νο ο BROOKLYN PUBLIC LIBRARY 100M 1-31 E ΤΗΕ METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF Aika EGY PT EANGEX PE DIMTON Tine MONASTERY OF λος pol THEBES PART | THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL BY fo Ee WINEOCK THE LITERARY MATERIAL BY W. E. CRUM NEW YORK MCMXXVI 2693839 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN THE PUBLICATION OF THESE TWO VOLUMES HAS BEEN MADE POSSIBLE BY A GIFT FROM EDWARD S. HARKNESS AND AN APPROPRIA- TION OUT OF THE FRANCIS L. LELAND FUND PREFACE HE present work is appearing after a delay of more than ten years from the completion of the excavations which it describes, but the authors feel that their explanation of this circumstance will be readily accepted by the reader. The preliminary study of the material from the second season, that of 1914, had scarcely been started when the War broke out and all of those who were to have been engaged in the preparation of the book soon found themselves drawn into activities of a very different nature. Thus passed more than four years, and at their conclusion it was found no simple matter to restart the interrupted undertaking, and almost impossible to surmount the difficulties which then beset any large undertaking in printing and publishing. Particularly was this a handicap to the preparation of the texts, translations and commentaries on the documents which constitute Part II of this book, holding up the completion of Part I, which of necessity is largely founded upon it. Furthermore, the three original collabo- rators in the undertaking—Winlock, Crum and Evelyn-White—were widely separated by diverse activities, in Egypt, in America and in England, and even when the work was resumed exchanges of view between them by post were naturally slow and cumbersome. To this cause the reader must lay repetitions and possibly even apparent inconsistencies between their various contributions, and—more to be deplored—the lack in Part | of any comments upon the Greek elements from the pen of Evelyn-White, whose untimely end has thrown upon Crum the task of attempting some estimate of this phase of the subject. On the other hand, while such have been the drawbacks inherent in the delay, this very delay has had its compensations. Thus it has made possible the correction or amplification in Part I of various statements made in Part IJ ; and furthermore, since important material has been unearthed, even during the very last stages of the preparation of this book, such material has been incorporated into it whenever feasible. In fact, thanks to the delibera- tion possible in collecting data, it has seemed advisable to extend the work to cover a much wider field than simply the little, restricted community of Epiphanius. vii μα PREFACE In regard to the scope of the book the reader’s attention should be called to two points. Firstly, the settlement at the tomb of Daga was evidently one of hermits rather than a regularly organized monastery and hence the book throughout aims at describing the conditions of the bermit’s life, as distinct from that of the monk. It is true that a good deal on this subject had already been said in 1902 in the Introduction to Crum’s Coptic Ostraca, but what has been gathered in the interval from new material, both published and still unpublished, has allowed of the information given then being considerably amplified. Secondly, the reader may take it that, if nothing to the contrary is said, the literary documents here cited are of “‘Theban” origin; restriction to this material has been, so far as practicable, among the objects kept in view. We may add that, as in Part II, figures printed in heavy type refer to the Coptic texts there published; further, that the abbreviations listed in that volume are those employed also here and that the Appendices here incidentally mentioned are those in Part II. The plans of the buildings in Chapters 1-111 were made by L. F. Hall, the drawings of objects by Winlock. Throughout the long period of preparation the authors have contracted many indebted- nesses to those who have generously given their advice and assistance on one aspect or another of the material described. It is hoped that due credit has been given to them in the appropriate notes, but especial thanks are due to H. I. Bell for transcripts and opinions on certain of the Greek papyri, and to Prof. F. W. Kelsey, who generously arranged with the University of Michigan that Crum should be allowed to give references to many Theban papyri recently acquired by that institution. Circumstances have forced upon Crum the greater part of the labor of guiding the book through the press and in this task, especially upon the Coptic texts and the Indices, an assistance which can hardly be estimated has been given by M. H. Davis, in Part I as in Part II. We would also express our thanks to the Cambridge University Press for the care and accuracy with which a long and troublesome piece of printing has been carried through. η 18, We We Jd Go June, 1925. vill CONTENTS PREFACE αν Ες e πως ὁ eee ne el eRe eee fy kh αν ae TABLE OF CONTENTS ee ees en Oe eee ee aT Oe ode) ae NR ge abe List oF ILLUSTRATIONS ο ο ο ΙΟ ο ee eet enti Fan ερ es αν ARCHAEOLOGICAL MATERIAL (H. E. WINLOCK) INTRODUCTIONS ον sce ο ο πο ο το ο ο ο α ή Excavations of the Season of 1912—of the Season of 1914. Limitations to the field records of the documents—alphabetical list of their finding-places. Diffi- culties of a chronological classification—possible stages in the career of Epiphanius—a tentative classification. CyarTer I. THE ΤΟΡΟΟΚΑΡΗΥ OF WESTERN THEBES IN THE 6TH AND 7TH CENTURIES A.D. FROM THE EXISTING CHRISTIAN RUINS. . ... .. . 3 Map of Western Thebes in the 6th and 7th centuries. The town of Jéme—its ruins at Medinet Habu—its church and its houses—its cemetery. Deir el Mohareb. The mountain of Jéme. Anchorites of the S.W. hills. Anchorite’s cell. Deir er ROmi. “Valley Path” to the northern monasteries. Deir el Medineh —the monastery and its cemetery—a list of the monks—names of monks and visitors—its church dedicated to St. Isidorus—instructions to its tailors—its lost archives. Further hermitages on the “Valley Path.” Deir el Bahri—the monastic buildings—the cemetery—its dedication to St. Phoebammon. Path in the Plain—Deir Kurnet Murra‘i—the Ramesseum. Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh— ostraca mentioning Cyriacus—other sites on Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh—the Monastery of Cyriacus—the Monastery of Epiphanius. Anchorites in the 1X =) CONTENTS Valley of the Kings. Anchorites above the ‘Asdsif—ostraca of Pleine the Less —anchorites of Dra‘ Abt'’] Naga. Deir el Bakhit. Kurneh Temple. Settlement in the quarries—on the Farshit road—* Pillar Dwelling”—“Watch Tower.” More distant monasteries towards Nakadeh and Ermont. The typical Theban anchorite’s dwelling. CHAPTER I. iS} CHAPTER Il. ΤΗΕ Monastery oF EpIPHANIUS, AS SHOWN BY THE EXCAVATIONS The Site in Ancient and Modern Times. Descriptions of the site from 1820 to 1845—in 1883—from 1883 to 1911. Description of the site in a will of the 7th century a.p.—boundaries of the site as given in the will. The site before the building of the monastery. The Main Monastery Buildings. The earliest habitation. Rooms 1-4, 8-9. The Vestibule. Epiphanius’s room, no. 5. The building of the First Tower—the plan—the stairway—the flues in the wall—the height of the Tower. The Second Tower. The First Boundary Wall and its pavement. The West Court. West Rubbish Heaps. Rubbish Heaps S.E. of Second Tower. The East Buildings. The Second Boundary Wall. East Rubbish Heaps. Recapitulation of the growth of the buildings. . The Outlying Cells of the Monastery. The community of the Monastery and its cells. The Lower East Buildings. Cell A—Vestibule with bench and stelae—the outer structures—the underground granary—a scribe’s work- shop. Cell B and its Vestibule with benches and stela—the interior of the tomb—the Cell of Apa Psan ? Cell C. Characteristics of the Epiphanius Cells. . The Cemetery. The burial-place of the monks—the bodies of the monks. The Canopy Tomb—the common monument of all the monks—the graves —grave ? no. 1. Preparation of the bodies for burial—the burial sheets— “pairs of grave cloths’—the binding tapes—the leather girdles and aprons. Placing the bodies in the graves. III]. TrapDEs AND OccuPATIONS AT THE MONASTERY, AS SHOWN BY ΤΗΕ EXCAVATIONS . Building and Carpentry. The masonry of the Monastery. Native grain-bins of mud, séma‘—in the Monastery—a mud bird-house. Bread-baking ovens. Carpenter’s tools—the bow-drill—lathe-turned woodwork—baluster lattice work—flat lattice work—for furniture and possibly for windows. A cross- shaped window-light. Construction of doors—locks and keys—foreign origin of lock—cupboard doors—their fastenings. x PAGE 25 6. CONTENTS » Agriculture and Agricultural Implements. Grains, fruits and other botanical specimens found—others from the documents. The threshing-machine, nérag—beam from the Monastery—its foreign origin. Winnowing scoops. Sieves. The water-wheel, s@kiyeb—the water-wheel pot, kd4di#is—foreign origin of the water-wheel. The shd4daf. Primitive “pulleys” from pack- saddles. Work baskets. Miscellaneous agricultural tools in the documents. . Textiles, Weaving and Mat Making—the commonest occupations of the Egyptian anchorites. Spinning and spindles—spinning in the documents. Positions of looms in the Monastery—loom pits—foreign improvements to the loom—accessories—linen cloth made at the Monastery—woven fabrics —a linen cloak—shroud tapes. Net making. Ropes and rope making. Materials and tools for mat and basket making—sleeping-mats—a dynastic type of mat weaving—the simplest Coptic type—selvage knots. Basket weaving. Brooms and brushes. Shoemaking and Leather Work. Leather work at the Monastery. Sandals. Leather aprons—repairs—pockets. Belts or girdles. Book binding. Pottery Vessels. Ribbed amphorae—shapes and types—made for wine- jars—resin coating—stoppers and vents—stamps on the stoppers—devices —written labels. Large amphorae—use. The amphora type in dynastic Egypt—in the Roman Empire—in Arab Egypt. Water bucket related to the kad#s. The term ‘‘Samian” ware—‘“‘Samian” and terra sigillata wares in the Roman Empire—late Egypto-Roman “Samian’’—at the Monastery—cups—dishes—bowls. Pottery lamps. Painted dishes. Bowls influenced by “‘Samian”’ ware. Cooking pots. Water bottles, kullehs. Tubs. Cauldron. Decorated pottery. Terracotta pipes. Pot stands. Miscellaneous articles: dippers, lids, funnel. Coptic names of pottery types. Miscellaneous Objects. Reed pens and writing materials—trial designs. Glass. Spoons. Bronze incense burner. Graduated palm stick. Technical and Material Innovations in Egyptian Life during Roman Times. Innovations of Roman times—create modern life. The three periods of material innovation—Hyksos, Roman and English. xl PAGE CONTENTS LITERARY MATERIAL (W. E. CRUM) CuapTer IV. History AND CHRONOLOGY Dating only approximate. Historical figures—Damianus—Pesenthius—Abraham. The Persian Invasion. Thebes little affected by external events. Justinian. Phocas and Heraclius. The Persian Invasion—the Persians and Pesenthius— the Persians in Upper Egypt. “Hard times” and persecutions. Allusions in ? dateable letters. “Barbarians.” Poverty of palaeographical arguments. CHAPTER V. TOPOGRAPHY AS RECORDED IN THE TEXTS Geographical limits. Many names, but few can be located. Administrative divisions. The nomes involved—Ermont—Ape. Ancient Thebes—the Castra— Μεάαπιθά---ἴπε name Diospolis—Western Thebes—Jéme—Tsenti—other “hills.” Monasteries situated on them. Τόπος and µοναστήριον. Monasteries enumerated. Saint Phoebammon, his identity—etymology of the name. Other monasteries—monasteries not bearing names of persons. Churches. Monasteries or churches known only by situation. Various topographical notes. CuHapTEeR VI]. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE 4 Various types of monastic life at Thebes—the present settlement of the informal 4 type—probable course of its evolution—its components and boundaries—how : designated—words for ‘“‘monastery,” “‘congregation””—the “Holy Hill” —caves { and cells—other terms. Churches. The occupants of the buildings. ᾿Ελάχιστος, ks use of the term. “ Monk’?—“‘anchorite’”—“‘ascete.”’ Absence of certain monastic officials—what officials are named—“‘head””—“‘great man.”’ Presence of women. Children (spiritual?). Nuns. Clergy. Bishops. An episcopal catalogue. An addition to the Synaxarium. Rules and canons. Solitaries and couples. Dis- ciples—teacher and disciples. Preliminary training. Oblates and neophytes. The habit—a consecration prayer—neither tonsure nor change of name men- KS ον ην tioned. Foreigners among the hermits and monks—Syrians—a Syriac ostracon— Persians—Nubians—Greeks—Classical names—Germanic—other foreigners— no Jews discernible. The hermits’ food—the ascetic diet—green vegetables— bread—cereals and other plants—fruit—oil—butter, milk &c.—eggs—honey— salt—fish—pickles—meat not mentioned—water—wine. The hermits’ clothing— ee ο rid rags—skins—technical terms : σχῆμα, λεβίτων. Doctrinal position of the hermits— “ών evidences of Monophysitism—Damianus—a doctrinal epistle—Christological problems ignored. Religious practices, ascetic ideals. Spiritual preoccupations. Xi ee ee ee 7 B= | PAGE 08 104 CONTENTS PAGE Work, meditation and prayer: I. Work—rope and basket making—weaving and tailoring of linen—flax cultivation—weaving tax—wool—goat’s and camel’s hair— tailoring—leather—pottery—carpentry—metal work—building, brick making— agriculture—vines and wine—baking. Physicians and sickness—healing through prayer—appeals to foreknowledge—“eulogies”—care of the sick. Transport and sale of work—transport by camel and ass. Teaching. Money-lending. II. Meditation—scripture learned by heart. III. Prayer—use of the words “pray” and “prayer”—informal prayer—intercession of saints—requests for prayer in epitaphs. Fasts. Vigils. Discipline, punishment—inhibition and exclusion—a letter of reproach and admonition—readmission to communion. Charity—“poor men”—charitable donations—intervention for prisoners. Rela- tions with civil authorities—the lashane. Taxation—fiscal officials named. Rarity of legal texts. Amount of correspondence—area over which the letters passed— letters exchanged within the community—anonymous letters—informal letters— the most informal type: mere messages—carriage and delivery of letters. Journeyings of the hermits—“northward” and “southward’””—‘“abroad””—the DY GG verbs “come in,” “go out.” Funeral rites and customs—the cemetery and others in the neighborhood—burial in churches—commemoration of the dead. Civneiisin WU, Writes INURE 5 np go 2 6 co eo ee ke ew ee ow Five in number—no leather or paper—papyrus—ydprns—whence it came— method of writing on it—folding—addressing—no seals—parchment—ostraca— sizes and uses—name for ostraca—limestone flakes—ostraca used for all sorts of texts—used for copies of papyri—for magical texts. Palaeography—fixed points—problems as to relative chronology—types of script here exemplified. Greek hands. Ostraca used for practice in writing. Women writers. Scribe’s fee. Books of papyrus: their writing, stitching and binding—payment for books. Libraries. Ciraventens WIN, JOGOS 6 o 5 0 0 4 6 ee 6 eo eo oe ke a 8 GG Sources of information—book-lists—remains of papyrus volumes. A long book catalogue. I. Biblical books. II. Liturgical works. III. Homiletic &c. IV. Canons. V. Biographical. VI. Martyrdoms. Unclassified biographical texts. VII. Miscel- laneous. Finding-places of the literary texts. General character of the literature. CHAPTER |X. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS . .. . . . . 5. 5 5 5. 209 Character and importance of their correspondence. I. Epiphanius—frequency of the name—how many of the name here? Evidence from finding-places of texts—those found below floors. Palaeographical help. Xili CONTENTS Epiphanius the anchorite—veneration for him—his prayers and mediation sought—his widespread reputation—posthumous fame—invocations—does he figure in the Diptychs?—or in the Synaxarium? (the story of Badasitis)—is he to be found in the Calendar?—his parentage and relatives—some contem- poraries—his places of abode—his position in the community—a recluse—he perhaps presided over the community—extent of his réros—his handicraft— period at which he lived—relations with bishop Pesenthius—his disciple Psan— letters by Psan—other companions. I]. Pesenthius of Keft—letters to him—his identity—relations with Epiphanius— the name Pesenthius—the bishop’s career—his friends—his memory in later times—his monastery—other saints of the name. CHAPTER X. THE LANGUAGE OF THE TEXTS The Coptic dialects, principal and secondary—Theban speech—its non-Sa‘idic elements—the home and extension of Achmimic—Character of the abnormal features in Theban—I. Phonetics: a. Vowels—b. Consonants—II. Morphology— III. Syntax—IV. Vocabulary—Summary—Greek: as an ecclesiastical language —Prayers—-Homilies—Epitaphs—Graffiti— Profane works—Greek in daily life —n legal documents—often not understood. List oF TEXTS IN ΡΑΚΤ I] AS CITED IN THE PRESENT VOLUME . INDEXES: ]. Names. JN, JSS» 6 2 2 6 » o « III. Coptic (omitting pp. 236 ff.) IV. Greek and Latin V. Arabic. VI. Subjects PLATES XIV SE EE Ee ee ee ο ὰὶ PAGE 232 257 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS EIGUIRESsIN ial Exel . Plan of the ruins of the Monastery of Cyriacus oe yc . The Vestibule and the rooms in front, showing the location of the inscriptions after Bouriant . . The First Tower . . The Second Tower . Ground plan of Cell A : . Underground Granary in Cell A . . Remains of an underground Granary below Cell C . Ground plan of Cell B . Plan of the Cemetery . The lacing of binding tapes : , . Details from mud grain-bins (A, ees of eee: B-H, hie Tene) . Mud bird-house used as a bin with a stone lid . . Construction of the Monastery Ovens . . Socket of a bow-drill, the knobbed drill-stock restored . Turned wood box . Balusters from furniture . Split balusters from wooden screens . Flat lattice-work screen restored . Wooden lock, with iron key restored . Construction of a cupboard door frame . Latch from a cupboard door . . Diagram of the drag beam with missing parts restored . . Types of the water-wheel pot, kddis, from the Monastery . 24. Wooden “pulley,” with ropes restored from a contemporary example . XV PAGE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE 25. Loom pits: A, portico of the Tomb of Daga; B, near Entrance C of the Boundary Wiallts@aViestibulerotyGelluAtes mae ο ο ο ο ου ο -υ ene he ese ο AS, Wieden ress, ρορεΙρΙ τοπ] . . . » 6 6 2 2 « 6 » eo 2 eo 6 0 FO 27. Diagram of shroud-tape weaving . .. . Pe ο ο I 28, Grass mat weaving: i, Dynastic type; ii, rae ee One ρε ο ο 73 29. Types of knots on the selvage εάρες οἱ mats .........+.+.+ +. «74 30. Pockets on the leather aprons from Graves 11 and 7. (Thongs slightly restored) 77 31. A-C, Leather belts from Graves 7, 8 and 9, and, D, suspender of the apron from Gravell. . . Re eer eal Ce aah ei errs μας πρ 32. Waisted, ribbed πω. ο ολλ δι ον πμ ae here gers. 70) 33. Stamps on the mud stoppers of ribbed amphorae. . ....... κ 80 2η leabelsiwrittentonirbbedeamphonac ------υ-υᾱ- - --- ου 5 Πρες οβ]ατρεαπιρποτας ο 6 6 5 o 6 0 o 6 oo ob -υ-.ιι AO, WANE OUR IRAN ο = ο ὁ og ὁ & ο ο boo ο 6 6 o ο 9 6 ᾱ By 27a Mees Gt αππιαπ προ παμε απα bons 2 9 « co 6 « 5 38. Lamps: above, bowl type; below, transition from classical to Arab type. . . 88 30 mR OLtenyadecora tonsa: πο πο ο να eee το mete iy ο ος ο 56 £O, SECO Oi Gonpemtinnentiesl GSN 2 5 6 o 6 5» «6 6 ἵ-- δ ANeualiy Deseo le DOwlopiniltenceds biases aun alimaS lic Cs ο ------οο 42. Cooking pots . . . . ο ee ee me ee me ο ος OO bby" 43. Necks of water ο Seven ο ο ο ο ον ee ο ο ee ον αν ο 7 Ai, SOCHOMS O! nS avis Ol ROWIEBY (HOSS 9 5 5 a 2 8 eo 5 6 oo ow OO H Go Inamelle, anal ρητά orn © WIS 5 6 6 6 6 5 oo 6 8 6 8 6 8 ao ow) Oh 4 Aon Decoratedh| το ο ο ο ee ae ο ο ea ae ee i ο ο ' 47. Necks of pots . . . : ον δι ease δν τα Saas.» bs αμ ορ | di AB, Pott sizes; Ca), 1GmAGoIA ES 5 5 o 5 6 6 6 6 » vo ο 4 | πο ΙΣΟ =D), jer Wels3 15, ME; ob 5 6 5 6 eo οι 3 | FO, οκειομεςοπιοριτασα amal im NOMS 5 ¢ 5 4 o 6 5 5 6 6 6 6 6 6 ο | ον Gils ρα ο ο WEAN σα 5 bo 6 ---ιιι'ιο κ 3 [ } Chapel, p. 42, p) 43) uel Cell B » Chap. Π, p. 44, nn. 2-4 Cell C » Chap. 1, p. 44, n. 5 Cell of Priest Elias? » Chap. 1, ps 240 Part li, δν E. Buildings » Chap. 11, p. 37, nn. 3-4, p. 38, n. 4 E. Buildings, near Room 20 », E. Rubbish Heaps E. Buildings, Tomb 3 » E. Rubbish Heaps E. Buildings, Tomb 4 » Lower E. Buildings Ε. Edge of Tomb » E. Rubbish Heaps E. of CellC οι E. of Daga » E. Rubbish Heaps E. of Tomb 1 », E. Rubbish Heaps E. Rubbish Heaps ΠΡ Ρ 8 π.5 First Tower*® » Chap. 11, p. 32, nn. 3-4 Interior Rubbish Hole », Rubbish Hole in 5 Lower E. Buildings » Chap. Π, p. 39, n. 3 N. of First Tower, under Floor ,», Below First Boundary Wall Pavement Original Monastery »» above, p. xxiii Original Monastery, E. Loom » Entrance C, Plate III Rooms 1-9 » Chap. Π, p. 30, n. 1 Room 10 » Tomb 2 Room 11 », Chap. Π, p. 38, n. 2 Rubbish Heap S.E. of Second Tower » Chap. 11, Ρ. 37, n. 2 Rubbish Hole » Rubbish Hole in 5 Rubbish Hole in 5 », Chap. Π, p. 31, n. 5 Second Tower? » Chap. i, p. 35, Π. 1 S. of Tomb 66 », Tombs 65, 66 Tomb 2 » Chap. Π, p. 38, n.1 Tombs 65, 66° », Chap. 1, p. 16, n.9 Tomb 95° » Chap. 1, pp. 15-16 Tomb E. of Cell B . σοι B 1 The whole paved enclosure of the Original Monastery, bear the accession numbers MMA. 14.0.00 and Cairo except the West Court. 46000. 2 An anchorite’s establishment in the desert toward 4 Cf. preceding note. Ermont. 5 So-called Monastery of Cyriacus, Site XVII on Sheikh 3 Ostraca, etc., found in the Tower in 1912 were above ‘Abd el Kurneh. the floors. Those found in 1914 were below the floors and 6 Site XIV on Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh. XXIV INTRODUCTION Unnumbered Tomb See Cell B West Court ” παρα, sp. 36, 1.2 West Face ,, Plate III, rock-face above W. Court West of First Tower », Below First Boundary Wall Pavement West Rubbish Heaps παρ. De 37, nel Had the conditions been other than those described above, it is to be presumed that Difficulties of a chronological in many cases indications of value for the chronological classification of the papyri and Abe ncerton ostraca could have been deduced from their finding-places. These data, however, not being entirely trustworthy, the classification becomes almost wholly dependent on such internal evidence as can be derived from the documents themselves. But here again we find our- selves on very insecure ground. Not one single document clearly refers to a definite event or change in the monastic organization, and only four are capable of arrangement among themselves as being before, during and after a known historical event—the Persian In- vasion.! Personal names in the correspondence are scarcely more useful since those most prominent here are often among the commonest names of the period. Finally an arrange- ment on palaeographical grounds is even less secure. The whole period covered by the docu- ments is presumably a short one and the usually unskilled hands in which they are written can scarcely be classified within it. There remains but one circumstance which may be significant for our purpose—but even _ Possible stages in the career that is one which may be variously interpreted. Nine ostraca mention an Epiphanius in ο ishitabeivs terms which make him clearly subordinate to a certain Moses? or to a group of three anchorites named John, Enoch and Victor* who are otherwise known as occupants of the site in a considerable number of letters. In Cell A, where Moses appears to have lived, an Epiphanius likewise figures as the writer of a number of letters.!. Here again the corre- spondence seems to show an Epiphanius who was a person of no outstanding importance or influence, usually addressed in terms of no great respect, and who was engaged in the minor activities of the community or in his own family affairs. There is every likelihood that these two groups of documents show us one and the same person. That this person was the influential anchorite Epiphanius may of course be doubted and we did, in fact, attempt to distinguish two individuals—an Epiphanius major, founder of the community, and an Epiphanius minor, a simple member of a later generation—but in doing so we discovered that we were led into a number of inconsistencies difficult to reconcile.® 1 200, 433 before; 324 during; 300 after the event. pendix III); and yet the same individuals correspond with 2 202, 208, 444, and CO. 252. both E. major and E. minor in: 433 (to E. major) and 120 3 124, 209, 229, 439 and CO. 379. and 336 (to E. minor) ; 186 (from E. major) and 485 (from 4 See p. 43, n. 3 and also BP. 4935, Hall pp. 102, 106. E. minor) ; 475 (to E. major), 463 (to E. major in Cell A) 5 A typical difficulty is that between such an E. major and 124 (to E. minor), 185 (to the contemporaries of and E. minor at least one complete generation of anchorites E. minor, John and Enoch). must have intervened (that of the Will, Part II, Ap- XXV A tentative classification ES ο ον INTRODUCTION The solution adopted tentatively for this book, therefore—with a full realization that it can not be definitely demonstrated, perhaps—is that the lesser Epiphanius was the better known Epiphanius during the first years of his sojourn on the site. From this working hypothesis may be derived a possible classification of the documents around three groups of names: I. John, Enoch, Victor, Moses and Epiphanius (at the outset of his career). II. Epiphanius (at the height of his career), Psan, Pesenthius. III. Jacob, Elias and Stephen, successors of Epiphanius in the Will. Of Jacob and Stephen there are but few traces in the letters. In them an Elias is often associated with an Isaac, and it may be presumed that the latter joined the community after the dis- appearance of Jacob and Stephen. ADDENDUM On p. 113 the monastery Deir el Kdlah is mentioned. The s. allows of the reading 42991, instead of 4gS!. This might point to the Monastery of the Cup (καῦκος), discussed on p. 112, and would thus affect several of our topographical assumptions. ΧΧΥΙ Wells, MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS AT THEBES 7 1 ’ CHAPTER | THE TOPOGRAPHY “OF WESTERN® THEBES IN THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES A.D. FROM THE EXISTING CHRISTIAN RUINS N the map on Plate I an attempt has been made to show the Christian establishments in Western Thebes of which the Monastery of Epiphanius was one, so far as they have left traces which the members of this Expedition have been able to find.1 The map makes no pretense at being a complete presentation of all the ruins which may have been known to Europeans, even during the last few years, for only too often have excavators searching for dynastic antiquities cleared away impatiently the overlying Coptic ruins without making the slightest mention of them, and the few meager notices published on the Christian antiquities of Thebes are so scanty that reference to them is all but valueless. The natives of medieval and modern Kurneh have undoubtedly reoccupied many of those dwellings of the monks which were built in easily accessible tombs, and finally the anchorites them- selves so often sought out distant and hidden retreats, and built such modest structures for their shelter that their inconsiderable ruins are discovered today with difficulty. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that contemporary Coptic documents make mention of many more monastic establishments than those we are familiar with,? or that excavators in the Necropolis should often meet with Coptic mummies bearing small bronze crosses entwined with necklaces of beads,* or occasionally with funerary stelae from the more pretentious graves of the little cemeteries which must have dotted the hills.* That the community was much more populous than the map would lead one to believe, is evident therefore, and the reader must regard it as showing but a fraction of the sites occupied in the days of Epiphanius. 1 Most of the sites shown have been identified as having been occupied in the 6th and 7th centuries by surface finds of pottery; some few by the handwritings of the graffiti in them and, in the case of Deir el Medineh, by the nature and contents of the graves. 2 See Chapter v on Topography by Crum. 3 In the middle of the last century they seem to have been common. See Rhind Thebes p. 50. In the private collection of the late Mr. Hood, who dug for several years in Thebes in the fifties, there are many crosses. Athanasi Researches and Discoveries (1836) p. 102, describes a coffin “from a Christian Church at Thebes” containing a body wearing “a small belt ornamented with several red crosses.” 4 Mr. Mackay found a stela (MMA. 14.1.459) built into a native’s house near Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh in 1913. See also Lefebvre Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes no. 381. Map of Western Thebes in the 6th and 7th centuries (Plate I) = j ; The town of Jéme Its ruins at Medinet Habu Its church and its houses THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS The center of the Christian community of Western Thebes was the town of Jéme. In dynastic times the southern part of the Necropolis was called the District of Jamut or Jamat,! a name which may have comprised the whole neighborhood from Deir el Medineh to Medinet Habu, but which especially belonged to Medinet Habu, where temples were built from the XVIII Dynasty down to the end of paganism. Roman documents in demotic frequently mention Jamu or Jama, or in Graeco-Coptic macuarc, naxease OF maKemer, as identical with the ‘“‘Memnonium” or the “Southern Memnonium”—the district of the temples and monuments of Western Thebes.? In Coptic the name became suae (Bohairic @ums),—Jéme—the “Castrum of Jéme’’ becoming the whole of Western Thebes, and the “Mountain of Jéme,” or the “Holy Hill of Jéme,” probably all those parts of the Theban desert hills in which the anchorites of Jéme lived.? In the same way when Western Thebes was known as the Memnonia, the ‘‘Holy Hill of the Memnonia’’ was the whole desert mountain of the neighborhood.! The town proper, however, remained in that part of the district to which the name Jamat originally applied—Medinet Habu. Here, in all likelihood, a village existed from the XVIII Dynasty to Roman times, and with the rise of Christianity it invaded the temple precincts and finally even the temples themselves. At least it is the only spot where there could ever have been a considerable Byzantine town on the western side of the Nile for many miles. Modern Kurneh and Ba‘arat are villages of scattered hamlets among the tombs and on the mounds of the Birket Habu, marking the site of no compact ancient town, nor are there any mounds in the cultivation or on the desert which could be accepted as an alternative position for the ancient Jéme, other than those of Medinet Habu. On the overthrow of paganism, and before the temples of Medinet Habu had been buried to any considerable depth in the rubbish of the Christian town, a church® was built within 1 Written with many variations, as, for instance, Coptic Η.) Cf. also the paragraph on Ape (ane), p. 106, IWS oD EN tS &® Se below. 2 “Memnonia” from oe aca mennu— 555 Aww a a0 ce Ey a NOSE η pw’ |e: Lin @> funerary or religious foundations (Maspero Enquéte κ ξ Kn Ye Ser BrnescumG@zoeranitcie judiciaire p. 60 note 7). Hence probably the Greek ΝΑ Te ο : “Colossi of Memnon” as the name of the colossi of Inschriften pp. 185-6, and Dictionnaire Géographique Amenhotep III to this day. ΡΡ. 988-991; Goodwin AZ. 1869, pp. 73-75; Stern AZ. 3 In their will, Jacob and Elias, dwelling in the 1884, p. 55; Daressy Ann. du S. iv Ρ. 179 and ix p. 68, Monastery of Epiphanius, which was located on Sheikh and the demotic forms given by G. Moller Todtenpap. ‘Abd el Kurneh Hill, nearly two kilometers away from Rhind p. 763 no. 546. Goodwin first identified Démut Medinet Habu, are said to be of the Castrum of Jéme and with assme, in which he was followed by Brugsch, by to live upon its Holy Hill. See Part II p. 347. Stern, by Maspero Struggle of the Nations p. 507 note 3, 4 In the will of Abraham, Bishop of Hermonthis and and by Amélineau Géogr. de ’Epoque Copte p. 151. Stern had noted an early 19th century Arab name Shama or Tama for the region behind the colossi, recorded by Minutoli, and Amélineau (Joc. cit. p. 421) gives the Arabic form, as often in the Synaxarium, aol, which he suspects is sH.me. (Crum notes that the pronunciation should be Shéma— not Shama—the alif in such positions often representing head of the Monastery of St. Phoebammon at Deir el Bahri (7th century a.p.), the monastery is described as “situated below the Holy Hill of the Memnonia.” See BM. Gk. i pp. 231 ff. πο. Lxxvu. 5 Called a “cathedral church of St. Athanasius” by Sharpe Hist. of Egypt ii p. 311 Fig. 125 (an echo of Athanasi’s and Catherwood’s errors, noted below, p. 25 9). THE TOPOGRAPHY ΟΕ WESTERN THEBES the second court of the Temple of Rameses III, an ancient pillar being removed on the north-east side to make room for the sanctuary; large monolithic granite columns being erected to support the roof of the nave and chambers behind being appropriated to the uses of the priests, as Wilkinson judged from the circumstance of his finding in one a gilded cross.1 On the columns of the church many Christians scribbled their names—Victor, Germanus, &c.—and others wrote such short prayers as ‘“‘Everyone who enters into this place pray for me, Abraham, the servant of Jesus Christ. Amen,” or “Jesus Christ, Emmanuel, the Angel of this Holy Place and the Lord God of Might, help Joseph thy servant.’’? Round about the church houses two and three stories high grew up on the ruins of the buildings within the ancient temple enclosure walls, and at last, with the accumulation of rubbish deep enough almost to hide these walls, the houses were built right over them as well. The compactly clustered dwellings of the Christian period covered an area something more than 300 by 400 meters in extent, with the inevitable rubbish mounds of an Egyptian village stretching beyond all around. In those days when Egypt’s population was at its lowest ebb in numbers, Jéme must have ranked as a considerable provincial town. Westward from the ruins of the town, on the first low terrace of the desert plain between two of the dry water-courses that lead down from the hills, was the cemetery of Jéme.? Nearly every grave must be plundered out by now, for the surface of the ground is littered with broken red brick and pottery of the Coptic period, with here and there a bit of mud- brick wall showing around a few of the more recently opened tombs. Some of these latter are oblong graves cut in the rock to a depth of a meter; others are pits about two meters deep with small side-chambers below, and all seem to be oriented north and south. In the desert plain a kilometer west of the ruins of Jéme and beyond the cemetery is the little Deir el Mohareb,* the Church of Theodorus the General,® that has served the still existing Coptic community of Kurneh and Ba‘arat since medieval times and possibly occupies the site of one of the still earlier establishments of Jéme. Beyond rose the terraces and peaks of the Theban Mountain, riven with dismal, silent canyons that are haunted by jackals and foxes alone, and riddled along its eastern faces and even in its distant recesses with cave-like tombs inhabited only by generations of pagan mummies, who would lie quiet within their coffins at a word of absolution if so nos. 26-29, perhaps in part identical with those published in Lefebvre Insc. grecques chrét. nos. 368-376. 1 Photographs taken some years ago showing the church and Coptic houses are in Mariette Voyage dans la Haute Egypte ii. Mention is made of the church in: Wilkinson Modern Egypt and Thebes ii p. 167; Lepsius Letters from Egypt ΧΧΝΠΙ, and Somers Clarke Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley p. 189. Wilkinson (ibid. pp. 167 and 269) says the town was abandoned at the time of the Arab invasion by its inhabitants, who fled to Esne. This seems improbable in the light of the 8th-9th century documents from Jéme. 2 Stern AZ. 1885, p. 97. Other, ill-copied, Coptic graffiti are given in the Descrip. de l’Egypte v Pl. 55 3 Wilkinson recognized the nature of this site and marked it on his Map of Thebes as “extensive burial ground, pro- bably of the Christians of Medinet Habu.” 4 “Deir Shehid Tadrus el Mohareb,” in Somers Clarke Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley p. 116, and Lepsius Letters from Egypt ΧΧΝΠΙ. See below, Chapter v p. 117. 5 In the list of churches in El Luluwah el Babiyab p. 352, this is called “Theodore the Eastern,” properly a different martyr. (W. E. C.) Its cemetery Deir el Mohareb The mountain of Jéme ls 1 Anchorites of the S.W. hills Anchorite’s cell 4 ; THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS sainted a man as Pesenthius came to dwell among them. No town of early Christian Egypt could provide more retreats for the religious solitary. Here especially “whosoever desired to reap (spiritual) benefit’? would seek out an habitation of this kind, and for this, like Saint Anthony when he first betook himself to the mountain, he need go “‘only a short way from his own village.’’? In 1916, following the remarkable finds which the Arabs made in the southern valleys and canyons of the Theban hills, Mr. Howard Carter made a painstaking examination and survey of all the shut-in nooks and crannies of that side of the mountain.’ In the most remote corners were to be seen traces of the early Christian anchorites—their rude graffiti on the rocks or the remains of their cells, occasionally in an ancient tomb or usually, in this part of the mountain, under an overhanging cliff. Some of these dwellings were three or four kilometers from the nearest water‘ and all were in utter desert and solitude. Of points somewhat nearer the ancient town, but still in absolute desert, members of this Museum’s Expedition have examined the following: I. Passing Deir el Mohdreb and skirting north-west around the foothills of the mountain, an ancient path, now called ‘‘the path of Zeide’s window” after a curious hole in the cliff, will be found ascending to the Peak.’ After a hard climb of several minutes, where one branch of the path turns to follow the base of the cliff along the top of the talus slope above a little wadi, there are the traces of an anchorite’s cell now almost completely destroyed by the occasional rains, and plundered by natives since 1912. It was a modest shelter built of boulders and perhaps crude brick, cemented with desert clay and Nile mud mixed with straw. Scattered on the surface are quantities of broken, ribbed amphorae and plates of ‘‘Samian” ware, straw and bits of wood. On a rock nearby are scrawled three birds in red ink. The spot is almost three kilometers’ walk from either Jéme or the nearest water, away from all the haunts of men, and rarely visited except by jackals, foxes and hawks, and yet commanding a magnificent view of the whole plain and valley for miles to the south and east. ΓΑ. About a hundred and fifty meters east, and still high up in the foothills, there is a spot which seems to have been an object of frequent visit in the 6th or 7th century and possibly later. On the limestone cliff there are a number of graffiti scratched in the rock and now weathered deeply, and one now obliterated graffito in red ink. On the ground lie a few bits of broken Coptic amphorae. Several visitors have simply written 1 Amélineau Christianisme en Egypte au me Sidcle p. 143; Budge Apoc. pp. 326 ff. 2 Athanasius Vita Antonii (PG. xxvi 844 B). 3 JEA. 1917, pp. 107 ff., Pl. XIX. Most of Carter’s sites are beyond the upper border of the map on Plate I in this volume (drawn in 1914) but can be seen on his map at the numbers 6-8, 29, 50, 74, 80, 90-94, 120 and 130. 4 This distance is by no means remarkable. A cell first noticed by us in 1924 in the W. Valley, Tombs of the Kings, is 6 km. from water; retreats in Khargeh Oasis are easily as far as this from the wells; the literature collected by Evelyn- White on the Wadi en Natrfin is replete with tales of her- mits who retired much farther into the desert wastes, and Lythgoe once visited a site six or seven hours’ hard walking into the desert due west of Nakadeh. 5 Sites I and IA are marked 2 and 3 by Carter Joc. cit, p. 112, Pl. XIX. For “Es Sikkat et Taka ez Zeide,” ibid. p. 108. ΤΗΕ TOPOGRAPHY ΟΕ WESTERN THEBES their names: Joseph (1), Papnoute (2), Panoute (3) and Enoch (4); Abraham wrote his name in the commonest Byzantine cryptogram (5), and two others wrote short prayers, “Tam John. I did a turn (of work) in this place. For the Lord Jesus Christ’s sake have mercy on me” (6), and “I am Pshoi. I did a turn in this place, (my) mind being at rest in the Lord” (7); others wrote the names of Saints (9-10): (1) swore (2) nannovte (3) +nanorte (4) επωος and επωοςκ. in same hand (5) SHPOrReg (7) amon nujo¥ arp ova (10) ana swoann[e? ahpagam Awt! una epenont ama gcepemo[it θηρολος MOTIT Φλιπκοεις ana πετρε aNa NAMOTIt (6) anon τω (8) εἲς πεχς AMa δλίώπε φοππης δλὸ COIa ος ' arp οσλωτ (9) ama ammon? MMAPTEpwe MIIMA eThe (below, an orans) πτεητο. Ίκοεῖις τς Xe Ma mar I]. Farther east, in a valley which debouches on the plain north of Deir el Mohareb, there are a few tombs of the late Empire,‘ about the mouth of one of which are the vestiges of a small stone and mud hovel with fragments of pottery littering the surface round about—ribbed amphorae, ‘‘Samian”’ plates and bowls, water-wheel pots, and a ribbed cooking pot. The spot is low down near the bottom of the wAdi, invisible from scarcely a hundred yards in each direction, with only a restricted view through a narrow gap towards the distant desert plain. III. A kilometer back of the town, up on the spur of the hill which divides the Valley of the Queens into two branches, there are the ruins of a little monastery very like that of Epiphanius in size and general appearance, known to the Arabs of a century ago as simply Deir er Rimi.’ This elevation had the advantages of an unimpeded view down the valley to Jéme and the plain, and of a large, open, rock-cut tomb which served as a nucleus for the monastery. Across the mouth of the tomb there was a chapel with a round apse flanked with sandstone columns at the east end. The nave appears to have been domed. Irregular 1 aAwT is not in the dictionaries. It occurs in Miss. of other saints, not necessarily martyrs or mutually related. iv 283, apparently as a “turn, shift” of service; in 4 Kingd. A martyr couple, Sophia and Ammon, are commemorated xii 9 (a gloss or a misplaced interpolation) it may have a without details, on the 4th Babah. Chaeremon is a rare similar meaning; in Budge Misc. 207 = MS. Morgan xv 50 name in the South (Cairo 8240), and this saint was probably (nerha summadwt; for Kha ο. CSCO. 42, 83, Ryl. 68 cz, not a Theban. A monastery of Apa C., presumably in Rossi ii 111 34) it clearly means a “period” or “turn” of Middle Egypt (Ryl. 165), may recall him, but the name forced labor ; sotoo in Tur. Mater. no. 6 (receipt for ἀνδρισμός might equally be that of its founder. A Chaeremon seems tax), Krall cxlv (contract as to service) and BM. 589. Per- to have been venerated at the White Monastery (Miss. iv haps a similar meaning in Budge Mart. 180. But in RE.3 46ο, if so to be read). The calendar in Nilles Kal. Man.? ii and ST. 378 aAwt seems to be a certain quantity (cf. 708 has a martyr C., Bishop of Nilopolis, found in no other “brace, pair’’) of beasts seized, or birds caught. (W. E.C.) list. The Nitrian hermit C. (PG. 65, 436) seems unlikely 2 Recalls Ammonius, whose cave is referred to in the here. On saints named Pamoun v. WS. 66n. (W.E.C.) will (Part I] Appendix III). Cf. also p. 19 Site XVIII. 4 Mentioned by Daressy Aun. du S. ii p. 136. (W. Ε.Ο.) 5 Bonomi, quoted by Newberry Ann. du 5. vii p. 82 3 These six names may be those of the “‘Martyrs of no. 45. Teshta” (an unknown place), as the last lines suggest ; or NI Deir er Romi. Site III “Valley Path” to the northern monasteries Deir el Medineh. Site IV The monastery and its cemetery A list of the monks THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS mud-brick buildings with pillars and arches of stone plundered from nearby temples,? and floors of burnt brick tile, opened from the south door of the chapel. The fragments of pottery scattered over the site show it to have been roughly contemporary with the Monastery of Epiphantus.? From Jéme there were two approaches to the anchorites’ dwellings to the north in the central hills of the Theban Mountain. One was by any of the numerous paths along the edge of the plain; the other by a path that still leaves Medinet Habu in a northerly direc- tion, enters the valley behind Kurnet Murra‘ Hill, passes Deir el Medineh and makes north- easterly through the valleys that separate Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh Hill from the mountain, coming out at Deir el Bahri. Nature has made a path here with but few hard climbs, and men must have used it uninterruptedly during the life of the dynastic village at Deir el Medineh and, in Coptic times, during the occupation of the half a dozen little hermitages that were scattered along its way. IV. The first establishment of which traces are to be seen today in journeying north- wards on this path, is in the little Ptolemaic Temple now called Deir el Medineh. Its modern Arab name, the “Monastery of the Town,” seems to have been given it because in it was established the nearest considerable monastery to Jéme. The brick enclosure walls of the temple, still standing eight or more meters high, were exactly what the monks wanted. They had only to lower the lofty entrance gateway with a brick arch to make it more easily secured, and few alterations were needed within to change the temple and the buildings of the pagan priests to the needs of a Christian monastery. Along the north wall of the temple a little cemetery, of which eleven graves have been found, became the last resting-place of the monks. Their bodies were prepared for burial so much like those in the Monastery of Epiphanius that there can be no doubt that the two communities were nearly contemporary.‘ In one or two cases the names seem to have been written above the heads of the graves on the temple wall, and on the fagade of the temple were written numerous short memorials on the deaths of others of the inmates.® From these sources we can draw up a list of monks who must have belonged to the place in which they were buried: Apa Theophilus, the Priest; Apa Paul, the Priest; Apa Stephanus, the Archpriest ; Apa Stephanus (other than the last) ; Apa Pléin, the “Steward of this réaos”’ ; Apa Pléin (other than the last); Apa Matthaius; Apa Peter, the Anchorite; Apa Daniel; Apa Isaac; Apa Enoch; Apa Pebé; and Pjoui. 1 M. Baraize found blocks belonging to the Temple of Deir el Bahri here and carried them back to their original source. Some of the remaining blocks seem to belong to Deir el Medineh. 2 It is an important site, excavated by Schiaparelli, whose publication of it has recently appeared. 3 The name Deir el Loli it! yd (Coptic edoore, “the vine” ?) recorded by Bonomi in 1830 (Newberry loc. cit. no. 41) is not heard today, and is less easily explained. 4 On the excavation of the temple see Baraize Ann. du S. xiii pp. 19 ff., with a plan and photographs of the monks’ graves. : 5 For the Coptic graffiti see L. D. vi Pl. 102, 6-27, and ΡΙ. 103, 28-36; L. D. Text iii p. 117; Lefebvre Inscrip. grecques chrét. nos. 377-8 and Baraize loc. cit. xiii p. 24. ΤΗΕ TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES Also there are names written on the walls, some probably of mere visitors, while others were probably of those whose deaths were eventually recorded above: Paul, the Priest, the son of Apa Theophilus, the Priest of the Holy Church of Apa Isidorus the Martyr! (twice—once in Greek and once in Coptic): Stephanus, the Priest [of the Church] of the Holy Isidorus,? and, Stephanus without titles; Pléin (four times) ; Matthaius, the Monk; Abraham, the Reader [of the Church] of the Holy Isidorus the Martyr, and the name Abraham in two other places; Paul, the ‘believer’ (πιστός) 3; Paul, the Teacher‘; Mark, the “‘believer,” the son of Apa Peter, the Priest [of the Church] of the Holy Apa Mark®; Mark, Psyrus and his sons John and Philotheus; Solomon and Mena; Solomon and David. One short, mutilated graffito mentions the name Epiphanius,® and another commemorates a woman Tserouhese, a name not met with elsewhere. Between these two lists there seem to be several names in common, grouped in each case among the first six or seven. For example, the Theophilus and the Stephanus, both priests, of the first list, and their namesakes of the second list, both priests of the Church of Isidorus, were probably the same persons. If this be so, since it is likely that they would be buried in their own church, then the church in Deir el Medineh was dedicated to Saint Isidorus the Martyr. Abraham, the reader of the second list, would thus be another of the monks of the place, whose epitaph has not been found. Some of the monks at Deir el Medineh were employed at weaving’ or tailoring, and for their guidance there was written on the walls a set of directions to be followed in their work’: “The instructions (λόγος) for the cloaks*: 10 handbreadths in width, 21 in length. The large shirts (esdre™): 7 (? handbreadths) in width, 14 handbreadths and 2 fingers in length, and 1ο fingers its neck-opening (? xwty#). The small shirts: 6 handbreadths and 8 fingers in width, 13 handbreadths and 2 fingers in length and 9 fingers its neck-opening.” By an unfortunate accident, part at least of the archives of this Christian com- munity at Deir el Medineh was discovered in modern times, merely to be dispersed. 8 L. D. vi 102, 21. Comparable are CO. 473; Hall p. 121 (20023). The former is called, as here, a λόγος. (W. E.C.) 9 On the forms of the word λεβίτων v. WS. πο. 161 Π. (W. E.C.) 10 @aArc is usually a “sack”: v. WS. p.21 and πο. 189, 60. 212 n. But it is to be presumed that the instructions in this case are all for tailoring garments, since they begin with measurements for cloaks and the remaining dimen- sions call for pieces of cloth, smaller but absolutely similar in shape—the length being twice the width. Hence it may be assumed that in this case the ea Arc is a bag- or sack- like shirt such as was found in the Epiphanius Monastery and is described below, Chapter ΠΠ p. 71. 11 Κωτα Is a difficulty. It must be a noun formed by adding -q to κωτ(ε) “surround, go around.” If the eadrc 1 On this Antiochene martyr υ. Lemm Bruchst. Kopt. Mart. pp. xi, 60 ff. and Synaxarium, 19th Bashans. The Calendar of Abd’! Barakat (PO. x 271) appears to connect him with Minyah. He suffered under Diocletian. (W. Ε.Ο.) 2 Stephen, archpriest of the Church of Isidor, appears in Jéme no. 9, which can be dated to the middle of the 8th century. If this is the third in the list above, of persons buried at Deir el Medineh, it is interesting as showing that the funerary customs which are here identical with those at Epiphanius (early 7th century), remained unchanged for over 100 years. 3 On this designation see 125, 435, and Appendix III. WW. E.G.) 4 On cago = cag see 103 and PSBA. xxi 249. (W.E.C.) 5 See 84, wherearorosof St. Markismentioned. (W.E.C.) 6 L. D. vi 102, 17. 7 See below, p. 68 note 2, in the section on Textiles, for weavers’ and spinners’ tools found here; also pp. 155, 156. be a shirt, the only part which could have a measurement of 9 or 10 fingers (16.5-18 cm.) would be the slit for the neck opening—the collar which surrounds the neck. It appears to be a word not found elsewhere. Names of monks and visitors Its church dedicated to St. Isidorus Instructions to its tailors Its lost archives ’ = 3 , Further hermitages on the “Valley Path” THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Vassalli, writing in 1867, tells of a find of papyri made there by a fellab “many years” before.t According to the investigations which I made while I was inspecting those excavations, it appears that he had had the good fortune to find a box full of them. Later, little by little and one at a time, he sold them at a small price to travellers, sometimes cutting up the larger rolls, so that whoever bought them, on unrolling the papyrus when he arrived in Europe, found that part was missing from the beginning or the end, which perhaps had become the property of some Russian or American. Many of these papyri were later recovered by M. Mariette, so that we have in the Cairo Museum all varieties of them—in hieroglyphic, hieratic, demotic and also in Coptic writing. These latter are, for the greater part, deeds of gift of sons made in favor of monasteries and, according to their tenor, the person given became the slave and the actual property of the monastery. Others are testaments or deeds by which personal property was legally ceded to the monastery. Signor Kabis, the learned scholar of the Coptic language and formerly inspector of the excavations, is making a Latin version of them which, let us hope, will soon see the light, together with facsimiles of the originals. From Vassalli’s account it is possible partially—but only partially—to reconstruct a list of this lot of papyri. Three Jéme papyri, which were in his own possession, Kabis gave to the Propaganda,? while those mentioned by Vassalli as the property of the Cairo Museum are probably among the dedications of oblates to the Monastery of Saint Phoebammon, still in Cairo.* V. Just outside of the north corner of the temple enclosure wall there are the ruins of a tower of crude brick built over the entrance of a dynastic tomb and its chapel, with frag- ments of ribbed Coptic amphorae lying around on the surface. VI. After leaving Deir el Medineh, the path crosses the head of the broad valley between the hills of Kurnet Murra‘? and Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh and enters a region where the mountain is pierced here and there by the lofty corridors of great tombs of the ΧΙ Dynasty. Three hundred meters beyond the temple the path skirts around the bottom of a low spur in which there is one of these tombs with evidences of Coptic habitation in the mouth, and then turns northwards into the narrow pass between Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh and the mountain. VII. Just where the way narrows, a well-defined path ascends steeply on the left to the ruins of a little monastery built in the forecourt of a Middle Kingdom tomb. The site commands a magnificent view down the broad valley below, out over the Ramesseum and the cultivated fields to the eastern mountains. The buildings were of mud brick and rubble. Standing out in front there is a brick tower about five meters square in plan and formerly 1 I monumenti istorict egizi pp. 145-6. Maspero 3 Jéme p. 362. These documents were “to be deposited (Contes populaires, French ed. 1911, p. vi; English, p. x) in the library of the holy Monastery” (of Phoebammon) : refers to the same find: “‘In 1864 near Deir el Medineh and in the tomb of a Coptic monk, illicit explorations brought to light a wooden coffer, which besides the cartulary of a neighboring convent, contained” dynastic papyri in- cluding the Satne Tale. 2 Ciasca I Papiri Copti p. i; Jéme nos. 29, 30, 42 and p. iv. Cf. Hebbelynck in Miscellanea F. Ebrle v 83. ο. Jéme no. 96, 66. Their presence at Deir el Medineh raises interesting questions regarding this site and the famous monastery. However, two uncertainties make any conclusion difficult: 1st, were they actually found at Deir el Medineh? 2nd, was the lot of papyri really the remarkable mixture of dynastic and Coptic documents described by Vassalli and Maspero? THE TOPOGRAPHY ΟΕ WESTERN THEBES at least twice as high, with a barrel-vaulted room on the lower floor. Inside the tomb there are traces of defaced frescoes and of two or three practically obliterated painted inscriptions. The whole place gives one the impression of being a smaller replica of the Epiphanius Monastery. VIII. Another well-defined path leads along the shoulder of the hill for about fifty meters at the same level to a second Middle Kingdom tomb with the foundations of rubble walls at the entrance. When excavated in 1921 it yielded fragmentary pottery and other antiquities which showed that it was contemporary with the Monastery of Epiphanius and about the size of one of its outlying cells. About a hundred meters north-west of and nearly level with this cell, on a rock at the head of a little wadi, there is the crudely scratched graffito here facsimiled. The last four lines ο. νι D 7, te from the word ὅποκ have been erased, a Πε LAAN OH z . BN! ο ee ENO Pea as has a separate graffito above, ? Ta written by the same hand in two lines. ee ONO T The following text is from a photo- σα. νι graph by H. Burton and from a t nv PE] hand-copy : iE [VS Mas οππροι Wrraprac eToraach Hpeq|-Tamarwc w iE σα) AARE 2 1 aM πεωτ ΑΑΠΙΗΡε M|-nennay eTovaah TVG oe ον. MMtTensaerc | ετονοσῶ mapra TIMAPO-E MOC ye “4 tanetos | ὅ-τερο Πτοεϊπολῖο mmeitzaerc | Joe VP sary etovaah ovka πῖρπ|-πειδωπ ετεώται avw | ec 4 es = LA ETAMAOTE PTITEqMED | -WMOTILE ον υπ pf ND! npammne π[10-τλερλλλτοπον- τα WA [AZO (ey Lah οὓς | προλιπε ππΗσΗἌος οπος | Kame ΠπΠππαοσλος πρωλιπ ὤ η AAD ο ον ic NEP ASOT “In the name of the holy, uncreated! Trinity, the Father, and the Son and the Holy Ghost, and Our holy Lady Mary, the Virgin.? (In) the reign? and (?)4 the consulate of our most sacred lord Phocas, the eternal’ Augustus and emperor,® in his 8th year, the 12th year of the cycle.’ I (am) Kame, the son of Paul, -sHMe ΦΠππολος | 4 nepmant the man of Jéme, in the nome of Ermont.” 1 Anunusual locution. Cf. peytamro and nravtamrog iv 1565, 27. am (i.e. ob ποιηθείς) in the Creed (e.g. Rossi i 11 62). 7 Taking κύκλος as equivalent to “‘indiction,” this gives 2 The name of the Virgin in this formula seems very A.D. 609, which agrees with the regnal year here named. rare: Wessely xx no. 219, Sphinx x 2. Other Coptic instances of the word are: Stern Gram. p. 438, 3 Leg. ?tuntepo. Ann. viii 92, Mitth. Rain. i 18, Krall clxiv, Miss. viti 5 4 The Copt must have intended sm- either for m-, τῆς and 92 (the former of which gives the equation: 14th of ὑπ., or for mit-, καὶ ὑπ. R,=A.D. 431), Saqgara no. 307 (where both rk. and in- 5 Lit. “who is in the aidv.” arktrwm are used of the date); also in the interesting 6 Lit. “who heareth and ruleth,” the first being due to colophon, Paris 1321, 67, but with a different meaning. confusion of sound between αὔγουστος and some form of The term is used by John of Nikiu; cf. Brooks in Byz. ἀκούειν, perhaps ἀκουστός; the other being comparable Zeitschr. 1895, 439 and, disagreeing with him, A. J. Butler with memxscoove etamagte Jéme no. 93, 28, BM. Gk. Arab Cong. 534. Ter Deir el Bahri The monastic buildings THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS This text is interesting for various reasons: it is dated (in the last year of Phocas’s eight years’ reign, 609-610, corresponding to the 12th of the Indiction), and it shows a unique and very incompetent attempt to translate into Coptic the Greek terms of the imperial titulature. The style imitated would be somewhat as follows: Βασιλείας καὶ (?) ὑπατίας τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου] ἡμῶν δεσπότου (Φλ.) Φωκᾶ, τοῦ αἰωνίου αὐγούστου καὶ αὐτοκράτορος, ἔτους η έτους τοῦ κύκλου ιβ. (W.E.C.) IX. Directly opposite the tower, across the narrow pass, on the westernmost corner of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh near the top of the hill, a third Middle Kingdom tomb shows traces of similar rubble walls at the entrance. IX A. A hundred and fifty meters farther along to the north-east, a fourth tomb has been occupied, as the ruins of a small brick hovel at the entrance show. X. The path now descends gradually, and leaving the narrow confines of the valleys behind Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh, comes out into the broad open plain in the bay of the cliffs at the head of the ‘As4sif, and turns toward Deir el Bahri, the “Northern Monastery.’’? As in the case of so many of the monasteries of Jéme, the site chosen for this one was at a sufficient elevation (here the ruins of the Upper Terrace of the XVIII Dynasty Temple) to command a magnificent view across the desert to the green fields beyond. Today nearly all trace of the Coptic ruins has been cleared away, but photographs taken before 1892 show that a lofty, square brick tower, then nearly 8 meters high, and other buildings of the monastery still existed. Fallen débris from the cliff had already buried the middle platform of the temple before the Coptic occupation when it was made level with the upper terrace by the destruction of a few earlier walls and the heaping up of ashes and rubbish from the monastery. The buildings were of mud brick and of stone taken from the XVIII Dynasty walls, with here and there a room of the Hatshepsut Temple left intact except for a coat of plaster masking the pagan reliefs. Pococke, in 1737, and the members of the French Expedition, in 1798, found the red granite doorway and the sanctuary coated with plaster and painted with figures of Christ and the Saints, and Naville notes the existence of graffiti, crosses and occasional pictures in the upper chambers.* About a dozen of these graffiti were traced or copied by Evelyn-White, hardly one of them being more than partially legible. The best preserved is the following homiletic extract, written upon a door-jamb of the Southern Hall of Offerings : 1 This seems more likely than θειοτάτου to have been Introd. Memoir p. 6) derived from the ‘Asasif Valley in the original of etowaah. which it was situated, and “Deir es Sultan” (Naville 2 The name Deir el Bahri was used by Wilkinson and has been used by most archaeologists since. It seems not to have been known to the members of the French Expedi- tion in 1798, and the writers of the early roth century heard applied to it the names: “Deir er Rumi” (Bonomi, quoted by Newberry Ann. du S. vii p. 81 no. 32), a generic name for any Coptic monastery ; “Deir el Assasif” (Champollion Lettres d’Egypte xv; Naville Deir el Bahari, ibid.). The application of the term “Northern” to it may be due to some confusion since Coptic times. Cf. Deir el Bakhit, below, p. 21. 3 See note by White, Part II p. 321, under 616. A Greek graffito is published by Lefebvre Imscrip. grecques chrét. no. 379, after Peers JHS. 1899, pp. 14, 15; another, similar, by W. S. Fox, in Amer. Journ. of Philol. xxxviii 413. ΤΗΕ TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES ervuananfro]k qr ερ[ο]ῦ evwantaerox | apr mueve Mnexito[he] nujoprne npnwhy | maegenar[mle TamedAra Naegwomntme te}|Neorara mucgytoomne wage nxin..|ne P ovemot[te] τά πτεςδε οσο εροτ(οὶτε | TMapeenia oma[H]TMaptypocne «ντα πσο[ις] | OPMNTNpHeTOcNe KW εβολ OMMEKOHT THP[Y] | OTAGO eqr[o}- hene nkapwy ommene πεςκροσ[τ] (blank). “Tf thou be reproved, bear with it; if praised, remember thy sins, (whereof) the first is forgetfulness, the second heedlessness, the third lust, the fourth doth..... Wisdom is a grace, virginity great profit, to do unto thyself violence is martyrdom, to forgive with thy whole heart is benevolence, silence is a sealed treasure, quietude (= ἠσυχία) is love (or is truth).”’ Near this were two imperfect copies of the Greek lines from the Anthology, found again upon the writing-board here published as no. 616; while written on the same doorway was the Greek alphabet. The remaining graffiti, mostly in the Southern Hall of Offerings, or in its Vestibule, are varying examples of one type: short invitations to passers-by to remember or to pray for the writers. Of these some are dated, but the numerals are now often doubtful. One is apparently of Α.Η. 375 (caparenov toe) = A.D. 085, another of A.M. 730 (tom maptup WA) = A.D. 1014, a third of A.M. 867 (πδονπε εονκὰ ff wzz) = A.D. 1151. The style of script in general accords with these late dates.’ In two cases the text is written in the ordinary cryptogram (6 for a, « for & &c.). No local saint is invoked, so far as can be deciphered; the temple may therefore have become rather a place of resort than of pilgrimage, like the dwelling of Epiphanius. The visitors included two bishops: Matthew of..... 2 and Jacob, an arch- deacon, a priest Philotheus. Besides these, Colluthus, son of John, and the deacon, Eu. .., son of Theodore, who both appear to come from Kés Werwir.* Further, one of the texts in cryptogram is by a man from Hou (Diospolis Parva).* (W. E.C.) One of the principal chapels was the Southern Hall of Offerings, behind the Coptic tower, where a recess for the altar was cut in the wall in the north-east corner. Rubbish was thrown out to the south, over the Mentuhotep Temple and there, in the rubbish mounds among the monastery buildings, have been found ostraca, bits of wooden lattice work and other waste material of the monks.® Just,as at Deir el Medineh, so there was here also a cemetery in connection with the The cemetery monastery. Pococke found many Coptic mummies in a chamber opening off the upper terrace; a hundred years later Lepsius found three more in the rubbish of the middle 1 The letter αι has generally the form U/, while “son of” dans la Haute Egypie ii Pl. 60 and Naville Deir el Bahari, is expressed by 5, as elsewhere in medieval colophons Intro. Memoir, Frontispiece and Pls. 1V, V. References to (Budge Apoc. Pl. LIV, Mart. Pl. XVII) and epitaphs the usually meager notes on the ruins of the monastery (Bock Matériaux p. 76, Munier in Aegyptus iv 133). in the EEF. publications of the XVIII Dynasty temple 2 πτειπς|πεπεπ]..., wherein one might be tempted were collected by Crum CO. p. xii. Equally scant attention to read τεποἍτς πεπε, for τπολας Rains (Kenah); but to Coptic material was paid in the excavation of the this is scarcely admissible. ν Mentuhotep Temple, a few objects being shown in Naville 3 V. below, p. 110. and Hall ΧΙΙ Dyn. Temple iii Pls. XXXIII, XXXIV. 4 WKcocw gc ig. 1.6. THWAWe ew ng., The last three Passing reference was made to the Coptic buildings by letters might be an epithet. They are followed by wAnA Lepsius in his Letters from Egypt xxvii, and Denkméler, ext. Text iii 114. 5 Photographs of the monastery are in Mariette Voyage 13 Its dedication to St. Phoeb- ammon Path in the plain THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS platform, and in the final clearing of the temple by Naville many more came to light. Even in 1922 we found an outlying grave of this cemetery two hundred meters south of the site of the monastery. The monks themselves were buried in the vestibule of their chapel in the Southern Hall of Offerings, under rectangular bench-like structures in the corners of the chamber, similar to those in the tomb-chapels of the Necropolis of El Bagawat in Khargeh Oasis. Each grave contained several mummies bearing no other ornamentation than the leathern girdles and aprons placed on the bodies of the monks in Deir el Medineh and in the Monastery of Epiphanius.? None of the Coptic inscriptions found at Deir el Bahri states in unequivocal terms the name of the monastery which was built there. Jéme documents in general do not supply definite data for locating the numerous geographical names which they record, but on the internal evidence in the ostraca found at Deir el Bahri there are grounds on which it can be identified. The recipient of many of the letters and the author of a score of edicts and other documents among the ostraca, was a bishop Abraham? who seems to have be- queathed the Monastery of Saint Phoebammon to the monk Victor, probably the hegoumenus of that place, and one of the persons most frequently addressed or referred to among the Deir el Bahri letters. The presence on this spot of these documents belonging to bishop Abraham and to Victor would seem to signify that here was their abode, and as they dwelt undoubtedly in that monastery of which they were abbots, the conclusion follows that Deir el Bahri was the ancient Monastery of Saint Phoebammon.’ This attribution of the monastery at Deir el Bahri to Saint Phoebammon and a mention of Saint Phoebammon in the will of the monk Jacob and his companion Elias of the Monastery of Epiphanius (Part II Appendix III), hang together perfectly. In the will a road passing near the Monastery of Epiphanuus is described as going “in towards‘ [the Monastery of] Saint Phoebammon.” As will be seen below (pp. 27, 28) this road can be only the one leading in towards Deir el Bahri. The other road from Jéme—Medinet Habu to the Christian monasteries to the northward is the one most frequently followed by the natives coming from Ba‘arat and the hamlets to the south, and by the tourist parties today. This road skirts the edge of the cultivated fields until it arrives at a point behind the colossi, where one branch follows north-easterly along the desert border to the Ramesseum and Dra‘ ΑΡἀ Ἰ Naga, and the other bears a little more northerly along the foot of Kurnet Murra‘t. 1 See Pococke Description of the East i p. 100; L. D., Text iii p. 104 (one of his mummies is Berlin 1103); and Naville Deir el Bahari ii p. 5 and iv p. 6. Some of the mummies found by the latter on the middle terrace were doubtless at least two centuries earlier than any of the ostraca found on the site, and may even have been pagan, since the description of some of them is identical with Edgar Graeco-Egyptian Coffins 33276. A cemetery existed in these ruins from before Saite times. 2 His will was found about 1856 and is now in the British Museum; see BM. Gk. i no. Lxxvil. 3 View first advanced by Crum CO. pp. xii ff., and generally accepted since. (But v. notes, pp. 10 and 22.) Beside the ostraca published in that work a few are men- tioned by Naville and Hall XIth Dynasty Temple p. 20 and EEF. Arch. Report, 1903-4, p. 44, and a papyrus (Berlin 1103, accounts referring to a certain Apa Sabiné, the priest) is published in L. D. vi 122 c, Text iii p. 114. 4 To “go in” in these texts and generally in Coptic monastic literature, is to go from the river farther toward the “Inner Desert.” See below, p. 183. (W. Ε.Ο.) THE TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES ΧΙ. On the latter road, a hundred yards beyond the fork, there is marked on Wilkinson’s map a “Christian ruin,’”’ now utterly destroyed. XII. About a hundred yards farther along, if one turns directly up the side of Kurnet Murra‘t Hill, an Empire tomb will be found with battered graffiti in red (XII A) and above, on the very hilltop, the little monastery Deir Kurnet Murra‘t. The ruins, visible from almost every point on the Theban plain, are those of a compact but irregularly planned mud-brick structure at least two stories high. The walls were built on foundations of desert boulders ; some of the rooms were vaulted, others may have had flat roofs ; inside they were plastered white, and here and there they had small, arched-topped cupboards as in the Epiphanius towers. West of the monastery, on a little knoll, was a cemetery of a dozen or more graves now, seemingly, all plundered. XIII. The road continues in a fairly straight line north-east behind the Ramesseum, in the ruins of which there was once a Coptic structure, now totally destroyed except for an occasional cross, a star and a few short graffiti, one of which was written by a certain Macarius. Just beyond the Ramesseum the road forks again, one branch leading directly to Dra‘ Aba’! Naga and the other turning sharp to the north past the foot of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh, in towards Deir el Bahri. This brings us to the heart of the XVIII Dynasty Necropolis, in a hillside literally riddled with decorated tombs which have been a subject of study and an object of research and exploration by Egyptologists for almost a century, and for centuries before, the dwelling-places of the natives of Kurneh. Practically all trace of the Copts, who un- doubtedly built here in considerable numbers, has therefore disappeared. Not so very long ago, however, traces of the Coptic anchorites must have been far more common. About forty years ago Stern found one tomb here in which some ancient Copt had scribbled the usual, banal prayer: ‘““The Father, Son and Holy Ghost, for ever and ever. Amen. The God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; Jesus Christ, the Lord God, have mercy upon me,”’ and another tomb was marked as “the Dwelling of Apa Elias.’’? Even today one meets with traces, evidently of early anchorites—an ancient tomb from whose wall-paintings every female figure has been prudishly smeared out, or a grotesque drawing in which a person with a lively imagination can see a horse.’ XIV. Among the few Christian sites which can still be marked on the map is the tomb of Mery, no. 95, near the southern end of the east face of the hill, half-way up. Here Mr. Mackay found a number of ostraca in 1913 which he presented to the Metropolitan Museum.? The most noteworthy point about these documents is that they mention an Apa Cyriacus a number of times. From this fact it may be inferred that this site and that other some 1 The name was used by Bonomi in 1830 (Newberry 3 Tomb 56; see Davies Bull. Met. Mus. 1922, Dec. 11 p. 56. Ann. du 5. vii p. 82 no. 42). 4 MMA. 14.1.68-80, here quoted by the last two digits— 2 Stern AZ. 1885, p. 97. 68, 69, &c. 15 Deir Kurnet Murra‘tt The Ramesseum Sheikh ‘Abd ef Kurneh Ostraca mentioning Cyriacus Other sites on Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh The Monastery of Cyriacus (Plate I) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS 250 meters away which is described in the following pages as no. XVIII, were both parts of a single community on the eastern face of the hill, similar to that of Epiphanius on the northern side. One of these ostraca shows two fragmentary letters—one by, and both in the hand of, Joseph, the busy scribe of our 245 and many more, and the other by Katharén, who was perhaps his wife. Both are addressed in identical phraseology to “my holy father, ApaCyriacus.’”’! In another letter (71) the names Eustochius, Justinus and Cyriacus occur?; in another (78) Isaac excuses himself “‘to his holy lord father’? (? Cyriacus) for being hindered from visiting him; and in still another (69) Cyriacus again occurs, possibly as recipient, as well as Jacob and Hémai.* A tax receipt using a not common formula, probably anterior to that so often met with‘; a contract promising to repay a loan (76), addressing a man of Jéme and written by a man from Pmilis ; another (77) by Psés, promising to pay (or repay) money and corn; a medical prescription®; two Psalm extracts and a fragmentary prayer (68) complete the lot. (W. E.C.) XV. Less than a hundred meters north-east on the same level of the hill, in the tomb of Amenezeh (no. 84), there are painted crosses and a graffito of Mark, the son of Zacharias, and the interesting note : ““The resting-place of the Patriarch Severus. Pray for me, my fathers.” XVI. A few meters above, in the tomb of Amenemhab (no. 85), there are painted mono- grams and ornaments on the inner door-jambs, and traces of Coptic rubbish in the forecourt. XVII A. An old tradition has it? that before the Arab invasion there was the shrine of a Christian saint on the hilltop where the present Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh is worshiped. The cure of rheumatism was attributed to the Christian saint just as it is to the Moham- medan. A few scattered bits of Coptic pottery in the tomb courts just below (nos. 72 and 75) led us to excavate here in the hope of finding some traces of an anchorite’s dwelling, but the results were inconclusive. XVII. Below, on the north end of the east face of the hill, we had better fortune. The tombs between nos. 65 and 67 had been cleared in recent years, but enough remained around the edges of the former excavations to warrant further digging in 1914 for the purpose of recovering what might be left of the Coptic ruins (Fig. 1). The result was the discovery of traces of an anchorite’s establishment to which we gave the name “Monastery of Cyriacus.” In clearing the site we found a number of ostraca and fragmentary papyri® of which at least fourteen were letters. Half a dozen of these last bore no addresses or had lost them, while six others were clearly addressed to Cyriacus, sometimes termed “‘the anchorite of the Mount of Jéme,” and of only one was the recipient anyone else.? Of 1 Crum ST, 387. 8 The 18 most interesting are published in Part II, the 2 Last two names together, CO. 362. others being discarded. The field designation of most is 3 Jacob and Hémai together in CO. 20. Tombs 65, 66 with three labeled South of Tomb 66 and 4 CO. 409 &c. This ostracon in ST. 419. another Tomb above 65, 66. 5 In Part II, 622. 9 Το Cyriacus: 151, 236, 250, 266, 457, 462; to unknown 6 See Crum in ROC. 1923, p. 95. persons: 121, 242, 244, 257, 387, 480, 628; to “the camel- 7 So we were informed by Maspero, who repeated it on herds of Jéme” &c. 413. Biblical, 38, 583; Hymn, 594; the authority of some of the earlier English explorers. List of Months, 617. THE TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES course, in the light of the letters addressed to a Cyriacus described on the preceding page as coming from Site XIV farther south, it may well be questioned whether this Site XVII was his actual dwelling-place, but at least the term has been found useful for the purposes of this book. The site, the forecourts of four Empire tombs, was a more or less irregular platform high enough up on the hill to command a view over the low-lying Khékheh Hill and the desert plain, and across the cultivated fields to the Nile. The lowest part of the site is the court of Tomb 67 (Hapuseneb) where the portico has been blocked up with rubble and re-used mud bricks roughly laid, with a white-plastered doorway left open in the center. Next east, in the courtyard of Tomb 66 (Hapu), there are traces of Coptic walls, a mud bench, and beaten mud floors from 60 to 125 cm. above the dynastic level. From this ΕΕ wal Pp if cn: aa ites tea ANTE Caret orer 5 10 15 20 25 ™. SSeS = sttsaa Dynastic Rock Cutting B = Bench LZZA Dynastic. Walls L = Loom WEEE Coptic Wall *O"= Oven FIG. I PLAN OF THE RUINS OF THE MONASTERY OF CYRIACUS court a narrow vestibule or passage, 2.50 meters wide and over 6 meters long, with four wide, shallow steps paved with rude flag-stones, leads to a doorway that opens on the court of Tomb 65 (Nebamon and Imisibe). On passing through the doorway there is a re- taining wall of red bricks (30 x 14 x 5 cm.) laid in mud, and faced with fine, hard lime plaster painted red, on the left. All trace of the building which stood on the level above the retaining wall is now gone except four beam-holes cut in the rock of the tomb-fagade at the height of the Coptic roof, and the spring of a brick arch cut in the tomb door-jambs. To the west of the court there are traces of a beaten earth pavement and a flight of irregular steps cut in the rock and plastered with mud, leading to another tomb court with Coptic remains about 4 meters above those in Tomb 66. Here there are ruins of a structure built of re-used dynastic bricks stamped with the names of Ptahmery and Pesiur. The pavements are of baked brick tiles laid in herring-bone pattern, 32 x 15 x 6 cm. in size (one loose 17 The Monastery of Epiphanius Anchorites in the Valley of the Kings THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS example 36 x 23 x 5 cm.). At this point in the ruins were found a number of fragments of papyrus. To the east of the court of Tomb 65 there is a XIX Dynasty paneled brick structure of Pesiur, in one side of which is quarried a little Coptic room not more than 3 meters long by 1.25 meters wide, with a bench running around two sides. In front there was a room which originally contained a loom and two granaries (sowdma‘) under the floor, but which was converted eventually into a bakery (see below, pp. 52, 53). Farther east there is a room or a passage paved with mud bricks laid in parallel rows. The road in to Deir el Bahri passes below the Monastery of Cyriacus, and continuing west of north across the foot of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh, leaves the Monastery of Epiphanius on the left some ten or twenty meters above it, and then drops down into the ‘Asasif which it crosses to Deir el Bahri. From Deir el Bahri one went to the Valley of the Kings in the 6th and 7th centuries A.D. just as tourists went in the 1st century B.c.,! and still do today, over the steep paths which climb up the cliffs above the monastery. These are the shortest routes from the plain, and near one of them Burton, excavating for Theodore M. Davis, found a Coptic ribbed amphora and a cooking pot,? while on the longer, but less arduous Valley road, it would seem that no traces of the early Christians have been noted. Among the royal tombs themselves one meets with such traces of the anchorites as fragments of amphorae and even the sand- stone grave stela of a woman named Souaei (covaer) who died on the 10th Phaopi in the 6th Indiction.? Among the visitors of Roman times some may have been Christians and one Greek graffito found by Wilkinson is signed by an Epiphanius who, were he not probably a tourist as early as the reign of Constantine or even before, it would be inter- esting to identify with his namesake of the monastery on Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh.‘ XVIII. Of the tombs which show the most evident signs of actual occupation by the early Christians, no. 2 is the most important. Outside the tomb door on the quarrymen’s chip Theodore Davis found the ruins of a Coptic establishment in 1905--6.5 Fragments of ostraca and “‘one unopened papyrus letter” were among the objects found, together with quantities of ribbed amphorae, cooking pots, a large platter decorated with fishes, and an enormous dolium, characteristically too large to have been turned on the wheel and there- fore hand-modeled, and painted with crude spirals in white.* Three amphorae with their ends knocked off were found filled with honeycomb, and may have been beehives.’ The Coptic buildings at the door of the tomb appear to have been of two periods. The house of the lower level was built of sun-dried bricks with floors of red baked tile and stone slabs. In front of it stood a small oven and two small circular granaries, undoubtedly identical 1 Strabo vii 46. 2 MMA. 14.6.225 and 228. 4 Wilkinson Modern Egypt and Thebes ii p. 210. 3 Lefebvre Inscrip. grecques chrét. 382. The stela is in 5 T. M. Davis Tomb of Siphiah Daz: the British Museum, no. 409 (Hall p. 10 Pl. IX). It is 6 MMA. 14.6.222-4-6. See Plates XXVIII, XXX, remarkable that the formula used is otherwise peculiar XXXIII, XXXIV in this volume. to Nubian epitaphs (Lefebvre 606, 621, 804, &c.) 7 Unless Davis mistook wasps-nests for honeycomb ? 18 THE TOPOGRAPHY ΟΕ WESTERN THEBES with the beehive-shaped séma‘ of the Monastery of Epiphanius. The structure of the upper level had rubble walls and its rooms are described as very small and probably low. The walls inside the tomb are scribbled all over with graffiti, including a number of Coptic inscriptions, carefully written in red, left by the anchorites and their visitors. Among them are found the names of Apa Ananias, the bishop,? and a certain Enoch whose office is unintelligible. Another, nameless, visitor writes the prayer: “‘I beseech Thee, Jesus Christ, my Lord, suffer me not to follow after my desire; let not my thought(s) have dominion over me; let me not die in my sins, (but) accept Thy servant for good.”’* Another has written a quotation (though not verbal) of Tobit xii 10: ““The angel Raphael said unto Tobit and Tobias, his son, ‘He that sinneth fighteth against his own life.’’? Someone has drawn two praying saints with arms upraised, one of whom is labeled Apa Ammonius the Martyr,‘ and another anchorite has drawn up a list of the two earliest hermits and the first five abbots of coenobitic monasticism: “‘ The names of our fathers: Apa Paul, Apa Antony, Apa Pahémé (Pachomius), Apa Palamén, Apa Petronius, Apa Theodore, Apa Horsiése and all the other holy fathers. In peace. Amen. My holy lords all, entreat the Lord for me, this sinner, Abraham, (son of) Papnoute. Jacob, this humblest one.”” The most inter- esting of these graffiti is, however, one written by “this humblest Jacob.’’* Unfortunately it is imperfect and very obscure. Jacob tells how, when dwelling with the brethren, he ? had “covered,” or concealed, certain ‘‘names,” as with a veil (κάλυμμα), copying them “in faith,’ without comprehending the import of the “‘speech”’ thus concealed. One might suppose this a reference to the use of a cryptogram, scarcely to the obliteration of a hieroglyphic text. The following is the text: Xe Pic amon Yarwh nreAaggrctoc | AtTeprerme ETAMMTGHh | avovwus + εὔωπ + εροῖ + ermacuy | επεεπης ολλο πτοσ[σμ]ο nMmar | Saipwhe genpan Ίο[ε πο]σης Άλμλι- | mas attano πε[οπΗΦ ο...» Js mar | xemanor Goh ant[*... arclgaitos | grovcnowan kadw[c + ad]Aa πποστε | «οσα sentcoomnt an Mnwpx πτόοι | lititacne MraYoahcon + aicgatcoy ΦΠοτ- | mrctrc Mumay ετλ/[λι]ον [apr το]σσπα | ovo mM eTMHY egoTT ensa[a πτετ]πωλμὰ | εκωῖ πτεπποττε qr ehoA Λλιο[ς Πλπῖρο]ςμος Απεοτοπὸς | [a]mo[K] miglwh πτολ]ι- πωρ[ος avo π]ετθητα | 1δπο[ηΊκε ϱ.[οπποστε] Αππρίωμιε] aron m- | peyp ποβε mapa mRocaoc Ἡπ]ρα. XIX. In tomb πο. 3, directly across the valley from the last-mentioned site, Davis found an anchorite’s dwelling-place and a chapel built within the interior chambers. The floors were laid with red brick tiles, sandstone columns with debased Corinthian capitals were erected—probably in the chapel sanctuary—and quantities of ribbed amphorae were used and broken on the site. A few graffiti were crudely scratched inside the tomb naming Theodore, Zacharias, and Stephen (the son) of Zacharias; and an ostracon found here by Davis makes mention of a certain Apa Ezekiel. Tele mvislO2et=5: 2 See below, p. 133. 5 Photographs by H. Burton have been used in im- 3 Perhaps = ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθφ. proving Stern’s text in AZ. 1885, p. 100. (W.E.C.) 4 Perhaps Ammonius, the martyred bishop of Esne; * + quite uncertain; am may be the negative. v. 14th (13th) Kthak. Cf. note above to Site I A. 6 MMA. 14.6.223. Published as ST. 388. Anchorites above the ‘Asasif Ostraca of Pleine the Less THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS XX. High up in the hillside, across the ‘Asastf from the Monastery of Epiphanius, there is a row of large XI Dynasty tombs among which the paths pass on the way over the cliffs to the Valley of the Kings. Some of them were occupied by monks of the Christian period who found in them sites at a considerable elevation above the desert valley, similar to that chosen by Epiphanius. In the first tomb of the series standing open in Coptic times, some two hundred meters east of the upper terrace of Deir el Bahri, a score of interesting ostraca were found in 1922-23, scattered in the rubbish from a monkish habita- tion. They are now in the Metropolitan Museum. Nine of the ostraca, besides one from Site X XI, are in the unskilled hand of a certain Pleine the Less (mantne usu). They are not genuine letters, but mere epistolary phrases, variously strung together. One addresses “thy good brothership”’ and others “thy revered fathership.” The largest (701) begs for some corn (tsar πεονῶ); “knowest thou not that this has been a hard year?” (umancoovit xeterpaune gace). It then asks the recipient’s prayers; quotes Acts i 1; next asks to be remembered and ends by a repetition of the opening formula: “Before all things &c.,” leaving this uncompleted. These ostraca thus give the impression, not of having been brought to this cave as letters, but merely as having amused the leisure of a hermit who dwelt here. More important for us are four letters addressed to Epiphanius (702, 706, 708, 709), dealt with below in the section devoted to him (Chapter 1x). Here it suffices to record their presence in a tomb hitherto not suspected of having any connection with him. A complete but obscure letter (717 A) is from Cyriacus to a smith (πεπητ) of the same name, whom he informs that, if they are spared (antanwitg eon”), and he, the recipient, will come (only nas, “to me,” is visible), he shall be taught to his satisfaction (frat: «εδω mmx men RaAOv, 4.6. meta Kadov), Another letter (703) is concerned with a coin of deficient weight (translated Part II p. xv Addenda, under 168). Finally, there is a specimen (707) of the official promise or guarantee similar to 96. It is issued by a ashane Apa Victor (cf. perhaps 163) to a man named Akas. (W. E.C.) XXI-XXI A. About a hundred meters east of Site XX the portico of the tomb of the Saite Vizir Nesipekshuti was occupied by anchorites, and two hundred meters still farther, on the right of the tourist path to the Valley of the Kings, there is an effaced graffito in red written on the plaster just inside the door of the Tomb of Méru. Around both of these sites a certain amount of broken Coptic pottery and a few ostraca lay scattered on the surface before the tombs were cleared in 1922-23. XXII. Another two hundred meters along the hill, this time south-east and lower down, a tomb was occupied by the monks and in it were found “two Coptic pots, one with a wooden lid, and some fragments of leather sandals.’ 1 MMA. 23.3.701 and following, from Site XX; MMA. 2 Cf. a phrase in ST. 98. 23-3720 from Site XXI, and MMA. 23.3.728-730 from 3 Carnarvon and Carter Five Years Exploration at Site XX1 A. The references in the following paragraph are Thebes p. 22. to the last digits of these catalogue numbers. 20 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES The prolongation of the hill eastwards toward the cultivation is called today the Dra‘ Abti’] Naga. On it today there is one of the three principal hamlets of the village of Kurneh, and just as there is reason to suppose that some of the habitations of the early monks may be hidden by the houses of the modern natives on Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh, so here on Dra‘ Abd’! Naga it is probable that there were originally more anchorites’ dwellings than are now visible. XXIII. One Coptic site has survived until recently high up on the western spur in the courts of tombs 35, 160 and 158, a point of characteristically high elevation and com- manding view. The ground here is scattered over with fragments of ribbed pottery and the litter of Coptic house-rubbish. XXIV. Some 350 meters north-east as the crow flies are the ruins of one of the most considerable Christian monasteries of Western Thebes—Deir el Bakhit or Bakhita.! The ruins cover a large area in a saddle of the Dra‘ ΑΡΔ Ἰ Naga hill, commanding an extensive view both desertwards and over the cultivation. Recently the buildings have been leveled until it is only here and there that a wall stands to a man’s height, but in Bonomi’s day (1830) the ruins appear to have been much more imposing, and Hay speaks of many chambers with pointed arched doors. The corners of the monastery domain are marked out by cairns of stones piled so as to form rude crosses. Nearby, to the east on a knoll, was a cemetery of from fifty to a hundred graves, which attest either to the size of the community in the monastery and the outlying cells (XXV, XXVI, XXVII), or to the length of time the monastery existed. Among the ruins pieces of ribbed amphorae, water- wheel pots, and yellowish glass may still be picked up on the surface, while before 1884 the Berlin Museum acquired about a hundred and twenty ostraca from here.” In 1913-14 Lord Carnarvon, exploring the hilltop, turned up another ostracon,’ and at the Site XXIV A, a little distance off, discovered a magical papyrus of the 6th or 7th century, roughly contemporary with the Monastery of Epiphanius.* XXV. There are several outlying cells connected with the monastery. One is on the south slope of the hill below the main buildings and the cemetery. XXVI. Another is on the boldly projecting point of the hill, high up on the south side of the wAdi, in front of a very large, rough, cave-like tomb. Fragments of ribbed amphorae and “Samian” ware dishes are plentiful. One sherd of hard, red ware had the name Philotheus scratched into it, and a white wash painted over it afterwards. Near this site Petrie® found a graffito of a certain “Daniel, the Monk of [the Monastery of] Apa Posidonius in the Mountain of Hermonthis.” 1 The universal name, current today and also used a descriptive of it than of Deir el Bahri. Cf. below, p. 115. century ago by Bonomi (Newberry in Ann. du S. vii p. 84 2 BKU.1 passim, “Vom Kloster Dra Abulnega.” nos. 64 and 66); Hay (BM. Add. MSS. 29816 fol. 177); 3 MMA. 14.1.33; ST. 389. Wilkinson (Map of Thebes), and Lepsius (Letters from 4 Cairo 45060 (unpublished). On this see p. 207 below. Egypt xxvi). Doubtless it is an old Coptic name 5 Petrie Qurneb Pl. XLVIII. (magut) “the Northern,” which is much more truly Anchorites of Dra‘ Aba Ἰ Naga Deir el Bakhit Kurneh Temple Settlement in the quarries THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS XXVII. Farther up the little wadi, on the same side, there are traces of a brick building in front of another crude cave, with fragments of ribbed amphorae, “‘Samian”’ ware, and large tubs of terracotta scattered about. One imitation “Samian”’ bowl with dark red slip, and a shape seemingly derived from “D,” Fig. 37, but with higher shoulder and more flaring underbody, was found on this site. Inside the cave on the ragged roof is written in black ...m ama Qorbjamod]...., 1 From this cave a well-worn, ancient path leads around the hill back to the main monastery. XXVIII. In the Kurneh Temple neighborhood there are bits of Coptic pottery lying around? but no ruins remain since the recent clearing of the site. Lepsius speaks of a church here, however,? and it must be remembered that as the pre-Mameluke village of Old Kurneh was in this locality, here there probably was a Coptic community of some size from which the early Arab village was descended. XXIX. The largest, and also one of the most interesting of the Coptic communities outside of Jéme proper, is in the right-hand branch of the Wadyein. Three hundred and fifty meters north of the ‘Elwat ed Dibbdn, in a little wadi on the left, there are extensive quarries which were in use from the XXVI Dynasty to Roman times. A few years ago the cartouches of Hophra were to be seen on a rock at the mouth of the valley, and from this point for a hundred and fifty meters north-west there are large subterranean chambers tunneled back of the rock face, with occasional openings at the foot of the cliff. In the floor of the valley are heaps of quarry chip and what may be the remains of the workmen’s houses. Fifty or sixty meters farther along, open face quarries begin and con- tinue at intervals into the left-hand fork of the wadi, with more workmen’s houses among the chip heaps. In all probability the Copts began by occupying and enlarging these houses, eventually overflowing into the cool, sheltered quarries themselves, where of course there could have been no dwellings in the days when the quarries were still being actively worked. The surface is littered with evidences of Coptic occupation. Chambers were partitioned off inside the subterranean workings with walls of mud brick and rubble. The open face cuttings were screened off with similar walls, and cells were built inside. In one an invoca- tion of the Twelve Apostles by name in Coptic was painted with red ochre. Crosses, more or less elaborate in form, were also painted in red on the walls, or simply scratched in the rock or smeared on in liquid mud. Graffiti of two of the ancient inhabitants have been noted —a Timothy and a Papnoute.’ Gauthier mentions in passing that he cleared three brick chambers of the Coptic period and found a score of ostraca, of which two or three were fairly large and written in good hands, and a number of pots, all intact and of fine fabrics. 1 Stern (47. 1884, p. 56) thought that Deir el Bakhit and PI. LVI. might be the Monastery of Phoebammon. 5 Petrie Qurneb Pl. VIII, 39, records the name Pa- 2 The fragment of a “Coptic jar” in Petrie Qurneh pnoute. The invocation of the Apostles and the graffito of Pl. LVI is Ptolemaic. Timothy were seen by White. The Apostles’ names as a 3 Lepsius Letters from Egypt xxvutt. protective charm: Rec... .Champollion, 1922, 544. 4 Gauthier BIF. 1908, p. 141 and Petrie Qurneb p. 15 THE TOPOGRAPHY OF WESTERN THEBES Among them he singles out three amphorae 70 cm. in diameter, of slender and graceful shapes. Of the characteristic Coptic material to be seen lying around on the surface today there are quantities of potsherds from water-wheel pots (some with diameters of 26 cm.), ribbed amphorae, &c. In one of the subterranean chambers there are bits of matting and of broken mud granaries (sowdma‘) decorated like the ones in the Epiphanius Monastery. Flat red brick floor tiles are found in several of the ruins. Forming part of the settlement in the quarries is a row of small houses high up on the opposite side of the little valley, just above the point where the desert road to Farshiit begins its long climb to the plateau.1 On a narrow shelf on the hillside there are traces of chambers built of rubble and a tower of mud brick (bricks 36 x 17 x 11 cm.). Throughout the ruins are scattered fragments of characteristic Coptic pottery—ribbed amphorae, water- wheel pots, &c. XXX. A hundred and fifty meters north of the last of these ruins stands a “‘watch tower” of uncertain date, which is probably in some way connected with the walls around the right-hand branch of the Wadyein.? That it is not contemporary with the Coptic ruins of the neighborhood is evident from the size of the bricks of which it is built (30 x 15 x 10 cm.); but it may have been reoccupied by the anchorites, for immediately below it, among some small Roman quarries, there is a brick building (bricks 36 x 17 x 11 cm., some baked) with scraps of green Coptic glass, decorated pottery, ‘““Samian’’ bowls, and ribbed amphorae strewn over the ground round about.? XXXI. Within a few more meters, at the bottom of the slope, there is an enormous boulder which has become detached from the cliff and tumbled down to the valley floor, and which subsequent erosion has given a fantastic resemblance to a gigantic mushroom with a thin stem and a broad, flat-topped head. Around the rim of the table-like top there is an ancient circle of stones which suggested to Petrie that possibly some pillar-dwelling ascetic had taken up his stand here. XXXII. North of the ‘Pillar Dwelling” seven hundred meters by air-line, but only accessible after a hard climb to the wind-swept peak on which it is built, is another ‘watch tower” forming the outpost at the end of a long stone wall, marked on the map by double dotted lines. The bricks of which it is built make it probable that it is contemporary with the first ‘“watch tower” (average dimensions 30 x 15 x 11 cm.). The isolation and altitude of the spot, commanding as it does a view over the hills to Deir el Bakhit and over 1 Bonomi (quoted by Newberry Ann. du S. vii p. 85 no. 80) writes: “ Howi el Akaba [Valley of the Ascent]}—The entrance of the mountain road that leads to Hou [near Farshat]; on a conspicuous high point of this road are the remains of a convent where mummies of primitive Christians are found. There are reasons to believe this was an ancient akaba.”” The members of this Expedition have not seen this monastery, unless indeed it be the Sankhkare Mentuhotep chapel on a peak north of the road, which is still commonly called a Coptic ruin. 2 Petrie Qurneb p. 2, Pl. LIII. 3 Petrie seems to have dug here, for he gives a photo- graph in Qurneb ΡΙ. LIII of a “Coptic hermitage and pillar dwelling” (XXX, XXX] above), but makes no mention of them in his text. Settlement on the Farshitt road “Pillar Dwelling” “Watch Tower” Tae ape ao More distant monasteries towards Nakadeh and Ermont The typical Theban anchorite’s dwelling THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS the plain to the Nile, made it a likely one for the anchorites, and it is not surprising there- fore to find the ruins littered with Coptic potsherds and débris. This last anchorite’s dwelling carries us over four kilometers north of Jéme town. Other hermits undoubtedly found abode in the desolate range of hills and broad gravel plains that stretch on towards Nakadeh, and in fact Spiegelberg cites two considerable monastic ruins about an hour’s ride in that direction—“Deir el Gebel” and “Deir el Gawa,”’ where, besides ruins, there are caves with many graffiti.! It is doubtful, however, whether such distant communities were thought of by the ancient Copts as being in the “Mountain of Jéme.” Equally beyond “ Jéme’s Holy Hill’ in the opposite direction, must be con- sidered another monastery, over an hour’s ride west of Jéme at the foot of the desert range. Probably it belonged to the more important town of Ermont. Two letters which come from here are addressed to a certain Apa Elias, a pious ascete who must have lived in the 6th or 7th century, and after whom we have named the site for convenience’ sake.? It is a lonely place, frequently plundered in recent years. In 1914 the Metropolitan Museum acquired a small lot of miscellaneous objects from there,* half a dozen ostraca‘ and four wooden tablets, prepared with pink plaster {ο be used as writing-boards.* Probably from the same locality come many other Coptic antiquities sold by Luxor dealers in recent years as coming from “Medinet Habu.” The reader may have noted how often the anchorites’ dwellings just described are situated on heights commanding an extensive view. High up on a slope of a desert hill, the hermitages and monasteries were visible from afar over the fields and the desert plains and wadis, and themselves looked down upon the only paths of approach from the world of the Valley. In many cases the nucleus for a small monastery or a single cell was an ancient tomb, usually enlarged by building in the forecourt chambers of mud brick or rubble masonry, sometimes with floors of red brick tile. Whenever these structures attained any size they were compactly grouped and walled in closely. In three cases a high tower, standing out in front, remains a prominent feature of the ruins (V, VII and X); andin four cases there are little cemeteries close to the buildings, where the monks found their last resting-places (IV, X, XII and XXIV). Turning now to the plan of the Monastery of Epiphanius we shall see how closely it follows these principles. 1 Spiegelberg OLS. 1903, p. 5ο. in a good hand (cf. Pl. XII, 84, or Pl. XV for the type) the 2 182, 203. Song of Songs v 10—vii 4 +?, much of which is now illegible. 3 MMA. 14.1.460-479. The fourth (MMA. 14.1.218), 21 x 39 cm., likewise much 4 Listed on page vii, Part II. effaced, has viii 5-14 of the same book, written in a clumsy, 5 One with an account of corn sold “to the brethren” is unskilled hand (cf. BM., Pl. 10, 24 for the type). Both of published as ST. 438. A second, a school piece, is 616. these passages are already published elsewhere (Miss. vi A third (MMA. 14.1.217), 24 x 33 cm., had written on it 203 ff.). (W. E.C.) CHAPTER II THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS AS SHOWN BY THE EXCAVATIONS 1. The Site in Ancient and Modern Times O far as the members of this Expedition are aware, among the modern natives of Kurneh there are no traditions connected with the site of the Monastery of Epiphanius, nor had the almost completely buried ruins any modern Arabic name. However, previous explorers and excavators of the Theban Necropolis have noticed the spot. It was first found about 1820 by Yanni Athanasi, who describes it as “‘an Egyptian tomb or chapel, built, as it is written, in the time of Saint Athanasius, the patriarch of Alexandria.’ At the side of this chapel, in the same tomb, there is a chamber in which there is a large Egyptian sarcophagus of calcareous stone, admirably ornamented with divers figures and hiero- glyphics. I am of opinion that when the Christians were building this chapel, not being able to remove this sarcophagus from the chamber in which it was, they caused the entrance to it to be walled up, in order to separate an object of idolatry from their place of sanctity, and that this entrance was afterwards reopened.””? While Yanni was still living in Kurneh— in 1832—natives digging on the site discovered a Greek Psalter and a Coptic manuscript which Dr. Edward Hogg purchased from them, and apparently some ostraca which they sold to Hay.’ It was at about this period that the site was labeled “Convent of St. Athanasius” on the Catherwood Map,‘ and that Wilkinson noted “behind the Christian ruins, close to no. 23 (i.e. the tomb of Daga), the remains of a curious Greek inscription, being the copy of a letter from the celebrated ‘Athanasius, Archbishop of Alexandria, to the orthodox’ of Thebes.”* Hogg had also seen this inscription and Lepsius, at the time when he cleared the passage to the burial chamber of the tomb and rediscovered the sarcophagus of Daga (February, 1845), copied what was then visible of it. He describes the spot as 1 A misinterpretation of the Athanasius Letter, 585. 4 BM. Add. MSS. (Hay Coll.) 29816. 2 Athanasi Researches and Discoveries (1836) p. 102. 5 Wilkinson Modern Egypt and Thebes (1843) ii 3 See Part II, notes under 578 and 3. Pp. 233. 25 Descriptions of the site, from 1820 to 1845 In 1883 From 1883 to 1911 Description of the site in a will of the 7th century A.D. THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS “a grotto with many Coptic inscriptions,” and the Athanasius text as then “unfortunately in a very fragmentary state.”! Then some accident befell the inscription which had been the most noteworthy landmark of the site for years, and in 1883 all trace of it had been so completely lost that neither Maspero nor Bouriant makes mention of it and by our time only three small fragments still survived, buried in the rubbish. Maspero entered the tomb of Daga in 1883 to remove the already well-known sarcophagus for the Bulak Museum,? and in doing so destroyed the Coptic walls inside the passages of the tomb and the stairway leading down into the vestibule. This last he cleared to a distance of 2.50 meters on either side of the tomb entrance, uncovering the Coptic inscrip- tions on the walls and removing the Synodicon of Damianus to Cairo.* The Coptic antiquities found at the time were described by Bouriant.