a : 4 BRITISH ARTISTS ee RAEBURN Edited hy $. C. KAINES SMITH BRITISH ARVISTS EDITED BY S. C. KAINES SMITH, M.A., M.B.E. The volumes at present arranged comprise the following here given in (approximately) chronological order. XV. Vol. The XVI.Century Painters. XVI. With a note on the influ- ence of Holbein. Cornelius Johnson and Jamesone. Dobson and Walker. With Sap di' a note on the work of Van XVIII. Dyck in England. XIX. Lely and Kneller. XX. J. Riley, Greenhill, J. M. Wright and Mary Beale. gk, Thornhill, Jervas, Dand- x f ridge, Richardson and XXIII. Hudson Hogarth. eS Richard Wilson and Joseph : Farington. XXV. Reynolds. XXVI. Gainsborough. XXVII. Romney. XXVIII. Wright of Derby. XXIX. . PaulSandby,Towne,Cozens. XXX. With a note on the rise of XxXI1 water-colour painting. ; B.West, J.S. Copley, and G. XXX. Stuart. With a note on American painting in the XVIII. Century. Barker of Bath and the XXXII. Bath Painters. XXXIV. XXXV. Watts. Kauffman, Bartolozzi, and Zoffany. Witha note on Foreign Mem- bers of the Royal Academy in 1768. Downman and Dance. Hoppner. Opie and Cosway. Raeburn. Rowlandson. Morland and Ibbetson. John (old)Crome. With a note on the Norwich School. Lawrence. James Ward. Girtin and Bonington. Constable. Cotman. Cox. De Wint. Copley Fielding. Bewick and Clarkson Stanfield. With anote on the Newcastle group. Turner. Alfred Stevens. OTHERS IN PREPARATION. National Gallery of Scotland PORTRAIT OF THE ARTIST SIR HENRY RAEBURN (Frontispiece) | BRITISH ARTISTS EDITED BY S. C. KAINES SMITH, M.A., F.S.A. RAEBURN E. RIMBAULT DIBDIN NEW YORK FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY PUBLISHERS First published in 1925 Made and Printed in Great Britain by The Camelot Press Limited, Southampton EDITOR’S FOREWORD. I FORGET when it was that I first saw The Macnab. It was a very long time ago, and until last year, at Wembley, I had not seen it again: yet I found, to my delight, that there was scarcely a stroke of it that I did not remember perfectly. Moreover, when I come to examine my experience, I find every great picture by Raeburn that I have ever seen possesses, so far as I am concerned, this same quality of indelibility. The Lieut.-Colonel McMurdo, and the inimitable Mrs. H. W. Lauzun in the National Gallery, hold their own with the same insistence from the days when I used to lecture at the National Gallery, and indeed, to recount the names of Raeburns that cannot be forgotten, would be merely to give a list of those that I have seen. It is difficult to define the source of this quality, but I have always felt that there is in Raeburn’s work a complete absence of the interposition of any traditional or conventional method between the artist and the spectator of his picture; a certain honesty and freshness that carry Vv vi Editor’s Foreword conviction, and make the method integral with the result. This directness appears to me to be one of the most essential qualities of greatness, and _ Raeburn, perhaps because of his remoteness from the atmosphere of cosmopolitanism which had invaded London in matters touching the art of painting, has it in a remarkable degree. What was needed to provide a setting for the quality of the artist was precisely the work Mr. Dibdin has done for this series; he has brought together facts, and has abjured fancies. While it is true that he has dispelled some of the atmo- sphere of romance which Allan Cunningham had sought to throw about his subject, he has succeeded, on the other hand, in giving us a picture of Sir Henry Raeburn, which, in a great measure, accounts for the forceful simplicity, and workmanlike directness of his art. The businesslike practicality itself, of the painter who painted as a business, in business hours, and lived the pleasant life of his acquired position of a gentleman of means outside those business hours, ds its reflection in what we may call a practicality of his handling of his medium; while his insight into character, always shrewd, and sometimes humorous, a kind of dry, penetrative humour characteristic of his race, shows itself in the fresh- ness and vigour with which he places real human beings on his canvas. Our debt to Mr. Dibdin is great for his exercise Editor’s Foreword vil of qualities very like those of the painter whose life he has written. S. C. KAINES SMITH. City ART GALLERY, LEEDs. 24th April, 1925. PREFACE. RAEBURN is so great a figure in the history of British painting that an adequate account of his life and work is to be desired. His early biographers, when the collection of material was a comparatively easy task, unfortunately failed to make good use of their opportunities ; and Sir Walter Armstrong, writing in 1901, although he detected some errors in the narratives of his predecessors, and found some new matter, does not seem to have examined all the details of his theme with a thoroughness com- mensurate with the pretensions of his handsome and well-illustrated volume. He provided a list of Raeburn’s paintings, but its incompleteness is sufficiently shown by comparison with the list printed ten years later in the Connoisseur volume, after Mr. James Greig’s ‘Life.’ Mr. Edward Pinnington, Mr. James L. Caw, Mr. Greig, and other writers have made useful incursions into the terra incognita of Raeburn’s life, but we still know too little about it. A full century after Raeburn’s death his life story, as we have it, is rather like those ancient maps of Africa, on which the coastal towns, mouths of rivers, details of the lower Nile, ix x Preface and the Sahara are duly indicated; and the vast interior is agreeably patterned by the industrious chartographer with imaginary figures of lions, elephants, ostriches, and naked savages with bows and arrows. The smooth smiling verdure of a Highland bog is not more deceptive than was the prospect Il imagined before me, when I undertook with a light heart to write of Raeburn; conscious that I had a wide and life-long knowledge of and admiration for his work, as well as of the city where he was born, lived, and died; and had read nearly all that had been written about him. However extensive one’s acquaintance may be with what is known on any subject, it is only on sitting down to write about it that the gaps in our knowledge appear. Ifoundthat Allan Cunningham and William Raeburn Andrew had not only omitted to report much that it was desirable we should know, but had presented their blend of fact and fiction distorted by a conception of Sir Henry Raeburn probably invented by his descendants to match his title, and almost certainly not very like the actual man. I have tried to get back through the fog to the latter: the God-made being always preferable to the man-created. On the relatively small scale allowed by this series it has not, of course, been possible to do all that my love of the subject prompted ; but I have been able to correct, on what appears to be sound evidence, a good deal that was erroneous; and I have endeavoured to Preface x1 present a coherent picture of the man, in conformity with the facts and acts of his career; not as I or any one else may have imagined him. For the doing of this, all the space at my disposal was required, so I had to avoid, as far as I could, discursions on Scottish life and Scottish art, Edinburgh and its citizens, the people who sat to Raeburn, and other topics with which the biographi- cal narrative might have been appropriately and agreeably varied. When one writes the life of a man who died more than a century ago, it is a matter of course _that the construction is one for which the writer is indebted to others for the bricks with which he builds up his edifice: his part is only the archi- tectural arrangement of material. It is the first duty of a biographer to take into account and weigh what has been written by others on the subject, and he cannot avoid using facts they have made known. No honest writer would, however, take exception to his doing so, provided due acknowledgment is made. To all my predecessors: as noted in the Bibliography, I gladly make such acknowledgment now. For much more than such passive aid I have pleasure in thanking many friendly helpers who have taken a lively interest in my enquiries, and in one way or another have added considerably to the value of this monograph. Mr. W. Forbes Gray, F.R.S.E., F.S.A., Scot., Chairman of the Old Edinburgh Club, made researches for me, advised me on many points, and read in MS. the xii Preface biographical part of this book. My friend of many years Mr. D. Croal Thomson, did me a similar service by reading the portion of my MS. which treats of Raeburn’s pictures and his position in art. Another old friend to whom, alas, my thanks cannot be expressed, was W. D. McKay, R.S.A., LL.D., with whom, after much helpful correspondence, I spent considerable time, not very long before his death, in discussing difficult points. The Assistant Secretary of the R.S.A., Mr. Henry Hastings, was at the same time continually helpful, Mr. McKay’s successor as Secretary to the R.S.A., Mr. James Paterson, R.S.A., R.W.S., P.R.S.W., has proved equally kind in his readiness to help. Mr. R. Hill Stewart, F.F.A., the General Manager, and Mr. T. MacMaster, the Secretary of the Caledonian In- surance Company were at considerable pains to provide me with interesting facts as to Raeburn’s connection with that company. I am indebted also for help in various ways to Mr. John K. Ballantyne, Mr. T. C. F. Brotchie, Superintendent of the Glasgow Museums and Art Galleries, Mr. James L. Caw, Director of the Scottish National Gallery, Mr. George Clausen. R.A., Miss Deuchar, Mr. H. D. Dickie and Miss Dickie, Mr. G. A. Dunlop, Director of the Warrington Art Gallery and Museum, Miss M. M. Guthrie, Mr. Gemmell Hutchison, R.S.A., Mr. Arthur Kay, Mr. W. R. M. Lamb, M.A., Secretary of the Royal Academy, Mr. Peter Munnoch, Mr. Frank Rinder, Mr. W. Roughead, W.S., and Mr. Marion H. Spielmann, F.S.A., and to Sir William H. Raeburn Preface xili for permission to reproduce the portraits of Robert Hay of Drumelzier, and Lady Inglis, in his collec- tion. Last but not least among helpers I desire to thank the officials of the British Museum Reading Room, the Edinburgh University Library, and the Liverpool Public Library. E. RIMBAULT DIBDIN. RRS * ) ile eae CONTENTS. PREFAC , z A : : : CHAPTER I: BIOGRAPHICAL AND PERSONAL re II: ASSOCIATION WITH ARTISTS 3 III: SomME CONTEMPORARY ESTIMATES é . 4 < IV: INFLUENCE ON CONTEMPOR- ARIES AND SUCCESSORS s ae V: THE QUALITY OF THE ARTIST APPENDIX I: BIBLIOGRAPHY . : 2 II: List oF PICTURES IN PUBLIC GALLERIES se é . XV 71 106 129 149 155 et ON a BR et tio. OF ILLUSTRATIONS. SIR HENRY RAEBURN . . Frontispiece HENRY DAVID INGLIS Mr. AND Mrs. ROBERT CAMPBELL ROBERT Hay Mrs. Hosson Lt.-CoL. BRycE McMurpDo LapDy INGLIS ° : : é JAMES WARDROP BR xvii 24 44 64 CHAPTER I. BIOGRAPHICAL AND PERSONAL. ‘ Y dear old Stockbridge,’ as David Roberts, R.A., affectionately wrote of it, is not and never has been a notably fashionable quarter of Edinburgh ; but it enjoys the distinction that it was the birthplace of two very eminent painters: Roberts himself, and Henry Raeburn, the greatest master in portraiture that Scotland can boast. He was full forty years old when Roberts was born not far from his house, in a ‘ land’ where David’s parents lived and his father worked as a shoemaker or cobbler, but it is pleasant to have the story recorded by William Raeburn Andrew that Raeburn, walking in his garden one morning, en- countered a small boy who had no business there, but who was freely forgiven on his exhibiting a sketch he had been making of a Gothic window in the house. He had arrived ‘over the garden wall, but he had now free access, encouragement and in- struction from Raeburn.’ How far the boy, who became famous as David Roberts, was indebted to Raeburn in the matter of I 2 Raeburn instruction is not recorded, nor do we know if it was before or after a passion for drawing led to his being apprenticed to Gavin Beugo, housepainter, member of a family that had at least one artist member in John Beugo, engraver of Alexander Nasmyth’s portrait of Robert Burns for the first Edinburgh edition of his poems, and also of several Raeburn portraits. It is to be inferred that Raeburn’s favour to the boy endured, as W. R. Andrew says that he ‘ continued to have a friendly interest in the family as long as he lived.’ There is no trace of the agreeable legend in the life of Roberts which James Ballantine compiled from his auto- biographical notes. Henry Raeburn was born at Stockbridge on Thursday, 4th March, 1756, and appar- ently baptised at St. Cuthbert’s Church on the following Sunday, 7th March. The entry in the parish records, as quoted by Cumber- land Hill, is as follows: ‘Sunday, 7th March, 1756.—Robert Raeburn, yarn-boiler at Stockbridge, and spouse Ann Elder; a son, Henry, born 4th March, instant. Witness: Thomas Spence and _ Robert Dixon, weavers in Edinburgh.’ To Cumberland Hill we are indebted for a description, based on personal knowledge, of the locality: ‘ The yarn-boiling premises of the elder Raeburn and of his son William, who afterwards carried on the business, as Biographical and Personal 3 well as their dwelling-house, were situated at the side of the mill-lade, exactly where the western part of Horne Lane now stands. Their dwelling-house was a neat one-storeyed, slated cottage, that stood in the midst of a small piece of pretty garden ground, a little to the west of the yarn-boiling premises. As this house continued to be occupied by some of the descendants of the family up to the time that the business was given up, there is every probability that in this house Sir Henry was born. It was a pleasantly situated little spot. Immediately behind the house ran the mill-lade, at that time pure and limpid. To the north was a beautiful fruit orchard, covering the ground where Saunders Street now stands.’ David Roberts, describing Stockbridge as he remembered it at the beginning of the nineteenth century, wrote: ‘The villagers were almost all equally poor. There were three or four shops kept by old women, and the men were generally engaged in outdoor occupations, such as masons, carpenters, quarrymen, and carters—a somewhat primitive, and, as my poor mother used to say, “‘ a godless race.” ’ Stockbridge, long since swallowed up by the growth of Edinburgh, is now a closely built locality ; but in 1756 it was a village of five or six hundred inhabitants (they numbered 524 in 1743) in the parish of St. 4 Raeburn Cuthbert’s, or West Kirk, and separated by a considerable distance from the city, which had not yet begun to set about building the ‘New’ Town on the north side of the Nor’ Loch, in fulfilment of Daniel Defoe’s far- seeing anticipation half a century before that the High Street would be forsaken, and the city would ‘run all out of its gates to the north.’ Other and similar villages strung on the Water of Leith, because of the water- power it supplied, were Dean, Silvermills, and Canonmills. Approached by one very steep country road, Stockbridge had prob- ably less communication with Edinburgh than with the Port of Leith. I found no trace of it, or of any Raeburns, in the list of citizens in the first Edinburgh Directory published in 1773; although the family yarn-boiling business was then a_ well- established one, and Raeburn’s brother was actually noted in the list of Extraordinary Council Deacons ; nor is it to be found later in the 1788 Directory. Of Robert Raeburn and his ancestry the one fact certainly known hitherto is that he was a yarn-boiler at Stockbridge in 1756. To this I am able to add the information, obtained from the Scottish Record Society’s Register of Marriages for the Parish of Edinburgh, 1701-1750, that “Robert Rae- burn, weaver in N.E.p., married Ann Elder, d. of Henry Elder, indw. in Aberdour par., Biographical and Personal 5 now in N.W.p. 9th November, 1740.’ W.R. Andrew, although a descendant, evidently knew no more, for he was content to repeat Allan Cunningham to the effect that ‘ his ancestors were of the sturdy Border stock— reiving pastoral lairds—husbandmen in peace, and soldiers in war, till the days of disorder ended with the Union of the Crowns, upon which they laid aside the helmet and sword, and peacefully cultivated the ground during succeeding generations.’ This definite statement is weakened by what follows: ‘They probably took their name from a hill-farm in Annandale, still held by Sir Walter Scott’s kinsfolk. Sir Henry used to say that he was a Raeburn of that ilk, his forbears having had it before the Scotts. On his shield is a Rae, or Roe-deer, drinking from a burn running at its feet. The crest is a Roe’s head, with the motto, “‘ Robur sm Deo.”’ W. R. Andrew, in his next paragraph makes, with what has the air of veiled un- belief, a reference in practically the words of Cunningham, to the labours of ‘a Northern antiquarian, who, unwilling to _ believe, perhaps, that any one so distinguished could come from such an ancestry, resolved to find for him a loftier origin ; and accordingly set up a genealogical tree, which averred, in the mystic language of allegorical biography, that he was a direct descendant from the 6 Raeburn Raeburns of Raeburn, a family distinguished in the Scottish wars, who had won worthily the honours of knighthood, and were allied, moreover, in blood and by marriage to many of those of martial fame. Whether this lineage be rooted in reality or romance is not very material in the history of one whose fame arises from his being the Reynolds of the North, and the worthy companion of the most eminent men of the British School of Painting.’ With this entirely sensible pronouncement Allan Cunningham and W. R. Andrew leave the subject, where we also may be content to leave it until some definite evidence emerges. At present there is none beyond the fact that Sir Henry Raeburn is said to have used a crest and a coat of arms, which is scarcely conclusive. W. R. Andrew, writing more than sixty years after his ancestor’s death and residing in England, knew, and frankly shows that he knew, nothing de- finitely on the subject, and merely set down, with careful reserve, what he had been told, or had read in Cunningham’s memoir. In ‘An Ordinary of Arms in the Public Register of all arms and bearings in Scotland,’ by Sir James Balfour Paul, Lyon King at Arms (1893), there is a record of a grant in 1841 to Raeburn of St. Bernard’s (the painter’s son), “ Arg. on a piece of ground in base vert a roebuck statant ppr., drinking out of a burn Biographical and Personal 4 or brook running bendways az. ; on a canton erm. a knight’s helmet ppr.’ From this my conclusion is, in absence of any proof to the contrary, that the Raeburn arms only came into existence after the painter’s death. Robert Raeburn, then, ‘ removed to Stock- bridge, married Ann Elder, commenced manufacturer, became the proprietor of mills... ..~ Other-.biographers... have assumed that he removed from the Border country, but this is not stated on early authority. All Raeburns probably were from the south, but the migration may have been by an earlier generation. Robert was described as ‘ Burgess and Freeman’ in the Heriot’s Hospital Records, which seems to imply that he was a native of the town. Reference to the valuable publications of the Scottish Record Society and to old Edinburgh Directories shows that the name Raeburn (Reaburn, or Reburn) occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and was by no means uncommon in the eighteenth century. Without making an exhaustive search I have found twenty-two entries of marriages, testaments, and deaths : 4 labourers, 3 gardeners, 2 weavers, 2 wrights, and 1 each either following the trade of (or, if a female, married to) a servitor, metster, tailor, indweller, maltman, mariner, silk-dyer, bookbinder, hairdresser, perfumer, and soldier. Turning to the Directories we 8 Raeburn find that several Raeburns were inhabiting Edinburgh in the eighteenth century. There are none in the lists of residents for 1773-6, but in 1778 there was a ‘ Wil. Raeburn, ladies’ hair-dresser and perf., bridge str.,’ who continued long in business. In 1788, in addition to Henry, then established in George Street, we find this William Raeburn, perfumer, and George Raeburn, tailor, in Leith, who continued in the Directories until 1800. William Raeburn evidently became an eminent man in his walk of art, as he was styled ‘ perfumer to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales.’ His shop was 13 North Bridge, and his house was at the foot of Carrubber’s Close. He died* on 24th March, 1812, and in the 1812 Directory the entry became ‘Mrs. Raeburn, Perfumer, etc.’ In that year she effected an insurance against fire with the Caledonian Insurance Company, cancelling an earlier one, probably dated 1805, and effected by her husband, for £1,000 on the building of her tenement on the North Bridge, ‘ possessed by herself and her tenants. Pomatum occasionally made therein,’ a further sum of {£1,000 on * There are records of two marriages of William Raeburn, not improbably the same person: in 1775, when he was described as a hairdresser, and married a daughter of a Musselburgh farmer; and in 1785, when he was styled perfumer, and married a Leith merchant’s daughter. Biographical and Personal 9 stock-in-trade and utensils, and £300 on household furniture, etc. in her dwelling- house, No. 37 North Bridge. In the Directories her name continued until 1817 when there was only Mrs. Raeburn, Mound Place, seemingly indicating that she had retired from business. In or before 1823 she probably retired from the world, as her name ceased. In 1819, James Raeburn, perfumer, Prince Street, made a single meteoric appearance. Peter, evidently a struggling member of the clan, let furnished lodgings in 1796; in 1800 he had become a grocer; in 1811 he again let lodgings ; in 1814 he had returned to grocery, and, after 1816 he disappeared. In 21 years this rolling stone had eight different addresses. He may. have been succeeded in business by Robert, who was announced to let lodgings from 1824 to 1826. Alexander, a spirit-dealer, is recorded in 1823 and 1824, and William announced the same trade as his from 1826 to 1830: the last year for which I searched the Directory. James was a broker in the Cowgate from 1827 to 1830, and a Mrs. Raeburn followed the same profession at another number in the Cowgate in 1828 and 1829. From 1817 to 1819 John Raeburn was an ‘ ordained surveyor’ at 1m Market Street. In 1818 James Raeburn, architect, St. Bernard’s Well, Stockbridge, made an appearance. Io Raeburn Three years later he removed to Royal Circus (or S. E. Circus Place), where he was still noted in 1830. In 1821 there is a single entry of George Raeburn, a writer, at 3 Gilmore Place. A dozen Raeburns sufficiently prominent in the community to get their names entered in the Directory show that persons of that name were not uncommon in Edinburgh. None, it may be concluded, were descendants of Sir Henry. We do not know if his brother had any children ; in fact we know practic- ally nothing about him except that he carried on his father’s business until he died, on 6th December, 1810. His name appears in the 1811 Directory, but in that for 1812 the entry is changed to Mrs. Raeburn, and her name remains until 1821. Nothing is known about the infancy and early years of Raeburn, except that in his eighth year he was left an orphan; his ~ mother, who had survived her husband, dying in August 1763. The child was left to the care of his only brother William, twelve years or more his senior, who carried on the business. For so young a man the double duty was most likely rather a heavy burden, and it is not surprising to find that he was ready to relieve himself by sending Henry to George Heriot’s Hospital. That Institution was founded after the death of George Heriot, ‘jeweller to the Biographical and Personal Iz King’s most excellent Majesty’ in 1624; who left the residue of his fortune, after providing legacies for relatives and servants, and provision for two natural daughters, ‘for and towards the founding and erection of an Hospital . . . for the maintenance, relief, bringing up, and education of so many poor fatherless boys, freemen’s sons, of the town of Edinburgh, as the means which I give, etc. . . . shall amount or come to.’ Thanks to the good management of the Institution, and the judicious investment of its funds, the number of boys at the Hospital had increased from 30 in 1659 to I40 in 1763. There had, however, been periods of difficulty in the earlier years, and during one of these Robert Sandilands, of Meldrumsheugh, in 1695 bought for £2,000 the right to appoint two boys in perpetuity, ‘within ten years and six months of age at the time they are presented, and clean and wholesome.’ After the death of Robert Sandilands his eldest daughter, Sarah, as his legal repre- sentative, exercised the right; and _ she presented Henry Raeburn, who, being found eligible, was admitted in April 1765, just after entering his tenth year. In the third edition of William Steven’s History of George Heriot’s Hospital (1872) the date is given as 1764, but Cumberland Hill’s evidence is satisfying as to the later date, though not so on another matter. An easy computation 12 Raeburn based on dates would show that Sarah Sandilands was by this time an elderly person, but according to Hill she, having afterwards married Mr. Durham of Boghead, Linlithgowshire, had issue, and her grand- daughter, Mrs. Durham Weir, was present at Hopetoun House in 1822, when Raeburn was knighted by King George IV. Mr. James Greig correctly describes the lady as in 1765 ‘Relict of Thomas Durham of Boghead.’ Hull was doubtless misled by the fact that, according to Scottish usage, she continued for legal purposes to be known by her maiden name. The original plan of the persons who framed the rules and regulations of George Heriot’s Hospital, was in pursuance of the founder’s intention, ‘only to relieve the poor,’ and so the boys were only to be “taught to read and write distinctly, and cast all manner of accounts; also the rudi- ments of the Latin language.’ This pro- gramme was gradually widened, but it would be hard to say to what extent this had taken place by 1765. From a Memoir of George Heriot, published by Constable in 1822, (the year in which The Fortunes of Nigel appeared), we learn that the boys in the Hospital “are now taught Greek, Mathe- matics, etc. If the professions chosen by the boys require a knowledge of drawing or navigation they are sent to teachers for that Biographical and Personal 13 purpose ; those who aim at learned pro- fessions may be sent to the University for four years, and allowed {30 a year... most of the boys were apprenticed to trades in Edinburgh, and are allowed fro sterling yearly for five years, being equal to an apprentice fee of £50. At the end of the apprenticeship, on producing a certificate of good conduct from the master, they receive £5, to buy a suit of clothes.’ This was a fairly liberal programme, having regard to the value of money at the time, as indicated by the fact that the three teachers appointed in 1759 each received a salary of £17, with thirty shillings extra for a gown. It is to be hoped that the pewter platters used at table in the Hospital were better supplied with nutriment for the body than these starveling pedagogues were likely to provide for the minds of the boys they taught. W. R. Andrews remarks that “singularly few of those brought up in this Scottish Christ’s Hospital became distin- guished in after life.’ The explanation is that the aim of the Governors was only to turn out a good type of apprentice for the use of the local tradesman, and any lad who became ‘distinguished’ did so in spite of his start in life. The boys, like those of the London Blue- coat School, were compelled to wear a distinctive costume. The statutes, compiled I4 Raeburn in 1627, enjoined that ‘ they sall be comlie and decentlie apparrelled as becumeth both in thair lynning and cloathis. And thair apparrell sal be of sad Russet cloath doub- lettis breikis and stockingis or hose and gownes of the same colour with black hattis and stringis whiche they sal be bund to weare during thair aboad in the said Hospittal and no uther.’ Two centuries and a half later (1872), the dress for resident boys was a dark grey Melton jacket and cap, with light grey tweed vest and trousers, and a Kilmar- nock bonnet for week-day wear. The “apparrell’ of the eighteenth century, of which I have found no description, was probably something transitional between these two specifications, both suitably dismal for charity-school boys, and in marked con- trast to that of High School and other boys, as described by Henry Cockburn, who was born in 1779: ‘a round black hat, shirt fastened at the neck by a black ribbon and, except on dress days, unruffled, a double- breasted cloth waistcoat, rather large, a single-breasted jacket which in due time got a tail and became a coat, brown corduroy breeches, tied at the knees by a showy knot of brown cotton tape . . . coat and waist- coat always of glaring colours such as bright blue, grass green and scarlet.’ Creatures so gay of hue probably invented and used the taunting rhyme with which Edinburgh Biographical and Personal T5 school-boys continued to shout after Heriot boys, as an incitement to combat until in 1886 the Hospital became a secondary day school : Heriéti, Wee short coatie ! W. R. Andrew was not able to say in what way a taste for drawing was created and developed in the boy who ‘during his youthful education did not discover any particular propensity to the art in which he was destined so remarkably to excel.’ This, in the next sentence, is contradicted by the information that at the arithmetic class, when the boys were amusing themselves in drawing figures on their slates, his displayed a very striking superiority to those of the other boys. This may have been observed by the teacher and may have resulted in his being taught drawing—one of the extras above referred to—with a view to fitting him for some. trade in which it would be useful. In this connection there seems to be illumina- tion in the fact that (I quote Mr. Greig) ‘ on the 4th of June, 1770, Henry Raeburn and Francis Ronaldson were each awarded for their skill in writing, etc., the sum of one pound, five shillings, sterling, accruing from the Dean of Guild Heriot’s Mortification. In the following year Henry was again considered bestZentitled to a similar reward.’ As the CR 16 Raeburn boy displayed such special dexterity in penmanship as to earn him prizes it is not at all improbable that he was instructed in the rudiments of drawing and perhaps design in order to qualify him for some trade in which such manual skill would be useful. My own experience was that even in the latter half of the nineteenth century teachers of writing in Edinburgh schools regarded it as including ornamental pen-work and even ambitious painted ‘illuminations,’ which were proudly displayed at the “ examination,’ when parents and friends assembled for the annual prize-giving. If a prize was given for work of this kind it was described as for ‘ Writing.’ Mr. Pinnington points out that from and after 1760 the Trustees’ Academy classes were held at Heriot’s Hospital. In 1771, when Raeburn was probably still there, Alexander Runciman was appointed Master of the Academy, in succession to a Frenchman named Pavillon. Runciman, then 35 years old, and newly arrived from five years of study in Rome, was a draughtsman of considerable ability, and a very ambitious painter. Of the six or seven years during which the foundations of the boy’s education and the development of his character were laid we have as little knowledge as of the previous period which passed at Stockbridge. There he was outside of the town on the north, at Biographical and Personal 17 the Hospital he was on its southern border, and practically in the country, although Lauriston, where the Hospital stands, was not far from the busy Grassmarket. To the south, only the common-lands known as “The Meadows’ and the Bruntsfield Links beyond them divided it from the open coun- try. On the eastern side they were equally near to Salisbury Crags, Arthur’s Seat, and Duddingston Village and loch. The rule of the Hospital was severely monastic: the men and women employed in it were required to be unmarried, the six women servants over 45 years of age; but probably the boys in their leisure hours were free to roam the country, fish in the burns, perhaps play primitive golf on the Links, or even to dive down a close for a visit to the turmoil of the Grassmarket and the picturesque grime of the Cowgate. With a commendable delicacy for the memory of his distinguished ancestor, W. R. Andrew avoids any mention of the fact that on leaving school Raeburn was. apprenticed to a tradesman. He skilfully makes the transition thus: ‘Soon after attaining the age of fifteen he began to paint beautiful water-colour miniatures of his friends. In what manner this taste first showed itself is not exactly known; but it certainly was altogether spontaneous, without lesson or example. About this time he was in the 18 Raeburn employment of Mr. Gilliland, an eminent jeweller in Edinburgh.’ The fact that young Raeburn was accepted as apprentice by ‘an eminent jeweller’ is pretty good evidence that his preceptors were able to give a satisfactory account of his qualification to succeed in a craft that re- quired hands and brains of more than normal cleverness. A jeweller in the eighteenth century was not a smart salesman of goods bought from or sent on sale by a wholesale manufacturer in Birmingham: he and his workmen and apprentices had to be skilled craftsmen, capable of making gold, silver, gems and the like into more or less beautiful objects of art. It was indeed an admission, though only as it were by a back door, into the Palace of Art ; the same through which Gainsborough also entered it. The splen- dour of the trade had ere this deteriorated from that of the good old days of George Heriot, when his most gracious Majesty would drop in now and again for a ‘ twa- handed crack’ with his jeweller, who was also his banker, and, upon occasion, money- lender. Regular banks had arisen and taken away this most profitable part of the jewellers’ business. It was still, however, a good and gentlemanly trade, and certainly was just the one to be selected by the Governors of Heriot’s Hospital for a specially skilled and promising pupil. Biographical and Personal 19 It was most likely in 1772, at the age of 16, that Henry Raeburn was indentured to James Gilliland, of Parliament Close, near to St. Giles’ Church, which at that time was the nucleus of clustering barnacle-like shops and stalls that surrounded it. There is again, unfortunately, a dearth of informa- tion about this all-important period of Raeburn’s life, on which he entered a raw and not over-tutored school-boy, and from which he emerged a full-blown and efficient painter of portraits. Probably, after the usage of the period, he lived on the premises, and either slept under the counter, or in an attic of Gilliland’s house, which seems to have been not far from the shop, at No. 10 Nicolson Street ; at least that is the address at which Mrs. Gilliland dwelt in 1796, presumably a widow, as the eminent jeweller’s name was no longer in the Directory. At first the boy would, whether he liked it or not, have to apply himself with diligence to learning his craft, in which apparently he attained to proficiency. The Royal Scottish Academy has among its treasures an elegant silver toddy ladle, which is said to have been made by Raeburn as a lad. The workmanship is faultless, and the design is good; the bowl of the ladle is stamped A.G. There is no hall-mark. Whether or not this article was made by Raeburn, there is no doubt about another 20 Raeburn piece of work placed to his credit, for we have first-hand evidence about it from Dr. Andrew Duncanin his ‘ Tribute to the Memory of Sir Henry Raeburn,’ spoken and then printed in the year after the painter’s death. In this Dr. Duncan recalled how, after the death on 15th May, 1778, of his young friend Charles, son of Dr. Erasmus Darwin, the poet, he went to Gilliland with a lock of the dead man’s hair, in order to bespeak a memorial ring of the kind then much in vogue. ‘ He told me that one of his present apprentices was a young man of great genius and could prepare for me in hair a memorial that would demonstrate both taste and art. Young Raeburn was immediately called, and proposed to execute on a small trinket, which might be hung at a watch, a muse weeping over an urn, marked with the initials of Charles Darwin. The trinket was finished by Raeburn in a manner which to me afforded manifest proof of very superior genius, and I still preserve it as a memorial of the singular and early merit both of Darwin and Raeburn.’ If this example of the painter’s craft-work could now be found it would be a highly interesting memento, and it is quite likely that it still exists, but is stowed away in one of those little stores of obsolete jewellery that exists in many old houses. Dr. Duncan’s story may or may not be true, but it has to be kept in Biographical and Personal 2I view that he was an octogenarian who, to judge by some of his statements which can be checked by independent evidence, wrote without verifying his recollections, and often blundered. The story implies that Raeburn was still in the service of Gilliland in the middle of 1778, six years after he was indentured, though the regulation as to apprentices which I have quoted seems to imply that the usual term of service was five years, and biographers have agreed to accept Allan Cunningham’s statement that Gilliland, perceiving and encouraging his apprentice’s talent for portraiture, freed him before his time was up. We also have to take into account Allan Cunningham’s story, accepted by W. R. Andrew, that in 1778 Raeburn had a studio, fell in love with a sitter and married her. The growth, concurrently with his labours as a jeweller, of Raeburn’s skill in painting, is not easily to be traced. That he first painted in miniature was a natural beginning for a youth working alone without facilities for larger efforts, or means to get necessary materials. Miniatures too were familiar objects in a jeweller’s shop, as for them some sort of case or setting was a necessary accessory. Very likely commissions for such work were given in the course of trade, and Raeburn may have been incited to try 22 Raeburn his hand at it by way of making some pocket money. It is even possible that Gilliland first suggested it—certainly he did nothing to discourage his apprentice, as we know from the story of his early connection with David Deuchar. I quote from it as it appeared in a_ well-written memoir of Raeburn, which appeared in the issue for January 1900 of Caledonian Jottings, a private publication of the Caledonian Insurance Company, of which it is interesting to note that Raeburn was one of the Directors at its foundation in 1805. The author’s name is not given, but, as the Company’s Manager at the time was a later David Deuchar, a descendant of Raeburn’s friend and patron, it may be regarded as having authority. Deuchar was a lapidary and seal engraver of exceptional skill, a goldsmith, and interested in all branches of art; he painted, modelled, and practised etching industriously, and published a large collection of plates copied chiefly from German, Dutch, and Flemish masters. His business, like that of the miniaturist, brought him into frequent communication with jewellers, and often going to see his neighbour Gilliland, he became well acquainted with young Raeburn, who is described as tall and handsome, with a frank, engaging manner. He ‘always had a kindly word for the pleasant-faced apprentice as he passed Biographical and Personal 23 through the shop to the private room behind. On several occasions as he passed in, Deuchar noticed the lad hurriedly push something into a drawer as if to conceal what he had been doing. This stimulated Deuchar’s curiosity, and once when returning from the back room he quietly stepped behind Henry before the latter saw him, when to his surprise he found the boy engaged in gazing intently into a small mirror. ‘“ Hullo, Henry,” said he, “are you admiring your good looks? ’”’ “No,” said the boy, “ but I am trying to draw a likeness of myself,”’ and he produced a sheet of paper on which he had made a very creditable likeness of himself in pencil. On being asked if he had ever had lessons in drawing, he said no, but added that he earnestly wished he could afford to have them ; whereupon Mr. Deuchar said he would be glad to give him one or two lessons per week, after his closing hours, which would cost him nothing. This offer was joyfully accepted by Henry, who in a short time showed so great proficiency as to lead both Mr. Deuchar and Mr. Gilliland to the belief that he was a born artist, and that it would be the greatest of mistakes to try to make a mere goldsmith of him. Accord- ingly Raeburn was introduced to David Martin, then the fashionable portrait painter in Edinburgh, and became his pupil. While still nominally serving his apprenticeship 24 Raeburn to Gilliland, Raeburn was allowed time for study, and also for the painting of miniatures, the loss of the apprentice’s assistance in the goldsmith’s work being made up to his master by an arrangement that the latter should share in the profits of the miniature painting.’ The writer of the article conjectures that Raeburn’s first miniature was a portrait of James Gilliland, the second being one of Deuchar. This is extant, in the possession of my friend Miss Deuchar. On paper pasted on the back of the case there is written : ‘David Deuchar, Esq., of Morningside, by Sir Henry Raeburn, being the second portrait done by him during the time he was an apprentice to Mr. Gilland of Old Parliament Square, Edinburgh. Painted about 1773.’ The writing is old, but obviously it does not date before 1822, because the painter is described as Sizv Henry. It is to be noticed also that there is an error as to Gilliland’s name. As David Deuchar died in 1808, he was not the writer, who was probably a descendant, and set down as wellas he could remember what he had been told regarding the miniature. This, which is chiefly in a neutral tint, with only slight colour in the flesh, is quite efficiently executed, and, if it was only the second attempt by Raeburn in that style, is a very remarkable perform- ance, especially in that expression of alert In the possession of H. D, Dickie HENRY DAVID INGLIS SIR HENRY RAEBURN (face p, 24) Biographical and Personal 25 vitality so characteristic of Raeburn’s portraiture. Miss Deuchar has two other miniatures attributed to Raeburn. One, of David Deuchar’s second wife, is a very capable piece of work, fuller in colour and more accomplished than his portrait of David, but not obviously from the hand of Raeburn. However we know too little about his method in this genre to be able to judge with certainty. The third, supposed to be another portrait of Deuchar is a much less capable performance, almost amateurish, and it does not greatly resemble him. Had I been shown the three ivories and told that one was Raeburn’s second attempt I should have picked this out as best answering the description. Mr. H. D. Dickie has an ex- cellent miniature of Henry David Inglis, advocate, said to be by Raeburn, and prob- ably by him, as Inglis was his brother-in-law. If Deuchar took Raeburn in hand and began to give him lessons as early as 1773 there was ample time for him to supply a good groundwork of knowledge, especially to a youth of exceptional natural ability, before the introduction to David Martin, as that painter, after being long in London and Italy, working as assistant in Allan Ramsay’s picture factory, only returned to Edinburgh in 1775. Martin received Raeburn kindly and lent 26 Raeburn him some of his own pictures to copy, but declined to give him instruction in painting or preparing his colours: a very important part of a painter’s work in the eighteenth century. Eventually he accused Raeburn of selling his copy of one of the pictures lent to him, and thereafter they pursued their separate ways apart. This is Allan Cunning- ham’s story, repeated by W. R. Andrew, but it may reasonably be doubted on the evidence of his own statement that ‘Raeburn... declared, when his own name was deservedly high, that the kind words of Martin were still in his ears, and his paintings before him.’ Raeburn was of a kindly disposition but he was honest, and would not have so spoken of a man to whom he owed little or nothing. I think it probable that the connection with Martin was closer than has been stated, and that Raeburn worked for him as a painter of costumes and accessories and even of replicas, as Martin had worked for Ramsay. Martin, although not a great painter, was a competent one, much affected as was natural by the influence of Ramsay, and it is probable that his aid, whether grudging or otherwise, was useful in the development of Raeburn’s skillin oil painting. The develop- ment was rapid, as is shown by the portrait of George Chalmers, of Pittencrieff, one of the too few pictures by him of which the date is certainly known, painted in 1776, a Biographical and Personal 25 remarkable performance for a youth of twenty, who had not been through the schools. Raeburn was probably indebted to Deuchar among other things for his acquaint- ance with John Clerk, a clever youth, a year younger than himself, who was addicted to painting, without, however, allowing this addiction to prevent his steady success at the Bar, which was crowned by his elevation to the Bench as Lord Eldin in the year when Raeburn died: a name famous in Scottish annals of wit, revelry, and wisdom. Clerk’s father, besides his fame as ‘inventor of the Modern British System of Naval Tactics,’ which, it was claimed, effected, when put in practice, a number of the most signal victories of our Fleet in the latter part of the eighteenth century, was an amateur etcher of no mean skill, and a great patron of art, who would certainly be well known to Deuchar. The friendship subsisted, and Raeburn painted both father and son, the latter at least twice. The only incident of their intimacy that has survived to help out the meagre supply of material available for a biographer of Raeburn illustrates the frugal manner in which the Scottish youth of that day fared, when first trying to make their way in the world, even when they belonged to the upper classes: John Clerk’s grandfather was a baronet. Raeburn had been invited to dine with him at his 28 Raeburn lodgings. The landlady brought in two plates (or ‘ ashets,’ as they call them in Scotland) ; on one were three herrings, on the other three potatoes. “‘ Is this a’? ’’ asked Clerk angrily. ““ Ay, it’s a’’’ was the reply. “‘ Didna I tell ye, wumman,”’ cried Clerk, “ that a gentle- man was to dine wi’ me, an’ that ye were to get sax herrin’ an’ sax tatties ? ”’ Raeburn having somehow, like Gains- borough, arrived, thanks to innate genius, at definite excellence in art without the proper orthodox course of preliminary academic study, found himself very soon a successful portrait painter. It seems probable that after leaving the service of Gilliland he returned to Stockbridge to live with his brother, who was by this time well established in life. In a list of the Edinburgh Magis- trates and Town Council for 1774-5, William Reaburn (sic), weaver, Stockbridge, is set down as one of the Council Deacons. Through his influence the painter may have obtained commissions in his early years, and it is not unlikely that he followed the common practice of travelling in the country, painting portraits wherever he could get an order. He probably had a painting-room in town, most likely in the old town, as Stockbridge was not readily accessible, and proper studio lighting would not be easily arranged in a cottage such as Cumberland Hill described. He may have lived in Edinburgh, but, even Biographical and Personal 29 then, occasional visits to his brother would make his appearance familiar to the resi- dents, especially to the ladies, as he was tall and handsome and had a fine presence. Allan Cunningham’s sentimental story about Raeburn’s wooing and consequent marriage is therefore manifest nonsense; a clumsy replica of his sufficiently stupid fiction about Gainsborough’s courtship. B. R. Haydon certainly had good reason for his emphatic critical estimate: ‘ There never was a man so unfit to be a biographer as Allan Cunning- ham. A poet by nature, he had no pleasure in resting alone on truth as the basis of the lives of the great men. He treats their characters as inventions, not as realities ; he put speeches into their mouths and amplified their sayings, as if they were the heroes of melodrama he had invented, or of a poem, where imagination was of more worth than fact. His Lives of the Painters are quite unworthy of his age.’ Cunningham’s story is that the artist, while sketching a landscape, noticed a charming lady and forthwith put her in his picture. Soon afterwards a lady—the same lady—came to his studio and, after the usual preliminary enquiries, sat for her portrait. Before it was finished the artist was as much in love with her as, evidently, she had been from the outset with him. In a month or so they were married, and, 30 Raeburn strange to say, they lived happily ever afterwards, although she was a widow, a dozen years or so older than he, with three children by her first husband, James Leslie, who had, or used, the title of Count* as a prefix to his name. This was in 1778, when Raeburn was 22 years old; six years after her marriage to Leslie (16th September, 1772), and five years after the accepted date of his death. That the latter is wrong is obvious, as he left three children (not stated to be triplets). Also we have Cumberland Hill’s definite statement that Leslie bought Deanhaugh on 17th September, 1777,+ and * Walter Leslie, second son of John Leslie, roth Baron of Balquhain (1606-1667) was created a Count of the Holy Roman Empire, and Lord of Neustadt in Bavaria, by the Emperor of Germany, Ferdinand III., in reward of valuable services in war, including the murder of Wallenstein and his four chief associates in 1634. He left no son, but the title continued in the family until the death of the 5th count, without issue. This I take from Colonel Leslie’s Historical Records of the Family of Leslie (1869), with such reservation as is necessary when quoting from a rather unintelligible record. I gather also that various members of the family other than the one then in right of the title were in the habit of styling themselves Count. James Leslie was probably one of these ; the second and third Counts were named James, but they died respectively in 1694 and 1738. t Leslie’s residence before 1777 is not stated, but Mr. W. Forbes Gray has pointed out to me that in the Directory for 1774 there is an entry, ‘ James Leslie, gentleman, Riekie’s Land, Nicolson Street,’ which may refer to him. It is continued in Directories up to 1778. No Directory for 1779 is known to exist, and the name is not in that for 1780. Biographical and Personal 31 the even more definite evidence of a recorded Testament by him dated gth December, 1778. As a period of three weeks of viduity seems all too short for the working out of Cunning- ham’s pretty love story, it is possible that the marriage did not take place in that year. Raeburn’s first son, Peter, was born 18th May, 1781 ; the second, Henry, on 24th October, 1783. The arch-blunderer, Dr. Duncan, said the marriage took place after Raeburn’s return from Rome: obviously an error, unless the Roman visit occurred at a much earlier date than that which is accepted. A writer, signing himself S.P., in Notes and Queries for 27th November, 1886, de- nounced Allan Cunningham’s story, and con- tinued : ‘‘ The facts have been notorious in Edinburgh since that period. These facts are that James Leslie of Deanhaugh ... —if the truth must be told—committed suicide at Deanhaugh House with a pistol, in consequence of jealousy, excited under very remarkable circumstances. Immediately after the tragedy the widow married the artist.” This new light on the subject, though never contradicted, has been over- looked by all subsequent biographers of Raeburn, and, as I have been unable to dis- cover the identity of the writer, I should have disregarded it, if it did not fit so well into other evidence on the subject which I have brought together. DR 32 Raeburn The faults most readily noticeable in Cunningham’s story are, firstly, that there is no evidence Raeburn ever painted any landscape, although he cleverly employed conventionalised landscape backgrounds for his portraits ; secondly, that “the very fine portrait of her’ which was then painted is not forthcoming, and has not, so far as any one knows, ever been seen. Its disap- pearance, and the absence of landscape studies, might have been accounted for if the artist’s effects had been dispersed soon after his death. But they remained in possession of the family, and many years afterwards were still with his descendants at Charles- field. The only known portrait of the paint- er’s wife, painted by him, is that admirable full-length which remained in possession of the family until 1887, and eventually found its way into the collection of the late Sir Ernest Cassel. In this she appears to be about forty to forty-five years of age, and it seems impossible that it was painted at the age of 34: the picture during the painting of which the affections of the youthful painter were captivated by her mature matronly charms. The damning fact, however, is that Dean- haugh, where Ann, “ Countess Leslie,’ lived from 1777, if not before, was at Stockbridge, close to the dwelling and mill of William Raeburn ; so, unless Henry Raeburn never Biographical and Personal 33 visited his birthplace after he grew up, they must have known each other perfectly well ; at any rate by sight and reputation. Ann Leslie was a daughter of Peter Edgar, of Bridgelands (which came to him by marriage), factor to the Earl of Selkirk, and had comfortable means. The marriage therefore at once placed Raeburn in the happy position of being able to live his life and pursue his art without troubling unduly about the wherewithal. Fortunately for his happiness and the glory of Scottish art, the union turned out much more fortunate than many others contracted by couples ap- parently better adapted for each other by age and condition. For some seven years (or it may be fewer), we must now be content to imagine Raeburn a happy and contented man, with an amiable and devoted wife, a far better home than he had previously known, sufficient money for all needs, a growing practice as a painter, a consciousness of steady improvement in his art, many friends and admirers, and, best of all, robust health. No details to illuminate that period are available, we do not know if he maintained a studio in town, though it is probable he did, nor with any certainty what portraits he painted, as there were no exhi- bitions in Edinburgh, and Raeburn’s records, if he kept them, are not to be found. Cum- berland Hill mentions with strong approval 34 Raeburn that he never painted on the Lord’s Day, and was always to be seen on Sundays in his family pew, one of the front seats of the first gallery in the West Kirk. The same writer shows us too that Raeburn upon occasion could and did play his part as a member of the little community to which he belonged. There was a petition in 1784 to ‘the Trustees . . . relative to the Bridges and Highways in the County of Edinburgh,’ praying for the making of a road and the erection of a stone bridge at the ford of Stockbridge, where there was only a make- shift wooden foot-bridge, privately con- structed. The principal residents, in whose names the petition was made, included ‘William Reaburn, Henry Reaburn, and Walter Ross.’ This last was the eccentric lawyer who lived at St. Bernard’s. The petition was a reasonable one, for the Trustees about twenty-four years earlier had established a toll-bar on the road* between Edinburgh and Stockbridge, which was a constant tax upon the trade of the village, and had spent nothing on improvement of the road. The time arrived at last when Raeburn began to feel the need of fresh impetus and inspiration, which Edinburgh could not * At Kirkbraehead, now the west end of Princes Street. Biographical and Personal 35 supply. The wonder is that, being so com- fortably circumstanced, he did not sooner set out in quest of it. By constant steady effort he had improved his art in a manner that placed him unquestionably well ahead of all Scottish competitors, there was no source in Edinburgh from which he could draw fresh inspiration for further advance: the obvious course was to go south, to study the bril- liant galaxy of painters in London, and then, perhaps, still further to that wonderful painters’ Mecca of the eighteenth century imagination, Rome. So Raeburn and his wife, having put their house in order, left their two infant children, and set out upon their travels, probably by sea, from Leith. This is what we are told by Cunningham and Andrew, but it is hard to believe that a matron of 41 years would set out on the long and risky journey to Italy, leaving behind for two years her three children by her first husband, and the two Raeburn infants, the younger of whom was less than two years old. As the purpose of his travel was to improve himself in his art it may be concluded that Raeburn went in the spring, in time to have a view of the Royal Academy’s Exhibition at Somerset House. The only thing definitely known as to his London experiences is that he saw, and was favourably received by, Sir Joshua Reynolds, in whose studio he is said to have painted. 36 Raeburn The seventeenth Royal Academy Exhibi- tion was not a great affair judged by modern standards: 616 exhibits of all sorts, in two or three rooms; but to the Scot, who had never seen anything of the kind, it must have been a revelation. He may have seen work by Reynolds in Edinburgh, but even that is uncertain, and it must have been intensely interesting to see and study the great President’s sixteen exhibits, also to measure himself by those of other painters of that blossoming time in English portrait art. The Exhibition included pictures by Beechey (9), who though still resident at Norwich was becoming well known, Copley (1), Cosway (3), Hamilton (4), Hoppner (6), Opie (6), Peters (3), Rigaud (7), and Russell (ro). Of provincial art, except from places near London, there was practically none: a single portrait by R. Home of Dublin, a plan, section and elevation of a temple by J. Henderson of Edinburgh, and two land- scapes by S. Howitt of Richmond, Yorks. Ramsay had died in the previous year : perhaps Raeburn may have been moved by this to visit London to see if there was room for another Scot. If so, the array of for- midable rivals to be faced would have a discouraging effect on a man who seems never to have realised his own greatness. As he is supposed to have spent several months in London, he would almost certainly have Biographical and Personal 37 visited the exhibition room which Gains- borough opened at Schomberg House in Pall Mall after his final rupture with the Royal Academy; and perhaps he looked up Romney in Cavendish Square. In London he would certainly see the work of both these men, though they did not send to Somerset House. Whatever may have been his original intention, Raeburn eventually set out for Rome, in obedience to the emphatic advice of Reynolds to go there and worship Michael Angelo in the Sistine Chapel, and study his terribile via. This is reported by Cunning- ham, who adds that the President took his young friend aside and said: ‘“‘ Young man, I know nothing of your circumstances ; young painters are seldom rich; but if money be necessary for your studies abroad, say so, and you shall not want it.’ As Reynolds was not addicted to profuse generosity, this, if true, is evidence that he recognised the rare ability of Raeburn. No doubt, however, he was relieved in mind when the latter shouted into his ear trumpet that he already had sufficient funds. With a lighter heart he set about giving valuable help in the way of letters of introduction to noted artists and others known to him in Rome, including the aged Pompeo Battoni, who was the most excellent and admired painter there, 38 Raeburn The journey to and the return from Rome were overland, according to W. R. Andrew, who summarily tells us that ‘two years of diligent study were spent in Italy, to and from which country he travelled with all possible expedition, without stopping at Paris or any other place.’ It seems strange that on his return he did not even halt at London to pay his respects to Reynolds. To this meagre record there is only to be added that to his fellow-countryman, Gavin Hamil- ton, ‘he was indebted for many attentions,’ and that James Byres, of Tonley, discoverer of the Barberini Vase, gave him the valuable advice never, when possible, to trust to his memory when painting, even on _ subor- dinate parts of his pictures. Andrew comments: ‘ This advice Raeburn followed, and whether it was the principal figure or the minutest accessory, he had it always before him; and to the strict observance of this rule he ascribed, in a great measure, his continued improvement, and the genuine and natural character which his pictures always preserved.’ It seems a long way to have travelled for a piece of wise counsel which, (to judge by a knowledge of his work), he needed less than most painters. However, there can be no doubt that Raeburn’s stay in Italy must have had great value in enlarging his mind and extending his knowledge of the best art of the past, although envious David Biographical and Personal 39 Martin is said to have expressed the opinion that he did not paint so well as he did before he went to Italy. No doubt he painted in Italy, but we do not know. His admirable portrait of James Byres was much later, when his sage mentor was 77 years old. Having returned home Raeburn at once set to work with a will. He rented a studio in George Street. The number is not noted in the 1788 Directory, but the issue for 1796 gives it as No. 18, south side. ‘ He came at once into full employment as a portrait painter, says Andrew, early commissions being given by the Harveian Society for portraits of William Inglis and Alexander Wood. He also painted at this period Professor Andrew Duncan, for the Royal Public Dispensary, and for the Senate Hall of the University, Robertson the historian, Dr. Adam Ferguson, and Lord Provost Elder, of Forneth. From 1787 to the end of his life thirty-six years later Raeburn easily held his place as the Scottish master in portraiture : a supremacy more complete even than that of Reynolds in London, where Gainsborough was continually a thorn in his flesh, Ramsay engrossed much of the Court patronage, Romney held the favour of many, and, in his later years, Hoppner, Lawrence, Beechey, Cosway, West, Opie, Peters, and others were competitors of more than common ability. Such competitors as Raeburn had were men 40 Raeburn of much less importance, and they were the more easily to be disregarded because of Raeburn’s comfortable financial position, which enabled him to take his place socially as a man of distinction, in a community possessing at that time a very unusual number of remarkable persons. His friendships and intimacies were most likely with the legal, scientific, and literary notables of Edinburgh, rather than with other artists. Farington, writing in 1801, noted that ‘Raeburn and Nasmith do not associate much with the other artists and hold them- selves very high. Raeburn scarcely indeed with any of the profession.’ W. R. Andrew says: ‘about this time’ (t.e. in his thirty-second year) ‘ he removed with his family from Deanhaugh to the neighbouring estate of St. Bernard’s, which he had succeeded to on the death of his elder brother William.’ Cunningham placed him there a year earlier, but without killing the brother, who, as a matter of fact, had nothing to do with St. Bernard’s, and lived until 1810. St. Bernard’s was occupied by the eccentric Walter Ross, W.S., builder of Ross’s Folly, until his death on 11th March, 1789. ‘ At his particular desire he was kept full eight days, and interred in his garden in the underpart of the tower which he had built, with the top of the coffin kept open.’ It was not until after the subsequent death Biographical and Personal AI of the widow that Raeburn rented the house, and removed to it; eventually, in or about 1809, he bought it. The slumbers of Mr. Ross were not disturbed (although his ‘Folly’ had so far fallen from favour that latterly the ground floor of it was used as a stable), until, about 1818, he was disinterred and removed to St. Cuthbert’s Churchyard. According to Cumberland Hill, who remem- bered the tower and gave this account of it, it was pulled down in 1825, and in the previous year some of the curious carved stones that had been built into it were sent to Abbots- ford as a present to Sir Walter Scott. As the tower stood on ground now occupied by the north end of Ann Street, which was one of Raeburn’s building achievements (and named after his wife), one would think Hill had erred as to this date, and that it was demolished by Raeburn in his lifetime, probably in 1818, after the removal of Ross’s remains, and that the sculptured stones (from the old Cross of Edinburgh), were sent by him to his friend Scott. Dare a writer a full century later venture to contradict the statement of a man who says he saw the tower demolished, even if, as he admits in his preface (1887), he was then ‘aged’? Raeburn’s reason for removing to St. Bernard’s is probably to be found in the fact that thereafter his step-daughter, Mrs. Ann Leslie or Inglis, with her two sons, continued 42 Raeburn to occupy Deanhaugh House until she died. James Leslie had bought the house in 1777, and it probably became the property of one of his surviving children; the mother only occupying it during that child’s minority. The other daughter, Jacobina, married Daniel Vere, of Stonebyres, Sheriff-Substitute of Lanarkshire. Her portrait by Raeburn was in 1904 in the collection of Mr. W. A. Coats. I quote a description of it from some personal notes made during the great 1876 Raeburn Exhibition at Edinburgh, to which > it was lent by Mr. James T. Gibson Craig. ‘From the portrait of Raeburn’s step- daughter, Mrs. Vere of Stonebyres, an extremely charming work, we have a good idea of what his wife must have been like in her youth ; for there is a very strong likeness between mother and daughter. The same sweet, kind and affectionate expression pervades both; and the fair, plump, glad face of the latter is not without some share of the peculiar charm with which the mother is invested. The fine and full outlines of her figure are well displayed by the easy, natural pose and admirable drawing of the picture. The white dress is well disposed and executed, and well varied by an olive-coloured mantle.’ Dr. John Brown mentions another picture of Jacobina ‘lying asleep, her head on a pillow—a fine study.’ I do not know of any portrait by Raeburn of Mrs. Ann Inglis. I Biographical and Personal 43 am also without much information about her husband, James Philip Inglis, beyond the fact that, about 1806-8, he seems to have been a partner with Raeburn’s son, Henry, in a short-lived business which ended disastrously, and that he died at Calcutta on 28th April, 1817, survived by two sons, Charles Leslie Inglis and Henry Raeburn Inglis. The Boy and Rabbit, the painter’s Royal Academy diploma picture, was a portrait of the latter, a deaf-mute, who is said to have been the subject of at least one other picture. These two children, accord- ing to Hill, were with their mother at Deanhaugh when Raeburn removed to St. Bernard’s, but it is worthy of notice that their father is not mentioned. There is no reason to suppose that the separation from the Inglis family arose from any serious disagreement, for all evidence is to the contrary. Without any such cause it may have been found desirable to put an end to the combination under one roof of two families: Raeburn, his wife, and two adolescent sons ; his step-daughter, her two boys, and possibly her husband. It was not until 1792 that Raeburn sent pictures to the Royal Academy in London : a portrait of a gentleman (No. 6), and a portrait of a lady (No. 351, hung in the Ante-room). Algernon Graves noted that the former was of John Home, or Horne ; 44 Raeburn from a MS. note in my copy of the catalogue the former was the correct name; probably the small half-length of the once famous author of Douglas which is now in the National Portrait Gallery. The parson-poet, long resident in Edinburgh and nearly seventy years old, was a good selection, as Douglas was still, thirty-five years after its first English performance in London, at Covent Garden Theatre, a favourite piece, in which Mrs. Siddons excelled as Lady Randolph. The death, early in the year, of Sir Joshua Reynolds, may have influenced the man of all others best fitted to fill his place, to try his fortune in London. No other Scottish painter was represented in the Exhibition, which was still practically confined to artists resident in London. Apparently the result of his venture did not greatly please Raeburn, for he did not send again till six years later, when he was repre- sented by his Portrait of Sir Wiliam Farquhar (No. 28), probably sent because it was in London to be engraved. However, he had a Portrait of a Gentleman (578) hung in the Antique Academy in the following year ; after which there was a lapse until in 1802 he showed his Portrait of Dr. Rutherford, ‘Professor of Botany in the University of Edinburgh, for Dr. Thornton’s Botanical work’ (No. 269, in the Ante-room). The presumption that this was in London for the Glasgow Corporation Art Galleries MR Oo MRS; ROBERT CAMPBELL OF KAILZIE SIR HENRY RAEBURN (face p, 44) Biographical and Personal 45 use of an engraver is strengthened by the fact that the painter is described, without initial, as ‘Raeburn, 1 Hind Street, Man- chester Square.’ Dr. Daniel Rutherford, who was an uncle of Sir Walter Scott, was at this time 54 years of age. Raeburn after this allowed eight years to pass without again sending to London. To the labours of the Scottish Record Society we are indebted for the fact that on the east wall of St. Cuthbert’s Church there is or was a large monument inscribed ‘ Henry Raeburn, St. Bernard’s, 1792.” I am unable to conjecture why Raeburn acquired this place of burial in his Parish Churchyard, as we know of no death in the family about this time. It supplies evidence that he was in 1792 established at St. Bernard’s. CHAPTER II. ASSOCIATION WITH ARTISTS. N 1793 the veil which hides the life | of Raeburn from us is lifted by the distinguished miniaturist Andrew Robertson (1777--1845). When about six- teen years of age he went from Aberdeen to Edinburgh to study landscape and scene painting under Alexander Nasmyth. ‘ Being very desirous of seeing Raeburn’s pictures, I bravely knocked at his door, armed with a shilling for his servant, requesting to see the pictures. I had never seen such in pro- gress before. My astonishment and delight with the magical creations around me may be more easily conceived than described ! ’ While thus Robertson was getting full value (even for an Aberdonian) for his shilling, some ladies entered the gallery and presently Raeburn himself, palette and brushes in hand, came in. The brushes, he tells us, were each a yard long, ‘for he painted at arm’s length.’ His palette, preserved at the Royal Scottish Academy, is not large. ‘I could never till then,’ writes Robertson, ‘form any idea of what 46 Association with Artists 47 Apelles was like; but there he _ stood, although in a modern dress, his aspect noble and dignified but kind; in figure a model to draw from.’ The nervous lad turned his back to the ladies and Raeburn, and went on looking at the pictures. After a time they all went out and he breathed freely again until, to his great consternation, Raeburn returned and came up to him. He expected to be asked what business he had there, but the painter kindly said: ‘“‘ You seem fond of pictures? ’’ ‘Oh yes, very,” he stammered. “Do you paint?” “I tried to do so, and wish I could become a painter.’’ ‘‘ Have you anything toshow me?” “ No, nothing: I have a few miniatures in my pocket, but I dare not show them to you.” “ Why not?” “I have had no opportunity of seeing good pictures, and had nothing to copy from but Nature.” ‘“ You rouse my curiosity. You have had the very best instructor, in Nature, to guide you. I shall expect to see something very good.” Robertson at last produced his miniatures. “Aye, I thought so; that'll do!” said Raeburn. “‘ Go on, you are all right.” After they had talked a little more the youth plucked up courage to say that he would much like to copy some of Raeburn’s work. ‘You had better stick to the fountain-head, Nature,’’ said Raeburn ; then, ER 48 Raeburn on Robertson’s face showing the acuteness of his disappointment, he continued: “ but if you think it would do you any good, you are welcome. You may copy this, or that, but the others are not mine, they belong to the parties, and I cannot allow them to be copied without their consent.” Then with due Scottish caution Raeburn remembered that he was talking to an utter stranger of whose honesty he knew nothing. Robertson, on being reminded of this, offered to get ‘ recommendations.’ Raeburn, however, probably because he was interested, said he had a small room not much used—Robertson might come and paint there: “My man shall clear it out, and you shall begin to-morrow.” The first picture copied was the half- length of John Tait, W.S., of Harvieston and Cumloden. Mr. Greig traced the miniature by Robertson which resulted, and it is illustrated in his Connoisseur monograph, alongside the Raeburn picture of Tait with his grandchild. The actual picture copied may not have been this one, as an earlier likeness was lent to the Raeburn Exhibition of 1876 by Mr. Tait, the owner of both. The picture with the child was probably a replica painted some years later, as the child was born in 1796; conjecturally in 1798, as the boy appears to have been about two years old. The grandfather died in 1800. Association with Artists 49 Robertson, with the fine audacity of youth and despite his reverence for Raeburn, disapproved of ‘a blazing warm sky on one side close to the head,’ so considerably lowered its tone in his copy. On seeing this Raeburn stared, frowned, and then smiled. “TI see you have improved upon my com- position,” said he; ‘ Yes,’’ replied Robert- son, “‘I think it an improvement; don’t you think it is?” David Martin would probably have thrown Raeburn into the street if he had been so presumptuous. Raeburn only laughed heartily and bid the boy come to dinner with him and his family on the morrow. The audacious Andrew evidently captured the favour of Mrs. Raeburn, for he continues: ‘I dined repeatedly with him during my short stay in Edinburgh, but he never forgot the joke of my altering the composition. Some years after, I saw the picture again and found that he had adopted my alterations. This enabled me to turn the joke against him, but he said he “‘ did so merely to oblige me.”’’ There was probably some quality of fascination about the raw young student, or else Raeburn, recognising his ability and remembering his own early struggles, deter- mined to help him in a_whole-hearted manner. He got his patrons to allow his portraits of them to be copied, and ‘ when- ever he could take such a liberty with a 50 Raeburn sitter’ young Robertson was free to be in the painting room and watch him at work. ‘I thus write the portrait of Sir Henry Raeburn,’ concludes Robertson; ‘and all who had the pleasure to know him will acknowledge that it is more like than any I ever painted. Thus commenced my friend- ship with one of the noblest and most amiable of men.’ Let us be grateful to Andrew Robertson for such a delightful and lifelike portrait of Raeburn in his prime at the age of 37: the first clear picture we have of him. In or about the following year, 1794, Robertson studied under Raeburn during another visit to Edinburgh, and seven years later, writing to his father from London, he mentioned that before he sailed from Edin- burgh ‘he had been well received by Mr. Raeburn and Mr. Nasmyth.’ To his friend and staunch patron, John Ewen of Aberdeen, he wrote about the same time: ‘ Messrs. Raeburn and Nasmyth were happy to see me, and you may believe the pleasure was reciprocal. I was flattered in the extreme by their kindness.’ Ewen, replying, said “Mr. RAEBURN. I may be singular in my Opinion, it is merely the private opinion of a very private man, but, after Sir Joshua, I have been taught to set him down as our first painter in portrait. I know not if even a visit to London would dispose me to yield Association with Artists 51 that opinion.” Mr. Ewen, could he return to life to-day, would find that the opinion he held a century and a quarter ago is pretty generally accepted. There are references to other pleasant visits to Raeburn in 1802 and 1806, and in the latter year Robertson writes to Ewen: “He is an able artist, and by far the most respectable character I know in_ the profession. I am proud of his acquaintance.’ To about the same date as Robertson’s first interview we may assign the interesting description, which Allan Cunningham had from an unnamed sitter, of Raeburn’s studio methods : He spoke a few words to me in his usual brief and kindly way—evidently to put me into an agreeable mood ; and then having placed me in a chair on a platform at the end of his painting-room, in the posture required, set up his easel beside me with the canvas ready to receive the colour. When he saw all was right, he took his palette and his brush, retreated back step by step, with his face towards me, till he was nigh the other end of the room; he stood and studied for a minute more, then came up to the canvas, and, without looking at me, wrought upon it with colour for some time. Having done this, he retreated in the same manner, studied my looks at that distance for about another minute, then came hastily up to the canvas and painted a few minutes more. I had sat to other artists ; their way was quite different—they made an outline carefully in chalk, measured it with compasses, placed the canvas close to me, and looking at me almost without ceasing in the face 52 Raeburn proceeded to fill up the outline with colour. They succeeded best in the minute detail—Raeburn best in the general result of the expression; they obtained by means of a multitude of little touches what he found by broader masses; they gave more of the man—he gave most of the mind. I may add that I found him well-informed, with no professional pedantry about him; indeed, no one could have imagined him a painter till he took up the brush and palette; he conversed with me upon mechanics and ship-building, and, if I can depend upon my own imperfect judgment, he had studied ship-architecture with great success. On one of the days of my sittings he had to dine with me at the house of a mutual friend ; our hour was six, and you know how punctual to time we of the North are; he painted at my portrait till within a quarter of an hour of the time, threw down his palette and brushes, went into a little closet, and in five minutes sallied out to dinner in a trim worthy of the first company. I can remember no more that is noteworthy. I sat six times, and two hours together. Allan Cunningham also gives a descrip- tion of Raeburn’s general way of life which, although it could not be from his own knowledge, may be taken as fairly accurate. W. KR. Andrew, having nothing better to offer, lifted it entire into his biography, merely altering the studio address, and thereby suggesting a later date than that of Cunningham’s description : The motions of the artist were as regular as those of a clock. He rose at seven during summer, took breakfast about eight with his wife and Association with Artists 53 children, walked in to George Street, and was ready for a sitter by nine; and of sitters he gener- ally had, for many years, not fewer than three or four a day. To these he gave an hour and a half each. He seldom kept a sitter more than two hours ; unless the person happened—and that was often the case—to be gifted with more than common talents. He felt himself happy, and never failed to detain the party till the arrival of a new sitter intimated that he must be gone. For a head size he generally required four or five sittings; and he preferred painting the head and hands to any other part of the body ; assigning as a reason, that they required least consideration. A fold of drapery, or the natural ease which the casting of a mantle over the shoulders demanded, occasioned him more perplexing study than a head full of thought and imagination. Such was the intuition with which he penetrated at once to the mind, that the first sitting rarely came to a close without his having seized strongly on the character and disposition of the individual. He never drew in his heads, or indeed any part of the body, with chalk—a system pursued successfully by Lawrence; but began with the brush at once. The forehead, chin, nose, and mouth were his first touches. He always painted standing, and never used a stick for resting his hand on; for such was his accurateness of eye, and steadiness of nerve, that he could introduce the most delicate touches, or the utmost mechanical regularity of line, without aid, or other contrivance than fair, off-hand dexterity. He remained in his painting-room till a little after five o’clock, when he walked home, and dined at six. To these sketches of Raeburn at work may be added a briefer one by a stronger hand, which is quoted by Andrew: Sir Walter Scott said, ‘ His manly stride backwards, as 54 Raeburn he went to contemplate his work at a proper distance, and, when resolved on the necessary point to be touched, his step forward, were magnificent. I see him in my mind’s eye, with his hand under his chin, contemplating his picture, which position always brought me in mind of a figure of Jupiter which I have somewhere seen.’ There must have been some peculiar distinction about the form, movement, and general aspect of Raeburn so impressive that Robertson in 1793 saw in him a reincarnation of Apelles, and Scott, thirty years later, likened him to the ruler of Olympus. Raeburn himself has preserved for us some suggestion of his looks, in the wonderful self-portrait which now hangs in the Scottish National Gallery. Active and constant as he was in the pursuit of his profession, Raeburn did not by any means neglect to live his life as a man in the vigorous manner that his physique and his temperament made natural to him. His daily labours from nine to half-past five in his studio must have occasionally have been intermitted, for he had many hobbies and pursuits. He was a keen golfer, he was an equally hearty follower of the once popular relaxation of archery, he was an ardent angler, and one of the enthusiasts who formed a society to restore the Ludi A pollinares at Edinburgh, he‘ had considerable Association with Artists 55 skill in gardening, he was a learned and enthusiastic florist, and to the mysteries of hot-houses, flues, etc., he dedicated many experiments.’ He had a passion for maritime construction, (which may have been provoked in him by Sir John Clerk) and, ‘he made many ship-models with his own hands, neat, clean-built, ingenious things, all about three feet long in the keel ; and it was his pleasure to try their merits frequently in Wariston Pond.’ Once, not long before his death, he over-balanced himself while so employed, fell into deep water, and was with difficulty rescued by his servant. He also laboured hard at attempts to discover perpetual motion. Cunningham tells us that he made long fishing excursions, sometimes lasting several weeks, and he took part in other pleasant outings with parties of friends with the ostensible purpose of exploring antiquities in the surrounding country. To all these distractions from the chief business of his life Raeburn apparently allowed himself to add a share in the evening recreations of the city: dinners, suppers, and the like. This was, of course, all in the interests of business, and it doubt- less led up to many desirable commissions, but Raeburn was, in virtue of his vigour, his fine presence and manners, and his genial happy temperament, qualified not only to give pleasure to his fellow men, but 56 Raeburn also to take keen pleasure in intercourse with them. He possessed that invaluable gift for a portrait painter, skill in talking, and the art of telling stories inimitably. Scott, an unquestionably good judge, said: ‘ His conversation was rich, and he told his story well.” A ‘nicht wi’ Raeburn’ must have been an event to be remembered. Even so late as 1820, when he was in his sixty-fifth year, he was one of a party of thirty at least who dined with Andrew Geddes in honour of B. R. Haydon, visiting Edinburgh to exhibit his pictures. ‘ Thompson,’ wrote Haydon, ‘sang some of the songs of Burns with great relish and taste, and at the chorus of one’ (probably Auld Lang Syne) ‘to my utter astonishment, the whole company took hands, jumped up, and danced to the tune all round till they came to their seats again, leaving me sitting in wonder. Raeburn was a glorious fellow, and more boisterous than any.’ During Raeburn’s life the expansion of Edinburgh into ‘ the New Town’ was a very fever in men’s veins, and it is not surprising that he caught the infection of the building craze. He determined to build himself a studio after his own heart, and having plenty of money he feued a plot of ground in York Place, a continuation of Queen Street. So far as can be made out from a bird’s-eye view of the New Town, made by R. Barker Association with Artists 57 in 1792, which hangs in the Edinburgh University, there were at that time no buildings in either street (I believe some houses in Queen Street had been built) ; but a few years changed all that. Raeburn set to work with a will and, whether with the aid of an architect or not is not stated, though one conjectures that neighbour Nasmyth took a hand in the enterprise, evolved a highly satisfactory building to serve him as painting-room and exhibition gallery. Cunningham describes it as consist- ing of a sunk storey for domestic accommoda- tion, a ground floor containing the painting rooms, with a storey above, formed into one fine gallery, fifty feet long, thirty-five feet wide, and forty feet high, lighted from the roof. On the walls of this stately apartment he hung his works when finished, and the doors were opened to all who had taste or curiosity. The date of removal to this new studio is given by Cunningham as 1795, and W. R. Andrew says the same. They were perhaps mistaken: the inscription placed on the house a few years ago by the Edin- burgh Pen & Pencil Club is as follows :—‘ In this house built by him Sir Henry Raeburn painted from 1798 to 1809.’ One would suppose that authorities more trustworthy than those mentioned were consulted before this was set up, but the date 1809 is almost 58 Raeburn certainly wrong; 1798 is probably right, because of the fact that I find in the Edin- burgh Directory for 1797-1798 ‘ Raeburn, Henry, Portrait Painter, No. 18 George Street, south side.’ I have not been able to find Directories for the two following years, but in that for 1800--1801 the address is changed to No. 16 York Place. There was no alteration until 1811, (except that for three years Raeburn was described as a landscape painter) when the number was changed to 34. It so remained until in the year of the painter’s death, 32, the correct number when the street was renumbered, was substituted. It will be necessary to revert to these changes of number; in the meantime it is sufficient to say there seems no doubt that the house now numbered 32 is the one that Raeburn built, and it is probable that it was not completed and occupied until 1798. While thus, at the age of 42, on the top of the tide of good fortune, Raeburn had his first experience, so far as we know, of the tragic side of life. His elder son, Peter, died of consumption on 6th February, 1798, at the age of 16 years and 9 months, and was buried at St. Cuthbert’s, where a tombstone recorded in eloquent Latin his merit and the grief of his parents, until for some reason it was obliterated in 1836. Andrew states that the lad ‘ evinced great artistic genius ; Association with Artists 59 he painted a most impressive portrait of himself, which he presented as a last gift to his mother.’ I have not been able to learn anything about this picture, though it might have been expected that it would, along with the fateful early portrait of the boy’s mother, have been specially cherished as a heirloom. A small portrait of Peter by his father was in rg1z (according to the Connotsseur list) in the collection of Mr. V. G. Fischer of Washington. Having tasted the alluring joys of building, Raeburn naturally desired to dabble further in the fascinating pursuit. He owned a good deal of land in Stockbridge, and he proceeded to lay some of it out for building purposes. Without a practically impossible examination of the title-deeds of half the houses there one could not define exactly how far he was responsible for its develop- ment into a residential quarter. We know that he planned Ann Street, which is named after his wife, while Raeburn Place and Leslie Place suggest his influence. St. Bernard’s Crescent was probably built after his time, although the general classical design of it is said to have been suggested to him by Wilkie; it was probably com- menced soon after his death, and his son, Henry, would be responsible for the demoli- tion of St. Bernard’s and the building of the Crescent that succeeded it. According to 60 Raeburn the Directories he lived there until 1826, but in 1827 his address was No. 19 St. Bernard’s Crescent. That he dabbled in building in his father’s lifetime is shown by an old policy of the Caledonian Insurance Company in his favour in I81I, on two houses in course of construction in Raeburn Place. Neither of these was for his own use, as he was then a bachelor, and after he married in the following year he and his wife and their children lived at St. Bernard’s. On September the 23rd, 1801, Joseph Farington, visiting Edinburgh betook himself to York Place, and called first on ‘ Mr. Nasmith,’ of whose art he did not think highly. He then crossed the street to “Mr. Raeburn, the portrait painter most esteemed here.’ Golf, archery, building, a law suit, or some other distraction had claimed Raeburn, and Farington was shown round by a servant who when asked what other artists there were in Edinburgh, told him ‘there was Mr. Nasmith, who was a great landscape painter, the best in Scotland, and superior to any in England.’ Farington noted approval of Raeburn’s premises, and “found pictures of a much superior kind to those I saw at Mr. Nasmith’s. Some of Mr. Raeburn’s portraits, he continued, “have an uncommonly true appearance of nature and are painted with much firmness, but there is a great inequalityin his works. — Association with Artists 61 That which strikes the eye is a kind of Camera Obscura effect, and from those pictures which seem to be his best, I should conclude he has looked very much at nature, reflected in a Camera... .’ This odd criticism is interesting as coming from a brother artist, and also as tending to show that Raeburn’s pictures of inferior quality are not necessarily assignable to the later period when his financial difficulties tended to make him produce hurried and uninspired work. Farington noted that Raeburn’s prices were 100 guineas for a whole length, 50 for a half-length, 30 for a kit-cat, and 25 for a three-quarter portrait. It does not appear that he saw Raeburn, which is a pity, as his pen portrait would have been valuable. He noted that ‘he has a house, called Stockbridge, situated near the Water of Leith, where he resides much.’ The next definite fact in regard to Raeburn is that he was, as already mentioned, an original member of the Board of Directors of the Caledonian Insurance Company, founded in 1805. Interesting particulars as to this are given in the History of a Hundred Years issued by the Company in 1905. “After the first year he found that a Director’s duties demanded more time than he was willing to spare from his art; and he therefore left the Board.’ Enduring 62 Raeburn memorials of his connection with the Com- pany are his portraits, which hang in the Company’s Board Room, of William Braid- wood and William H. Dickie, its first manager and second secretary. Raeburn also supplied the Company with an admirable design for the heading of its policy forms, which ‘ continued in use until 1838, when a much feebler one took its place.’ This unique example of Raeburn’s skill, outside the province of portraiture, represents a lady with a plumed helmet, spear, and shield, (presumably Caledonia) seated on a bank where thistles grow plentifully, with a glimpse in the distance of the Forth, Edin- burgh, and Arthur’s Seat. On the shield is figured Saint Andrew, holding his Cross. In 1805, if not before, Raeburn’s son Henry set up in business in Leith: ‘ Henry Raeburn, Merchant, Broad Wynd,’ is the entry in the 1805 Directory. In the following year it became ‘Henry Raeburn & Co., Merchants, Shore,’ and in 1807 the address was ‘Citadel.’ There is no subsequent entry of the name of this firm, which was not successful, and became bankrupt. As to the nature of its business there is no record: in Scotland ‘merchant’ was commonly used in the same sense as the French marchand, and every petty shopkeeper was a ‘ mer- chant.’ Raeburn & Co., however, were Association with Artists 63 probably something in the wholesale way, in connection with shipping. Mr. Caw con- jectured that they were marine underwriters, because in Raeburn’s own bankruptcy pro- ceedings he was described as ‘ Portrait painter and underwriter.” The Co. seems to have been James Philip Inglis, husband of Henry’s half-sister Ann. Raeburn himself was deeply involved in the disaster. Mr. Caw quotes a letter from Alexander Cunning- ham written on the 16th of February, 1808, in which he tells a correspondent: ‘I had a walk of three hours on Sunday with my worthy friend, Raeburn. He had realised nearly £17,000, which is all gone. He has offered a small composition, which he is in hopes will be accepted. He quits this to try his fate in London, which I trust in God will be successful. While I write this I feel the tear start.’ Sir Walter Scott’s account of the matter in a letter to Haydon on the day when Raeburn died was that he ‘had become totally embarrassed in his affairs, from incautious securities in which he was engaged for a near relative, who was in the West India trade.’ Mr. Greig, after quoting this letter, re- marks: ‘ Raeburn may have intended at that time to go to London, but though he received his discharge in June 1808, the affairs of Henry Raeburn & Co. were not settled until March 1810, and no doubt the FR 64 Raeburn artist delayed his projected change until he was at ease in mind and finance. Within a year after the failure he was in a position to purchase St. Bernard’s, and by the spring of 1810 he felt rich enough to risk the cost of life as a fashionable portrait painter in London.’ In the dim light of what we know about this period of Raeburn’s life this seems a sound pronouncement. It may quite well be the case however that Raeburn did visit London in 1808, although there is no record of his having been there. He was more fortunate than most bank- rupts in the fact that his failure did not proceed from or injuriously affect his main business as a portrait painter: it is to his credit as a man and artist that he did not allow it to interfere with his studio activities. It was in 1808 that he painted the famous ‘Buccleuch ’ portrait of Walter Scott. This was commissioned by Constable, in the height of Scott’s new fame as a poet, which had succeeded and superseded his early reputa- tion as an antiquary, learned in old ballads, and was in turn to be out-shone by his great and enduring fame as a novelist. The Lay of the Last Minstrel appeared in 1805, and Marmion followed it in 1808. The first public Exhibition in Scotland by artists was opened on 2oth June, 1808, at Core’s Lyceum in Nicolson Street. There were 171 pictures, of which fourteen were In the possession of Sir William Raeburn ROBERT HAY OF DRUMELZIER SIR HENRY RAEBURN . # ; t " 23 Ny i i t ‘ ~ eMac * it ° . Association with Artists 65 by George Watson, and one by John Watson (Gordon), but none by Raeburn. This abstention from the new Society was probably due to the confusion in his affairs, for the promotion of such an exhibition had been one of his objects, and in the following years he was a regular and large exhibitor. Henry Cockburn judged that ‘in general the works were below what would now be admitted into any exhibition in Edinburgh. The best were those of Nasmyth, Thomson and Carse. ... However, this exhibition did incalculable good. It drew such artists as we had out of their obscurity: it showed them their strength and their weakness: it excited public attention: it gave them importance.’ The gate-money taken was not enough to pay the cost of the room, but in the following years when the exhibi- tion was held in Raeburn’s gallery there was a handsome profit. This was in part due to the better situation of the gallery, for the people with money and _ leisure were by that time nearly all removed to the ‘New’ Town; but the additional attraction of portraits by Raeburn was an important contributory cause. G. Watson was a rival portrait painter, a pupil of Nasmyth and Reynolds, eleven years younger than Raeburn, but even at his best inferior to him. The one exhibit by his nephew, John Watson, then a youth of 20, was The 66 Raeburn Lay of the Last Minstrel. He afterwards adopted the name of Watson-Gordon, for the sake of distinction from three relatives who were painters. He is said to have lived at Stockbridge and to have been intimate with Raeburn. Cumberland Hill tells us that: ‘after taking painting apartments in Edinburgh the following was of almost daily occurrence. Every morning at nine o'clock, or perhaps a little before it, John Watson left Ann Street, and walking down the beautiful and picturesque footpath that skirted the banks of the Water of Leith, he passed St. Bernard’s, where, almost invari- ably, he was joined by the portly figure of Sir Henry Raeburn. Engaged in conversa- tion, no doubt beneficial to the younger but rising artist, they proceeded to Edinburgh. .. .’ It is not known that Raeburn’s young friend had any teaching from him other than in conversation, but he was strongly in- fluenced by his art, and carried on the Raeburn tradition in portraiture with bril- liant success. He had been trained at the Trustees’ Academy School, under John Graham, who, appointed master of it in 1798, became as a teacher a factor of great impor- tance in the development of Scottish art. Among his pupils were Sir David Wilkie, Sir John Watson-Gordon, Sir William Allan, and John Burnet. Association with Artists 67 The Reverend John Thomson, who was an exhibitor of five pictures in 1808, was another close friend of Raeburn, after he came to Duddingston in 1805 as minister. It is said that Raeburn thought of having a seascape background painted by Thomson for one of his portraits of an admiral, in imitation of Sir Thomas Lawrence’s usage, but thought better of it because he was afraid, so he said, ‘that Mr. Thomson’s background might put my part of the picture in the shade.’ The 1808 Exhibition was the outcome of the formation of a Society of Artists,* and after the first year the results of the annual displays were so good that in 1813 they led to the Society’s disruption. An _ exact account of the matter is given in the historical narrative by the late Dr. W. D. McKay, R.S.A., prefixed to Mr. Frank Rinder’s valu- able analysis of the Royal Scottish Academy’s Exhibition catalogues. The exhibitions * A writer, signing U.F., in the Scots’ Magazine for 1815, says the Society was projected and formed by a class of persons who (with two exceptions at the most) were at the very bottom of the profession.’ They elected their President (G. Watson) over a bowl of punch, and he immediately named as Secretary a writer (John Russell), with a salary of £50. Afterwards the better men camein, but ‘the public had the mortifi— cation of seeing Raeburn a simple member of the Society, with one vote, and no influence, under the presidency of aman of some merit in his own way, but whose works were then little heard of and as little admired.’ 68 Raeburn from 1809 to 1813 were in Raeburn’s York Place Gallery, and he was an important contributor: showing 57 pictures in five years. George Watson, the President, showed 67, but not all portraits as was the case with Raeburn. The usage at that time of omit- ting from the catalogue the names of persons limned, robs us of what would have been a valuable contribution to the chronology of Raeburn’s work ; but as regards 1809 I am able to supply from other sources the names of several of those represented in his eleven exhibits: No. 129 was General Maxwell, which the editor of the Scots Magazine con- sidered ‘an admirable picture, uncommonly well drawn, finely coloured, and a striking likeness. The foreshortening of the right arm is not inferior to Rubens. On the whole, this picture reminds us much of Sir Joshua’s celebrated portrait of Lord Heath- field, to which it would form a not unsuitable companion.’ No. 144, Portrait of a Gentle- man on Horseback, represents Mr. Harley Drummond. This is highly praised. It reminded the writer of Vandyck’s Charles I and the Marquis of Hamilton at Donibristle. He remarked on the great skill shown in the management of the background, but thought the right leg perhaps too long, and the curva- ture of the horse’s neck overstrained. No. 156 was Dr. Adam. No. 183, Walter Scott. This is praised at some length. ‘We Association with Artists 69 consider the present as a striking instance of Mr. Raeburn’s scientific knowledge of the harmony of colouring; the greenish tone which pervades the whole is particularly pleasing.” No. 192 was Mrs. Cochran. In 1811 one of the full-length portraits was the Adam Rolland of Gask, and in the two following years the catalogues identify a full-length of the Earl of Rosebery, the Lord Bishop of Meath, (now in the Dresden Gallery), Lady Innes Ker, and Sir James Innes Ker in 1812 ; Lord Seaforth, and Lord Elcho and Mr. Charters (sic) on one canvas, in 1813. A Sherlock Holmes intelligence would be required to evolve a complete list of the remaining four noblemen, (two full- length), twenty gentlemen (one full-length), one young gentleman, one gentleman and lady, fifteen ladies (one full-length), three young ladies, two boys on one canvas, and three children on another. Mr. Caw says that as a consequence of his bankruptcy Raeburn had to sell his York Place premises, of which he was afterwards only tenant. That he continued to occupy it to the end of his life is generally accepted by biographers, but the inscription carved on the front of the house, already quoted, suggests a doubt on the subject. The use of Raeburn’s picture gallery for exhibitions from 1809 might mean that he no longer had control of it, and it would be reasonable 70 Raeburn to assume that the inscription on the house was framed by some one who, after careful enquiry, had full knowledge of the facts ; but I think he was mistaken. By 1809 Raeburn had apparently recovered pretty well from his financial collapse, although his son was not then discharged, as in that year he bought St. Bernard’s from the trustees of the widow of Walter Ross. CHAPTER III. SOME CONTEMPORARY ESTIMATES O far as we know, Raeburn took no steps to act upon his despairing resolution in 1808 to remove to London, until two years later. Scottish caution probably made him delay taking active measures until he had so far amended his fortunes as to be able to undertake such a great adventure for a man of mature years and settled habits, with a sufficient financial backing. The death of Hoppner in January 1810 may have quickened a dormant design into action, for it certainly made an opening for a new portrait painter of the first rank. Soon after, on 2nd March, Wilkie noted in his ‘ Journal’ that Raeburn intended to come to London and take Hoppner’s house. His portrait of Scott went before him, and duly appeared at the Royal Academy’s Exhibition —his first appearance there since 1802. Here again the picture was in London to be engraved, as was the case with some if not all of his previous contributions to Somerset House. Raeburn evidently went up at the time of the Exhibition, for it was on the 12th 71 72 Raeburn of May that he called upon Wilkie and said “he had come to London to look out for a house, and to see if there was any prospect of establishing himself.” Wilkie took him to see Sir William Beechey, and next day ‘called with him on several artists who happened to be from home or engaged.’ Fight days later he took Raeburn to Stoth- ard, and on 4th June ‘went with Raeburn to the Crown & Anchor to meet the gentle- men of the Royal Academy. I introduced him to Flaxman ; after dinner he was asked by Beechey to sit near the President, where his health was proposed by Flaxman ; great attention was paid to him.’ After all, nothing resulted. Raeburn went home again and settled down cheerfully to work in Edinburgh for the rest of his life. Perhaps his survey of London failed to please him, perhaps the artists he met gave him an unfavourable impression as to the reception awaiting a competitor, perhaps he could not find a suitable house: it may be that he realised the great difference between the two capitals, and the obstacles that would, in the metropolis, make success difficult and life perhaps unpleasant for a Scot fifty-four years old, with a wife aged sixty-six, who talked the broadest of broad Scots. And so English art missed having infused into it as a vitalising corrective to the pretty-pretti- ness of the decadent Lawrence school, the Some Contemporary Estimates 73 influence and example of a supremely great and virile individuality. Lawrence is said, on no definite evidence, to have influenced Raeburn to abandon his purpose ; it seems quite likely that he may have done so, for it was obviously to his interest that a greater painter than he should not come to dispute the supremacy he enjoyed. That he was capable of doing so is not hard to believe, by any one familiar with his career and his philandering selfishness. In B. R. Haydon’s copy of The Life and Correspondence of Lawrence, by D. E. Williams (in the British Museum), among the caustic notes is one on the passage ‘I who have never in act or even speech been illiberal towards a brother artist.’ Haydon commented: ‘Oh, Law- rence, Lawrence. Fuseli told me that Shee had a picture hung in a centre that Lawrence wanted. He called on Fuseli, who was a hanger—staid with him till 2 in the morning —persuading him to take down Shee’s picture and hang up hisown. “ Good God,” said I to Fuseli, “what did youdo?” ‘“ By God,”’ said Fuseli, ‘ I was villain enough to do it!’”—and yet Lawrence says he was never in act illiberal to a Brother.’ It was about the year 1810 (probably on his way to London, in that year), that Allan Cunningham, a raw young man from the country, visited Raeburn’s Gallery and had speech with the painter whose biography 74 Raeburn he was to bungle so badly twenty-three years later. After giving the description of the Gallery already quoted, the accuracy of which is questioned by Mr. Caw, Cunning- ham continues: ‘my astonishment was beyond the power of painting to express : I had never seen works of art, or at least of genius, before, and had no conception of the spirit and mind which colours could embody. I was much struck at the first glance with some Highland chiefs, ‘all plaided and plumed in their tartan array,’’ whose pictu- resque dress and martial bearing contrasted finely with the graver costume and sterner brows of the Lowlanders. What I next dwelt on was several family groups of ladies and children, with snatches of landscape behind, where streams descended through wild woods or loitered in little holms. But that on which my mind finally settled, was the visible capacity for thought which most of the heads had, together with their massive and somewhat gloomy splendour of colouring. The artist came in and said a word or two in a low tone of voice : some one was probably sitting, for he had his palette on his thumb.’ Raeburn’s brother William died on Thurs- day the 6th of December, 1810. Mr. Greig gives the text of a letter first published in the Scotsman, in which Raeburn writes of the death as ‘unexpected,’ and adds, * Some Contemporary Estimates 75 “a most excellent and worthy man, to whom I was much attached.’ In it he also mentions ‘the peculiar situation in which I find myself at present, and the great demand I have for money’; from which it is to be inferred that although he had recently purchased St. Bernard’s, perhaps in part because of it, he had still financial anxieties. If the visit to London had no other result for Raeburn it at least seems to have had the effect of influencing him to be a regular contributor to the Royal Academy Ex- hibitions. In 181zr he sent his portrait of the Rev. Sir Henry Moncrieff Wellwood, Bart., and in 1812 three canvases, one of which was his famous Chief of the Macdonells, now in the Scottish National Gallery, which no doubt influenced his election as an Associate of the Academy, on 2nd November in that ear. At the Edinburgh Exhibition of 1812 he had 14 pictures, and George Watson showed the same number. The Scots Magazine published a long critical notice of the ex- hibition by ‘ Veritas,’ who wrote of Raeburn as ‘a man who would have done honour to any age, and whose exertions lately received the public compliments of the present venerable President of the Royal Academy.’ The detailed criticism of Raeburn’s exhibits is laudatory, but not without intelligent 76 Raeburn fault-finding as regards details. Of the full- length of Lady Innes Ker he wrote: ‘it does the highest honour to Mr. Raeburn as a man of genius, and deserves our most unqualified praise. The attitude is extremely easy and natural and the drapery beautifully disposed. The picture is entirely free from any affectation of light and shadow, and the colours of the background are broke in that masterly manner, in which Mr. Raeburn surpasses most of the artists of the present age. In looking at such a picture we regret the small field of action offered to such an artist in our city, and believe that if he had commenced his career in the Metropolis, instead of this place, he would now have ranked with any master of the present age.’ Of one portrait he remarked that it was hung too high to be seen, which is a useful side- light on the happenings of this season. The pushful President had taken full advantage of the power his position gave him, in the arrangement of the exhibition. Raeburn _ entering the room one morning found two of his pictures and nine of Watson’s had been hung. He suggested that two more of his pictures should be placed ‘in a situation corresponding to two of Mr. Watson’s, though not in so good a light.’ This however could not be granted because ‘one of the situations was already engaged for another picture of Mr. Watson’s.’ This was too much Some Contemporary Estimates even for Raeburn’s equanimity, and he at once decided, ‘as he cannot prevail upon himself to act a second part in the eyes of the public to any man in his own line,’ to withdraw from membership. He did so in a short and dignified letter, dated 2nd April, stating no reasons, and assuring the Society at large of his unfeigned regard. The result was inevitable. The Society could not afford to lose the support of its most brilliant and influential member. Dr. McKay records that : ‘ at a general meeting held shortly afterwards, Raeburn was re- quested to withdraw his resignation, and, at the same meeting, he was proposed, seconded and elected President for the following year.’ The Society did its best to placate Watson by a vote of thanks ‘ for his long and faithful services’ and a piece of plate to the value of twenty-five guineas. He exhibited again in 1813, but attended no more meetings. Raeburn accepted office, but even his powerful and urbane influence was unequal to the task of repairing the rupture caused by the displeasure of the Watson faction, and the eager desire of a majority of the members to divide the considerable sum of money earned by the exhibitions, instead of funding it, or part of it, as a reserve of strength, and probably also as the basis of more extended usefulness. After the 1813 78 Raeburn exhibition, which may be judged from the notice in the Scots Magazine to have shown a decided decline in merit, the balance in hand was divided, and the Society came to anend. In order to continue the exhibitions Raeburn and his adherents formed an ‘Edinburgh Exhibition Society,’ which existed for three years, but with such diminishing success that it then ceased. Watson, with his nephew and all his faction, held aloof, and the truth of the fable of the bundle of sticks was never better illustrated. In the three years Raeburn showed 52 canvases, of which there were only named in the catalogues The Lord Justice Clerk, General Sir David Baird, and Francis Horner, all in 1815. The Scots Magazine notice enables us to add to these a ‘ very fine full length’ of Mr. J. J. Hope Weir, of Craigie Hall. Besides these there were two noble- men, twenty-seven gentlemen (one with his horse, one with his daughter, and one with his lady), a general officer, a Jew, four young gentlemen, nine ladies and two children. The Scots Magazine evidently went over to the enemy camp. Its critic attacked Raeburn for errors in drawing and colouring, and ‘impropriety and want of truth in his shadows, which are generally too dark, and often quite purple.’ After a deal of scolding, however, he at last gave a word of praise ; ‘ the great merit of Mr. Raeburn Some Contemporary Estimates 79 occurs to us to consist in the feeling of manliness and genteelity (sic) which he conveys in all his portraits of gentlemen, and of the delicacy and tenderness he so powerfully expresses in his pictures of the other sex. He paints with a vigorous and determined pencil, expresses well the substances he has to depict ; and the glossy sides and character of the war horse has long been confessed in the number of his happiest efforts.’ In a following issue of the maga- zine a long letter by U. F. continued the attack by praising the critic’s strictures. He had ‘heard the same feeling expressed in London a few weeks ago at Somerset House.” The Kinnoul and Fife portraits there were ‘ placed in the most conspicuous part of the room,’ and their black and dingy hue was rendered the more offensive by Sir Thomas Lawrence’s magnificent portrait of the Regent. Three months later the maga- zine contained a spirited vindication, signed ‘ Candidus,’ who wrote : No one can read the remarks by U. F. without perceiving that the direct and chief aim of the writer is to lower the reputation of the most dis- tinguished portrait painter that Scotland can boast of; for the critic’s abuse is truly laborious. While the public justly admire that artist’s progressive and great improvement, the critic, on the contrary, has discovered prevailing defects in his manner, a black and dingy hue in his pictures, which his admirers, it is said, attribute to some growing defect GR 80 Raeburn of vision ! and after talking of the theatrical attitude of one picture, he roundly tells us that the attitude and dress of another are shocking! . . . was it on account of prevailing defects—of dark and dingy hues—of theatrical and shocking attitudes that our renowned fellow-citizen has just been elected a member of the Royal Academy in London? No, Sir, I presume it was because that enlightened body, and their venerable President, Mr. West, deemed it an honour to have Mr. Raeburn one of their number. This flattering test of his splendid talents is a sufficient answer to all such attacks as I now allude to; and the value of it was enhanced tenfold by the manner in which the honour was conferred; for it is known that with a modesty characteristic of true genius, he never asked a single individual to vote him that dignity which so many solicit in vain. Reverting to 1812 it only remains to be noted that in this year Henry Raeburn the younger, on 1st October, took unto himself a wife, Charlotte, daughter of John White of Kellerstane and Howden.* Mr. Lawrence- Archer mentions ‘a very fine full-size portrait’ of her by Raeburn. The young couple took up their. residence at St. Bernard’s, and remained there, apparently to the satisfaction of allconcerned. Raeburn was a benevolent grandfather and his wife an indulgent grandmother to such of the eight children as were born in their lifetime. * In the Scots Magazine the notice of the marriage describes the lady as ‘ Miss White, daughter of the late James White, of Dunmore.’ Some Contemporary Estimates 81 Mrs. Raeburn, now nearly a septuagenarian, was doubtless relieved by her daughter-in- law from some of her domestic cares, and the eldest girl, Eliza, who died at the age of six, was the subject of a charming portrait by Raeburn. Only one picture was sent by Raeburn to the Royal Academy in 1813, his portrait of Sir G. S. Mackenzie, Bart., but in the follow- ing year he contributed four works: the Right Hon. Lord Seaforth, General Sir David Baird, a lady and a gentleman. Evidently he was growing anxious to secure advance- ment to full membership. Cunningham quotes a letter to another artist (? Chantrey) in 1814, in which he wrote: ‘ I observe what you say respecting the election of an R.A. ; but what am I to do here? They know I am on their list; if they choose to elect me without solicitation, it will be the more honourable to me, and I will think the more of it, for I would think it unfair to employ those means. I am besides out of the way, and have no opportunity ... Write and tell me what artists are about, and whether anything be indispensable for a person who desires to be a member of the Royal Academy. Were you sufficiently in health to see Somerset House during last exhibition ? I had some things there ; but no artist of my acquaintance has been kind enough to write me one syllable on the subject; to say 82 Raeburn either what he thought of them himself or what others thought.’ His pictures effected what Raeburn desired, without the aid of ‘ solicitation.’ He was elected R.A. on roth February, and as ‘R.A. Elect’ he sent four portraits in 1815: The Earl of Kinnoul, The Earl of Fife, Professor Playfair, and a General Officer. Cunningham tells us that on this occasion he paid his last visit to London, and “was welcomed warmly by all his brethren.’ Apparently he omitted to comply with some of the formalities required, for two years later he wrote requesting that the President should sign on his behalf. This was duly authorised by the Council. Raeburn tendered as Diploma Picture his self-por- trait, now in the Scottish National Gallery, but it was contrary to rule to accept this, and it was not until 1821 that he delivered the Boy and Rabbit, which was found suitable. Cunningham regarded it as ‘inferior coin’ which throws grave doubt on his critical capacity. Further honours soon after this time were election to the Imperial Academy of Florence, the New York Academy (1817), and the Academy of Arts, South Carolina (1821). He was also elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh on 2oth January, 1820, his sponsors being Lord Chief Commissioner Adam, Dr. (afterwards Sir) David Brewster, Victoria and Albert Museum MRS. HOBSON OF MARKFIELD SIR HENRY RAEBURN ( face p. 82) Some Contemporary Estimates 83 Principal of the University, and the eminent geologist and mineralogist, Sir George Mackenzie, of Coul. Five pictures at the R.A. in 1816, four in 1817, 1818, and 1819, five in 1820 and 1821, three in 1822, and four in 1823 were evidence that Raeburn valued the honour conferred on him by the Academy, and wished to show his appreciation of it by sending work each year. He may be absolved from any suspicion of doing so for business purposes, as he was always fully employed in Edinburgh. The named por- traits were (1816) The Rt. Hon. David Boyle, Lord Justice Clerk, J. Cowley; (1817) Lady Gordon Cumming, W. H. Miller; (1818) Lord Montgomerie, Rear-Admiral Sir D. Milne, The Rt. Hon. A. Maconochie, Lord Advocate; (1819) F. L. Chanirey, R.A, A Highland Chief; (1820) The Earl of Hope- toun, The Marquis of Huntly in the Highland Garb and family tartan, The Duke of Bedford, jJagar (presumably Jager), gamekeeper to the Earl of Kintore, E. L. Livingston; (1821) The Marquis of Bute, Sir John Hay, Bart., Earl Compton, and (1822) Lord Douglas. Those unnamed were of an Officer of the Royal Navy, an Officer, eight Gentlemen, two Young Gentlemen, a Boy, Two Ladies, and a Lady and Child. In 1819 the Duke of Buccleuch desired to have a portrait of Scott to hang in his new 84 Raeburn Library at Bowhill. He wrote to Scott about it, adding: ‘Raeburn should be warned that I am as well acquainted with my friend’s hands and arms as with his nose —and Vandyck was of my opinion. Many of R’s works are shamefully finished—the face studied, but everything else neglected. This is a fair opportunity of producing some- thing really worthy of his skill.” To this Scott replied on 15th April: ‘I hesitate a little about Raeburn, unless your Grace is quite determined. He has very much to do ; looks just now chiefly for cash, poor fellow, as he can have but a few years to make money ; and has twice already made a very chowder-headed person of me. I should like much (always with your approbation), to try Allan, who is a man of real genius, and has made one or two glorious portraits, though his predilection is to the historical branch of the art.’ This reply must have been written after deliberation, for three weeks earlier Scott wrote to Lockhart: ‘ the Duke wants me to sit for a picture in his fine new Library and names Raeburn. I should like much better to sit to Allan, but it is a sin to take up his time with chowder- pates.’ Exactly what meaning Scott attached to the words ‘ chowder-pates ’ and ‘ chowder- headed’ is not apparent. Evidently he wished to give the Duke’s commission to Some Contemporary Estimates 85 Allan, and the context relieves us from the necessity of inferring that Scott lacked perception of Raeburn’s greatness in por- traiture. His purpose evidently was a characteristically kindly desire to help Allan, who had painted some ambitious subject pictures, the fruit of travel in Circassia, which he was unable to sell. Scott, to relieve and encourage him, got up a lottery for two of these, which produced something like a thousand guineas for Allan, who by way of grateful response set to work upona . picture of The Murder of Archbishop Sharp on Magus Moor, a scene in ‘ Old Mortality.’ Scott knew well enough that by this time Raeburn was again in comfortable circum- stances, and could afford to do without the commission ; while Allan, ‘a very enter- taining person’ for whom he had a great liking, was still struggling. Were further justification of Scott needed it would be found in the fact that his definite and reasoned opinions on art were such as to place Allan higher than Raeburn. He wrote in his ‘ Journal,’ seven years later, about the opening of an exhibition: ‘ All the Fine Arts have it for their highest and most legitimate end and purpose, to affect the human passions, or smooth and alleviate for a time the more unquiet feelings of the mind—to excite wonder, or terror, or pleasure or emotion of some kind or other.... In 86 Raeburn painting it is different; it is all become a mystery, the secret of which is lodged in a few connoisseurs, whose object is not to praise the works of such painters as produce effect on mankind at large, but to class them according to their proficiency in the inferior rules of the art, which though most necessary to be taught and learned, should yet only be considered as the Gradus ad Parnassum— the step by which the higher and ultimate object of a great popular effect is to be attained. They have all embraced the very style of criticism which induced Michael Angelo to call some Pope a poor creature, when, turning his attention from the general effect of a noble statue, his Holiness began to criticise the hem of the robe. This seems to me the cause of the decay of this delightful art, especially in history, its noblest branch. As I speak to myself, I may say that a painting should, to be excellent, have some- thing to say to the mind of a man, like myself, well educated, and susceptible of those feelings which anything strongly recalling natural emotion is likely to inspire. Wilkie, the far more than Teniers of Scot- land, certainly gave many new ideas. So does Will. Allan, though overwhelmed with their rebukes about colouring and grouping, against which they are not willing to place his general and original merits... . It is not at all improbable that Raeburn Some Contemporary Estimates 87 himself would have accepted as sound this expression of an opinion so entirely wrong from the present-day standpoint, when “proficiency in the inferior rules of art’ is ranked higher than imagination. Raeburn practised his art as a tradesman, and gave, or at any rate has left us, no evidence that he had any imaginative capacity behind his unique and wonderful power of seeing, under- standing, and representing the pictorial possibilities of what was before him. He lacked the yearnings of Reynolds for ‘history,’ and though his background land- scapes show a fine perception of scenic beauty, he so little shared Gainsborough’s passion for it that he never, so far as we know, painted a single landscape or even made an outdoor sketch. He went to his studio daily like a tradesman to his shop, and was only a painter from g to 5.30; the rest of his time being given wholly to various hobbies, athletic games, family intercourse, and social pleasure. The Duke of Buccleuch died at Lisbon on the 2oth April, before Scott’s letter reached him, and so the matter ended. Seven years later Scott had the satisfaction to see at Bowhill the destined space over the library fireplace occupied by the portrait painted for Constable in 1808, part of the wreckage of the disaster which involved Scott in 1825: a repetition on a larger scale of that which 88 Raeburn nearly twenty years earlier had interrupted Raeburn’s placid and prosperous career: in each case the result of being tempted into meddling with business ventures without adequate business knowledge. In 1819 there was formed in Edinburgh an organisation of the sort much in vogue about that time, the Institution for the Encouragement of the Fine Arts in Scotland. This, with a membership of as many art lovers as were willing to pay £50 for the privilege, held an exhibition of old masters in Raeburn’s gallery in 1819, and a second one in the following year ; after which, find- ing that the supply of suitable material was being used up, it was decided to have modern pictures ; and the artists, who had had no opportunity of showing their work since 1816, were ready to comply. Raeburn contributed to the 1821 exhibition his full- length of the Earl of Hopetoun, and the Earl of Kinnoul’s gamekeeper (both in the R.A. the previous year), and a portrait of a lady. In 1822 his contributions were Professor Pillans, Sir John Hay, Bart., and H. W. Williams (Grecian Williams, now in the National Portrait Gallery). All might have gone well with the Institu- tion if its directorate had been more judicious in dealing with the artists, whose pictures were essential to the success of the exhibi- tions. Warned, it may be, by recollections Some Contemporary Estimates 89 of the mess the artists had made of their own enterprise, they excluded them from membership and denied them any voice in the management of the Institution. Artists, though very often singularly incom- petent to succeed in concerted action, are invariably hostile to lay interference in their affairs, and therefore it is not surprising that those of Edinburgh grew restive under the well-meant but not wholly wise rule of the Institution, and set about forming a new society.* Raeburn alone among them was exempt from the ban against full membership of the Institution and so he had no _ personal grievance ; but when it came to action he did not hesitate to throw in his lot with his fellows. On 24th December, 1822, he sent a letter to James Skene, the Secretary, setting out in a very able manner the case of the artists. What the result might have been, had he lived, it is only possible to conjecture. The exhibitions were held each year until 1826, although the discontent of the artists continued. In that year a Scottish Academy was at last formed; George Watson coming into his own again * A similar case was that of the Liverpool Academy of Arts, formed in 1810, which was brought under the control of the Liverpool Royal Institution, founded some years later ; from which, after much friction, it at last freed itself in 1830. go Raeburn in the office of President, which, had Rae- burn lived, would no doubt have been his. Raeburn’s letter is given im extenso in Mr. Caw’s valuable Scottish Painting, Past and Present, so I need only quote one passage which is of biographical interest : ‘As for myself, I have nothing to gain by the measure. I have in my own possession as many of the means of improvement as I have time to attend to, and my business, though it may fall off, cannot admit of enlargement. In so far, therefore, as I am personally concerned I am quite indifferent about it, but I wish well to the arts of this place, which I think this measure would rather tend to improve, and I wish well to the Artists, because I believe them to be as worthy a set of men as can be found in any profession, and I have uniformly received so much kindness and regard from them, that I cannot refuse to go along with them in any matter that appears reasonable.’ In a letter to Wilkie in September 1819 Raeburn lamented his isolation from the artists of London: ‘I know almost as little about them as if I were living at the Cape of Good Hope.’ He asked for information as to the charges of portrait painters, ‘for I am raising my prices too, and it would be a guide to me.’ Except for his election as a Fellow of the Royal Society on 24th January, 1820, the Some Contemporary Estimates gI years 1820 and 1821 passed without eventful happenings in Raeburn’s busy, cheerful life. A writer in the Scots Magazine for May 1821, dealing with the Edinburgh Exhibition, made some interesting critical comments. For two years there had been only displays of old masters. The critic opined that this had had a good effect on the painters, and found ‘the symptoms of expanding talents very conspicuous.’ Of Raeburn, he said he maintains his wonted ascendancy in portrait painting ; and his picture of Lord Hopetoun, as well as of the gamekeeper to Lord Kinnoul, may justly be ranked among the first works of the kind which this island has produced. To this distin- guished gentleman, indeed, the arts are indebted for the first rapid advance which painting made in this country ; and if his works are compared with any of the artists who preceded him, the step made is indeed immense. It is probably owing therefore to the vast accumulation of business with which he has so long been overloaded, that there are so many symptoms of haste and imperfect finishings in his compositions ; and that the spectator, whose admiration has been awakened by the vigour and life which his countenances exhibit, is compelled to acknowledge with regret that the remainder of the picture seems to have been completed by a very inferior hand. That he himself should finish all parts of his pictures with the same care as the countenance is indeed impossible; but we can conceive no reason why he and all other celebrated artists should not, like Vandyke and Titian, employ young men to assist them in their works, who would both imbibe, early in life, the excellencies of 92 Raeburn their manner, and enable them by directing their individual attention to the principal objects to produce much more perfect compositions than the single efforts of any individual could accomplish. Several descriptions of Raeburn relate to 1820: the best being Haydon’s brief thumb-nail sketch already quoted. That by John Wilson’s eldest daughter, Mrs. Ferrier (writing fifty years later), is a stock piece in Raeburn biography since W. R. Andrew printed it, so it will suffice to extract her description of the man: ‘The great portrait painter, as far as I can recollect him, had a very impressive appearance, his full, dark, lustrous eyes, with ample brow and dark hair, at this time scant. His tall frame had a dignified aspect. I can well remember him, seated in an arm-chair in the evening, at the fireside of the small drawing room, newspaper in his hand, with his family around him. His usual mode of address to us when we were spending the evenings, while he held out his hand with a kind smile, was “ well, my dears, what is your opinion of things in general to-day? ” These words always filled us with consterna- tion, and we all huddled together like a flock of scared sheep, vainly attempting some answer by gazing from one to the other ; and with what delight and sense of freedom we were led away to be seated at the tea-table covered with cookies, bread Some Contemporary Estimates 93 and butter, and jelly! From this place of security we stole now and then a fearful glance at the arm-chair in which Sir Henry reclined.’ The contrast between this rather torpid elderly gentleman and Haydon’s ‘ glorious fellow, and more boisterous than any’ at Geddes’ dinner table is worthy of note. Mrs. Ferrier’s pen-portrait is followed by an entertaining description of old Mrs. Raeburn, evidently an ideal grandmother. Her daugh- ter-in-law, ‘ the beautiful Charlotte White of Howden’ and her husband, Henry the second, are just mentioned. There is a neat word-picture too of a ‘daft’ beggar- man, a village ‘ natural’ who said, pointing to the banks of the Water of Leith, ‘ Ou ay, bairns, I can weel remember Adam and Eve skelpin’ aboot naket amang the gowans on the braes there.’ He was kindly used by Raeburn, and was given his old clothes. As he was rather short, and Raeburn stood six feet two, the tails of his coat nearly reached the ground. A younger daughter of John Wilson, Mrs. Gordon, also described Raeburn in her memoir of her father, who in 1820 set up house at 20 Ann Street, ‘the culminating point of the suburb of Stockbridge... then quite out of town and still (1879) a secluded place . . . The old mansion of St. Bernard’s . . . offered its hospitality and 94 Raeburn kindly intercourse. No one can forget how, in the circle of his own family, that dignified old gentleman stood himself a very picture, his fine intellectual countenance lighted up by eyes most expressive, whose lambent glow gave to his face that inward look of soul he knew so well to impart to his own unsurpassed portraits. Genius shed its peculiar beauty over his aspect, yet memory loves more than aught else the recollections of the benevolent heart that lent to his manner a grace of kindliness as sincere as it was delightful.’ In March 1822 Lord Montagu, in writing to Scott, took occasion to remind him of his old promise to sit to Raeburn for a portrait of himself, to be hung at Bowhill, just before the death of the fourth Duke of Buccleuch. Sir Walter replied: ‘I think it will be as well to let Duke Walter, when he feels his own ground in the world, take his own taste in the way of adorning his house. Two or three years will make him an adequate judge on such a subject, and if they will not make me more beautiful, they have ak chance of making me more picturesque. . . If the portrait had been begun, that were another matter ; as it is, the Duke, when he is two or three. years older, shall command my picture...’ Lord Montagu acquiesced as to the portrait for Bowhill, but asked Scott to sit without delay for a smaller Some Contemporary Estimates 95 picture on his own behalf. Scott, in replying, assured him of the pleasure with which he would contribute the desired head to the halls of Ditton, and promised to arrange with Raeburn on returning to Edinburgh in May. Allan was still in his mind, and he added a remark to the effect that he was a really rising historical painter, and he “should be sorry to see him seduced into the lucrative branch which carries off most artists of that description.’ This portrait, as well as two replicas, one for his own gallery, was in due course painted by Raeburn. Lockhart described it as ‘ the very last work of MRaeburn’s pencil’: perhaps one of these was the last he completed. In August there were very great happen- ings in Edinburgh. George the Fourth, although he did many things better left undone, had a fine instinct for doing, and did much that was wise and statesmanlike ; and in this category we may class his visit to Scotland in August 1822. No reigning British monarch had set foot in the country since the accession, more than a century earlier, of the House of Hanover. The visit was an excellent corrective for lingering Jacobitism, warmed by traditions of ‘ Bonnie Prince Charlie ’—his picturesque raid in 1745, and his romantic adventures after Culloden. Edinburgh, with Sir Walter as HR 96 Raeburn stage-manager, rose to the occasion and in- dulged in a fortnight of exuberantly loyal demonstration. Lockhart gives a good de- scription of it, not neglecting mention of such comical incidents as Sir Walter’s assumption of Highland garb, his mishap with the glass that the king drank from, the grotesque appearance of Alderman Sir William Curtis in a kilt, the untimely arrival of the parson poet Crabbe on a visit to Sir Walter Scott, and his attempt to talk to Highlanders in French. What part, if any, Raeburn took in the festivities is not recorded, except that on the last day, 29th August, he attended by command at Hopetoun House, about nine miles west of the capital. The king, who had his head-quarters at Dalkeith Palace, made a ceremonial progress through Edin- burgh to Queensferry, and thence to Hope- toun House, where there was a _ great assemblage of Scottish notables. Taking the sword of Sir Alexander Hope he knighted Adam Ferguson, Deputy Keeper of the Regalia of Scotland, and Henry Raeburn. He left at 2.45 for Port Edgar, where he embarked on the royal yacht. According to W. R. Andrew it was reported that His Majesty was so struck with Rae- burn’s fine person and dignified bearing, that he said to Scott, who was in constant attendance, he would have made Raeburn a baronet could he have done so without Some Contemporary Estimates 97 injustice to the memory of Reynolds. Andrew said also that the king expressed a wish to have his portrait painted by Raeburn, which we may assume to be true, as in the following May, Raeburn was appointed His Majesty’s “ Limner and Painter in Scotland, with all fees, profits, salaries, rights, privileges and advantages thereto belonging.’ The pleasure that this honour no doubt gave Raeburn was the only advantage he enjoyed, and the portrait was never painted.* On the day after the happenings at Hope- toun House there was a jovial dinner at St. Bernard’s, at which the other new knight, Wilkie, and a good many others were present, and there was an abundance of jollity and joking. Sir Henry’s health having been drunk, he made ‘a very modest reply’: Sir Adam, not feeling equal to rivalling him as a speaker, when he had been toasted offered a song instead, and gave ‘ The Laird of Cockpen’ and ‘ The Turnemspike,’ with much acceptance. Mrs. Raeburn, said Wilkie, would on no account allow herself to be called ‘My Lady ’—which seems odd, as she had in her early days been the wife of a so-called Count. A public dinner was given to Raeburn on 5th October, at which * An enterprising Edinburgh publisher, D. Hatton, did his best to supply the deficiency by getting the king’s head substituted for that of Dr. T. C. Hope on an old mezzotint plate by T. Hodgetts. 98 Raeburn Alexander Nasmyth presided and proposed the principal toast. The painting of the portrait for Lord Montagu apparently brought Sir Henry more closely in touch with Sir Walter, al- though they had probably been long acquainted : indeed since Scott’s youth, if the portraits of him as a boy in Highland costume and as a young man be authentic: I have not seen them, but they are apparently accepted as genuine. Scott, soon after Raeburn’s death, said to John Morrison : “T never knew Raeburn, I may say, till during his painting my last portrait.” Scott’s impression that his was the last portrait painted by Raeburn is probably erroneous. The account given by the venerable Dr. Andrew Duncan of his last meeting with Raeburn is probably credible, although the ‘Tribute of Regard,’ in which it occurs, is rich in blunders. ‘I was his opponent in the last game at golf which he ever played. On Saturday, the 7th of June, 1823, I called at his painting-rooms, after concluding the business I had allotted for the day. After he had also finished his business we walked together to Leith Links. There, removed from the smoke of the city of Edinburgh, we conjoined, with pleasing conversation, a trial of skill at a salutary and interesting exercise, to which we had both a strong Some Contemporary Estimates 99 attachment.’ Thereafter they took ‘a temperate meal’ in the company of friends in the Golfers’ Hall ; where hung Sir Henry’s portraits of John Gray, Esq., ‘a social spirit,/ and James Balfour Esq., singing a joyous song, ‘thought by many to be one of the best he ever painted.’ A _ third picture, of Mr. John Taylor of the Exchequer, “one of the best golfers in Scotland,’ was commissioned (Sir Henry knew how to combine pleasure and business) and then, “after partaking of a sober but social glass, we returned to Edinburgh in the same carriage, making plans for another such meeting. John Morrison met Miss Edgeworth (on a visit to Scott), in York Place ‘in the paint- ing gallery of Sir Henry Raeburn, who told me there was an excursion projected to Fife, to visit the castle of Ravensheugh, and may be as far as St. Andrews.’ Scott wrote to B. R. Haydon on the day after Raeburn’s death: ‘this has been a severe season for the arts: about a fortnight since I had a very merry party through Fifeshire, with our Chief Baron (Sergeant Sheppard) and the Lord Chief Commissioner, and, above all, Sir Henry Raeburn, our famous portrait painter. No one could seem more healthy than he was, or more active, and of an athletic spare habit, that seemed made for a very long life.’ I0o Raeburn Morrison, continuing his story, says the weather was hot; and Sir Henry, not accustomed to long walking, and exposed, although in summer, to the keen air of Fife, had taken cold; Sir Walter observed that he walked with his hat in his hand, Miss Edgeworth having hold of his other arm. On the day after his return to Edinburgh he walked as usual to his gallery in York Place, and proceeded to touch the portrait of a Mrs. Dennistoun, but was unable to proceed. He walked home, and with considerable headache went to bed, from whence he never arose. Morrison was some miles away from Edinburgh when Raeburn was taken ill, on his business as a surveyor, but having occasion to return to have instruments repaired, he heard of his friend’s illness, and went down late in the day to St. Bernard’s. ‘The servants told me that every hope of his recovery was over, that he was lying motionless on his bed, and the family had retired. I mentioned to the servant who was in waiting and used to arrange his palette, that I wished much to have a last look, to which he readily agreed. It was about twenty-four hours before his death; he was lying motionless, with his eyes shut, but not asleep. I touched softly the hand that was lying across his breast, the hand which had been so often stretched out to welcome me.’ Some Contemporary Estimates 01 The cause of Sir Henry’s sudden, unex- pected death is not stated, and is beyond diagnosis by a layman. Duncan, although a physician, only says, ‘ Sir Henry returned in bad health; and the aid of his medical friends to resist the progress of his disease was of no avail. It proved fatal in a few days.’ Morrison tells us that ‘prior to this excursion with Miss Edgeworth Sir Henry had symptoms of falling off.’ ‘I sometimes,’ he had previously said, ‘lose sight of the picture and stand still in a kind of dream; while the picture changes its aspect, and sometimes looks to be composed of many figures. A few days ago one of my teeth fell out ; it was fresh and good, and gave me no pain. To-day the same thing happened, the tooth was one of my best. It came out, or rather fell out, without giving me any pain ; and no blood followed.’ On my mentioning this to Dr. Saunders, who attended him at his death, ‘I wish,’ said the Doctor, ‘that I had known of these symptoms sooner.’ One may easily imagine the look of sagacity with which this was uttered. It has to be remembered that Raeburn’s parents were both short- lived, and that his brother died at about the same age as the painter. Sir Henry was buried, not in his burying- ground at the parish church of St. Cuthbert’s, but at the adjoining new Bishop Sandford’s I02 Raeburn Chapel (Scottish Episcopal), now known as St. John’s Church, in the enclosed ‘ dormi- tory’ at the east end. No memorial was erected until many years after, when a tablet was placed on the wall anonymously, I believe by the late J. Irvine Smith. Lady Raeburn, although nearly eighty years of age at the time of her husband’s death, is said to have survived him for ten years. Henry Raeburn the younger continued at St. Bernard’s until 1826, after which he re- moved to No. 19 St. Bernard’s Crescent. Eventually he bought the estate of Charles- field, Midlothian,“ a snug old house near Midcalder,’’ where he and his family continued formany years. Dr. John Brown’s account of the place is extremely interesting. Henry had a family of eight children. One daughter died in childhood, but threesons and four daughters survived their parents. The sons all died without issue. The eldest surviving daughter married Sir William Andrew, and their son, W. R. Andrew, M.A., Oxon., Barrister at law, was author of a biography of his great- grandfather. John Peter Raeburn, of Charlesfield, who lent a number of pictures to the R.S.A. in 1863, was presumably a son of Henry, and brother of L. W. Raeburn, mentioned by Dr. John Brown in 1874, and of Miss Charlotte Raeburn of Edinburgh, who was lender to the exhibition in 1881 of D. G. Steell’s Pepper, a favourite terrier. Some Contemporary Estimates 103 This granddaughter of Raeburn I distinctly remember a few years before that date: a dashing, handsome, fashionably appointed dame of middle age, remarkable for her fine pink and white complexion and dazzlingly bright and beautiful large dark eyes, an inheritance from her grandfather, which at the time reminded me of Scott’s description of the eyes of Robert Burns. She was generally attended by ‘Pepper’ or some- thing else of that sort. She is said to have been the last Raeburn, and so far as I know and have been able to ascertain, there is now no living descendant of Sir Henry. The unfinished pictures left in Raeburn’s painting room were so numerous, according to Dr. Andrew Duncan, that it would take three or four years for them to be completed by John Syme (afterwards R.S.A.), who had been employed for the purpose. Syme was probably a pupil and assistant, and from this and other indications we may reasonably infer that although Raeburn did not carry the practice as far as Ramsay, Reynolds, and other contemporaries, he did have assistance in the production of his portraits, especially towards the end of his life, when he was overwhelmed with business. In this way the inferiority of some of his works may best be accounted for. In 1834 Syme showed at the R.S.A. Exhibition an equestrian portrait of Henry Raeburn of St. Bernards ; 104 Raeburn the horse painted by the late Sir Henry Raeburn. According to an article in the European Magazine for November 1823 Raeburn’s practice was reported to have been worth about £3,000 a year, and there was a proposal that Thomas Phillips, R.A., should go to Edinburgh to take his place. That artist and his wife actually went there to look into the matter, but nothing resulted. David Wilkie succeeded to Raeburn’s Royal appointment. Soon after the latter’s death he was gazetted as Historical Painter to His Majesty for Scotland, wee Sir H. Raeburn deceased. In April 1824 there was an exhibition of 57 portraits by Raeburn in his Gallery, 32 York Place. From the sixpenny Catalogue it is interesting to learn that the charges for admission were two shillings in the daytime, and three shillings in the evening: the increased price then being no doubt due to the fact that ‘the Gallery is brilliantly lighted up with Oil Gas.’ A season ticket admitting at any time cost seven shillings. In 1863, forty pictures by Raeburn were included in an exhibition at the R.S.A., and in 1876 the great Raeburn Exhibition, privately organised, was held there. There were 325. exhibits, Its was; 1. believe, organised in order to help Raeburn’s descen- dants to sell some of the pictures in their Some Contemporary Estimates 105 possession. The result was not in that respect very satisfactory, and at a sale in London a year later, a number of pictures brought small prices. Gradually it was borne in upon the dealers that Raeburn was worthy their attention—James Orrock is said to have been instrumental in opening their eyes—and during the present century fine examples of the master have commanded great prices. CHAPTER IV. INFLUENCE ON CONTEMPORARIES AND SUCCESSORS. AEBURN has been styled the Reynolds R of Scotland: it might be claimed for him that he was something more ; for, while the English master had at least one rival of equal, perhaps greater, genius in Gainsborough, the Scot enjoyed an undi- vided supremacy. Reynolds was a potent influence in his own time and afterwards, but so was Gainsborough ; and one of the most brilliant of their immediate successors, John Hoppner, certainly looked to the latter as a model. The Book of Beauty style of portrait that Lawrence evolved eventually became the dominant type for a considerable time, in fact until the Pre-Raphaelite upheaval came to correct the vice of trivial pretty- prettiness that had corroded the English school during the darkness of the early Victorian period. Raeburn encountered no rivalry in his lifetime more serious than that of George Watson, a second-rate follower of Reynolds ; and he lived to see growing up around him 106 National Gallery -COL. BRYCE MCMURDO SIR HENRY RAEBURN face p. 106) Influence on Contemporaries 107 younger painters like Sir John Watson Gordon, Andrew Geddes, Colvin Smith, Samuel Mackenzie, John Syme, and William Yellowlees (nicknamed the little Raeburn), all strongly influenced by him. Subse- quently to his death that influence is obvious in the portraiture generally of later men like Sir George Reid and John Pettie, and at the present time, Mr. Fiddes Watt. No equal to him in portraiture ever appeared, even among the distinguished Scott Lauder group, or the men of that Glasgow school which brought valuable new impulses into our Northern painting. Raeburn did not, for a long time, have much influence on any English painters, for the sufficient reason that they knew nothing about him. Even so late as 1866 we find those well-informed writers, the Redgraves, bracketing him with the followers of Lawrence, frankly adding to their futile estimate of his art that in forming it they laboured under the difficulty of having little opportunity of seeing his works. ‘Those possessed by the National Gallery of Scotland,’ they continued, ‘do not impress us with so high an opinion of Raeburn’s merits as his reputation among his brother artists wouldimply . . . it may fairly be assumed that he owed part of the reputation which he enjoyed to his somewhat isolated position as the head of his profession in Scotland, and might not have been able 108 Raeburn to sustain it to the full, had he removed to London.’ In England generally, and even among portrait painters and other artists, it was my experience that, up toa couple of decades later than this pronouncement, Raeburn was either entirely unknown, or else regarded as of little account. Now that he is coming at last into his own it may well be that he will become a greater influence in English art than either Reynolds or Gainsborough. It has been usual to write of Raeburn as a phenomenon: an ignoramus who became a great painter without climbing to excellence up the usual ladder. This may be regarded as due less to the facts of the case than to our ignorance of them. We know a little more about those relative to Reynolds and Gainsborough, and on examining their record we find nothing in the way of external influence to account for their excellence, which was due to innate genius just as much with them as with Raeburn. Reynolds spent a couple of years in the studio of Thomas Hudson, and he also derived some, perhaps more, benefit from William Gandy. After that, such teaching as he had was from the old masters of Italy and the Nether- lands. Gainsborough no doubt picked up much useful knowledge during his early years (1741-1746) in London, but from the little we know about him during that period Influence on Contemporaries 109g it is a safe inference that he was not a regular student or apprentice under any master, but rather a struggling young craftsman, who arrived at painting by way of drawing and engraving: first with a silversmith, then with illustrators like Gravelot, Hayman, and Grignon. After Gainsborough married and left London in his twentieth year for Ipswich, he had practically no association with other painters for more than a dozen years. Joshua Kirby, the sole exception, is negligible as an influence, and so is Lieutenant-Governor Thicknesse, though he took credit to himself for setting Gainsborough on the right path. After going to Bath about 1759 Gainsborough made good use of the opportunities it afforded of seeing and studying old masters, especially Vandyck. Raeburn’s growth to great excellence as a painter does not seem to have been more accidental than that of his two most dis- tinguished contemporaries. There is no evidence in his case such as there was in theirs of a determined passion even in child- hood for art, but at school he showed unusual cleverness in drawing, and earned prizes for ‘writing.’ That the classes of the ‘ Trustees’ Academy ’ were actually held in the building where he lived and was taught, is a fact to be remembered. The selection for him of a jeweller as master when the time came for him to be apprenticed presupposes his having ILO Raeburn shown some artistic capacity: just as the boy Gainsborough was sent by his father to a London silversmith as a first step in an art career. Either before or early in his apprenticeship Raeburn began to paint miniatures, and this having been noticed by his master and by David Deuchar, the latter undertook to give him lessons. Deuchar was quite capable of teaching him a good deal, and some two years later he, or Gilliland, brought Raeburn under the notice of David Martin, who gave him pictures to copy, and helped him suffi- ciently to earn a grateful acknowledgment by Raeburn in after-life. It is a reasonable inference, and probable, that Martin employed Raeburn, as Allan Ramsay had employed him, and as was the common usage of the period, to work as a journeyman in his studio. Those portraits by Raeburn which we know to be or find reason to class as early productions have qualities in common with the few pictures by Martin that are to be found in public galleries, which, although they do not fully represent his range, suffice to show that he was a sound, capable portraitist in the Ramsay manner, though they are much drier in quality, and otherwise inferior to the work of his master. We have to bear in mind that Martin must have had considerable merit if the story be true that Ramsay, when in Influence on Contemporaries III Rome, sent for him to come there and bring his ‘drawings’ in order that he might exhibit them to confound the pretensions of the Italian artists. So few of Martin’s pictures are available as material for study, that we may be rating him as unjustly as the Redgraves rated Raeburn ; and for the same reason. He may have been the author of accepted Raeburns: I have been told by a connoisseur that on one or more such he had detected Martin’s signature. After the eventful rupture with Martin, (the date of which we do not know and so are not able to measure the duration or importance of the connection) Raeburn went to Rome, and there spent a matter of two years, in emulation of Sir Joshua’s example : an advantage which Gainsborough did not enjoy. A brief summary of what is known about the state of pictorial art in Scotland up to the time when Raeburn emerged will suffice to show under what conditions he became a painter. In George Jamesone (1587 ?- 1644), Scotland produced a capable portrait painter rather earlier than England; but it should be remembered that William Dobson (1610-1646) was a contemporary. They both derived from the Flemish school ; Jamesone is said to have been a pupil of Rubens, and Dobson was an assistant to Vandyck. After Jamesone’s day Scotland IR II2 Raeburn was never without painters, mainly of portraits, although national poverty and Calvinistic prejudice were both unfavourable to the encouragement of pictorial art, which seems to be expressly prohibited in the second commandment of the Mosaic decalogue. The principal men between the time of Jamesone and the advent of Raeburn were the Scougalls and Sir John Medina: the latter a foreigner who found it worth his while to settle in Edinburgh. There is significance in the fact that as early as 1729 a ‘School of St. Luke’ was established in Edinburgh for the encouragement and teaching of the fine arts. Its President was George Marshall, a pupil of Scougall, and on the original list of members we find Roderick Chalmers, portrait painter (the Secretary), William Adam, architect (father of the famous Adam brothers), Allan Ramsay, John Alexander, portrait painter (a descendant of Jamesone), and the Nories. Although this School ceased sooner or later to exist, the intellectual movement of which it was a manifestation continued, resulting in the formation in 1760 of that ‘Trustees’ Academy’ which endured for a century and a half, and in the present century was merged in the new Edinburgh College of Art. Allan Ramsay, ‘the most sensible man Influence on Contemporaries 113 of all living artists,’ who was only sixteen years old when the School of St. Luke was established, lived and practised his art in Edinburgh until about 1756 (the year of Raeburn’s birth), with the exception of an early visit to London, two years or so (1736- 1738) spent in Italy, and a second, shorter visit. Mr. Caw is of opinion that ‘ most of his best work was done during the eighteen years he remained in Scotland’ (after his return from Italy). On the art and artists of Edinburgh Ramsay’s influence as the leading portrait painter there until his middle age must have been very potent. It was strengthened as a factor in Raeburn’s development by the return in 1775 to Edinburgh of David Martin, Ramsay’s pupil and assistant. The ill- founded conjecture of Redgrave was that “no doubt, Raeburn in some degree founded his art upon that of Reynolds, though... we suspect that he studied Reynolds through the fine mezzotints of McArdell and others, rather than direct from his paintings.’ It is much more probable that he was influenced by the paintings of Allan Ramsay, of which there were many in Edinburgh, and which Martin would almost certainly recommend to him as models. Alexander Nasmyth was another pupil of Ramsay who was in practice in Edinburgh as a portrait painter from about 1778, and I14 Raeburn painted, as well as he could, in the manner of his master. He seems to have been Raeburn’s closest professional friend. He spent two years (1782-1784) studying in Italy, and it is very likely that his report to Raeburn when he returned was the prime cause of the latter’s visit to that country in 1785. As regards Raeburn’s early miniature work, of which we know so little, there were some very fair practitioners in Edinburgh at the time : among them Deuchar’s friend, John Brown ; but his long absence in Italy (civca 1770-1781) tends to exclude him as a direct influence. There is nothing beyond what has already been mentioned to show what intercourse Raeburn had with other artists in Edinburgh. Farington, in 1801, said that: ‘ Raeburn and Nasmith do not associate much with the other artists, and hold themselves very high. Raeburn scarcely indeed with any of the profession.’ This, however, is, I think, discounted by Haydon’s lively picture of a convivial evening at the house of Andrew Geddes which I have quoted. We know also that Raeburn was a prime mover in the efforts by the artists which resulted after his death in the formation of the Scottish Academy, and that the exhibitions of the Associated Artists, with the exception of the first in 1808, (when his affairs were Influence on Contemporaries II5 disordered) were in his gallery. He may have ‘held himself very high’ as regards friendly association, (perhaps he had not unbent sufficiently to please his English visitor) but clearly he was, up to the end of his life, keenly alive to the well-being of his fellow artists, and desirous of doing all in his power to advance their interests. Nasmyth, two years his junior, we know to have been a friend of long standing, which makes it, at first blush, seem the more remarkable that Raeburn should never have met Robert Burns, who was one of Nasmyth’s cronies : that is if he did not meet him, as to which we have only negative evidence. It should be borne in mind, however, that probably Raeburn was not in Edinburgh at all during the poet’s first visit, which ended on the 5th May, 1787. Raeburn returned from Italy some time in the course of that year. Burns came again to Edinburgh in September, and remained for some months— he was back in Mauchline in February or March 1788—but during this second stay he was for a considerable time laid up with a broken leg. He made several excursions, and he was also much occupied by his sentimental adventure with Clarinda. Rae- burn was, we may assume, pretty fully occupied after his recent return from Italy, establishing himself in a studio, picking up the threads of his activities and interests, r16 Raeburn professional and social; feeling acutely the need to repair his finances after a costly two years of travel and study: not at all in the mood for unremunerative portraiture, how- ever interesting the subject. The portrait of Burns required for the Edinburgh edition of his poems had been painted by Nasmyth during the first visit, so there was no business reason for painting another ; and as a matter of etiquette it would have been sailing pretty close to the wind to ask Nasmyth’s friend to sit to him, so soon after Nasmyth had painted him. There is no evidence that Raeburn was sensitive to beauty in poetry: his bias was towards mechanical and scientific subjects, and it probably never had entered his head, even if he met Burns, that he was more than an ephemeral wonder, made a fuss of for a short time before being relegated to oblivion ; indeed already on his way there, for the furore of admiration he experienced from notable people on his first visit was by no means repeated during the second. There are several reputed portraits of Burns by Raeburn, but only one has half- persuaded me to believe in it, and if it represents the poet it must have been painted before the first visit to Edinburgh, judging by the apparent age. It is of the period, it is on twilled canvas, it looks like a poet, and it is a skilful piece of work, much in the Influence on Contemporaries 117 Raeburn manner ; but it does not specially concern us here. The fact that Raeburn in 1803 made a copy of the Nasmyth portrait for Cadell & Davies proves nothing either way. The Nasmyth portrait was the known one, these publishers wanted a copy of it, they commissioned Raeburn, with whom they had other dealings, to make it, and, with accustomed business promptitude, he did so. It seems odd that they did not apply to Nasmyth, but we have to remember that he had by this time given up portrait painting in favour of landscape. Nasmyth, then, was a friend of Raeburn : he was also a very near neighbour, for he built himself a house and studio at 47 York Place, from his own designs. Probably he also was the architect of Raeburn’s studio opposite, at No. 32, and he may have been connected with his friend’s building ventures at Stockbridge, for he was not only a painter but an architect of considerable skill. The beautiful little classic temple at St. Bernard’s Well was designed by Nasmyth, and he is said also to have taken a leading part in designing the famous Dean Bridge. These structures are both on the Water of Leith near the house in which Raeburn lived, who was concerned in the erection of the temple over the mineral well, for he and his brother were signatories to the feu contract for the site. Even more than Raeburn, Nasmyth 18 Raeburn was one of the poterit influences that brought about in Edinburgh during the last quarter of the eighteenth century a remarkable increase in the number of good artists, and a public interest in the fine arts. His versatile genius included great skill in mechanics and engineering, which quality found fuller expression in the achievement of his famous son James, inventor of the steam hammer. This characteristic would be a great attraction to Raeburn, who seems to have dabbled in the same way. There were other portrait painters in Raeburn’s early days, now little more than names : among them George Willison (1741- 1797), Alexander Reid (1747-1823) and John Thomas Seaton, a very vague figure : son it is said of Christopher Seaton, a gem engraver in London, an exhibitor, chiefly of portraits, in London from 1761 to 1777. In 1772 and 1774 the exhibition catalogues gave the ad- dress of John Thomas Seaton as Edinburgh ; in1777,as East Indies. According to Bryan’s Dictionary of Painters he returned to Edinburgh, practised there successfully, and was still living in 1806. His name suggests a Scottish origin. Alexander Runciman has already been mentioned; Raeburn would almost certainly know him well, even if he did not attend the Trustees’ Academy. Mr. Caw says: ‘ Raeburn is said to have taken his tone of colour from Runciman’s Influence on Contemporaries 119 portraits.’ As the latter was much pat- ronised by Sir John Clerk, contact between the two painters was almost inevitable. Another contemporary Raeburn knew well was Archibald Skirving (1749-1819), who executed excellent portraits in crayon. Raeburn painted a portrait of him for his own gallery. He also painted the land- scapist, the Rev. John Thomson, with whom he became intimate after the latter was appointed Minister of Duddingston, near Edinburgh, in 1805. Did Raeburn meet Turner? There is no record of a meeting, but it is probable that they came together when Turner paid his second visit to Edinburgh, in 1818, and was Thomson’s guest. While it is clear that Raeburn knew his brother artists in Edinburgh and never failed in his duty as the recognised head of the profession, it seems equally certain that, with a few exceptions, he found his intimate friends in other walks of life. Nasmyth was an exception, so were Thomson, and ‘ Grecian ’ Williams, a landscape painter of some power; and his generous friendliness to younger men is illustrated by incidents that have been mentioned relative to David Roberts, Andrew Robertson, and John Watson Gordon. The Royal Scottish Academy preserves several relics of Sir Henry, such as his 120 Raeburn mahogany sitter’s chair, upholstered in dark red plush, his palette, the toddy ladle he is said to have made, his brass door- plate, and a light easel he gave to Edward Mitchell, an engraver. This last item illus- trates the painter’s ready, friendly help to other artists in practical matters, of which another instance is given by John Morrison in the Reminiscence from which I have already quoted: ‘When you are in Edin- burgh,’ he had said, ‘take your lodgings near York Place, and Robert will bring you up a palette and canvas at any time; or, having little else to do, he will grind you a set of colours; and any query you think necessary to put shall be readily answered. But indeed, a word goes in at one ear and out at the other ; so, if you will write down your query, I will write the answer under it.’ Morrison, acting on this suggestion, provided a book for his queries and Sir Henry’s answers. These reached the number of thirty-six. Sir Walter Scott asked Morrison to let him see the book, and, after reading its contents, said: ‘this will, some day, be worth a hundred pounds.’ Undoubtedly it would to-day have a considerable com- mercial value, and to the student its contents would be of intense interest as furnishing a better knowledge of Raeburn’s practical methods and ideas. Where is it now? Raeburn’s life, and the history of his Influence on Contemporaries Tar development as a painter, have been so successfully obscured by his earlier bio- graphers that it is exceptionally difficult to arrive at a satisfactory estimate of the man and his attitude towards life and art. He has left ample evidence that he possessed genius of very rare quality, but none what- ever that he had a due enthusiasm for his profession, or any interest in it beyond its value as a means of making money. The contrast between Raeburn and Reynolds and Gainsborough in this respect is remark- able. Raeburn painted portraits when people wanted, and were prepared to pay for them; but he never, so far as we know, attempted anything in any other branch of art, except that he is said to have dabbled in modelling during his stay at Rome. A Tassie medallion portrait of him is supposed to be his work. His backgrounds tell us that he had a keen perception of. the beautiful in landscape, and even suggest that he might have rivalled Gainsborough in this direction, but there is no record of the existence of a single landscape picture, study, or sketch by him. He could draw and compose as well as the Englishmen whenever he chose, and his management of lighting and grouping was admirable ; he had science sufficient to justify him in trying his hand at imaginative work, even ‘history painting,’ beloved of Sir Joshua, but no attempt was made. 122 Raeburn Daily, more or less, he set out with the mechanical punctuality of a banker’s clerk for his studio, did his work there regularly and well like an honest craftsman, till the clock marked the time for ‘ down tools’ ; then he went home again and found his recreation in domestic joys or other pursuits more or less inartistic. It looks as if Rae- burn was that very unusual phenomenon— a man possessed of the rarest artistic gifts and at the same time indifferent to them: interested chiefly in the purposes, thoughts, and pursuits of ordinary people. Some explanation may perhaps be found in the conditions of his early years. A child- hood in the home of a yarn-boiler was succeeded by a boyhood in a charitable school, where the excellent educational ideal was to turn out youths ready to become industrious apprentices, and_ thereafter worthy tradesman citizens. The desired results were probably obtained with a better average of success than could be claimed for any present-day Board School. Young Raeburn, all ignorant of his special endow- ment, took to miniature making as a business proposition in aseemly tradesman-like spirit ; then, developing from that branch of por- traiture, he began to paint full-size portraits in oil, and to see his way clear to a more immediately profitable way of life than that of being a jeweller’s assistant, with no Influence on Contemporaries 123 capital or influential friends to enable him to set up for himself in a trade, for which, more than most, money is requisite. At this stage there came into his life a handsome and well-to-do widow, with three children, and by twelve years his senior. The advantage to a struggling young man of taking such a woman as his wife is obvious : far more obvious than the truth of the story with which Cunningham laboured to make it seem the result of an overmastering attack of love at first sight. In such cases it is the woman who marries the man. That Mrs. Ann Edgar or Leslie was an estimable woman and an excellent wife to Henry Raeburn need not be doubted. It seems a sure inference, however, that by his marriage with her the young painter deliberately, though perhaps unwittingly, altered the course of his life ; adopting from her and her surroundings a wholly different outlook as regards his future. From being an unattached and struggling member of the trading class he was at once raised on approbation into that prouder social rank of the gentry who were landowners, and marked their superiority by tacking a territorial appendix to their names. James Leslie of Deanhaugh had married Ann, the daughter of Peter Edgar of Bridgelands. The ‘of’ in eighteenth-century Edinburgh was equivalent to the German ‘ von,’ without 124 Raeburn which you are in Berlin more or less an ‘untouchable.’ James Leslie’s widow yielded sufficiently to her good judgment in choosing Henry Raeburn for her husband, but it was not to be expected that she would descend to his station in life: the alternative was to raise him to hers. It has to be added that she did so successfully. Henry Raeburn of Deanhaugh, and afterwards of St. Bernard’s, was not only a handsome, accomplished, and charming person, but he filled his part with dignity and became wholly acceptable, not only to the best intellectual society of Edinburgh, but even to the ‘ ofs ’ into whose sacred circle he had intruded. To any one who knows what the exclusiveness of coteries was, even in the relatively lax days of Queen Victoria, in that ‘east-windy, west-endy city,’ it is a surprising thing that Raeburn succeeded so thoroughly, and a proof that he had very unusual genius as well as power of fascination. The ‘ ofs ’ not only accepted him, but they gave him of their substance, as one may easily see by looking over a list of his portraits. Necessarily Raeburn had to give something in exchange for the advantages he enjoyed: he gave up the life of the normal artist, with its hopes, fears, vicissi- tudes, and aspirations; lived comfortably under matriarchal rule, and cultivated Influence on Contemporaries 125 genteel society ; pursued his profession, but as a business, not as the outlet of a fervent passion to express himself in the creation of beautiful art. Under such conditions it was only his exceptional genius that kept him from degenerating into a mediocrity. It is only fair to add it is arguable that to a man of his placid, evenly balanced, happy tem- perament, rare in artists, the absence of the goading incentive of necessity may have been a favourable influence : this is possible, but improbable. The great surplus of mental energy which might have been expended by Raeburn in trying to climb still higher in art, was worked off by him in various directions, notably in his extensive building projects, which he dreamed would enable him to attain to immortality as the creator of Raeburnville ; an enterprise which seems to have kept him busy in various ways, especially in litigation with speculative builders and other trouble- some people of that sort. He is said to have had a pretty taste for the law. The healthy man’s need for muscular toil was worked off by Raeburn on the golf-links, the archery ground, and in country excursions; and these recreations were not without result in the way of occasional commissions. Quasi- scientific hobbies interested him: the eighteenth century being devoid of the joys of listening-in, gramophones, and cross-word 126 Raeburn puzzles, had to sharpen its intellect on such problems as the perpetual motion and squaring the circle. On the whole, Raeburn undoubtedly had an exceptionally conifort- able life, with only one disastrous break, when, as a result of taking risks in order to get rich quicker, he lost all that he had accumulated, and became bankrupt. A remarkable thing about that episode is that although in 1808 he bewailed to a friend that he had lost everything (nearly £17,000), he was able in 1809 to buy St. Bernard’s. In accumulating money Raeburn’s chief object was probably one appropriate to the ideas of the class into which he had entered by way of marriage: to found a family which could take its place among the ‘ ofs.’ Any hope he may have had of a continuation of his genius in a son were defeated by the death of Peter, of whom, according to Dr. John Brown, ‘ his father used to say that if he had lived he would have far surpassed him.’ Henry showed no trace of artistic bias, and his venture as a merchant disclosed no genius in that direction. Either with money in land or the funds, however, the young man was capable of gracing society as a gentleman, so an endowment had to be provided. Henry dutifully accepted this feather-bed conception of his destiny ; and, after his father’s death, was a creditable Raeburn of St. Bernard’s until, on acquiring Influence on Contemporaries 127 a property in the country, he became Rae- burn of Charlesfield and a Justice of the Peace for the County: an undistinguished but doubtless useful member of the com- munity. He was thoroughly imbued with his mother’s class ideas, and it was probably with him that the story about descent from Border Raeburns originated, or at any rate began to be believed in as fact: Sir Henry, knowing about Scott of Raeburn, Sir Walter’s relative, may have joked on the subject. There is no evidence, however, that he made any claim to armorial bearings, and the contrary is proved by the grant of arms to his son in 1841. Allan Cunningham naturally went to this son for help in preparing his Life of Sir Henry, and from him received a good deal of the material which he worked up with the facility of a ready writer who lacked any instinct for careful sifting of fact from fiction. Hence the wealth of misinformation about Raeburn which is now so difficult to cope with. W. R. Andrew, half a century later, showing no genius, though a barrister, for weighing evidence, did little more than copy Cunningham. Following him, Sir Walter Armstrong, though a better writer and a competent art critic, accepted too readily some of the established errors. Later, Mr. James L. Caw and Mr. James Greig have worked in a more critical spirit, and made KR 128 Raeburn valuable amendments and additions; and a tribute of praise is due also to the labours of Mr. Edward Pinnington, whose account of the painter is sympathetic, understanding, and charmingly written. The definitive Life of Raeburn is, however, still to come. The writer of it will, I hope, find some help in the present narrative, which embodies a good deal of new material; in providing which I have preferred research to imagina- tion, even at the risk that Raeburn’s friend, Sir Walter Scott, was thinking of when he wrote in his Journal: ‘ Better a superficial book, which brings well and _ strikingly together the known and acknowledged facts, than a dull, boring narrative, pausing to see further into a millstone at every moment than the nature of the millstone admits.’ CHAPTER V. THE QUALITY OF THE ARTIST. N attempt to trace the growth of A Raeburn’s powers as a painter is at the outset defeated by the scarcity of evidence as to the dates of his works. It seems probable that he kept a record of his commissions, but that it has disappeared. John Dickie, W.S., who was his legal adviser, died in 1839, and it does not seem possible to trace what became of the documents which were entrusted to him or his brother, H. D. Dickie, Secretary of the Caledonian Insurance Company. We find the latter, writing on the 3rd October, 1823, to the Earl of Hard- wicke: “Mr. Raeburn has put into my hands the books of the late Sir Henry Raeburn, in order to ascertain the sums due to him.’ So there were books. In the Connoisseur list of Raeburn’s paintings dates are attached to about 150, but these are for the most part conjectural, and to the years between 1776, when the Chalmers of Pittencrieff was undoubtedly painted, and 1790, only two portraits are assigned. In 1790 Raeburn was in full 129 I30 Raeburn possession of his powers, if we accept as evidence the pictures ascribed to that year, especially those of Siv John and Lady Clerk, and Siv John Sinclair: both masterpieces. But the danger of relying upon any opinion, even when it is based upon careful conjecture by expert students, is shown by the fact that in the monograph on Raeburn by Mr. James Greig, which forms part of the Connoisseur volume, the Sinclair portrait is assigned to 1796, and that of Sir John Clerk and Wife is classed among those that date before 1790. Were it necessary it would be easy to multiply instances of this kind, gathered from writers on Raeburn, to show how much we are groping in the dark on the subject. The difficulty is accentuated by the unusual continuity of Raeburn’s work, the absence of marked changes in it, the steady, quiet growth from beginning to end of his career. This was, no doubt, due to his - intense individuality. His style grew as a tree grows : it seems never to have interested him to know how a thing was done by other painters ; he was content with such improve- ment as came from continued effort to see, and to reveal on canvas the uttermost possible in regard to the subject before him. Evidence of grafts such as occur in the work of other portraitists—grafts from the style of someone else—are practically not to be found in that of Raeburn. Mr. Greig traced In.the possession of Sir William Raeburn LADY INGLIS SIR HENRY RAEBURN (face p. 130) The Quality of the Artist 131 a resemblance to the style of Largilliére in one portrait of a lady (Lady Inglis), and inferred that it might have been painted under temporary French influence in Rome. Mr. Caw thought that the Lord President Dundas, painted soon after the Rome period, betrayed reference to the Julius II of Raphael (at Florence), Armstrong detected ‘a strong flavour of Sir Joshua,’ after the return from Rome, John Burnet supposed that the Professor Robison (an outstanding example of bold and original craftsmanship) was the result of Raeburn’s seeing some picture by Velasquez in the collection of the Earl of Lauderdale. Occasionally, in por- traits of fair women, such as the Mrs. Scott Moncneff, and the Mrs. Wiliam Urquhart, a reference to the vision of Lely or Lawrence may be imagined: if there be any, which I doubt, it is so superficial and slight as to be negligible as a quality when set against the presence of excellencies which these painters lack, especially the power to express along with and without deducting from a woman’s beauty a penetrating statement of her temperament and character. Raeburn, from first to last, was essentially self-contained, and of such innate strength and self-sufficiency that he had no need for external influence, beyond that inevitable minimum which must enter into all human work as a result of the impalpable effect of 132 Raeburn surroundings. It may be that now and then Raeburn consciously set himself to paint — a portrait in the manner or spirit of one that he admired: a species of serious caricature (if one may use the word out of its accepted meaning) similar to Millais’ well-known piece of bravura, A Souvenir of Velasquez. But the manner of no man, however great, suited Raeburn so well as that which he had thought and worked out for himself, and which at the end of more than half a century after his choice of art as his business, was at its fullest and finest expression, rich in promise of further great achievement, when the sudden call came. ‘Broadly considered,’ says Mr. Caw, ‘Raeburn’s art shows no marked periods.’ This in a few words sums up the matter. When, if ever, we are put in possession of certain information as to the dates of Raeburn’s pictures it will be time enough to set to work upon an elaborate comparison and analysis, with a view to a study of the growth and variation of his technical methods. At present it is prudent to be content with something less. We know that from the very beginning his essential merit as a portraitist was inherent. The miniature of Deuchar, said to have been his second attempt, though obviously the work of an inexperienced hand, is all alive, and gives a clear impression The Quality of the Artist 133 of the man limned: clearer, I think, than the much more expert and beautiful pencil miniature by Brown which Miss Deuchar also possesses. In the Chalmers of Pitten- crief{ portrait we have the essentials of one of Raeburn’s schemes for a full-length picture, used throughout his career. There may be doubts about the legs, the chair is certainly out of drawing, and though the composition is well managed it conveys an impression that it was laboured, as it doubt- less was, for the painter was only twenty years of age and but recently accustomed to express himself on two or three inches of ivory. The glimpse of landscape seen through a window to the left is a recurrent device in Raeburn’s work: for instance, in the seated portrait of The Hon. Henry Erskine. The brushwork has no trace of the miniature method: the characteristic “square” touch, which reached its fullest expression in the Professor Robison, is already in use. The Mrs. Ferguson of Ratth, with her Children, which it is generally agreed is an early work (c. 1780), shows a great advance on the Chalmers of Pittencrieff in the grace and ease of the composition and the charm of the portraiture. The landscape setting is cleverly composed, but too obviously lowered in its lighting for the purpose of giving due prominence to the figures: even 134 Raeburn the dog which the boy holds by a handker- chief is out of the lighting. Dr. W. D. McKay, in his Scottish School of Painting, says of this and the more or less contemporary picture of the lady’s husband and third son : ‘already . . . we have a manner of seeing and painting unlike that of any of his Scottish forerunners. In these earliest can- vases one finds the direct painting, the broad flat surfaces, and the precise square touch— afterwards such a weapon for the seizure of the character—in the management of the narrow shadows and the modelling of the features. As yet he avoids effects.’ There follows much more subtle and wise criticism of details, for which the curious reader may be referred to the book. Any shortcomings in these early works that are apparent to us as compared with the achievement of the ultimate Raeburn, were doubtless even more obvious to the painter, keenly alive to what he felt he had it in him to do. So he went to Rome. Among the early achievements of his studio after his return we find examples again in the Kilrie collection which suffice to justify his expedition. That fascinating boy picture of William Ferguson of Kilvie is the work of a full-grown craftsman, who had mastered the handling of light in portraiture. The wonder is that a portrait so unconventional and striking was accepted. The Fergusons The Quality of the Artist 135 must have been unusually intelligent patrons. If so, they would have another agreeable shock of surprise on receiving the Szv Ronald and Robert Ferguson, practising archery which is at once masterly and unconventional in arrangement. It is of interest to notice that in a somewhat later full-length of Sir Ronald Ferguson with gun and dog, the landscape setting is almost identical with that of the picture of Mrs. Ferguson with her children. Probably it was an actual scene observed at Raith. But how much more cleverly is the relation managed between the figure and the background. Dr. McKay notes of this: ‘both face and figure are modelled with a fuller brush and more graphic touch. There is less of the flatness of the mosaic, and the accessories are executed with the increasing ease and fluency which come of experience.’ Here we have an early example of Raeburn’s plan of painting a man ‘in his habit as he lived,’ which resulted in a number of his most original and masterly productions: the Dr. Patrick Spens as an archer, Siv John Sinclaiy arrayed in a uniform, the splendours of which excel the utmost inventions of the ‘ twopence- coloured’ draughtsmen employed by Skelt, Lieutenant Colonel McMurdo as a fisherman, The Glengarry chieftain posing with his noblest air in his native halls, and the 136 Raeburn inimitable Macnab, even more gorgeous and spectacular than any of them, looking defiance at all the world, with his foot upon his native heath. In the hands of almost any other painter, however great, none of these things would have been possible : they would have resulted in creations as comical as most of the Georgian presentments of Generals and Admirals striking attitudes, surrounded by cannons, ships, forts, smoke, and other appropriate emblems of their trade. Raeburn intuitively saw that he could best realise his penetrating perception of a subject’s character at its most typical expression by showing him at play, his whole . nature engrossed in the pastime; or, if a Highlander, warmed to his utmost expressive- ness by sentiments of warlike pride. The Sir Ronald Ferguson is all the better portrait because the moment immortalised is one of intense preoccupation with the game at which both gun and dog point. Spens is seen transfigured by his pastime to a truer self than was ever disclosed to patients or dinner comrades ; its veracity is such that the mind of the spectator is not even dis- tracted by the portentous emblematical thistle in the foreground. Sinclair, in spite of all his ‘ braws’ is handsome, majestic, impressive,—a withering commentary on Farington’s description of him as ‘a dirty Scotsman.” McMurdo, who as a mere The Quality of the Artist 137 military officer would have been of little interest, becomes an ever fresh source of pleasure as a fisherman, painted with true zest by a brother disciple of Izaak Walton, seated in entire content and enjoyment in one of the most charmingly romantic settings devised by Raeburn. Glengarry’s spectacu- lar attitude is made subordinate and con- tributory to the complete statement of character, and the skilful scheme of lighting. And the rugged, fierce, untamed Macnab is so perfect a realisation of a grand Gaelic type that it is worthy of the criticism attributed to Sir Thomas Lawrence—(where did he see it ?)—that it is the best representation of a human being he had ever seen. That is what one felt on finding it again at Wembley in 1924, hanging among other choice ex- amples of the chief British masters. The picture well seen is even more impressive than the great price that was recently paid for it; though that, no doubt, is for some the most convincing proof of its excellence. In all these portraits, as in many others, the commanding merit is the vivid statement of the subject’s appearance, combined with a revelation of his or her mind by the magic of subtle observation. Raeburn’s portraits never, it is said, failed to be convincing likenesses at a period when the same could not be said of all other painters’ work. Reynolds was notoriously uncertain in this 138 Raeburn respect. Indeed it may be doubted it any other British painter was over careful about it before the discipline of the camera wiped out the minor men, and put the others on their mettle. A photographic portrait is apt to be soulless, but, if the work of a competent operator, it is at least a likeness. Raeburn’s powers of observation were so perfect, and were so admirably served by a hand that never faltered—needing no mahl- stick or the guidance of a charcoal outline— that he could express exactly in two dimen- sions the physical appearance before him, and at the same time keep his mind detached for keen observation of character and tem- perament, aiding this by conversation that tended to provoke self-revelation. For Raeburn the painting of the head was the easiest part of his task : not that he was less capable of reproducing the rest, but that was more nearly mechanical, and therefore less interesting. He seldom failed in any detail of importance, and spared no pains to make all his design, however complex, contributory to the main purpose. Thus, in his Adam Rolland of Gask, one can see that, after he had been at the pains to paint a vase of flowers on the table, he came to the conclusion that it was undesirable, and forthwith painted it out. The six great full-lengths above referred to are full of various detail, all evidently painted with The Quality of the Artist 139 due attention to the golden rule laid down by Byres of Tonley ; but by fine management of light, tone, and colour, nothing is ever allowed to sound a disturbing note in the harmony of the composition. Illustrative of Raeburn’s mastery in vision and representation is the certainty with which he introduced animals, although he did not paint them often. His dogs and horses are always excellent, often super- excellent. It is remarkable that a detail he was apt to fail in was the hands. These he could paint, and often did paint exceed- ingly well, and with excellent effect in the composition ; especially when ancillary to his design, as in the group of The Macdonald Children; but he did not like them, was adroit in hiding them, and when they were Shown they sometimes show remarkable carelessness: at times, in this respect he could almost sink to the level of Goya. Single-minded devotion to the essential duty of faithful portraiture, to the exclusion of everything else, was with Raeburn a first principle. He was a great painter, but his greatness found no expression in any other direction. As a result he created a gallery of memorable, ever fresh and vital, portraits of contemporary Scottish people. It has been said of him that he was peculiarly fortunate in having to practise his art in a city which was especially rich in strong 140 Raeburn types of humanity ; and part of the credit due to his excellence is thus transferred to his sitters. This seems to be a fallacy. England in his day was equally rich in men and women of outstanding character and appearance : Edinburgh to-day could prob- ably muster just as strong a selection of distinguished types of humanity ; certainly it could have done so in the later Victorian days, when I knew it well. The remarkable character of Raeburn’s portraits was not due to his sitters, but to his power of seeing and representing them, with a fulness and certainty only paralleled by Hals, Moroni, and Velasquez. According to Alexander Fraser, R.S.A., Raeburn’s range of pigments was limited and simple : vermilion, raw sienna (or yellow ochre), Prussian blue, burnt Sienna, ivory black, crimson lake, and white. His medium was linseed oil, mixed with mastic varnish and sugar of lead: he called it ‘ Gumption,’ which is Scotch for common sense. All his materials, as we learn from Morrison, were prepared by his servant under his direction, not bought from acolour-man. He generally, if not always, used a twilled canvas. As a result of sound painting with a small range of safe colours, almost all Raeburn’s pictures now, though from a century to a century and a half old, are unfaded and in excellent condition, save where they have suffered The Quality of the Aritst I4I from careless keeping or bad varnish. The state of the Mrs. Scott Moncrieff before it was restored suggested that in it Raeburn might have used one of the bituminous pigments that came into vogue and worked so much mischief in and after his day. That, however, so far as my opportunities for observation have served, seems to be an exceptional case. So much has been written on the subject of the painter’s ‘square touch’ and its supposed development and eventual modifica- tion in favour of subtler brushing, that it is unnecessary to revert to it. The chief value of such analytical study is in helping to form conjectures as to the dates of the pictures, and it is not a very certain guide, for the handling of a master varies according to the task in hand; and the marked differences between, say, the Lord Newton, and the James Wardrop of Torbanehill do not necessarily imply a long distance of time between the two pictures. What matters, after all, in regard to such pictures is not when and how they were painted, but what they are. Both are masterpieces in the smaller, simpler style of portrait, in which Raeburn, undisturbed by accessories, put his whole strength into making relatively immortal the mortal beings sitting to him. Newton died a dozen years before him, but he is still vividly alive in this picture so 142 Raeburn deftly described by Dr. John Brown: ‘ full- blooded, full-brained, taurine with potential vigour. His head is painted with a Rabe- laisian richness; you cannot but believe when you look at the vast countenance the tales of his feats in thinking and in drinking, and in general capacity of body and mind.’ The Wardrop, R. L. Stevenson thought a picture ‘which you might palm off upon most laymen as a Rembrandt.’ This was a fantastic way of saying what is very true, that it is differentiated technically from almost all other Raeburn portraits. It is the top of his achievement in simple male portraiture, and all Raeburn lovers must deplore the fact that it is going or gone to the antipodes. When it hung for a short time in the National Gallery, after Mr. Rinder had bought it for Melbourne under the Felton Bequest, one felt its presence there a silent protest against obsession for continental old masters on the part of the Trustees so great that they let pass the opportunity of securing the masterpiece of a native painter, who is as yet deplorably under-represented in the English national collection. The only grain of comfort is that the picture, though exiled, will be in a Dominion Gallery. Other outstanding examples of single portraits which illustrate the force and range of Raeburn’s genius are the early Nez Gow, The Melbourne Art Gallery JAMES WARDROP OF TORBANE HILL SIR HENRY RAEBURN (face p. 142) The Quality of the Artist 143 Henry Mackenze, Dr. Adam, Lord Braxfield, Francis Horner, John Clerk (afterwards Lord Eldin), Byres of Tonley, John Wauchope, and, last, but by no means least as regards either subject or achievement, the Montagu Sir Walter Scott, of 1822. R. L. Stevenson found fault with Raeburn in regard to his portraits of young women, which he pronounced ‘by no means of the same order of merit’ as his other portraits. Here it seems necessary to join issue with R.L.S., for it is not possible to agree with him that ‘they do not seem to be made of good flesh and blood. They are not painted in rich and unctuous tones. They are dry and diaphanous. . . . In all these pretty faces you miss character, you miss fire, you miss that spice of the devil which is worth all the prettiness in the world ; and what is worst of all you miss sex. His young ladies are not womanly to nearly the same degree as his men are masculine ; they are so in a negative sense ; in short, they are the typical young ladies of the male novelist.’ It may be allowed at once that the student of femininity who comes to the study of Raeburn’s women fresh from enjoyment of ladies limned by, let us say, Greuze, Boucher, Nattier and Fragonard, must find something wanting : he may even do so when comparing them with some of the fair damsels of Rae- burn’s English contemporaries. These latter LR 144 Raeburn were accustomed to devote spare time to portraiture of ladies of the theatre, and other ladies who did not even enjoy the Bohemian respectability of the stage. Demi-mondaines are to be found in the lists of pictures exhibited by Reynolds and Gainsborough, and every one knows of Romney’s obsession by the charms of Emma Hart, which inspired him into something approaching genius. Mr. Francis Watt, writing of Raeburn, remarks: ‘it has been said of a greater than he that the one thing wanting to raise his genius into the highest possible sphere was the chastening of a great sorrow, or the excitement of a great passion.’ Sorrow and trouble came to him as they do to every one, though his share was a relatively small one. But the great passion almost certainly never entered into his life, nor do we find in his art the slightest evidence that he was ever influenced by amatory sentiment. Certainly that quality is lacking, but is that to be reckoned a fault? Raeburn may fail in the expression of sensuous charm, though I think not, but that rather enhances the value of his portraits of fair young contem- poraries. He painted them as he painted men, unflinchingly representing faces as he saw them, without any enhancement by excusable artistic touches, and made them expressive of mind as he sensed it. If some- thing seems to be lacking, the blame must be es The Quality of the Artist 145 charged to the account of the very artificial, and (to us) unnatural position in life of the Georgian young woman of the better classes, whose intellects were as carefully repressed as her liberties were restricted. We have no surer evidence of what she was and what she lacked than is supplied by Raeburn’s portraits. His power of expression where his personal interest was involved may be best seen in the portrait of his wife. It reveals to us that though she was middle-aged she was a woman he loved and admired. With every touch of the brush he tells us: ‘In this woman I see a disposition full of sweetness and excellence, and a mind that I can reverence.’ So great is his art that he has even given the picture some of the force of attraction the original had for himself; a glamour that makes one linger and look again. Without beauty it fascinates. I have already quoted a description of the portrait of a step-daughter for whom he had fatherly affection. However latent Raeburn’s capacity for passion may have been, there is no doubt as to his warmth of family affection if we turn to such pictures as the Boy with a Rabbit, the Leshe Boy, and Henry Raeburn on a Pony. But always his pictures of children are admirable and lovingly painted. Reverting to the ladies, I advance as 146 Raeburn evidence in contravention of Stevenson’s opinion the portraits of Lady Drummond of Hawthornden, Mrs. Boswall of Blackadder (a very late work), Lady Suttie and her two winsome daughters, Mrs. Campbell of Possil, Mrs. Urquhart, Lady Carmichael, Mrs. Lauzun, Mrs. Scott Moncrieff, The Hon. Mrs. Wharton, and The Hon. Mrs. Spiers. Of middle-aged ladies who, thanks to Raeburn’s genius, have power to charm there is no lack, and his old women are even finer. Let it suffice to name the Mrs. James Campbell, which ranks beside the Wardrop at the summit of his achievement. How completely Raeburn created for us a gallery of the female sex of the better classes as it existed in Scotland before and after the beginning of the nineteenth century might be shown by illustrating the Seven Ages of Woman, with reproductions of paintings by him. This sequence I would begin with his Helen Stirling, an exquisite and delightful little girl, who looks out at one with just the vacant, happy expression of a young child. The Portrait of a Young Girl, seated, and leaning on a portfolio would stand for the second age, and for the third we could not choose better than Miss Janet Sutive, or her sister, Margaret. Next in order, for the fourth stage of life, there is none better than Mrs. Campbell of Possil, but there is some- thing to be said also for Lady Hume Campbell The Quality of the Artist 147 of Marchmont, looking with fond delight at her infant son; also we must not overlook that very fine recent addition to the Glasgow Collection: Mr. and Mrs. Robert Campbell, of Katze, which would easily hold its own if hung beside Gainsborough’s Morning Walk. The fifth age might well be allotted to Mrs. Elizabeth Ord, wife of Lord Braxfield, haughty and austere; or Lady Muller of Glenlee. Either dear Mrs. Campbell of Park or Mrs. James Campbell would be perfect for the sixth age, and a sort of con- necting link with the seventh is Mrs. Pitcairn, sitting with an amazing Sunday cap on her head, looking at nothing, and gently smiling at nobody. For the last stage of all we have poor old Lady Hamilton apparently in her dotage: an apathetic and _ expressionless invalid, propped up in her chair, ear-trumpet in hand, and looking past doubt ‘ sans teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything.’ It is obvious that an equally striking and picturesque sequence illustrating the Seven Ages of Man might be compiled from Rae- burn’s paintings ; it would be less easy to construct similar sequences from the works of any other painter of portraits in or before his time. Of each sitter who came to him he was able to make a convincingly true record, thanks to the intense wisdom that looked through his lustrous eyes; not only a likeness of the physical appearance, but 148 Raeburn also a revealing record of the character and spirit. Neither age nor sex made a differ- ence: the flower-like charm of childhood, the blooming grace of youth, the lusty vigour and beauty of early maturity, the strength and force of full manhood, the dignity of later years, and the pathetic beauty of age: all were recorded by him with the complete- ness possible to a sure hand and eye, guided by rare knowledge and power of vision. Raeburn may not have been a great artist in the wider sense, because of his limited range; but by concentration on a single branch of the painter’s craft he undoubtedly became one of the greatest of portrait painters. APPENDIX I. BIBLIOGRAPHY AND AUTHORITIES. Edinburgh Directories, v.y. 1773-1830. Catalogues of Royal Academy Exhibitions, 1792- 1823. The Scots Magazine, 1808-1826. Elogiorum Sepulchralium Edinensium LDelectus, A. Duncan, Senr., M.D. 1815. The British Gallery of Contemporary Portraits. 2 vols. 1822. Memoirs of George Heriot . . . With a historical account of the Hospital founded by him in Edinburgh. 1822. The European Magazine, November, 1823. The Gentleman’s Magazine, November, 1823. The Annual Register, 1824. . A Tribute of Regard to the Memory of Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A. By Andrew Duncan. 1824. The Life and Correspondence of Sir Thomas Lawrence. By D. E. Williams (B. R. Haydon’s annotated copy in the British Museum). 1831. The National Portrait Gallery . . . With Memoirs by W. Jerdan. 1832. Memoirs of the Life of Sir Walter Scott. By J. G. Lockhart. 7 vols. 1837. A Bibliographical, Antiquarian, and Picturesque Tour in the Northern Counties of England and in Scotland. By the Rev. Thomas Frognall Dibdin, DD; 2) vols. . 1635, 149 150 Appendix I The Popular Scottish Biography. By Wm. Anderson. 1842. Tait’s Edinburgh Magazine. 1843. The Life of Sir David Wilkie. By Allan Cunning- ham. 1843. The Life of B. R. Haydon from his Autobiography and Journals. By Tom Taylor. 1853. A Century of Painters of the English School. By R. & S. Redgrave. 2 vols. 1866. The Life of David Roberts, R.A. Compiled from his. journals, and other sources. By James Ballantine. 1866. Historical Records of the Family of Leslie, from 1067 to 1868. By Colonel C. Leslie, K.H. 3 vols. 1869. History of George Heriot’s Hospital. By Wm. Steven, D.D., third edition revised and enlarged by F. L. Bedford, LL.D. 1872. An Account of the surname Edgar. By J. H. Lawrence-Archer. 1873. A Biographical Dictionary of Eminent Scotsmen. By R. Chambers, revised by Thomas Thomson. Voli 3: 1875. Benjamin Robert Haydon: Correspondence and Table Talk. With Memoir by his son F. W. Haydon. 2 vols. 1876. Christopher North : A Memoir of John Wilson. By his daughter Mrs. Gordon. New edition (first edition, 1862). 1879. The Lives of the Most Eminent British Painters. By Allan Cunningham. Revised edition, by Mrs. C. Heaton. 3 vols. (first edition, 1833). 1879. Virginibus Puerisyue and other Papers. By R. L. Stevenson. 1881. John Leech and other Papers. By John Brown M.D., &c. 2nd edition. 1882. Appendix I 151 James Nasmyth, Engineer: An Autobiography. Edited by Samuel Smiles. 1883. British Mezzotint Portraits. By John Chaloner Smith, B.A. 1884. Life of Sir Henry Raeburn. By his great-grandson, William Raeburn Andrew, M.A., Oxon. 2nd edition (first edition, 1886). 1894. Historical Memorials and Reminiscences of Stock- bridge, &c. By Cumberland Hill. 2nd edition, enlarged (first edition, 1874). 1887. Scottish Painters: A Critical Study. By Walter Armstrong, B.A., Oxon. 1888. Art in Scotland: Its Origin and Progress. By Robert Brydall. 1889. The Journal of Sir Walter Scott, 1825-32. From the original MS. 1890. An Ordinary of Arms contained in the Public Register of all Arms and Bearings in Scotland. By Sir James Balfour Paul. 1893. Familiar Letters of Sir Walter Scott. 2 vols. 1894. John Thomson of Duddingston, Pastor and Painter. By Wm. Baird, F.S.A., Scotland. 1895. Letters and Papers of Alexander Andrew Robertson, A.M. Edited by Emily Robertson. 2nd edition (first dated 1895). 1897. Publications of the Scottish Record Society, v.y. 1898-1922. I0 vols. Caledonian Jottings for Private Circulation (Cale- donian Insce. Co.). Igo00. Sir Henry Raeburn. By Sir Walter Armstrong, with an Introduction by R. A. M. Stevenson, and a biographical and descriptive Catalogue by J. L. Caw. Igor. Views and Reviews: Essays in Appreciation. By W.E. Henley. 1902. 152 Appendix I Bryan’s Dictionary of Painters and Engravers. New edition. Edited by G.C. Williamson, Litt. D. 1904. Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A. By Edward Pinnington. 1904. Caledonian Insurance Company: History of One Hundred Years (1805-1905). 1905. The Royal Academy of Arts: A Complete Dictionary of Contributors from 1769 to 1804. By Algernon Graves. Vol. 6. 1906. Chambers’ Encyclopedia. Vol. 8. 1906. The Scottish School of Painting. By William D. McKay, R.S.A. 1906. Nineteenth Century Mezzotinters : Charles Turner. By Alfred Whitman. 1907. Sir Henry Raeburn (Newnes). Memoir by R. S. Clouston. 1907. Scottish Painting, Past and Present. By James L. Caw. 1908. The Masterpieces of Raeburn: Sixty Reproductions. 1908. Catalogue of Engraved British Portraits preserved in the Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum. By F. O’Donoghue, F.S.A. 5 vols. 1908-1922. The Studio, No. 179, February 18. 1908. Memorials of his Time. By Henry Cockburn. New edition. 1909. Dictionary of National Biography. Vol. 16. Reprint 1909. The National Gallery: One Hundred Plates in Colour. 1909. Masterpieces in Colour: Raeburn. By James L. Caw. 1909. Portraits by Sir Henry Raeburn, with an Introductory Essay. By James L. Caw. 1909. Appendix I 153 British Portrait Painting to the Opening of the Nine- ‘teenth Century. By M. H. Spielmann, F.S.A. 2 vols. IgI0. A History of Painting. By Haldane Macfall, with a Preface by Frank Brangwyn. 8 vols. 1911. Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A., his Life and Work, with a Catalogue of his Pictures. By James Greig. FO11. The Royal Scottish Academy, 1826-1916 : A Complete List of the Exhibited Works by Raeburn, and by Academicians, Associates, and Hon. Members. By Frank Rinder, with a Historical Narrative of the Origin and Development of the R.S.A., by W. D. McKay, R.S.A. 1917. John Thomson of Duddingston, Landscape Painter. By R. W. Napier, F.R.S. 1919. A Collection of Engravings after Raeburn, with a Record and Appreciation. By John Mallett. 1920. The Farington Diary. Vol. 1. 1922. Henry Raeburn, 1756-1823. By T. C. F. Brotchie. 1924. Also Exhibition Catalogues, Magazines, News- papers, Edinburgh Directories, Biographical Dictionaries, Encyclopedias, etc., referred to in the text. APPENDIX II. List oF PICTURES BY SIR HENRY RAEBURN IN BRITISH GALLERIES OPEN TO THE PUBLIC Lonpon, THE NATIONAL GALLERY. Miss Mary Hepburn (934in. by 59in.). Lieut. Colonel Bryce McMurdo (9qin. by 58in.). Mrs. H. W. Lauzun (294in. by 24fin.). - Henry Dundas, Viscount Melville (30in. by 25in.). Miss Forbes (29}in. by 24in.). Lady Dalrymple (Tate Gallery) (29}in. by 24}in.). LONDON, THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. John Home (2gin. by 24in.). Francis Horner, M.P. (494in. by 394in.). Henry Mackenzie (293in. by 24#in.). John Playfair, F.R.S. (49?in. by 394in.). Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster, Bart., LL.D. (484in. by 38#in.). Hugh Williams (z94in. by 24}in.). Lonpon, THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM. The Rev. Alex. Dyce, when a boy (29}in. by 24%in.). Mr. Hobson, of Markfield (513in. by 4o#in.). Mrs. Hobson, of Markfield (51%in. by 4ofin.). 155 156 Appendix II LonpDon, THE RoyvaLt ACADEMY OF ARTS DIPLOMA GALLERY. Boy with Rabbit. EDINBURGH, THE NATIONAL GALLERY OF SCOT- LAND. Alexander Adam, LL.D. (49in. by 39in.). Alexander Bonar (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. Sarah Bonar (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. Christina Campbell of Ballimore (50in. by 401n.). Lady Hume Campbell of Marchmont and Child (79in. by 6oin.). Major William Clunes (96in. by 60in.). Mrs. Justine Finlay of Glencorse (864in. by 59}in.). | Dr. Gardiner (35in. by 26#in.). Mrs. Harriet Hamilton of Kames (94in. by 6o0in.). Mrs. Kennedy of Dunure (5o0in. by 4oin.)- George Kinnear (344in. by 27in.). Mrs. George Kinnear (344in. by 26in.). Lieut. Colonel Lyon (35in. by 26#in.). Colonel Alastair Macdonell of Glengarry (96in. by 6o0in.). Mrs. R. Scott Moncrieff (30in. by 25in.). Lord Newton (30in. by 25in.). Sir Henry Raeburn, R.A. (36in. by 28in.). Henry Raeburn on a Grey Pony (panel) (14in. by toin.). Adam Rolland of Gask (78in. by 6oin.). John Smith of Craigend (30in. by 25in.). John Wauchope, W.S. (30in. by 25in.). Study of a Dog (27}in. by 354in.). A Gentleman (not identified) (oval miniature on parchment) (1fin. by 14in.). PICTURES ON LOAN. Mrs. Robert Bell (30in. by 25in.). Lady Carnegie (934in. by 6oin.) Appendix II 157 Jas. Hamilton, Sen., M.D. (30in. by 25in.). William, Sixth Marquis of Lothian. Mrs. Colin Mackenzie of Portmore (5o0in. by 4oin.). Sir John Sinclair, of Ulbster, Bart. (934in. by 6oin.). Rev. Sir Henry Moncrieff Wellwood, Bart. (49}in. by 4oin.). EDINBURGH, THE Roya SCOTTISH ACADEMY. Mr. Pitcairn (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. Pitcairn (30in. by 25in.). EDINBURGH, THE ScotTisH NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY. Sir Francis Chantrey, R.A. Three pencil outlines on paper (a pencil portrait of Raeburn by Chantrey on the reverse) (1o#in. by 6#in.). Professor Andrew Dalzel (494in. by 39in.). Neil Gow (484in. by 384in.). Francis Horner, M.P. (30in. by 24in.). Robert Montgomery, Advocate (484in. by 384in.). Professor Dugald Stewart (30in. by 25in.). Professor John Wilson (93in. by 58in.). PICTURES ON LOAN. Professor Thos. Reid (294in. by 25in.). DUBLIN, THE NATIONAL GALLERY OF IRELAND. David, Eleventh Earl of Buchan (30in. by 25in.). A Soldier (49in. by 39in.). DUNDEE, THE ALBERT INSTITUTE AND VICTORIA GALLERIES. Mrs. Moir of Leckie, Stirlingshire (33in. by 26in.). 158 Appendix II GLasGow, THE ART GALLERIES. Alex. Campbell of Hallyards (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. Ann Campbell (30in. by 25in.). Colin Campbell of Park (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. Elizabeth Campbell (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. General Campbell (30in. by 25in.). John Campbell, Sen., of Morriston (30in. by 25in.). Mungo Campbell of Hundleshope (30in. by 25in.). Robert N. Campbell of Kailzie (30in. by 25in.). Mr. and Mrs. Robert N. Campbell, of Kailzie (952zin. by 6o}in.). — Campbell (30in. by 25in.). Robert Cleghorn, M.D. (30in. by 25in.). Colonel Gordon of Aitkenhead (30in. by 25in.). William Jamieson, Jun. (30in. by 25in.). George McIntosh (30in. by 25in.). William Mills (30in. by 25in.). William Urquhart (30in. by 25in.). Mrs. William Urquhart (30in. by 25in.). A Gentleman (not identified) (30in. by 25in.). LrEEps, THE City ART GALLERY. Charles James Fox (50in. by 41in.). LIVERPOOL, THE WALKER ART GALLERY. ON LOAN. Adam Rolland of Gask (73in. by 594in.). MANCHESTER, THE CiTy ART GALLERY. Alexander, Fourth Duke of Gordon (30in. by 25in.). Alexander Campbell (294in. by 244#in.). Mrs. Shafto Clarke and Daughter (49}in. by 394in.). NotTTINGHAM, CiTy MusEUM AND ART GALLERY. A Lady (not identified) (384in. by 254in.). PortT SUNLIGHT, LADY LEVER ART GALLERY. Mrs. Peat and two Daughters (49}4in. by 314 in.). ‘iii