oe 
 
Wing es ec aee ne 
 
SYLLOGE 
 
 OF 
 
 ANCIENT UNEDITED COINS 
 
 OF 
 
 GREEK CITIES AND KINGS. 
 
SYLLOGE 
 
 OF 
 
 ANCIENT UNEDITED COINS 
 
 OF 
 
 GREEK CITIES AND KINGS, 
 
 FROM VARIOUS COLLECTIONS 
 
 PRINCIPALLY IN GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 JAMES MILLINGEN, Esq. R. A. R. S. L. 
 
 CORRESPONDENT OF THE ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS AND BELLES-LETTRES 
 OF THE ROYAL INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, ETC. 
 
 LONDON. 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
 
 MDCCCXXXVII. 
 
DDE a 
 
 aa 
 
ANCIENT COINS 
 
 OF 
 
 GREEK CITIES AND KINGS. 
 
 CORFINIUM in PELIGNIS. 
 
 1. ITALIA. Female head crowned with laurel. 
 
 Rev. Q. SILO. Before an erect spear, symbol of Mars, a man kneeling 
 holds a pig intended for sacrifice : eight chiefs of the Italian states, four 
 on each side, swear on the victim to be faithful to the common cause. 
 AR. 3. Plate I, n. 1. (M. Prosper Dupré, Paris ). , 
 
 2. Female head crowned with laurel. 
 
 Obv. ITALIA. Victory seated, holding a branch of laurel. AR: 3. 
 Plate I, n. 2. (Same collection. ) r 
 
 The first of these silver denarii presents the same types as those 
 frequently seen on the coins issued by the Confederacy of the Italian 
 peoples in the course of the Social war (1). The female head on the 
 obverse is that of Italy personified (2). The reverse represents the 
 ceremony observed when the different chiefs of the Confederacy were 
 assembled to sanction their alliance by a solemn oath and sacrifice. 
 
 The number of the chiefs which appear on the coin agrees with that 
 of the states, which, according to Strabo (3), were the Picentes, Vestini, 
 Marrucini, Peligni, Frentani, Marsi, Samnite, Lucani. 
 
 (1) Saggi del?’ Academia di Cortona, tom. II, to that which I proposed on a former occasion. 
 pag. 49, tom. IV, pag. 133. —Ecxuerx. Doct. Num. V. Recueil de Quelques Médailles Grecques Inédites. 
 Vet., tom. I, pag. 103. Rome, 1812, pag. 31. 
 
 (2) This opinion is preferable in every respect (3) Lib. V, pag. 241. Tar. Lry. Epit., lib, LXXTI, 
 
 I 
 
(2) 
 
 The present coin possesses peculiar interest, as, in addition to the 
 usual legend ITALIA, it offers the name of one of the most distinguished 
 of the Italian generals, Quintus Pompedius Silo, who is here designated 
 only Q. SILO, the gentile name being omitted. 
 
 When the Italian nations who had long solicited in vain the freedom 
 of Rome were informed of the death of the tribune Drusus, they lost 
 all hopes of obtaining justice by negotiations, and resolved to assert 
 their rights by force of arms. Having previously concerted the mea- 
 sures requisite, for such an important enterprise, they selected Corfi- 
 nium (4), a city of the Peligm, for their principal place of arms, and 
 intending it to become, instead of Rome, the capital of Italy, they gave 
 st the name of Italicum. They then constituted a government in imi- 
 tation of that of Rome, forming a senate of five hundred members, out 
 of which they elected two consuls and twelve pretors. 
 
 The first consuls chosen were Quintus Pompzdius Silo and Caius 
 Papius Mutilus. The former is described as possessing the chief autho- 
 rity among the Marsi, one of the most warlike of the Italian nations; but 
 it is uncertain whether this authority arose from any political functions 
 with which he was invested, or from the ascendant acquired by his emi- 
 nent qualities.. In the course of the negotiations which took place during 
 ihe tribunate of Drusus, he was the principal agent, and an instance of 
 his zeal and enterprising spirit on this occasion has been adduced by 
 Diodorus (5). Having assembled a numerous band of adventurers, or 
 men involved in crimes and apprehensive of punishment ( Diodorus 
 says ten thousand ), he provided them with arms concealed under their 
 cloaks, and, placing himself at their head, set out for Rome. His in- 
 tention was to surround the senate with his followers, and to obtain 
 by intimidation the concessions required ; or, in case of refusal, to pro- 
 ceed to the last extremity, and overturn the government. Being met, 
 
 (4) Srrazo, lib. V, page 241.—Droporvs Srcurvs, Latin tongue, may be considered as struck at Cor- 
 Ecloge, lib. XXXVIL, cap. 1. — Vexreius Parer- finium. 
 
 cuxus, lib. XL, cap. 15. 
 Hence the coins, inscribed Italia in the Osean or (5) Excerpta, lib. XXXVII, cap. 1- 
 
(3) 
 however, on the road by C. Domitius, who represented to him the imi- 
 policy and rashness of the enterprise, he was induced to desist and 
 return home. 
 
 After the death of the tribune, when all prospect of an amicable 
 adjustment had vanished, Pompedius was the most active and chief 
 instigator of the war; and, by his influence, the Marsi were the first people 
 to commence hostilities: whence the name of Marsic was frequently 
 given to the Social war (6). 
 
 Unfortunately, we possess little information respecting this most in- 
 teresting period of Roman history. The books of Livy, which contain- 
 ed a full and without doubt authentic account of the Social war having 
 perished, we have only the relation of Appian, which is very confused 
 and offers great difficulties, and those of the various abbreyiators, in 
 which some scattered facts, but no continuate account of it, can be col- 
 lected. 
 
 Hostilities having commenced (A. U. C. 664), the consuls L. Julius 
 Cesar and P. Rutilius Lupus led two armies against the insurgents (7). 
 The first was opposed to Q. Pompedius, who, with six other generals, had 
 the command in the districts to the North and West; while C. Rutilius 
 was opposed to C. Papius, who was intrusted with the defence of Sam- 
 nium and the districts to the South and East. At this critical moment 
 all the chances of success seemed in favour of the Romans. Their armies 
 were commanded by generals of consummate experience in the art of 
 war, and who had’ acquired a high reputation by numerous victories, 
 while the Italian leaders had never held the supreme command, and had 
 only acted in subordinate stations, as allies of the Romans. The diffe- 
 rence of interests and of views, inseparable from confederacies, were ad- 
 ditional advantages in favour of the Romans. 
 
 Notwithstanding these appearances, the first’ campaign, though ba- 
 lanced by various success, offered a result favourable to the Italian 
 cause. The genius and energy of the Italian chiefs, particularly of Quintus 
 
 (6) Srraso, lib. V, pag. 241. (7) Apptan. de Bello Civili, lib. I, cap. 40. 
 ¥ 
 
= 
 
 (4) 
 
 Pompedius, surmounted all the difficulties they had to encounter. 
 It would be foreign to the present purpose to detail the operations 
 
 of the war; but a short notice of those in which Pompedius was en- 
 
 gaged may not be displaced. : 
 
 At the opening of the campaign, Perpenna, a lieutenant of the consul 
 Rutilius, was defeated with considerable loss; and the consul himself, having 
 imprudently risked a battle near the Liris, fell into'an ambuscade, in which 
 he lost a great number of men, and was mortally wounded (8). Marius, 
 his heutenant, saved the rest of the army, and, by a skilful movement, 
 made himself master of the enemy’s camp, and obliged the Italian army 
 to retreat. The troops commanded by Rutilius were then divided be- 
 tween Marius and Cepio; and Pompedius, with a reinforcement, took 
 thé command of the army opposed to them. The two armies were 
 for some time in presence without coming to a general action; some 
 skirmishes only took place, in one of which Czpio having gained a 
 small advantage, his natural presumption was greatly increased. Fertile 
 of expedients, and skilful to employ stratagem or force as occasion 
 required, Pompedius, who had studied the character of his opponent, 
 resolved to turn it to his advantage. Leaving his army, he went over 
 to the Roman camp, taking with him two children of servile condition, 
 richly clothed as his own, and feigning to be discontented with the 
 Roman senate, surrendered himself to Cepio. To gain the greater 
 credit, he brought with him large bars of lead covered with gold and 
 silver, which he deposited, as his treasure, in the hands of Cepio. At 
 the same time, he urged him to attack the Italian army while deprived 
 of its leader, and offered himself to be his guide. Czpio gladly accepted 
 the proposal, and when he had brought the army near a place where 
 the Italians had stationed an ambuscade, Pompzdius, under pretence 
 of reconnoitring the enemy, rode up to an eminence, and from thence 
 gave the appointed signal to his troops, who instantly sallied forth 
 upon the Romans, and defeated them with great slaughter (9). Czepio 
 
 (8) Arrray, de Bello Civili, lib. I, cap. 43. Ed. Mai, tom. II, pag. 108.—Tur. Lryrus, Epit., 
 (9) Drovor. Srcut., lib, XXXV. Fragm. Vatican. lib. LX XIII. — Appran, lib. I, cap. 44. 
 
(5 ) 
 himself was slain. At his death, the command of the entire army of 
 Rutilius devolved to Marius. 
 
 After his successful enterprise against Cepio, it appears that Pompe- 
 dius, always indefatigable, marched with a corps of his army to another 
 part of the line of operations, where his presence was required : whether 
 it was to cover the siege of Acerra, or to check the progress of. the 
 enemy towards Asculum and Firmum, cannot be ascertained. During 
 his absence, his lieutenants, with three divisions, attacked the Roman 
 camp, but were repulsed and driven into some vineyards, where Marius, 
 fearing an ambuscade, did not venture to pursue’ them (10). Sylla, 
 however, who was encamped on another side of the vineyards, attacked 
 the enemy, who lost six thousand men in the two actions. 
 
 Pompeedius, returning with reinforcements, now resumed the command 
 of the Italian army. Opposed to the most renowned leaders, he frequently 
 offered battle to the enemy; but Marius, fearing the skill and artifices 
 of his adversary, remained inactive within his intrenchments , and con- 
 stantly declined an action. On this occasion, Marius did not justify the 
 expectation of success which six consulships and his numerous victories 
 and triumphs had created. Plutarch (11) supposes him to have been 
 enervated by age, or labouring under ill health. The season for mili- 
 tary operations being ended, the two parties went into’ winter quarters. 
 
 The result of the campaign having proved favourable to the Confede- 
 rates, the Etruscans, Umbrians, and other Italian states, who hitherto 
 had taken no part in the war, were preparing to join the allies. But 
 the policy of the Senate averted this new danger; and, by passing a law 
 proposed by the consul L. Julius Cesar, which eranted the freedom of 
 the city to all the Italians who had remained faithful, or should submit 
 to Rome, they not only prevented fresh insurrections, but damped the 
 ardour of the Confederates, and produced a relaxation of their exertions, 
 which proved highly injurious to their cause. 
 
 In the second year of the war (A. U.C. 665), Cn. Pompeius Strabo and 
 
 (10) Arrray, lib. I, cap. 46. (11) Prorarou, in Mario, cap. 33. 
 
(6) 
 
 L. Porcius Cato were elected consuls, and hostilities recommenced with 
 increased vigour. At first, fortune was favourable to the Confederates, and 
 the consul Porcius Cato was defeated and slain in an engagement with 
 the Marsi (12). Subsequently however, the consul Pompeius, Metellus, Mu- 
 rena, and particularly} Sylla, obtained repeated advantages; and, before 
 the end of the campaign, the Peligni, Vestini, Marrucini, and even the 
 Marsi, enfeebled by repeated losses (13), were successively induced to 
 submit to the Romans, and the consul Pompeius Strabo had the honours 
 of a triumph. 
 
 After the submission of the Vestini, Corfinium having been occupied 
 by the Romans, the Confederates made Aesernia, in Samnium, their ca- 
 pital and principal place of arms, and gave the supreme command to 
 Pompzdius, who, notwithstanding the defection of his countrymen, re- 
 mained faithful to the common cause.’ 
 
 About this period, the allies entered into negotiations with Mithri- 
 dates, and solicited his assistance, but with little success : his answer 
 to the Italian embassy was, that he would himself pass over into Italy, 
 after he had terminated the war in Asia. 
 
 In the following year (A.U.C. 665), the Confederates being disheartened 
 by repeated losses, and reduced to great distress by the devastation of 
 their lands, new levies were raised with difficulty. Pompzdius, by his 
 efforts, succeeded however in raising an army of thirty thousand men, to 
 which twenty thousand emancipated slaves were added. With these forces 
 he retook Bovianum, the strongest fortress of Samnium, and this success 
 so elated the hopes of the Confederates, that they decreed the honours 
 of a triumph. to Pompeedius, who made his entry into the captured 
 city m ‘a triumphal car. An unfortunate omen remarked on _ this . 
 occasion, portended fatal consequences (14), which were too soon ve- 
 rified. Having attacked the army of /Emilius Mamercus, he was repulsed 
 with loss, and subsequently, in a battle with Metellus, near Teanum, 
 . he died fighting valiantly; and his army, deprived of its leader, was 
 
 (12) ‘Trr. Liv., Epit., lib. LXXY. (14) Juxrvs Oxsnqumns, de Prodigiis, cap. 116. 
 (13) Ipem, Epit., lib. LXXVI. 
 
CP?) 
 
 routed and dispersed (15), As the war originated with Pompzedius, so 
 it ended by his death, and all hopes of Italian independance expired 
 with this great man (16). 
 
 N. 9. This denarius, like others of the Italian Confederacy, presents 
 types imitated from Roman consular coins. The obverse and reverse 
 are here perfectly similar to those of the denarii and quinarii of the 
 Porcian family, inseribed M. CATO. ROMA, or sometimes M. CATO. 
 PROPR. ROMA; and on the reverse, VICTRIX. Instead of this legend, 
 we have here ITALIA. 
 
 The denarii and quinarii in question have hitherto been attributed 
 to the great Cato, but with different opinions respecting the time when 
 they were coined (17). Some antiquaries ascribe them to the questorship 
 of Cato, when he was sent to collect the treasures of Ptolemy in Cy- 
 prus; others, to the period of the civil war in Africa. Eckhell left the 
 question undecided (18). But recent discoveries of several large hoards 
 of consular coins have thrown light on the subject, and led to the 
 inference, that the coins in question were not all struck at one period; 
 but at different times, by two or more individuals of the Porcian family, 
 invested with military appointments. This circumstance is incontest- 
 ably proved by the present coin, which, being struck during the Social 
 war (i.e. between 664 and 666 A. U. C.), is of a time when Cato, who 
 was born in 658, was not more than six or eight years of age. In fact, 
 Plutarch has recorded an instance of the stern inflexibility of character 
 (anima atrox ) displayed by Cato, when Pompedius Silo playing fa- 
 miliarly with him, held him out of a window, and threatened to let 
 him fall, if he would not solicit his uncle Drusus in favour of the 
 Italian interests (19). Farther particulars respecting the denarii in 
 
 (15) P. Orosrus, lib. V, cap. 18. — Tir. Lrv., cap. 18; Auctor de Vir. Illust., in Metello Pio, 63, 
 
 Epit., lib, LXXVI. et Catone, 80, etc. 
 (16) Additional testimonies to the eminent mili- (17) Morzx, Num. Famil., IV, A. B. C. D. 
 tary and political talents of Pompzdius may be seen (18) Doct. Num. Vet., tom. V, pag. 236. 
 in Prurarcu, de Fort. Roman., pag. 321,45; VxEzr- (19) Vita Catonis, cap. 2, — Varertus Maximus, 
 
 tris Parercutus, lib. II, cap. 1; Fronvs, lib. IM, lib. HI, cap. 1. 
 
(8) 
 question may be seen in a very learned and interesting note commu- 
 nicated by count Bartolomeo Borghese, in the Appendix, n. 1. 
 
 Of the motives which guided the Confederates in the imitation of 
 Roman types, one was obviously to signify, that the sovereignty of 
 Italy was transferred from Rome to the Italians themselves. Among the 
 types selected, there are some however which it is difficult to account 
 for, and which have not been satisfactorily explained, such as the 
 imitations from the Servilian family (20). 
 
 The most probable opinion is, that these last were intended to allude, 
 tauntingly and satirically, to .the defeat and death of two of the 
 Servilii during the Social war: one killed at Asculum, as above stated, 
 at the commencement of hostilities; the other, the proconsul Czpio, 
 killed in an action with Pompedius. This opinion is corroborated by 
 the present imitation from the Porcian family, which alludes to the 
 defeat and death of the consul L. Porcius Cato, who fell in an enga- 
 gement with the Marsi. The head of Rome victorious, and crowned 
 with laurel, is here made to represent Italy; while the winged figure 
 on the reverse, which referred originally to the dedication of the 
 temple of Victoria Virgo (21), by M. Porcius Cato, A. U. C. 561, 
 signifies that the goddess has now deserted Rome and the Porcii, and 
 is become the tutelary divinity of Italy. 
 
 A rare denarius (22) representing the bull, emblem of Italy, overpower- 
 ing and trampling on the wolf of Rome, confirms the allegorical si- 
 gnification attributed to the coms under consideration. 
 
 (20) Averzrxo, Opuscoli Diversi, Napoli, 1833, (22) Durens, Explications de quelques Médailles, 
 
 tom. II, pag. 18. page 22. Instead of a wolf, the author supposed 
 (21) Ecxuzxz, loc. cit. the vanquished animal to be a crocodile. 
 — SSS 
 
(9) 
 
 CAPUA tn CAMPANIA. 
 
 Female bust with an. elevated diadem (cgevddv_) and a sceptre resting 
 on her shoulder. 
 
 Rev. IFIN. In Osean letters. A winged thunderbolt. In the field, 
 an-unknown object. AE. 3. Plate f/I, n. 3. 
 
 The portrait on this coin is that of Juno, who is distinguished by 
 the sceptre, emblem of sovereign power. The thunderbolt seen on the 
 reverse is a farther characteristic of the goddess, as the spouse and 
 sister of Jupiter, sole master of this irresistible weapon. A similar 
 portrait, which is united with that of Jupiter on a rare medallion of 
 this city (1), leaves no doubt on the subject. 
 
 The same portrait appears also on another Capuan coin, with a sin- 
 gular reverse (2), of which, owing to the minuteness of the objects repre- 
 sented, and probably the imperfect preservation of the original, various 
 explanations have been given. Some antiquaries deseribe it as repre- 
 senting two symbols of pyramidal form; surmounted by a fillet (3); 
 some, as two tents (4); others, as two female figures veiled (5). The exa- 
 mination of a coin in perfect preservation proves that the last opinion 
 is correct, and probably the type was intended to represent two 
 statues of Juno, of archaic style, like that venerated at Samos. Numerous 
 iniitations of this celebrated statue were seen throughout Asia Minor, 
 and copies may have been brought to Capua, and placed in the temple 
 of the goddess, after the conquest of Asia Minor, when many divinities 
 of that country were introduced into Italy. The association of this type 
 with the head of Juno affords additional presumption in favour of the 
 opinion proposed. With respect to the union of two statues perfectly 
 
 (1) Danrere, Numismatica Capuana, Napoli, 1803, pag. 17, 7. Mronner, Descript. de Méd. Grecques, 
 
 pag. 43. tom. I, pag. 113. 
 (2) Inem, pag. 26. ° (4) Comsz, Catalog. Num. Vet. in Mus. G. Hunter, 
 (3) Ecxuztx describes them : Duce pyramides sin- pag. 80. 
 2n8s_ basibus insistentes. Catalog. Mus. Cxsar. Pars I, (6) Daniziza, Num. Cap. 1, pag. 26. 
 2 
 " P os pin ai 
 
( 10 ) 
 similar, it may be observed that an example of the same kind occurs 
 on a coin of Aspendus, in Pamphylia (6), on whieh two statues of 
 
 Diana are figured. 
 
 CUMA iw CAMPANIA: 
 
 Female head bound with a tenia or fillet. 
 
 Rey. KYMAION. Cerberus with three heads, standing on a bivalve 
 shell. AR. 2. Plate J, n. 4. (Mr Burgon, London.) 
 
 From the very imperfect state of geographical knowledge in the 
 Homeric age, it is difficult to ascertain whether the description of the 
 Necyomanteia given by the poet, referred originally to Cuma in the 
 Jand of the Opici, as was generally believed at a later period (1). 
 
 It seems however more probable that the notions of Homer on the 
 subject were indistinct, but that the first Chalcidic colonists, who 
 settled in this part of Italy, were induced, by some resemblance in the | 
 features of the country to those of the localities described by Homer, 
 or by some other fortuitous motives, to accommodate to their newly ac- 
 quired territory a legend which flattered their vanity, and conferred on 
 them so much celebrity. Hence this district of Campania’was sup- 
 posed to have been once inhabited by the Cimmerians, and the 
 names of Aornos, Acherusia, Pyrophlegethon, Styx, and others described 
 by Homer, were attributed to various localities in the neighbourhood 
 of Cuma. The representation of Cerberus on the silver didrachm, here 
 engraved for the first time, records therefore a legend of which the 
 Cumzans were extremely glorious. 
 
 It may be remarked, on this occasion, that there was perhaps at . 
 Cuma some peculiar tradition respecting Cerberus, because, in the XIth 
 book of the Odyssey, which describés the descent of Ulysses into the 
 
 (6) Méd. Greeques Inéd., par J. Millingen, pag.68. (1) Srnazo, lib. I, pag. 20, 21, Edit. Cas. 
 
(11) 
 Infernal regions, the scholiast says, that in the fourteenth line, Aristar- 
 chus and Crates substituted Kepéepisv for the usual reading Kwueotev, the 
 name of the inhabitants of that district. As the reasons for this cor- 
 rection are unknown to us, nothing farther can be said on the subject. 
 
 The bivalve shell over which Cerberus is placed, is that which is 
 constantly represented on the coins of Cuma, either as the principal 
 type, or an accessory, and which may be considered as the special 
 emblem (Exionyov) of the Cumezans. 
 
 The female head on the obverse is probably a personification of 
 the city of Cuma. This opinion is confirmed by other coins of the 
 city, which present a similar head, with the inscription KYME. Some 
 antiquarians have supposed that these heads should be referred to the 
 Sibyl; but, at the time when the coins were struck, the Sibyls were 
 little known (2). 
 
 For a great length of time, the coins of this illustrious city, the 
 most ancient Greek colony in Italy, presented on the reverse no other 
 type than the bivalve shell above mentioned, with the addition of a 
 barley-corn, an acrostolium, or some other accessory of little impor- 
 tance. But, within the last few years, other types of much greater 
 interest have come to light. A short notice is subjoined of the most 
 important, which give occasion to various observations. 
 
 I. KYMAION. Head of Minerva; archaic style. 
 
 Rev. A crab holding in its claws a bivalve shell. AR. 2. 
 
 In a former numismatic work (3), in which this coin appeared for 
 the first time, it was supposed that the crustacean on the reverse was 
 the pinnophylax, or pinnothera, a species of crab, so called from its 
 inhabiting with the pinna, and associating with it in quest of food, 
 according to the description given by Pliny, A‘lian, and Athenzus. The 
 authority of Aristotle ought also to have been cited (4), as he was 
 the first who made the observation. 
 
 (2) Ecxur.r was inclined to attribute the head (3) Mizxrwern. Médailles Grecques Inédites , 
 
 . in question to the Siren Parthenope. Doct. Num. Rome, 1812, pag. 4. 
 Vet. tom. I, pag. 113, (4) De Animalibus, lib. V, cap. 13. 
 
 oe 
 
 Lae Sree 
 
 : 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 
 RT 
 
 ~ 
 
(12 ) 
 
 Subsequent consideration has shown, however, that the explanation in 
 question was subject to great objections : 1° the crab called pinnophylax, 
 or pinnothera, usually inhabited the interior of the shell of the animal 
 with which it associated on friendly terms, in quest of prey, 2° the 
 bivalve represented on the coin in question has not the form of the 
 pinna, which is narrower and elongated, and, in fact, almost all the an- 
 tiquarians who have described it, call it the Mytilus. From the ap- 
 parent asperity of its surface, and its recurved form, it seems rather, 
 as formerly stated, to be an oyster, probably of the species found in 
 the Lucrine lake, so famous in antiquity, especially among the Romans 
 in the Augustan age. 
 