‘ The clearing done to remove the sarcophagus was not extensive enough to lay bare any of the monastery except the center of the vestibule, but of that Bouriant gave a sketch plan, with dimensions which have been useful in filling in details in Plate II] and Fig. 2. For the rest, he seems to have fallen into some errors, and his promise to publish the many ostraca found on the spot was never fulfilled. ® From this time onwards the site created only spasmodic interest. During the ten years after Maspero’s excavations Budge purchased in Luxor a number of ostraca which clearly came from the site and, as he informed us, he occasionally had men digging on the spot for him. The ostraca thus procured, together with others from the monastery acquired years before, are now in the British Museum.* Gradually the site was being denuded, one excavator even quarrying bricks from it for his house, so local rumor has it. At another time Lord Carnarvon’s attention was attracted to it and he started a never finished dig that brought to light some XI Dynasty sculpture and some Coptic amphorae, which he turned over to the Service des Antiquités, from whose magazine in Kurneh they dis- appeared. The final excavation of the monastery by The Metropolitan Museum of Art between 1912 and 1914 has been described in the Introduction. While the modern documents on the Monastery of Epiphanius are thus of surprisingly meager interest, curiously enough the ancient archives of Coptic Jéme supply us with some very valuable information. The existing will of the monk Jacob and his companion Elias? gives a very clear description of the extent of the site and something of its history. 1 Lepsius Denkméler, Text iii p. 251; Letters from Egypt identified as from this site and therefore probably from XXX. this excavation by Maspero. 2 Maspero Trois Années de Fouilles in Miss. i p. 134. 6 Among the earlier acquisitions are Hall, Pl. 18 3 See Part II Appendix I p. 331. no. 5874 and Pl. 21 πο. 5886, which join τό from Cell A, 4 Bouriant L’Eglise Copte du Tombeau de Πέρα in Miss. i found by us. Among the Budge accessions is Hall, Pl. 34 pp. 33 ff. Maspero-Quibell Guide, 1910, p. 250. no. 19698, which joins 531 from the Original Monastery 5 These ostraca found their way to the Cairo Museum (although it is catalogued by Hall as coming from Karnak), and thus into Crum’s Coptic Ostraca. By the time that and ibid. Pl. 29 no. 19082, which joins 576 from the East Crum studied the Cairo collection it was impossible to Buildings. Early excavations thus covered the entire site. ascertain the finding-places of most ostraca (loc. cit. p. ix), 7 See Part II Appendix III. but now, on internal evidence, some of them can be THE MONASTERY AS SHOWN BY EXCAVATIONS Jacob and Elias ‘“‘belonged to the castrum of Jéme” and “dwelt upon its holy hill” in the monastery which they had inherited through Psan from Epiphanius. When they in turn bequeathed their property, they described it as “‘lying there, in this same mount of Jéme, from the road that goeth in unto (the Monastery of) Saint Phoebammon, to the road that goeth in unto the cave of them whose remembrance is with the holy ones, Apa Abraham and Apa Ammonius, the men of Esne, and unto “The Road of the Valley,’ and @ Y Mane HA ζ MU MUU Yl Youu ng a iS SN; |< YS τν 2) ΝΑΡ λε ys les, ,,, aan LGUs COLES, GETS 2 ῴ 22 Z 77 Z Ve Z 2 Ze 7 Se Y sy Ζ Wit UY FIG. 2 THE VESTIBULE AND THE ROOMS IN FRONT, SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE INSCRIPTIONS AFTER BOURIANT up to the hill that is above the said caves and tower.”’ The Monastery, they said, consisted of “the dwellings, that is the caves,” or “all the dwelling-places, namely the caves that we have already set forth, and the tower that was built by our fathers Apa Epiphanius and Apa Psan, and whereat | also (Jacob) labored until we finished it.” Elsewhere in the document reference is made to “‘the caves and the new tower and all the dwelling-places.” The area thus defined lies within the map on Plate II and the photograph on Plate IV. There is ample evidence from the documents found addressed to Epiphanius and to his 27 Boundaries of the site as given in the will (Plates II and IV) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS known successors that the principal building shown is the Monastery of Epiphanius. Numerous documents found in the Cells A and B without the walls, and in the monastery itself, show that they too formed part of the establishment presided over by Epiphanius. Cell C—while it yielded but few written documents and of them none addressed to Epiphanius himself—nevertheless is so closely connected with the others, by path, that it too must be considered part of the same group.! On the other hand, the tomb marked “Cell ΙΧ A” on the western end of the hill, is so isolated that it may well have belonged to a solitary, independent of Epiphanius and his following, while the buildings which we ? have called the “Monastery of Cyriacus” on the eastern point seem to constitute still another separate entity, because no letters whatever were found in them mentioning Epiphanius or his successors. With these facts, and those given in the will of Jacob and Elias, we can define the boundaries of the monastery area with fair precision. In the will the caves and tower lie on the Hill of Jéme. In the map the monastery is seen to be half-way up the hill of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh. “The road going in towards (the Monastery of) Saint Phoebammon”’ of the will is of course a path leading from the cultivated fields to Deir el Bahri, and in this case must be that one which skirts around the eastern and northern sides of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh and passes some eighty meters or so east of the monastery walls (see Chapter 1 p. 14 above). This fixes the eastern side of the area. ““The Road of the Valley” can be nothing except that path, still in use, which runs from Deir el Bahri, through the valleys behind Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh and Kurnet Murra‘t to Medinet Habu (Jéme), passing Deir el Medineh and the Coptic Sites V-IX A on the way (see pp. 10ff. above). The path forks a couple of hundred meters north-west of the monastery, one branch cutting over the hill behind a little rocky knob direct to Deir el Bahri, and the other continuing down the valley to the main Deir el Bahri road. It is this latter branch which is nearest to the monastery and which therefore probably made the northern boundary of the domain. ‘“‘The hill that overlooks caves and tower’’ is naturally the crest of Sheikh ‘Abd el Kurneh, making the western and south-western limits. The remaining—southern—side is the less easily defined ‘path leading to the cave of the late revered Abraham and Ammonius of Esne.” We searched for the dwelling-place of Abraham and Ammonius in 1914 without success. Possibly these two worthies had lived once upon a time in the Cyriacus monastery, or they may have had a more modest and now totally destroyed dwelling in the tombs above, toward the modern Sheikh’s tomb which has been supposed to commemorate a Christian anchorite (see p. 16 above). In any case there is a maze of ancient paths ascending the eastern spur of the hill between the Monastery of Epiphanius and that of Cyriacus, and without doubt one of them marked the southern boundary of the area. 1 A probable documentary link between Cell C and the at one time the occupants of the former (sce below, p. 44 Original Monastery is 356 from the West Rubbish Heaps η. 5). of the latter, but addressed to Isaac and Ananias, probably 28 ΤΗΕ MONASTERY AS SHOWN BY EXCAVATIONS The site within these limits is a rocky hillside from which one gets a commanding view of the whole valley of the ‘AsAsif from the Monastery of Saint Phoebammon under the cliffs at Deir el Bahri to the green fields over a kilometer away. Some 2500 years before the days of Epiphanius the richer nobles of the XI Dynasty had tunneled into the rock just under the crest of the hill to make their tombs. The largest and most elaborate of these had been made by the Vizier Daga and in it the first anchorite to make his dwelling in the neighborhood founded the nucleus of the monastery. The Tomb of Daga' had had a portico of seven entrances cut in the limestone of the hill which is so fissured here that Daga’s architects revetted it with brick. The central entrance of the seven led directly to a lofty corridor tunneled in the hill, 6 meters long and 2.75 meters wide, which in turn gave entrance to a chamber about 7 meters square. Beyond, again, was the dark and sloping passage leading to the sarcophagus chamber. The central entrance, the corridor and the square chamber had all been lined with fine limestone masonry, but in the course of centuries this had been quarried away to its foundations, the middle of the portico had collapsed and the brick fagade had been denuded until the piers stood only a meter or two high at the most. All around, the ground was littered with the débris of plundered mummies and their coffins, and fallen rock and brick choked the portico to a depth of a meter and was piled two meters high along the front. However, the corridor and the inner chamber were intact and there was an almost level space in front of the tomb some 36 meters wide from east to west and more than 20 meters wide from north to south. Behind it on the south the rock rose sheer about 7 meters above the rubbish that covered the ruined facade, and in front it sloped gradually downhill on the lines of the tomb causeway to the road from Jéme to Saint Phoebammon. 2. The Main Monastery Buildings There is no clear evidence regarding the date of the first anchorites who dwelt in the Tomb of Daga. In the will of Jacob and Elias occurs the statement that all of the property had come to Epiphanius “through the wills of his fathers in God who were before him,” possibly the John, Enoch, Victor and Moses known to us from their correspondence found on the site.2. Nevertheless, of their dwellings little trace remains, for the tower, according to the same document, was begun by Epiphanius and it antedated practically all the rest of the structure, as we found it. However, we can picture what the place was like before the tower was begun. The sub- terranean corridor and the square chamber inside were features which attracted the first anchorite, and with no great effort he could clear out the little rubbish which had accumu- lated within them. His next thought would be to utilize the ruined portico and, since there 1 The plan of the tomb as it was built in the ΧΙ 1912 season and is published by Davies Five Theban Dynasty was drawn by Palmer-Jones at the end of our Tombs Pl. ΧΧΙΧ. 2 See p. xxv above. 29 The site before the building of the monastery (Plate II) The earliest habitation Rooms 1-4, 8-9 (Plates III and V) The Vestibule (Plates III and V) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS was no well-defined entrance to the collapsed front of the tomb, he would want a vestibule. No trouble was expended in clearing away the rubbish a meter deep in the portico and two meters deep outside. He built directly on it, and to the end one had to go up and then down into the vestibule in the portico, and then down again into the tomb. The first exterior structure in front of “the cave’ must have covered the area marked as Rooms 1-4 and 8-9 of the monastery as we found it, but these rooms had been altered after the First Tower was built, when the yard behind it and the Second Tower were constructed. This was clear enough from the bonding of the walls and has since been confirmed by the ostraca of the period of Elias found under the floors of these rooms and in the walls themselves.1 Rebuilt though they were, however, at their best they constituted no more than a mud hovel such as most of the Theban anchorites’ cells were, and such as the benighted peasants live in today, and doubtless the original differed but little from them. In fact, the foundations of the walls, built of rough boulders, probably had been those of the original structure. On entering the monastery one went up through Room 1 and into Room 4, a vaulted passage in which a broad flight of steps led down into what had been the portico of the XI Dynasty tomb (Fig. 2). The center of this had been partitioned off with brick walls through which doors led to two separate rooms (6 and 7), and opposite the steps a third door led into the subterranean corridor. The long narrow room in which one stood (13.75 X 2—2.50 meters) was the nucleus of the whole monastery and about its oldest part.? It was neatly floored with sandstone paving slabs dug out of the ruins of the tomb; the walls were built up of brick, recessed with shallow, round-topped niches, and along both sides low brick benches were constructed. Walls and benches were plastered with mud and then given a thin stucco surface and whitewashed, and in the niches were set out, in careful red lettering, edifying texts from the works of the Fathers of the Church in Coptic and in Greek.*? To Bouriant this was the ‘Chapel’ of the monastery and he states that in the eastern extension was located the altar. However, Maspero’s excavations, 1 From under the floors, of the period of Elias: 189, 204, lute certainty those found here: 22, 25, 34, 92, 107, 141, 260; earlier: 275, 476; less certain in date: 114, 187,274, 559. 143, 145, 169, 205, 212, 227, 235, 239, 245, 246, 255, 264, In the walls: 356. Under the loom built against Room 2 281, 293, 205, 206, 306, 350, 367, 383, 380, 405, 467, 497, were found 180 and 27, of which a piece was found under 533, 553, 567. the floors of Rooms 1 and 3, putting the building of the 2 No ostraca were found under the floor here, which loom and thus of Room 2 contemporary with Rooms 1 and suggests that no changes in level were ever made in this 3. Since these rooms were occupied until the final abandon- room. ment of the site, the rubbish which covered their floors 3 The letters A—K in Fig. 2 show the location of naturally contained ostraca addressed to such later names Bouriant’s texts, after his plan in L’Eglise Copte du Tombeau as Elias (467 mentions Elias dead). However, it is evident de Déga in Miss. i. The texts are given in Part I] Appendix I that rubbish was thrown into these rooms from earlier and 585, 586, 635. heaps—for example, from that s.z. of the 2nd Tower—and 4 According to Bouriant this “chapel,” or “salle en furthermore that many of the floors had been broken croix,” as Maspero’s incomplete clearing made it seem, was through in modern times, when ostraca from below may destroyed by a fall of rock while the monastery was still well have been mixed with others from above them. There- in use. He describes finding bones which he supposes were fore, while the chances still remain that many ostraca those of the sole victim of the catastrophe—all the other found in these rooms are late, we.can not date with abso- monks having gone to church at Deir el Bahri at the time! 30 THE MAIN MONASTERY BUILDINGS which Bouriant describes, laid bare only the center of the room and there is reason to believe that Bouriant mistook a section of neatly laid stone floor for an altar. This was quite possible, as Maspero had cut through the Coptic level down to the XI Dynasty floor and had left these slabs standing about a meter in the air. (Plate V, B.) We found no evidence of an altar nor anything to point to this having been a consecrated chapel or place for divine services. Rather it would seem to be an assembly room, or “parlor,’’ where Epiphanius sat with his disciples. The nature of the texts around the walls points to such a use and there is one bit of homely evidence to bear out the idea that this was the anchorites’ favorite sitting-place. All the edges of the benches were worn away with use and they had been replastered and rewhitewashed at least three separate times. Furthermore, both Cells A and B, where it is quite unlikely that chapels existed, appear to have had stelae with such edifying texts written in them above the benches in similar vestibules or reception rooms. From the vestibule visitors went down through the doorway opposite the stairs, along the underground corridor to the square chamber, Room 5. The dark and noisome passage leading farther into the rock to the burial chamber of Daga was walled off with the sarcophagus still in it.2 Light for the chamber and the outer corridor, darkened by the buildings in front, was provided by a lamp in a niche on the left wall of the corridor. It is perhaps not too fanciful to suppose that this was once the room of Epiphanius himself. At least it was a place of pilgrimage and not only in the vestibule, but down the corridor on both walls and along the whole east side of Room 5, were scribbled the names and supplications of people who came to see it. Among them there are four prayers directly invoking the name of Epiphanius, who was apparently numbered at this time among the saints.¢ These graffiti, therefore, probably date from after the death of Epiphanius; but there was further evidence, from the period of his lifetime, which points to his occupation of the room. The ancient XI Dynasty serddb under the floor in the north corner of the room had been partly cleared out and used as a rubbish hole. Here were found among rough blank papyrus sheets, bits of string, old onions and the odd sweepings of the room itself, a number of crumpled and torn up papers and books which had belonged to Epiphanius and which he himself may well have thrown away there.* Three out of the 1 It would perhaps have een called an ἐξέδρα, as in private houses (if there it was not a verandah or balcony). The word occurs often in the Jéme documents and ostraca. Cf. also BM. 307 n., showing with συµπόσιον and was usual 2 So Athanasi, as quoted plan. that it might be synonymous ly an upper room. (W. E.C.) above, and Bouriant in his 3 The graffiti which Maspero says he saw on the west side of the corridor and in Room 5 had perished before our day with the exception o to the Cairo Museum: 675 A a graffiti in Part I] Appendix those which he transported nd one Syriac and two Greek I. All which still remained 31 in situ at the time of our excavations are given under 635-657, 676-682. 4 640, 644, 647, 680. Cf. below, p. 214. 5 Belonging to Epiphanius: 87, 131, 162, 163, 186, 429, 442; and presumably the devotional works: 49 = 592 (hand of Mark, temp. Epiphanius), 43, 82, 584 and perhaps 578 ?. There was one letter to bishop Pesenthius: 466, and in Room 5, near the rubbish hole, another: 117, which may have come from here. The “Modern Dumps over the Monastery,” were probably those of Maspero at the time he cleared the interior of the tomb to take out the sarco- phagus of Daga. Hencethe papyri:416, 432 (to Epiphanius), Epiphanius’s room, no. 5 The building of the First Tower (Plate VI) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS four ostraca found in the rubbish on the floor of Room 5 are probably contemporary with Epiphanius, while the fourth appears to be of the time of Isaac.! According to the will of Jacob and Elias one of the principal features of the monastery was a “‘tower that was built by our fathers Apa Epiphanius and Apa Psan, and whereat I also (Jacob) labored until we finished it.” In those troublous times a strong keep was a necessary feature if there was any property to protect, and the little community of Epiphanius evidently began the erection of one early in its existence. There can be little question but that this structure, several times mentioned in the will and so great an under- taking that it took two or three generations of the anchorites to build it, was the “First Tower”’ of our plan. It is the most prominent part of the building, the most massive, and one of the earliest parts begun. Its foundations are on the bed-rock of the ancient tomb court, where that bed-rock was exposed in the early days of the community, but buried deeply soon after; the joints of the walls show that it was built before the yard which in- cluded the Second Tower, and it antedates the First Boundary Wall which was built upon an accumulation of rubbish a meter deep all around the bottom of the Tower, where the latter had originally been exposed down to the rock. Finally, the First Tower was originally built of bricks 39 x 20 x 13 cm. quarried from one part of the XXVI Dynasty Tomb of Mentuemhat, while the later repairs to its stairway and the bin on the east side, the whole of the Second Tower, Room 1-9 and the Vestibule, the Enclosure Walls, the Cemetery and the East Buildings are all built of bricks from another part of Mentuemhat’s tomb, which measure only 33 x 16 x 11 επι.» The documents found in the filling under the floors of this Tower tend to confirm this identification. To be sure there is clear evidence that the stairway was rebuilt and some signs that the floors had been disturbed (see Fig. 3), and hence we can never have an absolute assurance that the group is wholly intact. But on the other hand, all of the documents found below the floors, which are susceptible of classification on internal evidence, appear to fall within the career of Epiphanius, either in its earlier or in its later Stage.* 112, 489 may well have come from this rubbish hole at “in the place below,” and “not in the upper place,” may that time. Often these dumps were difficult to recognize very well denote a distinction between two separate ruins, and thus many of the papyri labeled merely “Original or two distinct parts of the same ruin, from which Isaac Monastery” were probably from them and had therefore was then procuring brick. been moved from the interior of the tomb in modern times. 3 84 Α, 181, 262, 289, 301, 470, not datable on internal 1 84, 223, 323, 475. evidence, might be later than Epiphanius. 2 The Mentuemhat Tomb was the source of almost all of the bricks in the monastery. A few bricks were taken from the Tomb of Senmen a few yards south of the monastery (see Davies PSBA. 1913, p. 282) and a very few (51 x 26 Χ 15 cm.) were contemporary Coptic bricks. In the ostracon 400, Moses of Cell A orders from Isaac 300 bricks, but it is impossible to say that these were to be new Coptic bricks rather than old dynastic ones. The instruction that they must be delivered to a certain Samuel 4 Papyri from known correspondents of Epiphanius: 253, 327, 435, 505; apparently mentioning his contemporaries: 269, 488. Papyri probably of the same period: 270, 568, 570, 623 (found with 505), 629. Ostraca to Epiphanius: 418, 423, 444, 474; from Euprepius (cf. 350, 444) con- temporary with first period (p. xxv): 116; from Pisrael (contemporary with second period): 159. Two ostraca found in the rubbish on the floors (312, 352) naturally can not be used for dating the Tower. THE MAIN MONASTERY BUILDINGS Since the Tower was to be the stronghold of the community it was a solidly and carefully The plan of the built structure (Fig. 3), with walls 120-125 cm. thick at the bottom and battered inwards μα 1/50 on the south and west sides and 1/25 on the north and east. In plan it was intended to be square, but in laying it out an error was made in the right angles, and while the length from north to south was made 10.40 meters, that from east to west was made 20cm. more. However, these are faults far more apparent on paper than in actuality. The interior was partitioned into four nearly equal sections, of which one was a stair-well COQ WW πα." Jecpion A-B az 5 ο. FIG. 3 THE FIRST TOWER and the other three were rooms. From the bricks found in them, these rooms had evidently been vaulted, and their floors were filled with rubbish to the level of the ground outside the entrance on the south, and then paved solidly with a layer of straw, a layer of mud and then a flooring of unbaked vault bricks 40 x 20 x 5 cm., plastered over with the yellow desert earth and straw used in plastering the walls. The first room (A) was refloored (at the time that the stairway was rebuilt) with baked brick tiles 35 x 20 x 5 cm. laid in mud on the original flooring. None of these three rooms on the ground floor appears to have had windows. They seem rather to have been unlighted storerooms, each containing 33 The stairway The flues in the wall (Plate VII) The height of the Tower THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS a number of grain bins! and in the thickness of the walls, little arch-topped cupboards like those in the Second Tower (Plate VII, B). That these rooms served as a granary for years is plain from the way the walls and floors were riddled with rat holes. The fourth section of the Tower was the stair-well. As one came through the doorway from the first room, the steps rose abruptly on the right to a narrow landing where they turned to the left and ascended to another small landing, and thence again to the left to the second floor. The stairway was narrow—95 cm.—and the steps were very steep with both risers and treads about 25 cm. The first flight and the first landing were built on solid brickwork. The higher flights and landings were carried on arches to give space for a good-sized closet beneath, with a little door at the end of the lofty passage by which one entered the stair-well and the third room. This construction must have been faulty, with the arch under the second landing springing from the crest of the arch under the second flight, and hence the whole stairway collapsed at some time after the Tower was completed. All idea of preserving the closet beneath was then given up and the rebuilt stairway was made of solid masonry throughout, starting at the end of the passage and now turning always to the right. In the outside wall near the stairway there are two flues descending through the brick- work to openings outside the Tower at the original ground level on the east. The wall is carried over these openings on an odd lot of timbers—palm logs, pieces of ancient coffins and the side beam of a nérag (see p. 61). Outside the openings there is a brick bin about 1 meter deep to prevent their being choked up when the surface was raised at this point. Both flues evidently descended to this bin from latrines in the upper stories of the Tower. On the second floor the opening of flue “‘a’’ would have been at the end of the stairway passage. The other flue suggests that there was a third floor at such a height that this second flue, “‘b,” could have been deflected to start at the corresponding point above, or if not deflected, to have started from a recess in the wall beside the stairway passage.’ There is thus evidence that the Tower had three floors, of which the first was an unlighted storage space and the second and third were living apartments, probably provided with windows at a safe height above the ground.* The existing basement construction would surely have supported three floors, and the external batter of the walls was such that at the top of the third floor the walls would still have been over 50 cm. thick. As for the height of such a structure we have fairly good evidence. Since there was no trace of the spring of the ceiling vaults on the walls of the first floor rooms as far up as they existed, it can 1 There is mention, apparently, of these very bins in on monastery towers in CO. p. 27 (no. 310), where our 532. See also Chapter ΠΠ p. 51. monastery is confounded with that of St. Phoebammon. 2 In corresponding locations in the towers of Deir Abt An ascete or the head of the community himself would Makar and Anba Bishoi in the Wadi en Natrfin latrines reside occasionally in such a tower (Sabae Vita Cotelier exist with similar flues. 279, 281, An. Boll. 1891, 88; Thomas of Marga ii 331). 3 Compare the oth to 12th century keeps in White’s αρ Ε 6) Monasteries of the Wadi ’n Natrtin. There is a long note 34 THE MAIN MONASTERY BUILDINGS be calculated that these rooms must have been at least 5 meters high. This height is con- firmed by the fact that the only reasonable reconstruction of the stairs requires 20 steps of about 25 cm. height each. The two floors above may well have been lower, but even if they were not, the Tower would only have been 16 or 17 meters high making a reasonable allowance for the thickness of the vaults and floors. Even taller structures were charac- teristic of the early monastic establishments in the WAdi en Natriin, for White describes one in the Deir es Surian as having four floors and ΑΡἀ Salih describes another with five. In fact, a κ building of this ground plan and only two stories in height would be too stumpy in proportions to merit the name of “‘tower” and would hardly have required as long to build as the will of Jacob and κ τις 5 ; =a at Elias suggests. Ree Apparently after the completion of the First Tower, } Lapper? up > a yard was added to its south side in which was built a much smaller but equally well-constructed Second Tower. At the same time Rooms 1-3 were remodeled.! In plan this Second Tower (Fig. 4) was ο ' 2 3am. a single rectangular room 4.05 x 4.70 m. with walls averaging 70 cm. thick. To support the floor above, an arch of red bricks (the bricks measuring 32 x 16 X 6 cm.) was thrown across the southern end of the room. The narrow space on the south side of the arch would have been just sufficiently wide for a ladder to the second floor. The larger space on the other side of the arch was originally intended to be Jecpion A-B. covered with an oval dome resting on the arch and FIG. 4 the three walls of the room. For this purpose arcs Tit SECOND TOWER were traced upon the walls and recesses left in the corners for the bottoms of the pendentives, but the scheme was abandoned either because it was impossible to arrange a pendentive in the corner over the door or because the vaulting would have required a height of 3.75 meters at least to the second floor. In any case the pendentive recesses were blocked up and a flat wooden ceiling laid. The floor of the existing room is paved with Coptic vault bricks and the door-sill made of boards 1 The connection between the walls of Room 1 and the that an early one: 175 (to John and Enoch). The ostraca Second Tower shows conclusively that the two were con- found in the Second Tower above the floors are meaningless temporary. That both were later than the First Tower is for dating: 277, 238 (to Pesenthius and Psan), 94 (from not as evident as one might wish. Ostraca are of no great Elias and Isaac). help as below the undisturbed floor only one was found and 35 The Second Tower (Plates VI—VII) The First Boundary Wall and its pave- ment (Plate 1 { 1) The West Court (Plate III) West Rubbish Heaps (Plate III) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS from ancient coffins. Three arched cupboards were arranged in the thicknesses of the walls, 46-49 cm. wide, 35 deep and 60-70 cm. high. The buildings which we have termed the “Original Monastery” were now practically complete. When it was decided to enclose them for greater privacy and protection, the rock surface of the old XI Dynasty tomb court had already been buried under a meter or more of rubbish consisting of limestone chip, mud, ashes, sticks, straw, battered and burnt bits of dynastic coffins and mummies, in among which had been thrown quantities of broken ostraca and torn papyri. Over these dumps was laid a mud pavement and around the whole group of buildings a brick wall 7ο cm. thick was built, starting at the corner of Room 8, encircling the Tower and following back along the side of the old tomb court to take in a small XVIII Dynasty tomb cut through the facade of the tomb of Daga, in which Room 10 had been arranged. In this wall Entrance B was left for the paths going north-west to Deir el Bahri, and to Cells A, B and C, and the Entrance C was provided on the east. The date of this walling-in of the Original Monastery may safely be placed to the lifetime of Elias from the ostraca found beneath the pavement.! At this first stage in the walling of the monastery the back of the enclosure was the rock itself, rising almost sheer behind the monastery some 7 meters, but on either side shelving away. Here the wall as originally planned gave insufficient protection, and therefore an extension was eventually erected over the top of the cliff. Already, outside of Entrance B a heap of rubbish had been thrown in the corner of the Daga tomb court. An accumulation of from 10 cm. to 30 cm. of ashes from the nearby oven, and bits of pottery and ostraca covered a filling of large stones, broken brick and rubbish that lay on the bed-rock in this vicinity. This rubbish was leveled off and roughly paved over with bits of stone and brick and the new wall over the top of the cliff was built around what now became a West Court, with a new entrance at A. The date of this extension is naturally to be placed later than the part of the First Boundary Wall described above.? Outside of Entrance A the ground sloped away gradually to the north. Even before the Boundary Wall was built it was a handy place to throw things away, and after the monastery was enclosed it was the most natural, because the nearest, place to pitch dirt and rubbish during all the last years of the occupation. Heaps extended from the wall 1 By the scribe of 1 who was associated with Jacob, 2 Under the pavement of the West Court two ostraca Elias and Stephen: 30, 98, 403, 434; to Elias: 189; written were found apparently of the period of Isaac and Elias: after the death of Epiphanius? (cf. 295): 36. Earlier rub- 261, 535. Since the still earlier Epiphanius was found here bish was naturally lying around in the days of Elias from (342, 439) the following can not be dated on the circum- the times of his predecessors. A pocket of early papyri stance of their being found here: 96, 155, 161, 194, 331, labeled “West of 1st Tower” came from below this pave- 464, 546. In the West Court—above the pavement—were ment: 134, 431, 441, 494, 499; and with them should be found 140, 149, 172, 173, 202, 210, 215, 221, 247, 280, associated four other papyri found elsewhere beneath the 201, 320, 333, 335, 330, 343, 385, 422, 538, 543, 562, pavement: 21, 106, 137, 237; and five ostraca: 126 (?), 154, which appear to cover every period in the history of the 360, 454, 526. Undateable: 23, 102, 176, 220, 238, 240, site. 283, 286, 310, 326, 402, 471, 549, 507. 36 THE MAIN MONASTERY BUILDINGS out to the little dry ravine by Cell A on the left, and to the round granary on the right. A deposit from 1 meter to 1.50 meters thick was found here in layers which attested its gradual accumulation. First: at the bottom, were 20 cm. of dust, possibly pre-Coptic ; second: 10 cm. of burnt sticks, ashes and stones ; third: 10-30 cm. of almost clean limestone chip probably from clearing out the tomb or the portico; fourth: 10 cm. of pure ashes ; and on top: 100 cm. of layers of general rubbish among which were nearly a hundred of the ostraca published in Part II.+ However, such was the lazy squalor in which these pious anchorites existed that they Rubbish Heap did not always bother to carry their refuse even so far away as the West Rubbish Heaps. Ὃ ο. A refuse pile had existed at their very door-sill always, and was enclosed within their Boundary Wall. Half a dozen ostraca came from that part of it south-east of the Second Tower, some of them fragments of those which had been covered over by the First Boundary Wall pavement and by Rooms 1-3 in the time of Elias and later.? The community continued to grow and the logical direction for the enlargement of the The East buildings was to the east. Here was the court of another XI Dynasty tomb (Tomb 3 ος —of Sebeknakht) on a level with that of Daga, and easily accessible from the Original Monastery through Entrance C. It appears very likely that a separate cell such as the other outlying cells was started here and that eventually it grew into a rather considerable structure by slow stages which resulted in the irregularities of its floor levels. The date of its foundation and construction relative to that of the Original Monastery,’ is, unfortu- nately, impossible to decide.* The nucleus of the East Buildings was a free-standing, square room (no. 13), whitewashed inside and out, which may have been a very small tower, especially as an extension (14) was added to its east side to contain a stairway. Its position, in front of the cliff from which it stands free, is exactly that of the tower of the Original Monastery and those of Sites V, VII and Deir el Bahri. Rooms 15, 16 and 17 were gradually added, leaving a narrow court between them and the rock, and advantage was taken of a fissure in the latter to 1 Of the period of Epiphanius and Psan: 165, 190, 199, 4 A few of the datable ostraca found in the buildings 437, 483 and probably 216, 267, 518, 519; and the are associated with the names of Isaac and Elias: 241, papyri: 411 A, 428, 433, 484. Practically all of the names 279, 407; and one is after the Persian Invasion: 300. It is were found here and fragments exist which belonged not surprising, however, to find many earlier ostraca: 209, to ostraca from “Below ist Boundary Wall Pavement” 271, 324, 399, 404, 426, 496, and perhaps 287, 292, 351, (402); “Wall dividing Rooms 3 and 4” (356); “Below 355, 376, 380, 561. There were undoubtedly early rubbish West Court” (464, 546); “Rooms 1, 3 and 4” (145, 212, heaps here over which the buildings were constructed, and 227, 265, 203,497) ; “West Court” (247, 422), and “Rubbish as most of the floors had been disturbed, these ostraca S.E. of 2nd Tower” (212, 455), showing that this was a could well have come from them. For the papyri see “East dump at practically every period of the building’s history. Rubbish Heaps” below, p. 38, n. 3. For the remaining See Part II passim. ostraca found in the East Buildings there is no obvious 2 To Elias and by his contemporary the scribe of 1: method of dating: 37, 90, 97, τοτ, 125, 157, 158, 219, 234, 189, 348, 368, 455; from earlier rubbish of the time of 248, 252, 272, 282, 298, 303, 304, 313, 353, 362, 366, 360, Epiphanius: 92, 212. 371, 390, 303, 398, 414, 438, 446, 498, 507, 512, 525, 530, 3 Among the three ostraca found under the floor: 565, 576. 159, 396, 539, occur the names of Enoch and Ananias. 37 The Second Boundary Wall East Rubbish Heaps Recapitulation of the growth of the buildings THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS chop out an entrance into the tomb, Room 10.1 Beside the structure so far built, a court- yard was walled in with benches in the corners, and Rooms 18 and 19 were erected across the mouth of the tomb of Sebeknakht (Tomb 3). The remains of an XI Dynasty brick wall were restored and used as the eastern side of this addition. Room 19 was a bakery with an oven in the east end of it, and 18 was a passage with a door convenient to Room 20, a latrine built against the outside of the house, in the corner of the rock. Later— possibly after the Second Boundary Wall existed—the large Room 11 was built and with it others now almost totally destroyed.? All of these rooms were more commodious and better constructed than those in front of the tomb of Daga. All of them, too, were paved, some with flat limestone chips and others with well-baked red tiles 38 x 26 x 5 cm. usually, and less often 36 x 21 x 4 cm. The benches were built of brick and often filled with broken amphorae, plastered over. Eventually the East Buildings had grown up into a part of the Monastery itself and it was decided to enclose them within the Monastery wall. This time, however, the wall was not so sturdily built and small buttresses were necessary on the inner face to strengthen it. On the hill it started from the corner of the original wall; crossed above the East Buildings ; then descended along the side of the old tomb court, and thence ran along the tops of the high stone retaining walls of Tombs 4, 5 and 6 below, toward the Cemetery. Presumably a gateway was built on the north side to provide the entrance formerly existing at C, and a sort of stairway was made on the east side from which rubbish and dirt could be thrown over the wall. The East Rubbish Heaps, just over the wall in this direction, largely came from the ashes of the oven in Room 19 and from Room 20. A number of papyri of the time of Epiphanius were found here* and with them should be classed the other papyri labeled “‘E. Buildings” —most of which came from the near neighborhood of Room 20.‘ As nearly as it can be reconstructed from the remains themselves and from the ostraca found in them, the development of the monastic structure was about as follows: the earliest habitation was in the Tomb of Daga. Epiphanius himself dwelt in the tomb—in Room 5— and in his day were built the Vestibule, the First Tower and the Tomb in the Cemetery (to be described in a following section), none of which were ever altered in any essential way. Rooms 1-4 and 6-9, originally built before this time, were later completely recon- structed. Of Psan and of Jacob—except that the latter finished the Tower—there is no definite trace in the structure. Of Elias and Isaac, however, there is a great deal. In their day the Monastery was walled in, and in their day in all probability, the Second Tower 1 No information can be deduced from the two ostraca came into the room from some early rubbish pile through found here: 51, 4'74. recent disturbance of the site. 2 The finding of 109, 417, 425 in Room 11 is without 3 133, 136, 138 ?, 347, 410 = 626, 430. significance for the date of the room, which is clearly later 4 89, 132, 269, 440, 495, 550. than the First Boundary Wall at least. They evidently 38 THE OUTLYING CELLS ΟΕ THE MONASTERY and the rooms in front of the Vestibule and probably the East Buildings were built in the form in which we found them. 3. The Outlying Cells of the Monastery The Monastery itself was but the central element in a community of which at least half was without the walls. In fact, at the time of the erection of the First Boundary Wall even the East Buildings lay outside it, as well as the Lower East Buildings, and the Cells A, B and C, strung along the hillside with the last a hundred meters away from the Monastery gates. The walled Monastery was doubtless the dwelling of the elders of the community and to the other members it stood as a safe refuge in time of stress, with its strong, high, keep-like Tower. And under the shadow of this Tower the members of the community found their last resting-places in the little Cemetery. In all else, however,— with the exception perhaps of ovens—each outlying cell was complete within itself, with dwelling rooms, with looms and work rooms, and even with granaries and once a donkey stable. No object found in the Monastery was without its duplicate in one or other of the cells. In short, the material remains show such scanty evidences of codperative effort that it is safe to conclude that the Monastery of Epiphanius was of that stage of monastic development which was midway between the period of absolutely independent, scattered hermits and the period of strict organization in a true monastery with definite buildings and under fixed regulations. This intermediate stage was one of loose organization in a collection of cells or Jauras, more or less widely scattered about the cell of a hermit of remarkable fame who had attracted and in some degree become the leader of others.” In this case Epiphanius was this leader and his cell had become an embryo monastery. Of the cells which were never enclosed within the Boundary Walls, the nearest has been marked on the Plan as the Lower East Buildings.* The site was the courtyard of an ΧΙ Dynasty tomb (no. 4) and a nearby Empire tomb (no. 5) on a level about 13 meters below the East Buildings themselves. Here a few dynastic walls still showed in Coptic times above an accumulation of fallen brick and stone, and on this rubbish and these ancient walls the anchorites built a little irregular hovel, partly of rubble and partly of bricks from the tomb of Mentuemhat. In its ruined state little can be learned from such a squalid structure except that beside the steps leading down to the tomb there was a small room with benches along the side, recalling on a very reduced scale, the Vestibule in the monastery. 1 Cell A—if it be accepted as a residence of Epiphanius 2 K. Lake Early Monasticism on Mount Athos p. 5. during the first period of his membership in the community 3 Two ostraca found here (341, 479, mentioning a (see p. xxv)—would have been practically as old a site as Moses) may have fallen from the East Buildings above. Daga. Cell B—if it actually had been the residence of Psan The most interesting find here, however, was a compact —was earlier than the Boundary Wall. The date of the mass of papyri thrown away inside of Tomb 4. Some are foundation of C is more doubtful, but from the ostraca it addressed to Epiphanius and Pesenthius and there is no was evidently occupied during the last period of the exist- doubt but that all, or most, form one group: 130, 135, ence of the community, at least. 249, 254, 263, 311, 443, 461, 511, 558. 39 The com- munity of the Monastery and its cells (Plates II and IV) The Lower East Buildings (Plate III) Μ.Ν. Ν ise ᾗ = CHAMBER OVER TOMB Μουτη 4.49. above Court | ground ο K ο σοιση 1 { τα [ 1 Granary Z 1 1 ᾖ See wet στ ο ὃς ῃ COURT g = WW 4 DESTROYED L : Ί πο. g Z VY 3 Ἴ Sepp Zi 2 AST GT som bere Cnr a a Ἔ y 2 ΕΙ ιο crore ὂ SORTS sR Yy, ait ¥ ο r { 2 722222 εώς να, οπως) ΤΕΝ. to Monastery —> Room) 4.40 Μ. above Court SCALE seas Dynastic Rack Cutting “ZB Coptic Brick and Stone walls existing KG Coptic: Alterations 2272 Coptic wally restored FIG. 5 GROUND PLAN OF CELL THE OUTLYING CELLS OF THE MONASTERY The most elaborate of the outlying structures was Cell A (Fig. 5). Its nucleus was a Cell A (Plate rather small XI Dynasty tomb, roughly on the same level as the tomb of Daga. Within, it had been paved with broken chips of bas-reliefs—presumably from the tomb of Mentuemhat—and benches had been built on either hand and a loom pit dug against the wall on the west side. Since the door of the tomb had fallen in, the anchorites had built a fairly neat, square vestibule of brick in front of it, as usual directly on the rubbish which encumbered the tomb mouth. Hence there was a step up from the inner part of the tomb and again at the door of the vestibule. Originally this step had been about a meter inside the vestibule and the floor had been of mud mixed with chopped straw. Eventually a pavement of tiles (32 x 16.5 x 4 cm.) was laid over this, the step moved to the doorway, and a second loom installed. Here again the vestibule in the mouth of the tomb was arranged as an assembling or sitting room for the anchorites. There was the usual mud bench along one side, and even a well- worn mat upon the floor. Furthermore, among the fallen bricks just inside of the door there were found fragments of plaster from the walls with traces of a painted Coptic text in red ochre —probably another edifying extract from the Fathers ‘—a bit of a graffito (659) and even a wall picture. In front of the tomb, after the vestibule was built, a courtyard was added with a rough, mud- plastered, stone wall around it and a brick bench along the east side recalling the benches in the court of the East Buildings. On the higher rocks CIRCULAR, OPENING FIG. 6 RUIN ESC sunrace UNDERGROUND GRANARY IN CELL A above, a number of large rooms were erected of which only the foundations remain. Their floors gradually rose from 1.85 meters above the courtyard level to 4.40 meters—this last chamber going over the top of the tomb, and from it leading the path to the Monastery. In the northern corner of the court stood a round brick structure which was not an oven and has therefore been called a granary. Just outside there was a little donkey stable? 1 See Part II, graffito (Coptic) 658. 2 There is a letter apparently asking for two asses from one be brought to Cell A (408). 4 the Monastery (373), and another apparently asking that IX) The Vestibule with bench and stelae The outer structures The underground granary (Plate X) A scribe’s workshop THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS (as 1s evident from the stable refuse) and the steps descending to an underground granary. This underground granary was evidently a typical arrangement of the period, for we found the ruins of another, identical granary at the bottom of the hill below CellC (Plate II, and Fig. 7). Unfortunately this latter granary could not be completely excavated except at unreasonable expense, because boulders weighing several tons each had fallen into the collapsed chamber at the foot of the stairs. The granary of Cell A, however, was practically intact (Fig. 6). The anchorites had cut a small underground chamber in the soft shale, with a stairway leading into one end and an open pit beside the other. The bottom of the pit was separated from the chamber by a thin mud partition rf in which was arranged a circular opening and a terracotta pipe. Seep Ἰ Ἡ ρὸ πα ne g By beans) was poured down the pit, whence it was allowed to run The grain stored below (we found barley, fenugreek and broad into the chamber. Grain withdrawn was probably carried up the stairs in sacks. Crudely cut little cupboards in the walls recall those in the Towers. ή) In the course of time shale fell from the roof and filled the 27) chamber to the level of the second step of the stairs. Apparently the monks were not receiving much grain at the time, or they were storing it elsewhere, for they made no attempt to remove the débris and a very small séma‘ grain-bin, put on top of the fallen rubbish, henceforth sufficed their needs here. Even this ceased to be useful in the latter days of the community and the old granary degenerated into a rubbish hole for broken pottery. FIG. 7 The granaries and stable, and the looms inside the cell give REMAINS OF AN UNDERGROUND some hint of the occupations of the inmates, and in addition GRANARY BELOW CELL C we found a quantity of palm leaf and fiber for basket making. More interesting still were the evidences that one or more of the inmates were most industrious scribes engaged in writing out devotional extracts. We unearthed a large batch of ostraca, the handiwork of one of them named Moses, which had been lying on the mat in the vestibule when the walls fell and buried them. Epiphanius, during his residence here, was in correspondence about books, as well as about the business of the cell—linen, wine, corn and donkeys.* In fact the affairs of this cell were multifarious and I See “From Cell A,” passim, 36 texts in the Biblical, 93, 191, 400, 501, 545 (cf. 93). Homiletical and Liturgical Sections (Coptic and Greek) in 3 Letters about books: 374, 382, 394, 305 ?, 555?. Other Part II. School pieces: 615, 62z. letters to Epiphanius from Cell A: 120, 206, 258 ?, 259, 2 See notes under 3 and598. An order for a text (?) from 329, 336, 340, 363, 307, 408, 424, 445, 451, 463, 485. Moses: 386. Other documents regarding Moses from Cell A: 42 ΤΗΕ OUTLYING CELLS OF THE MONASTERY a larger amount of correspondence, from all of the periods, was found here than in any other outlying part of the community.! About 10 meters above Cell A there was another small XI Dynasty tomb which had served as an anchorite’s habitation—Cell B (Fig. 8). The front of the tomb had fallen in, and in this collapsed entrance had been built a little irregular hovel with bricks found on the spot and others dug out of the tomb of Mentuemhat, but so poorly was it constructed that it too collapsed and had to be rebuilt on narrower lines. Again the vestibule seems to have been the room in which the occupants of the Cell sat in converse with their com- panions, for on either side there were the usual mud benches about 30 cm. high and over the bench on the left there appears to have been a stela.? There are, therefore, the essentials of the Vestibule exedra of the Monastery here also. Cell B and its vestibule with benches and stela The interior of the tomb Inside of the ancient tomb the similarity to the main Monastery was continued. The corridor was thickly plastered and whitewashed (this seems to have been done twice) ; the usual lamp niche was provided on the right; a shelf was put in high up before the first plastering of the walls, and benches were built along the sides. What may be a new feature in this ο Whiteplaster Ε Μα far cell is provided by a little pit in the corridor floor with a very low chamber at the bottom. Probably it was a secondary burial pit of late dynastic times, but since it evidently stood open during the Coptic occupation it may have served as a retreat for an inmate of the Cell at times, when he desired to conduct his devotions in absolute solitude. Holes and hidden caves had a fascination for the austere, and such a saintly pe Ee et being as Saint John Colobus made a hidden place underground ους in his cave into which he used to descend to pray, wearing GROUND PLAN OF CELL B a special tunic of palm fiber to mortify the flesh and add merit to his devotions.’ The cell of Apa Psan ? Clearly it was some peculiarly holy individual who had sanctified this place, for it is a noteworthy fact that Cell B was held in the highest regard by the people of Jéme. Over two score visitors have scratched their names and their prayers on the corridor walls as high up as they could reach standing on the low benches.t Such pilgrimages were made 1 Miscellaneous correspondence from Cell A: Isaac and Elias: ττο (see note), 160, 316, 459. Others: 113, 119, 122, 127, 171, 224, 228, 231, 268, 278, 288, 299, 334, 506, 527, 627. 2 The position of the stela could be seen as a recess in the wall. A fragment of it with a text mentioning the Council of Chalcedon (587), found above Cell A, may well have fallen down from Cell B. Another with a homiletic text (588) was found in Cell B. 3 Suggested by White, who cited Life of John Colobus, Mus. Guim. xxv p. 351, and the Syriac story of Hilaria in Wensinck Legends of Eastern Saints ii p. 53. 4 Part II, graffiti 660-675 (Coptic) and 683-702 (Greek). 675 A in the Cairo Museum was probably from the Original Monastery. 42 Cell C (Plate II) Characteristics of the Epi- phanius cells THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS only to the Epiphanius room, of all the other cells of this monastery, and were scarcely so numerous as here in any other anchorite’s dwelling now existing in Thebes. Unfortunately, none of these visitors invoked the intercession of the holy man who had dwelt here and we can only surmise who he may have been. Naturally, however, we should select Psan, the companion and heir of Epiphanius, and it is an interesting fact that two letters addressed to him were found here,? and equally suggestive that no others addressing him were found in any of the other cells outside of the main buildings. But if Psan were one of the occupants of Cell B, it was evidently dwelt in by several other anchorites, both before his time and after his death or his removal to the Monastery* and among them there appears to have been one school teacher or scribe.‘ A steep climb of about 20 meters uphill, on a path that was a little more than 100 meters long from Entrance A of the Monastery, led to Cell C.* Here the courtyard of another XI Dynasty tomb, some 30 meters wide, had been leveled off, roughly paved and fenced in with an irregular rubble wall. A vestibule was built in the tomb entrance with bricks from the tomb of Mentuemhat (33 x 16 x 11 cm.) and paved with Coptic, baked floor tiles (32 x 16.5 x 4 cm.). From it one entered the ancient tomb passage 13 meters long. The walls within retained much of their original plaster and on it the anchorites had - saree ω a daubed a couple of crude crosses, one of which contained the initials : SS . Nearby yo mle | XC on the east, over a small underground chamber there was the usual lamp niche cut in the wall and plastered in lime stucco with a decoration and an inscription in Coptic, now too much obliterated to be read. In the floor there were three loom holes cut in the rock. The granary at the bottom of the hill (see p. 42 above) may have been part of this Cell.é Certain features stand out as typical of all the cells and of the main Monastery, which after all was but an overgrown cell itself. First: The anchorites invariably sought out for their dwellings one of the ‘‘caves’”’—the ancient tombs—with which the hill of Jéme was honeycombed. Within it they took up their abode, and if their reputations for sanctity had been sufficient among the town’s people to attract pilgrims into the inner recesses of this abode after their deaths, these visitors scribbled their names upon the walls.? No alterations were made within the tomb 1 In Cell A, 659 was the only visitor’s graffito noted. It is reasonable to suppose that they lived here. A letter 2 123 (with Epiphanius), 193. to a Cyriacus, 406; another to a Peter, 217; a liturgical 3 Letters were found to Elias, 205, 290; to Enoch, 357; piece, 45, and a deed, 633, complete the documents from to Epiphanius and Moses of Cell A, 208, 229, 465; toa the site. deacon, 192; and uncertain, τοῦ, 197, 207, 346, 364, 410, 6 Isaac and Ananias of this cell are requested to send 436, 548, 563. linen garments in 354 and 356, which may have come from 4 Around the cell were found seven school pieces, 571, these looms, and Ananias receives corn in 325, which may 573, 611-14, 618, and three biblical and liturgical texts, have gone into this granary. 2, 589, 608. 7 Probably Epiphanius was already dead when invoked 5 Out of six letters found here, four were addressed to in 640, 644, 647, 680. Isaac and Ananias, 118, 285, 325, 354, together or singly. 44 THE OUTLYING CELLS OF ΤΗΕ MONASTERY itself except, usually, a lamp niche in the east wall, and perhaps a bench or two, and in no case was sufficient effort expended to clear away the rubbish from the tomb mouth. Secondly: They built in the tomb mouth a vestibule which was at the same time a recep- tion room. Low masonry benches lined the walls, and in niches or on stelae above them some expert calligraphist set out in neat red letters, edifying extracts from the Fathers, to keep ever before those who conversed there the true and orthodox doctrines of the Faith. Thirdly: In time they built other rooms about the vestibule on no regular plan, and therefore nameless to us. Among them a fenced-in courtyard was usual, with benches for sitting in the sun in winter or in the cool breezes of hot summer nights. In no case could this fence have constituted a protection, except in the case of the Boundary Walls of the Monastery itself. Fourthly: All of the cells show alterations and additions which point to occupation extending over a period of years. The accumulations of dirt and rubbish around them bear this out—and attest to the squalor in which these God-fearing fathers dwelt. Fifthly : The anchorites of each cell appear to have had their own installations for labor. By far the most common was the loom. When looms were not found, some trade other than weaving may have been followed, as for example in Cell A where palm-leaf baskets were made! In Cell A the inmates also kept donkeys and there also—and probably in Cell C— they had their own granaries in addition to the more commodious ones of the Monastery itself.2 Finally in Cell A one or more of the anchorites was a scribe and in Cell B there seems to have been a school teacher installed. 4. The Cemetery Just outside the Boundary Wall, below the Tower, there was a little Cemetery which evidently belonged to the Monastery. No women or children seem to have been buried here and the graves were so few—eleven at the most—that there can be no doubt that it was reserved for the inmates of the Monastery only, just as was that of Deir el Medineh and probably those of Deir Kurnet Murra‘t and Deir el Bakhit and the vestibule of the Chapel at Deir el Bahri. (See pp. 8, 13, 15 above.) Unquestionably this was the place wherein were buried “Apa Psan and Apa Epiphanius, whose holy remains lie now in the Monastery,” as the will of Jacob and Elias informs us. No trace of any inscription was found that might have served to identify any of the graves with the different individuals who are known to have been members of the com- munity. Furthermore, since six of the graves were totally empty, and three others had been partially plundered, too little remained to draw any conclusions as to the physical 1 On the trades followed in Chapters 111 and vi. Ρ. 146) that it is not surprising to find ample storage space 2 “Corn” played such a large part in the correspondence provided for it. of the anchorites (see Part If Index VII and Chap. vi 3 Part I] Appendix III p. 346. 45 The burial- place of the monks The bodies of the monks The Canopy Tomb (Plates III and XI) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS characteristics of those of the monks whose bodies remained. This much can be said how- ever: the five of whom traces were found were unquestionably adult men, one about thirty years old, and two others forty or fifty; where their hair still existed it was moderately long, as were their beards; and in the three cases where there was evidence, it could be seen definitely that they had not been circumcised.? FIG. 9 PLAN OF THE CEMETERY The spot chosen by the monks for their last resting-place sloped rather abruptly down hill, and in preparing it for the graves of the community a rectangular space about 10 or 12 meters square was leveled off. (Fig. 9.) As usual the Mentuemhat tomb supplied the bricks for a retaining wall, inside of which rubbish, chip and dirt were dumped to form a more or less level platform. In the center a canopy-like tomb was built, of which nothing is now left except the bases of the four corner piers. The plan was a fairly accurately laid out Square, 5.20 meters on a side, with arches averaging 2.75 meters wide in each face, to sup- port a dome 3.40 meters in diameter above. We have conclusive evidence of the general 1 Nos. 7 and 11 were 40-50 years old; 158 cm. tall. and wavy brown hair. No. 11 had hair 5 cm. long at back No. 8 was 30-40 years old; 158 cm. tall; traces of beard of head. Nos. 8, 10 and 11 were not circumcised. 46 ΤΗΕ TEE ME TERY type of the structure in the inside corners, where there can still be seen the ribs which rose to secondary arches supporting the pendentives. This was a constructive principle very common in the somewhat earlier, cubical, domed chapels of E] Bagawat in Khargeh Oasis where there happens to be one ruined tomb of a form practically identical with this one. The type—a domed canopy on four piers—has survived in Egypt even to modern times, and in Arab cemeteries as widely separated as the First Cataract and Lisht one can find such tombs, although nowadays they are usually much smaller than this one, and are often built on top of a square pedestal.! There appears to be no complete contemporary example surviving from which to reconstruct this tomb in elevation, but taking the side openings as about as high as they are wide—which is the general proportion in E] Bagawat—the whole structure was probably almost five meters high. As it was plastered and whitewashed, it must have made a rather striking feature under the Monastery wall and keep, to be seen by all who passed by on their way to Deir el Bahri. The unsymmetrical way in which the Canopy Tomb lies in respect to the Boundary Wall suggests that it was built before the existence of the latter. Again, the first grave to be dug beneath it appears to have been no. 3, and as it is so far from the center of the dome, it seems impossible that the dome could have been built over an already existing grave. Further, it hardly seems likely that, had any mark existed above each grave, the latter would have been grouped so irregularly, nor would they have broken into each other as often as they did.? The natural conclusion is, therefore, that the tomb was built at an early date by the founder, before the death of any of his followers, to serve as a common monu- ment to himself and to all the members of the little community.* Since there were no grave- stones, possibly the epitaphs were written on the whitewashed structure. * If no. 3 was the first grave, the intention seems to have been to leave space for a row of graves under the dome. Nos. 4 and 5 followed; no. 2 and no. 6, and finally no. 7, make up the next period. The space under the canopy was now pretty well taken up and the latest graves, nos. 8, 9, 10 and 11, were dug in that order on the north side, where the filled- in ground made digging easy. They were all simple, unlined graves, about two meters in length and half a meter wide. From the ancient surface they were a meter or more deep, of which 70-100 cm. was cut in the soft rock in the graves of the upper row, and 30-50 cm. in the lower ones. All were laid with the heads in an uphill direction, here south- west.® 1 At Deir esh Shuhada, Esne, in 1743, many of the Daniel p. 19). Bishop Pesenthius too had caused his grave graves were described by Pococke (Description p. 112) to be dug during life (JE. ii 421). as having similar domes supported on four arches. 4 Such grave inscriptions were carved in the wall of the (W. E.G.) temple of Deir el Medineh, above the heads of graves. See 2 No. 4 broke into no. 3 near the surface; 5 into 4; above, p. 8. 7 into 6; and 11 into 8. 5 At Deir el Medineh the graves are likewise oriented 3 White noted that Apa Daniel, living in Scetis in the to S.W., in this case the direction of the graves being at 6th century, had built a ‘resting-place’ of his own wherein right angles to the ancient temple wall. Baraize Ann. he buried the chaste Thomais (Clugnet Vie de ἵ Abbé du S. xiti Pl. A. 47 The common monument of all the monks The graves THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS Grave (?) no. 1 So far no. 1 has been left out of consideration, as it seems questionable whether it was really a grave, or if so, contemporary with the others. As found, it was a rectangular hole cut in the rock, 2.90 meters long and 1.57 meters wide, with a level floor 1.50 meters below the rock surface at one end, and 0.75 meters at the other. Two steps descended into it, and inside there were traces of a sort of cement plaster of lime and ashes. Considering its size, a brick vaulted roof might have been expected had it actually been a grave, but no traces were found. Preparation of The bodies were laid out for burial with a coarse rag knotted around the waist as a sort ceria ον of loin cloth (nos. 7, 8, 9), and sometimes another under the chin and over the top of ο ST) the head to keep the mouth closed (8). The big toes (8, 11), and even the knees (8), were tied together with string. ΤΠΕ arms were laid at the sides (7, ο, 10, 11) or the hands were tied together in front of the groins (8). The body might then be roughly bundled up from head to knees in a coarse cloth (10, 11), or a shirt (see page 71 below), wrapped around the head and trunk with the excess folded over the face and chest (8). The body was then laid on the first grave sheet and handfuls of coarse rock salt and juniper berries? were poured between the legs (7 to 11) and over the trunk, inside (8) and outside (7, 10) the innermost wrappings—a reminiscence of ancient mummification which had but little effect in pre- serving the body. The burial The sheet on which the body now lay was wide enough to be folded over and cover the Gun ΧΙΙ) body in front, and long enough to be rolled and folded into cushions over the feet and face, making an envelope which was laced down the front with tapes sewn through slits cut in the cloth. On three of the bodies (9, 10, 11) this process was repeated four times, and over the fourth sheet a coarser, outside sheet was wrapped with its edges to the back. Another (8) had three long inner sheets on which the body was laid with the edges brought together in front, alternated with three shorter ones that were laid over the body from the knees up, with the edges folded behind the back. This body had three cushions around the head and over the face, and numerous strips that tied the sheets in place, all of the same material as the six sheets themselves. If these cushions and strips were torn from the three short sheets, the latter would have been originally the same length as the three long ones. Over all six sheets came an outer coarse one open down the back. Still another body (7) was first laid in a sheet so that the edges came down the left side; then in a second sheet with the edges on the right; a third with the edges in front, and a fourth with them down the back—in each case laced with tapes. Over the face were thin pillows of folded cloth between the different layers. 1 Tying the limbs together in this way, before wrapping without coffins, but with the limbs tied this way to make the bodies, was practised in El Bagawat in the preceding them easier to carry. centuries, and goes back to Saite times. In 1922 we found 2 Identified by Prof. Schweinfurth in the field at the bodies of the poorer classes of the XXVI Dynasty buried time of discovery. directly in the sand in the Mentuhotep Temple Court 48 ΠΗΡ ΘΕΜΡΙΡΝΝ One noticeable fact about these winding-sheets is that they came in pairs, recalling the pairs of tapes (see below) and the pairs of sheets (ghoc) which appear frequently in the ostraca.1 One body (7) had four all alike; another (9), four alike and a single, innermost one somewhat finer ; two others (10, 11), each four alike and each an outermost one some- what coarser; and the last (8), six alike and a coarse sheet outside. Sets of four and six thus appear in each case, with an extra sheet of different quality. The pairs of grave cloths were in all cases plain, unhemmed sheets of new, unused linen, averaging in length 220 cm., and in width about 75 cm. In every case they were undecorated, except two pairs of sheets from Grave 10 which had woven across them a double weft of blue wool ending in three red dots of embroidery. Se == = SS =| EE eee sole = ο. wee Cae = Sipe = σας ο ωρες. —— κας. στα - = THE LACING OF BINDING TAPES The body being finally wrapped in its grave sheets, these were tightly bound in place by pairs of tapes—the xepra (κειρία) of the ostraca.? The first pair were bound around the body criss-crossing one another at the sides, in front and behind, doubtless in un- conscious imitation of the earlier bandaging of the mummies of men and animals during the pagan Roman Period, when strips of colored cloth were woven into intricate diamond patterns over the outside of the wrappings. Another tape, or a pair of tapes, was then woven in and out among the crossing tapes at their intersections, holding them in place and making chain patterns down the sides, the front and the back (Fig. 10). In one case only (8) those who prepared the body for burial skimped their work and simply laid a tape down the front of the body and crossed the others over it. Usually the last stage in the preparation for burial was to attire the body of the anchorite in his leather apron and girdle (see Chapters 111 and vi pp. 76, 156). In one case (9) both apron and girdle had been put on the body before it was wound in its outer sheet and bound 1 ghoc in pairs: 354, 356, 522. 2 See note under 348, and Chapter 111 p. 71. 49 “Pairs of grave cloths” The binding tapes (Plate XXII, B) The leather girdles and aprons (Plates XXVI-VII) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS with its tapes. In the other cases! the apron was hung about the shoulders, the pocket inside and the fringe tucked under the tapes at the knees, with the girdle belted about the waist over it. On the dead this position appears to have been the rule at Thebes. In one case only (8), an additional covering was put on the body—a linen bag, ripped open along one edge, pulled down over the face with its strings tied to the girdle thongs. ως the The body was now ready for burial. Sometimes green plants and a handful or two of odies in the graves salt were scattered in the grave before the body was put into it (8), and then the body was (Plate XI) laid away with the monk’s grass sleeping-mat over it (8, 9, 11), or asa substitute, a shorter scrap of old matting eked out with a large palm-leaf work-basket split open and spread out mat-like over the body (7). 1 The apron and girdle were not preserved on no. 10 which had been ripped open at the chest. 50 CHAPTER Ill TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS AT THE MONASTERY AS SHOWN BY THE EXCAVATIONS 1. Building and Carpentry HERE is little to be said of the mason’s and builder’s trades as shown in the The masonry of Monastery of Epiphanius. In fact it was the monks themselves who seem to have αν done almost all of the crude construction that there was, and if they ever called in a professional mason it was only on the Towers and the Canopy Tomb, and possibly on the vaulted passage leading to the Vestibule. Arched, vaulted and domed, these parts of the Monastery alone show a knowledge of something beyond the mere piling up of boulders and mud bricks in rough walls, but unfortunately they were all too dilapidated to supply any technical details except on the vault brick. This was a very thin rectangular brick, 40 X 20 X 6cm., in the still soft mud of which the moulder scraped a row of concentric arcs with his finger-tips for the mortar to key into. All of the other rooms were probably roofed as is the modern fell@h’s house with reeds, or exceptionally with planks, covered with mats and then with a thick layer of mud. The barrel vault was a heritage from dynastic times, and the true brick arch exists in the pylons of the Saite tomb of Mentuemhat. However, the brick dome springing from pendentives is known to us only from Roman times, and the same is apparently true of the general use of burnt brick floor-tiles. In the dry climate of Egypt constructions in mud are developed to a point undreamed Native grain- of in more rainy countries and to some extent mud fills the lack of more durable wood. σος aoe Perhaps its most remarkable development is in the large, round, thin-walled, mud grain- XIII, A-B) bins so characteristic of every Upper Egyptian hamlet. They are purely a product of the native environment and have been made in slightly varying forms from dynastic times 1 Clearly described in 358, where the writer begs that the against the sun, as well as the rain-water, will spoil the mats be procured; for, as he rightly points out, the mud planks, unless the layer of mats is placed over them. with which roofs are covered in Egypt as a protection 51 Mud grain- bins in the monastery (Plates XIII-— XIV) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS until today. In Arabic the round ones are called sdéma‘ exe, Var. drome (pl. sowdma‘ @+ls0) with a number of other names for the different shapes.? Eight sowd@ma‘ were found in the lower, granary chambers of the First Tower, two others just outside of the entrance (Fig. 3), and another in the granary of Cell A. Their contents showed clearly enough that they were grain-bins.* In the Monastery of Cyriacus three were found, two of them under the floor near the oven where they were handy to the bakery, and one of these contained corn. They were made, as they are today, of a mixture of Nile mud, DETAILS FROM MUD GRAIN-BINS (A, MONASTERY OF CYRIACUS; B-H, FIRST TOWER). SCALE I 315 manure and straw well rotted together until the straw and the manure have permeated the mass with a sort of vegetable glue, and the straw fibers have made a binding material. When dry this mixture is so hard and tough that thin walls will not only support themselves but large objects made of it can be readily moved about. The larger bins seem to have been made on the spot,‘ although the smaller ones in Cell A and the Monastery of Cyriacus may well have been brought from elsewhere, as is often done by the fella4h women today.’ When the big sowdma‘ of the First Tower were made, a layer of ashes was spread on the brick floor to prevent them from sticking and make it possible to move them eventually if desirable. On this ash layer the mud bottom of the sdma‘ was laid, usually a little more 1 They have been found by the Metropolitan Museum Expedition in the dynastic village of Lisht, and by Honroth, Rubensohn and Zucker in the early Ptolemaic town at Elephantine (47. 1909, p. 20). 2 The name séma‘ implies a narrowing or conical roof. The square bins are called sufat bio, pl. ablic (AZ. 1909, 45 η. ὦνὰ-φ) and those with open sleeping-places on top mendma delice, pl. polio, 3 Those in the towers are mentioned in 532 as having been used to store 21 Maasse of corn. The name AaKwn there applied to them occurs also in 283, and perhaps in 550. 4 Those at Elephantine must have been made in the cellars where they were found, as they were too large to have been brought in through the doors. 5 In 283 the AaKwm is transportable by camel. BUILDING AND CARPENTRY than a meter in diameter, and the bottom ring was moulded by hand, about 3 cm. thick and 27 cm. high. This much was allowed to dry thoroughly. A ring of mud was then put around it to prevent the ashes from running out from underneath, and the second ring was added, generally a little higher than the first. Ring by ring they were built up until a height of about two meters seems to have been reached in the largest bins. The general shape suggests a beehive with handles on the top two rings and a mouth like a gigantic jar (Fig. 11, A-E). As each ring was added a crude, scratched design was carried from one to the other to serve as a guide for setting them in place again if they were ever moved (G-H). If they were in their final position, the lower rings were held in place by a smear of mud over the joints after they had dried. The two top rings always remained removable, and for this purpose they were provided with handles and the joint between them was beveled to prevent the top ring from sliding off. As a lid, the bottom of an old pot would serve for those with narrow mouths (A), while those with wider openings might have a flat, mud cover which could be lifted off by a rope loop or by a couple of little sticks let into the sides (F). As a general thing the sowdma‘ in the Monastery of Epiphanius were made to stand above A mud the surface, but two of those in the Monastery of Cyriacus were Ὃ ει B) buried under the floor with their mouths alone showing, and in Room C of the First Tower there was a similar, small, hidden bin with a slab of limestone over the mouth. Our workmen called it a δαγᾶία, “bird- house,” and judging from the small opening at the bottom it was the upper part of a small dove-cote (Fig. 12). It is made like a séma‘ and was used in this place, doubtless, because it happened to be handy at FIG. 12 MUD BIRD-HOUSE USED AS A BIN WITH A STONE floor. LID. SCALE 1:15 the time that some monk wanted to make a little secret hole under the Two bakery ovens? were found in the Monastery—one in the East Buildings and the Bread-baking other in the West Court (Fig. 13). Both are of the type used by the fellahin today and ως. probably by their ancestors in dynastic times. The western oven, more or less carefully built of brick from the tomb of Mentuemhat, was about 117 cm. in diameter and probably 250 cm. high inside. The eastern one was a much cruder affair made of bits of burnt brick behind a rough partition in one end of Room 19. Both were beehive shaped, with a circular hearth below and a domed baking chamber above. The floor of the hearth rose with the accumulation of ashes and the fire-doors were raised with them. The floor of the baking chamber was supported on arches (a—a’, b—b’) in the western oven at least. There was a vent at the back of it and, judging from the modern ovens, others above in the sides and top of the dome. The modern practice is to kindle a wood fire on the hearth® and leave the 1 The 10 examples in the First Tower vary from 68 to 3 Purchases of firewood for the Monastery ovens are 142 cm. in diameter with an average of 105 cm. recorded in 94, 533 and 542. A possible reference to flax 2 In 406 there is an order to an artisan, Cyriacus, to stalks for firewood is in 360. make certain things for the bakery. 53 THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS fire-door and all of the vents open for a draft until the oven heats up. The bread is then put in through the oven-door and the latter and all of the vents are sealed with mud, leaving the fire to smoulder underneath while the baking is going on. Carpenters’ Skilled carpentry is not to be expected on such a provincial site as this. Nor is it likely tools—th : : Ὃ that any of the monks were themselves carpenters,! and for this reason, and possibly (Plate XV, A) also because the iron in them was too valuable to be lost, few carpenters’ tools remained J Yu oN Y a My 4 { De ss xe Oven Door xa R777, -—---- ~~ pam Zp JECTION ον A-B OVEN IN East Bumpines DECTION ον C-D OVEN IN We5r Buitpines FIG. 13 CONSTRUCTION OF THE MONASTERY OVENS in the Monastery.? However, broken pieces were found of that oldest of Egyptian tools, the bow-drill. It belongs both to the earliest dynastic times and to the present, and so great a favorite is it still that even the Cairo-bred, Italian carpenter of the Egyptian Museum will use it for a delicate job in preference to the most up-to-date of machinist’s geared drills. A very simple type of drill socket from the Monastery was a bit of the sole I See below, p. 159. In 220 one of the anchorites is asked to give advice in a carpentry job. 2 An inventory of carpenters’ tools is in 547. 54 BUILDING AND CARPENTRY of an old sandal, to be held in the palm of the hand over the head of the rotating drill- stock. A more practical drill socket was a split wooden cylinder, 9.4 x 4 cm., with a cavity inside for the head of the drill-stock. When pegged together it held the latter by the knob on top of it (Fig. 14). A block of tamarisk wood with charred holes in it was probably the block of a fire bow-drill. Wood-turning—which is not characteristic of dynastic carpentry—became a favorite Lathe-turned practice of the cabinet-makers of Graeco-Roman times and has remained so among the το Β) Arabs until today. The lathe was probably the simple contrivance of the Cairo bazaars ; a horizontal iron bar with a simple, fixed chock welded to one end, and a movable chuck secured in place by wedges, sliding from the other. The operator rotates the wood he is turning back and forth by hand with a bow similar to those used with drills. Much of the native wood can be turned easily on this primitive machine, and as this wood is A FIG. 14 FIG. 15 SOCKET OF A BOW-DRILL, THE TURNED WOOD BOX. SCALE I: 2 BALUSTERS FROM FURNITURE KNOBBED DRILL-STOCK RE- SCALE 1:3 STORED. SCALE 1:4 not good for much else, turning became general once it was introduced. Such small objects as spindle-whorls were turned, as was a small tamarisk-wood box, which once had a lid attached by a string through a hole in the rim. It was made for some greasy substance, now black and hard and insoluble in water (Fig. 15). Such blocks of wood as the native carpenter can procure can be made to go a long way _ Baluster lattice work (Plate XV, the Monastery of Epiphanius. A small baluster with tenons at both ends from a light CD) when assembled in lattice work. Balusters from screens were, therefore, very common at lattice with heavy rails, was intended to be seen from both sides (Fig. 16, A) ; a more massive specimen carved in a debased plant form, was mitered on top to fit between the converging rails of a piece of furniture (B); and a third was split longitudinally to be pegged onto the front of a chest or box (C). The turned balusters most characteristic in type were, however, those intended to be 1 Native Egyptian woods are notoriously poor. Tamarisk wood. Sycamore-fig can be made into rough boards. It and acacia are hard and gnarled, but adaptable for turning. also was found and appears for carpentry in 326 and 437. Specimens of both are found, and in 432 an acacia tree is “Wood” is to be sent to the Monastery in 341, but its to be cut down for the Monastery—but perhaps for fire- species and use are not specified. See below, p. 159. 55 Flat lattice work (Plate XV, C-D) Lattice work for furniture and possibly for windows THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS used in a lattice screen which was to be seen from one side only (Fig. 17). Short spools of tamarisk were turned on the lathe with projections left at each end. They were then split or sawn vertically into four sections (A), and dressed with an adze on the back until the projecting ends were flattened into thin tongues or tenons which fitted the mortises in continuous rails (Β--Ο). If these rails themselves were turned on the lathe between balusters, the screen so made would have had an effect like the Arab mushrabtyab, except that this Coptic screen was intended to be seen from one side only. A very simple but effective type of lattice, made up entirely of short flat units mortised and tenoned one into the other, appears to have been common in Thebes at this time.! A unit from such screen work was found in the Monastery. It was 13.8 cm. long, 2 cm. wide and 2.4 cm. thick, with a tenon at each end and two mortise holes cut through the Tr 8 Ζ Α B c dll ZB) FIG. 17 SPLIT BALUSTERS FROM WOODEN SCREENS. SCALE I 74 sides. The front has mitered joints and grooves; the back has square joints and no grooves and was therefore not to be seen. A screen made up of such units would have a succession of large and small square openings (Fig. 18), or if half of the units had the side joints reversed, uniform oblong openings. Much of the lattice work found on Coptic sites comes from furniture, and in fact a bench with a back of flat lattice work almost identical with that just described is in the Cairo Museum.* Some, however, may have come from window screens designed to let into the house whatever air might be stirring outside, without flooding the rooms with blazing sunlight. Such screens were common in dynastic times and have been universal in Arab Egypt under the name of mushrabiyah. The designs of dynastic window screens, like the contemporary furniture, were drawn from flowers, amulets or figures of the gods. If this similarity between the motifs of furniture and window screens in dynastic times held in the Roman Period, the window lattices of the latter must have been of turned work like 1 Naville and Hall XJth Dynasty Temple iii Pl. XXXIV, round baluster lattice work on furniture, ibid. 8795. Many show a unit similar to the one described above, and another of the specimens in Cairo are from K6ém Ishgau (ibid. of the same general type was found by Theodore M. Davis 7230-37) where the Coptic ruins are of the 7th-8th in Medinet Habu. centuries (Quibell in Ann. du S. iii p. 85). 2 Strzygowski Koptische Kunst 8793; an example of BUILDING AND CARPENTRY their furniture. Hence to window screens we should properly assign the split balusters described above, and see in them the origin of medieval and modern mushrabiyab. Quite in the spirit of the dynastic windows was a small wooden window intended to be let into a wall in such a way that a beam of sunlight would stream through an opening cut in the shape of a Maltese cross. It is a circular block of sycamore wood, 21 cm. in diameter and 6 cm. thick, beveled on the edge where it was to be built into the masonry. While none of the wooden doors of the Monastery was found, their form can be re- constructed clearly enough from the doorways in the brick walls of the two Towers, of Room 13 and of the Vestibule of Cell A. From them one can see that the doors themselves were contrived to hinge on pivots which fitted sockets in the sills and lintels exactly like Lt ΙΙ πι l= 1 7 FLAT LATTICE-WORK SCREEN RESTORED. SCALE I: 5 the dynastic doors and the Arab doors of today. The lower pivot socket was cut in hard wood, one from the East Buildings measuring 9 cm. square and 4 cm. thick. The doors opened inwards, and to allow a free passage they turned back into recesses half a brick deep in the walls inside the rooms. They closed against brick jambs on the outside and in the door-jamb of the Second Tower the bolt hole still exists 80 cm. above the sill, 12 cm. square, and 12 cm. deep. From this bolt hole alone one would be unable to deduce the type of lock employed, but by good fortune there was found in the rubbish in Cell A an actual lock (Fig. 19) which had been removed from a door where it had seen considerable use, and had been tied about with a noose of flax rope to hold it together until it should be needed again. It consists of a case carved from a block of sycamore wood (11 x 9 x 5.5 cm.), rounded on the outside, and flat on the back where it was fastened to the outer side of the door. OVE A cross-shaped window-light (Plate XVI, A) Construction of doors Locks and keys (Plate XVI, B) Foreign origin of the lock THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS The attachment was by three, square-sectioned, wrought-iron nails driven through holes drilled in the block. Such nails, found nearby, had flat round heads about 2.6 cm. in diameter. Through the length of the case goes a channel in which slides a horizontal bolt of hard, tamarisk wood, 17.5 cm. long. The bolt head and butt, being thicker than the shaft, the bolt can slide only 3.5 cm. to right or left, and cannot be removed once the case is nailed to the door. In the butt end of the bolt there are holes so arranged that when the bolt is shot they come directly under tumblers or fall-pins of tamarisk in chambers in the case. These pins dropping through the holes in the bolt secure it. The pins are slightly tapered, and their chambers narrowed sufficiently at the bottom to arrest them when they have penetrated the bolt. The chambers are masked by a wedge of tamarisk wood in the top of the case, which being slipped into place before the lock is attached to the door, cannot be removed afterwards. If the bolt has been shot into a socket in the door-jamb, the door is thus securely locked. To open it, it is necessary to raise all of the tumblers and withdraw the bolt simultaneously. For this purpose the case is cut away on the inside under the bolt. The arm of a key with teeth contrived to fit into the holes in the bolt is introduced here; it is lifted up so that its teeth lift all of the tumblers together and thus disengage the bolt, and then pulled backwards, the teeth which are still in the bolt holes drawing the bolt with it. The key of this particular lock was not found and in the drawing one has been restored with two teeth. The bolt, indeed, has three holes, but the third belongs to a time when it was used with another case, this case having but two tumblers. A two-toothed iron key of the type restored—but with teeth differently disposed—was found in the Monastery. It is shaped like a letter “L,” with a twisted shaft 10.5 cm. long, looped at the top to secure a brass ring 2.6 cm. in diameter.? Another form of key, such as is used in all the modern Egyptian villages and may well have been used with this lock, consists of a straight bar of wood with wooden or iron teeth in one end. This is the lock which has been the characteristic one in Egypt from Roman times down to the present day. Bolts have been found at Hawa4ra dating from the 4th century,’ wooden keys have been found in the Monastery of Saint Jeremias at Sakkara‘ and in the probably earlier Christian Necropolis of El Bagawat in Khargeh Oasis, and iron keys are to be found in all Coptic collections.’ The lock as used today in the Nile Valley has undergone a slight change of form without any change of principle—the bolt, instead 1 Requests to Psan for such nails appear in 320-321. Since there was absolutely no evidence that blacksmith’s work was done at the Monastery, it seems likely that these nails (like the water-wheel pots and shroud bandages mentioned on pp. 64 and 71 below) were something which were merely held in stock there. 2 From Cell A come two letters regarding keys (394, 397) of which the second gives instructions that the key is to be copied from another, and a remittance of money which is estimated approximately to cover the cost. 3 Petrie Hawara p. 11 Pl. XIII. 4 Quibell Saggara iv Pl. LIV; Manchester Mus., Cal. of Egypt. Antig. no. 9. 5 For example in Cairo; Strzygowski Koptische Kunst 9196-9200. BUILDING AND CARPENTRY of the case, being hollowed for the admission of the key.1 But in such remote localities as the Oases, one finds still in use an exact replica of this lock from the Monastery of Epiphanius. From dynastic times there appears to be no trace of a similar contrivance. It is true that at a very early period there were invented systems of locking coffins by means of falling pins and swivels, but as no means was provided to reopen them, they cannot be taken as predecessors of this lock.? On the other hand, this lock, or one working on the same principle, appears to have been in use in Greece as the “‘Laconian lock” from the ay ti FIG. 19 WOODEN LOCK, WITH IRON KEY RESTORED. SCALE 2:5 6th century s.c. onwards,‘ and it must have been brought to Egypt in either Greek or Roman times,’ since when its use has gradually expanded to Persia, to North Africa, and through Europe, even as far as the Orkney Islands.° 1 Denon Voyage dans l’Egypte Pl. LI; Lane Modern 3 Mace and Winlock Senebtisi p. 40. Egyptians, ed. 1836, 1 28. 4 Diels Parmenides p. 141; Marquardt Privatleben der 2 An iron key said to have been found by Passalacqua Romer i p. 223; Daremberg and Saglio Dict. des antiquités, (Catalogue raisonné p. 164; Berlin Ausfihrl. Verzeichnis s.v. “Sera”; Guhl and Koner Leben der Griechen u. Romer p. 226 no. 2847) in a Theban tomb containing antiquities 6th ed. p. 713; Diels op. cit. p. 48. of the XIX Dynasty, is unquestionably Roman. From 5 Birch (in a footnote to Wilkinson Manners and it, and from statements by Denon and Wilkinson, the Customs i p. 355) stated that the earliest example of the writers on Greek and Roman daily life have assumed that characteristic key of this lock known to him in Egypt was this type of lock originated in ancient Egypt, and this of go Α.Ρ. I can find none more ancient. fallacy has passed into such general books of reference as 6 Cuming Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass. 1856, pp. 118 ff. An the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and such a high authority example from Switzerland is in the MMA. no. 15.153. as Diels Antike Technik, 1914, p. 46. 59 Cupboard doors (Plate XVI, A) Their fastenings (Plate XVI, B) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Cupboards in the walls have frequently been noticed above, and evidence was found that some of them were provided with doors.1 A door frame from such a cupboard was found in the Monastery (Fig. 20). The opening is 37.2 cm. high and 28.4 cm. wide; the joining at the corners is by mortise and tenon held securely with wooden wedges ; the face of the frame is smoothly finished and grooved, while the back is left rough and has been carelessly beveled away to fit into the wall. Originally a door was mounted in it, hinged with pivots turning in holes at the top and bottom of the frame (A-B), and shutting inwards against a rabbet (C). In this case the door itself was probably made of wood, but another cupboard door, 55 cm. high x 35 cm. wide, was made of palm sticks and palm fiber woven together with two-ply palm cord, bound on the edges with thin leather sewn with thongs, and wattled over with the same mud mix- ture as was used to make the séma‘. The door which belonged in the wooden frame described above was fastened with a metal hook catching in a loop made by an iron nail, driven into the frame and bent over. A latch, 11.5 cm. long, from another small door was made of tamarisk wood, bored through for the metal nail on which it revolved (Fig. 21). FIG: 21 LATCH FROM A CUPBOARD DOOR. SCALE 2 25 1 White suggested that since the Coptic woruyt is frequently the equivalent of the Greek Oupis, it was a cupboard which could be closed. Arched cupboards like 60 FIG. 20 CONSTRUCTION OF A CUPBOARD DOOR FRAME SCALE I: 4 those described in the two Towers above, but provided with shelves for the storage of books or valuables, are figured by Quibell Saggara, 1906-7, Pl. LIX. AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS 2. Agriculture and Agricultural Implements In the granaries of Cell A we found barley, fenugreek and broad beans, and in a sdma‘ in the Monastery of Cyriacus, Andropogon sorghum. Onion peels were found in the rubbish hole in Room 5. On the whole one would conclude that in the 7th century the crops were very much what they are today. Of fruits there were found Medemia Argun (Hook.) and Balanites aegyptiaca, and of various plants, Cajanus flavus, Ricinus communis (castor oil), gourds and dém-palm nuts. A quantity of the seed-pods of the sumf-tree (Acacia nilotica) had been collected in Cell A, either for making a blue dye or for tanning leather. Finally the berries of the Juniperus phoenicea were common enough to be used in large quantities as an embalming agent in the graves. This list can be supplemented from documents found on the site and elsewhere, sum- marized in Chapter vi (see below, pp. 145 ff.). One of the most interesting finds at the Monastery of Epiphanius was the side of a norag ess, the threshing-machine of modern Egypt. It had been built into the wall of the First Tower and was, therefore, absolutely dateable to about 600 Α.Ρ. (see p. 34 above),? nor can there be any question as to the object’s identity as part of a ndrag, so specialized is its shape. The modern ndrag is a sort of sledge with axles—always three in number—on which revolve a set of iron disks. The two sides or runners of the sledge are joined near each end by cross pieces, and to the forward cross piece is fastened the shaft to which a pair of oxen are yoked. On top of the runners are wooden uprights with the driver’s seat swung between them, steadied with rope guys to the cross pieces. When the grain has been heaped on the threshing-floor, the ndrag is driven round and round over it, the revolving disks hulling the grain and incidentally chopping up the straw. The beam from the First Tower was of acacia wood 2.175 meters long. To give it a straight face when it was built into the wall, about 7 or 8 cm. had been cut away from its rounded under-side, but nevertheless the three axle holes can still be seen along the bottom, worn by the turning of the axles in them. Front and rear are the two large mortise holes for the cross pieces and on top the three for the uprights of the seat. To make their purposes clear the missing parts have been restored in Fig. 22. Except in such backward communities as the Oases, where the unharnessed cattle are still driven round and round over the grain to be threshed, the érag is in common use in Egypt today. Its existence in Egypt in the 7th century A.D. and its total absence from 1 The identifications of all of the following botanical 2 A possible mention of a nérag in the documents found specimens are due to Prof.G. Schweinfurth, who examined may be in 563, there translated “mill-wheel of the them in the field. threshing-floor” (nnvRA/ HTxsHpe). 61 Grains, fruits and other botanical speci- mens found Others from the documents The threshing- machine: nédrag (Plate XVII, A) Nérag beam from the monastery (Plate XVII, B) Foreign origin of the nédrag THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS dynastic monuments make speculation on the source and date of its introduction into the Nile Valley of great interest. The two most primitive methods of threshing grain were with flails or with the feet of cattle. This second was the universal method in dynastic Egypt, and the “ox that treadeth 2 out the corn”? was the early threshing-machine of Palestine. Some genius—outside of Egypt—conceived the idea of hastening the process by hitching to the oxen a flat sledge FIG. 22 DIAGRAM OF THE norag BEAM WITH MISSING PARTS RESTORED. SCALE 1: 15 of heavy planks without runners (shaped much like the American farmer’s “stone-boat’’), and studded beneath with flints, or later with iron teeth. Such an instrument was already in use by 700 B.c. among the Hebrews!; was the tribulum—the commonest threshing- machine in Republican Rome,2—and is still to be found in out-of-the-way parts of the Old World from Greece, Syria and Palestine as far west as Madeira.? A second genius conceived the idea of driving carts or wagons over the grain on the threshing-floor, and 1 Isaiah xli 15. For this and other references to thresh- 3 The mérag (tribulum) as used today in Palestine is ing in Palestine I am indebted to Prof. G. F. Moore. figured and described by Grant Peasantry of Palestine 2 Varro De Re Rustica i 52. pp. 130, 136; Bauer Volksleben im Lande der Bibel Ῥ. 127. 62 AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS this alternative method was also proverbial among the Hebrews just before the exile, in 700 B.c.1 The third stroke of genius, the combination of sledge and cart, we do not hear of until just after 100 B.c. when Varro describes as in use in Hither Spain and other places, a sledge with axles and little toothed wheels—the nérag in short—called the ‘‘ Punic Cart.”? If we take this name and provenance at their full value, we must conclude that the “Punic Cart” was an invention of the Carthaginians, combining the two Palestinian methods of threshing known to their Phoenician ancestors. That it was not Palestinian itself seems probable from the fact that in Palestine to this day it rarely supplants the more primitive tribulum.? Now the “Punic Cart” is said to have been introduced into Greece by the Romans,‘ and the probability is that the same people brought it into Palestine and into Egypt, having had it themselves from the Carthaginians. If this be so, the nérag has had a curious history. Its antecedents were known in Asia before 700 B.c. ; it was invented in western Africa or Spain before 100 B.c., and it was brought back to the East before 600 Α.Ρ.5 Among the miscellaneous objects of wood found at the Monastery two may have been winnowing scoops used on the threshing-floors. One was a wooden shovel whittled out of a single piece (now split away on one side), and the other had a thin wooden blade (now lost) pegged into a round handle. The first was 37.5 cm. long and the second was possibly a little larger, with a handle 19.5 cm. in length. The dynastic winnowing scoop had no handle but was an elongated shell-shaped object of wood grasped by the edge. For cleaning grain® and meal or flour? basketry sieves were used. An example found in Cell A was 26 cm. in diameter. It had a rim made of two coils of grass wrapped around and bound together with palm leaf, and a mesh made of small reeds laced together with grass and reinforced at the back with two palm sticks at right angles to each other. Fragments of others were found at the Monastery and other examples come from the contemporary monastery toward Ermont (p. 24 above). They are well known from dynastic times. The modern Arab sieve has a wooden rim with a leathern mesh woven through holes on the under edge.® 1 Isaiah xxviii 27-28: “neither is a cart wheel (wagon) turned about upon the cummin”; “nor break it (bread corn) with the wheel of his cart.” 2 Varro loc. cit. 3 The fribulwm is the common instrument of the Mishna of the earliest centuries Α.Ρ.; and is more common than the “Punic Cart” today (Nowack Hebraische Archaologie p. 233; Wetzstein in Bastian’s Zeit. fiir Ethnologie, 1873, Ρ. 272). 4 Daremberg and Saglio Dict. des antiquités, s.v. “Rustica Res, Foulage.” 5 This hypothesis gains confirmation from facts recently called to my attention by Prof. M. Rostovtzeff. Western Africa was not only a great grain-growing country—it was the home of scientific farmers. A treatise on agriculture by Mago is quoted by Cato and Varro, That a machine for threshing grain should have been developed there is thus not improbable. Rostovtzeff also calls my attention to his forthcoming Social and Economic Development of the Roman Empire, Chapter vu, where he points to a great agricultural revival in Egypt under Augustus. This, I believe, would be the logical time to expect the introduction of the nérag into Egypt. We shall see below that it was the approximate date of the sd@giyeh’s introduction. 6 Cf. 314. 7 Flour was evidently ground in Cell A; see 336. 8 Graeco-Roman sieves with wooden hoops and the mesh woven over them were found by Ahmed Bey Kamal at Gamhtid (Aun. du S. ix p. 29). Winnowing Scoops (Plate XX, A) Sieves (Plate XIX, A-B) ) ns The water- wheel—sdkiyeb THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS At the Monastery of Epiphanius we found traces of that agricultural instrument which (Plates XVII,C 1S of greatest economic importance to Egypt—the water-wheel, today called the sdkiyeh -XVIII, A) The water- wheel pot— kddas (Plate XVIII) 4,5lv.1 In principle the sakzyeh is a vertical wheel, with horizontal spokes in its rim, over which runs an endless chain—or rather an endless rope-ladder—with pottery buckets attached at intervals. The buckets descend into the well, returning to the top full of water and discharging their contents into a trough as they pass over the wheel on their next descent. The water-wheel is actuated by a large cog-wheel on the same axis, which in turn is geared into an enormous horizontal cog-wheel turned by a yoke of oxen. Such a contrivance can raise water economically any height up to six meters and keep irrigated from five to twelve acres throughout an Egyptian summer. FIG. 23 TYPES OF THE WATER-WHEEL POT, kddits, FROM THE MONASTERY. SCALE I : 10 The traces of the sdkyeb found at the Monastery, and on many of the sites described in Chapter 1, consisted of the very specialized type of pottery bucket—the ΕΔάῆς cuss (pl. kawddis ο-ρ]οῦ). The kadi#s must have a wide mouth so as to fill and empty quickly, but the essential thing is that it must provide a secure means of attachment to the ropes of the sdékiyeb. For this purpose the modern pot has a strongly marked lip around the top, and a foot about 3 cm. long with a projecting flange at the bottom for cord lashings (Plate XVIII, A; B, no. 6). The presence of such a foot alone is enough to identify the water-wheel bucket, for on any other pot it would only be an inconvenience. Therefore there can be no hesitation in so identifying those from the Monastery (Plate XVIII, B, Nos. 1-4, 7-8; Fig. 22). 