” and the “amana” a larger space even than that in “Ad
medera,” suggesting that the original name was Ad Amana rather than
Adamana.
The Peutinger Table gives twenty miles as the distance from Ad
amana to Casama. — The great strong fort Han al-Mankira, guarding the
approaches to important passes, and for that reason controlling the shortest
and easiest connection between the cultivated country to the north and the
desert to the south, is 27 kilometers, or not quite twenty miles, from the
Han at-Trab.
From Casama (Han al-Mankitra) to Cehere the Peutinger Table
gives as twenty miles. — Cehere is probably identical with the demolished
Han ‘Anejbe, distant, however, only 6 Roman miles, or 9 kilometers from
Han al-Manktra. It guarded the passage of the same name to the fertile
lands about the present al-Zerjitejn, not far to the north.
From Cehere (Han ‘Anejbe) to Danoua the Peutinger Table gives
as 18 miles. — Almost exactly 18 miles from Han ‘Anejbe lie the large
al-Basiri ruins, which we identify with the station of Danoua. Their
location is very important, because from al-Basiri three passages lead to
the settled territory. The middle passage runs through the wide ravine
of al-Barde, which is roomy enough even for large troops of camel-riders.
Watchers posted on the summit of the ‘Ade mountain, which rises beside
the ruins, could observe the surrounding country to a distance of one
hundred kilometers to the southwest, south, and east, and with smoke
signals could warn the garrison at al-Basiri whenever an unusually nu-
merous troop of nomads was approaching. Situated, as it was, nearly
halfway between the camp of Ad Demera (Ad medera) and the city of
Palmyra, the site of al-Basiri was eminently suitable for the camp of
Danaba of the praefecti legionis tertiae Gallicae (Notitia dignitatum,
Oriens 32, No. 31). In this case the b in Danaba was substituted for the
u of Danoua.
Beyond al-Basiri the Roman road follows a broad valley bounded
on the north by the range of ar-Rawak and on the south by a steep,
elongated ridge. Passage from south to north across these steep ranges
is very difficult, and not until one comes to the eastern half of the valley
are there any well defined passes. The latter are known as al-Wa/are
and al-Hwénize and were both once protected by the Han al-Hallabat.
From Danoua (al-Basiri) to Nezala is twenty miles, according to the
Peutinger Table.— Nezala is a term that has always been applied to a
nomad camp. This station lay, perhaps, where the modern H4n al-Kattar
is located — that is, 29 kilometers, or twenty Roman miles, from al-Basiri.
It guards the al-Wa‘are pass.
242 PALMYRENA
From Nezala to Heliaramia the Peutinger Table gives a distance
of 44 miles. — Nevertheless, I look for Heliaramia in the fort Han al-
Hallabat, 25 kilometers, or scarcely eighteen miles, from the Han al-Kattar.
Beyond the Han al-Hallabat the valley mentioned above ends and the
Roman road turns more to the north-northeast, in which direction it
runs until it reaches the sandy Palmyrene plain at the al-“Edejje ruins.
From Heliaramia (al-Hallabat) to Palmyra the distance is given as
32 miles, although in reality itis not more than 38 kilometers, or 26 miles.
Palmyra to the Euphrates
From Palmyra a Roman road stretches along the southern base of
the range of Abu Rigmén northeast to as-Suhne, where it turns north
and then leads through the broad saddle between the Abu Rigmén moun-
tains and ridge of al-BiSri to the plain of ar-Resafa and the Euphrates.
At the approach to the saddle lies the hamlet of at-Tajjibe, called in the
Middle Ages ‘Orz or ‘Ord. The latter name, however, owing to its unhappy
meaning (Judgment Day), was changed into at-Tajjibe. The classical writers
called the place Oriza. It is located almost halfway along the road from
Palmyra to Sura, and formerly meant as much to the cultivated eastern
half of Palmyrena as Danoua (or Danaba) did to the western.
According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 11, the distance from Pal-
myra to Sure on the Euphrates was 104 miles (155 kilometers). — In reality
it is 124 miles, or 185 kilometers. Thus here also the numbers cannot
have been correctly preserved.
From Palmyra to Harac the Peutinger Table gives as 18 miles,
which agrees correctly enough with the actual distance, because Harac or
Arak (or Raka), lies about seventeen miles east-northeast of Palmyra.
From Harac the Peutinger Table gives a distance of 22 miles to
Oruba (misspelt for Oruza, Oriza, or Oruda).— Oruza or Oriza is identical
with the early Arabic ‘Ord, the Bedouin ‘Orz, the modern at-Tajjibe; but
this is not 22 but 45 Roman miles from Arak.
From Oruba (Oruza) the Peutinger Table gives 22 miles to Cholle.
The name of this station persists in that of the ruins of the settlement
and Roman camp at al-Hulle, thirty miles from at-Tajjibe.
From Cholle (al-Hulle) the Peutinger Table assigns 20 miles to Ri-
sapa. — This is the now ruined town of ar-Resafa, actually only 12, not 20,
Roman miles from al-Hulle.
From Risapa the Peutinger Table assigns 21 miles to Sure, the
Strija ruins of to-day. — Here, too, the distance given by the Table does
not agree with the reality. From ar-Resafa to Strija is not 21 but only
18 Roman miles.
Sure to Eraciza
After Sure the Peutinger Table records two more distances, one of
2 and the other of 8 miles, but it does not give the names of the stations.
As, however, the Table does not record a single station south of Zeugma
on the left bank of the Euphrates and mentions neither the important
commercial center of Callinicus (Nicephorium) nor the border fortress of
Circesium, it is not likely that these figures refer to the distances to
ROMAN ROADS 243
these two towns on the left bank of the Euphrates. It is also improbable
that they refer to stations on the right bank east of Sure, for in this
case both stations would have to be located in Palmyrena. Indeed, not
a single classical source mentions two Roman stations east of Sure, Sure
itself being designated as a frontier post. It would be hard to under-
stand, however, why the Romans should not have connected Sure with
other stations to the northwest on the right bank of the Euphrates, for
all stations named in the Peutinger Table between Zeugma and Eraciza
lie on the right bank. Under the name Eraciza we read in the Table
“xvi Barbalisso, xii Attas” (16 miles to Barbalissus, 12 miles to Attas),
but the road is not here marked with a line, as elsewhere. Yet, because
both of these stations were likewise located on the right bank of the
Euphrates, the maker of the Table obviously must have intended to
mark a continuation of the Roman road out of Eraciza. This road could
not have ended at Attas, but must have reached the frontier station
of Sure. Between Attas and Sure the anonymous Ravenna geographer
(Cosmographia, II, 15; Pinder and Parthey’s edit., p.88) records the station
of Sephe. Are we not, then, justified in assuming that Sure was connected
by a road with Eraciza and that the names omitted on the Peutinger Table
in connection with the recorded distances beyond Sure should read Sephe
and Attas? Such a road would connect the frontier station of Sure with
Zeugma, lying to the north-northwest.
The distance between Sure and Barbalissus according to this in-
terpretation of the Peutinger Table would be 22 miles, as we shall ex-
plain immediately.-In reality the distance was 42 miles, or 68 kilometers.
From Sure the Table gives a distance of two miles to the unnamed
station which we hold to have been Sephe, a name now preserved in that
of the se%b of as-Safja, which ends at Abu Hréra. The Arabic writers
identify the modern station of Abu Hréra with the ancient Siffin, and,
since Abu Hréra marks the site of Sephe, the latter may be identified
with Siffin. But the distance between Sure (Strija) and Banat abu Hréra
(Sephe) is 38 kilometers — not 2 but 26 Roman miles.
From the unnamed station which we hold to have been Sephe the
Peutinger Table records a distance of 8 miles to the next station, by
which we believe Attas was meant. This station may be sought in the
pre-Islamic ruins of ad-Dibsi; these, however, are 16 kilometers, or 10
Roman miles, from Banat abu Hréra.
From Attas (ad-Dibsi) the Peutinger Table gives a distance of 12
miles to Barbalissus, now the ruins of Balis at 18 kilometers, or 8 Roman
miles from ad-Dibsi. According to Arabic sources Balis marked the north-
eastern boundary of Arabia.
From Barbalissus the Peutinger Table gives 16 miles to Eraciza,
the Abu Hanaja of today; the distance from Balis to Abu Hanaja is in
reality 30 kilometers, or 20 Roman miles.
Apamea to Palmyra
The Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, also shows a road from Apamea to
Palmyra. In-the territory which is covered by our map of Northern Ara-
bia this road passes the station of Theleda, or the modern Tell ‘Ada’
(or Tell ‘Eda’), 32 kilometers east-southeast of Hama’.
244 PALMYRENA
}
From Theleda the Peutinger Table indicates that it is 28 miles by
this road to Occaraba. — The latter is identical with the now repeopled
settlement of ‘Uzéribat (‘Ukériba’), lying 46 kilometers, or almost 31 Ro-
man miles, southeast of Tell ‘Ada’.
From Occaraba (‘Uzéribat) the Table indicates a distance of 27 miles
to Centum Putea.— The Latin name Centum Putea would appropriately
designate the basin of Ghar, where water may be found in any place, as
the hundreds of live and caved-in wells witness. On this account we may
look for the station of Centum Putea at the small ruins at the Bijar
Ghar 38 kilometers, or about 26 Roman miles, from ‘Uzéribat.
The distance from Centum Putea (Bijar Ghar) to Palmyra is not
given. It amounts actually to about 44 kilometers, or 30 Roman miles.
At two altars, 20 kilometers, or nearly 14 Roman miles, west-south-
west of Palmyra, there branched off from the road which ran south-
westerly (perhaps to Eumari [Hawwarin]) another road leading to Oc-
caraba. From the latter road was taken the inscription shown in Corpus
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 38, No. 141776 and probably also No. 6727
as well. According to these inscriptions the road was repaired by Zeno-
bia and her successor Antiochus.
On the road to Occaraba at about two kilometers from the two
altars there stands a milestone with the inscription reproduced in Corpus
inscriptionum latinarum, Vol. 3, No. 141774, which reads “From Palmyra
Beriarac will be reached in 16 miles.”
The following inscription, No. 141775, dates from the time of Ca-
racalla (212 A.D.). This also has in its sixth line the word Beriarac
(as I ascertained in 1912). Near Beriarac the road turned northwest.
The inscriptions numbered 6723-6725 are all from this road. Because the
oldest ones date from 198 A.D., in the reign of Septimius Severus, it seems
that this emperor must have had the road repaired, if not built in the
first place. Beriarac is identical with Bijar Ghar and Centum Putea.
Adarin to Emesa (Homs)
According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, from the Roman road
leading from Damascus to Palmyra another road running by way of
Laodicia Scabiosa to Hemesa (Emesa, now Homs) branched off at the
station of Adarin. Adarin, as we have already explained (above, p. 241),
is probably identical with the modern Han a3-Samat, where the remains
of a Roman fort still stand. Han aS-SamAt is located at the point where
the volcanic territory of TlGl al-‘Ijat approaches most closely the range
of ar-Rawak, lying to the north. It thus commands the gate from the
desert westward into the fertile country around Damascus. This advantage
explains why the Romans built their fort here. Neither to the north nor
south from the Han as-Samat is there a road passable for big caravans.
To the south spreads the volcanic territory; on the north the steep slopes
of ar-Raw4k overlook the ruined fort and, although they do not entirely
bar all communication northward, they prove a serious obstacle to it. No
leader of a pack caravan would undertake to lead his animals up the steep
grades nor would he venture over the almost impassable lava territory, if
there were an easier route around either obstacle. Such easier route may
be found about seventeen kilometers northeast of the Han a3-Samat.
ROMAN ROADS 245
Here in the ar-Rawak range there gapes a deep notch, and the vol-
canic territory gives way to a desert covered with coarse gravel. At the
entrance to the notch, which is called Sakk (or Mesakk) Semri, lies the
ruin mound known as the Han at-Trab, in which may be recognized the
Roman fort of Ad amana (see above, p. 241). From the Han at-Trab an
important transport route leads southwards along the eastern fringe of
the volcanic territory to the volcano of al-Hadala, the border fortress
of Burku‘, the rain hole Radir al-Wusad, and to the depression of Sirhan
(the classical Syrmaion Pedion), where it forks. Thence one branch runs
through the oasis of Tejma to al-Medina and southwestern Arabia, and
the other traverses the oasis of Diimat of al-Gandal, connecting thence
with Irak and with al-Hasa’, the former territory of the Gerrhaei on the
Persian Gulf. Before reaching the fork this transport route in Roman
times formed the connecting link between the several forts which had
been constructed along the eastern foot of the Hawran and, together
with the forts on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra, served
to protect the limes interior. The classical reports on the roads in Syria
and Arabia do not mention this road at all. As has been pointed out
above (p. 244), however, the Peutinger Table indicates a branch lead-
ing off northward at Adarin from the Roman road connecting Damascus
and Palmyra. It seems obvious that this branch could have been nothing
but the northern continuation of the transport route running from the
depression of Sirhan to the north. But, since the latter leaves the plain
at the Han at-Trab, it may be assumed that the Roman road did not
branch off at Adarin but at the next station, Ad amana (now Han at-
Trab). On the Peutinger Table the red branch line was merely placed in-
correctly, a mistake of a sort that is repeated in several other places
on this map.
The fertile districts between the Lebanon and Antilebanon before
the Roman occupation had no direct connection with the trade routes
running east and southeast to such important commercial centers as
Palmyra, Tejma, and Petra. For this reason the Romans built a connect-
ing road from the station of Ad amana northwest across the Antilebanon.
This road, leading through a mountainous country, had to be adapted to
the topography; therefore we may be guided in locating it by studying
the routes now traversed by large caravans. Such is the present route
from the Han at-Trab by way of Jabrid to al-Ka‘ and thence to Homs.
This route first traverses the notch of Sakk Semri, which separates
the higher western from the lower eastern part of the range of az-Zbejdi
and affords an easy passage to the Tenijjet al-Jabarde and to the wells
of Abu Hjaja, not far to the east of which lie the wells of az-Zbejdi
and al-Fa‘i. Beyond Abu Hjaja the route reaches the al-Magrine ruin,
and beyond this it crosses the pass of al-Hagtle through the mountain
ridge Se‘eb al-Léz. From here it runs northwest to the settlement of
Jabrad, whence it follows the valley of az-Zammarane as far as its head,
descending at the hamlet of Ersal to the valley of the same name. Wind-
ing through this valley, and thence over the plain between the Lebanon
and Antilebanon, it reaches the settlement of al-Ka‘, and, ultimately,
Homs. This road is used for the most part by the nomads and by camels
laden with heavy freight, and consequently it is fairly wide and well
traveled.
246 PALMYRENA
By this road the distance from Han at-Trab to Homs is 150 kilo-
meters. According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, however, the di-
stance from Adarin (or, more correctly, from the station-Ad\amana) to
Hemesa (Homs) by way of Laodicia Scabiosa is only 60 Roman miles
(90 km.), which clearly shows that all the stations cannot have been
recorded.
From Adarin (correctly, Ad amana) the Table indicates a distance
of 15 miles to Ocurura.— From the Han at-Trab to the al-Magrtne ruins
at the foot of the range Se‘eb al-Léz, the distance is 22 kilometers or
15 Roman miles, which leads me to identify these ruins with Ocurura.
From Ocurura to Deleda the Peutinger Table indicates a distance
of 15 miles. After going 15 Roman miles from al-Magrine through the
pass of al-Hagiile we reach the settlement of Jabraid, which I believe
we are justified in regarding as the station of Deleda. Since in the sixth
century the towns of Laodicia Scabiosa and Jabrid both belonged to the
metropolitanate of Damascus, it follows that from Laodicia a road must
have led by way of Jabrtid (Deleda) to Damascus.
Homs lies almost due north of the al-Hagtle pass, with which it
has long been connected by a much more direct transport road than that
just described, which swings around to the west. It may be presumed,
however, that the Roman road followed the more devious but easier
course. Between al-Kara and al-Hasja the direct road crosses countless
mountain ravines and gullies and is damaged after each heavy rain or
rapid melting of snow by the torrents rushing down from the heights;
repairs are costly, and the burdened animals have to climb up and down
continually, suffering much themselves and causing endless trouble to
their attendants.
PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE RAVENNA GEOGRAPHER
The Cosmography of the anonymous Ravenna geographer probably
dates from the seventh century after Christ. Here we read (Cosmographia,
Il, 5; Pinder and Parthey’s edition, p. 51) that adjoining the country of the
Parthians is the country of the Persians, in which there were many towns;
among these are mentioned (ibid., p.54): Suretala, Dertha, Diothaze, Sepe,
Ati, Barpsis, and Barbalissum.
Suretala might have originated from a combination of Sure(t) with
either the Alalis or the Alamatha of Ptolemy.
Diothaze (var., Diothece, or Diothare) and Dertha are identical with
the Diotha and Derta of the Peutinger Table, the latter perhaps being
the Gadeirtha or Gadeirda of Ptolemy, Geography, V, 19: 3.
Sepe is the well-known Sephe (Ravenna geogr., op. cit., II, 15; ed.
p. 88).
Ati (written Anthis, ibid.) is the Attas of the Peutinger Table and
the Athis of Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 15: 17.
Barpsis is perhaps riletakenty rendered from Barsampse (Ptolemy,
op. cit., V, 19: 5), although this place was located on the left bank of
the Bunhrstest
Barbalissum (or Barbalission, Ravenna geogr., op. cit., Il, 15; ed.
cit., p. 88) is the Barbalisso of the Peutinger Table and the Barbalissus
of Ptolemy, loc. cit.
THE ROMAN LIMES 247
The Ravenna geographer also writes (op. cit., II, 15; ed. cit., p.85) that in
Syria Cilensin Comagenis, there are certain settlements. Of these the most
interesting to us are the following: Barbalission, Anthis, Sephe, Adiazane,
Suri, Risapha, Cholle, Orissa, Adatis, and Damascus (ibid., pp. 88—89).
Adiazane is evidently another misrendering of Diothaze, Diotahi,
or Diacira, for no classical authority mentions an Adiazane on the road
which runs from Barbalissus to Sure and thence extends to Palmyra.
Risapha (the Risapa of the Peutinger Table and the Resapha of
Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19) is now the ruins of ar-Resafa.
Cholle is written as in Ptolemy, loc. cit.
Orissa on the Peutinger Table is called Oruba; by Ptolemy Oriza.
Adatis is the Adada of Ptolemy.
The two accounts of the Ravenna geographer show that he follows
the order of names neither as indicated on the Peutinger Table nor as
recorded by Ptolemy, but that he groups the names as he pleases. He
takes names from the Antonine Itinerary without putting them in their
proper places; for instance (ibid., p. 84) he gives Salomiada (the Sala-
miniada of the Antonine Itinerary, 197: 6; the modern Salamja) but in
a place where it does not belong. For this reason the Ravenna geog-
rapher’s enumeration cannot be depended upon.
THE ROMAN LIMES
The Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra to the Euphrates
connected the Roman forts located on the limes interior. To the south of
the limes spread the territory of the nomads allied with the Romans, the
outer boundaries of which formed the limes exterior (see Musil, The North-
ern Hegdz [1926], pp. 258—259).
The Chronicon paschale (Migne), col. 669, relates that the emperor
Decius had a number of lions and lionesses caught in Africa, which he let
loose on the limes of Palestine and Arabia as far as the border fort of
Circesium, hoping thus to frighten the barbarous Saracens.
Diocletian had fortified camps built along the whole limes from
Egypt to the Persian frontier; he garrisoned them with soldiers and ap-
pointed in each province a commander, whose duty it was to live in these
camps and guard them. In honor of both Diocletian and Maximian, stelae
with their names were erected along the Syrian limes (John Malalas,
Chronographia, XII, 409).
Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum, XXIII, 5: 2, in narrating
Julian’s campaign against the Persians (863 A.D.), writes that the fort of
Cercusium (Circesium) was built on the limes interior against the barba-
rians. — The limes exterior must then have lain farther to the southeast
beyond the Roman camp of Zaitha. It was not until the ruined town of
Dura was passed that Julian’s army crossed the Assyrian (Persian) border
(201d. ALY, Ls '1).
The chronicler Domninus (Malalas, op. cet., XII, 390-393) states that
in the time of the emperor Valerian the Persian king Sapor marched with
a great army through the Roman limes to Chalcis, pillaging and burning,
and finally reached Antioch. Returning from there he was attacked by
an ally of the Romans, Enath (Odenath), king of the barbarous Saracens,
the ruler of Arabia and husband of Zenobia. —
248 PALMYRENA
Sapor II (309—3879) turned from the vicinity of al-Medina into the
territory of the Bekr and Tarleb tribes, which lay between the Persian
frontier and Roman limes (al-mandzer) in Syria, and slew or captured
the Arabs he met, filling their wells (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 1,
p. 839).
At the beginning of the fifth century the abbot Alexander the
Acoemete traveled from the Euphrates to Egypt and throughout the
whole journey found Roman tribunes and soldiers, who supplied him and
his companions with all the necessities and begged them to accept the
hospitality of their forts. Along the whole limes between the Roman and
Persian empires forts were built against the barbarians at intervals of
ten to twenty Roman miles. The abbot went along the whole limes and
finally came to the town of Solomon (Palmyra), whence after four days
he reached a place where his own brother was the archimandrite of a
big monastery. (Alexander the Acoemete, Vita [De Stoop], pp. 688 f.; ibid.
[ Bolland], p. 1025.)
The city of Palmyra in the reign of Justinian lay on the limes
interior (Theophanes, Chronographia [Migne], col. 404).
After 591 Gregorius, bishop of Antioch, brought rich presents from
Chosroes II to the town of Sergiopolis; the shrine of Saint Sergius. Then
the bishop went through the desert along the limes, where Severus had
many adherents in the forts, settlements, and monasteries, even whole
tribes having declared themselves for him; these tribes he endeavored to
convert to the Church of God. (Evagrius, E'cclesiastica historia, VI, 22.)
Abu-l-Fada@ il states that the high tower of al-Kajem was the last
Persian fortress guarding the borders against the Romans (as one goes up
the Euphrates) (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Bilak, 1285 A.H.], Vol. 5, pp. 1238f.;
al-Bekri, Mu‘gam [Wiistenfeld], p. 359; Abu-l-Fad#il, Mardsid [Juynboll],
Vol. 1, p. 487). Al-Furda, or al-Firad, as-Salhijje of today, was the first
Roman settlement (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 1, pp. 2074 f.).
In the inner desert the boundary between the territory of the Kalb
and Tarleb tribes, on the one hand, and that of the nomads allied with the
Romans and the Persians, on the other, was marked by Mount Il4ha (al-
Bekri, op. cit., pp. 97f.), the modern Laha.
The territory between the limes interior and the limes exterior be-
longed to the nomads allied with the Romans. There they took refuge
when quarreling with the Romans, and from there they started out on their
marauding expeditions across the limes interior (John of Ephesus, Ec-
clesiastical History, III, 42; Theophanes, op. cit., cols. 412f.; John Malalas,
Chronographia, XVIII, 165f.; Menander Protector, De legationibus [Migne],
col. 805). .
POE EN Dik it
ROADS IN PALMYRENA ACCORDING TO THE ARABIC
AUTHORITIES
In the Middle Ages the principal route from Damascus to Palmyra led
by way of Gerfid and al-Karjatan (al-Zerjitejn). The Roman road along
the southern foot of the ar-Rawak range fell into disuse. Palmyra was
connected with ar-Rakka by the old Roman road by way of ar-Resafa, or
Sergiopolis. As late as the earliest years of the Middle Ages ar-Resafa had
a considerable commercial importance, being the junction of several trans-
port roads. From there a road led through the desert to al-Furda (later
called as-Salhijje) and to Bagdad, another to the rising twin towns of ar-
Rafika and ar-Rakka, another to Homs by way of Salamja, and still an-
other to Damascus by way of al-Karjatan.
Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 98, gives the distance from ar-
Rakka to ar-Rusafa as 24 miles, thence to az-Zarra‘a as 40 miles, thence
to al-Kastal as 36 miles, thence to Salamijja as 30 miles, and thence to
Homs as 24 miles. —
From ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa is actually 40 kilometers; since Ibn Hor-
dadbeh gives this distance as 24 miles, one of his miles should equal about
1.7 kilometers. The road from ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa being level, the
direction straight, and the distance presumably having been fixed with
precision, we are probably justified in our belief that in all the other
distances given by Ibn Hordadbeh the mile is also equal to 1.7 kilometers.
Besides, this is the length of the mile usually cited by Ibn Hordadbeh (see
Musil, The Middle Euphrates [1927], p. 248).
The location of az-Zarra‘a is unknown. The place name az-Zarra‘a
is written by Kodama (Hardg [De Goeje], p. 218) and by al-Mukaddasi
(Ahsan [De Goeje], p. 190) as ad-Dera‘a; by al-Idrisi (Nuzha, IV, 5) as
al-Morara. What the true name really was is hard to say. This place
should probably be sought in the neighborhood of the wells of Abu-l-
Fejjaz, past which an old road leads from the southwest to the northeast.
The name al-Kastal has persisted in the extensive ruins between
‘Uzéribat and Esrija. The distance from ar-Resafa to al-Kastal is given
as 76 miles; in reality it is 140 kilometers, which agrees on the whole.
From al-Kastal to Salamijja Ibn Hordadbeh gives the distance as
30 miles; in reality it is 50 kilometers. The relative positions of al-Kastal
and Salamja were ascertained correctly enough by us; hence I am ata
loss to understand why the road left its direct course and turned as far
south as al-Kastal.
From Salamja to Homs the distance is given as 24 miles, whereas
it is actually 45 kilometers, the equivalent of 26 miles.