 A passage of the Halieutica of Oppian accordingly affords an expla- 
 nation far more satisfactory of the entire type. Speaking of the mar- 
 vellous instinct with which Providence has endowed the inhabitants 
 of the Ocean, this author describes the stratagem of the crab, who, 
 watching the instant when the oyster opens its shell, slips a stone 
 between the valves, and thus the animal, being prevented from closing 
 them, becomes an easy prey. 
 
 Kal 7 yap exuppoadvinv nope datuey 
 “Oorpex ép6eo0ar, yhoxephy xal duoydov udAy. 
 “Osteen udv xdnidac dvanrbeaven Oupécpwy, 
 "Toy duyp.ciCoucn, xal USatos toyavdwvre, 
 Tléntatat, dyxolvnow goxueve metpatnor 
 Kapxtvos ad Ungida rapk bnypivos detous, 
 Azyptos Bbelxov oeper yaryor peapTag . 
 AdOon & éumedder, uécow 8 évebyxato Mxav 
 *Ooredu* EvOev Ereira Taoywevos etharuvelCer 
 Aciica ofhyy: 2b 8’ do’ ott, xa idnevdy mep Epeioar 
 ‘Ap.ordduoug mhdaruyyas éxer cOZvoc, GAN’ x’ dveeyxng 
 Otyerar, dopa Ody te, xl dypeuriion xopeaor. 
 
 Lib. IL, v. 169-180 (5). 
 
 (5) Cancri mirabitur solertiam quicumque conspexe- a littore calculum in concharum hiatun ingicit; quo 
 
 rit qua machinatione in muscosis cavernis ostrea ca- interposito, ostreum testas claudere non potest, atque 
 
 plat. Ostreum cum suas conchas ceni et aque desi- a cancro exeditur et conficitur. Edit. Schneider. Ar - 
 derio ad saxa patefacit, is suis brachiis sublatum gent. 1776. 
 
 — q s spa cg tI mn ET aaa SS 
 
(13 ) 
 
 The action represented on the coin corresponds perfectly with the 
 description given by the poet, and, at the same time, confirms the 
 opinion that the bivalve seen on Cumzan coins is in fact the oyster. 
 
 2. Female head, probably of the city. 
 
 Rev. KYMAION. Marine divinity, the upper part human, the lower 
 part terminating in a fish; underneath, a bivalve shell. AR. 2. 
 
 In the numismatic publication above mentioned (6), the figure on the 
 reverse was supposed to be AXgeon, or Briareus, who received divine 
 honours in the island of Euboea, whence the Cumeans derived their 
 origin. 
 
 Comparing this type with other ancient monuments, it appears 
 however more probable, that it represents Glaucus or Triton, marine 
 divinities held in high veneration by the Greek colonies in Italy, who 
 received them from the Phenicians and Carthaginians. ‘The first is 
 represented on the coins of Heraclea, and on various works of art. The 
 latter, who appears also in Tyrrhenian monuments, was so greatly ho- 
 noured by the Carthaginians, that in a treaty with Philip of Macedon, 
 they invoked Triton in common with Neptune and Mars (7). 
 
 Rev. KYMAION. Scylla, in her usual form; underneath, a bivalve 
 shell. AR. 2. 
 
 This coin recalls the ancient Homeric traditions, and, at the same 
 time, the veneration of the Cumeans for the divinities of the sea. It 
 is also of great importance by the light it affords with regard to the 
 coins inscribed AAAIBANON, which are to be referred to a town of 
 that name, in the neighbourhood of Cuma (8). 
 
 4. Front head of a lion between two opposite heads of wild boars. 
 
 Rev.. KYMAION. Bivalve shell and barley-corn. AR . 2. 
 
 The obverse is not easily explained (9), but the pretensions of the in- 
 habitants of Cuma to the possession of the tusks of the Erymanthian 
 
 (6) Médailles Grecques Inédites, pag. 5. J. Mixurineen, pag. 7.—Avetz1no, Opuscoli Diversi, 
 (7) Poxysrus, lib. VII, cap. 9. Napoli, vol. I, 1833, pag. 60. 
 (8) Ancient Coins of Greek Cities and Kings, by (9) Ancient Greek Coins, pag. 5. — Avesxino, 
 
 Supplem. Ital. Vet. Num., pag. 12, 13. 
 
(14 ) 
 boar, preserved as relics in the temple of Apollo (10), appears to have 
 some connexion with the type of this coin. 
 
 5. KYME. Female head, archaic style. ; ! 
 
 Rev. KYMAION ( Retrograde ). Bivalve shell and barley-corn. AR. 2. 
 
 The inscription accompanying the female head designates the Nymph 
 or personification of the city, and thus confirms what has been said 
 above, with regard to the female portraits usually seen on the Cu- 
 mean coins. 
 
 The observatién that the coins of Cuma never present the double 
 letters H and Q, induced me to think that they must have been struck 
 previously to the year 418 A. C., when Cuma was taken by the Cam- 
 panians (11). 
 
 The inference is howéver too absolute and liable to objections, inas- 
 much as the beauty of the workmanship of some of the coins makes 
 it doubtful whether they can be referred to an epoch so remote. Nor 
 is there sufficient reason to suppose that the coinage necessarily ceased 
 when. the city became subject to the Campanians, for, however barba- 
 rous these invaders may originally have been, it is certain that they sub- 
 sequently acquired civilization from those they conquered, and adopted 
 the Greek language and arts. This is evident from the coins in- 
 scribed KAMPANON, which were perhaps struck at Neapolis, or at 
 Cuma (12); and likewise from those of the same people, who occupied 
 Entella and Nacona (13), in Sicily. 
 
 Nevertheless, the coins of Cuma do not seem of a later age than the 
 hundredth Olympiad (377 A. C.), when some great calamity or political 
 revolution, unnoticed by historians, probably occasioned the cessation 
 of the coinage, which it would be difficult to account for otherwise, 
 since we have proofs that the mints of the neighbouring cities Neapolis 
 and Nola, continued to work till a very late period. 
 
 (10) Pavsanras, lib, VIII, cap. 46. (12) Avzrrr1no, Opuscoli Diversi, vol. II, pag. 167, 
 (11) Médailles Grecques Inédites, pag. 6. (13) Ancient Greek Coins, pag. 33. . 
 
(15 ) 
 NATIOLUM iw APULIA. 
 
 1. Helmeted head of Minerva; above two globules, indicating the Sex- 
 tans or nu Uncie. 
 
 Rev. Monogram. Lion seated, holding with his fore-paw uplifted a 
 spear. AE. 3. Plate IJ, n. 5. 
 
 2. Obverse, the same as the preceding. 
 
 Rev. Same monogram. Hercules in the attitude of the Farnesian 
 colossus. AL. Plate III, n. 6. 
 
 The workmanship, the types, and the globules indicative of the 
 value with reference to the as, prove evidently that these coins belong 
 to Italy, and, in particular, to Apulia. 
 
 The letters of which the monogram is composed are likewise favour- 
 able to this attribution. It is uncertain whether it should be resolved 
 into NAT or MAT; but it applies in either case to Apulia, where we 
 find Natiolum, supposed to be Bisceglie, a city on the Via Frentana, 
 nineteen miles from Barium (1), Matinum, on mount Garganus (2), 
 and Mateolum, supposed to have been where Matera now stands. The 
 most probable opinion seems, however, in favour of Natiolum (3); 
 
 Brass coins occur with the same types as n° 1, but with the mono- 
 gram VE, which is found also on other coins with various types. 
 These last coins were once attributed to Velia in Lucania; but of late the 
 improbability of the attribution has been felt, and they have been refer- 
 red to Venusia in Apulia (4), an opinion confirmed by their resemblance 
 to the coins of Luceria, a city not far distant from Venusia. 
 
 The coins however with the monogram VE, and types like those of 
 the present, are of a different fabric, and may possibly belong rather to 
 Veretum, a city of the Salentines in Iapygia, on account of their resem- 
 blance to the coins of Uxentum, a town fifteen miles distant from 
 
 Veretum. 
 (1) Cramer, Ancient Italy, tom. II, pag. 332. Capua, appears to be perfectly similar to n. i 
 (2) Ipem, pag. 277. described above. 
 
 (3) A coin in Dr. Hunter's collection, published (4) Mronnzr, Suppl., tom. I, pag. 270.— Szsrimr, 
 by Combe (tab. XIV, n. 18), and attributed to Class. Gen., pag. 15. 
 
( 16 ) 
 
 POSIDONIA iw LUCANIA. 
 
 Neptune brandishing his trident in a menacing attitude. On one 
 side, POME!; on the other, MEILA in archaic characters, from right 
 to left. 
 
 Rev. POMEI!. Ox walking. AR. Plate J, n. 7 (M. Prosper Dupré, 
 Paris. ) 
 
 With the usual types and legend of the coins of Posidonia, this silver 
 didrachm is remarkable by the additional inscription MEILA. 
 
 It would seem, at first, that this addition to the usual legend referred 
 to the name of the Silarus, a neighbouring river, which flowed into the 
 sea, fifty stadia to the north of Posidonia, and formed the boundary 
 between Lucania and Campania (1); and, in fact, this opinion would 
 have been very probable, had the word in question been on the side 
 representing the ox or bull ( frequently figured as the emblem of a 
 river ); but its being placed near the figure of Neptune is an objection 
 to a similar explanation. Perhaps then it may designate the name of 
 a magistrate, Silarus, or Silarius, consistently with the common custom 
 of giving to individuals names derived from the localities of their na- 
 tive countries. Thus we find Scamandrius and Simoisius in Homer, 
 and there are many other examples of the same kind. : j 
 
 It may also be conjectured, and not without probability, that the 
 coin under consideration was intended to commemorate an alliance 
 between Posidonia and a neighbouring city situated on the Silarus, 
 and which took its name from that river, as was frequently the 
 case. ; 
 
 Or the city in question might have been that called Salernum by the 
 Romans, who established there a colony, in 559 A. U.C. (2). Probably, 
 however, the origin of that city was much more ancient, and of Greek 
 
 (1) Srrazo, lib. V, pag. 251. (2) Tir. Liv., lib, XXXIV, cap, 42. 
 
(a) 
 foundation (3); in which case the name would have been terminated in 
 ta instead of ernum, which was a form peculiar to the Oscans and 
 Romans (4). Supposing its ancient appellation to have been Silaria, the 
 change into Saleria (and Salernum ) will create no difficulty, when we 
 consider the great alteration of geographical names effected by the Ro- 
 mans. 
 
 This opinion, respecting the object of the inscription, is corroborated 
 in some measure by other coins of Posidonia, which offer the name of 
 the city, accompanied with the letters M44] (5), supposed, with reason, 
 to,refer to Phistelia or Picentia, and to imply an alliance between one 
 of those cities and the Posidoniate. 
 
 It is true that geographers make no mention of a city called Silarus; 
 but we know that many Hellenic and Tyrrhenian colonies were estab- 
 lished in Campania and in a part of Lucania, the names of which 
 have not reached us. In fact, Hyria, Allibanum, Phistelia and several 
 other towns in Campania (6), unnoticed by history, are known only 
 by coins, and their situation can be ascertained by conjectures alone. 
 
 New discoveries of coins or other monuments may perhaps throw 
 light on the subject, and enable us to decide between the explanations 
 suggested. 
 
 An opportunity here occurs of examining a story given by Athenzeus on 
 
 (3) Geographers are inclined to think that the 
 primitive city did not occupy the same site as the 
 Roman Salernum, but was at some distance, and 
 farther from the sea. The hill which rises above 
 the modern Salerno was selected by the Romans for 
 an encampment on account of its commanding 
 situation, and was intended to keep in check the 
 Picentes and Lucanians. Here a permanent gar- 
 rison was kept, and, from its vicinity to the city, 
 it was called Castram Salerni. Afterwards a colony 
 was established there, and it grew into a city, 
 which became extremely prosperous, and was called 
 Salernum. Probably the population of the old city 
 was transferred to the new. V.Cruysnivs, Ital. Antig. 
 
 (4) Gentile names (+% é6vixe) terminating in erni 
 are frequent in Latium and Campania, and are 
 generally formed from names of towns ending in 
 ia. Thus we find Fabraterni from Fabrateria, Cu- 
 pelterni from Cupelteria, Venserni from Veseris, 
 Veliterni from Velitra, etc. Falernum, Liternum, 
 and others, are formed in the same manner. 
 
 (5) Mronner, Méd. Grecq., Suppl., tom. I, 
 pag. 306, n. 718-721. 
 
 (6) The inscription on the tomb of Scipio Bar- 
 batus records the names of various cities of Sam- 
 nium and Lucania, which are not noticed in his- 
 tory. V. Visconrr, Monum. degli Scipioni. Piranesi, 
 Roma, 1783, in-f*. 
 
 SE cea ee 
 
( 18 ) 
 
 the authority of Aristoxenus,a philosopher and musician of Tarentum, 
 respecting a custom subsisting in his time at Posidonia. « The inhabitants 
 of that city, » he says (7), « originally Hellenes, had gradually fallen into 
 barbarism, and, becoming Tyrrhenians or Romans, had changed the 
 ancient language and usages of their ancestors. Sensible however of 
 their misfortunes, they still continued to celebrate one of their ancient 
 sacred festivals; and on a stated day, in each year, assembled together 
 to revive the recollection of their ancient Hellenic language and in- 
 stitutions; and, after having deplored in common, and wept over their 
 fatal destiny, they returned in sadness to their respective homes. » 
 
 The first, among many objections to this story, is the improbability 
 that a festival of this kind should have been observed by the Roman 
 colonists, who possessed the city by right of conquest, and whose 
 forefathers had deprived the original Greek inhabitants of a large 
 part of their lands and property. 
 
 The custom in question could therefore have subsisted only among 
 the descendants of the ancient inhabitants reduced to a state of in- 
 feriority, and excluded from many of the political or civil rights 
 enjoyed by the Roman colonists. And such may have been the case, 
 but, ata time, and under circumstances very different from those relat- 
 ed by Athenzeus. Setting aside, however, other objections on the score of 
 improbability, more positive arguments against the authority of the story 
 arise from its direct opposition to all historical and chronological evi- 
 dence, as a slight examination suffices to show. 
 
 The date of the occupation of Posidonia by the Lucanians is the 
 first point to be considered, and though it cannot be determined with 
 precision, it may, with great probability, be placed at a short period 
 after the expedition of Alexander, king of Epirus (8). This prince 
 came to Italy in 417 A. U. C. (337 A. C.); in order to protect the 
 Hellenic cities of the coast against the incursions of the Lucanians an 
 
 (7) Lib. XIV, pag. 632. (8) Trr. Lrv., lib. VIII, cap. 3. 
 
(19 ) 
 
 other barbarians of the interior, who had already gained possession 
 of several maritime cities. In the course of the war he went by sea 
 to the relief. of Posidonia, besieged by the Lucanians and Samnites. 3 
 A battle took place in the neighbourhood of the city (9), and Alexander 
 obtained a complete victory, 425, A. U. C. Thus Posidonia was 
 saved; but, after the death of Alexander, 431 A. U. C., the barbarians 
 regained the ascendant, and took possession of the city. The Tuca- 
 nians remained masters of it, till they were subdued in their turn by the 
 Romans, who, soon after their conquest, sent a colony to Posidonia (10), 
 in 480 A. U. C, 
 
 The occupation of the city by the Lucanians cannot therefore have 
 exceeded fifty or sixty years; and, in such a limited space of time, it * 
 can hardly be supposed that any material change. of manners could oy 
 have been effected. Besides we:know that, far from imposing their gt 
 language and customs on the Greek population subject to their power, at 
 the Lucanians, on the contrary, acquired those of the vanquished 
 people. As an instance of this, we find that a Lucanian ambassador 
 sent to Syracuse, harangued in the Greek tongue, and filled the popular ,, 
 assembly with astonishment at his pure Doric (11). The coins struck. « 
 by the Lucanians, are likewise incontestable proofs of the use of tlfe* 
 Greek language and arts by that people (12). 
 
 No alteration in these respects could therefore have taken place be- 
 fore the establishment of the Roman Colony, as before stated, in 480 * : . ce 
 A. U. G. (274 A. G.). But, as in all similar cases, the change must. 
 
 (9) « Ceterum Samnites bellum Alexandri Epirensis Posidonia did not become subject to the Lit ‘anians 
 in Lucanos traxit: « Qui duo populi adyersus regem, till after the King’s death.#. 3 
 
 exscensionem a Pesto facientem, signis conlatis (10) Tir. Lry., Epit. , lib. XIV. 
 
 pugnayerunt, eo certamine superior Alexander ». (11) Dro. Curysosrom., Orat. Corinth., tom. II, 
 
 Tir. Liy., lib. VIII, cap. 17. pag. 113. Edit. Reiske. : eo 
 From this passage, though somewhat obscure, it (12) Ecxuxxr, Doct. Num. Vet., tom. I, pag. 150. 
 
 may be inferred that Alexander, who had been car- Some of the coins are inscribed AYKIANON, and 
 
 rying on war for several years in various parts of those apparently of a later date, AOYKANOM, but 
 Magna Grecia, came by sea to Posidonia, probably always in Greek characters, and all were certainly 
 besieged by the barbarians, Hence it is evident that struck before the year 480 U. C. 
 
 33 
 
( 20 ) 
 have been gradual and slow, the number of the first colonists being 
 small, comparatively with that of the ancient inhabitants; and we see, 
 by the coins of Posidonia (13), that the change of manners was not im- 
 mediate, but gradual and progressive. 
 
 The great and insuperable argument, however, against the authen- 
 ticity of the story in question is deduced from the consideration 
 of the period in which Aristoxenus lived. The time of his birth is un- 
 certain ; but we know that he was a disciple of Aristotle, who died 
 in 426 A. U. C.; and’ from various ancient testimonies, Mr. Clinton (14) 
 fixes the epoch when he flourished, between 320 and 287 A.C. (434 
 and 467 A.U.C.) : and consequently, he could not possibly have 
 described the Posidoniate as converted into Romans, since it was not 
 ull 481 A.U. C., that is to say, thirteen years after his death, that 
 Posidonia became subject to the Romans, and received a Roman 
 colony. 
 
 It is evident then, that Athenzus must have been mistaken with regard 
 to the author of the statement in question, or, if he were correct as to 
 
 w_the name, that the Aristoxenus, to whom he refers it, was not the dis- 
 
 * ciple of Aristotle, but another author of the same name, who lived at 
 “a much later period, probably about the end of the Roman Republic. 
 The great change described in the condition of the Greek population 
 in the south of Italy, was not entirely effected, till after the Social 
 * War, when military colonies were distributed throughout Italy, first by 
 Sylla, and afterwards by the two Triumvirates; the lands of many mu- 
 nicipal cities were then confiscated, and divided among the officers and 
 soldiers of the disbanded legions, and the ruin of the ancient population 
 
 finally consummated. 
 
 (13) The earliest coins, after the colonisation by Grecques, pl. I, n. 15.—Mronnrr. Descrip. de Méd, 
 the Romans, are inscribed MAISTANO, and are of Suppl. , tom. I, pag. 308 . 
 very good workmanship. V. Recueil de Médailles (14) Fasti Hellenici, part. III, pag. 473. 
 
 a Sn 5 AEE 
 
(ee) 
 
 HIPPONIUM iw BRUTTIIS. 
 
 CEI. Youthful male head, covered with the petasus. 
 Rev. A caduceus. AE. 3. Plate I/II, n. 8. 
 
 Pellerin (1), who first published coins similar to the present, ascribed 
 them to Siris in Lucania, and his opinion has been since generally 
 followed by antiquaries. Strong objections, however, appear to this 
 attribution. 1° The city of Siris was first destroyed about the year 510 
 A. C., and, though afterwards restored, never recovered its former 
 prosperity, and finally:ceased to exist when Heraclea was built (2), 
 either on the same site, or very near it, in 428 A.C., an epoch 
 certainly much anterior to the time when the coins under consideration 
 were struck. 2° The first letter E, taken by Pellerin for a sigma, never 
 had that: form in Magna Grecia, or Sicily, except perhaps late in the 
 Imperial ages. Its real value is that of the digamma which repeatedly 
 “occurs habe this form in the celebrated tables of Heraclea (3) and 
 on other ancient, monuments. 
 
 The letters El, preceded by the digamma, may rather -be consi- | 
 dered as the initials of the city of Hipponium, or-rather Heiponium, as 
 it was called by the inhabitants, who invariably. are styled Eirdévec on 
 their coins. Though called Hipponium by ancient authors, its: name 
 probably was also Hippon; or Eeipon, with the digamma instead of 
 ‘the rough aspirate. In fact, this form was retained unchanged by 
 the Romans in the appellation of Vibo, to which they added: the 
 epithet of Valentia, when they established there a eglony, in 560 
 A. U.G. (6). 
 
 The opinion of Pellerin was chiefly owing to two sa one in- 
 
 (1). Supplément III, pag. 38. (4) The identity of the Greek name Edy with 
 
 (2) Drovor. Srcux., lib. XII, cap. 36.—Srrano, the Latin Vibo has been noticed by the editors of 
 lib. V, pag. 279. the French Strabo, lib. V. 
 
 (3) Mazzocnr., Tabul. Heracl., pag. 128. 
 
% 
 
 (22 ) 
 scribed EEIPIZ, the other ZEIRI, which he supposed to be the name 
 of the city; but Eckhell has shown (5) that the first is undoubtedly of 
 Coreyra, and that the second appears to be of Laos in Lucania, both 
 with names of magistrates. . ; 
 
 It may be here observed that in a passage of Livy, where the ope- 
 rations of Alexander, king of Epirus, are described (6), the name of 
 Hipponium ought probably to be substituted instead of that of Si- 
 pontum. The author says : « Caterum quum ( Alexander ) sepe Brut- 
 « tias Lucanasque legiones fudisset; Heracleam Tarentinorum coloniam, 
 « Consentiam ex Lucanis, Sipontumque, Bruttiorum Terinam, alias inde 
 « Messapiorum ac Lucanorum cepisset urbes, ete. » 
 
 The editors of Livy have perceived that the passage was corrupt, 
 and instead of Sipontum, a city, not of Lucania, but of Apulia, and 
 far distant from the scene of action described, they have proposed to 
 read Metapontum; a correction highly exceptionable, and which would 
 remove the difficulty in part only, since Consentia, no more than Sipon- 
 tum, could have been described in Lucania ( ex Lucanis ), as it was the 
 well known capital of the Bruttii, and is in fact so called by Livy him- 
 self, in a subsequent book (7). Hence, it is evident that some transpo- 
 sition, or perhaps interpolation, has taken place, and that the pas- 
 sage may probably be restored thus : « Heracleam, Tarentinorum co- 
 loniam, ex Lucanis, Consentiam Hipponiumque (8) Bruttiorum, Teri- 
 namque (9), alias inde Messapiorum et Lucanorum cepisset urbes, ete. 
 
 (8) Doct. Num. Vet., tom. I, pag. 160. (9) The first Hellenic cities in the Western coas 
 
 (6) Lib. VIII, cap. 24. taken by the Bruttii were Terina and Hipponium, 
 (7) Lib. XXX, cap. 19. Olymp. 106, 1. Dronor. Srcut., lib. XVI, cap. 15. 
 
 (8) So easy is the mistaking of Sipontum for In all the editions of this author the reading is 
 Hipponium, that Pellerin, who first published coins Apmdywv, instead of which Wesseling: has very judi- 
 of the latter, ascribed them to the former. Sup* ciously proposed frmdviev, which is, in fact, implied 
 plém. III, pag. 7. F by the vicinity of that city to Terina. 
 