1 For the Greek names opranon maooy and κτη- see Spiegelberg in Gottinger Abhandlungen xvi (1917) no. 3 ‘AevTHpron, cf. notes under 312 and 563. Further Greek pp. 778. names in Reil Beitrdge pp. 82 ff. For the Coptic name gor 64 AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS In the Monastery kawddis, or fragments of them, were found everywhere.1 They were always made of a coarse, red ware; were usually ribbed; and the larger specimens at least bore the marks of the cords with which the potters strengthened them while they were drying for the kiln. Except for the ribbing—which was a habit of the Coptic potter but is not of the Arab—the modern kédis is identical. The majority of the ancient examples (Fig. 23, A-F) have a capacity of about 5 liters (average dimensions being: height, with foot, 29 cm.; diameter of mouth, 15.5 cm.; largest outside diameter, 19 cm.), but much larger and disproportionately wider-mouthed specimens were found (G-I) with a capacity of almost 25 liters (being on an average 41 cm. high, 29.5 cm. wide at the mouth, and 37 cm. at the bottom). Modern examples from Kurneh hold about 5 liters and from Luxor about twice as much. The local custom is to use about 24 of the smaller kawddis to a sdkiyeb for an average well, or 18 of the larger. If the efficiency of the ancient and modern wheels was about the same, 24 of the smaller pots from the Monastery were probably used to a wheel, while the large ones were probably only 8 or 10 at the most to a wheel, and then presumably only in shallow wells. The only type of hydraulic machine figured on the dynastic monuments is the shadaf, by which a man raises a bucket of water with the assistance of a counterbalanced well- sweep. In the 3rd century B.c. it was still the only machine in use in irrigation.? Therefore, as with the ndrag, the problem of the sdkiyeh’s origin and the date of its introduction arises. In the 1st century B.c. water-wheels were employed at Babylon (Old Cairo), by the recently installed Roman garrison, using the man-power of 150 prisoners.? In this par- ticular case described by Strabo the water-wheels may not have been sdkzyebs,‘ but the principle of the endless chain of buckets turned by a wheel was perfectly well known to contemporary Roman engineers and there is no reason why such wheels should not have been used in Egypt at the time.® On the other hand, the fact that Strabo singles out the water-wheels of the garrison at Babylon for mention, suggests that they were not in com- mon use in Egypt but were a recent innovation of Graeco-Roman times. This is borne out by the fact that the nomenclature of the parts of the sakiyeh in Arabic today is clearly 1 Psan supplies kawddis (wjowjoy noprom) to a cor- 4 Strabo says that they were used together with the respondent on one occasion (312) and on another (404) he Archimedean screw, which only lifts water to moderate is threatened with the confiscation of as many as 300 heights, and the wheels were probably, therefore, the short waujor (but of course these may be wine or other pots lifting, hollow ones discharging at the center (tympanum) and not kawddis). Evidently he possessed a large supply, or those with boxes (haustra, modioli) on the periphery— in spite of the fact that no pot-making was done at the both still used with the screw in the Delta where the sub- Monastery, as far as we could see. For similar supplies of soil water is near the surface. The τροχός of a papyrus of nails and bandages, perhaps made outside, see pp. 58 and 71. B.c. 5 (BGU. iv 1120, 27; Reil loc. cit.) may well have 2 Rostovtzeff Large Estate p. 49, quoting a Zeno been of either of these two types. papyrus in which an order is given that such a vast area 5 Vitruvius x 4 describes a wheel on an axle over which as 10,000 arurae, or the greater part of it, be “irrigated im- passes “‘a double iron chain which will reach the surface mediately by hand, or if that is impossible, allow as many of the water when let down and to which are attached tollenos (shddafs) as possible to be operated.” Surely had bronze buckets, each holding about six pints (3 liters).” sdkiyebs existed they would have been used there. This is evidently a direct action, ungeared, man-power 3 Strabo xvii 1, 30. sdkiyeb, for lifting water to greater heights than the others. Foreign origin of the water- wheel The shadaf (Plate XVI, C) Primitive “pulleys”’ for pack-saddles (Plate XVI, C) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS derived from the Greek, the very word kddis being, for example, the Greek κάδος,: the rotarum cadus of the Roman wheels.’ Assuming that as introduced into Egypt late in the ist century B.c. the water-wheels were direct action, ungeared wheels designed only for man-power, the adaptation of the gearing which made the employment of oxen a_possi- bility followed within a century, and doubtless became universal within a short time.! It is to be noted that the large pots of the 7th century Epiphanius Monastery are out of all proportion to a man-power wheel.’ The introduction of the primitive s@kiyeh and its elaboration into the geared, ox-propelled machine is thus another Roman contribution to Egypt.® The shadiif has already been mentioned as the dynastic contrivance for raising water to irrigate the fields, and today it still is a supplement to the sakzyeh, especially on river and canal banks where the installation of the wheel would be inconvenient. Naturally it existed in the 6th and 7th centuries a.p. and apparently we found a trace of it in the shape of a heavy acacia wood hook, 43 cm. long, with a palm-fiber rope still attached. The shad@f consists of a long well-sweep with a counterbalance on one end and a vertical pole hung from the other, with a hook attached to the bottom for the bucket. Our workmen immediately recognized this hook as from a shéd@f, and it probably is. Presumably it had been brought up to the Monastery from the fields for raising baskets either in building or in digging out ancient tomb pits.” A less certain part of the shadif is a wooden handle 26 cm. long with a bit of palm-fiber rope tied to one end. The workmen recognized this as the handle tied to the pole of a shadif when two men operate it, but it might equally well be a whip handle for driving either donkeys or oxen. Probably from pack-saddles come wooden forks about 14 cm. wide, with notched ends. Wheeled vehicles have always been rare in roadless Egypt, and burdens have always been carried on pack-saddles—in dynastic times on donkeys and since the Roman Period on donkeys and camels.’ These wooden forks made primitive “pulleys” in one end of the girth (Fig. 24, A), through which the other end (B) could be drawn easily when the girth was 1 For this fact we are indebted to Prof. E. Littmann. 5 The buckets described by Vitruvius held no more than 2 Dozy Suppl. aux Dict. Arabes ii p. 314. The κάδος 3 liters. was a bucket of a shape suggestive of the kdd@s and 6 The frequent references to “the Persian water-wheel” equivalent to the situla. See Walters Ancient Pottery i in Egypt may be due to Anglo-Indians who are familiar Ῥ. 165; ii p. 465. It appears in bronze or brass in the with it in Northern India as the barat, which is usually inventory 549 under its classical name Kanove. said to be Persian in that region. 3 Smith Dict. of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s.v. 7 Such hooks are often found in Egypt. Good examples “antlia.” from Gamhtid are described by Ahmed Bey Kamal Ann. 4 Perhaps as early as Aristotle (Neuberger Technik des du. S. xi p. 29, as having been used in Graeco-Roman times Altertums p. 219) and certainly as early as Vitruvius (loc. for hauling baskets out of mummy pits. cit. and Diels Antike Technik p. 56), geared cog-wheels 8 “Wagon” and “cart” appear in the documents found were used in automata and machinery. Ox-driven water- only twice (460, 546) and in neither case as belonging to wheels—evidently essentially the sdkiyeh—are involved in the Monastery. Camels and donkeys, however, were both Egyptian accounts of 113 Α.Ρ. (Greek Papyri in the BM. owned and hired. Cf. Part I] Index VII, sub voce. “Ass” 1177, analyzed by Reil loc. cit.). and “Camel”; also the donkey stable in Cell A, Chapter 1 Ρ. 41. 66 AGRICULTURE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS tightened to lash down the load. Hence these ‘“‘pulleys” show considerable wearing from ropes. Such contrivances were in use in dynastic times? and their place is taken today on the camel pack-saddle by open hooks of wood. Next to his mattock the Egyptian fellab’s most essential working utensil is his palm- leaf basket (muktaf). In the fields when he digs canals, water runs or wells he hoes the earth into the basket and moves it in that; and when he carries grain or vegetables he slings a pair of large baskets* pannier-wise on either side of his donkey. In the days of Epiphanius his palm-leaf baskets were no less essential to him, and traces of them were found everywhere. They were usually large—5o-55 cm. in diameter at the top and 30-40 cm. deep—and very well woven. The body of the basket was of palm leaf plaited on palm-fiber cord, with rope handles of the latter material woven through from the edges to the bottom. An old, well-worn basket from Room 10 had its bottom broken out and was then crudely patched with palm rope and leather, just as they are patched FIG. 24 today. : ‘ ; WOODEN “PULLEY,” WITH ROPES These baskets differ in no wise from the modern ones, and RESTORED FROM A CONTEMPORARY since the materials are all local there is no reason to suppose pete uaz) that they are other than a very old native product. However, the work basket of Thebes in the XI Dynasty was of a different form, made entirely of palm-fiber rope.* Agricultural tools mentioned in the documents from the Monastery—but of which no trace was identified—are a dibble (319) ; ploughshare (546) ; spade (546) ; bridle for an ass (547) ; corn measures (546, 545 ϱ), &c. 3. Textiles, Weaving and Mat Making It was a cardinal principle of the pioneers in Egyptian monasticism that all of their disciples were to be self-supporting and a burden to no man. Such of the brethren as had no trades were therefore taught one, and as the arts of rope, basket and mat making are not difficult to learn; as the palm leaf and grasses required are ready to hand everywhere in the Nile Valley and the demand for such products always certain in Egypt; but above all, as they are occupations which leave the mind free “‘to repeat the Psalms and Scriptures in order as one performs his work,” it is not surprising to find them the commonest occupa- 1 In Fig. 24 a wooden “pulley” from the Monastery is Museum Expedition. shown with ropes restored from a contemporary example 3 Called kufas Yass. Possibly = κόφος (κόφινος), Reil (MMA. 14.1.463 A-B) from the “Cell of the Priest loc. cit. 125. Elias” mentioned on p. 24. 4 Found by us in quantities at Deir el Bahri and in the 2 They have been found at Lisht by the Metropolitan XI Dynasty cemeteries nearby. 67 Work baskets (Plate XIX, C-D) Miscellaneous agricultural tools in the documents The commonest occupations of Egyptian anchorites Spinning and spindles (Plate XV, B) Spinning in the documents Positions of looms in the monastery Loom pits (Plate XX1) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS tions mentioned in the literature. The making of rope, baskets, and mats requires little or no installation, which was an added inducement to their practice. Spinning is equally simple. Weaving requires a loom and somewhat greater skill, but the linen trades were among the greatest in Egypt in ancient times, and many weavers must have answered the popular call to the ascetic life and have continued their trade while in it. Hence it is not surprising to have found at the Monastery of Epiphanius traces of spinners, weavers, net-makers and dyers,! and of rope, basket and mat workers. Without a doubt evidences of their callings could be recognized in any Theban anchoritic community.? Spinning by hand is an occupation which requires so little attention that it is a common sight today to see a couple of old fell@bin sitting in the shade talking, or a girl driving a buffalo, idly twirling a spindle meanwhile. The anchorites must have found it equally easy to recite the Scriptures while spinning, for spindle whorls were found frequently. They were round, turned wood disks about 10.5 cm. in diameter and 2 cm. thick with a hole through the center (see p. 55 above). Complete, contemporary spindles from the monastery toward Ermont? have a shaft about 30 cm. long through the hole, with an iron hook in the head. The dynastic type was similar, except for the iron hook, and the modern one differs only when it has a square instead of a round whorl. Bearing out the assumption that spinning was practised in the Monastery, there are frequent mentions of flax and linen in the documents found. Flax (mage) is a subject of correspondence (277, 337, 362) and of a contract for its cultivation (85). In one case (353), 150 bundles of flax have been supplied to a correspondent who has spun it into linen yarn (ersav) and bleached it. In two other cases linen yarn is procured from outside the Monastery (355, 363), but there are four orders addressed to John, Enoch and Isaac for yarn (289, 350, 351, 372) doubtless woven in the Monastery, because instructions are given for its cleansing and bundling. The positions of eight looms were found in the Monastery of Epiphanius and one in the Monastery of Cyriacus. In the Original Monastery there was one in the third portico entrance of the Tomb of Daga (Fig. 25, A), and one by Entrance C against the Boundary Wall (B); in Cell A, one in the Vestibule (C), and another inside the tomb passage; and there were three in the tomb passage of Cell C. All were against a wall, leaving only a narrow space for the warp-beam and hence they may have been merely for tape weaving (see p. 71), like the modern gimp looms in the Haret er Rim, Cairo. Since the looms themselves, although heavy, were portable,’ today nothing remains of 1 Note the acacia pods found in Cell A for dyeing (or were at work there also. tanning), mentioned above on p. 61. 3 The monastery mentioned on p. 24 above. The spindles 2 From the Coptic Monastery in Deir el Medineh, in the Metropolitan Museum from it are nos. MMA. Baraize (Aun. du S. xiii p. 41) lists a weaver’s comb 14.1. 470-476. (43657), a spindle (43658) and a ball of thread (43666) 4 Other mentions of eraav are 529, 530, 560. and the directions to weavers or tailors have been noted 5 Two camels are to be sent for the transport of a loom above on p. 9. All go to show that weavers and spinners (352), and another appears in an inventory of chattels (558). 68 TEXTILES, WEAVING AND MAT MAKING them except their treadle pits dug in the floors. These pits are brick lined, and from 60 to 100 cm. deep, from 125 to 145 cm. long, and 50 to 75 cm. wide, with a narrow slot alongside 200 cm. in length and from 20 to 25 cm. in width. The operator’s seat (s) is on the floor level (or very little below it in A) at the right-hand end of the pit. Seated there his right foot is in the pit (or on the little step in A), and his left foot is on the treadle working in the slot. The fulcrum to which the fixed end of the treadle was attached is a round stick or pair of sticks set into the masonry crosswise at the near end of the slot, close to the bottom (e). In one case (A) the bit of palm rope with which the treadle was attached to the fulcrum can still be seen. In this same loom there is an additional cross piece 30 cm. in front of, and 5 cm. above, the fulcrum (e’), and two others arranged symmetrically at the opposite end of the slot (e”, e’”, the latter broken off). The end of / ; ne ae = ————— oy a Sash eS | A I ae rites FIG. 25 LOOM PITS: A, PORTICO OF THE TOMB OF DAGA; B, NEAR ENTRANCE C OF THE BOUNDARY WALL; C, VESTIBULE OF CELL A the slot opposite the seat in the first loom appears to be worn in a vertical arc as though by the end of a treadle which was too long for it, and there are clear signs of wear on the brick coping (w-w). B, only, has provision for a wide warp-beam. The striking feature of the loom for which these pits were made is the application of foot-power, which presupposes a heddle suspended by a harness from the loom frame. Such looms are used today in the Egyptian towns—the bedawin have retained a more primitive apparatus—and one can still find an old Copt who lives not two hundred yards from the ruins of the Monastery, sitting in a pit under a loom which probably differs but little from those of his 7th century ancestors. Our knowledge of the dynastic loom is reasonably full. The working of the very simple, Middle Kingdom, horizontal loom is fairly clear thanks to ancient models as well as tomb paintings,? and the vertical loom which appears immediately after the Hyksos invasion is shown in a few drawings.2 Of both we can safely say that they did not have harnessed 1 Winlock in Ancient Egypt, 1922, Ρ. ΤΙ. 2 H. Ling Roth Ancient Egyptian and Greek Looms pp. 14 ff. 69 Foreign im- provements to the loom Accessories of looms (Plate XX) Linen cloth made at the monastery Woven fabrics (Plate XXII, A) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS heddles nor were they worked by foot. However, since there is an almost total absence of documents on the loom from the XVIII Dynasty to Roman times, we cannot say definitely that such devices were unknown in late dynastic times. There is, however, a strong probability that they were not, because they never existed in Greek looms.! On the other hand harnessed heddles worked with treadles seem to have existed at a very early period in the Far East, where they are still commonly found on the primitive looms.? For elaborate brocade weaving, the Chinese had developed looms with multitudes of harnessed heddles, and this device seems to have been adopted in Alexandria by the 1st century A.D.,° doubtless with the silk crafts just being introduced from the Far Orient. The treadle for working a harnessed heddle by foot probably came to Egypt at about the same time and must be accounted still another innovation of the Roman Period. Among the miscellaneous wooden objects found, there were several that came from the surroundings of the loom pits and which may well have been parts of the looms themselves. Among the most probable are wooden toggles from 6 to 14.7 cm. long, with linen cords still tied to them; and a great number of pegs with largish heads, from 5.5 to 15.5 cm. long, in two cases with a hole drilled through the lower part (Fig. 26, A); a peg 27 cm. long with a catch at the top (B); small thin wooden ovals averaging 9.5 x 3.0 x 0.4 cm. in size with an iron pin FIG. 26 WOODEN PEGs, possiszy 4tIVen into each side; and finally the notched end of a wooden spindle FROM LOOMS. SCALET:4 or bobbin 3.1 cm. wide and only 0.4 cm. thick. Linen cloth (ghoc)* figures largely in the affairs of the anchorites. Frequent requests are made that they send it to their correspondents (279, 357, 359, 361) and two such orders are addressed to that Ananias and Isaac who appear to have lived in Cell C where there were three looms. Judging from the numbers of looms existing all through the Monastery, most of this cloth ordered was doubtless woven on the spot, but there is one case of its being woven elsewhere (367) and another case of a man apparently hired to weave (329)— though as this was in Cell A he may have worked at the looms there. All of the fabrics found were of the simplest weaves. The grave sheets (see above, p. 48) give a loom width between selvages of about 75 cm. and a shirt from Grave 8 was of cloth 1 Roth ibid. pp. 30ff.; Johl Webestiible der Griechen B.c. See Dimand Ornamentik d. agypt. Wollwirkereien p. 26. und Romer pp. 35 fi. 4 When ordered by measure or price ehoc can be 2 Cole Weaving, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica; Roth understood as “pieces” or “bolts of linen cloth” just as Primitive Looms, in Journ. Royal Anth. Inst., 1916. According they came from the loom (279, 357, 361, 369). Elsewhere to Roth, the pit treadle loom is an importation from Asia it is mentioned by pairs (354, 356, 522) when we may and is found only in eastern Africa (loc. cit. 63, 64, 150). assume that it is “linen grave sheets’—much the same 3 Pliny (Nat. Hist. viii 196; cf. Mart. xiv 150) describes thing. Occasionally ghoc may signify garments, as in an Alexandrine fabric, polymitus, in the weaving of which English one speaks of one’s “linen,” meaning linen gar- many heddles (µίτοι) were used. Dimitus (bilix), trimitus ments or perhaps table- or bed-linen. Occurrences of (trilix) were the simpler weaves. Polymitus or brocade eghoc not cited above are: 284, 359, 364, 476, 537. In 458 weaving had reached Central Asia before the 1st century may perhaps appear “2 garments of ehac.” 70 TEXTILES, WEAVING AND MAT MAKING 125 cm. wide, fringed on both selvages. One set of grave cloths (Grave 10) and this shirt were of white linen with an occasional blue woolen weft. A piece of white linen cloth from the Monastery of Cyriacus, of a very coarse weave (4 warps and 13 we given a striped effect by raising the warps nos. 2-4, 6, 8-10, every second shot of the weft—an example of the τρίµιτος of classica ts per cm.) was 12, 14-16, &c., together for authors. These were the only types of decorative weaving found, nor were there any woolen fabrics dis- covered. There was, however, one piece of very coarse hair nswawaynwnsa η ΗΗ \ Ἡ A linen cloak = cloth from the Monastery of Cyriacus.? The shirt just mentioned was a simple square garment So | eas made of two pieces of linen measuring 125 Χ 125 cm., sewn rl ϊ together across the shoulders, with an opening for the neck left in the middle.? The bottom was hemmed front and back, but the two sides which were the fringed selvages of the πο) (ΩΩ cloth, do not seem to have been joined. Down the center, front and back, were two narrow blue woolen bands 20 cm. apart. The weaving of woolen shroud tapes (κειρίαι, Fig. 27) Shroud tapes would have been just that sort of simple occupation which Plt 2XIL© one can readily picture as occupying the time—but hardly the minds—of the monks. The loom required‘ must have been of a narrow type, designed to take only a dozen, two-ply woolen® warp threads, dyed red and white, or red, white and brown. A bobbin with a white weft thread was woven back and forth making a ribbon which was Ξ vaguely striped, from 1 to 1.5 cm. wide and of considerable FIG. 27 length. When finished the ends of the warps, to a length of DIAGRAM OF SHROUD-TAPE 15 to 20 cm., were twisted into a cord and knotted. They κκ es probably had no use in daily life and were made especially for the grave. Fish nets of linen twine were found with meshes from 5 to 40mm. wide. Net making was Net making probably an occupation at the Monastery, for in the rubbish under the floor of the First (QR 208) Tower there was found, together with a broken net with large mesh and a 5 mm. cord edging, a quantity of linen twine suitable for net making and repairing. 1 Cf. notes on xan under 364, and 438. 2 See the suggested translation of the directions for shirt making in the monastery at Deir el Medineh, on Ρ. 9 above. If, in the measurements there, the digit was 185 cm. (= "73 inch, cf. Petrie Encyclopaedia Britannica Xxviii p. 483), this shirt is almost exactly of the dimensions of the small @aAre described there—125 cm. = 6 palms 7k digits x 125 cm. + 125 cm. = 13 palms 5 digits here, as against 6 palms 8 digits x 13 palms 2 digits there. 3 However, while requests came to the Monastery for κειρίαι (354, 357, 532), the only definite references to their manufacture shows them as made elsewhere (348, 351). On such tapes see G. M. Crowfoot in Ancient Egypt, 1924, 98. 4 Mentioned in 351. 5 Linen must have been used as well. Cf. 351. πι Ropes and rope making (Plate XXII, D) Materials and tools for mat and basket making (Plates XX, A-B; XXIII, A) Sleeping-mats (Plate XXIV) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS The operations of the rope walk as shown in dynastic tombs and as practised today in Upper Egypt are absolutely identical.! We may infer, therefore, that they were the same in the 7th century Α.Ρ. The apparatus required is simple, and while we did not recognize any of it among the ruins of the Monastery, we found any amount of rope-maker’s materials in the form of strands ready for twisting, especially around Cell A, and we were sure that there was some “blessed old man who wove ropes’”? living there. And in fact among the correspondence found in Cell A there is a letter (113) asking that three bundles of rope be sent from there.* The chief materials used in making the ropes found at the Monastery were halfa grass and date-palm fiber. The former was found about twice as often as the latter, and ropes made of it were generally heavier than palm ropes.‘ The average thickness of 18 specimens of grass rope was about 2 cm. with an occasional rope of 4 cm. thick, which is about the size used on sdékiyehs. Of ten specimens of palm rope the average was only 0.8 cm. with none more than 1.3 cm. thick. As a general thing the larger grass ropes were three-ply and the smaller two-ply and nearly all palm ropes were two-ply. Each strand itself was two- or three-ply when a strong smooth rope was required. There was a special two-ply palm or grass cord, rather loosely twisted, for mat making. Light, two-ply, flax cords 5 to 10 mm. thick were used for binding the edges of fish nets, attached to the toggles from the looms (?), &c. Hair cords three- or four-ply and 5 to 8 mm. in diameter were found also. The early anchorites of Egypt were skilful mat and basket makers and from all accounts they practised these trades industriously, even until the rasping palm leaves cut their hands to the quick.® Bits of the raw materials from the rubbish heaps around the Monastery and the Cells are evidence that the members of the community of Epiphanius were no exceptions to the rule. Twists and hanks of alfa and summér grasses or palm leaf, palm fiber and pieces of reed were found, especially in the East Buildings and Cells A and B, and in Cell A were found three hand spikes which were probably used like large awls in splicing and weaving mats and baskets.* One was a large, rough acacia wood peg, 27cm. long, polished on the point from use (Plate XX, A); a second was lighter and better made, 14.7 cm. long and 0.8 cm. thick (Plate XX, B); and a third was of iron 22.3 cm. long and I.1 cm. in diameter (Plate XX, B). : The mats found at the Monastery were all made of palfa grass bundles on 5 mm. cords of the same grass usually, but sometimes of palm fiber. Two complete mats were found, one on the floor of the Vestibule of Cell A,” and the other spread over the body in Grave 8. 1 Mackay JEA. 1916, p. 125. 2 Paralipomena S. Pachomii §§ 29, 30. 3 Two letters from the E. Buildings (398, 438) deal with ropes, but not necessarily with ropes made in the Monastery. 4 A payment for halfa (kaa) gathering (532) and per- haps an order for halfa (334) are among the ostraca. See further, p. 155. 5 Paralipomena as above, §§ 16, 34, say that a mat a day was the usual task. The story of an old man chided by Pachomius for trusting in oil to cure his bleeding hands, rather than in the Lord, is told ibid. § 36. 6 Some of these may have been used in rope making. 7 Mentioned in Part II nos. 3 (where by mistake it is called “palm leaf”) and 598. TEXTILES, WEAVING AND MAT MAKING The former measured 177 x 70 cm. and the latter 175 x 65 cm. and an incomplete mat from Grave 9 was 72 cm. wide. These dimensions and the fact that it was the rule to place a mat in each grave suggests that they were for beds, and one is reminded of the sleeping-mats of palm leaf mentioned among the belongings of anchorites.+ There are two fundamental types of weaving in the ancient mats from Egypt (Fig. 28). A weave (i) which appears to have been common in dynastic times? is made by laying bundles of reeds or grass parallel to each other and weaving through them pairs of cords which cross under and over each bundle. The edges are finished by bending the ends of the bundles around a selvage cord and catching them back into the next pair of cords. This is about the only way that a mat can be made of reeds, but for grass its disadvantages are that a warp can not be stretched during weaving and the finished product is full of minute i eg ge {64 iy FIG. 28 GRASS MAT WEAVING: i, DYNASTIC TYPE; ii, SIMPLEST COPTIC TYPE. SCALE 1:3 interstices where the cords cross. A few rare examples of this weave which appear to be Coptic were found, especially in Cell A. The weave (ii) which was characteristic of all the rest of the Coptic mats of the Monastery, is an improvement on this. The cords are stretched like a true warp, either on pegs in the ground or on a loom, and the bundles of grass are woven into this warp like a weft. The selvage is made by bending back every alternate bundle (A) and hooking it under the third cord from the edge. The ends of the mat are finished off by twisting or weaving the warps together as in rope making. The fixed warps of this type are a great convenience in weaving and by beating the bundles in on them, closely woven, fine textured mats without interstices can be made. The edging just described is the simplest one possible. Several more complicated knot- tings were evolved, all of them more secure and giving a more ornate border to the mat. between courses of brickwork in the pylons of the XXVI Dynasty tomb of Mentuemhat. At Lisht in the XII to XVIII Dynasties the type was not unknown. 1 See references in Rosweyde’s Onomasticon, s.v. “ Psia- thus.” Mats for roofing are mentioned in 358. 2 Grass mats of the same type have been found by us in the XIX Dynasty tomb of Roma at Thebes and laid 79 A dynastic type of mat weaving (Plate XXV, A) The simplest Coptic type (Plate XXV, B) Selvage knots (Plate XXV, C-D) Basket weaving (Plate XIX, C-E) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS By far the commonest at the Monastery? is made by taking a bundle of grass (Fig. 29, iii, A) and wrapping it once completely around the outermost warp cord and then bending it back and hitching it about the next cord. The following three bundles (B’, B”, Β’”) are twisted together into one large bundle (B) which is simply passed under the outermost cord and pinched in place by the knots on either side. An elaboration of this knot was used on the excellently woven sleeping-mat from Grave 8 where fine bundles of grass were used in weaving. In this case (iv), pairs of bundles are twisted together near the edge (A’, A”, B’, B”) and the second pair is brought back, wrapped twice completely around the outermost warp and then hitched around the next one. The sleeping-mat from Grave 9 was made of bundles of grass long enough to cross the mat twice. Here (v) two such bundles are started simultaneously from each side. Each crosses the mat, is wrapped completely around a double selvage cord on the opposite side, and then woven back to its starting-point. A fragment of matting from the East Buildings was woven with very fine bundles. In this weave (vi) alternate bundles are twisted together in groups of five, FIG. 20 TYPES OF KNOTS ON ΤΗΕ SELVAGE EDGES OF MATS. SCALE 1:3 and the resulting large bundles are passed under and over a selvage cord and back under the mat where they are cut off. The under side of such a mat is thus covered with unwoven grass which makes it of double thickness and very springy. A similar scheme is still used in the mats sold today in Luxor. Palm-leaf work-baskets have been mentioned above. They appear to have been made especially in Cell A, for strips of plaited palm leaf were found from 3 to 5 cm. wide or, of very narrowly split leaf, only 2 cm. wide. From Cell B came other strips plaited over palm-fiber cords. The better and stronger work-baskets (Plate XIX, D) were made of such strips. The lighter and less durable type—like the modern one—was plaited directly from top to bottom in one operation (Plate XIX, C). Little baskets only 22 cm. wide and 5 cm. deep were made in this second way, occasionally with a round foot beneath. A small string purse was plaited similarly, starting from an iron ring for a foot. Coiled grass baskets seem to have been common, but only fragments were found and it was impossible to tell them from those from the nearby dynastic tombs. Round and 1 Baraize informs us that he found it also on mats in the very early mosque over the Nectanebo portico at Denderah. 74 TEXTILES, WEAVING AND MAT MAKING oval, coil-woven baskets, often of large size, are found in dynastic cemeteries and this manufacture remains one of the chief occupations from Esne to Nubia. In the documents from the Monastery, baskets are put to various uses. When they were intended for carrying wine-jars (90) or bread (280, 531, 537?; see also below, p. 155 n. 1) they were probably of the palm-leaf work-basket type described above. When for offerings (547) or papyri (548) they were presumably of the lighter, coiled grass weave. There is a type of little broom or brush which is frequently found on dynastic sites* and was still very commonly used in the 7th century a.p. They were made, usually, of halfa grass, or for large brooms up to 40 cm. long, of split palm leaf. The grass or palm leaf is gathered into bundles which are doubled over and lashed together with cord, making a handle about 5 cm. thick. When a flat broom, rather than a round brush was required, the free ends of the cord were tied tightly about certain of the grass bunches to keep them spread out.? 4. Shoemaking and Leather Work The shoemaker’s was among the trades followed in the community of Pachomius at Tabennése* and sandal making and other leather work was done by the followers οἱ Epiphanius. Signs of the trade were evident everywhere. In the Lower East Buildings there were cuttings from sandal soles and pieces of lamb-skin tanned with the wool on them, which might have been thrown down from the East Buildings. In the latter we found a quantity of parings from hides.* Under the floors of the First Tower there was a quantity of leather parings, many from the edges of hides, which showed that new work was being done in the Monastery. There was sole leather 5 mm. thick; soft, red goat-skin ; very thin, soft, red kid, and a highly varnished, thin, black kid very much like modern patent leather. From Cell A there were leather cuttings and also acacia pods which, if they were not for cloth dyeing, had been collected for leather tanning. The varieties of red kid were practically the same thing as the “morocco leather” of today, but as the ancient Egyptians were makers of even finer colored leathers, it can not be said that the Copts had need of much instruction in the tanner’s art from foreigners. Only bits of worn-out sandals were found—there were no slippers or shoes discovered— and all were of the type with straps over the instep and a cord or thong between the big and second toes. The soles were double thickness and the ends of these straps were sewn in between the two layers. Most of the soles were stamped with small concentric circles and dots on the upper side. 1 Among other examples, cf. the paint brush from the 3 Hist. Laus. Butler § xxxii (p. 96). tomb of Mentuherkhepeshef found by Davies (Five Theban 4 From the East Buildings also came three letters about Tombs Pl. XVII). hides (380, 438 and 446) and an order toa shoemaker (371). 2 Crum has sent me an exactly similar broom of palm In 368, from the rubbish S.E. of the Second Tower, there is leaf which came from India, where they are used today for a request for thongs—possibly for shoe-laces. sweeping up floors in mills. 75 Brooms and brushes (Plate XXIII, B) Leather work at the monastery Sandals Leather aprons (Plate XXVI, A) Repairs to the aprons Pockets on the aprons (Plate XXVII, A-D) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS The most interesting leather articles made on the spot were the soft, black, kid-skin aprons which were worn by the anchorites themselves. They appear to have been either asort of badge? or the work garment of some trade, for the monks were often clad in them when they were laid in their graves, here as well as at Deir el Medineh and at Deir el Bahri.? When placed on the bodies these aprons were suspended from the shoulders out- side of the bandages (Plates XI-XII) and were belted around the waists under separate girdles. Presumably this means that they were worn thus in life. At the top they were wide enough (30-35 cm.) to cover the shoulders, and as they were about 85 cm. long they would go from the neck to the knees, between which would hang the fringed ends, 8 to 11 cm. wide. The upper corners were prolonged about 45 cm. from the center of the apron at each side, to serve as suspender straps, and as such would be long enough to cross over the back. Each suspender ended in a plaited leather cord (Fig. 31, D) which seems to have been fairly long and could have been tied around the waist or to the leather girdle. It would seem that these aprons were made in the Monastery. Certainly they were repaired there. Among the leather scraps found in the First Tower there was a piece of the red fringe from an apron; there was another fringe 30 cm. long from Cell A, and with it a patch of red “morocco” leather which had been sewn with thongs onto an apron. The apron from Grave 11 was repaired with this same red kid. On the bottom there was a patch 5 cm. wide with fringes 23 cm. long, and another patch above, under a tear, both sewn on with strips of red “morocco” leather 4mm. wide. The apron from Grave 8 was patched with black kid-skin and the lower right-hand corner of no. 7 was patched with the same material and a torn fringe was sewn back with a leather thong. Evidently these aprons saw some rather hard use. Each apron had a small, shield-shaped pocket in the upper left-hand corner, inside as the apron was put on the bodies in the graves. The simplest of these pockets (no. 9) was merely a piece of leather sewn on with a thong 3 mm. wide. Another (no. 8) had a flap over the mouth, with a pair of thongs passing through piercings in the pocket to pull down and close the flap, and another, broader, thong to pull it up and open. The two most elaborate pockets (nos. 7 and 11, Fig. 30) were made of two pieces of leather, the back piece being long enough to make the flap. More complicated arrangements of thongs slipping through buttons of coiled leather were provided for closing and opening them.* 1 White called my attention to the 5th century custom aprons out of a series of nine bodies found at Deir el of burying monks in the lebitén and cowl in which they had Medineh (cf. ibid. Pls. IX and A). There is such an apron taken their vows (see Apophth. Patr. Phocas i= PG. 65 in Berlin (Aegypt. und Vorderasiat. Altertiimer PI. 34), 432 also Ch. vi pp. 150 ff. below). Possibly the apron either from Lepsius’ dig at Deir el Bahri or from Passa- described here is the σχῆμα, discussed by Crum, p. 151 lacqua’s at Deir el Bakhit. Finally Naville found similar below. ones at Deir el Bahri (EEF. Report, 1894-5, p. 37 = Deir 2 In the Epiphanius cemetery five bodies remained, four el Bahari v p. 6). of them with aprons. Since the fifth (no. 10) was plundered 3 D. R. Meldron Esq. informs us he has seen similar about the head and shoulders, it may also have had one leather work in West Africa brought in by Hausas and originally. Baraize (Ann. du S. xiii P. 35), notes two with Yorubas. 76 FIG. 30 POCKETS ON THE LEATHER APRONS FROM GRAVES II AND 7 (THONGS SLIGHTLY RESTORED). SCALE 1:2 FIG. 31 A-C, LEATHER BELTS FROM GRAVES 7, 8, AND 9, AND D, SUSPENDER OF THE APRON FROM GRAVE II. SCALE 1:2 Belts or girdles (Plate XXVI, B) Book binding Ribbed amphorae (Plate XXVIII) Shapes and types THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS A leather girdle was part of the monastic habit! and three were preserved in the Cemetery (Fig. 31). They were of stout, black leather 2 mm. thick and 3.2 to 4.5 cm. wide. Two (from Graves 7 and 8) were stamped on the outside near the ends with small tools.2 Each end of the belt was provided with a heavy rawhide loop and a slender thong. The thongs were passed through the loops on the opposite ends of the belt and then both drawn together and knotted. Bits of a girdle 3.8 cm. wide, found in Cell A, were tooled or stamped on the outer side and had a fringe along the lower edge. Some of the finer grades of leather were adapted to book binding. It is true that no fragments so used were identified,* but one of the inmates of the East Buildings was in correspondence about goat-skins which were to be used for binding books.‘ 5. Pottery Vessels With wine-dealing playing such a large part in the lives of the monks,* it is not sur- prising that the commonest pot on Coptic sites in Thebes should be the ribbed wine amphora. It is always made of the same very smooth-grained, soft, dark reddish-brown clay of a typically native quality, such as was often used at least as early as the Middle Kingdom, for bowls and dishes. The most characteristic feature is the treatment of the surface with close, horizontal, wheel-made ribbings. In the process of turning a pot on the wheel it naturally first takes form with a corrugated surface. The Coptic potter usually preserved this surface on all of his products but in the case of these pots an intentional effort was made to exaggerate them beyond the necessities of manufacture. To attempt a hard and fast classification of types of the ribbed amphorae would be futile. There is such a progressive grading from one form to another that significant differences are hard to define. Only one rare form stood out clearly at the Monastery of Epiphanius (Plate XXVIII, 10). It was particularly characterized by uniform, shallow, rounded ribbings and a pink wash over the outside. The only complete specimen found was large (66 cm. x 21.5 cm.) and in common with all of the fragments with the same ribbing and pink wash, presents softly rounded contours, a narrow waist and a short foot, hollowed at the bottom like the foot of the ka4d#s. None of the other amphorae have the pink wash, their ribbings are angular and overlapping like shingles, usually coarse at the waist and finer above and below, and their feet elongated. A certain number (Fig. 32) preserve the more or less rounded shoulders and narrow waist and the elongated proportions, their 1 In the 4th century: Apophih. Pair. Macarius xxxiii; with several red crosses. The body is in my house at Thebes.” in the 7th century: Pereira Vida do Abba Samuel p. 140, Presumably these crosses were tooled or applied leather. both quoted by White in Wadi ’n Natrin. Cf. Crum ut 3 Fragments of parchment which had been used as supra. string-guards in papyrus books were found (2). 2 Athanasi Researches and Discoveries p. 102: “In a 4 Cf. 380. A probable reference to a leather book binding Christian Church at Thebes, we found a square case of is in 126. simple exterior, in which was a corpse enveloped like those 5 See Part II Index VII, s.v. “Wine,” and Chap. νι of the Egyptians; the only difference we perceived was, p. 161. that the Christian mummies had a small belt, ornamented 78 POTTERY VESSELS heights averaging three diameters (60 cm. x 20 cm.). Over half of the amphorae used at the Monastery, however, were more or less markedly conical. They were only twice as high as they were broad (averaging 50 cm. x 25 cm.); had flat, smooth shoulders, and no defined waist contour. A suggestion of the waist is given, nevertheless, by the coarser ribbing in the middle which was characteristic of the narrow-waisted, elongated types, and it seems reasonable to call the conical amphorae degradations of the elongated ones. Now and then an old amphora of this type might be used as a water-jar, for examples were found with a rope looped through one handle as though they had been slung in pairs, like the modern water-pots, over the backs of donkeys. There can be no question, however, but that their original use was for wine. Like the Greek wine-jars, the inside was coated with a black, resinous pitch to stop up the pores of the clay and thus make an air-tight FIG. 32 : : : : . . WAISTED, RIBBED receptacle in which it was possible to preserve wine during, and for a long Neneh time after, fermentation without danger of loss by leakage or of the entry SCALE 1:19 of air which would sour the contents. That emptied amphorae were recoated with pitch before refilling, is shown by the fact that some examples, of which the necks were broken in removing their first stoppers, have this pitch smeared over the fractures. The stoppers, like the ancient dynastic ones, were of a tenacious mixture of black earth and chopped straw. A wad of vine leaves was rammed into the neck of the amphorae filling it to the lip! and over this the mud stopper was moulded roughly with the fingers, to a height of about 10 cm. When dry this formed an hermetically tight sealing.2 For fermenting wine some outlet had to be provided for the gases which would otherwise have burst the jars. Hence about half of the amphora necks preserved had a small hole drilled into them with a metal awl or nail after baking. When the jar was filled, this hole was stopped with a wisp of straw through which the gas could escape but which probably prevented the reéntry of air. Two of the stoppers themselves, both bearing the marks of the same vintner (nos. 19 and 33, p. 81 nn. 1, 2, below), were pierced from the top, evidently for the same purpose. The almost universal way of labeling the contents of the amphorae appears to have been by impressing a seal or stamp into the wet mud stoppers—a method well known in dynastic times (Fig. 33). The stamps used were undoubtedly of wood, like the majority of dynastic stamps used for the same purpose.’ Most of them were roughly circular and from 4 cm. to 7 επι. in diameter. A few, bearing inscriptions, were shaped like an oblong label with tag 1 A stopper of palm fiber bound round with palm cord “box ?” but in 532, a vessel) here of bronze or brass, is was found in Cell A. This was probably from a water-pot, “smeared and sealed.” for exactly the same things are used in the modern water- 3 A wooden stamp with the device no. 22 below is in pots. the Metropolitan Museum, no. 10.130.1166. 2 See the note under 253. In 549 a Teg me (translated Made for wine- jars Resin coating Stoppers and vents (Plate ΧΧΙΝ, A) Stamps on the stoppers (Plate XX1X, B) ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS ends, 18cm. to 20cm. long and 3.5 to 4.5 επι. wide. Of the inscribed types, more than half were cut legibly in the wood and were therefore reversed in the impressions. In most cases, if not all, the wooden seal was wiped over with a coloring matter which printed off . XTC ABO: ΠΑΡ FIG. 33 STAMPS ON THE MUD STOPPERS OF RIBBED AMPHORAE. SCALE 1: 3 34 onto the mud in the process of sealing.? White was used for this purpose sometimes, but red was found twice as often. Rarely, only the field of the stamp was reddened leaving the device of the impression standing out in the color of the mud against a red background. The impressions are found on the top or sides of the mud stoppers, sometimes on both. 1 Nos. 24-27, 29-30 and 32 of Fig. 33. In copying, they 2 Colors—commonly blue—were used in the XVIII were reversed with a mirror so as to be legible. Dynasty in the same way on wine-jar seals. 80 POTTERY VESSELS Seven combinations were found of two different stamps on the same stopper, usually an oblong inscribed seal over the top, and a round conventional one on the side.: Of several types more than one specimen was found.? The series comes from all parts of the Monastery of Epiphanius, from Cell A and from the Monastery of Cyriacus,* but only type no. 2 was common to all three sites and no. 6 toCell A and the Monastery, and it would therefore appear that there were nearly independent sources of supply for the three establishments. In date they all appear to be contemporary. : Thirty-four devices were copied, and of these conventional designs make up four-fifths : crosses and their derivatives (1-6); stars (7-9); geometric designs (10-13); the swastika (12); a plant form (14) 1: the rabbit (15)5; deer (16-17)*; the dove (18)7; an unidentified bird (19); an orans or a praying saint with halo (20-21), and a warrior saint with halo, shield and spear (22).8 Others were inscribed with those monograms, very popular in Byzantine times, in which the ingenious, but often forced, combinations of letters are almost impossible to unravel. Fairly clear are a ω (25); mapra a map(oenoc, “Mary the Virgin,” 23) ; navdoc (28), and geprcte (27). No. 29 can perhaps be solved @:8 for gorkamuon, Written normally are nos. 26, 30 and 32: το 9¢c ᾧίλοσεος, seprausac® ere o(eoc), and # aria Φ(εοτοκος). Philotheus and Jeremias may be the names of vintners, accompanied by pious ejaculations; Paul, of the monogram no. 28, may likewise be an individual, if not the Apostle, and Phoebammon may be the patron of the Monastery at Deir el Bahri.” A further indication of the contents or ownership of the amphorae was sometimes pro- vided in a short note written in ink on the shoulder near the base of the neck." Often it is simply a single letter, usually « or & (probably as the numerals 40 or 2), or combinations as ea, ov and uc (Fig. 34). In one case (12) the label reads xox for P xov¥ = “‘small’’; in another gemec ewpa (gemec = “ears of corn,’ ewpa=?). But by far the greater number 1 The combinations were 24-1; 34-10; 33-19; 30-26; solitary and pure life of the deserts and wildernesses. 31-28; obliterated plant-17; and obliterated inscription-18. 7 Similar to Noah’s dove with the olive branch in its 2 Of no. 2: four, possibly representing three different bill on a stela from Kurneh (MMA. 14.1.459). wooden stamps; no. 3: two; no. 6: three, possibly repre- 8 See also Strzygowski Koptische Kunst 7142, and senting two stamps; no. 8: two, possibly representing two MMA. 10.130.1166. stamps; no. 13: three; no. 22: three; and of the combina- 9 The flat αι suggests a northern (? Fayydmic) origin tions nos. 33-19 and nos. 30-26: two each. These are from (cf. p. 162), unless it be late (cf. p. 13 π. 1). (Ν. Ε. Ο.) a series of fifty specimens. 1o Anastasius Sinaita tells of oil-jars whereon saints’ or 3 From the Monastery of Epiphanius came nos. 1-3, the Virgin’s names had been written to bring luck (Oriens 5-10, 14-20, 22, 24-28, 30-33; from Cell A nos. 2, 6, 13 Christ. 1892, 66). (W. E. C.) and 21; from the Monastery of Cyriacus 2, 4, 11-12, 23 11 Two labels are CO. 495, 496, and another in the British and 29. Museum reading ormoc powoc. Plate XXX, A shows, in 4 The specimen shown is from a door (?) sealing but in the center, the amphora neck with the labels HArac and form and technique it is identical with the amphora seals NavAoc written on either side of the handle. Fig. 34 and it is probable that it was one made for jar sealing. shows facsimiles of other labels, all from ribbed amphorae What seemed to be a palm branch was on an obliterated except no. 9, npatthw—“the man of EdfQ”—which seal with no. 17. was on a fragment of another, unidentified, type of vessel 5 Common in Coptic art, on textiles and in foliage on and is now in Cairo. Other labels from pots not amphorae mouldings. were: on the neck of a small cooking pot, now in the 6 Another common motive in Coptic art. Compare a MMA—wawa; fragment of a pot of light red ware book binding in Budge Hom. ΡΙ. 1V. Asan early Christian decorated with brown scrolls—manapfroc; fragment of emblem it may have reference to Psalm tx or to the an unidentified type of pot—pmh. 81 Devices Written labels Large amphorae (Plate XX X,A) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS are proper names of men: ama moan; ana wane (7); πεσωμ; amapeac; o€o..... ORS iran ROAAOTEOC ; FcaK (3); raRwh (4); HAYac and ποσλος (6); roans[c] and ranwh (8)1; ecapac (ae επωπτογος (2), (the last two written in the genitive: ecapaove and επωπµοχον).” Two un- intelligible labels mention ezareac (10) and εεποτο[πος (11), and finally one is the name ELAPAOY | kK Cr pyroy ιδ JK αλ tm 4) YA Φε πα) ας. οὐιλιρλς ΕΑΝ στα Pnk ol) tr ο μμ. κα. Ck OVE ου [aKof || TRU!) egaetde |) Gr’ Ἂ 8 MC. FIG. 34 LABELS WRITTEN ON RIBBED AMPHORAE of a woman, mapra (5). Almost all of these names occur in the documents found on the site as inmates or as correspondents of the inmates of the Monastery. The largest amphorae used at the Monastery were of a type distinct in form and material from the ribbed wine-jars. The clay used was light brick-red, very hard baked, sonorous in quality and covered outside with a thin, hard slip variously noted as ‘dull drab,” “yellow,” “stone colored,” or “‘creamy white turning gray with use.’”’ Only two complete FIG. 35 TYPES OF LARGE AMPHORAE. SCALE I : 10 specimens were found—and they were badly broken—but fragments were scattered every- where and a large proportion of the ostraca were on fragments of them. Of two types (Fig. 35, A-B) the necks were small, with moulded lips. Of two others they were wide, with vertical rims (C-D and Plate XXX, A). The foot in all cases was short and solid. The bodies of 1 A third case of two names together preserved only 2 Another fragment preserved merely the genitive ας, roc and ......εος (ἅγιος 6 θεός is not unlikely. ending of a lost name. 82 ΕΘΙΠΕΝΝ WASSSISILS) the two complete specimens showed that both narrow waisted and oval bodies were made, and that the heights ran from 80 to 104 cm. and the diameters from 30 to 40 cm. The decoration consisted of narrow ribbings on neck and shoulder, and comb marks on the bodies. String marks were visible on nearly all fragments, but they were hardly decorative. When these jars were ready for removal from the wheel, the potters had run onto them, with the last rotations, a number of short lengths of cord which bit into the still soft clay and supported it during drying.! A total absence of pitch lining suggests some other use than wine-jars for these amphorae. This is borne out by the fact that the necks of some were too wide for tight sealing over liquid contents. The suggestion is advanced therefore that many of them were for the carriage and storage of water especially since no large vessels were found at the Monastery better adapted to this work, so indispensable in Egypt. A foreign origin for the amphora in Egypt cannot be demonstrated—unless indeed it be an importation of Hyksos times, in which case it is outside the purposes of this study. In any event it was commonly used for wine and potted foods from the beginning of the XVIII Dynasty, and at that time was even exported, presumably with Egyptian vintages, to Mycenae. Moreover not only were two handles characteristic of these dynastic amphorae, but the dynastic potter had long discovered that a pointed bottom enhanced the strength of his vessels and he often gave his amphorae a solid foot.? It is probably this very antiquity of the amphora type and its existence throughout the ancient world which has made it impossible to localize any of the varieties of the Roman amphorae to individual provinces. Thus on the Rhine, shapes are found common to Italy, and no local differences have been detected between North and South Germany.* Again, so universal was the type that it underwent the same evolution both in the East and West. It has been suggested above that here the conical, ribbed amphorae were degenerations of the elongated ribbed types, and it is equally probable that the latter and the large amphorae were both derivatives from a common prototype which was elongated, slightly waisted and very little ribbed. The same development took place in the West. There, just such a prototype existed in the 1st century B.c.‘ and the tendencies to exaggerated ribbing and the conical shape are as characteristic of its degeneration on the Rhine? as in Upper Egypt. In short, while the amphora had been used in Egypt since dynastic times, its native traits had become merged and lost in the common types of the Roman world. It has been suggested that emptied, ribbed wine amphorae were used, and some of the 1 For this practice in dynastic times see Mace and Winlock Senebtisi p. 111. 2 Not primarily for sticking it in the ground as stated by Walters Ancient Pottery ii, and Holder Formen der rémischen Tongefasse diesseits und jenseits der Alpen. The flat bottomed modern Egyptian balld@s always punctures at its weakest point—the bottom—but in this case strength has been sacrificed to balance in carrying. The zr which is not to be carried is egg shaped. 3 Hélder loc. cit. 4 Halder loc. cit. Pl. I πο. 8) Ρ, πο 5 Ρεμπ Romische Keramik Fig. 155. Scores of these lie about Pompeii and are to be seen in the Museums of Naples, Florence and Mayence as A. G. K. Hayter informed White. 5 Halder loc. cit. Pl. I no. 4, from Regensburg. Use of the large amphorae The amphora type in dynastic Egypt In the Roman Empire In Arab Egypt Water bucket related to the kadas (Plate XVIII, B) The term “Samian” ware “Samian” and terra sigillata wares in the Roman Empire THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS larger mouthed amphorae were made, for carrying and storing water. In fact, the latter amphorae are identical in clay, slip, comb decoration, and shape of mouth and handles with the δα]]ᾶς, the universal water-pot of Egypt today. We even had some trouble in making our workmen save the ancient amphora fragments, so certain were they that they were only bits of their own broken balldlis. The only difference between them is that the ballas has a broad, almost flat, base for balancing on the carrier’s head. Hence it does not seem too much to infer that the modern ballads is merely a specialized Coptic amphora— probably originally developed in the town of nadaac,! not far from Jéme. A vessel was found in the East Buildings of the Monastery very like the kédis and, in a fragmentary state, easily confused with it (Fig. 36 and Plate XVIII, B, 5). It is of dark red ware, ribbed and showing rope marks; 30 cm. in height, 15.5 cm. at the mouth and 25.5 cm. at its widest. It has the same lip as the kddas but is wider and flatter bottomed below, and it has not the essential foot εξ of the latter. Today a very similar pot is occasionally produced by the kadis makers to hold water, for which it is excellently adapted with its ας τῷ wide, easily accessible mouth and its center of gravity situated near the WATER JARoFkddfs broad bottom. As a carrying vessel this same broad bottom makes it TPES SCALE 1710 excellently designed for placing on the head, and thus introduces the special characteristic of the modern ballds. It should be related to the situla or water bucket of which the kdd#s is a form specialized for the sa@kzyeb. The term “Samian” ware,? while admittedly very loose, is a convenient designation for a subdivision of the classical terra sigillata fabric, and since it does not expressly connote a ware with moulded or stamped decoration, it is especially convenient in describing certain cups and bowls from the Monastery of Epiphanius. There had been a ‘“‘Samian” ware in classical times, still commended in Pliny’s day, and from it the name ‘“‘Samian” had become for the Romans a generic term on all fours with our word “china.” In the 3rd century B.c. certain Greek potteries with relief decoration were imported into Italy and there imitated. Of these Italian imitations, that of Arretium was preéminent throughout the Roman world from 150 B.c. to 100 Α.Ρ. for dishes, cups and small bowls. The Arretine ware was a fine grained, hard baked, red paste resembling sealing-wax, with an alkali glaze; its shapes were borrowed from metal prototypes, and the decoration was moulded or stamped in relief—whence terra sigillata. By the end of the 1st century A.D. it had degenerated and been replaced in Italy and the West by provincial fabrics from Gaul and the Rhine which continued to be produced at least until the invasions of the second half of the 3rd century. These latter fabrics are the typical ‘“Samian” wares of modern 1 See 414 note. p- 140; Déchelette Vases de la Gaule Romaine. Most of 2 See Walters History of Ancient Pottery, Chapters xx1- the field notes on the “Samian” types from the Monastery ΧΧΗΙ; Dragendorff Bonner Jabrbiicher xcvi p. 25, with the were written, and the relations to the Dragendorff types accepted classification of types, and its sequel, ibid. ci noted, by White. 84 POTTERY VESSELS archaeology. Meantime the original Greek fabrics had been succeeded at Pergamum, Tralles and Kos by local potteries highly spoken of by Pliny, and it would seem that in the East there was a ‘‘Samian”’ ware developed which, while little known today, was closely related to and strongly affected by the western fabrics. The disappearance of the decorated terra sigillata in both East and West dates from the decline of pagan art after Diocletian and the coincident increase in the production of glass vessels. Thus up to the 4th century a.p. there had existed throughout the Roman Empire a class of small vessels, similar in form and technique in all the provinces; made of a hard, close grained, red clay with a smooth lustrous surface; and shaped after the sharp and often angular profiles of metal prototypes. Since great freedom ruled in the shapes of most types of pottery under the Roman Empire, the fixity of the “Samian” forms is all the more remarkable. The choicest pieces were articles of an empire-wide export trade, but there were also the locally made imitations,’ undecorated but keeping to the shapes of the imported fabrics. Often they did not have the true alkali glaze of the originals, but they imitated it more or less with as much of a lustrous surface as polishing and baking would give. Such local wares naturally survived long after the extinction of the original decorated ‘““Samian”’ fabrics, and it is the Egyptian survival of the 6th century with which we have to deal. In spite of the wide separation geographically and chronologically of this Coptic fabric from the Gallic and Rhenish decorated potteries, the Coptic maintains its identity with the “Samian”’ in material, in technique, and in an adequate number of relationships in form. The material, wholly unlike that of any dynastic pottery and different from most other Coptic types, is a fine grained, hard, well-baked, sonorous clay, reddish in color and sug- gesting the appearance of sealing-wax in the best specimens. The alkali glaze of the original wares is imitated in a slightly lustrous, red, iron-oxide surface wash. A purely dynastic Egyptian touch is seen in some of the bowls where the wash is applied to the whole inside but only to the lip of the bowl or plate outside. Decoration in composed designs is not found, but the stamped 2 or 2 monograms in many dishes are a distant reminiscence of it, and the roulette tooling of the earlier western ““Samian” ware persists. Naturally, considering the lapse of time from the early 3rd to the late 6th century new shapes developed and old ones degenerated, and furthermore it is reasonable to suppose that there were some types in the East not common in Gaul. Yet the shapes of the Coptic ware not ? only maintain the general characteristics of ““Samian” in being limited to cups, bowls and dishes less than 30 cm. in diameter with angular ridges and mouldings suggestive of metal, but in addition they conserve four or five Gaulish shapes very closely and a number more in recognizable adaptations (Fig. 37).? 1 Walters loc. cit. i pp. 533, 547- Monastery toward Ermont mentioned on p. 24, contem- 2 Besides the parallels between the Epiphanius and porary with the Monastery of Epiphanius. The cup is in Dragendorff types about to be noted, Dragendorff nos. 33 the Metropolitan Museum, MMA. 14.1.477. and 49 are almost exactly duplicated by a cup from the 85 Late Egypto- Roman “Samian”’ “Samian” ware at the monastery (Plates XX XI —XXXII, Β) “Samian”’ cups THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS A-B. Straight sided cups. Of A one example was found under the floor of the First Tower, another in the Original Monastery, and four behind the retaining walls of the higher rooms of Cell A. Their average diameter was 14 cm. and height 8 cm. Of B there was one = σοκ S K u M — Sree Ne, cs 5 : i se / Ρ 8 Mi FIG. 37 TYPES OF “SAMIAN” CUPS, DISHES AND BOWLS. SCALE 1:4 example found with an unusually red slip, measuring 10.4 cm. in diameter and 7.4 cm. high. These cups are closely related to Dragendorff no. 30. That this shape should persist in 6th century Egypt, having been supplanted at the end of the ist century in Gaul by Dragendorff’s 37, attests the conservatism of Egyptian “‘Samian” ware. 86 POTTERY VESSELS C-E. Hemispherical cups with feet. The commonest found was D, with two examples from the Monastery (one under the First Tower floor) and one each from Cells B and C. Its average size was 13 cm. in diameter by 7.5 cm. high. Of C and E there was one example each; C measuring 10 cm. in diameter by 4.5 cm. high, E 10.4 cm. in diameter. D and E have roulette tool decoration. Although they are far simpler, these three cups may be related to Dragendorff’s 37 which lasted in Gaul as a very common type down to the extinction of the fabric. F-G. Dishes with simple upright rims. Two examples of F were found in Cell C measuring 19.6 cm. by 5.4cm. A single fragment of G was found in the Monastery giving the dimen- sions 21 cm. by 2.6 cm. Η--]. Dishes with solid, thickened rims. These were the largest of the ‘““Samian”’ dishes, attaining a diameter of 30 cm. occasionally. They were also the commonest, sixteen examples having been identified in the Monastery (some under the floor of the First Tower) and in the outlying Cells. The surface wash was deep red, usually lustrous, covering the inside but frequently only the rim outside. The bottom often contained the monograms f£and ῥ surrounded by the roulette markings. K-M. Dishes with solid moulded rims. These differ from Η--] only in the moulding profiles of the rims, but it is in just that characteristic that they are identical with Dragendorff’s 47. N-P. Small bowls with turned down lips. Ten more or less complete specimens and numerous fragments were found in the Monastery and Cells, with diameters varying from 11 to 18 cm. The wash outside generally covered the rim only. The shapes suggest more or less the remote derivatives of Dragendorff’s 35 and 36. Q. Hemispherical bowls. Four specimens were found in the Monastery and Cell A with diameters varying from 13 cm. to 32 cm. Some were stamped inside like H—J. R. Bowls with flat rims. Fragments of two such bowls 20.5 cm. in diameter were found in the Monastery. The type appeared in Gaul before the close of the 3rd century? and it is equally close to a pair of Coptic silver bowls in the Metropolitan Museum. * S. Bowls with flanges. Two examples were found measuring 19 to 19.5 cm. in diameter. Outside the wash goes as far as the flange only. The form is as strongly suggestive of metal work as R. T-U. Small bowls with turned down flanges. Two examples of T and three of U were found with diameters varying from 11 to 13 cm. They would appear to go back to Dragendorff’s 38 as an eventual prototype. V. Bowl with rouletted rim. An extremely common type at the Monastery, varying in diameter from 10.5 cm. to 23 cm. with rims varying from 1.2 cm. to 5.2 cm. high. The shape is Dragendorff’s 24:25. 1 Déchelette Vases de la Gaule Romaine i p. 192. 2 Déchelette loc. cit. i Pl. V, 71. 3 MMA. 07.228.84-5. 87 “Samian”’ dishes “Samian” bowls Pottery lamps (Plate XXXII, A) Painted dishes (Plate XX XIII) Bowls in- fluenced by “Samian” ware (Plate XXXIV) THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Like the “Samian” pottery, the terracotta lamp shows intimate connection with the Roman world. In dynastic times the common domestic lamp was usually any small bowl or saucer, filled with oil in which floated a wick. Most of the Monastery lamps seem to have been equally primitive, for all over the site small cups were found only 7 or 8 cm. in diameter, and thickly encrusted with grease or soot (Fig. 38). However, the classical lamp was used too—though less frequently—and is represented by an elongated oval type with handle (9.8 x 5.5 cm.) decorated with the words tacannx and trpams (sic) in raised letters on the sides, and by a round type without handle (8 x 6.5 cm.) and a frog or lizard on the top. The most interesting type, however, was an adaptation from the classical type, from 6.5 to 12 cm. in diameter (Fig. 38). It is deeper δε Na Mee than the latter, with higher handle and more open spout and a noticeable rim around the oil hole. This LL / Nee is the transition between the classical lamp and that of medieval Egypt. Prolong the rim around the oil hole into a tall funnel, and lengthen the spout, and one has the glazed lamps of Fostat. Plates, platters and dishes were very commonly made of a light colored, pinkish clay with a yellowish LAMPS: ABOVE, BOWL TYPE; BELOW, TRANSITION Pink slip. The clay is of an excellent texture and the PROM CASIO TO ASABE. SCALE 174° technical processes of mixing, applying the slip and firing were the same as in the local “‘Samian”’ ware. These dishes were always decorated in dark brown, usually with an interlacing pattern and once with a bird in the center (Fig. 39). Unfortunately none of these dishes was found complete enough to illustrate except one of a compartmented type from Cell A, known also from fragments in the Monastery (Fig. 40). This dish was 35 cm. in diameter turned on the wheel with a central bowl. Four circles were then cut through the broad rim and cups 7.5 cm. in diameter modeled in by hand. The decoration was of five-petaled rosettes. There was a class of miscellaneous native bowls of local ware which we have grouped together (Fig. 41) because in some details they show vague suggestions of the ‘““Samian” shapes. It would be going too far to say that there was a conscious effort to imitate “Samian” pots in any one of them. Rather it might be said that familiarity with “Samian” ware exerted a subconscious influence on their potters. All except F—which is a hard, cream colored clay—are of a coarse, hard red ware. E and J are very slightly ribbed; D and I originally had a crude—and now very indistinct—decoration of white lines and circles smeared on. B and H had been used for cooking and D was found in the oven in the West Court encrusted with soot. 1 There is illustrated on Plate XXXIII B a dish of Davis in the contemporary anchorite’s cell, Site XVIII. this class (except that the slip is red and the decorations The decoration is composed of rosettes and fishes. MMA. in white as well as dark brown) found by Theodore M. 14.6.222. Diameter, 50 cm. 88 FIG. 39 POTTERY DECORATIONS. SCALE 1:3 FIG. 40 SECTION OF COMPARTMENTED DISH. SCALE 1:4 FIG. 41 TYPES OF BOWLS INFLUENCED BY ““SAMIAN’’ SHAPES. SCALE 1:4 | Cooking pots { (PlateX XXIV) Water bottles, kullehs THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS The cooking pots of the Monastery were of the same tough red clay as the cooking pots of the same locality today (Fig. 42). In fact, even if they had not been liberally coated with soot, one could have guessed their use. All were ribbed, though on some the ribbing was very slight. A very common type was a flat pan from 20 to 25 cm. wide and compara- tively shallow (A-E). A stew pot like the modern billeh (F) was of a fairly light colored = / mK A Neo aie ο B Nee ee ; . H ας ies D E | 9 κ FIG. 42 COOKING POTS. SCALE 1:4 [el dasa A B FIG. 43 NECKS OF WATER BOTTLES—kulleb. SCALE 1: 4 clay and well made, with thin sides for a pot of 25 cm. or more in diameter. Bits of the characteristic rims were found everywhere.! A variety of small pots with flat bottoms to balance well over the fire (H-K) were common, and necks and handles from slightly larger pots than H were found. Vessels of porous clay which allows a little water to seep through to the outside will keep comparatively cool by surface evaporation. An excellent clay for such vessels is found in 1 Complete examples found by Theodore M. Davis at Site XVIII are in the Metropolitan Museum, near the paths leading to the Valley of the Kings and nos. 14.6.225-6. 90 POTTERY VESSELS Upper Egypt near Keneh where it has been worked since dynastic times. Several of the water bottles of the Monastery were made of this ware (Fig. 43, A), and some of a slightly harder and redder ware (C). Others of very inferior porosity were made of the local coarse red ware with a white slip on which a crude spiral or flower decoration was painted (B). While their shapes are scarcely suggestive of the modern kulleh they have the prime characteristic of the latter and the thing which has given it its name—the sieve diaphragm in the throat, which keeps out the flies and makes the water gurgle as it is poured out. In the type C, with its mouth from 7 to 10 cm. wide, the sieve is pierced with a multitude of holes. A few centuries later the kulleh makers of Fostat were punching and cutting these holes in most delightfully lace-like and intricate designs. The dark brown glaze on the mouths of these bottles was smoother for the drinker’s lips and cleaner than the porous clay itself. Small tubs of coarse red ware were found, in diameter from 30 to 50 cm. The straight sides converged, and the bottom was absolutely flat. None was found complete, but the MV 2s FIG. 44 FIG. 45 SECTIONS OF THE RIMS OF POTTERY TUBS. SCALE 2:5 HANDLE AND PAINTED RIM OF TUBS characteristic, ornate rims were found nearly everywhere (Fig. 44). Occasionally a rim was pierced for a cord handle (H), but more often the handles were of twisted clay or they were of clay knobbed and spined on the upper side (Fig. 45, A). An almost obliterated decoration of crude white spirals, of white stripes and black spots could be detected on them, inside and out, and flat rims like A and C (Fig. 44) were given a white wash and roughly painted with wiggly black lines (Fig. 45, B). A single example was found of a tub of a whitish clay with a red surface wash. A large vessel used for melting some sort of pitch had sides 2 cm. thick and a spout 35 cm. long. Two types of painted pottery were represented by numerous fragments but by no complete examples. One type was a jar of red ware (Fig. 46) with a white slip on which a barbarously crude design of lines in dark brown and light red was applied. Once this design included a gazelle (Fig. 39). Related to it are some shapeless little hand-made pots with handles and false snouts and a similar decoration. Rims of another type of 1 This type was found at the Monastery of Jeremias; see Quibell Saggara iv Pl. XLIX. opt Tubs Cauldron Decorated pottery Terracotta pipes (Plate XXX, B) Pot stands (Plate XXX,C) Miscellaneous articles: dippers, lids, funnel THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS decorated pottery were found (Fig. 47). Apparently these were broad, squat, two handled pots with mouths from 15 to 25 cm. wide. They had a creamy slip and dark brown line decoration. A piece of ribbed terracotta pipe has been mentioned as fixed in place in the granary of Cell A. It was 36 cm. long, though broken at one end, with a flaring mouth 18 cm. in Ng = FIG. 46 FIG. 47 DECORATED JARS. SCALE 135 NECKS OF POTS. SCALE 15) diameter and a least width of 13.5 cm. (Fig. 48, C). Possibly one end only was flared, and the narrow end of one pipe was introduced into the wide end of the next when lengths were joined. Another piece of pipe found in the same granary was 17 cm. in diameter, neither end being preserved. A straight piping 8 cm. in diameter and the sections, where complete, 50 cm. long, was represented by two fragments from the Original Monastery (D). Such pipe, but in shorter sections, has been found in Medinet Habu—Jéme.? The old dynastic pot stand existed as late as the 6th and 7th centuries A.p., for = two were found in the granary of Cell A (Fig. 48, A-B). F The taller was 49 cm. high and about 22 cm. in diameter IW at either end. It is of very dark red pottery with black 8 bands painted on, but when found it had been completely whitewashed. The shorter was of coarse red ware, 25 cm. high and wide, with a rough, white zigzag painted around the middle in a way similar to the pottery tubs. ze The accessories of the larder and the wine cellar were πο often of pottery. All over the site were to be found the Α-Β, POT STANDS; c-p, Terracotta handles of dippers, ladles or saucepans. None was dis- DS ate covered intact but one from the monastery toward Ermont shows the contemporary shape.? It is 24 cm. long with a bowl on the end 9 cm. in diameter 1 By Theodore M. Davis. Now in the Metropolitan Museum, nos. 14.6.229-31. 2 MMA. 14.1.178. POTTERY VESSELS (Fig. 49, A). Jar lids of pottery had a spike or loop handle in the upper side (B—D).? A funnel 14 cm. in diameter was made of red ware with a white wash (E). No attempts to identify conclusively the above pottery types with the names of vessels in the documents found on the site, have proved of great value so far. The citations are usually vague and often it is impossible to determine whether the “vessel” is of pottery or of metal, or what its form may have been. The generic name for “pot”—wowov, wawov—we have already noticed as applied to the water-wheel kddis (p. 65 above), and it is equally applicable to wine- 2 jars (101, 311). A more specific term for the latter, which may be the actual name of the ribbed “A 4 amphora, is ἀγγεῖον (90, for wine; 113, for vinegar; ew D 312 and 543). Elsewhere (340) the gaci=eore holds ο wine. The séma‘ of unbaked mud has already been identified with the λάκων (p. 52 above), and two other large vessels in which corn could be stored are the τεριε (532, but 549 of metal), and the setwn (?) (532, 543). This last from other sources is known to be adaptable for such liquids as wine and honey. The πίθος can be covered and serve for herbs (351), E and the fece (551) can hold dates or grapes or serve FIG. 49 as a well bucket—in which case it was probably of A, LADLE} Β-Ρ, JAR LIDS; E, FUNNEL ν SCALE Ι:4 metal. This last use as a bucket recalls the metal κάδος (549) and ape (449) which may be the apo» (543), presumably of pottery. Any of these last four names might describe the water bucket noted on p. 64 above. The ““Samian” ware articles may have gone under the names ovate, “bowl” (545); san, “cup” (543); miva€, “plate” (543); xec, “dish” (543), and λοπάς, “dish” (544), but this last is often of metal. The ostracon 543, from which come several of these terms, would appear to be an inventory of two or more camel loads of pottery sent to Jéme. If so, the following also are names of pots whose shapes are not yet identified: xmme, Aub, ena, gotae, and nada, Finally the “large κοῦφον” of 402 is a pot of unknown form.? 6. Miscellaneous Objects The monks wrote with reeds, pointed and split like old-fashioned quill pens, and it was curious to see that the taste of different individuals varied from pointed to stub nibs, just as they do today. The pens were made of reeds which averaged about 1 cm. in diameter. 1 A covering for the mouth of a jar of herbs is sent with 351. A wooden jar lid from Site XXII is mentioned on p. 20 above. 2 V. Reil op. cit. pp. 38 ff. 93 Coptic names of pottery types Reed pens and writing materials (Plate XXV) Trial designs Glass THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS An unused, new pen—it had been split in making—was 26.5 cm. long (Plate XX XV, 2). The old pens had been resharpened so often that finally they were mere stumps less than 6 cm. long (no. 4) and one of them had been lengthened again by sticking a bit of wood into the end (no. 6). The native pen of today is identical (no. 1), and so were the Greek and Roman pens from the 3rd century Β.ο. onwards.! However, the dynastic pen was really a brush made by fraying out the fibers in the end of a very thin reed. The complete adoption of the split pen by the Egyptians may be safely related to the adoption of the Greek alphabet for writing the Egyptian language, during the 4th century Α.Ὀ. The writing materials—papyrus and stone or pottery ostraca—are both of very ancient Egyptian usage,? but the binding of sheets into a codex or book is a distinctly Roman innovation of the 3rd century A.p.? The anchorites of the Monastery of Epiphanius did not have what we might term highly developed esthetic feelings and the graphic arts did not tempt them often. There were, however, a few scraps of ostraca on which they had practised constructing the then very popular interlacing design (Fig. 50). Their attempts, often hopelessly confused, are interesting mainly as showing how the design was first y laid out in rows of small circles. Since it is improbable that any pottery was decorated at the Monastery, presumably these attempts were made by scribes practising the drawing reise of the guilloche around a seal as on Papyrus no. 198, verso SKETCHES ON OSTRACA AND IN (Part II Plate III), or for the common decoration of the first ο eee ae and last pages of a quire.‘ A lion—it would be most charitable to call it an heraldic lion—was attempted by some monk with a bit of charcoal on a scrap of pottery, and what we may imagine to have been meant for Noah’s dove was drawn by another with red ochre inside of Tomb 3. There were quantities of fragments of glass vessels, especially in the Monastery itself and less frequently in the Cells, but none were recovered which could be reconstructed. Most were of an almost colorless, pale emerald tint. Darker emerald, brownish- or yellowish- green and ultramarine pieces were found often, while dark purples or browns were rarer. The yellowish glass with blue threads and drops on the surface so frequently found in the 4th century ruins was represented here by one fragment only. The shapes, when they 1 Maunde Thompson Greek and Latin Palaeography 4 See Tur. πο. 25; CO. Pl. I (Turin); Hall Pls. 24, 28, p. 39; Schubart Das Buch? p. 28. 36. (W.E.C.) 2 On these see Chapter vir. 5 By the Metropolitan Museum Expedition in Khargeh. 3 Maunde Thompson ibid. pp. 51-53. MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS could be guessed at, seem to have been bottles with more or less slender feet ; coarse jars and bottles with flat bottoms, or bottles with ring bottoms from 1 to 3 cm. high. Three glass beads were found, of very dark blue color, twisted spirally and about 2 cm. long. Three spoons were found, which are interesting as conforming in all cases to one type. The Ρον] was elongated and V-shaped in section. Spoons from the contemporary monastery in the direction of Ermont show the same shape, which may be taken as typical of the period therefore. One of the examples from these excavations was in bronze 13.4 cm. long and the other two of wood, one of them measuring 12.5 cm. long. Hidden in a rock crevice just above the oven in the West Court was found a bronze censer! with a chain for suspension. The body of the object is a box 7.7 cm. long, on four feet, perforated on the sides for ventilation. On the front there is an elephant in relief. The lid—which slides out toward the front—bears a lioness attacking a boar, cast hollow in such a way that the smoke from the incense will issue from the mouths and ears of both animals.? Inside the box there still remain the ashes of incense, apparently originally in pastilles. A measuring rod specialized for some trade was found in the Monastery of Cyriacus. It was divided into seven sections, each 3.5 cm. long,’ each section being roughly subdivided THT et TTT TWIN TT ST TTT TTT FIG. 51 A PALM-STICK MEASURE into ten smaller sections of irregular sizes. The seven sections are separated from each other by blank intervals of 0.9, 0.9, 0.95, 1.3, 2.15, and 3.6 cm. which, when plotted by their coérdinates, develop a regular curve. These intervals are, therefore, not due to chance or whim, but have some definite relation to the use for which the stick was intended. The stick was broken through the end of the seventh section where it measures 34.8 cm. in length, approximately the equivalent of ten of its sections. Possibly this length is related to a foot measure used anciently in Asia Minor, which attained a length varying from 33.25 cm. to 34.15 cm. As a double foot it was known (but little used) in dynastic Egypt. Since dynastic times, however, it has attained a wide distribution in Egypt and the East as the Constantinople cubit (dira‘ isté@mbali) of about 67.25 cm. length.’ 1 A censer is mentioned among the objects inventoried the others 3.5 cm. in 548. 4 Petrie Weights and Measures, in Encyclopaedia Brit- 2 The lid of a similar censer in the Metropolitan Museum annica; Kahun p. 27; Illahun p. 14; Deshasheb p. 37; (89.2.551) has a lion attacking a sow, identical in work- Lane Modern Egyptians, ed. 1836, ii p. 377. The Asiatic manship. double foot as found by Petrie was from 26.2 to 26.9 inches; 3 The first section is broken; the fourth 3.7 cm.; the the dird‘ istdmbiili is about 26.6 inches. sixth 3.5 cm. corrected from 3.7 cm.; the seventh 3.3 cm.; Spoons Bronze incense burner (Plate XXXV) Graduated palm stick Innovations of Roman times These innova- tions create modern Egyptian Life THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS 7. Technical and Material Innovations in Egyptian Life during Roman Times In the preceding sections of this Chapter frequent reference has been made to different articles and machines introduced into Egypt in the Roman epoch and the reader will have noticed how numerous they have been. It is not to be supposed that these notes have contributed much that is new, or that they have by any means exhausted the investigations of origins, but it may be said that, taking the material finds at the Monastery of Epiphanius alone, we have a sufficiently comprehensive survey of Upper Egyptian peasant life in the 7th century to form some general conclusions on a significant point in the history of Nilotic culture. Agriculture has always been the predominant industry of Egypt and we find that the water-wheel and the threshing-machine, the two most important pieces of apparatus of the industry, economically, were innovations of the Roman period. Of ancient trades the most important was the textile trade, and its one developed machine—the loom—was fundamentally improved at this period. The alphabet and the codex revolutionized writing and bookmaking. In building, the dome added an important device to those from which the architect might choose, and baked brick and tile provided two new, inexpensive and durable materials. In carpentry, wood turning leads on the one hand to the improvement of the screens so desirable in an eastern climate and on the other to an increased employ- ment of native hard woods heretofore of little value. The lock and the lamp were ingenious and useful innovations, and while pottery forms and the “Samian” ware were of less significance, commercially developed glass meant much. It goes without saying that this list does not begin to exhaust the technical innovations of the Roman period, but it does bring to notice a striking number of innovations, all of them considerable advancements on the corresponding dynastic apparatus, and the majority of permanent usefulness in the Nile Valley. This last aspect of them had one amusing outcome. So absolutely identical were the habits of the Egyptian peasants of the 7th century A.D. and those of the present day, that in these excavations our workmen were our most experienced archaeologists. They recognized the fragmentary kawdédis, the ndrag beam, the loom pits and the shéd#f hooks before we did, and if they threw away fragments of the amphorae thinking that they were their own balldlis, it was a further proof that they were thoroughly at home in the life of their Coptic ancestors. In fact we may safely say that on its material side peasant life of today and that of the years just preceding the Arab Conquest are identical. Hence it follows that the Arab and Turkish contributions have been nil—always remembering that we are not considering religion, philosophy, literature or art. To find material innovations in Egyptian life as far reaching as those introduced under the Romans we have to go back to the Hyksos period, when among other benefits the horse 96 TECHNICAL AND MATERIAL INNOVATIONS and wheeled vehicle, the vertical loom, and numerous improvements in arms and armor came to the Nile, or forward to the English period when the tractor plough and the gasoline pump came to raise the echoes of the Theban Hills. Put briefly the idea is this. The material culture of the first really historic period—the Pyramid Age—existed practically unaltered in the Nile Valley for about a millennium and a half. An invasion and a temporary subjection of the country by the Hyksos was a period during which certain important innovations penetrated Egypt from the outer world. If we are to believe the nationalist, Manethonian, tradition, the Hyksos were utter barbarians and hence themselves could not have been the inventors of these innovations. And even if we discount the exaggerations of Manetho, there is evidence that the innovations originated in widely scattered regions from the Greek Islands to the interior of Asia. About another millennium and a half passes without any material change appearing in Egyptian culture. Then the Greeks subjugated the country! and were in turn replaced by the Romans. The latter were not the barbarians that the Hyksos have been pictured, but on the other hand they were not an ingenious race. Hence the innovations which arrived in Egypt during the Roman period were not necessarily their own inventions. They had originated from Spain to China but they only penetrated Egypt when the latter was made part of the Roman world. Again follows nearly a millennium and a half of material stagnation for the Nile Valley, with changes of religion it is true, but with scarcely a single fundamental material change. Then the abortive invasion of Napoleon suddenly awakes Egypt from its torpor and brings it into contact with European life. The few years that followed under Albanian-Turkish rule, with European expert help, saw the beginning of the introduction of European material civilization which profoundly altered every side of Egyptian economic life as soon as the English, like the Romans before them, made the Nile part of a world-wide empire. Again the innovations have been by no means English in origin—all Europe and America have contributed—but like the Hyksos and the Romans, the English held open the doors while Egypt got into contact with the rest of the world. The reader has kept in mind, let us hope, that the intellectual sides of culture—religion, literature, and art—have not figured in this review. To them neither Hyksos, Romans nor English made important contributions in Egypt. The sources there have been Oriental, and in return the Egyptian himself has given amply to the literature of the Jews, the religion of the Christians and the art of all the world down to the Byzantine and the Saracenic. duction in Ptolemaic times of the camel as a practical 1 It happens that practically all of the outstanding in- novations dealt with in this Chapter have been apparently of Roman date in Egypt. The reéstablishment of a strong, autocratic government, the systemization of administra- tion and economic organization, and the introduction of science into agriculture were Greek contributions of which naturally no definable traces would survive on such a site as the Monastery of Epiphanius. However, the intro- element in husbandry, should be noted here (Rostovtzeff Large Estate p. 110) as well as the importation of new breeds of such other domestic animals as sheep (ibid. 114, 180) and new strains for the improvement of such native plants as the vine, garlic and cabbage (ibid. 95, 104-5). Definite evidence of the introduction, in the Ptolemaic period, of new machinery, however, seems to be lacking. The three periods of material in- novation— Hyksos, Roman and English Dating only approximate Historical figures : Damianus Pesenthius Abraham CHAPTER IV HISTORY AND CHRONOLOGY N a former publication of texts similar to ours it was admitted that, for such material, only approximate dating was attainable. No evidence drawn from the present collection allows us to be more precise; the figures whom we may call “historical,’’ among those met with in the texts from Deir el Bahri, meet us here again: Damianus the patriarch, bishop Pesenthius and bishop Abraham. Of Damianus we can only say, here as there, that he was presumably the patriarch contemporary with those who read and transcribed his works. His Synodicon, inscribed upon the wall of our tomb, would not long be of interest after its promulgation ;! his Festal Letters? might, during so long a reign (578-605), be those of a decade or two later. One of these Letters, whereof we have the title only,’ might be that current in the year of writing; but elsewhere‘ the references seem to imply that they already existed in a collected edition, which would probably have been made after the patriarch’s death.® Bishop Pesenthius, who seems to have occupied the see of Keft (Koptos) from 601 to 631, is a conspicuous personality, treated of at length in a later chapter. His presence in our group confirms the approximate date proposed for the texts as a whole. He is un- doubtedly the recipient of several of our letters and very probably of others besides, where the episcopal title is absent; while a writer of several letters, who bears this name without title, is most likely the bishop. Bishop Abraham, around whom centered the correspondence from Deir el Bahri, is here represented only by one or two stray letters.6 It may now be regarded as certain that he too was a contemporary of the patriarch Damianus.’ 1 Probably in 578. . Part II Appendix I p. 331. The fem. ἑορταστική is not the word used). Cf. the doubts ex- approximate date of this copy of it can indeed be fixed; pressed, Part II p. 332. 3 55. 4 CO. 18, 249. for it is hardly questionable that the scribe of this and of 5 As, for instance, in the case of Benjamin, whose Festal RE. 29 (also ib. 22), our 84 &c. is one and the same and Letters (there would be some 38 of them) were available, thus a contemporary of bishop Pesenthius. within a century of his death, in at least 8 books: PG. 95,77 22° Ve 53 and references, BM. 481 (collated) appears to (referred to by Jiilicher in the Harnack Festgabe, 1921, 127). réfer:to.the “translation” of a Festal Letter (though here 6 154, 309. τή ΕΜ Ρ xx ne 2. 08 HISTORY Besides the testimony of these already familiar personages, our collection contains a fresh and important chronological factor in its three or four allusions to “the Persians.” There can be no doubt—having regard to the three ecclesiastics just mentioned—that these Persians are the invaders who held Egypt from 619 to 629. In one letter! their arrival at Thebes appears to be spoken of as imminent, in another we see them installed there,? while a third seems to allude to their occupation as an event already past. Epiphanius, the central figure in the community at the tomb of Daga, himself witnessed the invasion—assuming, as seems most probable, that he is the recipient of the first of the above letters—and if the Persian menace be that referred to in yet another, addressed to him by name,‘ this assumption will be confirmed. But events, whether political or ecclesiastical, in the distant world, far from Thebes, from which the stream of life had long since receded, would little affect the existence of the hermits there and we have small need to concern ourselves here with external history.° The quarrels, dogmatical or personal, which reft the Alexandrine church, towards the close of the 6th and in the first quarter of the 7th century, find scarcely an echo either in the literature these hermits read or in the letters which they wrote. Such stray allusions as we meet to theological disputes* or to monastic schisms’ are probably of purely local interest, unrelated to what was passing in the distant north, with which the patriarch’s annual Festal (or Easter) Letter, and an occasional missive to one or other of the Theban bishops or ascetics,’ together with the obligatory visits to Alexandria of candidates for the episcopacy, are the only links discernible to us. In a previous generation imperial interference with monastic affairs in the Thebaid had proved effective as far south as the Pachomian center at Pbow, where Justinian’s ortho- doxy had achieved the expulsion of the Jacobite archimandrite and dispersal of the monks.” The results of the same policy are possibly to be recognized again in the quartering of “Justinian Scythians” upon a yet more southern monastery, at Edfa." But of its influence at Thebes we learn nothing; were it not for the unmistakable views defended in the writings of Severus and Damianus whom the hermits so held in honour,” we might scarcely learn from our material that divisions existed in the Egyptian church of that day. Troubles of this nature are indeed the subject of one piece, which may be an extract from a literary text and which its copyist thought applicable to contemporary conditions. The writer fragmentary Coptic original cf. /EA. iv 68, and on related texts JThSt. xxv 430 (P. 96), to which add MS. Morgan XXXVil 275 ff., where, in the Life of Apollo of Bawit, we read 1 433. 2 324. 3 300. 4 200. 5 The history of Egyptian Christianity of the period (as far at any rate as 616) is admirably told in Jean Maspero’s posthumous Histoire des Patriarches ᾱ' Alexandrie, 1923. 6 132. 7 In the Pachomian community, but of uncertain date: PO. iii 440. Allusion perhaps to this in Budge Apoc. 174 (Κατήχησις of Pachomius). 8 131, 133 and notes. 9 MIE. ii 368. 1ο Life of Abraham in Synaxar., PO. xi 684. On the an eloquent indictment of Justinian’s treatment of Pbow. 11 Which chanced likewise to bear the name of Bai; v. 517 n. The troops were there for requisitioning purposes (reading ἀγγαρευόντων with Herwerden Appendix p. 3). The epitaph from Edfa of Ricimer (PSBA. xxiv 233) may be further evidence of this Scythian garrison. 12 VY. Part Il Appendix I and Chapter vil. The Persian invasion Thebes little affected by external events Justinian Phocas and Heraclius The Persian invasion THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS reflects that “this great schism and this heavy strife” in the affairs of the church are doubtless due to our neglect of God, the one true king, and, as if there were no king over us, to our forsaking of Christ’s teaching.1 As to the immediately succeeding period of history, our documents offer us nothing. The name of the emperor Phocas was written upon a cliff wall, in the last year of his reign,? and twice we may read the official titulature of Heraclius.2 The Patriarchal Chronicle records indeed the attempt of the latter to supersede the monophysite organiza- tion in Upper Egypt—as far southward at any rate as Antinoe—by imposing imperial bishops upon all the sees; but whether he attempted to push so hateful a policy farther southward we know not.! If we turn from the ecclesiastical to the political history of this period, we can not, from documents of an origin such as ours, expect to gather much. One event and only one is conspicuous—the Persian invasion and occupation, alluded to above.’ Having subdued Palestine, the army of Chosroes marched southward and, after capturing Alexandria, ad- vanced up the Nile. Both Greek and Arab chroniclers tell us that the invaders reached Nubia, as well as overrunning all Egypt.? Our present texts, together with the Life of (or rather, Panegyric on) bishop Pesenthius, add considerably to these bare statements. The latter speaks’ of the advance of the Persians, ‘that pitiless folk,” towards Keft, while several of the letters we here publish allude to the same catastrophe (v. above) and testify to the dread which the oncoming barbarians inspired. The invaders had indeed attained or passed Keft when certain of these letters were written and they were evidently on the road to Thebes itself, where the castrum of Né was still of sufficient military value to be made their headquarters. One piece of evidence we have as to their penetration still farther south: a post-Muslim document, written at Edfd, refers to the arrival (ἄφιξις) of the Persians as a past event, meaning no doubt thereby their former arrival in the vicinity of Edffi.2 Persian tyranny in the diocese of Esne has left a trace in the Synaxarium, where a bishop of the adjoining see of Ermont is charged by the patriarch with the ad- ministration of both; for the Persians ‘‘had ordained that no one more might be presented 1 CO. 14. 2 V. above, p. 11. iv 607, of. BM. 343 n.), which R. Guest plausibly connects 3 Jéme πο. 77 (cf. Steinwenter in Byz. Ζ. xxiv 81; a small with Shirkth’s invasion, Α.Ρ. 1167. He points out that Rhind fragment, Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh, shows these invaders, being Kurds, might well pass for Persians. the identical formula) and on an unpublished ostracon, Yet elsewhere they are styled “Turks” (Rec. vii 218). penes Prof. G. Jéquier. And in fact Shirktth’s nephew Saladin is similarly termed a 4 For an estimate of the Chalcedonian strength in Upper “Persian” in another Coptic text (Martyrdom of John of Egypt, as it had been under Justinian, v. J. Maspero Phanijoit : ο. Casanova in BIF. i 20). op. cit. 177 ff. Yet here again, as to the Theban neighbor- 6 Theophanes, De Boor 301, says up to the Ethiopian hood nothing is known. frontier; he is followed by Michael Chron. ii 491. Agapius, 5 The name “Persian” in Sa‘idic texts has normally the PO. viii 451, speaks of their reaching Nubia. Cf. Néldeke form περεος (so in the Bible: Ezek. xxvii 10, Dan. vili 20, Gesch. d. Perser u. Araber 201. Esth. i 14), exceptionally περεµς (e.g. BM. 323, BM. Or. 7 Budge Apoc. 97, MIE. ii 397. Cf. A. J. Butler Arab 7561, 81 James the Persian, though in BM. 147 he is Cong. ὃς. 8 324. ππερεος. So too in Achm. Elias p. 82). The name recurs 9 New Palaeogr. Soc. Pl. 228. Cf. Wessely xiii 22 in later Coptic literature: in an interesting colophon (Miss. (lithographed). 100 HISTORY for (ordination as) bishop in their time.””! A letter which we take to be written by our great anchorite, Epiphanius,? shows us perhaps—for its expressions are vague—the dwellers in Western Thebes in anxious expectation of the return northward of the invaders, after their Nubian expedition.* The Persians are obscurely mentioned in two further fragments in our material: in a letter in which the Persians (Persian?) are said to have carried some- thing off* and in another which appears to recount the ill usage of someone, whereof the Persians are possibly accused.® The Persian occupation had been foreseen by the bishop of Keft. In an epistle to his flock Pesenthius exhorts them to desist from sin, “lest God be wroth with you and give you over into the hands of the barbarians and they humble you.” “‘If ye repent not speedily, God will bring upon you that people (ἔθνος) without tarrying.”® In another version how- ever this epistle speaks of the evil fate as having already overtaken them: “by reason of our iniquities God hath forsaken us and hath given us over into the hands of these peoples without pity.”? A later tradition indeed (in his so-called Prophetic Epistle) prolongs Pesenthius’s life to the eve of the Muslim conquest and in the epistle whereof we are speaking two successive invasions are foretold.’ Whether his political foresight sufficed to suggest an eventual onslaught from Arabia may be doubted, but of the Persian devastation of Palestine and the fall of Jerusalem he may well have heard news and surmised that a like fate overhung Egypt. The words of his panegyrist in fact imply some such foreknowledge: “as soon as he heard concerning the Persians, he kept nought for himself more, (but gave all) unto the poor.”® The Persian conquest was either similarly foreseen by the author of Shenoute’s Life, or it was an event already past in his day.” It is further referred to in a pseudo-prophecy, put into the mouth of Athanasius," as destined to precede the Muslim conquest, which this writer describes at greater length. Which of the two invasions is fore- told by the prophetic miracle related in the Life of Abraham of Pbow® it is hard to decide. Whether the devastation of monasteries, which appears to have signalized the beginnings of the Persian invasion,“ was continued through Upper Egypt we know not, though, judging by what had befallen Palestine, we may presume that it would be. There the hermits occupying cells (κελλιώται) had clearly found reason to dread them, for at their 1 PO. iii 220. 8 V. below, p. 228. 2 Ann. du S. xxi 74. V. below, p. 220. 9 Budge 1. ο. 124. ; 3 A later stage in this northward march is probably 10 Miss. iv 340, assuming this Arabic passage to represent alluded to in a fragmentary letter from Ashmunain alost Coptic original. Cf. Krall p. 22, Butler Arab Cong. 88. (Cairo 8074): ] sewjapemmepcoc ef QHT... . 11 MS. Morgan xxv 108 ff. 4 CO. 270. Here περεΒς. 12 Miss. iv 753. : ; ; 5 RE.1 bis. In RE. 47, teynepce might be “his persea 13 This rests upon the single witness of the Patriarchal tree,” scarcely “his Persian woman,” which should be Chronicle (PO. 1486 = Synax., ib. x1 560) as to the massacre tcgrme mmepcoc or (less probably) tnepcoc. Cf. Leyden of 700 wealthy monks in their cave-monasteries. Informa- 446, owMeEpcoc Mcorme. tion as to these had come from Nikiu—the text does not say 6 Budge Apoc. 94. that the monasteries were at Nikiu (ο. J.7.St. xxv 429)— 7 MIE. ii 380. But on this version o. below, pp. 227, 228. when the Persian army was setting out for Southern Egypt. IO! The Persians and Pesenthius The Persians in Upper Egypt References to distress in the texts “Hard times” and persecu- tions References in dateable letters THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS approach they fled for refuge to the coenobia.1 A number of allusions to distress and anxiety in our Theban texts may point to such events, but the phrases used are never sufficiently precise to justify more than a presumption. An ostracon at Turin, the script of which shows it to be roughly contemporary with the rest of our material,? preserves either the letter of a bishop or other spiritual monitor, or perhaps an extract from a homily, which it seems worth while to translate in this connection. “‘] have marveled,” says the writer, “at this great agitation, ere ever we have been counted worthy to suffer so much as a blow for Christ’s name; and this albeit? we know how that we die daily. Ye yourselves, beloved brethren, see the great joy that came upon our fathers the Apostles, that they were worthy to be despised for Christ’s name; for by much tribulation shall we enter into the kingdom of heaven.’ And a great humiliation (11. diminution) is it of our ες that the worldlings (κοσµικός) should persevere more than we and should die for Christ, whilst we flee and save ourselves. Be not outdone, then, ..... Ὀοίπετο a These “‘hard times”’ or “times of stress” are often alluded to in our letters, but it is impossible to interpret such expressions precisely; they may refer merely to insufficient inundation and poor harvests, as in one of the letters—if indeed it be a veritable letter— noticed above,” or in the Life of Pesenthius, where we read how “great mourning was spread abroad” by reason of the inadequate inundation.’ Perhaps it is distress in this sense of which another letter speaks: “And we pray in the measure of our humility that God preserve you from evil (πονηρόν) and that He dispel these troubles from the poor and grant healing unto those of them that are sick and that He turn His wrath to peace upon us (or them) once again.””® Three at any rate of the letters which make reference to con- temporary troubles can be pretty closely dated: one of these, addressed by two nuns to bishop Pesenthius, concludes with a request for his prayers, ‘that God may protect us from the persecutions (διωγμός) that are spread abroad” ;” another, to bishop Abraham of Ermont, asks for his prayers, “that we may be saved from trials (πειρασμός) in this troublous time” ;" while a third, warning the recipient, “take heed unto thyself, for the times are very distressful,” is written by Frange, the well-known contemporary of several of our hermits.” These, then, are letters wherein allusions to the Persians might legitimately be expected. Again a writer reproaches his friend for neglecting to visit him: ‘Even shouldest thou say, I fear (to come), thou knowest the inner road,® how that (there) thou meetest 1 An. Boll. vii 137. 2 Published by Rossi in Turin iti xxx p. 806 and PI. (4). 3 An attempt to render the author’s µάλιστα. 4 1 Cor. xv 31. 5 Cf. Acts xiv 22. 6 Béos, i.e. of monasticism no doubt. 7 P. 20. The letter is MMA. 23.3.701. 8 MIE. ii 412. Petitions that God will “remove these troubles and disturbances and famines from the land” appear as a feature in certain liturgical prayers (BM. 512). 9 BKU. 25ο. 10 RE. 28. The word διωγμός, if given its usual meaning, might be thought to point here to the anti-monophysite policy of Heraclius. 11 BKU. 316. 12 CO. Ad. 63. Cf. here 119. 13 A path, no doubt, farther round, among the hills, than that commonly used. The provenance of this ostracon is given as Kurneh; one might therefore think of one of the roads named in the will of Jacob and Elias, Part II Appendix III ll. 68 ff. Cf. Winlock pp. 14, 28 above. HISTORY no man, neither coming nor going”; he may have in view the conditions in the district which made it hazardous to move from place to place! The ‘“‘barbarians that are spread abroad” are a terror to one writer, who entreats his holy father “that truly beareth Christ,” to pray the Lord for protection from them.? These again may be the Persians, whom the Egyptians were of course accustomed to style barbarians ;? or they may be the desert tribes, “the barbarians that dwell upon the (desert) hills’”* and who under that comprehensive appellation include Blemmyes and Nubians® and doubtless the Saracens whom we now and then meet with. “Barbarian’’ might, in one of our letters,’ perhaps mean “‘soldier,”’ as it elsewhere does. The Copts indeed came near to having the term applied to themselves by contemptuous Hellenes.$ Chronological arguments from palaeography cannot be of more than a general character, where but one single document is dated. The sole fixed point which may here again serve as a criterion is the Turin ostracon recording a solar eclipse, calculated to be that visible at Thebes on March the 1oth, 601.2 This piece is written in a hand very similar in type to many in our collection, though differing from them in certain details.“ Some of our papyri show scripts which might belong to a period slightly earlier than this." But since it has not, so far, been possible to differentiate the hands of the latter part of the 6th century from those of the earlier decades of the 7th, it would not be profitable to attempt stricter distinctions between the varieties of script to be found in the present collection and those like it. One type is conspicuously absent here, as at Deir el Bahri: the ligatured hand of the early 8th century scribes, to whom we owe so many of the Jéme papyri, besides the countless tax-receipts &c. on ostraca from Medinet Habu. There is in fact no evidence for the con- tinued existence of this colony of hermits beyond the first half of the 7th century. Papyri and ostraca, which internal evidence shows to have been written after the Muslim con- quest, have come either from Ermont,” the town of Medinet Habu or the monastery of Saint Phoebammon, which was still in being at the beginning of the 9th century.8 1 BKU. 92. One is reminded of the traditional ill- 5 Miss. iv 642. 6 Ib. 721, BM. 280. 7 170. repute of the inhabitants of Kurnah, recorded by modern 8 Ῥάρβαρον τίνα ἢ αἰγύπτιον ἄνθρωπον, Ρ. Oxy. 1681 travellers: W. G. Browne Travels, 1799, 138, Belzoni (τά century). Travels 158. 9 CO. p. xvi and references. The Phocas graffito (p. 11 2 928. above) is scratched upon the rock in a hand too uncouth 3 E.g. our 80, Budge Misc. 11, 23 &c., Winstedt Theodore to be of much use here. 45. 10 V, Part IJ Pl. XI, especially 328, also Pl. XV. 4 Rec. vi 173, Papyruscodex 8, Paralip. S. Pachom. § 9. 11 E.g. Part II Pl. IV, 186. In the first of these another ms. (Morgan xlviii 13) reads 12 Several of the papyri lately acquired by the University “that γένος called βάρβαροι,’ as if the latter were a proper of Michigan relate to Ermont. name. 13 Jéme no. 100. 103 “Barbarians” Poverty of palaeographical arguments Geographical limits Many names, but few can be located Administrative divisions CHAPTER V TOPOGRAPHY AS RECORDED IN THE TEXTS T may be as well to make clear at the outset the geographical limits which we are setting ourselves. We have aimed in this chapter, and indeed throughout the volume, at confining our attention to that part of Egypt which might be thought familiar to the dwellers in Western Thebes and which we have frequently termed “the Theban neighbor- hood”; from more distant parts we have but rarely drawn illustrations. By the Theban neighborhood we mean that section of the Nile valley which extends from about Esne above Thebes to Denderah or even Hou below it: a stretch of a hundred miles or there- abouts. Some such limitation appears justified by the distance, up and down stream, within which the places named in our material are situated. No attempt to describe the topography of Christian Thebes is likely to result in much beyond a list of names. Such a list might by now be of some length, but rarely could a name in it be fixed at a precise locality. The documents upon which we have to draw furnish a large number—exclusive of those of the monasteries and churches—but of these some lie beyond the Theban neighborhood, while the rest include several which either are duplicates, or should not rightly be classed among true place-names, being merely local designations of farmsteads, meadows and the like. The administrative divisions of the country are recognizable in the terms “pagarchy,” “nome,” tows, the last two of which are of frequent occurrence, while the first—perhaps by mere chance—is found only in the 8th century documents, wherein the pagarch is sometimes an Arab,? sometimes still a Christian. Whether at this period any real difference 1 A newly acquired Jéme document, BM. Or. 9525 (1), makes a surprising contribution (as Bell observed) towards defining the terms “Upper” and “Lower Country” (ἄνω and κάτω χώρα). One of its witnesses, who writes in Greek, comes from τῆς Ἰουστινιάνης πόλεως τῆς κάτο (sic) χώρας. This would assign Keft (Justinianopolis, acc. to Georgius Cypr., Gelzer, 39), about the year 700, to the LowerCountry, although Hierocles and the episcopal lists (Byz. Z. ii 25) place it in the Upper Thebaid. It proves the unexpected persistence of a temporary name. Cf. Wilcken’s note, Chrest. p. 51, and J. Maspero and G. Wiet Matériaux 228. 2 Jéme no. 45, 4, no. 70, 3, no. 106, 5, MMA. 24.2.4 (Arias vi(ds) Τοεδου). 3 Jéme no. 44, 12, ST. 44, 183 (clearly of Muslim times, since the amir is named), P. Michigan 1924 (Jordanes, pag- arch of Ermont). TOPOGRAPHY is implied between the use of νομός and the much discussed tow it is not easy to say.! Both words are found, for instance, designating the districts whereof Ermont and Keft were respectively the chief towns.? Here and there row is probably the episcopal see,’ but we may doubt whether, in such cases, it is consciously distinguished from the civil district. The nomes—to retain the commonly accepted term—with which we are concerned are those of Ermont-Hermonthis and Keft-Koptos. Of the places named in the documents whereof the nome is indicated, ten are in the former of these, eight in the latter. The word του is found attached to two other nomes besides: Pouaab and Primide.* The first of these bears no resemblance to the name of any district otherwise known, but the second recalls such names as Premeité,’ presumably in the neighborhood of Memphis, Premit in the Fayytim,® also the personal names Papremitis,’? Tapremhit.’ It seems at least probable that tow in these cases means no more than “borders, parts, district.” Possibly this is so likewise where “the Theban nome” is spoken of. The nome of Ermont bordered to the north on that of Keft, stretching as far at least as Timamén (Damamil).° Southward our texts record it at Tbébe, if we may take this to be rightly identified with Dabaibah, opposite Gebelein. To it belong the towns and villages of which our material has most to say: within it lies the monastery of Epiphanius. From this to the town itself of Ermont is a distance of some ten miles to the south. It may be assumed that it is to Ermont that the term πόλις usually applies, when used alone in these texts. At this period, when Thebes had survived only in a group of insignificant villages, Ermont was doubtless the foremost town of the district and the residence of various civil and military representatives of the Byzantine government." Here a bishop had his seat, although, like other bishops of that day, he apparently preferred at times a monastic life among the Theban hermits.” A locality which meets us often is named Ape (ane). In the 7th century this was probably no more than a village, a castrum,™ supposing the title of πόλις, with which it is once dignified," to be at this date no longer necessarily an indication of importance. Where “the hill of Ape” is named we may see an allusion to a monastic settlement there. The repeated 1 Cf. BM. Gk. iv 1601 n. 2 E.g. Jéme no. 57, 5, no. 35, 14 for the former, no. 57, 4, no. 67, 4 for the latter. 3 Tor. 31, CO. 40, prob. ST. 42. 4 In Jéme no. 118, 4 and no. 79, 2 respectively. The second of these texts shows, it must be noted, a proclivity to write 7 for ο (ovdrAra, mpotpmx, TEVAIPWALION) ; therefore perhaps Premide is here intended. 5 Revillout Actes et Contrats 101. For other such names v. p. 118 n. 6 P. Amherst ii p. 43. 7 Preisigke Namenbuch. 8 Ryl. Demot. iii 149 n. 9 BM. Gk. v 1720. In Coptic texts this expression has not been found. 10 Jéme no. 100, 3, Hall p. 105 (26209, 4). 11 BM. 1211, almost certainly from Ermont, gives the titles of a number of such officials. The dux resided at Antinoe: Jéme no. 10, 17; cf. Steinwenter in Wessely xix 7ff. He and his µειζότερος (acting as his agent or envoy) are referred to in RE. 33, which is assumed to be from the Pesenthius dossier. 12 E.g. bishop Abraham of the Deir el Bahri ostraca, who seems to have dwelt in the monastery of Phoebammon. 13 Jéme no. 81, 4. 14 CO. 491. It could probably be shown that medieval medinet is found applied sometimes to sites where no former πόλις had been situated. The nomes involved Ermont Ape Ancient Thebes: | The Castra THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS occurrence of Ape in West Theban documents points towards the western, rather than the eastern bank and thus leads us to distinguish it from Pape-Luxor,! which moreover could scarcely have given its name to a “hill,” as did Ape. A tempting identification is however offered in the still unlocated “Amis of Western Thebes.? Further, this "Awus-Ape in turn suggests an origin for the mediaeval name Abu (Habu), in Medinet Habu, Birket Habu, Beit Habu el Medinet.! But Medinet Habu has generally been claimed as the successor to the ancient Jéme®; canAmus-Ape and Jéme be reconciled? Professor Spiegelberg believes that they can.' He shows that this "Ams in Western Thebes represents demotic "py (’p2),? which, in certain texts, is actually equated with Jéme.* There would indeed be one objec- tion to the equation Jéme-*Ams-Ape: this last name was, in the 7th century, that of a bishopric,? whereas no bishopric in the district is recorded besides those of Ermont and Thebes-Pape-Luxor. Is it possible that some mediaeval confusion of names—the name Pape-Luxor is found, as it happens, only in 14th century mss.—has played a part here? Around the ruins of ancient Thebes, facing the Jéme hermitages across the river, villages had grown up; among them, a military post which preserved the name that had once been that of the great city itself: the castrum of Né, “the city.” On this same eastern bank there may have been other such posts, but we know the name of none in Christian times nearer than Taut (now Tiid)," some 12 miles further south. The term castrum survives, it is usually supposed, in the modern Luxor, properly El] Uksurein, ‘““The Two Forts,” while Coptic and Greek documents speak of Τρία Κάστρα, ‘“The Three Εοτίς.’13 Which of the military stations these names embrace it is hard to determine. Presumably those on the east bank only are in question, since the Κάστρον Μεμνονίων on the west is distinctly excluded.“ On the east too lay presumably “‘the Castrum of the Potter” (κερα- µέως), Since it belonged in the 6th century to “the nome of Thebes.’’® If so, it could not be connected with the earlier village of Κεραμεῖα, supposing that to be located on the west.?6 We learn again from texts of a later age (1oth century) that Thebes (Θῆβαι, Θηβῶν) had 7 E.g. in P. Berlin 3116 4, 7. 8 In P. Berlin 3101, a certain priest of ’mn-’py is in Ῥ. 3103 styled priest of ’mn-dm'. ο ΚΕ. Tihs 1 Amélineau Géogr. 556, J. Maspero & G. Wiet Matériaux 23. In this name n- cannot be the mere article, for ane is doubtless feminine. Y. Gardiner in AZ. 1908, 128 n. It is more likely to be, as Spiegelberg suggests, the ancient ῥτ-, prefixed, as in many place-names. V. Griffith Ryl. Demot. ili 347. 2 Jéme no. 81, 61. Though “hill”? may here indicate a monastic settlement, it ought surely to presuppose high or rising ground. 3 Wilcken Ostr. i 714. 4 The last in Ann. du S. vii 86. But it must be observed that Lane had ascertained (BM. MS. Add. 34,081, 328) gle to be the true pronunciation. 5 V. Winlock above, p. 4. 6 The following from letters written in November, 1924. 106 10 V.151 and below, p. 110 n.3. How far the outside world had lost all memory of it is shown by Jerome’s confusion of No with Alexandria: PL. 22, 890, ib. 25, 892. 11 V. 163. 12 So styled by early European travelers, as well as the earlier Arabic writers. ’. Maspero & Wiet loc. cit. 13 Jéme nos. 27, 70, BM. Gk. iv 1460, P. Michigan, 1924 (myomT MRactpon, in a letter perhaps to the pagarch of Ermont, in whose τοι the place is described as being). 14 Jéme no. 70, 3, 4. 15 BM. Gk. v 1720, τοῦ Θηβαίου νομοῦς 16 Wilcken loc. cit. TOPOGRAPHY survived as an alternative name to “the Castra,’’! and a like equation is found in the mediaeval episcopal lists.2 An outlying suburb of the ancient city on the north-east is represented today by Μεάαπιθά, which we have proposed to identify with the Petemout of our texts.? A locality in the modern Karnak is possibly mentioned in one of them.‘ It may here be observed that the name Diospolis is met with in a protocol, identical in two deeds,* where the Arab amir is said to rule “from the pagarchy of Diospolis as far as Lato (Esne).”’ This has been assumed to be a survival of the name Diospolis Magna = Thebes,* but the assumption is scarcely justified. That ancient name is not found in Christian texts; it had indeed been long obsolete.”? Where Diospolis does occur, the name applies invariably to the town of Hou, i.e. Diospolis Parva. This amir’s authority extended, then, from there to Esne: a stretch of about a hundred miles. This exhausts the information to be gathered from our material as to Eastern Thebes. It is naturally with the western bank that our texts are chiefly concerned. The two names most often met with, in all Coptic texts from Thebes, are those of Ermont and Jéme. The precise situation of the second of these has been often debated. That it had been an extensive part of the ancient necropolis is evident; also that, in Ptolemaic times, it was identified with the Memnonia.’ It is therefore to be sought somewhere in the neighborhood of Medinet Habu, thence stretching probably north-eastward, along the foothills. In Jéme too there had been a castrum, which is presumably identical with the Κάστρον Μεμνονίων. Jéme must, in the 7th and 8th centuries, have been a town with a considerable population ; we meet with its magistrates—lashanes, µειζότεροι, Siovxnrai—clergy, notaries and a number of house-owning inhabitants, besides, in the 8th century tax-receipts, the soldiers who figure now and then as witnesses and whom we should suppose to come from the local garrison; though what, after over a century of Muslim domination, such στρατιῶται might be, it is hard to say. We learn moreover the names of many of its streets” and of several of its churches. Behind the town the rising ground bore the name of “the Hill of Jéme,’” just as the hills elsewhere were known by the names of the towns that lay below them.” 5 Jéme nos. 45, 50 (V. Preisigke Sammelb. 5582). 6 Steinwenter loc. cit. 9, BM. Gk. iv 1460, 158. 7 Wilcken loc. cit. 711. a 8 Amélineau 198, adding Synax., PO. iii 490 and AZ, 1 Cf. Budge Apoc. Pl. LVIII infra, abha mikomnmoc ελος[.. eA]eH BF πολεσς aNoAATTIOy 5 a... Jhon s graa[, Misc. Pl. XXII, epjeahha nokwaranoc w πε- πποποπος ετ/πο]λις Tho MiTKACTpOM κΠπελμα, also ib. Ρ. XXXIV, MIROATMOC EMICKOMOY THOAECC GEort (all these collated afresh). Nicodemus is thus seen to be bishop of Edfa and Thebes (eehwn, econ), or the Castra, as well as of Philae. Such combinations of sees were very likely not unusual in earlier times; an instance perhaps (Ermont and Esne) in the Synaxarium, 20th Kihak, 7th century. In the 18th century we find Nakadah, Keft, Kas and Ibrim all under a single bishop (Sicard in Lettres Edifiantes, ed. 1780, ν 113). 2 Amélineau Géogr. 573. 3 V. 278. 4 V. 488. 1918, 70, where Diospolis and its bishop are named. Diospolis-Thebes perhaps p. 110 n. 3. ο V. Ryl. Demot. iii 123 n. 2. 10 V. το» and Jéme Index p. 468. 11 There are plenty of variants to prove that the Hill of Jéme and the Hill of the Castrum of Jéme are identical. 12 Jéme Index p. 382. The Hill of Ermont, CO. 209 and in the Synaxar., PO. iii 461, xi 515; that of Téhe, RE. 32; that of Achmim, PO. xi 510. Cf. also BM. Gk. ii 325 ὄρος κώµης... In Lemm Misc. xli p. 590 “the hill of her city” is equivalent to its cemetery. Μεάαπιθά The name Diospolis Western Thebes Jéme Tsenti Other “hills” Monasteries situated on them Τόπος and µοναστήριον. THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS The hill of ]όπιε would of course not be a precisely defined district; on the south it would merge into the hill of Ermont, on the north into that of Tsenti, which we know to have extended on that side of it.t Tsenti is thrice translated, in the Arabic version of the Pesen- thian biography, by ΕΙ Asas,? and thus Amélineau’s conjecture is justified? Now Pesenthius was buried near the monastery of Tsenti,* but Abdi Salih says that his tomb was to be seen “outside (sic)” his monastery, to the west of Ktis; therefore the hill of Tsenti, i.e. Gebel el Asas, clearly covered a long stretch of desert. Indeed, from the Life of Andreas,’ we gather that the Gebel el Αςᾶς embraced the series of monasteries lying between Danfik and Nakadah. Thus it would lie mainly, as the Synaxarium tells us,* in the diocese of Keft. At the present day the name El Asds seems however to designate generally the mountain between the Theban necropolis and the Tombs of the Kings? and thus to have usurped that of “the Hill of Jéme.” Apparently there had been a town (tans) of Tsenti’: it cannot now be located. Several other “hills” are named in our texts: those of the Persea, of the Sycamore, of Penhdétep. The first lay southward of the Gebel el Asds, of which it probably was but an extension®; the third was in the same neighborhood.” Of the second we speak below. The hill of Pachme (or Pashme) is to be sought in the nome of Keft,'as also is that of Pmile(s).¥ The hill of Peiéhe has not yet been located." The hill of Ape has been already spoken of. These desert hills, to which the Christians, like their pagan ancestors, carried out their dead, were, in the period during which Christianity was the national creed, the abode of count- less ascetes, both monks and hermits. But it is difficult to locate their monasteries, most of which are for us mere names, lacking any indication of situation. It is moreover seldom possible to distinguish monasteries from churches; to both the vague term τόπος is applied, though more often to the former. In the present collection it only twice occurs with a name appended to it: in one case where the τόποι of Apa John and of Saint Mark are mentioned, in another where the word is used of the dwelling of Epiphanius himself, which is likewise so styled throughout the will in Part Il Appendix III. The monastery of Saint Phoebammon is called as often τόπος as µοναστήριον.Ἱ The two words are synonymous elsewhere, and sometimes ma, the Coptic equivalent of τόπος, is used. More than one text mentions the 1 Budge Apoc. 110 distinctly says that from Jéme one 13 V. below, p. 120. 14 84. 15 142. went northward to Tsenti. 16 Τόπος as the cell of a single monk is uncommon: 2 Cf. Paris arabe 4785 Π. 1ο7 b, 146 b, 156, with Budge PO, xi 320, Budge Mart. 213, 216. Apoc. 77, 110, 120 respectively. 17 Jéme passim, e.g. no. 92, 2,3. It is a τόπος in CO. 219, 3 Géogr. 63. 4 Budge loc. cit. 126, MIE. ii 421. ST. 324, BKU. 78. Bilabel (OLZ. 1924, 702) tries to show 5 Vip. 115. 6 PO. iii 283. that, in the will of bishop Abraham (BM. Gk. 1233) εὐκτή- 7 ΕΣ. Erman Aegypten? 371 (--1439), confirmed by in- ptov in Ἱ. 33 being equivalent to τόπιον in 1. 25, not a formation obtained at Luxor by the late G. Moller. monastery, but merely a chapel, is in question. But the 8 MIE. ii 358. One may wonder whether “Elaksas,” text mentions the εὐκτήριον merely as part of the rémov; directly to the west of Ermont onC. Sicard’s map (ο. above), it does not equate the two. Similarly in Krall 1xxii, is a misprint or error for El Asas. θυσιαστήριον -- monastery. 9 V. 78, 132, PO. iii 285. 18 RE. 11. 10 Synaxarium, PO. iii 497 &c. 19 E.g. CO. 376, MMA. 23.3.702 (bishop Serenianus), 11 V, 87. 12 V. 161. ib. 14.1.59 (discarded), all referring to St. Phoebammon’s. 108 TOPOGRAPHY τόπος of Patermoute, while another clearly shows the same place to be a µοναστήριον.' Indeed it would not be easy to find, at any rate in documents of this class, instances of τόπος-- church? The monasteries named in our material, as to whose situation something can be said, are the following. That of the martyr Phoebammon—to name first the best known—which is now assumed to have been the monkish settlement laid bare among the temple ruins at Deir el Bahri? Yet for this assumption the only positive evidence is the presence of a number of documents addressed to officials of Saint Phoebammon’s monastery among the ostraca brought from those ruins.t Other sites have been proposed as representing this monastery : the extensive settlement, a mile farther north, on Dra‘ Abfi Ἰ Naga, known as Deir el Bakhit. But in the many Berlin ostraca, known to have come thence, this martyr’s name—possibly indeed by accident—does not occur. Who is the martyr to whom the monastery was dedicated? It appears not to have been hitherto remarked that among the martyrs of this name, two are honored in the Calendar. That they are distinct is clear from (1) their entirely different careers, (2) their different dates of commemoration and (3) the fact that their reputed places of burial do not coincide. The one, of a noble Roman family, was born at Boushém, martyred on the 27th Ttibah at Tama, north of Kau and buried at Munyat Andinah, south of Gizah. The magnificence with which 6 ἅγιος Φοιβάμμων is appareled in the Bawit fresco’ should indicate this martyr, who appears thus clad, in the guise of a wealthy magnate,® in one of the miracles of the Arabic Encomium. The other martyr was but a simple soldier, at the castrum of Aprehet in Middle Egypt,’ and was executed on the 1st Bafinah at Sift, where or near to which, he was buried. Of the former of the two we have the history in an Encomium by his friend Theodore, bishop of Boushém, whereof the Synaxarium gives a long abstract. It is to him that a Hymn in the Theotokia is addressed ;° and to him likewise the two in the Antiphonary (Difnar)," where he is however called “the soldier,” the term properly belonging to his namesake.” In these hymns stress is laid on the cures 1 Respectively in Jéme no. 10, 13, no. 66, 28 and ST. 115. 7 Clédat Baouit Pl. LIII. 2 In Zoega 551, BM. 995 τόπος seems to be “church” ; 8 Bdge ;κό-)], Vat.172, 1530. The second word trans- in BM. 227 7. and ἐκκλησία are distinguished; in Paris 44, lates rAovrapxosin Paris, 43, 79b: apparently anewmeaning. 6b mxtomoc is rendered “the monasteries, the churches.” ϱ Npegt Srey! (Amélineau Géogr. 12, Theol. Texts 3 But it is placed on the south of the hill of Jéme in 165 n., Comptes Rendus, 1913, 299). the Arabic Life of Pesenthius: Paris 4785, 102 b. Cf. also 10 Ed. Tuki 183. p. 10 above. 11 We owe knowledge of this ms. to Mgr. Hebbelynck’s 4 CO. 158, 220, 232, 308, 332, 482. 5 [σα Allo Inventory (Ehrle Miscellanea), where it isnumbered “ Borgia 6 There is indeed yet a third, from Upper Egypt, in 59,” and photographs to Mgr. Tisserant’s kindness. the Synaxar. (5th Sané, PO. i557; the Arabic ignores him), 12 He is “the soldier” also in the Cairo Absdliyat, 1913, besides an anchorite (18th Amshir, in Abd Ἰ Barakat, von; and ib. vy he is associated with another Diocletian PO. x 265). To which, if either, of these 6 ἅγιος ®. χαλλανη, martyr, Eulampius of Nicomedia (v. Synax. Cpol., Oct. 10), named with a martyr, Apa Sklabinos, refers (WZKM. 1902, who in Paris 12910, 65 (Olympius, sic) is termed “the 260, collated; text complete, needs no brackets) must be physician.” Such an association is significant in connection left as yet undecided. The ostracon came from Ermont. with the healing powers attributed to Phoebammon. 109 Monasteries enumerated St. Phoeb- ammon, his identity Etymology of the name THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS worked at his τόπος, a significant trait in view of the healing powers of our Jéme saint. Of the latter the Coptic Acts are to be read in ms. Morgan xlvi, the narrator being a stylite of Shmoun named Coluthus. Fragments of these Acts are among certain papyri in the British Museum, almost certainly of Theban origin.! Arabic versions of the texts relating to Phoebammon are in Cod. Vat. 172: (a) the above Encomium by Theodore, with miracles, (0) the Acts of Phoebammon “‘the soldier” and (ο) an Encomium on this last by Nilus, bishop of Taha, likewise followed by miracles. Unfortunately the end of (a) with the beginning of (b)? are missing from the ms., so that we cannot tell whether any attempt was made to relate the first martyr to the second. These texts, so far as extant, give no hint of any connection between them. The narrative of the Acts is much the same here as in the Coptic (Morgan). An echo of them is to be found in those of Ischyr(i)on and his com- panions.* That it is the second, less eminent martyr, “the soldier,” whose name the Jéme monastery bears is made highly probable by the list of festivals in a Theban ostracon,‘ in which “‘the day of Apa Phoebammon”’ follows upon the dates of Ascension and Pente- cost, thus clearly pointing to the 1st Badnah (26th Μαν). On the other hand it may be observed that the distinctively Theban recension of the Synaxarium is that which celebrates at length the other martyr—him of the 27th Tfbah,*—while the common recension has on the 1st Bafinah merely the name Phoebammon.’ The Arabic Calendars on the latter date confound the two namesakes, recording him of Taha (or Daman@) there, instead of in the month of Tabah.* Only in one, unusual form of the Diptychs does Phoebammon occur and there it is not possible to identify him.’ Nor is much help to be had from epithets applied to the monastery’s patron in its cartulary ; most of them befit any martyr: ἀθλοφόρος, σταυροφόρος, νικηφόρος, καλλίνικος. Once he is indeed called στρατηλάτης ο a title unfitting both for a mere soldier and for a non-military martyr, though not unlikely perhaps to point in this case to the latter (Phoebammon of Boushém), regarded as a person of high rank. The etymology of the name Phoebammon has been questioned : Jean Maspero suggested! that its first element is formed, not of Phoebus, but of Phib: a view supported by the frequent spelling of Phibammon, although names compounded of Ammon and a classical deity are by no means unknown.” 1 VY. p. 205. Some from another source, BM. 99ο. 8 PO, x 204, 227, 272. The Sa‘idic Calendar (BM. 146) 2 Pp. 81-100 of the ms. (after f. 188). has the name only. 3 Synax., 7th Batinah, where the last name, 9ο» |}οῦ 9 BM. Or. 8805 f.25, Leyden no. 41 (in Catal. 1900) and vars., should probably be 9-οἱφαὸ. Here however and in the Cairo Psalmodia, 1908, p. 82. He appears here Ischyrion is from ¢4245, which Amélineau (p. 390) identifies between John of Heraclea and Pistaurus (cf. PO. i 557). with a Delta village so named ; whereas the Ischyrion in the 10 Jéme no. 93, 3. In ib. 100, 5 he is styled πνευµατοφόρος, Coptic Acts of Phoebammon is a soldier from the παρεμβολή which if not a simple blunder, should indicate an ascete. of Esne. The liability to confusion between ems (Esne) and 11 I had noted this suggestion, but | cannot now trace nxt (Thebes), referred to in 151 n., is evident here; for the the authority for it. Ethiopic 7.2, Arabic Acts (v. below, p. 204 n.) have “the 12 E.g. Dionysammon, Heraclammon, Hermammon, Kasr of Diospolis,” in place of Esne. 4 CO. 455. Hephaestammon, Ploutammon, Sarapammon (all in 5 For this portion of the Sa‘idic Calendar v., for example, Preisigke’s Namenbuch), besides those where the first name Leyden pp. 203, 204. is that of an Egyptian god: Besammon, Chnoubammon, OPPO απ. 7 PO. xvii 530 = 1b. i 532. Isammon, Pachoumammon, Souchammon. 110 TOPOGRAPHY The monastery of Abraham, which we read of in the Life of Pesenthius! as gencete, µονή OF µοναστήριο», must have been in this neighborhood. Presumably it is that named in one of our letters.? Since bishop Abraham, who governed the monastery of Saint Phoebam- mon, was Pesenthius’s contemporary, it may be asked whether the two monasteries are not one and the same. It is remarkable that a monastery of Saint Phoebammon is not named in the Life of Pesenthius.s Another “monastery (τόπος) of the holy Abraham, the anchorite” was that restored by the sons of Zacharias in Α.Ρ. 698; but of this it is impossible now to ascertain the situation.! The Life of Pesenthius speaks of the monastery or congregation of Tsenti as that in which the saint at one time dwelt® and near to which he was buried.* These statements should, as we have already seen, allow of locating it near Kfis. Clerics mentioned as be- longing to the Hill of Tsenti presumably came thence.’ The fact that the 8th century documents from Jéme never name it is perhaps evidence that the forebodings of Pesenthius’s contemporaries had by then been realized and that the community did not long survive the holy man who had adorned it. A monastery of Macarius, (son) of Patoure, occurs in a document contemporary with the present {εχίς. It is referred to as opposite Pshenhér, south of Kits. The document is addressed to bishop Pesenthius, in whose diocese the monastery doubtless lay. The τόπος of Patermouthius at Jéme” and “the brethren of Apa Patermouthius”" may be assumed to refer to one place, named after “the great bishop, him that shineth among the saints, the holy Apa Patermouthius.”’” The Forty Martyrs (of Sebaste) shared a τόπος at Ermont with the holy Theophilus.¥ One of the forty is indeed named Theophilus, but he would not be in place here; nor do the Alexandrian martyrs either of the 15th Babeh, or of Eusebius™ seem likely ; less still Theophilus the patriarch, to whom no dedication has as yet been met with. The monastery of the holy Apa Sergius at Ape™ may either preserve its founder’s name, or commemorate a saint, perhaps the martyr of the 13th Amshir. The latter is indeed a Delta saint, but the popularity of Decian and Diocletian martyrs was great throughout the country. It is likewise impossible to say whether the monastery of Mena at Jéme commemorates 10 Jéme no. 10, 12. Cf. here 488. Ht SIM ης. 12 Jéme no. 21, 36, no. 66, 28. ““The feast of Apa P.”, alluded to on an ostracon (Proc. Amer. Orient. Soc. 1890, 1 Budge Apoc. 79, 81, MIE. ii 352, 357. 2 330. 3 Except only in the introductory passage of the Arabic version: v. ZDMG. 68, 180, where its mysterious epithet > ge was left unexplained. 4 Alexandria, stele 274 (Botti. A squeeze kindly sent by Prof. Breccia). Provenance unknown. Dated as follows: Symeon being Archbishop, AM. 414, 11th Indiction, ..... “the people of the Saracens ruling the land 55 years.” 5 MIE. ii 393. 6 Budge Apoc. 126. 7 CO. 248, ST. 435. 8 Budge 123. 9 RE. 11. Cf. CO. 174, 368, which show that Patoure is a person, not a place. p. 32, now belonging to New York Histor. Society. V. below, p. 162). The name in the Synaxar. is y9leeys, 7th Kihak. το S10 AG. 14 HE. vi 41 (22). 15 Jéme no. 81, 4. 16 Jéme πο. 75, 137. V. Part II p. 347. Graffiti, thrice naming 6 ἅγιος Μῆνας, in the temple of Medinet Habu (Lefebvre Recueil 376) suggest that his church was there. Other graffiti (or ? the same), inadequately published in the Description de P Egypte, also name him. V. above, p. 5. Other monasteries ih THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS the µεγαλομάρτυς of Mareotis, or some local bishop or abbot. That he is not merely an owner or benefactor is clear from the epithet ἅγιος prefixed to the name in a Jéme deed? and in a letter from the steward, perhaps of this same τόπος." A like uncertainty attaches to the monastery of the holy Apa Coluthus in the diocese of Keft:? he may be the celebrated martyr of Antinoe, or he may be some local worthy, possibly the revered ascete who, in the days of Pesenthius, dwelt on the hill of Tsenti.4 The holy Apa Papnoute again had a ‘‘place” (µα--τόπος) in the hill of Αρα. Is he the hermit-martyr of Denderah? A graffito, written perhaps by an inmate of this monastery, would make it appear so.® The τόπος of the holy Apa Psate, “that shineth among the saints,” lay on the hill of Jéme.” Two martyrs of this name figure in the Synaxarium: the bishop of Psoi (27th Kihak) and a saint of Oxyrhynchus (24th Tabah). Impossible to say which is here intended. The holy Apa Paul, “the great anchorite,’ had a monastery in “the κολολ, Cup” (? hollow), of the hill of Jéme.’ This monastery is conspicuous in Mss. recently come to light, where it is called ‘‘the κονλωλ of Apa Paul, in the hill of Jéme,”® while in another of these this appellation seems to be translated by καῦκοι, whereby its meaning as here given is confirmed.” The name recurs indeed elsewhere, spelt normally. Paul, a monk of Penhétep, left a name and is commemorated in the Theban Synaxarium on the 17th Hatdr, but we know not if this be he. Of the above texts two are dated, one in 699, the other in 735, and since Epiphanius’s day many a holy man had doubtless come to fame in these hills. The great Shenoute’s name is presumably that borne by a “‘holy τόπος” mentioned in our Appendix III.” The holy Apa Victor’s τόπος, evidently dependent upon the bishop of Ermont,¥ is pre- sumably the monastery of “the victorious, the conquering, the encrowned, the triumphant, the far-shining, the holy Abba Victor,” in the castrum of Jéme.* It is called, one may take it, after the famous son of Romanus, whose μαρτύρια in Egypt could not, we are told, be counted.» A different monastery therefore must be that of Victor, still to be seen in the plain W. of Nakadah, “‘on the desert edge (Adgir) of ‘Izab Kamilah.” This Victor is ‘the 1 Rylands Library, acquired in 1920 (v. Rylands Bulletin ν 497ff.). Perhaps a distinct church, since it has two patrons, atroc ana MAMA Αιπὸπο π[, 9 SIE, OU 3 Jéme no. 67, 137 (cf. ib. 4). 4 Budge ἄβοο. οἱ. 5 Jéme no. 81, 61. 6 698. On saints of this name ο. Ryl. 53 n. 7 Jéme no. 50, 17. Cf. ST. 88. 8 Jéme no. 106, 69. 9 MMA. 24.2.6. The same monastery is elsewhere (MMA. 24.2.3) that of “the late Apa Paul, the anchorite, that is now among the saints.” 10 MMA. 24.2.4, addressed to the monks as ὑμῖν τοῖς κατοικοῦσι καύκοις. Note that πελωλ regularly translates βαυκάλιον, which is considered a variant (probably a mis- writing) of kavxdéduov, II ππελωλ ετερρμᾶς, in the hill of Jéme, on an ostracon kindly copied by M. Munier. The second of these names recurs in ST. 224, Hall p. 68. There is a well-known street in Jéme named nesp πκονλωλ, which may or may not be connected with this monastery (1”. Jéme Index p. 469). Cf, mReAWA ΑΙπτολι in the Acts of Nilus, Paris 12918, 30. 12 Also perhaps in BKU. 284. The monastery of the Cross, SW. of Nakddah, adjoins that of Shenoute, now in ruins (El Luluwab el babiyah p.351 and information kindly obtained on the spot by Mr. W. M. Hayes of the Survey Department, Gizah). 13 CO. 30. 14 Jémeno. 15,32. 15 Lemm KKS. 559. TOPOGRAPHY great martyr,” with the epithet (4905-21, whatever that may here imply, and his monastery is known as Deir el Κα That of Apa George? may have the great martyr as patron and, if identical with “the holy George”’ named elsewhere,’ should point to him. For it may probably be assumed that the epithet ἅγιος implies at least some sort of popular canonization and that it would scarcely be applied where the deceased is no more than a local contemporary. Yet certain of the local bishops, doubtless deceased, are honored with it: Ananias, Germanus, Patermouthius.‘ While writers of letters now and then abuseit,® several monasteries lack the epithet. Suchare: The τόπος of Apa Elias,* perhaps identical with that of Elias ‘‘of the Rock,’” recalls the church hollowed in the rock, 3 miles W. of Nakadah.? “The Rock” occurs again, both near Thebes and elsewhere. The monastery of Moses,’ perhaps the same as that of “‘the holy Moses” (where how- ever the Coptic original probably had ἅγιος), visited by Pesenthius and his disciple from Jéme.” The story seems to imply that this lay farther north, for returning thence the visitors journeyed “upstream”; but at what distance we know not. The well-known monastery of Moses at Βαἰγαπᾶ would seem too far off to be here in question. Or is this merely another designation for that of Samuel, whose abbot at that time was named Moses ϱ13 The monastery of Apa Samuel is named in a contract," in the Synaxarium™ and in the Life of Pesenthius.% In the Arabic texts this monastery bears also the name of Deir es Sanad.* Whether this be the transcription of some Coptic word, or the Arabic for “slope of a hill,” is an open question. The latter appears the more probable.” Sanad is indeed a local term in the district today—at Barahmah, opposite Ballas, and at Haragtyah, below Kis; but these are both upon the east bank, whereas the Life of Andrew® tells how, quitting Shanhiir, he crossed westward, to the monastery of Abba Samuel.” This text further relates that the monastery was subsequently devastated; in fact there still exists a ruined monastery thus named 14 hours W. of Nakadah.” 1 Paris 44 f. 139, in a note, printed by Mallon in Bey- Prof. Jernstedt). On the use of πέτρα thus ο. WS. p. 7. The routh Mélanges i 115. ‘Izab for garb is preferred by the meaning of bégir, which seems to be its equivalent, had editors of Ibn Gi‘dn, p. 194, though the latter seems the been already noted by G. Wilkinson Topogr. of Thebes 40. more intelligible. As to Kfilah, cf. Κῑσί Ghazzal, a locality Hagir is employed several times in the catalogue of monas- at Kamtilah (Reassessment of Land Tax, Qena (Qamulah), teries and churches in El Luluwah p. 348 ff. in reference to p. 18). One might wonder whether (49!;=~a!! could trans- those situated upon the desert edge. scribe (and misunderstand) etcagpas, apparently the 8 Bock Matériaux p. 83. ο σποτ. designation of an unlocated monastery of Victor, named 10 Paris arabe 4785, 185 b. The name is there spelt wlwge. in an Aswan graffito (Rec. 37, 46). The epithet might how- I] Garrae lize 25. ever be due to position, since the monastery is upon a con- 12 Loc. cit. 1946. 13 ST. 340. spicuous rock (Hayes). 2 Hall p. 99. 14 21st Kthak, PO. iii 497. 15 Paris arabe 4785, 1946. 3 Here 87, Jéme no. 43, 44. One also near Nakadah. 16 Loc. cit. 201. The explanation Aiw = Liw, proposed 4 Respectively Jéme no. 24, 68, no. 3, 22, nO. 21, 37. in ZDMG. 68, 181, seems inadmissible. 5 Here 247, CO. 396, both by the irrepressible Frange 17 Cf. perhaps βδπτουν, Papyruscod. 105 Π. (leg. too), (V. 119 and Part I] Addenda). miswritten gamaav in certain of the Morgan mss. 6 Hall p. 148, reprinted by Preisigke Sammelb. 3072. 18 Paris arabe 4882, 3 b. Gi, τοι 19 A Senad, put by the Atlas of the Description, Pl. V, 7 V.p. 197; also CO. 455, ΒΚ. 284, prob. Cairo 8467. above Ermont, would lie too far south for consideration. Also in Tur. 8, instead of τπαςτολ[ (revised reading by 20 Mr. Hayes, as above. 113 Monasteries not bearing names of persons THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Among the monasteries near Nakadah Sicard alone names that of “St. Palémon” (Pala- m6n).! If this were correctly located here, we might include it in the present catalogue. But other evidence places the monastery of Palamén at Kasr es Saiyad, some 40 miles farther downstream? and so hardly within our Theban limits. That it is the name of Pachomius’s teacher which the monastery bears—the name is as likely to be a native one, compounded with Ammon, as the Greek Παλαίμωνῖ---586Π15, from its locality, probable. He indeed is once called “the father of Pbow (Fau),’’* whence we might conjecture that his monastery is none other than that of Pachomius. The Palamén who, in the Synaxarium, is con- nected with Latasén (Lats6n) and who belongs to more northern Egypt, would be a namesake.® A monastery known as that of Pachomius—presumably at Pbow—although figuring in the Theban Synaxarium,* is not named in our texts. There appears formerly to have been one, some distance to the NW. of Esne,’ while one still in use outside Luxor pretends to high antiquity.’ The τόπος of Apa John, named in a contract, recalls monasteries bearing this name in other texts,® though its designation, “‘in the desert,’’ seems rather to show that it had namesakes elsewhere. We cannot of course identify its patron saint. Posidonius, whether saint or abbot, had given his name to a monastery in these parts.” In our material the name recurs but once.” Apa Leontius had a τόπος, evidently within the diocese of Ermont,® called perhaps after its abbot, perhaps after one of the martyrs of that name. Several other monasteries are met with in the vicinity, besides those that bear the names of individuals. That of the Cross, Deir es Salfb, is twice mentioned in the Arabic Life of Pesenthius,* who at one time appears to have dwelt there.“ An ancient monastery of this name is to be seen today, upon the desert edge, west of Nakadah®; its position, in the midst of the diocese of Keft, suggests identity with its 7th century namesake. Moreover 1 In Lettres Edifiantes, 1780, v 253. 2 Vansleb in Paulus Samig. d. Merkw. Reisen iii 377. Oxyrhynchus, Latas6n’s home, we find the name Θαλαττίων (P. Oxy. no. 1905) and that (2) the names (9-9λφ, and Cf. El Luluwah 350. So too Mr. Hayes. 3 The Béos Παχουμ. as printed has Παλαίμων, but a variant, PO. iv 481, reads Παλάμων. Palamdén corresponds rather {ο Παλαμοῖνις (v. Preisigke). 4 Miss. iv 460. His day is 25th Abib: Forget ii 246. 5 Indeed the Cairo Absaliydt, 1913, vye, eh, identifies (or confuses) them. For this Palamén ο. PO. xi'747 = i 622, also 7b. x 275 (Abd Ἰ Barakat’s Calendar). For Latasén v. PO. xvii 570. A fragt. of his Arabic Acts, by his disciple Philotheus: BM. Or. 5650, 69, 70. The name 9-3) seems to be nothing but a metathesis of yg«0°%3, Talas6n, which again represents Θαλασσίων (Bahran), as can be seen in the Arabic version of the Thalassius legend in the pseudo- Athanasian homily on Michael, printed in ἄρνλο--)) poleed! we Ay ο) 2152, Cairo 1902, pp. 88 ff. (same text as Bibl. Hag. Or. no. 768). It is to be noted that (1) at 9-0 have a suspicious graphic resemblance. 6 PO. iii 283, xi 667. 7 Rohlfs Drei Monate in d. Lib. Wiiste 316. It is marked on the map in the Guide Joanne. 8 Legrain Lougsor sans les Pharaons, 1914, 38. 9 V. 897 π. 10 F. Petrie Qurneh ΡΙ. XLVIII, unless we take the writer of this graffito to be a stranger from Palestine. V. Butler in Hist. Laus. ii Ρ. 213 n. 66. 11 Hall p. 118. 12 CO. Ad. 9. 13 Paris arabe 4785, 180 b, 201. 14 “At that moment it befell that our father was coming forth from the tower and was upon the stair Uliw!, so as to descend to the lower part of the monastery,” Joc. cit. 180. 15 Baedeker, 1914, 224, Murray’s Handbook, 1896, 768. TOPOGRAPHY this is that monastery which elsewhere is apparently called that of Andrew?: if so, it should be that named on the Survey Map both wlys ys (1.6. Gulls bs! 23) and aU! get 427 for the Life of Andrew tells us? that he removed from Deir es Sanad (z.e. the monastery of Samuel) to Deir ες Salib. Yet the modern registers give both a monastery (or church?) of the Cross and one of Andrew, although next one to another. The monastery of the Dyke meets us more than once. A note on this in Part II calls for modification.t Tinah, or Et Tinah, “the Dyke,” is a common name in villages of this district.* The expression tcoovgc, discussed there in connection with this, may however ? sometimes designate an independent “‘congregation.” It recalls the monastery in the plain of Nakadah, named by Vansleb “El Magma,’”® unless this word be held more likely to translate πεωοτο, a term applied to the monastery of Tsenti.’ We learn the names, if nothing more, of the New Monastery® and the Monastery of the Well;° the latter recalling on the one hand Deir el ‘Ain, another name for the monastery of Saint Michael at Kamflah® (cf. probably that extant to the W. of Nakadah), and on the other the story of the anchorite Ezekiel and the well which God blessed for him." A monas- tery of Ezekiel is named again in the Synaxarzum® and perhaps elsewhere.” The term neagew, in the name of another, is still of uncertain meaning." To the monasteries named after Pesenthius we shall refer when speaking of that saint. There is one well-known monastic site in the vicinity, the modern name of which demands notice: Deir el Bakhit.* This name has been given an Arabic explanation, but its situa- tion, relatively to the other monasteries about Jéme, suggests that Bakhit contains the Coptic word for ‘‘north,” preceded by a prefix. Several Theban expressions, which could be regarded as real place-names, support this etymology”: most striking among them a place Παχητος (genit.), in an 8th century fiscal (?) list,’ wherein several churches are 1 Paris arabe 4785, 201, Pesenthius’s friend A., head of 9 Necnue n[t]nHeHn, Hall p. 88 and ?BKU. 293. In the Deir es Saltb; arabe 4793, 2, A.’s festival held in his first case it does not seem possible to read [ne |nucs = the monastery of Deir es $., where his body lies. The allusion ἐποίκιον, on which v. below. It must however be admitted in Tor. 27 (v. below, p. 182) to “the priest Andrew” may that “the brethren” need not imply a monastic congrega- point to this place. 2 Paris arabe 4882, 9. tion; in CO. 292 the term seems to mean the clergy of two 3 ΕΙ Luluwab p. 351. Mr. Hayes (ο. above) likewise dis- churches. “Brethren,” plus bishops and deacons, should tinguishes the monastery of the Cross from that of Andrew. mean the laity (Vita Anton., PG. 26, 9414). 4 300 n. 3. 1ο Abi Salih f. 104 b. 5 V. Reassessment of Land Tax, e.g. (under Luxor) at 11 PO. iii 462. 12 PO. xi 515. Aqilta, Ba‘irat, Zineyat. The obvious Arabic etymology 13 CO. Ad. 16, also the invocation Bull. Soc. Arch. Alex. may well conceal a Coptic original. no. ΤΠ, 345. For the simple genit. mana sezenmnaA, cf. 6 Nouv. Relat. 411. C. Sicard (Joc. cit. 119, 253) trans- Golenischeff’s pap., Zapiski Imp. Russ. Archaeol. Soc. lates this as “Mon. of the Synod,” and in earlier writers XViii 026, πετρος mama nagwa, also ST. 197, Lefebvre συνοδία is indeed equivalent now and then to κοινόβιον Rec. 582. (Evagrius Τι). xxxix 4). Mr. Hayes was informed that 14 Zapiski as above, p. 032. Cf. Ryl. 129 n. this term refers to the monastery of St. George, W. of 15 V. above, p. 21. 16 Lepsius Briefe 295. Nak&dah. ΕΙ Magma‘ is also the name given to the great 17 ST. 222 agut, Tor. 3 agri (?), ST. 308 nent, ib. 376 church at the White Monastery (Miss. iv 353). πδοτ, Cf. also at Aphrodito ΦΗτ (BM. Gk. iv nos. 1419, 7 Budge 120, 126. 1615) and terms surviving into modern nomenclature: 8 [οεΊπεετε πᾶρρε, in a Phillipps fragment probably Bikhét (cf. Baris) in Reassessment Se. Qena (Isna), ΡΡ. 9, from the Pesenthian dossier. In Deir el Gedid, outside 10; and Nag‘ Ydsuf Bakhét (El Zintyeh), ‘Ezbet Bikhit Ed Deir (N. of Ballas) this may possibly survive. (Bahgfira). 18 P. Michigan, 1924. Churches THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS named, so that a monastery would not seem out of place. As to the Arabic duplicate of such a name: Deir el Bahri, see Winlock’s observations. In a certain number of cases it is evident that churches, not monasteries, are referred to. “The holy church of Jéme,” which constantly recurs,? we take to be a particular building and not merely an inclusive term, embracing all the churches of the town. “The catholic church of Jéme,” likewise often mentioned, would be the principal church,’ equivalent probably to the µεγάλη ἐκκλησία of Greek texts. Churches of Saint Mary—sometimes merely #eordxos—are naturally to be found in Jéme,* in Ermonté and elsewhere: in ‘‘the Field’’* and at Tregata.’ Presumably a church is ‘““The Apostle” (? Paul),* although “The Apostles” might be church or monastery.® Once this is called a rdzos,” while in the Synaxarium we read of a church dedicated to the Apostles in Gebel Bishwéw." The church of Saint Michael is probably meant when a legal transaction (here not an oath apparently) is carried out “in St. Michael, the Archangel.” Whether at Kalba it was a church or monastery of his we cannot tell® ; ΑΡ Salih shows that there existed many of both.“ A church of Stephen is mentioned, in relation to the town of Ape.® A church of the holy Peter is thrice referred to.% The church of Peter the Elder (or the Great), a saint not as yet identified, was at Keft.” He himself, though plainly venerated in the district and one of its earliest hermits,% does not appear to have found a place in the local Synaxarium. The church of Apa Onnophrius, the Anchorite, was probably at or near Keft. It was there that one of bishop Pesenthius’s homilies is recorded to have been delivered.2? “The victorious martyr” Cyriacus had a church no doubt, for in it oaths are administered and it has a lecior.® It was presumably at Jéme, since the documents which allude to it have several witnesses from there. Which martyr this Cyriacus is remains doubtful; the Coptic church honors two of the name at least: the bishop of Jerusalem (Judas), and the son of Julitta. Yet another is invoked, it seems, among the military saints. 1 P.12n. It may be noted that, perhaps in contrast 12 ST. 177, a papyrus from the Pesenthius correspon- to one of these names, the so-called Temple of Hadrian, dence, so that we may imagine the church to be near Keft. S. of Medinet Habu, is, or was, known as Deir el Kiblt It may indeed be still extant in Deir el Malak, W. of (Sayce in PSBA. iv 122). Kamflah. This conjecture is supported by another text 2 Jéme Index p. 470. The expression can be found often (ST. 176) which speaks simply of (the τόπος of) “the elsewhere, e.g. Wessely Stud. iii+ viii Index p. 304. In Archangel.” Jéme no. 66, 84, “the church of Jéme” may be a slip for 13 Jéme no. 90, 47. 14 Index p. 360. “the holy church.” 15 BKU. 35. 3 Jéme no. 37, 108, πο. 48, 65. Cf. PSBA. xxvii 171. 16 Louvre R. 49, CO. 301, Jéme no. 73, 18. In Vat. Ixvii 77 it is contrasted with a εὐκτήριον. 17 Synax., PO. iii 498; cf. ib. 300, 301, in the last of which 4 Jéme Index p. 469. 5 678. 6 CO. 36. Peter’s “cave”’ is in question. 7 Jéme no. 94, 63. Cf. our 468 n. 18 PO. xi 783. 19 ST. 156, ROC. xx 40. 8 Jéme no. 38, 68. 20 Jéme no. 37, 15, no. 69, 83, RE. 18. 9 Jéme πο. 36, 77 &c. Makrizi’s Catalogue gives both 21 Bock Matériaux p. 38 and copy by N. de G. Davies; churches and monasteries under this vocable. Cyriacus on the 29th Tfbah is but one of the many errors 10 Jéme no. 109, 7. in the Calendar published by Nilles (Kalend. Man. ii? 714). 11 PO. iii 285, 13th Hatdr. All others read Syriacus. 116 TOPOGRAPHY It would be in a church likewise of the holy Theodore that a legal matter is decided, but here again the saint’s identity is doubtful. A still existing church, bearing the name of Theodore the General, is noticed in Chapter 1. A church of Cosmas and Theodore occurs in documents connected both with Keft and Jéme.2 In one of these it is placed “in the territory (ἐνορία) of Pakéthis (?),” a name recalling ποκεδτ.ὸ Allusion is also made in Chapter I to the church of Isidore the martyr. It is presumably the church of Philotheus the martyr whose clerics are twice named? and whose land (or buildings) is alluded to as near Ermont.' Doubtless this is the martyr of the 16th Tfibah.® Apa Patape gave his name to a church.’ As this is presumably the martyr bishop of Keft, commemorated upon the 19th Abtb, his church should be sought in that diocese. Whether “‘the field of the holy Apa Hatre, in the hill of Pmiles’’® points to church or monastic property it is not possible to tell. This saint is most likely to be the early hermit, commemorated upon the 3rd Amshir, ‘‘the first to be a monk on the desert edge (bagzr) of Benhadeb (Penhétep) in our country,” says the compiler of the Theban Synaxarium. At Ballas, a little to the north of Keft, was, we know, the church of Apa Sansné.” No saint of this name is to be traced, though another church under his name was in the Fayyim." An equally obscure saint named Psamé had a church in the neighborhood of Luxor, ‘ since its priest is ‘a man of the castrum of Né. 49 Apa Faustus, who may or may not be one of the accredited saints of the name, had a church (or monastery), perhaps in the diocese of Ermont, since one of its clergy appears in a document addressed to bishop Abraham. Whether the church of Saint Phoebammon, as to which bishop Abraham gives certain instructions," is distinct from his monastery we know not. Finally a few monasteries or churches are distinguished merely by their places of situa- tion. One at the Southern Pake recalls the name of one presumably at Jéme.¥ It might 1 CO. 105. 2 MMA. 24.2.3 and 24.2.7. Cosmas is presumably the brother of Damianus. Churches of Cosmas alone are rare: BM. 1100, Abfi Salih f. 56a. 3 Jéme no. 91, 36. Cf. the other names in Jéme beginning with na-. Pak6this is a hypothetical nominative, presumed from manweeoc in the text. For ἐνορία ο. Wilcken Grundz. 77. 4 Cairo 46304, 26 and 30, both discarded. G Silo 376 6 Cf. Theol. Texts nos. 16, 17. Complete text of the Acts in MS. Morgan xli. 7 Tur. 14, a text exactly parallel to CO. 57, where also a church is in question. 8 But who is Bidabius, martyr, on the 7th Amshir, according to Abd Ἰ Barakat? (PO. x 264). To what was said CO., Final Additions, no. 169, reference may here be added to the Diptychs, in one form of which Pitape with his companion Andrew is named (BM. Or. 8805 f. 260); also to his monastery still extant, near Bahgfirah (Recense- ment Général 582, the Jesuit Etudes T. 89, 253, and Vansleb in Paulus Sammlung &c. iii 377), doubtless the same as that in the “hill” of Farshat (El Luluwab p. 350). The Egyptian hermit at Constantinople (Bibl. Hagiogr. Graec. 198), invoked, it seems, in a mediaeval charm (A. Vassiliev Anecdota 337), is of course a different person. 9 Jéme no. 107, 14. 10 ST. 156. The text appears to be a list of churches, though Cairo 8492 might point to a monastery whose abbot’s epitaph this would be. 11 Wessely loc. cit. 710 &c. 12 WZKM. 1902, 261 (collated). The name is there spelt Pesamou. Πα, (2101 Πο 14 Sphinx x 149; sic leg. on photograph kindly sent by Prof. G. Farina. 15 Jéme no. 50, 42, no. 66, 81. Monasteries or churches known only by situation Various topographical notes THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS be questioned whether. take is there a true place-name, though as such it is found farther north.! The church of Pk6éh πκωρ, perhaps = of “the (hill) top,’ one might imagine to have stood on some high point behind Jéme. It lay within the bishopric of Ermont.? The name could however be otherwise explained. A Jéme ostracon* names one Sabinus, npankag, a place with which we might perhaps identify πκωρ and which might possibly be read else- where.t Whether this name ought to recall to us the otherwise unknown saint of the White Monastery Calendar, Pachém, the anchorite inkag,® is questionable. Of the church at κρο[ nothing can be said so long as the name remains uncompleted.® An ἐκκλησία Ακόι, i.e. 2’ Ακανθῶν, is named in two fragmentary topographical lists re- lating certainly to the vicinity of Ermont and Thebes.? A yop/ αγανθην (? = χωρίον ἀκάνθης) occurs in a document from the same district’ and places so named were to be found elsewhere. What ought to correspond thereto in Coptic, nuonte (or twonte, if a single tree), is not found here, though we see it at Aphrodito.” Notes may in conclusion be added upon a selection of names—chosen, for the most part, from those not already discussed elsewhere—because something can be found to say of them, whereas in too many cases we are not yet able to contribute anything beyond the bare name. ana socuh, BP.5141, “they said he would go to Apa Joseph tomorrow.” This has the appearance rather of a place than a person and recalls the Nag‘a ΑΡἂ Ydsuf, near Barahmah, opposite Ballas. amrede, Hall pp. 103, 111 (anutHAn), probably in the nome of Ermont, recurs, among villages in that nome, in a Greek papyrus fragment," where we see its genitive, Απιτελιου. This is very likely the χωρίον in the same nome which should be read ansteAfe], not anorter.” βερΆμλε, CO. 179 (Cf. our 156), wherewith compare Kém Bilal, north-west of Kas, which, written JU, is no doubt pronounced Belél or Balél. enornrom, In ST. 296 as “the *Exotxuov,” without further qualification. Cf., in a Phillipps fragment, πρε]εβντερος Ἀπεπονκ/, in MMA. 24.2.7 πεποικε (perhaps in the vicinity of Keft) and again on a milestone (v. below, Tchoue). The last instance suggests proximity to 1 V. Thompson’s note, Saggara no. 27, and the same 119), Ἡρεμιτ (P. Amh. xxxv, cf. ? Πρηµρης above), Πατε- village perhaps in PO. iv 132, BGU. 553, 892 &c. Labtb µιτης (BGU. 552 &c.). Dict. s.v. has Waxes as a place; he does not give his source. 2 CO. 57, from bishop Abraham. 3 BM. 44721. In our present instance naxepsic(sc) may be compared with 4 CO. 167 Ε. 5 Leyden p. 214. several “southern” places: nanovg prc, treba pac (De 6ST. 156. (Chaiga. 7 P. Michigan, 1924. Morgan Catal. i 136), πλλον pac (ΚΕ. 38, sic leg., not 8 Ostracon formerly in the Amherst collection. On its πο τοσρµς), Ἡρηµρης (BM. Gk. iv 1419), Πατρης (and verso is CO. 395. Tarp, BGU. 552, Wessely iii 216). But the only other case 9 V. Mitth. Rainer ν 17, BM. Gk. iv p. 413, ib. v p. Οἱ. in which a Greek termination is thus suffixed is Ῥωβιτρησις 1ο BM. Gk. iv Index p. 597. nusomte in the Life of P. Amherst cix, wherewith cf. the simple Ψωβθις at Oxy- Pesenthius (Budge 89, 107) is merely “acacia-thicket.”’ rhynchus. A few places, it may be observed, show the 11 P. Michigan, 1924. corresponding “northern” termination: Ἱκαυμητ (Cairo 12 Jéme no. 93, 1. A facsimile shows the last visible letter 67109), Έσαμητ (BM. Gk. iv 1419), Φαναμετ (Wessely iii to be A, after which the papyrus is broken off. 118 TOPOGRAPHY Ermont. It has already been proposed to take the word bebig om prefixed to certain place-names in the Fayytim,! for a transcription of ἐποίκιον, which, with Coptic article, appears as nmuax,° (njenior,4 neneve.> The sole recorded occurrence of δεδὲς in Southern Egypt is Bebig el Kahraman, province of Kis. This one might suppose to be the rendering of a Nenorkrom sutorkonomoc ; but no such name has been found. gorte, ΚΕ. 50, a village evidently, since its lashane is mentioned. Perhaps the same as cevede.’ Seeing that the text is a report or complaint to bishop Pesenthius, one would look for this place in the neighborhood of Keft. sagrope, RE. 10 vo. = Louvre R. 51 (not published by Revillout), recalls the name of Pachomius’s foundation at Kahior. But that was clearly far distant, in the nome of Hermopolis.$ xwe. Two semi-legible graffiti from Deir el Bahri (described above, p. 13) show this familiar name, with the addition ερενρ in one case, Ίραρ in the other. What can these be but forms of the word, found added in later times to the town’s name under the form βερθιρ x29!9°° The formulae of these graffiti (55 “son of”) indicate a late date. On Kas v. also TOMO ay below. Aone, VY. below, at navn. απσωρσ, Hall p. 106, or µπκωρε, ST. 420, a κώμη in the nome of Ermont. Cf. gupe (π)πμιοος, πόσα ng wpe’? πτικε ¢wps as place-names. Menk- here would hardly be the feminine word une,”? ane,” found several times as a place-name. Whether the latter of these, which is sometimes joined with a second word, as tanke πο ος is related to manne, apparently a field implement,® we cannot yet say.¥ πθω, Hall p. 127. If this is not to be read Π[τ]έω, “of Edfa,”’ we have here one of the rare mentions of Ombos in Coptic texts. τοτε ππβον, ‘the Isle of Ombos,” is named in a Vienna ostracon and the town has a place in the Catalogue of bishoprics.” But which Ombos would be here in question? That north-west of Κῆς1 is considerably nearer to Thebes than that beyond Gebel Silsilah. The episcopal see was no doubt the southern Ombos; the other would be in the diocese of Keft. navn, In ΜΜΑ. 24.2.3, among the witnesses, is Shenet6m nAauane nave nuynmmanaproc rwxwh (sic). Here Paué should, by position, be a place-name. It may be noted that a 1 Salmon in BIF. i 235. 2 PO. xiv 320. 10 Ann. du S. viii 90, 91. 3 Jéme no. 81, 54. 4 Krall σολ]. 5 Jéme no. 81,3. No difficulty in accepting this equation is caused by the name nenweam, which in Krall cxlv, though it corresponds to ἐποίκιον, does not transcribe it and recursin ΕΥ]. 340asaplace (in BM. 1137asamerenoun). 6 Ibn Dukmak v 31, Ibn Gi‘an 192. Proximity to Bahgfirah is not there implied, as M. Salmon assumed; the sequence in these lists is simply alphabetical. 7 ST. 169, assuming this Theban. 8 Amélineau Géogr. 208. 9 J. Maspero & G. Wiet Matériaux 155. 11 BM. 1134. A similar, if not identical, name is Πτεμεγ- κυρκις (Antaeopolite nome), Athanasius Apol. ο. Ar. § 67. το SIL DypBy 13 CO. 53, Hall p. 80. 14 CO. 307. Cf. ΒΚΟ. 48 name πποχοος = wyooc: 15 BKU. 94= AZ. 1885, 74. 16 A division in the village of ΕΙ Ba‘irat, opposite Luxor, is ΕΙ Manka‘ (δ3--), though this indeed admits of an Arabic etymology. 17 Amélineau Géogr. 573,577. 18 F. Petrie Nagada 65. 19 We may emend to nmavs, This scribe writes in- correctly, confusing # and ε. ΤΗΕ MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Shenetém is /ashane in another text, where the following word, wAoncine, must be his father’s name (Longinus), placed as here, after his title. nav, BKU. 64, ST. 95, the name of the famous monastery of Pachomius. The name, which in certain Sa‘idic Mss. is written as here,! in others πᾶοσο», is evidently among those whereof the meaning—uninterpreted so far—was such as to account for its recurrence in several localities. The Pachomian monastery was in the nome of Hou-Diospolis?; another monastery named Bad was at Edfd; a village πλοον lay near Hermopolis‘; yet another, Φωβωου (cf. the Bohairic Φδωον) at Oxyrhynchus.' ®yad (for &Bad?), a Theban village,* may be that of our texts. nereht, “the East.” In some cases probably the eastern side of the river; perhaps, more precisely, some quarter of the towns there. Once it occurs in conjunction with “the 227 north,’”’’ elsewhere with Ermont and “the ποτίῃ,”5 or with Ermont and Jéme,® or with Taud.” Going “‘to the east” is sometimes spoken of as if to a place." A similar meaning is perhaps to be recognized where a priest “of the people of the East” comes to visit Pesenthius, who, we may suppose, was then to be found in Western Thebes”; an incident to which we see an allusion in the man “whose name was Anatolés” (? rijs ἀνατολῆς), in another version of the saint’s Life." Finally a very fragmentary list of monasteries (as it seems)" gives a]natwAaroc between Jnepaont and g]ntnase, allowing the conjecture that a place is thereby intended, although scarcely justifying its reference to one at Thebes.” nrwe, ST. 44, where a pagarch of Ermont is mentioned, and CO. 470, where Temamén occurs. This is found again, in a fragmentary list of Hermonthite places.* It seems most likely to be the κώμη spelt πειωοε in Coptic texts.” nxovpocn, Budge Misc. 421 (colophon), a village “in the plain (πεδιάς), on the south of the city Sné (Esne).”’ A division of the village land at Es-Seba‘tyah, some ten miles south of that town, has the name Kurdsah,® probably showing whereabouts this Pkourosé is to be sought. ππρωτα, Ὁ. 269n. It remains to draw attention to the latter part of this name, which 1 E.g. Mus. Guim. xvii 327, Miss. iv 548, Papyruscod. 54. ends are preserved; of the opposite one, the beginnings and 2 Epist. Ammon. § 1. 3 V. 5170. these appear to be personal names. On the other side was 4 Krall cxxxii, Giorgi Panesniv 183, doubtless the same a continuous text: last legible line Janoor erte (ἔτι) on as wow, BM. 1077, Wessely iti 271. ntoov [, signifying no doubt the above list of “hills” or 5 P. Oxy. 1041. monasteries. 6 P.M. Meyer Gr. Texte p. 177 = Deissmann Licht! 131. 15 Whether the villages El Baiyadtah, Bayddah (pron. Bell confirms the reading. Beiyédieh), near Luxor and Karnak, can be compared here 7 CO. Ad. 67. 8 Hall p. 97. we will not venture to decide. (Note the forms neesnhrte, 9 BP. 086. 10 CO. 439. nexeqte &c., Jéme Index p. 367.) An Arabic etymology is 11 CO. 355, ST. 384. obvious, but might be mistaken. The suggested Coptic 12 Paris arabe 4785, 158. Cf. ZDMG. 68, 183. But the one might be supported by the name BaiyAdiah bil nazir, “people of the East” are elsewhere those from the E. of on the west or “opposite” bank (below El Minshah), as Suez, the διοίκησις ἀνατολῆς, e.g. PO. v 27. if such a name, upon that bank, needed justification. 13 Budge Apoc. 90. Cf. ZDMG. ut supra. 16 P. Michigan, 1924. 14 Innsbruck, Ferdinandeum, ms. copt. 25 (F). The other 17 CO. 36, 184. The latter of these refers probably to places legible are ngenmaton, nhaav, wyrnt, ze. a series monasteries there. of important monasteries. Of this, the first, column the 18 Reassessment of Land Tax, Aswan, Del. 120 TOPOGRAPHY plainly shows the ancient eon btp. Whether the Coptic form resulted from a personal name (such as Amenhdtep or Imhétep??), or represents a previous place-name, remains to be investigated. neamnp, nyanep, ST. 87, 220, Jéme πο. 89, 50. It is e+ in the Arabic Life of Pesenthius, who was born there, and is located in the district (2ss5) of Ermont.2 The other places named beside it are Temamén‘ and Tabennése, the former being at the northern extremity of the Hermonthite nome. Penantonroc, πεε-, J@me no. 67, 4, 138, CO. Ad. 17, ST. 157, in the nome of Keft, appears, with the exception of Ψεναρσιῆσις, Vevapevqors,! and possibly that next following, to be the only place-name formed of Pse- and a personal name. NUMNCrON, ποσποχοσ, nyncron, nygrcron, Yreron, MMA. 24.2.3 and 24.2.7, Guidi Coptica® and an ostracon copied by Professor A. Baumstark. Likewise in the nome of Keft. Whether cron, the man’s name, all but unknown at Thebes, is an element here we cannot tell. ngngrar, ΜΜΑ. 24.2.3, is a name similarly formed and can hardly but be identical with Pishenai,’ of which it may bea more primitive form. An ostracon penes A. H. Gardiner shows that Pishenai (there Pesenai) is ‘‘in the nome of 65.3 But no nome of Kés (Kis) has as yet been demonstrated, though “the eparchy of Kés”’ and the iniquities committed therein are the subject of a report to bishop Pesenthius,® albeit Kés had a bishop of its own. Bishinai is, in the Theban Synaxarium, the home of Matthew the Poor, or the Potter. nganemoon, RE. 45. Cf. the formations Ῥινεμουν at Aphrodito,” Πμουνεμω]ν ?].8 εδρᾳ, a village with a /ashane, found in a Phillipps fragment. If this papyrus—a deed, not a letter—were from the Pesenthian dossier, the place might be sought near to Keft."* τοβεππµςε. To what has been said in Part II, where a new etymology is proposed, we may add that, since the texts show Pachomius’s Pbow to be Fau, a day’s journey from Taben- nése, we might perhaps see the latter name surviving in ~~ (officially transcribed Tandsi), a division of the village of Tiweirat, some twenty miles distant, up the river, near Denderah.® tapas, CO. 163, ST. 199, without any guide to its whereabouts. Perhaps Nag‘a Darau, a hamlet close to Asmant (Kis). Another, south of Κόπι Ombo, seems less likely here. 1 9 Pr’ymbtp. He was invoked at Deir el Bahri; ο. Milne in JEA. i 06. 2 Paris arabe 4785, 103b, 196b. Cf. below, p. 225. 3 Sic leg., thanks to a collation by M. Munier, instead of tememsce. The places in Jéme 89 may be compared with those in our 519, 526. 4 BGU. 379, 708 &c. 5 Accad. dei Lincei Rendic. 1906, 475. 6 Cairo stele 8564. 7 V. 433 n. Perhaps Pinai in 627 is meant for this. 8 gamtomoc ππως, 9 RE. ιο. On the long persistence of the ἐπαρχία, at least in name, v. Bell in BM. Gk. iv pp. xviii, xix. 10 7th Kihak, PO. iii 397. The Matthew of Aba Salih, ff. 79 b, 87 a, should not be this one, but on f. 102 a he is clearly mentioned. There is however a confusion in these references among several place-names: Asffin, where Matthew’s monastery undoubtedly was situated (BM. Or. 6954 (53), AMA M.NROTY MMOMAKLOC πτελιος MMKOTS MMONACTHPIOM MITTOOT stceAwst) ; Asw4n, in the current Synax., obviously intended for Asfan; Esne, in his story as told in the Patriarchal Chron. (PO. v 79), and Ansina- Antinoe, which in the Hamburg ms. of this, p. 147, as well as in Abd Salih, takes the place of Esne. 11 El Fakhfrt: ο. Labib’s periodical Heliopolis-Ainshems ili 97, Lefebvre Recueil p. 97 n. 12 BM. Gk. iv p. 590, also in a Balaizah fragt. 13 P. Casati 8, 5 (H. Thompson). 14 Sarf (in Tir‘at eg sarf, recorded in various villages) is of course the Arabic word. For a like reason Es Sarb, in several villages, is improbable here. 15 163 n. 16 Reassessment, Qena, p. 5. ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS thuke, Jéme πο. 118, 4, in the nome of Ermont. The village of Dababiyah, or Dabaibah, opposite Gebelein, should represent this (allowing for imalab in the pronunciation). An identification with the Pachomian monastery at thnve! is tempting, but the latter is in the Diospolite nome and would thus be irreconcilable with Dabdibah. Yet a TByve does occur among Hermonthite places, in a fragmentary list.? aprot, τερόωτ, ST. 51, 392, Hall p. 111, CO. 206, Vienna ostr. no. 12, Cairo ostr. 8233 (un- published). In Greek Τερκυθις, Ταρκυτις, Τερκυθεῖ; in Demotic T‘rgt.4 Hall’s text probably locates it in the nome of Ermont. The name of Rizeikat, above Ermont, may be compared with it: metathesis of the first two consonants—the letter r is especially liable to this in Southern Egypt—and the assumption that { represents an earlier ¢ and the equation becomes at least plausible. τερρµᾶε, ST. 224, Hall p. 68 and an ostracon copied by M. Munier. The last of these is a letter from Frange, who says that he dwells in the hill of Jéme, emerdwa ετεορµβε. This connects it with “the hollow” discussed above.® πλιεκρο, Budge Misc. 574, in the nome of Ermont. This we propose to assimilate to Timikraton, the bishopric which the Scalae identify with Damikrat.* This form, current in the Middle Ages,’ appears to have given place subsequently to Damkariyah or Dimikrtyah, whereof the situation is between Rizeikat and Mahamid. That the word µικρά forms part of this name is made more likely by comparing that of a village above Esne, named El Megaliyah el Kibli, “the southern µεγάλη, which should presuppose another of the same name more nearly opposite Dimikriyah. tauove, CO. 116, BP. 4967,° Leyden p. 486." Whether this is merely ‘‘the island’’—cf. the countless recurrences of gezirah in all topographical registers and gazetteers—or one in particular, like that of Pishenai," is uncertain. Ίποτοε, though discussed already,” may be noticed again, since additional papyrus frag- ments from Thebes® show, among several villages and monasteries, Συκαμίνου or Sux", apparently in some relation to Terkét-Terkuthis. sovpace, CO. 160 (so, not tovpxe), in the nome of Ermont, seems to be formed with the name of Isis. Locality unknown. 1 Wessely xi no.1124, Bohairic in Mus. Guim. xvii 76 &c. Cf. Ladeuze Etude 174. 2 P. Michigan, 1924. 3 Mummy label from Deir el Bahri (v. Eg. Expl. Fund Arch. Report 1894-95, Pl. II), now BM. no. 26273. 4 P. Casati 9, 7. (H. Thompson). 5 P. 112. 6 Amélineau Géogr. 561. What the termination -6n or -ton here implies remains to be explained; possibly a mere analogy from Φιλῶν, Ὄμβων, AvKov, though such forms are unknown to these Scalae. 7 Ibn Dukmak, Ibn Gi‘an, s.v. Cf. also Norden’s Demegrat Description Atlas Pl. 5, Daqmirat. The Patri- archal Chronicle mentions it (Renaudot Hist. 436). 8 One might also recall the still obscure Μικροῦ, on the Luxor silver treasure (Cairo Catal., Strzygowski, p. 342), which may be a place-name. 9 Prjahok etaove πτὸ.[. 10 L. 3, perhaps ortmove. 11 Jéme no. 97, 95 and Gardiner’s ostracon, above referred to. “The Island” (el gezirab) near Esne might be a real place-name, or simply a common noun (PO. xi 520). 12 520n. 13 P. Michigan, 1924. TOPOGRAPHY txove, Cairo 8395, a milestone marking the distance between Περὶ πόλιν κάτω, this place and the ᾿ποίκιον (v. above). Tchoue reappears in a 6th century Greek papyrus,! whereof the addressee resides at [κώμη]ς Τσή τοῦ Ἡρμωνθίτου νομοῦ [........ ]. Txove. Hence it appears that we must seek it near Ermont, the provenance likewise of the above milestone. Περὶ πόλιν κάτω here can therefore hardly be that at Hermopolis, for its distance from Tchoue is given as but 8 σχοινία. More probably it was a quarter of Ermont itself. τωρε, RE. 32, ST. 123, on the “hill” whereof there stood a monastery (v. above). A Phillipps fragment names the place, which might therefore be sought near Keft. More- over the history of the hermits Daniel and Moses refers to the hill of Tikh as near that of Benhadeb.? Since Téhe = Tikh,’ this should be Tikh Damn,‘ presumably the Takh upon the western bank, below Nakadah. Is there a confusion here with Damnf near Akhmim? The part played by a place so named in the Acts of both the martyrs Phoebammon (0. above, p. 110) suggests it. gea, ST. 340, is entered here with hesitation, for it could be argued that a person and not a place is intended. The letter (or contract) wherein it occurs is written by “John, the monk of (the τόπος of) Apa Samuel of Phel.”” One might suppose the word to be used to distinguish this from that other monastery of Samuel with which we have already met.* But though we may hesitate to regard it as a place-name, it seems equally unlikely to be the name of the abbot’s father. The subject of another letter is ‘the chapel (εὐκτήριον) of Saint John ngado,”’* Here again a patronymic seems out of place. There exists, it is true, a personal name Φερ, but as its owner elsewhere writes it πρηρ,ῖ we may suppose this to be but a variant of the more frequent nxep, noenp, which might also be written geA (mged), as here. ὥδτωπε. This is to be read upon a scrap of papyrus in the Phillipps collection : ] ngsatwne Soliman, μα 2 so ] of Shaténe, am [witness.’”’ The term is found only in Judges vi 2, as a compliment to ex, “quarry.”’’ The present phrase might therefore be completed as nua ? (or τον) nwyatone, “the place of stone-cutting.” Several places named Magdscher, 1.ε. no doubt y=2~, ‘‘quarry,” appear on Norden’s map: below Denderah, north of Karnak, north of Taud, opposite Asftin. No other map records them. That ancient quarries near to Jéme were subsequently occupied by Copts we have seen above (p. 22, Site XXIX). 1 Penes the Rev. Colin Campbell D.D., copied for us by martyr Eudaemon’s house was converted (Synax. Forget B. P. Grenfell. ii 274, 5 ff. Basset’s reading, PO. xvii 734, is thesame). But 2 Paris arabe 48ος, 48 b. 3 Ryl. 369 η. the text as printed hardly represents the very ambiguous 4 Ibn Dukmak v 32, Ibn Gi‘an 194. 5 V.p. 113. Μ6., which, rather than θώκο) and (god! dupiS, shows 6 RE.8. If ngAAo be here a place, it might be compared Borne! and Sat) eS. In 439- we might see ωπε with El Hillah near Kas. This letter is addressed to the and in Gm possibly yam; but “eS remains to be bishop of Kfis. emended, It may be observed that this martyr’s name can 7 MMA. 24.2.3 and 24.2.5 respectively. hardly be Eudaemon, which is written ¢+0lb οἱ in Forget’s 8 Cf. Spiegelberg in AZ. 1918, 131. The word wne, Synaxar. ii 101. His name, Wadamda, is probably a com- “stone,” is perhaps to be recognized in a local name at pound of Ammon. Ermont: that given to the church (4%?) into which the 123 ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS φακιειοορ occurs on an unpublished ostracon,! the writer of which is the well-known scribe David of the Deir el Bahri ostraca. With this is to be compared the Deir Hamytz js, which one may emend to Hamytir 19098, a monastery “in our district,” mentioned in the Theban Synaxarium together with that of Denderah.2 The name is found again near Sidt as y¢ee=.3 These names contain the word eroop διῶρυξ4 and the monastery here was in fact situated ““οπ the bank of the river.”® “Our district” is a vague term, but its use by the compiler of this Synaxarium,® besides other localities named only in his recension, suggest that this is either the “Guide” (Us) attributed to John bishop of Keft,’ or the source whence his work was drawn. 1 Penes A, H. Gardiner. 2 PO. xi 785. 3 V. BM. 865 n. One might conjecture that the un- identified village printed Slsqese!, Abd Salih f. 84 a, should be emended 21)94e=-J! and taken into account here. 4 As does Hanepioor (1) near Shmoun: Ryl. 215, 319, (2) in the Heracleopolite nome: MS. Morgan xli 341. 5 pond! oly gle. 6 V. 17th Hattir, 21st Kihak, 3rd Amshir, PO. iti 301, 496, xi 783 (omitted in transl.). Wiistenfeld Synax. pp. v, 124 119, translates inaccurately here. The phrase is again applied, in the Life of Daniel and Moses (v. above, p. 123), to the same country: Benhadeb, Téhe, Jéme. 7 PO. iii 302 = Forget i110. This suggestion is supported by the absence from the ms. of this recension (Paris arabe 4869 f. 79 b) of all mention of bishop John’s work. Dom L. Villecourt indeed is of opinion that J's would more probably refer to the abbreviated calendar prefixed to a lectionary than to a Synaxarium at length. CHAPTER VI THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE T Thebes, as indeed throughout the Nile valley, all the varieties of monasticism appear to have flourished side by side. There we may distinguish the organized coenobitic community on the Pachomian model!; the informal group of ascetes, gathered about the dwelling of some holy man; the solitary, perhaps with a disciple, apart from his fellows in some tomb or desert cave, and the recluse, self-confined in a cell which for years he never quits. Indeed we know that Epiphanius himself was at one time a recluse (v. below, p. 218).2 Perhaps we have yet another class to recognize in some at least of the countless “poor men” who come begging of hermits, as of cloistered monks, fortified usually with commendatory letters.* Of such letters the following is an average specimen. “The Lord bless thee and grant thee a long time (to live). Seeing that this poor man is come unto me, begging and entreating me that 1 would write concerning him unto thee, that thou mightest do charity with him, so that the Lord may bless all thy hope (ἐλπίς).ὅ Give it unto my dear son... .”” Such may be the wandering monks, girovagi, of whom we read often enough elsewhere,* but who had not hitherto been conspicuous in Egypt. Here and there a letter seems to refer to some such vagrant ascete, as, for example, where a writer says: “At times they tell how that thou art in the east, at times again that thou art in 1 It has been assumed that coenobitic monasticism them that inhabited the tombs and the solitaries that developed but little in the far south (Ladeuze Etude 17οπ.). were in cells.” This last word is sowd@ma‘, which we have If this be true of the earliest age, it soon ceased to be so: already met with applied to conical ovens (ο. above, witness the monasteries of Hatre (Simeon) at Aswan, of p. 52n.). What type of hermit’s cell this describes is Mercurius at Edfd, of the martyrs at Esne, of Matthew doubtful: clearly an artificial construction. the Poor at Asfan, of at Taud (Synax., 20th Kihak, 3 CO. 75, 256, 258-264, 269; ST. 197, 218, 346, 361. v. below, p. 136), of Phoebammon at Jéme, as also the 4 MMA. 24.6.11. series, some of them traditionally of great age, in the plain 5 Cf. ST. 283 and such phrases as in BM. 1223, 4. of Nakadah. 6 PRE.* 7, 272, 32. The term κυκλευτής occurs once 2 Cf. the enumeration, Miss. iv 450 inf., of those who in Coptic literature, applied to Meletian schismatics (Miss. received supplies from the garden of the White Monastery : iv 740). But in Esaias Scet. Ρ. 11 no reproach is implied by “the needy brethren, dwelling apart in the caves, and its use. Various types of monastic life at Thebes The present settlement of the informal q type Probable course of its evolution | Its components and boundaries THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS the north,” although the recipient here is a member of some sort of community. Epiphanius himself appears to have been somewhat unstable in his abode. No stylite has so far been read of in the south. The texts from the settlement round about the tomb of Daga introduce us to a com- munity of the informal type, that to which elsewhere the term laura is sometimes applied. It is the sole community of this class with which any document in the well-known “cartulary”’ of Jéme is concerned—see Part II Appendix III—all others, where monastic affairs are in question, relate to coenobites. Just as in Nitria, so here, the great coenobites, Pachomius, Theodore &c., are seldom named,° possibly owing to the anachoretic character of this and the surrounding settlements.’ Antony on the other hand is sometimes invoked? or referred to.’ Whether our settlement had, as in other, similar cases, grown up around some holy man, who, for righteousness’ sake, had withdrawn from communal to solitary life, we cannot tell, but that seems to have been the normal and here the probable course of evolution. Other motives indeed, less exalted, might impel monks to quit the coenobitic and prefer the anchorite’s life: discord, for instance, within the community.° Neither can we tell how many hermits dwelt there at one time. The names of some fifty-five recipients are preserved among the total of letters from our site—several of them among the names most common and very possibly covering more than a single individual—and in many cases the recipient’s name has been lost. Obviously we cannot assume these to have been all contemporaries, but how many among them were alive at one time it would be impossible to estimate." That the settlement had recognized boundaries of some sort is clear from the terms of the will translated in Appendix III.2 The property therein bequeathed consists of “the dwelling-places (ua παωπε), namely, the caves and the tower.” The former of these would no doubt embrace not only the various buildings which had by degrees arisen around the 1 “The brethren that are with thee,” CO. Ad, 67. 2 V. below, p. 218. Pachomian abbots on another (Tur. 20) and on a stele (Cairo 8636); also in Theban graffiti. (V. above, p. το.) 3 One at Shmoun, probably apocryphal, is the alleged narrator of the Acts of Phoebammon (MS. Morgan xlvi 59) and one in the Delta, ca. 700, has found a place in the Synaxarium (PO. i 265, cf. ib. xiv 337, which, with 2b. v 83, give his date). Cf. above, p. 23. 4 Λαύρα is rare with Coptic writers: Miss. iv 214 (con- trasted with “desert ”), b. 817 (whereit varies with povacr.), PO. xi 313 (of Macarius), MS. Morgan xxxvii 89 (the En- naton), BM. 672, Krall clviii (both in sense of “monastery”’), E. White New Texts 136. None of these (unless the second) refers to Upper Egypt. In Greek texts relating to Egypt it is likewise rare: Bousset Apophthegmata 38 n. In Palestine the term was current and had acquired a precise meaning, e.g. in the community of St. Sabas, where it consists of a group of “cells” with their chapel (Sabae Vita p. 243). It is found contrasted with µονή (Anal. Boll. vii 101). 5 Pachém, “father of the Community,” on an ostracon from a neighboring site (MMA. 233.723), the list of 6 V. Bousset in Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch. xlii 1 ff. It is perhaps worth noting that in the Pesenthian biography (Budge Apoc. 105) Pachomius and the coenobites are them- selves referred to as “anchorites,”’ while in the last-named graffito they are simply “the fathers.” 7 “The holy A., the anchorite,” upon a Vienna ostracon (102). 8 247. 9 Cf. Holl Enthusiasmus 174, 192 ff., Vie d’Euthyme, ROC. 1903, 186, Vie @’ Auxence, l.c. 243. 10 E.g. Synax., 13th Kihak, PO. iii 440. 11 In certain cases the letters must be copies, preserved by their writers: e.g. 160, 278, CO. 342, addressed to local magistrates, whom we cannot suppose to have resided among the hermits. The first of these examples is more- over written by a couple themselves the recipients of a number of letters: ο. 11ο. Similar problems are raised by 136 and by 186, where the recipients should be laymen. 12 Discussed by Winlock, Pp. 28 above. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE mouths of the six dynastic tombs, but also these tombs themselves and possibly certain others of those that lay a little farther off, such as Cells A and B, in both of which were found letters addressed, if we mistake not, to Epiphanius himself, as indeed were some discovered in a yet more remote tomb,! about 500 yards north of that of Daga. To what distance from its center, then, did the possessions of the τόπος extend? When we reach the tomb last named, we are not far distant from Deir el Bahri and should be close upon the confines of the property of Saint Phoebammon’s monastery. As to boundaries we must in short make the best of but vague information; one may indeed surmise that the facts themselves, where mere rocks, sand and rubble make up the land in question, would be indefinite and that precise boundaries are scarcely to be expected. In two texts only do we find a term used to designate the settlement : in both it is called by the vague word τόπος" Once it is alluded to under the equally ambiguous phrase ma παωπε, “dwelling-place.”* The few examples of µοναστήριον in these texts cannot in any instance be related to the community of Epiphanius. On the other hand, throughout the Jéme documents the µοναστήριον of Saint Phoebammon is constantly mentioned, the same word being employed where it is called the monastery of Apa Abraham.‘ A coenobium is in Coptic geneete,® a word which, in one of the Jéme deeds (no. 106), varies constantly with µοναστήριον. Only in one of our texts is the latter word used of a single ascete’s cell,* although this, its primitive use, is less exceptional in Northern Egypt.’ Another word, occasionally employed, is coovge “‘congregation.’’® Of this the instances in the present texts are less instructive than others, where it sometimes designates the whole group of communities,® or is equivalent to geneere, or is used of a single congregation." From evidence thus negative as to names, it may be concluded that the Epiphanian settlement did not claim the character of a coenobium. The monasteries and hermitages among the West Theban rocks are dignified now and then by the general name of ‘“‘the Holy Hill,” borrowed, if not directly from the Psalter, perhaps from Sinai,” or from the Mount of Olives®: the will of bishop Abraham speaks of the θεῖον ὄρος Meuvoviwy," another deed of “the holy hill of the castrum of Jéme.”® Elsewhere other monkish settlements are thus 1 Site XX, on which ». p. 20 below. 2 142 and the will, Part I] App. III, 1. 27 &c. 3 92 and note there. 4 MIE. ii 357, if the two be accepted as identical: v. p. 111 above. 5 Zoega 307, 347 = PG. 65, 26ος κοινόβιον, and regularly of the Pachomian foundations: Miss. viii 5, Munier Catal. 63, cf. Theol. Texts 182. In the account of the ad- ditional building at Pbow by Martyrius (Vat. arab. 172 f. 107) the 24 establishments constituting the Pachomian κοινωνία are termed handdab. It may be noted that a place opposite Tafnis el Mata‘nah is still named El Handdi. The term “cell,” 4,3, is rarely used of a large coenobium, e.g. Apollo’s at Bawit (Miss. iv 321). 6 The letter of bishop Serenianus, v. p. 134; but in the life of Pesenthius (M/E. ii 403) there is a clear instance. 7 PG. 65, 297 A, 300 B; PG. 87, 2925 c, 3069 5; ROC. 1912, 294. On this original use of the word ο. Reitzenstein in Sitzb. Heidelb. Akad., 1914, Abh. 8, 41. 8 7. 300n. It is the word which Jerome transcribed as sauhes: v. Spiegelberg in Rec. xxviii 211, Reitzenstein loc. cit. 40. 9 Wessely πο. 112 b, Budge Mart. 210 (perhaps). 10 MS. Morgan li 31. cwove egovn and geneete appear to be equivalent in Miss. iv 630, 631. 11 ST. 175, BP. 8714, a list in which several bear the names of their abbesses. 12 PG, 87, 2988, 3037. 13 Ib. 2869. Applied to Athos from ca. the 1oth century (K. Lake Early Monast. Athos 17). 14 BM. Gk. i no. Ixxvii 27. 15 MMA. 24.2.3 1. 15. How designa- ted. Words for “monastery,” “congregation” The “Holy Hill” Caves and cells Other terms Churches THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS called: for instance, that adjoining on ‘‘the holy [hill] of Penhétep.” Such phrases recall “the holy πέτρα” whereon stood the monastery of Thomas in the Wadi Sarga? The Coptic word signifying the caves (e.g. in Appendix III) in which the hermits dwelt is x8, primarily a hole, or den. To sit panfué is the hermit’s phrase for sitting in his cell. That in which Pesenthius lived is so called‘ and there the word clearly varies with ps, which is also found in just this phrase. The scene of Pesenthius’s death was ‘‘the Great Cell,” pr.© Whether this is to be compared with the same name, given to a part of the monastery of Macarius at Shiét,’7 may be doubted. One might imagine it the principal room in the monastery or ἐπισκοπεῖον in which he appears to have then resided. Doubtless the words 4m and px had once distinct meanings: the former an ancient tomb cave, the latter perhaps a chamber or subdivision, set up within or in front of it.® The «a nuyone, which we find used to include both caves and a tower," is equivalent sometimes to “‘monastery” as a whole.4 The only remaining word expressing in our texts a material part of the monastery is won, which though not thus used elsewhere, can mean nothing but a place deep dug. It might well apply to subterranean store-rooms, such as were found at the Daga settle- ment." The Tower, regularly coupled in Appendix III with the caves and once (I. 41) styled “the new tower’’—showing that both towers were in existence at the date of this will—was doubtless similar to that whence Pesenthius looked down upon his terrified disciple, or to that the staircase of which he was descending when accosted by a disreputable woman.® One would expect, in such texts as ours, to find reference to the church which the brethren frequented for divine service, but none which can be related to our community is mentioned, nor has a church been identified in any part of the ruins. Churches enough are named in Theban texts, several of them in the town of Jéme, and we must suppose that it was thither that the hermits went on Sundays, if they did not gather, as the approved 1 269, the probable reading. Other places: Tur. Mat. 9 Eventually such words tended to lose precision; thus no. 53 (Atripe), Alexandria stele 291, Ann. viii 82. The a hermit is said to “build” himself a cave, 3,li0 4) ων, opening formula, “Peace (be) unto this holy hill,” is PO. xvi 399. pr are rooms in a house in Mus. Guim. XVii common to all these epitaphs. In the 2 stelae: Preisigke 321, where the Béos § 47 has τόποι ἢ κελλία. In Journ. As. Sammelbuch 4216 and Amer. Journ. Philol. 38, 420, πετλοτ 1905, 438, a ma mogwne has in it four ps. and netpov respectively are probably both meant for ne(s)- 1o Appendix III 1. ο &c., Jéme no. 65, 32. TOOT. 11 E.g. Miss. iv 717, Mus. Guim. xvii 32. In BM. Or. 2 WS. p. 6. 6203 (a sale-contract from near Ashmunain) it includes 3 Whence Egyptian Arabic wy (usually confounded “churches (? small chapels), κύπαι, ἄντρα and roof-ter- with Sly “gate”; cf. De Sacy, cited, with disapproval, by races”; elsewhere it is equivalent merely to ps (Miss. Quatremére Méms. i251), asin Bab el Mulik. In Bonomi’s iv 709). Notes (Ann. vii 78 ff.) 27 Theban tombs are thus designated. 12 Jéme no. 65, 55. The monastery is that of Phoebammon. 4 Budge 4βοο. 79, MIE. ii 353. 13 V. p. 42 above. Cf. the κύπαι in note 11. 5 205. pr is also a small (?) chamber in a private house 14 Budge loc. cit. 110. (¢. κέλλα) and has other uses besides; v. 466 n. 15 Paris arabe 4785, 180 b, Aldw! is used for “stair.” The 6 Budge loc. cit. 124. incident befell, we are told, at the monastery of the Cross, 7 PSBA. xxix 290n. Cf. Evelyn-White’s forthcoming Deir es Salib. References to monastic towers : CO. 310 n. History of the Nitrian Monasteries. 16 V. pp. 116 ff. above. 8 MIE. ii 389, 394, 397. 128 ΤΗΕΒΑΝ HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE custom was, on Sabbath and Sunday at some neighboring monastery—such as that of Saint Phoebammon—for divine service. Who were the inmates of “the cells and tower” which constituted the Christian settle- ment around the tomb of Daga? Were all religious? In similar circumstances elsewhere this has been assumed and, to judge by titles and epithets given by the writers of letters to their correspondents, one would conclude that the large majority at any rate of the community were either ascetes or clerics. Among the letters recovered from this site there are relatively few whereof the recipients are not addressed either as “thy piety,” “thy saintliness,”’ “holy fathership,” “pious brother,” ‘God-loving’’? or “truly Christ-bearing,” with requests for remembrance in prayers,® “at the lifting up of thy holy hands.” Such phraseology is surely in place only where holy men are addressed ; one needs but to compare it with the totally different style in letters where no ecclesiastical atmosphere pervades, as, for instance, in the Byzantine letters from Oxyrhynchus,‘ or in much of the Coptic material from Ashmunain and the Εαγγήπι. Even those of our letters from which such phrases are entirely absent® we can suppose to have passed between the hermits and their friends, perhaps in circumstances which demanded less expenditure of formal compliments ; in many cases they are strictly “business” letters. If such phrases are constantly applied to the recipients of these letters, the epithet ἐλάχιστος, appended by innumerable writers to their own names,—over a hundred instances may be seen in our collection alone—is probably evidence that the correspondents of our hermits were, for the most part, themselves hermits or clerics. It is true that it was not the habit among these letter-writers to add a title “monk,” “‘priest,” or the like; but it is sufficiently clear, from parallel groups of texts, that this epithet of humility belongs, with hardly an exception,® to the clergy and religious. This is a conspicuous fact in the Ashmunain and Aphrodito as well as in the Jéme documents: ἐλάχιστος is scarcely to be found unaccompanied by some ecclesiastical title. The same is the rule in Greek texts, so far as the word there occurs.’ Other such epithets are occasionally used : arwjax = dypetos,® sometimes by the abbot himself; so ‘‘the worthless Samuel,’ who sends instructions to “the steward of the ré7os’’®; or again atanuja = dvd étos.! 1 A text published by Clugnet, ROC. 1906, 48 (ἔχουσι γὰρ 17756, PO. xvii 121, 134, 207. Its counterpart perhaps in τὰ κοινόβια κτλ.), tells how monasteries in the Thebaid have phrases such as μετὰ εὐχῆς. . .ἀπελύθη (Sabae Vita 228, cf. small ἀναχωρητικὰ κελλία, whither the monks, when old in PO. xviii 629). Terminating a few epitaphs (in 1st plur.) this asceticism, are wont to retire, rejoining the brethren at formula seems more probably to beg the deceased’s inter- the coenobium only for Sabbath and Sunday (doubtless in cession : Cairo 8497, 8509. 4 P. Oxy. vol. xvi. order to be present at mass). Similarly in many Lives, 5 E.g. 176, 230, 297, 308, 313, 322, 353, 380. e.g. Anal. Boll. vii 108, 115, Sabae Vita, Cotelier 232. 6 In 216 it is used of a lashane (not in CO. 107: an error), 2 Thus the Copt translates θεόφιλος, θεοφιλέστατος, in ST. 343 of a village scribe (possibly a cleric); surely whatever may be the right interpretation of the Greek term. misplaced in ΜΜΑ. 23.2.3, 1. 141, where one witness refers 3 “Pray for me” is often a formula of farewell: Budge to another, for whom he signs, as “this humblest monk.” Apoc. 79, MIE. ii 405, Miss. iv 833 and here 330, 366, 378, Similarly in our 386. 390, CO. 251, 375, 402, Ad. 19 &c.; or in fuller form, 7b. 272, 7 E.g. in BM. Gk. v. 8 V. 128. 330, ST. 275. With these cf. Mus. Guim. xvii 290. Greek 9 camovHA οστών (sic), Ostr. Bodleian, Copt. Inscr. parallels: εὖξαι περὶ (ὑπὲρ) ἐμοῦ, ROC. 1912, 297, PG. 65, 432. 10 178, CO. 382. 129 The occupants of the buildings Ἐλάχιστος, use of the term THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS If the word µοναστήριον but rarely designates their dwelling, equally rare is povayds as a name for the inmates. Twice it is applied to Epiphanius?; in one of our documents—the will, in Appendix I1]—it is used throughout of the superior of this very settlement. Other- wise the title often given is ἀναχωρητής, which here occurs thirty-two times : Epiphanius has it a dozen times, Psan his successor six times, Cyriacus thrice.2 To Epiphanius both titles are given and a distinction is now hardly recognized between them. Pesenthius is called both monk and anchorite, in the years preceding his episcopate.* The prevalent habit of passing from the communal to the anachoretic life and vice versé might account for some instability in usage. A somewhat confused story in the Synaxarium* shows that an ascete, renowned for his virtues, might decline to take the habit, although he appears nevertheless to be an inmate of Pachomius’s monastery. In these texts, ἀσκητής is but rarely found. Once it is applied to a cleric,’ though later the two may be contrasted*; and bishop Pesenthius is so styled by his biographer,’ as is (we take it) his successor Moses.’ In the group of anchorites with whom we are concerned we should not expect to en- counter monastic officials and in fact the titles of οἰκονόμος and προεστώς, so common in the deeds relating to the coenobium of Saint Phoebammon, are absent here. The highest dignitary, the archimandrite, does indeed occur; but being referred to simply as ‘‘the archimandrite,”® it is doubtful who is intended. Since all these occurrences, excepting the first cited, are related to Pesenthius of Keft and his circle, we might hesitate to assume this archimandrite to have exercised jurisdiction at the Daga settlement; indeed it may be questioned whether the anchorites would be amenable to the supervision of an archi- mandrite.” The title was proper, in Egypt as elsewhere, to the abbots of only the larger coenobitic communities: in the neighborhood of Thebes conspicuously to the successor of Pachomius. He, then, is perhaps “the archimandrite” here in question. There was indeed another archimandrite at Thebes: Paul, of the monastery at Pkeldl, who had himself lived the life of an anchorite at some date previous to 685"; but of him and his position we know nothing. 1 87, 415, perhaps 411 a. A good example of μοναχός applied to a hermit, disciple of a hermit, is in Budge Misc. 473. 2 ᾿Αναχωρητής occurs, beyond the instances in Part II Index p. 364, in 130, 133, 137 (?), 185, 193, 211, 318, 422. It may be noted in passing that a papyrus now at Michigan (1924) names one Abraham with the title ποπδοζωΡε, i.e. “the anchorite,” thus accounting for the name Panachére, met with in these letters and elsewhere. 3 Budge loc. cit. 77, 105. Of Apollo it is said that “he went and became a monk and devoted himself to éva- χώρησις” (BM. Or. 7561, 146). Shenoute apparently differentiates the two terms (CSCO. 42, 220). 4 PO. xi 670 ff. 5 203. 6 W. Nissen Regelung d. Klosterwesens 7, citing Balsamon. 7 Budge loc. cit. 77, 96. 8 ST. 405. 9 281, 133, 505 and ST. 179, which is by the scribe of the two last named. 10 In Palestine both λαῦραι and hermits were subordinated to him: Usener Theodosius 11Ο. In the Life of Sabas he appears as archimandrite of the Palestinian anchorites (p. 229), though elsewhere the title implies headship of the coenobia (pp. 261, 332). 11 V. above, p. 112. MMA. 24.2.3 is a Jéme deed con- cerned with this monastery and dated in 699; there Paul is already deceased and venerable. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE An ascete, set in authority over his fellows, is exceptional: such a ‘“‘head and director’’! was Samuel of Penhdétep, who owed the position to his bishop. But this is perhaps an instance of the transformation of a hermits’ laura into a coenobium. Authority somewhat similar seems to have been entrusted to Paul of Danfik.? Of Coptic terms there are two—one occurring frequently, the other seldom—which indicate a monastic dignitary: nog πρωκε, “great man,” and ane, “head.” Of the former enough has been said elsewhere? to show that it is applicable to civil as well as to ecclesiastical magnates, but that it is often equivalent to abbot or archimandrite.* Sometimes its use must be more vaguely honorific, as where it is applied to bishop Pesenthius, who never, so far as is known, held monastic office.s In the will in Appendix III (1. 29) this term is employed to designate the testators’ predecessors in occupation of the τόπος, namely Epiphanius himself and Psan.$ The word ane on the other hand is scarcely to be met with in this sense. Commonly it means the village headman, the tpwroxwprjrys.? As the “head” of a monastic congrega- tion’ we find it once or twice: Paham, head of the mount of Tsenti,® being the clearest instance. One may compare with it the use of κεφαλή in the Pachomian literature” and may suppose the title 5,8 to be its translation. That the local (?) bishop had authority more than merely episcopal over these monasteries has often been observed.” A problem is raised by the presence, among our letters, of several addressed to women, conspicuously those from Epiphanius to his mother.* There are others addressed, either to women singly," or including a woman among the addressees." Several letters in other collections are directed to women, but these cannot for the most part be connected with ascetic communities. Are we to suppose that, here as elsewhere,” the sanctity of these anchorites had drawn women to choose their abode near to them and that such close I pds msi) PO. iii 497. On the latter of these words 9 Sic leg., ST. 435; probably again ib. 446 and Cairo of. JEA. iv 209, there adding Mus. Guim. xvii 385, Pachém 8492. to be mudabbir of all monks in the diocese. 10 Bios § 76, Regula (Hieron.) §§ xii, xxi, xlix &c., though 2 PO? iii 301. the Coptic term there translated is sometimes pate. 3 CO. 119n. and here 143n., 276n. An unnoted 11 As in the two cases cited in notes 1, 2. instance of its civilian use is Acts xiii 50 (πρῶτοι τῆς πόλεως), 12 CO. p. xvi. recalling 6 πρῶτος, as designating the hegumenus of Scete 13 259, 374 Β, 307, CO. Ad. 58. These letters constitute (Clugnet Daniel 19). Cf. u25x2!, spokesman of the Alex- a further difficulty : how comes Epiphanius, himself residing andrine clergy, PO. v 107. here, to send letters to someone dwelling close at hand? 4 Clearly so in Leyden 162, 163, where it is contrasted Were they sent when he was absent—perhaps at Site XX— with the title δευτεράριος, and in Wessely πο. 27 b, where or did he write to his mother because oral communication it = archbishops and archimandrites. was held unseemly? Here we are brought to the dilemma 5 Budge loc. cit. 107. as to the identity or multiplicity of persons named 6 In 482 “the great man” is at any rate not Epiphanius. Epiphanius in our texts, a question upon which see what The reference may be either to an ecclesiastical or to a is said on p. ΧΧΥ. civil personage. Who are addressed as ἅγιοι μεγάλοι in the 14 407, 464, perhaps 148, 388. 15 167. graffito 689 may be questioned : perhaps the local saints 16 Hall pp. 36 inf., 50 sup., ST. 201, 257, 336, 381, CO. departed. 242, 337. On Hall p. 43 inf. is a contract with a woman. 7 Cf. CO. 308 n. 17 The reputation of Auxentius in time attracted many 8 coovgc in Zoega 302. Cf. Budge Misc. 150, where an women of the world to embrace the ascetic life close to his explanatory gloss is added. cell (ROC. 1903, 13; of. PG. 114, 1429 fi): 131 “Head,” “Great man” Presence of women Children (spiritual?) Nuns THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS neighborhood was tolerated? The attitude of Pesenthius who, drawing his cowl over his head, fled at the mere approach of a woman! and the complaints contained in the letter of bishop Serenianus (v. below) would hardly encourage such a supposition. This last letter implies the presence of women visitors at Saint Phoebammon’s monastery, which we know indeed to have been frequented by pilgrims and suppliants of both sexes; while there is a case recorded of a woman actually residing—though perhaps temporarily, since she names her home as far distant—in “the monastery of Apa Sergius.”