Kodama, op. cit., p. 218, knew of two roads from ar-Resafa to
Damascus: one leading through the desert, the other running by way of
Homs through a settled and cultivated territory. The latter led from ar-
Rusafa to ad-Dera‘a, a distance of 40 miles; thence to Kastal (spelled
by Kodama without the article), 86 miles; thence to Salamja, 30 miles;
249
250 PALMYRENA
thence to Homs, 24 miles; thence to Samsin as-Sa‘ar, 18 miles; thence to
Kara, 22 miles; thence to an-Nabk, 12 miles; thence to al-Kutejfe, 20
miles; and thence to Damascus, 24 miles. The desert road from ar-Resafa
to Damascus led first to the ruins of Batlamija’, 35 miles; thence to al-
‘Adib, 24 miles; thence to Nihja’, 20 miles; thence to al-Karjatan, 20 miles;
thence to Gertid, 36 miles; and thence to Damascus, 30 miles. — ;
The section of the road through the cultivated territory from ar-
Resafa to Homs corresponds with the road described by Ibn Hordadbeh
(see above, p. 249), the section from Homs to Damascus is too well known
to require particular treatment here. The name Samsin as-Sa‘ar ought
to be written Samsin al-MaS‘ar, since the station of Samsin was built
near the village of al-MaS‘ar (see Ibn Gubejr, Rihla [De Goeje], p. 260).
Since the desert road went by way of al-Karjatan, we may take
for granted that it did not deviate from a direct course, as there was no
necessity for its avoiding high mountains or deep ravines. The distance
from ar-Resafa to al-Karjatan (al- -Zerjitejn) is 220 kilometers; according
to Kodama it was 99 miles, or only 168 kilometers. This shows eee the
latter’s figures are not always trustworthy.
Nihja’ is probably identical with the at-Tjas ruin, so designated from
the neighboring range of hillocks. It lies at 60 kilometers, and therefore
at 33, not 20, miles, northeast of al-Zerjitejn. If we keep this straight
course, at 35 miles from ar-Resafa we come to some small ruins north-
east of the wells of al-Kdejm, which we might regard as the ruins of
Batlamija’. The station of al-“Adib is perhaps identical with the present
well of al-Wesel. Northwest from here and north of at-Tjas (Nihja’) there
runs the se7%b of al-‘Azib, which might easily have been rendered “al-
“Adib”; this, however, is not likely, as it would have meant that the
desert road approached much closer to the road through the cultivated
country than it would be natural to expect.
From al-Karjatan to Gertid Kodama gives the distance as 36 miles,
though in reality it is 53 kilometers, or only 30 miles.
From Geriid to Damascus he gives it as 30 miles, or 51 kilometers,
which agrees.
The statement that this road led through the desert would seem to
apply only to the small stretch between al-“Adib and al-Karjatan, for the
Abu Rigmén range and its northern spurs, through which it passed, were
surely inhabited, and there must have been settlers in the tract between
ar-Resafa and al-Kastal, because the settlement of az-Zarra‘a referred to
as the station of ad-Dera‘a in the description of the first road was
located not far from Batlamija’.
Kodama, loc. cit., also records a road called the ““Middle Road” from
Salamja to Damacees The distance from Salamja to Far‘aja’(?) is given
as 18 miles; thence to Ma’ Surejk(?) as 20 miles; thence to Sadad as
18 miles; thenke to an-Nabk as 35 miles. The spelling of the names of
the two stations between Salamja and Sadad is not preserved correctly,
and I cannot identify them. Between Salamja and Sadad it is actually about
ninety kilometers, or fifty miles in all.
The Roman road from ar-Resafa via ‘Ord to Damascus (see above,
pp. 288—242) was still in use in the Middle Ages. Sejfaddowle (al-Muta-
nabbi, Diwan [De Sacy], p. 19), having driven back the Bedouins in June
955, stayed on a Tuesday and Wednesday in Tadmur, slept on Thursday
ROADS ACCORDING TO ARABIC AUTHORITIES 251
in the settlement of Arak, on Friday in as-Suhne, on Saturday in ‘Ord,
on Sunday in ar-Resafa, and reached ar-Rakka as early as Monday. His
daily marches were not of equal length. On Thursday he covered 25 kilo-
meters, on Friday 40, on Saturday about 30, on Sunday 60, and on Monday
42. Remarkably long is his march from the settlement of ‘Ord (at-Tajjibe)
to ar-Resafa, a proof that in the middle of the tenth century there was
no place of any special importance between those two settlements.
Al-Mukaddasi, Ahsan (De Goeje), p. 190, also knew of a road from
ar-Rakka by way of ar-Resafa to Homs, on which he records the stations
as follows: from ar-Rakka to ar-Rusafa, half a march; thence to ad-Dera‘a,
two marches; thence to al-Kastal, two marches; thence to Salamijja, two
marches; thence to Homs, one march. —
These statements can hardly be correct, since al-Mukaddasi makes
the 42 kilometers from ar-Rakka to ar-Resafa constitute only a half day’s
march, whereas he asserts that the 58 kilometers from al-Kastal to Salamja
constitute two marches.
Al-Idrisi, Nuzha, IV, 5, gives the same stations as Ibn Hordadbeh but
quotes the distance from ar-Resafa to al-Morara as 24 instead of 40 miles.
Abu Sama, Rawdatejn (De Meynard, 1898), pp. 159f., relates that in
the second half of the year 1173 Ntraddin travelled from Aleppo with his
sick favorite by the “easy road” by way of Kubbet Mala‘eb, al-Mashad,
and Salamja to Damascus.
Ibn Gubejr, Rihla (De Goeje), p. 260, took the road from Homs by
way of an-Nebk to the pass of al-‘Okab, whence he enjoyed the view over
the plains and gardens of Damascus. At this pass the road from Damascus
divides, one branch going north to Homs, the other going east through
the desert of as-Samawa to Irak. The second road forms, as stated by
Ibn Gubejr, a direct connection with Irak but is passable only in the
rainy season. From the pass Ibn Gubejr descended through some valley
to the plain and encamped at the settlement of al-Kusejr in a large khan
by a creek. — The remains of the fortified khan of al-Ksejr lie at the
creek of ar-Rihan about five kilometers east of Dima. The pass of al-
“Okab now bears the name Ab-al-‘Afa’. Both to the north and south of
this pass a branch leads out of the Damascus-Homs road to the right.
The northern branch goes by way of Tudmor to Dejr az-Zor or al-Mijadin
(ar-Rahba); the southern (Darb as-Sa‘i) runs through the desert direct
to Hit and Irak. Large caravans can take the latter road only after
heavy rains. (See Musil, Arabia Deserta [1927], p. 76.)
Ibn al-Atir, Kdmil (Tornberg), Vol. 11, pp. 335f., relates that in the
summer of 1184 Besir al-Hadem, the companion of the great sheikh
Sadraddin of Irak, died in as-Suhne when returning with Sadraddin from
Damascus. Sadraddin died in November of the same year in ar-Rahba. —
Thus it appears that they must have taken the northern branch mentioned
above.
Halil ad-Daheri, Zubda (Ravaisse), pp. 119 f., records the road from
Homs to ar-Rahba. The stations out from Homs were al-Masna’, al-
Karnajn (correctly, al-Karjatajn), al-Béda, Tadmur, Karbad, as-Suhne,
Kabkab, Kawamel, and ar-Rahba. — The name of the first station is a
very common word, meaning a reservoir or large cistern, and the station
ought to be looked for in the vicinity of the hamlet of aS-Sa‘érat. Al-Kar-
jatajn (al-Zerjitejn) is well known. Al-Béza lies at 73 kilometers north-
252 PALMYRENA
east of al-Zerjitejn. Karbad is a misspelling either of Arak or of Sardak,
the name given to a tiny settlement and vigorous spring 35 kilometers
northeast of Tudmor. From there a road led northeast across the oasis
of as-Suhne to the station of Kabkab, today Kebakeb, after which it
turned east to the fort of ar-Rhaba. Kawamel is an incorrect way of
writing Kawatel. This important road did not follow a straight line, but
here and there touched at settlements and at all the live springs and
wells along the route.
Describing the pigeon mail stations, Halil ad-Daheri, op. cit., p. 117,
records that the pigeons flew from Aleppo to Tadmur (a distance of
about two hundred kilometers) and from there by way of Kabkab to
ar-Rahba. :
Haggi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A. H.), p. 488,
writes that from the settlement of Balis on the Euphrates along the
border of the desert to Salamja the distance is six days, and thence three
days to Tadmur. — From Balis to Salamja it is 150 kilometers and from
there to Tudmor about 120 kilometers; and yet Haggi Halfa makes the
first trip last six days and the second only three; this proves either that
he copied wrongly or that in giving the distance from BAalis to Salamja
he was thinking of pack caravans, whereas the distance from Salamja to
Tudmor applied to camel riders.
APPENDIX IV
ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS IN PALMYRENA
The Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 32, enumerates the garrisons subject
to the dux Foenicis, as follows:
Equites Saraceni, Thelsee. — Thelsee is the Thelsea of the Antonine
Itinerary, 196: 2, on the road from Geroda (Gerfid) to Damascus, and is
identical with the Han al-°AjjaS of to-day. Much of the old building
material from here has been carried away to al-Ksejr, but from what
remained the khan and the neighboring shrines were built.
EHqutes Mauri Illyriciani, Otthara. — Seeck in his edition of Notitia
dignitatum (1876), p. 67, note 1, compares Otthara with the Ocurura of
the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10. In this I agree with him and identify
Otthara with the Hirbet al-Magrine, 12 kilometers northeast of the settle-
ment of Gertid. The garrison of Otthara guarded the entrance to the fertile
country about Gertid and the pass of al-Hagitle.
EKquites scutaru Illyriciani, Euhari. — Euhari (var., Euhara or Eubara)
is identical with the Eumari (var., Eomari and Elimari) of the Antonine
Itinerary, 195: 9, the Euareia or Euaria of Harduin, Conciliorum collectio
(Paris, 1715), Vol. 2, cols. 473, 720, the Haw4rin of the Syrians, and the
modern Hawwarin. The remains of a mighty Roman fortress as well as of
other buildings testify to the importance of this place in relation to the
fertile country which it had to guard.
Ala prima Damascena, Monte Iovis. — 1 look for the fort on Jupiter’s
mountain at the fort of Abu Sindah, which stands on a high hill.
ROMAN MILITARY STATIONS 253
Ala noua Diocletiana, Ueriaraca. — The first part of the word
Ueriaraca is a corruption of bér or bir, a well. The proper noun Araca
reminds us forcibly of the settlement of Arak or Raka, although further
on in the Notitia dignitatum the latter seems to be called Adatha. It is
possible, however, that ber-Araca was the native designation of the station
Centum Putea (Hundred Wells), which may be identified with the ruins
and wells of Bijar Ghar. The Aramaic Beriaraca has the same meaning
as the Arabic Bijar Ghar (see above, pp. 233, 244).
Praefectus legionis primae Illyricorum, Palmira.
Equites sagittari indigenae, Adatha. — The Peutinger Table, Segm.
10, shows Harac, the present settlement of Arak or Araka (also called
ar-Raka) 25 kilometers northeast of Palmyra.
Equites promoti indigenae, Nazala. — For Nazala I look to the
Roman station of Nezala of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, the Han al-
Kattar of today, on the Roman road from Damascus to Palmyra. But
it is also possible that a former settlement, the ruins of which lie two
kilometers south of al-Zerjitejn, was called Nezala.
Praefectus legionis tertiae Gallicae, Danaba. — Danaba is spelled thus
in Ptolemy, Geography, V, 14; 19; it is the Danava of the Corpus in-
scriptionum latinarum, Vol. 38, No. 755; the Danoua of the Peutinger
Table, Segm. 10; the Castrum Danabenum of Harduin, op. cit., Vol. 2,
col. 720; the Danaba of the same, Vol. 3, col. 206; the Danaba of the
Arabic authors, and the modern al-Basiri, on the Roman road from Da-
mascus to Palmyra.
Equites sagittaru indigenae, Casama. — Casama is identical with the
Casama of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, with the Kusam of the Arabic
authorities, and with the modern H&n al-Manktra, a demolished Roman
fort 32 kilometers south of al-Zerjitejn on the Roman road from Palmyra
to Damascus.
Equites Saracent indigenae, Betproclis. — Betproclis was correctly
identified by Grimme, Palmyra (1886), pp. 21f., note 8, with the present
village of al-Forklos, which lies about forty kilometers southeast of Homs.
We were told by the inhabitants of al-Forklos, that the stonework of the
ruined fort there had been used in building barracks and a few small houses.
The Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 33, enumerates the garrisons under
the command of the dux Syriae et Eufratensis Syriae, as follows:
Equites promoti Illyriciam, Occariba. — Occariba — the Acoraba of
Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 18; spelled Occaraba on the Peutinger Table,
Segm. 9; the Orarabon of the Ravenna Geographer, Cosmographia, II,
15 (Pinder and Parthey, p. 87); and the ‘Ukejribat of the Arabic authorities
— is identical with the modern settlement of ‘Uzéribat, which lies at the
southwestern foot of the Bil‘as hillocks on the road from Palmyra to the
northwest.
Equites scutarw Illyriciani, Seriane. — Seriane (var., Syriane), the
Seriane of the Antonine Itinerary, 194: 7; 195: 3; 197: 5, is represented
by the extensive ruins, now called Esrija or Serija, at the foot of the
range of Abu Rigmén on the road from Palmyra to the north.
Ala prima noua Herculia, Ammuda. — For Ammuda (var., Amuda)
I look to the great settlement of Umm ‘Amid, which lies north-northwest
of Esrija and 58 kilometers west-southwest of Balis on the important
transport road from Aleppo to Palmyra.
O54 PALMYRENA ay
Equites Dalmatae Illyriciani, Barbalisso. — Barbalisso is the modern
BAlis.
Praefectus legionis sextaedecimae Flauiae Firmae, Sura. — Sura is
the modern Sfrija.
Equites promoti indigenae, Rosafa. — Rosafa is ar-Resafa of today.
Cohors prima Gotthorum, Helela. — Helela is probably identical
with the Alalis of Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19. Seeck, op. cit., p.70, note 8,
identifies it with the bishopric of Alalius mentioned by Harduin, op. cit.,
Vol. 1, col. 314, and written “Alalorum” in Le Quien, Oriens christianus |
(Paris, 1740), Vol.2, cols. 847f. Alalius is the same as the Alassus mentioned
by Gelzer, Patrum nicaenorum nomina (1898), p. 14, in referring to bishop
Thadoneus of Alassus, whose diocese belonged to the province of Syria
Phoenice. The latter province, however, never extended as far as the
Euphrates, where Ptolemy places his Alalis. Moreover, the “Abraamius
episcopus Alalorum” referred to by Le Quien was of the province of
Damascus, which was a part of the political province of Phoenicia Se-
cunda and not of Augusta Eufratensis, where Ptolemy’s Alalis must be
looked for. Furthermore, Harduin (op. cit., Vol.2, col. 485) does not write
“Abramius episcopus Alalorum,” but “Abraamios poleos Archaon” and
(ibid., col. 720) “Abraamius episcopus Uranensis,” referring to the settle-
ment of Aracha — the modern Arak, northeast of Palmyra — and not
to Alalis. If, then, the fort of Helela is to be considered as Alalis, it
should be sought southeast of Sura, not northwest, as the order of Ptol-
emy’s place names would seem to indicate, because northwest of Sura
there is no ruined Roman fort on the Euphrates. Ptolemy’s order of
names, however, is not always right. When in Diocletian’s time the lower
channel of the river al-Habtr formed the Roman boundary and the for-
tress of Circesium was built to insure its safety, it was also necessary
to fortify the right bank of the Euphrates as far down as the mouth of
al-Habtr in order to secure direct connection between the towns of Pal-
myra, Oriza, and Circesium. It would indeed be remarkable if, in the
belt stretching from Damascus northeast to the Euphrates, Diocletian
had fortified all the passages along the southern base of the mountain
ranges as far as Oriza, but had not done the same between this camp
and the Euphrates. We should, therefore, expect to find Roman garrisons
at the site of the present al-Ksejbe, at Kebakeb, or near ad-Dejr, and at
al-Mijadin. Al-Ksejbe, with its remains of old buildings, dominates the
easiest passage across the al-Bisri range. Ad-Dejr closes the road from
west to east along the Euphrates. Al-Mijadin is an important junction
of commercial roads from Palmyra to al-Habtr and from Palmyra to Bab-
ylon. Possibly, then, Helela (Alalis) was situated above the modern ad-
Dejr at the present Tabs ruins (see above, p. 236).
Cohors prima uictorum, Ammattha. — If Ammattha is identical with
the Alamatha of Ptolemy, we may look for it in the vicinity of the modern
al-Mijadin.
Equites promoti indigenae, Adada. — Adada (var., Adacha; spelled
thus also in Ptolemy, op. cit., V, 14: 19) I regard as the Roman fortress
at al-Hér at the foot of the hillocks of ad-Didi, in the name of which the
ancient name has perhaps been preserved.
Praefectus legionis quartae Scythicae, Oresa. — Oresa — the Oriza of
Ptolemy, loc. cit., the Oruba of the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, the Orissa
AL-UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 255
of the Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, II, 15 (ed. cit., p.89), the ‘Ord
or “Orz of the Arabic authorities — is at-Tajjibe of today.
It is strange, that Oriza and Adada (at-Tajjibe and al-Hér), situated
about 90 kilometers northeast of Palmyra, in the Notitia dignitatum are
assigned to the province of Syria and not to that of Augusta Eufratensis,
as the eastern part of Palmyrena was called.
It is also remarkable that the Notitia dignitatum should have a
separate subdivision for Augusta Eufratensis, whereas Syria and Eu-
fratensis Syria are introduced by the same caption and the names of the
fortresses forming the headquarters of the respective alae and cohortes
are listed without any distinction being made between these two latter
provinces.
PP NUD ex Vv.
AL“UWEJR (OR AL-RUWEJR) AND AL-BARDE
SEJFADDOWLE AT AL-BARDE AND AL-‘UWEJR
Al-Mutanabbi (Diwdn [De Sacy], pp. 15-18; ibed. [Dieterici], pp. 570-574)
reports that the ‘Amer ibn Sa‘sa‘a, ‘Okejl, KuSejr, al-“Aglan, and Awlad
Ka‘ab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer tribes assembled on the plains about the town
of Salamja and the Kilab ibn Rabi‘a ibn ‘Amer tribe and others at the
water of az-Zerka’ between Hunasira and Strijja. All raised complaints
against their overlord Sejfaddowle, pillaged his territory, and killed many
of his adherents from the Tarleb tribe in the settlement of Za‘raja (also
called al-Marbti‘). Intending to punish them, Sejfaddowle left Aleppo;
slept on Tuesday, June 4, 955 A.D., on his farm of ar-Ramtse, two miles
from Aleppo; marched over Tell Maseh to the watering place of al-Hawar,
where the cavalry of some chiefs of the Kilab tribe joined him; and,
thus reénforced, attacked the enemy’s camp on Thursday morning near
the waters at al-Bedijje. Then he advanced on Salamja, whence the Arabs
had fled that morning. On Friday at sunrise the Ka‘ab tribesmen drew
off with their herds and tents to the waters of Hejran, one day’s march
from Salamja, and the rest to the more distant watering place of al-Fork-
los, their cavalry having in the meantime surrounded Sejfaddowle’s camp.
But he attacked, drove back, and pursued them and the same afternoon
reached the enemy’s camp near Hejran but found it deserted. In the
evening he had meant to encamp at al-Forklos, but, in the hot pursuit
of the fleeing Arabs before midnight, he reached al-Rontor, where he
slept. His riders also returned there with their spoil: flocks of sheep and
goats, riding and pack camels, as well as other goods.
The following Sunday he advanced before sunrise on the watering
place of al-Geba’ and sent out troops in pursuit of the fleeing enemy.
He himself went by way of as-Sahsahan and al-Ma‘ates to the watering
places of al-"Uwejr, Nihja, al-Béda, Rudur, and al-Gifar, at all of which
he found traces of the sudden flight of the nomads. On Monday morning
his vanguard entered Tadmur, surprising the Bedouins camping in the
256 PALMYRENA
vicinity, who had not expected to be pursued as far as that. At noon, there-
fore, they took to flight again, promptly pursued by Sejfaddowle’s war-
riors. Sejfaddowle arrived at Tadmur half an hour before sunset. Without
stopping he went at the utmost speed after the fleeing nomads, among
whom were the chiefs of the al-Muhanna (not Muhajja as printed), Hawta,
and ‘Amer ibn ‘Okejl families. They tried to reach the northwestern part
of the desert of as-Samawa. He overtook some and captured a number of
women, but did not dare to cross the border of as-Samawa proper. There
many of the Arabs died of thirst. A considerable part of them collected at
the wells of Ibn Su‘ade and Lu’lu’a, but there was not enough water for
them all and the rest took refuge in the ridge of Kalamtn by the low-
land of al-Rtiita near Damascus. —
The water of az-Zerka’ is the spring of az-Zerka, 34 kilometers north-
northwest of Esrija. That the latter is identical with the Strijja of al-
Mutanabbi is shown by the fact that az-Zerka lies on the route from
Esrija to Hunasira. Za‘raja is 45 kilometers north-northeast from Hunasira.
From al-Forklos south to al-Rontor is 30 kilometers and from this point
east-southeast to al-Geba’ is 14 kilometers.
The distance between al-Rontor and Tudmor, 105 kilometers, was
made by Sejfaddowle in no less than thirty hours. He set out on Sunday
before sunrise and arrived in Tudmor on Monday, half an hour before
sunset. Since he was in pursuit of the enemy, we may safely assume
that he stayed at no place longer than was absolutely necessary; on the
other hand, as he took a comparatively long time to advance a relatively
short distance, he could not therefore have followed a direct course, but
must have been looking for the nomads at all the watering places in the
neighborhood. The report enumerates seven of these, but it seems that
they are not named in their natural order. We may locate the watering
places of al-Geba’ and al-Béda with precision, because the last named is
identical with the station and well of al-Béza of today. Nihja we place
at the large ruins of at-Tjas, which in Jakit’s time were still partly in-
habited. Rudur might be identified with Rudr Serife. The manholes above
a subterranean aqueduct are called al-gifdr and from these, of which there
are a great many about the settlement of al-Zerjitejn, the name al-Gifar
may have been derived. But Sejfaddowle must surely have called also at
the watering places lying near the lowland of ad-Daw, through which runs
a road to Tudmor. One of these is al-Barde, by which there is an easy
passage from ad-Daw through the mountain chain of ar-Rawak to the
south and into the desert of as-Samawa.
The wells of al-Barde are from half a meter to ten meters deep.
They never lose their water, are at no great distance from the plain, and
their vicinity is consequently much in favor as a camping ground. There-
fore it would have been strange if Sejfaddowle had not stopped there
and if the report of his campaign had not referred to them in some way.
There the Bedouins, fleeing from north to south, must have encamped;
and if they had not been driven away from the wells by Sejfaddowle,
they could have attacked him from behind. The modern name al-Barde
(The Cold), which means that the water always remains cold, is un-
doubtedly of later origin, just as at-Tajjibe, the name of another im-
portant watering place once called ‘Ord, is also of later origin. Of the
remaining three names mentioned in the report, al-‘Uwejr, as-Sahsahan,
AL“UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 257
and al-Ma‘ates, neither as-Sahsahan nor al-Ma‘ateS may be identified
with al-Barde.
Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 599, states that as-Sahsahan is
a valley on the road from al-Medina to Syria and cites a verse of the
poet al-Ahtal, in which the lowland (batn) of as-Sahsahan is mentioned
as lying on the road to the valley of al-“Okab. Jaktt, Mu‘gam (Wisten-
feld), Vol. 3, p. 371, writes that as-Sahsahan is a plain between the towns
of Aleppo and Tadmur. — The Batn as-Sahsahan is perhaps identical
with the lowland of ad-Daw on the road from Tudmor by way of the
pass of al-‘Okab to Damascus. I look for Sejfaddowle’s camp of as-Sahsahan
near the wells Gebab al-‘Ammi.
The name al-Ma‘ates (Thirst Wells) indicates wells with only a little
water in them; and such ones are to be found in the lowland of ad-Daw
by the ruined Han al-Leben.
The only remaining unidentified place name mentioned in the report
of Sejfaddowle’s campaign is al-‘Uwejr (often spelled al-‘Awir).
The watering place of al--Awir was known to al-Ahtal, Diwdn (Sal-
hani), pp. 96, 202, 240, according to whom it lay in a mountain valley,
with burying grounds close by. This would apply to the location of al-
Barde, which also lies in a valley shut in by high mountains not far from
an ancient cemetery. In conjunction with al-‘Awir the poet also mentions
the places Hafir, as-Sajala, Samat, and Dat ar-Rimt. — Hafir is surely
identical with al-Hufejjer lying west of al-Barde.
The poet al-Kutami, Diwdn (Barth), pp. 4f., mentions the watering
places of Nabi, al--Awir, Arak, and the sand hills of al-‘Ajta.— Nabi
may be identified with the watering place of al-Mumbatah (see my
Arabia Deserta, p. 40, note 8), Arak with the settlement of the same
name northeast of Tudmor, and al-‘Ajta with the sandy district of al-Ita
south and southwest of al-Barde. We might, therefore, identify al--Awir
with al-Barde.
According to al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), pp. 685f., al-“Awir is
a place in Syria. He infers this from the words of a poet who describes
his wanderings by way of the valley of al-‘Awir and of as-Suwager to
the caliph Yazid, Moawiyah’s son, who was residing at Huwwarin. —
If the wandering poet came from the south, from the desert of as-Samawa,
he would have had to pass the watering place of al-Barde in order to
reach HawwéArin. This poem, therefore, permits us to look for al-’Awir
in al-Barde.
There was another al-‘Awir in Syria, but near the Kotkot hills and
therefore northeast of Palmyra (al-Ahtal, op. cit., p. 295; al-Bekri, op.
Cit Pp TAL);
Al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 227, and Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 827, write al-
Ruwejr instead of al-‘Awir. Jakit states that this is a watering place of
the Kalb tribe in the desert of as-Samawa between Irak and Syria. — Very
likely he did not know its right location.
AL-RUWEJR AND THE KALB AND KEJS TRIBES
Al-Ruwejr is known in connection with the wars — or, better, mutual
raids — of the Kalb and Kejs tribes. Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 20, pp.
120—123, records various incidents from these raids. The starting point
258 PALMYRENA
of the Kejs tribe was the town of Karkisija’; that of the Kalb, Tadmur.
A famous leader of the invading Kejs was Zafar ibn al-Haret. Once he
led a raid against the camps at al-Masbah, where he met some pilgrims.
After successfully attacking on the first day the camp by the side of the
waters of Hasif, he sent the prisoners to Karkisija’; then he turned to
al-Masbah, where a great number of warriors had collected, who offered
a tough resistance, two members of the Tarleb tribe aiding them bravely.
Both of the latter were slain, as were also eighteen men of the Kalb.
After the fight there were left at the waters only women, who threw
the dead into the Kawkab well. On learning of this, the head chief of
the Kalb tribe, Humejd ibn Hurejt ibn Bahdal, went to Tadmur, his war-
riors and allies joining him there. Thence he marched against the Kejs,
a clan of which, the Beni Numejr, was camping in the mountains. Hu-
mejd posted himself at one of the watering places. The report of this
expedition having reached Zafar, he also set out instantly and halted in
one of his settlements. Irritated by this, Humejd in haste gave his per-
mission that all the members of the Beni Numejr clan, then prisoners
of war in Tadmur, should be killed. The overseer of Tadmur, who was
accompanying him, mounted his horse at once and galloped home to put
the order into execution. Shortly after, Humejd, realizing the consequences,
sent a courier after him; but he arrived in Tadmur too late. In retaliation
Zafar killed all the men of the Kalb he could lay hands on. Thus, for
instance, five hundred of them fell in the al-GujiS valley, where they
were hunting. Humejd went on to meet Zafar but did not find him, since
he had returned in the meantime to Karkisija’. The Beni Numejr relate,
as recorded by Abu-l-Farag, that they assailed the camps of the Kalb at
Hafir, al-Faras, al-Iklil, al-Gowf, al-Ruwejr, al-Hejl, Ka’aba, and Dehman.
Before the encounter in al-Ruwejr, a member of the Beni Numejr, whose
mother, a born Kalb, had taught him the dialect of her tribe, was sent
out as a spy. This man learned that Humejd was at that time camping
in Ruwejr ad-Dab*. Here he was subsequently attacked. In Ruwejr ad-
Dab‘ there was a strongly fortified house with a gate (Abu-l-Farag, op.
cit., Vol. 20, p. 122). Intimidated by frequent attacks, the Kalb clans left
all the camps exposed to danger and sought refuge beyond the Syrian
settlements in al-Ruwejr. —
There is unfortunately neither chronological nor topographical co-
herence in all these statements. It seems that the attack on al-Masbah
was one of the first. Al-Masbah was an extensive camping ground with
many wells of different names. In Arabia Deserta there are only a few
such camping grounds, the best known of them being those in the valleys
of al-Mijah and Hawrdan. I believe that al-Masbah should be sought for
near the Wadi Hawran. If the name al-Masbah is properly preserved,
we might look for it at the Kulban as-Sbejhat, 240 kilometers south of
Karkisija’. But it is also possible that al-Masbah, which is mentioned by
no other Arabic writer, is a corruption of al-Musajjah, which is the name
of a camping ground that gained fame in the earliest Moslem conquests.
According to the Arabic reports, al-Musajjah is to be looked for in the
lower part of the Wadi Hawran. This location of al-Masbah (or al-Mu-
sajjah) seems to be confirmed by the statement of Abu-l-Farag% that the
head chief Humejd ibn Bahdal chose Tudmor for the meeting place of
his warriors and allies. Humejd had been staying near the caliph and
AL-“UWEJR AND AL-BARDE 259
therefore in the neighborhood of Damascus. On receiving the report of
the battle at the al-Masbah (or al-Musajjah), he drew near his kinsmen
and waited for them at Tudmor. It is evident from this that al-Masbah (or
al-Musajjah) is to be looked for to the southeast or, at any rate, to the
south of Tudmor, but certainly not to the southwest or west of this place.
Humejd must then have gone northeast from Tudmor, since only in the
al-Bisri ridge can we place the camp of the Beni Numejr. Only from the
al-Bisri range could they easily have got in touch with the other clans
of the Kejs living by the river al-Habtr and have sent the news to Zafar
to come to their assistance.
Crossing the Euphrates, Zafar halted on its western bank in some
settlement owned by him. Afterwards, to force Humejd’s withdrawal, he
attacked the Kalb tribesmen in the valley of al-GujtiiS, which lay either
south or southeast of al-BiSri; then he went back to Karkisija’ in order
to prevent Humejd from outflanking him. This was the time when the
Kalb tribe was attacked in the valley of al-Hejl, which also stretches
south of al-Bisri, and probably in the camping ground of the valleys of
al-Iklil and al-Gowf as well. Al-Gowf must be identical with the basin
where the oasis of Dimat al-Gandal was situated, for the Kalb at the
time of the events under consideration had their encampments south of
there at the Banat Kejn wells. Frightened at all that had happened, the
Kalb clans left the inner desert and emigrated (according to Abu-l-Farag,
op. cit., p. 123) to the borders of the cultivated lands, in order to have
the camps of other allied tribes and the Syrian towns behind them. They
are all supposed to have encamped at al-Ruwejr, or Ruwejr ad-Dab’.
They could not enter a territory which was already settled, since their
herds of camels, goats, and sheep would have destroyed all the fields
and orchards. They had to stay, then, on the border and look for camping
grounds with plenty of water, good pasture, and the possibility of easier
defense. Such a terrain the vicinity of al-Barde has always been and still
is, and thus I regard it as al-Ruwejr, mentioned so often by the Arabic
writers. It is a basin of some depth, enclosed by steep mountains, to
which the name rowyv, or ruwejr in the diminutive form (hollow closed by
steep slopes), is well suited. There is plenty of water within as well as
all around it, the pasturage is rich, and the defense easy. From the
northeast leading to al-Barde there are three passages, and, since every
road approaching them passes by some town or village, any hostile troops
could be sighted at once. The route to the northern passage runs by
Tudmor; that to the central one by the settlements of al-Bhara and al-
Hazim; and that to the southern by the post of al-Basiri, or the old
Danaba. The location of al-Barde combines all the features ascribed by
Abu-l-Farag (loc. cit.) to al-Ruwejr: It seems that the Kejs tribe had
many allies among the tribes and settlements in the vicinity of al-Ru-
wejr, for their attacks on the camps of the Kalb continued. No report
says actually that the Kejs got possession of the camp at al-Ruwejr, but
the fact that they fought in its neighborhood is certain. The strongly
fortified house with a gate mentioned in the report probably stood near
one of the passages leading to this camp. Al-Hafir I identify with al-
Hufejjer, 27 kilometers from al-Barde, and al-Faras is 40 kilometers
farther north.
Y
APPENDIX VI
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA
GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION OF AR-RESAFA
The origin of the town of ar-Resafa is very problematic. None of
the Babylonian or Assyrian authorities known to us refer to it, although
the kings of Assyria made several expeditions into the neighboring country
between approximately the years 1100 and 800 B.C. If the town had then
been of any great importance, it would surely have been visited by the
Assyrian armies and the annalists would have recorded the fact. But this
did not happen. However, towards the end of the ninth century before Christ
ar-Resafa was of such importance that its governor was included among
those Assyrian officials after whom the year was designated. It may be
assumed that ar-Resafa was founded in that century as a fortified camp
of the Assyrian army and was the residence of the Assyrian governor
of the country tributary to it. It is also possible—highly probable, in-
deed — that on the site of this new Assyrian town a settlement of the
same kind had existed before, since the lands lying north, west, and
south of it could be cultivated in many places, and the location was very
important to the commercial caravans. It is true that there is neither
brook, spring, nor even a natural well in or about ar-Resafa, but after
abundant rains the water flowing from afar into the low plain west of
the town may be collected in big rain pools or led into deep cisterns. If
the early inhabitants had taken care to collect as much of the rain water
as possible and to build themselves large subterranean cisterns protected
against the wind and sun, they could have laid in a supply of water lasting
them two years, or even longer, for Palmyrena has never been without
rain, At a depth of 75 meters they could have found water, albeit some-
what brackish, since the soil contains much gypsum — indeed, in the moun-
tains to the south, alabaster, a form of gypsum, predominates. To the
northeast, east, and south of ar-Resafa there are a great number of deep
sink holes, or dolines, known as dahal; here after heavy rains the water is
often ten meters deep and keeps fresh as long as three years. The more
industrious inhabitants therefore could have obtained water enough to
raise even grain, olives, figs, and perhaps grapes in their fields and
orchards about the town. Their flocks could have found pasture and water
all the year round farther out in the surrounding country, especially to
the south and southwest.
A rich source of profit to the people of ar-Resafa also lay in the
commercial caravans which passed through their settlement. Although
ar-Resafa was not located in an oasis, the topography of the country
compelled the caravans to visit this town. From the modern Abu Hréra
to the northwest as far as the modern settlement of Dejr az-Zér to the
southeast the bluffs on the right bank of the Euphrates fall off almost
into the very river. In some places the banks are barely two meters
wide and in others they are covered when the Euphrates is flooded.
260
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 261
This causes the larger commercial caravans to seek a road at some dis-
tance from the river. Unable to make good progress alongside the stream,
they draw away from it, preferring to travel where the channels of the
seibdn from the uplands merge into the surrounding plains. Southeast of
ar-Resafa the plain is broken by the furrowed range of al-BiSri, which,
extending to the northeast, confines the Euphrates to a narrow gorge
that the river has dug for itself during countless ages. The range affords
several passages, but caravans with heavily laden beasts avoid these,
since both in the ascent and descent a burden easily shifts, loses its
balance, and either slides off or causes the animals to fall, making the
entire caravan stop and adding to the labor of the drivers. For this
reason the larger commercial caravans whenever possible select a road
that is level for the most part, even if longer, knowing well that the
roundabout way will save both themselves and the animals much un-
necessary exertion and will also permit them to travel more speedily.
Such a convenient, roundabout way is afforded almost directly south of
ar-Resafa through the deep gap separating the range of al-Bisri from
that of Abu Rigmén to the west. Besides being deep, this gap is readily
passable and contains plenty of water, and the country along the route
may be cultivated. On the south the route leads to an undulating plain,
across which the caravans may go either southeast to old Babylonia or
to southern Syria and Phoenicia. It is well known that great caravans
have traversed this gap throughout historical time.
As we know, on one side of the gap there rises the lofty range of
Abu Rigmén, which extends to this point from the Antilebanon and Dam-
ascus. On the south this range falls off steeply into a rolling plain;
to the north it is flanked by numerous foothills, which gradually lose
themselves in another plain. The whole range might still be cultivated,
and it always has been, as it now is, much frequented. In former times
the main east-west transport road led, as it now leads, along the north-
ern foot of the foothills, and at ar-Resafa it joined the road going through
the gap between al-Bisri and Abu Rigmén. This settlement thus lay at
an important junction of transport roads running north and south and
west and east. Furthermore, the left bank of the Euphrates near ar-
Resafa was also the terminus of two very important transport roads,
one at the site of the modern ar-Rakka (the ancient Nicephorium) and
the other in the neighborhood of the modern settlement of Balis, where
I look for the old ford, Thapsacus.
When the caravans which had forded the Euphrates at Thapsacus
or Nicephorium wished to go to Phoenicia, Egypt, or Babylonia they had
to visit ar-Resafa. For this reason, whoever held this place also controlled
important arteries of communication and a large part of the world’s
trade of that period. As the classical authorities tell us, commercial car-
avans avoided traveling not only along the Euphrates but along the
Tigris as well, because the chiefs of the various settlements on both
rivers exacted payment from them and made them stop unnecessarily,
delaying their marches and in this manner considerably reducing their
profits. To avoid these pests, the larger caravans preferred to make
treaties with the chiefs of the great tribes, under whose protection they
could travel at some distance from the rivers. Furthermore, from a town
or a camp situated inland —for instance, from ar-Resafa — the great
262 PALMYRENA
chiefs could be controlled more easily than from a fort built on the
river itself.
The commander of ar-Resafa could send troops against an encamp-
ment of nomads and compel the chief to punish robbers, return stolen
goods, and carry out what he had agreed to do and what he was paid
for. When moving, the more powerful tribes are accustomed to use the
same roads as the great commercial caravans, because they are sure of
finding there water and the other necessities which they either buy or
receive in exchange for their flocks. If the great tribes which formerly
camped in northern Arabia wished to migrate into northern Palmyrena,
they would have to pass through the gap between the ranges of al-Bisri
and Abu Rigmén, where the commander at ar-Resafa could easily inter-
cept them. Moreover, Palmyrena has always been to a considerable extent
a cultivated and permanently settled region. For the settlers seeking
protection against their worst enemies, the nomads, the fortified camp
at ar-Resafa possessed many advantages as a point of defense.
PRE-CHRISTIAN AR-RESAFA
Aware of the importance of such .a position, the Assyrian kings
made ar-Resafa the seat of their administration, and from here they
dominated not only the important avenues of commerce but a large per-
manently settled territory and many nomadic tribes as well. The origin,
the prosperity, and the fall of ar-Resafa might remind one of the career
of the more recent town of Hatra, the modern al-Hazr, in Mesopotamia.
But the location of ar-Resafa is far more important than that of Hatra,
a circumstance which enabled the former to endure far longer, especially
since it became a main pilgrimage center of the Syrian Christians. This,
however, would never have happened if ar-Resafa had not, in the first
millennium after Christ, been a commercial center of great importance.
The merchants departing from or going there knew well the danger
threatening them from the hostile, or at least unfriendly, Persian and
Byzantine Arabs and later from the Moslems of Irak and Syria; there-
fore they asked for the intercession and protection of St. Sergius and
spread his glory throughout the Orient.
Of the history of ar-Resafa many interesting fragments have been
preserved. .
Ra-sap-pa is mentioned in 840 B.C. (Eponym Lists: Winckler, Kezlin-
schriftliches Textbuch [1909], p. 75); also in 888 (Bezold, List of Officials
[1889], p. 286, pl. 3; Winckler, Hponymenlisten, in Schrader, Keilinschrift-
liche Bibliothek, Vol. 8, Part 2, p. 144), in 804 and 775 (Rawlinson, Cunei-
form Inseriptions, Vol. 2, pl. 52, No.1, reverse; Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp.
208, 210), in 747 (Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 3, pl. 48, No. 1; Peiser, Texte,
in Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 100), and in 737 (Rawlinson, op. cit., Vol. 2,
pl. 52, No. 1, obverse; Schrader, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 212). (See also Musil,
The Middle Euphrates [1927], pp. 210f.)
Isaiah 37: 12 and 2 Kings 19: 12 mention Resef along with Geann,
Haran, and Bene ‘Eden in Tel’assar districts adjacent to the district of
the present ar-Res&fa.
Ptolemy, Geography, V,14: 19, mentions Resapha as one of the towns
of Palmyrena.
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 263
According to the Peutinger Table, Segm. 10, Risapa was situated on
the Roman road from Damascus by way of Palmyra and Oruba (at-Taj-
jibe) to the Euphrates.
The anonymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, I], 15 (Pinder
and Parthey, p. 89) calls it Risapha.
After 298 Rosapha belonged to the province of Augusta Eufratensis.
It was garrisoned by the equites promoti indigenae (Notitia dignitatum,
Oriens 33, No. 5; spelled Rosafa, ibid., 33, No. 27).
MARTYRDOM OF ST. SERGIUS
In the Christian era ar-Resafa became famous by reason of the
grave of St. Sergius, who, according to several reports, also had died
there (Bolland, Acta Sanctorum, Oct., Vol. 3 [1770], pp. 835ff.). These
records also state that towards the end of the third or in the beginning
of the fourth century accusations that they were Christians were made
to the emperor Maximian against Sergius, the first in command, and
Bacchus, the second in command, of the foreign palace guard. The em-
peror handed them over to the dua Antiochus, who, at the fort of Barba-
rissus (Balis), had Bacchus beaten till he died. Bacchus’ body was not to
be buried, but in the evening several hermits living in some caves near
by came and laid him to rest in a cave. The following day the dux went
from Barbarissus to the fort of Sura, whither Sergius was also brought.
There Antiochus made him put on shoes with sharp, straight nails, and
ordered him to be driven before his chariot as far as the fortress of
Tetrapyrgium, nine miles from Sura, where Antiochus slept in the prae-
torium. The next day the dux drove the martyr in the same manner to
the fort of Ruzafata, nine miles from Tetrapyrgium, where he sentenced
him to death by decapitation. The executioners then bored holes in his
lips and, putting a rope through them, led him out to some place, where
they cut off his head. Merciful people buried his body in the same spot,
but not until many years after was a structure of stone and mud erected
over the grave. Soon after, the remains of the blessed Bacchus were ex-
humed and laid alongside those of St. Sergius. The same thing was also
done with the virgin Julia, martyred in the time of the eparch Martianus.
In a later period, when the Christian religion had already spread far
and wide, fifteen bishops assembled and built by the fort of Ruzafata
a suitable tomb, into which the body of the martyred saint was laid to
its final rest.
According to the records in Bedjan, Acta martyrum (1890-1897),
Vol. 3, pp. 283-322, and Liber chalipharum (Land), p. 18, St. Sergius and
Bacchus died in 232 A. D. The Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae
(Delehaye), cols. 115f., calls Antiochus the dux Augustopoleos of the
eparchy of Eufratensis, whereas the Passio antiquior SS. Sergi et Bacchi
(Analecta bollandiana) p. 3877, calls him more correctly the dua of the
eparchy of Augusto-Eufratensis.
Barbarissus is written in Passio antiquior, p. 384, as Barbalisos,
and is placed on the Saracen border line. Bedjan, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 299,
gives the name as Bejt Balas. This is the modern BAlis, seventy kilo-
meters northwest of ar-Resafa. Instead of the correct Sura, the Strija
of today, the records of the Acta sanctorum always call this place Castrum
264 PALMYRENA
Syrum or Castellum Syrum, Castrum Tetrapyrgium of these records is
identical with the Ksejr as-Séle, about twelve kilometers southwest of
Strija. The records give this distance as 9 miles (over 14 kilometers), or
exactly the same as the distance between Tetrapyrgium and ar-Resafa.
This would place Tetrapyrgium midway between Sura and ar-Resafa. In
reality Ksejr as-Séle and ar-Resafa are 15 kilometers from each other.
We may only interpret the records of Sergius’ martyrdom as showing
that he was not decapitated inside ar-Resafa, but outside of it, perhaps
on a scaffold like those which stood on the outskirts of every Oriental
town. It is also probable that he was buried right beside the scaffold.
Over this place, a long time after, there was built some sort of tomb
(aedificitum) which was made of stone and mud and consequently could
not have been a church. Whether his comrade Bacchus-was likewise trans-
ferred there it is impossible to say, but this much is certain, that in
later centuries Bacchus’ grave was shown in Barbalissus (Balis). Tradi-
tion does not give the year when the fifteen bishops built a suitable tomb
for Sergius but is very precise in stating that this cymiterium was
erected not inside but outside the fort in front of the walls and that
the martyr’s body was then deposited there. Consequently, we may look
for the second tomb of Sergius in front of the northern town gate, where
there is a large Christian cemetery. The site of this second tomb is pro-
bably identical with that of the church that was either rebuilt or richly
endowed by the great Ghassanian chief Alamundarus (al-Mundir), phy-
larch from 570 to 581 A.D.
AR-RESAFA IN THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CENTURIES
After the ecclesiastical Council of Ephesus in 481, John, the patriarch
of Antioch, persecuted Alexander, the metropolitan of Hierapolis in Syria
EKufratensis, for being a follower of the condemned Nestorius (Bolland,
op. cit., pp. 845-847). In order to weaken the power not only of Alexander
but also of the bishops associated with him, John separated the church
of St. Sergius from the Hierapolitan diocese, raised it to the rank of a
cathedral, and ordained its first bishop. Against these acts Alexander,
with six bishops of the Hierapolitan metropolis, repeatedly protested to
the empresses Eudocia and Pulcheria; his letters to this effect have been
preserved in the Synodicon adversus tragoediam Irenaei of the sixth
century.
Alexander wrote (Mansi, Concilia [1761], Vol. 5, cols. 915f.) that
the patriarch John entered the church of the holy and good, victorious
martyr Sergius, which belonged to the Hierapolitan diocese, and there,
in defiance of the prevailing customs, ordained a new bishop. For this
reason he entreated the empresses to induce the emperor to annul all the
ordainments of John and to order the metropolitan of Hierapolis to ordain
the bishops of his province conformably with the rules of the holy and
blessed fathers. The emperor was to return the basilica of the holy and
good, victorious martyr Sergius to the Hierapolitan diocese to which it
had always belonged before the great church, high walls, and other build-
ings in the same walled town were erected.
Alexander protests (ibid., Vol. 5, col. 926) that he would not acknow-
ledge the patriarch John if he were to offer him the whole Kingdom of
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 265
Heaven, not to speak of Resapha or other towns in the desert. He further
complains (zbid., cols. 948f.) that the patriarch of Antioch took away from
him the church of the martyr, on building which he had expended nearly
three hundred pounds of gold, thus encumbering his entire province
with debt. —
According to Alexander’s statements, ar-Resafa had belonged to the
metropolis of Hierapolis since ancient times and not long before 431 a
great basilica had been built there, costing almost three hundred pounds
of gold. At the same time high walls and various buildings had been put
up. It seems, therefore, that the present walls of ar-Resafa cannot date
back to the time of Justinian I but must be ascribed to that of the
metropolitan Alexander, the second decade of the fifth century. If, then,
this town of decreasing commercial value could be clothed in such splen-
dor, it is easily seen that it must have been the point of pilgrimage for
Christians from far and near. The principal church festival was held on
St. Sergius’ day, early in October (Elijah of Nisibis, Opus chronologicum
[Chabot], p. 101).
In 509 the famous Rabban Bar-‘Idta’ was born at ar-Resafa. In his
biography, written in the second half of the ninth century, ar-Resafa is
called kerije (a settlement) (Budge, Rabban Hormizd [1902], Vol. 1, p.115).
Several columns from the martyry below the northern gate bear in-
scriptions which make it evident that they were erected in the time of a
bishop Sergius and of an assistant or rural bishop (chorepiscopus) Maro-
nius. (Guyer, Rusdfah [1920], p. 15, makes of the rural bishop Maronius
an archbishop). It is possible that this Bishop Sergius is identical with
the bishop Sergius who was sent to King al-Mundir at al-Hira in 524
(see below, p. 267) and that the martyry was therefore built either
shortly before or soon after that date. From that time also may date
the decoration of the northern gate. According to the quoted reports it
is probable that all the larger churches inside the town had been built
before Justinian had ar-Resafa fortified and that this is why Procopius
makes no mention of the building or decorating of the churches there
by order of Justinian.
Procopius, De aedificiis, II], 9: 3-9, relates that in the province of
Eufratensis is the shrine of St. Sergius, which was so highly revered by
the ancients that after it they named the town Sergiopolis. It was en-
closed with an insignificant wall, which, although made only of mud, was
sufficient to keep the nomads, roving in the vicinity, from entering the
town at the first onslaught. Justinian erected strong walls around the
shrine, which was famous for its precious gifts and sacred vessels, and
built houses, colonnades, and other fine structures as well as great cisterns
for storing water. A garrison sent to the town for its defense accounts
for its holding out against Chosroes. —
It is not certain whether Justinian built new walls or ‘merely had
the old ones repaired and the gates decorated. The famous cisterns of
ar-Resafa are undoubtedly of older origin. The water was let into them,
not so much from the streets as from a vast reservoir west of the town,
whence it flowed through a stone aqueduct across the rampart, over the
moat, and through the walls. Procopius does not state in what years all
this happened, but it must have been prior to 542, in which year Chosroes
laid siege to ar-Resafa in vain, as is related by Procopius.
266 PALMYRENA
Procopius (De bello persico, II, 5: 29-33) reports that in 540 Chosroes,
having taken Sura (Strija), offered to sell to Bishop Candidus of Sergi-
opolis, which is situated in the Barbarian Plain, 12,000 captives for 200
pounds of gold; this the bishop refused, having no money at that time.
Chosroes then sent him word that he would content himself with a prom-
issory note, which Candidus willingly gave, declaring under oath that
he would pay the sum demanded within a bash This act set the captives
free, but many of them died.
In 542 (ibid., II, 20: 1-16) Chosroes again marched along the right
bank of the Euphrates and approached Sergiopolis. Candidus, who had
not yet paid his debt, since he was unable to procure the money any-
where, went to him and, after being tortured, begged to be sent under a
Persian escort to Sergiopolis, where he would get for Chosroes the sacred
vessels. This was done, but Chosroes was not satisfied, declaring this was
not enough. Therefore he sent six thousand men to capture the town, the
garrison of which consisted at that time of only 1200 soldiers. The in-
habitants were already becoming inclined to make a treaty with the enemy,
when they learned that Chosroes was suffering from thirst and intending
to retreat; this he did in a short time. Since Belisarius with his army
was near, Chosroes did not march far, but, concluding an armistice with
him, threw a bridge across the Euphrates and captured the town of
Callinicus. — Evagrius, Ecclesiastica historia, IV, 28, mentions among the
gifts delivered up to Chosroes a cross of great value, which had been
presented by Justinian and Theodora.
To worship St. Sergius in ar-Resafa pilgrims used to come all the
way from the vicinity of Jerusalem (John Moschus, Pratum spirituale,
[Migne], col. 3052.
Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, p. 296, says that the
Persians in plundering Callinicus and Bejt Balas, stole the relics of the
martyr-saint Bacchus, as well as the gold from the coffin of St. Sergius.
According to Procopius, De bello persico, II, 5: 29, Sergiopolis is 126
stades (about 23 kilometers) from Sura; in reality it is 27 kilometers.
John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, V1, 4, relates how the
phylarch of the Ghassanians, al-Mundir, the son of Haret, took refuge
with his tribes in the inner desert in order to elude the snares of the
Byzantine patrician Martianus. After three years al-Mundir wished to
become reconciled with the Byzantines and for this purpose invited the
commander-in-chief, the patrician Justinian, to a peace parley at ar-
Resafa. Justinian came, and a reconciliation with al-Mundir took place
before the sarcophagus of St. Sergius in about the spring of 575 (see
Musil, Kusejr ‘Amra [1907], p. 136). Guyer, Rusdfah (1920), p. 42, writes
that the emperor (Justin) sent the patrician Justinian to al-Mundir on
October 6, 578; this, however, is the date of Justin’s death.
Possibly an inscription behind the altar in the church outside the
northern gate, which says “al-Mundir’s lucky destiny is victorious” dates
from this period.
Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 386, says that in the autumn
of 590 Chosroes, the son of Hérmizd, asked the emperor Maurice for
help, the commander of ar-Resafa acting as the intermediary. Chosroes
lived at that time in the house of John of ar-ResAfa, commander of the
Byzantine army at Edessa (see Chronicon civile [Rahmani], p. 187).
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 267
Hamzat al-Isfahani, Ta’rih (Gottwaldt), p. 120, notes that an-No‘man
ibn al-Haret repaired the reservoirs in ar-Resafa, which had been de-
molished by some kings of the Lahm dynasty. — This No‘man with his
father al-Haret fought against the Persians from 604 until at least as
late as 616 and was probably often compelled to seek refuge with his
troops behind the walls of ar-Resafa, on which occasions he repaired the
cisterns, as is corroborated by al-Asma‘i (Jakit, Mu‘gam [Wiistenfeld],
Vol. 2, p. 955). Al-Asma‘i identifies az-Zawra’ with ar-Resafa of Caliph
Hisam. Az-Zawra’, supposed to have been No‘man’s property, was often
visited by him and used for safeguarding his booty. Since he was a
Christian, a cross glittered above the place. It was inhabited by the Beni
Hanifa and was located on the farthest boundary of Syria, where sth
and kejsim grew. There was no water there. — It is probable that az-
Zawra was the name of the northern suburb of ar-Resafa, adjacent to
al-Mundir’s church.
Evagrius, Ecclesiastica historia, V1, 21, writes that when Chosroes II
gained the throne — that is, after 591—he sent to Gregorius, bishop of
Antioch, a splendid cross adorned with gold and precious stones, which
had been a gift from Theodora, wife of the emperor Justinian, to the
martyr-saint Sergius. This cross with many other jewels Chosroes I had
carried away from Sergiopolis. Then Gregorius, in the name of the emperor
Maurice and at the head of a procession, deposited it solemnly with the
other gifts in the tomb in the martyr’s shrine. Not long afterwards
Chosroes II sent more gifts, because his wife, a Christian Syrian, bore
him a son at the intercession of St. Sergius (see Theophylactus Simo-
catta, Historiae, V, 138f.).
St. Sergius (Sergis) was worshipped by the Arabian and Syrian Christ-
ians far and wide (Assemanus, Bibliotheca orientalis [Rome, 1719-1728],
Vol. 2, p. 350; Ahidemmeh, History [Nau], p. 29; Theophylactus Simo-
Cattas-op. Cit., V, 1: .'7).
Michael the Syrian, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 388, relates that the Ghassanians
also had a church of St. Sergius in their capital, Gabija.
The Tarleb took the picture of St. Sergius with them on their raids
(al-Ahtal, Diwdn [Salhani], p. 309; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 4,
p. 180).
EARLY EPISCOPAL HISTORY OF AR-RESAFA
From the complaints of Alexander, the metropolitan of Hierapolis
(Mansi, Concilia [1761], Vol. 5, col. 915; see above, pp. 264f.) it appears
that the first bishop of Sergiopolis was not consecrated by John, patriarch
of Antioch, until after 481. His name we do not know.
At the synod of Antioch of 451 Bishop Marianus of Rosafa (Mansi,
Concilia [1759—1798], Vol. 7, col. 325) participated.
In 524 mention is made of a Sergius as bishop of ar-Resafa (Bejt
Resafa) who was sent with Abraham, the father of Nonnosus, to al-Mundir,
king of al-Hira, as a peace negotiator. This Sergius was the author of the
Syrian part of a report on the martyrs of south Arabia (Simeon of Bejt
Arsam, Letter [Guidi], p. 507).
As we have already seen (above, p. 266), in 540 and 542 the bishop
of ar-Resafa was one Candidus, who ransomed the Christian captives of
268 PALMYRENA
Chosroes in the town of Sura (Procopius, De bello persico II, 5: 29-33;
II, 20: 2-16).
The Notitia Antiochiae ac Ierosolymae patriarchatuum (Itin. hieros.,
Vol. 1), p. 836, mentions in about 550 the metropolis of Sergiopolis, with
four bishoprics called: Bizonovias (var., Bzonavias, Bizonamas, Bizanonias),
Marcopolis, Venethali (var., Venechalis), and Ermenia. — It seems that the
residences of the suffragans of Sergiopolis were all located south or south-
east of ar-Resafa, because neither the town of Sura (Strija), lying 120
stades north, nor the bishopric of Barbalissus (B4lis) on the west-north-
west, nor Anasartha (Hunasira) still farther west is named among them.
Unfortunately, the local names are corrupted to such an extent that it
is almost impossible to determine the exact positions.
The designation Bizonovias reminds us of the Adiazane of the anon-
ymous Ravenna geographer, Cosmographia, Il, 15 (Pinder and Parthey,
p. 88), or rather of the town of Zonobia, which, according to Procopius,
De aedificiis, II, 8: 8-24, Justinian had walled and built in a grand style.
Its Aramaic name might have been Bejt Zanobia. As 6 is often replaced
by v (Zonovia instead of Zonobia), both name and location of Bizonovias
would seem to agree with Zonobia; and, since it was built only in Justin-
ian’s time it may have been subject to the new metropolis of Sergiopolis.
Marcopolis is elsewhere mentioned in Osroéne; after 431 Bishop Cyrus
of Marcopolis belonging to the metropolis of Edessa (Notitia Antiochiae
[Iten. hieros.], Vol. 1, p. 3832) was a supporter of the metropolitan of
Hierapolis (Mansi, op. cit., Vol. 4, col. 1269), and in the Council of Chal-
cedon there participated a certain Caiumas, bishop of Marcopolis situated
in the province of Osroéne (zbid., Vol. 7, col. 148). We have no reason
to extend the diocese of Sergiopolis to the left bank of the Euphrates,
or the diocese of Edessa to the right, since the Euphrates formed the
boundary between the political provinces of Augusta Eufratensis, to which
Sergiopolis belonged, and Osroéne in which Edessa was situated.
In the middle of the sixth century mention is made of the monastery
of Bishop Joseph at Resafa (Assemanus, Bibliotheca orientalis [Rome,
1719—1728], Vol. 1, p. 117).
Of the second general Council of Constantinople “Abrahamus Sergio-
poleos metropolitanae civitatis” was a member (Harduin, Conciliorwm
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol. 3, col. 203).
In about 603 Georgius Cyprius (Descriptio [Gelzer], p. 45) also
mentions Sergiopolis, or Anastasiopolis, among the towns of the eparchy
of EKuphratesia and Hagiopolis. He says that in his time the town was
‘commonly called Rattafa and that St. Sergius was exiled and then killed
in Rattafa.
The Notitiae graecae episcopatuum (Parthey, 1866), No. 5, p. 142,
indicate that the metropolis of Sergiopolis had five subordinate bishops.
(See also Eusebius, Chronica [Schoene], Vol. 1, App. col. 82.)
According to an inscription in the monastery church, one Simeon
was metropolitan of Sergiopolis in 1093.
AR-RESAFA UNDER THE KARLY MOSLEMS
During the reign of the Omayyads ar-Resafa became known all
over the Moslem world as the residence of the caliph HiSam, the son
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 269
of ‘Abdalmalek. From there HiSAm went to Damascus to take over the
government (at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1467). At-Tabari,
op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1737f., states that the reason why Hisam settled there
was that the caliphs and their sons liked to live in the country (should be
jatabaddina instead of the printed jantabediina), thus escaping contagious
diseases and leading a rural life far away from other people. It is said
that when Hisam expressed a desire to settle in ar-Rusafa, someone asked
him not to go away, as the caliphs could not be infected — such a thing
had never been known to happen. HiSAm replied that he would not be
experimented upon and moved away to ar-Rusafa in the desert, where he
built two manors. Ar-Rusafa was a Greek town, built by Greeks (see Ibn
Sihna, Rawd [MS Leiden], fol. 82; Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Btlak, 1285 A. H.],
Moljec.8p. op; at-labari, op, cit., Ser. 2; p. 1738),
Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar (Adler), Vol. 1, p. 456, states that ar-Rusafa
was demolished prior to Hisam’s arrival, that it enjoys a salubrious
atmosphere, and that it is the site of a famous monastery. —
I doubt the correctness of Abu-l-Feda’s statement in regard to the
destruction of ar-Resafa. In the Persian wars not only Chosroes II,
who was a great admirer of St. Sergius, but also Heraclius spared the
town. In the Mohammedan era no conflict took place near ar-Resafa, and
the Christian Tarleb would surely have been able to defend it against an
attack by the Moslem troops.
The report that HisA4m built two manors in ar-Rusafa was handed
down from one Arabic writer to another. At one manor was a park with
olive trees and a pond (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1737f., 1813). This
manor might be identified with the Ksér as-Séle (ibid., p. 1818).
The caliph HisAm died in ar-Rusafa on February 6, 743 (at-Tabari,
op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1729f.). Shortly after, his successor al-Walid ordered
all Hisém’s property in ar-Rusafa to be confiscated (zbid., p. 1751).
In 749—750 the Abbasside “Abdallah ibn ‘Ali (al-Jakabi, Ta rih
[Houtsma], Vol. 2, pp. 427f.) came to ar-Rusafa, entered the cave where
the embalmed body of HisAam was lying on a lounge, dragged it from
there, beat its face with his club, and then, placing the body between
two rocks, gave it one hundred and twenty blows with his whip, thus
breaking it into pieces. The remains he gathered up and burned. —
On the southeastern side of ar-Resafa there are caves where the
stone was quarried with which the walls and principal buildings were
erected.
“Abdallah ibn “Ali towards the end of 754 sent Humejd ibn Kahtaba
from Harran to Aleppo with a letter which bade the commander of that
town kill the bearer. But Humejd opened and read the message on the
way, told its contents to his followers, and asked them to take refuge with
him in Irak. He had to pass ar-Rusafa, where “Abdallah had a lieutenant,
who, learning that Humejd had betrayed his master, went in pursuit of
him at the head of his cavalry and came up with him on some road in
the desert. (At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 94f.)
According to at-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 98f., “Abdallah ibn “Ali in his
flight before the army of the caliph Abu Ga‘far al-Manstir towards the
end of 754 spent only one night at ar-Rusafa, after which he hurried on
with his retinue to al-Basra.
Al-Asmaii (died in 831) writes (Jakit, Mu‘gam [ Wistenfeld], Vol. 2,
270 PALMYRENA
pp. 784f.) that there is neither creek nor spring around ar-Rusafa and
that its inhabitants have to drink from the town cisterns. When the
cisterns give out at the end of the summer, they haul water from the
Euphrates, three or four parasang'’s distant. The wells at ar-Rusafa have
a depth of 120 ells or over, but their water is brackish. The desert around
ar-Rusafa belongs to the Beni Hafage tribe, who for a certain payment
take the weaker inhabitants under their protection. Were it not for the
love of their country, the inhabitants long ago would have left. The better
situated among them keep slaves and donkeys and engage either in
peddling or in selling their wares at home in about ten shops. They are
very handy at making clothing material. Every man in the town, rich
or poor, spins wool, while the women weave.
Ibn Hordadbeh, Masdlik (De Goeje), p. 74, estimates the taxes of
ar-Rusafa, az-Zejttine, Kafar Hagar, and al- eae at 4,000 dinars.
In 902 A.D. the sons of Zikrwajh, the head chief of the Carmathians
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 2217f.), succeeded in winning over several
clans, among them the Beni al-Asbar, with whom they attacked, defeated,
and killed the caliph’s commander near ar-Rusafa, west of the Euphrates
(ibid., p. 2219). After burning the mosque at ar-Rus&afa, they pillaged a
number of settlements and went as far as the vicinity of Damascus,
where Zikrwajh’s son Jahja was killed; but his brother took over the
command, and the pillage continued.
Al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 379, records the report of Abu
‘Abdallah, the son of Hamdtin, who went to ar-Rusafa from Damascus
in the company of the caliph al-Mutawakkel (847—861) and visited the
manors of Hisam and his children. Then he proceeded to examine a fine
old monastery in the town, built by the Greeks in the midst of creeks,
fields, and trees. When he called for the prior, the latter complained about
the oppression from soldiers and marauders, from whom he had to hide
in his cell. — Al-Bekri’s informant must have confused the location of
the monastery at ar-Resafa with some other monastery lying on the
Euphrates or Tigris, since there are no creeks in Hisam’s ar-Resafa.
AR-RESAFA IN THE LATER MIDDLE AGES
Ibn Tarri Birdi, Nuguwm (Popper), Vol. 2, p. 198, relates that in
1042-1043 the city of Tadmur was destroyed by an earthquake, the
majority of the inhabitants being killed by the falling ruins. — Probably
ar-Resafa suffered on the same occasion.
The famous physician Ibn Butlan writes in a letter of 1048-1049
A.D. (Jakat, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 785f.) that Kasr ar-Rusafa is not much
less strongly fonstied than the palace of the ealiph at Bagdad. It is sup-
posed to be built of stone, and there is there a large church with gilded
mosaic decorations, erected by Constantine, the son of Helena. Rain water
runs into a cistern under this church. Ar-Rusafa was restored by Hisam, the
son of “‘Abdalmalek, who then made it his residence, where he took refuge
from the flies which had tormented him on the banks of the Euphrates.
The inhabitants of this fort are of the nomad tribes and for the most
part Christians. They make a living by protecting the commercial car-
avans and by the transport of various wares, as well as by trading with
HISTORICAL NOTES ON AR-RESAFA 271
the robbers. Ar-Rusafa lies in a desert so flat that the view is bounded
only by the horizon. Aleppo is four days’ journey from there.
Ibn al-Atir, Kamil (Tornberg), Vol. 10, p. 39, records in April, 1068,
a great earthquake which extended over both Palestine and Egypt and
became so violent that the sea receded a distance of one day’s march from
the shore. On April 6, 1118, another earthquake (ibid., Vol. 10, p. 373)
destroyed many settlements in Irak, Mesopotamia, and other districts. —
Probably ar-Resafa was also demolished in 1068, after which date the
monastery basilica alone was rebuilt. This work was done in 1093, since
there is written on a stone set into the western wall of the church:
“Renovated in the time of Symeon, the metropolitan of Sergiopolis, in
the month of June, 6601 after the Creation of the World.” At this time
the great arches separating the aisles were reinforced by the support
of columns of rose-colored marble, which were rolled into the basilica
from the martyry at the northern gate. In the center of the martyry
some inhabitants of ar-Rakka, hunting in ar-Resafa for antiquities dur-
ing the winter of 1911-12, excavated the fragments of these columns as
well as finely-executed smaller, square pillars, similar to those which
adorn the tomb of St. Sergius in the monastery basilica. That St. Sergius
was buried in the martyry is certain. Not until it was destroyed by the
earthquake was he removed to the basilica, where a tomb was built for
him partly of the marble slabs and columns from the old tomb. The plan
of the martyry shows that it had at least twenty-two columns, and, yet,
neither in its ruins nor anywhere about can any columns or large frag-
ments of columns be seen, whereas in the basilica, which was originally
supported by pillars only without cylindrical columns of any kind, there
now are twenty-one columns, and one lies in front of the western wall.
Guyer, Rusdfah (1920), p.15, argues that these columns were taken from
the corridors of the old atrium of the basilica, but an inscription calling
on St. Sergius to grant peace to all testifies that they were taken from
his martyry. The fragments excavated there also confirm this.
Al-Idrisi, Nuzha (Jaubert’s transl.), Vol. 2, p. 187, describes ar-
Rusafa before 1154 as a settlement with flourishing markets lying among
inhabited villages. The road from ar-Rakka led right through it to the
fortress of al-Morara on the edge of the desert and farther on to Salamja
and Homs and was much frequented by the Arabs on their marauding
expeditions.
Jakat (d. 1224 A.D.), op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 784f., writes that Hisam’s
ar-Rusafa lies west of ar-Rakka on the border of the desert. It is sup-
posed to have been built by HiS&am for his summer residence when
contagious diseases were ravaging Damascus. In the annals of the Ghas-
sanian kings Jakit came across a passage stating that an-No’man ibn
al-Haret ibn al-Ajham repaired the cisterns there and built the largest
one; to Jakit this proved the existence of ar-Rusafa long before the birth
of Islam and also that all that HisSAam built were its walls and his own
residence.
Of the monastery of ar-Rus&afa, Jakit says (ibid., pp. 660f.) that it
is located in HiSAm’s ar-RusAafa, the distance being one day’s march of
a pack camel caravan from ar-Rakka. Jakat, who had seen the monastery
with his own eyes, considered it one of the wonders of the world, be-
cause of its beauty and architecture. It was the abode of monks and
272 PALMYRENA
servants of God, stood in the center of the town, and the brothers, like
the townspeople, drank from a cistern between the walls.
Abu-l-Feda’, Takwim (Reinaud and De Slane), p. 271, would correct
the statement of Jaktt that the distance from ar-Rusafa to ar-Rakka is
one day’s march, asserting that he visited it himself and found it less
than one day from the Euphrates. — Abu-l-Feda’ accuses Jakit of an
error which the latter did not commit, since he states distinctly (Jakat,
op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 660) that the distance from ar-Resafa to ar-Rakka is
one day’s march for pack caravans, which naturally can cover only half
the distance a camel rider can put behind him in a day’s time.
In 1240 (Abu-l-Feda’, Muhtasar [Adler], Vol. 4, p. 458) the Khoras-
mians on their march from Harran crossed the Euphrates at ar-Rakka
and reached al-Gabbal, Tell A‘z4z, Sermin, and al-Ma‘arra, pillaging wher-
ever they could. The governor of Homs leagued himself with the people
of Aleppo and rose up against them. In the meantime the Khorasmians
came by way of Salamja as far as ar-Rusafa, trying to get into ar-
Rakka. The Aleppan troops, marching from Tell Sultan, overtook them
at Siffin, where they had entrenched themselves. A fight ensued lasting
until nightfall, when the Khorasmians crossed the Euphrates and made
for Harran. The Aleppans then went to al-Bira, where they also crossed
the Euphrates and followed the enemy, who were now fleeing towards
the vicinity of ‘Ana.
Al-Kazwini (d. 1288), ‘Ag@ib (Wistenfeld), Vol.2, pp. 132f., writes
that he visited the town of ar-Rusafa, situated in the desert not far from
ar-Rakka and enclosed by strong stone walls. No creeks or springs are
to be found there, while the wells, which are private property, are so
deep that ropes 120 ells long are needed to bring up water. The in-
habitants drink from cisterns built inside of the town. When the water
is used up at the end of the summer, they haul more from the Euphrates,
four parasangs distant. The inhabitants, being defenseless, pay tribute
to the Beni Hafage and make a living by manufacturing wearing apparel
and saddle and feed bags, which they offer for sale in the neighboring
districts. It is curious that nowhere about the town is there any grain,
milch cattle, water, comfort, commerce, or employment. The inhabitants
remain there only from their love of the country; otherwise the town
would become deserted.
The Chronicle of Sairt (Scher), Patrologia orientalis, Vol. 4, pp. 253f.,
states that the faithful took the body of Sergius, buried it in ar-Rusafa,
and then built over it a church, which stands on the banks of the Eu-
phrates to this day. — It is not certain whether this is the statement of
the author himself or of his copyist. The chronicle was written some time
between the ninth and fourteenth centuries.
Ad-Dimiski, Nuhba (Mehren), p. 205, writes that in the administrative
district of Balis lie Siffin and His4m’s ar-Rusafa, which was built on the
site of an old Greek town.
Haggi Halfa, Gihdn numa’ (Constantinople, 1145 A.H.), p. 598, regards
the districts of Balis and ar-Rusafa as belonging to the province of Kin-
nesrin, of which Aleppo is the capital. In both Balis and Kal‘at Ga‘bar
lived the Turkomans.
APPENDIX VII
SOME EARLY BISHOPRICS OF PALMYRENA
According to the Notitia Antiochiae ac Ierosolymae (from the middle
of the sixth century, Itin. hier. [Tobler], Vol. 1, pp. 385f.) the metro-
politanate of Damascus consisted of the following bishoprics: Abli, Pal-
myron, Laodicia, Euria, Renocora (var., Conochora, Konokola), Yabruda,
Danabi, Karatea, Hardani, and Sarraquini.
A petition to the Emperor Leo in 458 was signed (Harduin, Conciliorum
collectio [Paris, 1715], Vol.2, col. 720; Mansi, Concilia [1759-1798], Vol. 7,
col. 559) by the following bishops of the province of Phoenicia Secunda:
Joannes Damasci, Uranius Emesae, Joannes Palmyrensis, Thomas Evariae,
Dadas Chomoarenus, Eusebius Abydenus, (Eusebius Iabrudorum), Theo-
dorus Castridanabeni, Abraamius Uranensis, Petrus Coradensis, and Eu-
stathius Saracenorum.
Emesa, which as early as 451 was not subordinate to the metropolitan
of Damascus, was, according to the Notitia Antiochiae (Tobler), p. 337, an
independent metropolitanate with four suffragans. To offset this the
bishopric of Laodicia Scabiosa (ad Libanum) was assigned to Damascus.
Almost all the other bishoprics listed in the Notitia are the same as those
enumerated in the list of the year 458: Abli: Abylenus (Abydenus); Pal-
myron: Palmyrensis; Kuria: Evariae; Conochora: Chomoarénus; Yabruda:
Iabrudorum (Harduin, op.cit., Vol.1, col.316); Danabi: Danabenus; Karatea:
Uranensis (Arachensis); Hardani: Coradensis (Gerodensis); Sarraquini:
Saracenorum.
Conochora is also identical with Chonochora, the district of Chono
(or Conna). The town of Conna, according to the Antonine Itinerary, 199: 8,
lay halfway between Heliopolis (Baalbek) and Laodicia Scabiosa. Cunna
was garrisoned by the ala prima Francorum (Notitia dignitatum, Oriens 382,
No. 35). The district of Conna (or Chonochora) lying between Damascus
and Laodicia Scabiosa, which belonged, according to the Notitia Antiochiae,
to the metropolitanate of Damascus, must also have been a part of this
metropolitanate. Heliopolis formed an independent metropolitanate with-
out a suffragan. The forms Conno, Konno, Chonno, Chomo, Chona,
Chono(chora), and Gonno may well be variations of the same name, as
the negligent authors of the works under consideration used C, K, CH,
or G, indiscriminately. This same district of Conno, or Gonno, is mentioned
by Georgius Cyprius, Descriptio (Gelzer), p. 51, in the form Gonaitikon.
(See above, p. 23, note 3.)
The names of the residences of the four suffragans of the metro-
politanate of Emesa as given in the Notitia Antiochiae (op. cit.), p. 337,
are likewise corrupted. By a queer coincidence the first consonant in all
the four names is the same, 7: Arqui, Ariston (var., Orison), Herigen,
Orogison.— Arqui I regard as al-Harraki, 25 kilometers east, and Orogison
as al-Forklos, nearly 40 kilometers southeast of Homs. Antonine of Pia-
cenza, De locis sanctis (Tobler), p.381, throws some light on Ariston where
2738
274 PALMYRENA
he writes: “Leaving Emiza, we came through the towns of Arissa, Aristossa
(var., Ariston), and Epiphania,.to the town of Ampamia.” — Aristossa or
Ariston is identical with Arethusa, the present ar-Rastan. The Arissa of
Antonine is corrupted from Larissa, the Kal‘at Sejzar of today.
APPENDIX VIII
GABBULA OR GABBUL
The Patrum nicaenorum nomina (Gelzer), pp. 18f., state that among
the bishops of Coele-Syria who signed the decisions of the Council of
Nicea was one Basonis Gambulenus (variants: Gambalaenus, Gabulensis,
Abboli; in the Greek text, Gabulas [ibid., p. 64], Gabulon Bisa: pi F2y;3
and’ in the Syriac, Gabula [zbid., p. 102]).
Towards the end of the fourth century a certain Severian was bishop
in Gabula (Barhebraeus, Chron. eccles. [Abbeloos and Lamy], Vol. 1, col. 123).
At the Council of Chalcedon in 451 the decisions were signed among
others by one Petros Gabbulon of Syria (Harduin, Conciliorum collectio
[Paris, 1715], Vol. 2, col. 364).
John Malalas, Ghremoat aphia, XVIII, 199-204, beaten that the Saracen
king Alamundarus (al-Mundir), who was in alliance with the Persians,
marched with a great army past Circesium as far as the town of Callinicus
in Osroéne. As soon as Belisarius heard of this, he went with eight
thousand men — five thousand soldiers of the phylarch Aretas (Haret)
among them — to the assistance of the local Roman captains. At night
the Persians approached the Roman fort of Gabbula (Gabbil), situated
on a rivulet, where they entrenched themselves. Then they laid a great
number of four-pointed grapples about their camp, thus closing all avenues
to it except one. Sunica, one of the Roman captains, started in pursuit of
them, found some of their troops plundering places in the neighborhood,
and learned from captives of their plans. Belisarius, whom several
captains had joined in the meantime and who was then camping at the
town of Barbalissus (the Balis of today) not far from the Persians,
surrounded the Persian detachments near Beselathum and Batnae, as
well as at other places in that region. The Persians now demolished with
wooden engines the walls of Gabbula, which they had already under-
mined, and captured the fort; yet, on learning that Belisarius was prepar-
ing for an attack, they withdrew at night, taking their spoil with them;
Belisarius, however, pursued them with such swiftness that they had to
encamp again and get ready for a defense. They did this not far from the
frontier on this (the right-hand) side of the Euphrates, the passage across
which was guarded by Byzantine sailors. On the dry land the Persians
were surrounded on the south by the phylarch Aretas with two other
captains, on the north by Sunica with one other captain, and on the east
by Belisarius himself. On Easter eve, April 19, 531, a battle took place,
in which Belisarius was defeated. He therefore embarked with a part of
his army and sought refuge in Callinicus; but the rest of the army re-
GABBULA OR GABBUL 275
sisted the Persians successfully, and on the retreat of the latter pursued
them for two Roman miles. After this the victors also crossed over to
Callinicus. — The town of Batnae, mentioned in this report, is a well
known settlement between Aleppo and Membig.
Procopius, De bello persico, I, 17f., records that in 531 the Roman
Empire was invaded by 15,000 Persian cavalry led by the Persian Azareth
and the Arab Alamundarus, whose mother’s name was Saccica (Sekika).
They did not pillage Mesopotamia, as before, but Euphratesia. They crossed
the river Euphrates while yet in Assyria, marched through the desert, and
appeared suddenly in Commagene. Belisarius, surprised by this, garrisoned
the Mesopotamian towns, crossed the Euphrates, and hurried with twenty
thousand men to meet the enemy. Learning that the latter was encamped
at Gabbula, Belisarius took his position at Chalcis, about 110 stades from
there. The Persians, alarmed, commenced a retreat along the right bank
of the Euphrates. Belisarius followed them at a distance of one day’s
march, his intention being not to attack, but simply to force them out of
Roman territory. Finally the Persians halted opposite Callinicus, intending
to leave the Euphrates and return through the inhospitable desert to Persia
again. The Roman troops, who spent the night at Sura, surprised the Per-
sians on the morning of the day before Easter, April 19, just when they
were making ready for the march. When Belisarius learned that he would
not be able to keep his men from fighting, he placed the infantry by the
river on the left wing, the Saracen auxiliaries led by Aretas on the right
wing on rising ground, and he himself with the cavalry remained in the
center. On the Persian side the Saracens formed the left wing and the
Persians the right. After two o’clock in the afternoon the battle was lost
for the Romans. |
Zacharias the Rhetor, Historia miscellanea (Land), 9: 4, writes that
the Persians marched through the Roman desert and went into the camp
by the Euphrates, according to their custom securing themselves against
a surprise attack by digging deep ditches. Belisarius, intending to fight
them, overtook them in the last week of Lent. The Persian commander
Astabed, who feared the Romans greatly, asked for an armistice in order
that the Christians and Jéws in his army, as well as the Christian sol-
diers of Belisarius, might celebrate the festivals. Belisarius agreed, but
several of his captains murmured against his leniency and would not
hear of an armistice on any grounds. Then, when the fight began, a cold
wind blew against the Romans, who were worsted and fled. Many were
drowned in the Euphrates.
In 540 Justinian I ordered Gabula to be repaired (Procopius, De
aedificiws, II, 9: 10).
Michael the Syrian, Chronicle (Chabot), Vol. 4, p. 276, and Zacharias
the Rhetor, op. cit., 8:5, note that in 545 one Simeon was the prior of
the monastery of St. Isaac in Gabula. There were then in that vicinity
the monasteries Bejt Rekim, Magds, Kubbe, Konon (or Sentin), and Bejt
Mar Hanina’.
Barhebraeus, op. cit., Vol. 1, col. 261, relates that in 597 the monk
Athanasius, who was afterwards the Jacobite patriarch Julian, carried
salt by camels from Gabula to the Kinnesrin monastery.
KemAaladdin, Ta’rih (Barbier de Meynard), pp. 639f., relates that in the
winter of 1123—1124 al-Gabbil and the neighboring places were pillaged
276 PALMYRENA
by Joscelin, who captured many flocks and drove the inhabitants of Dejr
Hafer from the caves where they had hidden.
According to Kemaladdin (Ta@vrih [Blochet’s transl.], Rev. d’or lat.,
Vol. 6, pp. 7-11) in 1241 the Khorasmians (Hawarezm) marched from Har-
ran for a new attack on Aleppo. They crossed the Euphrates at ar-Rakka,
reaching al-Faja’, Dejr Hafer, and al-Gabbfil, whence they spread all through
the administrative district of an-Nakira, the Aleppan troops having ‘gone
to meet them in the meantime. The Khorasmians went nearly as far as
Salamijja and, returning from there to ar-Rusafa, were encountered by
a troop of Arabs. North and west of al-Balil they made preparations to
cross the Euphrates. On hearing of this, the Aleppans, who had by that
time reached Siffin, hastened to prevent their passage but were unsuc-
cessful in doing so, since the Khorasmians had already selected a position
at Bustan al-Balil, fortifying their camp with palisades and digging all
around it a deep trench. The Aleppans fought with them late into the
night, but, having neither fodder for their horses nor food for themselves,
they finally returned to their camp at Siffin the same night. The Khoras-
mians then crossed the Euphrates and reached ar-Rakka in safety, while
the Aleppan troops, trying to cross the river at the fort of Ga‘bar, failed
to do so because they lacked provisions. —
The district of al-Faja’ extends to the southwest of Membig (Hiera-
polis). From there it appears that the Khorasmians started southwards
to Dejr Hafer, Gabbil, and Salamja, after which they turned northeast
along the foot of the Abu Rigmén range by way of ar-Resafa to the
ford of al-Balil, about thirty kilometers north-northeast of ar-Resafa.
Al-Balil is identical with the modern Bulil, as the flood plain east of
Strija is called. The distance from there to Siffin, the Banat abu Hréra
of today, is forty-five kilometers.
Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 29f., writes that al-Gabbil is a large settle- |
ment by the salina of Aleppo. The creek of al-Butn4n (also called ad-Dahab)
empties into this salina after flowing through the settlement. Its water
evaporates when it reaches the salina and leaves there salt, which sup-
plies many settlements both in Syria and in Mesopotamia. The annual
profit from the salt is estimated at 120,000 dirhem. The soil thereabouts
is sandy. The inhabitants of al-Gabbtil are notorious for their laxity in
religious matters and their mendacity, quarrelsomeness, and factiousness.
Jakut, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 839, says, with regard to the Nahr ad-Dahab,
that it is identical with the creek WAdi Butn4n, which runs by Buza‘a.
This is said to be one of the wonders of the world, since that which
thrives on its upper reaches is sold by weight and that which is obtained
from the lower reaches by measure. Owing to irrigation, in the upper
reaches cotton and other products of the soil are raised with success; far-
ther down the creek empties into a lowland extending over two parasangs
in all directions, and, evaporating there, forms salt, which is transported
to all parts of Syria and sold by measure.
eee PEON Dx:
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS
Concerning the country residences of the Omayyad caliphs I have
written at some length in my Kusejr ‘Amra (1907), Vol. 1, pp. 119—167.
Father Henri Lammens, S.J., treats the same subject in his article La
Bddia et la Hira sous les Omaiyades (1910), pp. 91—112, although he con-
tributes nothing new. Inasmuch, however, as he shows there a desire to
correct some of my statements or, at least, to alter them, I have thought
it incumbent on me once again briefly to outline my ideas on the subject.
The members of the Omayyad family did not like to live in large
towns and whenever possible settled in the country. To settle in the
country was expressed by the verbal form tabadda’, and a country seat
was called bddija or muntazah (Abu-l-Farag, Ardni [Bilak, 1285 A. H.],
Vol. 6, p. 112; Vol. 8, p. 188; at-Tabari, Ta’rih [De Goeje], Ser. 2, p. 1784,
and passim).
SEASONS OF THE CALIPHS’ SOJOURNS IN THE COUNTRY
Only in the case of ‘Abdalmalek do the Arabic authors specify
where a caliph resided at a particular season (Ansdab [Ahlwardt], p. 200).
Of the other caliphs and members of the Omayyad family we have no
such records. Some of them lived constantly in the country and came
to Damascus only for short sojourns, as, for instance, HisAam and Walid II.
Before becoming caliph, Hisam liked to stay on his estates on the left
bank of the Euphrates, either at az-Zejtine (the classical Zaitha) or at
ar-Rakka (Callinicus); but when caliph he selected for his residence the
town of ar-Rusafa, where he built himself two manors (at-Tabari op.
Cie eres. pp. 1467; 1738).
Walid ibn Jazid ibn “Abdalmalek moved to the country permanently
in the first half of 735 and lived there almost continually until his death
in April, 744 (al-Ja‘ktibi, Ta’rih [Houtsma], Vol. 2, p. 394; Abu-l-Farag,
op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 104; at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1748, 1796).
Other members of the Omayyad family went to the country, it is
said, either in the summer or whenever contagious diseases broke out in
Damascus or the other large towns.
The caliph Walid I lived at al-Karjatan and watched the struggle of
two Arabs in a pond there (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 12, pp. 32f.; see
above, pp. 99f., note 26). — Arabs, who are not very fond of bathing and
particularly abhor cold water, would surely not have gone into the pond
in the winter or spring, when the water was still cold.
While sojourning at his country residence, the caliph Suleiman used
to amuse himself by night on the roof of his manor — another proof that
it was summer (zbid., Vol. 4, p. 61).
Yazid II stayed at Bejt Ras with the singer Hababa. While amusing
himself with her, he threw into her open mouth grapes — or, according to
277
278 PALMYRENA
others, pieces of pomegranates —, which Hababa swallowed, until one
clogged her windpipe, suffocating her (Ibn al-Atir, Kdmil [Tornberg],
Vol. 5, p.90; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 13, p. 165). — The ripe grapes and
pomegranates also testify that Yazid dwelt in his residence at Bejt Ras
in the summer or early autumn.
Jakit, Mu'gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 784, relates from various
sources that the caliph HisAm preferred to stay at ar-Rusafa in the
summer (as-sejf).
Al-Mas‘tdi, Muriig (De Meynard and De Courteille), Vol. 6, pp. 5f.,
relates that Walid II liked to amuse himself with good friends in the
bright moonlight on a knoll of fine sand. — The nights are quite chilly in
this region. It is, therefore, unthinkable that he would have amused him-
self outdoors on winter or spring nights, when everyone shivers with
cold, seeking the shelter of the tent and wrapping all one’s clothes around
one (see my Arabia Deserta [1927], pp. 21, 121).
In Kusejr ‘Amra, Vol. 1, p. 155, I observed. that the members of the
Omayyad dynasty kept clear of Damascus mainly in summer, as the
fever there was then at its height. Ibn Batttita, Tuhfa (Defrémery and
Sanguinetti), Vol. 4, p. 320, found that the pestilence gained most ground
in Damascus during the summer. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1738, re-
lates how the caliphs and their sons used to escape to the country when
contagious diseases broke out and how they shunned people. Once upon
a time, it is said, somebody pleaded with HisAam not to leave Damascus
for the country, because the caliphs were not subject to contagion, since
none of them had ever died of pestilence. But HiSAm would not wait to
see if this also applied to his person and went to ar-Rusafa. Jakut,
Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), Vol. 2, p. 784, reports that when pestilence had
broken out His4m built ar-Rusafa and used to reside there in summer.
From other sources we learn that ar-Rusaéfa means not only the town
but the outlying neighborhood. “Abbas .and Yazid, the sons of Walid I,
also fled from contagion to the country. “Abbas took quarters in al-Kas-
tal and Yazid not far off. (At-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1784.)
The caliph al-Mutawakkel of the Abbasside family intended to settle
at Damascus for a long period. He went there at the end of May, 858,
but did not stay even two months, fleeing to the country for the same
reason that the Omayyad caliphs had previously fled. The summer air at
Damascus was said to be chilly and moist, the water undrinkable; from
3 P.M. until past midnight a strong wind generally blew, and there were
more fleas than at any other known place. Al-Mutawakkel moved from
Damascus to ar-Rusafa (ibid., Ser. 3, p. 1486; al-Bekri, Mu‘gam [ Wisten-
feld], p. 379; al-Mas‘tdi, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 257). —
The climate of Damascus has not changed at all. The spring months
are very pleasant there, but the summer begins early in June and with
it the contagious diseases. Because of this, those who are able move to
the country. The owners of landed estates almost invariably have a
cottage in one of their hamlets, where they live through the entire sum-
mer until the first autumn rain. Wealthy people owning no hamlets leave
for the Lebanon or Antilebanon, while the ordinary: citizens hire such
summer quarters in the neighborhood as they find convenient.
In the summer months as at no other time of the year the country
about Damascus is full of people and commotion. Towards the end of
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 279
June large tribes of Bedouins encamp on the stubble fields south and
east of the city, selling their camels and home products and providing
themselves with grain and clothing for their sojourn in the inner desert.
At the end of August they leave the Damascan district again, and in
September not a trace of them remains. The country districts most fa-
vored by the caliphs of former times are still preferred as summer res-
idences and camping grounds.
Lammens (op. cit., p. 99, note 5) reproaches me with writing in
Kusejr Amra, Vol. 1, p. 155, that the Omayyads resided in the country also
in summer, adding that they could not have selected a worse time for
such a purpose and that all the quoted passages clearly show them to
have lived there during the winter rains, which Lammens believes the
word rabt to mean. This reproach shows that Lammens is unfamiliar
with the climate and habits of the people of Syria, that he does not
understand the Arabic conception of rabi’, and that he did not even exam-
ine carefully the passages on which he bases his reasoning. Abu-l-Fa-
rag, op. cit., Vol. 10, p. 167, does not mention any sojourn of the Omay-
yads in the country during the period of the rabi*. Where he speaks of
the rabt (ibid., Vol. 2, p. 108) he is dealing with the time of Walid II,
who stayed in the country permanently, not only while the rab?’ lasted
but also in the sejf, or summer, and in the other seasons of the year.
Lammens is entirely mistaken in identifying the rabt° with the winter
rains. The rabi is the result of the winter rains; therefore it may be
said of a district that it has had no rabt for two or three years, that
it is not prosperous, because it did not receive the necessary amount of
rain in all that time. The rabt° does not set in with the first rain, no
matter how heavy that rain may be. It ordinarily begins during the last
ten days of February and lasts into May, its end being determined by
the date and quantity of the last rain. Its results are apparent through
the whole summer and autumn, when the perennials grow and blossom
luxuriantly. Furthermore, it is incorrect to say, as Lammens (op. cit., p. 99,
note 2) does, that the Rwala go to the inner desert only when the rabi° is
near. They do so at the end of August and even in September, which is from
four to five months before the beginning of the 7abi’. Often there is no
prosperity, or rabi*, for several years in succession in the wider environs
of Damascus. In 1908—1909, when I was with the Rwala, we looked for
the rabi* from Damascus on the north nearly as far as Tejma on the
south and Hasm Sennar on the southeast, and yet we did not find it. The
Rwala said that there was no rabt’. It is in this sense that we should
interpret Abu-l-Farag’s remarks (op. cit., Vol.2, p.108; Vol. 6, p.112) where
he states that Walid II encamped at the wells of Aba ir or Ubajr, as the
rain had been plentiful there that season and, consequently, the rabi’,
which is the necessary result of the rainfall; he did not encamp there
because it was springtime.
Spring, which is a definite season of the year, is synonymous with
vabt in lands where rain is regular. ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika* (al-Bekri, Mu'gam
[Wustenfeld], p. 319) is explicit in his statement that Walid I made his
quarters at Hunasira only when good rains brought on the rabé there.
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 111, says exactly what the modern Bed-
ouins say: “to a certain region came the vabi‘,” meaning prosperity
which led a multitude of people to gather there. That the members of
280 PALMYRENA
the Omayyad family liked to spend their summers where there had
been rvabi is easy to understand, but a sojourn of this kind was within
the means only of those who owned property or had friends in the rural
districts.
Lammens is not correct in asserting (op. cit., p. 100, note 3) that the
Arabic reports invariably connect the Omayyads’ sojourn in the country
with the rabi° and the winter rains, meaning by this that it was in the
winter months that the caliphs used to live in the bddija. Not a single one
of the passages to which he appeals confirms this. As mentioned above, in
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 10, p. 167, there is no reference to the country
residences of the Omayyads. Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 113) makes
no mention whatever of Yazid II having moved to the country during
a rabi’. Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., p. 187) relates that Jazid (Yazid) ibn al-
Walid fled to the country from the pestilence then ravaging Damascus.
At what time of the year he did this is not stated, but he surely did
not return to Damascus as long as the danger lasted. As the passage in
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 188, cannot be connected with the rab
in any way, there remain only the passages in Vol. 2, p. 108, and Vol. 6,
pp. 112f. In these Walid II is said to have lived in the country almost
continuously for several years; therefore he must have been there not
merely in the winter and spring but in the summer and autumn as well.
How Lammens can write that the Arabic reports clearly state that
the Omayyads stayed in the country during the winter rains and can
assert that this is the only meaning of the word vabi‘, I do not under-
stand. But Lammens is not consistent. In his Htudes sur le régne du Calife
Omaiyade Mo‘awia (1908), p. 244, he differentiates between the country
seats used in the spring and those used at the other seasons of the year.
The Omayyads used to leave for the country when it pleased them
or when they had to— according to the circumstances—at different
times of the year. The chroniclers could not, therefore, note their de-
parture from and return to Damascus with any regularity, and we learn
only from occasional remarks that some caliph or prince either moved
to the country or returned from there to the capital. Therefore, when
Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 101, writes that the chroniclers speak of the
ruler as coming and going regularly, he is in error. Some of the passages
he refers to do not mention such movements at all, and others merely
state that the caliph, like the other members of reigning family, went to
the country or returned whenever necessary, not only in the winter or
spring but also at any other season.
LOCATION OF THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES
It is interesting to examine the places favored by the Omayyads
for their country residences. The caliphs fully adapted themselves to the
local customs and as a rule stayed where previously the kings and princes
of the Setar tribe had liked to live. Such places were Gabija (Hamzat
al-Isfahani, rih [Gottwaldt], p. 120), Gillik (Hassan ibn Tabet, Diwan
[Tunis, 1281 c H.], p. 24), Hawwarin (John of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical
History, Ill, 40), apatiante (ibid., VI, 4), Hammam as-Sarrah (Hamzat
al-Isfahani, op. cit., p.117), and other places east of al-Belka (an-NA@bira,
Supplement to the Diwdn [Derenbourg], p. 45; Hassan ibn Tabet, op. cit.,
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 281
p. 101; Hamzat al-Isfahani, loc. cit.). GAbija and the other residences of
the Ghassanian kings south of Damascus were also dear to the Omayyads;
and, like the Omayyads, the head chiefs of the Rwala at the present time
camp or live in or near them in summer.
Regarding the residences south of Damascus I shall say nothing,
my chief interest being in those to the northeast, east, and southeast of
that city. In the immediate vicinity of Damascus I shall mention only
Dejr Murran, the famous monastery, where probably every royal prince
was entertained and where the caliph al-Walid I died. The precise loc-
ation of this monastery is at present unknown. I look for it, however, on
the hillock of ar-Rabwe, near which lies a settlement of the same name,
four kilometers west-northwest of the city. Between the hillock and the
rocky mountains to the west the Barada river cleaves its way to the blessed
plain of Damascus. The road and the railway both run along the bank
of the river through the narrow gap. From the hillock there is a delight-
ful view east and southeast over the immense garden of al-Rtita, which is
irrigated by the river, some canals, and several creeks. To the eastward
may be seen the white minarets of Damascus, while to the northwest
and west rise the bluish or rose-tinged rocks of the Antilebanon and
Mt. Hermon. Of the old monastery no remains can be seen on this hil-
lock. Some enterprising citizen has started a coffeehouse there, in order
that the excursionists may enjoy the view while sitting in the shade.
With the location of Dejr Murran as thus stated all the extant records
would seem to agree, particularly that of Ibn ar-Ra‘i ad-Dimiski (Bark
| Codex vindobonensis], fol. 29), who, writing at the end the eighteenth
century, asserts that Dejr Murran lies at the foot of the range of KAsijin
near the settlement of ar-Rabwe and that there is a splendid view from
it over al-Rtta. It is said to be an old monastery, of which there remains
nothing but a few foundation walls and the name. Below, in the plain,
extend beautiful gardens reminding one of paradise.
Yazid I enjoyed staying in Huwwarin very much; there also he died
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 203, 427; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 16,
p. 88; al-Mas‘tdi, Murig [De Meynard and De Courteille], Vol.5, pp. 126f.).
The location of this place is well known; Lammens, however, in his Mo‘dwia
(1908), pp. 245f., states that it lies on the border of the great Syrian
desert halfway between Damascus and Palmyra, whereas in his Yazid I®’,
(1913), p. 471, he places it two days north of Damascus, between this
city and Homs. Through Hawwarin no direct road has ever led or now
leads from Damascus to either Palmyra or Homs. HawwéArin is not
situated to the north but to the northeast of Damascus, and the great
Syrian desert is at least seventy kilometers away. In his Mo‘dwia (1908),
p. 247 and note 1, Lammens, referring to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 16, pp.
70f., says that Yazid while at HuwwAarin had musicians come to him from
the Hegaz. In the passage to which Lammens refers, however, no mention
whatever is made of Hawwarin. Yazid’s delight in Hawwarin is attributed
by Lammens, op. cit., pp. 263f., to various causes, among them the fact
that Hawwarin is not far from territory once occupied by the Tarleb tribe.
Lammens believes that a part of this tribe settled in the desert which
lay between Membig, ar-Resafa, and the Bisr range and thus adjoined
on the north the territory of the Kalb and Ghassanian tribes, i. e. the
vicinity of Palmyra and Hawwéarin. He would thus exclude the Tarleb
282 PALMYRENA
from the desert south of the Bisr range (al-BiSri), although, as a matter
of fact, this tribe also camped to the south of al-BiSr, even as far as
the country about ‘Ajn at-Tamr and the Laha range. Moreover, Palmyra
and HawwéArin lie, not south, but southwest of al-Bisri and ar-Resafa. In
defining the limits of the Kalb territory Lammens (op. cit., p. 153,
note 1) would read in al-KalkaSsandi, Subh (Cairo, 1903), Vol. 1, p. 195
(Cairo, 1922, p. 316), Hunasira instead of al-Manazer. This is taking
unjustifiable liberties with the text of al-KalkaSandi. Al-KalkaSandi copies
al-Bekri, Mu‘gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 18, where it is stated that the Kalb
were settled at Manazer as-Sam between al-Belka and Huwwarin as far
as az-Zejttin. By the word mandzer the Arabic writers designated the
classical limes exterior, i. e. the outer boundaries of the Roman Empire.
Merwan ibn al-Hakam occasionally stayed at as-Sinnabra on the
shore of Lake Tiberias near the town of at-Tabarijje (al-Mas tdi, op. cit.,
Vol.5,"p. -205);
The country seats of the caliph ‘Abdalmalek are noted accurately in
the anonymous Arabic chronicle Ansadb (Ahlwardt), pp. 200f. In the rainy
season he would live at as-Sinnabra in the administrative district of Ur-
dunn. When the rain abated he would remove to Gabija. His retinue took
quarters in the neighborhood, “Abdalmalek distributing sheep among them
at stated intervals. After the few first days of March, he would go to
Damascus, where he resided at the Dejr Murran; but when the summer
heat set in he would leave for Baalbek to stay there until the first winds
announcing the coming rains began to blow. Then he would return to
Damascus and, when the cold increased, move to as-Sinnabra; here he
died. — These precise statements make it evident that ‘Abdalmalek shunned
Damascus in summer, and we may therefore assume that his predecessors
and his successors alike did the same; that is, that they did not live
in the country during the rainy season only, but at all times of the year.
Walid I had a country residence at Usejs, as is attested by “Adi ibn
ar-Rika’ (al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 122; Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 272). Jakut
says that Usejs is a watering place east of Damascus. — Usejs is to be
identified with the voleano Tell Sejs, which rises 105 kilometers south-
east of Damascus. The classical “Usejs” sounds in the dialect like “Sejs.” At
the foot of the Tell Sejs is an artificial rain pool and a heap of ruins.
Abu-l-Farag, op.cit., Vol.12, pp. 32f., relates that Walid I also lived at
al-Karjatan, thus north of the Tell Sejs and twenty kilometers southeast
of Hawwarin. The poet ‘Adi ibn ar-Rika’ remarks (al-Bekri, op. cit.,
pp. 318f.) that the caliph Walid I after the abundant winter rains moved
to Hunasirat al-Ahass and that his stay there brought much profit to
the people from the surrounding country. — The effects of abundant winter
rains in the vicinity of Hundasira (the modern Handser, about 40 kilo-
meters south of Aleppo and 185 kilometers nearly due north from al-
Hawwarin) do not appear before April, from which we may conclude
that Walid I spent the summer there also.
‘Abbas and Yazid, the sons of Walid I, had their country seats at
al-Kastal and in the region near by; al-Kastal was a five days’ journey
from Damascus (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.2, pp. 1784-1788). — The road from
al-Kastal to Damascus led by way of Gerfid; therefore we must look for
this country residence at the ruin of al-Kastal, 95 kilometers northeast
of Hawwarin.
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 283
Yazid II often left Damascus for his country seat of al-Mwakkar
(Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 160; Jakiat, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 687). —
This residence, which has kept its old name to this day, lies 85 kilo-
meters north-northeast of Taibt al-Radaf. Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 103,
note 2, found a mention of al-Mwakkar in Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18,
pp. 165, 166, where, however, I have searched for it in vain. He writes
(Lammens, op. cit., p. 108, note 8) that Yazid had various buildings put
up around the manor at al-Mwakkar, and refers to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit.,
p. 161; but in this passage the place is not mentioned at all. — The manor
of al-Mwakkar must have suffered during the war between ‘Abdallah ibn
‘Ali, commander of the caliph Abu-l-‘Abbas (750-754) and Habib ibn Murra
in al-Belka (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 3, pp. 52-56; al-Mas‘tdi, Murig
[De Meynard and De Courteille], Vol. 6, p. 76), since the poet Ishak ibn
Muslim al-‘Okejli sings the praises of the caliph Abu-l-‘Abbas, by whose
order Homs, Bab at-Tin, al-Mwakkar, and Tadmur were demolished (Abu-
l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 150). But it could not have been destroyed
completely, because either right in it or in the adjoining settlement of
the same name there lived a family of which al-Walid ibn Muhammad
al-Mwakkari, the collector of religious traditions, was a descendant. This
al-Walid died in 894 (Jaktt, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 687).
Yazid II sometimes also resided in the vicinity of Fudejn, where Sa‘id
ibn Haled ibn “Amr ibn “Otman had a manor (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6,
pp. 113, 115). This manor I take to be the Kasr al-Hallabat, about 25
kilometers south-southeast of the settlement of Fdejn and 45 kilometers
north-northeast of al-Mwakkar. Here a small but finely built house must
have been inhabited permanently by Moslems. Yazid’s country residence
was probably identical with the Hamm4m as-Sarrah, five kilometers south-
east of the Kasr al-Hallabat, for nowhere do we find any evidence that
Yazid II ever lived in company with Sa‘id at the latter’s manor. Accord-
ing to Jakit, op. cit., Vol. 3, pp. 858f., al-Faddajn is a settlement in the
Hawran district. There the Omayyad Sa‘id ibn Haled ibn Muhammad ibn
“Abdallah al-‘Otmani had a castle; but, when he revolted against the caliph
al-Ma’mtin (813—833) and an army was sent to punish him, he fled to Ziza.
The caliph’s troops took the castle and pursued him to Ziza; when this
place fell before them, Sa‘id took refuge first in “Amman, then at the
settlement of Masth, and finally in the strong fort of Hesban. — The
castle of this Sa‘id must be identical with the castle of his ancestor Sa‘id
and with our Kasr al-Hallabat, for neither in the settlement of Fdejn, nor
in its immediate vicinity is there any manor or castle.
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 18, p. 165, knew of a country seat of
Yazid II at Bejt Ras. Certain Arabic writers placed this settlement in
the administrative district of Urdunn and others placed it in the terri-
tory of Jerusalem. Since, according to some of these writers, Taibt al-
Radaf was likewise located in Urdunn, I hold that we may identify Bejt
Ras with the Dat RAs ruins, 110 kilometers southwest of Tabt al-Radaf.
Dat Ras lies in the territory of al-Belka, where Yazid II had two favorite
seats, al-Mwakkar and Fudejn.
In al-Belka, 15 kilometers southwest of al-Mwakkar, stands the large
manor of al-MSatta, which Lammens, Bddia (1910), pp. 102f., would also
like to identify as one of the country seats of the Omayyad caliphs. His
principal argument for this is its location on the Roman limes, where
284 PALMYRENA
the Bedouins are said to like to camp in winter; from this circumstance
he would derive the name of al-MSatta from the word msattd (winter
camp), which, he says, is the Bedouin way of pronouncing the correct
masta. This statement, however, shows that Lammens is unfamiliar with
the language of the Bedouins, with their customs and practices, and even
with the location of the ruins of al-MSatta.
Not a single tribe of the Bedouins calls a winter camp msattd; they
all pronounce the word distinctly masta (plural, masdtz). It is true that
in some dialects ksuba is proneunced ksubba and hbeke is pronounced
hbekke; but in these cases the third stem consonant — not the second, as
in msatta — is doubled. Msattd would be considered by every Bedouin the
plural of a feminine noun derived from the stem Satt in the dialect of
the goat and sheep breeders who live southeast and northeast of Da-
mascus, since the latter say “Edra‘a” and ‘“‘Ukériba,” (not “Edra‘at” or
““Uzéribat,” as the Bedouins would pronounce these names) and by ana-
logy would say msattd instead of msattdt. In nouns denoting the place
of the action of a verb of which the third stem conscnant is weak, the
prefix never loses its vowel, and therefore the Bedouins say malga, manda,
malka’, and, accordingly, masta — never msata or msatta (see my Arabia
Deserta, p. 408).
Lammens would place the best winter camping grounds of the Bed-
ouins at the watering places on the Roman border. As a matter of fact
not a single Bedouin tribe is ever seen wintering along the line of the
inner Roman border, or limes interior, on which al-MSatta lies. Even the
Beni Sahr, to whom that territory now belongs, move with their flocks
and tents far to the east when the winter approaches, not returning to
the vicinity of al-MSatta before the middle of June, to stay there no later
than the end of August. On this account alone al-MSatta cannot be called
a winter camping ground of the Bedouins.
In the time of the Omayyads the whole line of the limes interior
was settled and cultivated, a fact which surely would have made it im-
possible for Bedouins and their camels to camp there either in the winter
or spring, since they would have ruined the peasants’ crops. Then, as now,
the Bedouins went there only when the harvest time began, and then, as
now, they went deeper and deeper into the country as the work in the
fields permitted, their flocks pasturing on the stubble all the way. This
is the practice even today of the Palmyrene peasants, who leave their
hamlets in winter and drive their flocks to the desert borders to let them
graze there as long as the rain water lasts. Not until this dries up do
they return into Palmyrena.
Every native knows that during the winter months there are not
many wild animals either in Palmyrena or Moab, since they withdraw
at this time far into the desert and do not return thence to the former
inner border of the Roman Empire until some time in June or July. In
the time of the Omayyads the situation was certainly no different from
what it is now; consequently, when the caliphs wanted to amuse them-
selves by hunting in their country seats, they would have had to remain
there during the summer and autumn,
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS — 285
WALID II’S COUNTRY RESIDENCES
Yazid’s son, Walid II, also grew fond of the eastern border of the
al-Belka district. Having accompanied his father there frequently, he had
made many acquaintances and friends in the region. He therefore retired
thither when he noticed with what disfavor His4m looked upon his staying
in ar-Resafa or its neighborhood. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1743, and
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 104, relate that Walid moved to al-Azrak
between the territories of the Balkejn and Fezara tribes and settled at
the watering place of al-Ardaf. Elsewhere (ibid., Vol. 2, p. 79) Abu-l-
Farag calls these waters al-Radaf. Ibn al-Atir, Kamil (Tornberg), Vol. 5,
p. 198, records that Walid made his quarters at al-Azrak near a watering
place that belonged to him in the administrative district of Urdunn. In
the work cited, Vol. 5, p. 217, Ibn al-Atir writes that Walid lived at al-
Ardaf in the “Amméan district. — These and other reports suggest that by
al-Azrak and ‘Amman was meant the same district and indicate the
location of the water of al-Ardaf or al-Radaf. This fact, however, does
not exclude Walid II’s periodical visits either to the town of ‘Amman
or to the settlement of al-Azrak. But that Walid II had been particularly
fond of al-Azrak, as Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 103, asserts, cannot be
proved, since no incident from Walid II’s stay at al-Azrak is mentioned
in any known source.
Since Walid II used to sojourn at al-Radaf and since he fled for
his life from his residence there (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1795f.),
we may assume that al-Radaf was the place where he had the building
erected which is recorded by Abu-l-Farag (op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 136). This
building was probably identical with the town mentioned by Severus ibn
al-Mukaffa‘, Sijar (Seybold), pp. 163f. Severus writes that in the desert
15 miles from the nearest water al-Walid began to build a town called
after him. He brought people from everywhere and ordered them to hurry
the work of construction. Although a thousand camels were employed to
bring water for the workers, they could not carry enough even for one
day, and many workers died of thirst. The camels were divided in two
groups: a group of six hundred brought water one day, another group
of four hundred brought it the next. Al-Walid was assailed by a certain
Ibrahim, who killed him. —
In al-Radaf there are ruins of a large unfinished building, which
might easily have been mistaken for a town (see my Kusejr “Amra, pp.
14-16 and Figs. 7-14, 938-101). The water may have been brought from the
now caved-in wells Radir ad-Dib, 23 kilometers east-northeast of al-Radaf.
There is another unfinished building at al-MSatta, but its location in
a tilled region — within about 10 kilometers of a supply of spring water —
does not tally with Severus’ report.
According to at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1796, Walid II on his march
from his country seat to al-Bahra (al-Bhara) reached the Sabakat ad-
Dahhak. This plain of ad-Dahhak is identical with the Sbecet or fejzat of
az-Zah¢ijje, the position of which shows that Walid II’s country seat must
have been to the southwest of it and therefore not at al-Azrak but at what
is now the demolished and partly unfinished manor of Tibt al-Radaf.
Tibt al-Radaf is identical with the classical al-Ardaf.
286 PALMYRENA
At-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1754, writes that Walid II entertained the
pilgrims and warriors at the station of Ziza on the old transport road
from southwestern Arabia to Damascus. Possibly he sojourned there period-
ically. Once in a while he also stopped at the manor of his father-in-law,
Said, at Fudejn (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, pp. 118, 115); but he seldom
stayed there long. Lammens, Mo‘dwia (1908), p. 246, places Fudejn and al-
Azrak in the old Moab territory, where they never belonged. According
to Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 118, we might believe that Kastal was
Walid II’s residence, but it is hard to say whether it was the Kastal
95 kilometers northwest of Tibt al-Radaf or al-Kastal, the country seat
of his relative and friend ‘Abbas, 70 kilometers northwest of Palmyra.
Sometimes after good rains or in the time of rabbi’ Walid II stayed
at Abair (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 108; here Aba’in is erroneously
printed, an error to which I have already called attention in Kusejr “Amra,
Vol. 1, p. 157, note 335). There I also look for the muntazah (country seat),
another place favored by Walid II in the rabt (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6,
p. 112). He was visited there in 748 by a poet from the Hegaz. Aba’ir
may be identified with Ubajr in the territory of the Beni al-Kejn (cbid.,
Vol. 11, p. 87) and with the modern Bajer, 70 kilometers east-southeast
of Tibt al-Radaf. It is situated on the transport and pilgrim road from
al-Medina by way of Tejma to Syria, the road which was surely taken
by the poet when he went to pay his respects to Walid II (see my Arabia
Deserta, pp. 324f. and note 76).
Lammens, Badia (1910), p. 102, note 7, regards Aba’ ir as a fort on the
Roman limes. He does not give any reasons for this assumption; nor is
it possible to find any, because the limes interior lay 120 kilometers west
and the limes exterior 240 kilometers east of Aba ir, the modern Bajer.
Lammens, op. cit., p. 108, also identifies one of the country residences of
Walid II with the Kasr al-Abjad at ar-Ruhba, but not a single source
mentions that Walid II ever lived there.
The country seat of an-Nagra’ recorded by Lammens, loc. cit., is
due to a false rendering of the name of the known settlement al-Bahra
(al-Bhara) where Walid II was visited by several personages (Abu-l-
Farag, op. cit., Vol. 5, pp. 148, 168) and was later killed and buried (al-
Mas‘tdi, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 2; in Ibn Kotejba, Ma‘drif [Wiistenfeld], pp. 182,
186, the name is erroneously spelled al-Bahra’). Al-Bekri, op. cit., p. 141,
writes that al-Bahra’ is the name of a ground in Syria, so called owing
to the bad smells coming from a cemetery there. — This shows that the
Arabic al-bahra’ (the stinking) is merely a descriptive term and not the
real name of this settlement; it is also interesting to note that the
settlement was still known as late as the eleventh century. To bad
smells the Bedouins are very sensitive, believing them to have an in-
jurious effect on many people. Moreover, at al-Bahra there is a large
cemetery. When I was there at the end of 1908 it was still untouched,
but in the first part of 1912 all the graves had been opened and plun-
dered and the bones scattered about. Goaria, the original name of al-
Bahra’, survived only in classical and Syriac literatures (see above, p. 143,
note 37). The Arabs perhaps at first said “Goaria al-Bahra’,” but in the
course of time “Goaria” was dropped and only “al-Bahra’” remained —
a process met with quite frequently in the Arabic terminology. A plau-
sible reason for the disappearance of the name Goaria may be the erection -
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 287
of a fort there by the Persians (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.-2, p. 1796), who
undoubtedly gave it a Persian name; but the Arabs did not call it by
its Persian name. Noman ibn BaSir, a faithful follower of the caliphs
Othman, Moawiyah, and Yazid I, had a manor inside the fort of al-Bahra’
(ibid., p. 1796; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol.14, pp. 119ff.; an-Nawawi, Tahdib
[Wustenfeld], Vol. 2, pp. 596f.).
Al-Bekri, Mu'gam (Wiistenfeld), p. 362, records the merry drinking
bouts of Walid II with his brother Ramr at Dejr Murran. Abu-l-Farag,
op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 112, substitutes Muhammad, the son of the caliph Suleiman,
for Ramr and makes a monastery near ar-Ramle in Palestine the scene
of the revelry.
Occasionally Walid II also visited ar-Resafa, where he arranged
horse races (al-Mas‘ddi, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 14).
All the Omayyad country seats lying southeast, east, or northeast
of Damascus may be located with accuracy. It is evident that not a single
one of them was in the desert proper, some being in the cultivated ter-
ritory and some on its borders. Lammens, Bddia (1910), p. 100, is mis-
taken, therefore, when he says that “the real Arabs, and consequently
the Omayyads,” settled at different points in the Syrian desert. Lammens
(zbid., p. 91, note 1) places HunAsira, al-Gabija, and Huwwarin in the desert.
Ibn ‘Asakir, Ta’vih (Codex berolinensis), fols. 56 v.f., writes more correctly
that Gabija lies in the cultivated district of Jordan (Sawad al-Urdunn).
The whole vicinity of Gabija has always been cultivated and settled.
Hunasira is located amidst hundreds upon hundreds of ruined or rebuilt
and repeopled villages in Palmyrena; and the same is true of Hawwarin.
Where these country seats are situated, there never has been, there is
not now, and there probably never will be a desert. Only Aba’ir and al-
Ardaf, the Bajer and the Tiaibt al-Radaf of today, can we place in the
desert, but even on every side of these places there are remains of human
dwellings; and at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1796, says explicitly that al-
Ardaf lies in vif — that is, in country which may be cultivated or where
there are at least abundant pastures all the year round. Likewise the
neighborhoed of the country seat of al-Bahra might be cultivated, al-
though farther south and east there prevailed in the time of the Omay-
yads, as now, an inhospitable desert.
DETAILS OF CONSTRUCTION
In what manner were the Omayyads housed in their country seats?
I have already explained in Kusejr “Amra, Vol. 1, p. 144, that they at
first lived in tents, as is shown by records preserved in Abu-l-Farag’s
Kitab al-Ardni and elsewhere, where their dwellings are referred to
by the Bedouin word bejt (tent). In a tent lived WalidI (Abu-l-Farag,
op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 188); in a tent died ‘Omar II (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2,
p. 1872; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 8, p. 158). Hisam sometimes resided
in tents which he had moved from one place to another (zbid., Vol. 2,
pp. 35f.). Walid II used to amuse himself in a tent, and mention is made
of its back wall (riwdk) and its front wall (surddik) (at-Tabari, op. cit.,
Ser. 2, pp. 1819f.). At another time he had both the walls and the floor
of his tent decorated with Armenian carpets (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 1,
Dec wyVol. >, p. 173).
288 PALMYRENA
As is apparent from the foregoing discussions, however, the caliphs
while in the country also lived in solid buildings, which they called kasr
or ddr. These words are synonymous (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1799f.).
‘Omar II, during his stay at Hundsira, received his subjects in a chamber
(al-Mas‘Gdi, op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 434). The gate leading to the manor of
of Walid II could be opened and closed by pulling a metal ring hanging
from it (Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 4. p. 173). Of course, this does not
mean that such a solid building, or manor, was never surrounded by tents.
When the kings of the Ghassanian tribe resided at Gabija, the retinue
surely put up their black tents about the manor. The royal residence then
consisted of a permanent building, or manor, and of movable tents, as
explained in Kusejr “Amra, Vol. 1, pp. 145 ff. When the Ghassanian kings
visited one of the Roman border forts, they lodged with the Byzantine
commander, and their followers pitched their black tents outside the walls.
In their numerous buildings the Ghassanian as well as the Lahm kings
imitated the manors and forts of the Romans and Persians (zbzd., p. 147).
In this way originated their fortified camps (hira; or, as the Syriac
writers called them, hérta’). Al-Hira, the chief residence of the Lahm
kings, consisted, according to reliable Arabic sources, of various perma-
nent houses or manors. Not far away the kings had the separate manors
of al-Hawarnak and as-Sadir. In the winter and spring these kings used
to camp far within the desert; but in the early summer they would return
to al-Hira. There they occupied one of the manors (kasr) while their
tribes pitched their tents on the sterile plain west of al-Hira. Thus we
see that the capital of the Lahm kings as well as their encampments were
formed both of permanent buildings and of movable tents. Abu-l-Farag,
op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 35f., records the same about the caliph Hisam, who like-
wise lived in a manor or castle (kasr) while his retinue lived in tents.
Often, too, he would settle down with his relatives in a stately tent, to
return to his manor a short time after. Walid II had a well built house
at his country seat, which he would occasionally abandon for his tent
(ibid., Vol. 8, p. 1838).
The country seats of HisAam and Walid II were apparently arranged
in the same style as those of the Ghassanian and Lahm kings and were
invariably called hérta by the Syriac authors. On the other hand, the
Arabic writers use the word hira almost exclusively to mean the capital,
al-Hira; while for the country seats of the Omayyad caliphs they seem
to have no other term than ‘askar. Evidently the Persian word ‘askar
must have had the same meaning for the Arabic writers as the Aramaic
hérta or hira, designating sometimes a camp of movable tents and some-
times an encampment of tents and solid buildings combined. Thus at-
Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1819-1828, speaks of Walid II as living in a tent
and yet refers to his ‘askar. Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, p. 186, relates
that Walid II had a building erected in his camp (‘askar), which goes to
show that the camp consisted of both movable tents and this solid building.
The caliph Suleiman lived in the country and one night amused
himself on the roof of his residence near his ‘askar (Abu-l-Farag, op.
cit., Vol. 4, p. 61.). Abu-l-Farag (ibid., Vol. 1, p. 19) knew of a ‘askar
of Walid’s, part of which was formed by the ddr. The latter word cannot,
therefore, be synonymous with ‘askar, as is the opinion of Lammens,
Bddia (1910), p. 108, note 5. Ddr signifies a large building with a yard,
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 289
just as does kasr, for which dav is often substituted (at-Tabari, op. cit.,
mere 2, Opt 1o4,..1899 f.).
If we read the Syriac annals of the Ghassanian kings, we find that
what the Arabic writers say of the ‘askar, the Syrians claim for the hértw
or hira. Such a hira or hértw camp might be broken up or burned (John
of Ephesus, Ecclesiastical History, IV, 22 and 36; VI, 18; Michael the
Syrian, Chronicle [Chabot], Vol. 4, p. 357).
In order to elude the numerous visitors, the Omayyads preferred the
country to the large towns. But even in the country they did not escape
unwelcome guests, and nothing was left for them but to act the part of
the host. The true Bedouin knows of no separate house or tent for the
guest, as do the settlers or goat and sheep raisers who roam along: the
borders of the cultivated territory. A Bedouin taking his guest to another’s
or to the common tent would “‘blacken his face,” as their saying is. Every
tent affords hospitality, but the chief’s, of course, most of all. It is not
true, as Lammens, Mo‘dwia (1906), p. 101, writes, that in accordance with
the customs of the desert every sheikh, even the poorest, has an extra
tent reserved for the guests (maddfe). The Omayyads were not Bedouins,
but descendants of settlers from Mecca, who put up separate lodgments
at their country seats in order to avoid personal hospitality. Lammens,
Badia (1910), p. 108, insists that these lodging places, or hostels, were not
tents but permanent buildings with walls. As proof he points to Abu-l-
Farag, op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 174, but no mention whatever is made of a hostel
in this passage. Only in Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 178, do we find a
brief remark that Walid II dwelt in a tent (bejt), the entire furnishings of
which he presented to a companion of his gaiety. The word bejt in this
passage surely means a goat’s-hair tent (bejt as-sa‘ar), because Walid II
was then out hunting. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1819f., to whom
Lammens also refers, says distinctly that Walid II lived in a tent (bejt)
with a riwdk (back wall) and surddik (front wall). In Abu-l-Farag, op.
cit., Vol. 6, p. 138, only ddr ad-dijdfe is spoken of, referring, I believe,
‘to a lodging place built on the Pilgrim Road at Ziza.
The manors which the Lahm kings occupied were decorated with
pictures closely resembling those at Kusejr ‘Amra. At-Tabari, op. cit.,
Ser. 1, p. 857, relates how the Persian prince Bahram rode out on horse-
back to hunt wild asses. Having shot one, he started in pursuit of it,
when he sighted a lion leaping at another ass and tearing its neck. With-
out losing a moment, Bahram fired a shot into the beast’s back and killed
it. Afterwards he had this incident memorialized by a painting of it on
the wall of his room in the manor where he was then living.
At-Ta‘alibi, Rurar (Zotenberg), pp. 542—544, says of this prince
Bahram that at another time he went hunting, seated on a thoroughbred
she-camel. A woman musician was sitting behind him; he also had in his
bag a skin of wine and a golden goblet. The musician played and he drank.
Suddenly he saw a herd of gazelles. With one shot he took off both horns of
a buck; into the forehead of one doe he sent two arrows, which then looked
like horns, and with the third arrow he nailed to her head the leg with
which she was scratching herself. King al-Mundir had a picture painted in
a room of his manor at al-Hawarnak showing Bahram riding out with the
musician to hunt and all that happened there. The incident of the lion just
leaping on the wild ass he likewise had immortalized by a wall painting.
290 PALMYRENA
The habits of the Lahm kings were undoubtedly the same as those
of the Ghassanians and were imitated by the Omayyads, who likewise
had the rooms of their country seats decorated with pictures. In the
Kusejr ‘Amra there are still preserved various scenes from the chase,
and the picture on the south wall of the first chamber showing a lion
attacking a wild ass will never leave my memory. Probably it was painted
by the order of Walid II, as were the pictures of several mighty rulers, —
among them, Roderik (Roderick), the last of the Visigothic kings of
Spain — who were all conquered by Walid’s ancestors. Prince Bahram
did not fear a lion; the ancestors of WalidII feared neither Bahram’s
descendants nor any other kings.
WaALip II’s FLIGHT FROM AL-RADAF TO AL-BAHRA’
When Walid II gazed at the pictures in the Kusejr ‘Amra or went
to the depression of Sirhan himself to kill lions and wild asses, he scar-
cely thought it was Allah’s will that he also should some day flee from
his country seats like a hunted animal and that he, too, was destined
to die from a wound in his back, as did the lion slain by Bahram. Yazid,
the son of Walid I, rebelled against him and, winning followers at Da-
mascus, had himself proclaimed Caliph Yazid III and prepared to crush
his cousin. At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1791f., records that Jazid (Yazid)
ibn al-Walid collected auxiliary troops from various settlements and
tribes in the country about Damascus, even from as far as Geras. This
makes it evident that the territory west of Lega’ and the Hawran must
have been thickly dotted with the antagonists of Walid IJ. Only the in-
habitants of Homs, Tadmur, and some other settlements east and north-
east of the Hawran and Damascus remained faithful to him.
The rebels must have understood the necessity of getting Walid II
into their power before he could unite with his adherents. They also must
have known that it would be impossible to surprise him. While they were
assembling on Damascus from Gera’ and the other settlements, anyone
might easily have made a detour to give Walid warning, either out of
good will for his father or in the expectation of a reward. From GeraS
to al-Radaf (or al-Ardaf), where Walid II was then living, the distance
is even shorter than from Geras to Damascus. The rebels from Geraé,
however, went to Damascus, a distance of 140 kilometers. If they had started
thence against Walid, marching back along the western base of the Hawran,
they would have had to retrace the road by which they came and to cover
280 kilometers. Thus the report of their expedition would have spread
quickly and the possibility of surprising Walid would have been out of the
question. Besides this, Walid’s adherents would have had time to join him,
something the rebels could not have prevented. All this shows, therefore,
that the military enterprises must necessarily have been to the east and
not to the south of Damascus. In this opinion we are supported by the
Arabic chroniclers, particularly at-Tabari, who records two principal reports
of these events.
First Version of at-Tabari
At-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, pp. 1795f., writes that at the outbreak
of the rebellion Walid II was staying at al-Ardaf in the administrative
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 291
district of “Amman, where the news was brought him by one of his clients
on horseback. The first step which he took was to send Abu Muhammad
of the family of Yazid I to Damascus. The latter went as far as Danaba
and from there opened negotiations with the new caliph, Yazid III. —
The location of Walid’s country seat is known to us; it is the Tabt
al-Radaf of today, whence two roads led to Damascus, one west of the
Hawran the other east of the Hawran and along the border of the vol-
canic region al-Lega’. Which of these did Abu Muhammad take? He must
have known that the settlements west of the Hawran and south of Da-
mascus had declared for Yazid III and that it would be highly dangerous
for an envoy of a deposed caliph to travel among these settlements for
as long a time as from four to six days. Now, if he wished to escape this
danger and complete his errand, all that he could do was to select the
eastern road, which was both safer and shorter. As he was descended
from Yazid I, the friends and retainers of his family were all to the east
of Damascus, where he could, moreover, meet with the auxiliary troops of
Walid’s adherents from Homs and Tadmur. Therefore he undoubtedly
decided for the eastern road, which goes past al-Wusad, Burku‘, and al-
Hadali. That he took this road is evident from the report that he stopped
at the settlement of Danaba.
The Arabic writers knew of two Danabas in central Syria: one in
al-Belka, the other near Damascus. The first is logically excluded from our
consideration. Walid II himself lived in al-Belka, which makes it highly
improbable that his messenger would have stopped somewhere near, when
he was expressly ordered to go to Damascus. For this reason we may
safely assume that Abu Muhammad halted at the settlement of Danaba
in the neighborhood of Damascus. This Danaba according to classical
reports lay on the road from Damascus to Palmyra and may be identified
with the present al-Basiri ruins. (See above, p. 129, note 34, and p. 241.)
As the distances thence to Damascus, Homs, and Tudmor are about the
same, Abu Muhammad could have negotiated from there equally well with
all three towns named. It is very unlikely that Walid II would have sent
him merely to Damascus, since he could not have been ignorant of the fact
that Damascus was’occupied by his enemies and that he could expect no help
from there. Nor could he have failed to understand that his adherents
were at Homs and other towns of northern Syria. For this reason, Abu
Muhammad’s destination could not have been Damascus but the country to
the east and north of this city, his object being to come into contact with
Walid’s friends in that region. For this purpose the location of Danaba
was eminently suitable. But, on learning where the envoy had stopped,
the new caliph, Yazid III, who had watched Walid’s every move, sent one
of his confidants to Danaba and won Abu Muhammad over to his side.
As soon as the report of Abu Muhammad’s treachery reached Walid’s
camp, some of his courtiers pressed him to leave al-Ardaf at once (at-Tabari,
op. cit., Ser.2, pp.1795f.; Ibn al-Atir, Kamil [Tornberg], Vol. 5, pp. 215f.).
Others objected to this, asserting that it would be beneath the caliph’s
dignity to desert his camp and women and flee without a fight. Some,
again, were of the opinion that there need be no anxiety for the women,
since they were related to the commander whom Yazid III had sent against
him. And as safe places of refuge they named Homs, Tadmur, al-Kerje,
al-Hazim, and al-Bahra’. —
292 PALMYRENA
Al-Hazim and al-Bahra’ lie 25 kilometers south of Tudmor, where
also al-Kerje is to be sought. In my opinion the name al-Kerje originated
in a false rendering of the word al-Furej, which another record (at-Tabari,
op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1803) places near al-Bahra’ without mentioning al-Kerje
at all.
Walid II, who could not decide where he wanted to go, left al-Ardaf
with a small retinue and took the as-Samawa road towards the plain,
Sabakat ad-Dahhak. Later on he resolved to go neither to Homs nor
Tadmur, but to the strong fort of al-Bahra’, which the Persians had built.
Here he finally encamped in spite of his fear of catching the pestilence.
The location of al-Bahra’ we know, as well as that of al-Ardaf. The report,
which says that Walid II fled along the as-Samawa road, indicates that
he followed the eastern foot of the Hawran range. Further evidence of
this is the fact that the Sabakat ad-Dahhak was crossed by him. The
Sabakat ad-Dahhak, as we have explained above, is identical with the
modern sabaket or fejzat of az-Zahcijje in the depression of Sirhan fifty
kilometers northeast of Tibt al-Radaf. Across the Sabakat ad-Dahhak a
road to Damascus and Homs has always led from the south. This would
seem to indicate that Walid had at first meant to go to Homs and only
later decided in favor of al-Bahra’.
In supreme command over the troops sent against Walid Yazid III
placed his relative “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Haggag ibn “Abdalmalek. For the
rallying point of the detachments a place called Danaba was chosen,
where 1200 men reported for duty (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1797;
Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6, pp. 188f.). The next meeting place was at
the artificial reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Walid family, where 800 men
soon appeared. From this place the now united army, led by the commander-
in-chief, continued on its march, met a caravan with Walid’s baggage, which
they captured, and then encamped not far from him. —
This report makes it evident that the troops sent against Walid were
in no particular haste, as is also confirmed by al-Ja’ktbi, Ta’rih (Houtsma),
Vol. 2, p. 400. For the rallying places of Danaba and the reservoir of the
‘Abdal‘aziz family we cannot look either west or south of the Hawran,
because, if the rebels had assembled in those directions, Walid II would have
had time enough to flee to Homs by routes east of the Hawran and al-
Lega’ and be joined there by his men. “Abdal‘aziz could not have over-
taken him, since the Hawran range and the volcanic region of al-Lega’
would have considerably reduced the speed of the pursuers.
“Abdal‘aziz knew well that Walid would not flee either to southern
Syria or to Palestine, where he had no friends, but would seek to enter
northern Syria and defend himself in the fortified Homs. Thus it was
‘Abdal‘aziz’s duty to prevent Walid’s flight to northern Syria by marching
eastwards, not southwards, from Damascus. Hence we should look for the
rallying places of Danaba and the reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz family
to the east of Damascus. We may, therefore, identify the meeting place
of Danaba with the settlement of Danaba where Walid IJ had been be-
trayed by his envoy Abu Muhammad and with the present al-Basiri ruins.
The Danaba located in al-Belka is not to be thought of, since troops would
not have assembled 180 kilometers south of Damascus right in the im-
mediate vicinity of an enemy whom they wished to surprise.
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 293
The reservoir of the “Abdal‘aziz family may likewise be sought only
to the east of Damascus. “Abdal‘aziz was the son of Walid I, and all the
Arabic annalists agree that this caliph, when he wished to enjoy his sum-
mers, liked best of all the rural districts east and northeast of Damascus.
Not one of the sources mentions any country seat or estate of his in al-
Belka or south of the Hawran. He liked to reside at al-Karjatan and
Usejs, where he possessed large estates and had many reservoirs. built
(at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1272). Therefore I look for the reservoir of
his son “Abdal‘aziz in the vicinity of the last-named residences and, more
particularly, to the east or south of al-Basiri (Danaba). Furthermore,
since the rebels appear to have collected at al-Basiri and in its neigh-
borhood, it becomes clear to us why Walid II decided during his march
north from the Sabakat ad-Dahhak not to go on to Homs but to make
for al-Bahra’. In going to Homs he would have had to pass either right
through Danaba or close to the west of it, thus running the risk of being
surrounded by his enemies before he could be joined by his friends.
The northern position of the two meeting places is also confirmed
by the statement that Walid II’s pack caravan encountered the troops sent
against him. If these troops had marched from Damascus to al-Belka by
the western route, they surely would have plundered Walid’s country seat
and overtaken his caravan from the south. But there is no report stating
that Walid’s camp was plundered by the rebel troops prior to his death.
This shows that the rebels could not have gone to al-Belka at all and
that they could not have pursued Walid II from the south, but must have
come from the west. The pack caravan was encountered by them some-
where between the reservoir of the ‘Abdal‘aziz family and al-Bahra’,
because immediately after this incident they encamped in front of that
stronghold. All this proves that Walid II must have fled north-northeast
from al-Radaf, that the rebels must have wished to block his way from
Damascus to the east-northeast, and that they finally met at al-Bahra’,
200 kilometers from Damascus and 380 kilometers from Tubt al-Radaf.
Before al-Bahra’ there now began the combats between individual
adherents of Walid II and individual rebels. Both sides learned that “Abbas
ibn al-Walid I was coming with a troop of armed men to help Walid II.
To counteract this the commander-in-chief of the rebels sent out a larger
troop of riders, who surprised “Abbas with his sons at a&-Se‘eb and
captured them. (At-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1798, 1803.) — From where was al-
‘Abbas marching? When the revolt began he was living at his country
seat of al-Kastal, about ninety kilometers north-northwest of al-Bahra’.
This entitles us to the belief that in his effort to help Walid II he started
from this point. We may therefore look for as-Se‘eb between al-Kastal
and al-Bahra’, probably nearer the latter. The name as-Se‘eb I do not
know anywhere in that part of the country. To connect this aS-Se‘eb with
the range Seeb al-L6z is impossible, since the latter lies too far west and
is too extensive. On leaving al-Kastal, al-"Abbas undoubtedly took the
transport road that goes southeast as far as the plain spreading south-
west of Tudmor; then he crossed the southern mountain chain with his
sons, waited at as-Se‘eb for the rest of his troops, and sent word to
Walid II that he was coming. Since both he and his sons rode on horse-
back, there must have been a watering place at aS-Se‘eb. This would lead
294 PALMYRENA
us to look for it at the wells in the flats near the Zelib al-Ksejbe, or at
a’-Sagara, north-northeast of al-Bahra’.
The captured ‘Abbas was led before al-Bahra’ and compelled to join
the new caliph, Yazid III. His submission was followed by that of many
other adherents of Walid, to whom nothing else was then left but to shut
himself up in the fort of al-Bahra’. The rebels ascended the walls, broke
into Walid’s apartment while he was reading the Koran, and killed him
(at-Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1799f.).
Second Version of at-Tabari
According to another account of these events originating with a man
who met the fleeing caliph at the wells of al-Lu’lu’a, Walid rode from
this place to al-Malika, where he spent the night (at-Tabari, op. cit.,
Ser. 2, pp. 1801—1807). There he was told by a messenger that five hundred
cavalry were pressing on to his aid from Homs and were just then en-
camped at al-Ruwejr. Walid now sent a Bedouin to al-Ruwejr to urge
these reinforcements to the utmost speed in order to meet him at al-Malika.
He himself marched out in the morning, several troops of his followers
having joined him in the meantime. When he entered Tel‘et al-MuSbihe,
he was overtaken by the auxiliary troop from Homs, accompanied by
which he entered al-Bahra’. Since his soldiers grumbled that they had no
feed for their animals, Walid, to appease them, wished to buy standing
grain from the inhabitants, but the soldiers refused green feed and de-
manded money. —
These statements are very interesting, since the informant must have
been thoroughly familiar with the topography of the al-Bahra’ district.
Unfortunately, he mentions only the last two places where Walid II slept
on his flight from al-Ardaf, while of the places between Sabakat ad-
Dahhak and al-Lu’lu’a, at which the fugitive also spent nights, he gives
us no clue. The position of al-Bahra’ is known. Twenty-five kilometers
south-southwest from there is a heap of ruins called al-Mléke, the al-
Malika of the report; and 27 kilometers south-southwest of al-Mléke, again,
always as lying on the northern borders of the territory of as-Samawa
south or southwest of Tadmur. Since it follows from this that we must
seek al-Lulu’a only to the west or southwest of al-Mléke, and since
Walid II scarcely could have made more than thirty kilometers a day, we
place which the Bedouins hold in high esteem even today.
From al-Lu’lu’a Walid despatched a fast courier to the watering
place of al-Ruwejr, where the auxiliary troop from Homs was then
camping. I have tried above (pp. 255—259) to prove that for various -
reasons the old al-Ruwejr may be identified with the modern al-Barde,
about fifty-five kilometers west of al-Mléke on the easiest road leading
from Homs into the desert. As the one day’s march of 25 to 30 kilo-
meters from al-Lu’lu’a was probably made by Walid II — as is still the
practice today — without a stop, he may have reached al-Mléke soon after
noon. If the courier had started on a good horse at two o’clock, he could
have been at al-Ruwejr (al-Barde) before midnight; and, as his orders
were to urge the auxiliary troop to the greatest haste, he must have had
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 295
to hurry; and hurry he could, as the terrain through which his way led
offered no obstacles. The soldiers from Homs did not, however, join Walid
at al-Mléke, as he had ordered, but only just before his arrival at al-
Bahra’; thus they had more than twelve hours in which to cover the
65 kilometers from al-Ruwejr. Tel‘et al-MuSbihe is probably one of the
smaller valleys originating in the Swéwint asS-Shaba.
No sooner did Walid II encamp in the fortified camp (fostdt) at
al-Bahra’ than the report was brought him that the rebels had reached
al-Lu’lu’a, and, soon after, al-Malika. Their leader, ‘Abdal‘aziz ibn al-
Haggaz, sent out a troop under the command of Manstr ibn Gamhtr
with the order to take the Nihja road running to al-Bahra’ east of the high,
isolated hillock Tell al-Kurej. On the way Mansfir met Walid’s messenger
to ‘Abbas (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser.2, pp.1803f.; Abu-l-Farag, op. cit., Vol. 6,
pp. 1388f.). He did not make him prisoner but sent word by him to “Abbas
that the latter, if he wanted to save his life, must not move from his
post before the appearance of the morning star; after that he could go
where he pleased. When the morning star appeared, ‘Abdal‘aziz with his
rebels came before al-Bahra’, and after sunrise a fight ensued, resulting
in a loss of sixty of Walid’s party. In the meantime Manstr also had
arrived by the Nihja road and attacked Walid from behind; but he was
repulsed and had to reunite with “Abdal‘aziz. Not until then did ‘Abbas |
approach, but his joining Walid was prevented by the rebels. Walid would
have liked to gain “Abdal‘aziz and his rebels over to his own side by
promising him money and a governor’s position — but in vain. After this
rebuff Walid took refuge in the castle (kasr) of al-Bahra’, the only gate
of which was barred simply by a chain. Under this chain some of his
enemies crawled inside; others leaped from their horses up the wall
from where they abused Walid vilely. Walid then tried to leave the castle
by the gate in order to put himself under ‘“Abdal‘aziz’s protection; but
he was killed and his body mutilated. —
-This report differentiates between the fortified camp at al-Bahra
(fostat), in which Walid and his men at first encamped, and the castle
(kasr). The fostdt lay near the settlement; inside of the fostdt the kasr
was built. This shows that the kasr or ddr, together with the fostdt,
formed a whole, of which the kasr was the strongest part.
Walid II took refuge in the fostdt at al-Bahra soon after noon, and
the following morning the rebels commanded by “Abdal‘aziz arrived before
the settlement. They had come from Danaba (al-Basiri) by way of the
CO AY ye Oe
the reservoir, which must have been situated between al-Basiri and al-
‘Elejjanijje, I look for in the large artificial reservoir at the foot of the
isolated Mt. ‘Ade, whence water was led down to the valley of al-Barde.
Whoever held Danaba (al-Basiri) in his power also controlled the
easiest road from the south to Homs. Danaba, however, could have been
circumvented by the pass of al-‘Anejbe, about twenty-five kilometers to
the southwest. For this reason “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-Haggag might well have
encamped at the reservoir at the foot of Mt. ‘Ade. From the top of this
mountain he could have gained a splendid view both to the south and °
southwest and thus could easily have blocked the approach of Walid either
to Danaba or al-‘Anejbe. When the latter drew off northeast to al-Lu'lu’a,
“Abdal‘aziz followed him closely, came across his pack caravan, and
296 PALMYRENA
captured it. Encamping then at al-Lu’lu’a, he did not know which way
Walid was going to turn; therefore he hastened to al-Mléke. To prevent
Walid’s further flight to the northeast, he sent Manstr from al-Lu’lu’a
with instructions to march in that direction.
Manstr marched east of al-Frej. Tell al-Frej (not Tell al-Kurej, as
the text reads) is an isolated, round hillock in the plain about twenty-
five kilometers northeast of al-Lu’lu’a and is visible from a great distance.
On the far side of it the Nihja road was said to lead to al-Bahra’. There
was a watering place of Nihja, known to the poets as lying in the region
southwest or west of Palmyra. Jaktt (op. cit., Vol. 4, p. 852) visited a
ruined settlement called Nihja, the modern at-Tjas, during his trip from
Aleppo by way of ar-Rusafa to al-Karjatan. But to call a road leading
east of Tell al- Frej to al-Bahra’ after a settlement situated almost nalf-
way between al-Zerjitejn and Tudmor is hardly possible. This leads me
to believe that the word “Nihja” is corrupted. In op.cit., Ser. 2, p. 1803,
note q, we find the variant ‘‘Tihja,’”’ which suggests that the spelling
“Nihja” or ‘‘Tihja’” (THJ’) is due to confusion with the following verb
tahajjaa (THJ’). “Halba” is probably the correct reading. From the Kul-
ban al-Halba an old road leads to al-Bahra’.
The road running from al-Lulu’a east of Tell al-Frej to al-Bahra
follows a north-northwesterly course by way of al-Baztrijje to Tudmor.
If Manstr met on this road the messenger hurrying from Walid II at
al-Bahra to “Abbas at as- -Se‘eb, we must look for aS-Se‘eb east or north-
northeast of al-Bahra’, and nee as we have explained, at the spring of
al-Ksejbe or at hlowara) There al-‘Abbas was to stay until the rebels had
completely surrounded Walid at al-Bahra, which happened before sunrise.
‘Abdarrahman ibn Masad relates (at-Tabari, op. cit., Ser. 2, p. 1808)
that Walid II sent Abu Muhammad as-Sufjani to Damascus as his lieu-
tenant and that the latter stopped at Danaba. On hearing of this the new
caliph, Yazid III, at once sent ‘Abdarrahman to Abu Muhammad at Da-
naba to bring him over to his own side. In this he succeeded. “Abdar-
rahman then stayed at Danaba until the report of Walid’s death had been
brought by a rider from the desert, when he started for Damascus to
bring the glad tidings to Yazid III; but in this someone forestalled him. —
It is evident from this that Danaba must have lain on the road
from al-Bahra’ to Damascus and also on the desert borders. In all prob-
ability a few riders left al-Bahra’ shortly after the tragedy, in order to
inform the new caliph of the death of his enemy, and, expecting a good
reward, made all possible speed. For an unknown reason — perhaps a poor
horse — one of them halted at Danaba, while the rest rode on, reaching
Damascus ahead of ‘Abdarrahman, who learned of Walid’s end only after
they had left. A rider hurrying from al-Bahra’ by the shortest route to
Damascus must go by al-Basiri, which we have already identified with
Danaba.
‘“Abdal‘aziz’s Camp at al-Hira
The shortest report of the tragic fate of Walid we read in at-
Tabari, op. cit., pp. 1794f. Yazid III collected four bodies of men, each with
a leader, and for the commander-in-chief appointed “Abdal‘aziz ibn al-
Haggag ibn “Abdalmalek, who marched out and encamped at al-Hira. —
THE COUNTRY RESIDENCES OF THE OMAYYADS 297
Thus the report ends. If it is not to be regarded as merely fragmentary
or incomplete, al-Hira must be sought as the place where ‘Abdal‘aziz met
Walid II — that is, his castle at al-Bahra’. Unfortunately, the correctness
of the reading al-Hira cannot be proved with any degree of certainty.
De Goeje, who in editing the Giz’ at-tdlet, p. 188, had this place name
printed “al-Giza,” in editing at-Tabari, op. cit., p. 1795, decided for “al-
Hira” — entirely justifiably in my opinion, because in other manuscripts
this same name is likewise often corrupted into “Giza.” Thus, for instance,
al-Hatib al-Gawhari, Durr (Codex vindobonensis), fol. 93r., writes: Al-
hawarnak wa-s-sadir bi-l-giza. As al-Hawarnak and as-Sadir are well
known manors near al-Hira in Irak (see my The Middle Euphrates, pp.
104-106, note 58), ‘“‘al-Giza” may very well be a corruption of “al-Hira”’;
therefore, by analogy, in the Giz’ at-tdlet the designation ‘“al-Giza” should
probably be replaced by the correct al-Hira. Hence, in our judgment, al-
Hira is merely another name for al-Bahra’, where the rebels, commanded
by “Abdal‘aziz encamped when they had overtaken Walid II.
The name al-Hira would seem to be confirmed by the fact that al-
Bahra’ consisted, as we have seen above, of a permanent fortified camp
(fostat) and an even stronger “‘castle” or manor (kas7r) built by the Persians
during their occupation of Syria between 612 and 622. Undoubtedly the
Persian Arabs who came there called a manor fortified in this way hira
(see above, p. 288); and this name, which persisted even when the Persians
were gone, has been preserved to us in the account just mentioned.
To the northeast of al-Bahra’ and fifteen kilometers southeast of
at-Tajjibe is the fortified camp of al-Hér. Its architecture and ornaments
remind us of the Persian style. The name al-Hér as well as that of the
Kasr al-Hér, 56 kilometers west-southwest of al-Bahra’, comes from the
same root as that of the name al-Hira. Since, therefore, at-Tabari, op.
cit., Ser. 2, p. 1797, distinctly declares that the manor at al-Bahra’ was
built by the Persians, we have corroborative evidence that it may once
have been called al-Hira.
Lammens, Bddia (1910), pp. 104f., asserts that at the outbreak of
the rebellion Walid II lived at al-Azrak. All sources state explicitly, how-
ever, that he lived at al-Ardaf, which is seventy kilometers south of
al-Azrak. According to Lammens, the rebels commanded by “Abdal‘aziz
rode from Damascus west of the Hawran to Bosra and thence on the
Roman road to al-Azrak and stopped at al-Giza. It would be necessary,
however, for Lammens to prove the existence of a Roman road from
Bosra to al-Azrak. That they stopped at the settlement of al-Giza, north-
west of Bosra, is in direct contradiction to all the reports of the Arabic
chroniclers.
APPENDIX X
A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA
BY
PROFESSOR ANTONIN MENDL, PRAGUE
The present study is based on three sources:
1. Professor Musil’s original plane table surveys, photographs, and
description, and the historical data which he brought together relating
to ar-Resafa.
2. Samuel Guyer, Rusdfah, in: Friedrich Sarre und Ernst Herzfeld,
Archdologische Reise im Huphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, Vol. 2, Berlin, 1920,
pp. 1—44.
3. H. Spanner und S. Guyer, Rusafa, die Wallfahrtsstadt des hei-
ligen Sergios, Berlin, 1926.
In the last-named volume Spanner, who visited ar-Resafa on two
occasions during the World War, minutely and exhaustively describes and
sketches all the ruins and Guyer discusses them from the historical and
artistic points of view.
All the conclusions and conjectures regarding the reconstruction of
the ruins of ar-Resafa are tentative; they will have to be confirmed by
excavation, something that none of the students who have visited the
site have been able to undertake. The importance of the remains at ar-
Resafa lies in their contribution to the knowledge of that transitional
period in the history of art lying between the late-decadent classic and
the early Christian.
The plan of ar-Resafa (Fig. 91) is typical of that of the Hellenistic
town, a rectangular plan taken over by the Romans and carried by them
throughout the Empire. Its main features are walls oriented according
to the points of the compass, two intersecting main streets connecting
gates in the centers of the opposite walls, a gridiron arrangement of
secondary residential streets parallel with the main streets, and an elabo-
rate system of aqueducts and cisterns.
THE TOWN WALLS
The town walls (see Fig. 91 and above, pp. 155—156) were con-
structed in two stories. Of these the lower is now partly buried beneath
the débris and the upper disintegrating in many places (Fig. 48, p. 156).
The outer face of the walls was reinforced by square, towerlike struc-
tures or buttress towers. In the corners the walls were strengthened by
barbicans of circular plan (Figs. 44 [p. 158], 91, 92).
The upper story of the walls forms, virtually, a gallery, presenting
toward the town large openings provided with semicircular arches. From
the town side an embrasure may be seen on the axis of each interior
arch. The upper story was reached both by. exposed double staircases and
by enclosed staircases within the principal gates.
299
500 PALMYRENA
THE NORTH AND EAST GATES
The north gate, or main entrance into ar-Resafa, ranks among the
most beautiful as well as among the best preserved products of Byzantine
architecture (Fig. 51, p. 162). Since the interior facade is flush with the
town wall (Figs. 47 [p. 158], 98) the whole bulk of the gate is thrown
outside the line of the wall, an unusual feature and one of some interest.
In the case of other ancient gates (Spalato, Aosta, Pompeii) the body of
the gate intrudes into the town or projects only very slightly beyond the
outer face of the wall, an arrangement prompted by tactical considerations,
an approaching enemy being exposed to a sweeping shower of missiles.
Viewed from this standpoint the position of the northern gate at ar-Re-
‘safa was anything but favorable. However, the passages inclosed within
the walls and the embrasures (balistraria) above the sole ingress (Fig. 94)
fully compensated for this disadvantage.
The north gate consists of the propugnaculum proper, of ample di-
mensions, and of two tower-like structures which flank it.
The outer wall of the propugnaculum is now in a very ruinous con-
dition. Unlike the facades of other gates dating from the same period,
which for the most part are triaxial, that of the outer wall is entered
by a single ingress. The inner wall, on the other hand, is pierced by three
openings, a large central one and two smaller lateral ones (Figs. 51
[p. 162], 98, 94). The rich southern interior facade is first strikingly
revealed to the arriving visitor in a vista through the main entrance.
The other interior walls of the propugnaculum (Figs. 55 [p. 165], 95) were
treated with greater modesty — probably intentionally —, although they
are relieved by pilasters having Corinthianized capitals and bases and by
a straight entablature.
Let us examine in greater detail the southern interior of the pro-
pugnaculum. This facade has three coordinate and two subordinate axes
with advanced piers and archivolts. Apparently classical in design, these
remind us vividly of the Porta Aurea in Spalato and of the sixth century
temples of central Syria. In the Porta Aurea, which dates from the third
century, the dominant motive is almost the same, although executed on
a smaller scale. At ar-Resafa each entrance is flanked by columns resting
on bases and having capitals that carry highly ornamental archivolts. All
the members of the larger archivolts are continued around the smaller
arches that are supported by the columns between the openings, the curves
of the arches mitering into a short horizontal piece over each column.
This gives a band of alternating high and low arches. The archivolts and
columns are not merely ornamental members, since the voussoirs of the.
arches actually carry the superimposed masonry. The rich effect of the
wall, however, is enhanced and harmonized by the splendid ornamentation
of the various members.
Each of the three openings under its archivolt is spanned by a flat
arch and the rectangular opening itself is surrounded by elaborate mold-
ings. The main entrance is considerably elevated, its flat arch being re-
lieved by consoles adorned with acanthus. A secondary semi-circular arch
is introduced above each smaller entrance below the greater arch, form-
ing a tympanum above the opening. This treatment is probably dictated
rather by decorative than by structural considerations. The wall above the
Fic. 91—Ar-Resafa: general plan of ruins.
PALMYRENA
302
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continuous archivolt is capped with a cymation in lieu of a full cornice;
the cymation, according to Herzfeld (Guyer, Rusdfah [1920], p. 25), is
rhythmically interrupted by a motive of lions’ heads. On Musil’s photo-
graph (Fig. 51, p. 162), however, this rhythm cannot be easily discovered.
The lowest third of the gate is buried in ruins and Musil was too
pressed for time to excavate. But as the bases of the columns by the
main entrance are partly above ground, it is obvious that they must
rest on pedestals. Herzfeld (Guyer, op. cit., pp. 18, 20) has determined
the exact base moldings, which in their principal features correspond with
those of an Attic base. The shafts of the columns are not monolithic,
each being composed of two unchanneled drums. The astragal shows a
classic form.
Most attention, however, is attracted by the superb capitals (Figs.
52, p. 163; 54, p. 164). The core of each capital is completely enveloped in
acanthus leaves that touch one another, testifying to their purely Byzan-
tine origin. The foliage is arranged alternately in two tiers, one above the
other. In the corners the diagonals of the abaci are supported by volutes.
Between the abaci and the springs of the archivolts dosserets are in-
troduced in the form of and suggesting the architrave of an entablature.
These dosserets have an ornate cymatium and their sides bear crude
bosses. Above the dosserets rise the powerful arches of the superbly
molded archivolt (Fig. 94). All the members of this archivolt are orna-
mented.
In subjecting the age of this structure to historical criticism Guyer
(loc. cit.) excludes any possibitity of the building having arisen in the
pre-Justinian period. From the fact that all the members are molded
analogously he concludes that it cannot antedate the sixth century.
Of the south gate and the walled-in west gate Professor Musil has
no photographs.
The east gate is represented in two views, one showing the vista
through its propugnaculum in the direction of the martyry (Fig. 48,
p. 159), the other displaying the details of the right-hand side (Fig. 49,
p. 159).
THE MARTYRY
Among the buildings within the walls great interest attaches to the
martyry (see pp. 156—157), of which the eastern part only is still pre-
served (Figs. 57, 58, 59, pp. 170—171).
Both in ground plan (Fig. 96) and architectural composition this
building presents certain extraordinary features. The ground plan shows
a tendency toward the combination of the longitudinal and central schemes
of composition, as in the temple of St. Sophia at Constantinople. A rect-
angular nave terminates at the eastern end in a semicircular apse with
a semi-dome, the apse being somewhat narrower than the nave. The latter
is expanded on the north, south, and west sides by semicircular bays,
the aisles conforming with the outlines of the nave. The principal apse
(Fig. 59, p. 171) is flanked by two spacious compartments, a diaconicon,
and a prothesis, each of which has a small apse in its eastern wall (Fig. 60,
p. 171). This grouping of small apses necessitates broad exterior pilasters
at the eastern end of the building (Fig. 57, p. 170). The eastern front
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is not masked behind a flat wall, but the various component masses may
be differentiated even in the ground plan. In this respect the building
resembles the sixth-century churches of central Syria. Both the main and
the other apses bear traces of mosaic ornamentation (Fig. 97). Within
the wall on either side of the principal apse there is a staircase 70 cen-
timeters wide which certainly led to the upper stories above the lateral
Fic. 94—Ar-Resafa: north gate, east interior wall of the propugnaculum.
spaces. The rise and tread of the steps are both given by Musil as 25
centimetérs. The 45° slope of the stairway as a whole thus indicated seems
to be confirmed from the view of the eastern wall, which shows us that
the apse and the lateral compartments maintained the same pitch in
their relative heights. The exceptional strength of the walls at the eastern
end has retarded the destruction of this part of the structure.
However easy it may be to trace the ground plan, the reconstruction
of the church is a very difficult matter. From the remains of the prin-
cipal apse we may infer that the nave attained a considerable height.
The spatial composition, as we conceive it, precludes any idea of raised
apsidal extensions as high as the nave itself in the northern, southern,
and western walls. Moreover, it cannot be doubted that the lateral apsidal
extensions were lower than the principal apse. The splendor with which
the latter, as well as the subordinate apses of the adjacent spaces, was
executed admits semi-domes as the most probable vaultings over the apsidal
extensions. While the aisles certainly conformed with the nave in most
details, it is likely that their ceilings were of wood, possibly with flat
surfaces (Figs. 98, 99, 100).
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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 307
roof. The nave communicated with the aisles partly through arcades in
the lateral apses. There is no doubt that the arches of the arcades rested
on columns, to all appearance not more than two to each apse. Between
the apses there were also openings from the nave into the aisles, but it
seems probable that in these openings no columns were placed, in order
that a uniform scale might be maintained.
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Guyer (op. cit., pp. 29f.) rejects the possibility of vaults over the
lateral aisles, basing this opinion on the absence of any ruins of vault-
ing or of any pilasters. The absence of the ruins of vaulting, however,
is not at all decisive and the absence of pilasters means little in view
of the fact that the lateral apses do not abut vertically upon the prin-
cipal masonry, the centers of the apsidal circles lying in the face of the
main walls.
The exterior of the basilica was no doubt monumental and highly
interesting. The main apse at the eastern end of the church was flanked
by storied towers raised over the lateral spaces. Into the towers the
supports of the aisle roofs were embedded. The walls of the nave above
these roofs were pierced by a series of windows, possibly adorned with
posts on corbels. These posts may have had capitals and bases and may
308 PALMYRENA
have supported the roof trusses on the inside and the principal cornice
on the outside.
The superb ornamentation both of the interior and exterior of the
basilica places the latter among the best executed churches not only in
ar-Resafa but also in the whole of central Syria and Asia Minor.
THE SOUTHERN CHURCH
The five-aisled basilica described by Musil (see, above, p. 157) as
the southern church is not mentioned in Guyer’s Rusdfah; Spanner de-
signates it as Basilica B. From what has been preserved (Figs. 61, 62,
638 [pp. 173—175], 102, 103) we may only conclude that the church was
of imposing dimensions and that its ornamental execution equalled, if it
did not exceed, in splendor that of the northern gate and of the martyry.
A reconstruction of this basilica without recourse to excavations would
be impracticable. :
BASILICA OF ST. SERGIUS
The largest structure in ar-Resafa was situated in the southeastern
quarter of the city (Fig. 91). As the ruins are comparatively well pre-
served, it has been possible to determine the ground plan and to re-
construct the entire building. This basilica has an oriented dromic (long-
itudinal) plan and consists of a narthex, a nave with two aisles, and a
semicircular apse (Fig. 105). The detailed ornamentation is very poor:
we need refer only to the capitals and archivolts of the triaxial arcade
leading from the aisles to the lateral chapels, to the ornamentation of
the apsidal concha, and to the capitals of the second structural period
(Fig. 72, p. 194), which will be explained presently.
Even from a glance at the photographs (Figs. 65 to 69, pp. 182—190)
we may discern evidence of three distinct stages of construction. Let us
describe the elements dating from each of these three stages.
Elements Originating in the First Stage of Construction
The inner space proper is divided by cruciform piers into three
travées or bays. In front of the first, or westernmost, of these is the
narthex. The eastern travée opens directly into a semicircular apse, flanked
by the conventional diaconicon and prothesis chapel, each of which opens
into the corresponding aisle through a triaxial arcade (Fig. 70, p. 191).
A compartment attached to the southern lateral space of this structure
in prologation of its longitudinal axis and not shown on the plan (Fig.
105) was probably another diaconicon. The disposition of the ground plan
at once recalls that of the central Syrian basilicas of the fourth to sixth
centuries.
The nave consists of three bays, each bounded on the north and
south sides by the principal walls pierced by powerful arches that rest
upon the capitals of the cruciform piers and form the principal arcades
(Fig. 106, 107, 108). On the inside above these arcades and on the outside
above the roofs of the aisles the walls of the clerestory are pierced by
rows of basilican windows adorned with posts, the bases of which are
A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 309
supported by corbels projecting from the wall. In each travée of the
clerestory there were six windows between each pair of piers. The capitals
of the posts bear supports for the tie beams of the roof trusses, a motive
characteristic of central Syrian architecture. Where the pilasters of the
cruciform piers reach the cornice under the corbels of the posts, they are
terminated with bossed capitals, upon which, no doubt, the transverse
Fic. 97—Ar-Resafa: martyry, detail of southern apse.
arches rested (Fig. 111). These transverse arches with their estrados sup-
ported the roof structure over the nave. The construction is similar to
that of Ruwéha (De Vogiié, Syrie centrale [1865], pls. 68f.; Butler,
Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expeditions to
Syria [1909], Div. 2, Sect. B, Part 3, p.144). There was no other ceiling than
the truss roof, which, in all probability, consisted of an open framework.
The eastern end of the nave terminates in a semicircular apse
vaulted over with a concha. At the western end, in the direction of the
main entrance, the nave ends in a wall pierced by a powerful arch of
similar spring and width to the principal arcades in the longitudinal
walls. The masonry above this arch had a row of regularly spaced clere-
story windows at the same level as those of the lateral walls. The aisles
extend slightly beyond the principal western front of the nave, a motive
of some interest.
The aisles have unarticulated external walls with one doorway and
two windows in each travée. There being no pilasters on the external
walls corresponding to those on the cruciform piers, it is probable that
the latter did not reach beyond the aisle roofs, of which they merely
510 PALMYRENA
supported the framework. From the great width of the aisles as well as
from the fact that the cruciform piers have no bases for arches to rest
upon in the direction toward the aisles, we may infer that there were
no transverse arches. This view is also supported by the presence of a
series of holes at the approximate level of the ridges of the aisle roofs
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Fic. 99—Ar-Resafa: martyry, transverse section.
A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA 311
(Figs. 68, p. 185; Fig. 69, p. 190). The northern and southern exterior
walls of the aisles certainly corresponded in every detail.
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spaces attached.
312 PALMYRENA
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A RECONSTRUCTION OF AR-RESAFA
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semi-dome. The latter are apparently of a later date, being out of axis
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Tadmur, 31, 38, 50, 76, 82, 83, 86, 100, 134, 205,
224, 250—252, 255, 257, 258, 270, 283, 290—
292, 294
Tadejjén (a9), 168 169
Tafha (c6—7), 39, 43, 44
At-Tafri‘, Hazm (d5), 220
At-Tafsih, Tell (e9), 85
At-Tahhan, clan of the Beni HAled, 43
Tahsis (b5), 217, 218
At-Tahta’, “Ajn (d5), 221
Taiba, 76, 79
Taiba, 76
Tajj, tribe, 62
Tajjebt at-Turki, 216
At-Tajjibe, 210; (b9—10), 50, 71—73, 76, 79,
82, 88, 178, 238,242, 261. 255.9250. 26e,- 500,
Takla bint Fajez eben Gandal, 16
Talal eben Fajez, 17, 18
Tamak, Kasr (b5—6), 214, 216
Tamerlane (1336—1405), 224
Tamm Ahejzer (c8), 64
At-Tamme, 210, 211, 230
Tanaheg Esrija (b7), 53, 58, 61
At-Tannfaze (a8), 189, 192
Tar. See proper name
Tarak. See proper name
At-Tarfa, salt marsh, 134, 135
At-Tarfijje, 19
Tarik ar-Rasif, xiii
Tarleb, Beni, 62, 68, 172, 178, 175, 177, 248,
255, 258, 267, 269, 281
Tarrad (b5), 216
Tartars, 71,76). 404, obo
Tat, 198
Tavernier, J. B., 76, 337
Tejma (q9), 245, 279, 286
Tejr, Kal‘at (e6—7), 28, 96
At-Tejr, Radir (c10), 81
TelPassar, 262
Telendena, 216, 232
Tel‘et. See proper name
At-Telile (d8—9), 87, 88
Tell. Sez proper name
At-Temajel (¢7), 43, 45
INDEX 565
At-Tenaja, 147
Tenaja Haleb (c6—-7), 43, 45
At-Teni, 177
Teni Muhasen, 172
Tenijjet. See proper name
Terebinth trees, 98, 105, 149; oil pressed from
their fruit, 149. See also Butwm
Tetrapyrgium, 263, 264
Teucrium Polium, L. See Ga‘ade
Thadoneus of Alassus, 254
Thapsacus (of Ptolemy), 229, 285—237; (of
Xenophon), 261
Thapsakos, 240
Thelda, 230
Theleda, 330, 243, 244
Theledda, 209, 2382
Thelsea, 225, 237, 289, 252
Thelsee, 225, 252
Thema, 230
Themella, 209, 232
Theodora, wife of Justinian I, 266, 267
Theodore, bishop of Danabon, 129
Theodore, metropolitan of Damascus
(485-451), 23, 86, 129
Theodore Abu Kara (or Theodorus Abukara),
Theodoropolis (Anasartha), 204 omoon
Theodorus Castridanabeni, 273
Theodorus civitatis Dabrorum, 23
Theodorus episcopus Coradensium, 23
Theonas episcopus Euariae, 37
Theophanes the Confessor, 248, 337
Theophylactus Simocatta, 155, 267, 33
Thevenot, Jean de, 220—224, 337
Thomas, bishop of Euaria, 37
Thomas, bishop of Jabrtid, 37
Thomas Evariae, 273
Thomasberger, Rudolf (Taman), 1, 121
Tiberias, Lake, 282
At-Tidribe, Darb (c6), 48, 122
Tiglath Pileser I (1115—1102 B.C.), 174
Tigris, 261, 270
Timotheus (c.381), 86
At-Tin (d6), 126, 127
At-Tine, gully, 104; village, 205
Tine, Abu, 99
At-Tine, “Ajn (e4—5), 224
At-Titen (a7—8), 191
At-Tjas (c6—d7), 39, 43, 45, 96, 125, 132; (c7),
Ameuloc. loa, 200, 256, 296
Tléhan, 214
Tlejgine (a5), 207
Tlejlat al-“Eleb (e8—d9), 88
Tlejtuwat (b10), 71, 81, 174, 176
Tlélat al-Humr (a7), 179, 192
At-Tlésijje, 210
Tlal, plural of Tell. See proper name
Tmar, Ummu, 210
At-Tmede, Tarak (e6), 30
At-Tni, 172. See also Gubejlat at-Tni
At-Tni, Se%ib, 178, 177
Tomb of the Christian (Kabr an-Nusrani),
a Wie
Toétah, 214
At-Towkan, clan of the MwaAali, 47
At-Trab, Han (e6), 13, 108, 109, 235, 240, 241,
245, 246; (al-Leben), 438
Treasures, search for, 65
At-Trejfawi (b11), 178; habra, 12; village, 207
At-Trejge, clan of the FwAa‘re, 37
At-Trid, 189
At-Ttba, 216; (a7), 202, 203
Tabt al-Radaf (j5), 283, 285—287, 292, 293
hudmore(GS)ssic Va ols O42, 09 405, 49, 50, 10,
85—88, 90, 94, 96, 121, 122, 124, 126, 131—134,
130, clots el 4446 149) 78, 2209 2ou, 202s
256—259, 291—2938, 296
Tudmor Gate, 121
Tudmor mountains, 88
Taman (R. Thomasberger), 1, 3—5, 12, 19—21,
25, 01, 55, G1, 63 65, 69, 74, 90, 92, 93, 97, 101,
Zarb
At-Tumbak, Rasm (c7), 49
Tamin (¢c5), 219
Tummén, Abu (b—c8), 62, 149, 151
Turkijje (Sattaém eben Sa‘lan’s widow), 69, 113
Turkish barracks, 103—104; Government, 53,
86; Government, grudge against, 18, 123;
officials, 54, 111, 118, 114
At-Turkman, 149
At-Turkmanijje (or Abu Tummén), 149; (b8-9),
50; 62;. 63; 158, 164
Turkoman army, 100
Turkomans, 154, 222, 272
burks;.545, 123
Turmanin, basilica, 321
At-Tit, Tell, 218
At-Tu‘ts, 25
At-Twahine, 202
At-Twale (d7), 96
At-Twane, Umm, 214
At-Twejbe, 210
At-Twejzijje, 217
At-Twém (a6), 209
At-Twémat, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37
Twénan (b8—9), 152
At-Twénan, clan of the Fwa‘re, 37
At-Twéne, Umm (c6), 46, 47
Tyre; 212, 2215
Ubajr, 279, 286
Ubar, “Ajn, 144
Al-Ubéza (c6), 218
Ueriaraca, 253
“Ujin, plural of “Ajn. See proper name
“Ukejriba’, 48
“Ukejribat, 253
“Ukériba’, 48, 244
“Ukériba, 284
Ulpian, 23
Al-Uméleh, 199, 213
Umm. See main part of proper name
Al-Umiur (e5—d6—7), 22, 24, 34, 51, 64, 122,
136, 148, 150
Uranensis civitas, 23, 86
Uranius Emesae, 273
Al-Urdunn, administrative district, 282, 283,
285
Usejs, 282, 293
Al-“Uwejr, 128, 255—257
“Uzériba’, 48
‘Uzéribat (c7), 37, 43, 47—49, 134, 230, 2383, 238,
244, 249, 258, 284
566 PALMYRENA
Valerian (253—260), 247
Valle, Pietro della, 59, 76, 79, 201, 206, 337
Velenovsky, J., 337
Venechalis, 268
Venethali, 268
Via Strata, 239
Vineyards, traces of old, 199, 200, 209, 216, 232
Visigothic kings of Spain, 190
Al-Wa‘are, Tenijjet (d7), 96, 127, 182, 241
Al-Waf‘arijjat (c8—9), 84, 87
Wadi. See proper name
Al-Wadi, Umm, 206
Walde, half-felldhin, 154, 175
Waldmann, Karl (Halaf), 189
Walid I ibn ‘Abdalmalek (705—715), 76, 99,
100; 126, 204, 277, 279, 281, 282, 287
Walid II ibn Jazid ibn “‘Abdalmalek (743-744),
24, 38, 148, 234, 269, 277—280, 285—297
Walid ibn Muhammad al-Mwakkari (d. 894),
283
Al-Ward, Ksér (a6), 198
Al-Ward, Tell (c6), 218
Wardan, Kasr Eben (b6), 212
Al-Warde, 189
Wardet al-ehwa (Sternbergia Clusiana, Ke.
Gawl.; a bulbous herb with large spikes of
yellow flowers, 53
Al-WasSal, 149
Wasel, A3-Sejh, 84
Al-Wassa8, 2038
Al-Wasta’, 196; (e5), 23
Al-Wasta, Harat, 100
Water, difficult drawing of, 41; hoists, 179
Wazha (a8), 189
Al-Wazha (e6), 28—31, 33
Al-WaAz‘ijje, “Ajn, 82, 83
“Wdaje’, 144
Wdijan an-Nijasa (d6), 37
Al-‘Wejr (b8), 63, 152
Weld ‘Ali (f5—9, r8—10), 6, 25, 100, 106
Weléd‘i, 25
Al-“Wénat (a6), 207
“Wént al-Razal (b6—7), 212
Al-WeSel (c8), 149, 250
Wezz, 207
Wild boar, 14
Winckler, H., 262, 337
Wraka (Fagonia glutinosa, Del.; Fagonia
mollis, Del.; a bushy subshrub with hairy
and spiny branches, pink flowers, and
green pods), 152
Al-Wréde, 209
Wright, J. K., xiv
Wright, W., 24, 93, 125, 204, 223, 337
Al-Wtejd (a9—10), 169
Al-Wuterijje (d6), 40, 125
Al-Wurédi (c5), 219
Al-Wusad, Radix (i7), 245, 291
Al-Wutara, clan of the “Ebede, 55
Al-Wu‘dl (d7), 88, 96
Al-Wu‘tl, ‘Ajn (d7), 96, 97, 132
Yabruda, 273
Yazid I (Jazid ibn Mu‘awija, 680—683), 38,
126, 257, 281, 287, 290
Yazid II (Jazid ibn “Abdalmalek, 720—724),
277, 283, 285
Yazid III (Jazid ibn al-Walid ibn “Abdalmalek,
744), 24, 25, 38, 50, 278, 280, 282, 290-292, 294, 296
Az-Za‘abne, Harat, 145
Az-Zab* (d9), 87
Az-Zab‘, habra, 27
Zabad, 1838, 193
Zabbtde, 216
Zabur, Wadi (d5), 221
Zachaeus, the publican, 37
Zacharias the Rhetor, 275, 33
Zafar ibn al-Haret, 258, 259
Az-Zahéijje, Fejzat (i—j6), 285, 292
Zaheé (or az-Zahéijje), 76
Az-Zaheé>(e9), 76, 82, 84, 88
Zahr. See proper name
Zahrat. See proper name
Zaitha, 247, 277
Zajd, 198
Zakl near Tudmor, 223
Az-Zaman, Tell (a6), 206, 207
Az-Zammarane, 245
Za‘raja, 192, 196, 255, 256
Az-Zarra‘a, 249, 250
Zasem al-Hsejn, 127
Zat, “Ujain (c5—6), 219
Az-Za‘tnijje (e5), 28 _
Az-Zawra’, 267
Az-Zba‘ijje, 214
Zbejde, Tell (e5), 122, 219
Az-Zbejdi, 196; (e6), 7, 18, 22, 27, 28, 30, 105
Az-Zbejdi, Gebb (e6), 30, 109, 245
Az-Zbejwat (c9—10), 82
Az-Zebade (b5—6), 211
Zebara, 88, 137
Zebed (a7), 179, 183, 186, 202
Zeben, 189
Az-Zebi (d6), 40
Zejdal (c5), 122, 219
Zejdan, 122
Zejte (Lavandula coronopifolia, Poir.; lavander
subshrub with blue flowers), 152
Az-Zejtin, 282
Az-Zejtine, 270, 277
Zel‘. See proper name
Az-Zel‘a, 40
Az-Zel‘i, 125
Zelib. See proper name
Az-Zemle hill, 169, 172; radir, 172
Zemlet al-‘Amara, 22
Zemlet al-Ka‘ijje (b10), 68, 172—174
Zemlet al-Knéman, 43, 44
Zemlet ‘Omar Ara. See ‘Omar Ara, Zemlet
Zén al-‘Abedin, Mount, 212, 213, 217
Al-Zena, 212, 213
Zénab (b6), 214
Zenjan, 198
Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra (until 272), 244, 247
Al-Zerjitejn (d6), 9, 18, 22, 24, 38—36, 43, 46,
50, 71, 76, 85, 94, 96, 98—100, 102, 105, 121,
124, 126, 127, 131, 133, 134, 189, 234, 238, 241,
249—253, 256, 296
Az-Zerka’ (b7), 86, 212, 255, 256
Az-Zerka’, Tenijjet™(d6—7), 98, 127
SS a
eee
Zerra® Beni Zafar (or Husaf), 193
Zerra‘a, 198
Az-Zerra‘a (or az-Zarra‘a), 50
Zetab al-BiSri (b11), 174, 178
Zeugma, 242, 343
Az-Zhir (b6), 214
Zhir, Abu (c7), 45
Zhar al-Humr. See Al-Humr
Az-Zijadne, 37
Zikrwajh ibn Mehrwajh al-Karmati
(d. 906—907), 270
Al-Zir, Ab-, 173—175
Ziza (i3), 86, 288, 286
Zléle, Ummu-z-, 196
Zlélet as-Sarire, Umm-z-, 196
INDEX 367
Az-Zmejli (a—b10), 68, 169
Az-Zmil, 43
Zonobia, 268
Zonovia, 268
Az-Zrejg, 438
Zrejyme (Gaillonia calycoptera, Jaub. Spach. ;
subshrub with bare branches and winged
fruits), 152
Az-Zubejjed, Gebb (c7), 46
Zukum al-Hanzir (d6), 39, 125
Zumajn, 48
Zuml Emhar (c7), 438, 96
Az-Zurba, Bir, 210, 211
Zuwé‘en, Al, 55
Az-Zweéheé (c10), 77, 81, 82
ERRATA
p. 17, line 12: for southwest read southeast.
i)
AL
Ned
line 41: for Yazid II read Yazid III.
p. 38, line 43: for middle of July 998 (as printed in Amedroz’s
edition of Ibn al-Kalanisi) read end of October 988.
>
to
S
>
line 20: delete Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastica, IV, 40.
p. 225, line 5 from bottom: for the second half of March, 1149,
read the first half of March, 1140.
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