(93°) 
 
 LEONTINI 1 SICILIA. 
 
 AEONTINON. Helmeted head of Minerva. Behind, a grain of corn. 
 Rev. Pegasus, AR. 2. Plate III, n. 9. (Mr. Stuart, at Naples ). 
 
 This city having been founded by a colony of Chaleidians from . 
 
 Eubeea (1), it appears extraordinary to see on its coins emblems which 
 
 _ belong exclusively to Corinth and its colonies, and are totally different 
 
 from those characteristic of the Leontini, and usually represented on 
 their coins (2). The apparent anomaly is accounted for by the political 
 changes which this city experienced. ° . 
 
 The violent and deep-rooted. rivalship and animosity which subsisted 
 from the earliest times between the Dorian and Chalcidian colonies 
 established in Sicily, produced frequent hostilities between-them. Their 
 forces, however, were nearly balanced; and, for a long time, no decisive 
 or important result ensued. But, after the prosperous reigns of Gelo 
 and Hiero, the Syracusans acquired a decided ascendency, and their 
 
 ambition encreasing with their power, they aspired to the subjection of 
 
 the other free cities of the island, particularly those of the Chalcidians. 
 Unable to contend with such a formidable power, to whose attacks 
 they were, from their vicinity, the first exposed, the Leontini had re- 
 course to the Athenians, and sent an embassy, of which the celebrated 
 orator Gorgias had the direction (3). 
 Not only their common origin as Ionians, but ambitious views, and 
 
 the desire of acquiring possession of such an important island, in- 
 
 duced the Athenians to grant the request of the Leontini, and to send 
 a fleet and army to their assistance (4). 
 
 (1) Tuucynroas, lib. VI, cap. 3. to the name of the city. V. Torremuzza. 
 (2) The obverse presents the portrait of Apollo, (3) Dropor. Srcux., lib. XII, cap. 54. 
 Aeynyérng; reverse, a lion’s head, emblem allusive (4) Tuvcynrpzs, lib. IT, cap. 86. 
 
( 24) 
 
 The arrival of these succours arrested the progress of the Syracusans; 
 but, not being sufficiently powerful to decide the contest, hostilities con- 
 tinued during three summers with various success, but no decided ad- 
 vantage. At length, the rival states, tired with the contest, convened a 
 congress at Gela, where, by the persuasion of Hermocrates, a treaty of 
 peace was concluded ( Olymp. 88, 4) on condition that each party 
 should retain what it possessed (5). 
 
 Not long after this pacification, and the departure of the Athenians, 
 the Leontini, in order to fill up the void in the population, occasioned 
 by the war, admitted a number of aliens, or those of a lower caste, to 
 the franchise of the city. This gave occasion to the people to demand 
 a new division of lands. The nobles, who, by this measure, were de- 
 prived of a great part of their property, had recourse to the Syracusans, 
 and, by their assistance, expelled the popular party. Finding, however, 
 the city depopulated, and themselves too weak to defend it, they re- 
 moved to Syracuse, where they were admitted as citizens, with the full 
 enjoyment of all political rights (6). 
 
 From the account of the transaction given by Diodorus (7), it appears 
 that the deserted city of Leontini was converted into a fortress of 
 the Syracusans, and received a Syracusan garrison. 
 
 Our information respecting Sicilian affairs being very imperfect, as 
 they are only noticed incidentally, when connected with those of” 
 Greece; we know litile of the subsequent occurrences. It appears, however, 
 that a portion of the Leontini took possession of several strong holds 
 in the country, where they held out for a long time; but that the city 
 itself remained in the power of the Syracusans, till the treaty of peace 
 between Dionysius and the Carthaginians was concluded (Olymp. 93, 4), 
 when the Leontini were restored to liberty and reinstated in their city (8)- 
 
 (5) Taucypines, lib. IV, cap. 58, 65. Lvpanovaror rots Aecvrivers meradevees Tsing, amar 
 
 (6) Tuucyprrs, lib, V, cap. 4. According to tas Supaxoucisus excincay, KOL Thy 7 dorcy daederev 
 
 Diodorus, it would seem that the remoyal of the tay Zuzaxousiwv,. Lib. XII, cap. 54. 
 
 Leontini to Syracuse was a condition of the treaty (7) Loc. cit. 
 for, after relating its conclusion, he says : Oi de (8) Dropor. Srcux., lib. XIH, cap. 114. 
 
( 25 ) 
 
 The repose of Leontini was of short duration, In the following 
 year (Olymp. 94, 2), Dionysius made himself master of the city, and 
 removed the inhabitants to Syracuse (1). From this period, the Leon- 
 tini_ were reduced to subjection, and involved in all the foreign wars 
 and domestic factions of the Syracusans, but, as Strabo observes (2), 
 participating solely in the adverse fortune, never in the prosperity of 
 their oppressors, 
 
 The power of Dionysius being consolidated, he meditated the project 
 of expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily. A war ensued, of which 
 the fatal effects extended to the whole island, and with this evil 
 dreadful pestilence was combined (3). 
 
 The peace which was concluded, (Olymp. 95,2), brought no melio- 
 ration in the condition of the unfortunate Leontini. A sedition having 
 arisen among the mercenaries of Dionysius, who claimed their pay and 
 the rewards promised to them, Dionysius, unable or unwilling to satisfy 
 their demands, and wishing to get rid of such dangerous auxiliaries, 
 offered to them, in lieu. of money, the possession of the city and terri- 
 tory of Leontini (4). This proposal was gladly accepted, on account 
 of the great fertility of the soil, and ten thousand mercenaries, chiefly 
 Peloponnesians, divided by lot the Leontine territory, of which, in all 
 probability, frequent wars, internal factions, and pestilence, had greatly 
 reduced, if not annihilated, the population. 
 
 No mention of the Leontini occurs in history during the remaining 
 part of the reign of Dionysius, or the first years of that of his son. But, 
 on the arrival of Dion in Sicily, those who occupied the city revolted 
 against Dionysius, and repulsed an attack of Philistus, the lieutenant 
 of Dionysius, who was sent against them. Afterwards, when Dion 
 was obliged to retire from Syracuse, on account of the intrigues of 
 Heraclides, he repaired to Leontini, where he was received with the 
 greatest honours, and civic rights were given to the foreign soldiers of 
 
 (4) Dropor. Srcux. , lib. XIV, cap. 15. (3) Diopor. Srcvx., lib. XIV, cap. 70. 
 (2) Lib. VI, pag. 273. : (4) Dropor. Srevx., lib. XIV, cap. 78. 
 4 
 
( 26 ) 
 his army (5). Here Dion established his head quarters, till circum- 
 stances enabled him to return to Syracuse. 
 
 When hostilities had ceased, and tranquillity was restored, Dion, 
 wishing to establish a new and better form of government, applied to 
 Corinth for men, qualified for counsellors and administrators of the new 
 system framed on the Lacedemonian and Dorian model (6). 
 
 It appears highly probable, from this statement, that the coins of Leon- 
 tini, which, like the present, bear Corinthian emblems, are of the time of 
 Dion, (Olymp. 106). Not only was the constitution of the Syracusan state 
 then organised on the Corinthian model, but a number of the Corinthian 
 soldiers of the army of Dion became citizens of Leontini, probably to 
 fill up the void in the population, and of course were admitted to a share 
 of the lands, and to the enjoyment of all political rights. This new po- 
 pulation, proud of their origin, would naturally be anxious to adopt the 
 emblems, and imitate the coinage of their native country. Thus we 
 find so many Syracusan coins with Corinthian types, struck at different 
 periods, perhaps some, like the present, under the administration of 
 Dion; others, at a later period, under Timoleon. In the time of the 
 latter, Sicily was so depopulated by frequent wars, contagious diseases 
 and intestine divisions, that he was obliged to write to Corinth, 
 requesting that colonists might be sent from Greece (7). 
 
 It may excite surprise that only one coin of this description has come 
 to light; but this circumstance may be explained by the troubles which 
 followed the death of Dion, the occupation of Leontini by Icetas, 
 and another removal of its inhabitants to Syracuse by Timoleon. After 
 so many political convulsions, and its complete subjection to Syracuse, 
 it appears that Leontini never recovered its prosperity; and, in fact, 
 none of the silver coins of this city are of a later age than that of Dion 
 ( Olymp. 106, 4). Those in copper are of a much mofe recent period, 
 and after the Roman conquest. 
 
 (5) Prurancu, in Dio., c. 40. Diop. Sicuz., XVI, 16. (7) Dropor. Srcun., lib. XVI, cap. 82. — Pxu- 
 (6) Pxurancu, in Dione, cap. 53. rarcu, in Timol., cap. 22. 
 
( 27.) 
 LONGANE 1 SICILIA. 
 
 AOFrANAION, from right to left. Juvenile head of Hercules. 
 
 Rev. Youthful head of uncertain character. AR 3. Plate II, n. 10 
 (M. Prosper Dupré ). 
 
 A brass coin, with the initials Aor, was published by Pellerin (1), 
 who’ ascribed it to Longone in Sicily, an attribution which, though 
 called in doubt by Eckhell (2), acquires confirmation from the present 
 silver obolus, with the entire legend AOTTANAION. 
 
 The name of this city is recorded by Stephanus of Byzantium, on 
 the authority. of Philistus ; he calls it Longone (3), but. without saying 
 in what part of the island it was situated. From Diodorus Siculus (4), 
 however, we learn that it was a fortress in the territory of Catana. 
 
 A river Longanus is likewise mentioned by Polybius. (5). and. Dio- 
 dorus (6), which, from its name, might be supposed to have been. near 
 the city; but, from the account of Polybius, who speaks of it as being 
 in the Mylzan plain, modern geographers (7) have placed it between 
 Mylee and Tyndaris, on the Northern side of the island. 
 
 The name of this city, though apparently barbarous, may be of 
 Hellenic origin, since a borough in Boeotia was. called Acyyxc, where Mi- 
 nerva had a temple (8), whence the epithet of Acyyés¢ was given to her. 
 
 The present coin and one similar, in the collection of Baron Astuto, 
 at Noto (9), are those hitherto known. The workmanship and design 
 of them are rude; a circumstance which makes it probable that Lon- 
 gane was situated in the interior of the island, where the arts were 
 not in the same state of perfection as in the maritime cities. The 
 
 “copper coins with Aor are also of the same rude style. 
 
 (1) Peuples et villes, tom. TII, pag. 106. (6) Lib. XXII, Eclog. XV. 
 
 (2) Doct. Num. Vet. , tom. I, pag. 218. (7) Cruvenres, Sicil. Antiq. , lib. IL, cap. v, p. 303. 
 (3) V. Acyydvn. (8) Tzerzes ad Lycophrony vers.°520. 
 
 (4) Lib. XXIV, Eclog. II. (9) Caxcaceni, di Finzia Re di Siracusa. Palermo, 
 (5) Lib. I, cap. rx, 3. 1809, pag. 25. 
 
 fi 
 
( 28 ) 
 
 MESSANA 1 SICILIA. 
 
 MESSENION. A hare running. 
 Rev. Male figure in a chariot drawn by one horse. AV. 3. Weight, 
 22 + grains. Plate IV, n. 11 (Marquis Pucci, Florence). 
 
 We see here the first gold coin of Messana, which has hitherto come 
 to light. It is a diobolus, or the third part of a drachm. The péeu- 
 liar form of the letters, especially of the sigma, and the Ionic dialect 
 of the legend MEXZENION, refer it to an early age, and previous to the 
 ascendant acquired by the Doric portion of the motley population of 
 this city (1), an ascendant which probably took place after the failure 
 of the Athenian expedition against Syracuse. 
 
 Notwithstanding the extensive commerce and great opulence of the 
 Hellenic cities of Sicily, it appears that gold was very scarce in that 
 island before the time of Philip of Macedone. It is well known what 
 difficulty Hiero experienced in obtaining at Corinth a certain quantity 
 of that metal for an offering to Jupiter, after a victory obtained either 
 over an enemy, or at public games (9). 
 
 In fact, no early gold coins of Sicily are found. The most ancient 
 are those which present a female portrait, with a reticular head dress, 
 and the name of KIMOQN, and representing on the reverse Hercules 
 strangling the Nemaan lion. These are of the same work as the mag- 
 nificent silver medallions so well known for their beauty, and are 
 probably of the time of Dionysius (3). Besides Syracuse, the only cities 
 which coined gold are Agrigentum, Gelas and Tauromenium, all of 
 
 (1) See on the subject of the population of (3) Itmaybe noticed here that the small gold coins 
 Messana a paper by the author, inserted in the of Syracuse, with a head of Hercules, and reverse, 
 Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, a female head in the centre of an indented square, 
 vol. I, part. II, pag. 93. are imitations of silver coins of an early age; but 
 
 (2) Arurwaxus, lib. V, pag. 282. no prototypes of them haye been found in gold. 
 
( 29 ) 
 Dorian origin; but their coins are not of a remote age, perhaps none 
 previous to Alexander. 
 The present is then the most. ancient Sicilian gold coin hitherto 
 -known, and a monument which attests the early prosperity of the 
 Messenians, previous to the fatal tyranny of the Dionysii. 
 
 SEGESTA. in SICILIA. 
 
 ZETEZTATIBEMI. from right to left. Female head of archaic style: 
 Rev. A dog. AR. 2. Plate I, n. 12, (M. Prosper Dupré ). 
 
 Like the greater number of the coins of this city, the present silver 
 didrachm bears the inscription 3ETETXA, in archaic characters followed 
 by the letters ZIB. Some antiquaries have su pposed that these additional 
 letters were numerals, which implied an era in use at Segesta. Other 
 explanations have been proposed, but all equally improbable, according 
 to Eckhell, who with his usual sobriety of conjecture, characteristic of 
 a genuine critic, abstained from offering an opinion on the subject (1). 
 
 The addition EMI (for Ei) to the usual legend on the. present 
 coin, hitherto unpublished (2), may be considered as affording a very 
 probable solution of the point, by leading to the inference that the 
 termination ZIB is an adverbial particle, like the paragogic f, a, ot 
 and ev, and others of the same kind frequently added to substantives, 
 chiefly those standing as genitives. The unusual termination B in the 
 present instance, may be attributed to a peculiar dialect in use at Se- 
 _ gesta, and perhaps derived from the Punic language. Many cities in 
 this part of the island were, in fact, long subject to the Carthaginians, 
 and issued numerous coins with Punic legends. It is indeed highly pro- 
 bable that Segesta itself was originally a Phcenician colony. 
 
 (1) Doct. Num. Vet. tom. I, pag. 234, fect state of preservation, the author read AME: 
 
 (2) Acoin, without doubt similar, has been pub- instead of EMI. Torremuzza, ad Sicil. Num. 
 lished; but, either by inadvertence, or the imper- Vet, Auctar. II, tab. V, 
 
( 30 ) 
 
 Consistently with this supposition, the legend would read,. accord- 
 ing to the usual form, 2eyécras eu (Néycpe understood.) a mode of 
 expression not uncommon on.monuments of art of an early age. 
 
 The female head on the obverse, is that of Egesta who gave her 
 name to the city. The learned Eckhell has given the following very 
 satisfactory illustration of the type on the reverse (3): « When Nep- 
 tune, to punish the perfidy of Laomedon, sent a marine monster, to 
 which the most noble Trojan virgins were to be successively sacri- 
 ficed, Hippotes, with a view to preserve his daughter Egesta, sent her 
 away privately by sea. On her landing in Sicily, the river god of the 
 Crimisus became enamoured of her, and, in order to surprise her, 
 assumed the form of a dog. The result of this union was a son 
 called, after his mother, Egestus, who, when of age, founded a city, 
 to which he gave the name of his mother. Hence, according to va- 
 rious ancient authors (4), several Sicilian cities represented a dog on 
 their coins. » 
 
 ABDERA tx THRACIA. 
 
 Winged Griffin seated, lifting up one of his forefeet. 
 
 Rev. EPIMOATATOPEQ. Female, figure with a short tunic and sin- 
 cular head-dress, in.a dancing attitude—AR 1. Weight, 191 } grains. 
 Plate If, n. 13 (Royal Collection, at Paris ). 
 
 The coins of this city present invariably the figure of a griffin, 
 which was also the symbol of the Teians of Ionia, who colonised 
 Abdera, and resided there for a length of time, when they abandoned 
 Teos, in order to avoid the Persian yoke (1). 
 
 It has been generally supposed that this symbol was originally that 
 of Teos, whence it was taken by Abdera; but Mr. C. O. Muller is of a 
 different opinion (2), and thinks that it was first adopted by the Ab- 
 
 (3) Doct. Num. Vet., loc. cit (1) Hrroporus, lib. I, cap. 168. 
 
 (4) Tzzxzxs in Lycoph., v. 953.—Srnrvius ad En., (2) Hist. and Antig. of the Doric Race, vol. I, 
 lib. V, 30. pag. 232. English Translation. 
 
( 31 ) 
 dui in allusion to the worship of Apollo, who had a celebrated 
 temple at Dera, in the vicinity of Abdera, and that this symbol was 
 afterwards taken by the Teians, in consequence of their residence at 
 Abdera. 
 
 The former opinion, however, appears preferable, for various reasons. 
 It cannot be doubted that long before the flight of the Teians to 
 Abdera, Apollo was the principal divinity of the Ionian confederacy, 
 and that the Hyperborean legends were known in Asia Minor earlier 
 than in Greeces* hence, a number of cities in AZolia, Ionia, and other 
 provinces of Asiag pretended to have been founded by Amazons. Con- 
 nected with these legends were the griffinsy who became the attributes 
 of Apollo, considered also as an Hyperborean deity; nor are the griffins 
 represented only on the coins of Teos, but on those of Phoca and 
 Smyrna. To these considerations it may be added, that it was usual for 
 colonies to imitate the institutions and rites of the metropolis; but the 
 metropolis would never have condescended to borrow from its colonies, 
 which were always considered in an inferior point of view. 
 
 In addition to this the usual emblem of the Abderite, the present 
 coin represents a female figure attired in a short tunic, with a singular 
 head-dress, and in a dancing or pantomimic attitude. 
 
 Similar figures, though now first seen on:coins, are frequent on ancient 
 works of art, particularly in basrelief. Visconti supposed them to be 
 Lacedzemonian virgins (3) assisting at rites in honour of Diana, at Ca- 
 rye. Zoéga has explained them as hierodules (4), who were either 
 captives, or purchased slaves, dedicated to the service of Venus. 
 
 With regard to the ornaments of the head-dress of these figures, there 
 are different opinions : by some they have been taken for palms, by others 
 for twigs of willows, or for reeds (5), which appears to be the most pro- 
 bable. In the present instance, the head-dress is not formed of detached 
 
 (3) Musto Pro Crem., tom. III, pag. 49 (d). (5) See Granac. Musée royal, n. 533 , and Wex- 
 (4) Bassi-rilievi di Roma, tom. I, pag. 111-118, cen, Annales de I’Inst. de Corr. Arch., tom. V, 
 tay. 20, 21. pag. 151. 
 
( 32 ) 
 reeds, as is usually seen, but they are interwoven, and form a kind of 
 basket or calathus, called cata, as it is described by Hesychius (6). 
 
 The costume in which these figures appear, tends to confirm the opi- 
 nion of Visconti, respecting their Lacedemonian origin. That they were 
 called Caryatides from the circumstance of their functions at Carye, 
 may be inferred from Plutarch (7), who relates that dancing Caryatides 
 were represented as the emblems of the seal of Clearchus, general of 
 the Greek troops in the service of Cyrus, and it is not improbable 
 that they were similar to the figures under consideratign. 
 
 But it should be observed that the peculiar costume and action of 
 
 these figures are not characteristic of the Spartan women exclusively, 
 
 being equally appropriate tos the Amazons; and hence, it must be 
 difficult to distinguish one from the other on ancient works of art. 
 From the far greater celebrity of the Amazons, however (8), it 
 seems probable that they should have been more frequently repre- 
 sented than the Caryatid virgins. There is.also a strong objection 
 to the general appellation of hierodules given by many antiquaries, 
 because, although the custom of wearing the short tunic prevailed 
 at Sparta, it was not imitated in other Dorian states : nor can it be 
 supposed that even at Corinth or Eryx, the females who officiated 
 in the temples of Venus used a similar costume, much. less those 
 who were addicted to the service of other divinities. 
 
 From these motives, the figures under consideration seem rather 
 intended to represent Amazons in the act of performing sacred rites, 
 We know that the construction of the temple of Diana at Ephesus 
 was attributed to these warlike females (g), and that they instituted 
 religious ceremonies not only in honour of that goddess, but also of 
 Mars, of Apollo, and of other divinities. Probably the hierodules of 
 nyo or Bellona at Comana, and of Anaitis at Zela in Pontus, were 
 
 in imitation of the Amazons. 
 
 (6) See C. O. Murzer, Dorians, vol. U1, pag. 353. (8) Homen, Iliad, Fr, vers, 189, et Z, vers. 185. 
 (7) In Artaxerxe, cap. 18. (9) Drovor. Srcux., lib. II, cap. 96. 
 
( 33 ) 
 
 So great, in fact, is the analogy, that some eminent critics are of 
 opinion (10) that the idea of the Amazons was first suggested by 
 the sight of the many female slaves (ispddouX0) which were em- 
 ployed about the temples of Asia Minor. The converse of this seems 
 however far more probable, because the mythos of the Amazons is 
 of a very early period, and long before the establishment of temples 
 so. richly endowed as to be able to entertain such a number of sacred 
 ministers. 
 
 A farther argument in favour of this Opinion, is the frequency of 
 the representation of these figures on the breast-plates - of Imperial 
 and other statues in a military costume, where it was certainly more 
 appropriate to represent Amazons, the daughters of the god of war, 
 rather than dancing women of servile condition. 
 
 The representation of an Amazon on the present coin is therefore 
 a type perfectly suited to Abdera, a colony of Teos in Ionia, a country 
 where the Amazons were held in the highest veneration, and’ con- 
 sidered as the founders of most of the cities which composed the 
 lonian confederacy. She is here represented in the manner described 
 by Callimachus (11), dancing before a newly raised statue of the 
 divinity. In addition to this general motive, it may have a special 
 reference to Molpagoras, archon or holding some other eponymous 
 magistracy, in allusion to his name, Moir} implying particularly the 
 song accompanied with the dance (12), which is here expressed. 
 
 The legend, as is usual on the coins of Abdera, is in the Tonic 
 dialect, EMI MOATIATOPEQ. The name of Molpagoras is also Tonian, and 
 refers’ perhaps to a descendant of Molpagoras, father of the Arista- 
 goras, who was author of the Ionian msurrection against Darius, 
 and who, obliged to fly from Miletus, formed a settlement at Myrci- 
 nus in Thrace (13), and was killed in an engagement with the Edones 
 (Olymp. 70, 4, A. G. 4g7 ). 
 
 (10) Muxxer, Dorians, vol. I, pag. 405. Efigl. Transl. (12) Damar, Lexicon. V. Mom. 
 (11) Hymn. in Dian., vers. 237—243. (13) Hzrovorus, lib. V, cap. 126. 
 
(34) 
 
 ANCHIALUS in THRACIA. 
 
 AFXIAAOC. Youthful male head bound with a fillet. 
 
 Rev. ATXIAAEON, sculapius leaning on his staff with serpents 
 entwined round it. AE 3. Plate II, n. 14. 
 
 When the origin of a Greek city was uncertain or unknown, the 
 vanity of the inhabitants induced them frequently to call into being 
 an imaginary hero, to whom the foundation and name of the city 
 were’ attributed. Thus, although Anchialus evidently was so called 
 from its vicinity to the sea, a hero of that name appears on the 
 present coin (1) as its founder. 
 
 No mention of Anchialus occurs before the time of Strabo (2), 
 who described it as a small town (odiyvov ) subject to Apollonia. 
 Afterwards, at the time of the Dacian wars, it became of importance, 
 and was favoured by Trajan, who gave it the surname of Ulpia. 
 
 Autonomous coins of Anchialus are very scarce, but those with 
 Imperial portraits, from the reign of Antoninus Pius to that of Gor- 
 dianus, are very numerous, and attest the prosperity of its mha- 
 bitants. 
 
 As on many similar cases, the portrait of the hero is, in fact, that 
 of some personage to whom the city wished to offer a compliment. 
 The reverse. shows the veneration paid to /Esculapius, who with 
 Hygieia, is represented on various Imperial coins of Anchialus (3). 
 
 (1) It is described by Mionnet (Supplem., t. II, Anchiale. 
 pag. 216), from the collection of M. D’Hermand. (3) Mrowwer, Suppl., tom. Il, Anchialus, n. 113, 
 (2) Lib. VII, pag. 319. This author calls it 118, 140, 141, 155. 
 
( 35 ) 
 
 GETAS REX EDONUM. 
 
 1. Male figure with the causia, holding two spears, and guiding a 
 yoke of oxen. 
 
 Rey. FETA BAZIAEQ2 HAQNAN, on the sides of an indented square, 
 subdivided into four parts. AR. MM. Weight, 427 + grains. Plate J, 
 n. 15 (British Museum ). 
 
 2. Obverse, same as the preceding. 
 
 Rev. TETAS HAONEON BASIAEV3, on the ae of an indented 
 square like the preceding. AR. MM. Weight, 417 2 grains. Plate J, 
 n. 16 (British Museum ). 
 
 The information transmitted to us respecting the ancient state of 
 - Thrace is so very scanty and imperfect, that all monuments which 
 
 tend to throw light on a country once so celebrated, and so remark- 
 able for its early civilization, are particularly valuable and _inter- 
 esting. 
 
 The two silver octodrachms lately acquired by the British Museum , 
 and now published for the first time, are extremely important as 
 being the only monuments hitherto known, which relate to the 
 Edones, one of the Thracian tribes most celebrated in history, and, 
 at the same time, make us acquainted with a king of that people 
 previously unnoticed. 
 
 It is difficult to determine the precise extent and limits of the 
 country occupied by the Edones, because, like other Thracian iribes, 
 they were not long stationary, but moving in various directions, ac- 
 cording to the chances of a desultory warfare. Being, with the Pierians, 
 the most advanced of all the Thracian tribes on the side of Greece, they 
 were probably those which, in early times, penetrated as far as Phocis, 
 
 5. 
 
( 36 ) 
 Beeotia and Attica (1), where some of them formed settlements : 
 hence. the greater celebrity of the Edones, and the frequent use of 
 their name by the early Greek poets, to designate the whole of the 
 Thracian nation. 
 
 When driven back from the south-eastern parts of Greece, they re- 
 tired successively behind the Peneus and the Axius, and, for a long 
 period they occupied Mygdonia, from whence they were expelled by 
 the kings of Macedon (2), some time before Alexander the first. In 
 historic times we find them on the left bank of the Strymon, bounded 
 
 by the Nestus to the west, by the river Angitas and the Odomantes 
 to the north, and by the sea and the Pierians to the south. Their 
 principal cities were Myrcinus, Datus, Drabeseus, Eion, Ennea-Hodoi 
 or Amphipolis, and besides various plains of great fertility, they 
 possessed the rich mines of gold and silver of mount Pangeeum, 
 Datus, Crenides and Scapte-Hyle, the most productive known in that 
 age, and which afterwards afforded to the Macedonian kings the 
 means of acquiring such an extensive empire. 
 
 By the first: historic accounts of this people, we find that they were 
 subdued, with the other Thracian tribes, by Megabazus (3), commander 
 of the Persian army, after the retreat of Darius from his expedition 
 against the Seythians. That prince, to reward the services of Histizeus 
 of Miletus, gave him the city and territory of Myrcinus (4), where he 
 formed a settlement (A. C., 507 ), but was obliged, soon after, to re- 
 pair to Susa. Some years afterwards, Aristagoras, also of Miletus (5), 
 the author of the Ionian insurrection, being obliged to fly, took re- 
 fuge at Myrcinus, where he intended to establish a colony, but was 
 killed in an action with the Edones (A. C. 497 ). 
 
 The Athenians under Cimon having completed the expulsion of the 
 Persians from Thrace, took possession of Eion, a colony of Mende, at 
 
 (1) Tuucyprprs, lib. IL, cap. 29.—Srrazo, lib. IX, (3) Herovorus, lib: V, cap. 2. 
 pag. 401. — Pausantas, lib. I, cap. 38. (4) Ipem, lib. V, cap. 11, 23—25. 
 (2) ‘Tuveypiprs, lib. II, cap. 99. (5) Toem, lib. V, cap. 124126. 
 
( 37 ) 
 the mouth of the Strymon, and fortified it with great care, on account 
 ofits important situation. Hence they attempted to establish a colony 
 at Ennea-Hodoi, ‘thirty stadia distant from Eion, but were defeated 
 with great loss by the Edones. Thirty-two years after, they renewed 
 the attempt, but were again defeated by the Edones at Datus or 
 Drabeseus (6). 
 
 Twenty-nine years later (A. C., 437), the Athenians, under Agnon, 
 were more successful, and founded on the above mentioned site the cele- 
 brated city of Amphipolis ( 7). The Edones, nevertheless, continued to oc- 
 cupy the greatest part of the country, and Myreinus, their strong hold 
 and capital, remained in their possession till the death of their king 
 Pittacus, who was murdered by his nephews and_ his wife. Myrcinus 
 then surrendered to Brasidas, who had already taken Amphipolis. 
 From this period we have Wo more accounts of the Edones, who, 
 probably, like many of the other Thracian tribes, became incorporated 
 with the Sithonian empire, till Edonis was reduced to subjection by 
 Philip, father of Alexander. ‘ 
 
 The two magnificent silver octodrachms now before us, are mo- 
 numents which attest the opulence of the Edones , arising from the 
 great and proverbial abundance (8) of the precious metals which their 
 mines afforded; they show at the same time that the Greek language 
 was in use among them. The type of their coins is precisely the 
 same as that of the Oreskii or Oreste : a man with the causia or 
 Macedonian hat is represented holding two javelins or spears, and 
 guiding a yoke of oxen. 
 
 Though of the same style of workmanship and of the same age, 
 the inscription on one is PETA HAQNAN BAXIAEOQS, in the Doric 
 dialect and the genitive case; while that of the other is reTAS HAONEON 
 BASIAEY3, in the Ionic dialect and the nominative case. The use of 
 the omega on one, while the other retains the more ancient omicron, is 
 
 (6)"Tuveyprpss, lib. I, cap. 100, (8) Aros ceya6iv. Zenobius, Centur, IV, Adag. 35, 
 (7) Inem, lib. IV, cap. 102. ‘ et Surpas, y. Aarde. 
 
( 38 ) 
 also deserving of notice. These variations can only be accounted for 
 by the simultaneous intercourse subsisting between the Edones and the 
 Greek colonies of different origin established in Thrace. 
 
 History has recorded the name of one king only of the Edones, 
 Pittacus, who died in 432. As the coins of Getas are of a more 
 early period, there is reason to think that he may have been the 
 predecessor of that king, ‘The workmanship refers to the time of 
 Alexander I, who reigned from 500 to 454, A. C. 
 
 The striking resemblance of the coins of the Edones here described 
 to those of the Oreskii or Oreste, published in a preceding work (9), 
 seems to imply contiguity or some intimate connection between the 
 two nations. Hence, I am inclined to question my former. opinion, that 
 the seat of the Oreskii was in that part of mount Hzmus, where Ha- 
 drianopolis was afterwards built, a sitdation which is too far to the 
 North, and too remote from the Hellenic cities on the coast.. It ap- 
 pears preferable therefore to restore the coins inscribed QPPHZKION 
 to the Oreste, who inhabited a district situated between Epirus and 
 Macedonia, according to the opinion first proposed by various an- 
 tiquaries, and particularly by M. Raoul-Rochette (10). 
 
 A. circumstance which militates strongly in confirmation of . this 
 opinion, is the representation of Centaurs which appear sometimes on 
 the coins of the Oreskii, as it implies a people which inhabited or 
 was connected with Thessaly, the country which all ancient traditions 
 agree in considering as the seat of those fabulous beings. 
 
 Nor is the other type of the coins of the Oreskii, identical with that 
 of the Edonian coins here described, foreign to Thessaly, being essen- 
 tially the same as that commonly seen on the coins of Larissa, Pe- 
 linna, Pharcadon, Tricea, Pherse and other Thessalian cities (11), which 
 represent a man in the national costume, seizing a bull; a subject 
 
 (9) Ancient coins of Greek Cities and Kings.Lon- 116. 
 
 don, 1831, pag. 39. (11) Pexxerin, Peuples et villes, tom. I, pl. 27, 28, 
 (10) Lettres a lord Aberdeen. Paris, 1823,pag. 115, — Comsz, Num. Vet., Guil. Hunter, tab. 32.” 
 
 ~~ 
 
( 39 ) 
 
 entirely Thessalian, and alluding to the national passion for bull-hunts 
 and their address in subduing the most ferocious of those animals, 
 and yoking them to the plough. The fable of the Centaurs, and 
 the name given to them, was, in fact, derived, according to some 
 ancient etymologists (12), from this species of hunting (dnd cod xevteiv 
 n006 Fabpoug ), peculiar to the Thessalians. The Eordzi, a tribe bor- 
 dering on the Oreste, were said to have been called Centaurs on 
 this account (13). 
 
 With regard to the Edones, though settled in historic times on the 
 left bank of the Strymon (14), yet it must be remembered that they 
 previously occupied not only Mygdonia, but a great part of Lower 
 Macedonia, in conjunction with the Pierians, till they were expelled by 
 the Temenidz, and obliged to retire behind the Strymon. They were 
 therefore, like the Orestz, on the confines of Thessaly, and both these 
 nations would consequently have adopted in many instances the man- 
 ners and habits of the Thessalians, with so much the moré. facility, 
 as the Thracians, Macedonians, and Thessalians, had a great national 
 affinity. 
 
 That the Oreste were a powerful people is fully proved by their 
 maintaining themselves independent of the Macedonian kings till a 
 very late period, and governed by princes of their own, who, from the 
 name of Antiochus, one mentioned by Thucydides, appear to have been of 
 Hellenic race. Since therefore strong motives prevent us from attribut- 
 ing the coins inscribed OPPH2KION to a people inhabiting mount Hoemus 
 it appears more consistent with reason, to refer them to the Mace- 
 donian Oreste, a powerful nation and. celebrated in history, rather 
 than to a tribe supposed to have inhabited -near mount Pangeum, but 
 
 (12) Servius iy Viner. Georg., lib. IH, vers 115. (V. Avravdgo¢). It is probable also that they possessed 
 (13) Stephan Byzant, v. Kyupos. the island of Thasos of which the ancient appel- 
 (14) The Edones seem to have been at one period lation of Odonis appears to be an Holic form 
 widely extended. According to Stephanus of By- of Edonis (Hesychius, v. Odov¢). 
 zantium, they once occupied Antandrus in Mysia 
 
( 40 ) 
 whose existence unsupported by any ancient authority whatever, is 
 only conjectural. It is indeed highly probable, under the circumstances 
 alluded to, that the Oreste should have followed the example of the 
 neighbouring kings of Macedonia and Pxonia, and of the Bisalta, who 
 issued coins of a similar nature. 
 
 irl es 
 
 TRERES ? 
 
 Fore part of a horse. 
 Rev. TPIH in the four segments of an indented square. AR. 3.- 
 
 Piatew, a. 17. 
 
 Coins with the same legend, but different types, have been published, 
 and various opinions respecting their origin have been proposed (1). 
 This uncertainty arises in great part from the manner in which the 
 letters are disposed, leaving it difficult to determine whether the 
 reading is THPI, TPIH or TPHI. 
 
 Accordingly, numismatists have ascribed them to Teria in Troas (2); 
 to the Trieres, a supposed Thracian people (3); or to ‘Trieres, a city 
 of Lycia (4); an opinion which seems probable on account of the 
 ancient mythological relations between Lycia’ and Corinth, by one of 
 whose colonies the coins in question seem issued. 
 
 The question, however, remains still uncertain, and we must wait 
 till some future discoveries throw light on the- subject. In the mean 
 time another coin of, the same origin, but with a type totally differ- 
 
 (1)'In compliance with the received opinion of (3) F. S. Srrzsrr. Numismata Greca ex Mus. 
 the origin of similar coins, the present is placed Reg. Bavarie. Abhandlungen der Bayer. Akademie 
 in sequence of those of Thrace. der Wissenschaften. Miinchen, 1835, pag. 124. 
 
 (2) Dumersan, Cat. de M. Allier de Hauteroche, (4) Raovz-Rocurrrz. Journal des Savants. Aott 
 
 tab. XTII, fig. 18. . 1829, pag. 301, 1, 3. 
 
( 41 ) 
 
 ent, is here communicated to the learned world. On one side, is the 
 fore part of a horse, a type not confined to Thrace alone, but frequent 
 on coins of Thessaly, Boeotia and Asia Minor; the reverse offers the 
 usual legend disposed in the four segments of an indented square. 
 
 Without offering any opinion on the subject, I shall confine myself 
 to observe, that if, as supposed by most numismatists, the fabric is 
 Thracian, the city or people to which these coins might be re- 
 ferred, would be the Treres, a powerful Thracian tribe often mentioned 
 in history, and who inhabited various cities destroyed by an inun- 
 dation of the lake Bistonis (5). The Treres formed also settlements in 
 Troas, Mysia and other countries (6) in that part of Asia Minor (7); 
 of which the coins are easily confounded with those of Thrace. 
 
 JENEIA iv PALLENE. 
 
 Helmeted head with slight beard. 
 
 Rev. AINEAZ, in a quadrangular area, round an interior square 
 divided into four parts. AR. 1, Plate /Z, n. 18. 
 
 A coin, in all respects the same, was published by Pellerin (1), among 
 those representing illustrious personages, and he supposed it to offer 
 a portrait of the Trojan hero Aineas; but without saying any thing 
 as to the {time and place of its origin. Eckhell was of a different 
 opinion (2), he takes the head on the obverse for that of Minerva, and 
 the inscription to be the name of a magistrate of some unknown 
 city. 
 
 Several coins perfectly similar which have since come to light, 
 show that the opinion of Eckhell was unfounded : 1° because the 
 
 (5) Srrazo, lib. I, pag. 59. (1) Médailles de Rois. Paris; 1762. Pl. XX, 
 (6) Ipeu, lib. XIII, pag. 586. page 205. 
 (7) There was also a town named Trarium, near (2) Doct. Num. Vet., vol. I, pag. 348. 
 
 Perperenen in the Troad, Srrao, lib. XIII, pag. 607. 
 
 6 
 
( 42 ) 
 
 head represented is undoubtedly bearded, and might be taken for 
 Mars, if it had not the character of a portrait, or of some heroic 
 personage ; 2° the inscription on all these coins is invariably the same, 
 whereas, if it referred to a magistrate, we should, according to 
 the rules of probability, find different names recorded, as in all ana- 
 logous cases, for instance, Abdera, Maronea, the Chalcidenses, etc., the 
 same individual not remaining a great length of time in office. 
 
 The workmanship, and other characters of these coins, being ge- 
 nerally acknowledged as Macedonian or Thracian, point out to us 
 the country where their origin must be sought for. Accordingly 
 there appears to be the greatest reason forcassigning them to Aineia 
 or Ainea, a city in the district of Crossza, in the Thracian Chalcidice. 
 
 This place was celebrated in history as having been founded by, and 
 received its name from Aineas (3), who wandering in search of a 
 new settlement, after the destruction of Troy, landed here. During 
 his stay at Atneia he lost his father Anchises, to whose memory he 
 erected a funeral monument. Leaving this settlement, in consequence 
 of a divine intimation, he proceeded on his voyage; but his memory 
 continued in veneration among the inhabitants, and an annual festi- 
 val was celebrated, in which he received divine sacrifices (4). The por- 
 traits on the coins may therefore be considered as that of the Trojan 
 hero, the founder of the city. - 
 
 This city is generally called Atvaa by ancient authors, but it appears 
 from good authority that Aivels was another form of its name, as may 
 be inferred from Theon and Tzetzes, in their commentaries on Lyco- 
 phron (5) and by other authorities, in particular that of Virgil. 
 
 ‘Eneadasque meo nomen de nomine fingo. 
 Aineid. TIT, 18. 
 
 (3) Hexxaxscus Lesprus.in Drowys. Hatre., lib. f, (4) Tur. Liv., lib. XL, cap. 4. 
 cap. 49.—Tzxrzxs in Lycophron, vers 1235.—Conon. (5) Ofoay Aiveatdae tabrny x0? 
 Narrat. 46, — Vincit., #neid, lib. III, vers 18, Avxdepova, Steph. Byzant. V. Alvele.. Tzetzes in Ly- 
 Schol. Iliad., lib. XIII, vers 459. cophron, vers 1236 
 
 i, Srouynwarivey tov 
 
( 43 ) , 
 
 The coins which confirm this statement, show that the name of 
 the city was the same as that of the founder, according to many 
 examples of the same kind which occur. 
 
 Afneia was situated on the. coast of the Chalcidice, opposite to Pydna, 
 on the gulph of Thessalonica, and fifteen miles distant from that 
 city. Its situation has been a subject of discussion : some geographers 
 have placed it at Apanomi, on the eastern side of cape Karaburnu; 
 but Col. Leake is inclined to look for it rather on the southern side 
 of that promontory (6). 
 
 The prosperity of Aneia declined after its subjection to Macedonia 
 by Philip. A part of its population was removed to Thessalonica by 
 Cassander, and subsequently to the defeat of Perseus, it was sacked 
 by the Romans. After that calamity, no mention of the city occurs in 
 history (7). 
 
 a= sy “= 
 
 ARN w CHALCIDICE. 
 
 Laureated head of Apollo. 
 
 Rev. APN. A lyre with seven chords. AR. 3. Weight, 7*/, grains. 
 Plate IV, n. 19. 
 
 Some doubts may arise respecting the mode in which the legend 
 should be read, and whether it is intended for APN or NAP; but 
 the first reading appears the most probable. The resemblance of the 
 coin in point of workmanship, and of the types both of the obverse e 
 and reverse, to the coins of the Thracian Chalcidenses, concurs with the a 
 inscription, in assigning this silver obolus to Arne or Arne, a city of 
 
 Chalcidice. 
 (6) Travels in Northern Greece. London, 1835, found in Herodotus, lib. VII., 123.— Scylax. Peri- 
 vol. Il, pag. 452. plus, sect, 67.— Tr. Lry., lib. KL, cap. 4, lib. KLV, 
 (7) Further notices respecting Aineia may be c. 37. Heyne, Excurs. I, in lib, UT. Aineid. 
 6. 
 
(44 ) 
 
 This city is noticed by several authors, particularly by Thucydides (1). 
 Describing the march of Brasidas to Amphipolis, he says, that the 
 Spartan general moving from Arne in the morning, arrived towards 
 the evening at Aulon and Bromiscus, where the lake Bolbe discharges 
 itself into the sea, and after supper, continued his march to Amphi- 
 polis. 
 
 Col. Leake (2) supposes that Arne was the same place as that called 
 Kaédzeva by Stephanus. The existence of which latter place on the Stry- 
 monic gulph is shown by the name of Turris Calarnza, which Pom- 
 ponius Mela mentions as between the Strymon and the harbour Caprus. 
 
 So 0 Oo 
 
 DIUM in CHALCIDICE. 
 
 Head of Herculus covered with the lion’s skin. 
 
 Rev. AIATON. Club and bunch of grapes. AE 3. Plate IV, 
 
 5 ity Be 
 There can be no hesitation in attributing to Macedonia the present 
 coin inscribed AIATON; but, as there were two cities called Dium in 
 that kingdom, it is not so easy to determine to which of these cities 
 it should be referred. 
 The most famous of the two was the Dium in Pieria, ‘at the foot 
 of mount Olympus, the great bulwark of the maritime frontier of 
 Macedonia to the south, and often the residence of its kings. The 
 other city of that name was a Chaleidian colony in the peninsula of 
 mount Athos or Acte, and must have been of some importance, as it 
 ® is mentioned by Herodotus (1), Thueydides (2), Seylax (3), and other 
 2 ancient writers (4). i 
 To this last place, I am inclined to ascribe the coin under consi- 
 deration, for the reason that the cities of Pieria, like those of the other 
 
 (1) Lib. IV, cap. 103. Srepuan Byzawr. V. Kon. (2) Lib. IV, cap. 109, 
 (2) Travels in Northern Greece. vol. II, pag. 170, 
 
 (3) Atey, anvig, sect. 67. 
 (1) Lib. VIL, cap. 22. 
 
 (4) V. Leaxe, vol. II, pag. £49, 
 
( 45 ) 
 
 districts subject, at an early period, to the Temenidz, do nét appear 
 to have enjoyed the privilege of coinage, whereas a great number of 
 cities of the Chalcidice, and other independant districts, have left us 
 a great abundance of coins, both in silver and copper, remarkable 
 for their beauty, beginning from the earliest period of the art, and 
 ending with the subjection of those places by Philip, the father of 
 Alexander, who extended the boundaries of Macedonia as far as the 
 Nestus. : 
 
 It may perhaps be objected that we have coins of Pella and Pydna, 
 but the objection is of no avail. ‘Those of the former city are of a 
 late age, and after the Roman conquest. The coins of Pydna are of the 
 period when that city was in the possession of the Athenians. 
 
 The present coin, being then of an early age, must have been of 
 the Chalcidian Dium. According to Pausanias (5), the ethnic name of 
 the Pierian- Dium was Awasris, but probably the most prevalent form 
 was that of Aue, recorded by Stephanus, which is retained in the Latin 
 Diensis, constantly inscribed on the coins of this city (6), after it had 
 received a Roman colony. From these frequent variations which we find 
 in the forms of names, it is unsafe to draw any inference from them, 
 unless supported by more positive authority. 
 
 er 0-0-0100 
 
 OLYNTHIL CHALCIDENSES. 
 
 OAYNO. Laureated head of Apollo. 
 Rev. XAAKIAEON. A lyre with seven chords. AR 3: Plate IT, n. ar. 
 
 Coins with the same types, and the legend XAAKIAEON, were for 
 a long time assigned to Chaleis in the island of Euboea, till the late 
 
 Mr. Payne Knight, with great propriety and judgement, restored them 
 to the Chalcidenses of Thrace. ; 
 
 (5) Lib. IX, cap. 30, 4. (6) Ecurrx, Doct. Num. Vet., tom. Tl, pag. 70. 
 
( 46 ) 
 
 The present coin which, in addition to the usual legend, offers, on 
 the obyerse, that of OAYN® (for Odvvdiwv ), and the entire reading « of the 
 Chalcidian Olynthians » is highly important, as it removes all dowht 
 respecting the restitution proposed, and moreover shows that this* 
 like all the other coins of the Chalcidic conitedarany, were struck at 
 Olynthus. ; : 
 
 This last fact might indeed have been inferred, ty as there 
 exists no authority for the opinion that a city called Chalcis existed 
 in Thrace (1), it became obvious that the capital city and head of 
 the confederacy, was that in which the mint was established. 
 
 Olynthus was one of the cities founded in Thrace by the Chalci- 
 dians of Euboea (2). Subsequently it fell into the hands of the Bottizi, 
 who possessed it till they were expelled by Artabazus the Persian 
 
 ‘commander, who restored the city to the Chalcidians (3). From feeble 
 
 commencements, it rose gradually to great opulence and importance, 
 and became the head of the Chalcidian confederacy. This success: arose 
 not only from. its advantageous situation, but from a_ policy, very 
 unusual in Greece, of associating the citizens of the other confederate 
 cities (4) in all their civil and political rights, instead of treating 
 them as subjects and inferiors. 
 
 The history of the rise and fall of this celebrated city is: so well 
 known, that, without entering into particulars on the subject, it will’ 
 suffice, as a summary of its power and greatness, to state, that hardly 
 thirty years before its destruction, Olynthus had nearly overwhelmed the 
 kingdom of Macedonia, and afterwards maintained a contest against 
 Lacedeemon, then at the height of her power, and assisted by all the 
 remaining strength of Macedonia. 
 
 After the destruction of the city by Philip, it appears never to have 
 been reestablished, as no farther mention of it occurs in history. 
 The Olynthians, who had escaped and taken refuge in other cities, were 
 
 (1) Lraxz, Trayels in Northern Greece, vol. III, (3) Heronorus, lib. VIII, cap. 127. 
 
 pag. 456. ia (4) Mirrorp, Hist. of Greece, vol. VI, pag.106. 
 (2) Srrano, lib. X, pag. 447. (5) Ivem, vol. VI, pag. 163. 
 
: ( 47 ) 
 transferred by Cassander to Potidzea, when he enlarged that city, and 
 gave it the name of Cassandreia. ; 
 
 The head of Apollo appears on the Chalcidian coins, as the special 
 protector. of the Confederacy, and the conductor (Aoyayérne ) of all 
 the Chaleidian and Eubcean colonies. 
 
 — 00-00 <x 
 
 POTIDASA iw PALLENE. 
 
 Female head with a pointed tiara. 
 Rev. TO. Male figure on horseback, holding a trident. AR. 3. Plate J if, 
 
 22 ae . : 
 
 ‘The representation of the Equestrian Neptune (Mossidov Irmoc), the 
 initial letters 110, and the workmanship, are sufficient motives for 
 referring this silver drachm to Potidea, a celebrated city, situated on 
 the isthmus of Pallene in Thrace, and with the greater probability, 
 as it appears that several similar coins have come from that direction. 
 
 Potidea was founded by a Corinthian colony (1) on the isthmus 
 which joined the peninsula of Pallene to the main land; and from 
 its advantageous situation, became in a short time extremely opulent 
 and powerful. As its name implies, Neptune was the principal divinity 
 of the inhabitants, and in one of the suburbs of the city, a magnificent 
 temple was erected to him. 
 
 We are informed by Herodotus that Potideea was oceupied by the 
 army of Xerxes on its.march into Greece, and compelled to furnish 
 ships and men for the expedition (2); but, after the battle of Salamis 
 and the retreat of Xerxes, it was the first city which threw off the 
 Persian yoke; and three hundred Potideate fought in the ranks of 
 the Greek army in the batile of Platea (3). 
 
 (1) Tuucypinss, lib. I, cap. 56. (3) Hrrovorvs, lib. VIII, cap. 127 
 (2) Heroporvs, lib, VII, cap. 123. 
 
( 48 ) 
 
 Artabazus, commander of a division of the Persian army which had 
 escorted Xerxes as far as the Hellespont, being left in Thrace, in 
 order to keep up the communications with Mardonius, who wintered 
 in Thessaly, undertook the reduction and punishment of the Potideatz ; 
 but, after a siege of three months, all his efforts proved ineffectual. At 
 length, a sudden and extraordinary ebb of the sea having taken place, 
 the Persian general seeing that the water of the gulph was become 
 shallow and fordable, thought it was a favorable opportunity to attack 
 the city on the side of the sea, which was of course the weakest (4). But, 
 before the troops had advanced half the distance, the sea suddenly flowed 
 back with such rapidity and violence, that the assailants were overwhelm- 
 ed by the waves, and the few who attempted to escape by swimming, 
 were killed by the Potideate, who sent out boats to pursue them. 
 
 After this disaster, Artabazus, having thus lost a great part of 
 his army, raised the siege. Herodotus, who relates the event, adds, 
 that the Potideate attributed their deliverance to the miraculous in- 
 tervention of Neptune, indignant against the Persians who had pro- 
 faned his temple and his statue in the suburb of the city. 
 
 The female head on the coin is perhaps that of Pallene, daughter 
 of Sithonus and Anchiroe (5) from whom the peninsula took its 
 name. The ornament on her head, which is of oriental origin, was 
 often given to Thrace. The type on the reverse refers to the mira- 
 culous intervention of Neptune, and may offer a representation of 
 the statue placed in his temple above mentioned (6). 
 
 ——— ae . — 
 
 (4) Herovorus, lib. VIII. cap. 129. The expres- 
 sions of the author, are rooriczy 26 thy MWaddivay, 
 which do not seem to imply the peninsula in 
 general, but the isthmus on which Potidza stood. 
 That part of the city, which was built on. the 
 gulph, and protected by the sea, would have been 
 less fortified, and under the circumstances alluded 
 to, be exposed to a coup-de-main. 
 
 (5) Srepmanus Byzawr. V. Wa0vva. Tznrzes in 
 Lycophron, vers. 1161. 
 
 (6) A coin of Potidza, similar to the present, has 
 been described by Sestini; but the omicron only 
 
 being visible, he ascribed it to the Odrysi of Thrace ; 
 he adds, that this and another like it, were found 
 at Dhrahama (the ancient Drabescus). Descript. 
 Num. Vet. Lipsia. 1796, pag. 64.—Mrowwer, Suppl. 
 tom. II, pag, 363. 
 
 A silver tetradrachm iu the British Museum re- 
 presenting Neptune on horseback, holding a trident. 
 Rev. an indented square, when compared with the 
 present, appears also to be of Potidewa. The fabric 
 is Thracian, as I formerly remarked, Ancient Greek 
 Coins. Pl. V, n. 1. 
 
( 49 ) 
 
 MACEDONLE. REGIO. PRIMA. 
 
 Male bearded head with a wreath of oak. * 
 
 Rev. MAKEAONON PPOTHS. Female figure holding in each hand 
 a torch, is seated on a bull running at full speed : the head and horns 
 of the animal are bound with fillets. Underneath, two monograms. 
 AR. 1. Plate [1I, n. 23 (Royal Collection of the Studii, Naples ). 
 
 The silver tetradrachms issued by the first of the regions into 
 which Macedonia was divided after its conquest ‘by the Romans, are 
 perhaps the most obvious of all the ancient coins known to us, ex- 
 cepting those of Athens and Alexander. 
 
 The remarkable numismatic monument of the same region hitherto 
 unique, and which appears here for the first time, differs totally 
 by its types from those above mentioned, and was probably struck 
 on some peculiar occasion, such as the celebration of a festival in 
 honour of Diana Tauropolos. 
 
 The head on the obverse has much of the grand character of the 
 portrait represented on the coins of Antigonus, which some ‘antiquaries 
 have ascribed to Pan (1), some to Neptune (2), others to Jupiter. 
 The wreath which appears on the coin before us, to be of a species 
 of oak often seen on Macedonian coins, indicates here a head of the 
 Dodonzan Jupiter. 
 
 The reverse offers a figure of Diana Tauropolos, who had a cele- 
 brated temple at Amphipolis (3), the capital of the first Region of 
 Macedonia, and the place where all the coins of that region were 
 struck. The veneration for this divinity was not confined to Amphi- 
 polis, but extended to the whole kingdom of Macedonia, as appears 
 
 (1) Winexexmann, Storia dell’ Arti. Milano, 1783, (3) Droporus Srevxus, lib. XVIII, cap. 4. — Tir. 
 tom. I, pag. 294. Liv., lib. XLIV, cap. 44. 
 (2) Ecxuzxx, Doct. Num. Vet., tom. IL, pag. 118. 
 
( 50 ) 
 
 by the project of Alexander to erect a new and magnificent temple to 
 her at Amphipolis, at the expence of fifteen hundred talents (4). The 
 inscription MAKEAONON TIPQTHS is that usually seen on the coins of 
 this regin, which represent the head of Diana placed in the center 
 of a Macedonian shield, and on the reverse a club and oaken wreath. 
 
 The reader will doubtless be surprised to learn that the present 
 coin originally formed part of the Farnese collection, which, at the 
 extinction of that family, was transferred to Naples, and had thus re- 
 mained unnoticed nearly three centuries. Many other valuable and 
 interesting monuments are preserved in the same collection, and pro- 
 mises were held forth that they would, at length, have been commu- 
 nicated to the literary world; but after twenty years expectation 
 nothing has yet appeared. 
 
 OO 
 
 MACEDONES AMPHAXII. 
 
 A Macedonian shield. 
 
 Rev. MAKEAUNON AM@AZION. A club, and two monograms; the 
 whole encircled by an- oaken wreath. AR. Plate J, n. 24. ( Royal 
 Collection, Paris ). 
 
 Amphaxitis, a district of Mygdonia, and which took its name from 
 its vicinity to the Axius, was situated on the left bank of that river 
 which separated it from the Bottizi (1). 
 
 Some copper coins of the inhabitants of this district inscribed 
 
 . AM®AEION were known (2), but the present silver tetradrachm lately 
 
 discovered is hitherto unique. 
 The legend MAKEAONON AM@AZION « of this Macedonian Amphaxi- 
 
 (4) Diovor. Sreux., loc. cit. Voy. Apwattor. 
 (1) Svrano, lib. VII, pag. 330. Srzpuan, Byzanz. (2) Pzrreri, Peuples et Villes, tom. I, pl. 30. 
 
( 51 ) 
 ans », seems to imply that the inhabitants considered themselves as 
 genuine Macedonians, or entitled to some peculiar distinction. Their 
 territory, in fact, formed part of Poeonia, the more ancient name of 
 Macedonia. 
 
 We have no information whether there was a city called Amphaxus, 
 or whether some other city of the district, perhaps Amydon (3), was 
 their capital and place of assembling (+3 xoivev ). Nothing can be said 
 therefore with regard to the place where the coin was struck (4). 
 
 The types of the obverse and reverse resemble those of the tetra- 
 drachms of the,first and second regions of Macedonia, and the sma 1 
 silver coins of the Bottizi; all of which were coined after the sub- 
 jection of Macedonia by the Romans. 
 
 : ALOS w THESSALIA. 
 
 Laureated head of Jupiter. 
 
 Rey. AAEON. Phrixus carried) by a ram at full speed. AE. 3.. 
 Plate II, n. 25. 
 
 Two coins offering the same subject and legend have been published 
 by Dr. Harwood (1), and M. de Cadalvene (2), who have attributed 
 them to Alea in Arcadia. 
 
 From the mythos of Phrixus represented on the reverse, there can 
 be no hesitation however in referring them rather to Alos, in the 
 district of Phthiotis or Achaia in Thessaly. 
 
 (3) Homer, Iliad, lib. IL, vers. 849. the second region of Macedonia. See, Travels in 
 (4) Col. Leake thinks the coins of the Amphaxii Northern Greece, tom. III, pag. 449. 
 were struck at Thessalonica, but the objection to (1) Popul. et Urb. Sel. Num. « 
 this opinion is, that that city had special coins of (2) Recueil de Médailles Grecques. Paris, 1828, 
 its own, which are either inscribed with its own pag. 293. 
 name, or with Maxeddyay Adutepac, as the capital of 
 
 NI 
 
 28 
 
( 52 ) 
 
 This city, situated near the sea, on the Pagaszean gulph, at the foot 
 of mount Othrys, between Thebez Phthiotice and Pharsalus (3), was 
 extremely ancient : it is recorded by Homer (4), among those which 
 formed part of the dominions of Achilles. Athamas, son of /Kolus, 
 was supposed to have been its founder, when, after his expulsion from 
 Boeotia, he took refuge in Thessaly, and to have called it Alos (5), in me- 
 morial of his wanderings and insanity (Aan). Great honours were paid 
 to his memory by the inhabitants of the city, and the district in which 
 it was situated was named after him Athamantium. 
 
 We are indebted to Herodotus (6) for some interesting particulars 
 relating to this subject. He tells us, that when Xerxes, on his march to 
 Greece, arrived at Alos, he was informed by his guides of the traditions 
 of the inhabitants with regard to Athamas and his family : particularly of 
 a law which prohibited the eldest of the descendants of Cytisorus, a son 
 of Phrixus, and grandson of Athamas, from entering into the Prytaneum 
 or Council-house of the city : in case of transgression of this law, 
 the offender was seized, adorned with fillets as a victim, and led in 
 ceremony to the altar of Jupiter Laphystius, where he was sacrificed. 
 This singular law was enacted, because when the Achzi, in compliance 
 with the divine command, were going to sacrifice Athamas, as a pu- 
 nishment for his cruelty to Phrixus, Cytisorus, son of the latter, re- 
 turning unexpectedly from Colchis, rescued Athamas out of, their 
 hands. Hence the divine curse was transferred from Athamas to Cy- 
 tisorus and his descendants. The historian adds, that Xerxes having 
 heard this account, prevented the profanation of the sacred grove, and 
 shewed respect to the descendants of Athamas, and the temenos dedi- 
 cated to him. 
 
 Notwithstanding this rigourous treatment of the family of Cytisorus, 
 his father Phrixus was the favorite hero, and object of veneration of the 
 
 (5) Srzpuan Byzanv. V. Koc. — Srrazo, loc. cit: 
 
 (3) Srraso, lib. IX, pag. 433. 
 (6) Lib. VII, cap. 197. 
 
 (4) Intap., lib. I, vers 682. 
 
( 53 ) 
 inhabitants of Alos. In fact, it was in punishment of the injustice 
 offered to Phrixus (7) that the law in question was enacted, and his 
 immediate descendants enjoyed great honours at Alos, where they 
 had the privilege of entering the Prytaneum, and sacrificing to Jupiter 
 
 Laphystius. 
 
 This tradition explains in the most satisfactory manner the types of the 
 present coin. Phrixus is represented on his way to Colchis; he is alone, 
 his sister Helle having already fallen into the sea, which took its name 
 from her. The head on the reverse is that of Jupiter Laphystius, 
 
 intimately connected with this singular mythos. 
 
 LARISSA iw THESSALIA. 
 
 AAPI. Female figure kneeling and playing with a sphera or ball. 
 
 Rev. A horse at liberty. AR 3. Plate 1. n. 26. (Royal Collection, 
 Paris ). 
 
 Larissa, daughter of Pelasgus, who gave her name to the city cele- 
 brated as the birth place of Achilles, is here represented playing with 
 a sphera. 
 
 This type affords further illustration of my observations respecting the 
 sphera so often represented on Greek vases (1), but previously mistaken 
 for various different objects. 
 
 The spheera, a great amusement of the ancients, was also a particular 
 attribute of the nymphs, as may be seen in Pausanias (2), and by various 
 ancient monuments, particularly a statue of Anchirrhoé, in the Royal 
 
 (1) Ancient United Monuments, series, pag. 30-3 2. 
 (2) Lib. V, cap. 20, 
 (3) Crarac. Descript. du Musée Royal, n. 73. 
 
 (7) Kat peer rob viv, &ve tay dpiou dmoyoveny siotevat 
 sig rb. mputavelov, xat Ode Td elpnyéve Art (Aagustio ). 
 Scuoz. Apoxz. Ruop., lib. Il, vers 655. 
 
( 54 ) 
 Museum (3) at Paris, and a bas-relief representing three nymphs holding 
 each a ball, in the Museum of Mantua (4). 
 The astragalus or osselet was also a favorite ancient game, and often 
 attributed to the nymphs. On a coin of Cieria, a city of Thessaly, the 
 nymph Arné is represented playing at osselets (5). 
 
 DYRRACHIUM iw ILLYRIA. 
 
 AYPPAXINON. Helmeted head of Minerva. Behind, a club, and z. 
 Rev. Pegasus flying. AR. 2. Plate I, n. 27. (Royal Collection, Paris ). 
 
 Coins with Corinthian types, and the initials A or AYP, have been 
 attributed by Eckhell, with great reason (6), to this city. The present 
 didrachm with the entire legend AYPPAXINON, has the merit of remov- 
 ing the doubts, however unfounded, which were still entertained on 
 the subject. 
 
 20: 
 
 AMBRACIA iw EPIRO. 
 
 APAQOOS. Helmeted head of Minerva. On the helmet, the letter A. 
 Behind, a small heroic figure seated on a bucranium. 
 
 Rey. Pegasus flying. AR. 2. Plate [, n. 28. (Same Collection). 
 
 The legend APA@0O2, On the obverse of this singular didrachm of 
 Ambracia, would appear to refer to the river which flowed near that 
 city, and was called by the various names of Aracthus, Arethus and 
 Arethon (1). But, as the inscription does not accompany any of the 
 
 (4) Museo di Mantua, tom. III, pl. 19. (1) Cramer, Ancient Greece, tom. I, pag. 251, 
 (5) ¥. Greek Cities and Kings, pl. IV, n. 12—13. —Lzaxz, Northern Greece, tom. I, pag. 208. 
 (6) Num. Vet. Anecd., pag. 126. 
 
(55 ) 
 forms or symbols by which rivers were usually represented, it seems 
 rather to be the name of a magistrate. 
 
 It may be observed here, that among the coins issued by the various 
 Corinthian colonies with types commemorative of their origin, many 
 have initials, such as, NAY, EI, AY3I, etc. (2); but that the entire 
 name is very rarely racorded. Hence, it may be conjectured, that the 
 exception, as in the present instance, indicates some peculiar distinction 
 of the personage who is the object of it. 
 
 Though the name of the city is not expressed, yet the coin is dis- 
 tinguishable as being of Ambracia, by the A stamped on the helmet 
 of Minerva, and by other peculiarities. The small figure placed be- 
 hind the head of the goddess, is extremely elegant, and probably re- 
 presents some ancient hero venerated by the Ambraciote. 
 
 On this occasion, I can but refer the reader to the judicious obser- 
 vations of M. Raoul-Rochette (3) on the coins of Ambracia. In his 
 description of the present coin, however, the learned author has, by 
 inadyertency, omitted to notice the A stamped on the helmet of Minerva, 
 and supposed that the letter koph was placed under Pegasus on the 
 reverse, where no trace of it whatever appears. A more attentive exa- 
 mination of the original, would have removed his doubts respecting the 
 origin of the coin. 
 
 ANACTORIUM in ACARNANIA. 
 APIZTO®YAOZ. Helmeted head of Minerva. Behind, AN in a mo- 
 nogram. 
 
 Rev. Pegasus flying. AR. 2. Plate III, n. 29. (Same Collection } 
 
 The letters AN or ANA, which form the monogram on the obverse, 
 
 (2) Hunter, Num. Vet. Pop. et Urb., pag. 137, cnemidii, Lysimachia, etc., whereas they refer to 
 177, 209. magistrates. 
 
 These initials have been mistaken for those of (3) Aunali del’ Istituto di Corrisp. Archeol. 
 cities, and the coins attributed to Naupactus, Epi- Roma, tom. I, pag. 311. 
 
( 56 ) 
 show that this rare silver didrachm is of Anactorium. The name of 
 APISTOSYAOS, like that of the preceding coin, indicates a magistrate, 
 or some other distinguished personage. 
 
 This name is of rare occurrence : Herodotus (1) mentions a king of 
 Tarentum, called Aristophilides in the printed editions of that author ; 
 but in some manuscripts Aristophiles. Perhaps the true reading was 
 that which appears on the present coin. 
 
 i —$—$—[—_—_—_— eS —e 
 CORINTHUS iw ACHAIA. 
 
 RENAN EL V PERT AVCIMP. Laureated head of Septimus Severus. 
 
 Rev. C. L. 1. COR. (Retrograde). Female figure holding a shield, stands 
 on a rock between two recumbent male figures holding rudders. From 
 an arch, at the foot of the rock, a stream is flowing. AE. 2. Plate II, 
 my SO 
 Venus, the tutelary divinity of Corinth appears with arms (érdopévz), 
 } in the same attitude as that of her statue placed in her temple, on 
 l the summit of thé acropolis of Corinth, and as she is figured on many 
 coins of that city (1). The object on which the goddess stands, in 
 appearance a pedestal or rock, is intended, though of such diminutive 
 proportions, to represent, or rather indicate the Acro-Corinthus : its 
 form, in fact, is that of the mountain, as it is figured on other coins 
 of this city (2). The fountain Peirene derived by subterraneous canals 
 from the fountain of the same name in the Acropolis (3), and which 
 supplied the city with water, is here represented, as on other coins, 
 issuing from the foot of the mountain, agreably with the description 
 
 given by Pausanias, who places it on the road from the Agora to Le- 
 (1) Lib. IIT, cap. 136. (2) Médailles Grecques Inédites. Pl. IL, n. 20, 21. 
 (1) Two statues of the goddess found at Melos (3) Kexdopnrat Os A muh Mle revit, no wemornngva, 
 and at Capua offer copies of this celebrated ori- early cluipara. omnhators nark tadta, gay ro bdwe é 
 
 ginal, See my Ancient Unedited Monuments. Part, II, xpivny Gnatlpcy pet. Pavsanias, lib. IL, ‘cap. 3, 3. — 
 pag- Srnazo, lib. VIII, pag. 379. 
 
Caa7)) 
 cheum. The water is flowing from an arched aperture, and falls into 
 a kind of pool underneath (4). 
 
 Two recumbent figures, one on the right, the other on the left hand, 
 holding rudders (wnSa«), emblems of marine divinities (5), are intended 
 to personify the two harbours Lechzeum and Cenchreia, and to indicate 
 the situation of Corinth between the two seas. 
 
 Philostratus (6) describes the Isthmus as figured in a similar manner, 
 between the two harbours, one in the form of a youth, the other of 
 a nymph; but as his pictures were probably imaginary, they have little 
 authority. Judging from other ancient works of art, we find that seas 
 and rivers were usually typified by male figures; and as the two ports 
 of Corinth were attributed to Leches and Cenchrias, sons of Nep- 
 tune (7), they would, with great propriety, be represented of the male 
 sex. It may be added, that the same figures might equally personify 
 the Aigean and Adriatic seas. 
 
 LACED 2EMON. 
 NOMO®Y.... Helmeted head of Minerva. 
 
 Rev. The Dioscuri standing and leaning on their spears : on one 
 side A, on the other A: between them, APICTANAPOC in three * 
 lines. AE 2. Plate IV, n. 31. 
 
 2 
 
 The coins of Lacedemon sometimes present names of magistrates, 
 but without designation of their peculiar functions. A single exception 
 occurs in the instance of the Ephor Timaristus (1). 
 
 The present rare coin records another Lacedzemonian magistracy, the 
 
 (4) Lxaxx, Northern Greece, tom. I, pag. 242,etc., a coin of Corinth. See Ancient Coins of Greck 
 where the different opinions respecting the fountain Cities, pl. IV, n. 15. 
 
 Peirene are discussed. (6) Icones, lib. II, cap. 16. See the preceding note, 
 (5) The Isthmus of Corinth is personified, sitting (7) Pausantas, lib. IL, cap. 2. 
 ena rock, and holding in each hand a rudder, on * (1) Perrenty, Suppl., tom. IV, pag. 53. 
 
 8 
 
; ( 58) 
 Nomophylaces, whose functions are implied by their name. From want 
 of attention in the coinage, the legend on one side of the obverse is 
 wanting, and only the three first syllables NOMOSY are impressed ; 
 fortunately, however, a similar coin (2) deficient of ‘the first part of 
 the legend, presents the final syllables AAKE, and thus, the entire 
 reading NOMO®YAAKE® is completely ascertained. 
 
 We have so little information with regard to the precise nature of 
 the functions of this magistracy (3), and the changes they experienced 
 at different periods, that it is difficult to assign the motives for 
 which the name of the entire body appears on the coinage. 
 
 Perhaps the Nomophylaces may have caused the coin to be struck at 
 their own expense, on a particular festival or some other occasion, in 
 which case the term ANE@HKEN would be implied. This term, though 
 sometimes expressed on Greek coins, is more frequently omitted. 
 
 The bust on the obverse is, without doubt, that of Minerva Chalcicecos, 
 in whose temple the laws were deposited. The Nomophylaces were 
 particularly dedicated to the service of this goddess, and part of their 
 functions was to superintend the sacred procession in which her statue 
 was carried to the sea (4). Hence, it is probable that the coin may have 
 been issued in commemoration of some festival in honour of Minerva ; 
 and as a circumstance favourable to this opinion, it may be added, 
 that the portrait of this goddess is not seen on other Lacedemonian 
 coins. The Dioscuri, the national divinities of Sparta, appear on the 
 reverse. The name APIZTANAPOS, inscribed on the same side, is prob- 
 ably that of the‘eponymous Ephor. The workmanship and form of 
 the letters indicate a late period, perhaps that of Hadrian. 
 seen in ancient inscriptions. V. Borcxu, Corp. 
 
 Inserip. Gree. , tom. I, n. 1237—1254, ete. 
 (4) Surpas. V. Ot Nowcoranes. 
 
 (2) Mronwer, Méd. Grecq. , t. TI, pag. 120, n. 47, 
 and more correctly. Suppl., tom. IV, pag. 223, n. 26. 
 (3) Frequent mention of the Nomophylaces is 
 
(594) 
 
 ARGOS itn PELOPONESO. 
 
 IOYAIA AYT.... Bust of Julia Domna with a cornucopia. 
 
 Rev. APPEIWN. Female figure extending her hand, appears to pro- 
 tect another female figure of inferior stature. AE 2. Plate I//, n. 32. 
 
 We are indebted to Pausanias for the explanation of the group re- 
 presented on the reverse-of the coin here described. 
 
 In his description of the city of Argos, he says that in the Agora, 
 there was a temple of Latona, which contained a statue of the god- 
 dess by Praxiteles, and a small figure of Chloris standing by her. They 
 relate, he then adds, that Chloris was one of the daughters of Niobe (1), 
 and that her first name was Meliboea; when the sons and daughters 
 of Amphion were destroyed by Apollo and Diana, two only escaped, 
 Meliboea and Amycla (2), who were saved in consequence of their 
 having invoked Latona : the terror which Meliboea experienced on 
 this occasion was so great, that she contracted a paleness which con- 
 tinued all her life, and from this circumstance her name was changed 
 into that of Chloris (3). 
 
 The two figures on the coin refer to this tradition, and may prob- 
 ably offer a representation of the group by Praxiteles. The head on 
 the obverse is that of Julia Domna, the wife of the Emperor Septi- 
 
 mius Severus. 
 
 Telesilla; but, according to another tradition, Chlo- 
 
 (1) Téyyn 38 7d deyadya. (Anséus) Mpakerédouc. Tay dé 
 ris and Amphion, one of her brothers, were saved. 
 
 elniva mah th Oe ris mapbévou KAdpw dvopciCouct. 
 Pausantas, lib. II, cap. 21; lib. V, cap. 16. Apotxovorvs, lib. IIL, cap. 5, sect. 6. See the notes 
 
 (2) Pausawtas, loc. cit. of Heyne on the subject. 
 
 (3) This statement agrees with the account of 
 
 a ar 00000 
 
( 6o ) 
 ALIPHEIRA in ARCADIA. 
 
 Inscription illegible. Jupiter Homogyrius, with victory and spear. 
 
 Rev. AXALON AAIPEIPEON. Ceres Panachzea seated, holding a pa- 
 tern and scepter. AE 3. Plate IZ, n. 33. 
 
 This city of Arcadia was situated on the left bank of the Alpheius, 
 on a lofty hill extremely difficult of access, and from the strength of 
 its position, was a place of great importance (1). Alipherus, a son of 
 Lycaon, was supposed to have been its founder. Minerva was the 
 principal divinity of the inhabitants, who pretended that the goddess 
 was born and educated among them, and accordingly they dedicated 
 an altar to Jupiter Lecheates, who was there delivered of Minerva; and 
 they gave the name of Tritonia to a neighbouring fountain, to which 
 they applied the traditions generally related concerning the river Triton. 
 In the Acropolis was a magnificent temple of Minerva, with a colossal 
 statue of the goddess in brass, the work of Hypatodorus and Sostratus, 
 highly admired for its beauty and magnitude. 
 
 On the foundation of Megalopolis, when the inhabitants of many 
 Arcadian cities removed to the new capital, a great portion of those 
 of Alipheira followed the example, and the population of the city was 
 greatly reduced. Hence it was subsequently given by Lydiades, tyrant 
 of Megalopolis, in exchange to the Eleans, and remained in their 
 possession till it was taken in the social war by Philip, father of Per- 
 seus. How long it was subject to the Macedonians is uncertain, but, 
 at all events, it recovered its independence at the end of the war 
 with Philip, and was again incorporated with Arcadia. 
 
 The present coin valuable, as being the only one of Alipheira hitherto 
 known, is interesting as an historic monument which attests the ac- 
 cession of this city to the Achezan confederacy, as the legend AXAIQN 
 AAIDEIPEON shows. Like all the coins of the cities of the confederacy, 
 
 (1) Pausantas, lib. VIL, cap. 26. — Poryaius, lib. IV, cap. 77. 
 
( 6r ) 
 Ceres Panachzea is represented on one side, and Jupiter Homogyrius on 
 the other. The inscription which accompanied the latter, and indi- 
 cated the name of the local magistrate, is not legible. 
 
 The name of the city is written Anions in Pausanias, and various 
 ancient authors (2); but the present form Adégspa is given by Polybius 
 and other writers. 
 
 The situation of Aliphera may be traced on a hill called Nerovitza, 
 where remains of the ancient walls, of several towers, of two temples, 
 and of a theatre, are still visible, and have been described by Col. 
 Heake (3), who has given detailed plans of the city, and the Acropolis. 
 
 rt ar 
 
 GORTYNA in CRETA. 
 
 2 
 
 FOPTYNION. Front-faced head and forepaws of a lion, in an 
 indented square. 
 
 Rev. Europa seated on a bull. AR 1. Plate 11, n. 34. (Royal Col- 
 lection of the Studii. Naples ). 
 
 = 
 
 With the representation of Europa seated on the bull, a common 
 subject on Cretan coins, this singular tetradrachm presents on the ob- 
 verse a type entirely new, and which appears to be an imitation of 
 the emblems usually seen on the coins of Samos. 
 
 History has transmitted us no positive information of any affinity or 
 connexion between the Gortynians and the Samians, but as it is known 
 that the latter people, in the time of Polycrates, established various 
 colonies, and among them one at Cydonia in Crete (1), where they 
 remained several years, it is not improbable that they may have, at 
 the same period, occupied Gortyna, or have entertained relation with { 
 it, as one of the two leading cities of the island, with which Cydonia 
 
 (2) Inscription in the British Museum. Tayztor.— (3) Travels in the Morea, vol. II, pag. 71-85. 
 
 Comsg, Descript. Part. II, tab. 41.— Bozcxn, Corp. (1) Henronorus, lib. II, cap. 58. 
 Inscript., n. 1936. 
 
é 
 
 ( 62 ) 
 was frequently allied (2). This is not the only instance in which Gor- 
 tyna adopted the emblems of other cities, as we see by its coins in 
 imitation of those of Athens, struck in consequence of a treaty of al- 
 liance or commerce between the two cities (3). It may be added, that 
 during the time when Messana in Sicily was occupied by the Samians, 
 its coins were impressed with the emblems of Samos (4). 
 
 The archaic form of the characters of the legend TOPTYNION, and 
 the workmanship, are sufficient authority for referring the coin to the 
 period of time when the Samian colony occupied Cydonia (525-518 
 A.C. ), and with the greater reason, as the progress of the fine arts was 
 earlier in Asia Minor, Crete, and the islands, than in continental Greece. 
 
 ee 
 
 INCERTUS. 
 
 Female head. 
 
 Rev. Monogram formed of the four letters EPET. AR 3. Plate IV, 
 n. 35. 
 
 The singular disposition of the letters, the uncertainty of the manner 
 in which they are to be read, as well as the doubtful character of 
 the fabric, prevent offering any opinion respecting the origin of this 
 silver obolus. Its publication may, however, be useful, by affording an 
 opportunity of comparing it with other analogous coins, which may 
 exist in some collection, or at’ some future period, come to light. 
 
 —-- S00 
 
 APAMEA iw BITHYNIA. 
 
 IMP CAES COMMODVS ANTONINVS PP AVC. Laureated and 
 bearded bust of Commodus, with the paludamentum. 
 Rev. GENIOPTIMO COMMODO P. P-AVG. C.I.C.A. D.D. Commodus 
 
 (4) Transactions of the Royal Society of Lite- 
 
 (2) Srrano, lib. X, pag. 478. 
 rature. London, 1829, vol. I, part. IT, pag. 221. 
 
 (3) Ecxuzxy, Doct. Num. Vet. , tom. II, pag. 221. 
 
( 63 ) 
 ina military dress, receives a crown from a youth holding a cornucopia. 
 
 Before Commodus, is a lighted altar. AE 1. Plate LIT, n. 36. 
 
 This coin, of an extraordinary size, like those called Medallions; ‘is a 
 monument of servile adulation towards the Emperor Commodus, on some 
 particular occasion, by the city of Apamea in Bithynia, designated by 
 the initials C.1. C. A. ( Colonia Julia Concordia Apamea ) (1). 
 
 The obverse presents the bust of the Emperor, who is again repre- 
 sented on the reverse, in a military costume, and receiving a crown, 
 which is placed on his head by the Gentus of the city, figured as a 
 youth bearing a cornucopia. (2) The accompanying inscription declares 
 that this homage is paid «to the supremely good Genius Commodus, 
 father of the country, by the colony of Apamea ». The altar placed 
 before Commodus indicates the divine honours paid to him as a genius. 
 
 Perhaps this coin offers the representation of a group in honour of 
 the Emperor, of the same kind as that dedicated to the people of 
 Athens by the cities of Byzantium and Perinthus (3), and of which so 
 many examples are found in Greece and Rome. 
 
 $$ = 
 
 DIA iw BITHYNIA. 
 
 Laureated head of Jupiter. 
 Rev. AIA. Eagle with expanded wings, holding a thunderbolt. On 
 the left side, a monogram. AE 2. Plate II, n. 37. 
 
 The first coin of this city, which came to light, appeared in a 
 numismatic work, which I published at Rome (1). The present coin of 
 the same city, offers another type, but which is also common to the Hel- 
 
 (1) Ecxuzrx, Doct. Num, Vet. tom. H, pag. 406. nification. See Mionner, Suppl., tom V, pag. 7. 
 (2) A similar figure represented on other coins (3) Demosrugnes, de Corona, pag. 255. 
 of Apamea has the inscription GENIO P. R. (Populi (1) Recueil de Méd. Greeq. Inéd., Rome, 1812, 
 Romani). Tt was the usual form of this perso- pl. ILI, n. 17. 
 
( 64 ) 
 lenic cities on the Euxine coast, particularly to the coins of Amaseia, 
 Amisus, Gaziura, Amastris and Sinope. 
 
 This city is noticed by Stephanus (2) as being in Bithynia, and Mar- 
 cianus of Heraclea (3) fixes its situation at sixty stades to the east of 
 the river Hypius, and near Heracleia Pontica. No other mention of it 
 occurs in history. 
 
 ee 00-8 oa 
 
 MESSALINA NERONIS UXOR. 
 NICAA in BITHYNIA? 
 
 TIB NEPON KAAYAIO® KAI SEBAZTOS. Head of Nero with ra- 
 diated crown. 
 
 Rev. MEZZAAINA [YNH ZEBASTOY. Female figure seated. AE 2. 
 Plate I1f, n. 38. ( Chevalier Lavy, at Turin ). 
 
 A coin of Statilia Messalina, the third wife of Nero, struck at Ephesus, 
 published by Haym (1), is the only certain coin of this Empress, which 
 is hitherto known. Sestini, it is true, has described two others, one 
 struck also at Ephesus, the other at Thyateira (2); but, as the de- 
 scriptions of this author are often incorrect, and as the coins in question 
 have not been noticed since, doubts may be entertained on the subject. 
 
 The obverse of the present coin presents the bust of Nero with a 
 radiated crown. On the reverse, Statilia Messalina, qualified 'YNH 2EBA- 
 TOY, is represented seated, in an attitude extremely graceful, and similar 
 to that in which Salus, Justitia, and other personifications, are figured 
 on the coins of Nero, and various Roman Emperors. 
 
 The name of the city, which caused the coin to be issued, is not 
 recorded ; but the fabric refers it to the cities of Nica or Nicomedia in 
 Bithynia, of which many coins are found with portraits of the Imperial 
 family of Claudius, Nero and the Flavii. 
 
 (2) V. Ata. (1) Tesoro Britannico, vol. II, pl. IV, n. 9. 
 (3) Periplus, pag. 70. (2) Lett. Numism. , I serie, tom. IV, pag. 113-123. 
 
( 65 ) 
 
 CYZICUS in MYSIA. 
 
 Bird with a human head, holding a pelamys or tunny-fish. 
 
 Rev. Rude indented square. Elect. 3. Plate ITI, n. 39. (Chevalier 
 Palin, Rome ). 
 
 The greatest number of the silver staters, inscribed with the name 
 of the Cyziceni, in addition to the principal types, have the accessory 
 symbol of a-pelamys placed under the lion’s head on the reverse (1); 
 
 and it is probable that some of the staters, and their subdivisions, of 
 
 gold and electrum, with the same symbol, but wanting the inscription, 
 may be of the same city. 
 
 According to the notion generally entertained by antiquaries (2), 
 however, all the coins of the last description should be referred also to 
 Cyzicus, an inference much too general to be admitted, as the great variety 
 of types, which these coins present, shows evidently that they belong to 
 various cities, which imitated the symbol of Cyzicus, on account of the 
 extensive circulation of the Cyzicene staters, probably the most ancient 
 of the kind. Thus, in the middle ages, when different states of Europe 
 coined florins, they impressed them with the lily of Florence, the ori- 
 ginal device of this class of coins. 
 
 The variety of types which appear on the staters, shows that they 
 were coined by a great number of cities, for the most part in Asia Minor, 
 but probably also in Thrace. 
 
 The hemidrachm of electrum, which is here published for the first 
 time, is remarkable for the representation of a Siren or Harpy, a type 
 of rare occurrence on Greek coins, and consequently no conjecture can 
 be offered respecting its origin. 
 
 (1) Comnr, Cat. Num. G. Hunter, tab, XXIV, fig.5. (2) Susrryr, degl. Stateri Antichi, pag. 45—60. 
 
( 66 ) 
 
 HAMAXITUS iw TROADE. 
 
 Laureated head of Apollo. 
 
 Rev. AMAZE. Apollo standing, with a bow and arrow in one hand, 
 and a patera in the other. Before him, a monogram or uncertain object. 
 
 AE 3. Plate II, n. 4o. ( Chevalier Palin, Rome ). 
 
 Hamaxitus was a city of the Troas to the north of the promontory 
 of Lectum, and was celebrated on account of the temple of Apollo 
 Smintheus, situated at a place called Chryse, in its neighbourhood. 
 This temple was different, however, from the one more ancient de- 
 scribed by Homer (1), as being at Chryse, near Thebe Cilicia; but 
 the ancient town having, in process of time, been deserted, the 
 temple was transferred to the vicinity of Hamaxitus, and a new town 
 called Chryse was founded (2). 
 
 In this temple was a statue of Apollo by Scopas, with a mouse at 
 his feet, in allusion to his surname of Smintheus (3). 
 
 The reverse of the present coin, hitherto the only one known of 
 this city, offers a figure of the Sminthian Apollo in the attitude and 
 with the attributes with which he is represented on the coins of 
 Alexandria Troas, inscribed APOLLINI SMINTHEO. This figure 
 cannot be supposed to offer a copy of the statue by Scopas, but is 
 probably taken from ‘one of a more remote age. Perhaps, the object 
 placed before it, may be a tripod. 
 
 (1) Iliad. A, verse 37. (3) Srrazo, lib. XIII, pag. 604. — Arran, de 
 (2) Srrazo, lib. XIII, pag. 612. Nat. Animal., lib. XII, cap. 5. 
 
( 67 ) 
 BERYTIS iv TROADE. 
 
 1. Bearded head with a pileus, or pointed helmet. 
 Rev. BIPY, and a club, encircled by a wreath: AE 3. Plate LI, n. 4t. 
 
 2. Same head as the preceding. 
 Rev. BIPY, between three crescents disposed in the form of a 
 triquetra. AE 3. Plate I, n. 4o. 
 
 A coin similar to n. 1 has been published by Pellerin (1), who ascribed 
 it to Berytus in Phoenicia, supposing that by mistake BIPY had been 
 written instead of BHPY. 
 
 Various coins of different dies, but with the same legend, which 
 have since been found, prove the contrary, and moreover, the fabric 
 would be an objection to the opinion in question, even supposing 
 the difference of the legend to be dialectic. 
 
 Several similar coins having been: brought from the neighbourhood 
 of the Dardanelles, it has been inferred, with great reason, that they 
 belong to a city of the Troas, called Berytis by Stephanus (2); the dif- 
 ference in the orthography of the name arising from an error of the 
 copists, or the interchange of E and I, which frequently occurred. 
 
 This restitution is fully confirmed by n. 2, with the same portrait 
 and legend as the preceding, and bearing on the reverse a type en- 
 tirely similar to that of the coin of Thebe Hypoplacia, and which 
 shows, at the same time, that Berytis must have been situated in the 
 district occupied by the Cilices (3). - 
 
 The head on the obverse probably represents some ancient Trojan 
 hero, who was venerated by the inhabitants; the pointed helmet is 
 similar to that of the figure of Hector seen on the coins of Ophry- 
 nium (4). 
 
 (1) Peuples et Villes, tom. II, pl. 81, n. 2. suffragan of the see of Cyzicus. Geograph. Sacra 
 
 (2) V. Bépurt. pag. 239. 
 
 (3) Perhaps the city called Baris in the Notitie (4) Dumersan, Catalog. Allier de Hauteroche. 
 Ecclesiastice, pag. 11 and 17. Its bishop was a Pl, XIII, n. 12. 
 
 9- 
 
( 68 ) 
 
 THEBE tw TROADE. 
 
 Female portrait, attired with the head-dress called Kexpsqedos. 
 Rey. OHBA between three crescents disposed in the form of a tri- 
 quetra. AE 3. Plate IV, n. 43. 
 
 This coin is highly interesting as being of a city celebrated by the 
 frequent mention of it which: occurs in Homer. It was situated at 
 eighty stades distance from Adramytium, and was the capital of one 
 of the three principalities of the Cilices in the Troas (1). At the time 
 of the Trojan war, it was subject to Eétion, the father of Androma- 
 che, and one of the allies of Priam. 
 
 “Avopowdyn Ouydryo peyadyropog “Hettwvoc" 
 
 "Hertwv, d¢ evarev id Tdxw tdyécon, 
 
 Ox6n “Yromhaxtn, Kidixeso’ dvopecow dvicowy. 
 Iliad. Z, 395—397. 
 
 The poet has made the unfortunate princess relate the sad fate of 
 her country and family in strains of admirable feeling and tenderness. 
 Meeting Hector at the Scean gate on his return to the field, and pre- 
 senting to him their child Astyanax, she entreats him not to expose 
 his life, and to consider her forlorn condition if deprived of him, her 
 
 only supporter : 
 
 Fs Od8E ror eotl nario xal rote wath, 
 *Hrot ykp marép’ duov dméxtave Siog Aywreds, 
 "Ex 62 nod népce Kihixwy sivatstdmoay, 
 OxGny bhinvdov’ xark & extavey “Hetiwva. 
 O8 O¢ ot Ext xactyvytor grav ev peydporcty, 
 OF pav mdvres 1 xtov Fore “Atdos etcw 
 Tldvrus ykp xatémepve rodkoxns Sios Aytdeds. 
 “Exzop, doko ob wot goat narho xal norvin prirnp, 
 "HOE xactyvyros: od S¢ jot Gadepos mapaxotrns. 
 
 Iliad, Z, 413— 436 
 
 (1) Srpano, lib. XIII, pag. 611, 612. 
 
(69 ) 
 
 The female head on the obyerse may be considered as the portrait 
 of Andromache, whose memory would have been cherished by the 
 inhabitants of Thebe, in the same manner as Hector was venerated at 
 Ophrynium, and his portrait is represented on the coins of. that 
 city (2). The head dress is similar to that attributed by Homer to 
 
 Andromache, when he describes her, on seeing the fatal catastrophe of 
 
 Hector, tearing off this ornament. 
 Tie 0 amo xpards yée Séowara atyaddevra , 
 “Auruxa, xexoiguhdy 2’, 708 thexthy dvadéouny 
 Kondeuvov 0’, 8 fc of déixe ypvoey Agoodirn. 
 Hiad. X, 468—470. 
 
 The type of the reverse claims particular attention. A similar tri- 
 quetra, formed by three crescents, is the common emblem of various 
 cities of Pamphylia, Pisidia, and the country included between mount 
 Taurus and the sea, as far as the frontiers of Syria. Various expla- 
 
 nations have been proposed respecting the origin and signification of 
 
 this emblem, and it is generally supposed to have been (3) oriental. 
 That it was identical with the triquetra formed of three human legs, 
 is evident from the coins of the countries above mentioned, which 
 present one and the other emblem indiscriminately, as Eckhell has 
 shown (4). This emblem being frequent on Sicilian monuments, where 
 it is generally admitted to have alluded to the triangular form of the 
 island, abbé Belley (5) supposed that the same emblem on the coins 
 
 of Cilicia referred to the three districts into which the principality of 
 
 Olbia was divided : an opinion evidently erroneous, because the same 
 emblem is also frequently seen on the coins of Pamphylia and Pisidia. 
 From the present coin, however, it appears that the origin of the 
 triquetra may be ascribed to the original Cilices, whose seat was in 
 the Troas, between the rivers Cilleus and Caicus, and perhaps this 
 (2) Haya, Tesor. Britann., tom. IL, pag. 66. See 
 
 also note 4, pag. 67 of the present work. 
 (3) Payxr Kyrenr, Inquiry, etc., Sect. 222. 
 
 (4) Num. Vet. Anecd. pag. 77. 
 (5) Mémoires de l’Académie des Inserip. et Bell 
 Lettres, tom. XXI, pag. 435. 
 
 es 
 
( 70 ) 
 emblem referred to their division into three principalities, those of 
 Eétion, Mynes and Eurypylus -(6). 
 
 These Cilices, at a subsequent period, being expelled from the Troas, 
 retired into Pisidia, Pamphylia, and the region to which from them the 
 name of Cilicia was given. In their new settlements in those countries, 
 they introduced their ancient emblem, as we see by the coins of 
 Aspendus, Selge, Argos, and a number of other cities. 
 
 That a portion of the Cilices, however, remained in the Troas, may 
 be inferred from the present coin of Thebe, impressed with the ancient 
 national symbol, as well as by the coin of Berytis above described. 
 It may be here observed, that the three triangles united on the coins 
 of Pitane, a city situated in the country of the Cilices, may have the 
 same signification as the triquetra, and refer also to the triple division 
 of that people. 
 
 MILETUS iw IONIA. 
 
 Front-faced head of Apollo laureated. 
 
 Rev. EFAIAYMONIEPH. A lion walking, his head turned and look- 
 ing at a star. AR 3. Plate LJ, n. 44. (Weight, 27 + grains). 
 
 Though the name of the city is not expressed, the types of this 
 elegant silver coin are so well known as being those of Miletus, 
 that there can be no hesitation to refer it to that city. 
 
 From the singular inscription ETATAYMONIEPH (&& Aidéuey igen) (1) 
 which it presents, we learn that it was a coin sacred to Apollo, and 
 struck out of the treasury of the temple of that divinity at Didyma, 
 near Miletus (2). 
 
 So far the sense of the inscription is obvious, but it is not so easy 
 to determine the substantive to agree with ion, and which is not ex- 
 
 (8) Kal od dbo dovacreiat povov (Kidney), d2X& xat kappa before certain consonants, see Rosz, Inscrip. 
 
 spats Onfigbay éy abrcic, Srrano, lib. XIII, pag. 616. Grac. Proleg. pag. XIII. 
 (1) On the substitution of gamma instead of (2) Hurovorus, lib. I, cap. 46, 92; lib. VI, eap. 19. 
 
Cpr ) 
 
 pressed. The term which appears naturally implied is Apayyi, but as 
 
 the weight of the coin is only one half of the usual drachms of 
 
 Miletus (3), a great difficulty arises. To remove it, we may suppose, - 
 either that the sacred drachm was of a different standard from 
 
 that in common use; or that on some peculiar occasion of distress, 
 
 money was coined out of the treasury of Apollo, of which the real 
 
 was much inferior to the nominal value; a financial measure of which 
 
 various examples are recorded in ancient history (4). 
 
 An inscription so new and interesting would, J am aware, furnish 
 scope to far more extensive observations ; but unable to offer any satis- 
 factory opmion on the subject, I prefer leaving the investigation to 
 those better qualified, rather than to hazard idle conjectures. 
 
 The type of the reverse has been variously explained, but the 
 only satisfactory opinion is that adopted by Eckhell (5) of its astrono- 
 mical reference. In fact, Miletus was the great school of that science 
 cultivated by Thales, Anaximenes, Anaximander, from whence it was 
 communicated to European Greece. 
 
 APHRODISIAS im CARIA. 
 EEBAETH. Female bust. 
 
 Rev. APOAAONIOC YIOC AMPOAICIEON. Archaic figure of Venus 
 holding a mirror, between two uncertain objects, in a distyle Ionic 
 temple. AE 2. Plate IT, n. 45. 
 
 A coin of this city published by Haym (1) offers the portrait: of the 
 emperor Augustus, and is inscribed on the reverse with the name of 
 Apollonius, the adopted son of the Aphrodisienses, by whom the 
 present com, with the portrait of Livia, was also dedicated to the 
 city of. Aphrodisias. 
 
 '(3) The average weight of 6 drachms of Miletus . distributed to the people on some particular fes- 
 in Hunter’s Collection, gives to each 55 grains. tival in honour of Apollo. 
 Comsz, Catal. Num. Vet., pag. 203, 204. (5) Doct. Num. Vet., tom. II, pag. 531. 
 
 (4) It is possible that the word implied may be (1) Tesoro Britannico, tom. II, tay. I, n. 2. 
 Awpex, and that the coin was issued in order to be i 
 
(7a) 
 
 Haym supposed that this personage was the Apollonius mentioned by 
 Suidas (2) as High Priest of Aphrodisias,-and an author, who wrote the 
 ‘history of Caria, that of Tralles, and an account of Orpheus, and of his 
 rites. According to abbé Belley (3), it was Apollonius Molo who gave 
 lessons of rhetoric to Cicero and Julius Cxsar. The opinion of. Haym, 
 though contested by Eckhell (4), appears, however, the most probable. 
 The reverse offers an archaic figure of Venus, the principal divinity 
 of the city, as its name implies. She has the polos on her head, and 
 holds in her right hand a mirror.. From the imperfect state of pre- 
 servation of some parts of the coin, it is doubtful whether the objects 
 on each side of the statue represent two small figures of Cupid, or 
 portions of a couch ( xin ), sometimes placed near the statues of 
 divinities. The Ionic columns which support the edicula under which 
 
 the goddess is placed, show that her temple was of that order. 
 
 O. 
 
 CALYNDA in CARIA. 
 Helmeted head of Minerva. j 
 
 Rev. A sword. Above, PAPO; on one side K, on the other AAY, 
 in a monogram. AR 3. Plate IJ, n. 46. 
 
 The fabric, and the sword, a frequent Carian type, appear sufficient 
 motives for attributing the present silver hemidrachm to Calynda, an 
 ancient and considerable city of Caria (1), hitherto unnoticed in Numis- 
 matic geography. 
 
 At the time of the Persian war, it was subject to Artemisia, and sent 
 a ship to the Persian fleet engaged at Salamis. Herodotus (2) relates 
 the stratagem and presence of mind of Artemisia, who ran down and 
 sunk the Calyndian vessel, in order to deceive the Grecian fleet and 
 effect her escape. 
 
 (2) V. Arnorradyies Apeodtateds. to native citizens as a testimony of public gratitude. 
 (3) Mémoires de I’Académie des Inscriptions et See the Dissertation of Abbé Belley, quoted in the 
 Belles-Lettres ,' tom. XV, pag. 476. preceding note. 
 
 (4) The title of Son or Daughter of the deity was (1) Srepuanus Byzanr. V. Kaduvda. 
 not reserved for aliens exclusively, but often granted (2) Henoporus, lib. VIII, cap. 87. 
 
(73 ) 
 
 SEBASTOPOLIS in CARIA. 
 
 ZEBACTOPOAITON. Laureated and bearded bust of Jupiter. 
 
 ee PAPIAC APOAAONIOY. A thyrsus with fillets. AE 3. Plate //, 
 n.. 47: 
 
 We have coins of a city of this name in Pontus; but as the types, 
 fabric, and indication of magistrates, names on the present coin, imply 
 a different origin, it is here referred to Sebastopolis in Caria, a city 
 noticed by Hierocles (1) and in the Notitie Ecclesiastice (2), but without 
 any information respecting its precise situation. 
 
 Various coins attributed to Sebastopolis of Pontus should probably 
 be referred to the city of that name in Caria. Among these is one re- 
 presenting a head of the senate, with the legend 1EPA CYNKAHTOC (3), 
 a type never found on coins of Pontus and Paphlagonia, but frequent 
 on those of Mysia, Caria, Ionia, Lydia, and Phrygia. The reverse pre- 
 sents an archaic figure of a female divinity with the polos. Now as 
 the same figure is repeated on three Imperial coins of Sebastopolis (4) 
 (the only ones known), it follows that these last belong also to the same 
 city, of which the figure in question represents the principal divinity, 
 and forms the constant type of its coins. 
 
 0006s 
 
 - HYDRELA iw CARIA. 
 
 AFHMOC. Juvenile male head. 
 
 Rev. YAPHAEITON. Apollo Pythius playing on the lyre. AE 2. 
 Plate IV, n. 48. 
 
 A coin of this city, published by Pellerin (1), was for a long time 
 
 (1) Synecdemus, pag. 689. Edit. Wesseling. (4) Mronnex, Méd. Greeq., tom. II, pag. 356, 
 (2) Geograp. Sac. Car. a Sancto Paulo, pag. 33. 0. 136, 137. — Ipem, Supplém., tom. IV, pag. 455, 
 (3) Mionnrr, Méd. Grecg., Supplém., tom. IV, n. 209. 
 
 pag. 455, n. 207. (1) Peuples et Villes, tom. I, pl. LXVIII, n. 63. 
 
 to 
 
( 74 ) 
 considered unique. The present, which has been recently discovered, 
 though its types offer nothing remarkable, is here given on account 
 of the great scarcity of the coins of this city. 
 
 According to Strabo (2), the name of the city was derived from 
 Hydrelus, who, with his two brothers, came from Lacedemon, and 
 founded three cities in Caria, to which they gave their names. These 
 cities were afterwards abandoned by their inhabitants, who united 
 and. settled at Nysa. ; 
 
 From. other historical accounts (3) and its coins, it appears, however, 
 that Hydrela was not entirely deserted, or that it was afterwards 
 reestablished (4). The coin edited by Pellerin may be referred to the 
 time: of Hadrian; the present is of a later. period, perhaps that of 
 Trajanus: Decius. 
 
 HYLLARIMENE iw CARTA. 
 
 EP!l TIMOOEOY APXONTO®. Female head. 
 
 Rev. YAAAPIMENEON. Minerva holding with one hand a shield 
 and spear, and with the other a bunch of grapes? AE 3. Plate IV, 
 n. 4g. 
 
 This city is mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium (1), who calls it 
 Hyllarime, and describes it as a small town ( nodiynov) situated in 
 Caria, above Stratonicéa, and as having been the native place of the 
 philosopher Hierocles. It is also mentioned in several of the Notitie 
 Fcclesiastice (2), where it is corruptly called éenpe and fapspov. 
 
 The present coin and another similar in the British Museum, are the 
 only ones known. ' 
 
 (2) Lib. XIV, pag. 650. (1) V. Pardes. 
 
 (3) Tyr. Liv., lib. XXXVIL, cap. 56. (2) Geograph. Sac. Car. a Sancto Paulo, ad finem, 
 (4) Leaxn, Asia Minor, pag. 248. pag. 17, 33, 49. 
 
 a 
 ip 
 
(75 ) 
 NISYROS, rsuta. 
 
 Male juvenile head, placed within a wreath. 
 
 Rev. NI. Balaustium or pomegranate. AR 3. Plate LI, n. 50. 
 (Weight, 47 grains.) (Mr. Hawkins, Bignor Park ). 
 
 This silver drachm offers types imitated from those of Rhodes, and 
 are different from the types usually seen on the coins of Nisyros (1). 
 This imitation may have been in consequence of an alliance, or perhaps 
 of the subjection of the island to the Rhodians, whose power extended 
 occasionally over Lycia, Caria, and many of the adjacent islands. 
 
 MEGISTE, insuta. Py 
 
 Male juvenile head, placed within a radiated circle. 
 
 Rev. ME. Balaustium or pomegranate. AR 3. Plate I/, n. 51. 
 ( Weight, 42 grains ). 
 
 The Rhodian types with~ the initials ME refer this silver drachm, 
 hitherto unique, to Megiste (1), a considerable island subject to Rhodes, 
 on the coast of Lycia; fifteen miles to the eastward of Patara. It ap- 
 pears to have been called anciently by the two names of Megiste and 
 Cisthene, and it is mentioned under the latter by Strabo (2). 
 
 This island, which has a very commodious port, is now called Kas- 
 telorizo, and Castel-Rosso, and has been ably described by Capt. Beau- 
 fort (3), and L'. Col. Leake (4). 
 
 (1) Mronnez, Méd. Greeq., tom. II¥, pag. 412. (3) Karamania, etc., London, 1817, pag. 11—13. 
 
 (1) Nijoos Podtoy Meyiorn. Scyxax, Peripl. , sect. 100. (4) Tour and Geography of Asia Minor, London, 
 (2) Lib. IV, pag. 666. 1824, pag. 183—184. 
 
 Io. 
 
( 76 ) 
 MAGYDUS iw PAMPHYLIA. 
 
 Laureated head of Apollo. 
 
 Rev. MATYAEQON. Mercury holding a caduceus and purse. AE 3. 
 Plate IT/, n. 52. 
 
 The great rarity of the autonomous coins of this city, one only being 
 known, is the inducement for publishing the present coin, though its 
 types offer nothing remarkable. 
 
 At a place called Laara, now wholly abandoned, five miles from 
 Adalia, Capt. Beaufort (1) visited and has ably described the remains of 
 an artificial port, of an aqueduct, and of various ancient buildings, 
 which attested its having been in former ages a city of some magni-" 
 tude, which he supposed to be Attalia. Col. Leake (2), however, is of 
 opinion, and with greater reason, that Laara was the ancient Magydus. 
 
 ° 
 
 SIDE ww PAMPHYLIA. 
 
 AYT. KAI TO Al ETN FAAAIHNOC CEBA. Bust of the Emperor 
 Gallienus. Before it, the letter |. 
 
 Rev. CIAHTON .NEOKOPON. NAYAPXIC. View of the port of Side, 
 with a galley entering. Above, the letters A. €. AE 2. Plate I//, n. 53. 
 
 In his interesting and able survey of the ancient remains of Side, 
 Capt. Beaufort (1) describing one of its harbours, says : « There remains 
 only one side, a mole of hewn stones, about 800 feet long, and pre- 
 senting its concave face towards the sea; from this circumstance it 
 
 (1) Karamania, pag. 132. - (1) Karamania, pag. 139—15i. 
 (2) Tour of Asia Minor, pag. 194. 
 
€ BF ) 
 may be concluded, that. there must have been another corresponding 
 mole on the outside, bending in.an opposite direction, and enclosing 
 a harbour between them. » 
 
 The representation of a harbour on the present coin coincides per- 
 fectly with the above description, and fully confirms the opinion of the 
 author respecting its pristine form. i 
 
 Tt. may be. here observed, that the moles represented on the coin, 
 are not formed of solid mounds, but of piers supporting arches, like a 
 bridge. This mode of construction was generally adopted by the 
 Romans, with a view to prevent the obstruction of the ports by the 
 sand and stones brought by the swell, and. which, instead of accumu- 
 lating, as would otherwise have been the case, found an egress through 
 the arches of the mole. Very curious observations on this subject may 
 be seen in a work lately published at Naples (2). 
 
 We are indebted to this coin for the information that Side received, 
 under the reign of Gallienus, the title of Navaeyis, a distinction which it 
 never assumed on its previous coins. Antiquaries do not agree with 
 respect to the motives for which this title was granted (3), but it is 
 certain that, excepting Nicopolis in Epirus, we find it only assumed by 
 cities of Phoenicia and Cilicia. 
 
 <a 0G 0- 
 
 HADRIANOPOLIS in PISIDIA. 
 
 KA MAZIMOC. Laureated head of Maximus Cesar. 
 
 Rev. AAPIANOP. E71. XKAATOXPINN. In five lines in the field. AE 3. 
 Plate IV, n. 54. 
 
 Of the various cities which bore the name of Hadrianopolis, the 
 present coin can be referred to no other than the one situated in 
 
 (2) Fazio, sui Porti Antichi, Napoli, 1821, in-4, (3) Eexnerr, Doct. Num. Vet. , tom. EV, pag. 309. 
 
( 78 ) 
 Pisidia, of which mention is made by Hierocles (1) and in various 
 Ecclesiastical Notices (2). 
 
 By its fabric, the form of the letters, and peculiar disposition of the 
 legend on the reverse, this coin resembles one attributed to Diocsarea 
 of Galilee (3), but which belongs to the Hadriani Diocesarenses of Ci- 
 licia. The portrait is that of Maximus, son of the Emperor Maximinus, 
 who appears to have been a benefactor to Cilicia and the neighbouring 
 provinces. 
 
 The legend of the reverse CEB AAPIANOMOA shows that the city as- 
 sumed also the name of Sebaste or Severa. It is uncertain to what 
 the letters EM. X. refer, as well as those following, of which some are 
 of dubious signification : they bear great analogy to those seen on the 
 coin of the Hadriani Diocesarenses above mentioned, and certainly 
 imply a vicinity of the two cities. 
 
 > 1 
 
 PEDNELISSUS 1 PISIDIA. 
 
 AY T KOMO KAI ANTONEINOC.: Bust of Commodus bearded and 
 laureated. 
 
 Rev. PETNHAICCEON. Nemesis with one arm uplifted holding the 
 two extremities of her peplos, and in the other hand a bridle (yz.éc). 
 Before her, a griffin. AE 3. Plate IZ, n. 55. 
 
 Only one coin of this city struck under Maximus Cesar, and in- 
 scribed PEANHAICCEON was previously known (1). The present coin, 
 of an earlier age, presents a portrait of the Emperor Commodus, with 
 a figure of Nemesis on the reverse, and a difference in the orthography 
 of the name of the city, written as in Strabo (2) with a T instead 
 of a A. 
 
 (1) Synecdemus, pag. 672. Edit. Wesseling. (1) Pzxrermv, Peuples et Villes, tom. Ill, 
 
 (2), Car. a Sancto Paulo, pag. 19, 29, 51. pl. CXXXVI, n. 4. 
 (3) Lesronp, Lettres, pl. I, n. 9. (2) Lib. XTV, pag. 667. 
 
(79 ) 
 CHARACA in LYDIA? 
 APOV30% KAIZAP. Juvenile head of Drusus. Before the head, a 
 
 vase in countermark. 
 Reo. MENO®ANTOY KAPAKI.... A caduceus. AE 3: Plate IV, n. 56. 
 
 This coin, evidently of Asia Minor, but particularly of that part 
 situated about the Meander and Hermus, is probably of a place (xéyn) 
 called Characa, mentioned by Strabo (1) as situated on the road from 
 Tralles to Nysa, and at equal distances. 
 
 Stephanus speaks also of a city of Charax in Lydia, which he 
 identifies with Tralles, but which perhaps may be the same with that 
 above mentioned (2). 
 
 edo. 
 
 EUCARPEA in PHRYGIA. 
 
 BOYAH €YKAPMEON. Veiled female bust. 
 
 Rev. EPIMEAHOENTOC. T. KA. PAAKKOY. Diana in a long tunic, 
 holding with one hand a bow, and with the other hand taking an 
 arrow out of a quiver on her back. Behind her, a deer; on one side, 
 a small female figure with the polos. AE 9. Plate II, n. 57. 
 
 Under the character of the Eucarpian Council or Senate, BOYAHK 
 E€YKAPMEON, the portrait of Sabina, wife of Hadrian, is represented 
 on this elegant coin, struck in honour of that Empress by Caius Clav- 
 dius Flaccus (ETIMEAHOENTOC. T.KA. PAAKKOY ), eponymous ma- 
 gistrate of Eucarpea, whose name appears also on a coin in honour 
 of Antinous (1), a proof that he was contemporaneous with Hadriaw. . 
 
 The figure of Diana represented on the reverse, is often repeated 
 on the coins of this city, and therefore offers probably a copy of a ce- 
 lebrated statue of this divinity, who appears to have been highly vene- 
 
 1) Lib. XH, pag. 579. Lib. XIV, pag. 649. (1) Peziertn, Peuples et Villes, tom. II, pl. XLIV, 
 pag pag: 
 (2) V. Xdpaé. n. 32, — Haym, Tesor. Britann, ; tom. II, pag. 107. 
 
( 80 ) 
 -rated at Eucarpea. She is not attired in the costume of the chace, but 
 wears a long tunic (Xtrdv moder), and her dignified attitude indicates 
 that she is directing her arrow against Tityus, or some elevated per- 
 sonage. She is accompanied by her usual attribute, the deer; and 
 before her, is a statue with the polos, probably a more archaic repre- 
 sentation of the same divinity. 
 
 The elegance of this, and some other coins of Eucarpea, shows that 
 the great opulence produced by the fertility of its territory, was directed 
 to the honourable purpose of encouraging and cultivating the liberal 
 arts, 
 
 EUMENIA iw PHRYGIA. 
 .... ANTONEINOC. Laureated bust of Antoninus with the palu- 
 
 damentum. 
 
 Rev. EYMENEON AXAION. Bacchus, and Ariadne playing on the lyre, 
 on a car drawn by a panther and a goat; on the latter, Cupid is sitting 
 and playing on the double flute. AE 2. Plate JV, n. 58. 
 
 This rare coin of Eumenia presents a graceful and poetical compo- 
 sition, which is perfectly similar to one represented on a medallion of 
 the city of Tralles in Lydia, of the reign of Gordian (1). The same 
 subject, but without the figure of Ariadne, appears also on a medallion 
 of the Phrygian Laodicea, of the reign of Caracalla (2). These types 
 attest the known devotion to Bacchus entertained by the people of Lydia 
 and Phrygia, and probably are copies of some celebrated original. 
 
 a O20 a 
 
 GABALA ww SELEUCIDE. 
 
 Radiated head, probably of Antiochus IY, Epiphanes. 
 
 Rev. TABAAEON. A galley which appears lying before a building 
 of two stories. AE 3. Plate IV, n. 59. 
 
 The portrait of the obverse appears to be ofa king of Syria, probably 
 
 (1) Mtonnet, Méd. Grecq., tom. IV, pag. 192. (2) Mronner, Méd. Grecq., tom. LV, pag. 328. 
 
(81 ) 
 Antiochus IV, who is frequently represented on the coins of various 
 cities of Syria and Pheenicia. j 
 The reverse, which represents a galley moored before a building, has 
 great affinity to the typeof a large silver medallion attributed to one 
 of the Persian kings, but which was struck in. Phoenicia (1). On the 
 latter, a turreted castle appears instead of a simple edifice. f 
 
 3 
 
 PHOENICIA. 
 
 1. Marine divinity holding a fish. Above, two Phoenician characters. 
 Rev. A galley with rowers. AR 3. Plate IV, n. 60. 
 
 2 
 
 2. Marine divinity holding a circular object. 
 Rev. A galley, with the sea indicated underneath. Above, two Phoe- 
 nician characters. AE 3. Plate IV, n. 61. 
 
 These coins, the one of silver, the other of brass, with the usual 
 Phoenician galley, present the figure of a marine divinity, similar to 
 the Hellenic Triton and Nereus, but which is probably the Dagon or 
 Oannes of Phoenician and Babylonian mythology. 
 
 The two characters inscribed are often repeated on Phoenician 
 coins. 
 
 eg 
 
 ANTIOCHIA: m= MYGDONIA. 
 
 Radiated head of Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 
 
 Rev. ANTIOXEQON TON EN MYIFAONIA. Victory holding a wreath. 
 On each. side a monogram. AE 3. Plate II, n. 62. 
 
 The Mygdonians, originally Macedonians, who had served their time 
 m the army of Alexander (1),'settled in Asia, and inhabited that part of 
 
 (1) Mrownzr, Méd.Grecq., Suppl., t. VII, pl. XIX,n.4. (1) Srrazo, lib. XVI, pag. 747. 
 
 elie 
 
( 82 ) 
 Mesopotamia, which was near the Euphrates, and the two Zeugmas. 
 They possessed the cities of Tigranocerta, Carrhe, Nicephorium, and 
 Neisibis, to which the name of Antiochia in seis was given by 
 one of the Syrian kings. 
 
 The present coin, which bears the portrait of Antiochus IV Epi- 
 phanes, is the only one known that is inscribed with the name in 
 question, which was not of long duration, but superseded by the ancient 
 name of Neisibis, under which it is known by historians and by its 
 numerous coins. 
 
 ee 
 
 CARRH/A ww MESOPOTAMIA. 
 Bearded male head of a person advanced in years. 
 Rev. XAPP. Three ears of corn. AE 3. Plate JV, n. 63. 
 
 Coins of this city, struck under the Roman emperors, from'the reign 
 of M. Aurelius to that of Gordianus Pius, with the legend KAPPHNON, 
 and the title of Roman colony, are extremely common. 
 
 The present autonomous coin is of a much earlier period, and the 
 name is not written with a kappa, but with a chi, as in Josephus, 
 the Septuagint version of the Bible, Eusebius, and Hieronymus; an ortho- 
 graphy, in fact, more consonant to the Hebrew appellation of Haran 
 or Charan. 
 
 The ears of corn allude to the great fertility of the country. The 
 head appears to be that of'some: petty king or dynast, like those who 
 ruled at Damascus, Abila, and various cities of this part of the East. 
 
 ATUSIA in ASSYRIA. 
 Female head with a turreted crown. 
 
 Rey. ATOVSIEQN TON [POE TON KAPPON. An arrow, and palm 
 branch. AE 3. Plate Taam, n. 64. 
 
 This coin is the same that was published by the Rev. $. Weston (1), 
 (1) Archzologia , vol. KVI, pag. 9 and 89. 
 
( 83) 
 who ascribed it to Atusia, a city not recorded by ancient authors, but 
 which, from the indication of its situation near the river Caprus, must 
 have been in Assyria. 
 
 Sestini questioned this attribution (2), and referred the coin to Atusia, 
 a city mentioned by Pliny, and which he supposes to have been near 
 the Caprus in Phrygia, an opinion entirely void of foundation. 
 
 The passage of Pliny (3) adduced by this author is unintelligible. 
 What he relates is not confirmed by any other authority, and seems ex- 
 tracted from some fabulous story. Of what extent must a city have 
 been, which, after its decay or destruction, had been replaced by twelve 
 cities, two of which named by Pliny, viz Dascylos and Juliopolis, were 
 at a distance of, at least, 180 miles from each other? It may be added 
 that the situation on the Propontis indicated by. Pliny, could, in no 
 case, be understood of a city on the Caprus, a river falling into the 
 Meander, and near to Laodicea. a i 
 _ The attribution of Weston may therefore be considered as incontest- 
 able. The fabric, the form of the inscription, the arrow, symbol of 
 the river Tigris (4),-all combine to refer the coin to the country 5i- 
 tuated in that part of Asia. The name of the city is likewise Assyrian, 
 as we know by ancient authors that Atossa was the national name of 
 the personage called Semiramis by the Greeks (5), and we find various 
 Persian princesses of the name of Atossa. It is therefore natural to infer 
 that the city of Atusia was founded by a princess of that name, in 
 the same manner as Ninus or Nineveh was called after a king of the 
 same name (6). The difference between Atossa and Atousa can be no 
 objection, and, in fact, the name is written Avroic« by Hellanicus (7). 
 
 It.is to be farther observed that, Atusa or Atusia may have been 
 
 (2) Lettere Numism., Serie Il, tom. VI, pag. 80. Atossa, qua et Semiramis, regnavit cum patre,ann.12. 
 
 (3) Urbs fuit immensa Attusa nomine : nunc sunt — See also, Conon, Narrat. IX. 
 
 XJ civitates, inter quas Gordiu-come, que Juliopolis (6) Srxano, lib. XVI, pag. 737. 
 
 vocatur, et in ord Dascylos. Hist. Nat. , lib. V, 40. (7) Wexranticus, Fragm. CXXXIL, V. edit. 24. The 
 (4) Srrano, lib. XI, pag. 529. name in this author is written Avrzsio2, but it iy 
 
 (5) Eusrsrus, Chronic. An. Abrah. 583. Assyrio- evidently a fault of the transcribers. 
 rum octavus decimus Belochus, ann. 25, cujus filia . 
 Te 
 
( 84 ) 
 
 another form for Aturia, the name given to the district in which Ni- 
 neveh was situated, the change of P into 3 being frequent. Strabo, it is 
 true, places Aturia on the left bank of the Lycus (8); but probably 
 its limits were far more extensive. It must indeed have been of con- 
 siderable importance, since various .authors derive the name of Assyria 
 
 from Aturia .(Q). 
 
 DEMETRIAS in ASSYRIA. 
 
 Female head with a turreted crown. 
 
 Rev. AHMHT-PIEQN TON PPROE TOI TIFPEI. .A tripod. AE 3. 
 Plate IV, n. 65. ( Mr. Steuart, Naples ) 
 
 A city of this name is described by Strabo (i) as being near Arbela, 
 in the province of Adiabene in Assyria, and, as its name implies, was 
 founded by Demetrius, son of Antigonus, or Demetrius Soter of Syria, 
 and inhabited by Greeks. Ptolemy calls it Coreura, which was prob- 
 ably its ancient denomination preserved in the modern Korkour. 
 
 No other coin of this city is known. 
 
 REX PARTHUS. 
 
 Bearded head with the Parthian tiara. 
 
 Rev. Legend in Pehlvi characters. Persian mage or priest before 
 an altar. AR 3. Plate JV, n. 66. ( Mr. Thomas, London ). 
 
 This silver drachm, with the portrait of a Parthian king, supposed to 
 be Arsaces VIil or IX, instead of an inscription in the Greek tongue, 
 presents one in characters similar to those seen on the coins of the 
 dynasty of the Sassanide. 
 
 (8) Srrano, lib. XVI, pag. 737. Hellen., pag. 362. 
 (9) Dron. Ciss. in Trojano. Sanaasrus, de 1) Lib. XVI, pag. 738. 
 
 en 
 
( 85 
 
 we 
 
 MEREDATES er UIPHOBA. 
 
 Bearded bust with the Persian tiara and candys. 
 
 Rev. BACLI..... MEPEAAT. BACIAICC. YIDOBA. Female bust with ra- 
 diated crown. YNA (Anno 454). AE 1, Plate IV, n. 67. 
 
 A similar coin was published by Sestini (1), who mistaking the 
 legend, attributed it to Peredates, an uncertain’ Parthian king, and to 
 his queen Tryphene. The present, which is in better preservation, 
 shows that it is of Meredates, and his queen Uiphoba, 
 
 The following observations addressed to the author by Mr. Steuart, 
 will afford a very satisfactory illustration of this singular numismatic 
 monument. 
 
 « Many similar coms are found in the vicinity of Bussorah, and 
 
 are not unfrequently struck upon those of an Attambiltis, king of 
 
 Characene. | /have remarked the date to be invariably YNA 454 of the 
 era of the Seleucid, corresponding to about the 3° year of the reign 
 of Antoninus Pius. As about 24 years previous to this date, mention 
 is made of a king of Charax, named Attambilus, who assisted Trajan 
 in his expedition on the Tigris, it may be presumed that he was the 
 Attambilus of those coins which have been restruck by Meredates. The 
 name was in fact common to the kings of that dynasty, several of 
 whom were remarkable for their longevity. » ; 
 
 «The coins of Meredates differ, however, in two material respects 
 from all those hitherto known of the kings of Characene : 1° The heads 
 of the latter bemg always uncovered, whereas Meredates is represented 
 with the tiara; 2° The reverse, instead of the invariable symbol of Cha- 
 racene (Hercules seated on a rock), having the bust of» a female in 
 the Greek costume ». 
 
 «The head of the king of Characene, of whom traces remain on the 
 
 (1) Descriz. delle Med. Gr. del Mus. Hedervar. Part. III, Firenze, 1829; /tav XX XH, mi 15. 
 
( 86.) 
 coins restruck, resembles that engraved in the Iconographie of Vis- 
 conti, pl. IX, n. 5, attributed to an Artabanus. But the inscription is 
 plainly ATTAMB, which is unaccountably assumed to be... ATANS, 
 for APTAPANOY. I may add, that the lengthened form of the B in 
 YI@OBA entirely resembles that on the above mentioned coin. » 
 
 « Of Meredates and his consort, I can find no historical record, and 
 it is therefore impossible to say whether he succeeded to the kingdom 
 of Charax by inheritance or conquest. The circumstance of so many of 
 his coins being struck on those of his predecessor, would lead to the 
 supposition that his succession was hasty and perhaps transient. » 
 
 « About a century previous to this period, two Iberian princes, Mi- 
 thridates and Pharasmanes, obtained possession of Armenia. Another 
 Pharasmanes, towards the latter part of the reign of Hadrian, invaded 
 and greatly disturbed the Parthian provinces ; to justify himself to the 
 Emperor, he repaired with his queen to Rome, where he was favour- 
 ably received by Hadrian, from whom he obtained many honours and 
 an increase of dominions. » 
 
 «If the identity of the names, Mithridates and Meherdates or Meredates, 
 be admitted, the latter might possibly belong to the Armeno-Iberian 
 family. At all events, the present coins strongly remind us of those of 
 Tigranes and Erato. » 
 
 BARCE iw CYRENAICA. 
 
 AKEZIO2. Bearded head of Jupiter Ammon. 
 Rev. BA. Silphium. AR 1, Plate IV, n. 68. 
 
 The tetradrachms of this city were for a long time very rare, but of 
 late years a large deposit has been discovered of coins of Cyrene and 
 Barce, with various names of magistrates, and interesting symbols. 
 
 a 
 
( 87 ) | 
 Among them was the present coin of Barce with the name of AKEXIO3, 
 perhaps the eponymous Ephor. 
 I avail myself of this opportunity to retract my former opinion(1), that 
 the name of Ophilon.on a coin of Barce might refer to Ophellas, tyrant 
 of the Cyrenaica. Among other objections, the coin is of an earlier age 
 
 than that of Agathocles, in which Ophellas lived (2). 
 
 (1) Médailles Grecques Inédites, pag. 79. (2) A. C. 308, 
 
 THE END. 
 
ADDITIONAL OBSERVATIONS, 
 
 oo 004 
 
 All the coins described in the present Sylloge without mention of the collections 
 in which they are preserved, are in the possession of the author. 
 
 —— 
 
 Page 8. The note of Count Bartolomeo Borghese, relating to the coins of the 
 Porcian family, which was intended to be inserted in the form of an Appendix, has 
 been omitted; because in the interval of time elapsed, owing to a delay in the publi- 
 cation of the present, the entire Memoir- of the learned author on the subject, will 
 probably have appeared in the Giornale Arcadico of Rome, or will shortly appear. 
 
 Page 42. An inscription lately found at Athens, containing a list of the different 
 allied cities which paid tribute to the Athenians, with a statement of the sums paid, 
 refers among the cities of Thrace, that of Aineia, whose inhabitants are called 
 AINEATAI (Aiveuéizen). It has been published by Dr. Frank. Annali del? Istituto 
 di Corresp. Archeol. Roma, 1836, Vol. VIII, pag. 118-130. 
 
 Page 44. In one of the tables of the preceding inscription, mention is made of 
 Dium AIEZ EKS AGO (Auets 26 Ado). At the same time another table of the same 
 inscription records AIESA.....which the learned editor supposes to have been Avis, 
 oF Acie om’ Abe (pag. 123). It is possible, however, that the reading may have been 
 originally different, and instead of Azo there might have been some other word, as 
 an A alone is visible. 
 
 From this inscription it seems highly probable, according to the ingenious conjecture 
 of Wesseling, that instead of the Dictidians described by Thucydides as allies of Athens, 
 and inhabiting the peninsula of Athos, ArzriDriic of ev Ader (lib. Iv, cap. 109; lib. V, 
 35, 82), the reading should be Ates or Atiic. 
 
 Page 48, n. 6. The tetradrachm in the British Museum, which is here attri- 
 buted: to Potidea, is described by R. P. Knight as being of Tarentum. Nummi Ket. 
 in Museo. R. P. Knight. Londini, 1830, pag. 289, K, n. x. 
 
 Page 4g. The tetradrachm with the type of Artemis Tauropolos here described, 
 is published by Goltzius. Grecia. Antwerp, 1644. Tab. XXII, n. 8. 
 
 Page 78. A coin published by Pellerin ( Peuples et Filles, tom. II, pl. 136), 
 as being of Myrrhina in fEolia, and one in Dr. Hunter's collection. ( Combe, 
 Cat. Num. Fet., tab. 2, n. 18), attributed to Hadrianopolis of Thrace, ought pro- 
 hably to be restored to Hadrianopolis of Pisidia. 
 
 Page 84. The Parthian King, with the inscription in Pelhyi characters, described 
 as being in. the Collection of Mr. Thomas, is in that of Mr. Steuart, at Naples. 
 
 Page 85. A similar coin of Meredates has been attributed to Arsaces XXVI, 
 Vologeses TI, by the Baron de Chandoir. Corrections et Additions ¢& louvrage du 
 Cher. D. Sestini, ete. Paris, 1835, in-4. 
 
ERRATA 
 
 OF THE PLATES. 
 
 PAGES 
 27, Loncanz, for Plate II, read Plate I. 
 34, Ancutatus, for Plate II, read Plate I. 
 
 PAGES 
 43, Anna, for Plate IV, read Plate II. 
 45, Orynrui, for Plate Il, read Plate I. 
 
 a OF THE TEXT. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 g, note 3, after pyramides, read singulis. 
 
 13, line 14, for Phenicians , read Pheenicians. 
 
 17, note 6, for énéSekev, read amederbav. 
 
 29, 1. 9, for ZEVETZA, read SELEZTA. 
 
 30, 1. 2, for clus, read cipt. 
 
 34, 1. 18, for on many, read in many. 
 39, 1. 24, for Hoemus, read Heemus. 
 
 — note 14, for ‘Oduvig read *Odwvis. 
 
 41, note 7, for Perperenen, read Perperene. 
 
 45, 1. 16, for Aréuc, read Areds. 
 
 PAGES. 
 5o, last line, for of this, read of the. 
 51, 1. 7, for xotvov, read xowdv 
 
 — note 4,°for Aeirepug, read Aevzépus. 
 
 53, note 7, for éva, read ea. 
 
 — — for sictevar, read ciorévar. 
 
 64, 1. 7, for NEPON, read NEPQN. 
 
 72, note 4, for of the deity, read of the 
 city. 
 
 73, |. 7, for magistrates, names, read ma- 
 
 gistrates names. 
 
 000 
 
INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 Axsperra, in Thrace, 30. 
 Acnmaw Conreprracy, 60. 
 Acro-Corinruus, figured, 56. 
 JEnr1A, in Pallene, founded by Aiyzas, 
 fia 
 
 7Enras, represented, 4t. 
 FJEsernsa, in Samnium, 6. 
 Anexanper I, of Macedon, 38. 
 
 — the Great, 5o. 
 
 = king of Epirus, 18, 29. 
 
 Auipuetra, in Arcadia, 60. 
 
 ALLEGORY, On coins to political events, 8. 
 
 Atos, in Thessaly, 5r. 
 
 Amazons, 31, 33. 
 
 Ampracia, in Epirus, 54. 
 
 Ampuaxitus, in Macedonia, 5o. 
 
 Ampripous, in Macedonia, 49. 
 
 Amypon, in Macedonia, 51. 
 
 Awactorium, in Acarnania, 55. 
 
 Awncuiatus, in Thrace, 34. 
 
 ANDROMACHE, represented, 69. 
 
 Antiocuta, in Mygdonia, 81. 
 
 Apamea, in Bithynia, 62. 
 
 Apotto, Archegetes, 23, 47 — Smin- 
 theus, 66 — Didymeus, 70 — Py- 
 thius, 73. 
 
 Apoxtontus of Aphrodisias, 71. 
 
 ApHRODISIAS, in Caria, 71. 
 
 ARATHOOS, name of a river or magis- 
 trate, 54. 
 
 Arcos, in Peloponnesus, 5g. 
 
 Aristoxenus, his account of the Posi- 
 doniate examined, 17, 20. 
 AristopHyzos, 56. 
 Arwa#, in Chalcidice, 43. 
 Assyrra, the name derived from Atu- 
 ria, 83. 
 
 Arturia, in Assyria, 83. 
 Aramas, son of /Eolus, 52, 53. 
 ATHENIANS, 23, 24, 28, 36, 37. 
 Arramsitus, king of Characene, 85. 
 Arossa, the same as Semiramis, 83. 
 Arusta, in Assyria, 82. 
 
 B. 
 Baccuus, on a car with Ariadne, 80. 
 Barce, in Cyrenaica, 86. 
 Bettona, or Enyo, 32. 
 Beryris, in Troas, 67. 
 Bivatve Sueti, emblem of Cuma, 11. 
 Burx, emblem of Italy, 8. 
 
 C. 
 Catywpa, in Caria, 72. 
 
 KAMIIANON, the coins thus inscribed, 
 struck at Neapolis or Cuma, 14. 
 Campani, adopt the Greek language, 14. 
 
 Capua, in Campania, 9. 
 Caprus, a river of Assyria, 83. 
 Carruz, in Mesopotamia, 82. 
 Carracinians, 13, 24, 25. 
 Caryatipes, 31. 
 
 Cassanpreta, in Macedonia, 47. 
 Cato (M Porctus), 7. 
 
 Cato (L. Porcius), 8. 
 
 12 
 
1 INDEX. 
 
 Crncnreta, personified, 57. 
 
 Centaurs, 38. 
 
 Crrserus, on coin of Cuma, to. 
 
 Craraca, in Lydia, 79. 
 
 Cnaracens, kings of, 85. 
 
 Cruces, original seat in Troas, 68, 70. 
 
 Cuaucrpenses, their coins struck at 
 Olynthus, 46. 
 
 Cuaxciwice of Thrace, 43, 44, 45, 46, 
 47. 
 
 Cnatcis, no city of this name in Thrace, 
 46. 
 
 Cuxonis, daughter of Niobe, 5g. 
 
 Curyse, in Troas, 66. 
 
 CIMMERIANS, 10. 
 
 Cisrurns, see Megiste. 
 
 Comana, in Pontus, 32. 
 
 Corontes, Phoenician, 29,—Roman, 19, 
 20, 2, — Chalcidian, 10, 13, 47, — 
 Corinratan, 23, 26, 47, 54, 55. 
 
 Conrepenacy, Italian, 1-8, — Chalci- 
 pian, 46, — Achzan, 60. 
 
 CorFinium, called Italia, 2. 
 
 CorintH, in Achaia, 56, 57. 
 
 Cra, its artifice, 12. 
 
 Crimusus, river of Sicily, 30. 
 
 Cuma, in Campania, ro. 
 
 Cyzicus, in Mysia, 65. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dacon, Phoenician divinity, 81. 
 
 Darius, king of Persia, 33, 36. 
 
 Demernias, in Assyria, 84. 
 
 Dia, in Bithynia, 63. 
 
 Diana, Ephesia, 32, — of Cary, 31, 
 
 —Tauropolos, 49,—in long tunic, 79. 
 
 Dimyma, temple of Apollo, 7o. 
 Dicamma, instead of aspirate, 22. 
 Droca#sanrka, in Cilicia, 78. 
 Dron, of Syracuse, 25, 26. 
 Dionysius, of Syracuse, 25. 
 Droscurr, 57. 
 Drum, in Chalcidice, 44. 
 Doe, figured on Sicilian coins, 30. 
 Dyrracaiom, in Illyria, 54. 
 E. 
 EI, instead of EK, 70. 
 Epones, a Thracian nation, 35, 4o. 
 Ecrsra, daughter of Hippotes, 30. 
 EMI, for eiys, on coin of Segesta, 29. 
 Exyo, her temple at Comana, 32. 
 EPET, on coin of uncertain origin, 
 62. 
 ERNUM, Oscan and Roman termi- 
 nation, 17. 
 Ermanruus, Boar of, 13. 
 Eucarpia, in Phrygia, 79. 
 fumenea, in Phrygia, 80. 
 G. 
 Gaxpata, in Seleucis, 80. 
 Genius, title given to Commodus, 63. 
 Geras, king of the Edones, 35. 
 Guaucus, marine divinity, 13, 81. 
 Gorryna, in Crete, 61. 
 Garerin, emblem of Teos, and Abdera, 30. 
 Goxp, ancient scarcity of, 38, — Mines 
 in Thrace, 36. 
 H. 
 Hamaxirus, in Troas, 66. 
 Haprianopouis, in Pisidia, 77. 
 Hxcror, represented, 67, 69. 
 
 te ne oe 
 
INDEX. a i 
 
 Hirroputes, 31, 33. 
 Hipponium, in Bruttiis, 21.—Correction 
 of a passage of Livy relating to it, a2. 
 Hyprexa, in Caria, 73. 
 HyLrarimene, in Caria, 74. 
 Hyprrsorean traditions, 31. 
 I. 
 Ionraws, Apollo their chief divinity, 31. 
 Traxia and Iraticum, name given to Cor- 
 finium, 2. 
 Tranian Cowreperacy, 1-—8. 
 Iraty, personified, 1, 8. 
 We 
 Juno, Samian, g. 
 Jupiter, Dodonzus, 49,—Laphystius, 53. 
 L. 
 Lacepzmon, 57. 
 Larissa, in Thessaly, 53. 
 Latona, 59. 
 Lecuaum, harbour of Corinth, 57. 
 Leontint, in Sicily, 23, 26. 
 Lion, an astronomical emblem, 7r. 
 Livia (the Empress), 71. 
 ‘Loneans, in Sicily, 27. 
 Lucantans, their language Greek, 18, 19. 
 M. 
 Macepon1a Prima, 4g. 
 Maeynus, in Pamphylia, 76. 
 Marine pivinity, 13, 81. 
 Mars, his symbol a spear, 1. 
 Manrsic, war, 3. 
 Mecistx, island of, 75. 
 Merepates, king of Characene, 85. 
 Mrssanina, wife of Nero, 64. 
 
 Messawa, in Sicily, 28. 
 Mizetvs, in Ionia, 70. 
 Miverva, Longatis, 27,—Chalcicecos, 58, 
 —with bunch of grapes, 74. 
 
 Morpacoras, 33. 
 Myepona, 39, 81. 
 Myrcinus, in Thrace, 33, 36. 
 
 N. 
 Natiorum, in Apulia, 15. 
 Navanrculs, title given to Side, 76. 
 Nemesis, 78. 
 Neprune, Hippius, 47. 
 NECYOMANTEIA, 10. 
 Nic#a, in Bithynia, 64. 
 Nersizis, in Mesopotamia, 82. 
 Nisyros, island of, 75. 
 Nomopuytactzs, of Sparta, 58. 
 
 O. 
 Otyyraus, chief city of the Chalcidian 
 
 confederacy, 46. 
 
 Opurynium, in Troas, 67. 
 Opnettas, of Cyrene, 87. 
 Orestz, of Macedonia, 38, 4o. 
 Orrskul, coins of, 38, 4o. 
 Oyster, on coins of Cuma, i2. 
 
 iv 
 Pattene, daughter of Sithonus, 48. 
 Pavius Muritus, 2. 
 Partuian Krive, 84. 
 Pepwe.issus, in Pisidia, 78. 
 Prrrene, the Fountain, 56. 
 Petamys, or Tunny-fish, 65. 
 Persians, 33, 36, 46, 48. 
 Prrsonsrication, 1, 8, 11, 57, 73, 79. 
 
IV INDEX. 
 
 Puiip of Macedonia, 41, 45, 46. 
 Puoenictan, divinities, 13, 81—Inscrip- 
 tion, 81. 
 Purrxus represented, 53—venerated at 
 Alos, ibid. 
 ParsTEvia, in Campania, 17. 
 Prcentra, in Lucania, 17. 
 Pompzxpius Sixo, (Quintus), 2, 8. 
 Porcius, see Cato. 
 Ports, peculiar mode of construction, 77. 
 Poriw#a, in Pallene, 47. 
 Posipomia, in Lucania, 16. 
 PraxiTeEves, statues by, 59. 
 R. 
 Ruopians, 75. 
 S. 
 Sacrep Mowry, of Miletus, 70. 
 Sarernum, in Campania, 16. 
 DAAIA, a sort of Calathus, 32. 
 Samrans, occupy part of Crete, 61. 
 Scyrza, a marine divinity, 13. 
 SeRASTOPOLIS; In Caria, 73. 
 Sreesta, in Sicily, 29. 
 Servitsran Famity, coins of, 8. 
 ZEIAA, on a coin of Posidonia, 16. 
 Serre, represented, 65. 
 Sizarus, River of Lucania, 16. 
 Sito, see Pompzdius, 
 Sins, in Lucania, coin wrongly attri- 
 buted to it, 21. 
 
 Sieontum, by error for Hipponium, 22. 
 
 Sociatn War, account of, r—8. 
 Spera, or Ball, attribute of Nymphs, 
 54. 
 Sraters, of Cyzicus, 65. 
 a 
 Tzos, in Tonia, 30. 
 Tasos, occupied by the Edones, 39 (14). 
 Tnesx, in Troas, 68. 
 Trieres, of Thrace, coins attributed to 
 them, 4o. 
 TPIH, coins inscribed, 4o. 
 Treres, a Thracian tribe, 41. 
 TriQuETRA, its signification, 69. 
 Tunny-Fisn, emblem of Cyzicus, 65. 
 Tyrrpeny, 12, 17, 18. 
 Triton, 13, 81. 
 U. 
 Urenopa, queen of Characene, 85. 
 YIOZ MOAEQS, Honorific title, 71. 
 Uxenrum, in lapygia, 15. 
 Vi: 
 Venusia, in Apulia, 15. 
 Versrum, in Iapygia, 15. 
 Venus, armed, 56 — archaic statue of, 
 Gp: 
 Vino, the same as Eirov, 21. 
 Vicrorra Virco, 8. 
 xX, 
 Xerxes, invasion of Greece, 47, 48, 52. 
 Z. 
 
 ZIB, termination on coins of Segesta, 29. 
 
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