? We read again of the sister of a hermit of Ermont, who seems to have maintained her intercourse with him and to have been eventually interred in the “monastery” where he dwelt That the ascetes were themselves not uniformly unmarried is evident from such texts as that which refers to a monk’s daughter and from a monk’s will, in which his three sons appear.‘ In these cases the father had presumably become a widower, though the perfect (τέλειος) monk is, in view of some, he who for religion forsakes wife and child.’ It may in this connection be recalled how Shenoute, addressing certain nuns, alludes to their husbands and sons.é Such nuns would be either widows, or such as had renounced married life for the nunnery.’ Where a letter to a reverend personage includes greetings to “thy children,’’® we can generally suppose spiritual children to be meant, though in some cases this interpretation may be questionable.? In a document relating to the monastery of Paul already referred to, the persons addressed are styled “the sons of Apa Paul,” the same individuals re- appearing in another text as its priors.” To revert to the references to women in the present texts: these can hardly be brought into relation to such evidence as there is of nuns dwelling in the district at this period. The title μοναχή, sometimes with the epithets “the holy,” “the good,” is borne by a number of women commemorated upon stelae from Ermont." One is from Tabennése and recalls the nunnery established there by Pachomius.® An interesting letter from a povayy begs the prayers of an anchorite for a possessed boy who had been bequeathed to her charge.* She asks besides for the holy man’s “blessing” (i.e. εὐλογία), to keep in her “house.” The writer of this is hardly the inmate of a convent ; we should suppose her, if not those named upon the stelae,“ to be the solitary tenant of a cave. But the provenance of this letter, though 1 MIE. ii 345. 2 Jéme no. 81, 4. her παρθένια and her γάμος; and in Ryl. 7ο, Gi, where 3 2nd Tabah, PO. xi 515, 517. Shenoute (probably) refers to monks who are ascetes as 4 Jéme no. 35, 11 and no. 67 respectively. virgins, whilst others “observe their γάμος.” Durus sermo 5 MS. Morgan lv 95, in the Dialogue of John, 4oth in truth. Patriarch (ob. 686), and Theodore, Cf. also Esaias Scet. 8 E.g. 318, 337, 448. 9 174. 18 μὴ ἐάσῃς... εὐσπλαγχνίας τέκνων, ἢ θελήµατος γυναικὸς 1ο ΜΜΑ. 24.2.3 1. 12 and 24.2.7 |. 3 respectively. ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ σου, ἃ κατέλιπες. Further, the stories in 11 Cairo 8417, 8453, 8470, 8484, 8494, 8516, 8651, BM. 341 and the Apophthegmata, PG. 65, 249 (72). Alexandria 285. 6 Amélineau Oeuvres de Sch. ii 269, 284; cf. CSCO. 73, 62. 12 Ladeuze Etude 176. This assumes that Tabennése in Elsewhere we read of a monk’s son: Clugnet Daniel 17. both cases is but one. Cf. 163 ne 13 Hall p. 146. On the status of monks with families v, W. Nissen Regelung 22, Pargoire Egl. Byz. 215. : “"ἡγουμένη (Copt. τομζοσλιεπο/) of the whole παρθενο- 7 Note here the strange usage in CSCO. 73, 214 (un- τήριον... But the date, a.p. 742, and the appearance of known authorship), where a novice undertakes to observe this stele point to Nubia. 132 14 Alexandria πο. 296 is the epitaph of Cyra, who was THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE doubtless Theban, is unrecorded, so that it may be one sent to the desert from a neigh- boring town.’ The widow who wrote one of our letters? lived in a “congregation,” pre- sumably of nuns, and we hear of the nunnery which Abraham of Pbow set up at Tbergét.* Among the correspondence of bishop Pesenthius there is a letter from “his daughters’’4 and another from two women, “‘his humblest servants,” who appear to be nuns.’ But these letters to the bishop had probably come from his diocese of Keft and so hardly concern us at present.® Although in this, as in other collections of like texts, a large number of clerics can be counted, we cannot draw more than the obvious inference that hermits and clergy were in frequent communication. The proportion of the latter resident in our community can only be deduced from the number of them who appear as receiving letters. Among this small number is no deacon, while of the many priests named, only five are addressees of letters,’ two are spoken of as if residing here,’ three more perhaps do 5ο.) Such clerics would presumably be leading the life of anchorites; in only one instance however is a monk in orders actually named and he does not seem to be a resident here.” Among the coenobites, on the other hand, the two characters are not seldom combined; the Jéme documents mention three or four monks in priest’s orders." In such a question the argument e silentio has some weight: only rarely can it have been needful or fitting to make use when writing of these titles. Moreover, here as always, we have unfortunately to remember that an overwhelming proportion of all these texts are now but broken fragments, whence none but the most cautious deductions are permissible. Bishops we here read of often enough; certain of them evidently resided among these hermits.” Of these Pesenthius of Keft is the most conspicuous and is the recipient of a number of letters.* With him we deal in a separate section.“ Another bishop, who re- appears in other texts besides ours, is named Ananias.¥ He held the see of Ermont and 1 Possibly us, “house,” points to this. One is reminded 7 97, 154, 272, 282, 471. of the 98th and 1o4th Canons of Athanasius—current at 8 240, 327. Thebes, we know, at this period—which assume that in 9 198, 281, 460. 10 87. each household there dwells a virgin; and of the words of 11 Jéme no. 75, 136, 146 (= our App. III), no. 98, ο, Pesenthius as to those that preserve their virginity whilst no. 103, 18. dwelling with their parents (ROC. xx 60). 12 Instances of bishops who preferred to reside in 2 300. monasteries (if not actually as hermits), often in those 3 PO. xi 685. This nunnery at Fargit is called a dslia where they had formerly been monks, are given in CO. Φεπεετε. p. xvin. To these add: Budge Misc. 465, 467, 469, 470 4 Α Phillipps fragment. The address is Ίπεπαοεις (bishops of Philae, who returned to their cells, or τόποι, NEeiwT eThoper nmegcce οπ[οσλιε] ortumeyuseepe. The after consecration and remained there till death) and the subject of the letter was a woman: “As to the woman Egyptian bishop, named by Zacharias (ed. Ahrens-Kriiger [whereof we] spake unto thee...” 263), who retired to his former monastery; further, the 5 RE. 28. northern bishops mentioned in PO. v 203. That bishops 6 Nuns are alluded to in another letter related to this should come from monasteries was of course habitual : Mus. dossier, ST. 176 vo., 19. The tone of the letter Hall p. 93, Guim. xvii 593 (leg. “‘ qui avaient été solitaires 4 Tabennisi”). regarding a girl who had been living under the recipient’s 13 IT7, 152, 153, 254, 469, 494’and doubtless several protection (Jeg. gagve[tustm]), is that of an ecclesiastic more. to a layman. 14 V. p. 223 below. 15 Cf. 565. 133 Clergy Bishops ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS might perhaps be the writer of an interesting letter’ and if so, his date would be fixed by that of his friend, bishop Serenianus, there mentioned, who is a known contemporary of Epiphanius. That he was a predecessor at Ermont of bishop Abraham is suggested by the ‘ quotation of his “canons” in a text almost certainly coeval with that bishop.? This is a conjecture supported moreover by the sequence of the names upon the Moir-Bryce diptych.? From a Jéme deed‘ we gather that, at any rate before the middle of the 8th century, Ananias was dead and venerated. This Serenianus has left us a letter,* addressed to “his beloved and truly religious brother Epiphanius, the anchorite,” whom he begs to come forthwith to the “place” (7.e. τόπος) of Apa Phoebammon, upon the first Sunday of the Pascha, and upon his behalf to reprove (0) Papas; “for he hath profaned (or brought to nought) my monastery (uovacryprov?) and hath brought in (thither) a multitude of women and communicated ” (συνάγειν) them..... Do not delay...’’ Of his diocese we know nothing. His name is not common, at any rate in southern Egypt. Bishop Abraham, the central figure in the ostraca from Deir el Bahri, makes his appearance only once or twice among our texts.° It is he, we must suppose, who, as bishop of Ermont, was the ecclesiastical superior of all the monkish colonies in the hill of Jéme and those adjoining. This is in fact indicated by one of his episcopal letters. After threatening inhibition to a steward who shall neglect his réaos—details are lost—on Sabbath or Sunday, the bishop adds, “I am not..... ,4 but rather I am intent upon the governance (διοίκησις) of the τόποι and the life of your souls.”” One would assume that it is to the bishop of Ermont that the many texts refer which name simply ‘‘the bishop,” ‘‘our father the bishop,” without farther indication as to who is meant.” One letter mentions “our father the bishop and the elders,” as if they together exercised some sort of authority*; in another, where “Apa Pesenthius andall theelders” are greeted," alike conjectureis perhaps permissible. 1 Tur. 8, reading verso as follows, Taac [mmamjepst Heansor Adinanac seaqhwA mamo[sactuprom ehod ncon [ne]tpoc φιτπδπο[π]τος mreAagcs [π]τπετρο. aqhr orange [itclorule] epowm agcrnare Mucor (Prof. V. Struve kindly procured a photograph, whereon [Renee Jpwkh movne ehor M[n]psnay... Turaieff’s mtmretoA[ is seen to be an intercalated line, 6 «πιο is here strangely used; its meaning can only be which Prof. Jernstedt reads as here printed. On the place surmised. For Awa εδοἈ cf. Mat. xii 5, βεβηλοῦῖν. ππετρὸ v. above, p. 113. With this cf. Hall p. 63 inf., where 7 This bishop, then, occupied a cell in the coenobium. he seems to sign nemrcx/ [weA]ag¢ /. Could any argument One is reminded of such bishops as John, ἐπίσκοπος καὶ be drawn as to the writer’s position in Tur. 8 from the con- ἠσυχαστής, who had withdrawn to the Laura of St Sabas cluding formula: “Peace unto thee,” so rare in Theban (Vita p. 148). letters? CO. Ad. 28 is almost unique. Non-Theban are ST. 8 Could this be the name of which Ἀερήν in a Syene 266, BM.Gk. v no. 1892, Crum Copt. MSS. xiii, xxx. Oftener papyrus (P. Mon. 14) appears to be an abbreviation? at beginning : CO. 499, BM. 546, 602, 1116, 1125, 1164 &c., 9 154. Cf. 268, 399. 10 CO. 76. Krall ccxxv (mostly post-muslim) ; also PG. 88, 1840. 11 “Sowing strife” might possib Υ suit the gap. ἡ.60.5,. 3 V. below. 12 129, 134, 144, 145, 147, 162, 166, 249, 277, Hall 4 Jéme no. 24, 68. Cf. CO. 212. PP. 71, 76, 104, ST. 301 and many in CO., e.g. 36, 38, 81, 5 MMA. 23.3.702, from Site XX. The text is: 90, 155, 312. In 7b. 94, 97, 486 bishop Abraham, though £ Taac Απολεριτ πεοπ avwW Hpeyijawe norte not named, is evidently to be understood; so too in several ρποσλε enreanyoc MAMAN OPITHE Φπτπ (sic) cHpH- others. 13 Hall p. 71 (14213). MIAMOC NENICK/ API MMA HEP NecKrAMOC οπΤΠοβΙς 14 ST. 360. Whether such “elders” would be monks, (N)koprakn fitmacg¢a fiver επι[ο] ana horkamosnt anchorites or possibly clergy, is a doubtful matter. 134 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE Various other bishops are incidentally mentioned: in the present texts, John, the name of whose see is lost,! a nameless bishop of Ermont? and bishop Pisrael,? whom we may take to be that bishop of Kés, member of the council which dealt with the incriminated prior Cyriacus‘ and who—doubtless the same—is the recipient of certain letters® and the writer perhaps of others.é That relative to Cyriacus shows Pisrael to be contemporary both with Pesenthius and with Psan, if not with Epiphanius himself; and we may perhaps further supply his name in a letter wherein greetings are sent to Psan and to a bishop who seems to be residing with him.’ In one of the above letters two bishops, Pisrael and some other, are addressed jointly.8 Here one is tempted to fill the gap with the name Ananias, suggesting thereby that Ananias and Pisrael, several times joint recipients,® once joint writers,” are none other than the two bishops of whom we are speaking, albeit in none of these texts is the episcopal title given to either. ““The bishops” are again alluded to anonymously in another letter to Psan.™ Another bishop, Andrew, is writer of two letters” and recipient of one.* Bishop Antonius, who, with Elias (perhaps his disciple) receives a letter,! is presumably the bishop of Ape, who also took part in the affair of Cyriacus and was therefore another contemporary of Pesenthius. A later occupant of Pesenthius’s own see is Mena*; not his immediate suc- cessor, who is assumed to have been Moses,** but more probably one in the 8th century.” In the so-called Jéme cartulary the names of three more bishops occur: Coluthus of Ετπιοπ{,15 Germanus® and Patermouthius.” The texts in which these names are read belong all to about the middle of the 8th century, but the two last were no longer living at the time of writing. We may suppose them to have been bishops of Ermont. The episcopal catalogue of that diocese, embracing the period which concerns us, is probably to be read upon the Moir-Bryce diptych” and it has been proposed to identify the Ananias, Andrew and Patermouthius of whom we have been speaking with bishops thereon named. The penultimate name, Abramius, may point us to the well-known bishop of the Deir el Bahri texts. Seeing that after him another bishop, Moses, had reigned and died, the date of this Abramius might bring us back some sixty years and thus allow of the identification here proposed. To the bishops of Ermont may now be added John, who, the Synaxarium tells us,” lived while paganism yet survived in that district and whom 1 133. 2 435. 3 426. Cf. 150 n. 17 This on the supposition that John, son of Pater- AekBeatte 5 RE. 8, ST. 255. mouthius, the subject of ST. 352, is identical with his 6 RE. 7, our 150. namesake in Jéme no. 63, 1; for this last text can be 7 277. The names of Pisrael and Psan stand next each shown to date from the middle of the 8th century. On other in RE. 11. other bishops of Keft υ. PSBA. xxx 260, Ἑ σος. 18 Jéme no. 97, 73. 9 ST. 321, Hall pp. 27, 70. 19 Ib. πο. 3, 22. 10 Hall p. 86. 11 165. 20 Ib. no. 21, 37- 12 Tur. Mater. no. 12, ST. 326. 21 V. Crum in PSBA. xxx 255 ff. Now in the Brit. 13 CO. 288. 14 CO. 344. 15 ST. 352. Museum: v. Guide to Early Christ. and Byz. Antiq., 1921, 16 This Moses is probably named in ST. 405 as “bishop, fig. 66. confessor and ascete” (ἀσκητής). 22 7th Kihak, PO. iii 394. 135 An episcopal catalogue An addition to the Synaxarium THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS we might see either in the fourth or seventh name in the above diptych. The difficulty of accommodating Pesenthius, the occupant of this see, at the time of making the last addition to the diptych, with any known bishop of Ermont? has been since removed by the dis- covery of just such a bishop, suitable in date, in the Theban Synaxarium. With the help of a complete copy of this, it is now possible to understand the story, imperfect as published and unintelligible, relating to a certain Pesenthius, commemorated on the 20th Kihak. The history of this Pesenthius shows that he was a younger contemporary of his namesake of Keft; he may therefore well have outlived the patriarch Benjamin.’ From this, then, we learn that the boy’s maternal uncle was “‘head”’ of the monastery on the east of the castrum of Taud, unto which, before birth, his mother had vowed him and whither, at the age of three, his father took him (travelling up-stream). After learning Psalter and New Testament by heart, he was, et. eleven, taught the scribe’s craft and the book-binder’s and that of making colored fans,‘ as well as the builder’s and carpenter’s. His amiability and leniency secured him popularity, so that the monks chose him successor to his uncle. In office he displayed the usual ascetic virtues. On the bishop of Ermont’s 1 VY. Paul Maas’s criticism in Byz. Zeitschr. xviii 624, also PSBA., xxxi 288. 2 PO. iii 490= Forget i 345. Thanks to the late G. Legrain, a transcript was made by Hakim Effendi Abd Seif from a Ms. now in one of the Luxor churches. The Paris ms. (Forget’s G, Basset’s B) lacks the first half and more of the text. The following is the hitherto missing portion : Ὁ ο ye κο ο η So pall GEN LW! ων! ped agai Nie Ute 5 28 SB SH seal He aly ale IS Geil Ming “Sates! ο ας peal and Ded lg Bpet Cri ngs Bo iho AF CIS s | οἱρίιοοῦ ο! Upiw ων FN rl a) σώίο seb Sib gy 50 dares Hy MW ο! cady ΙΙ ele Coydil GJS "ἰμο (ghey ait ἰδρά CULE - Glatt + sic UW NR Soll ἰ,δοίὸ pyetl dead holy * Lmprdll Lie ol cee Coll unig oie Cpe Cubes “pate aokeg It is certainly remarkable that, although specimens of grass-woven matting were plentifully found at our site, neither these texts, nor the texts from other Theban sites, make mention of this industry—that of which, in the histories of the Pachomian com- munities, we hear most!’7—nor but twice of the grass used in 11.15 The eight looms found on our site are sufficient evidence that much weaving was carried on there! and several of our writers are engaged in it. One of them—Frange, the author of so many letters—who appears elsewhere as himself the superior of a community, is evidently a weaver.” Now and then a writer begs for the loan (?) of a loom, or of some 1 Indeed in WS. 197, 275 “a basket” seems to imply 14 CO. 365, Ad. 54. a basket of bread. 15 Hall p. 117, “‘needle-thread for palm fiber.” The literary 2 ΔΗΤ gabsp, BP. 054. but usually = θαλλός, θαλλίον, word for thread, φως, does not occur in these texts. Spiegel- μάς). berg in OLZ., 1924, 569, shows that a word used here for 3 fa mhet, BKU. 151. 4 Ib. 908. “thread” is probably naav (not to be confused with 5 The latter often for wine (i.e. for packing wine jars), ειδα). occasionally for other things: ο. CO. 160 n., WS. 146. 16 V. Pls. XIX, XXIV, XXV. 6 Rossi Nuo. Cod. 90, Budge Misc. 486, MS. Morgan li 35 17 Especially instructive: Mus. Guim. xvii 102 = 327 (“twisting ropes, whilst meditation floweth on as running = 441, where 4y3}0, on which Amélineau expends a note, water”), Mus. Guim. xvii 50 similarly. is correctly written 4; x. by him elsewhere, 7b. 528, 520, 7 113, 398, 438, ST. 232, CO. 364. 542 &c. 8 ST. 283. ο οσα». 18 334 (2), 532. The grass is Ram = dle. 1ο MMA. 24.2.6. 11 Mus. Guim. xvii 194. 19 V. pp. 68 ff. above. 12 CO. 324. 13 ST. 323, 388. 20 351. Cf. AZ. 1878, 12 (2). 155 1. Work Rope and basket making Weaving and tailoring of linen nt Flax cultiva- tion THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS transportable piece of it.1 The beam (11. wood) is the part asked for?; the writer wishes to fix his loom in position.* This depends, we learn elsewhere,‘ upon the drying of its clay bed. One Jéme deed concerns the sale of a loom, which stands in the courtyard of a house and is sold for one gold solidus.’ The linen woven on these looms is spoken of repeatedly ; in the present collection alone almost a score of letters are concerned with it. Weaving clearly occupied much of the hermits’ time. Sometimes the writers are asking for a supply of linen to complete work already on the loom.* Mere requests for more linen are frequent? and enough of these are addressed to our site to show that the community there was a recognized factory which supplied its neighbors.’ In one instance the request for linen comes from “the brethren,’’® showing that work was done in common.” In other letters we see workmen employed by others in tailoring the linen sent." A fragmentary contract is preserved? whereby a craftsman undertakes to finish twenty-four linen garments within a certain time. Twelve ‘‘pair”’ of these cost one trimision.% Linen might be used in payment for other things,"* or bartered for corn, while fodder we find sent in payment for grave- clothes.1* We hear of the washing” and bleaching?* of linen. The garments made of it are rarely named: shirts sometimes,” or napkins,” or 5Ἠεείς, or vaguely garments”; in one case curtains, vela.* Where tow or linen waste (στύππιον) is said to be used for the clothing of Pachomian monks, we may suppose a textile, woven from it, to be meant.** The use of linen most often mentioned is however for grave-clothes ; the frequent conjunction of linen with bandages and tapes, supports the conjecture that “linen” and ‘‘grave-clothes”’ are in practice almost convertible terms” and the series of linen shrouds found upon each corpse in our cemetery further testifies to this. The flax whence linen was woven grew, we must suppose, at some distance from these desert cells. One of our hermits seems to have advanced money for the cultivation of a flax field, the crop of which is in return to be his.” Another contract is apparently for the making of linen from flax supplied.* Another for a provision of shirts (καμίσιον) in return for the lease of a flax field.” One letter is concerned with the proper preparation (soaking) 1 CO. 379, Ad. 46. Cf. Sphinx x 149. 2 CO. 355, Hall p. 98 (5875). The aye nnat moves Tar occurs in a Sinuthian text: Paris 1304, 157. 3 Hall loc. cit. 4 Miss. iv 232. 5 Jéme no. 27. 6 351. 7 279, 350, 359, 363, 360, 372, Hall p. 118 inf., BKU. 161. 8 Linen of the Thebaid was evidently esteemed, for Alexandrine monks came thither to fetch it: PG. 65, 96 B. 9 289. This is almost certain. Cf. 367. 10 In Jerome’s Preface to the Pachomian Rule (PL. 23, 67) the linen-weaving monks dwell all together, an arrange- ment hardly imaginable among anchorites. 11 329, Hall p. 67. 12 CO. Ad. 44. 13 Ib. Ad. 30. 14 Ib. Ad. 62. 15 361, ST. 292. 16 CO. 241. 17 Ib. 368. 18 353. 19 αμίσιον, Jéme no. 16, 23 (in pairs, ζυγή), ST. 116, 422. 20 MantHAE, µαντήλιον, BP. 4977. 21 Ywddvov, ST. 119 and in a Jéme contract (penes Crum), where a loan is to be repaid in επτωπε. 22 AZ. 1878, 15 (4). 23 ST. 200. 24 Mus. Guim. xvii 218. The garment so made is clearly the gacstun (Miss. iv 232, cf. Eccli. xl 4 (5)), a word noticed on p. 150 above and meaning “‘the refuse (tog) that cometh from flax” (Vat. 69, 111, De Vis’s copy). 25 V. 348 n. and here, pp. 70, 184 above; also the refer- ences at CO. 68. 26 What control the recipient of 360 has over growing flax is not clear. Is he a hermit and resident in this com- munity? 27 85. 28 Hall p. 120 infra. 29 ST. 422. ΤΗΕΒΑΝ HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE of flax, while others ask that flax may be sent.? Flax, like linen, might be bartered for corn.$ It may be questioned whether so much weaving was not, in part at least, necessitated by the weaving taxes, which both Byzantines and Arabs imposed upon monks as well as laymen. No explicit reference to these impositions is to be met with in Theban texts of our period,‘ although weaving tax-receipts—probably post-Muslim—have been found farther north. Perhaps the records of amounts of linen woven, or of the number of articles made therefrom and priced have some relation to such a tax. In Nitria, if not in the South, considerable sums might be earned by hermits who wove.’ Wool appears to have been comparatively little used for clothing, if one may judge by the rare occurrences of the word. The joint letter of two women tailors to bishop Pesenthius, accompanying various garments made for him,® shows that some of these were woolen ; for one of the writers—they divide their letter between them— complains of her difficulties in paying for the wool she had used. Once we see a shepherd supplying wool? and a contract with a woman shows that woolen [garments?] could serve as rent. A list of clothing includes a καµίσιον of wool. Although woolen garments were not unknown among Pachomius’s monks, of the two mentions of them, one corresponds, in the parallel texts, to “hair” blankets,” the other to \<@irwv.3 Perhaps there was some looseness in the use of the terms designating properly “hair” (goat’s, camel’s) and ‘“‘wool” (sheep’s). In the cemetery of our community the sole trace found of woolen grave-clothes was in the binding tapes (κειρίαι), 5 nor are any such mentioned in the documents of the age,” while woolen tunics as grave-clothes are relatively rare in the collections of “Coptic” tapestries ascribed to the 7th and 8th centuries.” Whether any fabric of goat’s or camel’s hair was woven here we do not learn. Goat’s hair is in use, presumably for weaving"; once in fact ‘‘a large woven στρῶμα of hair-cloth” is named.” Sacks of this material were of course common everywhere. 13 Mus. Guim. xvii 631, parallel: Paralipomena § 29 or PO. iv 474. 14 The use of copt for the hair of a calf (Budge Apoc. 112, a Theban text) may point to this. 1 BKU. 268, Leg. qx πρ]οοτα ntetHcom( my Ra[AWwc. 2 337, CO. 341. 3 277. 4 Unless it be in ST. 389, the writer whereof had been imprisoned for failure to supply certain ζυγή (presumably linen or garments). 5 V. Petrie Gizeh and Rifeh 42 and references there. 6 CO. Ad. 36. 7 Centum solidos quos lino texendo acquisiverat (Jerome Ep. 22 § 33, cited by Dill Roman Society, 1898, 112). 8 ΚΕ. 28. The Βίος Ἠαχουμ. § 86, tells of woolen clothing, ἱμάτια ἔρεα, made in the nunneries. At Kalamén a garment of woolen rags is the ideal : PO. 1ii445. At the White Monastery wool does not seem to have been in use : Leipoldt Schenute 125 n. 9 CO. 320, perhaps also ST. 246. 10 Hall p. 43 infra, πάκτον. Leg. |. 3 πςορτ (ο. Pl. 100). Wool as part rent, BM. Gk. v 1695, 17. 11 ST. 116. Cf. BM. 585, 16. 12 Theolog. Texts 158, parallels: Βίος § 33, Mus. Guim. xvii 68. 15 V. above, p. 71. 16 Maspero indeed describes the shrouds from the ceme- tery at Taud as of dyed wool (Miss. i 185). At a much later period (14th century) and in the North woolen shrouds were used: PSBA. xxix 193. Possibly the fashion was more general in northern Egypt; cf. the ascete’s woolen rags in the Fayy(m, referred to in note 8. 17 For example, in A. F. Kendrick’s Catal. of Textiles, Victoria & Albert Mus., vol. iii. Winlock points out, however, that the embroidery upon these garments is always of wool. 18 364. The identity of xan with xox (Ζοερα 478, CSCO. 73, 113, 171) was there overlooked. 19 ST. 189. Again in ib. 126 6οοσπε might be a garment; that the word = “hair-cloth” is clear from e.g. Zech. xiii 4, where it translates δέρριν τριχίνην, or Apoc. vi 12. Weaving tax Wool Goat’s and camel’s hair Tailoring Leather THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Tailoring, clothes-making of some sort, was carried on among the hermits themselves, or at any rate on their behalf.t One letter, written by an Epiphanius (who may or may not be the venerated anchorite himself)? and addressed to his mother and brethren, says : “Be so kind as to cut me the garment, for I am naked. If ye will not cut me the garment, send the linen (?) in to Ape, unto my father Antonius; he will cut it. Suffer me not to go naked in the midst of men.’’* Perhaps it is this same Antonius who is addressed in another letter,t which appears to transmit an order from a “brother”’ as to the making (Jit. cutting) of a garment, whereof the price is to be one solidus. A third writer asks the recipient, should his health permit, to cut him a certain garment and if he cannot, to request “the great man”’ residing there to do so. Whichever does the work shall receive his wage.* This should indicate that monastic dignitaries—for nog πρωλε can here hardly have its secular meaning—were not averse to earning something by their handicraft. Even bishops are found plying a trade, presumably that which they had practised in earlier life. Here is a letter in illustration of this*:it is very reverently addressed by “the humblest”’ Athanasius to the priest Mark, who he had hoped would have come north at Easter; “but I was not found worthy of you. I met,” he proceeds, “‘a man of Jéme at the Isle? and I sent him Ππιο οι Lo, I went in so as to meet with the bishop and found him there within, at work. Be so good, if it be possible, be at the pains to make the journey unto us,’ that I may speak with you respecting this matter. Perchance God will dispose®; for never have I gone alone (? to the bishop) on a matter of this sort. Therefore for the monastery’s (τόπος) sake, do thou meet me, whether today or to-morrow, ere he (the bishop) depart.” Bishop Pesenthius had, we know, earned money by his labor, for all that he left at death was a single solidus, acquired by the work of his hands”; while a bishop of Ermont of an earlier period had declared himself a carpenter and ready still to perform carpenter’s work."t The nuns’ letter to Pesenthius above referred to speaks of various garments made for him : two sleeved tunics, four others and a “worldly” one,” besides two wraps and two hoods. We are thus reminded of the nuns who seem to have provided Shenoute with his clothing—if one may so interpret one of the obscurest of his Epistles. The remnants of leather work found on this site’ suggest shoemaking and one of the letters seems to refer to a cobbler.* Sandals were indeed not constantly worn by hermits: Esaias approves them only when the cell is quitted©; the Gnomes of Nicaea counsel 1 Cf. the interesting graffito explained by Winlock, 11 John of Ermont, PO. iii 395. His date is indicated by p. 9. ; the occurrence of his conversion and that of the neighboring 2 Cf. Winlock, p. xxv above. pagans to Christianity. 3 BP. 4935, but half legible. 12 These four have the descriptive word cago, still of, 4 CO. 403. : ᾿ doubtful meaning. Its contrast here with koopukds suggests 5 Ostracon kindly copied by Prof. Drioton: v. 564 n. “clerical,” or something of the sort; though elsewhere the 6 Leyden p. 486, collated. word appears in a quite other sense. V’. Ryl. 129 n. 7 Or a place named Tmoue? /. above, p. 122. 13 Amélineau Ocuv. de Schen. i 155 ff. = Zoega clxxxvii. 8 Leg. ππετπβωμ ncRTAMOC Wapon. Cf. 152 Π., 301 n. 14 V. above, p. 75. 9 Lit. “make a διοίκησις.” 15 371. 10 Budge Apoc. 125. 16 Esaias Scet. p. 13. 158 ΤΗΕΒΑΝ HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE their disuse’; the Pachomian Rule permits them,? except at meals or at divine service. But leather was needed also for bookbinding, an occupation which we know to have been carried on by monks.! One of the trades which might be expected to be most in evidence here, that of the potter, is scarcely named.® Presumably the countless earthen vessels, as indispensable to the hermits of ‘the holy hill”’ as to the villagers below, were not easily made among these rocks, shingle and sand, but were brought up from potteries in the river plain.6 One ostracon gives a list of “cups’’ in considerable numbers, perhaps the stock of a dealer.’ That in this neighborhood a deacon should be a potter is intelligible enough, for he may be a secular cleric in a town and not a monk.® Esaias of Scete alludes once to the making of mats and of pots as the usual occupations of anchorites dwelling together,® but he can scarcely be said to have Theban ascetes in view. Indeed it is noticeable that no native names for “potter, pottery”? had attained to (or remained in) currency; the only Coptic word is conspicuous by its rarity”; κεραµεύς appears as the accepted expression, throughout biblical and literary Coptic." As with the potter, so with the carpenter. There is evidence in plenty, among the frag- ments of woodwork found here, to show that skilled work was obtainable,” but nothing in the texts supports the assumption that such work was done by the hermits themselves. On the other hand we read of wages due or paid to carpenters for repairing a cart," of an order given to one, named Apa David, to make a door-post (?),! of contracts made with them for work at a τόπος in Ermont,™ or-of disputes between them settled by the bishop.” In one case the carpenter is a man of Ermont’’ and we may take it that, when required, they would be fetched from the town. A request in a letter for a piece of tamarisk wood may point to carpenter’s work.” Smiths” are rarely met with in our texts. For them likewise the hermits would probably 1 Rossi i v 13. 2 Regula (Hieron.) § 1xxxi. in a potter’s ‘an. wy ea οτι 3 Ib. § ci. Cf. Can. Athanas. Ρ. 144 {- Μ5. Morgan liv ο JPL iis Το ἐργόχειρόν σου... εἴτε ψίαθον, εἴτε ἀγγεῖον. 93), Vansleben Hist. 47. 10 V. Dévaud Etudes d’Etymologie Copte, 1922, 7. 4 Cf. 380 and the Arabic extract printed on p. 136. 11 In a single instance this is translated as kot MRaT cwma in CO. 193 is perhaps “parchments.” Leather- roerc: Krall ccxxiii. Kepapevs has even produced an Arabic worker’s tools are named in RE. 76 bis: knives and what form, (6~9273, PO. ili 401. Cf. also Torrey’s Ibn ‘Abd al literally is a “shaving needle” (covpe mugwh), used, it Hakam p. 53*. seems, for cutting thongs. 12 V. p. 54 above. 5 That pottery was occasionally made in the early 13 One carpenter is a priest : Cairo 8473 (leg. @am). monasteries is to be presumed from the Pachomian Rule 14 437 and Hall p. 108. (Hieron.) § cxxxiv, where read lutum. Cf. Dillmann Chrest. 15 BP. 9446, pamorvne, elsewhere pamuste. Aethiop. 62n. and Lefort in Muséon xxxvii 21. Yet the 16 ST. 46. Ib.177 relates to an agreement with a car- trades in Hist. Laus. § xxxii do not include potters. penter. 6 Winlock names two sorts of clay found in the desert : 17 CO. 313. This is doubtful and depends upon reading tafl, a soft shale, lying between the layers of limestone; ib, whap gamely in]. 8. Wages are mentioned in ]. 11. decayed limestone mixed with shale. 18 Hall p. 106 (21293). 7 Hall p. 69 (24937). The text is obscure in many 19 Ib. p. 80 supra, am muye πολ. points. Clay was available for other purposes: v. 358, 20 The two designations, Kecnnt and gamnaAdre, are 302; also for wall plaster and the like. synonymous, e.g. in Job xxxii 19, 2 Tim. iv 14, or in the 8 Cairo 8458 and CO. 306, where a deacon is partner Scalae, Kircher 110, Paris 44, 67, where both = sla. 159 Pottery Carpentry Metal work Building, brickmaking Agriculture THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS depend upon external help. Asmith’s wage seems to be mentioned in one letter! and in another a smith is paid (in corn) for helping to mend a cart.? Nails for water-wheels are asked for in some letters* and as these were presumably of iron,‘ the demand must have been addressed either to makers of or dealers in metal work. In one of these instances it is Apa Psan who is applied to and it seems quite permissible to identify him with the well- known disciple of Epiphanius. In another case® the recipient is to ask “master Epiphanius” to make the nails; but here identity with our holy man seems dubious; nothing else at any rate suggests that he exercised the smith’s craft. The locksmith’s is perhaps a distinct trade; we meet with one who is a cleric.® Of masons there is nothing to be learned; the kind of building which satisfied these anchorites rarely needed skilled labor.’ They were their own builders, no doubt, for the most part: the tower here was the work of Epiphanius himself and his companions.’ Here and there the word εκωτ, ‘builder,’ appears in a list of names and we may assume him to be a workman called in for a special purpose. A λατόµος is commemorated by an epitaph from Ermont, but nothing connects him with religious life.? Nor has the “builder,” who appears as a sort of expert referee in several Jéme deeds relating to house property,” any connection with monastic affairs. One of our letters seems to imply either that bricks were made or stored and sold by some of these hermits. Another text notes the number of. bricks ‘‘brought”’ by a laborer,” but this need have no reference to the affairs of monks and the same must be said as to the debt due in bricks recorded elsewhere.® Monks as hired reapers at harvest time are familiar in northern Egypt, but in the south reaping is scarcely referred to: one only of our letters alludes to it.* Nor should we expect to find hermits concerned with agricultural work. Among the members of our community one only appears in such a connection and even he is but the lender of money needed by two husbandmen, who propose to repay him in kind from their crop. In one other instance a monk, owning part of a field, engages a husbandman to till it; but this may be a coenobite, not a hermit. Once a letter to “thy fathership”’ treats of the demands of husbandmen, seemingly in the employ of the recipient or of the community.” The monasteries, on the other hand, and conspicuously that of Saint Phoebammon, owned land in plenty, largely thanks to pious gifts and bequests." The extensive property of that monastery is set out 1 349. Shenoute enjoins payment for any work done title mans to indicate the head of a guild, not of a for the community by carpenters, smiths, masons and monastery. other craftsmen : CSCO. 73, 72. 1ο V. Steinwenter in Wessely xix 21 n. 2 Hall p. 108, |. 15, Jeg. nhecnsut, as the plate shows it. ΤΙ 400. On this question ο. Winlock p. 32 n. 3 320, 321, ST. 226. 12 Aegyptus iii 281. 4 V. Reil Beitrage 83. 13 Hall p. 123 infra. ϱ Sie sey 6 307. 7 V. Winlock p. 51, above. 14 Likewise a WS. letter, no. 108. The only reaping we 8 V. Part II p. 346 supra. We see St. Sabas similarly hear of among Sa‘idic monks is that of reeds: eg. Mus. engaged with his disciples (Sabae Vita 277). V. also Zoega Guim. xvii 318, 322, Miss. iv 530. 551, 7. 15 85. 16 BKU. 48. He is called povaxés. 9 Cairo 8457. In another stele, Cairo 8521, naming 17 227. Abraham “the builder, the good headman,” we take the 18 Jéme nos. 107, 108, 109, CO. Ad. 3, ST. 60. 160 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE in the will of its abbot, Jacob, as including, besides the caves, pits (or cellars) and towers, whatever is situated in Ermont, or in the castrum, “be it κώμη, be it χωρίον, or date-palms, or tanks, whether in tillage, or pasture, or crop-lands.’’? The various arrangements regarding land in which the priest Victor is involved may probably be taken as relating to the property of this monastery. That of Pesenthius likewise receives endowments in land. Cattle grazing upon the monastic land were tended by contract.‘ But, as has been said, with such affairs the anchorites around the tomb of Daga show no concern. Vine-growing, though of course no more possible, upon these stony hills, than the culti- vation of other fruit or crops, may have been carried on at no great distance and often enough we read of dealings in wine. It was required for the church’s festivals.’ One writer says : “I sent my father unto thee, saying, ‘Send us some wine, that I may drink it at the Feast.’ Thou didst send unto me saying, ‘Write out (z.e. from the desert to the river valley) and I will send it.’ So now send me four διπλῆ of [wine] and I on my part will send thee [their] price in (the month of) Ραῦπε, so God will.”’® It was drunk again at martyrs’ com- memorations.? Provision of wine for the communion or for commemorative προσφοραί on behalf of the dead’ would hardly concern these anchorites, but albeit the traditional hermit of course abstains from wine, for other purposes they appear to have made considerable use of it and many of the vessels found at our site seem to have been wine jars.” They paid workmen’s wages in wine," they received it in discharge of debt,” or as a gift.% To Epiphanius himself his mother sends wine,'* elsewhere he bids her sell some.* Wine is bought,'® deposited in pledge (?),!”7 and otherwise dealt with. One ostracon gives the account (λόγος) of the daily allowances (διάριον) of the τόπος in what should be wine, reckoned in various measures : ὄργον, κολοβόν, ἀγγεῖον, Sumdy.19 Wine is the subject of many another text, but generally where no connection could be claimed with hermits, or even with monks. Vine-growing at Keft we read of,” and one of the letters despatched presumably from that town to its bishop, Pesenthius, during his absence at Jéme, asks instructions as toa stock of wine which is in danger of being spoilt. An ostracon brought from Karnak refers to a vineyard and its harvest,” while another of uncertain provenance, but doubtless 1 Jéme no. 65, 58. “Be it in κώμη, or in χωρίον” seems 8 Jéme no. 70, 44. Such offerings would presumably more likely, but the text has it not so. But it might be form a contribution towards the sacramental wine. doubted whether such enumerations (cf. the similar series 9 Mus. Guim. xvii 12 = 347. 10 V. above, p. 78. in the will of another of the abbots, BM. Gk. ino. Ixxvii 20) 11 844. In ST. 46 the wages are paid by clergy in had not become merely a formula, no longer indicative of Ermont. actual property. 12 9ο. Cf. Rec. vi 67. 2 CO. 138, 139, 140, 158, 206, 308, WZKM. 1902, 258. 13 301. 14 336. 15 259. 3 Hall p. 94. 16 rox (?), 309, 532. 17 531. 18 338, 339. 4 CO, 222. That this contract concerns the monastery 19 Hall p. 120. Διάριον recurs BM. 582, 7 and ? 10. 1100. of Phoebammon is not certain, but very probable. Monastic In Wessely iii no. 87 it relates to oil. For ὄργον = ὄργανον v. cattle elsewhere: Jéme no. 65, 57, RE. 2 and 3. WS. 196; for κολοβόν ib. p. 22 (Bell), also Rec. ut supra, 5 ST. 382, “the Feast,” i.e. ? Easter. Leyden Catal., 1900, p. 24. 20 PO. iii. 499. 6 1b. 351. 21 RE. 21. Something similar appears to be the subject 7 AZ. 1892, 41, the feast of Shenetém, the Luxor of CO. Ad. 22. martyr. V. Synaxar., 20th Hattir. 22 Hall p. 41 (21169). 161 Vines and wine Baking THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Theban,! contains a complaint and appeal relating to an inheritance of fields and a vine- yard. But as a rule wine must have been brought from farther off. The series of ostraca said to have come from Thebes, but written—nine of them by a single scribe—in Fayyiimic,? comprise orders to give wine, or in some cases grapes, to the bearers,? who may then have been charged with their conveyance to Thebes. Dialect and incidental names here are fully characteristic of the Fayytim, and other such texts from Thebes, written in Fayydmic and relating to wine, are extant. One undoubtedly Theban wine account includes ovusagy tedax,® which recalls newousov πηρα πτιλος, “the pots of wine of Tiloj,’”’*® evidently a known wine from the confines of the Fayyim. South of Thebes too wine was at this period being still grown; there is evidence of this in a document from Edfa.? Certain other essential occupations seem, like some treated of above, to have been carried on vicariously : among them, that of the baker, who doubtless paid periodical visits and used the clay ovens which were found in this settlement. Baking at the White Monastery was done at Ascension and Pentecost® and at Thebes apparently at the same season, to judge from a letter wherein there is talk of baking to be done at the Little Fast, which we have seen to fall at that period.” An unpublished fragment in the Pesenthius dossier (but lacking internal evidence of connection with him) seems to be from some kind of canon or anathema, dealing with those who bake at unlawful seasons." Several letters are concerned with the procuring or sending of skilled** bakers, without our being able to claim that it is by anchorites that their services are required. One™ js indeed from a monk, or cleric, urging a baker to come south after the feast of Αρα Patermoute—“‘for it is time” *—and put in (40x egosn) an oven, presumably with a view to the baking season later on. In another letter it is a venerated anchorite who is asked to bake for the writer— or for his τόπος, since he is in charge of 1815: to him alone is the writer willing to entrust the baking of the bread used for the “‘blessings” (eddoyia)..7 The postscript to one of Epiphanius’s own letters shows perhaps an exception here," for it speaks of the bread that “we (intend) to bake,” presumably at the present site. The hermit Elias and his disciple baked their own bread and that once a year only.” Detailed, but only partially intelligible instructions as to the preliminary leavening, kneading &c. are given in a letter to “‘holy brethren.”» Here we read of complaints that the expected baker has not arrived 1; there we 1 ST. 306. 2 CO. 498-510. 11 Louvre R. 72. 12 V. 296 n. 3 Perhaps camel-herds. Cf. the wine receipts, WS. 213 ff. 13 Such should be the meaning, here as often, of cag, 4 ST. 440, perhaps 7b. 135. Hall p. 64 supra. Theodore of Tabennése was an accom- 5 Cairo ostr. 47405, “2 jars (ἀγγεῖον) for the cooks plished baker and quitted his monastery on the plea of (mmanepoc µάγειρος), 2 and a pot of Telaj (wine) for the exercising his skill elsewhere: Miss. iv 583. Indeed the amir (πο λς ιαρ).” uyousoy corresponds to κεράµιον, lagena. monastery at Tabennése supplied the others at first, before The script of this closely resembles that of Psate son of bakeries had been instituted there: Mus. Guim. xvii 114. Pisrael, so should be of ca. 700. Dalas, E. of the Fayydm, 14 The ostracon referred to on p. 111 n. 12, from a photo- is elsewhere spelt almost as here (Budge Apoc. 120, 17). graph kindly sent by the Society. 6 WS. 135. 7 BM. Gk. ii p. 329. 15 As in Hall p. 107. 16 CO. 361. 8 Leyden 205-6, Wessely no. 266d. Cf. Miss. iv 413. 17 Interpreting thus Il. 13, 14. 18 Hall p. 107. g ST. 285. 10 226 n. 19 PO. iii 478. 20 ST. 282. 2 ClO), yUp, 162 ΤΗΕΒΑΝ HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE find one explaining or excusing his absence.! Another baker writes that he has milled the corn and asks if he shall bake it; if not, let it be fetched next day—but perhaps his cor- respondent intends to bake it himself.? Bakers in need of charity are sometimes met with. One, named Elias, had already been recommended to “thy saintly fathership”; he has reappeared, this time with his wife, and the appeal is repeated.’ Another needy baker is the subject of a letter to bishop Pesenthius.4 Physicians who were at the same time monks are on record.’ Whether such an one was he who attended Epiphanius for some form of ophthalmia we are not told. No doubt sickness was oftener treated without professional aid and it would be in such circumstances that recipes, copied upon ostraca, whereof our collection has two,’ would be employed. Ina letter to Pesenthius® its writer, Gennadius—probably the priest mentioned elsewhere— remembering that the bishop had complained of a urinary trouble, sends him a herb (βοτάνη), whereof the juice,? when boiled with honey, had been especially recommended him by an ἀρχίατρος. Here and there other maladies are named. Cave-dwelling hermits were prone, it seems, to maladies of the spleen and liver, owing to the constant proximity of decaying corpses,” and the ascetic rigors practised by Pesenthius were probably the cause of his suffering from an affection of this sort.1! One writer is suffering from dropsy,” another complains perhaps of fever, since he alludes to hoped-for recovery as a “‘cooling’’; a third of his son’s painful ear,‘ while another writes: “God knoweth, there is a great sickness in my inward parts and it hath been grief and misery to me unceasingly.”» A nun (μοναχή) writes of an orphan in her charge who is possessed*; another woman, in a moving letter, speaks vaguely of her disease as “this scourge”’ (udorvé)."7 One of the maladies most often to be met with in Egypt is ophthalmia; Epiphanius, as we have seen, suffered from it and in two other letters it is referred 10.15 Sometimes we read of a prevalent epidemic, as where a bishop sends a letter commending one woman to the benevolence of another, “that God may preserve thee and thy house from these wide-spread plagues and sicknesses”’®; or where a document is drawn up by a monk who had forsaken the world (κοσμικὸς Bios) and fled to a monastery at the approach of “a great sickness unto death” (Oavarixdv).» 1 Ib. 195, ST. 363. In the second of these the excuse given is illness (πειρασμός) ; in the first the baker asks that “the little bread’? may be sent him by the letter-bearer, perhaps in order to submit it to some further process. 2 ST. 285. 3 Ib. 269. One might conjecture this to be that Elias who in Hall p. 64, rev. |. 2, appears as a baker; while Theodoracius, 7b. 1.3, recalls the baker so named in CO. 328. 4 RE. 25. 5 }. 2231. 6 60. 37ο. 7 574, 575. Cf. also below, p. 206. Similar recipes have been found inscribed upon the wall of a monastic chapel : Saqgara no. 103. ΙΕ PY 9 So Revillout, reading cwma as ζωμός. The ω is altered and doubtful; cema is probably to be read and in fact recurs CSCO. 43,175. Ζώμι(ο)ν is used by Shenoute, CSCO. 42, 177. The Arabic derivate (29j) occurs in Mus. Guim. xvii 609 (juice of garlic). 10 PO. iii 482. 11 In the Life of Pesenthius (Budge Apoc. 79 = MIE. ii 352) σπλήν is translated by 319 (Paris ar. 4785, 110). In the same work (M/E. ii 376) cixowtom likewise = 395; while Paris 44, 70) has cexovton = rap = 4S. This latter word (σικότιον, συκωτόν, Du Cange) recurs in De Vis Homilies 123, comkov tun. Ἰο ση ο». 13 CO. 94. 14 BKU. 287. 15 ST. 196. 16 Hall p. 147. Leg. eyo wlaasmonronm. 17 199. 18 466, Hall p. 78 (33247). 19 Tur. Mater. no. 12. Cf. our 131 and CO. 374. 20 MMA. 24.2.3 (Jéme). Physicians and sickness i Healing through prayer Appeals to fore- knowledge “Eulogies” mi) || Care of the sick Transport and sale of work THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS But for all their ills the sick seem more prone to put trust in the prayers of holy men than in the physician’s skill. Note the language of Pesenthius’s panegyrist : ‘‘The sick didst thou raise up through thy holy prayers and for such as were possessed of demons thou didst entreat God.” Many are the letters which appeal for help of this kind.? A dis- carded fragment in the present collection® says: “. . .that ye would write a word unto me, that I may..... it, for I am fallen upon a great sickness. For I wait upon God and 1 wait upon thy kindness, that ye would pray for me, that the Lord would have compassion upon me and make me worthy to do obeisance unto you once again.” Occasionally the sick person is seen applying to the holy man as to an oracle. Thus a woman begs Apa Pesenthius (very possibly the bishop) to enquire of God ‘‘whether He will suffer (?) me to raise my eye, for it is diseased. Be so good, if so be God permit (?) me, do thou send out unto me; and if not, do thou send out unto me; for I am a wretched poor woman.” Others again beg for a “‘blessing’’—bread often, or some other small gift or “eulogy ””—which shall convey the coveted healing to the sick person. In one of our letters a father asks it of a hermit for his daughter, whom a demon plagues.* Or we read of a buried vessel of oil, divinely revealed to certain holy men and by them deposited in the monastery for the healing of the sick.® The monasteries appear to have made some provision for their sick and two Theban stelae refer to this : one speaking of “the house of the men that are sick in the monastery,” the other, an epitaph, commemorating “Αρα Dius, of them that are sick at Ermont,”® who was perhaps a member of the staff of some conventual infirmary. The site of Epiphanius’s abode would almost seem, in a later age, to have been especially attractive to medical pilgrims : physicians have thrice inscribed their names upon its walls.? References to transport and sale of the products of the hermits’ labor hardly ever occur. A good part of what was made would no doubt be used in the community itself, or by like neighbors. Some of the basket, rope and linen work might reach more distant markets, as we see to have been the case at Saint Phoebammon’s monastery, whence three of the brethren were sent with rope for sale as far as the Fayytim.” Ascetic ideals indeed had condemned all such trading with the outside world: Christ, in a vision to the wandering 1 Budge Apoc. 102. 2 144, 199, 201, 359, CO. 196, 271, 383, ST. 196, Hall pp. 25 inf., 147, BKU. 157. 3 MMA. 14.1.132. 4 ST. 360. The verb ova as here? in ib. 93. The precise meaning here of wA egpas is uncertain. In this connection ST. 448 (=MMA. 24.6.2) may be noticed. In 1. 6, in place of the conjectured motn, leg. RoAn, “if the matter hath been revealed unto thy fatherhood” (original sub- sequently seen). But this word may have its peculiar use here as in 299 n. 5. John, a contemporary “prophet” in Palestine, is similarly consulted (Echos d’Orient viii 157). 5 250. In Greek hagiology there are countless illustra- tions, e.g. in the Lives of the stylites Daniel (An. Boll. 32) and Luke (PO. xi). Or again, a cure is expected by means of something that a saint has touched: the sand, for instance, from beneath Pesenthius’s feet (MIE. ii 348), or the dust on which Theodore had trodden (Miss. iv 603. Cf. also Thomas of Marga ii 600, PO. iii 276, xvii 70). 6 PO. iii 285. 7 Turaieff in Imper. Russ. Arch. Soc. Zapiski xviii 032. 8 Cairo 8499. 9 676, 67ο, 681. Cf. the ostr. from Med. Habu with similar invocation, Bull. Soc. Arch. Alex. no. 11 345, by 6 ταλαί- πωρος καὶ ἁμαρτωλὸς Άῳ[..] ἀρχίατρος. Deir el Bahri had been thus reputed in a former age: v. Milne in JEA. i 96. 10 MMA. 24.2.6. The Pachomians occasionally sent their handiwork to Alexandria: Mus. Guim. xvii 194, 642. 164 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE anchorite Harmina, foretells how later monks shall backslide, following after eating and drinking, seeking the great of the earth and buying and selling with worldlings. “But such have no inheritance with the saints in the kingdom.’ Yet the stories of Theban hermits in the Synaxarium now and then mention the sale of their work, as where we are told that ““Badasitis” gave most of what he earned in alms,? or how Timothy used to sell his work to a nun,’ or of how the hermit Aaron sold the ropes which he had made.‘ Some- times buyers were hard to find. In one of the Pesenthius letters a nun (?) begs him to take the clothes she has made, ‘“‘for thou knowest how that we are in sore straits as to our handiwork.”’® “See here is the sack,’’ says another letter; “I have sent it thee. Whether it be sesame or corn, be so good and give it me; for no man hath taken my handiwork of me this year.’’* Among the many accounts and lists a few may record the sale or barter of local products.? But it is rarely possible to tell whether sale or purchase is in question; in most cases such lists merely enumerate either possessions or things inherited or pawned. Local payments were, we know, often made in kind. Camel-herds and their camels figure largely in these texts. An unpublished Theban ostracon® relates to “the camel-herds of the τόπος, while another® shows us the inmates of a τόπος concerned as to the condition and value of one of its beasts: “‘I inform thy piety that here have we sent unto thee this camel, that thou shouldest be so kind and take John and Cyrus and other camel-herds skilled (νοεῖν) in the matter and that they should examine it in respect of blemish and thou adjure them that they fix its value, according to God’s justice (δίκαιον), and do not overburden (Βαρεῖν) the τόπος (?), nor the poor. Write the conclusion (of the matter) unto us, that we may give thee thanks; for we know thy love toward the holy (?) τόπος at all times.” They are naturally met with transporting many different objects, among which some of course may be destined for sale”: (a) corn, (b) vegetables, (ο) dates, (d) wine, (e) salt, (0) wood, (g) iron (?), (2) rope, (z) mats, (j) goats’ hair. Asses too are to be found carrying firewood, fodder and jars (ἀγγεῖα) of wine (?).1" Evidence has been found that the hermits in this settlement owned at least one.” Indeed horses appear not to have been unknown among them.” The teaching of youth as an occupation is not one in which we should expect to find non- coenobitic monks concerned. What little can be gathered on the subject will be found below." One avocation, to which we may in conclusion refer, is that of money-lending and usury. To clerics at any rate, this was explicitly forbidden® and among monks and anchorites it 1 Paris arabe 148, f. 3200. Shenoute), writer is Ant[ony], perhaps he of BKU. 282. 2 PO. xi 671. On him cf. below, p. 215. 10 The objects here enumerated occur respectively in 3 Ib. iii 510. But this story is a mere extract from the (a) 298, ST. 128, CO. 230; (b) ST. 347; (c) ST. 319; (d) 402, Life of Onnophrius: v. Budge Mart. 207. CO. Ad. 49, BP. 4949; (e) ib. 9448; (f) 342, Tur. 7, CO. 4 Budge Misc. 486. 5 RE. 28. 227; (g) ST. 239; (b) CO. 324; (4) ST. 235; (1) Hall p. 60 6 BKU. 306. In CO. 267 a widow seems to attempt to (sak). sell something. Cf. also ST. 283. 11 Respectively in 542, 373, CO. Ad. 34. 7 Perhaps 532, 534. 8 Bodleian, Copt. inscr. 432. 12 V. Winlock above, p. 41 infra. 9 BP. 4906. Recipient is the deacon Papnoute (or 13 2471. 14 V.p. 102. 15 CO. 29. 165 Transport by camel and ass Teaching Money-lending II. Meditation THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS can hardly have been countenanced. And we do not in fact find any clear evidence of its practice. The cases in which writers acknowledge a money obligation towards monks! or a monastery? mostly relate to debts for advances made in view of agricultural work and repayable in crop. Rarely money seems to have been lent by one community to another. Contracts and undertakings in which usury is especially mentioned? in no instance involve monks—if this may be inferred from the absence of monastic titles or epithets.» Pawning transactions are probably recorded in a few texts® and are referred to in many more.’ But here again it is never demonstrable that a cleric or monk is acting as pawnbroker.® The words μελετᾶν, µελέτη suffice in Coptic to express {Πἱ5. As in Greek patristic texts, so here, the verb has two meanings: “meditate, reflect upon” and “‘recite, declaim.” In the former case Coptic uses the direct accusative, in the latter more often the preposition on- (=echoa on-). It is unnecessary to illustrate this; examples are plentiful throughout Coptic literature. But in non-literary material such as the most of ours, the term is hardly to be expected and is in fact not found. In the majority of literary instances its meaning is the second of those given above : the meaning no doubt in general intended when ascetic writers use the word. Reflection upon what has been read or preached is indeed enjoined, but less frequently than repetition of what has been learnt by heart. There are moreover cases in which μελετᾶν seems rather to mean “‘read aloud”’ the scripture lesson in church.” Meditation is repeatedly prescribed in the Pachomian® and the Sinuthian Rules® and is to be practised on many occasions and during a variety of other occupations. The Life of Pachomius often exemplifies this: we read of “meditation” whilst (a) eating, (b) rope- making, (ο) baking, (d) walking in procession, (e) returning after the synaxis, (f) watching by a corpse." That “meditation” in these circumstances means audible, not merely silent recitation, is evident from the admonitions of Shenoute: during the process of baking, “(let us see to it) that we do all meditate, not shouting aloud, but in quietness”; and again, if more water be needed, “let them that have charge thereof bring it quietly, albeit let them not be silent from meditating.’’* From which coenobitic practice we may probably argue that in the hermitages a like observance would be habitual. But documents are lacking whereby these assumptions might be directly substantiated. The stories of the 1 85, 93 (probably hermits, since found on our site), 1o On recitation generally v. Zéckler Askese” 210, 245. Hall p. 105, probably CO. 165. 11 CSCO. 41, 45, ib. 73, 155, Zoega 105, Balestri Sacr. 2 CO. 158, but possibly a private debt to the steward. Bibl. Fragm. \x, Leyden 151, 165. It is strangely used in 3 BKU. 78. Munier Catal. 162, of vain or scandalous talk. 4 V. the Indexes to the various publications s.v. mace. 12 (Hieron.) §§ xxxvi, xxxvii, lix, Ix &c. 5 Perhaps a too large assumption, seeing how con- 13 CSCO. 73, 70, 146, 147 (supposing these last to be siderable a proportion of the members of our community accepted as Sinuthian). are named without any such distinguishing appellations. 14 Respectively in (2) Mus. Guim. xvii 167, omitted in 6 531, ST. 439. : transl.; (0) ib. 5ο; (ο) ib. 114 (of. CSCO. 74, 147); (0) ib. 7 V. the Indexes s.vv. ἐνέχυρον, ενω, ovwe. 269; (e) CSCO. 73, 133; (f) Mus. Guim. xvii 280, 285. 8 In 95 it appears to be with a monk that the pledges 15 CSCO. 73, 146 infra. have been deposited. 16 Ib. 147. Cf. also the Pachomian Rule, Greek § xxiii, 9 Sometimes tavo is nearly an equivalent, e.g.72, CO. 30, Μηδεὶς.. .λαλήσῃ, ἀλλὰ µελετήσωσιν ἢ ἡσυχάσωσιν. 39, Zoega 317, 350, CSCO. 41, 54, ib. 73, 210 |. 16. 166 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE Synaxarium tell often enough of the ascetic practices of Theban ascetes, but to “medita- tion” there is in such narratives no clear allusion.1 At the same time the quantity of scripture learned by heart is now and then recorded, as in the Life of Pesenthius, who, early in his career, learned the Psalter, the Minor Prophets and the Gospel of John,? no doubt with the object of “meditating” them, after the fashion of the holy men whose virtues he aspired to imitate. The Arabic version of the Encomium says in fact that he knew thirty ‘‘church books”’ by heart and constantly repeated them.* A similar achieve- ment is ascribed to Elias, who would often stand and repeat the entire Psalter without interruption.t Nothing, declared a Scetiote hermit, dispels the demons like the ceaseless repetition of Psalms.® The admonition to constant prayer is likewise a precept the observance of which would find no mention in the every-day correspondence whereof our texts consist.® It is again to the Synaxarium and the Lives that we must turn for evidence. There prayers long and arduous are frequently recorded: for example, 400 in the day and as many at night’; prayers and prostrations all the night long’; the Pater 1800 times and at every repetition a μετάνοια." Where such “‘virtues” are enumerated, those specified are: doxnous,! devo- tions," labor, prayers; or devotions, fasts, prayers, vigils; or the list shows other, similar variations. It may be conjectured that, in respect of prayers, anchorites occupying scattered cells would not follow the practice of the coenobite communities, for whom fixed numbers of prayers at prescribed intervals were obligatory.2 Yet even such assumptions are hazardous, seeing how slight is the knowledge we have as yet reached respecting the spiritual life of these ascetes. In one instance indeed—that of the unhappy archdeacon Joseph—Epiphanius is begged to prescribe a course of prayers," so that he may be imagined doing the like for others who sought his help. Bishop Pesenthius again enjoins hourly prayer upon his disciple." Few words in short recur in our texts more constantly than “prayer” and “pray”’; but their employment is, for the most part, restricted to two or three formulas, often 1 Cf. for example PO. iii 462, 481, xi 675, 677, 727, 784. of more than 40 µέρη of Scripture learned by heart and Yet in a similar enumeration of such “ virtues’? Shenoute doubtless repeated (BM. 200 sub fin.). includes µελέτη (CSCO. 42, 199). 5 PG. 87, 3017¢. Esaias of Scete (p. 64) gives like 2 MIE. ii 335, 343. On this form of discipline v. Zéckler advice to anchorites. loc. cit. 246 n. 6 For the prayers which chance has preserved in our 3 Paris arabe 4785, f. 201. Cf. the “books of holy material v. below, p. 198. church,” PO. iii 445. The Acts of Manasse, a monastic 7 PO. iii 284. 8 Ib. 481. hero of the preceding generation, tell how he learned by 9 Life of Harmina, Paris arabe 148, 315b. A Syrian heart Psalter, the Apostle, Acts, Catholic Epistles, Gospels, author describes the “Egyptian” style of peravoua as striking Wisdom of Sirach’s Son, Genesis, Paralipomena of Jeremiah, the ground with hands, knees and head successively (John Esdra, 4 Kingdoms (foll. now at Michigan of same MS. of Ephesus, PO. xvii 204). as Miss. iv 666 ff.). 10 Shad. 11 dle. 4 PO. iii 476. The 30 books thus appear to be a recog- 12 Ladeuze Etude 288, Leipoldt Schenute 130. The writer nized number. If these are biblical and if it is assumed that who undertakes 100 “turns” of prayer a day (CO. 33, certain of the canonical books are, as often, grouped together of. 34) is a candidate for holy orders and, though the text and the total thus reduced, this number might be intended is from the monastery at Deir el Bahri, no monk is men- to represent the Old and New Testaments. Shenoute speaks tioned therein. 13 162. 14 MIE. ii 404. 167 Scripture learned by heart II]. Prayer Uses of words “pray” and “prayer” Informal prayer THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS equivalent to little more than a conventional compliment. Of the commonest and shortest of these : “Pray for me,” wherewith so many letters close, we have already said something. ‘Pray for me, that the Lord protect me from evil,” “in temptation,” or the like, seems to be but an expansion of this. Sometimes the request is more precise: “‘Pray for me, for a great sickness is upon me’’”?; “Pray for me, for I am sick in body”’*; “Pray in charity for my house, for my children are sick”’*; “‘ May thy holiness entreat the Lord for me, that He save me from these barbarians that be spread abroad”’®; “Pray for me, that God preserve me in this time of youth’’s; ‘‘I adjure thee,” writes Psan to Epiphanius, “by thy prayers, that thou have mind of me in thy holy prayers.’ The customary posture of prayer, with uplifted hands (orans) is implied in the ever-recurring phrase ‘“Have mind of me at the raising of thy holy Παπάς.’ Elsewhere the help of holy men’s prayers is acknowledged : “By God’s will and your holy prayers we found the deacon”’®; “By God’s will and your holy prayers, lo, God hath sent healing to my eye’; “Το, God and your prayers gave me means and I am escaped (from gaol) and am gone my way.’’! Other writers speak of their prayers on behalf of those whom they address: “We pray that the Lord may keep both thee and them (of thy house)”; “I cease not to pray that God would put His fear enduringly in thy heart”’*; “I pray for your common welfare’’; “I pray that the Lord would keep you and your cattle.’ Perhaps the following invitation from ‘‘the humblest brethren” relates to some one whose gift of prayer was especially admired. The letter accompanies a present of herbs (λαψάνη &c.) in the writers’ names : “and greet him [name not visible] in the abbot’s name and say unto him that he should come in upon a day and pray in the τόπος.” 10 But the injunction to pray without ceasing can scarcely be supposed to find its fulfilment in the objective prayers to which the above illustrations allude. It might indeed appear not improbable that no strict distinction would be made between the prayers to be recited during other occupations and the “meditation” or repetition of scripture which was equally incumbent and which, in so far as it would largely consist in recital of the Psalter, might itself be reckoned as prayer.” And this consideration might explain the large number of ostraca inscribed—often by quite unskilled hands—with Psalm verses and used, we may conjecture, as helps to memory. Did the curious, so-called Psalm Concordances# serve a similar purpose? These hitherto but fragmentary texts have now become more intelligible by the help of “the Book of the holy Ἑρμηνεῖαι,” 3 a collection of extracts and short hymns 1 V. above, p. 129 n. 2 CO. 106, cf. 335. 3 BKU. 157. 4 144. ο Ol, spi, 6 210. 7 ΜΜΑ. 23.3.706, an ostr. from Site XX. Cf. the ex- pression (Πε merujyAnA, used to Pesenthius (Budge Apoc. 113), also Miss. iv 316 Cpgeg rit! Sleho Gag, ditto 409, 419, and Synax., PO. iii 284, κά ολο. 8 V. Part II Index p. 362, qx egpas. Theodore uses the phrase to Pachomius (Mus. Guim. xvii 168). 9 299. 10 CO, 379. 11 ST. 389. take (possibly an incomplete word) remains to be explained. 12 CO. 340. 13 Ib. Ad. 32. 14 BKU. 318. 15 Hall p. 111 (5854). 16 Hall p. 118 supra and Pl. 81. To invite a visiting stranger to officiate at prayers (τὰς εὐχὰς ποιεῖν) is a courtesy enjoined upon hermits (Esaias Scet. p. 13). 17 Pachomius had however held prayer and psalm distinct : v. Hist. Laus. Butler ii 92. 18 ST. 7, 10, 28, Hall pp. 21, 24, 26 &c. Cf. BM. 977, Ryl. 61. 19 MS. Morgan xiii. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE whereof the arrangement possibly indicates a liturgical purpose such as that of these concordances. Further, one may perhaps suggest a like purpose in the ostraca bearing the Trisagion or The Song of the Three Children; such pieces—if not mere idle pastimes— may have served to prompt memory when subjects were sought for meditation. Moreover among such of the prayers, properly so-called, as have been preserved! a certain number are extra-liturgical. These consist without exception of petitions for help and preservation, conceived in the most general terms and dissociated from any particular occasion or need— prayers, in short, suited to informal, unceremonious repetition at all times.? Such, it seems not unlikely, would be the type of prayer which an anchorite, whilst plying his “‘little handicraft,”’ might well use.* The intercession of saints is a tenet implicit in the literature associated with the Theban neighborhood and conspicuous in several of our letters. Pachomius and Horsiese, as intercessors after their decease, are several times alluded to. Pesenthius’s encomiast recommends his hearers to invoke that saint’s intercession,’ as the pagan corpse had done whom he brought again to life®; while Pesenthius himself, in his Encomium on Onnophrius, exhorts to a like appeal to that famous hermit.? From Deir el Bahri comes an ostracon with the prayer: “Δρα Abraham, orthodox bishop, pray thou for ας, showing the position to which that bishop had attained, not long after his decease.* In the series of deeds dedi- cating oblates to the monastery of Saint Phoebammon many recall the martyr’s prayers, that had brought about the sick child’s recovery. On the other hand a document addressed to the priors of a Jéme monastery says that the castrum continuously benefits by the aid (σύναρσις) of their holy prayers and those of their holy fathers that are nigh unto God,” whereby the intercession of holy men, living as well as departed, is implied. Sometimes a writer finds occasion to remind his correspondent of the efficacy of saintly prayers—not necessarily those of departed saints—as for instance, where a writer, after asking that certain things may be sent him, adds ‘‘for our fathers are very able to pray on your behalf.” The appeal which now and then terminates an epitaph: ‘‘Pray for me,’ “. . . for us,”™ “ ..for him,’ or more often a graffito,» appears sometimes to be an invocation of 1 V. below, p. 199. 2 Prayers of this optional or discretionary kind are those described by Abii Ἰ Barakat, transl. Villecourt, in Muséon XXxvii 217. Cf. Fetha Nagast, Guidi, trad. 156. 3 Palamon says that, besides the appointed prayers, he made others kata Κοτνατ (Mus. Guim. xvii 13). Can this refer to the informal prayers here in question? KaTa Rows! appears to mean “occasionally” in Mus. Guim. xxv 281,315. 4 Mus. Guim. xvii 228, 242, 467. 5 Budge Apoc. 113 supra. 6 MIE. ii 410. 7 ROC. xx 63 (p. 19). 8 BP. 868, ana ahpagam επιεβοπον oploonogor ev]}9¢.H (H)Map emac, with the same in Coptic on the other side. 9 E.g. Jéme no. 81, 19, no. 84, 21, no. 86, 30, no. 89, 15, no. 96, 38. 1ο BM. Or. 9525 (1) 53. 11 Cf. also a letter (not Theban) which concludes: “Farewell in the Lord, our revered father. Do thou pray for all the town” (Sphinx x p. 4 no. xiii), and another (a Balaizah fragment), where a monk says: “Pray for me, all ye my brethren, in the τόποι of our village, that God suffer me to come safe to Babylon.” 12 Tur. 15. The preceding words, giving the ground for this observation, are but partly intelligible: perhaps mietieohustsetit, “ye have never neglected the τόπος.” Αιπετπο-, as “ye will not,” would be unprecedented. 13 Vict. and Alb. Mus., stele 9. 14 Cairo 8497, 8509, Alexandria 281. 15 Mallon Gram.” (Chrestom.) 133, but not Theban. 16 637, 639, 646 &c. Intercession of saints Requests for prayers in epitaphs Fasts THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS saints,! but is generally an evident request for the prayers of passers-by.’ In these cases the phrase is outwardly identical with the simple farewell formula which has been referred to already.’ Something may appropriately be said here of other features of religious discipline to which there is occasional allusion in our material, more particularly of fasts and vigils. Rigorous fasting is a practice which the biographers of Theban hermits rarely omit to record : how one saint ate but once in the week,! how another would maintain his fast unbroken for a fortnight,* or how a third would fast till evening every day in summer and every other day in winter. A meal of wild herbs once in the week sufficed for one,’ of bread and salt—the proverbial diet of Theban ascetes*—for another.® Pesenthius was accustomed to fast for three days at a time and, when in good health, would do so through- out the week”; while Coluthus, his contemporary, broke his fast only every third day. In narratives such as these particular occasions or periods of fasting are seldom named. In the private letters &c., however, two or three fasts are more particularly mentioned. “The Great Fast,” tmsctsa w, one would naturally take to be the forty days of Lent. Yet in one instance™ “the evening of the Great Fast’’ is spoken of as if a single day’s fast were thereby intended; and in another the writer says: “I shall set sail’! on the Great Fast,’ which seems likewise to refer to a single day. It might be supposed that the Great Fast would precede the Great Feast, which is occasionally mentioned and which is pre- sumably Easter. Do these expressions refer, then, to the same events in the calendar as the “Great” and the “Little Binding” (constraint, restriction), movp egown, which are familiar in literary texts and sometimes found in our ostraca?** This “Binding,” with its “Solution,” κατάλυσις, bw εβοἈ, 7 clearly indicate beginning and end of the Lenten {α5ΐ.15 In 1 649 probably, and an ostr. at the National Museum, M εδω. 2 655, 663, 667, 672 and Deir el Medineh (above, p. 9). 4 PO. iii 284. To retire to t copied by Dr. Colin Campbell adrid: menetovaah wAHA several of the graffiti from 3 V. above, p. 129 n. he desert and to fast through the week (cer coox) was held to be the climax of penance; even this shall not obtain f orgiveness for the murderer (MS. Morgan xxv 200, Athanasius; similarly Zoega 310). 5 Ib. 208. 6 PO. xi 518. Palamon Tlaxoup. § 4. These feats wi Monastery, if we may credit ollowed this practice: Bios ere surpassed at the White the words of Besa, who up- braids his monks that in Lent many break their fast daily at even, whereas many “bret hren” as well as κοσµικοί fast up to 6 days consecutively, some, mindful of Christ, Moses and Elias, even tasting neither food nor drink through all the 40 days (BM. Or. 8810 p 7 PO. iii 440. 8 Reg. Pachom. (Hieron.) Triadon § 496: monks of the . TILE). § 80, Bios loc. cit. Cf. the south, that eat salt, vinegar, dry bread and endive. Among coenobites this appears as a penitential diet (Amélin Paralipom. S. Pachom. § 11). eau Oeuv. de Schen. i 34, V. above, p. 145. 170 9 PO. iii 498. 10 Budge Apoc. 98, MIE. ii 399. Such was often Shenoute’s habit (CSCO. 41, 13). ur MIE. ii 338. 12 BP. 9446 ται, w, ST. 231 tH. av, ib. 261 tH. ov, ΚΕ. 20 ditto. tog mmsctra, BM. 1204 (where correct of course “Easter” to “Lent”) should be the equivalent of this. Only in the south does ο, w “great” appear to have survived. 13 ST. 261. 14 RE. 20, ovasugrep entmnc(t)era ον (sic). 15 V. CO. 60. 16 382, ST. 314. 17 V. CO. 99 n., also ib. 455 and Ad. 10. 18 Beyond references already given (v. 230 n.), cf. Budge Apoc. 79, “the 3rd day of the Feast of the Solution,” which in the Boh. (MIE. ii 352) is “the Solution of the Pascha” and in the Arabic (Paris 4785, 110) “the Feast of the Pascha.” Elsewhere “the Solution of the Pascha” corre- sponds in Arabic to “the Great Sabbath” (Mus. Guim. xvii 279, 700). Further, the Sermon of Cyril upon the Feast of the Solution (Rec. xi 135), the Sabbath of the Solution (Leyden 141) and the Sunday of the same (Budge Hom. 90, in the Greek here τὸ ἅγιον πάσχα). Between the Sunday of Binding and the Sabbath of Solution Samuel of Kalamén ate no bread (MS. Morgan xxxi 17). THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE our texts as elsewhere Lent is also termed “the Forty Days.”! The word Πάσχα is found in our texts in both its acceptations : (1) sometimes clearly Easter,? since it is celebrated with festivities; probably so where called “the Great Pascha”®; (2) elsewhere Lent,‘ where the first and second weeks and the first Sunday of the Pascha are named. Several times we meet with ‘‘the Little Fast,” tactra wax; once with “the Little Feast,’’®> which perhaps succeeded it. What has been already said of the former? needs modification; for a letter wherein it is named speaks of it as being the season of baking: ““Send unto me to-morrow, (which is) the Little Fast, saying if thou wouldest I should take it (the corn I have milled), or not.’ Now it is known that, at any rate at the White Monastery, one of the periodical bakings took place about Pentecost and Ascension,® a season coinciding with the date for the Little Fast given us by a Theban letter.1? Among those observed by the Egyptian church, the Fast of the Apostles, which extended from Ascension to the 4th of Epép,!! might perhaps represent what our texts here call the Little Fast. Again “the Forty Days of summer,” in the month of Ῥαῦπε, mentioned as a fast in the Life of Pesenthius and else- where,” may well be yet another designation for it, since the duration of the Fast of the Apostles might vary from 15 to 49 days. The two nuns (?) who write to Pesenthius* speak of “binding,” z.e. causing to fast, the maidens (? novices, or simply their apprentices) until the Fast of the Cross (17th Tat). This, then, relates also to a summer fast. Of the two weekly fasts, on Wednesdays and on Fridays, these texts say nothing, but Pesenthius in a sermon enjoins them, together with the Forty Days’ Fast, upon all the faithful.» The Life of Pachomius mentions them," as do his Rule” and the Athanasian#* and Basilian® Canons. Frequent vigils are in the biographies often included among ascetic exercises.” Our material alludes here and there to the vigils preceding festivals,2! the reference to that of Saint Phoebammon indicating perhaps a special celebration of this martyr, so conspicuous at Jéme; while bishop Abraham, writing to his archpriest,” intimates that clerics who, whilst neglecting to keep vigil and (following) feast, yet claim their canon (of bread), shall be suspended (ἀπόκληρος). A vigil unconnected with any festival is rarely referred 1136) CONST XC ο 207. 2 CO. 100, 104. 3 136, Hall p. 26; likewise Wessely no. 51, BM. toot. 4 MMA. 23.3.702, ST. 351, BP. 9445. In many cases it = Holy Week only, e.g. Mus. Guim. xvii 52, 273, Ryl. 424, BM. 1247. In Rossii 1 44 it means merely “a fast.” 5 CO. 6ο. 6 “Little Sabbath,” on the other hand, appears in the Sa‘idic directories (Leyden 150, Paris 129?° f. 160) to be the Saturday last but one before Easter. 7 *‘V. 226n. 8 ST. 285, 4. 9 V. above, p. 162. 10 VY. 226n. 11 Fetha Nagast, Guidi, trad. 159 = p. 172 of the Arabic text, ed. Cairo. Cf. also Nilles Kalendarium? ii 453 ff. 12 MIE. ii 339, De Vis Homélies i p. 96. 13 Cf. note 3 to p. 172 of Arabic print just cited and Nilles loc. cit. 455. 14 RE. 28. Cf. above, pp. 157, 158. 15 ROC. xx 47, 60. 17 (Hieron.) § 115. 18 Pp. 31, 122. 19 Riedel Kirchenrechtsquellen 246. 20 CSCO. 42, 199, Mus. Guim. xvii 48, 151, 195 &c., PO. iti 462, x1 675, 677, 727. 21 375, 380. 22 CO. 485. Cf. ib. 54. 16 Βίος § 19 fin. Vigils | Discipline, ] punishment Inhibition and exclusion A letter of reproach and | admonition THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS to: in one letter the writer bids his correspondent send something (wine perhaps) for “the vigil’; in another he asks for a volume of Shenoute, to read during a vigil. Disciplinary measures are less heard of in a society of hermits than in an organized community such as that at Deir el Bahri, where a bishop’s correspondence figures so largely.’ The sole punishment of which mention is made—but that frequently—is that of inhibition, or ejection, and of course even this occurs not in relation to monks as such, but to clerics. Bishop Abraham, whom we meet with but rarely in the present collection, is in one case‘ threatening a priest with inhibition, the term used being ἀπόκληρος. The remaining texts 20 66 concerned with such matters are characterized by the verb κω ortoa, “eject,” “exclude,” which in the Apostolic Canons’ translates ἀφορίζεσθαι and which is applied both to clerical and to lay delinquents.’ In two of them probably both the persons punished are clerics$; a third concerns a layman®; in another the penalty had been pronounced by a priest and the person punished is evidently a cleric likewise. In yet another text which, although not published here, is immediately connected with our circle, those penalized are civil officials." It may be tentatively translated : ‘‘Seeing ye did give unto the man (the promise) ‘Lo, here is God’s word,’ in the name of the τόπος and have broken it, lo, now ye are excluded from God’s mystery™ until ye shall forgive him.“ For ye settled his affair, albeit he did not agree to pay this heavy..... 16 that ye have laid upon him. Great indeed is the sin that ye have done, for every Christian hath need of the..... , most of all his (Pmy Pyour) poor, weak father. Give it unto Patese and Hémai, the administrators (προνοη- τής), from John, the priest.” In an unusually rhetorical letter—the work perhaps of bishop Abraham, and evidently an admired composition, since it is here copied from papyrus onto ostracon—disobedience and evildoing are declared to have of themselves brought about expulsion from among ‘“‘the brethren.” The letter merits translation. Its recipient should be a layman. “First I greet [thee]; may the Lord bless thee. Were it possible to write down tears and groans upon papyrus (χάρτης), I had filled this letter (therewith) and sent it thee. Yet weep I not because that ye have been concerned as to things (πρᾶγμα) of this life, but rather because that ye have of yourselves blotted out your name from the [midst of] the brethren. Lo, once did I write unto you, entreating [you]; lo, (now) a second time, (saying,) Whoso shall hinder (κωλύειν) the poor and any of [..... ] of the people from 1 Tor. 29, supposing @ntwm to = RetTwN; 0. 543 Π. ο Sills 7a 3 On the latter v. notes to CO. 41, 78, 300. 4 154. 5 V.CO.300n. The penalty is, in most of the bishop’s letters, a threat, not yet an accomplished fact. Shenoute, a monk, is threatened by his bishop with “ejection” (ocr cahoa, gine leyle Miss. iv 39, 374). 6 xxxvil (xxxv) = Lagarde Aegyptiaca 220, Re. 7 A disciplinary text (Louvre R. 72, perhaps Pesenthian) applies to a cleric the phrase “he shall be without (extra) the λειτουργία of the clergy.” 8 135, 158. 9 256. 10 141. 11 ST. 394. Its writer, John, is he of our 133 &c. The lashane threatened with excommunication : CO. 61. 12 V. 96n. 13 Apparently in singular here. 14 Alludes ? to some undue exaction. 15 Lit, “verily.” Reading uncertain. 16 V. 351 n. and assuming the word to be Aaa, “burden, responsibility,” as there conjectured. 17 A προνοητής issues a “promise” of this nature in Hall Ῥ. 99 infra. 18 Tur. 11. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE catching fish, or from getting aught of this [sort], (for) they it is whose petitions (?) and [whose] prayers God hath heard, and their groans and their tears and their nakedness, and hath had compassion upon [them and hath..... |them. Surely (dpa) a heart of stone is that within you (?) and a shameless one is yours. Have ye not heard and do ye not know how that these afflictions are upon [us because of] disobedience unto God and how that the voice of their weeping hath gone up toGod [..... ] (Ps. Ixxx 13, 14 quoted)? God cast Pharaoh into the sea because of disobedience, the leprosy of Naaman clave unto Gehazi because of disobedience, God took the kingdom from Saul because of disobedience. For every sin that is in the Scriptures is (the fruit of) disobedience. Were it a magistrate (ἄρχων)1 had written unto you, ye had fulfilled his bidding forthwith. And again (Luke x 16 quoted). Whoso shall hinder the poor from getting [..... , he is excluded from the] feast ; likewise every one that consenteth with [him]. I take thought for your souls [..... 2], even as (9) he that taketh thought for [..... ], as it is written. Wherefore I testify unto you this day, from the blood (?)...” The readmission of excluded persons to communion is the theme of several letters: in three of ours,* besides others,‘ in one of which we read : “Beso kind, my father, and receive (lit. bring) me in unto the feast. For I have learned that he came in’ and told thee lying words, (so that) thou didst send and expel me. Beso good and admit me,*for my end draweth nigh.” Here the person addressed is clearly a cleric; as to the suppliant, the remainder of the letter, which is obscure, perhaps points to a layman. That charity was largely practised in some monasteries we know from the literature. Extensive almsgiving characterized the White Monastery® and that of Kalamén. Farther south indeed, among the Pachomian communities, less is to be heard of it." But at Jéme the monastery of Saint Phoebammon had a fund (τράπεζα) for charitable purposes” and made regular distributions to the poor. For this the abbots are responsible and their wills provide and towards it the pious donate property.“ The dole is in charge of an oblate.*® Of charity on the part of the hermits however not much is heard.* We read indeed often 1 Exactly similar phrases in CO. 282, doubtless from 12 Jéme no. 13, 36. For the benefit of this “τράπεζα of the the bishop. poor” a mill-stone (πύλη throughout the document for 2 Cf. CO. 76, 9 ff. 3 141, 238, 256. μύλη). is sold to the monastery of Paul at the Koldl 4 CO. 40, 94, ST. 195. (MMA. 24.2.7). 5 MMA. 24.6.4, an interesting text, repeated on verso 13. Ib. no. 105, 8,9, BM. Gk. i no. Ixxvii 38, Jéme no. 65, by a different hand and with dialectal variations. 65, “the blessing (cmov= προσφορά, Mus. Guim. xvii 151) 6 As in CO. 81, 94. at the gate for the poor that pass by.” Cf. no. 106, 73. 7 Ie. presumably to the desert settlements from the 14 Jéme no. 93, 33, Πο. 106, 150, no. 108, 3. Similar doles town or valley. in Palestine: An. Boll. vii 122. 8 πσοτνορ(ο)τ Egon. 15 Jéme no. 93, 33, πο. 105, 8. ο V. AZ. x1 126 ff., Leipoldt Schenute 167, Amélineau 16 The interesting document from Thebes (ed. Struve Oeuv. de Schen. ii 348, CSCO. 73, 91. in Christian. Vostok, 1912, 207) which acknowledges a debt 1o MS. Morgan xxxi 110 ff. of 12 solidi, with 12 trimisia of usury, borrowed in order 11 Horsiese commends it in the dialogue in Papyruscod. to be given to the poor of the writer’s village, has no visible 72, 74. connection with monasticism. 173 Readmission to communion Charity Ma ΠΠ | “Poor men” THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS enough of appeals made to them. One or other of them is styled masgune (φιλόπτωχος), “charitable,” and a letter, addressed very likely to Epiphanius himself, implies that the recipient is reputed for his benevolence.? Letters from or on behalf of “this poor man”’ are among the most numerous; yet even these are commoner among the letters from Deir el Bahri, 1.6. from the monastery of Saint Phoebammon,? than from our hermitage. But whereas a number of the former show a constant formula—indeed are perhaps no genuine letters, but either writing exercises, or the product of over-much leisure—the latter are more varied both in matter and in form. In most cases the writers appeal for benevolence on behalf of someone else,‘ rarely for themselves*; and it is noticeable that their appeals are almost always vaguely worded : seldom is anything specially asked for, usually kindness or charity in general terms. Now and then the applicant says that he addresses the recipient at his poor client’s express request : “These poor people have begged me to write unto thy fathership. Be so good and let thy compassion attain unto them.”? Or again: “The Lord bless thee and grant thee a long while (to live). Seeing how that this poor man is come unto me, entreating and requesting me that I would write unto thee respecting him, (I beg,) then, that thou wouldest do a charity with him, that the Lord may bless all thy hope.’’® Or again: “‘Forgive me, for I am not worthy to write unto a holy man”— recipient is Paul, an anchorite, inhabiting the tomb of Puyemré—“being myself a man contemptible. Yet because of the love of God that is in thee toward the poor I have done so. This poor man, Pjoui, hath visited me, entreating me much and begging me (saying,) Do the kindness and send (?) unto my father Paul, [that I may] get a promise? [of him] and may speak [with him] once more...” Such letters were presumably brought to the person addressed by the suppliant himself: the allusion to him as “this poor man” would seem to imply as much. This is indeed explicit in one case: ‘‘I make bold and do write unto my fathers in God as to this also, for the love of God and (because) I know that ye are poor-loving as God (would have it) and charitable. Seeing how Victor, that goeth unto you with this sherd, hath entreated me, saying, Write unto your fatherships...”4 The benevolence consists in some instances of an appeal or recommendation by the hermit to a layman—a magistrate, perhaps, or other official.” Charity in gratitude for recovered health had in one case been promised and the writers, Ananias and Pisrael, a couple whom we meet with several times," are careful to remind their correspondent of this. ‘We rejoiced 1 Tor. 28, CO. 366 (5). Cf. Budge Misc. 434, 5. those in 96 &c., which occasionally, though rarely, are 2 300. 3 CO. 75, 261-264 &c. issued by ecclesiastics. V. below. 4 V. 165, 166, 168, 169, 173, 185, 187, 191, 106. 1o ST. 361. The text is imperfect towards the end. 5 178, 195; in 165 for both. 11 Tur. 17. L. 11 seems to refer to a gift or sale of corn 6 168. 7 ST. 197. (cove), which indicates perhaps Victor’s needs. 8 ΜΜΑ. 24.6.11. Perhaps from a religious or cleric to 12 CO. Ad. 28, Hall p. 93. In CO. Ad. 60 it is Victor, the a layman, since the address is “to my dear son...” For well-known prior of St. Phoebammon’s, who remonstrates ἐλπίς thus cf. ST. 283. with the local magistrates. 9 Lit. “the promise,” λόγος. Perhaps what is desired is 13 Hall p. 86. a guarantee of immunity or testimonial, comparable to 14 Loc. cit. pp. 27, 70 inf., ST. 321. 174 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE greatly,” they write, “that the Lord hath given thee healing. Of a truth God hath given great grace unto thee: healing and the alms that thou hast vowed unto the poor thereafter,” and they proceed to beg his compassion for ‘‘a man most poor and very greatly in need.” It may be remarked that several appeals of this sort are made on behalf of widows: one to bishop Pesenthius,! another by bishop Abraham to a priest,? a third perhaps to a hermit.’ Other widows write in their own names.! Charitable donations or bequests for the good of the donor’s soul which, in a variety of forms, figure in so many of the monastic deeds from Saint Phoebammon’s monastery, are naturally less conspicuous in texts concerned with hermits. The term προσφορά occurs seldom here, ἀγάπη scarcely ever.® A προσφορά in the form of money is twice mentioned in the present collection,® once as embracing a variety of articles bequeathed in a will.’ In the familiar phrase “poo¢opda and burial” (v77. shroud, or coffin, or both) it is found in another ? will,’ whereby all the testator’s belongings, ‘“‘those without and those within,” are left to his brother® Paham, to be given either as προσφορά or in alms.” “(And I ordain),’’ the testator adds, “that no child of mine shall be able to question thee regarding them, for thee it was I found (to help me) in my trouble" and thou it is shalt prepare me for burial and offer my προσφοραί. Benevolence of another kind was often sought and is the subject of certain letters. Both by imperial law and by ecclesiastical canons the church was obliged to strive for the redemption of captives.!2 Such legislation had in view primarily prisoners of war, but with these our texts are not concerned. Those who appeal for such help as venerated ascetes might render do not often tell us the grounds of their imprisonment, but we may suppose that debt, fiscal or private, would be the most frequent cause, together with neglect of other obligations. One letter, of a somewhat later period than ours," relates to a married woman, released, as it seems, after imprisonment for debt : “Respecting Matthias, lo, his wife have I released and have given over unto him and what had been demanded of her (Punpaid taxes) I have set down to thee.’’ But this letter is between civil officials—it is addressed to an illustrius épyov™—and has no direct bearing upon religious life. Sometimes the prisoners TSE 75« 2 CO. 67 (v. Addenda). rechtes, 1905, 105, Fetha Nagast, Guidi, trad. 181, O. Braun 3 Tor. 28. This widow and her orphan children appear De Sancta Nic. Synodo, 1898, 91. The Pachomian com- to have land, but none to till it (mmovoer maMoot ehur munity maintained prisoners by the proceeds of their ekae, sic leg. perhaps). work (Hist. Laus. ii 94). Petitions for the relief or release 4 CO. 267, Louvre 9286 from “this poor widow, Thamar,” of prisoners figure in the Sa‘idic as in the Bohairic liturgy. who seems to be appealing to her “lord father’s” prophetic Cf. Paris 1297, 125 vo.: ‘Have mind of those in confine- powers (autjowh oxi epox Kcofown...) as to her chil- ment in all places and of such as have wood or iron upon dren’s health (erc πο «πηρε [..... ] evnamor [.... p] their hands and feet. Do Thou loose them and free them mmaern[ ). Cf. our 194. to their houses in peace and justice.” Cf. also Leyden p. 134. 5 CO. 61, 476, the former being a letter from bishop 13 Jean Maspero refers the ἀνάρρυσιν αἰχμαλώτων in a 6th Abraham. Rarely too in Jéme: no. 67, 51. century will to redemption of captives from the barbarians 6 313, 370. 7 545. 8 ST. 56. (P. Cairo ΠΠ p. οἱ n.). 14 ST. 170. 9 Or perhaps merely the monkish appellation “brother.” 15 Hisname isChaél and one might, to judge by the highly 10 MITHA = ἀγάπη. ligatured script, suppose him tobe the oft-recurring διοικητής 11 Cf. BM. 445 and Jéme no. 69. of the Jéme cartulary, who lived in the 2nd half of the 8th 12 Cf. A. Knecht System d. Justin. Kirchenvermogens- century. Charitable donations Intervention for prisoners Aut tl ΙΙ η ie Relations with civil authorities The lashane THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS protest themselves ignorant of the grounds of their arrest: ‘‘I entreat thy fathership that thou wouldest have pity and send out..... , for I am dying in prison, I know not for what cause.”’! Others, calling themselves ‘‘the poor that are in prison,’’? write that the vicarius had been sent and had seized them “for naught” and that they are perishing of hunger. To obtain the intercession of holy men is the purpose of several letters in the present collection.t Among these a formal application by the local magistrates to Epiphanius himself is conspicuous,® while in another it is his disciple, Psan, whose aid is asked.* The writers of other such letters appeal apparently to a group of brethren dwelling together.’ Some suppliants strive to reach their ends by a recital of their miseries* and occasionally add threats to their entreaties.’ One writer applies to Apa Pesenthius (perhaps the bishop) to obtain some sort of safe-conduct for the father of a prisoner, so that the latter may come and consult (συμβουλεύειν) as to his son’s fate.!? Two letters in which prisoners are referred to give the impression that arrest did not necessarily preclude a certain freedom, for in both instances the letter-carriers appear to be none other than the prisoners themselves." In one letter the writer announces his escape from prison.” Whether the makers of these appeals were confined in the state prisons or in the notorious private gaols, so often to be found in Egypt at this period," we cannot tell. If the monks of desert monasteries such as that of Saint Phoebammon were unlikely to have much experience of the civil and military authorities resident in the neighboring town of Jéme or at the nome-capital of Ermont, far less would the hermits scattered in the rock-tombs of the vicinity be brought into contact with them. The paucity of legal texts among those found at our site is of itself testimony to the aloofness from secular affairs which would be but natural in a community of anchorites. The official most often met with in our material—and indeed among all Coptic texts from Thebes—is the lashane, or village headman, whose title is sometimes equivalent to that of πρωτοκωµήτης, sometimes to that of µειζότερος “ and whose office appears to be an annual one. Confining ourselves to occurrences in the present collection : we see contracts drawn up in his presence," applica- 1 BKU. 144. 2 ST. 374 is likewise from “all the poor [? in prison]” and asks his correspondent to send news by him. Cf. Leont. Neap. Gelzer 17, where an αἰχμάλωτος is evidently at “ and begs for a prisoner’s release. 3 CO. 209. 4 The Apophthegmata tell of hermits interceding for the release of prisoners: PG. 65, 320 A, 324 B, 344 Β; and we find Shenoute doing so: Miss. iv 49, 383, 389; also Horsiese : ib. 591. Antony is represented as disapproving and avoiding intervention of this sort: ib. 570. 5 163. 6 τοο. 7 178, 181. 8 176, 181. 9 177. 10 ST. 254. 11 RE. 5 sub fin., CO. Ad. 27. The former should read: “Be so good and do ye comfort this poor man that is in confinement and let your pity reach unto him, for he is poor and dying of hunger, together with his .wife.” The writer of the other needs the services of “this prisoner” liberty to beg in the streets. 12 ST. 389. 13 V. Μ. Gelzer Studien 7. Byz. Verwalt. Aeg., 1909, 81. The monasteries had their own lock-ups : an arrested monk is handed over to the οἰκογόμος (Clugnet Daniel 65, 23). Or a monk might be confined in his own cell (ROC. 1908, 272 (186)). 14 V. Bellin BM. Gk. iv 78; of. Wiet in MIF. xxx 323 n. 15 This detail, to be expected, but not hitherto demon- strable (ο. Steinwenter in Wessely xix 54), is found in an 8th century Jéme deed, BM. Or. 9525 (1): Zacharias, Abraham and Severus nAawywyy nterpomne eTMMAdr. Three lashanes as here in ST. 352. 16 84. Cf. likewise CO. Ad. 42, ST. 52, 94, Hall p. 111 sup., Tor. 12, BKU. 70, PSBA. xxxiii Pl. 49. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE tions made to him to obtain the release of prisoners, or to procure a certain will for examina- Ποπ. We find him receiving complaints,’ threatening fines,‘ while at times the anchorites have occasion to write letters of acquiescence, or of obedience to lashane and headmen.* On the other hand, the village notables, with their Jashane as spokesman, appeal to the holy men—to Epiphanius himself—on behalf of prisoners,* or to engage their help as peace- makers’; or they humbly lay before them complaints of their own ill-usage.’ Other Theban texts give further illustrations of the functions and activities of the lashane. It is often he who issues those remarkable documents—permits, releases, ovyih\ua—characterized by the opening formula, “Lo, here is God’s word (λόγος) unto thee. . .,”® and intended, for the most part, either as receipts for taxes paid, or as safe-conducts to returning fugitives. No such document however is concerned either with monks or hermits, with the exception of one issued by “‘the ἡγούμενος of the hill of Jéme” to a fugitive monk (μοναχός) who had feared further taxation.!* With this a letter from the lashanes of Trakata(n) may be com- pared, for therein Apa Jacob—clearly either monk or hermit—is asked to grant a pass (a promise, λόγος) to someone with whom they (the lashanes) and the actuary desire to speak." The lashane sometimes issues tax-receipts,” but again no monks are named ; indeed the question whether hermits in Egypt, like coenobites, were held liable for taxation is one which has yet to be answered. Of evidence there is scarcely any. In our present col- lection the writer of one letter,!® who may be either monk or hermit, refers to the δηµόσιον, for which he seems to be responsible. Another ostracon shows a formal receipt for the year’s δηµόσιον, paid by a monk (μοναχός) and here termed a “fine.” But this monk again may be an inmate of a coenobium; and so too may the monk (μοναχό) Mena, whose payment is receipted by “the κοινότης of the mount,” and Victor, whom a fiscal official (?) begs to send his µέρος of the δηµόσιον.ὸ The only fact which might suggest that such tax-payers are single hermits is that of their being addressed individually, whereas when the taxation of a monastery is in question, the phraseology used generally makes this clear: in one case from our material the receipt is addressed to the prior” and we find in the following century allusions to the δηµόσιον due from Saint Phoebammon’s monastery in certain of its deeds.® The monasteries at Aphrodito were taxed,” as were those at Ashmunain,2 at Wadi Sarga®! and at Balaizah near by.” If our information as to 1 181. 2 257. 3 278. ant is to be considered identical with Aagane. 4 404, probable, not certain. 13 165. ᾿ 5 16ο. 6 163. V. above. 14 Tor. 12. oce= ζημία, presumably a sum in excess of 7 216. In BKU. 318 we find bishop Abraham en- the tax proper. deavouring to bring about peace between the lashane and 15 CO. 408. The same formula, Hall p. 125. his friends and another group of “magnates.” 16 Tur. 18. 17) Sih πο, 8 183. 18 V. Steinwenter in Zeit. d. Savignystiftg. xlii Kanon. 9 V. 96n. The instances of issue by a lashane are: Abt. 186. , ' CO. 107, 108, 111, 112, ST. 98, 104, WZKM. 1902, 265. 19 Bell in BM. Gk. iv p. xvi. ιο BKU. 37. 20 Krall ciii, BM. 1049, payments by monastic tenants. 11 ST. 352. The remainder of this is scarcely intelligible. aK WS. 344, Ryl. 124. 12 ST. 68. The number of these is greatly increased if 22 Petrie Gizeh and Rifeh 42. 177 Taxation An ee JL Fiscal officials named Rarity of legal texts THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS all these relates mainly to the early Muslim period, it is clear from other documents,! as well as from imperial enactments, that the monasteries farther north had been called upon for taxes—for the land-tax at any rate—in the preceding centuries and it cannot be supposed that those at Thebes had escaped a like obligation. Certain fiscal officials are met with at Thebes at this period, though mostly in fragmentary or obscure contexts. The title ὠπαιτητής is found once or twice,” likewise that of dxrovdpuos,? of lvyoordryst and of λογογράφος. In one case two προνοηταί appear as tax-collectors,® another releases a camel-herd from the burden of further ἀγγαρεία.ῖ “The whole τάξις”΄ seems in these texts to be the body of local officials, fiscal and other.? The two Coptic titles apa® and waasov! should be those of officials, perhaps fiscal; but as yet it has not been possible to fix the meaning of either. Finally it must be once more repeated that positive connection between most of these functionaries and the anchorites, or indeed the coenobites, is but seldom to be deduced from our texts. It has already been remarked that the legal documents found at this settlement were few and it is therefore to be supposed that legal business of a formal sort occupied the hermits but seldom. The sole record of legal proceedings in which a dweller here had been concerned® seems to show that an anchorite had acted as mediator in bringing the parties to agreement. From other texts we gather that the hermits were occasionally appealed to for some such intervention between litigants. Once we read of a scribe! being summoned from Ermont* and once (perhaps) of consultation with a notary.1* Our only legal text of any importance, the will of Jacob and Elias (Part II Appendix III), is drawn up by a scribe whose title is lost—if indeed the gap (I. 150) sufficed to contain more than his mere name— but whose hand looks decidedly unprofessional, compared with those of most of the Jéme documents. A like impression is given by the script of our other will.” A third monkish will was written, the testator says, by himself, without the help of a scribe.48 Wills written upon ostraca are still less formal in appearance”; they may of course be but copies of the documents themselves. On the other hand, the formal letter written on behalf of the notables to Epiphanius, is the work of one who calls himself “the scribe (ypappareds) of Jéme’’*—a style to be compared with that used by the writer of another monastic will. Others of our legal texts are the work of simple clerics or monks.” 1 E.g. BM. Gk. v 1686, 1758, P. Cairo 67117, P. Oxyrh. Xvi 2020 (38). V. also CSCO. 73, 99 (cf. p. ix). 2 CO. 79, ST. 293, Hall p. 111 inf. 1. 3, BP. 4961. 3 144n. 4 CO. Ad. 58= Hall p. 106 infra. 5 CO. 79. In MMA. 14.1.6 (discarded) the λογογράφος of the πόλις of Ermont issues a receipt (cf. 96) to a monk. 6 V. above, p. 172. 7 Hall pp. 99, 100 (akapra). 8 ST. 293, RE. 69, WZKM. 1902, 264. The τάξις of the church is the body of its clergy (Budge Apoc. 93, MIE. ii 362, though in the former it has two meanings), or the clerical ranks, orders (Kircher 218. Cf. PO. v 82, 6). 9 189 n. 10 ST. 98, 212. Cf. Ryl. 374 n. 11 Several discarded fragments show remains of legal (or fiscal) texts, among them some similar to 06 ff. 12 88. 13 181, 300, 344?, 487? So too ST. 300. Bishop and clergy appear in several Deir el Bahri documents as referees or judges : CO. 5ο, 65, 86, 130, 207; also BKU. 315. 14 Νομικός. Cf. Steinwenter in Wessely xix 61 ff. 15 254. 16 186. 17 87. 18 Jéme no. 67, 138. 19 E.g. CO. 146, ib. Ad. 3, ST. 56. 20 163. 21 Jéme no. 65, 98: “scribe of the castrum of the Memnonia.” 22 84, 85. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE One may regard the quantity of correspondence which circulated among these hermits as remarkable, albeit two factors in an estimate of it remain inevitably vague!: only approximately can we gauge the period of time during which the settlement remained occupied—somewhat over a century probably—and we have even less knowledge as to the number of individuals whom the community and its neighboring friends may have harbored during that period. A calculation attempted upon a mere count of the proper names in our Index would be misleading, for it is very often impossible, among the more common names, to distinguish individuals ; moreover, in any such calculation the countless fragments on which no names at all are visible would be left out of the reckoning. Among whom did these letters pass to and fro? To what distance from the hill of Jéme did they reach? Rarely do incidental place-names help us to judge of this. Ermont, the local capital, some ten miles distant up the river, is indeed named often enough: many writers of letters and witnesses to deeds describe themselves as ‘‘of the town of Ermont,” or of places “in the nome of Ermont’’; but this need not imply that they are there at the time of writing. Here and there the wording of a letter may suggest that it was written from Ermont?; in one case bishop Pesenthius is asked to write thither. About twice as far off, down stream, lay Keft, from which and from its vicinity came that bishop’s correspondence which, there is reason to suppose, was sent to him at our settlement.‘ These, if we might judge by the places incidentally named, are the limits, southward and northward, to which the correspondence of our hermits attained. For the most part we might conjecture that it was with like hermitages and monasteries, in the Theban hills about them, that letters were exchanged. Even, it seems, among the brethren themselves around the tomb of Daga, communication was now and then by writing. Positive evidence as to this is scanty, but where, at one point in the site, a letter was found addressed to a certain hermit and, at another point, one written by him, it may surely be concluded that correspondence circulated even within that limited area. An instance in which this would seem to be the case is that of the couple Isaac and Elias, to whom so many letters are addressed,’ but who appear also as joint authors.* Another instance is perhaps bishop Pisrael’; Psan, the disciple of Epiphanius, possibly a third.* Indeed Epiphanius, several of whose own letters, besides the many addressed to him, were found at various points, may be himself enlisted to support the conjecture that those immediately around him some- times took occasion to send letters to their neighbors within the same community. It might seem natural to assume that writers who, as the greater number do, sign their names, but add nothing as to their residence, still more the many who prefer the anonymity 1 The letters recovered from our site number in all a 5 V. 110. ; : little under 600, whereof 416 are published here. The 6 94, 160, 401, Cairo 44674. 80 (discarded). remainder are discarded fragments. 7 150 and 426. Cf. above, p. 135. } 2 176, 310. 3 172. 8 287 and most of the occurrences of his name in Part II 4 V. below, p. 223. Cf. also 152. Index I. 179 Amount of correspondence Area over which the letters passed Letters ex- changed within the community Anonymous letters Informal letters The most informal type: mere messages THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS of “thy son,”? “thy servant,’”? “this humblest one,” “thy humblest daughter,’’* or again “the brethren,” “humblest brethren,’ dwell at no great distance from their correspondents and feel no need to designate themselves more closely. But this is scarcely an adequate explanation. Possibly the bearer of the letter would, in such cases, announce the writer’s name when delivering it. Such anonymity is sometimes a form of humility and it may be so here. A curious specimen is to be read in the salutations at the close of a long Theban letter : “Be so kind and do obeisance at the feet of the hidden jewel, him that belongeth unto the man of Tarsus (sc. Saint Paul) and that appeareth not.”* The writers did not however impose this anonymity upon themselves alone; they often treat their correspon- dents likewise, addressing them simply as ‘‘fathership,” “holy father,” “lord father” and so on’; or as “the brethren,”’® or “the pious ones,’’® or “‘the beloved,” usually remaining at the same time anonymous themselves, as where a letter, asking for a book, is directed simply to “the brethren” from “these humblest ones.” A letter directed to “the brethren” would presumably be intended either for a whole community, or for a particular group of anchorites, or perhaps merely for one of the various couples whom we so often find both writing and written to—and the converse would be the case where “the brethren” are authors. Plenty of letters are wholly informal, dispensing with greetings and salutations even as impersonal as these, though still retaining here and there an expression of courtesy.” Therein they approach more nearly than do most Coptic letters from Thebes to the style of those, written likewise by Egyptian Christians of almost the same period, in Greek, which, being with few exceptions unconcerned with ecclesiastics, are similarly free from pious formulas and epithets. Coptic letters again from other sites—those, for instance, from Ashmunain—where laymen, instead of monks, are the preponderating element, are likewise without this kind of decoration. Among the correspondence are many letters consisting of but a few words and bare of all formalities : hardly letters at all, rather mere hasty messages," asking that something shall be sent forthwith, or bidding the recipient come at once, or conveying a piece of urgent news, as that which bears the words “He died to-day” and nothing more.“ In some of these instances one may almost wonder why such words should have been written down,” and the discipline of silence, observed by Egyptian ascetes elsewhere," suggests itself as a possible explanation : where oral communication was forbidden, writing might on occasion be a necessity—a consideration which might account for the anonymity of some of the 1 134. 3 E.g. 118, 198, 403, 438. 5 213, 218, 388. 6 Imper. Russian Archaeol. Soc. Zapiski xviii 026. Another instance in the colophon BM. 490 (2). 7 121, 134, 213, 240, 368, 403. 8 113, 173. 9 378. 11 MMA. 12.180.165 (discarded). 2 Rare here, 377. 4 489 probably. 12 E.g. 196, 197, 221, 230, 233, 235, 205, 207, 299, 305, 313, 323, 358, 366, 371, 390, 395, 396, 408, 512, 514. 13 E.g. 197, 230, 231, 233, 234, 235, 243, 295, 370, 371, 390, 395, 396, 512. 14 Bodleian Copt. inscr. 16. 15 197, 512, also 390, 395. 16 Zockler Askese? 248, 279, Bousset in Zeits. f. Kirch- engesch, ΧΙΙ 27. 180 10 438. THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE longer letters. Short messages of this type are in fact scarcely found in other collections of ostraca; they would seem to have been peculiar to a community of hermits—including, as this did, éyxdevoror—such as ours. The right delivery of anonymous letters must have depended ultimately upon the in- structions to the messenger, whose intelligence may often have been somewhat tried. One writer, for example, owns that he is ignorant of his correspondent’s whereabouts : “Were it not that I know not where you dwell, I would have gone often to visit you.’”’? Letter- carriers were not always available: ‘‘Seeing that Tribunus wrote a sherd yesterday unto your fathership and hath found none as yet by whom to send (it), God knoweth, I have written this one and have not suffered him to know aught of it, lest we should cause you trouble twice.’’* Or those reliable were not easily to be had: ‘“‘I have finished (the book) a long while, but [I found not] a man who should take care thereof, that I might send it.’”* These Copts call the letter-carrier γραμµατηφόρος, or simply “the man that shall bring this letter.”’ That the Greek word need not imply an independent calling is seen from a letter to a bishop, wherein two γραμμµατηφόροι are described as “‘your clerical servants”’®; yet sometimes a separate profession seems to be in question. The other title, σύμμαχος, is hardly to be found at Thebes.’ In a society such as that with which we are concerned, one should not expect to find mention of the official postal service. Letters might be entrusted to camel-herds, who doubtless passing constantly to and fro, between the towns in the plain and the tracks thence leading northward along the desert edge, would traverse or skirt the foot-hills on which so many of the monkish settlements lay. And as letter- bearers they now and then appear: “When Isaac came north. .., he said unto me, Write south unto me regarding the pledge. See, (here is) Cyriacus the camel-herd ; [I have] written unto thee by him regarding the pledge, that thou shouldest send it me by him.’’® “The camel-herd came north with a sherd and we gave (? paid) him 174 artobs.”” Or the camel- herd may be employed as a porter," or he appears as the messenger, sent to summon the recipient of the letter which he had presumably delivered : “‘So do not fail to come with this camel-herd, for to that end have | sent him’’;” or, more shortly, ‘“When this camel reacheth thee, kindly send...” Elsewhere a boy takes the letter : “Be so good also and give thine answer unto this boy that shall give thee this sherd.’’* “If so be ye are sending to the town, send (and tell) me by this boy.””® The bearer may be entrusted with bringing back the object for which the writer asks. ‘When thou shalt receive this sherd, what of 1 Bousset loc. cit. cites a Scetiote recluse who com- municated with his disciple only by messages written upon ostraca. At our period, in Palestine, the celebrated Barsa- nuphius—a hermit of obvious Coptic origin—communicated with his visitors by writing only (Echos d’Orient viii 17, of. 154). 2 BKU. 2. In protasis 2nd singular is used, in apodosis 2nd plural. 3 CO. 373. 4 CO. 252. 5 ST. 193. 6 Jéme no. 122, 6 ff., CO. Ad. 65. 7 V.346n. Cf. Bell in BM. Gk. iv p. 163 n. 8 V. Wilcken Grundy. 374. 9 MMA. 24.6.12. 10 Hall p. 108. 11 341, Hall p. 6ο, BKU. 282 (“our ο. herd”), 299. 12 CO. 328. 13 Sphinx x 147. 14 CO. 355, reading ovw for ο in I. 13, as in 10. 327 v0. Cf. the converse, Jéme Index 383, ST. 54, 5, oww standing for ο. VY. Chapter x. 15 CO. 214, also 10. 384, ST. 331, our 326. Carriage and delivery of letters Journeyings of the hermits THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS seed-corn (εδρι) thou hast found, pay the same unto him that shall give thee this sherd.’’! Or the messenger takes with him the articles mentioned in the letter he bears.? Occasion- ally the bearer is a woman: “I beg thee,” says a letter addressed to a woman, “‘so soon as this woman reacheth thee with this «πετά and this bond (γραμμµάτιον), that thou do thy utmost to undertake it (sc. the loan) and send me a solidus by her.’’*? Where a monk or hermit alludes to his messenger as ‘“‘this man of mine,’4 we may suppose him to be a brother from the writer’s community. In one case a letter is sent by “‘certain brethren,” whose way, we may suppose, took them near the recipient®; or the occasion of a neighbor going northward is used for sending a letter.* The bearer of an important missive some- times carries a short note besides, which tells what is to be done with the letter itself,’ or he is empowered to supplement it with verbal information.’ It might well be no draw- back were the carrier unable to read the letter entrusted to him: ‘Tell no man as to this letter (Jit. tablet, πλάξ) beyond thyself alone,’’® words which may imply that the messenger is illiterate. The wage or fee of such a letter-carrier is now and then referred to; post- scripts such as this are added: “Be so kind and give a present (Jt. a blessing) unto this boy,” ” or “Give the wage unto [her?] that shall bring you this sherd;”’™ or again a letter ends: “If thou find a man and send the answer, it is well (καλῶς), but if not, perhaps (πάντως) we shall persuade George to go north and thou send the message unto us by him and we pay him his wage.’’” How far afield Theban anchorites themselves might wander we know not. Probably they were less restricted in their movements than the coenobites, who quitted their monastery only with the superior’s consent. Of extended journeyings we hear nothing: travel by river is nowhere mentioned," at most an ass for riding is referred to once or twice. One writer tells his “holy fathership”’ how he had been unable to pay his respects, for he had not found an ass, that he might come in and salute him.“ Another bids his friend go at once to Pasaft, or to (the monastery of) the priest Andrew and beg an ass and bring it, together with Psmou’s ass; for on the morrow, being the first holiday, the writer proposes to go to visit “our father Apa Pesenthius, the bishop.’’ Again, the author of a deed, in his recital, says: ““We mounted with Apa Victor and came unto your community,” the verb employed probably indicating the use of asses.2” 1 Leyden ostr. F 99-1, 424. Cf. CO. 341. In ib. 248 such candidates for clerical orders, not by monks, but a 7th a messenger is “this trusty man (πιστός). So too BM. century deed from Thebes (BM. Or. 9525 (12)) shows a 1103, 15. 2 402. like undertaking by monastic postulants: “We will go 3 ST. 201. Our 177 is perhaps delivered by a woman. no whither without asking (leave).” x 4 283. 14 Though Theban monks were sometimes sailors too: 5 Imper. Russian Archaeol. Soc. Zapiski xviii 026. ππες, Ann. du 5. viii 89, 17 (epitaph). 6 296. Cf. 253. 15 OLZ. 1903, 69. 7 233,390. This would seem at least to be the object of 16 Tor. 27, after collation with the original, kindly lent such texts. 8 471. ο GO), 365, 10 ST. 274. by the Royal Ontario Museum. On the first of the places Il 177. 12 Ostracon penes A. H. Gardiner. named υ. 488, on the second p. 115. 13 Reg. Pachom. (Hieron.) § 1xxxiv. The undertaking not 17 BM. Or. 9525 (1) 89. The verb tao, which so often to go abroad without permission in CO. 29 ff. is given by means “go on board” a ship, seems less likely to do so here. 182 THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE But to comings and goings “northward” and “southward” our letters constantly refer. In some twenty cases the writer is clearly to the north of the recipient, in about an equal number he is to the south; in others the relative positions are less clear. Sometimes the distances thus implied are probably less than those which the same expressions, as used among us, would generally involve. So at least it would be in one of our letters, supposing its writer to be indeed Epiphanius himself?; for the distance between that saint’s abode— the tomb of Daga—and that of Cyriacus, to whom he writes—Tomb 65—and who dwells to the “south” of him, is but some 150 yards.’ What is the significance of the term “abroad” may be questioned. “If thy brothership,” says one letter-writer, “hath need of aught, send unto us; we are ready to perform thy bidding. We have thee greatly in remembrance, how that thou art abroad and hast not thy wonted provisions (Jit. thy διοίκησις is not with thee) and wilt need many a thing and not find it.” 4 Two other expressions relating to movements among the West Theban population— the verbs ‘‘go, come, send in” and “‘out”—are plentifully used in our texts, yet their use is rarely instructive. In other texts to quit the desert hills and their monasteries for the 95 valley, its towns or the river is generally to “go out,’’® while to return to the desert is to “go, or come, in.’’® In the Theban ostraca however it is not often possible to say whether the verbs have these implications, or whether the meanings are not merely to “enter’’ and to “go forth” from a monastery or cell. The former may be all that is meant, for instance, by ex egown In certain cases,’ while conversely a lashane appears to use this verb of a visit to be paid him, 1.6. presumably in a town or village.® ex ehoA sometimes indicates the “coming forth’ from a monastery,® yet sometimes it is evidently used of coming out to one.” In short it is hardly possible to relate these loosely used words to the expressions which so often designate the ‘“‘inner” and “outer” deserts in the monastic and ascetic literature of Egypt.4 We may fittingly conclude this chapter with the little that is to be learned as to the hermits’ death and burial. The excavations at Daga’s tomb fortunately displayed the small cemetery which lay before the buildings and its eleven burials have been fully described by Winlock,”® who shows that the manner of their disposal and the clothing in which the corpses lay, when compared with conditions in the cemeteries at Deir el Bahri and Deir 1 V. Part II Index, “south,” “north,” pate, gat. 6 Mus. Guim. xvii 222, 297, Budge Mart. 212, Zoega 347, 2 457. 3 Loret has noted this very use of “north,” “south” &c. at Thebes to-day (Miss. i 311n.) and a Scotchman might recall the use in his country of the words “east” and “west,” in cases where in England “left” and “right” would seem more natural. 4 ST. 228. Cf. 491 n. 5 Zoega 551, Miss. iv 732, Budge Mart. 222 inf., Misc. 450. To leave the “inner” for the “outer” desert : Budge Misc. 441, Miss. iv 569 ult. 7, Miss. iv 570. 7 ST. 253, 206, 216, 11, 223, though the two last, from lashanes, should indicate a journey in, to the desert her- mitage. 8 151. Q 253, perhaps 180. 10 ST. 194. So too in Zoega loc. cit. 14 it translates ἐξήλθομεν, sc. to the desert. 11 As e.g. in the Life of Antony (cf. Bousset loc. cit, 28 ff.), or that of Onnophrius (Budge Mart. 205, 213 &c.). 12 V. pp. 45 ff. above. “Northward” and ‘‘south- ward” “Abroad” The verbs “come in,” “go out” Funeral rites and customs The cemetery and others in the neighbor- hood THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS el Medineh, prove a general identity in burial fashions among the Copts of Western Thebes at the close of the Byzantine period.! The grave-clothes which we thus find in use include, besides the multifarious linen shrouds,? an outer network of long tapes or ribbons—probably the κειρίαι, whereof the fabrication was a recognized occupation among the anchorites*— and a leathern apron, covering the body from breast to loins. The shrouds would be the ehoc “linen,” so often the subject of these letters‘; the whole together composing the karce, “burial (furniture),”® a word which sometimes includes the coffin. Monks prefer to be buried in the λεβίτων in which they had been consecrated’; Pesenthius bids robe him in this, with hood and girdles The shroud had to be paid for and a monk would lay by just sufficient for its purchase. An ascete will sometimes insist on being laid in the grave in the tunic of coarse palm-fiber which had sufficed him during life, declining the silk wrap- pings brought by his admirers as a last offering.® Similarly in Nitria: the corpse of John Colobus was found shrouded in fiber”; so too Anastasia, the anchorite."! The bodies exhumed before the Daga tomb and at Deir el Medineh had rolls of linen folded over head and feet. To this custom allusion is perhaps made in the Life of Pesenthius, where his disciple cuts a piece from the w!sey!, folded beneath the feet of the dead saint.¥ It chances that in our material the word for “to prepare for burial’? (xwwe) occurs but once and that in a will : “thou it is shalt prepare me for burial and shalt offer my tpoo¢opai.’’ 4 The other terms: wa, σκευάζειν, are not found here. The many hermits who had tenanted the caves and buildings about the tomb of Daga are represented, so far as the evidence of excavation can show, by only eleven graves. It may well be, as has been conjectured,* that these are the graves of the more prominent anchorites only; the brethren generally would be laid in some less conspicuous situation.” Where that may have been we know not. About Ermont there were evidently extensive 1 It would have been instructive to have had a fuller account of the burials found by Maspero at Taud and Rizeikat (BIEg. 1885, 71, Miss. i 185). 2 Cf. the ἓξ ζυγὰς σινδονίων for a woman’s burial in PG. 65, 121 B. 3 V. 348 n., cf. 268 n. 4 V. Winlock p. 70n. above. Shenoute speaks of phoc mkwwe (CSCO. 42, 71). 5 In the account of Pesenthius’s burial ghooe in the Sa‘idic corresponds to kascr in the Bohairic version (Budge Apoc. 125 = MIE. ii 418). The latter may consist merely of a strip of linen (Rec. vi 183 = Budge Mart. 217). Cf. the uses of the word κηδεία (v. P. M. Meyer Griech. Texte p. 96). 6 V. 519 n. 16. 7 PG. 65, 43256, MS. Morgan xli 333 (Hilaria, cf. PO. xi 637), both Nitrian. 8 Budge Joc. cit. The aged gardener, Jonas, had grown so stiff that, when dead, his leathern garment could not be removed in order to robe him in his λεβίτων (Paralip. S. Pachom. § 30 = PO. iv 475. The Coptic (Arabic), Mus. Guim. xvii 631, calls the latter a rough garment of wool). 9 Life of Andrew, Paris arabe 4882, 10b. Yet if a monk is buried in the garments used in life, this seems to be noted as exceptional (Anast. Sinaita Oriens Christ. 1892, 72). 10 Synax. Forget ii 295, a better text than Basset’s, PO. xvii 768. Cf. ib. ix 422, where for “fiber” the Ethiopic substitutes “haircloth,” Saka saguer. 11 Clugnet Daniel pp. 3, 6, φασκίδιν σίβινον. 12 V above, p. 48. 13 Paris arabe 4785, 211b. The Synaxar. (PO. xvii 651) has merely “shroud.” y!gey!, “purple,” can also mean a plush-like garment of that color (Lane p. 1050). 14 V. above, p. 175. 15 The first of these corresponds to περιστέλλειν, συστέλ- λειν, colligere; the second is no doubt to be read in several places where the texts have σκεπάζειν : CSCO. 41, 76, Budge Mart. 128, Misc. 106, 466, 467, while ib. 68 it = wA in Forbes Robinson A pocr. Gosp. 36. This emendation, σκευάζειν, was proposed by Lemm Alexanderroman 123. 16 Winlock p. 45 above. 17 Elsewhere we learn that prominent monks were buried in the monastery, the rest in the cemetery (An. Boll. 7, 100). THEBAN HERMITS AND THEIR LIFE cemeteries on the desert edge, west of the town. Many of these stelae are the epitaphs of monks.? At the monastery of Deir el Bahri, as at our settlement, the small graveyard shows that certain of the monks at least were granted burial close to their own dwellings. At Deir el Medineh, on the other hand, the epitaphs are rather those of the clerics of a church*: among them one monk and one anchorite. The Theban hermits whose careers were found worthy of record in the Synaxarium appear often to have been brought to a church for burial‘—“‘his church” sometimes,* which is said to be in a desert cave® and which may be the chapel of his hermitage or Jaura; otherwise a church in some neighboring town.’ A devoted disciple would sometimes wish to be laid beside his master, in the same grave : so Theodore with Pachomius,’ John with Pesenthius.? Or, the disciple dying first, his teacher directs that he shall be buried with him.” At Deir el Bahri the monks’ graves actually held more than one body each, perhaps for a like reason.” Only three among the texts here published appear to mention commemoration of the dead.” The wills among the Jéme documents are often concerned with the posthumous offerings (προσφοραί) to be provided out of the testator’s property; but these deeds are without bearing upon the customs of our anchorites. Of the three wills in which religious are concerned, two make no allusion to the matter," but the other™ directs that a third of the monkish testator’s property is to be expended in alms (ἀγάπη), for the benefit of the souls of deceased kinsfolk. 1 V. Daressy in Ann. du S. xiii. 270. 2 A dozen in Cairo. Lefebvre Rec. d’Inscr. no. 582 is probably from our district, since the monk there is from Pesenthius’s monastery. 3 V. above, pp. 8, 9. 4 PO. iii 302, 498, xi 525. Cf. below, p. 216. 5 Ib. xi 680. 6 Ib. iii 286. Cf. the ἄντρον, wherein was a church in St. Sabas’s monastery (Sabae Vita 244). 7 Ib. iii 498. 8 Mus. Guim. xvii 286. 9 Paris arabe 4785, 212. 10 PO. iti 481. 11 At the monastery of Choziba five were laid in a single tomb (Anal. Boll. vii 368). 12 213, 467, 565 (?). Mention may be made of the obvi- ously Theban ostracon in C. Simonides Facsimiles of certain portions &c. Pl. ΧΙ (and p. 68), which has a list of names (sons and fathers), headed ὑπὲρ ἀναπαύσεω[ς τῶν ψυχῶν κτλ., and which possibly served some liturgical purpose. 13 Jéme nos. 65, 75 (v. Part 1 Appendix III). 14 Ib. no. 67, 51. Burial in churches Commemora- tion of the dead Five in number No leather or paper Papyrus Χάρτης CHAPTER VII WRITING MATERIALS HE materials upon which the present texts are written are in all five, though two of these are not represented by more than one or two specimens each: our no. 2 is upon parchment, our 616, 617 upon wood; all others are written either upon papyrus, or upon fragments of pottery or limestone chips, these two substances being usually classed together as “ostraca.” Almost three-quarters of our texts are upon the former (some 455 pieces), less than one-eighth upon the latter, while papyrus was used for over one-sixth of the total. Two other substances are absent here: leather and paper. Coptic documents written upon leather are rare and, although several of those known came from the Theban neighborhood,! they belong to an age later than that with which we are concerned. Of paper no Coptic specimen has as yet been found at Thebes.? The papyrus sheet used at Thebes for letters and shorter documents at this period is of moderate size; the largest, complete, in the present collection (163) is 18.5 by 33 cm.; one in Paris (RE. 5) is now 18 by 37.5 cm. and was once somewhat larger; another (ST. 193 = BM, 468), now 21 by 34 cm., was likewise larger when unbroken. But the fact that most of our pieces are to-day only fragments makes it unsafe to generalize as to customary dimensions. The name for papyrus is the Greek one, χάρτης; Coptic has no word which exclusively indicates it. In Bohairic πωιι occasionally translates this,’ or corresponds to it in Sa‘idic.! On the other hand, χάρτης and xwwue are sometimes found contrasted®; the latter is now and then equivalent to “‘parchment volume.’ The word χάρτης survived as “document” 1 V. BM. p. xv. The other leathern mss. are from 4 Cod. Vat. Ixii 162= Mus. Guim. xxv 425, MIE. Nubia: Rec. xxi 223. One Arabic deed of the oth century ii 417= Budge Apoc. 123. Once only has the word is from Edff: B. Moritz Arabic Palaeography p. 113. “papyrus” been met with: MS. Morgan xxxvii 75, where, 2 One paper document comes from further south: in his Encomium on Antony, John bishop of Shmoun refers Asfan, ed. H. Thompson in PSBA. xxxiv 173; but this to MManvpon H Meg¢aptHc, as growing in Egypt only. is of a far later date, when papyrus was no doubt out of 5 BM. Or. 8800 mB, ommene. H omnes. Cf. Zoega 475. fashion, even if still obtainable. 3 2 Won, 1ο, 6 Munier Catal. 115. 186 WRITING MATERIALS and is used of a paper Ms.'; it had much earlier been transferred to deeds upon leather.” Outside Egypt it is even applied to parchment. Papyrus came, it seems, from farther north. “If papyrus (χάρτης) be brought south- ward,” says one writer,‘ “fail not to buy a tremis (worth) for me.” We meet with several requests in letters that some may be sent. “Send a small σκυτάλη,» for | have no papyrus.” “Be so helpful (ap: trapakAncre) as to give me 4 or 5 κολλήµατα of papyrus,” for none, this writer declares, is to be had here and he promises payment.’ To bishop Pesenthius himself a woman writes, begging him to send her a τοµάριον of papyrus, whereon to write.’ Besides σκυτάλη and τοµάριον we find, as a measure of papyrus, a new word, eAam, perhaps of foreign origin.® Economy led sometimes to the washing and re-using, often to the use of the blank back of one letter for the writing of another.!° Papyrus had in fact become scarce at Thebes by now, though it must, in a somewhat later age, have been again easy enough to procure—witness the length and quality of the rolls used for the so-called Jéme docu- ments in the middle of the 8th century. Apologies for not using a clean (καθαρός) sheet are less common" than excuses for writing upon an ostracon, in place of papyrus,” which clearly was the more ceremonious material. “Forgive me,” says one letter, ‘‘that I have not found papyrus for the moment, fit for the honor of thy holiness.” A remarkable instance of this apology is the ostracon upon which a bishop excuses himself to his ‘‘dear sons”’ for not having found papyrus.* His sons are presumably some civil dignitaries; he has been hindered from visiting them by the approach of the Paschal festival. Slightly more than half of the letters addressed to Epiphanius, all but one addressed to bishop Pesenthius are written upon papyrus. The writing on these papyri begins almost invariably across the course of the fibers and, even where carried on to the other side of the sheet, it often continues to run thus by being set at right-angles to the writing on the first side. The text once written, the sheet was folded, addressed and tied, though the sequence of these processes is not easy now to determine; probably it would vary.% Most usually the sheet appears to have been first folded several times, along the whole width of the sheet, rarely along only the right half of it.* Next the address was written upon one or other of these folded surfaces, a more 1 AZ. lv 71 (13th century). 2 Jéme no. 73, 36. 3 Χάρτην βέβραναν, A. Vassiliev Anecdota 339. 4 Imper. Russ. Archaeol. Soc. Zapiski xviii 026. 5 Sic leg., no doubt, ST. 232. Cf. 395. 6 BP. 8729. The name of the measure seems to be KopHaa, but is scarcely legible. 7 Recueil. . .Champollion, 1922, 495. Ina Balaizah fragt. τοµάριον appears as variant of κοντάκιον, in the headings of parallel monastic accounts. 8 ST. 270, 277, perhaps CO. Ad. 55: a quantity of bread, eAam πποκπε. Cf. ? Hebrew alam “bind.” Τομάριον applies equally to parchment: MIE. ii 404; but in CSCO. 43, 184, oFTWMAproN Mxwa is evidently a roll of papyrus. Of papyrus too its Arabic derivate ylogb is used: e.g. Guest in Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. xliii 248. Cf. Karabacek in Mitth. Rainer ii 102. ο E.g. 327 (v. note to text), RE. 3, ib. 5 vo. 1ο E.g. 136, RE. 7 and 8, BM. 468. 11 Crum Coptic MSS. no. xii (from the Fayyfim). 12 CO. 97n. p. 49. If papyrus were not available, the message might be sent verbally: v. 281. 13 ST. το7. 14 Hall p. 63 infra, mnesge εχ δ[ρτης. 15 The procedure is illustrated by the Pesenthius papyri, RE. 1, 6, 10, 16, 19, 28, 41, 54 &c., as well as by several in the present collection: 131, 133, 162, 184, 253, 431. 16 As in 198 (Part II Plate III), ST. 48, RE. 21. Whence it came Method of writing on it of folding of addressing No seals Parchment Ostraca Sizes and uses THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS or less ornamental mark having been beforehand drawn midway on this surface. Some- times the sheet was then folded, once or twice, at right-angles to the previous folds, and finally a narrow papyrus ribbon was passed round it, at a point indicated generally by the ornamental mark.! The appearance however of certain of these ornaments seems to need explanation. The lines and curves which compose them appear often broken or inter- tupted.2 These interrupted lines suggest that in such cases the papyrus had been tied about with its ribbon before the address was written* and that the ornamental mark being intentionally placed just at the point where the address met the ribbon, its design was drawn upon and across the latter. Consequently, when the ribbon was eventually untied, the pen lines would appear as broken. Since there is, among our letters, no evidence for the use of clay seals, usual upon the ribbon tying legal documents,‘ we may perhaps suppose that a design such as [x] or ee or x, drawn across the ribbon, was accepted as a substitute for, or merely a reminiscence of, the elsewhere customary seal.® Of this the verso of 198 offers an illustration. About a centimeter above the square ornament, which divides the address midway, and directly in the path of the ribbon, are the following marks: τς 2 If these broken lines be produced, they converge in a design of the type: SX. =< So in RE. 28, in an exactly similar position, the lines if completed—when HE ΠΤΙ the ribbon was still in position—give That parchment books were familiar, though not yet common, we know from their occurrence in catalogues.é But none is extant which can be traced to Thebes. Papyrus books may have been replaced by parchment; the bindings of the latter are often found padded with leaves from papyrus volumes.’ What the import may be of the terms παλαιός, καινουργός, applied to papyrus books in Bouriant’s catalogue, has not yet been decided. Potsherds (ostraca) were the every-day material for correspondence and minor documents. They were to be found upon all sides and in all varieties, from the most coarsely ribbed sorts® to the quite smooth types, more or less thickly coated with a grey or yellow wash, though these latter were not much used before the 8th century.” Examples of practically ribless ostraca are frequent in all the collections." In dimensions too those used differ widely; the present collection contains probably the largest piece, bearing one of the longest texts yet found,” as well as some of the smallest, on which the whole consists of 1 131, 198 (Part II Plate III). 2 The verso of 131 shows an example and 5ο, particularly clearly, does that of BM. Or. 9525 (8); many are to be seen among the papyri from Ashmunain and the Fayyim. 3 Even where there is no ornament this seems evident: v. 254, text. 4 Several of the Jéme papyri in the British Museum had their seals attached when acquired. 5 It is worth noticing how this ornament, on the outside of letters from the Fayytim, has sometimes the form of aroughly drawn Solomon’s seal: BM. 547, 578,630. Several facsimiles in A. Grohmann Allgem. Einf. i. d. Arab. Papyri, 1924, 77. 6 554, ST. 162, 166, Rec. xi 132 ff. 7 E.g. BM. Or. 7558, which consists of fragmentary papyrus leaves from the Εά[ῆ volumes published by Budge. 8 That published in Rec. xi (v. below, p. 197). The word “new” in CO. Ad. 23 is possibly used in the same way. 9 Eg. Part II Plates ΧΙΙ 84, XIII 247, 336. 1ο E.g.CO. Pl. Π Ad. 4 and C. 8267, Tor. Pl. ΧΙΟ. 26. On smooth-faced sherds scribes did not hesitate to write upon the rough surface, where the glaze had already been chipped off or had not extended: e.g. BKU. 124, ST. 277. 11 In the present collection: Part II] Pl. XII ο, 373, Pl. XIII της. 12 Part II Pl. XII ο. WRITING MATERIALS but a few words.! Ostraca were frequently washed and used again, sometimes more than once.* Whether the writer was generally content with the already broken sherds which lay around him we cannot tell; occasionally he may have broken one for his purpose and used the two fragments for separate letters.? The natural recto of an ostracon is its outer, convex side; the text but rarely overflows onto the back: if it does so, a warning Verte is now and then added, at the bottom of the recto. More rarely still another, independent text is written there. This occurs on a few literary ostraca,> now and then on others,® as in the case of a letter, on the recto (convex) of which was already a Greek legal text of approximately the same period.” Where the two texts are letters, the second may be a sort of postscript to the other.® In rare cases a complete text has been written twice upon one sherd. An interesting letter, for instance, written upon the convex of an ostracon, is found also, in an entirely different hand and with notable dialectal variants, upon the concave.? Perhaps the latter, in the less literary idiom, is the author’s original, whence the more correct version on the recto was made. Sometimes it is clear that a letter, too lengthy for one ostracon, has been continued upon a second.” Now and then a small piece seems to have accompanied the main ostracon, as a kind of introductory or covering note.” No Greek term is found here to designate ostraca; saxe alone is used, once with the seemingly superfluous epithet πλαστόν.» But in the later Greek literature from Egypt ὄστρακον 1s met with in this sense: in the well-known case of the hermit Anastasia, who announces her last illness by means of an ὄστρακον γεγραμμµένον, set outside her cell*®; or of another anchorite, who similarly uses one"; or of the silent hermit, who wrote his needs upon an ostracon, which he handed to his disciple.* Besides potsherds, flakes or slices of white limestone were, as has been said, employed for writing. Their surface and general appearance was superior and for literary texts it is limestone which we find in favor, as well as for the more formal letters, especially at Deir el Bahri, where countless chips of the ancient masonry lay ready to hand. Beyond Thebes this material does not appear to have been used for writing. Among the largest limestone pieces is one bearing two charms and probably hung up as a protective amulet. It measures 24 by 26cm. One inscribed with Psalm verses measures 15 by 33 cm.” One of the smallest must be in the present collection.** A limestone flake thus used is termed a 7Ad&." 1 Ε.ρ. 235, 205, 512. V. p. 180 n. 13. 13 ROC. v 51, 58= Clugnet Daniel 2, 9. BU 2τοιλ. 3 V. 343, 344, 374- 4 268 n. 14 PG. 87, 2057 Β. Another instance, ib. 2983. 5 E.g. 22 and 52, BKU. 180. 6 As in 270. 15 A Syriac text, cited by Bousset in Zeitschr. f. Kirchen- 7 CO. 395, where mention of these facts was carelessly gesch. xlii 27. omitted, 16 Recueil. ..Champollion, 1922, 544. 8 As in Prof. Jéquier’s ostracon, referred to in 397 n. 2. 17 Hall PI. 99 (35123). 18 612 (Part IJ Pl. XIV). 9 MMA. 24.6.4. Likewise our 191, while 214 and 215 19 In Coptic otherwise “paving stone”: Budge Mart. 25 are partly duplicates. In CO. 142 copies of a text (probably = Hyvernat Actes 50, Budge Misc. 312. A curious use legal) upon three ostraca are spoken of. in Hyvernat Joc. cit. 319. Stern had remarked upon the 10 298, 324, CO. 312, 401. perversity of gender of this word as employed in Coptic 11 390. Cf. also Krall in WZKM. 1902, 257. (AZ. 1878, 18). Except in literature, it is fem. only in 12 ST. 354. Distinguishing it from a limestone rAdé? CO. 368, ST. 278. 189 Name for ostraca Limestone | flakes | Ostraca used for all sorts of texts i | Used for | copies of papyri For magical texts Palaeography THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Although the repeated apologies for its employment clearly testify to the low estimation in which the ostracon was held,’ it was nevertheless the recipient, upon occasion, of every kind of text, from biblical excerpts to the humblest notes and lists. It is remarkable that, in the period preceding Christianity, this was not so: scarcely an ostracon, whether of limestone or of pottery, from Greek or Roman times, bears anything but official documents of an inferior order—tax-receipts, with scarcely an exception.? Private documents, above all letters, of which, from Christian or Coptic times, we have countless numbers, are entirely lacking from the foregoing period. It is not easy to account for such a change otherwise than as a mere change of fashion, unless it were a falling off in the supply of papyrus in the 6th and 7th centuries and perhaps the difficulty of obtaining it in the desert, where dwelt the monks and hermits from whom so much of this correspondence emanates. One purpose which the ostracon served was that of preserving handy copies of documents, whereof the official text was upon papyrus. When we find upon an ostracon the text of a deed, as well as the signatures of its various witnesses, written all by a single hand,* it may be assumed that we have before us a copy of the official text, taken by or for one of the persons interested. So too, when the text written upon an ostracon is there alluded to as “this papyrus” (yaprns),* it is evident that the papyrus is meant from which this copy was taken. Ostraca, on the other hand, were themselves accepted as legally valid: in many instances the text of a contract, or the form used by its witnesses or scribe refers to “this sherd,” drawn up in presence of the magistrate and evidently regarded as itself the decisive document.’ Sometimes copies of a legal agreement or decision were multiplied on several sherds.® The magical use of ostraca is not, as it happens, illustrated in the present collection,” unless we reckon as such the Letter to Abgar®; but several examples are to be seen else- where.? And not in Egypt alone; besides the inscribed sherd, cast into the Nile to effect the river’s rise, we read of them thrown into the sea to prevent storms," laid in the stall to protect the cattle” and buried in a field to rid it of weeds.¥ The scribes who used these materials wrote hands of many, widely differing types. Our chronological data being, as has been said, but vague, it would be difficult to classify these hands according to age. We can at most hope to distinguish such as are indisputably 1 Among a score or more of such apologies, only two (CO. 49, Hall p. 63 inf.) refer to limestone. It was evidently to the potsherds that indignity attached. 2 Coptic tax-receipts from a later age are plentiful (CO. 409 ff. and in all the collections), but on our site they were not to be expected. 3 ST. 41, CO. 310, Hall Pl. 100 (14080). 4 Tur. 4, ST. 435 Il. 15-17 arcgas mery¢apte (sic, original seen since publication). 5 E.g. CO. 40, 160, 165, 203, 315, Tor. 12, BKU. 71, PSBA, xxxiii Pl. 49. Muslim litigants sometimes wrote their complaints upon sherds, which they handed to the judge (Karabacek in Mitth. Rainer v 64). GCOmiy2. 7 On other remnants of Christian magic from Thebes v. below, p. 207. 8 50. 9 CO. 490, ST. 398, 399, 400, Recueil. . .Champollion P- 544, perhaps Tur. 20. 10 Nuzhat al Qulib, Le Strange, transl., 204. 11 Byz. Zeitschr. ii 292. 12 Ε. Pradel Griechische. . .Gebete (127) 379. 13 Heim Incant. Graeco-barbara no. 171 (in Fleckeisen’s Jabrbb. Suppl. xix). WRITING MATERIALS contemporary with persons or events—Epiphanius, bishop Pesenthius, Damianus the patriarch, the Persian invasion—whereof the dates are otherwise ascertained. Our Plates show, for example, a number of papyrus letters addressed to Epiphanius! and one referring to the Persians?; further there appear, among the scribes of our texts, a few whose hands can confidently be identified with hands occurring in the Pesenthian dossier at the Louvre and thus contemporary with him*; while some others of our scribes most probably, if not certainly, recur among the Pesenthian texts. With these fixed points we may then connect certain other papyri and ostraca, wherein either the above historical figures them- selves, or other persons known to have been their contemporaries, are referred to. And one or two further deductions are permissible from internal evidence. The most frequent hand of all, that of I and the list given there, probably belongs to a period other than that of Epiphanius and Pesenthius, for in no case does this scribe name either of them.’ Whether he lived before or after them it is not easy to say, for although over half the ostraca written by him were found in the modern rubbish heaps, one or two (including the letter 260) came from strata which, being among the deepest in the site, should indicate a relatively early period, previous to that of Epiphanius, whose correspondence was mostly found at later levels. And nevertheless, from these same, presumably early strata comes at least one piece mentioning Epiphanius and perhaps a second.S One cannot but hesitate to draw inferences from such meager and discordant evidence. A like hesitation is unavoidable after comparing the records of provenance in the cases of other, oft-recurring correspon- dents, such as the couple Isaac and Elias,’ letters to whom came to light at seven points in the site; or Joseph,’ letters in whose hand were collected from eight separate points. It seems thus obvious that to attempt, as regards scripts, any table of priority, based upon relative antiquity among the places of finding, would be scarcely practicable. One of the few facts of relative chronology which we might regard as ascertained is the age of the ostracon 3 and its fellows,? which Evelyn-White tells of having found, collected upon a mat by the last occupants of Cell A—assuming of course that ostraca then in use were ostraca recently written, which again would be difficult of demonstration." Our Plates display the diversities of script which appear to have been all in fashion at much the same period and which can be illustrated as well from ostraca as from papyri. 1 Part II Plates I] 163, III 131, 198, IV τττ, 458(?), 7 V.zt0n. V 106, 133, VI 162, 200; also an ostracon, Pl. XIII 336. 8 V. 245. 2 Part II Pl. VII 433. 9 V. list there. 3 These are: 84, 135 (=RE. 52), 136 11, 269 (-- ΚΕ. 10 At 598. 12 bis), 410, 460, 494 (= RE. 2 and 32), and a discarded 11 The script here has indeed a disconcerting similarity fragment (MMA. 14.1.497= ΚΕ. 55). Some of these identi- with that of Jéme no. 106 (which it is impossible to judge ties were recognized since the printing of Part II. from Revillout’s uncouth facsimile), dated 735 (properly 4 Cf. 142 and RE. 39, 270 and RE. 1. 732) Α.Ρ. It might thus supply a chronological argument 5 V.Winlock p. 36n. above. On the following dilemmas of importance for the history of our community. The more cf. his observations p. xxv above. probable inference however is as to the long persistence 6 360 and 454 of this type of hand. 191 Fixed points Problems as to relative chronology Types of script here exemplified Women writers THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Beginning with the purely book-scripts shown by papyri,! wall frescoes, graffiti? and here and there an ostracon,‘ and passing by examples of sloping, semi-uncial types,® used for private letters as well as for literary texts, and, in one variety, common upon ostraca® as well as on papyri,’ we arrive at hands with relatively few ligatures* and eventually some with a more marked tendency towards them.’ But no Coptic hands of this period are ligatured to the extent to which they became so within the following century and a half, as exemplified by some of the Jéme papyri and the contemporary tax-receipts.” Indeed in the present collection ligatured hands—at any rate upon ostraca—would appear to be rarer even than elsewhere"; but this may be due in part of course to the chances of excava- tion and partly perhaps to the absence of legally trained scribes (notaries) among our monkish writers, who would lack any calligraphic tradition, beyond that acquired in the practice of transcribing books. Our Greek ostraca, on the other hand, include examples of a fully developed ligatured script.2 A Greek papyrus, which shows one of the commonest types of running hand of this epoch, was, as it happens, not written at Thebes.” Plenty of specimens show us finally a humbler use to which both limestone and pottery were put; they were the materials upon which learners practised writing.“ The script in such cases naturally varies in clumsiness, whether the pupil merely copies out the alphabet, or ventures on biblical verses," or literary pieces. The Museum possesses a good example of the latter in a board, whereon is laboriously written out a long passage from The Song of Songs.” Our 12 shows a similar hand, as does a writing-board in the British Museum. A stage somewhat advanced in penmanship beyond these, yet still uncouth and very frequent, is illustrated here. We are not however obliged to suppose such unskilled performers to be but learners; doubtless many a monk but rarely used a pen and never attained to any fluency. A certain number of documents and letters have women for their authors”; are the 1 Part II Pl. IV 21, 43, 411, Pls. VIII, IX. The close 13 Part II Pl. X 624. There are further examples of just this similarity of script between the books 21, 43 and the letter type among the Phillipps fragments and in the Pesenthius 198 (PI. III) suffices to show that the former were contem- dossier (assuming Louvre R. 102 to belong by rights to porary work, not older books preserved. The scribe of 198 this). was evidently capable of real calligraphy. 14 Instruction in writing and reading is the subject of 2 Hyvernat Album viii 5, 1.ε. our Appendix I D. two ostraca from Thebes, which however show no con- 3 Part II, facsimiles of 635, 658, 585, 586. nection with the life of hermits there. The writers (one of 4 Part II Pl. XI 203, CO. p. 84 (lithogr.) E 133, E 206; them a monk) testify that a teacher has taught a certain some in the present collection not reproduced, as 75, 228. priest’s son, as promised, and is therefore entitled to his 5 Part II Pls. 1, XV, XVII 578, Hall Pl. 16 reo. fee—a trimision (OLZ. 1903, 67). The beginning of a 6 Part II Pls. ΧΙ, XII 84, 477. letter is extant from a monk (a coenobite apparently) to a 7 Part II Pl. V 133, 269. παιδοδιδάσκαλος (ST. 340). The Pachomian Rule enjoined 8 Part II Pls. II, III 131, V 106, VI 162. that novices should be taught to read: (Hieron.) §§ cxxxix, 9 Part II Pls. VI 244, XII 182, XIII 336. A few papyri cxl, but nothing is there said as to writing. not reproduced here show the ligatured element yet more 15 Hall Pls. 28, 29. prominently : 129 11, 135, 254. 16 BP. 740 has annovte waxe ganeg (? Ps. lix 6 or 10 CO. p. 84 (lithogr.) P 5, Hall Pls. 86, 87. cvii 7), twelve times copied, in a very unskilled hand. 11 Ες. CO. Part II Pl. I] 48, 78, 300, Hall Pls. 54 17 Ch. viii 5-14, MMA. 14.1.218, bought at Luxor. (20035), 66 (29757). 18 Hall Pl. 100 infra. 12 Part II Pl. XIV 611, 612, 620. 19 Part II Pl. XIII 180. 20 V. Part II Index p. 175. 192 WRITING MATERIALS authoresses their own scribes? One of our letters is in the joint names of two women, of ῃ whom one expressly says that she writes with her own hand!; another, likewise from two Hy Wi | women, shows two distinct hands, presumably those of the two authoresses.? But the script of women’s letters does not in type differentiate itself from the rest. In some cases the | authoress has employed a scribe, who gives his name.’ One graffito is possibly by a woman. Hy ih | | The fee for writing a legal document upon an ostracon is given as a bushel of ἀπαρχή, Scribe’s fee | { η. whatever that ambiguous word may here mean. In the Theban district there must have been about this time no little activity in the Books of making of papyrus books, if we may judge by the amount of remnants that have survived. ο ο, Bp Wi) a From our texts we may gather something as to this industry.s That papyrus probably sae aud | | came from farther north we have already seen and have found references to the purchase | οἱ it. Requests for the writing of specified books occur now and then. One writer wishes il | enquiries made of a priest and “‘calligraph” respecting a Psalter, which the latter had been commissioned to write, while he speaks of himself providing the skin for the binding.’ | Elsewhere the order for a large piece of work is given, somewhat curtly: “Be so good and Wt write the Minor Prophets and the Judges.”® A more plausible interpretation of these words | | does not suggest itself. It seems unlikely that mere lists of the names should be intended, | Hill unless possibly as a charm, It is to be noted that the recipient here is most reverently addressed. Another letter apologizes for delay in sending the book which had long since been completed,’ while one in the present work seems to be from a scribe awaiting instruc- tions as to what book it is he shall write; and the steward of Saint Menas’s church asks that the book, which he had presumably commissioned the deacon whom he addresses to write, may, if completed, be brought him™ without delay, since he requires it for the Forty Days (fast). Pagination was added after the writing of the text, as may be clearly seen in a Phillipps papyrus, where the figures pra, px were inserted, in a different ink and hand, whereas the ornamental frames around them are the work of the original penman. The process of piercing and stitching together the leaves is alluded to in a letter likewise addressed to “thy holy fatherhood,”’” to whom the book is being sent for that purpose. The visible stitching of our papyrus book® well illustrates this. What precisely is meant by 1 386. 8 Hall p. 77 supra. The facsimile allows of nexprtic. 2 170. The long letter, RE. 28, by two women, is written 9 CO, 252. Reference to termination of a scribe’s, rather throughout in a single, bold and often ligatured hand. than merely of a reader’s, task seems probable. Cf. p. 181. ST. 387 (from “Tomb 95”) shows two letters, by a man 10 387. But here again there is some ambiguity. “Book” and a woman respectively; but the former (the Joseph can mean either the material written upon, or the text of our 245) is scribe of both. thereon written. 3 336. 4 646. 11 ST. 217, using ovw transitively, as in Mus. Guim. 5 The document, ST. 38, is an ἐπιτροπή. xvii 328 (= nun, 7b. 103), Budge Mart. 207, 21 &c. 6 A number of facts relating to Coptic book-making are 12 CO. Ad. 50, reading waAkg, not ware. If uwAg be collected in BM. Introduction pp. xiv, xv. the verb, the meaning would be “punctuate.” Cf. στίζειν in 7 Imper. Russ. Archaeol. Soc. Zapiski xviii 026. Two BM. 704, as in PG. 65, 132 B &c. Greek words employed here remain obscure, despite πο Βατ ΡΕ] Lemm’s suggestions (Miscel. xlvi). 193 Payment for books Libraries THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS “adorn” (κοσμεῖν) is not clear!: whether illumination of the text with colored initials &c. —though in Theban papyrus books nothing of the kind has hitherto been noticed—or ornamentation of the leather binding. The extant bindings from other districts, notably those from the Fayytim,? from the White Monastery * and from Edfa,‘ are indeed plentifully “adorned” and the two specimens found at Thebes are decorated in the same style.5 Goat-skins were used for the outer binding® and between this leather and the board inside it composed of waste papyrus was, occasionally, a thin layer of mixed clay and hashed straw, to which one of our texts perhaps alludes.’ The craft of book-binding was learnt, together with that of the scribe, by the boy Pesenthius, eventually bishop of Ermont.8 Thongs for books are mentioned, but their purpose is uncertain; they may have served to hold the volume closed, or to suspend 1.5 Another term obscurely used is κοεις “sheath,” which we find in this connection, without being able as yet to explain it. For there is no evidence that bound books in Egypt were at this period enclosed in outer leathern cases, although the custom in later days, both there and in Ethiopia, might suggest that it had formerly prevailed. In the library catalogue of the White Monastery books “without sheath” are entered." Payment for books, written to order or merely bought, is the subject of several letters: once the price of a Psalter is in question,” elsewhere those of other books." In one case “the price of the whole book” (which contained the Minor Prophets and no doubt other scriptures) is given as 10,010, the name of some small coin being understood. The cost of the skin for the binding is here said to be excluded from the price. Monasteries, in the usual acceptation of that term, such as Saint Phoebammon’s, had libraries (βιβλιοθήκη), wherein documents and presumably books also, were kept.» Whether 1 381. To the note there add reference to Bousset Apo- fastening” ; σειρά, though common in this literature, is hard phthegmata 82. to fit in here. Should our 373 be interpreted literally and 2 Hyvernat Check-list of Pierpont Morgan MSS. ΡΙ. II. referred here? Observe the thongs upon the BM. Psalter, 3 Whence the two wonderful papyrus volumes, Budge’s ed. Budge pp. x, xi, and his Homilies (BM. 171) p. xiv; per- Earliest Coptic Psalter and Coptic Homilies, are stated to haps also the four loops upon the outer cover of the Leyden have come (Budge By Nile and Tigris ii 333, 340). The volume, referred to above. That it was with thongs that statement of a Sift dealer to the present writer in 1898, books were closed is to be gathered from the words movp, that these were found in ruins at El Mashai‘ah, 10 m. lit. “bind, tie,” used for closing a volume (Budge Misc. 451), S. of Abdtig, is presumably unreliable. and Awa ehoa, lit. “loosen, untie,”’ for opening it (Rossi 4 Budge Misc. Introduction. Νου. Cod. 41, BM. 1224 &c.). οδωπ in Lu. iv 17 seems due 5 BM. 325 and Leyden (Anastasy no. 9) p. 441. The merely to theGreek. With movp cf. ligatum in Reg. Pachom. Theban origin of the first of these is practically certain, (Hieron.) §§ Ixxxii and ς. that of the second is vouched for in the Catal... .des 10 RE. 22. Antiquités Coptes, 1900, p. 31. 11 Journ. Theol. St. ν 564. 6 V. 380. The allusion here must be to book-binding— 12 CO. 248. The amount is not named. only a single skin is required—although wyaap seems some- 13 ST. 217, 256(?). In ib. 318 (already published by times to stand for “parchment”: Budge Misc. 221, Vat. Winstedt in PSBA. xxix 320) a book is to be valued and lvii 271 vo. (Chrysostom In Titum). its worth ascertained: eyanuga πω (for ov). 7 392. 14 ST. 163. 8 V. p. 136. 15 Jéme Index II s.v., BM. p. xv (references to the 9 RE. 76 bis, nexmove πτὸσεωλπ ommexWume Mast library of the White Monastery). Αλππαςτρο (sic Ἱερ., v. 368n.). copa? for σέρα, “hasp, 194 WRITING MATERIALS the niches or cupboards (θυρίς, θυρίδιον, wovust), in which we read of books being ranged,' were a feature in such libraries, or whether mere cupboards in some other room them- selves constituted the “‘library,” remains as yet doubtful. 1 Reg. Pachom. (Hieron.) ut supra, Bios Ἠαχουμ. § 38, 2 MIF. xxiii 210, which enjoins that the ms. shall be ROC, 1909, 361 (228). In Nitria whitewashed book- kept in noyovuyt miaxwwame, points to the latter as the shelves are mentioned: PG, 65, 128 B. case. 195 NH Sources of information iL Book-lists Remains of papyrus volumes CHAPTER VIII LITERATURE HE literature read by Theban ascetics about the year 600 could not but be Coptic for the most part. What still survived in Greek was primarily for liturgical uses, though a few Greek pieces seem to be school exercises. Some notion, obviously incomplete, of the Coptic works familiar at this period would be obtained (1) from the actual remains, in the form of manuscripts or of ostraca, of the works then read, (2) from lists of books to be found among our documents and (3) from chance references occurring in the texts, be it in sermons or in private letters. It is the second of these classes which, as it happens, supplies us with the fullest informa- tion ; for among the lists of books, preserved upon Theban ostraca, one is of such uncommon length and interest, that for our present purpose, it alone surpasses in value all our other sources. We shall however not deal with this document separately, but, drawing upon all our material at once, shall offer a combined list of the works named in them. Having to decide upon the limits of what are to be here treated as ““Theban” sources, we have thought it justifiable to include the various papyri in the British Museum which, it is practically certain, came, in the early part of the last century, from Thebes!: among them, those of the Harris collection, subsequently Mr. Martin Kennard’s and now BM. Or. 7561, together with a few from the same source in the Munich Library.2, With the British Museum’s early series are also connected various fragments in the Phillipps Library at Cheltenham. The papyri recently acquired by Mr. Pierpont Morgan from Lady Amherst* have perhaps 1 An earlier claim to Theban provenance was made for (v. Zoega p. 184 no. 65). Balestri’s grounds for distin- the fragment of the Acts of St. Coluthus, published in 1781 by Stefano Borgia. This had been procured, in 1778, from a ruined monastery prope Thebas (Fragm. Copt. &c. ΡΡ. 3, 4, reprinted in Georgi’s De Mirac. S. Coluth. p. 3). But this frag. is in fact part of the same Ms. as Paris 12915 ff. 21-25, which are presumably from the White Monastery. Similarly Georgi’s Fragm. Evang. S. Iohan., claimed as of the same provenance, is simply a White Monastery ms. guishing one portion of this ms. from the other seem in- adequate (Sacr. Bibl. Fragm. iii p. xxxiv; cf. Tabb. 20, 21). 2 These are the fragments copied by Des Riviéres, about 1845; v. PSBA. xxv 267, xxviii 137, and BIF. v 88, where the description of them which he sent to Harris is reprinted by E. Galtier. 3 Published in Crum’s Theological Texts, 1913. LITERATURE equal claims to be here considered, for they too are probably of Theban origin; but reasons of space and the fact that they have been fully published already may excuse their being left out of account. The important ostracon (or rather limestone flake) above referred to is that whereof the text was published by U. Bouriant.! It will be here designated as B, with the same sequence-numeral following in each citation as is given in the edition. The catalogue is strangely prefaced by the deacon’s words in the Mass: Προσεύξασθε περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης τῆς ἁγίας καθολικῆ(ς) καὶ ἀποστολικῆ(9) ἐκκλησίας. Its title is: “The list (λόγος) of the holy books of the τόπος of Apa Elias of the Rock.’”? Its first division contains 33 entries, almost exclusively biblical. The next contains 24, described as ‘“The books that were given unto Kalapesius the second time, in the year of the 1st Indiction” (i.e. presumably, the second instalment in a single year). These are patristic works. The last section is headed : ““Those that came in to the holy τόπος, in addition to the aforesaid, are the following’’*; it con- sists of 22 miscellaneous books, including one or two biblical, lacking from the original list and probably for that reason acquired later. This last section has an entry which suggests that the list is contemporary with the rest of our material.‘ I. It would be superfluous to enumerate the canonical books, for, from one of our sources or another, all can be collected (B alone contains all, excepting Eccl., Song, Lam., Ezek.). We will merely note certain of the more interesting facts. The Books of Chronicles figure in B8 and a scrap of their text actually survives in our 5, but as yet no other evidence for the Sa‘idic version is known. “‘The Ezras” (mecapa) are named in Bg and a fragment of text has in fact been found at the White Monastery.® Our list of names drawn thence® may be derived of course as well from a Coptic as from a Greek text. The ostracon BP. 1069 is a fragmentary list of extra-canonical books, with the number of chapters following each, and is interesting in this connection. We print it so far as legible: ecpa πεονοιμλ[ P | τεοφῖο Ἡπωπρε mlcrpage Ae tora Hi|codomun τς (Verso) τα.. [2 illegible lines Ruanna]Baioc Ke[ P ] taraackad[ren] Re. The name here of Ezra’s father, Southiel, should indicate the ultimate source of the Ethiopic version of at any rate 4 Esdras; for there (in the older of the {εχίς),ῖ in place of Salathiel, we read Sutael.* In this same ostracon are also named the Books of the Maccabees. So far only a single, minute fragment of their Coptic text has been recognized and that at the White Monastery.’ The version 1 In Rec. xi 132. A photograph, kindly supplied by the 7 V. Β. Violet Die Ezraapok. (Griech. Chr. Schriftst., Institut Francais at Cairo, shows that the edition is remark- 1919) p. 2. ably accurate. The notes upon the text, CO. p. xix n., now 8 So too in the Synaxarium, PO. vii 258, where the need some rectification. person commemorated is clearly the author of 4 Esdras. 2 Reading tne[tpa], for which there is exactly space. Cf. also Ludolf Comment. 421. (On p. 430, x, Ludolf con- Cf. above, p. 113. founds Esdras and Isidore of Pelusium.) 3 Cf. ex egown exm- similarly in Jéme no. 67, 5ο, 57, 9 Paris 13251. 171, which shows 4 Macc. ii 6, perhaps no. 68, 43; and for this use of en- cf. Ps. Ixviii 27. from a lectionary (?), since the subscription following this 4 V. below, p. 203 (Pesenthius), p. 204 (Shenoute). verse is “The Book of the Maccabees, in the peace of 5 AZ. xli 137. God. Amen.” 6 581. 197 A long book catalogue Biblical books Liturgical works THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS of Job displayed in some Theban fragments! appears to differ somewhat from the well- known Sa‘idic text shown in the White Monastery mss. and edited by Ciasca. Of the few Greek biblical texts found at Thebes nothing need be said here, beyond pointing out the liturgical character of the specimens which the present as well as the other like collections include. The famous papyrus Psalter, Codex U (here 578), however, can hardly be so regarded. On the persistence of Greek in the liturgies see below. Here should be mentioned the Lectionaries which figure in B 23-26, where they are entitled καταµέρος, probably the earliest occurrence of that term yet noticed. Remnants of lectionaries from Thebes are BM. Or. 7561, 65 and perhaps 2b., 1-23. II. Nothing has survived of liturgical books, strictly so-called, from Thebes, unless it be our 43, and this may have belonged to a volume of Canons. Our catalogue, at B 52, contains what is apparently a service for Epiphany, possibly something similar to the Blessing of the Waters, edited by Lord Bute and Dr. Budge, 1901.5 Liturgical would be the puzzling entries B 49, 50, supposing their title to mean “The κατηχήσεις of the Funeral (Service),”® perhaps something similar to the formal orations (marthtyah) which figure in the Bohairic funeral office.’ The sole remnants of a Coptic liturgical text upon papyrus are in the Phillipps Library® and of these the script is so informal that we should imagine the ms. to have been merely a roughly copied extract and not part of a volume. These fragments show the petitions for clergy and celebrant in the Mass,’ in phraseology differing from that of any extant Anaphora. The remaining prayers—and there are a good number of them—are all upon ostraca: some in Greek, some in Coptic. We cannot here do more than enumerate them. Comparison with the published parallels shows, in every case, wide divergence of detail. a. Greek Prayers from the Mass :—CO. 516 (priest’s apologia), Hall pp.15 (Thanksgiving, of. Brightman 131), 51 (33182, deacon, before Gospel: Brightman 119), ST. 21, 24 (un- identified). Coptic Prayers :—CO. 4 (Preface and Sanctus), 5 (Kiss of Peace), 6 (Inclina- tion), 7 (9), Hall pp. 24 auf. = 138 rev. (after Incense: Brightman 152), 138 obo. (for inundation and fruits: Brightman 127, 167), ST. το (?), 20 (? Absolution), Rossi in Turin Atti 1895, 1 BM. 939. 6 It is difficult to justify any other translation. ππως, 2 Relatively early is the instance in Vatic. lvii, f. 33 a, ππωως certainly has no connection with the town of Kis, where the substantive nmmmatamepoc translates καθ᾽ as Bouriant assumed; but neither is the noun πως used ἕκαστον µέρος in PG. 58, 757. Cf. also τὸ κατὰ µέρος in in Sa‘idic for “preparation for burial,’ as in Bohairic the Bios Παχουμ. § 11. (e.g. Gen. 1 3, Testam. Abrah. 255). In Sa‘idic it means “a 3 V. Horner’s Coptic Version, Sabidic iti 344 q. corpse.” The title here is therefore literally “The Homily 4 Perhaps we may record here a vellum scrap, brought of the Corpse.” by Prof. Sayce from Kas, showing the heading “[The] 7 BM. 846. Three of these pieces are printed at the Anaphora of the [holy Apa] Severus,” which recalls the end of the Kitdb al Tagniz, Cairo, AM. 1621. “Canon of father Severus, the great Patriarch,” already 8 No. 16402, in frames 1 and 18. in use in the diocese of Hou in the 6th century: Synax., 9 Cf. Brightman 130, 173. PO. xi 686 = Miss. iv 513. On the Anaphora of Severus 10 This prayer begins: trcone (M)Monk Tasoerc Mape- cf. Baumstark in Jahrb. f. Liturgiewissensch. ii 92 ff. περο (sic) Meg moor (M)neqovoeruy HETCIO &C. 5 Cf. BM. 833. But “The Festival of the Epiphany” 11 Verso, overlooked, shows ].q nenthho meaat πε[ might be taken here to mean a book of Homilies proper and Ja nmekaracon ετεσ[. to that occasion. LITERATURE p. 804 (Thanksgiving, quoting Ρας. xxxviii 12, ci1 (?), xciv 2), BP. 709 (for Peace), ib. 1086 (prefatory to Communion), 7b. 9444 + 4970 (at Morning Incense). b. Prayers extraneous to the Mass :—Hall p. 23 (for a monk, on taking the σχῆμα, not in Tuki’s Euchologion), Tur. Mater. no. 11 (to a saint, for his intercession to preserve from “schism and heresy”), ST. 17 (for the present monastic community), 18 (for the monastery), 23 (to Michael, ? an amulet, Greek). Our 46, 47, 48 (all copies of the same) appear to be a prayer attributed to Shenoute; 44 and 45 await identification. It may finally be noted that the writer of a letter speaks of sending a “book of prayers” (zpocevxat).! These scanty remnants contribute something towards the evidence, gradually accu- mulating, for a form (or forms) of liturgy differing considerably in Southern Egypt from those since early days and still familiar in the north. The relation between the types here represented and those current, for instance at the White Monastery, remains yet to be investigated. Among a large number of Hymns, chiefly in Greek, the most noteworthy are the bilinguals in 592. The seventeen pieces following it are all in Greek, as are likewise CO. 517, 518, 519, 521, Ad. 39, ST. 26, 27, Hall pp. 17 (27421, to a martyr apparently (cf. our 594), opening with 1 Tim. vi 12), 22, 46 rev., 137 (to a martyred or persecuted bishop), BP. 247 + 1227, Strassburg ostracon ed. Reitzenstein.2 Among these are hymns of several sorts: anthems, troparia, various forms of the trisagion, besides the long acrostical pieces in 592 and 593.° Like the Prayers, they invite comparison with the large quantity of material now available from other Sa‘idic but non-Theban sources. III. Apophthegmata—Evidence of acquaintance with these is given by the book-list CO. Ad. 23 and the letters 7b. 250, 252, in which ‘‘The Paradise,” ““The Paradise of Shiét,” “The Paradise of Nitria’’ (these two evidently distinct collections) are named. ‘The Elders of Shiét,” B 38, doubtless points to something of this class. Now and then we meet with a single apophthegm written upon an ostracon.® Athanasius.—Besides the Letter to Monks (our 585), we have in B the mention of several works: 77, “Concerning Priests and Monks,” possibly the Σύνταγμα διδασκαλίας, “to monks and all Christians, both cleric and lay.’’ No surviving treatise bears a title more applicable. 54, Κηρύγματα, doubtless the Festal Letters.* 69, ““A Discourse wherein he spake with the Philosophers.’ Since this has “philosophers” in the plural, the Letter to Maximus (PG. 26, 1085) is out of the question. Moreover the title suggests a dialogue. 1 BRU. 301. 2 Zwei Religionsgesch. Fragen 115. 3 CO. 514, 515 perhaps also liturgical versicles. 4 To the references already given in CO. 250n. add ROC. 1906, 67: a novice is expected to read “the Book of the Paradise of our cross-bearing Fathers.” It may be observed that the citations in the Encomium on Pesen- thius (M/E. ii 339, 362) correspond respectively to PG. 65, 141 (69), and 193 (25): a fact not without interest for the chronology of this literature ; cf. Bousset A pophth. 68 n. (also Peeters in Anal. Boll. ΧΙΙ 434). ης Sp 6 V. CO. 18n., adding that ἐγκύκλιον, there cited from the Encom. on Pesenthius, corresponds to κήρυγμα in the parallel Sa‘idic, since published (Budge Apoc. 105), thus establishing the meaning. Further, cf. κηρύσσειν used of the Pascha in Lemm KK‘. 206 and in BM. Or. 8810, are, “the 4o days that are proclaimed (κηρύσσειν) through- out all the land.” Homiletic &c. (in alphabetical order) THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS And this might suggest that we here have the independent form of that much discussed disputation which occupies so large a place in Athanasius’s Vita Antoni (§§ 72-80) and which, it has been plausibly surmised, may there be but an interpolation. Our 5Ι is an extract from the Homily which deals with Drunkenness,? while our 49 cites that upon (the Passion and) the Cross. B 32 records a “‘little book of Ῥέηγήσεις,” without further titles BKU. 201 is a letter containing a quotation from Athanasius. Basil of Caesarea—Quoted in 52. Unnamed works by him perhaps in 554. Cyril (of Alexandria).—B 67, “Α Discourse on the End (solution) of the Fast.’’ We assume this to be Cyril of Alexandria, although neither to him, nor to Cyril of Jerusalem is any work with comparable title attributed.» Extracts in Coptic from his doctrinal writings are in our Appendix I (Part II) and in Greek we have his Anathemas (586). An ostracon with book-list® recorded an exegetical work of his. Damianus of Alexandria—Beyond his Synodicon (Part II Appendix I 4), we have only references to his Festal Letters (53, 55, CO. 18, 249, Ad. 59). Discourses.—B 79, ‘‘Other small books of selected Discourses” (λόγου). Dogmatical Works.—Our 554 has this entry.7 One might assume collections of con- troversial testimonia to be intended, such as were in later ages popular in Egypt and in Ethiopia. Esaias the Exegete.—B 80, CO. 402, ST. 29. Whether in 557, CO. Ad. 23 Esaias of Scete or Isaiah the Prophet is in question it is impossible to say.® Evagrius Ponticus.—CO. 252, WZKM. 1902, 257 also our 554 and perhaps 393, 0.0. Gregory Nyssen.—ST. 31 names him and contains perhaps a citation from him. John Chrysostom.—Letter to Basil, on a renegade brother, PSBA. xxix 316. This might prove to be from the Epistles to Theodore”; it has yet to be examined. B61 and 64 are “Books of Discourses of Apa John,” whom we should assume to be Chrysostom, were «ς not that surname or the title “archbishop” always found added, in Coptic texts, to the saint’s name. Indeed in B 60 he is styled “John of Constantinople,” possibly with the object of differentiating him from the namesake whose discourses are entered under 61 and 64. Yet, despite these facts, one is inclined to see in the latter Chrysostom, whose works were so widely popular in Egypt. Pachomius.—B 37, “On the End of the Community” (κοινωνία). No such title suits 1 By Butler Hist. Laus. i 227. has πχωωμιε maormatyom (sic leg.). 2 Perhaps the same as a text in Turin: Lemm KKS. 272. 8 Esaias Abbas was popular at the White Monastery 3 Cf. the use of the same word s.v. Shenoute, below. (BM. p. 519, Wessely no. 276) and in Nitria (Evelyn-White 4 Among lost works passing under his name was a Life New Texts &c. App. 1). of Paul the Hermit, quoted in the Synaxar., 2nd Amshir, 9 The Παροιμίαι there named have not yet been identified PO. xi 780. among his reputed works. 5 Unless the Discourse on Low (New) Sunday by Cyril 10 Whereof a Coptic version existed: BM. 981. Hieros. (MS. Morgan xxxiv) could be intended. 11 On other writers named John known to the Copts 6 Rec. xxxiv 160. ο. Ryl. 65 and Papyruscodex p. xvii, though the latter 7 But v. note 8 there. Crum Coptic MSS. no. xiii 8 notes now require revision. 200 LITERATURE anything ascribed to Pachomius. Nor are the words free from obscurity.! One might imagine a prophetic utterance, for which visions and revelations, such as those narrated in the Βίος §§ 45, 65 or Paralipomena §§ 18, 24-26, might give excuse; or perhaps a purely apocryphal prophecy, similar to those attributed to Pesenthius and Samuel of Kalamén and narrating, whilst pretending to foretell, the disruption of the Pachomian community which resulted from Justinian’s persecution. Pesenthius of Keft.—A small fragment, showing the heading and first words of a homily by him, is BM. Or. 7561, 60.2 Same ms. as the pages of his Encomium, noticed below. “Rich and Poor, a short piece upon.”’—B 75. Perhaps an extract from a longer discourse. In the Coptic “History of the Church”* Chrysostom is stated to have written “upon the Rich and the Poor.’’4 Sarapion, bishop.—‘‘A Discourse (λόγος) concerning..... ” The subject of the homily is doubtful, tate xmacoc, “the fig (tree) of passion,” being a reading somewhat difficult to accept.® Severus of Antioch—Our Appendix I D and F are long extracts from him, while 59 is from one of his Epistles, Ann. du S. xxii 270 (2) from another, or from a homily. 49 cites him and works by him are entered in the lists 554 and 556. Shenoute.— Eényyjoeis by him are B 44, 45. A volume of them is asked for in one letter’; his κατηχήσεις figure in another list,’ extracts from his works in our 56, 57, 58, perhaps in 65, 66, also in BKU. 180 verso and in BM. Or. 7561, 74-76. B 46 is “Another Discourse on Drunkenness,” with which cf. the title of Zoega ccciii. A passage in the Life of Pesenthius shows him to have been familiar with Shenoute’s homilies and tells us the subject of one of them.® Here we must class the several dialogues and dissertations comprised in the Phillipps papyrus” and finally the fragment relating to the Exit of the Soul, from another ms. in the same collection." Of this last text another copy is included in BM. Or. 7561, 74-78, above mentioned, where a considerable passage preceding it is preserved. The style is perhaps that of Shenoute.” Various pieces, clearly homiletic or epistolary, such as our 54, 60-63, 79, should be I gas generally means “end, termination,” rarely “con- and let no man sit at ease in church, nor speak of (eee) summation, completion, συντέλεια”. (Ezek. xxii 12, Eccli. such as stand (serving) in the Holy of Holies.” Shenoute’s xlvii 12 (10)), never “object, goal.” extant writings contain no piece thus entitled, though 2 “[Apa] Pesynthius, the bishop of Keft, speaking as (Pseudo-)Shenoute, MS. Morgan liv, has a long passage to how it befitteth to honour [...” upon drunkenness (p. 141 ff.). 3 V. PSBA. xxiv 68 ff. for a description of it. 10 Papyruscodex pp. 1-41. Our 70, which contains similar 4 Miss. iv 815. “Rich” and “poor” are here both in ζητήματα, may be mentioned here. the plural. 11 Loc. cit. 48-50. 5 V. Spiegelberg and Ehrhard in Rec. xxxiv 160. 12 It would be interesting to investigate the relations of 6 Ἐξήγησις is thus used in CSCO. 42, 26, Wessely no. 504. this to the other pieces treating of the same subject GP ule, Si t7p 8 CO. 45ο. (among them, Tur. 3) and thought to descend from a 9 MIE. ii 373: “Let no priest spit in church, above all common Egyptian source (Leont. Neap. Gelzer 146). before the sanctuary, neither blow (or snort) with his nose; Canons Biographical THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS noticed here, but as they show no author’s names, nothing further need be said of them. It has been suggested that they are not seldom extracts from Festal Epistles.1 IV. The Apostles.—Canons of, B 43. The Apostles.—Didascalia of, B 55. Here, as always in Coptic, 88ackadu«(4).? This work is included in the list above quoted (BP. 1069), with Ezra, Sirach &c., apparently as the last of the extracanonical scriptures.’ Athanasius.—Canons of, B 2. Their currency at Thebes at this period is witnessed by the papyrus BM. 167.4 The same.— Evrohai, B 53. No such title occurs among the works ascribed to Athanasius, unless that be meant which, according to John of Nikiu, he composed “‘upon the Precepts of Christ.’’5 The so-called Γνῶμαι of Nicaea seem to be represented by a series of short precepts upon an ostracon.6 None of the known mss. of them is Theban. Pachomius.—Canons of, B 31. Presumably the original Coptic form of the Canons, recently identified by Professor Lefort? and whereof BM. 170—also a Theban ms.—seems to represent either a divergent text, or some admonitory work which cited these Canons. The list of bishops in 560 shows that the Canons of the early Councils were available in some form.’ V. Athanasius——The Encomium upon, B 36. At least three such are extant in Coptic: one by Cyril of Alexandria,® two by Constantine of Sift.” Basil—Encomium upon by Gregory, B 59. This might be either the Oration of Gregory Nazianzen," or that of Gregory Nyssen®; but the allusion in the account of Basil in the Synaxarium™ makes the former probable. Chrysaphius the Ethiopian.—Life of, CO. 459. To the note there may be added: Budge Misc. Pl. XX XVIII, where a “well (πηγή) of Apa Chrysaphius” is named, apparently at Esne; though this is more likely to be some less conspicuous local namesake. Constantine.—80 refers to a legend of the Emperor, which recurs in the story of his daughter Eudoxia and the finding of the Cross.14 Cosmas and Damianus.—BM. Or. 7561, 129 is a fragment of the Acts of these saints, which are to be read complete in MS. Morgan li and whereof fragments have come from the White Monastery." 1 Preuschen in Byz. Zeitschr. 1906, 643. 8 Presumably similar to the Coptic versions of the Acts 2 V.Carl Schmidt in Gétting. Nachr. 1901, 337. of Nicaea and Ephesus (Zoega clix, TuU. NF. xi). 3 The acceptance of one or other of these pseudo- 9 Lemm, ΚΟ. 624, has shown that the composition is apostolic compositions was peculiar to the Egyptian church. ascribed to him. V. Zahn in PRE.* 9, 779, 793. Cf. that mentioned in 467. 10 MS. Morgan xxxvii contains both. 4 Ed. Riedel and Crum, 1904. 5 Ed. Charles, p. 82. 11 PG, 36, 493. 6 V. J. Lammeyer Die Sogen. Gnomen d. Conc. v. N., 12 PG, 46, 788. 1912; F. Haase Die Kopt. Quellen τ. Kong. v. N., 1920. 1 ρο χει 7 In Ac. des Inscr., CR. 1919, 341, Le Muséon xxxiv 61, 14 V. Part II Addenda. XXXVil 1. 15 Paris 102, 8 and 129), 17, 18, PSBA. xxx 133. iS) ° Ne LITERATURE Elias of Pshouéb.—Life of, 78, q.v. Hilaria, daughter of Zeno.—History of, BM. Or. 7561, 134. Now available in the com- plete text in MS. Morgan xlit Histories of the Church.—B 58. It has been elsewhere suggested? that this is the com- pilation whence the Arabic Patriarchal Chronicle of Severus of Ashmunain was subsequently adapted. John the Baptist —The Revelation of the Bones of Apa John the Baptist, B 72. This recalls the story published by Steindorff in AZ. 1883, 137. The same.—Discourses of (sic), B71. Presumably Homilies or Panegyrics upon the Baptist.? John Chrysostom.—An Encomium of Apa Severian upon John of Constantinople, B 60. No such work is known. That John’s praises should have been eventually sung by one of his most persistent enemies is hardly conceivable. The ascription might be set down either to a careless scribe or to an ignorant author, unaware of the historical facts, conscious merely of a traditional connection between the two names and influenced moreover by the occasional confusion of their writings,‘ were it not that the account of Severian in the Synaxarium shows the Coptic church to have accepted a quite perverted tradition.® Macarius of Tk6w.—An Encomium by Dioscorus upon, BM. Or. 7561, 84 Π.5 Macarius of Téhe.’—Life of, B 57. A saint unidentified among many namesakes. Tdhe too is an ambiguous name. Macrina.—The Life of Macrina, sister of Basil and Gregory, Β 7ο. Presumably that by Gregory Nyssen.* Maria—The Life of Saint (ayia), B 42. We cannot tell which of the many Coptic panegyrics upon the Virgin is here intended. Pachomius.—The Life of Apa, B 34. It is of course impossible here to decide between the several versions of the Life. The mss. of two among them are connected by provenance with Thebes. Pesenthius of Keft.—Life of, BM. Or. 7561, 61, 62. These are fragments corresponding to passages of the published Sa‘idic text.” The work is perhaps referred to in ST. 281, 12. The absence from B of a saint locally so famous may confirm the presumption that that cata- logue dates from his lifetime. That the Life (or rather, Encomium) was composed not long 1 Has it been observed that the story of Hilaria by one of his companions. BM. 327, dealing with the remarkably resembles that of Apolinaria, Ac. SS., 5th same events, is from Thebes. January ? 2 PSBA. xxiv 84. A passage from the ninth “history, coinciding with one on Zoega p. 262, is introduced into the Acts of Mercurius (Budge Misc. 243). 3 It may be observed that the Encomium by Theodosius, in MS. Morgan xli, is not identical with that published by Rossi and De Vis (Homélies Coptes). 4 Lemm KKS. liii has published fragments of what appears to be a narrative of Chrysostom’s exile, related ” 5 PO. 1245, 7th Tat. 6 Published PSBA. xxv 267, xxviii 137. The almost complete text in MS. Morgan xviii. 7 Sic leg., no doubt, and not kamaproc, the 2nd syllable whereof is aa and is inserted above. One is almost tempted to read Patouhe, in place of Patoure, as the monastery’s name treated of on p. 111 above. 8 PG. 46, 960. 9 Theol. Texts nos. 24, 25. 10 Budge Apoc. 86, 87, 109. Martyrdoms THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS after Pesenthius’s death is evident from the script of these very fragments, which should belong to the latter part of the 7th century.! Peter the Iberian.—Plerophori@ of, in the book-list CO. 459. In our 554 some work of his is entered, but without name. There seems no ground for disputing the authorship of the Pleropboria, as given in the above list? and as substantiated by the Antipbonary. The task performed by John Rufus would be merely that of rearranging and retelling the anecdotes, originally told in the work of his teacher, Peter. Besides the fragments else- where published,‘ there are one or two scraps belonging presumably to Peter’s work among the Theban mss. in the Phillipps Library.’ Phib.—Life of (?), BM. Or. 7561, 135-148. These fragments correspond to passages in the Life by Papohe, contained in MS. Morgan lvi.* Polycarp.—CO. 23. The account of him taken from Irenaeus,’ more probably as quoted by some subsequent writer than directly from that father. Severus of Antioch.—81, Life by John of Beth Aphthonia. It remains uncertain whether BM. 273 is from a narrative concerning his dealings with Theodora, or from a homiletic text.® Shenoute.—Encomium by Apa Constantine on, B 66. The author may be the bishop of Sift, contemporary with the patriarchs Damianus and Andronicus.° Thomas of Pjinjéb.—B 39. We take this to be a Life, since an ascete of this name is known as contemporary with Shenoute.” VI. Arsinouphius——BM. Or. 7561, 52, 53. A martyr of this name (Orsenouphius) is a contemporary of Phoebammon’s at Sifit (v. above, p. 110) and is commemorated, with Ischyrion and others, on the 7th Batnah." Namesakes (called Warshentifa), occurring on the 1oth Bafinah and 29th Abib, are not suitable here. Gamoul.—BM. 325, has been edited.” The Phillipps Library has further fragments. James the Persian (Intercisus)—BM. Or. 7561, 119, has been published.¥ 1 Except for a tailed form of , it much resembles 8 Cf. ROC. 1923, 103. There are other fragments of this BM. PI. 8, 274. Thus the type is that of ib. Pl. 2, 971 and ms. and most likely from this text, all of a homiletic Hyvernat Album Pl. VIII 5 (= our Appendix I D), which character, in the Phillipps Library. are datable ca. 600. Cf. also CO. p. 84 (lithogr.), E. 133, 9 That the latter was his contemporary is explicitly which must be of the same period. stated in Constantine’s Second Encomium on Claudius 2 Although Lemm did so: Jberica 21 n., and although the (MS. Morgan xlvii 147); that he had been consecrated Chronicle of Michael, ii 69, seems to support him. by Damianus he tells us elsewhere (BM. 865 n.). No 3 V. Theol. Texts p. 62n. Cf. also Evelyn-White’s New panegyric by him on Shenoute is otherwise known. If this Texts p. 164 n. were indeed Constantine of Sitit, we should hereby obtain 4 Theol. Texts, loc. cit. a terminus ante quem for dating B. 5 No. 16402, 9+ 16. They correspond, although not 10 Miss. iv 462. verbally, to PO. viii pp. 31 and 7ο. The second of these tr PO. xvii 542. For ὠνφουἰο)!, read ? geile! (cf. passages is preceded by a blank space and headed by the the form in Forget i 329, 14). The Acts are preserved in numeral R[.], Ze. 20+? In the Syriac the same section Ethiopic: Wright no. ccliv, 9, Zotenberg no. 131, 15. A is numbered 29. But unless we were to suppose the Coptic reminiscence of this group in the martyrs Ouersinouphius a version from John’s Greek, there would be no ground and Peter, on a lamp: Hall p. 20 (4). for reading &6 here. 12 Winstedt St. Theodore pp. 169 ff. 6 Cf. also AZ. xl 61. 7 Haer. iii 3. 13 Winstedt in Ρ5Β 4. xxix 315. 204 LITERATURE John the Baptist—B 73. Known Coptic texts relating to him are enumerated by De Vis?; none, so far as titles are preserved, is entitled “Martyrdom.” Jéére.—B 40. This is presumably the Martyrdom?; but it is difficult to explain the added words : “together with the conclusion” (συντέλεια). The Turin book-list® includes an Encomium on and Martyrdom of Jéére. Could συντέλεια here mean the account of his death, appended to the preliminary encomium? The word is scarcely ever used in Coptic except where quoting the phrase συντέλεια τοῦ αἰῶνος (v. above, p. 201 n.). Justus and his family.—BM. 338. Edited with the Martyrdom of Gamoul, as above. Leontius——B 61. Impossible to say which martyr is intended. The story of Leontius Arabs was known in the south; a fragment of the text comes from Edft4 Mena.—Small fragments of his Miracles, following, we may suppose, upon a text of the Martyrdom, are in the Phillipps Library. The one short passage intelligible is not to be found in the Greek text.$ Peshate.—BM. Or. 7561, 118 (spelt there Pishate). The Sa‘idic Calendar names him on the 24th Tabah,* but these Theban fragments give “the 25th of January (sanovaproc), which is Tébe.” Peter and Paul—The papyrus fragments edited by Lemm? came from Luxor. Others are in Munich. Peter the Archbishop.—B 74. Doubtless Peter I of Alexandria, whose Martyrdom is only fragmentarily extant in Sa‘idic.® Philotheus.—B 33, BM. Or. 7561, 123-126. Cf. also Theol. Texts p. 68. MS. Morgan xli has the complete text. Phoebammon.—BM. Or. 7561, 67-69 and perhaps others. The text is evidently the same as that of MS. Morgan xlvi. On this martyr v. above, p. 109. Polycarp.—BM. Or. 7561, 63, 64. This interesting text is wholly different in detail from the Greek Martyrdom (Letter of the Smyrnaeans). Victor.—‘‘The Martyrdom (μαρτυρία) of Apa Victor” as a book is referred to in a letter. A few biographical texts and allusions are of uncertain character. “A..., archbishop of Alexandria, interpreting one of the Prophets,” is mentioned in 140, q.v. Jebius.—The end of an author’s name in 554, q.v. "Exotacis.—554. Lack of context leaves this quite obscure. 1 Homélies Coptes, 1922, pp. 1 Π. 6 Leyden p. 190, Paris 129°, 170. So too the Arabic 2 Rossii v 25. Cf. BM. 337. Synaxarium. 3 Rossi Nuov. Cod. 3, 4. 7 Kopt. Apokr. Apostelakten ii p. 293. 4 Lemm Bruchst. Kopt. Martyrerakten p. v. Delehaye 8 Ed. Winstedt in PSBA. xxviii 232. observes (Les Martyrs d’Egypte 99) that L. Arabs and the 9 Zoega cxxxviii and various leaves in Paris (12918, more celebrated L. of Tripolis are probably identical. Of 74 &c.). the former MS. Morgan xxxviii has the complete history. 10 ST, 281. 5 Ed. Pomialowski, 1900. Cf. BM. 340. 205 Unclassified biographical texts Miscellaneous THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Epiphanius (doubtless of Salamis).—B 35. This might be the Life, whereof a Coptic version has survived,! or a volume of his works, which were popular in Egypt. Hémai, Apa.—B 37. The only saint whom this name might recall is found in the Sa‘idic Calendar, where an[a .].mas ixar.op is commemorated upon the 11th Amshir.? Here [Hé]mai might be read as the name, Kalhlior as the place, remembering the Pachomian monastery so called near Shmoun. Hémai appears to be a name exclusively Theban* and in the present case its bearer might be one of Pachomius’s disciples, sent north to the dependent community—a conjecture given probability by the occurrence of “Αρα Hémai the less’? among the Pachomian abbots in the interesting list, Tur. 20. Malchus.—B 41, where Bouriant’s ua{A}peoc is misleading. The a is not lacking, but is inserted, above a. There is no trace in Egypt of Jerome’s Vita Malchz. Paul and Theophilus.—B 48. We have nothing worth suggesting here.* Peter.—B 36. Not identifiable. Philip.—B 56. Assuming this not to be the apocryphal Acts of the Apostle, we might recall Philip, “bishop of the East” (ἀνατολή), part of whose Discourse on the Virgin for the 21st Τραμ is preserved.* A Philip, bishop of the East, figures again in the Coptic Histories of the Church, as contemporary with Valens and Valentinian.’ No such person is otherwise traceable. Stephen the Anchorite—B 64. Perhaps “Discourses by” is to be understood, since the preceding part of the volume contained λόγοι by “Apa John.” Writers of the name were known in Egypt: a sermon by one of them is preserved in Arabic,’ an Eulogy on the archimandrite Apollo by another, who is a post-Justinian bishop.’ But whether either of them was known as an anchorite has not been ascertained. Ππεο Dac htersolel: sree ,’ or “The Daughter of the..... ”—CO. 458. This awaits explanation. It stands in a book-list, after the Gospels of Mark and John. VII. The Beatitudes —69, 78. V. the notes there. Greek secular works may be mentioned here: 611-614 are lines from the Iliad, 615 is a selection of Sentences from Menander (and not the only one discovered at Thebes), 616 is a quotation from the Anthology. A Medical Work (Jit. A Physician’s Book).—B 78. A similar bookis named inCO. 253. From 1 Rossi Nuov. Cod. 7 ff. = PG. 41, 24 ff. 2 Paris 12030, 173 vo. The second word could indeed be read without lacuna, Rasop. 3 Jéme and CO. Indexes. Perhaps represented in Greek by ᾽Αμαεῖς (Epist. Ammon. Episc. §9. V. also Preisigke). One might even compare it with northern Sa‘. gamox (BM. 1213, Ryl. 199, Saggara no. 307), Fay. gamas (Krall Ixiii, Cairo 8595), Boh. amor (Mus. Guim. xxv 323), pre- sumably = Apps, PG. 65, 126. A saint named gaaor is the father of the renowned Apollo of Bawit (M/F. xii 91, doubtless to be read (gle! in Synax., PO. i 366) and is perhaps invoked in Tur. Mater. no. 34. 4 The second name looks indeed doubtful. A saint Theophilus, of whom we know nothing, occurs in ST. 46. 5 Paris 1311, 6ο. This piece plainly betrays its Egyptian origin by a play upon the homophones uye “wood” and use “hundred.” 6 Zoega pp. 259, 266. Presumably the same again in the Hamburg text of the Patriarchal Chronicle, ed. Seybold, Ρ. 67, 14, where 4,45} would be misread for ἂν) 1221. 7 Paris arabe 4895 f. 42, entitled 5a, although the text is purely hortatory. 8 MS. Morgan xxxvii. LITERATURE such books we may suppose the medical recipes to have been copied which occur on ostraca.* Two magical texts from Thebes are of sufficient importance to be classed as literature. These are the well-known papyrus volume at Leyden? and the papyrus found by Lord Carnarvon buried in an amphora, close to Deir el Bakhit.® The first of these contains a series of pieces: two long exorcisms (εὐχή, ἐξορκισμός, προσευχή), attributed to a Saint Gregory and directed, the first against sickness and other troubles induced by sorcery, the second against the powers of evil in general‘; further, the correspondence of Christ and Abgar, lists of certain saints &c. Lord Carnarvon’s papyrus is a roll of some 70 lines, which open with incantations mainly in ἐφέσια γράμματα, and then give 14 interesting recipes, partially magical and often very obscure. The idiom of both mss. is more or less archaic, but the script of the Leyden volume and the flawless Byzantine protocol preserved upon the other place both of them in the period which here concerns us—the 6th or 7th century.® A Glossary.—A small fragment, in double column, Greek and Coptic, is in the Ferdinandeum at Innsbruck.* The half-dozen words legible are: [o]vovduKa,’ [e]\acov, ελαιου, KohvavTpor,§ δυοσµην.’ χωµατος, πλινθου and, on the other side: gat, gomttt, HAA, aah, noe. Lists of Greek words, often syllabically separated, are not uncommon among the ostraca; but bilingual vocabularies such as this from Thebes are rare.” The Πανάριον (?).—In ΚΕ. 22 rev. nmanape is clearly the title of a book® and Revillout took it to be the work of Epiphanius of Salamis. It follows on “Αρα Daniel,”’ presumably the prophet. The Στιχηρόν (sing.).—RE., loc. cit. and ib. 79 (= Louvre ostr. E 6260). In both cases this is a book; in the first, preceded by a lacuna, it is followed by “Αρα Daniel” (ο. above) ; in the second (a request for the loan of books to read in church) it follows Jeremiah and Ezekiel and precedes Daniel. One is obviously tempted to identify it with Lamentations, though that in Coptic is entitled neepsanoc.¥ Finally, we may invite consideration once again of that work whereof the obscure title, in 554 |. 16, awaits explanation. 1 574, 575 and references there, adding Hall p. 64, the longest of such texts. Some of the words in the list ib. p. 39 show a familiarity with Greek medical terminology. 2 V. above, p. 194 n. 5. 3 V. above, p. 21. 4 Both translated by Boeser in Rec.. .Champollion 520 ft. That the first prayer is attributed, in its Greek form, to Gregory Nazianzen was shown by Crum in OLZ. 1899, 21. 5 Indeed the protocol so much resembles P. Cairo 67151 and 67186 in type, that the Carnarvon papyrus may safely be assigned to the 6th century. 6 Papyrus Nr. 21 (F). This Museum possesses a number of papyrus fragments, brought from Egypt by A. Beder- langer in 1831 and undoubtedly Theban (cf. Part II Addenda, ad 615). 7 Cf. ? dvoOnpas, οἰνοθήρας. 8 Κολυανδρον 8y93& in Paris 44, 66 a, 82 b. 9 Cf. ἡδύοσμος. 10 P hAsse. 11 CO. 434. This had been published previously and was published once more, with corrections, by A. Pellegrini in Sphinx Χ 152. 12 Elsewhere the word has its proper meaning of “basket”: CO. 100, Ryl. 240. 13 Miss. vi 249. Ἄτιχηρά plur. is used liturgically for a class of hymn (Baumstark in Dict. Relig. & Ethics ν 10 6). It is the title of one of Evagrius’s writings (Dict. Chr. Biogr., s.v.). Finding-places of the literary texts General character of the literature THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS It should be observed that all the literary texts in the present collection, whether upon papyri or ostraca, were found, with rare exceptions, either in Cell A or in what we have called the Original Monastery. The latter of these designations is, as has been already explained,! too extensive and too vague to form a basis for any assumptions; the other site, where biblical and liturgical texts, both Greek and Coptic, were frequent,’ seems to have been the resort of Epiphanius and of others among the more conspicuous anchorites. The foregoing review hardly suggests any unlooked-for conclusions. The books read by these Thebans would seem to have been, as indeed we should expect, of much the same character as those which furnished monastic libraries further to the south and north: several of the chief Greek writers of the catholic church are represented here, besides the champions of monophysite ‘“‘orthodoxy,” just as at Edff, Achmim and in the Fayyim.' Of the Acts of saints and martyrs, two only—those of Chrysaphius and Hémai—might be claimed as proper to the district, or, negatively speaking, as unknown at any rate to the common Egyptian Calendar. And Elias of Pshouéb finds indeed a place there, but only in the southern recension.‘ If we are to maintain here the distinction between coenobites and hermits, it will be needless, where quality is so similar, to institute comparisons as to quantity. The books at the disposal of Epiphanius and his circle were presumably very limited in number; we know not whether any considerable library, such as that represented by the catalogue B—doubtless that of a coenobium—lay within their reach. We should have no excuse for ascribing any of the many papyrus volumes, whereof the surviving remnants are noticed in the above summary, to our site; and if we may accept them as vaguely ““Theban,” that is as far towards precision as existing records allow us now to go. 1 V. above, p. xxiii. 2 V. note at 508. Monastery, edited by Zoega and his many successors, and 3 The libraries respectively of the church of St. of St. Michael’s at Hamfli, now Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s. Mercurius, edited in Sir E. Budge’s volumes, of the White 4 V. 78. CHAPTER IX EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS MONG all the gifts from the past which the soil and climate of Egypt have pre- served to us, the correspondence of an obscure Theban hermit may not appear very noteworthy; and yet its preservation is not without an importance of its own. From one point of view the early history of Christianity has not its parallel to show: in what other country have material conditions allowed of the actual letters received by a personage of such renowned sanctity—a recognized saint in his own district at least— being brought down to us from an age so remote? The correspondence of all other saints of antiquity, be they Syrians, Greeks, Westerns, nay even Alexandrians and the more eminent among the Copts themselves, has reached us only in the form of copies, re- transcribed for the most part through many generations. And such letters are moreover generally of a class widely different from those here published; the informal, casual notes, exchanged in everyday life—and our letters are very seldom more than that—would attract the pious copyist but rarely, if indeed he ever met with them. What he desired to perpetuate were deliberate compositions, which, whatever their theological or literary value, must of necessity contribute relatively little towards our knowledge of the daily life and surroundings of their authors; whereas the letters addressed to the holy man of Daga’s tomb, like those sent to his fellow-saint and neighbor, the bishop of Keft, are written with no eye to any larger public than at most the little group of brethren or disciples dwelling close by. Moreover these letters have not had anything to undergo at the hands of subsequent transcribers. They illustrate, in the case of Epiphanius, the hermit’s spiritual influence and they reflect the veneration paid him; while in that of Pesenthius, they tell of the cares and responsibilities from which, even when he had quitted his see, the bishop was unable to escape. The interests of Epiphanius are, so far as can be gathered,1 confined to Western Thebes 1 With the exceptions shown in 131 and 133. V. below, p. 214. 209 Character and importance of their corre- spondence I. Epiphanius. Frequency of the name How many of the name here? THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS and the concerns of its hermits and villagers. Those of bishop Pesenthius naturally stretch somewhat farther, extending to his diocese of Keft, and were doubtless not out of touch with the world beyond the Thebaid. It is with Epiphanius that we are of course mainly occupied, but the bishop takes no small part in the correspondence and it is of him that, thanks to the help of extraneous sources, we know much more. Yet for neither of these saints have we materials for a biography in any but the meagerest and incompletest out- line. The “Life” of Pesenthius (as the Sa‘idic text is entitled) is in truth nothing more than an ‘‘Encomium” (as the Bohairic version calls it), a panegyric, the author—or rather, authors—of which are above all intent upon displaying their hero’s miraculous “virtues,” paying only the rarest and most spasmodic attention to the more prosaic facts of his career ; while as to Epiphanius, we must own that the documents tell us scarcely any facts at all and that they rarely contain even an allusion which might confidently be used for bio- graphical purposes. Here, then, is ample scope for the practise of that ars difficillima nesciendi with which all have to be content who concern themselves with Coptic—as distinct from Alexandrian—history, where documents for the most part fragmentary or ambiguous and a language still but imperfectly understood combine to hinder progress. The name Epiphanius? is to be read in 79 of the present texts, not to mention its occurrences in the rest of our Theban material. Thus it is here of all names the oftenest recurring, although John—always the commonest name among the Copts—rivals it closely. Without doubt there are many more among our present texts in which this name would have been seen, had they reached us complete. These 79 texts, whether documents or letters addressed to an Epiphanius, or written by an Epiphanius, or merely mentioning a person so named, were found in many parts of the present site, some of them even beyond it. That the name retained considerable popularity at Thebes is evident from the number of those who bear it in the so-called J&éme papyri. The period and the locality to which these belong make it not improbable that such popularity is reminiscent of the revered anchorite of an earlier generation, so conspicuous in our texts. In how many of these recurrences of the name is it Epiphanius, the renowned hermit, who is in question? It may seem primd facie improbable that so many instances should refer all to a single individual; yet it has been shown above (p. xxv) that such an interpre- tation of the evidence is at least plausible and that all occurrences of the name allow of being referred ultimately to a single Epiphanius. The arguments for distinguishing a second, less conspicuous Epiphanius, a member likewise of the community around the tomb of Daga, are (1) that an Epiphanius once resided in Cell A, who is addressed less respectfully and 1 “Toute phrase doit &tre accompagnée d’un peutétre... in RE. 1, 15, 16, where it happens that a Psan is also in Si on n’en trouve pas assez, qu’on en suppose les marges question. A name Φάνης is indeed found in prechristian semées ἃ profusion.” Renan’s words might well serve as times (Preisigke Namenb.), but scarcely affects the identifi- motto for the present work. cation here proposed. In Osireion, Pl. xxxvii, occurs 2 To the variants given Jéme Index p. 435 add @annc near. 210 EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS formally than is the eminent anchorite and who does not appear to occupy any position of prominence. This might be deduced from the letters written by his mother, or from one by bishop (?) Pesenthius.? Yet in others found here the phraseology is quite appro- priate to the greater man* and even in one of his mother’s letters the scribe, in a postscript, addresses him as ‘‘fathership” and begs his prayers. (2) That the correspondence of the Epiphanius in Cell A is more often concerned with family affairs—letters to and from his mother, upon purely domestic and worldly matters—than might appear probable, were this the holy man. In support of this one could point to certain letters both from® and to him,’ besides others, where the need of clothes, the weight of a coin, the purchase of wine, are the subjects.’ But is there any reason to assume that a hermit, even of Epiphanius’s repute, would have renounced all dealings with his family? Here and there other hermits— or at any rate dwellers in our community—are seen in correspondence with their relatives® and in the Synaxarium such intercourse is occasionally mentioned.2 Moreover it must not be forgotten that, in a world of monks and nuns, the terms “father, mother, brother, son” do not always bear their literal values." Thus we are possibly misled in some cases into giving their secular meanings to such words, where only spiritual kinship is intended. In other letters too, where family matters are discussed, it is plain that the recipient is Epiphanius the anchorite"; while as to his participation in worldly affairs, there is plenty of evidence that he was consulted and gave instructions on matters relating presumably to the management of his τόπος," besides giving advice or help to extraneous applicants.® In fact these considerations seem to indicate that solution of the dilemma which we have decided to propose and to invite us to attribute the letters wherein secular concerns are conspicuous to earlier years in the career of that same Epiphanius who subsequently attained to the position of authority which we know to have been reached by the vener- ated anchorite of Daga’s tomb. Again, how far may we rely upon the evidence of finding-places as a clue towards identifying individuals? Is it not but too probable that localities so near together—most of the rooms and courts immediately about the Daga tomb are contiguous or merge into one another and Cell A itself is but some 30 yards away—should have become mutually “contaminated,” 1 336, 485. 2 382. since she prays God may [establish] him in peace upon his 3 120, 206, 320, 445, 463. 4 336. throne and crush his foes beneath his feet (Sphinx x 3 5 250, 374, 307- 6 120, 206, 336, 485. no. 6). 7 Hall p. 106 inf., BP. 4935. 1ο Thus Pachomius’s elder brother, in admiration at his 8 E.g. 179, 294, Cairo 46304, 109 (discarded; Enoch virtues, resolves to call him no longer “‘brother,’”” but writing to his father and mother, asking for corn). “father” (Mus. Guim. xvii 27; instructive also is ib. 533). 9 PO. xi515, Jonah and his sister. We read of Syrian Similarly of Hypatius near Chalcedon, for like reasons monks bringing their aged mother to live beside them in (Callinici Vita Hyp., ed. 1895, 38). And here we may the monastery (Book of Governors, Budge ii 252. St. Sabas’s notice ST. 303, where the writer, John, calls recipients widowed mother joined her son at his monastery: Sabae “my sons,” whilst his scribe (?), in a postscript, terms the Vita p. 252). An interesting example of the reverence paid same couple “‘my fathers.” by parents to a son who has attained to ecclesiastical II 142. dignity is a letter from “his humblest mother” to her 12 Cf. 271, 327 (9), 342, 432, 437, 474, 483. “lord father and son, the πάπας,’ who is possibly a bishop, 13 E.g. 184, 433. Evidence from finding- places of texts Those found below floors Palaeographical help Epiphanius the anchorite THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS that ostraca and, still more easily, papyri should, whether in ancient days or modern, have strayed from their original destinations and finally have been found just sufficiently far thence to mislead us? Only from one class of sites might such evidence be taken seriously and even here as respects time, rather than place. Texts unearthed from beneath floors and pavements ought obviously to belong to the earlier stages in the history of the settlement. Among such texts are eight of the letters addressed to Epiphanius! and all these seem to relate to the saintly anchorite. Now we know, from the statement of his successors Jacob and Elias, that it was in his lifetime that the principal tower was built ; and it was beneath the floor of this same tower that certain of the above letters were discovered. But since not a few among the rest of those addressed to Epiphanius were found at higher levels, we might conclude that he had lived to see some at least of the later additions and alterations in the buildings. And yet even here we are warned that but small reliance is to be placed upon variety in levels.* Pave- ments seem to have been sometimes lifted and relaid and when such disturbances took place, who can tell what scattering and burying of the excavated or surrounding rubbish resulted? Among so large an amount of correspondence one might have hoped for palaeographical help towards distinguishing the greater from the lesser Epiphanius, if two of the name there were. But only letters written by an Epiphanius would serve our purpose here and these are naturally few: in our collection a dozen at most and only half of these available in facsimile. Among them three are almost certainly in one and the same hand. The first is to the writer’s mother, the second to Patermouthius; yet the former of these is not in the hand of other letters to his mother,® neither is the latter in the hand of another to Patermouthius.’ Palaeographical facts therefore seem to oblige us either to admit two Epiphaniuses, or—what, on our assumption, must be here allowed the greater probability— the employment, as often elsewhere, of various scribes. The scribe in fact of one of these same letters names himself7: he is Enoch, whose hand we meet again in another letter.’ Moreover a scribe must have been employed where a letter to Epiphanius and one from him are in the same hand.’ Of these letters from Epiphanius one alone might, from its contents, be fitly attributed to him whose reputation as a spiritual guide and teacher we know to have been wide-spread"; unfortunately the hand in which this is written is not to be identified with that of any other among the above letters. Whether the problem as to one or more dwellers in our settlement bearing this name be regarded as yet unsolved or no, it is indubitable that one so named was a person greatly revered, venerated indeed as a saint and prophet, not during his life only, but even after 1 106, 327 (?), 342, 418, 423, 430, 444, 474. 5 BP. 4935, Hall p. 106 infra (photographs of this and 2 V. the text, Part I] Appendix III 1. 65, and Winlock of the next cited ostracon have been used). above, p. 32. 6 Ib. p. 102. 7 Ib. p. 106. 3 Cf. Winlock above, p. xxiii. 8 232; also probably in MMA. 14.1.178 (discarded). 4 259, 374, 408. 9 186 and 485. 10 108. 212 EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS death—so much is abundantly clear from the tone of many of the letters addressed to him. And this is emphasized again in the anecdote about him in the Life of Pesenthius related below.’ The phrases of address used and the adulatory epithets given him by his correspondents range from the more ordinary “‘beloved” or “holy father,” “fatherly sanctity,”® “that truly beareth Christ,” to mvevparoddpos,® πνευματικός “perfect in all virtues,’’® ““whose benefits fill all places,”*® “the good shepherd,”’? “the new psalmist,’’® “God’s temple,”’® “the prophet.” Those who write to him are his ‘“‘humblest son,”’™ his ““humblest servants,” “unprofitable servant.’’"® They kiss or do obeisance at his holy feet,‘ or the dust of his feet; they venerate his footprints. Many are the letters to Epiphanius wherein his prayers are asked”; indeed he seems to have received few that did not include a request of this nature. Sometimes a writer will beg his intercession for himself or for his family who are sick,® or he will ask the saint’s prayers which shall maintain him in health” or prosper his undertakings.” And his prayers are believed far-reaching, potent no matter at what distance." A suppliant seems some- times to hesitate to make his appeal directly and begs the good offices of an intermediary.” His help is often invited in worldly affairs: by the village magistrates and community for intervention on behalf of prisoners,* or by private persons in financial straits,“ or again by someone in dread of the approaching Persian invasion.» He is consulted by a writer as to her movements : shall she remain or shall she depart??* Elsewhere Epiphanius is appealed to as peace-maker.”” He is called upon by a bishop, who styles him “‘beloved brother,” to remonstrate with an intruder,?* while bishop Pesenthius addresses him as an equal,” even as a spiritual superior.» His counsel is sought by a distracted and hesitating cleric! and by parents whose children had died.*? Thus he is clearly a person revered and influential among his neighbors, venerated for his holy life and consequently credited with power to benefit them. And this reputation had spread beyond his immediate surroundings. In the letter from bishop (?) Constantine we find Epiphanius recipient of one sent him by the 1 Paris arabe 4785, 192b. V’. below, p. 221. 2 342. 3 106, 163, 200. 4 111, 133. 5 164, 184, 473, 483. 6 163. 7 487. 8 163. 9 162. 10 Ib. “Prophet”? evidently means diviner, wonder- worker, sometimes. Cf. its application to Matthew the Poor and Shenoute (Miss. iv 708). V. 162 n. 11 164. 12 444. 13 342. 14 162, 415. 15 198. 16 106, 164. 17 E.g. 200, 206, 208, 336. 18 144, 201, 320. 19 212. 20 142. 21 198. 22 201. 23 163 and probably 183. V. above, p. 175. 24 271, 475. 25 433 and probably 200. 26 433. A discarded fragt. (MMA. 14.1.136), addressed perhaps to Ep., since found in Cell B, whence others to him come, may be thus completed : “Be so kind, [my] holy [father, and write] a word for [me and] say, Go[. . .” Similar advice is asked of other holy men: CO. 385, 386, ST. 249. The last of these has: “Seeing I came unto thee, my holy father, and told thee how that I would go north after my father and thou saidest, Nay, but thou shalt go by a road (or possibly Verily, if thou go) [..... 11 remained and went not. See now, [my] holy [father], do thou but point out [to me a road and | will] walk therein. For [..... ] the Holy [Spirit] that is in [thee...” Perhaps oracular fore- knowledge is attributed to the person so consulted. Cf. the similar questions put in prayers to God or saints: P. Oxy. 025, 1150. 27 216 (v. below), also MMA. 23.3.709, which is a letter from “his servant,” begging Ep. to bestir himself (σκυλλεῖν) “for God’s sake and go and speak with my father and set us at peace one with another, for | have not found tran- quillity (πιό twec, cf. CO. Ad. 67) hitherto.” 28 MMA. 23.3.702. V. above, p. 134. 29 382, 417, assuming this Pesenthius to be the bishop. 30 III, 133, 198, 208, on a like assumption. Ep. is called “brother’’ also in 447, 465. 31 162. 32 209 (probably to be thus understood), 194 (most likely to Ep., v. note there). A holy man seems to be appealed to in a similar case by a “poor widow, Thamar,” in Louvre 9286. | | | Veneration for him His prayers and mediation sought His widespread reputation Posthumous fame Invocations Does he figure in the Diptychs ? THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS patriarch himself, while in another, whereof Pesenthius (most probably the bishop) is joint author, we see him formally notified of the patriarchal wishes.? Like testimony to the con- sideration in which he is held is afforded by another communication upon ecclesiastical business.? And thus we are reminded of the document relating to the affair of the priest Cyriacus, at whose examination Epiphanius’s disciple and representative takes part, side by side with several bishops.* To the posthumous fame of this holy man we have eloquent testimony in the graffiti with which certain walls of the tomb of Daga were covered.’ These are written some in Greek, some in Coptic, the former language being still employed, as in many inscriptions and stelae of this and even of later periods, presumably out of some conservative sentiment, allied perhaps to that which so long maintained Greek as a liturgical language in the South. Four of these graffiti show invocations of Epiphanius,* who is styled ἅγιος, a word gener- ally reserved for saints departed.’ With them must be counted the invocation roughly scrawled upon an ostracon and its papyrus counterpart.* Thus his reputed dwelling, or perhaps his grave, in the cemetery before it, had become a place of pilgrimage, where visitors solicited the intercession of the great hermit’s prayers, which are asked just as are those of “the holy fathers” or of “the saints.”® A conventional allusion to the help of his prayers (presumably after his death) is also found in a letter.° Here it may be observed that these invocations, as contrasted with similar graffiti to be seen elsewhere, invoke no other saints by name, unless we except the fathers of Nicaea. The graffiti from neighboring Theban sites are mostly epitaphs, rarely invocations.” Two of the latter address a series of saints,!* one “‘all saints’’#*; the rest seem to ask—as do most of ours here—the prayers of passers-by.” Such an absence of other names might point to the short duration of our community ; one imagines a series of names—such as that customary, for instance, at Wadi Sarga—to indicate a chronological succession of abbots. But at the Daga settlement it is clear that Epiphanius, alone among the anchorites who had preceded and followed him, had attained to the character of a saint. Herein his preeminent position is not unlike that of Apollo at Bawit. The name Epiphanius is found in one type of the Diptychs : to whom is it to be referred ? In some texts it is placed between the Egyptians Pijimi, Hor, Phis and the foreigners Archellides and Arsenius—all anchorites*; in others the Syrians Barsauma and Ephrem i} Re ‘ DY IEG; 3 144. CO. 396 and mntacsoc ST. 328. 4 ΚΕ. 11 = AZ. 1879, 38. Of Revillout’s two copies (or 8 205, ST. 405 (ο, Part II Addenda p. xvi). rather prints) the latter is slightly the better. The original 9 Cf. 649, 662, 677, 682, 7or &c. 10 213. has gone astray. 5 V. Part II, pp. 326 ff. 11 In 682. Cf., for example, the graffiti at Wadi Sarga 6 640, 644, 647, 680. It was presumably these invoca- (nos. 48 Π.), those at Bawit or at Abydos (The Osireion). tions which led Maspero (Guide du Visiteur, 1902, p. 256) 12 V. above, pp. 8, ο. 13 L.D. vi 102 no. 4, 103 no. 37. todescribe the tomb as achurch dedicated to St. Epiphanius. 14 Loc. cit. 102 no. 5. 7 An exception is ST. 299, where “the saintly (Coptic 15 The graffiti at St. Simeon’s (Hatre’s) at Aswan are equivalent to ἅγιο) Apa Jeremias” is saluted and his prayers to God or appeals to passers-by (Rec. xxxvii 42 ff.). prayers asked, almost as if he were a person of already 16 The Cairo Euchologion 358 and Psalmodia (Theotokia) acknowledged sanctity. Cf. the use of the word in 247, 86, BM. 789, 791. 214 EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS and the martyrs John and Simeon are its immediate predecessors, Archellides and Arsenius following as before. But in all instances this Epiphanius is coupled with an Ammonius— not the martyr-bishop of Esne, for he is found elsewhere in the same catalogue, and scarcely the obscure bishop of Aswan, commemorated upon the 11th Hatdr. The names in the Diptychs, though far from conforming to the sequence of the Calendar, can nevertheless be shown to fall, here and there, into chronologically related groups. Thus, if we assume this Ammonius to be the hermit of Tanah, whose day is the 20th Bashans,? it seems most probable—as indeed it is upon other grounds—that the Epiphanius with whom he is here linked is none other than the bishop of Salamis, commemorated upon the 17th of that month and famed, as we know, throughout Egypt.* An argument against this assumption might be found in the omission of the Cyprian Epiphanius from the Uniate Diptychs: there neither he nor his predecessors nor followers in the Jacobite version are admitted, with the exception of Ammonius and Arsenius, who have been retained.‘ But the Uniate catalogue is so modern, so abbreviated, ignoring even many of the “catholic” saints found in the others, that this omission can hardly be regarded as serious testimony against the claim of Epiphanius of Salamis. The place in which naturally to expect commemoration of a Theban saint thus venerated is the Theban Synaxarium. Whether or no this recension be the work of John bishop of Keft (as has been suggested above),5 it at any rate pays conspicuous attention to a series of holy men of this district, several of them hermits much resembling Epiphanius, but all ignored by the commonly received recension. Among these is at least one of Epiphanius’s own contemporaries: Pesenthius, bishop of Ermont®*; but most of these saints are chrono- logically somewhat elusive. Other local worthies find admittance of whom there was evidently nothing to record save the bare name and whose claims to notice can scarcely have been better than those of our anchorite; as an example: the bishop of Nakadah, entered under the 22nd Baremhat.’ The names of these Theban saints are not yet all certainly legible®: the sole ms. available in Europe is abnormally inaccurate and ambiguous. There is among those still doubtful one which, with a little manipulation, could be read as “Epiphanius.” This is the name written usually Usewlor, “Badasiytis,”® once wale, “ Μα ἀᾶςιγῆῶς 19: while it is noticeable that the other copy of the text—that at Luxor"™—has (wsels!, perhaps merely due to the customary preceding t3!. No known ascete, connected with the district, suggests a 1 Leyden MS. no. 41, BM. Or. 8805. ρήση, 6 20th Kihak. VY. above, p. 136. 2 He is in fact called “A. the anchorite” in certain 7 PO. xvi 247. One of the saints whom one would expect lists: PO. x 271. to find in this recension: the martyr-bishop Patape of 3 PG. 41, 61, διαβόητος. Cf. Bousset Apophthegmata, Keft (19th Abib, ο. Forget ii 232) is omitted. 1923, 35, 36. He was said to have visited the Upper 8 E.g. those commemorated on Hatfir 16th as Hob, on Thebaid (PG., loc. cit. 57, 60). Kihak 22nd as Nabis, on Amshir 1st as Abaditin: all forms 4 Tuki Missale pra, Euchologion, ed.Cyril Macaire, 1898, awaiting correction. oq. Here Ammonius is perhaps taken for the Nitrian 9 PO. xi 666, 23rd Tabah. Amoun, since he is coupled with Arsenius. 1ο PO. iii 283, 13th Hattir. 11 V. above, p. 136. 215 Or in the Synaxarium ? (The story of Badasitis) ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS name which this, as it stands, might be taken to represent.1 But between slo! and Loqules! (ονομά! Epiphanius) the scriptural divergence seems slight indeed, when we regard the depravation which the forms of some names have suffered in this manuscript. Moreover, after examining the story of this saint, it cannot be denied that, in its main outline—serviceable details are rare—it might, for all we know, be that of Epiphanius. The ascete here in question (whose parents are not named) is a native of Pbow. In company with another youth, Joseph, son of Pegésh, he enters the monastery of Pachomius. After training there, he withdraws to a solitary cell, in which he steadfastly remains, supporting himself by his handiwork and earning fame by miraculous cures. The brethren of the monastery urge him to take the σχῆμα, but he declines and for greater solitude and with his inseparable companion Joseph, he retires southward to the district of Keft. There, after a period of further miracles—despite his endeavors to keep his gifts secret—he at length falls sick and, promising to pray, after death, that the district may have a long respite from barbarian attacks, he dies and is laid to rest ‘‘in his church,” the scene of his devotions and subsequently a place of pilgrimage for the sick. But besides the story of Badasids, the Synaxarium fortunately preserves that of his friend Joseph,? which, although in general but another version of the foregoing narrative, shows certain differences. Joseph, for his part, does not refuse the habit, and the place of their retirement, on quitting the Pachomian monastery, is more precisely given as the Gebel el Ass, south of Gebel Bishwéw,* where, to counteract the malevolence of the demons who still haunt an ancient temple close by, he builds a church to the Apostles. Joseph, who had survived his friend, likewise lies buried in “his church,” in a mountain cave—whether both in one church is not clear. We know not whence or when Epiphanius came to the Daga tomb; his retirement there might well have had its incentive in such unsought and importunate popularity as that described in these stories. The allusion again to barbarian onslaughts might be interpreted as reminiscent of the Persian troubles, whereof Epiphanius had been an eye-witness. The silence of our letters as to any friend of his named Joseph‘ would not perhaps preclude the identification just suggested, but it may weaken the argument in its favor. And it might be further urged that our Epiphanius, if he witnessed the Persian conquest (ca. 620), 1 A name occurs indeed once or twice, in documents Theban and other (CO. 116, Ryl. 255), which might be thought the original of this: ama pacroc (? uanetpel). But no saint is so called and speculation is fruitless. 2 PO. iii 283. 3 V. 78, 132. If the identification here suggested were accepted, G. Bishwéw would be the name of Sheik ‘Abd el Kurnah. 4 One might at most recall the Joseph quoted in a letter (444), whereof Epiphanius was joint recipient. His con- temporary namesake, writer of so many letters (463, 475; cf. 245), shows no claim to have played any such part. Since we are occupied here with mere speculations, one more may be ventured. That lwee stands for swen is proved by the Patriarchal Catalogue (Rec. vii 93) and Chronicle (PO. x 476) and its occasional form «οί (PO. iii 479, xi 77) must be taken for a mere error. Yet from the latter, especially when read with its foregoing UI, to (yw! Ebsin, is an easy step and we should thus obtain the name of Epiphanius’s disciple and successor, Psan. There is how- ever no evidence that Psan was other than a younger subordinate, whereas Joseph is described as a coeval. On Psan v. below, p. 222. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS could scarcely have been a neophyte in the monastery of Pbow previous to the disruption of the Pachomian communities caused by Justinian’s persecution (ca. 540), after which catastrophe monophysite orthodoxy appears to have taken no further interest in the Pachomians. A further objection might be found in the church, wherein both these anchorites are buried; for at our site there is no church, nor any evidence of interment save in the open, in front of the buildings.t In short, while admitting that justification for emending the name “Badasiyfs” (Abdasiy(s) into ‘‘Epiphanius” is not very strong, it may at the same time be recollected that the authors of the Synaxarium, compiled long after the age of our Epiphanius, might be forgiven a certain vagueness as to the facts in the career of one who—less fortunate than his friend Pesenthius—had found no encomiast and whose memory may well have grown dim by the time a biographical notice was needed. Hopes of discovering our Theban Epiphanius in one other literary text rest upon assump- tions even more frail. In the Calendar of Abd Ἰ Barakat the name occurs on two successive days, the 16th and 17th Bashans.? There would be no ground for regarding this as more than mere erroneous repetition did not one Ms.* here add, on the second date, the abbrevia- tion ¢, which these mss. employ for ume, “recluse.’” But (1) this interesting Calendar is at best of but questionable authority, (2) the significant abbreviation is inserted at the 17th, z.e. on the proper day of Epiphanius of Salamis, and (3) it may well be merely an error for cause, i.e. the reading of ‘‘another copy.’’ If we turn to the present texts for information as to Epiphanius’s origin and family, we gather very little that is helpful. On our assumption that but a single hermit of the name figures in our material, we might suppose that his father was that Andrew whose son Epiphanius is the legatee in the will of Kalashire,’ that his mother’s name was Koledjew® and that possibly he had a brother named Jacob’; while “the children of Andrew,” referred to in another letter, may have been those of his parents. We might further see in Pater- mouthius, with whom Epiphanius sometimes corresponds, and Tagapé, who is perhaps the latter’s wife,® the hermit’s kinsfolk. The relations between this Patermouthius and Epiphanius seem ambiguous. While the former addresses the latter reverently, begging his prayers and (perhaps) styling himself his son," yet elsewhere “‘his lord father”’ Patermouthius is most humbly accosted by “his son” Epiphanius.!” In this last instance the use of the title κύριος shows Patermouthius to have been a layman, one, no doubt, 1 “Church” might however have either become a con- 8 142; but if so, it is strange that no term of relationship ventional, general term, or its use may testify to the should be used of them. ignorance of these latter-day compilers. 9 120. In Tur. 13 greetings are sent to Tagapé and her ZERO οτι: husband, but nothing shows that this is the woman here 3 Cod. Upsalensis (photographs kindly lent by Dom L. in question. Villecourt). 10 206. 4 Cf. the note in the apparatus, loc. cit. 11 112. Epiphanius as recipient here is but a probable 5 87. 6 336. assumption. 7 363. 12 Hall p. 102. Is he to be found in the Calendar ? His parentage and relatives SS—= Some contem- poraries His places of abode His position in the com- munity A recluse THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS who held the anchorite in veneration. Yet Epiphanius, who is careful when writing to his own mother, to greet him, on one occasion calls him ‘‘brother.’”’ Among other contemporaries of Epiphanius, a John, an Enoch, a Victor and a Moses— apparently more than one—are conspicuous? In no instance is he named foremost in their company :‘the others are invariably greeted before him. This would indicate that, at the period of his association with these men, his position was not yet one of eminence—an assumption supported by occasional references to him in this connection as merely “brother.’’8 Where Epiphanius had his usual abode it is not easy to determine. Of the letters which we may fairly assume to be directed to him, the majority can no longer be located, for they were picked up in the modern rubbish mounds which covered so much of the site. A few came from Cell A,‘ half-a-dozen from beneath floors, a few from the rubbish hole in Room 5 (the tomb itself). It is perhaps significant that among these last are three of the most noteworthy pieces® and it has thence been concluded that Epiphanius inhabited the tomb of Daga. The passage quoted below from the biography of Pesenthius refers to his visiting Epiphanius in a “‘cave’”’—possibly a reminiscence of his residence here. And yet we know, from documents found there, that he must at one time have dwelt in a tomb (Site XX) on the hill-side east of Deir el Bahri, some 500 yards distant from that of Daga, where traces of Coptic building are in fact still to be seen. Moreover there is evidence which ap- pears to show that he was at one time the tenant of Cell B.? Was Epiphanius, then, a κυκλευτής, a wandering hermit, such as we meet with now and then in the Synaxarium and of whose vagabond habits the Life of Harmina gives a typical account?® He may, for all we know, have changed his abode from time to time, but probably only within a narrow area; for unquestionably, both during life and afterwards, it was as the hermit of Jéme that he was famed. It may be that he retired to the cave above Deir el Bahri as an occa- sional relief from his somewhat more conspicuous and approachable habitation in the Daga tomb, where his position as center of a community would involve some degree of responsibility. Such was notoriously the custom, both of religious and clerics, of abbots and bishops, burdened with the nominal direction of larger monasteries, and it may well have been the usage in smaller and less regular communities. It seems, and it would indeed be expected, that Epiphanius bore no formal office among the monastic societies of Jéme. He is designated merely as “anchorite,’’® or “monk” or simply as ‘‘of the hill of Jéme.”’" The case in which he is termed “our father” hardly im- plies precise office or dignity.” Once he bears the more distinctive title of ἔγκλειστος and I 374A. 2 V. above, p. xxv. 8 Paris arabe 148, ff. 294 ff. Cf. the Synaxar., 2nd Kthak, 3 202, CO. 252. Cf. however with this p. 213 n. 29. a shortened and simplified narrative. 4 V. Winlock above, p. 42 n. 9 V. Part II Index p. 350. 5 131, 162, 163. 10 87, 411 A (?), 415. 6 V. above, p. 20. 7 123, 201. 11 108, 111, 420. 12 360. 218 EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS this in the letter wherein the Jashane and community of Jéme are appealing for his help. Since we have evidence that his place of abode varied, we may take it that his reclusion was temporary, as it was in the case of other hermits It is true that in all Epiphanius’s correspondence allusions to any movement on his part are rare; once the lashane begs his presence at church,’ once he is called for by someone in urgent need and once he himself —though this may be a letter from his earlier years—speaks of visiting his correspondent.‘ Of the four letters to be found at Site XX, two plainly urge him to betake himself elsewhere,’ whence it is evident that there at least he was not living as a recluse. Nor in his case more than in that, for instance, of John of Lycopolis, would reclusion have necessarily hindered communication with visitors, who repeatedly write of coming to pay their respects to him or of regrets at being prevented from so doing. On the other hand one might imagine the presence at an episcopal council of his disciple, in place of himself,’ to have been due to the ἐγκλεισμός which forbade his going thither. The “monastery”’ of Epiphanius is a description not unsuited to an anchorite’s cell, provided we use the word µοναστήριον in its primary and narrowest sense—the sense which it appears to bear, for example, in the letter of bishop Serenianus*—but since we see that his abode is referred to as a τόπος, wherein others also dwelt, it may be conjectured that he, in some sense, presided over a community of hermits.” It is however remarkable that in two only of the letters addressed to him" is there any reference to ‘‘the brethren that are with thee” or to “thy children,” who are so often included in the greetings sent by their correspondents to others of the hermits.” The probable limits of the τόπος have been discussed already." We gather, from certain phrases in the will of two of his successors, that Epiphanius was not the first hermit to occupy it; who his forerunners may have been was suggested on an earlier page. Like his friend bishop Pesenthius and other anchorites, Epiphanius presumably followed some craft. He might indeed ply several crafts in turn.’ But the texts seldom help us to recognize in what the occupation—the ἐργόχειρον---οἳ a hermit consists. In the case of Epiphanius we see him busied with procuring yarn,” which he may himself have woven 1 163. 2 PO. iii 433. Hypatius of Chalcedon was used to shut himself into his cell during Lent, plastering the door with clay (Callinici Vita Hyp., ed. 1895, 27). A recluse might subsequently become a bishop (Papyruscodex p. xvii; cf. J.Th.St. xxv 431). The reputed Typicon of Sabas (Byz. Ζ. iii 169) assumes the existence of semi-recluses, but that temporary reclusion was disapproved, at any rate by the Byzantine church, we see by a 7th century canon (Conc. Quinisext. xli). On ἔγκλειστοι in Egypt v. Bousset in Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch. ΧΙ 26. The classic instances are Anthony and John of Lycopolis; contemporary with our texts are the various recluses seen by John Moschus (PG. 87, 2905 B, 2921 C, 2924 A, 20365, 3000 D). 3 The assumption that 216 is addressed to Epiphanius is a pretty safe one. 4 457. Cf. also Hall p. 107. 5 MMA. 23.3.702 and 709. 6 E.g. 106, 198, 206, 435, 473- 7 V. above, p. 214. 8 V. above, p. 134. ο Part II Appendix III and 142. Cf. 92. 10 VY. 360, cited above. The inference, from broken phrases in 142, that inmates of the τόπος were subject to rules, is scarcely justified. II 111, 382. 12 E.g. 174, 240, 244, 304, 318, 337, 350. 13 V. Winlock above, p. 28. 14 Part II Appendix III 1. 75. 15 V. p. xxvi above. 16 As did the ascete Victor: PO. xi 518. 17 363. Cf. 329 and especially 360. Winlock points out that eraa® appears here to be yarn, not (as it certainly is elsewhere) linen. He perhaps presided over the com- munity Extent of his τόπος His handi- craft Period at which he lived THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS upon one of the identical looms found at the site!; or concerned about a crop of flax, which he hopes to see saved “ere the fear of man come northward,”? which may or may not allude to the Persian invaders, the menace of whose approaching return, after pene- trating Nubia, might be in the writer’s thoughts. In another letter the writer wishes “master Epiphanius” asked to make some nails—bolts or plugs for a waterwheel, it seems —hbut, as has been said,’ the identity of this Epiphanius is questionable. Indeed if this and like letters, relating to purely worldly affairs, could be conclusively assigned to a namesake of less importance, we should be left without any information as to the handi- craft wherewith the greater man occupied his time. What evidence have we as to the period at which this eminent ascete lived ? A terminus ante quem is offered by the papyrus on whose verso ‘“‘the holy Apa Epiphanius”’ is named ‘ or invoked (clearly as already deceased), while on its recto is an earlier Greek text, dated in A.D. 508.4 Something more precise can however be reached. We see from the document alluded to above,’ wherein his disciple Psan figures together with bishop Pesenthius of Keft, that Epiphanius was alive at the time—why otherwise should Psan, whom we know to have succeeded him as tenant of the τόπος, be still described as his disciple? Now Pesenthius was probably raised to the episcopate in 598; we may assume therefore that about the year 600 Epiphanius would be alive and in occupation of his hermitage. Further, if Tagapé, joint authoress of one of the letters to Epiphanius,’ could be proved identical with the writer of a letter which speaks of the Persian advance southward as imminent, and if this last was likewise directed to Epiphanius*—recipient’s name happens to be lost— we should conclude that he witnessed the Persian invasion of the Upper Thebaid, about the year 620." The scribe of this letter of Tagapé’s is almost certainly he who also writes to Epiphanius on his mother’s behalf'"—a coincidence supporting the view that the letter naming the Persians was likewise intended for him. And still another of the letters to him very likely alludes to these invaders. Something too might be made of the script of a Greek letter, written upon the recto of and therefore earlier than one addressed to Epiphanius in Coptic, were it not of that ambiguous type which shows features characteristic equally of the middle“ and end of the 6th* and of the beginning of the 7th centuries.* Thus it could at most but confirm the presumption that Epiphanius’s correspondence dates from about the year 600. 1 V. above, p. 69. If this is he to whom 329 refers, we 9 But it must be observed that the places here named gather that he employed others to weave. point rather to the neighborhood of Keft, so that the letter 2 Ann. du S. xxi 74. V. above, p. 101. Among reasons might be to bishop Pesenthius. supporting the view that this too is the greater Epiphanius 10 V. above, p. 100. 11 336. might be his phraseology : “Μαν the Lord bless thee &c.”, 12 200. 13 624. V. Part II Plate X. in a formula regularly used by bishop Abraham and pre- 14 Cf. P. Cairo ii Pl. I inf. (Α.Ρ. 541), BM. Gk. iii sumably indicative of ecclesiastical rank or eminence. Pl. 89 (A.D. 558). 3 V. above, p. 160. 15 Cf. Ρ. Απ. PI. xix (4.0. 592), Schubart Pap. Graec. 4 ST. 405. The Greek text was read by B. P. Grenfell. 46 (A.D. 599). G AYE, Πο 6 V. Part II Appendix III. 16 Cf. Schubart loc. cit. 48.a (Α.Ρ. 615), P. Amh. Pl. xxiii 7 120. 8 433. (A.D. 610-640). iS) Nv [ο] EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS An historical personage who figures largely throughout our material is Pesenthius, the Relations with bishop Pesenthius celebrated bishop of Keft, of whom we treat in the second part of this chapter. From the Arabic version of his biography we learn that the bishop had at Jéme a saintly friend named Epiphanius, whom he used to visit—‘‘a great devotee and very holy man, serving God without pause and with all his heart, whose fame was spread abroad among all. It befell upon a day that Pesenthius visited him, to enquire after his health and to get his blessing.”? After asking leave, as was de rigueur, “according to the rules of the church and of the brethren,’ Pesenthius, reciting from Jeremiah the while, enters the cave (magarah) in which Epiphanius is, and there beholds two men seated on the benches (masatib). Epiphanius, having concluded his recital from the Pauline Epistles, Pesenthius and he greet one another and stay long in converse. The narrator—here it is Pesenthius’s Nitrian follower, Theodore—subsequently learns that the stranger whom they had found there was none other than the Apostle himself. This anecdote has the appearance of a literary echo of that fame which the holy man had achieved during life and which was clearly considerable; for only to eminent saints do the apostles thus vouchsafe visits. At any rate, with the exception of course of the bishop of Salamis, no other Epiphanius is known to the Synaxarium or the Calendars, and we can hardly be considered rash in identifying our hermit, whom we know to have dwelt at Jéme and in Pesenthius’s day, with the contemporary of whom the Arabic Life here tells us. Pesenthius is the name of many of our letter-writers: seven of the letters addressed to Epiphanius are signed with it.* That in no one of these the writer styles himself bishop is no proof that the bishop of Keft is not the author. Where the letter is of a wholly private character, a bishop will often omit his title and prefer to sign himself ἐλάχιστος, as in two of these. “This sinner,” or “thy servant,” used likewise by writers of these letters, might equally be adopted even by a bishop in writing to one so revered. One letter is in a style particularly suited to the intercourse between the bishop and Epiphanius as described in the above-cited anecdote from the Pesenthian biography.’ That it is indeed a letter we see from its closing phrases and address ; otherwise it might well have passed for an extract from a homily, though what the occasion was for thus recalling the story of the sons of Eli we do not learn. The respect paid to Epiphanius shows itself in another letter, whereof bishop Pesenthius is perhaps part-author,* and which, besides being the only one in our collection written in a fine, almost literary uncial, consists of nothing but a series of com- plimentary phrases.’ Such a composition must, one would suppose, have been called forth by some special occasion, unless its object were merely to keep its writers in the holy 1 Paris arabe 4785, 192b. The other forms of this version 4 133, 198 (the authorship is but inferred) ; cf. CO. 61, (Paris 4794 and 4878) omit the incident. BKU. 318. 2 E.g. Pesenthius, MIE. ii 349, 353, Shenoute, CSCO. 41 5 111. 6 198. Pp. 46, 47, 55, 61. 7 Another, in an almost equally calligraphic hand, ad- ο ο 13 Π. 2ο: dresses bishop Pesenthius in terms hardly less inept (RE. 44). His’disciple Psan Letters by Psan THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS man’s memory.! Two others at least, among the letters which Epiphanius received, are equally empty? and so no doubt were more of them, if one may judge by the fragments preserved. Elsewhere, as we shall see below, Pesenthius addresses him without formality, in terms of brotherly equality. A figure conspicuous in the company of Epiphanius is that of his disciple and eventual successor,? Psan (or Pson),‘ a name not otherwise common and in the present collection always, we may take it, indicating this same individual.* In six letters he is addressed or saluted together with Epiphanius,’ in some of these with not less respect and formality. In one instance he is alluded to in strange and obscure terms.”? Perhaps those letters directed to him alone and in reverential language belong to the period after he had suc- ceeded Epiphanius in occupancy of the τόπος. His prayers and mediation are solicited just as were those of his master.’ He is often called ‘‘anchorite,” at times “holy father”; the title of μαθητής is only given him in the document above cited, in which he is seen repre- senting Epiphanius as assessor to certain bishops.° The spots at which the 22 letters addressed to him were found are many : six come from the western portions of the buildings," three from the eastern.” If such records were to be allowed any meaning, we might infer, from the list given higher up, that Psan had, after Epiphanius’s death, taken up his abode in the western quarters of the τόπος. During the latter’s lifetime, however, letters were addressed to him and Psan jointly at Cell B and, as Winlock observes, there are in that cell many graffiti which, although Epiphanius’s name is not now visible among them, should indicate the reputed abode of a venerated ascete."* Yet Psan also appears with Epiphanius at several other points in our site, thus leaving us in doubt as to his actual habitat. We have, besides the letters to Psan, several signed with that name. Only one of these is published here and the identity of its author may perhaps be questioned.* Another, by a priest thus named, has been already referred to. But two letters, found subsequently at Site XX, are interesting enough to be here described. In one of them™® “Pson, this humblest and wretched one,” writes to his “beloved, alway revered father, that truly 1 “About as interesting as a visiting card and seem to 5 With the possible exception of 287. Whether the have no more significance than a polite attention” (Dill Roman Society, 1898, p. 129, in reference to certain letters of Symmachus). 2 106, 164. 3 The disciple as recognized heir: Raabe Peter d. Iberer 116, on Peter, Esaias’s disciple, styled his “servant and heir.” 4 The spellings Pson and Psan seem to alternate arbitrarily. The writer to Epiphanius at Site XX (MMA. 23.3.706 and 708) calls himself Pson, the writers of 287 and MMA. 14.1.540 (discarded) Psan. He who is addressed with Epiphanius is Psan in 144, 482, Pson in 106; so too in 199. Other texts vary similarly: Psan in our will (App. III), Pson in RE. 22, Hall pp. 97 inf., 131. The title “anchorite” is given to a Pson in 277, 281, to a Psan in 193, 431. priest who writes, from Keft presumably, to bishop Pesenthius (RE. 15) and the priest who, in a discarded fragt. (MMA. 14.1.540), seems to write officially to certain men of Tabennése, are one and the same, we cannot tell. Epiphanius’s disciple nowhere appears as a cleric and would scarcely be found at Keft. 6 106, 123, 144, 327 (prob.), 417, 482. 7 327. 8 172, 193, 199, 277, 281, 431. 9 172, 1090. 10 ΚΕ. 11. II 165, 172, 190, 199, 320, 431. 12 404 and 2 discarded: MMA. 14.1.46 and 169. 13 V. above, p. 43. 14 287. 15 MMA. 23.3.706. 16 Ταλαίπωρος is a word rare with these hermits: 178, ST. 295. Psan seems to affect it: υ. Hall Ρ. 97 ult., where it is perhaps written περπορος, though πέρπερος would not be too improbable an epithet here. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS beareth Christ,. . . his holy father, Apa Epiphanius,” whom he adjures by his holy prayers? to have mind of him in his prayers; for the demons weary him?; “that God may give me means to do His will and may bring about my end (in a manner) pleasing unto Him.”* The second ostracon from this outlying site is directed to “my holy (?) lord father, Apa Epiphanius, by Pson, this humblest one,’’ who begs his prayers.? These two letters show that Epiphanius and his disciple—if at that time Psan was so serving him—did not share a dwelling. Moreover they tell us that Psan at times employed a scribe; for while both of these are probably by one hand, another letter, undoubtedly his, shows not only a quite different script, but a strongly marked dialect,’ whereas both the letters from Site XX are in normal Sa‘idic. Two other companions of Epiphanius meet us more than once: the priest Mark* and a certain Elias, whom Epiphanius appears to have employed as a messenger,’ and who may be identical with his σύγκελλος at Cell B® and possibly with that Elias who eventually suc- ceeded to his position.» But as to neither of these do the texts give us any noteworthy information. We have throughout assumed that, among the many occurrences in the present col- lection of the name Pesenthius—besides many more in the rest of our material—some refer to the famous bishop of Keft. What grounds were there for such an assumption? That Damianus was patriarch through some of the period during which the settlement at the Daga tomb was in being and that the Persian invasion was an event contemporary with several of its documents—these are facts which, chronologically speaking, might justify our expectation of meeting the bishop here. Furthermore, there are, among the present letters, some written by scribes whose hands reappear in the well-known Pesenthian cor- respondence in the Louvre.” Of these, two are explicitly addressed to bishop Pesenthius"; two others perhaps so.!? Besides these, by otherwise known scribes, several more of our letters address the bishop by name and title.“ There is therefore no reason to doubt that he resided, at some period of his episcopacy, in this community and, seeing that among his correspondents here, we meet with some already known elsewhere as such, it will not seem improbable that the letters in the Louvre, together with the related fragments in the Phillipps collection,“ most of which are addressed to him by name, were unearthed at or near to the tomb of Daga. Further, there are, besides the letters addressing the bishop, 1 V. above, p. 168. 8 201. ο V. Part I] Appendix III. 2 Φλοπλεπ mMamosr = dxydiay, recalling Evagrius’s 6 τῆς 10 84 and 330 by scribe of RE. 10, 22 and 29; 410 by ἀκηδίας δαίµων (PG. 40, 1273. Cf. Munier Catal. p. 83). him of RE. 20; 460 by him of RE. 3, 4, 15 ro.; 494 (and 3 Cf. 164 n. 4 MMA. 23.3.708. probably 430) by him of RE. 2, 32, 50; 254 by him of RE.8; 5 Hall Joc. cit. and Pl. 68. These facts might of course 270 ro. probably by him of RE. 1. be held sufficient evidence of homonymity, not identity. 11 254, 404. 12 330, 410. 6 V. 165 n., 198 n., 482. 13 117 (sic), 152, 153, 425 (1), 440 (?), 469, 484 (2). 7 271, 437. His position may be that of διακονητής, not 14 ST. 174, 175, 176, 179. equivalent to µαθητής. 223 Other com- panions I]. Pesenthius of Keft. Letters to him His identity Relations with Epiphanius THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS others of ours, written by scribes whom we meet again in the Louvre series.1 These cannot but increase the probability that the Pesenthian dossier came from our site. The papyri in our collection which concern the bishop were found at scattered points, covering all quarters of the site.2 One piece only—and that the sole ostracon addressed to him—is from an earlier level and, one would therefore surmise, from an earlier period of the settle- ment.? Since it is now ascertained that two bishops named Pesenthius held adjoining sees— Keft and Ermont—at the same period, we might well be uncertain which of the two is here in question. For the hill of Jéme lay in the diocese of Ermont and bishops of Ermont are found residing in its monasteries.’ But while two of the letters addressed to Pesenthius plainly style him bishop of Keft* and others allude to that town’ and villages in its neigh- borhood (Pallas, Kés, Pesenai, Psenhér, Téhe, Trakata, Temraut), the seat of the other bishop, Ermont, is not once named in the correspondence.’ There can therefore be little doubt that the bishop Pesenthius, who is the recipient of many letters found at the tomb of Daga, is identical with the bishop of Keft, of whom from literary and other sources we already know so much. Though there are hardly any documents beyond the Louvre papyri and these which address or even mention a bishop of this name,° there are several which address a Pesenthius as “lord father, Apa Pesenthius,” or “our holy lord [father], Apa Pesenthius,” or as “beloved, holy father” and the like, thus indicating in all proba- bility the bishop” and recalling exactly similar phraseology in his biography." In cases too, where Pesenthius is called “‘anchorite’”’? it may well be that the bishop is intended; for we know him to have spent years in the hermit’s life. He is in fact styled “bishop and anchorite”’ by his Sa‘idic encomiast." Where merely a priest of the name is in question, we cannot conclude that this is the future bishop.‘ Among our present letters not a few have a Pesenthius for author, but in them the episcopal title is not to be found; and yet there is, in some instances, great probability that the writer is the bishop. It has already been noticed* that certain letters from Pesenthius to Epiphanius style the latter ‘“‘brother”’ and that a person so venerated would hardly be thus addressed but where some spiritual or hierarchical equality was admitted. There is reason again to suppose the letter to 1 135 by the scribe of RE. 52, 142 by him of ΚΕ. 39; not to mention Appendix I 4 (Pl. XV), which is the work of the scribe of 84 &c. (as above). 2 The provenance of the Louvre papyri appears to have been unrecorded; v. Pierret in Comptes Rendus 1871, 185. The earliest traceable reference to them is that by Revillout, loc. cit. 1870, 322; but if the Phillipps fragments of them were acquired at Libri’s sales, in 1862 and 1864 (v. ST. Preface), the whole dossier had evidently reached Paris earlier than that. Goodwin’s copies (BM. 466) were pro- bably made in the fifties. 3 469. 4 V. above, p. 136. 5 Bishop Abraham, whose correspondence and will are extant, dwelt at St. Phoebammon’s. OURE Si, e745 7 152, 484. 8 Twice only is bishop P. named in connection with Ermont or Jéme: 172, CO. 286. One need hardly assume this to be the other bishop. 9 CO. 286, Tor. 27. In Hall p. 29 inf. he is named, but merely in a kind of invocation. 10 515, BKU. 115, 302, ST. 215, 254, 305, 360, 374, Hall p. 62 sup. 11 Budge Apoc. 90, 94, 96, 117, 124. 12 CO, 345, 378. 13 Budge loc. cit. 75, 101. 14 281, CO. 325, 372, ST. 243, 359, 367. 15 V. above, p. 213. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS Lucianus! to be the bishop’s, as also that written upon the back of one of those directed to him,? which has all the appearance of an episcopal rescript. Moreover it is written by the scribe of the letter to Lucianus and of that regarding book-binding, to which there is reference below. In other cases a writer Pesenthius speaks of coming, or of having come “southward,’’* and this recalls the visits which we know the bishop to have paid to Jéme and in particular to Epiphanius. Finally, the epithet ἐλάχιστος, often assumed by writers of this name,‘ though not indeed distinctive, is employed, as we have seen, by bishops. In Christian times—noticeably not earlier—Pesenthius was among the commonest of Theban names? and it is probably to the wide fame of the venerated bishop of Keft that this popularity should be traced. In the shorter form ‘‘Pesente’’ and in “‘Pesentién” there appears to be some implication of contempt or ridicule, to judge from a passage in the Arabic biography,® where the bishop, recalling the difficulties and hostility which had beset him in his first years of office, says: ““They called me not a man at all, but dubbed me the mad lunatic, that knoweth not what he saith. ..and they named me Pesentién and Pesente.’’ At the same time necrnosoc usm, ‘little Pesenthius,” could be used in admiration or affection.? Whether from a remark in the Synaxarium we are to conclude that the very name was itself distinguished or revered seems uncertain.’ The bishop’s history is familiar to students and scarcely needs repetition; but the few quasi-historical facts to be gathered from it may be recapitulated.? Pesenthius was born probably in the year 568, at Psamér, a village of the Hermonthite nome,” where his parents were, it seems, well-to-do, since their flocks needed several shepherds. With these the boy at first spent his time, but he was early attracted to religion and received the σχῆμα at the hands of Elias, head of the monastery of Saint Phoebammon" at Jéme. An attempt, significant of a later age, is made to connect the monasteries of Thebes with those of Scete by introducing a monk, Theodore, from the latter monastic center into this Theban 1 136 1. . 2 ΚΕ. 18 bis (not, as Revillout has it, from, but to the priest Paul and others). 3 126, 224, 382. 4 126, 198, 224, 380, Hall p. 55, CO. 331, ST. 289. 5 No satisfactory etymology has as yet been proposed (e.g. Spiegelberg’s, OLZ. 1903, 63). To Prof. Griffith and Sir H. Thompson I suggested a connection with Πασεμθώους and like derivates of demotic Pate-hrsmtw (v. Ryl. Dem. iii 450); they agree however in thinking the initial Coptic ne- irreconcilable with this. Preisigke’s Namenb. cites Ψεντευς (from Elephantine) and Ψενθηους, which are still nearer to the Coptic. On the multifarious Coptic forms 2. PSBA. xxx 260, adding nrcente, PSBA. xxxiv 176, AZ. 1918, 70. 6 Paris arabe 4785, 196). Cygattmy and 3rimy are the forms. The first of these recalls certain Syriac forms of names, e.g. Shanddin (Leipoldt Schenute 16), Posiditin (= Poseidonius, Budge Paradise ii 215), which themselves perhaps represent classical forms, such as Heraclién, Hiera- cidn, Hilarion, Ischyrién, Marcién, Nemesi6n. On the other is) to hand, Pesenti6n recalls significantly the Egyptian theo- phoric names, e.g. Anoubidn, Apion, Horién, Thermouthién, Sarapion. 7 Budge Apoc. 79, 91. In the Boh. of these the first corresponds to ahha nscewt (MIE. ii 353); the other is not represented. The use of the shorter form by the authoress of ST. 360 and the longer by her scribe is notice- able. 8 PO. iii 394, of bishop John of Ermont, who had an elder brother, “whose great name was Pesenthius” (so the text literally.) 9 Drawing for that purpose upon the Sa‘idic, Bohairic and Arabic texts of the Encomium jointly. 10 V. above, p. 121. This is recorded by the Arabic re- cension only. 11 There would be no excuse for identifying Elias with either hermit of the name, who dwelt for a time at Jéme, but whose dates are quite unknown (Synaxar., 13th and 17th Kihak). The name Pesenthius The bishop’s career ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS community and attributing to him a share in the consecration of Pesenthius and even in the composition of the biography.1 Such is the tradition as to his earliest years given by the Arabic version, but from the Coptic texts we learn merely that he had early adopted the anachoritic life,2 dwelling in a cave, but apparently in the vicinity of other anchorites, since they made their journeys to the well in common. This name &uaf, for “cave,” is applicable either to a deserted tomb, tenanted by an independent hermit, or to a dwelling expressly hollowed in the rock or built beside it, but included in a group or λαύρα. At this period of his career it would doubtless be a cell of the latter sort that Pesenthius inhabited, for his cave had both door and window.? Subsequently he removed to another cave and is now spoken of as dwelling to the north of the brethren.t Next we find him in a com- munity at the hill of Tsenti. Whether this refers to life still in a λαύρα or henceforth in a more regular monastery is not evident. His dwelling is here spoken of as a ‘“‘house,” with windows‘; but this use of the word ss need not be pressed. It was his custom here to go down for water to the plain, where the flocks were; or he is described as going to the dyke (tune). This however gives no indication of the intervening distance, for it is notorious that desert anchorites were sometimes used to carrying their water for miles.® How long Pesenthius remained a mere monk or hermit we cannot estimate. Doubtless during these years, perhaps subsequently, he carried on the “handicraft” to which, in his dying words, he alludes. We do not know what that was, but if he were the author of one of the letters signed with this name,’ we might take it to have been book-binding, in which his namesake, the bishop of Ermont, was likewise skilled.* To the practice of his craft Pesenthius had owed the one solidus which he left at death.» Before being raised to the episcopate he had doubtless received clerical orders, although in his biography there is no mention of this. Indeed his words to those who came offering him the bishopric would suggest that, at that time, he was not in orders.” And in fact the histories of several bishops in the Synaxarium say nothing as to the preliminary grades," though in other cases again previous diaconate or priesthood are recorded.” Aphou of Oxyrhynchus seems to have been brought direct from the life of an anchorite to the bishop’s throne®; on the other hand the monk Pselusius, received, we are told, all the subordinate orders cumulatim, together with that of episcopacy, and there are not wanting among our letters, as will be 1 Paris arabe 4785, 97}, 98. 2 Ἡσυχάζειν, Budge Apoc. 79. 3 Cf. the window in John of Lycopolis’s cell (Miss. iv 653, 657). That in Palamon’s (Mus. Guim. xvii 11) is an in- vention of Amélineau’s (Bids § 4, παρακύψας ἄνωθεν). 4 MIE. ii 351. 5 Loc. cit. 360. 6 V. above, pp. 6, 149. 7 380. The script is at any rate that of 136 11 &c., probably also of RE. 18 bis. V. above, p. 225 n. 8 V. above, p. 136. 9 Budge Apoc. 125. For similar episcopal poverty v. PO. xvi 374, Leont. Neap. ed. Gelzer 92. Cf. PO. xvii 212. 226 1ο “This matter of (being) priest is one for holy men. But as for me, my life is full of all iniquity... .. Such as love the vain world and have pleasure in the rank of bishop and priest and deacon...” (MIE. ii 365). The phrases “χειροτονία of the priesthood” (Budge loc. cit. 91 infra), “him that was worthy of the priesthood” (MIE. ii 368), applied to the same event, might however be under- stood as referring only to the episcopal office. 11 E.g. PO. Π 260, 277, 433, 500, xi 838. 12 Ib. ili 490, xvi 373, xvii 715. 13 Rossi im 17. 14 Budge Misc. 468. Cf. Bingham Bk. 1 x § vii. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS seen immediately, some in which a priest Pesenthius is not unlikely to be the bishop of later days. Pesenthius’s ascetic achievements and the eloquence for which he had already become renowned—the only complete specimen we have of his oratory is a sermon to be ascribed perhaps to his pre-episcopal period'—and whereof his panegyrists profess to reproduce various passages,” had doubtless designated him for the episcopacy ; and after the customary protests, hesitations and even flight,® he was borne off to the patriarch Damianus, at Alexandria, and consecrated bishop of ‘the Christ-loving city of Keft,”* probably in the year 598. His episcopacy was, we are told, characterized by charities extending far beyond the limits of his diocese,’ by constant defense and patronage of the needy and oppressed. The phrases used of him indeed suggest that he was esteemed almost as defensor civitatis in his district,* though the intention may merely be to liken him to other saints whose ὑπερασπισμός benefits a place or person. Nor did he fail to admonish his flock in repeated pastoral epistles.” Pesenthius appears to have had his ἐπισκοπεῖον in the monastery of Tsenti,’ but on the news of the southward advance of the Persians,’ he distributed its contents and, abandoning his diocese, fled with a single attendant—his subsequent biographer, John—to Jéme. It would be, then, from this period that the Pesenthian correspondence, referred to above, would date: sent him, we may surmise, from his diocese to that retreat among the Theban hills, which we assume to have been, at one time, the community gathered round Epiphanius. This would be a place of retreat distinct from the great rock-tomb, deep in the desert, wherein he lay hid for some time—for how long it is impossible to say. His death perhaps occurred in the midst of a community, since his dying recommendation to the priest and prior Elisaeus was to take good charge of the brethren." There is at any rate no evidence that he ever returned to Keft.2 That he was buried beside the monastery 1 ROC. xx 38 ff. The subscription styles him “Apa P. 5 Budge 94, MIE. 3609. of the hill of Tsenti,” as if he were still a simple hermit there, though in the title of the work he is indeed bishop of Keft. The following heading, besides parts of some 15 lines, of another homily, are to be read in a fragment of the papyrus Ms. of his Life, BM. Or. 7561, 6ο (ο. below) : Jama neconero[e πεπιε]ήοπος HRA[T equjajae ετ- heoe ε[τ..... Jet coor Mn[..... ] Mnn[..., “on how it [is befitting 2] to glorify the [. . .] of G[od.” The opening phrases of the text include Eph. vi 12. 2 E.g. MIE. ii 337-340, 341-343, 362-365, 378-380: evidence enough at any rate that he had in life enjoyed the reputation of an orator. The same tradition is preserved by the Sa‘idic text (Budge Apoc. 89, 90), though his elo- quence is there seldom illustrated (Joc. cit. 94-96 = MIE. 378), and by the Synaxar. (PO. xvii 65ο): “sweet of speech and of beautiful language; when he spake none would that he should cease.” 3 Budge loc. cit. 92. 4 MIE. ii 368. 6 Budge loc. cit. 82, MIE. 344, “protector not of our poor nome alone, but of the whole χώρα.” Revillout (RE. ix p. 135) already draws this comparison with the defensor. On the defensor-ékdixos v. Wilcken Grundz. 80, Woess Asylwesen 228, P. Oxy. 1883 n.; on the ecclesiastical official so entitled, A. Knecht System &c. 111. 7 Budge 94, 102, MIE. 378. 8 MIE. 393-4. But ib. 397 seems rather to place the ἐπισκοπεῖον at Keft itself. 9 Ca. 621-22. V. 300 n. 10 MIE. 402. If the distance there given: 3 “miles,” were to be taken seriously, the tomb would be at least as far off the cultivation as the Tombs of the Kings. Clearly a solitary cavern, since P. depended on his disciple’s visits for food and water (loc. cit. 397, 401). 11 Budge 123; cf. 114. 12 The Arabic biography says (Paris 4785, 201) that he was 10 years fleeing from the Persians : meaning presumably until their withdrawal in 629. His friends THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS of Tsenti! need not imply that it was there he had died. Pesenthius’s death has been calculated, from incidental statements in the Sa‘idic biography, to have befallen in 631 or 632. No further data have as yet invalidated this, for his Prophetic Epistle, wherein the Arab invasion and even the advent of the Turks are foretold,t cannot be used for chronological purposes; while the Berlin ostracon, which almost certainly mentions the patriarch Agathon (661-677), would thus be of too late a date to allow of the local bishop Pesenthius, whom it concerns, being identical with ours.’ Yet the close of his biography, in both versions, does indeed show him at death deeply despondent,® whether as to his nation’s or his church’s impending fate, it is not easy to discern. The Prophetic Epistle is, as we have it, obviously the concoction of a later age’; but that Pesenthius had early been credited with the seer’s gift is clear from the abstract given in the Encomium of a similar epistle, wherein he threatens his unrepentant flock with the onslaught of two barbarous nations successively.’ The epithet πνευµατοφόρος, given him in the Diptychs,® might be earned by foreknowledge such as here displayed, or it might be due to the various tales told by his panegyrists of his divinatory powers. We have already spoken of the relations between Pesenthius and Epiphanius.1° Some- thing may here be said as to those between him and other persons met with in our texts and in his biography. One of the joint authors of the latter is (according to the Bohairic version) Moses, a subsequent bishop of Keft. The priest of this name, whom the dying Pesenthius reminds of the upbringing he had had under him" and to whom he commits his papers (ydprys),” may well be the future bishop, presumably Pesenthius’s immediate successor and perhaps the same priest who is called head of the monastery of Es Sanad.¥ The papers bequeathed him would be documents relating to diocesan affairs, while the reference to the past would indicate that Moses had been a previous disciple, perhaps preceding John, who held that position in the bishop’s later years and who, in the Arabic Life,“ is termed “of the hill of Jéme,” indicating perhaps that he attached himself to Pesenthius only after his retirement thither. Certain letters may point to some such rela- tionship: one from (bishop ?) Pisrael to Pesenthius sends greetings to “the pious priest 1 V. pp. 108, 231. the arch]bishop. The “canon” was set out upon the verso 2 The scene of his death is named naa πτποσ πρ;, “the (exc nase Ππδπωπ), but is now perfectly illegible. place of the great cell” (Budge 124), an obscure expression 6 MIE. 416, Budge 125 inf. recalling one applied to a part of the Macarian monastery 7 According to Nau (Journ. As. 1917, 415) it is related in Nitria (PSBA. xxix 290 n.). to the “Revelations” of Pseudo-Methodius. 3 ZDMG. 68, 179. 8 Budge 94 inf., MIE. 378. The latter text is faulty 4 ROC. xix 88, 318. On a rather earlier prophecy of (in the Ms.) ; the Sa‘idic shows that a sentence has dropped the Arab conquest v. Jean Maspero Hist. des Patriarches, out after the first word on p. 379. 1923, 202. 9 Cairo Euchologion 359. Cf. 163 n. 5 BP. 9447 (cf. CO. p. xivn.). This interesting fragment 10 V, above, p. 221. is a letter to a deacon, informing him that [“our] common 11 Budge 123, MIE. 417. (κοινός) [father ?], Apa Pes[ynthius],” requires his “canon” 12 Boh. indeed has awa, but Sa‘idic too would use that brought him forthwith (perhaps his due tribute of loaves, word if books were meant. of. BM. 464, ST. 123, CO. 105), since he is about to sail 13 V. above, p. 113. northward to meet (ἀπαντᾶν) the patriarch, Apa at[aewn, 14 Paris, 4785, 201. 228 EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS Moses,”’? while in other two Moses is found appealing to the bishop to redress his wrongs.? In certain other cases it is only by conjecturing the Pesenthius named to be our bishop that we can bring them into this connection. Three letters which greet a Moses have Pesenthius for their writer’s name.* That the author should, in each of these, sign himself ἐλάχιστος would not be opposed to episcopal usage‘; only in the last of these instances, where Moses is addressed as ‘“‘my father,” has the assumption less probability.» Where a priest Pesenthius is addressed and Moses greeted,* or again, where the priests Pesenthius and Moses are greeted together,” we can hardly draw positive conclusions ; for, as has been said, we have no documents wherein Pesenthius, the future bishop, indisputably figures as a priest. Although the bishop’s faithful disciple and biographer, the priest John, is not easily distinguishable in these texts among his many namesakes, one can scarcely believe that chance has wholly overlooked him. One might suppose him to be the John addressed in three letters by a Pesenthius, who in two of them styles himself ἐλάχιστος»; or the John who writes to “his beloved father, the priest Apa Pesenthius.”® Again the John who, jointly with a Pesenthius and both using the epithet of humility, writes upon ecclesiastical business to Epiphanius and who writes independently to him on other occasions,” might be the bishop’s disciple, though contents and tone of these letters hardly leave the im- pression of that relationship. Indeed one of them addresses the bishop as “holy lord brother,” clearly forbidding us to seek in its author the latter’s disciple." Rather one is reminded of the bishop John, elsewhere mentioned.” The third of the bishop’s friends who figures in his biography is the priest Elisaeus, once called prior (προεστώς) of the rézos,!* twice elsewhere called priest. From the dialogue between him and the dying bishop we gather that of the two Elisaeus was the elder. The bishop’s last charge to him we have referred to already. To this man’s position as head of a monastery the greetings evidently allude in the interesting letter of [bishop] Shenoute.” Elisaeus is there called monk and is addressed as “thy brothership,” while the pious brethren that are with him are likewise greeted. So they are again in a letter to bishop 1 RE. 7. (PO. iii 394), is represented as living when idolatry was 2 RE. 6 and 47. The latter, though the author’s name still vigorous in the district. He is at best a hazy figure, is lost, is undoubtedly by the scribe of the former, which, whose presumptive date is obscured by the presence in it may be noted, tells how Moses had been cast forth from his history of a Pesenthius and a Patermouthius. It is the τόπος with his papers (χάρτης) ---ᾱ circumstance recalling however observable that John is the name of two bishops those eventually to be entrusted by the bishop to a person of this see in the Moir-Bryce diptych (above, p. 135). of this name. Moses may have been chartulary of the 13 Budge 114, but not in the parallel Bohairic or Arabic. monastery or of the diocese. 14 Paris 4785, 184, 207 b. 3 208, ST. 280, Hall p. 55. 15 RE. 10 penult., ama eAs[casoc]. That this writer is 4 V.399n. a bishop is presumed from his styling bishop Pisrael “our 5 Cf. the Moses in 202, who seems to be senior to brother.”” But seeing that he also calls Elisaeus “brother,” Epiphanius. V. pp. xxvi, 218. he may himself be no more than a monastic dignitary. A 6 Hall p. 109, ST. 243. 7 CO. 372. bishop Sinuthius of Edfd, of about this period, is named in 8 308, CO. 331, ST. 289. P. Grenfell i no. xiii, while another EdfQ papyrus of the 9 ST. 243. 10 V. 133 n. τι ST. 179: same series (Ixvi) speaks perhaps of a bishop Constantine, 12 133, if this reading were unimpeachable. Bishop John as does the Pesenthian document here under consideration. of Ermont, whom the Theban Synaxar. commemorates Cf. also our 131. His memory in later times His monastery THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Pesenthius,! whence we may suppose that at that time the bishop was resident in the monastery over which Elisaeus—there called θεοσεβέστατος, τέλειος, évdéperos—presided. Further, there is mention, on the one hand, of an οἰκονόμος,” on the other of an anchorite of this name, the latter dwelling in our community®* and possibly identical with the holy man to whom appeal is made in another letter.t A correspondent too of Epiphanius is named Elisaeus.s How many of these namesakes are in fact one and the same it is impossible to say. Another of our bishop’s contemporaries brings us to a chronological dilemma. Pesenthius and Abraham, bishop of Hou (Diospolis Parva) are represented in the Synaxarium® as together present at a certain consecration. Were this statement accurate, the bishop of Hou in question here could not be identical with his namesake, likewise bishop of that see, who, as contemporary of the monk Manasse,’ was contemporary again with Abraham, the last monophysite abbot of Pbow, expelled by Justinian, fifty years earlier. The names of Abraham, this Pachomian abbot, and of Manasse are in fact coupled together in certain versions of the Diptychs.® The memory of the bishop of Keft has been preserved not only in the biographical panegyric, whereof three Coptic” and at least two Arabic recensions" at one time existed, and by his place in the Synaxarium, Calendar and Diptychs, but also by the survival of monasteries named after him, one or other of which may be taken to be that in which he either resided or lies buried. The Arabic biography indeed assigns sixteen years of his early life to the monastery of Phoebammon,” a period long enough to suggest our seeking the bishop among some of the many occurrences of his namesakes in the Deir el Bahri ostraca. On the other hand, it is stated clearly enough that, as a hermit, he had dwelt in the hill or in the monastery of Tsenti and there he is again found when bishop, though apparently not in residence." Which of the series of ancient monasteries, lying along the desert edge, south-west of Nakadah—all presumably in the so-called Hill of Tsenti, or Gebel el AsAs—is the one in question remains doubtful. There is among them at present a modern—probably a rebuilt— Deir Basantads,* to the south of those of Andrew and Saint George. Again the bishop te TUE AV, 2 Hall p. 105. 3 253. 4 486. 5 327. 6 PO. iii 490. 7 Miss. iv 673. 8 Ib. 755 inf. The “Contemporain d’Abraham” is but Manasse himself; the fragt. on p. 754 follows immediately 12 Paris 4785, 106. 13 Budge 77, MIE. 344. 14 Budge 120. 15 That the ww99l 595 of the Survey Map (1: 50,000) is upon that on p. 677 supra. 9 E.g. BM. Or. 8805 f. 27. It is to be noted that this Ms. was bought (by R. Curzon) at Thebes. 10 One of the ss. (the papyrus leaves BM. Or. 7561, 60-62, v. above, p. 226, and ¢f. CO. p. xiii π. 5) dates pro- bably from the 7th century, only a generation or so after Pesenthius’s death. Its text, so far as preserved, appears to be that of Budge. The various singularities of the Arabic texts presuppose another, lost Coptic recension. 11 To be edited from the three Paris mss. by De Lacy O'Leary in the Patrologia Orientalis. to be emended to (wo9ltimy (as written in the Luxor ms. of the Synax., v. above, p. 136) might be inferred from the incorrect forms (99 in Paris 4878 (a modern copy of the Life) and (w99liaw in 4882 and 4793 (Lives of Andrew, both modern copies) and this is confirmed by Mr. Hayes’s investigations (above, p. 115 n.). This monastery is recorded only in the Survey Map and in the list in ΕΙ Luluwab el Bahiyab, p. 351, as on the desert-edge (bdgir) of Nakadah. Neither Vansleben (Nouv. Relat. 411), Baedeker, Murray, Joanne, nor Somers Clarke (Christ. Antig. of Nile Valley map 5) name it. EPIPHANIUS AND PESENTHIUS is represented as staying at times in the monastery of the Cross, which we have seen to be probably identical with that of Andrew just named.t His name is perhaps preserved in that of the Naga‘ Aba Sandah, at Higazah, south-east of Kiis.2 But his ἐπισκοπεῖον we have seen to have been at the monastery of Tsenti and it was in its church that his body lay before burial. His tomb is located by Abfi Salih outside one of these western monasteries: which of them is not εἰεατ but the modern monastery above mentioned claims to contain his remains.‘ In the older monuments a τόπος of Pesenthius is met with several times. In two of the 8th century deeds from Jéme a monastery named after him occurs’; one is placed on the hill of Jéme, the other on the hill of the Κάστρον Μεμνονίωνδ; they would thus be one and the same. Again, a contract addresses the steward of the τόπος of Apa Pesenthius at Tche,’ a place not certainly to be located. Four monks of his monastery have left us gravestones,’ all brought from Ermont, near which it might therefore be conjectured to have stood. That a monastery of the ἅγιος Πεσύνθιος was in fact to be found thereabouts is evident from its occurrence among place-names from the Hermonthite pagarchy in two unpublished papyri of about the year 700.” Other saints bearing this name are not unknown. The Ethiopic Synaxarium, in the very month in which Pesenthius of Keft is commemorated, tells us of a namesake, an ascete likewise, whose story shows no connection with that of the bishop."! The visit of a venerated Apa Pesenthius to Abydos was recorded there as memorable,” but who he was we know not. 1 V. above, p. 115. 8 CO. Ad. 25, cf. 31 Π., ST. 426. Perhaps as matoce in 2 Survey Map. ΚΕ. 2, whence it would appear to be in the neighborhood 3 Fol. 816. of Kis (Psenhor). 4 Information from Mr. Hayes; υ. above, p. 115 n. 9 Cairo 8449, 8472, 8655, Lefebvre Recueil 582 (probably 5 Jéme no. 73, 45, no. 89, 58. from Ermont, not Aswan. For the simple genitive, τοῦ ἀπᾶ, 6 Reading opov καστρω; v. Revillout’s facsimile, Actes of. ST. 197). Ρ. 63. Ὁρμωμενοῦ without ἀπό seems unlikely. 10 Recently acquired by the University of Michigan. 7 Hall p. 94. Revillout’s copy (RE. 25 ter) is inade- 11 PO. vii 208. quate. 12 In M.A. Murray The Osireion p. 42. 231 Other saints of the name The Coptic dia- lects, principal and secondary CHAPTER X THE LANGUAGE OF THE TEXTS HE dialects in which surviving Coptic literature has reached us are four—naming them in geographical sequence, from South to North—Sa‘idic, Achmimic (with Sub-achmimic), Fayyfmic and Bohairic. These medieval names are not all par- ticularly felicitous : the Sa‘idic should properly be the dialect of the whole valley, southward of the Delta,!and the texts written in it have in fact come from all parts, between the latitude of the Cataracts and that of the Fayyam. Characteristics of the Achmimic are to be met with at points far distant from the Panopolite nome, while the Fayytimic idiom is found to have overrun the limits which its name implies and often to merge either with its northern or its southern neighbor. Bohairic, located in the Western Delta and in the neighboring Nitrian Oasis, thanks to political and ecclesiastical circumstances, eventually superseded all and overspread the whole of Egypt—at least as the literary idiom. But each of the dialects contained, within somewhat arbitrary limits, varieties which, though they may not have all survived in Coptic literature, do not fail to assert themselves in the non-literary documents.? Variety in idiom among the Fayyfimic texts is evident, so too are differences between those few written in the already moribund Achmimic. In Sa‘idic, the extent of whose domain surpasses them all, the differences are at least as marked. It is of course with the two last of these dialects that our present material brings us into contact and, in particular, with those varieties to be discerned in texts strictly speaking Theban. For not much reading of those from other parts of the Sa‘id is needed to demon- strate the existence of several secondary patois, differing one from another in vocabulary, still more in phonetics, not greatly in grammatical usage. The speech of the far South is, for lack as yet of suitable texts, scarcely discernible, though we have evidence that it was 1 Athanasius of Kis (Quatremére Recherches 20) terms specimens (BM. 545, 563, 572, 590, 608, 626, 1237, Ryl. 460, it “the Coptic of Misr,” i.e. of Egypt generally. In Vita Crum Copt. MSS. xliii) show that dialect in varying stages Pachom. § 60 it is ἡ Θηβαικὴ γλῶσσα, in the Epist. Ammon. of purity. § 9 τῶν Θηβαίων γλῶττα, though the Coptic texts call it 3 ST. has a few pieces brought thence: g1, 327, 333, 336, merely “the Egyptian tongue” (Mus. Guim. xvii 241, 302). or proving their origin by internal evidence: 96, 116, 181. 2 Even with the Bohairic this is so; the rare non-literary Others are in Hall: pp. 61, 121, 131, 145 inf., 146. Cf. ‘ LANGUAGE written,’ conspicuously in the constant tendency to double the vowels and interchange the labials. Of non-literary texts from Edffi we have but a few, in semi-official style,? so not genuinely representative of the local speech. On the north of Thebes we might look for a distinctive sub-dialect at Achmim, but non-literary texts of unquestioned provenance have not yet come to light there. The deeds and letters from Ejkéw (Aphrodito) have certain features of their own, whereby they are brought near to our Theban texts*; but somewhat farther down-stream, at Deir Ganadlah and Deir Balaizah, the finding-places of much | recognizable. That of Edff and Esne leave a distinct mark upon the literary mss. there | | | | material, the idiom common to all is the purest Sa‘idic, less tainted here, it seems, than at any other point in the upper valley.® A like state of things is to be found at Ashmunain, | whence has come a larger quantity of documents than from any other papyrus market— il for it is far from likely that more than a moderate proportion of them was actually unearthed in the cemeteries there—and where again the language, though not without 1 il distinctive features of its own, is but little affected, either by reminiscences of past times, | or by contamination from neighbors. The latter influence seems to be still absent in the few Coptic texts from Βε]πεςᾶ,ῖ but on reaching the Heracleopolite nome, the proximity. i of the Fayyfim, with its unmistakable phonetic system, is clearly discernible. αν For the study of the speech of Thebes and its vicinity our material is considerable; it Theban speech | ranges from texts biblical, liturgical and patristic, through a long series of legal deeds, down to private letters and notes of the most unpretentious sort. But the dialect thus exemplified is by no means uniform: that of the literary texts, be it at length, in papyrus books, or as excerpts on ostraca, is, with no exceptions, that pure Sa‘idic idiom which we must suppose to have been already long accepted as the standard dialect of Upper Egypt. And the same, practically untainted Sa‘idic is to be read in a large number of the documents, both deeds and letters. Such are found indeed to be decidedly in a majority, no matter which group of texts are examined: among those published here, from the community of Epiphanius, only slightly more than an eighth of the total’ can be regarded as in other than normal Sa‘idic; of the Deir el Bahri texts® an eighth is again the approximate proportion of those dialectally affected; while, out of some 125 Jéme deeds, less than half show non- Sa‘idic features and of those hardly more than a half-dozen have such features at all strongly marked. Throughout the oft-quoted Pesenthius correspondence (in the Louvre and else- 11 further Clédat’s graffiti, Rec. xxxvii 428. These last are of a far later age, but still show (p. 43) forms such as amar, ead, make, besides a Bohairic taint: ὅς, @t (pp. 45, 46). 1 V. Budge Misc. 464. 2 Those edited by Budge and Worrell. 3 ST. 48, 192 &c., Crum in AZ. 1925, 103. Jéme nos. 81, 84, written by an Edfti scribe, are but faintly dialectal. In Hall p. 6ο inf. is a letter. 4 The colophons of the later White Monastery codices, where dialectally irregular, are naturally Fayyfmic. 5 These features are described in reference tothe glossary, ed. Bell and Crum, in Aegyptus vi. 6 V. Petrie Gizeh and Rifeh p. 43, WS. p. 12. 7 Grenfell and Hunt brought thence two or three docu- ments. 8 59 texts out of 492. (The calculation starts from 84.) 9 The ostraca found there by the Egypt Exploration Fund and published in CO., besides some from this site in Cairo and included in CO.; also a few more in Hall’s book. Its non-Sa‘idic elements The home and extension of Achmimic THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS where), which comprises between 60 and 7o letters, distinguishing marks of non-Sa‘idic dialect are but rarely to be met with.! Indeed it is worth observing here that the language of the letters addressing venerable persons, such as Epiphanius or bishop Pesenthius, is consistently of a superior accuracy and purity—an indication either of especial care, or of better education in those who penned them. The presence in our Theban material of this restricted, but undeniable non-Sa‘idic element—using of course that rather unsatisfactory term to mean the dialect standardized in the southern bible-version—might be variously explained. The features wherein these texts diverge from that standard are, for the most part, to be found again in such litera- ture as has survived from an earlier period: the texts in the so-called Achmimic and, yet more, the Sub-achmimic dialect. That these texts date, as we have them, from an age substantially earlier than those brought from our 6th—8th century settlements in Western Thebes is a fact which probably justifies us in regarding the remarkable features in the Theban texts as, in many cases, survivals from a time when a dialect of the Achmimic type still occupied the south. Indeed such divergent peculiarities as are to be noted in other Sa‘idic patois—more particularly in the matter of vocalization—likewise invite com- parison with parallel phenomena in the Achmimic group. When topographical considerations are of especial importance, as they must be in any attempt to estimate the mutual relationships between dialects, uncertainty regarding the true provenance of the texts involved is a serious impediment. It is just this disadvantage which embarrasses our efforts to define the relationship of Achmimic and Sub-achmtmic to Sa‘idic. That the Achmimic dialect, with its most salient peculiarities, was spoken at Achmim, has been accepted as proved by certain meager graffiti, found at no distance from the town.? But, with this one exception, nothing is beyond dispute; even here it is to be remembered that the writer of a casual graffito need by no means be a native of the locality. The papyrus and parchment volumes preserving the remnants of the literature of this dialect are customarily ascribed to Achmim, but there is reason (as has been observed above) to question this supposed provenance, which in no single instance rests upon more than indirect and inadequate testimony. At most one might be justified in assenting to Maspero’s description of the dialect as “that of Achmim and the northern nomes of Upper Egypt.’ The only fully Achmtmic text, whereof the origin is assured, was found not at Achmim, but in the Fayyim.' So too the texts in varying stages of Sub- achmimic: most are of quite doubtful origin. Only the recently discovered St. John® can 1 Most irregularity is shown by RE. 10 vo. (omitted by 3. Those who wish to verify this may read the respective Revillout), which happens not to relate to Pesenthius. statements in Miss. i 243, AZ. 1886, 115, Steindorff Elias 2 Rec. xi 147. Spiegelberg’s “Achmimic” names (Aeg. Apok. 2n., 3, BIF. viii 43, Rec. viii 181, xix 1, Mitth. Rainer Eigennamen 37, to which Sir H. Thompson refers me), iii 264, Clemensbrief C. Schmidt 5, do. Résch 1, TuU. 43 though ascribed indeed mostly to Achmim, often show (Gespriche) 4. 4 Rec. viii 181. forms equally possible, if not actually demonstrable, at 5 Crum Coptic MSS. no. ii= BM. 492. Thebes and elsewhere. 6 Ed. Sir H. Thompson, 1924. 234 LANGUAGE claim indisputable certainty in this respect: it was unearthed at Kau, some 30 miles north of Achmim. The ms. of the Acta Pauli probably came from the distant south—from Aswan, it would seem.! Further, three recently published letters, in an archaic half-Sa‘idic, half-Achmimic,? have been assigned with much probability to the Cynopolite nome (El Kais), a long way north of those districts with which it is customary to connect pure Achmimic. On the other hand the series of early letters in the Rylands Library* may have come from farther south; they form part at any rate of the large collection certainly gathered, as many place-names show, in the Ashmunain neighborhood, though embracing also texts from the parts beyond Sift.t A like vague origin must, for lack of a better, be ascribed to the two magical papyri in the British Museum®; for that of the same class at Aberdeen® we can hazard no guess at all. It is at any rate clear that the archaic dialect, either in its purest or in some less pronounced form, had left traces throughout the Sa‘id. Among Theban texts that wherein we should naturally seek and in which we in fact find many archaic features is Lord Carnarvon’s magical papyrus.’ The presence there of some 30 more or less purely Achmimic forms’ is evidence either that that dialect had been prevalent at Thebes itself very shortly before our period, or that, for magical purposes, it was there (as elsewhere) still esteemed more efficacious than the current idiom. What is the extent and what the character of these survivals in the Theban idiom with which we are here concerned? Taking as our norm that literary Sa‘idic which is practically identical with the language of the large majority of our texts, we may look for the divergent features in phonetics, grammatical usage and vocabulary. These components of the lan- guage are of course affected to different degrees in different texts. Our letters were, it is true, addressed {ο the sites where they were found, but the area traversed by such cor- respondence is not likely for the most part to have been extensive, though a few of them are indeed known to have been brought from farther off—from Esne, Edfi, Aswan, as well as from Keft and Denderah—so that we need hardly hesitate to accept this composite linguistic picture of the district. In a limited number of texts the abnormal features, though at most not more than irregularities upon a substantially Sa‘idic surface, are yet prominent throughout.’ Passing by others, where similar aberrations, though conspicuous, are less obtrusive, we arrive at a long list of texts whereof the otherwise pure Sa‘idic is merely tainted here and there by an extraneous form. It can be assumed that, as a rule, 1 The subsequently discovered fragments (v. C. Schmidt in Berlin Acad. Sitzb. 1909, 216 and cf. Rustafjaell Light of Egypt, 1909, 3) reached the British Museum mixed with many others, Greek and Coptic. Of the latter several are ascribable as indisputably to Aswan as the accom- panying Greek papyri, e.g. those since published as ST. 96, 181; further, BM. Or. 6943 (12). 2 In Bell’s Jews and Christians in Egypt, 1924, pp. 92 ff. 3 Catalogue p. viii. 4V.WS. p. 6. 5 BM. 1223, 1224. 6 Recueil. ..Champollion 539. 7 V. above, p. 207. 8 Remarkable among them are: av(w), Macsng, πκατε, oot (= ww), pare, caghe (= cagye), creramne, TATE (=etoove), tana. A yet earlier stage of the language is recalled by mat “truth.” 9 Instances: 102, 260, 338, 344, 373, 531, 532, 544 (the 2nd and last 2 are by the scribe of 1); CO. 181, 185, 244, 254; ST. 178, 227, 287, 335; Hall p. 97 inf; Jéme nos. 16, 18, 66, 68 (the most strongly marked), 69, 71, 113. Character of the abnormal features in Theban I. Phonetics a. Vowels THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS the writer’s aim. was the maintenance of a correct Sa‘idic orthography and grammar and that these sporadic divergencies are unintentional lapses, significant of the idiom that was naturally his. Many a writer is indeed found employing a Sa‘idic and a non-Sa‘idic form side by side?; occasionally a correction is made from the one to the other.’ It should be premised that certain common phenomena, rather errors in orthography than facts of phonetic significance, will be here left out of account. Chief among these are the interchange between e and κ, ο and w; the writings ae, ees, aov, for as, εν, a; the omis- sion of a repeated vowel, as in seve, tot, ovad, or Of the helping e in prefixes mx-, πη- &c. It is in the vocalization of some of the commonest words that divergence from thestandard Sa‘idic orthography is most frequent. In the following lists seldom are more than illustrative specimens offered, although exhaustive collections have been made from which to draw. An asterisk precedes those forms which are found in Achmimic or Sub-achmimic texts, so far as published. a replaces toneless ε in *,. prep., passim atoa 367, 537, ST. 97, 178 arageretoc CO. 327 amate 143, 260, ST. 202 *anege (eneg) 280 angut 177, 306, 532 &c. apat-, δρητ- 145, 456 agpar 102, 226, ST. 227, aopr Sie 302, Hall pp. 62, 69 Ἄδροσπ ST. 97, 260, Hall pp. 36, 83 *aan- ST. 181, 321, 378 fanme ST. 437, Hall p. 82 Aare (λεβίτων) L. D. vi 102, 21 manta 103, 176, ST. 232, Hall p. 103, CO. Ad. 27 Occasionally elsewhere, as fadsxe (bis) ST. 305 Similarly in end syllables: βλκο CO. Ad. 54 esata ST. 225 καλμλο BKU. 73 MHpa (ωεερε) δη 97 MEPATA Aegyptus ili 282 na dat. fem., WZKM. 1902, 264 1 For instance in 348, 591, 532, 543; CO. 327, Ad. 27, while MMA. 24.6.4 shows two copies of the same letter: that on concave with several dialect forms (HK, Baar, 236 poaa Jéme no. 66, 47 crra CO. 270 ovacra BP. 5667 (cf. ove 165, ova ST. 41, CO. 179) govmapa Jéme no. 13, 25 φοιτὸ δή προ κελο 206 Π. Particularly in Greek words: anana (ἀνάγκη) 47. 1892, 43 amaa 101, ST. 350 εστο (εἴτε) ΒΕΚΟ. 286 ετοζδριετο Vb., 239, 336, 337, CO. 64, 100 mpocaora 457 «τοίχο Hall p. 113 and names: heArcapa CO. Ad. 29 gicta 6ο. 64 Manage wpa BKU. 264 πδρθεπωπο PSBA, xxxiii 256 NetTpa BKU. 158 catia Hall p. 111 tanacta CO. 497, Sis 1091 τοιδἈς Jéme πο. 67, 63 (cf. 61) πι, omam “draw nigh”), replaced in a different hand on convex by normal equivalents (nan, x00%, 21K-, gnar sic for gum). 2 Asin 347. V. also the gloss in CO. 227 wo. LANGUAGE Rarely a replaces x: naw vb. 245, 304, Part II p. 339 n.; wamatn MMA. 24.2.5; cnaov ST. 243 ; ovpate 106 ; enarn Hall p. 387m. gyAana CO. 196 shows a somewhat different phenomenon. a replaces » perhaps in wmata- 245. In xapanoc (Κυριακός) the first vowel is assimilated to the second.! Far the most frequent of all vocalic peculiarities is the use of a in place of ο. Examples of its occurrence in various positions—it is found in some 160 words—may be here given. This is, as is well known, one of the most salient of Achmimic characteristics, both in the more and in the less pronounced phases of that dialect. *sue ST. 38 *nave- 286 &c. ovape 537, ST. 358 *. ce 182, 472 &c. *nar (moe) 293, CO. 196 &c. *onoap 573 Ἆναι 438 πβαος Pbow, above, p. 120 Πεν CO. 93 Aaert 446 ποποι 574 waan- Jéme no. 45, 48 Ἀρολοτ 368 natamrtae ST. 237 *graop 372 evave Hall Deeks &c. pakate SH. 390 *odaK (0Άος) ΜΜΑ. 232.3.712 *erane 406 *paune CO. 352 *oapus Jéme πο. 79, 23 RAN- (? ¢an-) ST. 353 *cang- BKU. 113 Ἄρτερτορτ Sil 955 Ἀσος- (κωως) BM. 445 *cancn 192 szaas BKU, 275 aan BKU. 259 *cang- 336 ascave Jéme πο. 105, 12 * ware 65 Ἀτοκιιὰ- ST. 398 *eaan 209 MAMAN H Cairo 8600 Ἁπππον ST. 239 ὅτο. πορτε 547, Sil 125 * uatnec 450 ena- CO. 185 gavan 165, 333 Ἁποι Hall [δη 80 supra Ἀργοειπ 247 a (or as) for ω recurs twice in a single text (Hall p. 100 supra), where nas (516) stands for πωχ. ax for ε is equally rare: was vb., 531, 15, και (perhaps) ST. 97, 9. ε (often κ), in place of a, appears constantly, both where toned and toneless: ext (teho erat) Hall Ρ. 70 supra (6)λον Tor. 34 ελερε Sule 233, amege Hall p- 127 inf. *(e)n neg. ST. 333, CO. 181, 5 (9) (e)na- Jéme no. 67, 109 epne (adne) CO. 303, Cairo 8530 ερεοτ, Hpev 169, ST. 306 epuyrit Sis 210, (Biles 625 ne “mercy” BM. 1211 A (cf. Rec. xi 147) ποειτ- 115, 502 π negau Jéme no. 31, 9 &C., neam CO. 451 nexey &C. 341, 398, ST. 233, 272, 334, Hall p. 62 et saepe 1 Thus the Byzantines wrote the name of the Turkish buffoon Καταρῦς, said to have been a “Copt” (gipsy) of the 15th century (G. Jacob Tiirk. Litt. Gesch. i 15, 20, G. Ferrand in J. As. 1925, 1179). Might this point to the *pecte, pucte 372, GO; 220,11 *cneor 182 (of. also cnov, επω) *reAo, TAO 338, ST. 86, CO. 244, 14 (sic leg.) Ἄπρκο Jéme no. 66, 45 (cf. τορκο by same scribe, no. 76, 48) Άπερο 102, 275, 280, BKU. 125, CO. 377 &c. Ἐρταετ-, ovant- 434, Jéme no. 66, 37, ST. 227 w(e)- prep., 198, 221 Άπεκε ST. 56, Jéme no. 62, 8 Ἆρετ 525, Jéme no. 56, 18, no. 76, 42 &c. 2ewp Πστιις 66: 478 πελο (69λο) 95, 338 σΆτε Hall p. 115, for esate (6ορτε) forgotten etymology? But on such “Copts” v. Lammens in ROC. viii 633. 2 The list in CO. p. 11€ is fairly representative. 237 THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS e in place of es, s is frequent: ape CO. 75, Hall pp. 54, 103, apee MMA. ερεµε MMA. 14.1.178 (discarded) 14.1.60 τε- (4-) Ist sing., 238, 291, 462 εἰ saepe ene Vb., CO. Ad. 25 (cf. Achm.) wene Hall p. 54 eoge CO. 20 ee- prep., 531, 533, CO. 160 ene (ἐπεί) 459, Hall p. 109 getn- Ὁ. IN. *ec passim κε vb., CO. 136 (where also x1), xetor 334 etn 400 *en- ST. 174, CO. 152, Jéme no. 6, 26 &c. πε-, τε-, πε- demonstr., passim Ἐσπ- 455 ε or « for toneless ο is rare: λωσες ST. 129; tprhownne ST. 2573 gceddn, cere (χολή) 373, Vienna ostr. 53, CO. 176, Sphinx x 146, It is also found for ο before w, in toned syllables, varying here with «: εραν CO. 453; κανε 314; *rhneve 165, 347, CO. 250, 263, ST. 260 (cf. arhnoy CO. 264) ; *asceve 165 (but ascave Jéme πο. 105, 12). Interchange of ε and ον in toneless syllables is not uncommon. Compare κε- and Kov- passim pormooy Jéme no. 87, 30 πελωλ and κοσλωλ (κωλωλ) Jéme Index tempavt and towmport 433 n. p. 469 Gehamon and govhamon Jéme Index p. 459 πελους, KAWxe ANd KovAwsxe, V. 532 N. we n- and wor π- ‘son of,” loc. cit. p. 387 ansov ST. 439, cnaxor BPE 0421 and xovn- uyehiste Sip, 118, Hall De πα and corinne «ον 545 &c. (wov-) Jéme no. 111, 9 ncov- and πεε- passim ολλο and Φοτλο Jéme no. 62, II pamaor 95, Hall p. 109 (szc leg.) and Other variants write this vowel as ο: xonxov, pomoos, hohamun (in the last two cases with yet other alterations), so increasing the evidence for the obscure and ambiguous quality of these sounds. Palatalized e is found in esedage(sctoc) ST. 175 exenrtpene CO. 138; senwoe Jéme no. 6, 30, Πο. 71, 4; recan Hall p. 33 supra (πτο]ἁ recax)!; also forms such as tase Jéme no, 73, 23, tTrere ib. no. 66, 43; overe 78, CO. 348; onse (pe) CO. 472. The contrary phenomenon is to be seen in the names οσεπῷ 99, Jéme no. 11, 63, no. 57, 4, Hall p. 104, ovcam 99, ostr. Prof. Sayce (unpublished) and ovgannc 519 n., 533. « often stands for a, but in many of the following instances it varies with ε (v. above) : ann- Jéme no. 68, 86 (cf. above, (e)na-) nu- dative, passim ἀλλκ- BKU. 302, Jéme no. 69, 52 πας, nean- 105, 169, 336 et saepe egpar CO. 130 πτη- 284, 418, 534 εἰ sacpe HMpH (ampe) Hall Ρ. 47 πεληκ Philae, Budge Misc. Pl. xxii nana 546 Jéme no. 66, 39 πρπαπε name, Jéme no. 51, 11 (cf. mpawe Hall manta- 103, 176, Jéme no. 56, 11, ST. 232 Ρ. 19) &c.; also unta- 332, CO. 198 &c. par 456, ST. 47, CO. 314, 8 (sic) mwavn- Tur. 7, BKU. 299 puve Jéme no. 24, 67 1 Cf. the forms Ἰουνακέντιος BM. Gk. iv 1469, τερµππδτος Paris 12014 92, τοπππλμτος (Hippolytus) Budge Misc. 134. 238 LANGUAGE commn Aswan, CO. 452, Jéme no. 68, 12 (cf. ib. 27) cy 169 ovant- 434, ST. 227, Jéme πο. 66, 37 omntx- 94, 459, Hall pp. 103 (14091, 6), 112 &c. «ΟΙ ex replaces a: psn (absol., not pronom.) the peculiarly Theban forms of the verb } (v. be a mere error, : or ει replaces e frequently in Jéme πο. 66. anrve CO. 342 RIPMAILOC Jéme no. 3, 22 cawprroc Jéme no. 60, 17 amatac CO. 140 armocron 07. 12 ει- preposit., ST. 98 thrice extn VY. above, Ρ. 19 εἴπωτ (?) BKU. 264 erAage(sctoc) 240 em vb., 281, ST. 109, CO. 2390, 11, Tur. Mater. no. 17, 7, RE. 37 ειβοτοιὸ Jéme no. 81, 50 exper 459 ειρητ Jéme no, 81, 45 elon ο α CO. Ad. 47 erwtwroc ST. 358 κει- 534 (also κον-), CO. 72 Ἅδωπιν CO. 80, Ad. 60, Jéme no. 35, 9 &c. ovens 115, CO. Ad. 27 (also ουκ ος), ΒΜ. 1211 A, Hall P- 97, ovasrer CO), 276 exert Jéme πο. 35, 33, NO. 39, 27, Tur. Mater. no. 16 enn- Hall p. 80 (21016, 9 sic), Jéme no. 71, 46, πο. 92, 25 169, CO. 126, Jéme no. 61, 1,1 as well as in below). In Jéme no. 67, 15 ox for pax may Other examples are: AASPIT CO 267, Hall Ρ. 72 am vb. neg., CO. 355 twice nes- possess., BAU. 38, ST. 225, 7? mx- Jéme πο. 20, 109 mt- BKU. 41, ST. 300, 8, 333, 7, prob. (10, πα, σ nrar- CO, 190 -¥ enclitic, in Jéme nos. 36, 37, 44, all by one scribe πιδπον CO. 264 *tnow passim τδρι- CO. 211, 263, 260, 337 &c. (cf. maps- 1b. 264) rapmize (τράπεζα) BP. 710 vo. ws n- “son of,” CO. 315, Jéme no. 2, 41, Hall p. 66 σικ- vb., CO. 254, 384, BKU. 262 &c. omen 301 The isolated forms pwar, «μας CO. Ad. 35, may also be noted. eer=es is merely the counterpart of ετσι, as in 165, 475, CO. 224, or 2b. 315, Ad. 47. The writer of Jéme no. 65 is especially addicted to this (perhaps archaic) usage. ο stands so many times for a that this deserves to be regarded as a mark of the dialect?: avonn, J. 210 An. πο- Vb., RE. 30, ST. 394, Jéme no. 60, 77, Hall pp. 63, 80, ΒΚ. 38%; similarly IN xeroc ST. 99 xoaopon name Katharén, BM. 441 KocTporn Jéme no. 7, 6 1 As in archaic texts: P. Bruce pp. 139, 140. 2 This recalls the habit of the scribe of Jéme nos. 79, 112 &c. 3 Though instances are not uncommon in the White aoor ST. ΟΙ ἆλοτε ST. 227 λιοο- 484, ST. 178, BKU. 154, 268 nrog- &C. verbal prefix, J/éme πο. 1, 58, no. 54, 8, no. 81, 32, 44, Leyd. p. 4825 opyxes Jéme no. 84, 14 Monastery mss. 4 Cf. Part II Addenda ad 248. 5 It is significant that this characterizes the Esne-Edfa mss. : v. Budge Misc. p. xlviii, Worrell The Coptic MSS. &c., 1923, Ρ. 123. ow (Paw) ST. 182 ogoate BK U. 292 co- artifex, Tur. 7 το MMA. 24.2.3, wyouy Jéme no. 68, 28 εφοι BM. 1211A εοζοτ and cuyor 98 τολσο Jéme no. 84, 21 THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS TOPO 400 osow- 327, CO. 362 eugoa BM. 1211 A οποοτ CO. 467 gon CO. 185, 205, BKU. 125 σορα 640 gooson CO. Ad. 46 ο for e is exemplified by.unoa- neg. imperat., ST. 251=nmop 7b. 257, with which cf. unwp- in CO. 271, Ad. 55, Hall Ρ. 7313 npochutstc and προεῦστερος 478 n., CO. Ad. 62, Hall Ρ. 6ο; concon (?) 201; eohooc SH, AD. ο for η, x, influenced by a neighboring vowel: ποµοκος Rec.. .Champollion 495 ; προροφορει (πληροφορεῖν) Jéme no. 123, 10; Φολοκαρε (Φιλοκαλεῖν) no. 69, 25. ο Stands often for ον, even for cow: egon ST. 54, 361, CO. 108, 119, agon CO. 329 roctinoc Jéme no. 44, 12 κος, gor 554, Hall pp. 82, 146 (noes πεβτω) MOD SM 378, π (prob. for move OT Mug) noh ST. 54, Jéme no. 69, 65 noc (vous) Jéme no. 6ο, 17 ποτε 217, Rec.. .Champollion 495 109 CO). 308 ο (ον) article, ST. 50, Tor. 4, CO. 155, 242, 355, 12 on (οὖν) 173, 307, 337, 431, Hall p. 97 supra, CO. 83, 186, ST. 214, 306 εἰ saepe, though it is not always easy to distinguish this from Coptic on? oauy- BKU. 101 MaAGEPMOGIOC Sie 365 noc Name?, 464 gopohin, gophin, epwhsn Ῥουβήν σοι 125, Hall p. 34, BKU. 312 οροφιπος Hall Ρ. 54 co- (ncov-) σο. 314 citoc (coove) 543 cmog 566, Bile 4916 coTst (cootm) ος 225) of. εωτα CO. Ad. 56 πππος 386 Occasionally initial ο stands for ovo-, ova- OF ovw-: ο (ovw) CO. 327 00., 355, 13} oerc (ovoeryy) 80; on 203, BKU. 148; ong CO. 78, Jéme no. 65, 17, 23; ous 288, ST. 225; 09 ST. 378, Jéme no. 3, 47 (ag 10. no. 68, 92) ; οκ MMA. 24.2.5. The converse, ovo for ο, is rare, except as ovo vb. qualit.; v. Jéme Index p. 383. On ovw for ο, v. above, p. 181 n. ov often represents an indefinite 6, as shown above. Rarely it stands for ev, as in the prefixes nov- ST. 257, 450, CO. 57, 140; tov- 531, CO. 160; now- Jéme no. 66, 38 (=no. 76, 40). ον for ο is very common; for instance: am@rhovare ο 424 anov CO. 157, Jéme πο. 100, 72, and in compounds: Jéme no. 35, 101, no. 65, 95 1 For Απωρ- thus ο. below, p. 249. 240 ararovnoc ST, 284 επιτροσπΗ Jéme no. 57, 13 ROOOTAIRH Jéme no. 60, 22 npovy Jéme no. 3, 11 &c. DES EX ids LANGUAGE MEPOTC RE. 44 MODHACTHPION, MoTMAgoc PASSIM κοδπωκαπµς Jéme NO. 02, 1 ποσµοτς 506 n. novs- Jéme no. 104, 21 nove Jéme no. 102, 8 ον vb. qualit., 332, Jéme no. 62, 10, no. 82, 15 omners, Cairo 44674, 143 (discarded)? nantorkpatwp CO. 109, Jéme no. 69, 37 NOVA (πότε) ΜΜΑ. 24.2.5 ον for w is equally so: angarovaua Aegyptus ii 281 Aintovpme /éme no. 30, 73 eos Hall p. 73 exovt “barley,” Hall p. 84 supra (also ειωτ) exovt father,” BM. ostr. 44809 Φεντοτρον (Θεοδωρώ) Jéme no. 31, 9 κοτνρ σοι 233 mecovpn 534, CO. Ad. 44 ntos Ombos, v. above, p. 119 or “great,” 540, ST. 226, 261, CO. 450 vo. OvpR CO, 187 opps Jéme no. III, 19 maomnr 1 07. 30 novt Vb., BKU. 37 προτς ST. 112, Hall p. 53, Jéme no. 10, 63, no. 12, 61 Ρτονὰ CO. 170, where also provah? crop (P woop, wrap) Jéme no. 110, 14 «μοντ BP. 4916, Jéme no. 7, 42 εονλονλιωκ &C. Hall p. 128 (sic leg.), CO. 160, Jéme Index p. 455 compra BP. 975 tovmapron Rec...Champollion 495 GrAomaarmon name, BP. 4983 *npow “winter,” BM. 488 powue BM. ostr. 44809 Ροσιπε 493 ctenoverc J/éme NO. 10, 13 ετεφαπον CO. 137 (v. note there), Hall p. 123 (20025) ovrac, Ὁ. p. 11 above and BP. 6132903 xX peorc RE. 44 worn vb., BM. Or. 0525 (8) Το. earov 311, ST. 437, Jéme no. 68, 39 φοτρι ST. 206 (cf. οωρε ib. 108, Cairo 8618) Ἔπον nn., Jéme no. 66, 40 » νυ., BM. 446 ω stands seldom for a: in τωκωδ MMA. 24.2.3, perhaps in εωρ nn., CO. 40. Perhaps for ein ewe Wop Sh 352. ω is often for av in certain common words: ew “flax,” v. Part ΠΠ p. 356; *uw “mother”’ 561, Hall p. 123, Jéme no. 38, 31 (with which cf. mov 290, no Jéme no. 38, 27, MMA. 24.2.3); muw 344, 433, 465, BKU. 308, CO. 236; πω vb., 344, Hall p. 73; πω nn., 176, 260, 335, 349, 524, ST. 42, 91, CO. 301 (with which cf. nov BM. 1211 A); πω dat., 260, 9; επω 226, ST. 333, CO. 347 (with which cf. cnov 317, CO. 403, and cneor 182). Several of these correspond to Achm. forms with o. w for ον is also common: awe 163, 278 ef saepe; πως Hall p. 117, CO. 324, Ad. 54 (with which cf. sg CO. 308, nave 438) ; πωοε vb., 181; caw 201, CO. 66 and the name yaw; cwo 324; ω interrog., ST. 253, 318, BKU. 144, CO. 327 (with which cf. «εστω etgyoon MMA. 24.6.13) ; κωτ- (iN xovtaqre) BM. ostr. 44757, MMA. 24.2.5. 1 Cf. the form amcra, BKU. 50, ST. 54. 3 movkac in a Balaizah fragment. 2 With which cf. rovag = Rag, stele in Florence, Mus. Archeol. 241 b. Consonants THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS w is labialized in ovwpx Jéme no. 67, 62, ονωρς ST. 405, Jéme no. 57, 12, BM. Or. 9525 (12) v0.; οτωω Jéme no. 66, 19. Conversely, the initial labial is dropped in ωρε CO. 358, wus CO. 372,! ST. 184, 315 &c.; wr 1282; we Tur. Mater. no. 16, 3 RE. 29, 124; wee CO. 436. This looseness in the use of initial labials strongly characterizes the texts from Esne- Edffi; Worrell has given several instances from a single ms. Doubling of a vowel is not uncommon. Here are examples: Of a in aana CO. 481 naa ΠΠ., CO. 271 nesaa- /éme πο. 122, 10 (? error) naa- fut., Rendic. Accad. paan 490 aac CO. 235 Linc. 1906, 475 cnaav Hall p. 121 aat- CO. 202 πλοο- 180 cxaat Jéme no. 44, 71 aang Jéme no. 25, 11 &c. ncaa- CO. 352, Ad. 40 waa- 287 wuaan Hall p- 63 πτος- CO. 132 Qaat Jéme loc. cit. muaav CO, 134 naar 525, Jéme no. 65, 3, 42 Of ε in ee- Hall p. 34; mee “truth,” ST. 174, Jéme no. 106, 72; mee “love” Tor. 28 (cf. CO. 278 uue) ; gee Jéme no. 106, 58, 61 &c. (cf. ene ST. 246, Jéme πο. 65, 20, no. 69, 23 &c.; once gure ST. 302). Of ο in eroote Hall p. 70 caoort Hall p. 7ο goon nn., Hall p. 121 amauoo- &C. CO. 110, Jéme coon CO. 190 ugoon Vb., Jéme no. 4, 34 no. 65, 51 &c. coot CO. 294 emoot Hall p. 74 MOOTD Oo). 154 taroo- CO. 140 goopuy Co. 5 ποοτ[ῦ 10. ovooth Jéme πο. 15, 37 eooce ST. 22 ποοτνφ Suis 283 ovooge “fisher,” BP. 66ο neroon ΜΜΑ. ML DO Woom Jéme no. 44, I! (also σοι) Of w in εωωπε 268, πωωκ ST. 225 (where also xowx). On the other hand single vowels are often found where double would be normal, especially IN Ἐετδμ-, Aav, Maze, ovah, xov (*xav) vb. It will be recollected that vowel-duplication is the most constant characteristic dis- tinguishing the idiom in which the literary texts from Esne-Edfa are written. The use, diverging from the Sa‘idic, of certain consonants is occasionally worthy of note® and, although similar irregularities could be recorded from non-Theban texts as well, a few instances from our material may be given. & for g occurs repeatedly in the word qr: 243, 246, 279, 304, ST. 294, 309, 430, CO. 135, 310, 385, RE. 8, 21; rarely otherwise: ST. 309, ΒΚ). 262 (Aussens. 10), 274. Still rarer is & for v: twhaepa (δεύτερα) Jéme no. 12, 70.7 1 Leg. exp (ov)wuy-+ “I wait.” 6 The lists in CO. Coptic Index illustrate several of 2 EIWWT ππδετᾶτε. 3 Leg. ncor(or)we. these features. 4 Leg. etnawe, not wg. 7 Confusion of initial b and τω, so prevalent in the Esne- 5 loc. cit. p. 121. Edfd mss., is hardly known here. 242 LANGUAGE « represents σ in -σα Jéme no. 69, 29 ; πολα 261 ; caan CO. 2513 0µπΗ, cnn CO. 327, ST. 281 ; κλοσε 222; cpoune Tur. Mater. no. 22; vac 532. Conversely σ is for « in several Greek words: «σωπα ST. 209, 225 et saepe (cf. racann Tur. 13, collated by Prof. Jernstedt) ; neentac (ἐγγνητής) MMA. 12.180.193; σεωρστος ST. 378; enoun 145; also in the prefix ne- MMA. 23.3.707. c= IN ελκαπετος (2Ο. 165. Note also how « appears to sound likes in «σωκ (αἰών) Part II p. 151 supra; also the interchange of these letters in ypanve, ypanse 110 n. κ for « is common; so too c forr. VY. CO. Index pp. 116, 118.1 x for ος 1s found in καΆκιοκ 550; radocnaun 587 Π.; xpra CO. 245; novprupra ST. 169; ctomer 10. 318. Conversely ος represents κ in εοετε 258; cograapx 391; gcactpon Hall p. 106. x Stands for = in κπ- (explicable through intermediate σι-) 216 n. and wpx Hall p. 100. x Stands for + in eArcahex, v. Jéme Index p. 434, varying sometimes in a single text: cf. no. 37, 12 and 40. On the converse v. below. a for p is found in a few Greek words: κ«Ἄδκως (Κυριακός) CO. 385, ΒΚ. 288; xvaraoc BKU. 49; aaa ST. 4473 megcera Cairo 8461; οἌφοπος Hall p. 58; πολκκολε 27 (has also napa-), 348 &c.; nrecce (πράσσεσθαι) Jéme no. 18, 59, and in fewer Coptic: ara Tor. 30; ὅλτε Hall p. 115 zmf.; Aseman name, Hall p. 18, BAKU. 2622; xarowa CO. 481 (cf. Cairo 8546). p for a is commoner (as in other Sa‘idic patois,? notably that of Ashmunain) and due usually to assimilation: aepohopoc Jéme no. 13, 6 npepor (πληροῦν) Jéme no. 7, 44 heprcaproc 559 Mpopooper (πληροφορεῖν) Jéme no. 123, 10 pre (adne) CO. 303 puna (λυπεῖσθαι) Cairo 8479 Rapauyrpe Ss 54 cx IaapH (σκυτάλη) 391 xpaponomoc Jéme no. 7, 41 &c. scepxor Ὁ. Jéme Index p. 458 πορομορε Jéme no. 94, 58, η, 240 akraproin Co. 472 natpoproc Cairo 8413 Φερ, monp, mocep name, MMA. 24.2.3 and nopr- ΤΟΥ. 31 24.2.5, Jéme Index p. 453 NOVpRApra Pulcheria, ST. 169 Φολοκορε (φιλοκαλεῖν) Jéme no. 69, 25 Tiparte (πι) Jéme no. 94, 50 Xapeh Jéme no. 36, 5 n Stands once for a: cvmboner (συμβουλεύειν) ST. 254" and once for p: cnontyAon Jéme no. 67, 121 (cf. 468 n.). κ. replaces & in gormamws Hall p. 73 (sic), and m in µεσε (=nexe) ST. 227.5 With these cf. perhaps nvAn? = aan MMA. 24.2.7 and netemort 278 n. 1 These equations obviously recall the g for k at Thebes 4 In ehon, Jéme no. 4, 85, A is either omitted or assimi- today. 2 Cf. Achm. Aegmen = Pama. lated; cf. no. 1, 113. 3 A curious Theban instance: up for nA, the divine 5 Cf. Ryl. 396 maser, Acta Pauli mnasey, BM. 483 name, Leyden p. 456. mmexar (not Theban). 243 ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS κ is occasionally omitted, as in ειως- CO. 300, or twice in waataxnte 287; also in *ca-, *ce- for nca- BM. 445, ST. 101, 442. Writers seem sometimes to be undecided in choice of u or Ἡ, ¢.g. un- 356, unex- CO. 322, Αππητα CO. 167, naunnor 182, οπµ- 180. ε often stands for 7: awppree Jéme no. 106, 151 (cf. 1b. 120); Aacapoc MMA. 24.2.3; maptapece Jéme no. 18, 7; cagcaprac ST. 212 et saepe (caxep BKU. 313); cebuteoc ST. 424; censs (ζυγή) Jéme no. 16, 23, ST. 378, 3 (leg. «εση) ; enovrace ST. 252 (v. below) ; rwpece Jéme no. 18, 21. Conversely z for c: za- (=eca- fut. fem.) RE. 10 00. ; sreze (ἀλλάσσειν) Hall p. 106, RE. 3, Jéme no. 7, 22 &c.; anotaze Site BAS qana 437 N.; τπο Sie 286 πρωζωπος Jéme no. 37, 126; raze Jéme NO. 23, 50, NO. 45, 57; repanze 288. ς varies with w in a few words: ce (=weepe) CO. 207; ew 333; εεα Jéme NO. 105, 23 οεις 80; crap Jéme no. 31, 253; cov- 177, 465; wrep RE. 203 woeny CO. 459; wowy Jéme no. 68, 28 and in many names: cf. πδτωρω (Hall p. 19) and natwpe, nsuyenar and mrcimas, πρµωε and npace, NUamHp and πςδΑΗΡ, πῶπρωρ and TicestoWp, πῳμτστωα and Apuitcrom (v. above, p. i) ¢ stands for initial = in ce- 338, CO. 244, BKU. 42, for final in Άνκλες Jéme no. 76, 45. Similarly we- for κε- in 292 n. (adding CO. 381, 8). Likewise us for x in ST. 181, wen- and worn “ twenty-five,” Louvre R. 49; eewewx 65, BP. 8708. + seems to vary with p in the name tagcna Jéme no. 16, 49, written pasena 10. 14, though the former is authenticated elsewhere. τ is for x in the names raarrcune Jéme no. 79, 38, written xadrcenne 10. 1,1 and probably τλωκε CO. 437, for κλωκε ἅο. V. 532 n. + stands rarely for c: tprante and tprunce ST. 96. ο stands once for ᾧ in οεβρωπις Jéme no. 17, 30. το Tepresents = ΙΠ maatce ST. 116; Κολοτσε 624,3 while in garanoxe Jéme no. 49, 3 we see the converse of this. Cf. Φολοκοτεε 7b. no. 36, 43 &c. ws Stands for ο in the relative prefix etaw- 544 n.; also in εωοτ (coo) 98; αρ Jéme no. 75, 57; wrce CO. 271; wtop(?) ST. 250. It represents ος in the place-name naujue 87 n.;/in watcnas πε no. 7, 62 &c. Conversely ο represents Sa‘idic gy in *uage, moge ST. 228, 350 &c. «θε CO. Ad. 49 e- vb., ST. 5ο, 305, Jéme nope ST. 233 caghe 532, 537, CO. 459 no. 19, 57 (cf. ew- 261) πδρος 351 Tpagpeo CO. 469 ge Vb., CO. 321 coere 348 (also coesu) οσωφε ST. 55 enn Jéme no. 113,4, ST. 134 1 The name recurs at Thebes as taprtcemst (Strzy- (Synax. Cpolit., Delehaye, p. 104). On the interchange of gowski, Cairo Catal. no. 7201 = Lefebvre no. 763) and in t and k v. Sethe Verbum i § 285, Spiegelberg Demot. Pap... the Synaxar., 20th Hatfr (PO. iii 313), as that of a martyr Elephantine p. 26, also Rahlfs’s Psalter 35 (3). associated at Luxor with Shenetém. Cf. Legrain Lougsor 2 Cf. forms such as Kepwntce Hall p. 113, Krall Ixxii, sans les Pharaons 11. The name Callisthene is known Strzygowski loc. cit. Ρ. 118, Acontce Jéme no. 94, 51. LANGUAGE goant 543, CO. 320 gap ST. 240, BM. ostr. eopn Cairo 44674, 126 (dis- goruape Jéme Index p. 467 44808 carded) enpe (?) 546 eteptapt ST. 335 w stands for x: we- 292, ST. 378, CO. 381, Hall p. 98 (5875), BM. ΟΥ. 6943 (9) ; wen- (πι) ST. 181; wee Louvre R. 49.1 The letter ος is not infrequently met with: (a) for wy in case Jéme no. 116, 43 xep-(wpn-) ib. no. 62, 9 (cf. gopn above) ; y¢00c BKU. 48= τος CO. 307; (b) for ο in εβωπος CO. 44; naxanc Alexandria stele 281; nogatann 85; congeuu Jéme no. 88, 4 (cf. εκπρκ ΠΟ. 94, 54); cwxe CO. 158, 370, Jéme no. 65, 44; εντ 256, RE. 19 &c.; χο 531 Π.; gcapor RE. 10 v0. (unpublished). Obscure is aq ST. 129 (P= geaqr=woqr. Cf. perhaps H. Thompson in Tor. Demot. p. 53, note on kft). ϱ is sometimes treated abnormally?: (a) it is superfluous in oswe 170 Perhaps in τωερκοο &c. Jéme Index p. 458 (cf. ΤἙσελχοῦ) gepyan- Imp. Russ. Arch. Soc. Zapiski (0) it is lacking in aadnw ST. 415 moar Rec... Champollion 495 MABAT (? MaxaQT) Ole 208 πτωε above, p. 120 XViil 026 naan Jéme no. 71, 63 gec BM. 458 mv Jéme no. 119, 3 eapav ST. 191 (as in the Εάῑἢ mss.: Budge car CO. 207 Mart. 57) Misc. 438, 446) crme 344, 470, 545 ὅτς. and in Greek words: coove RE. 21, 4 (arbor etcoorc) gedeceoc, ΦΗλεσδιος (60 πι, 316; QaMATMWCTHC οτωρ 349, BKU. 41, Sit. 199, Tur. 15 440 &c., BKU. 313; gentacson Leyden &c. Catal. 1900, ΠΟ. 35; gratpoc 223 x for τα is common. To the examples given in 520 n., CO. p. xx n. may be added axme ST. 364; an- ST. 420; xemse (asmnrase) Hall p. 69; sepe (τωεερε) RE. 18, Jéme πο. 40, 37; περκος Jéme no. 24, 25. With these cf. x reinforced by + in ranue 236.n.; τκουτη BKU. 45, or + absorbed by = in xoe Jéme πο. 67, 77. ας appears to be for τε (v. above) in gaAanoxe Jéme no. 49, 3; conversely τζ represents it in the name Πατζουειος MMA. 24.2.6, with which cf. «εποκε (ἀσπάζειν) Hall p. 83. x for ¢ is found in xw 244 (where also ow); ποτωτ BP. 1774, xxx Tor. 42; also for τό in axon Rendic...Lincei xv 475. a is for « in antyAexe CO. 171 and the same 7b. Ad. 63, and probably 297, 10. κ for ος, as in Achm. and early Sa‘id. texts,’ is too rarely found here to have been wide- spread: Jéme no. 18, 8 9ρκει (510). for = in necey (mexay) ST. 227; ope 1b. 181; on- (am-) RE. 24, ST. 227, Hall p. 112. V. above, under x. 1 wrce gnmsoerc, as in RE. 18 ter &c. 3 V.H. Thompson’s Gospel of St. John, 1924, p. xix. 2 As so often in Achmimic. 245 THE MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS Doubled consonants are not uncommon: 6 iN afipagau CO. 456; ελβιω 561; efiran CO. 302; πᾶδρρε 192; cpehhun 304; rahi (? πτοφ) ST. 294; watune Hall p. 117. κ. IN terkAnponomra 545; teRuntcon CO. 321. aA in acgaaara Cairo 44674, 81 (discarded) ; noray ST. 394; ἡλλκε 232, 385, 390 Kc. ; ocdArAahe (θλίβειν) ST. 306. mw iN amape- 143; εις CO. 185; Ροντ 2b. 167; ramonogen Cairo 8484. π iN annon 86; annp- CO. 257; anne CO. Ad. 4; sopaannsae CO. 165; nn- gen. and dat., CO. 03, BKU. 299 &c.; una- fut., CO. 128; nna CO. 279 ππτον Vb., 314; tonna BM. ostr. 44809 i and τοππου ST. 289; also CO. Index p. 119. π iN πποροζµπρ/ CO. 54; ουππεω 309; τοπππουτε name, ST.145. Cf. here the prosthetic e- in ππ-, referred to below. p in mapropprze CO. 289; pp- 2b. Ad. 55, 666, Aegyptus iti 283; ppn ST. 441; awpprze Jéme no. 106, 126 &c.; epproy ST. 139. But ppey- ST. 383 is perhaps archaic for mpey-. ς in esce CO. 411 ὅτο.; cchw above, p. 20; eyecemoy CO. 126, 184, ST. 377 &c.; mrccoas CO. 300; ntaccgas- Rec...Champollion 495; neccnte Cairo 8449; taccerme Jéme no. OI, 31. In Aaccapoc CO. 437 (of. Aacea 2b. 29), cnovtacce ST. 250 double c represents τ. V. above. τ in εττ- 180, Hall p. 22; πµττεπε 2nd plur., 322; antr- CO. 117; antrpe ostr. penes Prof. Sayce; MILTTAGTE CO. 180; MEpTT- 1b. DSS matte Rendic...ut SUP. 475 ; WomnTTE 356: ΠΠλιττεποος Leyden Catal. 1900, p. 20; entre Ann. du S. xxii 270. wy IN wuyAnAa 287. gq In eygr RE. 3. 2 In negeroove 108 ; nggwh CO. 300; negeovo CO. 83 ; cogas Tor. 1, cggast- CO. 142; gganaracpay Leyden ut sup. (sic leg.). Notice may here be taken of the frequent reinforcement of certain consonants (explosives) by others of related nature, as in | rrcoomn 102 κος (p)sa 217, 363 necnteeoc Hall p. 54 πσκει CO. 196 nhs (? qn) Sup B57 NeTo0or Leyden 484 neotaas ST. 246 qher (qs) BP. 386, Tagqhr- θωτοε 543 | Άοτευς SI, ους CO. 378 etowp Tor. 12 Π | mactreg 199 ney CO. 326 var- (τῶς-) 182 xgoa ST. 280 mpan CO. 301 (cf. Ἀκψψοπε | | sero Aegyptus ili 283 331) | muxnoc 411 mre Tur. Mater. no. 16 II. Morphology Peculiarities morphological in the stricter sense, which distinguish these dialectal texts, are not numerous. As regards the verb, the most noticeable are pronominal forms of $: m1 300 ; wy, ty 336, 531 &c., also tery Tor. 12, Ἱχκ Jéme no. 16, 30, t100q Hall p. 109 &c., terovag 7b. p. 117, taseq Cairo 44674, 16; tre 351, CO. 317, tc ST. 170, τε Louvre R. 1783, trac 246 LANGUAGE ST. 55; vex0w 278, Jéme no. 18, 50, no. 113, 9, tor 287, Sphinx x 155 &c., also teow ST. 294, tev ST. 233, teaw 280, τινον (ϱ) ST. 137. The absolute of this verb is rarely τε, ST. 202. These forms recall Achm. τεε- and τε.ὶ A variety of pronominal forms of cgas are noticeable here, as in literary texts: *capq 281, 374 8, Jéme no. 106, 217 &c., cgary ST. 48, Jéme no. 67, 101, Imp. Russ. Arch. Soc. Zapiski XVIli 026, cgarry Jéme no. 12, 21, πο. 78, 272; “cage CO. Ad. 40, cease CO. 303, 304, BM. 445, cgaste CO. 311, 392, Rec.. .Champollion 405 ; cagov Jéme no. 43, 30, cgartos 323, Jéme no. 66, 80, cgarron and cgarcor in one text, above, p. 19, coarcav in a Jéme pap., Leipzig University. cag- appears to be used as construct in Tor. 12, cwg- perhaps in ST. 353. The archaic qualitative in -oerr seems to be exemplified by κελοιτ (? for ¢aAcert) CO. 378; whereas κοειτ Tur. Mater. πο. 16, CO. 304, Hall p. 79, is clearly not qualitative, however else it is to be explained. Once the Achm. qualitative exe)=o has been noted: ST. 178, 15. Several verbs with paragogic -ε (as in Achm.) are to be met with: moone MMA. 23.3 .702°; *nae CO. Ad. 27; πο Άμα (πωλσ) Jéme no. 38, 28; *cavne ST. 335 3 *ovwuye (the most frequent) 241, 260, 403 &c.; *ovwome Jéme ΠΟ. 45, 44, Πο. 46, 20; ωρκε 344. Presumably to be classed with these is *pwne Leyden p. 451. In 541 avame seems to represent *ovwate. An -ε is similarly appended to substantives: ennge, *anege 98, 280; ange (?) Jéme no. 16, 20; Λος 10. 57, 8; arpe 547 Π.; eunte Jéme no. 3, 28, no. 6, 17 (cf. πο. 71, 28 eans, by same scribe) ; erehte ὅτο. Jéme Index p. 367; we Jéme no. 4, 32, Hall p. 106 supra, BKU. 94; *raave, Aave passim, v. Jéme and CO. Indexes; *nae 646, 660, ST. 184, 385, Jéme no. 66, 73, also nas CO. 278, Hall p.61, BKU. 264, πε BM. 1211 A,* naerx ST. 287, Louvre 9286 (where also πο); the names πΆδειπε, πλμιπε &C. ANd nagwme®; pore (poovus) BAU. 308%; toe, tore, tae, *rare 102, Jéme Index p. 381; tasnve qualit., PSBA. ΧΧΧ 204; ovae Hall pp. 108 inf., 130 for ova (Achm. ove); wae 333, 458, CO. 27, 7ο, Hall p. 61 inf., Jéme no. 76, 28,7 also uyax BKU. 308 (?) ; waove Jéme no. 65, 61; expe iN orpespe 503, CO. 144, 147, Jéme no. 1, 64 &c.8; sore “wall,” Jéme no. 11, 60, no. 24, 8, also κοι CO. 148, ST. 109, Tur. Mater. no. 16 (sic leg.). Plural forms are in some cases new: evoove, evave ST. 92, CO. 454, Hall p. 115 inf. (covaove sic leg.), Louvre R. 1780; εισρον CO. 145, Jéme no. 38, 24, ST. 108, 396, in CO. 169 apparently eragove} novere RE. 5 may be plural, or=xeoves (Cf. xuve 314) ; AcAave OF Aave OF EVEN Aaav 359 Π.; wper, Ώρας 179 Π.; puny 437 Π. A form characteristic of the Theban idiom is κον-, which very often and irrespective of 1 Such forms have been observed once only in literary derivate of Greek Παχώμιος, as was suggested in Theol. texts and that in the colophon of an Edfa ms.: Budge Misc. Texts 100 Π. magoma in MS. Morgan li 36 is probably p. li= Pl. XXII, agqtrov. equivalent, not to this, but to nagwaw. 2 With these cf. Ryl. 346 cgarcg. 6 Cf. na προοσί! 7b. 151, ST. 388. 3 movne Zoega 270, 13, is irrelevant here. 7 Cf. ib. no. 66, 31, by the same scribe. The following 4 Cf. Achm. mua Rec. xi. 147. π- has influenced him, as-obviously in most instances of 5 The demotic form (37. 1888, 67 and Taf. 1, Spiegel- this substantive. An instructive exception is CO. 27. berg Eigennamen p. 253) shows that this is not a mere 8 Apparently an extension of exp, although genders differ. 247 ΤΗΕ MONASTERY ΟΕ EPIPHANIUS gender replaces κε-. V. CO. 221. and Index and here Part II p. 357, ST. Ρ. 139. Yet in the Jéme deeds it is only once met with: no. 6ο, 76, though twice in one Edf text: Budge Misc. 267, 280, a Ms. displaying several “‘Theban” features.’ Distinctive also is the construct form of ews, most often est- CO. 323 &c., also s1- Jéme no. 67, 130, CO. 184, 186, 447, ST. 361 and «τ- CO. 1454, 463, ST. 55, 362. In Jéme no. 73 | passim as- is presumably to be read οι(τ)-; similarly ex- in CO. 180, 15.2 Again mas- iN mascac | CO. 476, ST. 316, maxesovr Hall p. 84, seems peculiar to these texts. Another construct form, very. common further north, pwa- instead of the normal pa-, is met occasionally. V. 302 n. and CO. 404, 449, Hall p. 80; fem. tpwa- Vald. Schmidt Den Aegypt. Samling, | 1908, no. 812; also in npomovar BP. 5652. In BKU. 35 it is not truly construct: npounane, | in ST. 222 Ρωλε neteaovr Still less so. On other remarkable uses of pa- v. 369 n., adding | ΒΜ. 478. The demonstratives have so constantly the forms πε-, τε-, πε- that illustration here is superfluous. VY. Part II Index IV s.vv. The article, masculine and feminine, is often Ι characterized by a prosthetic vowel (π-, τ-), when the following word begins respectively HHI with π or τὸ To the occurrences in the present texts‘ add: Jéme no. 75, 41, 134, 151 (our | Appendix III), ST. 251, 286, 328, 334, Hall pp. 94, 109 supra (whereas {δ. p. 69 writes | πεπρεεδ]), AZ. 1892, 42. Note also that this phenomenon is to be observed, in similar con- | ditions, throughout the Sub-achmimic St. Jobn. The dative prefix na-, to be found here on all sides, is perhaps the most exclusively Theban feature which we have to record. Plentiful examples are collected in the Indexes ii} to Part II (p. 358), CO. and Jéme.® πο- expresses the dative of persons, hardly ever of places: Jéme no. 98, 12, CO. 283, 101, 16 (9); never of things. That the writing ita- (e.g. 324, BKU. 275) should be of any significance seems unlikely. The pronominal dative is very often, in these dialectal texts as in Achm., uns, nan, nq &c. Similarly the conjunction «an- | before suffixes is nun-, nean- OF neme-, €.g. in 105, 169, 336, 666. So too the impersonal verbs are ovnre-, ovnta- 94, 459, Hall pp. 103, 112 &c. and anra-, manta- 103, 176, 322, ST. 232, Jéme no. 56, 11 &c. Verbal pronouns show remarkable forms in the conjunctive, although few, if any, of these are exclusively Theban: το- 333; τκ- Hall p. 127 inf. (also µτ-), πτεκ- ST. 174, 227, Louvre R. 49; τα- CO. 185, Ad. 27 (5), nrq- ST. 178, 19, BM. Or. 6943 (12) 5; πτον- CO. 484, 1 Also Rec. vi 70, Osireion pl. 37 (ostracon), in one or it were named. To them add BM. 273 = ROC. xxiii τοι ff. two Ashmunain texts: BM. 1032, 1129, and possibly in Stern’s view, that the phenomenon merely indicates a late Fayydmic: BM. 659, 1230. 2 ερπ, in epn- or prac (57: 306), is perhaps construct, but varies with Ἡρπ- and is in any case not peculiarly Theban. 3 Rarely otherwise, as Pistis ed. Schmidt 241, 26, 242, 13 &c. Attention was directed to this peculiarity in Papyrus- cod. p. xi, where various but non-Theban texts exhibiting date, is expressed in his §§ 6 and 62. Cf. also Mallon in Meélanges.. .Beyrouth i116, Rahlfs Psalter 41. 4 V. Part II p. 358 for the masc.; the fem. is rare: instances Tor. 29, 8, Part II Append. I, penult. Έταλκε; v. also Pistis 293 ult. (ve- and T11.MH). 5 V. also Stern § 502. 6 mgy- CO. 265 is perhaps a mere error. LANGUAGE Hall p. 127 inf. (πτονεωβε) 1; πεον- Ὁ. CO. 284 Π., 398, «ο(τ)- CO. 314.2 Similarly µτε- (516) in RE. 5 seems to stand for ποε-. The 3rd person of another series: πει- appears now and then: Jéme no. 2, 42, no. 69, 35, no. 78, 61. Other abnormal verbal prefixes are to be found, but seldom in more than a single example each: atee 2nd fem., ST. 48 (bis), Cairo ostr. 47400° apetit- 286 aga- fut. 111, CO. 168 παττο- rel. fut., 102,4 nsva- Silo 309 netra- do., BM. 488 (metrassmog) and (ετες- CO. 181% πα eqna- do., WZKM. 1902, 264 (collated) πτδρε- (= tape-) final, 72, 199, 275, CO. 254, ΚΕ. 44 &c. ntepa- do., 2nd fem., CO. Ad. 58 ετδο-, ETAW- relat., v. 544 n. ερώνκτε- condit., CO. 116, 140, Jéme no. 4, 64, no. 65, 73, πο. 66, 23 (9) ewa- (epwan-) do., RE. 10 vo. (not published) wWat- (ujant-) Sur 227 equga- do., GO: 300 ewjaped- aorist, 373 τε- (τρε-) causat., /éme no. 122, 56, CO. 180, 16, also? 339 (ntatowt) and the negatives : πδτε- (απο τε-) BKU. 308 nata- 236, 13 anaes (ϱ) 238, 16 amar- CO, 344, MMA. 23.32. ΤΟΙ (ωαιδα- εοοτ) anp- 2nd fem., Cairo ostr. 474007 πε[- (? aneg-) GO). 136 nga-? neg. fut., CO. 384 ma- appears to stand occasionally for mape-: CO. 61, 300, 342, 381, RE. 3 sub fin.; or for man- 1st plur.: 437, Hall p. 127 inf. (aa) ; elsewhere for un-: 459 (019), ST. 300, RE. 5 1. 23 (?), which last in Hall p. 74 and ? in CO. 180, 15 is written awan-. In ST. 227, 23 this negative seems to be uma-, followed by an. smag- Jéme no. 97, 48 remains obscure κ», mep- imperat. neg., Zapiski ut sup., Leyden Catal. 1900, no. 7 (µερλιοτ) ; also np- 335° muen- seems to be the Achm. neg. imper. in CO. 152 vo., as in a Florence stele (mmaone &c.) and Tur. Mater. no. 37° Απωρ, used aS anp-, CO. 271, Ad. 55, ST. 222, Hall p. 73° V. above, p. 240 and CO. p. xxi π.οἳ On the use made of unre- vb. neg., v. below. The 2nd plur. often shows metathesis of the second vowel: τετπε- ST. 394 ὅτο.; ετετπε- CO. Ad. 60 and ετπε- 84 A, ΒΚ. 318; οτπε- 541, ST. 3643 πτετπε- ST. 3335 warne- Hall p. 89; marme- CO. 61; unrne- ib. Ad. 52; ovatne- 2b. Ad. 38. With these may be mentioned ? πμρτπε CO. 277 (sic prob.), while gitotite ST. 286 is 1st plur. 1 τοτ- is found in Ryl. 316, whereof the idiom might suggest Thebes. 2 cov- CO. 467 is for ce-, pres. 1. Cf. 398 n. 3 As well as ape- (ap- in CO. Ad. 58, ST. 96) Sa‘idic texts show a-: Ruth ii 11, Judith xiii 20, Pistis ed. Schmidt 297, 10, CSCO. 42, 202 1. 6 &c.; but ate- seems to be new. Cf. te- in pres. 1. 4 Netma- Sa‘idic in same formula, CO. 148 &c. 5 Cf. ta- in ST. 265, Ryl. 332, BIF. iii 208, BM. Gk. v Ρ. 134 (75): none Theban. 6 V. Spiegelberg in AZ. 1924, 161. Of this tapep- is 2nd fem. in Jéme no. 56, 10. 7 MMI- 512, umeq- CO. 128, Απετεπ- Tur. 15, CO. 381, seem to have a future sense (cf. mnate- &c., which in ST. 227, 16 is almost “lest he’’). 8 Cf. Achm. πρρ- Hos. iv 15. 9 Hence one might question the commoner reading: sus Ἅγπον &c., did not the parallel Greek formula confirm it. 1ο Likewise in BM. 1224. Cf. Résch Vorbem. p. 167. 11 Two of the forms there cited are to be cancelled: maemta- 381 should be maemmaovgt and mmpa- 254 should be mnpafyyk. III. Syntax THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Of suffixed pronouns we find only Ist sing. κος, nas to note. VY. 248 n. and Part I] Addenda ad loc. An enclitic -τε has been commented upon in 338n. To which, if to any of those cited that—apparently explicative—is related in the glossary CO. 4341 remains to be decided. It is remarkable that, irrespective of gender, -ne varies (on verso) with -τε in this last TEXE. Finally note may be taken here of aberrations of gender in one or two words, though we will not claim these as exclusively Theban: εδρι, when with cwwe and presumably regarded as a single word, is feminine,? 86, 277, CO. 303 &c. spn seems to be feminine in Bodl. Copt. ostr. 433 (τηρπ), Cairo ostr. 47400 (resujour npn), though here again some unexpressed feminine word—a measure, for instance—may be understood. A feminine wne Occurs obscurely in MMA. 24.6.5 (ascaprze nag nrequne) and BP. 4982 (art τεκωπε) and might recall τωπες- ῥόμβος in the glossary, BM. P. 1724 1. 164.8 @spe as a feminine of asp (ο. 547 n.) and expe perhaps of erp (v. above, p. 247) may here be added, although the latter of these is not found independently. Among the Greek words used the gender varies in the case of κεράτιον (280 n.), πάσχα (245 n.) and πλάξ (above, p. 189 n.). Syntactically these texts exhibit a certain number of noteworthy features, some of them to be found again in Achmimic. Among the latter is the marked tendency to use the absolute where Sa‘idic would prefer the construct forms of verbs,‘ e.g. tow ST. 116 tamero 299 ωω 298 πω 256, 433, 516 ποσο 503 won ST. 201 MOTE, MUG 163, CO. 197, οσωρο 182, 516 wot CO. 314° 190, 335 et saepe ovwus 431 gwhe Ὁ. above, p. 19 nova Jéme no. 85, 11 οσωραι Jéme no. 21, 58 anos 302 taro Jéme no. 84, 37 on ST. 388 gon 278 tano Ὁ. above, p. 19 wpx CO, 116 A like phenomenon can also be observed in one or two substantives: «κ«ονωτ- 298, 523, 535, Tor. 12, Leyden Catal. 1900, no. 157°; ετοπε- 85, ειωρ(ε)- 85, Jéme no. 1, 50, no. 43, 31 ὅτο. Other verbal forms are now and then found unexpectedly: mawr (mowr) for uovusr 264; cencon for cencen CO. 271, MMA. 14.1.145 (discarded), prob. 162, 17; covwn for covn- 467; ovan for ovwn 247; εροι for cue Jéme no. 42, 41; nove for meg- 400, CO. Ad. 44. These how- ever may well be mere careless or ignorant errors. The conjunctive is often used with an apparently future sense; v. Part II Index p. 373, 1 Better republished by Pellegrini in Sphinx x 152. 4 Stern in AZ. 1886, 132; Steindorff Elias Apok. p. 30 2 As in Demotic; ο. Tor. Demot. p. 57. (10). 3 Published in Aegyptus vi. That the measure (?) ωπε is 5 Leg. σωτ bane. not in question is evident, since that is masc.: 364, CO. Ad. 6 Whereas xovt = xovwt in BM. 1211 A. 53, Hall p. 60. 7 But this is a literary text, scarcely adducible here. 250 LANGUAGE adding to the cases there cited: 333, 7, 389, 5, ST. 40, 17, 2b. 202, 7, 8, ib. 347, 6, 1b. 351, 9, CO. 172, 10, 7b. 182, 9, 1b. 362, 9, Hall p. 106 supra 6, BKU. 308, 6. It will be noticed that the verb is here always in the 1st person—whether more than an accidental circum- stance may be questioned. The prefix here (τα-, nva-) cannot be explained as a causative infinitive. Conditional clauses are often introduced by e-, εκ-, eq- alone, as if by pres. 117: e.g. 262, 302 fin., Hall p. 83 inf., CO. 94= 122, 338, Ad. 40 vo. ε- stands for epe- in 232, CO. 57-- 62 (cf. 84), 129, 8, 224, 340 vo. Similarly the negative verb κκ, anr- &c. has in many phrases a conditional sense: 256, 302 n., CO. 182, 236, 360, Ad. 52, ST. 447, Hall p. 127 inf. Elsewhere it forms a negative final clause: 238 n., 384, CO. 176, 188 314, 373, ST. 243, Jéme no. 76, 76, Hall pp. 79 (26886), 127 (µπτοσει), Cairo 44674, 49 (discarded, unteoce wone). Sometimes µήπως or µήποτε precede: 335, Jéme no. 67, 89, Hall p. 74 (annore... arren-) 4 That a writer should, in narrative, show a preference for the conjunctive participle ea- over indicative a- cannot be supposed a particularly Theban characteristic. V. 260 n., also RE. 1. The past relative prefix ag-, aw-, which occurs often, is identical with that found in pure Achmimic, but not in Sub-achmimic texts. V. 544n. Several elliptical constructions are to be recognized; the most frequent and the most curious is that of the verb “‘give, pay,” described in 532n. Introductory verbs are to be likewise supplied before those with the prefixes ne- in 295, tapen- in 314, κε- in 455. Constructions with the help of nes are all but unknown to these non-literary texts: v. 162 n., 258 n. In 114, 143 the phrases wherein it probably occurs are literary; in 177 and ST. 325 biblical.’ The language of the Jéme deeds is almost as sparing in its use.® Some uses of privative οτ-, referred to elsewhere’ as characteristic here, are in truth hardly to be so regarded; such, for example, as in 437, CO. 83, 367, Ad. 38, ST. 341, Jéme no. 23, 19, no. 66, 32, BKU. 313. An adverbial n-, prefixed to various particles, is, if not unknown elsewhere,* yet more often to be found in Theban than in other Sa‘idic texts: napav 392; masn- (exn-) CO. 170; 1 Rosch Vorbem. § 147. employed. The formality of an epitaph now and then 2 Noted by Stern in AZ. 1886, 132. allows of it: Alexandria stele 285. 3 With this cf. BP. 4993 ΑΠΤΕΠΚΕΙώΤ er nytt aprke. 6 From no. 65, 34 one might presume it unfamiliar. 4 In CO. 48 mamta- should probably be otherwise 7 CO. p. xxi. divided: epuc exema (Jéme) nta-: cf. Sethe Burgschafts- 8 Stern §513. In Achm., Haggaiit, iitt mgs-, In other urk. Ρ. 510. In ST. 115, 6 mu- is? rst plur. neg. aorist. Sa‘id. texts, ngren Pistis ed. Schmidt 355, nown- 7b. 149, 5 With the latter cf. that in ib. 286, likewise biblical 17, 283, 13, nuja- Ryl. 314, ampoc a Balaizah fragment, (Ps. xvii 46, Job xxvii 2). Even where the phraseology is née Stern p. 344. In Bohairic, πτοπω Mus. Guim. xvii 103. literary and one might expect it, as in 111, 4, πόστ is not 251 IV. Vocabulary THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS πήπον, πτεπον 478, CO. 160, 254, 385, ST. 240, BKU. 286, 5(?).1 Prefixed to Greek prepositions &c. it is not uncommon: ngamag BKU. 250; wnata ib. 262; Μπαρ» 463, CO. 405, Ad. 15, Ad. 60; nragen(?) 229. The neap, nae, familiar in Achm. and in early Sa‘idic texts, are absent here. The verb σιπε is remarkably employed in certain phrases (v. 173 n., 362), with a meaning, it would seem, equivalent to “supposing, assuming that.” Exclusively found hitherto in these Theban texts is the auxiliary ova-, on which v. CO. 122 n. and for further instances, Part I] and ST. Indexes s.v.? In the Theban idiom it appears to be not yet obligatory to designate the neuter object by the feminine pronoun -ε only; frequently, though always, it is true, where πω is the verb, this suffix is -g.3 Examples out of many are 145, 307, 336, 358, 456, 474, 502, ST. 6ο, 194, 218, 249, CO. 81, 128, 181, 227 vo., 253, 290, 362, Ad. 35, RE. 30, 38,4 Jéme no. 15, 92, no. 48, 58, no. 67 passim, no. 88, 10. Apparently no difference in meaning is recognized between asxooc and assooy; indeed both genders are often used side by side: 348, 455, ST. 250, CO. 82, 185, 376, Jéme no. 71, 12, 13. Disconcertingly ungrammatical is the frequent phrase κοτο (or n-) oe mrassooy: 167, 329, 434, ST. 175, CO. 185, Ad. 53, Jéme πο. 68, 53, no. 76, 77, NO. 07, 12. mrassooc, usual here, is of course common: CO. 185, Jéme πο. 65, 17, πο. 75, 75, no. 106, 59. Cf. further epwantescpers wwne.. .exxooy nar CO. 376. Whether this usage—too often found to be disregarded as mere error—be due to mistaken analogy from e.g. the biblical eycue γέγραπται, or is reminiscent of an ancient uncertainty as to gender, must be left to future enquiry. When we turn to inspect the vocabulary of our Theban material we find that the dictionaries at present available offer a by no means exhaustive review of 11.5 If, drawing upon the ostraca (the present work, CO., ST., BKU., Hall’s book) and papyri (Jéme, RE.), we count up the words to be found only in this material—unknown, that is, both to the similar documents from other districts and to the literature—we reach a total of about one hundred, seemingly authentic, which may, with some assurance, be claimed as Theban: that is to say, in use thereabouts, if not necessarily peculiar to the Theban patois alone. This list, too long to be reproduced here, will doubtless be increased as more texts come to light and some among the many still questionable forms substantiate their claims. As it is, although often in outward aspect specious enough, a large proportion of these accepted words remains as yet unintelligible. In most cases the new words refer evidently to the 1 Peyron’s instance, p. 121 ult., is a misreading for usual formula nujaxe..... 00g. πτεσποςν. In Shenoute it is sometimes found: Amélineau 4 In. 6 leg. πτδίκοος stan. Oeuv. de Sch. i 262. 5 The latest, Spiegelberg’s Handwirterbuch, was issued 2 The Jéme texts do not know it, unless no. 73, 5, 6 has- before the appearance of ST. Moreover many texts still be an instance. unpublished have been utilized for the present work. 3 Arare instance contrasts in the Pistis (146, 7) with the 252 LANGUAGE material objects and practical activities of every-day life and meanings for these can at most be inferred. Besides the non-literary words, known as yet exclusively from texts such as these, there are others whereof either the meanings here are not those ascertained elsewhere, or of which other occurrences are notably scarce. Among these the following are conspicuous: aAwt Ὁ. above, p. 7 novge Vb., 307 n. Άδειτ, Boers 446 n. crp 0. above, p. 147 fox transit., passim ta- “part,” ο. Part 1] Addenda ad 102 ex Jéme &c. ovwpe 182 n. πωρ 535 Π. οδωω NN., 284 ne Asay ΠΠ., 351 Π. ωπε fem., v. above, p. 250 aa prepositional, CO. 48 n. wa, wro ST. 122, 439 aoest as in Boh., 472, ST. 286 woyt 227 n. ant 931 η. Φελπτωρπ Sis 311 &c. Mpwge, mpwoye 549 η. azar 364 n. nace Jéme nO. 43, 25 To resume: the idiom in daily use by Theban Copts, at the close of the Byzantine period, is substantially the normal Sa‘idic, differing not perceptibly from the standard literary dialect. This a large majority of the extant texts exhibit in entire purity. Side by side however with these we see a considerable number of writers whose command of this standardized idiom is still uncertain; who are prone to the dialectal aberrations described above, which we may regard either as archaisms—provincial survivals from an earlier epoch—or as irregularities due to contagion with still vigorous neighboring patois. Decision between these alternative explanations is not easy and will be influenced primarily by two considerations: (1) that the mss. of literary texts, whereof the dialectal peculiarities approximate to those observable among our Theban documents (z.e. the Achmitmic and Sub-achmimic texts), are, without exception, considerably older than this Theban material and that that group of dialects may therefore be assumed to have died out of popular use before our period; and (2) that our knowledge of the contiguous patois—more especially of those upon the south—is at present all but uzl, so that we lack bases for an estimate as to how far the salient features noted at Thebes were characteristic also of contemporary speech in the adjacent districts. Presumably the language of these letters would be nearly identical with the spoken idiom of that day at Thebes—as near so as, in antiquity, writing ever came to speech. It is evident that most letters consist of two elements: the conventional formulas of greeting and compliment at beginning and end (which still await classification) and the intervening, often far less extensive subject-matter. The tale the writer attempts to tell or the request 1 Here we may hope for future help from the demotic documents from the south, 253 Summary as an ecclesias- tical language THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS or complaint he has to make would be worded in a natural idiom, relatively exempt from literary influences, and should give us, within obvious limits, an idea of his every- day speech. Of this however the phraseology is not seldom so uncouth or inaccurate and to us as yet so unfamiliar, that the intended meaning remains but vaguely intelligible. Yet it may be questioned whether marked departures from the Sa‘idic standard could be collected in sufficient quantity from these non-literary texts to justify the description of the idiom wherein they occur as the Theban “‘dialect’’—a term whereof the right applica- tion will always be controversial. Among the features which, at present, may be regarded as peculiar to the locality the most significant are: the words το- (v. p. 253), ova- (252), ovwpe (253); the uses of ma (7b.), ext (10.) and of the negative unte- (251); the dative na- (248) ; the pronominal forms of 4 (246); the construct of ετωτ (248); the ellipse of certain verbs (251). Other forms, such as κον- (238), πκ- (10.), although very common here, are not entirely unknown elsewhere. Something as to the use of Greek at Christian Thebes was to have been said here by Evelyn-White. His death has deprived us of this and we, in his place, can do no more than offer a few superficial observations: scarcely more than an amplified repetition of what has already been said elsewhere.! Among the Theban monasteries and hermitages at this period it is almost solely as an ecclesiastical language that Greek—the “Hellenic,” or “Alexandrian” tongue, as it was here termed?—had maintained itself.* Remnants of both biblical and liturgical mss. from Western Thebes show that, to some extent, Greek was still employed among the hermits.‘ If use was found for such Mss., we must assume that divine service was in part still recited in Greek ; on the other hand, for private prayer the native speech would naturally suffice. That Greek, long after our period, might be heard in church not far from Thebes is evident from the presence of liturgical lessons in an Esne ms. of the late 1oth century, although there the parallel Coptic version shows that translation into the native tongue was by then a necessity. Indeed there exists a far older fragment, brought from Thebes itself, of a bilingual lectionary, probably contemporary with the bulk of our material and testifying to a similar persistence of the Greek scriptures in the local liturgy.7 And further south still we are told that the use of Greek for such purposes was prolonged far into the Middle Ages: in the 11th century it was reputed to be the language of both lessons and prayers in the church of Nubia,§ while in the next century epitaphs were still being written there in 1 CO. p. xxi. V. also the Subject Index here s.v. Greek. (xreg¢wpa hod, i.e. ἡ ἔξω χώρα), presumably a European 2 Vita Pachom. § 60, Budge Mart. 100 respectively. legionary ; so Greek is not necessarily in question here. gpwomarnKont is used in a fragt. of Acta, in BM. Or. 7561 (66) 4 V. above, pp. 198, 199 and Part II p. 299 ff. and in Paris 44 f. 31. 5 Above, p. 199. 6 Budge Misc. 249 ff. 3 The soldier with whom Pesenthius talks through an 7 Sphinx x 153. interpreter (Budge Apoc. 121, MIE. ii 394) is a foreigner 8 Musabbihi, quoted in 4Z. 1885, 153; Abdi Salih f. 99 a. 254 LANGUAGE Greek! and even Makrizi knows of Greek books being read there and translated into Nubian.? Although remnants of Greek prayers, and yet more of hymns, have come plentifully from Thebes, and, side by side with those found in Coptic, testify to the persistent duality of ecclesiastical language there, we have, in the parallel Coptic translations in our hymn-book (592) good evidence of the small acquaintance with Greek that now survived.’ And yet contemporary texts, wholly Greek, are there, such as the papyrus Psalter (578) and the Gospel ms. of which we have a remnant (584), to show that, among the dwellers in these hermitages, there were some who could still use the traditional language of the church. To this moreover the long homiletic texts bear witness, which once covered the walls of these cells; for beside those in Coptic were several in the original Greek. What here guided the transcriber’s choice between originals and translations it is difficult to imagine. Of Cyril’s works, for instance, we have both Greek and Coptic extracts, side by side.* The question as to how translation of such texts and of the occasional ecclesiastical documents sent southward ® was provided has not so far been investigated. In an earlier age (ca. 450), at the White Monastery, we find the monastic authorities charged with the duty of them- selves issuing a translation of a patriarchal rescript.’ Greek is the language of many epitaphs from the Theban cemeteries.? Among them several are decorated in a style which points to a period probably later than ours, for the type exhibited by the four whereon a monastery of Pesenthius is named® was obviously in fashion at some period posterior to that saint’s death, though for how long before, as well as after that event we cannot tell. Many Greek graffiti again are interspersed among the Coptic in the Daga tomb and its surroundings.” The survival of Greek for all these uses seems only explicable as the result of a con- servative sentiment, comparable to that which has preserved Latin for similar purposes in the Roman church and which today in Egypt itself maintains Coptic in its turn, in the liturgy of an Arabic-speaking community. 1 Lefebvre Recueil p. xxv. On this and the related questions v. Junker in AZ. 1925, 111 ff. 2 Ed. Wiet, MIF. 46, 263. It may be that the Greek Ms. containing the Miracles of Cosmas and Damianus, which came, together with Coptic and Nubian books, from Edfa, had been used thus by Greek-reading Nubians (Rustafjaell Light of Egypt 89). 3 That interpretation of the liturgy was needed we gather from ST. 16, though from what sort of book this may be an extract it is hard to say. At the White Monastery bi- lingual service books were common in the oth-1oth centuries, e.g. Leyden pp. 127, 259; also the Psalms, ib. 229 and BM. 973 (provenance 9), the latter in full in Rahlfs’s Septuaginta- Studien 2, 241 ff. In these two last the successive sections 255 of the Greek are prefaced by Coptic versions of the initial words, presumably as a guide to the officiant priest, more familiar with the latter than with the former text. 4 585-588. 5 586 and Part II Appendix I J and K. 6 E.g. those referred to in 131, RE. 10, CO. Ad. 59 and BM. 464. The Greek text on recto of ST. 176+ RE. 52 might be that of some such episcopal letter. 7 H. Thompson in Rec. . .Champollion 374. For a still earlier generation v. Mus. Guim. xvii 241 (Theodore having a letter from Athanasius translated). 8 Lefebvre nos. 364-528. 9 V. above, p. 231. 10 676 ff. Prayers Homilies Epitaphs Graffiti ws Profane works Greek in daily life In legal docu- ments Often not understood THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Of profane literature we can hardly expect to find much trace in such surroundings ; at most some reminiscences of Homer and of Menander,! or a line from the Anthology.? No Greek literary Μς. of importance, other than Christian, appears to be traceable to Thebes.’ That Greek was still being taught there is to be gathered from the alphabets, syllabaries and paradigms found among our ostraca,‘ as well as from the above-mentioned extracts from the classics, destined, it is assumed, for school use. But in daily life it seems scarcely to have been written at all®; for such rare fragments of private letters or of documents in Greek as have come to light in these Christian settlements are mostly upon the rectos of papyri which later on were used for Coptic texts—they had come, in short, to our hermits from without, in some cases from a considerable distance,* and they belong perhaps to an earlier generation. Only rarely are such fragments without a subsequent Coptic text and they seldom have the appearance of contemporary documents.’ As the legal language Greek or Coptic would seem to have been indiscriminately accepted. We see at Edffi deeds from our period drawn up by a single group of persons in either tongue®; the same at Aswan. Although here, as at Aphrodito, a wholly Greek document is occasionally to be met with issued by the Muslim authorities, half a century after the conquest,” Coptic had long before that become the prevailing language of ordinary legal business and when, in a Jéme deed, a witness still prefers to sign in Greek, this can, in such surroundings, be hardly more than an affectation," though in the preliminary formulas and final subscription the scribe will often adhere to the language of Byzantine law. The choice of language for the text itself cannot have depended upon a knowledge of Greek on the part of those concerned, for where that language is chosen, the purport has often to be made clear to them by oral translation into Coptic.” If among those thus restricted to Coptic alone we meet a bishop, we may conclude that the rank and file of Theban clerics and religious at the time were not bilingual and we may assume that their comprehension of the Greek still used in the church offices would be somewhat vague. In the 8th century there are however still notaries to be found ready to draw up documents in either language, as, for instance, certain tax-receipts in the hand of Aristophanes, son of John," and of Psate, son of Pisrael®; while the writer of a graffito in Coptic will occasion- ally immortalize himself in a Greek version of the same. 1 611-615, CO. 523-525, ST. 403 (cf. p. viii). 2 616. the high official presumably, who is its author. 3 C. H. Oldfather’s Greek Lit. Texts from Eg., 1923 (to which H. I. Bell refers me), p. 102, counts only 18 mss. from Thebes. 4 V. above, p. 192, and Hall Pl. 31. 5 Though the occasional introduction of a Greek phrase into a Coptic letter may be significant: e.g. in 140, 164, 216, 460, 461. 6 624 probably. 7 626-629. 8 BM. 445, ST. 48, Journ. Philol. xxii 268 ff. 9 ST. 96, 181, BM. Gk. v 1724 &c. 1ο E.g. MMA. 24.2.4. This again is a letter sent to a Theban monastery from a distance—from the residence of 11 BM. Or. 9525 (1) 1. 159, for instance, which reads ᾿Ἰακὼβ vids Ἰσὰκ πραγματευτὴς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰουστινιάνης πό- λεως τῆς κάτο (sic) χώρας μαρτηρῶ. Cf. above, p. 104 Π. 12 E.g. in the will of bishop Abraham, |. 69, or in Ρ. Monae. 13, 71. 13 Coptic bishops of an earlier age had been not less ignorant: those at Chalcedon knew no Greek (Mansi vi 856, 923). 14 Louvre ostr. E. 6262. 15 ST.65, Cairo 8295, Turin Mus.1448 (both unpublished). 16 E.g. Paul, son of Theophilus, wrote L. D. vi 102 no. 26 in Coptic, Ann. du S. xiii 24 in Greek. LIST OF TEXTS PRINTED IN PART II AS CITED IN Pages 36, 27, 191 44, 186 25, 42, 72, 191 197 188 bis 30 31, 192, 198 199 44, 199 199 199 199 31, 200, 201 190 38, 200 189, 200 98, 200 201 98, 200 201 201 201 201 201 201 154, 201 201 THE PRESENT VOLUME (Omitting those on pp. 236-253) Nos. 65 66 69 70 72 75 78 79 IOI 102 103 106 107 109 11Ο 111 Ῥαρες 201 201 206 201 154, 166 154, 192 108, 203, 206, 208, 216 201 103, 202 204 31 32 9, 32, 98, 108, 176, 178, 188 32, 146, 147, 161 68, 156, 160, 166, 178 31, 108, 113, 130, 133, 178, 217, 218 178 38 37, 75. 93, 161 30, 37, 127, 219 42 bis, 166 35, 53, 179 166 20, 36, 172, 174, 177, 178 37, 133 36 37, 93, 161 32, 36, 107 9 36, I91, 192, 212, 213 bis, 219, 222 ter 30 154, 212, 218 38 43, 126, 138, 179, 191 154, 191, 213 bis, 218, 219, 221 257 Nos. 112 113 114 116 117 118 1ο 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 140 141 142 143 144 145 Pages 32, 217 43, 72, 93, 155, 180 30 32, 138 31, 133, 223 44, 138, 180 43, 102, 113 ΧΧΝ, 42, 211 bis, 217, 220 16, 180 43 44, 218, 222 XXKV 9, 37 36, 78, 225 bis 43 129 134, 192 39, 130 31, 99, 163, 187, 188 bis, 191, 192, 209, 214, 218, 229 38, 99, 108, 153, 216 38, 99, 130 bis, 135, 137, 154, 172, 187, I91, 192, 209, 213 bis, 214, 221, 229 bis 36, 134, 180 bis 39, 172, 191, 192, 224 38 126, Ἱπτδης, 167.) 10h 225, 220 36, 130, 142 38 36, 205, 256 30, 172, 173 LOS 127, Του ο 219217, 219 bis, 224 30, 131 134, 164, 168, 178, 213, 214, 222 bis 30, 37, 134 2 a πκακιαι Nos. 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165, 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 189 190 1οΙ 102 193 194 τος 196 107 198 199 200 201 THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Pages 134 131 36 32, 135 bis, 179 16, 106, 110, 142, 183 133, 158, 179, 223, 224 133, 223 36, 98, 133, 134, 172 37, 172 43, 126, 177, 179 36, 108 31, 134, 137, 167, 187, 191, 192, 213 pas, 218 20, 31, 106, 121, 132, 176, 177, 178, 186, 191, 213 pas, 218, 219, 228 213 ter, 222, 223, 256 BW UG MLAS, Wy 2221 223 134, 174 131 20, 147, 174 bis 30, 174 103, 193 43 36, 179, 222 bis, 224 36, 146, 174, 180 132, 147, 219 35, 188 36, 129, 146, 176, 179 146, 176, 182 bis 129, 174, 176, 222 211 30, 183, 192 32, 176 bis, 177, 178 24, 143 177, 213 187, 211, 213 XXV, 130, 174 XXV, 31, 103, 126, 178, 212 30, 148, 174 xxili, 30, 36, 37, 178 3770s 222) 42, 174, 189 44 44, 130, 222 36, 175, 213 44, 174 174, 180 44, 180 ter 94, 133, 180, 187, 188 bis, 191, 192, 213 ter, 219, 221 bis, 223, 225 37, 163, 164, 222 ter XXV, 99, 101, 213 ter, 220 44, 164, 213 bis, 218, 223 Nos. 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 210A 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 223 224 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238. 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 Pages XXV, 36, 218, 229 24, 130, 192 30 30, 36, 128, 214 42, 183, 211 bis, 213, 217, 219 44 XXV, 44, 213 bis, 229 XXV, 37, 213 36, 168 189 130 XXlll, 30, 37 ter, 213 180 bis, 185, 214 189 36, 189 37, 129, 177, 183, 213, 219, 256 44 180 37 30, 54 36, 180 32, 163, 183 43, 225 bis 162, 171 bis 30, 37, 160 43, 192 XXV, 44 129, 170, 180 bis 43, 153, 180 212 180 bis, 182 37, 180 30, 180 bis, 189 16 30 35, 36, 173 30 36, 133, 138, 180, 219 37 16 180 16, 138, 219 16, 30, 138, 191, 193, 216 30, 147 36, 37, 113, 126, 188, 214 37 39, 134, 145 16, 164 37 32, 79, 146, 182, 183, 187, 230 39, 133, 178, 188, 192, 223 bis 30 172, 173 16, 177 42 42, 131, 161, 211, 212 30, 191 36 32 39 258 Nos. 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 204 205 206 207 208 299 300 301 303 304, 305 306 307 308 309 310 811 312 313 314 316 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 Ῥαρες 30 Bi, 16 auf 43, 134, 184, 189 xxiii, 32, 38, 120, 128, 191, 192 32, 189, 191, 223 37, 165, 211, 213, 223 37, 133 30 30 131 35, 68, 134, 135, 157, 222 43, 107, 126, 177 37, 70 bis, 156 36, 75 30, 130, 133, 187, 222, 224 37. 133 36, 52 bis, 182 70 44 36 37, 179, 222 ter 211 30, 180 bis, 189 30, 147, 162, 182 129, 139, 180 37. 165, 189 43, 164, 168, 180 XXV, 37, 99, 115, 127, 133, 174, 178, 227 32, 158, 161 37 37, 138, 146, 219 180 30 138 129, 229 147, 161 36, 179 30, 93 32, 64, 65, 93 37, 129, 175, 180 63 43 130, 132, 139, 219 67 36, 58, 160, 222 58, 160 129, 146 32, 147, 180 XXV, 37, 99, 100, 189 44 bis, 146 Pages 36, 55, 181 32, 133, 187, 211, 212, 222 bis, 230 103, 145, 146 42, 70, 156, 211, 213, 219, 220 III, 129, 146, 223 bis 36, 146 36, 148 43, 72, 155 30 XXV, 42, 63, 161, 188, τοι, 193, 211 bis, 213, 217, 220 44, 68, 132, 139, 157, 219 161 36, 161 42, 93 39, 55, 165, 181 36, 211, 212, 213 bis 36, 189 178, 189 146, 148 44, 181 38 37. 49, 71, 156, 184 160 30, 32, 68, 138, 156, 219 37, 68, 71 ter, 93 bis, 155, 156, 172 32, 68 37, 68, 129, 156, 180 44 bis, 49, 70, 71 37, 68, 138 28, 30, 37, 44, 49, 70 44, 70 bis, 71 51, 73, 159 70 bis, 139, 156, 164 36, 53, 156, 191, 218, 219 bis 70 bis, 146, 156 37, 68 42, 68, 156, 217, 219 44, Το, 71, 157 37, 129, 180 30, 70, 156 37, 75, 180, 194 37, Το, 156 180 37, 75, 158, 180 bis 68, 156 41, 165, 180, 188, 194 42, 189, 211, 212 218 131 171 37 146, 180 129 175 37, 75, 78, 120, 159, 194, 225, 226 194 STOR SIE XEnS Pages 42, 138, 170, 211, 213, 210, 225 30 31 36 42, 129, 193 16, 193 131, 180 30, 171 37, 129, 180 ter, 182, 189 159, 194 37, 200 42, 58 42, 180 ter, 187 37, 180 bis 42, 58, 114, 131, 160, 189, 211 37, 72, 155 37, 98, 134, 229 32, 42, 160 179 36, 37, 93, 165, 182 36, 180 bis 37, 65, 177, 222 30 44, 53 37, 131 41, 42, 212 38, 191, 223 bis 192 37, 130, 218 16 37, 84 130, 213, 218 31 38, 138, 213, 222 327212) 44 218 36, 37, 130 32, 212 42 38, 223 37, 135, 179 37 31 38, 223 36, 187, 222 bis Bly Sp Balt XKVIN 7 OO ου IOI 2Η, 213 bis, 220 36 9, 32, 135, 219 44 37, 55, 150, 211, 223 37, 71, 72, 75, 155, 180 bis XXV, 36, 212 38, 223 36 31 451 454 455 457 458 459 46ο 46τ 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 473 474 475 476 477 479 480 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 401 494 495 496 497 498 499 501 505 506 507 5ΙΙ 512 514 515 517 518 519 520 522 525 Pages XXV, 32 bis, 212, 213, 216 42, 138, 211 37, 75 213 132, 139 93 42 36, 191 37 bis 16, 183, 219 70, 191 43 66, 133, 191, 223, 256 39, 256 16 XXV, 42, 211, 216 ΧΙΙ, 36, 37, 131 44, 213 31, 128, 163 30 bis, 185, 202 116 133, 223, 224 32 36, 133, 182 213, 219 XK 2285 XXV, 32, 213, 216 30, 70 139, 192 39 16 131, 222 bis, 223 μις DUB} 37, 147, 223, 224 XXV, 42, 211 bis, 212 230 178, 213 32, 107, 111, 180, 182 32, 180 183 36, 133, 191, 223 bis 42 32 bis, 130 43 37 39 37, 180 ter, 189 180 224 99, 120, 144 37 37, 121, 184 122, 147 49, 70 37 = ae et αι. a ————e THE MONASTERY OF EPIPHANIUS Pages 36, 121 43 68 37, 68 26, 75, 147, 161, 166 34, 52, 71, 72, 79, 93 bis, 146, 155, 161, 165 30, 53, 147, 148 53, 105 36, 93 pas, 147, 172 93 42, 93, 175 36, 37, 66, 67 ter 54, 67, 75 44, 67, 75, 95, 147 36, 66, 79, 93 bis 38, 52 93 30 188, 200 fer, 201, 204, 205 bis, 207 37, 42 201 200 39, 68 30, 141 202 37 36 44, 61, 64 158 37, 133, 185 146 30 32 68 32 44 44 147, 163, 207 163, 207 26, 37 140 25, 31, 192, 198, 255 107 Nos. 583 584 585 586 587 588 589 592 593 594 597 598 608 611 Pages 16 31, 255 25, 30, 192, 199 30, 192, 200, 255 43, 152 43 44 31, 199 bis, 255 42, 72, 191, 208 44 44, 192, 206, 256 44, 189, 192, 206, 256 44, 206, 256 44, 206, 256 42, 206, 207, 256 12, 13, 24, 186, 206, 256 16, 186 32 143, 192, 220, 256 143 38, 143, 256 43, 143, 256 16, 143, 256 32, 143, 256 144 44 30, 31, 152, 192 31 31, 169 31 31, 169 31 bis, 44, 214 31 31 31 31 bis, 44, 214 31 31, 169, 193 31 bis, 44, 214 31 31, 170, 214 31 31 31 260 Nos. 653 654 655 656 657 658 659 660 661 662 663 664. 665 666 667 668 669 670 671 672 673 674 675 675A 676 677 678 679 680 681 682 683 684 685 686 687 688 689 690 691 692 693 604 695 696 697 608 699 700 701 702 Pages 31 31 31, 170 31 31 41, 152, 192 41, 44 43 43 43, 214 43, 170 43 43 43 43, 170 43 43 43 43 43, 170 43 43 43 31, 43 31, 164 31, 214 31, 116 31, 164 31 bis, 44, 214 31, 164 31, 214 bis 43 43 43 43 43 43 43, 131 43 43 43 43 43 43 43 43 43, 112 43 43 43, 214 43 Aaron 165 Abgar letters 190 207 Abraham, bishop of Ermont 4n 14 98 102 105 ΤΙ 117 134 1b. 152 154 169 171 172 175 220n 224n , his will 108 n 127 ———, bishop of Hou 230 ——,, abbot of Pbow 101 133 137 η 230 , Monastery of 111 127 andAmmonius, caveof 82 79 19 135 Abramius, ο. Abraham Abt] Barakat, Calendar of gn Agathon, patriarch 228 Akas 20 ᾽Αμαεῖς 206n. Cf. Hémai Ammon, compounds of 110114 123n Ammonius, saint 19 215 ποτ κος Ananias, bishop 19 113 133 135 137 149 174 Anastasia, saint 184 189 Anastasius, patriarch 141 152 Anatolés (?) 120 Andrew, amapeac, saint, life of 113 , Monastery of 115 182 231 , bishop 135 , 82 117N 217 Antonius, Antony, saint 126139176n Antonii Vita interpolated? 200 Antonius, bishop 135 ——_ 158 165 n (?) Apa Victor, v. Victor Aphou, saint 150 152n 226 Apolinaria, saint 203 n. Apollo of Bawit 99n 127n 130n 151 206 214 Arsinouphius (Orsenouphius, Ouer- sinouphius), martyr 204 Athanasi visits tomb of Daga 25 INDEXES I. NAMES Athanasius, saint 25 , canons of 133n on St. Michael 114n , works 153 199 202 ———., pseudo- 101 —., “Church of” 4n — of Kis 232n 158 Badasids (MadAsitis) 165 , his story 215 Barsanuphius 181 n Basil of Caesarea 200 202 Belisara 144 Benjamin, patriarch 136 Besa 170n Bidabius, martyr 117n Bouriant at Tomb of Daga 26 Kabis, his papyri 10 Kabri (Kabra) 142 n. Kafri (Kafra) 142n Kalapesius 197 Kalashire 217 Callisthene, martyr 244n Kame 11 Kamoul, Gamoul, martyr 204 138 Karagés 237n Karakinna 144 Rapakoc (Cyriacus) 237 Rapakocroc 144N Katharén 16 Chaél 1750 Chaeremon, bishop 7 n —— 5) Charachén 144 Chrysaphius, saint 202 208 Chrysostom, John 200 203 Koledjew 217 Coluthus, roAove0c, saint, Acts of 196n. 261 Coluthus, bishop of Ermont 135 , stylite 110 ——, hermit 170 ——,, monastery of 112 13, 82 Constantine, bishop of Sift 137 7b. n 202 204 (9) 213 (9) 229n Cosmas and Theodore, ch. of 117 and Damianus, saints 202 Cyriacus and his monastery 15 16 28 52 61 68 71 81 183 5 prior, affair of 135 214 20 130 181 Cyril of Alexandria 152 200 202 , his works 153 Cyrus 165 Damianus, patriarch 98 99 141 152 200 223 227 — , Synodicon of 26 Damianites 152 Daniel, prophet (?) 207 —, hermit 123 124n — 821 David 9 159 Dioscorus I, patriarch 152 Dius, Apa 148 151 164 Elias of Pshouéb 203 208 ——, head of St. Phoebammopr’s 225 ——, monastery of 113 197 —,, cell of priest 24 67n —— XXVi 15 37 82 135 162 223 —— and Isaac 38 Elisaeus, priest 227 229 Enoch xxv 7 8 19 29 212 218 Epiphanius, the name 210 —, howmany of the name? 210 , epithets given to him 213 5 ἅγιος 214 Epiphanius, anchorite 130 134 218 , monk 130 218 , a recluse (ἔγκλειστος) 125 218 » “our father” 218 , brother 213 218 224 , when did he live? 220 , possible stages in career of xxv , his τόπος 219 , its boundaries 126 —.,_ his dwelling 108 218 dwells in a cave 218 his room 31 changed his abode 126 at Cell Α 208 210 211 218 at Cell B 218 at Site XX 218 219 » Parentage and relatives 211 217 and his mother 131 158 161 220 , his predecessors 191 -, hiscontemporaries xxvi 134 135 218 his friends and neighbors 183 223 , his position in the com- munity 39 218 and the patriarch~ 214 and Pesenthius 221 222 and Psan 138 222 , his correspondence 20 154.179 , Its value 209 » quantity of letters to him 210 , his correspondents 137 written to on papyrus 187 191 notables write to 178 » Presents to 148 as spiritual adviser 167 » appeals to 219 intervention asked 176 177 213 , his benevolence 174 , his handicraft 219 » aweaver 219 , anail-maker (?) 160 » asmith (?) 220 building 160 and contemporary theo- ogy 152 and ecclesiastical busi- ness 214 and worldly affairs 211 and the Persians 99 101 216 , his books 208 INDEXES Epiphanius, his ophthalmia 163 , his reputation 213 221 , veneration for him 213 , posthumous fame 214 invoked 214 , pilgrimages to his abode 164 214 in the Diptychs? 214 inthe Synaxarium? 215 in the Calendar? 217 Epiphanius of Salamis 206 207 215 217221 V. also near, anne επωπσογος 82 Esaias, the exegete (of Scete) 200 222n ecapac 82 Evagrius Ponticus 200 Eudaemon, martyr 123 η Eulampius (Olympius), martyr 1ogn Eustochius 16 Ezekiel, anchorite 115 19 138 148n Ezra (Esdras), books of 197 Faustus ch. 117 Frange 102 1131 122 144 155 Gamoul, v. Kamoul Gennadius 163 George, St., monastery of 113 115n 231 182 Germanus, bishop 113 135 Gregory Nazianzen 202 207 n Nyssen 200 203 Gunthus, Guthus, “Goth” 144 gamor, amor 206n Harmina, saint 165 218 Hatre, ch. of (?) 117 Hémai, saint 206 208 16 172 Heraclius, emperor 100 Hetdse 142 Hilaria, saint 43 Π 150 151n 203 Hjil (Ahjil) 144 Hogg, Dr. Edw. 25 Homer, extracts from 206 Hormizd, Ormisdas 142 Horsiese, saint 19 169 173n 176n Hyksos as innovators 97 Hypatius, saint 211 n Jacob, abbot, his will 154 161 —— xxvi 13 16 19 82 177 217 James the Persian martyr 204 Jeremiah, Paralipomena of 167 n Jeremias 81 214n Jerome, St., and Thebes τοῦ n cited 157n 262 Imhétep 121 Job, version of 198 John, rwgannnc, Baptist 203 205 John of Constantinople (Chryso- stom) 200 — of Lycopolis 219 226n — Colobus 43 n 139 184 — Kame 137n —, 4oth patriarch 132n — Moschus 219n — Rufus 204 — of Nikiu 202 ——, bishop of Ermont 135 225n 229n ——.,, bishop of Keft 124 215 ——, bishop of Shmoun 186n ——., disciple of Pesenthius 138 227 229 ——, τόπος ΟΙ monastery of 108 114 —,, chapel of 123 —— xxv xxvi 9 13 29 82 165 172 218 and Enoch 138 Jodre, martyr 205 Jordanes 144 Joseph, archdeacon 167 7 16 191 193n 216 ibn , Apa (place?) 118 Isaac, rcaank xxvi 8 16 32 82 181 —— and Απαπίας 28n —— and Elias 138 179 191 Ischyrion, martyr 110 ib.n 204 Isidore, martyr 9 Justinian and monasticism 99 ib.n 100 Π 201 230 Justinus 16 Justus, martyr 205 Latas6n, saint 114 72b.n 1510 Leontius, martyr 205 , Monastery of 114 Lepsius at Tomb of Daga 25 Libri’s sales 224 n Longinus 120 Lucianus 223 Macarius of Scete 139 of Tkéw 203 of Téhe 203 , Monastery of 111 15 Maccabees, books of 197 Macrina, saint 203 Malchus, saint (?) 206 Manasse, abbot 167 n 230 » Mon. of (?) 137n Mark, τόπος of St. 108 —, ch. of 9 —, priest 158 223 9 16 Mary, mapra, Virgin 81 203 Mary, ch. of St. 116 — 8 Maspero at Tomb of Daga 26 Mena, martyr 205 —, mon. of 111 =, GeO! Tey} —, bishop of Keft 135 eee Ll Menander, Sentences of 206 Methodius, Pseudo- 228n Μικροῦ (?) 1221 Michael, St. 82 (9) 199 , Mon. of 115 , ch. of 116 , Athanasius on 114n Matthew the Poor 121 213n 89 13 Matthias 175 Moses, bishop of Keft 130 (?) 135 228 229 —, hermit 123 124n AD DOLE —, mon. of 113 137n —— κχν XxVi 29 42 218 Nabernoukios 144 Nicodemus, bishop of Edf@ etc. 107n Nilles, hisCalendar 116n Nilus, bishop of Taha 110 Nubians at Thebes 142 Onnophrius, ch. of 116 Pachomians 99 7b.n 131 145 147 148 155 156 157 173 175 n 206 Pachomian abbots 126n monasteries, the 127n Pachomius, saint 19 126 ib.n 132 143 151 168n 169 185 211n 247n ——., Life of 203 , his canons 137 202 , works by 200 202 » Mon. of 114 120 122 130 142 n 216 » ananchorite 118 Paham’ 131 175 Palamon, saint 19 114n 170n 226n » Mon. of 114 Pamoun 7n Panachére 130n Panoute 7 Papas 134 Papnoute of Denderah 149 n —— 7 19 22 165n ,mon. of 112 naujanc (?) 82 Patape, martyr 215n , ch. of 117 Patermoute, Patermouthius, bishop 113 135 INDEXES Patermoute, feast of Apa 162 τόπος Of 109 111 212 217 Patese 172 Patoure (name?) 111 Paul, nmavAoc, apostle 180 ——., the Hermit, Life of 200n — of Pkelél 130 —— of Danfik 131 —, mon. of 112 132 143n —— 8911 81 82 138 174 206 mXeEp, name 123 Cf. Pher Pebd 8 Pegésh, Πεκῦσις 82 141 nerornecc, “the Goth” 144 V. mnovitec Pesamou, v. Psam6d Pesenthius, etymology and forms of the name 225 10. Π , Namesakes 231 , his identity 224 , his career 225 , ahermit 226 230 -, his handicraft 226 made bishop 227 ———-, his dwelling 226 , his monastery 161 230 in hiding 227 » aseer 228 ———., his Prophetic Epistle 228 ———., his eloquence 227 , letters to him 223 , his friends 228 and his disciple John 227 229 and Epiphanius 221 224 , date of death 228 , where buried 108 111 227 231 mentioned xxvi 98 101 II] 114 119 120 121 128 130-133 135-138 142 145-149 151 154 157 158 161 163 164(?) 165 167 169 170 171 175 176(?) 179 182 184 185 187 191 201 203 209 210 211 (?) 214 218-221 223 ff. , correspondence, dialect of 233 ———, bishop of Ermont 136 194 215 Peshate, martyr 205 Peter and Paul, martyrdoms of 205 —— I of Alexandria 205 — the Elder (or the Great), ch. of 116 —— the Iberian 144 152 204 —, anchorite 8 ——, writer (?) 206 263 Petronius, abbot 19 necban (Epiphanius) 210n tance (Epiphanius) 210n Phello (?) 138n Pher 149 πχ ερ Phib, saint 204 (Qh?) 81 Philip, bishop (?) 206 Philotheus, martyr 205 ———_, ch. of 117 9 13 21 81 114n Phocas, howRa, emperor 11 100 Phoebammon, etymology 110 , saint 22 123 204 205 , twomartyrssonamed 109 ff. , his healing powers 109 7b.n , feast of 171 — —-, Arabic encomium on 109 110 , monastery of 103 108 127 129 130 132 134 139 154 160 164 169 173-177 194 224N 225 230 , its identity 14 ——., ch.of 117 , other saints so named 100 n Φράγγος 144 ΡΙ6Ι 138 Pjoui 8 174 Pisrael, bishop 135 179 228 (9) 229 174 πμοσπτες 144n V. nerovnecc Pléin, Pléine 8 9 20 Polycarp, saint 204 205 Posidonius, mon. of 21 114 Novkac (Phocas) 241 n Psamé, Pesamou, ch. of 117 Psan, Pson, spelling 222 n ——,,his position 222 — , his letters 222 ——,, his dwelling (?) 44 —— xxvi58n 65 n 130 131 135 138 160 176 179 216 η 220 Psate, mon. of 112 ——., son of Pisrael 162n Pselusius of Philae 138 226 Psés 16 Pshoi 7 Psmou 182 Psyrus 9 141 pacroc 216n Ricimer 90 n Sabinus 14n 118 Saladin 100n Samuel of Kalamén 170n Samuel, mon. of 113 115 123 of Penhétep 131 138 Sansné, ch. of 117 Sarapion, bishop 201 caTanmac 19 Satne tale, papyrus of 1on Σερήν 134n Serenianus, bishop 127n 132 134 219 Sergius, mon. of 111 132 Severian of Gabala 203 Severus of Antioch 16 99 152 153n 201 204 , his Anaphora 198n Shenet6ém, martyr 161 n 244n ——., lashane 119 120 Shenoute mentioned 130 n 132 ib. n 148 151 153n 158 160n 167n 170n 172 10. n 176n 213n 225n , mon. of 112 , works 201 » canons 137 ———., prayer by 199 —, Life of 204 , Pseudo- 201n , bishop 137 229 ShirkQh 1oon Simeon, mon. of (Aswan) 214n Abntid 142n Abu (Habu), ο. Medinet Habu Abydos 231 Ax) (?’AxavOdv), ch. 118 Elaksas 108 n Alexandria, confused with No 106 n , visits to 99 137 141 155 227 Alexandrine monks 156n theology 152 a)natwAaroc 120 Antinoe 100 137 Ape 105 111 135 158 hill of 105 112 "Amis =? Jéme 106 amrmtede 118 οπολλωπτος-- Edffi 107 n Aprehet (πρεοτ) 109 Asis, Gebel οἱ 108 216 230 Asffin 121 125n 186n Asmant 121 “Assyrians” 142 7b.n Aswan 125 235 ib.n Athér on Tigris 142 Athérdye, Assyrians 142 INDEXES Simeon, archbishop 111 n Sinuthians 147 Sion, crwm 121 Sirach, book of 197 Sklabinos, martyr 109 n Solomon, Wisdom of 197 seal of 188n 9 Sophia, martyr Τη Souaei 18 Southiel (Salathiel) 197 Stephen, anchorite 206 , ch. of 116 xxvi 8 gn 19 138 Σύρος, Ἄύρα, names 141 Tagapé 217 220 Talasén (Latds6n) v. Θαλασσίων vaprtcenn (Callisthene) 244n Tegoshe, Τεκῶσις 141 Θαλασσίων (Talasén) 1147 Thamar 175n Theodoracius 163n Theodore the General and Theodore the Eastern 5n the General 117 of Tabennése 19 162n 168 n 185 Pe ACES Athos 127n ᾿Ατσάρ, ᾿Ατζόρ 142 ATCOOp 141 Ba‘arat 45 Babylon (Fostat) 169 n , journey to 149 El Bagawat referred to 47 48n 58 Bahgfrah 117n haodndre, ? Balél 118 El Baiyadiah 120n Bakhit, meaning 21n Ballads 117 118 142 V. maddac Barahmah 113 Bat 99n 120 V. Ρρον Bebig el Kahraman 119 Benhadeb, ο. Ρεπ]θίερ hephip, πως 119 Bishinai, v. Pishenai Bishwéw, Gebel, v. Pshwéw Blemmyes 103 153 Boushém 109 Castra, the 107 ib.n 204 Theodore, bishop of Boushém 109 , Narrator 221 225 ——,, ch. of 117 19 Theophilus, saint 206 n , τόπος Of III - 89 Thomas of Pjinjéb 204 of Wadi Sarga 128 Timothy Aelurus 152 22 165 Tnovha 142n Tobit, quotation from 19 Tribunus 181 Tserouhese 9 Tsyrus 141 Victor, martyr 112 205 —, mon. of 112 — ofSt. Phoebammon’s 14 161 174 —— XXV XXvi 20 29 174 177 182 218 219n Wadamtin (Eudaemon) 123 n Warshenifa, v. Arsinouphius Zacharias 16 19 148 Castrum Jéme 112 Cell Α 39n 41 57 70 72 73 74 δι 88 92 127 191 208 218 — B 39n 43 74 127 213n 218 222 223 — C 39Nn 42 44 70 —, theGreat 128 Chalcedon, Council of 152 Churches: ᾿Ακανθῶν 118 Apostle, the 116 (2) Apostles, the 116 216 Catholic 116 Cosmas and Theodore 117 Cyriacus 116 Faustus 117 Hatre 117 (?) Isidore 9 John 123 προ[ 118 Mark ο 7b.n Mary 116 Mena 193 Michael 116 Onnophrius 116 Churches—contd. Patape 117 Peter the Elder 116 Philotheus 117 Phoebammon 117 Pk6h 118 Psam6 117 Sansn6 117 Stephen 116 Theodore 5 117 Cross (es Salib), mon. of 114 115 128 231 Dabaibah, v. Tbébe Daga, Tomb of, described 29 Dalas, v. Tiloj Damamil, v. Temamén Damant, Damni 110 123 Damikrat 122 Deir Αρ Ἰ Leif 115 V. Andrew, mon. of — el ‘Ain 115 — el Assasif 12n — el Bahri 12 76 10. π 109 116 233 — el Bakhit 21 23 76n 109 115 207 —— Balaizah 233 —— BAsantats (Pesenthius) 230 — elGawa 24 —— elGebel 24 — elGedid 115n — el Kibli 116n — el Killah 113 — el Lili δη — el Magma‘ 1157b.n V.George, mon. of — el Malak 116 — el Medinah 8 9 68m 71n 76 ib.n 184 Mohareb (Theodore’s) 5 7 — er Romi 7 12n 152 — es Salib 114 115n V. Cross, mon. of — es Sanad 113115 — es Sultan 12n — Kurnet Murrat 15 V. also Monasteries Denderah 104 121 123 149n Diospolis-Thebes 107n 110n , nome of 122 , pagarchy of 107 Diospolis Parva, v. Hou Dyke, mon. of the 115 σ East, the (place?) 120 Edff 81n 99 100 107n 120 125 162 194 208 229n 232 233 239n 242 1b. η Ejkow (Jkéw) 233 Ἐποίκιον 115 n 118 123 INDEXES Ermont 11 100 103 105 111 117 118 119 120 12) 122) 123, 132 133 134 135 136 137 158 159 160 161 164 176 178 179 184 215 224 225n 229 N 231 ——,, hill of 108 —— Monastery near 24 68 85n » nome of 225 Esne 104 107 110n 114 120 121 Π 122 125n 202 V. also Edfd Farshat, hill of 117n V. Tbergét Fa 114 121 Field, the 116 Forts, the Two 106 —-, the Three 106 Forty Martyrs, τόπος of 111 Gebelein 105 122 Goth, v. Index I, Gunthus Greek Monastery, v. Deir er ROmi Hadrian, temple of 116n QAMEFOOP 19:95 Hamydr 124 Haragtyah 113 Hermopolis 119 120 Higazah 231 Hill of Ape ος Ermont 108 — of Farshit 117n of Jéme 107 112 137 177 224 228 of Pachme 108 — of Peidhe 108 Οἱ Οἱ οἱ ο 9 Penhétep 108 f the Persea 108 Pmilis 108 119 Shbén (Asffin) 121 n — of the Sycamore 108 —, the Holy 4 127 128 ΕΙ Hillah 123 n Hou (Diospolis Parva) 13 104 107 120 198 Π 230 Ibrim 107n Jéme, situation etc. 107 —,, its name 4 —— =?7Amis 106 ——, dialect of texts 233 — ,, hill of 107 112 137 177 224 228 Jews 144 Innsbruck, Coptic mss. at 120 n 207 Isle, the 122 158 Justinianopolis (Keft) 104 n Ragrope, Kahior 119 206 (?) ΕΙ Kais 235 Kalba 116 Kamflah 112 115 Karnak 107 161 265 Kau 235 KadKOL= ROVAWA 112 Keft 98 100 104n 105 107Nn 112 114 116 117 118 119 121 123 124 133 135M 145 161 179 215 216 220N 222N 224 227 228 Rene ?= RammH(modsc), Kenah 130 Kepapeta, village 106 El Khargeh 94n πολολ, κποσλωλ, “Cup” 112 Kém Ombo 121 Kés, Kas 1o7n 108 ΤΙ 113 118 119 135 198n 231 —, eparchy of 121 —, nome of 121 Kés Werwir 13 κρο[ 118 Kalet Ghazzal 113 n Kurnah, its ill-repute 103 n Kurfisah 120 Kas, v. Kés Lato, v. Esne Luxor, meaning of name 106 — 114117 120n El Magma‘, mon. 115 V. George, mon. El Manka® 119n MAPHC 145 El Mashai‘ah 194n Medamfid =? Petemout 107 Medinet Habu (Abu) 4 103 106 107 liinii6n ——, form of name 106n El Megaliyah 122 Memnonium, Memnonia 4 178 n , Κάστρον 106 107 231 , ὄρος 127 MITRE, MITG 119 ΑΠΚΩΡΗ, MIGWPS 119 Monasteries : Abraham 111 127 Andrew 115 182 231 Coluthus 112 128 Cross (es Salib) 114 115 128 231 Cyriacus 15 16 28 52 61 68 71 81 183 Dyke, the 115 Elias 113 197 Epiphanius, v. p. 262 Ermont, near 24 68 ὃς n George 113 115 n 182 231 Greek, the 7 12n 152 John 108 114 Kurnet Murra‘t 15 Leontius 114 Macarius 111 Manasse 137 n (?) Mark 108 Martyrs, the Forty 111 Monasteries—conid. Mena 111 Michael 115 Moses 113 1271 New, the 115 Pachomius 114 120 122 127n 130 142 η 216 Palam6n 114 Papnoute 112 Patermoute 109 111 Paul 112 132 143n Pesenthius 161 185 n 230 255 Phoebammon 10n 14 22 103 108 127 129 130 132 134 139 154 160 164 169 173-177 194 224 n 225 230 Posidonius 21 114 Psate 112 Samuel 113 115 123 Serenianus 134 n 219 Sergius 111 132 Shenoute 112 Simeon 214n Taud, E. of 136 Theophilus 111 Tsenti 115 Victor 112 Well, the 115 V. also Deir Munyat Andinah 109 Naga‘ Αρ Sandah 231 — Abfi Yfsuf 118 —— Darau 121 axe, T- 120 Nakadah 6n 107 n 112 113 114 115 123 140 215 230 πβω, Ombos 119 Né, Thebes 100 106 110n —, castrum 117 New Monastery 115 Nicaea, fathers of 214 » γνῶμαι of 202 No, Thebes 106n Cf. Né Nome of Diospolis 122 —— of Ermont 123 225 — of Kés 121 — of Pouaab 105 —— of Primide 105 —, Theban 105 106 Nubia, Nubians 100 101 103 141 220 254 255 Nubian cemeteries 141 Ombos, Kém Ombo 119 121 Original Monastery, ο. Index VI Ἠαχητος 115 Pachme (Pashme), hill of 108 Pake, make, τ- 118 INDEXES Pake, Southern 117 Pakéthis 117 Palestine and Egypt 141 ποΆλος δή V. Ballas Name πποχ OOC 119 n Pape-Luxor 106 Pasaft 182 πδ Πλας, Makemrc = Jéme 4 natxXe 2311 Patoure 203 n NAaAvH 119 Pbow, nhoov, mhav 90 114 120 121 133 216 230 V. Bad πιειεῦτ, as place 120 Nerwge, πτωε 120 , hill of 108 NHCH, T-, Mon. of 115 n ππφωτπ, Penhdtep, Benhadeb 112 117 123 128 131 ——_, hill of 108 Ἠερὶ πόλιν κάτω 123 Persea, hill of the 108 Persians 191220 227 V. also Index VI Petemout = ? Medamfid 107 πετρὸ, τ- 134 197n V. Rock, the NQAMEMOTN 121 ea Pplace 123 Φμαῦ 120 Φωβωου 120 TMH ὅτο. 119 Pisinai, Pesenai &c. 121 122 144 Pkeldl, ΙΙΙ &c. 130 V. πολολ nkwe, Pkoh, ch. at 118 Pkourosé 120 Pmilis, Pmile 16 —, hill of 108 117 Potter, castrum of the 106 Pouaab, nome of 105 Primide, nome of 105 ΠςδΜΗΡ, Nwyaamnp, Psamér 121 225 enantwmroc 121 Psenhér 111 231n MUtcrwM 121 Pshouéb, Bishwéw 116 203 Ἠτεμεγκυρκις 119 n Ramesseum, Coptic structure in 15 Rizeikat 122 184n Rock, the 113 197 Es Sanad 113 ib.n 228 capy 121 Scete and Thebes 225 Es Seba‘tyah 120 ceveAe P= ζωτλε 119 Shama 4n dole ?Jéme 4n 206 eos Shamir 121 Shanhdr 113 Watwine 123 cofun Asfin, hill of 121n Sidt 109 137 Sycamore, hill of 108 Ὑυκάμινου 122 Tabennése 121 132 162n 222n Tafnis 127n Tama 4n pbb 121 TAPAD 121 Taud, Tid 106 120 123 125n 137 157n 184n —., castrum 136 —, mon. at 136 thuhe, thuve, Tbébe (? Dabaibah) 105 122 Tbergot (Fargit) 133 V. Farshat thw Edfa 81n Tche 231 τα οτε 123 τερρµθε 122 τελοςς, Tiloj 162 Temamén, Timamén (Damamil) 105 120 121 Tepxviis, 0. TPRWT Teshta (9), place 7n “Theban” neighborhood defined 104 Thebes 107n , nome of 105 106 eehon, eeon Thebes 107n Θῆβαι 106 Timikrat6én 122 Et Tinah 115 Tiweirat 121 TMERPSR 122 τλιοσε, Pplace 122158n V, Isle, the nihow 119 THOSE 122 Tdhe 123 203 TOVPHce 122 Tregata, Trakatan 116 177 Tpia Kdorpa 106 V. Forts, the Three TpRwt, Τερκυθις 122 Ton 123 Tsenti, hill and mon. of 108 111 112 115 131 226 228 230 231 Tad, συ. Taud Tdkh, v. Téhe Upper and Lower Country 104 Wadi en Natrin 6n 299219 V. Kés Werwir ζωσλε P=cevere 119 δλωτ Τη ane, monastic title 131 — (ans), “headman” 160n177n apa, title 178 ape 93 acne 19 aTMNUa 129 ατα 129 Bub 128 226 Cf. pr Bux, transit. 162 fwd ehod vb. 134n 194n nn. 170 hAwe 189 Srp, brpe 155 βεςε 93 hecnnt 20 159n 160n bat 155n εδρι 182 eAam 187 7b.n HY 226 ex εὐολ 183 —egorn 183 — egovmn exn- 197N ετοορ 124 Rae 1750 RW ολο 172 ror(?) δι Rarce 184 ποετο 194 Rake “cake” 146 ΚΆδατ 150 RAM 1551 Ἠπτε 201 πωως vb. 184 πως nn. 198n πωτα nn. 9 Rag, pan- 118 Koyar, Kata 1691 Aaav nn. 1720 Lashane, v. Index VI Ma = τόπος, “dwelling” 108 — nujwne 126 127 128 MARE 119 1λοὈρ vb. 194n —— EQOTIT nn. 170 INDEXES πι CORDE (Omitting pp. 236 ff.) MAPSMAS 151 mat “truth” 235 n MORE 150 mMaerH (πο) 1750 Tam 159n ποτ (nat) 156n maav, “thread” 155n Mos MpwWME 131 Nwpx 146 Nwwje vb. 19 pr 128 Cf. bab —, Tog n- 228n Pamorite, Ρδλίώπε 159n creravne 235n cre vb. 146n εδλω 155 cwm vb. 157n cema ? Copds 163 n ορ 147 «ορτ 157n εωρί vb. 146n coppe παωῦ 159n cwore nn. 115 —— e9govnnn. 127n coovec 115 127 131n Sauhes (coovec) 127n cag 162n camo oni58n «χω 115 tahe quid? 168n τολο 182 TwM vb. 146n TMH 150n THE 226 TOOT, SaN- 113N tavo, “recite” 166n TOUS 104 105 tog nn. 156n DIN πο ον twee ΠΠ. 213n ova vb. 164n ovw transit. 193 n OvoeIH Ι75η ovpw 147.0 ovwpe Egor 1731 OTATE 03 267 owe egpar 146n ovwxe 156n wa 184 — eppar 164n ωπε 123n wa, P 153 ye she, coin 147 wh, compe π- 159n woh nn. 128 WwAK 193 Nn Πο Άτον 178 Πλσολι Ι47Π ura, with name 20 225 waap “parchment” 194 n wwte 149n WOPU;T 195 σσ 162 Wouoy 93 gan 201n ewke 19 ehoc 49 7οπ 184 ehew 151 ρωλε vb. 146 Φλοπλεπ 223 n gam, plur. Φε 159 Π gamnAde 159 Nn gemec ewpa (?) 81 Φεπεετε coenobium 111 127 133n gantooy 113 n gwenn. 155n ους ο Φοκοκ 146n Φο6ΟΡ 142n BOR = BAR 157N αςωΜ, δωωλε 186 απο 155 BAN 03 «ΠΙΟ 134n ssp 148 149 Cf. ταριχεῖον BEC 03 SWAN, KWAN 164 n ὅπτωπ (?) 172n Goowmne 157N Goaxmec 154n @asstwn 150 156n ἀγαθῷ, ἐπ᾽ 19 Π 130 Π ἀγάπη, “charity” 175 185 ἀγγαρεία 178 ἀγγαρεύειν 90 η ἀγγεῖον 93 1591 161 1621 165 ἅγιος 112 214 7b.n 231 —, use of 113 6 θεός 82n ἀθετεῖν 153 αἰχμάλωτος 176n ἀκηδία 223 n ἀκτουάριος, actuarius 177 178 ἀγάξιος 129 ἀναπαύσεως, ὑπέρ, formula 185 n ἀνατολή 120 206 ἀναχωρητής 130 ἄντρον 128n ἀπαιτητής 178 ἀπαντᾶν 228n ἀπαρχή quid? 193 ἀπόκληρος 171 172 ἀρχίατρος 163 164n dpxov WEY Αρ ἀσκεῖν 154 ἄσκησις 167 ἀσκητής 130 1351 ἄφιξις 100 ἀφορίζεσθαι 172 ἀχρεῖος 129 βαρεῖν 165 βιβλιοθήκη 194 βίος 102n 154 βοτάνη 163 γάμος quid? 132n γαρέλαιον 145 n γάρος 149 girovagi 125 γνώµη 202 ypappareds 178 ypapparnpdopos 181 γραμμάτιον 182 amarmonrom 163 n defensor civitatis 227 δηµόσιον 177 διακονητής 223n Sud prov 161 διαταγή 151 διδασκαλική 197 202 δίκαιον 165 διοίκησις 134 158 183 διπλῆ 161 διῶρυξ 124 INDEXES IV. GREEK AND LATIN (Omitting pp. 236ff.) dux 105 n hebdomadarius 137 n ἔγκλειστος 181 218 ἐγκύκλιον 199 n ἐκκλησία 109 Ώ » µεγάλη 116 ἔκστασις 205 ἐλάχιστος 147N 221 225 220 » use of term 129 ἐλπίς 125 174n ἐνάγειν 151n ἐνάρετος 230 ἐνορία 117 ἐντολή 138 202 ἐξέδρα 31 n ἐξηγήσεις, book of 200 201 ἐξορκισμός 207 ἐπαρχία 121 η ἐπισκοπεῖον 128 227 231 ἐπιτροπή 193 η ἐποίκιον 142 ἐργόχειρον 154 Π 155 219 Ἑρμηνεῖαι, book of 168 εὐκτήριον 108n 116n 123 εὐλογία 132 162 εὔχεσθαι 129n εὐχή 129N 207 εὐχὰς ποιεῖν 168 Nn ζημία 1770 ζήτημα 20107 ζωγή 1570 ζυγοστάτης 178 ζωμός, ζώμιον 163 n ζώνη 150 ἡγούμενος 77 ἡσυχαστής 1340 ἡσυχία 13 eadic on θαλλός 155 η θανατικός 163 θεοσεβέστατος 230 θεοτόκος 116 θεόφιλος, θεοφιλέστατος 120 Π θυρίς, θυρίδιον 195 θυσιαστήριον -- monastery 108 π θωράκιον 150 Illustrius 175 ἵμάτιον 150 268 κάδος 66 93 καθαρός 187 καινουργός 188 κάλυµµα 19 καλῶς 182 καµίσιον 1561 157 κάστρον, castrum 100 105 106 109 117 127 136 161 169 178n 231 κατάλυσις, “Solution” 17ο κατάµερος 108 ib.n κατήχησις 198 201 κειρία 157 184 V. Tapes κέλλα 128 κελλία 1281 129n κελλιώται 101 κεντωνάριον 150 κεράµειον 162 Π κεραμεύς 159 πετωπ (?) 93 κεφαλή 131 κήρυγμα 152 199n κηρύσσειν 190 Π κοινόβιον 127n κοινότης 177 κοινωνία 127 200 κόλλημα 187 κολοβόν 161 κοντάκιον 187 Nn κοσμεῖν 194 κοσµικός 158 Π 170N κουκούλλιον 150 κοῦφον 93 κόφος 67n κυκλευτής 125 n 218 κύκλος ΙΙ π κύπη 128 n κύριος 217 κωλύειν 172 κώμη 120 161 λάκκον 149 Ἅδκωπ, λάκων 521 93 λατόμος, 160 λαύρα, laura 39 126 130n 131 185 226 λαψάνη 145 n 146 148 n 168 λεβίτων gn 150 151 157 184 λειτουργία 172 η λογογράφος 178 λόγος, “discourse” 201 206 —, “promise” 140 174 177 —, “instruction” 9 , “account” 161 197 λοπάς 93 Iutum 159 Π μάγειρος 162 n μαθητής 138 222 μάλιστα 102N µαντήλιον 1561 paptupia 205 µάστιξ (illness) 163 µεγάλη, in place-name 122 ἐκκλησία 116 μεγάλος 131 π µειζότερος 105 Ἡ 17 μελετᾶν 166 µελέτη 154 META Κὸλον 20 µετάνοια 167 10. Π µηλωτή 150 μικρά, in place-name 122 µοναστήριον 108 109 111 1261 127 130 134 219 μοναχή 132 163 μοναχός 130 160n 177 µονή 111 126n μύλη (πύλη) 173 η νοεῖν 165 νομικός 178 n οἰκονόμος 130 176 Nn 230 orans 7 19 81 168 orax 147 ὄργανον 149 161n ὄργον 161 ὄρος 107N 127 πάθος 201 παιδοδιδάσκαλος 192 Π πάκτον 157n παλαιός 188 Manaprom 155 ———, book 207 πάντως 182 πάπας 2110 Nanvpwn 186n παράκλησις 187 παρεμβολή 110N παρθένια 132n παρθένος 11 παροιµίαι of Evagrius 200n πάσχα 170N 171 INDEXES Pater, recital of 167 πεδιάς 120 πειρασμός 19 102 163n πέρπερος 222n πέτρα 1131 128 πηγή 202 πίθος 93 πίναξ 03 πιστεύειν 153 πιστός 9 182 πλαάξ 182 189 10. Π πλαστός 189 πνευματικός 213 πνευµατοφόρος 110 N 213 228 πόλις 105 1b.n 178 n πρᾶγμα 172 πράττεσθαι 154 προαίρεσις 151 N προεστώς 130 229 προνοητής 172 178 προσευχή 207 προσφορά 149 161 1731 175 184 185 πρωτοκωµήτης 131 176 πρῶτος 131 Π πύλη, v. μύλη ῥωμαῖος 143 σέρα (ϱ) 194n σέρις 145 σιγιλλίον 155 177 CIROPTOM, σικότιον 163 Ἡ σινδόνιον, οπτωπε 156n σκευάζειν 184n σκυλλεῖν 2130 σκυλµός 1341 152n 158n σκυτάλη 187 σπλήν 163 n στάσις 152 στίζειν 103 Π Ἀτιχηρόν, book 207 στρατηλάτης 110 στρατιῶται, 0. Soldiers στρῶμα 157 στύππιον 156 συμβουλεύειν 176 σύμμαχος 181 συµπόσιον 310 συνάγειν 134 153 σύναξις 153 σύναρσις 169 συνζήτειν 152 συνοδία 115 n σύνταγμα 1370 συντέλεια, quid? 205 σχῆμα 76n 138 139 140 150 151 199 216 225 COMA 159N ταλαίπωρος 19 164n 222Nn τάξις 178 1b.n ταριχεῖον 148 Cf. x1p τέλειος 132 140 230 τοµάριον 187 τόπιον 108n τόπος 8111 112 114 116 123 127 129 131 133 N 134 153 158 159 161 162 165 168 172 197 219 222 229 231 ——, a vague term 108 —— =church, rare 109 τράπεζα, “fund” 173 tribulum 62 τρίµιτος Τι Trisagion 169 199 τριφύλλιον 147 N troparia 199 τροχός 65 n τύριον 147N velum 156 Verte 189 vicarius 176 835 --υἱός 13n 119 ὑπατία 11 ὑπηρέτης 138 φάσηλος 146n χαλλανη (5) 109n χάρτης 172 228 229n —, uses of word 186 χειροτονία 226n χώρα 227n ——, ἄνω and κάτω 104n yf Ho 254 χώριον 118 161 Womov 146n bow! 131 Π Olga! 184 ὦὡλό-]], ἄρχων 1ogn law! scala 114n 128 Π iskim 151 amir 162n wh “cave” 128n oer 119 V. Index II balla@s 83 n 84 baydta, “bird-house” 53 pod 145n δρ. quid? i110 dukkah 145n Us, book so named 124 ib.n gezirah 122 bib 159n hdgir 112 113 117 billah 9ο (ale ᾖα]/ᾶ 72 75 155n Abbesses 127 η Abbot and bishop 154 Abbots, Pachomian 206 “Abroad” 183 Absolute for construct forms 250 Acacia nilotica 61 pods 68n 75 —— wood 72 Achmimic, home of 234 Acrostical hymns 199 Address, forms of 129 Addresses of letters 187 Adjurations 168 2b.n Administrative divisions 104 “Adorning” of Mss. 194 Advances of money 166 Agriculture 160 Alexandrine monks 156 theology 152 Almsgiving 165 173 Alphabet 192 ——, Coptic 142 ————, Greek 13 INDEXES V. ARABIC uy 131 Agj 1630 sarf 121n sdkiyah 63 n 64 65 72 84 salgam 147 summadr 72 Oe 1490 shadif 65 66 alpmmo 113 ὅτι plur. ἔσνςν soma‘, sawdma', 18 19 23 42 52 93 —, “hermit’s cell” 125 n tafl 159n glegb 187n bslc 167n slg 163 η 25 1470 μ.ο” 159n Vite SWB Gs Alphabet, Syriac 140 Amphora, evolution of 83 , wine 78 82 Amulet 189 199 Anchorites 6 8 15 16 18 19 20 21 23 24 29 30 37 30 41 44 45541 68 73 111 115 118 126 130 132 133 137 139 140 145 147n 149 154 155 159 161 162 167 169 174 176 178 180 184 185 206 212 214 218 219 222 n 224 230 Anchorite’s cell 6 Andropaga sorghum 61 Angel, invoked 5 Anonymity = humility 180 Anthology, the 206 Apophthegmata 199 Apostles, Fast of 171 invoked 22 Aprons, leathern 14 49 5076 150 151 Arab invasion 228 Archaic idiom 207 Archdeacon 13 270 kddts, κάδος 64 65 84 kufas 670 kullah Οἱ δν 1510 QMS 127n wS 1637 ύλας 146n ad rion pao 123 ος 131 η medinet, meaning 105 Π marthiyab 1098 Ἀθνλ ο 1550 mushrabiyah, v. Screens mastabah 221 Sylz0 128n muktaf 67 Uerbite 149 Π δδφώ-ὁ 100 Π norag 34 61 5 1670 handdah 127n Arches 34 35 3051 Archimandrite 130 131 Archpriest 8 171 Area covered by correspondence 179 Article, peculiar forms of the 248 Artob, price of 146 Ascension 162 171 Ascete 130 Ashes, use of 52 Asses 41 165 182 “Assyrians” 142 ib.n Backsliding monks 165 Bag, linen 50 — ofskin 150 Bakers, baking 147 162 166 Bakery 18 38 52 Baking season 162 171 , unlawful 162 Balanites aegyptiaca 61 Balusters 55 Barbarians 101 103 175n Barley 42 61 146 Barter 146 147 155 156 157 165 Baskets and basket making 42 63 67 72 74 155 as grave-mat 50 Beans 42 147 Beards, corpses’ 46 Beatitudes, book 206 Begging 125 Benches 31 38 41 43 45 221 of mud 17 18 Biblical books, various 197 Bilingual texts 199 207 Binding, book 78 94 159 188 193 225 226 , asa trade 136 194 , the Great and Little 170 Bird-house 53 Bishop and bishops 13 14 19 107n IIT 112 113 117 124 131 133 134 ib.n 135 136 137 153 154 158 159 163 172 178n 181 194 199 201 202 206-213 215 218 219 221 222 224 228 229n —— and monasteries 131 133n chosen by people 137 plying a trade 158 Bishops, two together 135 Blacksmith’s work 58n Bleaching 68 156 Blemmyes 103 153 Blessing 132 162 164 173 n 182 221 Boards, writing 192 Books, church 167 —, early collections of papyrus 196 papyrus 188 193 — parchment 188 — of prayers 199 —, price of 194 —, lists of 196 197 Bookshelves 195 n Botanical remains found 48 61 Bottles, glass 95 Bow-drill 54 Boys as letter-carriers 181 Bread 145 146 148 228n Brethren, the 24n 115n 138 147 148 155 156 162 168 176 180 182 219 221 V. Brother Brick, vaulting 51 Bricks 160 —— reused 17 46 Bronze incense burner 95 spoon 95 Brooms 75 Brother 158 229n V. Brethren Brushes 75 Builder as referee 160 , craft of 136 Builders 51 ο: οἱ INDEXES Burial 175 — fashions 183 184 —— inchurches 185 216 —— several in one grave 185 Business letters 129 Butter 147 Buttons, leathern 76 Cabbage 146 Cairns as boundaries 21 Cajanus flavus 61 Cake 146 Calendar of Abi’! Barakat 217 , abbreviated 124n “Calligraph” 193 Calligraphic hands 192n 221n Camels and camel-herds 162n 165 181 Camel-load 155 ——.,, when introduced 97n Canon of bread 171 228n (?) 137 171 198 202 of bp. Ananias 134 137 of Athanasius 137 of Pachomius 137 of Shenoute 137 of Councils 202 “of monkhood” 138 Canopy-like tomb 46 Carpenters and carpentry 54 136 158 159 Cart 159 160 Castor oil 147 Catholic church, meaning 116 Cattle 149 161 Cave of Abraham and Ammonius 28 Caves 30 44 128 218 221 226 Cell 6 125n 127 127n “the great” 228n Cement of lime and ashes 48 Cemetery 5 813 14 1521 —— at Daga 45 140 148 157 183 at Ermont 184 at Deir el Bahri 185 at Deir el Medinah 185 , Nubian 141 ———— at Naud 1577 Chapels 19 30n 31 47 Chapel outside tomb 7 Charitable (φιλόπτωχος) 174 Charitable bequests 175 —— offerings 144 185 Charity 173 Charms 189 193 Chartulary 229n Cheese 147 Child vowed to monastery 136 Children, spiritual 132 139 219 “Christian ruins” 15 Christian Thebes, neglected hitherto 3 Ω Βν i) Θ =) a ||| 27K Christological disputes 153 Chronicles, Book of 197 Chronological classification xxv Chronology by scripts 190 by strata 191 Church in temple 4 5 22 Churches 116 ff. 128 153 Circumcision 46 Clay, varieties of 78 82 88 90 159n — bed for loom 156 ergy 133 , orthodoxy of southern 152n Cleric as locksmith 160 —— as scribe 193 Clothing, hermits’ 150 Clover 147 Coenobites 126 , names of earliest 19 Coenobitic monasticism 125 n Coffins, ancient, reused 36 Coin of deficient weight 20 Colored fans 136 tapes 71 Colossi of Memnon 4n “Come in” and “go out” 183 “Come out” 148n Commemoration of dead 185 Commendatory letters 125 Communication by writing only 181 n 189 Concordances of psalms 168 Condiments 145 “Congregation” 115 127 131 Consecration of monk 139 151 Consonants, permutations of 242 ff. Construct forms, peculiar 248 Contracts 157 161 176 190 Cooked food 145 Cooking pots 90 Copies of documents 190 — of letters 126n Coptic alphabets 142 —— names of pottery 93 — texts printed 7 11 19 107n 134 197 198n 227n Cords 73 74 75 — of palm-fiber 67 6ο Corinthian capitals 19 Corn 20 45n 52 146 147 155 156 157 163 165 171 174n 182 Corpses in cemetery 46 Correspondence, quantity and extent of 179 Council, on episcopal 219 Councils, canons of 202 Couples of hermits together 138 Courtyards 45 Cross, Fast of 171 —, bronze 3 —, gilded 5 Crosses 12 22 44 78n Q Crosses at boundaries 21 on walls &c. 12 15 Cryptograms 7 13 140n (?) Cummin 145 n 147 Cupboards 15 34 36 42 60 195 Cure of rheumatism 16 Cures, miraculous 164n Curtains 156 Cushions about face of corpse 48 Dated texts 12 13 Dating, approximate 98 of sites 3n Dates (fruit) 145 147 165 “Daughter of..., the,” a book 206 Deacon as potter 159 Dead, commemoration 185 Decorated pottery 91 92 Decoration of amphorae 83 of bottles and tubs 91 of bowls 88 of plates 88 Demons 216 223 Demotic etymologies 106 122 225n papyri 10 Deposited, articles 148 “Desert” 126n 145n , “inner” and “outer” 14n 183 Devices on jar-stamps 80 81 Dialects: Achmimic, Sub-Achmimic 232 ff. Acta Pauli 234 Ashmunain 233 Bohairic 232 7b.n Edff 232 233 239 n 242 ib.n Fayydmic 162 232 233 Jéme deeds 233 235n Sa‘idic 232 233 253 Theban 233 235 253 254 , principal and secondary 232 Dialectal texts 223 V. pp. 232 ff. Dialogues 199 201 Didascalia 202 Diet, ascetic 145 —, penitential 170n Diptychs 214 228 230 , the Moir-Bryce 134 135 229n Disciple 138 , as heir 222n Disciplinary measures 172 Discourses, book of 200 Doctrinal tenets 151 152 works 200 Dole 173 Dém-palm nuts 61 Dome 35 Domed tombs 47 Donations, pious 160 173 Donkey, v. Asses INDEXES Doors, wooden 57 60 Dove and olive branch 81 n Drawings 15 19 Dropsy 163 Drunkenness, homilies on 200 201 Dye and dying 61 68n 71 Dyed wool 157n €, paragogic 247 Ear, disease of 163 Easter 158 17ο 171 Eclipse recorded 103 Eggs 147 Ejection 172 Elders 134 — _ of Shiét, book 199 Elephant, design of 95 Elliptical constructions 251 Embroidery 157n on sheets 49 Endive 145 Eparchy 121 Epidemics 163 Epiphany, service for 198 Episcopal lists 107 135 V7. Diptychs Episcopal see= tous 105 Epistle, doctrinal 152 , pastoral 227 Epitaphs 8 9 18 129n 132 160 169 185 214 255 Epithets, pious 129 Eulogies 164 V. Blessing Exclusion from the feast 153 Excommunication 154 Fans, making of 1367b.n Farewell formula 129 n 170 Fasts 170 — _ of Wednesday and Friday 171 ——, theGreat 170 ——,, the Little 162 171 Father, title 155 218 “___ mother,” &c. not literally always 211 Fathers, the 126n 214 “Fear of man” =? Persians 220 Feast, the 153 ——, theGreat 170 —,, the Little 171 Fee, scribe’s 193 —, teacher’s 192n Fenugreek 42 Festal Letters 98 7b. 99 152 Festivals 161 , list of 110 V. Feast Fever 163 Field records, making of xxii Figs 145 147 Finding-places of texts xxiv 211 212 , confusions among Xxill DUP) Fines 177 Finger, a measure 9 Firewood 165 Fiscal officials 178 Fish 148 —, catching: 173 — nets 71 72 —, pattern on pottery 18 Flax 68 156 220 ——, tope of 57 Floor-levels disturbed 32 35 n 37n 41 Flues, latrine 34 Fodder 146 156 165 Food of hermits 144 ff. —, forbidden 147n Foreigners in the settlement 140 ff. Foreknowledge 164 213 n Forty Days 193 of Lent 171 of summer 171 “Forty Tales, The” 142n Frescoes 11 12 30 at Bawit 109 Frescoed texts 41 153 Frog on lamp 88 Fruit 145 147 Fugitives 177 Funeral rites 183 V. Burial service 198 Gardens 145 Τρ. η , Monastic 125n “Garden of Delight” 142 n Gender, perversity of 189 250 Germanic names 144 “Gird” (with habit) 151 Girdle, leathern 49 76 78 Glass 21 23 94 96 Glossary 207 “Goin” 14n “Go out,” v. “Come in” Goats 147 1 149 Goat-skin 75 Gourds 61 Graffiti, various 5 5n 678 11 12 13 15 18 19 20 22 24 31 N 41 43 103n 113 N 119 1261 140 169 170 Nn 193 214 222 232 N 255 Grain bins 34 42 51 52 Granaries 18 34 41 42 44 61 92 146 Grapes 147 162 Grass (halfa) 7275 155 —— for weaving 73 74 —— matting 155 Graves at Daga 47 Grave clothes 48 70 150 156 157 184 “Great man” 131 158 Greek alphabet 13 —— Anthology 13 ——,, documents in 143 256 Greek and Coptic glossary 207 —— graffiti 12 n 255 — hymns 199 —— letters 220 256 —— literature, survivals 196 —- ostraca 192 — papyri 192 —,, persistence of 214 — prayers 198 255 —— Psalter bought by Dr. Hogg 25 — secular works 206 256 , teaching of 143 Greeks at Thebes 143 Greetings &c. omitted 180 “Guide,” book so named 124 ib. n Habit, monastic 139 140 150 Hair cloth 71 157 10. η —— coat I51 —— cord 72 —, corpses’s 46 —, goat’s and camel’s 157 165 —— textiles 157 — tunic 151n Handbreadth, a measure 9 Hard times 20 102 “Head,” monastic title 131 Headman 176 V. ane, lashane Herbs 145 146 148 149 170 —, medicinal 163 Heresy 152 153 199 Herring-bone tiling 18 Hill,” meaning of term 106n 107n —— =monastery 120n Hills, various V. Index II Histories of the Church 203 206 Holiday 182 Holy Week 1710 Homiletic texts 13 199 ff. 255 Honey 148 163 — -comb(?) found 18 Hood 151 158 Hooks, iron 68 “Hope” 125 Horses 165 “Humblest” as epithet 180 V. ἐλά- χιστος Humility, epithets of 129 180 213 221 Husbandmen 160 Hymns 168 199 2071 255 Hymn to Phoebammon 109 deal, the ascetic 154 7b. n 164 literate messengers 182 llumination of books 194 Incantations 207 V. Charms Incense burner 95 Inheritance 162 Inhibition 172 INDEXES Innovations in material civilization 96 97 Inscription, illegible 44 Instruction in writing 192 n —-— by hermits to disciples 138 Intercession of saints 169 for prisoners 176 Interdict 154 Interlacing design 94 Interpreters 254n Inundation, inadequate 102 Invocations 224 n Tron 165 (2) — key 59n — nails 58 60 160 Itacism 105 Π Jars of corn 146 “Jewel, hidden” 180 Jews 144 Journeyings of hermits 182 Judges (P names of) biblical 193 Juniper berries 48 61 Keys, iron 59n ——, toothed 58 Kiln, potter’s 159n Kurds, invasion of 100 n Labels on wine-jars 81 Ladles 92 Lamentations, book 207 Lamps 96 Lamp in tomb-corridor 31 ——, niche for 44 45 —-, pottery 88 Lashane 20 119 120 121 129n 142 172 n 183 219 , term of office 176 , three 176n Latch of door 60 Latrines 34 38 Lattice work 13 55 56 Learning by heart 167 Lease of field 156 Leather 20 67 75 76 158 aprons and girdles 14 49 50 —— for writing on 1867b.n 187 straps =ox7jpa 151 Leaven (crp) 147 Lectionaries 198 Leeks 146 Legal documents 178 Leisure, employment of 174 Lent 145 170 V. Forty Days Lentils 146 Letters, anonymous 179 , carriage and delivery of 181 , commendatory 125 174 273 Letters, copied 126n , Coptic and Greek contrasted 180 — duplicated 189 , informal 180 in homiletic style 221 , the shortest 180 , total of 179n Letter-carriers 176 181 Libraries, monastic 194 Lids of jars 93 Limestone flakes as ostraca 189 Linen 150 156 157 — cloth 70 —— twine 71 Lioness, design of 95 Literary and vernacular idioms 189 Literature read by the hermits 154 known at Thebes 196 Liturgical books 198 Liturgy of Southern Egypt 199 in Greek 214 255 Liver, malady of 163 Lives, various (biographies) 202 ff. “Lo, here is God’s word” formula 172 177 Lock 57 96 —, the Laconian 59 —,, origin of 58 —— -smith 160 Looms 18 44 45 68 71 72 90 155 156 220 —, price of 156 Lupins 147 am, late form of 13n Magical texts 21 190 207 235 Magistrates 174 190 Magnates, notables. 177 Maidens (? novices) 171 Manure used in pottery-making 52 Martyrdoms 204 Martyrs 7n , commemorations 161 Masons 51 160 Mat making 72 155 — found inCell A 191 Mats 41 42 5051 159 105 Matting 23 Measure, palm-stick 95 Measures, wine 161 , of garments 9 V. Finger, Handbreadth Meat not mentioned 149 Medemia Argun 61 Mediators, hermits as 178 Medical prescriptions and recipes 16 163 207 works 206 Meditation 155n 166 165 V. Reci- tation Messages, verbal 1871 Metal work 159 Milestone 123 Milk 147 Milling of corn 163 Mill-stone 173 n Miracles 149 “Monastery” = cell 134n 219 Monasteries, v. Index I] Monastic ruins 24 types, various 125 Money-lending 160 165 166 Monk’s sons 132 — daughter 132 —— garment 150 151 Monks in orders 133 Monograms on stamps 81 85 Monophysitism 151 ff. “Morocco” leather 75 76 Morphology 246 ff. Mothers and sons 211n Mount JV. Hill Mud benches 17 — for roofing 51 Mummies, Coptic 13 14 23 n Mummification, attempts at 48 Muslim conquest 101 Mutton 149 n (m) intercalated 144n Nails 58 60 160 220 “Name, great” 225n Names, biblical 141 , classical 143 —, Germanic 144 ——, Syrian 141 ending in -ién 225n in religion 140 “Names,” quid? 19 Napkins 156 Neophytes 139 Nets, fish 71 72 Neuter, how represented 252 Nome (νομός) 104 105 Nérag found 61 “North,” names compounded with this 115 “Northward” and “southward’ Notaries 178 192 Nubian epitaphs 18n words 142 Number of hermits unknown 179 Nunneries 132 133 Nuns 132 133 n 158 163 165 * TieB} Oblates 139 169 V.Child vowed Oil 145 —, healing 164 —, varieties of 147 Olives, Olive oil 147 INDEXES Onions 31 61 Ophthalmia 163 Oracles 164 V. Foreknowledge Orations, funerary 198 Orders, clerical 226 Orientation of graves 5 47 Original Monastery, the xxi xxili Χχίν 36 37 68 208 Ornament on outside of papyrus letters 188 Orphan 163 Orthodox, orthodoxy 152 1b. n 153 169 208 Ostraca 22 24 25 267b.n 30n 36 37 42 82 181 186 from Deir el Bakhit 21 from Site XX 20 ——, Fayyfimic 162 ——, Greek 192 256 , largest and smallest 188 ——, magical uses for 190 , names for 189 » uses of 190 , various qualities 188 Ovens 18 38 39 52 53 162 Pagans 158n Paganism surviving 135 Pagarch, pagarchy 104 106n 144n Pagination of books 193 Pahlawi in Egypt 142n “Pair” 156 —— ofsheets 49 Palaeographical arguments xxv 103 212 Palaeography, types of 190 192 , theirpersistence 191n Palms, date- 161 Palm-fiber 42 67 72 79 n 150 184 ——-leaf 42 67 72 74 —— -leaves 155 Paper 186 Papyrus, blank 31 , folding of 187 —— ina basket 155 — inabox ton ——, mass of found 39n ——, scarcity of 187 190 , sizes of 186 , whence obtained 187 , the preferred writing material 187 Paradise of Nitria, book 199 of Shiét, book 199 Parchment 186 187 188 Pascha 134 170n V. πάσχα Paschal festival 187 Passers-by, prayers of 170 214 Pater, recital of 167 Paths, desert 8 10 11 12 14 22 23 28 36 102n 274 Patriarchal Chronicle 203 Paving 17 18 38 41 44 Pawning 165 166 Payment in kind 165 Peace-makers, hermits as 177 “Peace unto thee,” formula 134n Peasant life unchanged 96 Penance 145 148 Pendentives 35 47 51. Pens, reed 93 Pentecost 147 162 171 Permits, safe conducts (σιγιλλίον) 155 177 Persecutions 102 “Persian” in Coptic 100n Persian invasion xxv 99 100 101 103 141 213 216 223 V.also Index II settlers 142 Philosophers and Athanasius 199 Phonetics of Theban idiom 236 ff. Physicians 163 164 Pickling, pickles 148 Picture, frescoed 41 Pilgrims and pilgrimages 31 43 44 164 214 Pillars from pagan temples 8 “Pillar dwelling” 23 Pipes of terra-cotta 42 92 Pitch on wine jars 79 Plants, green, in graves 50 Plaster 159n Plates, platters 88 Pledges 166n 181 Plerophoriae of Peter the Iberian 204 Plurals, new 247 Pocket in apron 50 76 in bag 150 Poor, charity to 173n —,, oppression of 172 173 “Poor men” 125 174 Porters 181 Possessed children 163 164 Postal service 181 Postscripts 189 Postulants 140 Pottery, decoration of 18 94 , types of 78 and potters 159 Poverty, episcopal 226n Practices, religious 153 “Pray” in formulas 168 “Pray for me,” formula 129n Prayers 15 16 19 43 129 , constant 167 ——, Coptic 198 199 ——, Greek 108 255 » efficacy of 149 164 of consecration 139 for prisoners 175 n Prayers, informal 167 , asked 20 132 141 164 168 213 217 in graffiti 7 | Presents of food 145 Price of books 194 —— of corn and barley 146 — of tailoring 158 — of wine 161 Priest as carpenter 159n Prior 177 229 Prison 176 Prisoners, redemption of 175 ib. n Promises, official 20 172 V. “Lo, here &c.” Pronominal forms 247 Prophecies, apocryphal 201 , pseudo- 101 “Prophet,” meaning 213 n Prophets 164n , Minor 193 194 Prophetic Epistle of Pesenthius 1o1 powers 175n Prostrations 167 Protocol 207 Psalms, extracts from 16 168 189 Psalm concordances 168 Psalter 193 , Codex U 198 , recital of 168 Pulleys 66 “Punic cart” 63 Punishment 172 Purse, of string 74 Qualitatives 247 Quarries 123 , dwellings in 22 Rags, garments of 150 —, woolen 157n Rape (salgam) 147 Reader (lector) 9 Reading taught 192n Readmission to communion 153 173 Reapers, monks as 160 from Palestine 141 Recital of Scripture 221 Recitation, recite (μελετᾶν) 166 Recluses 125 217 219n , semi- 219n 7’. ἔγκλειστος Reeds 73 — for roofing 51 Refugees from Palestine 141 “Remembrance” = present 146 Rent in kind 157 160 Rescript, an episcopal 225 Resin for coating jars 79 Restriction of movement 182 n Rheumatism, cure of 16 INDEXES Ribbed pottery 78 83 ostraca 188 Rich and Poor, homily on 201 Ricinus communis 61 Roman innovations in Egypt 96 Rope 164 165 » palm 69 —— -making 68 72 155 Rose oil 147 Rubbish heaps 36 37 38 hole 42 Sabbath, Great 170n , Little 171n Sacks 165 —— ofcorn 146 Saddles 66 Safe-conducts V. Permits Sa‘idic, meaning of the term 232 234 Sailor-monks 182 η Saint, shrine of a 16 Saints, intercession of 169 —, invoked 214 , Names of 7 Sale of work 164 Salt 145 148 7b. n 165 170 —, used in burying 48 50 148 Samian ware 6 7 21 22 23 84 88 93 Sandals 20 158 , Making of 75 Saracens 103 ΤΙ n 153 caparentos, in dates 13 Scapular 151 Schisms 99 100 152 199 School teacher 44 Screens 55 5657 Scribes 44 193 220 223 225 employed 178 , craft of 136 Scythians at Edffi 99 Seals 188 Sealed corn sacks 146 Sesame 165 Shale 159n “Sheath” for book 194 Sheep 147n 149 Sheets 156 , burial . Grave-clothes Shepherds 157 225 Shirts 9 70 71 156 5 5 joemaking 75 158 hroud, v. Grave-clothes Shrouds, woolen 157n Sick, care of 164 ——,, food of 145 147 148 Sickness 163 Sieves 63 Silence 13 189 , discipline of 180 Silk 184 — -weaving 70 275 Singular and plural, mixed 181 η Sitting room 41 43 Skins 150 151 —— for binding 193 194 Sleeping mats 73 Sleeves 158 Smiths 20 159 Soaking flax 156 Soldier = barbarian 103 at Jéme 107 , as title of St. Phoebammon 109 110 Solution, feast of the 170 Song of Songs 192 Soul, homily on exit of the 205 ib. n Spikes, hand 72 Spindles 68 Spindle-whorls 55 Spinning 68 Spiral ornament 18 Spiritual preoccupations 154 Spleen, malady of 163 Spoons 95 Spring, miraculous 149 Stable, donkey 41 Stages of monastic evolution 126 Stairs and steps 17 34 37 38 128 Stamps on jar-stoppers 79 80 on leather 75 78 Stele built into wall 3 π Stelae . Epitaphs Steward 8 of achurch 193 Stitching of books 193 Stoppers for wine-jars 79 Storerooms 33 128 Stories, buildings of several 5 15 34 35 Straw for jar-stoppers 79 — in pottery making 52 — used in paving 33 String 31 48 155 — -guards in books 78n Stylites 23 (?) 110 126 Sunday, services on 129 153 Sunt pods 61 Swastika 81 Sycamore wood 57 Syllabaries 143 Synaxarium, the Theban 110 112 114 116 117 215 217 Synodicon of Damianus 98 Syntax of these texts 250 Syriac alphabet 140 —— documents 140 — graffiti 140 Syrian names 141 Syrians at Thebes 140 141 142 in Nubia 141 7b. n Tablets, wooden 24 Tailoring and tailors 9 151 156 158 Tailors, women 157 Tamarisk wood 55 58 60 159 Tanks 149 161 Tanning 61 75 Tapes, shroud 48 49 71 157 ——, weaving of 68 Tapestries, Coptic 157 Tax, weaving 157 — -collectors 178 — -receipts 16 103 157 190 Taxation 177 of monasteries 177 Teaching a trade 20 of youth 165 Tenants, monastic 177n Terra sigillata 84 Testimonia 200 “Theban,” use of the term 196 232 Θηβαικὴ γλῶσσα 2321 Theological disputes 99 Thongs for books 193 Thread 155n Three Children, Song of the 169 Threshing-machine 61 96 Tillage 161 Tonsure 140 Tourists, early 18 Tow 156 —, garment of 150 Towers 10 12 13 23 24 32 33 34 37 30 52 57 61 128 160 Trading condemned 164 Translations into Coptic 98n 153 255 Transport of work 164 165 Triadon 145 170n Trinity, doctrine of 153 Tubs of pottery 91 Turks, advent of 228 “Turn” of work 7 10. n Turning lathe 55 Unpublished texts cited 100 n 101 n 104 112N 122Nn 125 128n 133n INDEXES 134 136 144n 146n 162n 164 165 169 173 174 1751 182 198n 213 n 222 227n 228n Urinary malady 163 Usury 165 Vaulted roofs 11 15 33 34 48 51 Vegetables 145 149 165 Verbal forms, peculiar 247 Vestibules 45 Vigils 171 Vinegar 145 Vine-growing 161 — leaves as jar-stoppers 79 Vineyard 161 162 Virgin invoked 11 “Virtues” 167 210 Vocabulary, Theban 252 Vowels, permutations of 236 ff. doubled 233 Wages 146 147 158 159 160 182 — inkind 161 Walls, boundary 36 38 39 47 Wanderjng monks and hermits 125 218 Washing of linen 156 Water 145 — bottles 90 —— -carrying 226 — fetched froma distance 67b.n —— jars 84 —., storage of 83 ——, supply of 149 —— -wheel 64 96 — -wheel pots 64 Weavers and weaving 9 68n 155 156 tax 157 , types of 70 73 Well 115 149 Widows 132 175 213n Wills 175 177 178 185 217 — of abbots 173 Will of Jacob, abbot 154 161 ——-- of Jacob and Elias 26 27 28 32 35 45 126 130 131 138 154 178 185 n 212 Window, wooden 57 Windows 226 Wine 149 165 — from the Fayyfim 81 n(?) 162 —, dealings in 161 —— jars 79 155 ——, price of 161 —, sacramental 161n Winnowing-scoops 63 Wisdom of Jesus Sirach 197 Wisdom of Solomon 197 Women in the settlement 131 132 as letter-carriers 182 as writers 192 buried in monastery 132 Wood 165 er AGAGI AMO T —, poverty in 55n —- work 159 —— -turning 96 —, spoons of 95 —, stamps of 79 80 —, sycamore 57 —, tablets of 24 ——, tamarisk 55 58 60 159 Wool 157 Woolen fabrics 71 Work, sale of 155 —, various sorts of 155 ff. —,, meditation and prayer 154 Workman’s skin apron 150 Writing as pastime 20 -boards 24 exercises 174 —— materials 94 186 ——,, practice in 192 Yarn 68 219n PLATES *] daideyD οος "ΤΠ ο1ε[ά Ul UMOYS sI ο[5151291 OY} UTYIIA τοις οἱ]. 000‘0t :1 BJkIS “| Ύ Selinjuss 14 pur YI9 ay] UI saqay ]. ΙΠ9159ΛΛ Jo dey ete alich haa Ην PLATE 1 ey F Hall, Del, 1914 νά ( WX lind δν. πα. [πι Mitige wie logo Μ. 800 ‘600 400 SCALE 1:20000 200 g wa uy vila Πο, ος ὥς, Mae , σα chweinfurth 5c 2 ® (oder) raphy fp DEIR EL MOHAREB ο Pp *g-Le ‘dd οος "'οοοίσ:1 avg ᾿5ΙΟςςο22Ης siy 0} sniuvydidy Aq poyieonbaq se ἀμιοάοιά ayy 1ο sjluny ay} Sulmoys ‘suodtAue 51! pue sniueydidy jo ΑΙΦΙ5ΕΠΟΙΗ oy L I] ALVWId ον mz ΨΙ6Ι “rea ‘eu a Aa\Spury Cjeasayw 1232uW 0M] 32 (ποιο : =r as gt “tea 11 azieseg vente one, Ῥού woul Spnyqiy "12 ‘02 6 Seu ‘ozereg uo pepunof fydeuSoday, ο] OF οοος:! AIWOS Dia evel A N 4 μ6σ:ἀάθος "'οοξε:1 [ος ‘snrueydidy jo ΙθΙ5ΕΙΟΙΛΙ ay} jo πε[ά punoin INO ΗΠΙΑ ‘pyed aio Jo Gioyoreyy Ῥαιομοι «θήρα οι όσο. μικρο sbupyng oydod, ‘sGuyro yon) oydop -sBuyiro yao1 oysoulg “poured ους) wy poster Bupynq oyfoulg peers) μοι sBuypynq oyCoulg, IST] Wha 7 i 7 ddd (rows ινα swvaNnO® asa AWALSVNO|A] ay GY v La sould ©) : ” UUM ο. -ἷ TVNISDIAYQC VM Twa ΑΝΥΟΜΠΟς Asus ΡΟ oy tt 94ν3Η uSIgany 153. ¢ Wi ALVid -ᾱσ 4άθος ϱ͵)'ΦΠΕΛ 94} JO peoy oy},, pue ulpeg [2 119(1 0} peor sy} /5[[οΏ SurdAyyno ayy ‘sniueydidg jo ΑΙο]5ΕΠΟΊΗΙ 94} JO 9115 oY} Sulmoys “YON ey} Woy [IH YourNy{ 19 pqy, YA!eYS Al ALV 1d PUvpjoH up Ρο] IX BRIN TMet ΙΕ . Ruins of the rooms in front of the tomb from the West Court. The man stands in Room 1 below the Coptic floor level. See p. 30. . Pavement and benches in the Vestibule. See p. 30. LANE, W Printed in Holland PLATE VI Ruins of the Two Towers from the South. See pp. 32 ff. A. First Tower on the left, Second on the right. B. Second Tower on the left, First on the right. PALAIS, Wi rinted in Hollan. ΑΕ ΜΗ A. The First Tower; mouths of the flues with side beam of nérag supporting the wall. See pp. 34 and 61 and Pl. XVII B. . The Second Tower: showing broken arch on the right, the spring of a pendentive and two cupboards. See p. 35. Printed LAINE, ΜΗ in Holland ΙΙ ΙΙΙ ΠΠ | [ ΙΙ ΙΙΙ | | ΙΙ! | ΙΙ] “y Ze ‘dd ους ραποιό -210} οἵ]1 Ul OZ—O1-QI SWIOOY YA YINOS oY} WO] ssuIpjing 1seq ου]. ΠΙΑ ALVId Ῥάν[μΗ u poruag πα ΗΠΙΑ ALV Id PLANE, IDS A. Cell A: the Vestibule on the right with the Courtyard in front of it. Above the Vestibule are the ruins of the First Tower, and in the left distance the ruins of the Tomb of Mentuemhat. Deer ase . Cell A: the Courtyard with the Vestibule on the left and the pits into the Underground Granary on the right. See pp. 41-2. ΕΕ ΑΊΡΕ 1X || ΠΠ! | ΠΠ WAH ΠΠ | ΙΙ | | | | ΙΙ ΙΙΙ! | ΙΙΙ | | ΙΙ! | i ΙΙΙ ΙΙ | ΙΙ ΙΙΙ ΙΙΙ | | | | | | i Printed in Holland | ΙΙ ‘th άθος "ΙΠΕΙΟ 10} Sutuedo αε[ΠσΠο oy} pue edid ay} :y [190 ul AreueIn Ρραποιδιοραῃ 'ᾳ ‘eh -d 39S “MO[EG WOIJ UVES sITv}S OY} :ν [9ο Ul AleueIDg punoisiapuy “y X ALV Id PLATE X LAINIE, 2x A. The Cemetery below the First Tower. Rub- bish in the foreground has been cleared away to bed rock, cutting away the upper parts of the graves and exposing Bodies 11 and 8 as they lay at the bottom. See pp. 45 ff. . Body no. 7 lying in the grave, covered with a palm basket and a piece of mat. See p. 50. . Body no. 8 lying in the grave with its mats removed. See p. 50. ΙΑ, ΙΙ Printed in Holland Ὁς- οὗ ‘dd aag “ZL ‘ou ΘΛΕΙΩ Πο Apog oy} Jo Suiddesmun oy} url 5οὔε]ς Xora alc HH ME porns IX ALV Id PLATE XIII A-B. Modern mud bins in Kurneh village. Deewp a sie C. Ancient mud bins in the Monastery of Cyriacus. See pp. 52-3. PLANS, UU land ted in Hi Prin σα ‘dd vag "Ι9ΛΟΙ 1511 ‘ply ΡπαΙ & pue οσπο ΡπΠα ΡρπίΙ B Ποιο Πς 511 MOYS 0} ο5ρο πο Ρορε]ά “πα Ρπα jo 8Η wo}Og “g Ἔ-σά ‘dd θος "Ι9ΛΟΙ 15411 Ὦ WOOY ur 5ἵπα pnw jo sjieg “vy AIX ALV Id ΡΙΨΗ UE priurseg AIX ALWI1d ΕΡΙΠΕ OY Wood drilling and turning. See pp. 54 ff. A. Drill sockets and a fire drill block (5). Ὡσαιε πο». B. Turned box, spindle whorls, etc. Scale 3:10. See also p. 68. C-D. Wooden balusters from lattice work. Scale ioe EE -- wea re ae ee a ae. at ae - ro in PLATE XV Printed in Holland fy = = ee τς) τή + PLATE XVI . Cross-shaped window light and cupboard door frame. Scale 1:5. See pp. 57, 60. . Lock, key and latch. Scale 1:5. See pp. Gy iit . Shadtif hook and handle (?) and primitive | pullleysemamscalescaamctaoce p 66 ο ο κ μα ντ σσ του = Printed in Holland PILATE, XOWAU A. Threshing with the nérag in Kurneh today. See p. 61, Β. Λίνας beam from the First Tower. Scale 1:15. See p. 61 and Pl. VII A. C. The sakiyeb in use in Kurneh today. See p. 64 and Pl. XVIII. PLATE Printed in Holland XVII — $$ —______-—- + | ' σοι... ή Hie | | ΙΙ | He | PLATE XVIII A. Attachment of pottery buckets, kawédis, in endless chain on a modern sakiyeb. See p. 64. B. Types of kawddis, 1-4, 7-8, from the Monas- tery of Epiphanius, 6, from modern Kurneh; 5, a water pot of kddis shape with foot, from the Monastery. Scale 1:7. See pp. 64-5 and 84. PLATE XVIII Printed in Holland Wv PLAINS, ος A-B. Sieve from Cell A. Scale2:9. See p. 63. CG. Work basket from Cell B. Scale 1:10. See pp. 67 and 74. . Work basket from Grave 7. Scale 1:10. See pp. 67 and 74. . Plaited strips of palm leaf for basket making from Cell A. Scale 1:5. See p. 74. SD ο -- ου ο LS SS οσον ο ee κκ: ο το λε τω ο ο ιβρι eee PLATE XIX Printed in Holland ΕΙΠΕ ον . Miscellaneous wooden objects—pegs and win- nowing scoops. Scale 1:4. See pp. 63 and 72. . Hand spikes and loom pegs. Scale 1:3. See pp. 70 and 72. . Toggles, shuttles, etc. Scale 1:3. See p. 7ο. PEATE Printed in Holland | | | PLATE XXI A. Loom pit in the vestibule of Cell A. B-C. Loom pit in the portico of the Tomb of Daga. (The floor of B-C was at the level of the top of the brick coping. See pp. 68-9.) ye eee Ἡ Printed in Holland PAI Bes . Linen and hair cloth from the Monastery of Gyriacus Scalevis45 Ῥεορ. flr . Fish nets from the Original Monastery. Ὡσα[ο ο-1ο. See ps ΓΗ, . Shroud tape from Grave 9. Scale 1:2. See Ρ. 71. . Samples of rope, and unspun strands of rope. σα [πε ΕΡΕ XIU A. Materials for mat and basket weaving. See Db το. B. Grass and palm leaf brooms and brushes. Scale gba SES jek η PLATE XXIII PLATE XXIV A. Grass sleeping mat from Cell A. Scale 3:5. 5 1ο. προ B. Grass sleeping mat from Grave 8. Scale 3:5. See p. 72 and Pl. XXV, C. σπα 2 Prin PLATE XXV . Dynastic type of mat weave from Cell A. S@E jo FB: . Coptic type of mat weave from First Tower. SES Του 73k. . Selvage and end of mat from Grave 8. Scale RAG. SSDs 7B . Selvage and end of mat from Grave g. Scale ZO, SEP. προ PLATE XXV Printed in Holland JALAMUE, XO A. Leather aprons from Graves 7 and 11. Scale ca. 1:5. See p. 76 and Pl. XXVII. B. Leather belts from Graves 7, 8 and 9. Scale DS, SIO Os Feb ο επώ Ὄντο PLATE XXVI rinted in Holland P, PEATE XXVIII Pockets from leather aprons. A. Grave 9. Scale 3:5. B. Grave 8. Scale 3:5. GmGrave 7a scaleme2: απανο θεα. oeclpa7 Os d in Holland Ee 6-4 ἀάθος "9: Γ6[Εος "ΛΙΘΙΞΕΠΟΥΝ ay} ά1οΙ/ avroydiue paqats jo sadA |. ΠΙΑΧΝΧ ALV Id uy ρλχωμις. IWAXX ΠΙΥΊά PLATE XXIX A. Necks of ribbed amphorae, with straw plug, written labels and rope. See pp. 79 and 81. B. Stamped mud stoppers of ribbed amphorae. Scale 1:5. See pp. 79-80. ΙΟΣ 2.008 Printed in Holland PLATE XXX A. Large amphorae (on right partially restored). Ἑχεείίς ρα, Θες poe. B. Terracotta pipes. Scale 1:6. See p. 92. @mPomstandsescaleu).Om seep ορ ΕΙΠΕ νο Printed in Helland { | ; Τ ‘L-gg‘ddaeg "Ῥ:Ι Ἓροιθος “spo ΡΠΕ saysIp ‘sdnd ,, UPIWIeS,, Jo sodA |, IXXX ALV1d ΡΟΗ uy γα IXXX ALV1d PLATE XXXII A. Terracotta lamps. Scale 2:5. See p. 88. B. The stamps on the bottoms of “Samian”’ dishes. Scale 1:5. See p. 85. mei So PLATE XXXII Printed in Holland PLATE XXXIII A. Compartmented dish from the Monastery of Epiphanius (partially restored). Scale 1:3. See p. 88. B. Platter from Site XVIII, Valley of the Kings. Scale ca. 1:4. See pp. 18 and 88. wu, —— bic ae ας mend SE ine PLATE XXXIII Printed in Holland Ἡ 99 4ά οος ‘9:1 afeog ος] Λ19]1οά snoaury[aosi wy AIXXX ALV Id ΡΗΝΙΙΟΗ us paiureg AIXXX ALV1d | i { t | i i | | “46d vag "Ε:σο[εος "19592 οΖΗΟΙΠΙ AXXX ΠΙΥ]αά a ae AL ke ς ΡΙΨΗ up Ρομά. AXXX ALVId BROOKLYN PUBLIC LiBRAI Wii | | 40 7 Il |! hl 20 58 GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE