26 
 
 Letter on the Curates 9 Salary Bill. 
 
 Oct 
 
 misconception in the popular estimate of the amount of the 
 evil. 
 
 A very great proportion of all the curacies in England are 
 filled with men to whom the emolument is a matter of subordi- 
 nate importance. They are filled by young gentlemen who have 
 recently left college, who of course are able to- subsist as they 
 have subsisted for seven years before, and who are glad to have 
 an opportunity, on any terms, of acquiring a practical familiarity 
 with the duties of their profession. They move away from them 
 to higher situations as vacancies occur; and make way for a new 
 race of ecclesiastical apprentices. To those men, the smallness 
 of the appointment is a grievance of no very great magnitude ; 
 nor is it fair, with relation to them, to represent the ecclesiastical 
 order as degraded by the indigence to which some of its' mem- 
 bers are condemned. With regard, again, to those who take cu- 
 racies merely as a means of subsistence, and with the prospect 
 of remaining permanently in that situation, it is certain that by 
 far the greater part of them are persons born in a very humble 
 rank in society, and accustomed to no greater opulence than that 
 of an ordinary curate. There are scarcely any of those persons 
 who have taken a degree in an university, and not very. many 
 who have resided there at all. Now, the son of a small W elsh 
 farmer, who works hard every day for less than 40/. a year, has 
 no great reason to complain of degradation or disappointment, 
 if he get from 50/. to 100/. for a moderate portion of labour one 
 day in seven. The situation, accordingly, is looked upon by 
 these people as extremely eligible ; and there is a great competi- 
 tion for curacies, even as they are now provided. The amount 
 of the evil, then, as to the curates themselves, cannot be consi- 
 dered as very enormous, when there are so few who either actu- 
 ally feel, or are entitled to feel, much discontent on the subject. 
 The late regulations about residence, too, by diminishing the to- 
 tal number of curates, will obviously throw that office chiefly into 
 the hands of the well educated and comparatively independent 
 vounp men, who seek for the situation rather for practice than 
 
 J r ° , r , - ^ ... .... » . arm v vm^na q w u^/iMi.tii T 1 f nnrna 
 
 whole life. ' Sir Allan Apsley at last procured an order for permit- 
 ting him to walk a certain time every day on the beach ; but this 
 mitigation came too late. A sort of aguish fever, brought on by 
 damp and confinement, had settled on his constitution ; and, in 
 little more than a month after his removal from the Tower, he 
 was delivered by death from the mean and cowardly oppression 
 of those whom he had always disdained either to flatter or be- 
 tray. 
 
 England should be proud, we think, of having given birth to 
 Mrs Hutchinson and her husband j and chiefly because their cha- 
 racters 
 
IRETON, 
 
 BY THOMAS BAILEY. 
 
 " Let me alone, that I may speak, and let come on me what will." 
 
 Job. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY JAMES RID G WAY, PICADILLY. 
 
 MDCCCXXVII. 
 
 Price One Shilling and Sivpencc. 
 
k 
 
 Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2014 
 
 https://archive.org/details/iretonpoemOObail 
 
TO THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 
 
 THIS 
 
 POEM 
 
 is 
 
 RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, 
 BY 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 A HE following Poem was suggested in an excursion 
 one afternoon to Attenburrow, a village on the banks of the 
 Trent, about five miles south-west of Nottingham, the birth- 
 place of the well known Republican, General Ireton. 
 
 If, in the contemplation of the character of that illustrious 
 man, and in the indulgence of feelings excited by a consider- 
 ation of the great struggle in which he bore so distinguished 
 a part, the author has been led, in the progress of this poem, 
 to animadvert strongly on the state of society as existing in 
 some countries ; or to avow sentiments peculiarly favourable 
 to forms of popular government, as opposed to absolute mo- 
 narchy j — he assures the reader it is not with any wish or 
 intention to weaken the bonds which hold society together, 
 or to excite to discontent or insubordination those classes of 
 the community dependent on labour for their support. His 
 object has been to shew mankind, that their vices and fol- 
 lies are the real cause of their degradation ■ — that good 
 morals, springing from right principles, form the only sure- 
 foundation of civil liberty ; and that the men who would found 
 an improvement of the social system, on any other basis than 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 that of an improved moral and intellectual condition of the 
 people, can only enter on a course of fearfully hazardous ex- 
 periments : rationally hoping for nothing but to reap from 
 the crimes of others, a harvest of contempt and execration 
 as their own portion. 
 
 The true patriot is he who aims to elevate the tone of 
 morals among his fellow citizens, — to excite them to a just 
 respect for themselves, — 
 
 " And teach, by virtue, man to break his chains." 
 
 This was the true spirit of the eminent reformers of the 
 age of Charles the first. They had undertaken the important 
 work of settling the national character and institutions, at a 
 period when men's minds generally were bent on obtaining 
 an improvement of their social condition — and an extensive 
 toleration of religious opinions : and to accomplish the great 
 benefits their sedate and comprehensive minds contemplated, 
 they strove to induce among all classes, severe and inde- 
 pendent habits of thinking and feeling in reference to po- 
 litics and religion : without which they knew it would 
 be in vain to attempt to abolish the pageantry and fri- 
 volity connected with kingly government, that they had 
 begun to despise ; or to supersede the heathenish rites and 
 vain ceremonies of outward religion, the reliques of popery, 
 which their souls abhorred - } by those spiritual and devout ex- 
 ercises of the mind that themselves practised, and which 
 they conscientiously believed the good of society required, 
 and the laws of God enjoined.* Among the patriots no one 
 
 * Just as the above remarks were going to press, a friend put into the 
 author's hands, William Godwin's History of the Commonwealth — a work 
 which he has just cause to regret he had not the good fortune to become ac- 
 quainted with earlier: as many useful hints and much interesting matter 
 
PRKFACE. 
 
 7 
 
 was more deeply imbued with this sublime spirit, nor partook 
 more largely of the generous enthusiasm it excited, than 
 Henry Ireton, whose inflexible virtue, after the apparent 
 defection of Cromwell, formed the basis on which rested the 
 darling hopes of all the virtuous and enlightened reformers 
 of his day. 
 
 In pursuing the train of thought connected with his sub- 
 ject, the author has been led to touch upon the comparative 
 value of republicanism and monarchy, as conducive in the 
 spirit of their institutions, to advance that perfectibility of 
 the social system which he believes it the duty of every true 
 patriot steadily to pursue. And he could not blink the ques- 
 tion so far, (claiming to give an honest opinion) as to refrain 
 from avowing that upon the abstract question of theoretical 
 preference he is decidedly favourable to republicanism ; at 
 the same time declaring, unequivocally and unreservedly, that 
 he will yield to no man in a cheerful, cordial, and loyal at- 
 tachment and obedience to the mixed government under 
 which he lives ■ identified as it is with the most generous 
 feelings of his countrymen ; and calculated, as in his con- 
 science he believes it to be, to promote in a superlative 
 
 might have been afforded him both for his preface and notes: but he cannot 
 deny himself the pleasure of transcribing the following passage, so ably cor- 
 roborative of the opinions advanced above, as well as in other parts of the 
 preface to his poem. 
 
 " Religion," says Mr. Godwin, " with them (the patriots) was a serious 
 consideration, a topic which they were disposed to treat with good faith, and 
 in earnest. They were sincere patriots to the best of their judgment, anx- 
 ious to promote the substantial welfare of their fellow-creatures. They knew 
 that there can be no real liberty, and no good political government, without 
 morality ; and they believed that the morality of the various members of 
 the community intimately depended upon their religious creed, and upon the 
 character and conduct of the ministers of the national religion. 
 
s 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 degree the glory and happiness of a people with such habits 
 and dispositions ; and above all with such a condition of moral 
 and intellectual attainment, as characterizes the community 
 of Englishmen. Nor will he shrink from avowing, that, in- 
 dividually, he should feel himself necessitated by a sense of • 
 duty, unresistingly (as far as relates to the employment of 
 physical means,) to obey any form of government, however 
 despotic, under which he should live, so long as such govern- 
 ment had the support and approbation of the decided majo- 
 rity of his fellow citizens. It might be his duty to suffer 
 in bearing an honourable testimony against tyrants and ty- 
 ranny ; but at this point, -in his individual capacity he must 
 stop 3 — though acting in concert with the true vox-populi, in 
 resistance to the encroachments of ambitious power, or the 
 exactions of established despotism, he would not stop at any 
 thing short of its certain abridgement or final extinction. 
 
 To this spirit in our ancestors we owe the revolutions of 
 1 640 and 1 688 — as individuals they suffered long and griev- 
 ously for the sake of conscience, and the rights of man in ci- 
 vil society : but individual suffering became at last so iden- 
 tified with the general feeling of disgust and indignation at 
 the despotism of the government, that its character ceased 
 longer to be that of private suffering, or its remonstrance or 
 resistance the effect of personal consideration : hence a legi- 
 timate opposition to authority on that great principle, that 
 the public weal forms the only true measure of political al- 
 legiance, was aroused ; sanctioning such an appeal to force, as 
 under other circumstances, would have been justly stigmatized 
 as treason and rebellion. And it is worthy of remark, that, 
 principally to these two great events, as regenerating the 
 political constitution of our country, and unfettering the con- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 9 
 
 science and intellect of man 3 are owing, under providence, 
 most of those stupendous discoveries in science — and those 
 sublime achievements of philanthropy, which are rapidly 
 changing in our day, the moral aspect of the whole world. 
 
 That so much real and permanent good was accomplished 
 by these events, is a decisive proof that the minds of English- 
 men were fitted to receive and improve the benefits of them j 
 and, of consequence, that a high degree of criminality attach- 
 ed to the men whose devotion to antiquated principles of 
 civil government, — and superstitious veneration for the high 
 prerogatives of barbarous ages, caused them to close their 
 eyes against the light of truth, by which they were surround- 
 ed, and to lift their impious, but puny arms against the 
 spirit inspired by heaven for the moral improvement of its 
 creatures: for whilst there must always exist in the previous 
 habits and attainments of nations, a qualification for the ration- 
 al enjoyment of liberty, in order to prevent it from becoming a 
 curse rather than a blessing 5 there ought always to prevail 
 in governments a disposition to concede so much as the peo- 
 ple know how properly to use ; — if this principle form a con- 
 stituent in the rule of any government, it signifies not by 
 what name it is called — it is strictly a popular form of go- 
 vernment, exercising its powers for the good of the people : 
 if not, it is essentially despotic — employing the resources of 
 the state for its own aggrandizement : — and will certainly be 
 overturned at some moment of peculiar excitation, by the na- 
 tural efforts made by the people, to render their social con- 
 dition analogous to that improved moral and intellectual 
 condition, subsisting at the period of such excitation — nor 
 ought it, nor can it be otherwise : nor needs there any thing 
 more than this simple principle to explain all popular revo- 
 B 
 
10 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 lutions, at least, such as have occurred in modern times. To 
 claim for civil government under any name a right to with- 
 stand this principle, is to insult the moral Governor of the 
 universe, and to libel human nature by advocating the divine 
 right of governors to rule in unrighteousness. To enjoy li- 
 berty, nations in their individual, as well as collective capa- 
 city, must be wise and virtuous. Independence, it is true, re- 
 quires neither the one nor the other of these high attainments } 
 but independence is only the freedom of the savage state : — 
 liberty, the rule of perfect society : — that happy condition, 
 where man is only restrained in the exercise of what is inju- 
 rious to others, or fatal to himself — where the laws necessi- 
 tate no evil, and afford occasion for the greatest possible good 
 of which the social institution is susceptible. Independence, 
 mere independence, — founded on abstract considerations of 
 the natural powers and propensities of man, irrespective of 
 the moral effects of established habits and sophisticated in- 
 stitutions, appears to have been the object contemplated by 
 the leaders in thelate French revolution. Liberty, — rational 
 liberty ! — built on the firm basis of a refined morality, deduced 
 from divine Truth and calculated to purify and exalt human 
 nature, was the good sought for, by most of those men con- 
 cerned in the subversion of the throne of the Stuarts. Yet 
 have the memories of these men been assailed by the sense- 
 less cry of " hypocrites and fanatics/' in every age, by writers 
 who were too timid or too passionate to take a sober view of 
 their motives and actions : and yet in reality they were "men 
 of whom the world was not worthy — philanthropists whose 
 piety and genius broke open the sealed fountains of truth and 
 happiness, long denied by the despotism of princes and the 
 artifice 'of priests, to ^a suffering world 3 — but which thence 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 11 
 
 issuing from Britain, have irrigated the world with their ma- 
 jestic streams, and carried beauty and fertility into regions 
 apparently doomed for ever, to the sterile dreariness of sla- 
 very and superstition. That they were enthusiasts may be 
 granted : but to denounce enthusiasm in the cause of religion 
 and liberty, (those great interests so intimately connected 
 with the real glory and welfare of mankind,) is to imagine 
 the overthrow of virtue, and to join in confederacy against 
 the true dignity of human nature. Such conduct in the bulk 
 of mankind, is as becoming as if the tortoise were to im- 
 peach the character of the noble courser, because in the 
 strength of his power, he makes the earth to shake beneath 
 him as he scours along the plain, and overleaps in his might 
 the enclosure which circumscribes his limited vision. 
 
 It is the cant of despotism and infidelity to decry enthu- 
 siasm in the cause of religion and liberty: they dread its vi- 
 vifying effects, as they detest the principles which give birth 
 to its spirit; and therefore seek to render that contemptible 
 in the eyes of their fellows, which puts to shame their own 
 pretensions. What, it may be asked, was there in the de- 
 grading frivolity, — in the cold and cheerless scepticism intro- 
 duced among Englishmen, at the restoration of the second 
 Charles, which could kindle in the breasts of men enthusi- 
 asm r or compensate in any degree for the lofty hopes and 
 generous darings of the Puritan heroes? — nothing! — abso- 
 lutely nothing ! — all feeling, except malevolence and vo- 
 luptuousness, became congealed in the heart of man : and 
 the nation presented the melancholy spectacle, of a people 
 stricken with a general blight. It then became the fashion 
 to ridicule the enthusiasm of the bye-gone days, — and to 
 brand the reformers and their principles with terms of oblo- 
 
12 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 quy and reproach : — they were called " hypocrites/' — «. fa- 
 natics/' — " visionaries/' and " enthusiasts." That the lead- 
 ers of them were sincere, is abundantly proved by their gene- 
 ral character for integrity, and the sacrifices they made to the 
 cause in which they had engaged ; — that they were not " fa- 
 natics" is proved as far, at least, as respects the Independents, 
 the true Republicans, by the liberality of their sentiments 
 respecting religious toleration : — that they were not altoge- 
 ther visionary in their plans of government, may be demon- 
 strated from the fact that the broad outline of policy marked 
 out by them, still continues to be the land-marks of British 
 policy 5 and has been so ever since, both with respect to our 
 intercourse with foreign nations and the conducting of our 
 internal affairs : — and that their enthusiasm neither debased 
 their morals, nor weakened the force of their discrimination 
 nor judgment, the record of their comprehensive plans and 
 vigorous operations satisfactorily testifies. Among those 
 whose memories have shared the largest portion of this abuse 
 General Ireton stands conspicuous. His uncompromising 
 sternness of principle, and intrepidity of conduct naturally 
 exposed him to this : nor is it to be wondered at that such a 
 character, possessing so much compass, — so much originality, 
 and diversity of feature, should be liable to misrepresenta- 
 tion : it is the error of weak or rash minds to distort what 
 they cannot comprehend ; and to mistake their own crudities 
 for imperfections in the sublime objects which they casually 
 contemplate. The only cause for wonder would have been, 
 if such a character as Ireton, had not been exposed to ca- 
 lumny and misrepresentation, by prejudiced persons, whose 
 feeble or oblique vision rendered them unable to penetrate 
 the slight mists with which error or inadvertency occasionally 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 13 
 
 dimmed the true light of his glory : ascribing to deliberate 
 criminality, or designed hypocrisy, what in reality only arose 
 from the defectibility of human nature. But is it wise? — is 
 it generous ? — is it just ? — in Englishmen thus to insult the 
 memories, and degrade the characters of men to whom they 
 undoubtedly owe much of that stamina in their moral cha- 
 racter, which has no nobly distinguished them among the na- 
 tions of the earth ? it cannot be ! it is high time that so- 
 ciety, in the expression of its language, and the indulgence 
 of its opinions respecting them, reversed that attainder under 
 which they were condemned by the frivolous and licentious 
 generation which followed them. This was, as it were, con- 
 ventionally done by the country at the revolution in 1 688 — 
 when the Stuarts were decisively expelled the throne of these 
 realms — and the foul infection of their name, allowed no more 
 to pollute the annals of Britain : a most glorious achievement 
 this ; which deliberately recognizing by an act of legislation 
 the real voice of the people, as the only basis of legitimate 
 government laid " the divine right of kings" prostrate before 
 " the majesty of the people and then reared in triumph in 
 the portico of our constitution, as two beautiful pillars, the 
 " Bill of Rights" and the " Act of Toleration thus opening 
 a more noble entrance than had hitherto been enjoyed into 
 that venerable edifice, reared by the conjoined efforts of a 
 long succession of more illustrious patriots than ever graced the 
 annals of any other country that so Englishmen of every name 
 and party might be admitted to take refuge in its sanctuary, 
 and walk exulting in the light of its glory. The revolution 
 of 1688 certainly removed the stigma, which, but for that 
 event might have rested on the reformers of 1 640 as traitors 
 and rebels : — it gave them generally a title to our gratitude 
 
14 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 and veneration 5 and most happy will the author of this little 
 work feel himself, if, in following so good an example, he 
 may contribute in any degree, however small, to restore par- 
 ticularly to his just rank among the acknowledged worthies 
 of Britain, one of the most illustrious of those patriots, his 
 much abused countryman, Henyy Ireton. 
 
ERRATA. 
 Page 10, line 12, for has read have. 
 
 \ 
 
IRETON. 
 
 " It may be said, there wanted but little, perhaps only the 
 " survivance of Ireton, to have made Cromwell intrinsically, 
 " as well as splendidly Great.". . ,,Mrs. Hutchinson s Memoirs. 
 
 As nature lights in solitude, the blaze 
 
 Of the proud gem; and deep conceals its rays 
 
 Awhile, from human sight, till in full worth 
 
 It breaks at last, in splendor on the earth ; 
 
 So in these shades, she, Ireton, (») lit thy mind, 
 
 With all the glories which adorn our kind ; — 
 
 First struck the spark, which kindling into flame, 
 
 Wreathes with a light ineffable thy name. 
 
 Hero and Statesman; — Patriot! names rever'd! 
 
 Which singly, to mankind has long endear'd 
 
2 
 
 1RETON, 
 
 The fame of others, center'd all in Thee; 
 
 Blent with true grace, and worn with dignity. 
 
 Though faction's breath thy glory overcast 
 
 (As fogs the sun), awhile, the shades have pass'd 
 
 Harmless away : for truth, with native might 
 
 Dispels the clouds of falsehood by her light. 
 
 Content I yield her Cato, now, to Rome ; 
 
 Her Brutuses, — her Cassius, — nor become 
 
 Envious, that Greece Aristides can boast, — 
 
 Demosthenes, nor any of that host 
 
 Of glorious names, which blazon her fair page, 
 
 And swell the blast of fame through ev'ry age. 
 
 Whilst Ireton's lofty deeds, adorn the spot, 
 
 I call my home, my country; I will not 
 
 Covet the fame which other lands can give, 
 
 Nor age, nor place, o'er that in which I live. 
 
 Who prizes freedom, prizes those who bought 
 
 The precious rights; — whose valour for him wrought 
 
 This good supreme : and holds them dear to fame, 
 
 Though tyrants brand their memory with shame. 
 
A POEM. 
 
 3 
 
 When, from the grave, the Patriot's limbs are torn, (*) 
 
 The despot's triumph, and the minion's scorn \ 
 
 Like him, who would not rather rot in air, 
 
 Than with the slave a tomb of marble share ? 
 
 Better the gibbet, and the high renown 
 
 The Patriot earns, than to sink slowly down 
 
 By shameful life, and fill a dastard's grave, )g) 
 
 Scorn'd by the wise, the virtuous, and the brave; 
 
 And when remember'd, bear the curse of all 
 
 Whose gen'rous spirits scorn tyrannic thrall. 
 
 That there exists a slave, is the disgrace 
 
 Of man alone; — nature abhors the race: 
 
 The meanest thing she makes, of meaner life. 
 
 Will wage for liberty, perpetual strife : 
 
 Toils for itself alone, secure to find 
 
 That state of comfort suited to its kind. 
 
 It, to no fellow brute, deep rev'rence yields, 
 
 Who wastes the produce of an hundred fields ; 
 
 Content to follow shiv'ring in his train, 
 
 The loyal victim of a tyrant's reign : 
 
4 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Nor, leagued with others, to provide a feast, 
 
 Brings slaughter'd herds to gorge some kingly beast 3 
 
 Seeking no further bounty than to taste, 
 
 For all this toil, a morsel of the waste : 
 
 Then, weary, crouch and lick his wounds, o'erjoy'd 
 
 That a kind monarch has his strength employ 'd, 
 
 To cat A 3> for the royal appetite, 
 
 And kept his sacred person from the fight. 
 
 Ask of the Beaver, Slave ! what wholesome rules 
 
 Bindl his community, — unknown to schools : 
 
 Inquire the rights he claims, — the law he gives, 
 
 In that society in which he lives ? 
 
 He will instruct thee, 'tis for mutual good, 
 
 To share defence, and fellowship and food: — - 
 
 That gen'ral benefit cements the tie, 
 
 Which binds his species in society. 
 
 Ask if he rears for some proud beast, a pile, 
 
 Secure and warm, and skulks himself, the while 
 
 Into a den, expos'd to pinching cold, 
 
 To damp and hunger, on the bare earth roll'd? 
 
A POEM. 
 
 5 
 
 Content and cheerful so that worthless beast, 
 
 Which hunts not, — toils not, may profusely feast ? 
 
 And learn, thy crimes, thy follies, fears, alone 
 
 Of all earth's varied beings, make thee own 
 
 A tyrant in thy equal; — whose control 
 
 O'erawes thy pow'rs, and fetters e'en thy soul. 
 
 The brute, content with what kind nature gives, 
 
 Guards his own rights, and thus, in freedom lives. 
 
 Or, if too weak for once, to guard the spoil, 
 
 He bars no right, nor lends himself to toil 
 
 Or hunt, that others may doze out the day, 
 
 And wake to riot on his proffer'd prey. 
 
 But myriad slaves of human kind, are found 
 
 To toil and sweat, — to cultivate the ground, 
 
 To spin, to weave, to mine, 'midst foetid air 
 
 And noxious damps, — to spend their lives with care 
 
 And grief oppress'd, — by penury bow'd down, 
 
 That some vile mortal's brows may wear a crown. 
 
 Yes ! nations faint beneath this dead'ning blight ! — 
 
 This mildew of oppression ! in despite 
 
6 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Of nature's promptings, or of reason's call, 
 Bound by the spells of superstition's thrall. 
 A bigot priesthood, — or a venal train 
 Of selfish nobles, (such as govern Spain,) 
 Can shackle millions ! boasted reas'ning kind ! 
 And awe, through fear of ills unknown, the mind. 
 Heavens ! how they creep, — and cringe, — and fawn, — 
 and fear 
 
 These earthly Gods — and meanly stoop to bear 
 Insult, aud slav'ry's yoke, to buy an hour 
 Of shameful life : whilst, in the lust of pow'r, 
 Their haughty despot sends his mandate forth, 
 And makes a prison-house of this fair earth : 
 Nor nobly dare to strike for Liberty, 
 And die for Truth, — but, with servility, 
 Shake like weak reeds which by the rivers stand, 
 And bend obsequious to the dread command. 
 But who is he, that through the mists of Time 
 Beams nobly forth, in look and port sublime, 
 Announc'd with benedictions on his name ? 
 And title, fairest on the scroll of fame ? 
 
A POEM. 
 
 7 
 
 Before whom tyrants quake? — and conq'rors bow? 
 And haughty fav'rites sink their greatness low ? 
 It is the Patriot! who when Danger frown'd, 
 And cruel foes his country hover'd round; 
 Whilst hearts grew faint, — and hands sunk weak with 
 fear, 
 
 As, stain'd with blood, the Conq'ror shook his spear, 
 
 And men, like herds of deer, when on the plain 
 
 A tiger darts, in terror sought to gain 
 
 The wood's dark fastness, or the mountain's side, — 
 
 Rallied their hopes ; and taught them to abide 
 
 With manly courage the invader's blow, 
 
 And back the bolts of war hurl on th' astonish'd foe : — 
 
 It is the Patriot ! — he who nobly dar'd, 
 
 (When Tyranny his iron sceptre rear'd, 
 
 And millions crouch'd,) to spurn his fierce command, 
 
 And rouse the spirit of his native land. 
 
 Intent to rescue, treading in the dust 
 
 The spite of factions, — rage of Kings, — and lust 
 
 Of haughty nobles, as the vineyard's waste 
 
 Is trodden down, by him, whose hopes are plac'd 
 
8 IRETON, 
 
 On gath'ring a rich vintage, — firm he stood ; 
 And sav'd his suff'ring Country by his blood. 
 Valiant to suffer ! though his robe be red 
 With crimson spots, from those dark stains is shed 
 An odor, fragrant as the morning breeze 
 Wafted at spring time o'er the blossom' d trees; 
 Yea ! sweeter far ! for a great nation lives, 
 In joy and freedom, by the life it gives. 
 A Patriot's blood can make a holy shrine 
 Of meanest earth : with pow'r, as though divine, 
 Can melt the heart, — can blanch the cheek, or fire 
 The ardent spirit with exalted ire. 
 No spot so barren, by such life blood fed, 
 'Midst snow-capt rocks, — or where dull marshes 
 spread, — 
 
 In forest glooms, — or splendid city's bound, 
 
 But hence is hail'd as consecrated ground. 
 
 Country, endear'd, assumes a lovelier hue, 
 
 And man, enfranchis'd, starts his race anew : 
 
 The pilgrim, wand'ring through some foreign clime, 
 
 Pensively led to mark the spoil of Time; 
 
A POEM, 
 
 9 
 
 Beholds some widow'd city on the plain, 
 
 Who once led nations in her glorious train, 
 
 Espous'd of princes : — in whose days of mirth, 
 
 Kings sought her favor, from the ends of earth. 
 
 Whose armies, like thick clouds, around her throne 
 
 Waited, to make her royal mandates known : 
 
 And ships, shadow'd the sea — floating sublime 
 
 Like ocean demons : — linking clime to clime, 
 
 And land to land, in one vast, boundless sway, 
 
 They bade the world their lofty queen obey : 
 
 And at her feet laid down the gather'd spoil, 
 
 For which an hundred realms were doom'd to toil. 
 
 Now childless homes, — cold hearths, — forsaken halls, 
 
 Where ruin echoes to destruction's calls, — 
 
 Alone remain : the wand'rer asks, in grief, 
 
 Why widow'd ages, close the years of brief 
 
 And flitting glory, which once round her throne 
 
 Play'd, like the sunbeams through the loop holes thrown 
 
 Which time hath worn in temple, tow'r, and roof? 
 
 Because she heeded not the sage reproof 
 B 
 
TO 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Of patriot warning ! — but, in lustful pride, 
 
 Clad in the plunder which a world supplied, 
 
 Lifted herself in grandeur o'er the rest, 
 
 And said, "I sit an eagle in my nest!" 
 
 Her people vassals, and her nobles vain, 
 
 Debauch'd and cruel, soon a tyrant's reign 
 
 Alone, was able to uphold her pow'r ; — 
 
 And there she sits — the owl's and dragon's dow'r. 
 
 If seeking some memento, to convey 
 
 Back to his home, which shall recall the way 
 
 His feet has trod, in his lone pilgrimage, 
 
 What think you shall his fondest thoughts engage ?— 
 
 Or waken deepest feelings for the fate 
 
 Of that " discrowned Queen," who desolate 
 
 Dwells in a desert by her ruins made : — 
 
 Whom lux'ry first debauch'd, — then kings betray 'd ? 
 
 Will he attempt, 'midst urns and busts, to find, 
 
 Broken and scatter'd, something which the mind 
 
 Can take unto itself? No ! — all which art, 
 
 That seeks by flatt'ring marbles to impart 
 
A POEM. 
 
 11 
 
 Remembrance of the mighty, will be cast 
 
 Heedless away: — the tombs of kings be pass'd 
 
 With unconcern; — his heart more pleas'd to save 
 
 A simple leaf that decks her Patriots grave. 
 
 When through the maze of history we stray, 
 
 Beset with crime ! how cheering in the way, 
 
 'Midst desolations, conquests, rapine's deeds, 
 
 Oppressions foul, at which the bosom bleeds, 
 
 To meet one name above the traitor's lure, — 
 
 The tyrant's frown, — who nobly seeks, to cure 
 
 Those bitter woes inflicted on mankind 
 
 By tyrant Pow'r; — his country's wounds to bind; — 
 
 To lead exultant Freedom o'er its plains, 
 
 And teach, by virtue, man to break his chains ; 
 
 As waters gushing in a desert land, 
 
 Rejoice the trav'ller, — so, refresh'd we stand, 
 
 And drink, in copious draughts, the streams which roll 
 
 Of truth and knowledge, from his gen'rous soul; — 
 
 Delighted view the landscape brighten round, 
 
 See fruits burst forth, and flow'rs adorn the ground ; 
 
12 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Whilst man, no more debased, exerts new pow'rs, 
 
 And gives to truth and virtue, all his hours. 
 
 Such Patriots, Heroes, Britain ! have been thine : — 
 
 Such did thy Wickliffe, Russell, Hampden shine. 
 
 Nor beams the name on hist'ry's page more sweet, 
 
 To patriot eyes, nor one he loves to greet 
 
 With heartier welcomes, than the Chief's, who here, 
 
 On Trent's green banks, first drew the vital air. 
 
 No fawning parasite his soul beguil'd; 
 
 No courtly arts his youthful mind defil'd; 
 
 Nurtur'd in solitude, his thoughts were free ; 
 
 Daring and brave, he scorn'd servility ; 
 
 Train'd in religion, and devote to truth, 
 
 In virtuous labours pass'd his ripening youth ; 
 
 Thus grew his mind, for lofty deeds prepar'd, 
 
 To sternness moulded, by the toils he shar'd j 
 
 So grows the sapling oak, 'midst woods profound, 
 
 And gathers strength from storms which beat aronnd : 
 
 At length matur'd, a nation's pride, in war 
 
 It guards the realm, and spreads its fame afar. 
 
A POEM. 
 
 18 
 
 I r eton ! yet lives there one, in this base age, 
 
 Whose heart thy manly virtues can engage, 
 
 To love and rev'rence; as he greets the blow, 
 
 By which thou laid'st the treach'rous Stuart low: ( 3 ) 
 
 Whilst hordes of slaves look'd on, with wond'ring awe, 
 
 And kings were taught obedience to law. 
 
 And still, in Charles's blood, the lesson lives, 
 
 Which teaches them 'tis Public Will that gives 
 
 Alone the right to rule; and fixes sway 
 
 On subjects' love, and in? rest to obey ; 
 
 Not " right divine," that charm, by Priestcraft spread 
 
 Round guilty thrones, to save th' anointed head 
 
 From public vengeance ; when its crimes no more 
 
 An outrag'd suff'ring people will endure. 
 
 Irbton, enfranchise England truly owes, 
 
 With all mankind, much of the bliss that grows 
 
 From rights secur'd, and privilege defin'd, 
 
 And pow'r control'd, to thy exalted mind. ( 4 ) 
 
 More had it ow'd, but, that mysterious heaven, 
 
 In all things just, deem'd that enough was given 
 
14 
 
 1RETON, 
 
 To teach mankind, too long abas'd,to prize 
 
 What in religion, — what in freedom lies j 
 
 So, to itself, recall'd thy soul, whose ray 
 
 Had been the patriot's guide through many a day 
 
 Of doubtful strife, — in many a troublous hour 
 
 Had chas'd his gloom, and cheer'd him by its pow'r. 
 
 Long hadst thou, Irbton, borne, 'midst toils and blood 
 
 The holy ark of Freedom ; — long hadst stood 
 
 Thy Country's hope ; — lent vigour to her arms, 
 
 Light to her councils ; — in her wild alarms 
 
 Been her high rock ; — her strong pavilion, where 
 
 The brave took courage, and the weak lost fear ; 
 
 Ere heaven, on sudden, quench' d in the dread tomb 
 
 Thy glorious light; and left the land in gloom. 
 
 As the proud steed, impatient of the reins, 
 
 Frets at the hand whose pow'r his rage restrains, 
 
 And, if he breaks the curb, will fiercer run 
 
 The dang'rous path his rider sought to shun - } 
 
 Or if by shock severe he quits his seat, 
 
 The foaming courser darts on ruin fleet ; 
 
A POEM. 
 
 15 
 
 Leaves the plain track, — leaps fences yet untried, 
 
 And braves some mound, in insolence of pride, 
 
 At which he falls: so, Cromwell, ( 5 ) when the voice 
 
 No more was heard, which once controll'd his choice : 
 
 When Ireton, stern and rigid, in the cause 
 
 Of pure religion, equal rights and laws, 
 
 Remain'd no longer to abash the pride 
 
 Which sought, with bold ambition, to bestride 
 
 The prostrate strength of a great realm, whose blood 
 
 Had stream'd for Freedom as a copious flood: 
 
 Leap'd, madly o'er each guard which had secur'd 
 
 The dear-bought rights : and, in his fall, ensur'd 
 
 The ruin of that cause, so nobly won, 
 
 And left his country, and mankind, undone. 
 
 Darkness too soon o'erspread the land again, 
 
 Beneath a Tyrant's lewd capricious reign : 
 
 Virtue and freedom were rever'd no more, 
 
 And the stern virtues sought a genial shore : ( 6 ) 
 
 A new found world ! by nature's bounty grac'd 
 
 With pow'rs stupendous \ — and by wisdom plac'd, 
 
16 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Where, undebauch'd by regal sway, might rise 
 
 A pure Republic : to console the wise, 
 
 And teach the good, that heaven, this simple plan, 
 
 As yet, designs to staunch the woes of man : 
 
 When all shall know, from liberty what flows, 
 
 And share the bliss that equal laiv bestows. 
 
 But God, in wrath, the benefit suspends; 
 
 And k — s, its ministers of vengeance, sends 
 
 To rule on earth, that vicious man may see 
 
 The bitter fruits of his impiety : 
 
 For iron sceptres, only, can command, 
 
 And haughty despots rule, a venal land. 
 
 The lion roams the monarch of the wood ; 
 
 For might must sway, where subjects hunt for blood. 
 
 Could ought to gen'rous spirits reconcile 
 
 The kingly rule, such monarchs as our isle, 
 
 In the fourth George presents, " a patriot King" 
 
 Just, lib'ral, and humane, the balm must bring : 
 
 A reign where pow'r but guards the subject's right, 
 
 And the proud crown beams fair with freedom's light. 
 
A POEM. 
 
 17 
 
 Had such the Stuart's been the raging blast, 
 
 Which, from his throne, the bigot Monarch cast, 
 
 And, in dread fury, hurl'd in ruin, down, 
 
 The lofty ones of earth, had not been known. 
 
 Hid in the solitudes of private life, 
 
 Earth's lowly sons had mingl'd not in strife 
 
 With mighty names, princes and pow'rs, whose state 
 
 Seem'd, once, to dare the wildest storms of fate. 
 
 But, as the ocean on its billows bears, 
 
 In raging mood, the mire and dirt it tears 
 
 From its low bed, and overwhelms the pride 
 
 Of halls and palaces; so drear and wide 
 
 The ravage made, when through its custom'd mound 
 
 Subjection bursts, and owns no settled bound. 
 
 O'er rank and state the torrent rises high, 
 
 Whilst ruin'd thrones and altars prostrate lie. 
 
 Let princes learn, then, righteously to sway : — 
 
 And to their subjects' weal just def'rence pay: 
 
 Nor lust of pow'r e'er tempt them to withstand 
 
 What justice prompts the People to demand, 
 c 
 
18 
 
 IRETON, 
 
 Let rights of conscience, social claims allow'd, 
 
 Disarm the factious, and confound the proud : 
 
 Who seek, 'midst wounded spirits, — tortur'd minds, 
 
 That cement which a suff'ring people binds. 
 
 Then shall rebellion to establish'd pow'r, 
 
 Be as the snow drift beat against a tow'r 
 
 Of massive strength; which may obscure, awhile, 
 
 Its native grandeur, but, anon, the pile 
 
 Shall show its beauty, whilst the vengeful storm 
 
 Melts at its base, no longer to deform. 
 
 Rebellion ! 'tis a foul, — an odious deed I 
 
 The traitor, justly, is to death decreed: 
 
 But nations may not bear the hateful name, 
 
 Nor, in their gen'ral acts, incur the shame. 
 
 A rebel People, no where can be found; 
 
 For public will, alone, can fix the bound 
 
 Of law and right, determine the just plan 
 
 Of social government, and give to man 
 
 What may comport, in fix'd society, 
 
 With general good and private liberty. 
 
A POEM. 
 
 19 
 
 Traitors, when rightly scann'd, are the base few 
 Who claim those rights which to the whole are due. 
 And be they kings, lords, demagogues, or mobs,. 
 Who seek such sway, each manly bosom throbs 
 With anguish at their thrall; nor will sustain, 
 Longer than force compels, their iron reign. 
 The Lark, by nature taught to wing the air, 
 Flutters and strives, his native skies to share, 
 As much, when gilded wires confine his wings, 
 As when from rustic twigs his durance springs : 
 'Tis not the sort of prison, but the cage 
 He mourns ; and freedom must his woes assuage. 
 A pow'r as strong as fate ; which force defies : 
 Is that a common suffering supplies. 
 When men bethink them of the wrongs they feel 
 From tyrant's foul contempt of public weal; 
 And look upon their little ones at play, 
 Inheritors of slav'ry ! born t'obey 
 Oppression's cruel lash, — yet, not allow'd 
 To share the good their sweat procures the proud 
 
20 
 
 1RETON, 
 
 EnthralFd by laws severe, unjust, refin'd 
 By cruel policy, the soul to bind; 
 Their fev'rish spirits drink their hearts blood dry 
 With long despair : or, else, in agony, 
 They burst their chains; and, reckless of the life 
 No longer priz'd, rush, madden'd, into strife. 
 Before such spirit hirelings disappear, 
 As leaves are scatter'd when the sullen year 
 Marshals its troop of storms ; — and forests shake, 
 While from her brows fierce blasts the crown of na- 
 ture take. 
 
 The gales which fan the earth, — the rolling streams, — 
 
 The echoing rocks, — the sea, — the sun's bright beams ; 
 
 All nature joins to bind, refresh, inspire, 
 
 To lift the high resolve, — to fix the strong desire; 
 
 When once a nation, rous'd from slavery, 
 
 Has caught the thrilling sound of Liberty ! 
 
 From tongue to tongue, — from heart to heart it flies, 
 
 Hand clench'd in hand, the desp'rate struggle tries ; 
 
 The tocsin sounds to arms ! Resistance wakes : 
 
 And his weak bonds the rising giant breaks. 
 
A POEM. 
 
 21 
 
 Such spirit call'd the valiant heroes forth, 
 
 Of Charles's age : — theirs the exalted worth, 
 
 To strive for freedom, — rights of conscience, — all 
 
 That England's worthies good and noLle call; 
 
 And nobly triumph too, — in the just cause 
 
 Of teaching kings to rule by wholesome laws. 
 
 And 'mongst that gen'rous band, no name more dear, 
 
 Ireton! than thine: with breast estrang'd to fear; — 
 
 With fame unsullied; — uncorrupt in heart; — 
 
 In motive pure; ( 7 ) thou well perform'dst thy part. 
 
 Ireton, farewell ! but, often as my eyes, 
 
 In my lone walks shall view this spire arise, 
 
 In the blue vale, — which marks the spot, rever'd, 
 
 Where thou, the glory of thy age, first shar'd 
 
 The vital air, thou shalt my rev'rence claim, 
 
 And I will pause — and bless the Patriot's name. 
 
22 
 
 SONG. 
 
 Fill the cup to the ghosts of the dead ! 
 
 The sage and the hero of old : — 
 The men who for liberty bled, 
 
 Unaw'd, uncorrupted by gold. 
 
 CHORUS. 
 
 Their mem'ries we'll cherish, 
 
 Their names ne'er shall perish, 
 The rights which they won shall by us be preserv'd 
 The glory they earn'd shall by us be deserv'd ! 
 
 Strike the harp to the praise of the dead ! 
 
 With songs their high honors proclaim : — 
 Our valiant forefathers ! who bled 
 
 For country, and freedom, and fame. 
 Their mem'ries we'll cherish, 
 Their names ne'er shall perish. 
 The rights which they won shall by us be preserv'd 
 The glory they earn'd shall by us be deserv'd ! 
 
 Chant a dirge to the shades of the dead ! 
 
 The worthies of Albion's story : 
 But let no weak tears be shed ; 
 
 They rest in the light of their glory. 
 Their mem'ries we'll cherish, 
 Their names ne'er shall perish, 
 The rights which they won shall by us be preserv'd 
 The glory they earn'd shall by us be deserv'd ! 
 
23 
 
 "O ENGLAND, MY COUNTRY!" 
 
 O England, my country ! the land of the free j 
 
 Thou queen of the ocean, most fair ! 
 The myrtle and laurel belong unto thee j 
 
 To science and liberty dear : 
 When dark clouds of slavery hung o'er the world, 
 
 And Europe was buried in night, 
 Midst thee, was the standard of freedom unfnrl'd, 
 
 Religion o'er thee shed her light. 
 
 Should conquest allure thee ; aggression provoke ; 
 
 How terrible art thou array'd ! 
 But mercy descends, as thy arm gives the stroke, 
 
 To heal the deep wounds war has made. 
 The light of the nations, my country ! art thou ; 
 
 A beacon that cheers the world round ; 
 Thy name is a refuge — in it monarchs hide, 
 
 And earth's thousand realms own its sound. 
 
 Go search the bright record of deeds which belongs 
 
 To France, or to Spain's proudest days, 
 Their glory was built on humanity's wrongs, 
 
 Their fame was the lightning's fierce blaze : 
 But England ! thy glory is rais'd on true worth, 
 
 And fair, as it beams o'er the wave, 
 Sheds light which illumines the crowns of the earth, 
 
 And cheers e'en the hut of the slave. 
 
24 
 
 TO LIBERTY. 
 
 Written at the Tomb of Col. Hutchinson, Owthorpe, Nottinghamshire. 
 
 Hail ! heaven-born Liberty ! I feel thy pow'r 
 Awakening in my breast, at this lone hour, 
 As o'er thy martyr's tomb I fondly bend ; 
 Such holy, fervent ecstasy, 
 That health, and strength, and life, for thee ! 
 In noble daring I would freely spend. 
 Who blushes not, to bear the name of Slave, 
 Let him not venture near this hallow' d grave. 
 There is a fresh' ning odour round, 
 Which makes the freeman's heart to bound 
 Like summer leaves; — but the blanch'd cheek, 
 Tyrants and vassals show, — bespeak 
 A fear is on them, which awakens dread, 
 As though their step should rouse th' indignant dead. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 (1) HENRY IRETON, so well known for his republican principles 
 and the great part he took in the affairs of his country during the dis- 
 pute between Charles the First and his parliament; and, subsequently 
 to the death of the unfortunate Monarch, for the sway he bore in the 
 councils of Cromwell, was the eldest Son of German Ireton, Esq. of 
 Attenburrow, near Nottingham, and was born in the year 1610. He 
 was entered a Gentleman Commoner of Trinity College, Oxford, in 1626; 
 and from his great proficiency in learning, took, so early as 1629, the 
 degree of Bachelor of Arts. From College he removed to the Middle 
 Temple, where he studied the common law; but the civil war breaking 
 out, he quitted his pursuits in that line, to serve in the army, where he 
 made such proficiency in the military art, that some have not scrupled 
 to say, even Cromwell himself learned the rudiments of war from him. 
 He sat in the long Parliament, for Appleby, but at what time he was 
 returned, does not appear quite clear ; probably some time between 
 1640 and 1647. Soon after his going into the army, he married Bridget, 
 eldest daughter of Mr. Oliver Cromwell, afterwards Protector. At the 
 new modelling of the army, in 1645, he was raised to the rank of Com- 
 missary General, having rapidly passed through the subordinate degrees 
 of command. He greatly distinguished himself in many actions, par- 
 ticularly at the battle of Naseby, in which, his ardor having led him too 
 far from his men, he was taken prisoner by the Royalists ; but, in the 
 confusion which soon after ensued in the king's army, he made his 
 escape. 
 
 D 
 
•26 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (2) " When from the grave the Patriot's limbs aie torn," 
 
 After the restoration of Charles the Second, the body of Ireton was 
 removed from its tomb, in Westminster Abbey, where it had been in- 
 terred with great pomp by direction of Cromwell, and conveyed on a 
 hurdle to Tyburn, upon which it was taken from the coffin and hung 
 on the gibbet from sun-rise to sun-set ; the head was then severed from 
 the body and set upon a pole, and the carcase buried under the gallows. 
 Ludlow, speaking of the preceding pompous funeral with which Ireton 
 was honoured, by his father-in-law Cromwell, and in allusion to the 
 subsequent degradation of his body, says, " Ireton would have de- 
 spised these pomps, having erected for himself a more glorious monu- 
 ment in the hearts of good men, by his affection to his country, his 
 abilities of mind, his impartial justice, his diligence in the public ser- 
 vice, and his virtues ; which were a far greater honor to his memory, 
 than a dormitory among the ashes of kings ; who, for the most part, as 
 they had governed others by their passions, so were they as much go- 
 verned by them." 
 
 (3) By which thou laid'st the treacli rous Stuart loiv:" 
 
 Noble says, " Ireton was perhaps more than any other man the 
 cause of the king's death: — and which is said to be owing to his having 
 intercepted a letter from his Majesty to the Queen, in which his destruc- 
 tion along with that of Cromwell was fixed:" thus attempting to make 
 private revenge or retaliation, rather than a sense of public duty, the ope- 
 rating principle of his mind in his subsequent conduct towards the infa- 
 tnated monarch. A notion in which he is not at all borne out by con- 
 temporary testimonjr: for though Bishop Burnet remarks, that c< Crom- 
 well was wavering whether to put the king to death or not ; but that 
 Ireton, who had the temper and principles of a Cassius, stuck at no- 
 thing that might have turned England into a Commonwealth, hoping 
 that by the king's death that all men concerned in it would become ir- 
 reconcileable to monarchy ;" yet it cannot be reasonably inferred from 
 this, that he was at all actuated by personal considerations, but only, 
 
NOTES. 
 
 87 
 
 that by this decisivs step, when Charles's insincerity was placed beyond 
 doubt, such a bond of union would be formed amongst the whole body 
 of Reformers, and their immediate descendants, as should, in a manner, 
 guarantee the complete abolition of royalty, by a sense of the common 
 danger to which they wouM be exposed, in their persons and properties, 
 by its restoration. 
 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, in her memoirs, alluding to the condition and treat- 
 ment of the king at Hampton Court, after he was delivered up to the 
 Parliamentary Commissioners by the Scots, says, " The king, by reason 
 of his daily converse with the officers, began to be trinkling with them, 
 and had drawn in some of them to engage others to fall in with him : 
 but to speak the truth of all, Cromwell was at that time so uncorruptibly 
 faithful to his trust, and to the people's interest, that he could not be 
 drawn in to practice even his own usual and natural dissimulations on 
 that occasion. His son-in-law, Ireton, that was as faithful as he, was 
 not so fully of opinion (till he had tried it and found to the contrary) 
 but that the king might have been managed to comply with the public 
 good of his people, after he could no longer uphold his own violent will ; 
 but, upon some discourses with him, the king uttering these words to 
 him, " I shall play my game as well as I can," Ireton replied, " if 
 your Majesty have a game to play, you must give us liberty also to play 
 ours." 
 
 Colonel Hutchinson discoursing privately with his cousin (Ire ion) 
 about the conversations he had with the king, — the latter made use of 
 these expressions : "He gave us words, and we paid him in his own 
 coin, when we found he had no real intention to the people's good, but to 
 prevail by our factions, to regain by art what be had lost in light." 
 
 This conviction of the king's insincerity, and this alone, appears to 
 have determined Iueton to accomplish his death. The public good he 
 evidently believed required it: and, as in this cause, he was prepared to 
 lay down his own life; so he was resolved that no individual's life should 
 be an obstacle to its furtherance. That " he was perhaps more than any 
 other man the cause of the king's death," may be readily believed: but 
 that his conduct in that solemn affair proceeded upon the despicable 
 principle of private revenge, because the king had secretly resolved, pre- 
 viously, upon his destruction and that of Cromwell, may be safely de- 
 nied. His motives are better explained in the following extract from 
 
28 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 the speech made by him upon the motion that no more addresses be 
 made to the King, from Parliament, nor any messages received from 
 him ; wherein he says, " Subjection to the king is but in lieu of protec- 
 tion from him, which being denied, we may settle the kingdom without 
 him." With his rooted antipathy to the government of a single person, 
 and his bold and decisive character; at the same time possessing a mind 
 fitted for the most daring resolves, and capacious of enterprizes requir- 
 ing boldness, and skill in their accomplishment, there can be no wonder 
 that he was amongst the foremost in bringing about the death of the 
 king. This perfectly agrees with the character given of him by Neal, 
 in his history of the Puritnns, where he remarks, " Lieutenant-General 
 Ireton was bred to the law, and was a person of great integrity ; bold 
 and intrepid in all his enterprizes, and never to be diverted from what 
 he thought just and right, by any arguments or considerations. He was 
 most liberal in employing his purse and hazarding his person in the ser- 
 vice of the Public." To this maybe added the testimony ofWuiTiocK, 
 who, in speaking of some reforms proposed in the election and composi- 
 tion of the Houre of Commons, says, " Ireton was chiefly employed 
 in them, having learned some grounds of law, and having a laborious 
 and working brain and fancy." In another place he remarks, " this 
 gentleman (Ireton was a person very active, industrious, and stiff in his 
 ways and purposes : he was of good abilities for council as well as ac- 
 tion; made much use of his pen, and was very forward to reform the 
 proceedings in law, wherein his having been bred a lawyer was a great 
 help to him. He was stout in the field, and wary in councils; exceed- 
 ingly forward as to the business of a Commonwealth." These creden- 
 tials of character and motive, will, undoubtedly, prove sufficient to every 
 impartial mind, to clear the fame of General Ireton from the foul stigma 
 attempted to be fixed on it by Noble, in his memoirs. 
 
 (4) " to thy exalted mind" 
 
 Ireton was, in his day, emphatically called the " Scribe," from his 
 skill in drawing up petitions, declarations, &c. The remonstrance of 
 the army for justice against the king, the agreement of the people, the 
 ordinance for the trial of the king, the precept for proclaiming the high 
 
NOTES* 
 
 29 
 
 court of justice, and many other important state papers of that eventful 
 period, are believed to be his production. 
 
 Extracts from one or two of these interesting documents will tend 
 to place the character and principles of this virtuous republican in their 
 just light, and strikingly exemplify the fact that there is scarcely a great 
 object of reform at present contemplated by British patriots, or which 
 has been entertained at any period since his time, but what his bold and 
 sagacious mind had entertained as necessary to secure the liberty of the 
 subject. The proposals of the army, as preserved in Rushworth, con- 
 template the following great objects of political reform, viz. " that the 
 duration of parliaments be limited, — elections better regulated, — the re- 
 presentation more equally distributed, — improper privileges of members 
 of parliament given up, — the coercive powers and civil penalties of bi- 
 shops taken away, — the laws simplified and lessened in expense, — mono- 
 polies set aside, — tythes commuted," &c. 
 
 In " the agreement of the people," designed to change the form of 
 government into a simple commonwealth without a king or house of 
 lords, were the following just and liberal sentiments relating to religion : 
 and which, through the bigotry of the age, were the main cause of its not 
 being more generally supported, viz. " All persons professing religion, 
 however differing in judgment from the doctrine, discipline, and worship 
 publicly held forth, to be protected in the profession of their faith, and 
 exercise of their religion according to their consciences, so as they abuse 
 not this liberty to the civil injury of others, or the disturbance of the 
 public peace." Yet is this great man continually branded as a fanatical 
 sectarian, by the advocates of arbitrary power, although his patriotism, 
 his benevolence and candour, are apparent in all the public transactions 
 of the eventful period in which he lived, over which he had any control, 
 or with which he was in any way concerned. 
 
 (5) " So Cromwell, when the voice 
 No more was heard, ivhich once control? & his choice." 
 
 The great influence which Ireton possessed over Cromwell, and the 
 obstacles which his unbending republican principles, and genuine patri- 
 otism presented to the accomplishment of his ambitious longings, are 
 strikingly remarked by Mrs Hutchinson, who says, " His) Cromwell's) 
 
30 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 son-in-law, Ireton, lord deputy of Ireland, would not be wrought over 
 to serve him, but hearing of his machinations, determined to endeavour 
 to divert him from such destructive courses. But God cut him short by- 
 death." And it is delicately remarked by the editor of that lady's me- 
 moirs, in a note, by way of comment, on an act of Cromwell towards Col. 
 Hutchinson, that, " it may be thought there wanted but little, perhaps 
 only the survivance of Ireton, to have made Cromwell intrinsically, as 
 well as splendidly Great." A finer compliment to the genius and virtues 
 of Ireton cannot well be imagined. 
 
 Whitlock says, " Cromwell had a great opinion of him, and no 
 man could prevail so much, or order him so far, as Ireton could " 
 his death is very pointedly regretted by the same author, on account of 
 the great influence he had over the mind of Cromwell; deeming it more 
 than probable, that the prolongation of his life might have made a great 
 difference in the subsequent conduct of that extraordinary man: the just- 
 ness of which supposition is strikingly exemplified, by the change in Crom- 
 well's policy, which almost immediately followed upon this event. 
 
 " General Ireton," says the history of England, "was much celebrated 
 for his vigilance, industry, capacity, and for the strict execution of justice 
 in that unlimited command which he possessed in Ireland. He was ob- 
 served to be inflexible in all his purposes for the public good ; and was 
 animated with so sincere and passionate love of liberty, that he never 
 could have been induced by any motive, to submit to the smallest ap- 
 pearance of regal government. Cromwell was much affected by his 
 death ; and the republicans who reposed unlimited confidence in him 
 were disconsolate." 
 
 Noble likewise admits that, " he was beloved by the republicans in 
 the highest degree; they admired him alike as a soldier and a statesman, 
 and revered him as a saint." 
 
 The man who was acknowledged to have such claims, by the com- 
 monwealth's men, a body comprizing, probably, more genius, virtue, 
 and sterling patriotism, than were ever united for the accomplishment 
 of any social purpose in the annals of mankind, must have been unques- 
 tionably an extraordinary person; and is, it may safely be affirmed, still 
 entitled to the high veneration of every real friend to the true interests 
 f>f man. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 31 
 
 - (6) " And the stern virtues sought a kindlier shore." 
 
 Previous to the standard of resistance to the arbitrary proceedings of 
 the court being raisel in England, several small bodies of puritans had 
 passed over to America, and began the colonization of the tract of land 
 called New England: many more joined them upon the approach of the 
 troubles which they saw coming upon the country; impelled, partly, by a 
 desire to avoid being engaged in open rebellion against the govornment, 
 whose violence and tyranny they perceived were driving men's minds to 
 desperate resolves, but mostly influenced by an earnest fervor to enjoy 
 amidst the solitudes of that unexplored country, the privilege of worship- 
 ping God agreeably with the dictates of an enlightened conscience : a 
 privilege they could not enjoy in their native country, under the bigoted 
 and intolerant policy which swayed in the councils of the misguided 
 Charles : this consideration had, at one time, induced Cromwell, Hampden, 
 Haslerigge, and many other non-conformists of rank and influence, to 
 determine to take refuge in New England : Cromwell and his family, as 
 well as others of the party, had embarked, and the rest were on the point 
 of so doing, but were prevented leaving the kingdom by an order in 
 council, " directing the lord treasurer to take speedy and effectual course 
 for the stay of eight ships then in the river Thames, prepared to go to 
 New England, and for putting on land all the passengers and provisions 
 therein intended for the voyage." " Those whom God destines to 
 destruction, he deprives of their understanding," — the very men thus 
 compelled by the king in council to remain at home, became the imme- 
 diate instruments by which the blood of the saints, and the cries of the 
 oppressed were avenged on a guilty court and a cruel hierarchy. When 
 the restoration of the Stuarts to power became apparent, still greater 
 numbers of the republicans and non-conformists sought refuge in New 
 England from the persecutions which they foresaw awaited them. To 
 the descendants of these men, inheriting the noble detestation of arbitrary 
 power which so strikingly distinguished their forefathers, America owes 
 all her real greatness. The New England men still exhibit a distinct fea- 
 ture in American society, and probably possess more virtue, intelligence, 
 and independence of character than is to be found in any other state in 
 the union. — See Doctor Dwight's Travels in New England. 
 
32 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (7) " In motive pure Sfc. 
 
 For the disinterestedness of Iueton's motives in the discharge of his 
 public functions, the following anecdote from Ludlow, who was next in 
 command to him in Ireland, at the period of the transaction, shall suffice. 
 
 " The parliament," he says, " also ordered an act to be brought in, for 
 settling two thousand pounds per annum on the lord-deputy Ireton, (out 
 of the confiscated estates of the Duke of Buckingham, and which, therefore, 
 it might have been thought he could have the more conscientiously accepted 
 than, though' it had been drawn directly from the pockets of the people,) 
 the news of which, being brought over, was so unacceptable to him, that he 
 said, they had many just debts, which he desired they would pay before they 
 made such presents ; that he had no need of their lands, and would not have 
 it ; and that he should be more contented to see them doing the service of the 
 nation, than so liberal in disposing of the public treasure ! — What would 
 the patriotic general have said of some modern British parliaments? — No 
 wonder, that the hungry place and pension hunting pack, that returned in 
 the train of Charles the second, procured the exhumation of the bones of 
 such an enemy to their tribe as Iketon : the light of whose glory, in his 
 generosity and disinterestedness, showed so much of the deformity of their 
 mercenary and malignant natures — that indignity towards all that remained 
 of him, in their power, as far as their little malice could accomplish it, was 
 necessary to give them any degree of consequence, even in their own eyes. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 S. BENNETT, PRINTER, NOTTINGHAM. 
 
DOCUMENTS 
 
 H TCI. AT INC Tfl 
 
 THE CIVIL WAU. 
 
 SIR JOHN GEIJ/S NARRATIVE. 
 
 A true relation of what Service hath, heene done by Colonel! Sir John Gelt, Bat t. for 
 the Kiit^e and the Parliament, in Defence of the Towne and. County o f Dei by, and 
 how a yding and assisting hee hath heene to the adjacent Cuuntyes, viz. Nottingham- 
 shire, StaJj'ordsJiire, Cheshire, Lancashire, Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from 
 October, 1612, tilt October, 164-6. 
 
 Thtc llth of October, 1642, the above named Colonel! Sir Jolni Gell bad a company of ffbot 
 from Hull, contai ning one hundred and forty. The 16th of the said moneth hee'marched 
 with his sayd company to Wheatfield, where the souldyers their mutined, but, by the in- 
 treaty of Capt. Bright", now Col. Bright, -and the minister of the towne, many of them were 
 disarmed, and the remainder sett in good posture. The 17th hee marched to Chesterfield, 
 and their remayned eight or nine dayes, where hee raysed, by the beate of a drum, two hun- 
 dred men, some with arms and some without. The 20th hee marched to Wirksworth, where 
 Sir Ffrancis Wortley, with his rebel rout, hearing of his approach, fled away, but there Co- 
 lonell Gell remayned three or four dayes, and increased his ffbrces to three hundred and 
 above. And so the 81st of October, 1642, hee marched to Derby towne, and theire hee began 
 to give out comysheftis for his officers. Some five dayes after Captayne White came to him 
 out of Nottinghamshire, with a company of dragoones, consisting of ahout twenty-seven, 
 but before hee departed hee made them upp one hundred and forty, all well armed, under 
 the command of the said Sir John Gell. About the 10th of November, 1642, the aforesaid Sir 
 Ffrancis Wortley returned againe to the towne of Dale, in Derbyshire, whither Sir John, 
 mounted his musquetiers and forced him out of the countrey. The 25th of November, 
 having his regiment compleate, hee horsed about three hundred musquetiers with Captayne 
 White's dragoones, and sent them by Major Mollanus to Coventrey for two saccers and some 
 ammunition; when they came thither, they kept them five dayes their, because they had 
 intelligence that the enemy were approaching towards the city. As soon as they returned 
 to Derby Colonel! Gell, having intelligence that the Earl of Chesterfield had fortified his 
 house with forty musquetiers, horse and seven drakes, whereupon hee commanded forth of 
 Derby some four hundred fT'orth, and Captayne White's dragoones and two sakers to the 
 said Earle's house, called Bratby, Major Mollanus being commander in chiefe. Uppon the 
 approach of our men, the enemy shott their drakes and musketts at them ; but after halfe a 
 dozen shotts of our saccers and musquetiers, and our men beginning to fall upon their 
 workes, the said Earle with all his ftbrces ffled away through his parke and so to Litchfield. 
 Wee, forsably entring the house, found his Countess, her gentlewoman and two or three 
 servants therein, seized presently uppon the armes, and found seven drakes, thirty Steele 
 pikes, twenty or thirty musquetts, five double barrells of powder and good store of match 
 and bulletts. Major Mollanus, Captayne White, Captayne Sanders and divers other officers 
 entreated the Countess that shee would give every souldyer halfe a crowne, for to have her 
 house saved from plundering, because it was a free boottey. Shee answered, it was too 
 much, and that shee had not so much monyes ; they asked her againe if shee would give 
 amongst them forty marks: shee made the same answer, that she had not monyes. Then 
 they offered to deposite the money for her, if shee would promise to repay it them : she still 
 refractoroly and willfully said, that shee would not give them one penny ; and then indeed 
 the souldyers piundred the house. But the said officers saved her owne chamber, with all 
 
 A 
 
2 
 
 DOCUMENTS DELATING TO 
 
 the goods therein. Then Derbyshire being cleared, Captayne White went to Nottingham 
 Castle, seized uppon all the armes, and sent to Sir John Cell immediately to assist him, with 
 some ffoott, whereuppon hee sent his Major Mollanus with three hundred ftbott, when he 
 began to fortefie Nottingham and sett them in a posture of defense, and assisted Colonell 
 Peirpoynt to make up his regiment of ffoott, and wee continued their some nine or ten 
 dayes : in the intervale Sir John Gell having intelligence that Colonell Hastings was come 
 to Ashby-de-la-Zouch with three hundred horse and four hundred ffoott, and still raysing as 
 many as hee could, sent for the said Major Mollanus with his three hundred ffoott back 
 againe to Derby, and by that tyme Hastings was fortefiing Sir John Harpur's house and 
 Swarkestone bridge, whereuppon hee prepared his whole regiment with Sir George Gresley's 
 troope of horse, which hee had raysed since Captayne White went from Derby to Notting- 
 hamshire, and soe having two sacGers along with him hee marched thither, stormed their 
 workes, drove the enemy away, and dismantled the same, killed seven or eight of them and 
 wounded many, and but one man of his wounded, soe that the enemy never had a mind to 
 fortifie the same againe. He was no sooner returned to Derby, but the moorlanders in Staf- 
 fordshire came to him, entreating him for assistance, because the enemy had possessed 
 themselves in Stafford towne. Sir John asked them what assistance they would have ; they 
 said two hundred musquetiers and one saccer, not doubting but that they had men enough, 
 with that assistance, to regayne the towne, and to save themselves. Hee commanded his said 
 Major Mollanus immediately with two hundred ffoott and one saccer to march towards their 
 appointed rendezvouz, att Uttoxeter. His Major being their two or three dayes, and nobody 
 coming to assist him, and hearing that the enemy increased, was forced to retreate in the 
 night to Derby, being vi. long miles :* in the meane tyme Colonell Hastings strongly for- 
 tefyed Ashby-de-la-Zouch, which was, and would be, a great hinderance to Leicestershire, 
 Staffordshire and Derbyshire. My Lord Grey sent to him, that hee should make ready with 
 all the fforces he could make, and that Sir William Brereton was likewise to meete him with 
 some forty horse, to goe against the said Ashby, within two dayes after hee mett my Lord 
 Grey with all the strength hee had, and joyning their fforces togeather, they marched to the 
 said Ashby, where they found the towne fortefyed, assaulted it, and beate the enemy into 
 the mansion-house, with the loss of four or five men of our side, and one leiftennant of ffoot 
 of ours wounded ; and having gotten the towne, wee planted our ordnance against the man- 
 sion-house, but before they could doe any execution, their was a letter brought to my Lord 
 Grey from the committee of Northampton, how that Prince Rupert was marched from Ban- 
 bury to come to relieve the said Ashby, whereuppon my Lord called a councell of warr, and 
 by the said councell it was agreed, that they should drawe off', finding themselves too weake. 
 
 February 24th, 1643, by an order from his excellence, the late Earle of Essex, he was 
 commanded to send what strength hee could well spare under the command of Major-Generall 
 Ballard against Newarke, whereuppon hee sent Major Mollanus with five hundred ffoott, 
 because one ffoott company of his regiment, under Captayne Mundy, was commanded to 
 Yorkshire, Captayne Stafford with his ffoot company at Whalybridge uppon the borders of 
 Lancashire and Cheshire, and his said Major's owne ffoott company at Burton uppon Trent, 
 and left in Derby only Captayne Mellor's ffoott company, and Sir George Gresley's troope 
 to defend the towne. Whilest these his fforces were soe abroad, and himselfe att Derby, 
 their came newes to him, how my Lord Brooks had entred Litchfield and beseidged the 
 cloase, who, by reviewing the workes, was their unfortunately slayne, and presently after 
 his death, my said Lord's officers made choyse of Colonell Gell to bee their commander in 
 cheife for the present service. Hee went immediately with Sir George Gresley's troopes to 
 Litchfield, and approched to the cloase with our morterpeece as neare as possably hee could, 
 and after hee had shott three granadees they fell to parlee and surrendred the cloase and 
 themselves prisoners unto him. In the meane tyme the said Major Mollanus returned with 
 his ffoott from Newarke, and came to him at Litchfield, and soe Colonell Gell, asking him 
 ho we they had prospered before Newarke, hee answered that hee redily thought they were 
 betrayed by the commander in cheife, which was Major-Generall Ballard, for that they had 
 entred the towne and mastred the workes, and then commanded back, by the said Ballard, 
 without doing any thinge att all, and soe returned with the losse of some men and one 
 drake, and had nott Nottingham men and his stood against the said Ballard's will, closely 
 one to another, they had lost all their ordnance, which they fetched off, whether hee would 
 or not. And when hee had gayned Litchfield cloase, and sett all in good order, Sir William 
 Brereton sent him a letter to meete him at Hopton Heath, near Stafford, with all the 
 strength hee could make, to goe against Stafford towne, and soe they marched togeather to- 
 wards Hopton Heath t where Colonell Gell commanded all the ffoott, and Sir William 
 Brereton the horse ; presently they descryed the enemy, whereuppon hee sett his ffoott in 
 order of battalis, and Sir William his horse, the enemy advancing in a full body with above 
 one thousand two hundred horse, whereof the Karle of Northampton was general!, and soe 
 setting uppon their horse, Sir William's horse presently rann away, and left Sir John Gell 
 alone with the /Foot. The enemy drew his horse into a'body againe, and charged his ffoott, 
 but hee gave them such a salute, that the enemy, in a disordered manner, drew off and 
 
 * Probably leagues, as Uttoxeter is about six leagues, or eighteen miles from Derby. 
 
THE CIVIL WAll. 
 
 8 
 
 marched away towards Stafford, but left many dead bodies behind them, whereof my Lord 
 of Northampton was one, Captayne Middleton and many other brave commanders of horse, 
 and at least one hundred dragoones ; and of our side three carters and two souldyers were 
 slayne, wee lost two casks of drakes, which the dragoones had drawne a great distance from 
 the ffbott, under the hedges to save themselves, and soe Colonell Gell retreated with my 
 Lord's dead body towards Uttoxeter, with his ftbrces, and Sir William Brereton with his 
 ff'orces towards Cheshire. And att Uttoxeter Colonell Gell remayned three dayes, and sett 
 Staffordshire in as good posture as hee could; within the said three dayes their came a 
 trumpetter to him from my younge Lord of Northampton, for his father's dead body, 
 whereuppon hee answered, if hee would send him the drakes which they had gotten from 
 their dragoones and pay the chiurgeons for embalming it, hee should have it : but hee re- 
 turned him an answer, that hee would doe neither th' one nor th' other, and soe Colonell Gell 
 caused him to be carried in his company to Derby, and buried him in the Earle of Devon- 
 shire's sepulcher in All Hallowes church. April 8th, 1043, Colonell Chadwicke having 
 gotten some three hundred of Yorkshire and Scarsdales horse togeather, sent word to Colo- 
 nell Gell that my Lord of Deincourt did usually send assistance to Boulsouer, and was 
 fortefying his own house, hee, in all the haste hee could, sent his Leiftennant Colonell, 
 Thomas Gell, and his Major with rive hundred men and three peeces of ordnance to the said 
 Lord Deincourt's house ; and att their coming my Lord stood uppon his defence, but in 
 the conclusion Leiftennant Colonell Gell tooke the house, and my Lord and all his ff'orces, 
 with the loss of two or three men of our side. My Lord promised faithfully uppon his 
 honor to come within eight dayes next after to Derby, and submitt himselfe to the Parlia- 
 ment's censure, but Leiftennant Colonell Gell demolished theworkes which were about the 
 house, and soe retreated to Derby, but hee was no sooner marched away, but my Lord went 
 to Newarke, and never came to Derby, for all his honor, promises and protestations. 
 
 Presently after Colonell Gell sent to my Lord Grey, desiring his assistance for the taking 
 of Burton," by reason it was the only passage over the Trent and Dove into the North. My 
 Lord within* tw o dayes came, and mett Colonell Gell att the rendezvouze, on Egginton 
 Heath, and soe marched togeather to the said Burton, drove the enemy away, and Colonell 
 Gell left one of his bigest ffbott company s their, consisting of two hundred, under Captayne 
 Sanders, and one peece of ordnance, and presently after made sixty dragoones, and soe kept 
 the passage. 
 
 About the beginning of May, 1643, their came a command from my said Lord Grey, that 
 Colonell Gell should march with all his fforces and attillery and meete at the randezvouze 
 att Nottingham, and soe uppon my Lord's command Colonell Gell marched thither with all 
 his fforces and attillery, excepting one ffbott company, and their wee were put under the 
 command of Younge Hotham, where then were present my said Lord Grey with his ff'orces, 
 Colonell Cromwell with his fforces, and all Nottingham fforces, soe that in all wee were 
 about five or six thousand horse and ffbott but the greatest parte of horse, and marched 
 upp and down in the vale of Belvour for the space of one moneth till the Queene came to 
 Newarke with great strength, and then my Lord Grey retreated towards Leicester, Crom- 
 well towards Peter borrough, Colonell Hubbard with his regiment tarried at Nottingham, 
 under the command of Sir John Meldrum, and Colonell Gell to Derby, because they con- 
 ceived they were not able to encounter with the enemy for want of ffbott. 
 
 In the meane tyme that wee left Captayne Sanders at Burton, one Mr. Houghton, a Lan- 
 cashire man, was made Colonell, and hee made the said Sanders his Leiftennant Colonell, 
 soe that Colonell Gell lost that great company and above sixty dragoones horse and armes, 
 which was a great losse to Derbyshire when the enemy were soe aboute us. The Queene being 
 att Newarke, and understanding that wee were all soe dispersed, marched with her fforces 
 towards Ashby-de-la-Zouch : Colonell Gell having true intelligence that shee was marching 
 westwards, and that shee would fall uppon Burton, because it was the chiefe passage from 
 South to the North, sent presently to Staffordshire for all the ff'orces to meete him, and like- 
 wise to Nottingham, where were about three thousand horse and ffbott, and hee himselfe 
 would draw out with all his ff'orces to Egginton Heath, and soe to Burton, to assist them 
 till the Queene were past, but noebody would come, soe that within three dayes after shee 
 marched towards Burton, tooke the towne by storme, killed many of them, tooke the Colo- 
 nell, Leiftennant Colonell, and most of the officers prisoners, and soe most miserably plun- 
 dered and destroyed the towne. i 
 
 The Queene was noe sooner departed out of Staffordshire but the countrey men sent to 
 Colonell Gell, how that Sir Richard Fleetwood had fortefyed his house, and encreased very 
 strong both in horse and ffbott, and did great hurt in plundering the trafhque betwixt Lan- 
 cashire, Cheshire and Derby, by robbing and stopping of carriers, which went weekly from 
 Manchester to London, hee sent presently his Lieftennant Colonell with about four hundred 
 ffbott and one troope of horse to the said Ffleetwood's house, and tooke it by storme, and 
 brought Sir Richard prisoner to Derby, with all his men, being betwixt seventy and eighty. 
 
 Within live weeks after Colonell Gell having intelligence how that Hastings was fallen 
 out whh one Raggard, governor of Litchfield, and departed from thence with such ff'orces as 
 hee had to Tutbnry, and their devoured all the provision they had; and that if Colonel! Gell 
 would come and besedge it for four dayes, with considerable strength, they must needs sur- 
 
4 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING- TO 
 
 render it for want of victualls and ammunition, and by that meanes hce might release most of 
 the prisoners taken at Burton, whereof ColoneLl Houghton was one. Uppon this intelligence 
 Colonell Gcll sent to Sir John Meldrum, at Nottingham, for assistance : Sir John Meldrum 
 came presently to Derby, with Major Ireton, and Captayne White, with some two hundred 
 horse and dragoones, and soe Colonell Gell marched along with them with all his fforces, 
 horses, and ffoott, and artillery to Tutbury towne, and surrounded the castle; their wee 
 remayned two dayes and one? tftf^htt J 'Sir John Meldrum calling a councell of warr, tould 
 them how hee had intelligence that the Earle of Newcastle was sending fforces to relieve it 
 out of Yorkshire and Bridge North, whereuppon it was resolved that wee should retreat to 
 severall garrisons. Soe soon as Sir John Meldrum came to Nottingham, hee drewe all the 
 librces then in towne, excepting some four hundred, which hee left in the castle with Oolo- 
 nell Hutchinson, and marched southwards towards Peter borrough; but Nottingham 
 townsmen sent for ayde to Colonell Gell to assist them, Avhile they were removing' their 
 goods into the castle, for they were left in a most miserable condition: hee presently made 
 ready three hundred dragoones and sent thither his said Major Mollanus, to continue there 
 till they had removed their goods into the castle, and left the towne desolate, but some few 
 of the townsmen within ; awhile after newes came that the enemy had entred the towne, 
 and had beseiged the castle, the Governor with the Committee, did most earnestly send unto 
 Colonell Gell, that he should with all speede send them assistance, otherwise the castle 
 would be taken, because most of their souldyers were in the towne, and many an honest 
 man would soe be starved, who had privily hid themselves. Sir John presently made ready 
 a!! the strength hee could, and gott together all the horses in the countrey, and horsed 
 s :me five hundred musqueticrs, with the assistance of two or three troopes at Leicester, and 
 s.oe with all that strengelh marched to Nottingham, Major Mollanus being commander in 
 chiefe. The en;- my was then at least five or six hundred in Nottingham towne, horse and 
 ifoott, and stood all in battalio in the market-place, and all our fforces were not five hun- 
 dred. The said Major Mollanus with Captayne Hacker, now Colonell Hacker, entred the 
 towne with their horse, were presently beaten backe, lost four or five horses, instantly after 
 the said Major broke thorrow the enemy and brought in the dragoones, and entred* tffte 
 towne againe, and drove the enemy before them, many of them slayne, and one hundred and 
 sitfty. taken prisoners, but one man of our side slayne, which was namely one Captayne 
 Leitteanant Leneriek, who led Colonel Cell's owne troope, three men wounded, and some 
 five or six horses killed. Wee releived at the same tyme at least four hundred townsmen 
 and souldyers of the castle, who were almost famished. The remainder of the enemy tied 
 to Nottingham bridge, which they were then fortefying. 
 
 Within tenn dayes after, the Committee of Nottingham sent again unto Colonell Gell, that 
 hee might needs send them present ayde and assistance to beate the enemy from the bridge, 
 otherwise they would bee soe restrayned that theye would not be able to keepe the castle ; 
 the enemy possessing the bridge, the castle was to noe effect; Colonell Gell presently com- 
 manded between three and four hundred horse and dragoones to march to Nottingham and 
 assist them, whereof Major Mollanus was chief commander; and thither went, and drove 
 the enemy away, soe that it will be adgudged by any councell of warr, that Nottingham 
 towne and castle had beene long since in the enemy's possession, had they not had the as- 
 sistance of Sir John Gell in driving the enemy from them at every tyme of needc, as the 
 Colonells and Committee of Nottinghamshire did ever acknowledge. 
 
 Within a while after, Colonell Gell had intelligent' that Sir. Thomas 1'fairefax was come 
 to Nottingham with two thousand horse; hee went thither i" sec him, and soe Sir Thomas 
 Ffairefax tould him that he must goe to WiogfeSd Mannor to communicate with some 
 Derbyshire gentlemen, whereof one was Mr. Miiward, which had beene a Captayne of the 
 trayned band, to persuade him to take up]) armes for the parliament : hut it was too late, 
 because hee had before taken Commission of the Kinge for a regiment of ffoott, as since it 
 most apparently appeared. And this was tould Sir Thomas before, hut hee would not be- 
 lieve it, but since hee found it to bee true; soone after Sir Thomas repaired to Derby with 
 all his horse, and their continued for two or three dayes, and desired of Colonell Gell that hee 
 would lett him have four or five hundred musqueticrs to march v. Uh him towards Chester- 
 field, and from thence to Yorkshire; whereuppon he answered, that hee had not above'five 
 hundred men in Derby to defend the towne, and that Hastings had at that tyme at least 
 t wo thousand at Litchfield, Ashby-de-la-Zouch and Tutbury, still looking for an n opportu- 
 nity to surprise Derby, if his horses had marched out of it; because it was well knowne, 
 that if Derby were taken, Nottingham could not long hold out, and then all the north side 
 of Trerite was lost. Nevertheless Colonell Gell tould him, that hee had one hundred men 
 at Wingfield Mannor, whereof hee should have sixty ; and Captain Taylor's Company, which 
 was at Wingerworth, much about the same number ; and of Captain Stafford's Company, 
 who were at Chatesworth, forty; and Captain Had field's Company, to make them upp four 
 hundred, wherewith he was well pleased, and soe marched towards Chestei field, wheieat 
 came to him one hundred and twenty musqueticrs of the number aforesaid. 
 
 Sir John Cell and the Committee" 01 dered that Leiftcnnant Colonell and Mr. Hallowos, 
 two of the said Committee, should repaire to Chesterfield for to provide such ■thiogk as woe 
 necessary for Sir Thomas Ffairefax and his hordes. As soone ay they came thither, they had 
 
THE CIVIL WAU. 
 
 5 
 
 aniidlararo that the Earle of Newcastle, with all his fforces, were mfrrching towards. Derby- 
 shire; whereuppon Sir Thomas gave orders, that his horse should retreat to NoUiu»; ham, 
 and willed the two Committees to shift for themselves; and that this was noe countrey hee 
 could defend with his fforces ; and so hee left us, and went cleare away towards Leicester- 
 shire, whither Colonel! Gell and the Committees did often write unto him ; yea, and sent 
 two of the Committee to intreate him to come and assist them, and that the Earle of New - 
 castle's fforces were not above two thousand at that instant in Derbyshire, vvith whom 
 Colonell Gell could well deale, if hee had come in any tyme» Upon this hee made many 
 promises, not only by word of mouth, but also under bis* hand-writing to the said Commit- 
 tees, who were w ith him at Melton Mowhery, and intreated Colonell Cell that hee would 
 send some fforces to Lancashire and Cheshire, and soe to make a rande/.vouz, whither hee 
 would come with all speed. Upon this, Colonel! Gell sent Major Mollanus, with h«8 horse 
 and dragoones, which were about three hundred and fifty, towards Leeke; as they were 
 nwefiiing towards Stafford sh ire, they had intelligence that the Karl of Newcastle's lForces 
 were falne uppon the More;;! riders in Darlington ; then they hastened towards them as fast 
 as they could; but before they could attagne thither, they had taken aU.jthe ffoott, being 
 about two hunched and forty ; and the horse rann a!i away ; which prisoners Colonel! Gell 
 afterwards released. And Newcastle's horse marching towards Leek, Mollanus, fell uppon 
 them, routed them, and tooke about thirty-live, and slew some five officers, and soe went, on 
 to Leek : where the inhabitants, before their coming, were ready to leave their houses, and 
 outrunn the towne; and there they were draw ing'altogether ; and Major Mollanus con- 
 tinued their with his florets fourteen days, all that while noe ayde came too him till the 
 enemy pillaged to the very gates of Derby; and hearing that Sir Thomas Ffairefax was 
 cleane retreated tow ards Peeterborrough, and noe hopes of his coming to them, Major Mol- 
 lanus was foi-ced to retreate to Derby with his fforces, without expectation of any ayde at 
 all. And in his retreate, hee tooke att Ashborne twenty-six prisoners, of the Earle of New- 
 castle's iforces. 
 
 in ihe interim the Earle of Newcastle's fforces setts uppon Winglield Mannor, in Dec. 7, 
 1(143, and tooke it within some four dayes, because they could have no assistance of any ; 
 but yet Colonell Cell's horses and dragoones hardly rested ; and in one day they tooke two 
 troopes of horse, witli their collours, in Wingfield towne, two captaynes and forty pris- 
 oners, within ten dayes after, they fell upon the guard of Newcastle, at Kilborne, and 
 tooke one Major Wheeler, with ninety prisoners, all horsed, and their collours; a man 
 paynted, and standing with a goold-axe under a greene tree, with this motto: rout and 
 branch ; which collours were afterw ards sent to his excelencie, with many other collours of 
 horse and ffoott, and soe by him presented to the parliament. As soone as the body of New'- 
 castle's fforces were gone, Colonell Milward, with his regiment, saddled themselves on this 
 side Bakewell; Colonell Eyre att Chateswortb, and att his own bouse in the Peake; Colo- 
 nell Fitsherbert at South Winglield and Tissington ; Colonell Ffrefcy visle, at his owne house 
 and Scarsdale: Colonell Harptir, of Little Over, fortelied Burton bridge, whither Colonell 
 Gell sent his Major Mollanus, the 6th of January, 1643, with some of his fforces, and tooke 
 the towne and bridge, with all his whole regiment, horse and ffoott, except Colonell and Leif- 
 tAinant Colonell, who rann away in the night; hee tooke withall, the major, six captaynes, 
 and eight otlur officers, with five hundred common souldyers, without any loss of our side, 
 but five of the enemy slayne at the entrance of the bridge. 
 
 And this day being the 5th of February, 1644, Colonell Gell and his fforces are before 
 King's Mills, which Hastings forteficd, while the Earle of Newcastle's fforces were in the 
 countrey ; which King's Mills Colonell Gell tooke by storme, with about two hundred prison- 
 ers and soe many amies. Within six or seven dayes after, Colonell Gell having intelligence 
 how the enemy at Bakewell and Tissington hall met every day at Ashborne, hindred the 
 passage, and kept off the countrey people from the markett, sent Major Sanders w itii live 
 hundred horse and dragoones thither, to cleare the passage; the enemy understanding that 
 our men quartered at Ashborne, drew all the fforces they could together, thinking to surprise 
 them : but our men having intelligence that the enemy was approaching, drew all our dra- 
 goones into the lanes and hedges, and charged them: and our iiorse falling, on the reare of 
 them, routed them all and pursued them to the towne of Tissington, and tooke one hundred 
 and seventy prisoners, and many of them slayne. After this defeate they left Tissington 
 andRakewell, and went some to Ffrctchvilc and some to Chatesworth house, and some to 
 Bftksovicri and Wi.ngfeild Mannor. 
 
 ..j.-On fhe- 24th of February, lf*4l, by an especial 1 command from the Parliament, Colonell 
 Cell sent all his horse and dragoones" towards N ewaike, under the command of Sir John Mel- 
 drum, where they continued about a month, that Prince Rupert raysed the seidge, and. in 
 that conliiot -Colonell Gell lost about two hundred horse and dragoones, with their arms, and 
 the men all -sti ipt to their very j-kin, contrary to ail articles of agreement. 
 ■ •Afttr Prince ihip;.rts rcturne from Newarke to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Colonell Gell had in- 
 telligence that K ioe of his horse were come over the river Dove, and were plundering some 
 tow ties about Kggintou; he presently sent ail his- horse out towards Eggiuton heath, Cap- 
 tayne Khoades Kmg thief commander thereof. As soone as they came to the heath, the 
 enemy appeared above six hundred ;,tiong, and- curs but about three bundled and fifty; 
 
6 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 whcreuppon, Colonell Gell having intelligence of the enemyes strength, sent presently Major 
 Mollanus out with four hundred ffoott, towards Egginton heath, to lye in the lanes wayting, 
 least his horse should bee forced to retreate, that they might be ready to fall uppon the 
 enemy if they should pursue them ; but before the ffoott came neare them, our horse most 
 valiently had routed them, and driven them into Trent river, where many were drowned 
 and slayne, and two hundred taken prisoners. In the beginning of April, 1644, Colonell 
 Gefl having order from the Parliament that forty peeces of ordinance were coming from 
 London to Peeterborrough for him, and that hee should bee carefull to fetch them, with a 
 good convoy ; because the enemy heing then very strong at Newarke and Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 
 and had open passage to Grantham and Stamford, sent Major Mollanus with five hundred 
 horse and dragoones towards Leicester, with a letter to my Lord Grey, that if their were 
 any danger hee would assist them ; presently after they came to my Lord Grey, hee drew 
 them to a randezvouz within three miles of Leicester, with all his horse and dragoones in a 
 hody, having intelligence how the enemy were drawing towards Leicestershire from Ban- 
 bury, Bridgenorth, Dudley and Litchfield, to meet them of Ashby-de-la-Zouch; my Lord 
 commanded them to draw six miles westward towards Tamworth, to the enemyes randez- 
 vouz^ where they tarried some four dayes ; and soe the enemy, hearing of their beinge their, 
 their designe was frustrated. Then my Lord Grey commanded Major Mollanus to march 
 with his horse and dragoones towards Peeterborrough, their to receive his charge; prom- 
 ising that hee would send his scoutts towards Newarke, and if any of them would stirr, hee 
 would presently bee in the reare of them ; and soe Major Mollanus marched safely to Pee- 
 terborrough, and brought the ordinance to Derby ; presently after, there were letters sent 
 from Sir William Brereton to Colonell Gell, how that Prince Rupert was past into the north 
 to assist the Earle of Newcastle against my Lord of Manchester, my Lord Ffairefax and 
 the Scotts, and that hee had order from the Parliament to pursue them, to assist our side 
 with all the fforces hee could procure; soe that Colonell Gell sent him presently three hun- 
 dred horse and dragoones, and Captayne Rhoades commander in cheife over them. 
 
 Within a moneth after, my Lord Grey and Colonell Gell appointed their randezvouz neare 
 Wildon fferry, which lyeth in Leicestershire, where the enemy had made a strong ffort, and 
 had ahove three hundred men in it for hindering the passage over Trent : and soe imme- 
 diately environed the ffortt and planted there ordinance, and the next day made ready to 
 storme it; but the enemy seeing their resolution, cried out presently, quarter for their lives, 
 and soe they all yielded themselves prisoners; the ffortt demolished, my Lord Grey marched 
 towards Leicester, and Colonell Gell to Derby. Soe hee sent his horse and dragoones to 
 quarter close by Ashby-de-la-Zouch, and by that meanes tooke many prisoners, and they 
 durst noe more sturr to robb carriers. 
 
 Within tenn dayes after, Colonell Gell sent to Nottingham to Governor Hutchinson and 
 Colonell Thornough, for their assistance to beleaguer Wingtield Mannor, because it was as 
 great an annoyance to Nottinghamshire as to Derbyshire; Colonell Thornough presently 
 sent his Major, with troopes of horse, and met Colonell Gell, who brought all his ilbott and 
 horse with him (except two companyes of ffoott which hee left in Derby) within a mile of 
 Wingtield, and presently invironed the Mannor house; and about ten dayes after, Colonell 
 Hutchinson sent two hundred ffoott. After they had layne fifteen dayes there, CoIoirU 
 Gell had intelligence how the enemy at Litchfield, Tutbury, Ashby-de-la-Zouch and other 
 garrisons, were'gathering their fforces together about Burton, for to relieve the Mannor; he 
 presently sent Sanders, Major of his horse, with all the horse and dragoones towards them, 
 and to have an eye to Derby ; our horse coming neare the enemy, and hearing that Colonell 
 Eyre, his regiment, lay in Boylston church, our dragoones dismounted, and surprised the 
 whole regiment in the church :*and soe tooke men, arms, collours, and all without loss of one 
 man on either side. And hearing that Colonell Bagort, governor of Litchfield, was with all 
 his horse and ffoott at Burton, marching towards the randezvouz, our men presently leL a 
 guard of dragoones on the prisoners in the church, and marched with their horse towards 
 Burton, and assaulted the enemy ; and after two or three hott encounters, beate them theare- 
 out of the towne, w here there were five of our side slayne, and seventeen of the enemy, and 
 many of them taken prisoners, and brought backe to Boylston church to the other prisoner:-, 
 which made upp three hundred in all: and soe marched with them to Derby, with six Ilbott 
 collours and one horse collour, with all their amies ; and soe our men and horse returned 
 to the leaguer at Wingfeild Mannor againe ; Colonell Gell finding that his ordinance would 
 doe noe good against the Mannor, and understanding that Major Generall Craford had four" 
 great peeces, sent two of his officers unto him, to desire him'to send him them for three or 
 four dayes for battering ; and in soe doinge hee would doe the countrey good service, became 
 it was a place that could not hee otherwise taken, without they were pined out. Major 
 Generall Craford, desirous to doe the state and countrey good service, came presently with 
 his ordinance and some horse and ilbott thither ; and see wee planted ours and their ordi- 
 nance together, and after three homes battrey they yielded themselves, being about two 
 hundred and twenty ; and soe uppon composision, every one marched to his own home ; and 
 soe Major Generall Craford marched towards Lincolne, where the Earle of Manchester quar- 
 tred, and Colonell Gell to Derby, leaving behind him in the Mannor two ffoott companyes 
 and a trob^pT^S)^ JfJ o n Uookl odJ ie# . <Jffemoifrfi1 odi mor» erobro dona tevteow bod 
 
the civu, warn 
 
 7 
 
 Presently after Colonell Gell had taken Wingfeild Mannor, all the enemy es scattered 
 fforces, which were routed in Yorkshire, and belonging to Derbyshire, Leicestershire and 
 Staffordshire, came to Litchlield, Ashby-de-la-Zouch and Tutburv, and began to rohh and 
 plunder in Derbyshire and Leicestershire; ifor preventing whereof, Colonell Gell sett. upp a 
 garrison at Barton Parke, opposite to Tutburv, in October, lb' 14, and soe kept Tutburv men 
 in, that they could doe noe hurt to Derbyshire. Leicestershire Committee seeing this, sent, 
 to Colonell Gell for his assistance to sett up a garrison at Coleorton, within a mile, and oppo- 
 site to Ashby-dc-la-Zouch. Thereupon lice sent theft] all the horse and dragoones he could 
 well spare; and soe continued there all the moneth of November, Kill, till it was perfected. 
 The first of December next following, Sir William Brereton sent to Colonell Gell for assist- 
 ance to beseidge Chester; hee presently sent him six troopes of horse and dragoones, who 
 continued there till the latter end of March. 
 
 Within four dayes after, Colonell Rossiter and Governor Hutchinson sent to Colonell Gell 
 for assistance, for an onslought which they had uppon Newarke men; whereupon Sir John 
 sent them all the remayndcr of his horse and dragoones, being six troopes ; as soone as Not- 
 tingham men, Lincolne men, and our men were in the vale of Belvoyer, they presently de- 
 served the enemy, horse and fibott ; charged and routed them, slew many of them, and drove 
 many of them into a brooke, that they were drowned ; and Sir Richard Byron, then governor 
 of Newarke, had much a doe to save himself, in running on ffbott to Belvoyer Castle, leaving 
 his perriwicke behind him on the ground, many of them taken prisoners, and our troopes 
 brought with them about thirty good horse to Derby, which made some satesfaction for our 
 losse before Newarke ; of this exployt, Colonell Rossiter was Commander in chiefe. About 
 the latter end of December, 1(>44, the committee of both kingdomes sent an order to Sir John 
 Gell, that hee should send all the horse and dragoones which hee could spare, to the assist- 
 ance of blocking upp the north side of Newarke, under the command of Colonell Sanders, 
 where they tarried till the midst of March. About the beginning of April, 1(545, Colonell 
 Cell's horse came backe from Chester : and the very same night, the Governor of Notting- 
 ham sent his letter, how Sir Richard Willis, Governor of Newarke, had surprised Notting- 
 ham bridge, and that hee entreated all the assistance hee could make, with all speede pos- 
 sabley; the next morning Sir John Gell sent all his horse and dragoones thither ; within 
 three" and four dayes after, the Governor of Newarke finding that hee could not hould.it, 
 came with a good strength, and brought his men off backe to Newarke, soe that their was 
 noe losse in regayning it, because the enemy left it. 
 
 In the beginning of May, lb'45, the Kinge came to Litchfield and soe to Tudhury, and 
 from thence sett before Leicester, and by storme tooke it. In the meane tyme theire came 
 a letter from the Committee of both Kingdomes to Colonell Gell, that hee should draw to 
 Nottingham with his horse and dragoones, where they had commanded all the horse and 
 dragoones of Cheshire, Staffordshire, Nottinghamshire, and others to meete at the randez- 
 vouz att Nottingham, under the command of Colonell Gell, and hee, with the said fforces to 
 follow the Kinge, what way soever hee marched. As soone as the fforces came together 
 ( which was att least fourteen dayes first) Colonell Gell advanced in the meane tyme ; the 
 Kinge was routed att Naysby, and his excellence, Sir Thomas Ffairefax, advancing towards 
 Leicester, commanded Sir John Gell to lye with his fforces on the north side of it, and soe 
 the towne of Leicester was surrendered, and afterwards hee dismissed Colonell Gell, and all 
 the fforces that were under his command. Hee was noe sooner come backe to Derby, but 
 their came a letter from the Committee of both Kingdomes that hee should march with his 
 owne horse and dragoones to Coventrey, where they had commanded all the other fforces, 
 which were formerly under his command, to meete him there ; and when hee had marched 
 as fan- as Synfen Moore, part of his horse began to mutinie for want of money, and turned 
 backe, nevertheless hee marched forwards with two or three troopes, and tarried there tenn 
 dayes, and noebody coming to him hee returned backe again to Derby. Hee was noe sooner 
 come home but Colonell Thornhaugh sent a letter unto him, that Welbecke was surprised 
 by the enemy of Newarke, and that Colonell Ffretchvile was made Governor thereof, and 
 gathered a greate strengeth, and therefore desired him, hee would send him all the assist- 
 ance hee could for to keepe them in, before they were provided of provision, and that hee 
 would meete them about Wingfeild Mannor. Sir John presently drew all his horse and 
 dragoones together, and marched with them himselfe thither, and delivered them under 
 the command of Colonell Thornhaugh, who tarried their a while and encountred twice or 
 thrice with the enemy, and beate them, and tooke many prisoners. Uppon the Kinge 
 coming to Derbyshire our fforces returned backe to Derby. 
 
 In the beginning of September, l(>4f», there came letters from the Committee of both 
 Kingdbmes, that Colonell Gell should keepe five hundred ffoott ready uppon an hower's 
 warning, to marche towards Newarke, under the command of Colonell Generall Poynts, for 
 the blocking upp of Newarke. In the meane tyme Staffordshire men sent unto Colonell 
 Gell, that if hee would assist them with a considerable number of ffoott, they would be- 
 seidge Tudhury castle, whereupon hee assured them that hee would assist them with all 
 the fforces hee had, but that as soone as hee received orders from Colonell Generall Poynts, 
 seven hundred of his ffoott must bee ready at his command at an hower's warning, because 
 hee had received such orders from the Parliament, for the blocking upp of Newarke. Not- 
 
8 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 withstanding lice sent his Leiftennant Coloncll with four hundred (Tbott to the rendezvous, 
 within a miie of Tudbury, where Staffordshire officers and ours mett together, and held a 
 couneell of warr, and found that it would bee at least a moneth's work, and therefore neither 
 they nor wee could tarry so long about it, because of our former command, and for storm- 
 ing it, it was impossible, and soe returned to our several! garrisons. 
 
 Within two dayes after oure returne, the Kinge came with three thousand horse to Tud- 
 bury, and from thence to Ashborne, where our hor.se fell in the reare of them, and tooke a 
 Major, much esteemed by the Kinge, and twenty-live prisoners, which Major was after- 
 wards exchanged for one Major Gibb, who was Major over the horse in the associated coun- 
 tyes, by the Earle of Manchester's letter, and soe the Kinge marched through the High Peake 
 to Doncaster. 
 
 The latter end of September, 1045, the Governor of Welbecke having gotten good strength 
 by the Kinge coming that way, came to Derbyshire with three hundred horse and dragoon es 
 to sett upp a garrison in ChatMvorth, and one Colonel) Shallcross for Governor there, Colo- 
 nell Cell having intelligence thereof sent presently Major Mollanus, with four hundred 
 ffoott to prepossess the house ; and having layne their fourteen dayes, and hearing of the 
 demolishing of Welbecke, Bolsover and Tickhill castles, was commanded by Colonel 1 (3ell 
 to return to Derby. 
 
 About the same tyme Sir William Brereton sent to Coloncll Gell for his assistance to be- 
 seidge Chester, hee presently sent him six troopes of horse and dragoones, where they con- 
 tinued till it was taken, and returned to Derby in February next after. 
 
 And within tenn dayes after Sir William sent for them againe to the beseidging of Litch- 
 feild, whither they went, and tarried their till the surrender thereof. 
 
 The 28th of October, 1645, Colonell Generall Poynts sent to Sir John Gell, according to 
 the Parliament's order, that hee should send him his fforces to the randezvouz at Bel- 
 voyer in the vale, hee presently sent Major Mollanus with five hundred and twenty ffoott 
 thither, who remayned under his command with one Captayne Leiftennant Drink water 
 alone, till Newarke was surrendered, being the 8th of May, 1646', and then the said Major 
 received order, from the Grand Committee before Newarke, to returne backe to Derby with 
 his fforces and artillery. 
 
 In this service that wee were under Colonell Generall Poynts first storming of Bclvoyer 
 outworkes about the castle, of Colonell Gell's men eleven were slayne, and twenty-seven 
 wounded ; and for their service and valor in storming the said workes, the Parliament be- 
 stowed £40. amongst Derby souldyers to drinke. 
 
 And at Stoake, the 1st of January, 1645, four slayne and thirty wounded, whereof the 
 Major's own Leiftennant was one, and three sergeants, and twenty-seven taken prisoners. 
 Which skirmish continued from three of the clocke in the morning till six, that the enemy 
 were beaten backe, having seventy-two of their men wounded and slayne, whereof was one 
 Captayne Fforster ; the enemy were one thousand ffoott and four hundred horse strong, and 
 wee, from Derby and Nottingham, could not at that instant make five hundred ffoott be- 
 twixt us, and most of our horse ran away, but Captayne Pendocke who was sore wounded 
 and taken prisoner. 
 
 In this skirmish Derbyshire ffoott stood most valiantly and courageously too it, soe that 
 as soone as it was day, Colonell Generall Poynts gave them many thanks in the open feild, 
 where they stood in battalio, for their courage and valor. And before Newarke wee left 
 seven men and one wounded. 
 
 For all the aforesaid severall good services, done by Colonell Gell, his officers and soul- 
 dyers, the horsemen were disbanded with £4. 6s. apeece, and the ffoott with <£1. 6s. apeece, 
 and the officers never a penny to this day, being most of them two yeares' pay in arreare, 
 and therefore lett the world judge whether wee are well rewarded or noe ; but the reason 
 is, as I suppose, because the greater part of our Committee were of the Kinge's side till after 
 the battel! at Yorke, and especially our Sub-committee of array. 
 
 The following' is a different account of the transactions that took place at this period, 
 taken from Sir George Gresleys Manuscript , now in the possession of the family. 
 *ri^U.*.U# fai^Uet U S/usuurt' y af-SAtf^tOAoxi , Vol. /.fa itfl 
 
 A true account of the raysing and imployeing of one foote regiment under Sir John 
 Gell, from the beginning of October, 1642, untill the middle of February, 1643. 
 
 " When the setters up, as wel as the lookers on, were wearye of the standard's longer stay 
 at Nottingham, the king's first march was to Derby, the trayned bands of the country being 
 commanded to attend him, which they did, and were disarmed for reward. This new army 
 left such a force behynd them, that a couple of base strangers, one Dennis, and Ballard, 
 papists in religion, and beggars by fortune, for their bouldness to settle themselves at 
 Wyrksworth about the myddle of the county, upon pretence to raise souldyers for the king, 
 began to robb and plunder without controule, though at that tyme we had four earles, one 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 9 
 
 baron, and dyvers knights, and gentlemen, at liveing amongst us; with these two strangers 
 dyvers of our owne county soone joyned, some popeishe in theyre religion, others 6f lewd 
 lyfe and lyttle fortune, wherefore to prevent the miserable condition that our country was 
 like to fall into, and the better to enable Sir John Gell to raise a regiment of foote, according 
 to his excellency the Earle of Kssex' commission, to him for a Cornell, Sir John, with his 
 brother, Mr. Thomas Gell, his Leifetennant-Colonell, went about the end of September unto 
 Hull to Sir John Hotham," by whose letter to his sonne, at Cawwood castle, were procured 
 one foote company, with which we marched for Derbyshire. And in our way. we weare im- 
 portuned to helpe" there at Sheaffeild to suppress a muteny there, which we did, and they 
 lent us ould calivers wyth rotten stocks and rusty ban-ells, useless to them and of little ser- 
 vice to us ; for which they seised and took afterwards sixty good muskets of ours, as they 
 came from Hull. 
 
 "During our absence Sir Franc's Wortley, with a company of fellowes fyt for such a 
 leader, with horse and armes, stoln from honest men, came and joyned with them at YVyrks- 
 worth ; by which union of theirs they conceived themselves masters of the county, and, in 
 confidence thereof, disposed of other men's houses and estates, for their wynter quarter; 
 when, unexpected of them, Sir John Gell appears at Chesterfield, as much to the content of the 
 wel affected as to the amasement of these robbers ; within fewe dayes after Colonel] Gell's 
 first appearing at that towne, the Earls of Devonshire and Chesterfeild together with the 
 then Hygh Sheriffe, Sir John Harpur of Cawke, Sir John Harpur of Swarkston, Sir John 
 Fitzherbert of Norbury, Sir Edward Vernon, Sir Simon Every, and divers other gentlemen 
 of our county, mett at Tutbury and sent a threatning letter to Colonell Gell for his comeing 
 with forces into that countie, to which he returned an answer by their messenger, that it 
 seemed strange they should growe so quickly jealous of hym, theyre owne countrieman, 
 wel known to them, and that had no other end, then the cleareing of his county from 
 theeves and robbers, to inayntaine the lawes of the land and liberties of the subject, accord- 
 ing to the ordynance of Parliament, and yet for a long tyme they could suffer Sir Francis 
 Wortley and others to robb and spoyle without interruption ; after this answer wee presently 
 marched to Wyrkesworthe, drove Wortley and that crew out of the county, and then went 
 straight to Derby ; where our sudden appearing prevented the designes of our malignant 
 countriemen, for whilst they were consulting how to raise forces to oppose us, and shareinge 
 every man's proportion, how many to mayntaine, our being at Derby in the mydst of them 
 crossed all ; what could not be done by force, they then endeavoured to effect by treatie, de- 
 sireinge the Colonell to give them meeting, but t leave his strengthe behynd, a request too 
 symple for us to yeild unto. Sir George Gresley was now joyned with us, the onely gentle- 
 man of qualety in this county that cordyally appeared to be on our side ; Wortley returned 
 into the Peake" againe, whom wee suddenly sent away, with such a fear that he troubled us 
 no more. 
 
 " Afterwards our countrie gentlemen desired another meeting at Etwall ; whyther Sir 
 George Gresley, Leiftennant-Colonell Gell, Major Saunders, and Mr. Hallowes went ; who 
 quickly perceived that nothing would suite with the designes of the malignant, but the dis- 
 solving of our forces, wee resolved to keepe together. 
 
 " From that meeting Sir John Harpur, of Swarkeston, went to Rixham, and procured the 
 assistance of Generall Hastings with some troopes of horse, but before their comeinge the 
 Earle of Chesterfeild had sent for his sonne Ferdynando from Oxford, who brought with him 
 a troupe of horse^ his father mett hym at Burton, and theyre publiquely in the towne swoare 
 that within few dayes he would have Derby, but this was nether the first, nor last tyme the 
 Earle's oath hath been broaken. But the better to serve ourselves wee presently marched to 
 the Earle's house, Bretby, then furnished with about one hundred and twenty souldiers, 
 horse and foote, well provided of all necessaries ; the house was too strong for our small 
 ordynance, but our foote came desperately up to the walls, which the Earle perceiving pre- 
 sently fled with his sonne and al his horse; we tooke the house and should have donne no 
 more hurt, but only taken the armes and ammunition, if the Countess would have given the 
 common souldiers £20. to drinke, which she refusing, part of the house was plundered, to 
 which act the souldiers were more inclined, when they understoode that some of their fel- 
 lowes taken prisoners at the first onsett had received hard usage, some of them having had 
 the honour to be beaten by the Earle himself, whom his servants had first disarmed, and 
 then held fast from styrring: but night comeing on, the wayes foule, and we haveing no 
 nearer quarter then Burton, were forced to make hast away. 
 
 "Our neighbours at Nottingham were now desirous to raise some forces, which good 
 work we were willing to advance, gave Captaine Whyte leave to goe with his dragooners to 
 them, who at first came to us with about one hundred well armed. By this tyme Generall 
 Hastings was seated at Ashby, which place he fortifyed, and much annoyed both the coun- 
 ties of Leicester and Derby, whereupon the Lord Grey sent to us to joyne with him against 
 Ashby, at the same tyme Sir William Bruerton came from London with some few horse, 
 and we altogether went against Ashby. Our regiment was appoynted to fall upon the 
 towne, we beate the enemy out -of the workes, tooke the towne and forced them to retyre 
 into the mannor house and church: but presently after the Lord Grey, our commander in 
 cheife, had false intelligence of the comeing of Prince Rupert, which he too easily believed, 
 
10 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 and called us off, and so saved Hastings and the house, which otherwise had been yielded to 
 us. So apprehensive was his Lordship of Prince Rupert's comeing, that he went straight to 
 Leicester, where Sir William Bruerton and he stayed upon theyre owne occasions until! they 
 lost us and the towne £500. which was but a small loss in respect of what damage Hastings 
 hath since done us ; who hath ever been a thorn in our sydes. Upon Christmas-day, presently 
 after, we sent more of our forces to Nottingham for a designe against Newarke ; but false 
 intelligence defeated that designe also ; for those that should have joyned with us, beleived 
 the enemies forces to be farre greater then in trueth they were ; and so held back theyre 
 assistance ; yet our men continued at Nottingham, sett out theyre workes, and stayed there 
 untyll those workes were advanced. Whylst part of our forces weare thus imployed att 
 Nottingham, Hastings with Sir John Harpur came to Swarkeston, Sir John's horse and I 
 beganne to fortifie there ; but we easily perceived how dangerous it was to suffer such neigh- 
 bours so neare us ; we went presently against them, they quitt the house at our fyrst come- 
 inge, but kept the bridge for a tyme ; which in regard of the river of Trent which runnes 
 under it, and that we could approache it but one way, where they had made a strange bul- 
 warke, the attempt was difficult, yet the valour of our men overcame it, and drove both the 
 commanders and souldiers out of our countrey ; and from thence Captaine Munday with 
 his company went into Yorkshire, at the intreaty of Sheafeild men, where he stayed untill he 
 had effected what they desired. 
 
 " The Morelanders in Staffordshire next desired our ayde against Stafford, and they pro- 
 mised more forces to joyne with us, then was in theire power to performe. We sent our 
 ordynance and men to Uttoxeter, but finding our forces less than wee expected and the gar- 
 ryson in Stafford greater then was at fyrst reported, for theyre were new supplies come 
 thyther from Shrewsbury, we retourned to Derby, but sent some forces to Leeke, to 
 trayne and exercise theyre men, of which at that tyme they stoode in great neede. Not 
 long after we placed a garryson in Burton-upon-Trent, the better to secure that towne, and 
 a greate parte of our country. We were agane commanded to joyne with others against 
 Newarke, under the command of Major Ballard, whyther we sent our forces, under the 
 command of Major Mollanus ; which did theyre parts, for we beate the enemie out of 
 theyre workes, and placed our coulors upon them ; and when there was no other expecta- 
 tion but of rakeing the towne, instead of being seconded we were called off, for some secret 
 reason, which our commanders could never yet truely understand. Whylest parte of our 
 forces were thus engaged at Newarke, Captaine Fox came post from Lichefield, and 
 brought the sadd news of the noble Lord Brooke's death, whereupon our Colonell went 
 immediatelie with the Captaine to Lichfield, and kept together those forces ready to dis- 
 band ; he continued the seige, tooke the close, with the Earle of Chesterfeild and dyverse 
 other prysoners. They after joyned with Sir William Bruerton who brought some horse 
 and went against Stafford, but the enemie being farre stronger then was expected, the 
 Earle of Northampton with above one thousand horse came out of Stafford, and fell 
 upon our men on a heath within two myles of Stafford ; at the very first encounter all 
 our horse fled, except about two hundred and forty of the Lord Brooke's reformader 
 troupe, who behaved themselves all very gallantly. Our Collonell quitt his horse, and went 
 to the foote, being then in great feare and disorder, many of them readie to rune, and stand- 
 ing with theyre pykes advanced ; the Colonell, with his owne hands, put downe theyre 
 pykes, encouraged both them and the musquetyers, who were all disorderly, crowded to- 
 gether ; he speedely gott them into order and gave the enemie such a vollie of shott upon 
 theyre chardge, that they first wheeled, and much discouraged by the death of the Earle 
 of Northampton and Captaine Middleton, with dyvers others, gentlemen and officers, they 
 all presently fledd ; at the same instant Captain Bowyer with one foote company, came 
 very valiantly and joyned with our force; the same horse that fledd, used meanes to discou- 
 rage hym in this fyght ; the horse, al but the reformader troupe, and all the Captains of 
 foote, except Captain Thomas Willoughby, left the feyld ; yet we gott the victorie, brought 
 away the dead body of the Earle of Northampton, theyre generall, and had the pylladge 
 of the feild. When that was donne, and noe enemie apeared of five houers after, wee 
 went with our weary men to Chartley, where those that left us in the fyght returned to us 
 againe. 
 
 " By our garison and friends about Chesterfeild, we were often pressed to come against 
 the Lord Deincourt ; to satisfie theyre reasonable request, the Leieutennant-Colonell, Maj jr 
 Mollanus, and Captain Saunders, were sent thyther with two peeces of ordynance ; that 
 Lord was summoned, refused to yeild, and obstinately held out for a long tyme, yet at last 
 he came forth and pawned both his fayth and honour to performe certaine easie conditions, 
 in confidence whereof, we returned to Chesterfeild, but that Lord, contrary to the articles, 
 went early the next morning to Newarke, which perfidious dealing of his, our very adversa- 
 ries have since, in some measure, revenged, for the garison at Balsover pillaged the house, 
 and those of Newarke caused hym to unburye his money, and to bestow it in the mainte- 
 nance against God and the kingdome ; his lands the cavaliers have leased, because they 
 know not how to take it, which cannot be better bestowed then towards the dischardge of 
 publique engagements ; and so then that lumpe of fleshe will bee nether for service of Kinge 
 nor Parliament. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 11 
 
 " Not long after the plundering, Prynce Rupert came to Lichefeild, and like a conqueror 
 thought to take that in his way, his principal designe being for Derbie, and the suppressing 
 of our forces, to which, besides other motives, he was ernestly importuned by many of our 
 cheife countrymen. Whilst this Prince lay at the seige of Lychfeild we mended our workes, 
 and called in other garisons expectinge our own turne next ; when al our owne forces were 
 together, though we weare unable to releive, yet wee pytied the condition of these brave 
 men beseiged at Lichfeild, we often importuned the Lord Grey to joyne with us for theyre 
 releife, which if his Lordship had donne we had eyther releived the place or dyed in the at- 
 tempt. This Prince after a long seige, and with Toss of many men, tooke the close at Lich- 
 feild, but, instead of comeing on to Derbie, he returned back to Oxford ; but left a garison 
 at Burton, which the Lord Grey and wee tooke presently after, and there wee placed Cap- 
 taine Sanders with his company. 
 
 " Whilst these things were in actinge, the Earle of Newcastle grewe powerfull in the 
 North. He came with a strong armie and besieged Rotheram, the Leifetennant was then 
 at Chesterfeild, onely with two foote companies, and two small peeces of ordynance; and 
 being ernestly importuned by Sheaffeild men, and others, to joyne with them and some prom- 
 ised forces from the Lord Fayrfax, he went with a purpose to have joyned with them, and 
 endeavour the raiseing of that seige ; but, as he was upon his marche, a couple of our owne 
 souldyers, that had been in Rotheram, dureing the seidge, and found meanes to escape, by 
 takeing up armes for the enemie, came and told him the towne was taken, Sheaffeild castle 
 quitt, most of the honest men fledd, and not any hope of help from the Lord Fayrefax. The 
 Leifetennant-Collonell, with those two companies and ordynance, returned to Derbie, which 
 the enymie might easily have cut off, if he had knowne in what condition we were. New- 
 castle's army was now victorious, he came on into our country, miserably plunders, and 
 takes all before hym, leavies greate summies of money, and raiseth more men by the com- 
 mission of aray ; we were again threatened, and expected daylie to be besieged, and, to 
 speak ingenuously, we never were in more danger then at that instant, therefore we called 
 in our garison to assist us ; but Captaine Saunders, who had one hundred and eighty of our 
 foote, well armed, and some horse, raised in our county, and intended principally for this 
 countries service, under our regiment, he refused in this our extremity to come unto us, yet 
 he sent us his coulors and commission, but kept our men, armes, and horses; all which he 
 turned over to Colonell Houghton ; and was for that good service made his liefetennant-co- 
 lonell. It pleased God to preserve us, and the Northern Popish army, in the height of 
 theire pryde, were suddenly called back by the Lord Fayrefax, his judicious and valiant 
 
 takeing of Wakefeild. The generall randevouse, now at Nottingham, now whyther 
 
 we were commanded, and stayed there with our forces seven weekes, dureing which tyme 
 Warton house was beseiged, and our men put upon the service well beate the enemie out of 
 theyre workes, and were likely to take the house in a short tyme, when, upon a rumor of 
 the Queene's forces comeing towards Newarke, we were suddenly commanded of. Once, 
 afterwards, the Queene's army faced Nottingham, and had the other commanders beene as 
 forward to fight as ours, wee had then put it to the fortune of a battell ; but it was other- 
 wise resolved, and our horse went presently after to Leicester, with the Lord Grey and 
 Colonell Cromwell, upon pretence to fetch Colonell Pargrave's regyment of foote ; but ney- 
 ther those foote, nor our horse, came any more to Nottingham. The Leifetenant-Collonell, 
 Captaine Swetnam, and Captaine Mellaar, with those forces left at Derbie, beseiged and took 
 Sir Richard Fleetwood and his house* in Staffordshire, being one of the strongest places in 
 that county, exceeding well provided of all necessaries, and manned with such a company of 
 obstinate papists, and resolute theeves, as the like were hardly to be found in the whole 
 kingdome. In the absence of our horse from Nottingham, the Queene passeth by to Ashby, 
 her army assaults, takes, and plunders Burton, carries away the commanders and souldyers 
 prisoners, yet since we redeemed Leifetennant-Colonell Sanders, being confident of his 
 promise to serve faithfully hereafter in this countrie, wee consented that he should bee 
 major of that regiment of horse, for raising whereof his excellency hath lately granted a 
 commission to Sir John Gell, as collonell. 
 
 " During the Queene's stay at Ashby, Hastings laboured exceedingly to have theyre forces 
 come against Derby, but all in vaine, for our regiment was now returned from Nottingham ; 
 ai 1 wee were but weake before, fortunately supplied with twenty barrells of pouder, three 
 hundred muskets, sixty carbines, and sixty case of pystolls, being the free gyft of the hon- 
 ourable House of Commons, and which wee shall ever gratefully acknowledge, and without 
 which we had been in more danger; for, though we writt to Nottingham for some foote, 
 they haveing then about two thousand theire, and theyre danger past with the Queene, yet 
 would they not afford us any, which was the principall cause of the loss of Burton. For, 
 had wee been able, as wee desired to have sent some foote thyther, that towne had been 
 saved. Presently after the Queene left Ashby, wee beseiged Tutbury castle, and in it Hast- 
 ings, with many of his best commanders ; and when they were brought to great extremety, 
 not able to hold out much longer, Major Freton would needes be gone with Nottingham 
 horse, and so caused us to raise our seige when that castle could not have held out two daies 
 
 * Probably Wootton lodge. 
 
12 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 longer. Presently after Sir John Meldrum sent to us to joyne with the Lord Willoughby 
 and hym against Newarke ; our forces went and were neare the towne. But upon intelli- 
 gence of greate supplies come thither from Gainsborough, that enterprise was defeated. 
 The garison at Nottingham presently after was removed thence, and we were againe sent 
 for, and went to Leeke, whilst they victuled the castle, and removed such goods thyther as 
 was thought convenient ; not longe after our cominge home the enemie took Nottingham 
 towne, and possessed themselves of it, the castle being in a manner beseiged, they sent to us 
 for releife, many of theyre souldyers being hydd in the towne, and in danger to be left, unless 
 we presently releived them. We sent Major Mollanus instantly, and he joyned with three 
 troopes of horse from Leicester ; with these he entered the towne, beate the enemie thence, 
 though they were more in number then our men, killed many of the enimie, took one hun- 
 dred and sixty prisoners, redeemed of souldiers, and divers other honest, one thousand four 
 hundred. About ten daies after the committee of Nottingham sent to us againe for helpe, 
 in regard the enimy had fortifyed at the bridge, and cut off all passage to the towne on that 
 syde, our souldiers went againe, and after some tyme we beate the enemie from the bridge, 
 which was of such importance that the governour of the castle professed to Major Mollanus, 
 that unless our souldyers would stay and take the bridge he would quitt the castle, lett the 
 Parliament doe with him what they would. When they had donne this, we went about 
 gatherying some money for our souldiers, and being upon the borders of Yorkshire, we had 
 intelligence of the Marquiss of Newcastle's army, by reason of the seige of Hull, and the 
 great discouradgment of many of his party, after the victory at Hornecastle, and the take- 
 ing of Lincolne, some principall men retireing to their houses, purposely to make their 
 peace, of which we gave notice to others, but nothing was donne saveing the loss of a fyne 
 opportunitie to have constrained the Marquiss of Newcastle's sick army, within the wasted 
 parts of Yorkshyre, which army was quietly permitted to retreat fyrst in Nottinghamshire, 
 and after to wast and destroy a greate parte of Derbyshire, to the utter doeing of many 
 honest men, and the inricheing of many popish theeves ; but before Newcastle's army came 
 into Derbyshire, Sir Thomas Fayrfax was at Nottingham with his horse, our colonell went 
 to hym, to bring hym to Derby, whyther Sir Thomas came, but first he had a meeting, un- 
 known both to the colonell and committies, with some of our countrymen, at Wingfeild 
 mannor ; when Sir Thomas was comen to us, we desired hym to quarter nere Tutbury with 
 his horse, and to beseige it with our foote ; but his answer was he could not stay, and within 
 few dayes he went into the Peake ; and there had conference with other of our countrymen, 
 and writt to Derby that two of the committes might meet hym at Chesterfeild on Saturday 
 following, whyther the Leifetannant-Colonell and Mr. Hallowes went, and one hundred and 
 thirty of our musquetiers mett them that night, and more were apoynted to come thyther 
 on Monday followeing ; but in the meane tyme, on Sonday in the afternoone, some of the 
 Marquiss of Newcastle's horse appeared within two myles of the towne, and gave an alarum. 
 Sir Thomas Fayrfax adviseth with his owne men, and resolves to be gone ; the Leifetenant- 
 Colonell and Mr. Hallowes were forced to goe of a sudden, and ride that night to quitt our 
 garison at Wingerworth, and another att Chattsworth ; shortly after we sent to Sir Thomas 
 at Nottingham, to informe hym of the enemies strength, which was not greate, and to advise 
 with hym what course to be taken ; he promised help if we stood in neede, but in the meane 
 tyme removed further from us, to Melton, wee sent two of the committee to hym, namely, 
 Mr. Hallowes and Mr. Wygfall ; he againe promised us help, but wished us to gett what 
 foote wee could from Lancashire, Cheshire, and Staffordshyre ; to them wee sent, and they 
 promised a good body of foote to joyne with us, provided that Sir Thomas would come with 
 his horse, of all which we gave hym notice, and desired his speedy help, in regard the enimie 
 was now farr advanced in our countrye, and miserably oppressed us by plundering, and that 
 illegall commission of array. The better to keepe the foote of our neighbouring counties 
 together, we sent our horse to Leeke, who came thyther fortunately for that county, for, 
 just as the enemie had routed theyre forces, our horse came into them, tooke about twenty 
 of the enimies, caused them to recrute and keepe them afterwards for entring Staffordshyre. 
 Our horse stayed there about a fortnight, in which tyme wee sent severall lettres to Sir 
 Thomas FayrfV^ ernestly desireing his ayd, wee had only promises but no assistance. In 
 the meane tyme the enimy pillaged very neare Derby, and our neighbor countrymen, de- 
 spayring of any ayd from Sir Thomas Fayrfax, returned home, and so did our horse to us. 
 
 "After they" had quartered about Leeke a fortnight, wee ernestly importuned the Lord 
 Grey for help ; he gave us hope by his letters, but left us to ourselves.^ Wee imployed our 
 horse the best wee could, fell upon the enemies quarters, tooke a major, and two troupes, 
 one night ; which, with some other dammadg they received from us, made them keepe 
 afterwards a farther distance from Derby. Newcastle's army now beseiged Wyngfeild 
 mannor, the only garison, but this towne, that was left us in the county, which, for want of 
 releife, he tooke by composition. His lordship was often and ernestly importuned to beseige 
 Derby, by our malicious countriemen and Hastings, who proffered all the force that possible 
 he could make ; but Newcastle was sufficiently informed of our resolution to defend itt, and 
 could not be drawne to the enterprise by any means they could all make to hym. His busi- 
 ness in the Northe now calls hym to Yorke ; but he leaves to vex us, his owne garison at 
 Balsover, and six collonells of his owne country, whereof five, namely, Sir John Fytsherbert, 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 13 
 
 Sir John Harpur, Mr. Fretchevile, Mr. Ayre, and Mr. Milward, had such regiments as 
 theire owne interest, backed with the commission of array, and the popeishe party, could 
 raise for them. The sixt colonell, Sir Symon Every, haveing nether men nor armes, and 
 wanting meanes to trouble this county, he went to Oxford to expect the success of the ante- 
 parliament there. Sir John Harpur, with his regiment, beganne to fortifie at Burton, whyther 
 our Major Mollanus with our horse and some dragooners went, fell upon them, tooke theire 
 major, six captaines, many other officers and common souldyers, by which act the whole 
 regiment was spoyled. Within few dayes after Major Sanders went to South Wyngfeild 
 with our horse, and theire tooke two captaines and some other officers and souldyers of Sir 
 John Fitsherbert's regiment. In our greatest extremitie Captaine Clarke and Captaine 
 Taylor most unworthely runne away from us, and at the chardge of this county, these com- 
 manders went fyrst to Nottingham, where they stayd above one weeke, and were after enter- 
 tained, when they should have been punished by the Lord Grey, although wee often writ to 
 his Lordship to have sent them to us, but in vaine. Not long before the like slippery part 
 played, Captaine Ashenhurst, being captaine of the collonell's owne troope, whoe runne away 
 with about forty of our horse, for which worthy service he is since become a major ; but 
 whether to the new collonell his brother, or to the wandering Collonell Chadwick, wee cer- 
 tainly knowe not, these two collonells being greate friends, and much together ; as in reason 
 they should, for theyre regiment consists of fewe more then that single troupe. At the im- 
 portunitye since of many poore neighbors, that were miserably oppressed by a garison of 
 Hastings his souldyers, at the king's milnes, the collonell went the last weeke and beseiged 
 and tooke it, with the captaine and all the other officers and common souldyers, with some 
 malignant countrymen fledd thyther for safetie. And since then Staffordshire men have 
 beseiged Byddle house, and fearing to have the seige raised by Hastings and our country- 
 men, desired to lie with our horse in the confines of theyre county, which wee did, and sent 
 our horse and dragooners under Major Saunders to Ashbourne. Our countrymen from Tis- 
 sington and the Peake drew above three hundred horse and foote together, purposeing to fall 
 upon our men in theire quarters ; but ours being readie, mett them at the townesend, killed 
 some, and tooke above one hundred prysoners, with as many horses and armes. Their 
 officers all runne away cowardly, so that the greatest officer wee tooke was but a cornet. 
 Besides the above-mentioned passages, it is impossible to relate our continuall and almost 
 daylie incounters with the Earle of Newcastle's garisons at Bolesover and Welbeck, being 
 from time to time supplied from Newarke and Yorkshyre, which trouble us on the North 
 syde ; and no less Hastings on the South, for he, being generall under the king in six coun- 
 tries, imployes all his witt and power principally against us. Now lett any indifferent and 
 impartiall man judge, whether our single regiment of foote have layne idle, and wee had 
 never more, untill of late his excellency granted our collonell another commission to raise a 
 regiment of horse. He that shall consider that Prince Rupert, with his army, came once 
 against us, Newcastle in person twice, and the Queene ernestly pressed, when she lay at 
 Ashbie, the plunder of this towne, offered as a rewarde to hyr souldiers, and yet we are safe, 
 may easylie conclude, that the hand of God were then our proper strength, and hath pro- 
 tected us ; our cheife friends under God were the Parliament, that supplied us in our want, 
 and his excellency the Erie of Essex, who never denied us any thing wee writt to hym for, 
 which wee humbly and thankfully acknowledg. For good fortune that wee are not de- 
 stroyed, wee give God the glory. And others have reason to thanke hym too ; for let wise 
 men consider if this towne had been lost, and our malignant lords and gentlemen in posses- 
 sion of this place, what had become of our neighbour counties, as also of Lankeshire and 
 Cheshire, when in former extremeties, and in greate neede they have found no way to be 
 supplied with ammunition and other necessaries, but what came to them by the way of this 
 towne, and without which they could not possibly subsist. 
 
 " That the world may know, we nether undertooke the business at first with other men's 
 money, nor have since imployed any man's estate to our owne benefit, we profess before God 
 and man, that when we went first to Hull to procure some souldiers to beginne withall, 
 that we had not then any advance money, eyther from the Parliament, our owne country, or 
 any other man or woman whatsoever ; but mearly went upon our owne chardges. And that 
 the collonell hath since sould his stock, spent his revenue, and put himselfe into debt, in 
 mayntenance of this cause. And that he never received of any treasurer, towards al his 
 chardges, above £240. and the leifetennant-collonell hath also disbursed and layed out in 
 mayntenance of this cause, a greate part of his estate; and, never yet received one daies 
 pay ; so that we are out of purse many hundred pounds, spent mearely in this business. 
 And this we proffess upon the fayth of Christians, and as wee hope for creditt and esteeme 
 among honest men. This our profession we freelie make to take off some base and lying 
 imputations, and not that we are weary of the cause ; in mayntenance whereof wee are ab- 
 solutely resolved to continue and persevere, so long as God shall lende us lives to venter, 
 and estates to spend." 
 
 This declaration, however, seems somewhat contradicted by the following letter. 
 
14 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 " To our loveing Friends and Neighbors, the worthy Mr. Major, the Aldermen, and 
 other Inhabitants, of the Towne of Derby. 
 
 "Whereas, the county of Derby hath enjoyed the happiness of peace ever since the begin- 
 ning of these great distractions, and have not endured the miseries and calamities which 
 follow the best-governed armyes, so with greate blessing we retourne our most humble and 
 hearty thanks to Almighty God. Yet we cannot but take notice of the forces lately raised 
 by Sir John Gell, baronet, who have theyre residence within the towne of Derbie ; and from 
 thence issue into divers parts of this county, to the greate suffering of many, and to the 
 terror and affrightment of" others ; as is in particular the great prejudice donne to the Earle 
 of Chesterfield at Bretby, to the value of many thousand pounds ; and since taken from Mr. 
 Sacheverell, of Morley, £3000. in money, besides horses and other goodes ; and from Mr. 
 Gylbert, of Lockoe, to the value of £200. ; and from many of us, and our neighbours' horses 
 comeing to the markett, which caused divers to throw off theyre sacks of corne upon the 
 way, and returne home ; so that we dare not come to your markett to sell our commodities, 
 nor can we assure ourselves of safetie at home ; wherefore, out of our neighborlie affection, 
 we have sent these letters unto you, to lett you know our resolutions, which are to retourne 
 our most humble thanks to his gracious and most excellent majestie, for his princely care 
 of us, and peace of this county of Derby, in sending Colonell Hastings with forces, to pro- 
 tect us from the plundering and robery of those souldiers within your towne, and to pre- 
 serve us from those sufferings with which we are threatened, if wee yeild not obedience to 
 the unlawfull taxations, and greate oppressions, of Sir John Gell, whom we resolve to op- 
 pose with our uttmost power and strength, not doubting of the ready assistance of our 
 neighbors of this county and Leicestershire, who have likewise suffered by hym ; though, 
 for the present, we are but the inhabitants of some few townes hereunder written, yet wee 
 desire and expect your answer, what course and care you will take for the disbanding and 
 disarmeing these men, that have been so burthensome to us, which we doubt not of, and 
 shal be ready to joyne with you in the preservation of the generall peace of this countie. 
 
 The inhabitants of Melborne and Newton, Ticknall and 
 Stanton, Repton and Barrowe, Swarkeston and Chel- 
 lison, Thurlston and Elvaston, Wildon and Shard- 
 lowe, Aston and Weston." 
 Swarkeston, the 2nd. of January, 1642. 
 
 Committee of Sequestrators, appointed by Parliament, for the County of Derby. 
 
 31st March, 1643. 
 
 Sir John Curzon, bart. I Sir John Coke, knight I Nathaniel Hallowes, esq. 
 
 Sir John Gell, bart. I Francis Revel, esq. I James Abney, esq. 
 
 Committee appointed for raising £516. levied, upon the County of Derby, for the 
 maintenance of Fairfax's army, from 1st of February to the 1st of December, 
 
 1644. 
 
 Weekly assessment for Derbyshire, 10th May, 1643, £175. 
 
 Sir George Gresley, knt. and bart. 
 Sir John Curzon, knight and bart. 
 Sir John Gell, bart. 
 Sir Edward Cook, bart. 
 Sir Edward Leich, knight 
 Sir John Cook, knight 
 
 Sir Samuel Sleigh, knight 
 Ralf Clark, esq. 
 Rowland Morewood, esq. 
 John Monday, esq. 
 Ranrile Ashenhurst, esq. 
 Henry Wigfall, esq. 
 
 John Wigley, esq. 
 Robert Eare, esq. 
 Thomas Sanders, esq. 
 George Pool, esq. 
 Edward Charleton, esq. 
 
 Further Documents relating to the Civil War. 
 
 The transactions which took place during the civil wars between the king and the parlia- 
 ment, having been handed down very differently by the partial pen of each party, we shall 
 endeavour to lay the whole (chiefly consisting of original manuscripts, letters, and other 
 curious papers of the times) which we have been able to collect upon the subject, before our 
 readers. 
 
 To William Bateman, esq. F. A. S. of Middleton near Yolgrave, a gentleman so industri- 
 ously and intelligently employed in collecting both ancient and modern do cum ents relative 
 to Derbyshire, we are indebted for the following interesting account of Christopher 
 Fulwood. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 15 
 
 Christopher Fulwood, esq. was eldest son, and heir of Sir George Fulwood, of Fulwood- 
 Street, Holborn, London, and of Middleton by Yolgrave, in the county of Derby, knight. 
 He was probably born in London, about 1590, and bred to the profession of the law in Grays- 
 Inn, of which society he was appointed Autumn-Reader, 4 C. 1. (1628) and Treasurer, 
 3 Nov. 13 C. 1. (1037.) Vid. BugdaWs Orig. Jurid. p. 297—9. 
 
 Upon the death of his father, in 1(124, and when unemployed in his professional duties, he 
 resided at Middleton, where he first appears in that year. 
 
 Upon the breaking out of the civil war he adhered to the interest of the king with con- 
 siderable zeal ; for when Charles the First endeavoured to raise a life-guard at York for his 
 own person, Mr. Fulwood was employed, though not ostensibly, to engage the Derbyshire 
 miners for this particular service, in which he appears to have been tolerably successful. 
 The following documents, which are in themselves curious, sufficiently prove the fact : the 
 first is an extract from a letter of acknowledgment of service, written by Charles the First to 
 Thomas Bushell, esq. master worker of the mines-royal, from the original in the Harleian 
 Collection in the Museum. 
 
 "CHARLES R. 
 
 " Trustie and welbeloved, wee greete you well : callinge to minde your vigilant eye of 
 care upon all occasions, and the manie true services you have actually done' us in these 
 times of trying a subject's loyalty ; as in raiseing us the Derbyshire minors for our life- 
 guard, at our first entrance to this warr, for our defence, when the Lord Lieutenant* of 
 that Countie refused to appear in the service, &c. 
 
 " Given under our signe manual, at our court at Oxford, the 12th day of June, 1643." 
 
 The second document is extracted from an Appeal made to the Lord Chancellor (Hyde) 
 by Thomas Violett, as to his loyalty in the civil wars, appended to a scarce tract by Violett, 
 entitled, "An Appeal to Caesar, wherein gold and silver is proved to be the King's royal 
 commodity," &c. 4to. 1660. 
 
 " Mr. Thomas Bushell can certifie his Majestie, that though he had the name of raising 
 the Derbishire miners : I engaged Mr. Fulwood of the Peak, at my request and charge, to 
 be chiefly instrumental to get the miners to meet his majestie at Derby, and was acting with 
 Mr. Bushell, at Tisdelmore (Tideswell-moor) in Derbishire, for the getting the miners to- 
 gether, and there was at one time 1100 souldiers listed at Derby, for which service, I received 
 his Majestie's commands, both at York, Nottingham, and Derby, about the same time his 
 Ma'estie set up his standard. "-j- 
 
 A circumstance may here be noticed, of recent occurrence, but not irrelevant, I think, in 
 connexion with the above extracts. 
 
 In 1827, a quantity of coin was discovered in the wall of an old house at Yolgrave, consist- 
 ing, principally, of half-crowns, shillings, and sixpences of James the First and Charles the 
 First, to the value of about £25. the latest coin, a half-crown, was of the mintage at York, 
 in 1642. ( Vid. Ruding^s Annals, 3. 211.) Is it not, therefore, probable that this collection 
 was secreted by some individual who enlisted with Mr. Fulwood, and lost his life in the 
 service ? 
 
 Mr. Fulwood appears as a justice of the peace about 1640, and is mentioned, with com- 
 mendation for his forbearance in that capacity, by Bagshaw, in his "De Spiritualibus 
 Pecci," 1702, 12mo. the good old " Apostle of the Peak," in his simple, unaffected style, 
 thus relates the occasion : 
 
 " I well remember, when the lamentable wars in England began, some who gloried in 
 being their opposers of what they counted Puritanism, hurried him (i. e. the Rev. Mr. 
 Mellor, curate of Taddington) before the Sessions at Bakewell, and declaimed against him 
 as a Puritan, or Roundhead ; and being put to explain these — such practices as his praying 
 in his family — being for the strict observation of the Lord's-day — and against their propha- 
 nation of it by sports and pastimes. The justice that then was president, and had the chair, 
 whom, for honour on account of that act of his, I will name in the margin [Mr. FulwoodJ 
 though known to be a zealot in the cause of the then King, and conformity, released him, 
 and gave his accusers a sharp reprimand." p. 17. 
 
 Mr. Fulwood did not long survive the irruption of the civil war, for the family pedigree 
 states, that he died at Caulton, in Staffordshire, the 16th of November, 1643, aged 54 ; there 
 is, however, no entry of his burial in the register there, nor does he appear to have been laid 
 with his ancestors at Yolgrave. The plain tradition at Middleton, related by a very shrewd 
 and intelligent old tenant, who died there a few years ago, at an advanced age, is, that Ful- 
 
 * The Lord Lieutenant at this time was, i^M^iifWtoiiHiMMM 
 
 t The king set up his standard at Nottingham, Aug. 22nd, 1642 
 
16 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 wood was shot when in concealment behind a rock, in the dale below the village, by a party 
 of soldiers. I think, that when his exertions in the royal cause, and the time of his death 
 (1643) are considered, aided by tradition, no question can arise, as to his having fallen a 
 sacrifice to his loyalty. His death at Caulton might, with some reason (for want of a better) 
 be accounted for, by supposing that he might be on his way as a prisoner, and wounded, to 
 the Parliament garrison at Lichfield, which city had been surrendered to Sir John Gell on 
 the 5th of March preceding. 
 
 Mr. Fulwood was twice married, and had issue by both his wives, and tradition goes on 
 to say, that his three (quere two) surviving daughters became, eventually, so reduced in 
 their circumstances, as to seek parochial relief in London. The family estate at Middleton, 
 or at least by far the greatest part of it, was alienated before 16*44. 
 
 The family is presumed to be extinct ; a branch of it, seated in Leicestershire, ended in 
 three daughters, coheirs, in 1736. 
 
 The family mansion at Middleton was an " embattled house," and was in some sort re- 
 maining, about a century ago, as appears by a manuscript of that time ; but very soon after 
 began to be taken down, for the sake of the materials, which were used in building a barn, 
 and other out-buildings to a farm, now known from the site, and this appropriation of the 
 materials, as "the Castle farm." 
 
 There are some massy fragments of the mansion yet remaining. 
 
 ORIGINAL LETTERS, etc. 
 
 " To the Earl of Northampton. 
 
 " My most honoured Lord, 
 " I am extreamly joyed to hear you are at Henley in Arden with your forces, and beseech 
 you to advance to Tamworth, which will be the greatest service that ever was done the 
 king; for, with God's blessing, we shall beate them out of Lichfield, or suddenly starve 
 them all, beeing there is noe reliefe can come to them, nor have they any provision for a day, 
 nor horse to fetch in any, I having soe much the greater number. Their strength consists 
 of several garrisons, which are now left very weake. I have a certainty of their number, by 
 the confession of diverse prisoners, and confirmed by severall intercepted letters. Their 
 number is as follows, six small troopes of horse and dragoones, three hundred foote, came 
 with the Lord Brooke, four hundred with Gell, and some three hundred Morelanders ; but 
 parte of them armed, and noe fighters. I, God willing, will attend your Lordship, with six- 
 teene troopes of horse and dragoones, and can, upon a night's warning, call in one thousand 
 foote in Staffordshire, halfe of them armed, soe that, with your Lordship's forces and mine, 
 we shall make a good body of an army. And I have canon cariages, six pound bullets, and 
 store of small pieces, and, within six dayes, can have culvering or demy-culvering. My 
 Lord, you know it hath ever beene my expressions and designs to waite upon you in any 
 action, which I shall doe in this to the utmost of your command. God hath given this faire 
 opportunity to your Lordship to make you the most glorious and happie servant to his ma- 
 jestic The enemie we are to encounter full of distractions, with the loss of their lord 
 generall, and under severall commands, and the souldiers raw and unexperienced, but rich 
 with plundered goods. My lord, I doubt not, with God's assistance, of a most happie suc- 
 cess, and that you will returne, laden with honour and riches, and take all this side of War- 
 wickshire in your way, who have beene great rebells to the king, and are full of wealth, 
 which will be the reward of your and your souldiers paines ; your lordship may surveye 
 your forces to take many armes and horses. Indeed, my lord, your presence will be of 
 infinite advantage, and without it this countrey is in danger to bee lost ; and the rebells 
 grow to a great body that now are not considerable ; therefore let nothing divert you from 
 this good and great worke. As soone as I know your lordship's resolution, God willing, I 
 will suddenly waite upon you, and doubt not thus better to satisfie you then I can by letter. 
 But I beseech you believe this, were not the designes grounded upon much reason, and great 
 probability of happie success, I should not thus earnestly press your lordship, that am to 
 yourselfe, my lord Compton, and your gallant family, 
 
 Your most faithfull and affectionate servant, 
 
 H. Hastings." 
 
 Ashby-de-la-Zouch, Wednesday, 7 o'clock. 
 
THE CIVIL AVAIL 
 
 17 
 
 " To the Right Honourable my much honoured Lord and Earl of Northampton, at Henley 
 in Arden, within eight miles of Colshill, present this . 
 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " At 12 o'elocke this present Wednesday, wee received intelligence from a boy, that most 
 of their forces, both horse and foote, with some pieces of canon, were marching towards 
 Stafford, which made lis presently draw all our forces to Tamworth; where wc shall expect 
 by this night's intelligence a certain place of rendezvous, when we shall joyne with your 
 lordship's fortes, and so constantly march in one body. What intelligence wee shall receive 
 this night your lordship shall have present notice of, and desire to have the like. My colo- 
 nell staies at Ashby this night, expecting some assistance from Nevvarke, there being the 
 last night three of their principall gentlemen sent to him, with full assurance (in my hear- 
 ing) that they would march, when he pleased, into those parts of Leicestershire, or where 
 he would appoint. These forces are all horse, which they may well spare, and doe his busi- 
 ness for Leicestershire. Whereby hee may the better be spared from those parts to attend 
 your lordship. Yesterday wee received intelligence that eight cornetts of horse were ad- 
 vancing from Derby to Leicester. And this day it is confirmed that they are returned 
 backe, and the lord Gray is gone with a small partic for Northampton. I doe expect my 
 colonell here by eight in the morning, and if your lordship shall appoint an earlier hower at 
 the rendezvouse I shall move with these forces towards you. I now speake with your lord- 
 ship's messenger, and I perceive by him that you doe not know of our being here ; but wee 
 shall have a care of the business this night. And if their cartes (as is reported) stand laden 
 in Lichfield streets, it is likelier they will hasten for Burton, rather than hither. Thus, hav- 
 ing no more at present, I kiss your lordship's handes, being 
 
 Your lordship's humble servant, 
 
 B. Scud a mo re. 
 
 Tamworth, 8 in the night. 
 
 I humbly desire that my service may be presented to colonell Wentworth, and Sir Thomas 
 Byron." 
 
 "Saturday, March 4, lb'43. 
 "Saturday, the House of Commons being met, it was informed by letters, that the lord 
 Brooke was killed (whose death is much lamented). The business is informed to be after 
 this manner : viz. the lord Brooke having taken Stratford upon Avon, and settled that town 
 and county of Warwick in peace, marched with his forces against the earl of Chesterfield and 
 Mr. Hastings, which were with some considerable forces at Lichfield (about fifteen miles 
 from Stratford); and having taken the town, and forced the enemy into the minster for 
 safety, and there profering a parley, the lord Brooke went up into an upper room (after he 
 had full possession of the town, and placed guards and sentinels, and was giving charge to 
 his soldiers not to plunder or injure the town); and being espied looking out of a window by 
 one of the earl of Chesterfield's souldiers, being a papist, and in the minster, shot the lord 
 Brooke through the eye with a brace of bullets, whereupon he immediately died. The party 
 that did it is said to be apprehended, and no doubt those which were commanders under 
 that noble lord will revenge this treacherous act upon the cavaliers before they get out of 
 the minster. It is reported that none of the lord Brooke's men were lost in this service, and 
 the Parliament are making choice of another fit person to be commander in chief over those 
 forces." 
 
 "Friday, March 10. 
 
 " By letters out of Warwickshire it is signified, that Sir Edward Peto, who is made com- 
 mander in chiefe of those forces which went forth under the command of that renowned 
 lord, the lord Brooke, hath taken the minster at Lichfield, and all the cavaliers, with the 
 earle of Chesterfield himselfe, prisoners ; but, as for Mr. Hastings, it is reported he was not 
 there." 
 
 " Monday, March 15. 
 
 " In the last week's intelligence, mention was made that the Parliament's souldiers at 
 Lichfield had taken the minster, giving the cavaliers quarter for their lives, and tooke the 
 earle of Chesterfield prisoner ; since which time it is further signified by letters, that not 
 long after the taking of these, together with all their horses, armes, and ammunition, plate, 
 and money, which they had gotten into the minster, the earle of Northampton and Mr. Hast- 
 ings came with forces, intending to besiege the town ; but the said earl was quickly forced 
 to fly away, with the losse of about sixty horse ; but to fly is not to escape, it is many times 
 to increase the danger." 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 To the fair hands of my ever honoured lady Dyer, at the White Unicorne in the 
 
 Old Bailey. 
 
 " Madam, 
 
 " My last lettre (dated February 25) and your ladyship's precious answer, are part of the 
 plunder, which I have every day more and more, but can meete no day to revenge it in. 
 Since I came from home, four men and five horses I have lost ; thrice have I beene actually 
 taken, besides other close pursuits, but yet I live to service your ladyship next to God and 
 my king. And hitherto I can number as many escapes as dangers. We have had the 
 honour in these parts to bring my lord Brooke into a quiet condition. That enemie to our 
 church (March 2) was slaine in his quarrell against our church, by the God of our church, 
 with a shott out of the cathedrall, by a bullet made of church lead, through the mouth, 
 which reviled our church. And (if this be worth your reading) this cathedral being dedica- 
 ted in the memory of an old Saxon holy man (called Ceadda, comonly Chadd, the blow of 
 death came from St. Chad's church, upon St. Chad's day. This being a veritie is fitt for a 
 lady of rare worth. His lieutenant (thought to be sir Edward Peto) and his lieutenant 
 major, both slaine. Severall loads of hurt men, and dead men, carried away to be privately 
 buried. After all this, the place poorely and basely yielded up. But we have more blood 
 ready to purchase it withall. Your noble friend and I made out our several summons into 
 Cheshire, Leicestershire, Oxfordshire, and Staffordshire. And the numbers (I hope) are 
 growing on to a full service. I was twice prisoner in halfe an hower ; but I am still a free 
 man. Bonds cannot hold mee ; only your noble favours have power to bind mee in a per- 
 petuall service, where I am happie to bee the thrall of your kindness, in being the admirer of 
 your virtue. 
 
 "James Audeley (or Edward Deering.)" 
 
 March 11, 1643. 
 
 Clarendon says, " The death of lord Brooke put a stop to the plott at present, till the 
 rebells rallied again, under the command of collonel Gell, and took possession of the close." 
 
 By this prize the spirits of the rebels were much elated, and the king's party as much cast 
 down. Those gentlemen who had declared so warmly for the king, while they thought the 
 close a sufficient security, proceeded now for safety to the town of Stafford, where they 
 found a strong garrison, against which sir John Gell soon led his late-flushed troops. But 
 the earl of Northampton (who intended the relief of Lichfield, if they had waited with pa- 
 tience) with a strong party of horse, came seasonably to their succour. Upon this sir John 
 Gell retired so far as to meet with sir William Bruerton, who was then coming to join him 
 and to subdue Stafford. Their forces being thus united, they moved back towards Stafford, 
 in hopes the earl of Northampton would meet them without the wall. Jt was on a Sunday 
 in the afternoon, about the middle of March, when the earl, hearing of the rebels return, 
 marched out to meet them with only about one thousand men, and found the enemy, unex- 
 pectedly increased in number, waiting upon Hopton heath, about three miles north-east of 
 Stafford. Though the number of the rebels was more than double, yet the heath seeming 
 very fair, being more than musket-shot wide from inclosure on each side, and the number 
 of horse nearly equal, the earl resolved to give them battle ; which he did with so much 
 valour as totally to disperse and rout them, so that the enemy had scarce a horse left upon 
 the field. But in the second charge, the earl's horse being slain under him, he was unhap- 
 pily surrounded by his enemies. Notwithstanding this catastrophe, his behaviour was after- 
 wards so courageous, that he slew the colonel of foot who first attacked him ; but at length, 
 refusing all quarter, he fell most gallantly amongst them. 
 
 After this, sir Thomas Byron, who commanded the Prince of Wales's regiment, attacked 
 the foot with much skill and bravery. But the approach of night, and the discovery of 
 many coal-pits, which were dangerous to the horse, obliged them to defer the action until 
 morning. In the night, however, the enemy chose to decamp, so that the victorious party 
 had nothing to do at break of day but to retire, when they had taken the spoil and buried 
 the dead, much fatigued and harassed, for refreshment, to Stafford. 
 
 The following are very different Accounts of this Battle. 
 
 « Saturday, March 25. 
 " There hath been a more certain information given of the battell near Stafford than was 
 certified the last day, which is to this effect: 'That sir John Gell, advancing towards that 
 town with his forces, from Lichfield, the earl of Northampton with his forces fell upon their 
 arreare, within four miles of Stafford ; and, after some combate betwixt the Parliament's 
 forces and them, there was about one thousand more of the king's forces came in to their 
 assistance, which caused a very hot skirmish for some time, after which sir William Brew- 
 erton came in with one thousand live hundred horse, by which means the king's forces were 
 
THE CIVII, WAR. 
 
 19 
 
 put to the worst, the earl of Northampton slain, and one of his sonnes wounded and taken 
 prisoner, with many others of good quality, after which they were forced to retreat into the 
 town of Stafford for safety ; but it is further informed, that before the coming of the Che- 
 shire forces, the king's forces took four drakes, and about forty prisoners from the Parlia- 
 ment's forces, and it is said Mr. Hastings is mortally wounded, and that the cavaliers have 
 desired the earl of Northampton's body, to bury it ; but an answer was returned, that if they 
 would restore the four drakes, and the forty prisoners they had taken, they should have 
 him." 
 
 In the preceding paper it was said that sir John Gell was hurt, but not mortally wounded. 
 Perhaps this was the wound in his neck which his doublet, now at Mr. Cell's at Hopton, in 
 the county of Derby, exhibits, and the surgeon's bill for the cure of it (£10.) A similar 
 doublet is to be seen at Caldwall, and a curious sword, both worn by one of Sir John Cell's 
 officers, Captayne Saunders, then of that place. 
 
 " Relation of the Battle of Hopton heath, near Stafford, March 19, lb'42, wherein the Earl 
 of Northampton, and divers other eminent Commanders, were slain. 
 
 "Upon the 19th day of March, being the Sabbath-day, I marched from Newcastle to Stone, 
 and soe to Sand, and joyned with sir John Gell's forces neare unto Salt heath, about two of 
 the clocke in the afternoon. Our forces were much disproportionable to the enemies, who 
 did very far exceed us in horse ; whereof there were two regiments brought downe by the 
 earle of Northampton. One was his own regiment, the other was the prince his regiment. 
 There was joyned thereunto the forces of collonell Hastings, who is very strong in horse. 
 And the Shropshire horse and dragoons, which was a greate addition to their strength. 
 These came on with great resolution and boldnes, and in very good order. Some say there 
 were six score, others judge there were two hundred in front, when they came up and 
 charged our horse. Some report there were two thousand five hundred horse of theirs ; 
 whereas we had not four hundred horse at the most, whereof I brought two troopes. And 
 I believe there were about five companies of dragoons; whereof I brought three ; some of 
 which did extraordinary good service. There were near one hundred of the dragoons slaine in 
 the place where the dragoons skirmished; and I cannot discerne that we lost more than two 
 or three. And yet they fought so long, and so fiercely, untill all their powder and bullet was 
 spent. Afterwards they joyned, and fell to it pell mell, one upon another, with the stocks 
 of their musketts. These were captaine BromhaU's men, who behaved themselves well at 
 Brainford, and also at Middlewich, upon Monday, March 13. This was a great disadvantage 
 unto us, that both our horse and foote were unhappily disposed of and divided into small 
 bodyes, at such time as the enemie charged us, which was the occasion that the greatest 
 parte of our horse were disordered, and routed, and yet very few of them slaine. 
 
 I doe not believe that all our foot there present could make five hundred men ; against 
 which the enemies horse were encouraged to make a most desperate attempt, which did pno- 
 duce and occasion their own destruction. Herein the wisdom and goodness of Divine Pro- 
 vidence is to be taken notice of, and acknowledged, that the disordering and dispersing the 
 greatest part of our horse should encourage them, with their horse, to charge furiously upon 
 our foote, who by the discharge of their first volly of shott did performe mighty greate exe- 
 cution. The Earle of Northampton was then dismounted, and after slaine ; but I cannot 
 perceive that hee was knowne before hee was dead, pillaged, and stripped, when, though it 
 was in the night, I viewed his body, lyeing naked upon the ground, and did believe him to 
 be the generall, the Earl of Northampton ; of whom I cannot perceive there was any more 
 care and respect, either of his person, when hee was wounded, and before hee was dead, or 
 of his body, when hee lay upon the field, than of the meanest souldier in either army. But, 
 notwithstanding, our foote, through God's blessing, were soe successful (many of them being 
 inexpert, having never formerly been upon service) did mightie execution upon the enemie, 
 who were thereby rather enraged than discouraged from makeing a second as desperate an 
 assault, which was equally (if not more) fatall unto them, who, as wee have been informed, 
 out of some letters and acknowledgments of some of their parte, confess that they lost neere 
 three score of their most prime and eminent commanders ; amongst which there was the 
 major of the Prince his regent, who is exceedingly lamented amongst them. It is reported 
 also amongst them, that Capt. Middleton, Capt. Baker, Capt. Leeming, Capt. Cressitt, Capt. 
 Bagott, Capt. Biddulph, of Biddulph, a recusant in Staffordshire, are all slaine. And Mr. 
 Spencer Lucie, Sir Thomas Lucie's sonne and heire, who carried the king's or the prince's 
 colours, which were also taken and himself slaine ; soe were the colours of the Duke of Yorke 
 taken, and his cornett slaine ; Colonel Stanhopp himselfe wounded, and his cornett slaine, 
 and colours taken ; soe were divers other colours upon the enemies parte ; but not any 
 officer or commander, who I can heare of, slaine upon our parte. Some of the inhabitants 
 of the countrey report, there were neere six hundred dead bodies carried away from the field 
 the next morning, whereof, I am confident, there were not thirtie of our men. I cannot 
 perceive that there are six wanting of my two troopes of horse, and three companies of dra- 
 gooners. In the success of this battle the Lord was pleased much to shewe himselfe to bee 
 
20 
 
 DOCUMENTS 11ELATING TO 
 
 the Lord of Hosts and God of Victory ; for, when the day was theirs and the feild wonne, 
 he was pleased mightily to interpose for the rescue and deliverance of these that trusted in 
 him. And, as my lord generall said concerning Keinton battle, soe may it bee said of this, 
 that there was much of Cod and nothing of man, that did contribute to this victorie. To 
 him I desire the sole glory may be ascribed, and that this may be a further encouragement 
 to trust in him, and an engagement to adhere unto this cause, as well in the midst of daun- 
 gers and streights as when they are more remote. To this end I beseech you assist with 
 your prayers those who often stand in neede thereof: and beleive that there is none that 
 doth more earnestly pray for and desire the encrease of all comfort and happines then 
 
 Your most faithfull trend, 
 
 Wm. B re re ton." 
 
 " Letters sent to the Earle of Northampton, and found in his Pocket when hee was slaine 
 upon Hop ton Heath, March 19, 1042. 
 
 " May it please your lordship, 
 " I received your letter dated at 2 of the clocke this morning, and accordingly shall fol- 
 low your directions, and lodge my troopes, both nearer you and Tamworth. I have just 
 now despatched a gentleman of my Lord Chaworth to Newark, for six troopes of horse, and 
 one hundred musketts, of which I shall have answer to-morrow morning. Here is with 
 mee the sheriffe of Rutland, and one of the commissioners for Lincolnshire, who I shall 
 stay till I have an answer from Newark. There came last night to mee live t .oopers under 
 the command of the Lord Gray. I have expected them a fortnight, and look-; for more to 
 come. The intelligence they give mee agrees with others in this, that there : .ix troopes of 
 horse and dragoons were not above two hundred and forty. And there was expected to them 
 from Nottingham two troopes more, which are all to goe to Lichfield, on a designe upon 
 this place. They are now at Burton, and by this dayes moveing I shall discover their inten- 
 tione, having sent out a partie of fifty horse to Lichfield heath, and some spies into both 
 townes. The Lord Gray went yesterday to Northampton, with forty horse, and left Lich- 
 field but with two hundred foote. I am certainly assured there is not four hundred foote in 
 Lichfielde, nor one hundred and fifty horse ; but from thence I shall know more to-morrow 
 morning, and shall send to you from time to time what I hearc. 
 
 " Your most humble servant, 
 
 " H. Hastings. 
 
 " Ashby, the 15th, Wednesday, 10 o'clocke. 
 
 " To the Right Honourable my very good Lord the Earl of Northampton, at Colsill, these 
 present.'* 
 
 5* May it please your Excellencie, 
 
 " In my last I gave your excellence an account of the taking of Stalford, by a very small 
 force, wherein the Lord was pleased to worke, and bringe to passe that which was as much 
 beyond our power as above our hopes and expectations, to whom I desire the wiiole glory 
 and honour may be attributed. Since that time wee have done our utmost endeavours to 
 fortifie the towne, and to make good the breaches. Upon Thursday wee went to the castle, 
 faced it, and demanded the same. The ould lady Stafford had betaken herself to the castle, 
 removed her family, and some say all her goods. Wee made as large our forces to induce 
 my ladye to admitte some of our men to secure the castle, and gave her assurance of all 
 protection (wee were able to give) for her person, goods, servants, and tennants. Wee ac- 
 quainted her with the miseries which would inevitably fall upon her house and estate, and 
 did most earnestly beseech her to bee so just to herself, and to those that were to succeed 
 her, as not to be persuaded by wicked and obstinate councell, and to bringe unavoidable de- 
 struction upon herselfe, and to doe great injury to those that should succeed. 
 
 "Wee spent much time in this treatie, but it was vain and fruitlesse; wee conceave her 
 heart was hardened by the pernicious councell of some prcists, jesuites, or other incendiaries 
 about her, who delight in nothinge but fire and sworde. And, seeing nothinge is more ap- 
 parent than that they thirst after blood, I doubte not but the righteous Lord will measure 
 out unto them, a bloody potion to drinke, and will establish peace and quictnesse untoe his 
 own people in due time. 
 
 " These fake propositions beeing rejected, the forces returned, and, before I came to the 
 towne I saw some of the poore out houses sett on fyer, to trye whether these would worke 
 their spirites to any relentinge, but all in vaine, for from the castle they shotte some of our 
 men and horses, which did much enrage and provoke the rest to a fierce revenge, and to 
 practise those extremities, which consumed, before the next ordinance, almost all the dwel- 
 linge houses, and out houses, to the ground. 
 
 " Since that time wee heare, there are divers considerable persons in this blocked up cas- 
 tle, which wee resolve to observe and attend as much as possible, untill wee can recover tht 
 <jaine, and disperse them." 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 21 
 
 1040. The following order was sent for disgarrisoning the town.* 
 
 "An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament, for the dismantling of the garrisons 
 of Derby and Wingfield mannor, giving power to the Committee for the Affairs of Ireland, 
 both of horse and foot. And the honourable Committee doe declare, that all such officers 
 as will undertake this employment shall have a moneth's pay before hand, and all other 
 sonldiers that are willing to goe shall have their quarters discharged till they be transported 
 with other good encouragements. Published according to order of Parliament. London: 
 Printed for' J. P. in the Old Bailie, 1040. 
 
 r An order of the Commons assembled in Parliament. 
 
 " The House of Commons have referred the considerations of dismantling Derby, and the 
 imploying of our forces, horse and foot, in the service of Ireland, unto the Committy for the 
 affairs of Ireland, to the intent that the kinge's adjacent garrisons being now reduced, our 
 countrey may be eased of unnecessary charges, and the souldiers imployed where there is 
 use of them, hereupon the Committy for the Affairs of Ireland, have thought it fit, that so 
 many both of the horse and foot as are willing, shall be entertained into that service, the 
 rest disbanded, and the garrisons of Derby and Wingfield mannor slighted, and that they 
 further declare, that all such officers as will undertake this employment, shall have a 
 moneth's pay advanced unto them, and the souldiers their quarters discharged untill they 
 be transported with other good incouragements, as you will perceive by a letter, which to- 
 gether with this you shall receive from themselves, and at our recommendations they have 
 appointed Colonell Samuel Roper to command the horse, as colonell of a regiment, a person 
 of great worth, and well known in Derbyshire, as being our countryman, and having an 
 estate amongst us, besides his interest in Ireland, of whose respects and carefulnesse on 
 their behalfe s, the souldiers may well assure themselves an advantage, wherein we suppose, 
 they will have cause to take no small contentment. Captain Ireland is to command the 
 foot as colonell, who being so well known to you all and the countrey, we need not use 
 many words concerning him, wishing you that you will give the like testimony of him that 
 we have done. For the by -gone arrears, due both to the horse and foot, they will expect 
 reasonable satisfaction from you, wherein we pray you to take the best course you can with 
 all speed; chiefly they that list themselves for Ireland, must be considered as deserving 
 particular incouragements, and that it may be known who are willing to serve the Parlia- 
 ment against those bloudy rebells, whose hatred to our religion and nation hath engaged 
 them in these detestable attempts : we intreat you to communicate unto them what is in- 
 tended in such manner as you shall think most convenient ; and you may assure them that 
 we shall not be wanting in our endeavours, wherein they may be concerned : Here the per- 
 ticular transaction wee must refer to your wisdoms, desiring you to shew all such respects 
 to Colonell Roper, when he shall come unto you, as belongs to a gentleman of his worth in 
 a service of this nature. And that you would inform us of your proceedings, that wee may 
 contribute all wee can to so necessary a work, and we remayne, 
 
 "Your assured friends and servants." 
 
 " Westminster, 23rd June, 1040." 
 
 A List of the Names of all such Persons as were in Commission for Justices of the 
 Peace, for the Count// of Derby, as they stood in Michaelmas Term, 1050, from 
 a MS. of J. Reynolds, ju n. 8 Sep. 1773, now penes Adam Wolley, esq. 
 
 William Lenthall, Speaker 
 Oliver Cromwell, Lord Genera! 
 John Rradshaw, Lord President 
 Bulstrode Whitloek^ 
 
 Richard Keeble ^-Commissioners of the Great Seal 
 
 John J. isle ) 
 
 Philip Earl of Pembroke 
 
 Thomas Lord Fairfax 
 
 Henry Hollc, C. J. upper Bench 
 
 Oliver St. John, C. J. Common Pleas 
 
 Philip Jermvn, J. of upper Bench 
 
 Edward Prideaux, Attorney General 
 
 John Puliston, Jus. of C P. 
 
 N. 13. The six first, and the ninth were in Commis- 
 sion for every County in England and Wales; the 
 tenth and twelfth for every County in England; and 
 those that follow for Derbyshire only. 
 
 Nicholas Leake 
 
 Sir Francis Burdett, of Foremark, hart. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke, of Longford, bart. 
 
 Sir Edward Leech, of Shipley, knight 
 
 Sir Samuel Sleigh, of Ash, knight 
 
 John Cell, of Hopton, esq. 
 
 John Muudy, of Markeaton, esq. 
 
 Nathaniel Hallows, of Muggington, esq. 
 
 Robert Wilmot, of Chaddesden, esq. 
 
 Christopher llorton, of Catton, esq. 
 
 Thomas Sanders, of Little Ireton and Caldwell, esq. 
 
 Randle Ashenhurst, of Beard Hall, esq. 
 
 Lionel Fanshawe, of Fanshawe Gate, esq. 
 
 Francis Revell, of Carlingthwaite, esq. 
 
 Anthony Morewood, of Alfreton, esq. 
 
 James Abney, of Willesley, esq. 
 
 William Wolley, of Riber, esq. 
 
 Edward Gill, of Brimington, esq. 
 
 Robert Eyre, of Highlowe, esq. 
 
 * The Kind's Tracts, in the British Museum. 
 
22 
 
 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 
 
 Edward Prggc, of Bcauchief, esq. 
 Ralph Clarke, of Chesterfield, esq. 
 
 N. 13. All the forepoing were of the Quorum, and 
 the following were not. 
 
 William Bache, of Stanton, esq. 
 
 Edward Charleton, of Sandiacre, esq. 
 Jcrvas Bennet, of Snelson, esq. 
 Edward Manlove, of Ashburne, councellor 
 John Wright 
 Nathaniel Barton 
 
 John Spateman, of Tansley and Rodenook, esq. 
 Samuel Taylor. 
 
 " To the Supreme Authority of this nation, the Parliament of the Commonwealth 
 
 of England. 
 
 " The humble petition of divers persons, inhabitants in the County of Derby, whose 
 names are hereunto subscribed on behalf of themselves and others ; 
 
 « Sheweth, 
 
 " That the Honourable House of Commons were pleased in August, 1646, to order 
 that the sum of £5000. should be raised by the said County for disbanding of the Derbyshire 
 forces, which said moneys were to be repaid out of the Composition of Delinquents estates 
 in the said County, that £3981. 10s. part of the said £5000. was repaid, according to the 
 said order, to Sir John Curson and Sir John Cook, by the Treasurers at Goldsmith's Hall, 
 and the remaining sum being £1018. 10s. transferred to be paid out of Dean and Chap- 
 ter's lands, but afterwards, in September, 1650, it was ordered that the said £1018. 10s. 
 should be paid out of Delinquents estates which shall be sold. Now because the petitioners 
 are many of them poor men, and have been long out of their moneys, and are not able to 
 subsist without present payment thereof, having been at great charge, and spent much 
 money in attending to get satisfaction of the moneys remaininge due to them, and which 
 was advanced by order, and for the service of the Parliament, and for which many of them 
 have paid, interest ever since the borrowing thereof. They humbly pray your Honours to 
 commiserate their sad condition, that you will be pleased to give order that payment of the 
 said sum of £1018. 10s. may be made unto them by some of your Treasurers for Delin- 
 quent's Estates for Composition. 
 
 " And they shall ever pray, &c."* 
 
 Presented September, 1654. 
 
 In 1655, there was an Ordinance by the Parliament for the Decimation of the 
 Cavaliers, whereby all that had borne arms for Charles the First, or declared them- 
 selves in his interest, were to pay the tenth part of their estates that were left, to sup- 
 port the charge of the Commonwealth, without regard to future compositions, or any 
 articles upon which they surrendered. 
 
 List of Gentlemen of the County of Derby, who compounded, extracted from " A 
 Catalogue of the Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen that have Compounded for their 
 Estates/' 1655, 8vo. 
 
 William Bullock, Norton 40 
 
 Francis Cavendish, Debridg (Doveridge) 480 
 
 Aston Cokayne, Ashborn 356 
 
 Patrick Cock, Tibshelf, gent 31 
 
 Thomas Cook, Melborn, esq 2200 
 
 Wolstan Dixey, Normanton, esq. ... 1835 
 
 s. d. 
 0 0 
 
 0 0 
 
 0 0 
 
 6 8 
 
 0 0 
 
 Rowland Eyre, Bradway, gent 30 
 
 George Eyre, Hathersage 25 
 
 Sir Simon Every, Egginton, bart. by his 
 
 son, Sir Henry 110 0 0 
 
 William Fitzherbert, of Tissington, esq. 
 with £55. per annum settled on the 
 
 Ministry 450 0 0 
 
 John Fretchvile, Stavely, esq 575 0 0 
 
 Ann and Dorothy Fitzherbert, Recus. per 
 
 John Fitzherbert, purchaser 79 6 8 
 
 Richard and George Greaves, JBeeley, gents. 160 0 0 
 
 Henry Gilbert, Locko, esq. 680 0 0 
 
 Sir John Harpur, Swarkston, with £110. 
 
 per annum settled 4000 0 0 
 
 Sir Henry Hunlock, Wingerworth ... 1458 0 0 
 
 Sir John Harpur, Cawk, bart 
 
 Gabriel Jackson, Langley 
 
 John Low, Hasland, gent 
 
 Edward Low, Alderwaslee, esq. with John 
 
 and Arthur, his sons 
 
 John Milward, Snitterton, esq 
 
 Sir Thomas Milward, Eaton upon Dove 
 
 Henry Merry, Barton Park, esq 
 
 John Miles, Ednaston, gent. 
 
 William Millies, Ednaston, gent 
 
 Robert Maskew, Dunston, gent 
 
 Richard Peacock, Ashborn, gent. 
 
 Gervas Pole, Wakebridge, gent. ... 
 
 Sir Francis Rodes, Barlborough, with £50. 
 
 per annum settled 
 
 John Shalcross, Shalcross 
 
 John Statham, Tansley, gent 
 
 Francis Stevenson, Unston 
 
 John Wolly (qu. if not Wollaston) of Roun- 
 
 stone, esq 
 
 Lord Chesterfield, for John Ferrers 
 
 £. s. d. 
 
 578 18 2 
 
 8 8 4 
 
 153 6 8 
 
 221 0 0 
 
 1000 0 0 
 
 560 0 
 
 1640 0 
 
 0 10 
 
 39 1 
 
 60 0 
 
 2712 0 
 
 255 0 
 
 30 0 
 400 0 
 29 10 
 8 6 
 
 150 0 
 400 0 
 
 * The King's Tracts, in the British Museum. 
 
THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 23 
 
 £. *. d. 
 
 Lady Elizabeth Cook— Thomas Cooke, esq. 75 0 0 
 Lord Deyncourt, for Lawrence and Thomas 
 
 Leake, esqrs. with £382. per ami. settled 1994 12 7 
 William Fitzherbert, Rccus. per William 
 
 Brereton and James Blanch, purchasers 447 6 8 
 Edward Goodman, Mantglyn, Derby ... 46 10 8 
 Henry and Mary Powtrell, Recus. per Cle- 
 ment Powtrell, purchaser 13 0 
 
 10 Januarius, 1645. 
 Sir John Harpur, of Swarkeston, in the county of 
 Derby, knight, to settle £110. per annum: viz. £20. 
 per annum upon the Vicar of Burrow, £40. per annum 
 upon the Church at Ticknall, and £50. per annum upon 
 the Church of Repton ; for which he is to be allowed 
 £583. and so his fine of £4583. is reduced to £4000. 
 
 18 Apr His, 1646. 
 John Bulloke, of Darleigh, in the county of Derby, 
 esq. to settle £130. for ever: viz. £90. per annum upon 
 
 Derby, and £40. per annum upon the Vicar of Weston ; 
 for which his whole fine of £1300. is remitted. 
 
 12 Maii, 1647. 
 William FitzJierbert, of Tissington, in the county of 
 Derby, esq. to settle £55. for ever upon the Church of 
 Tissington ; for which he is allowed £560. settled. 
 
 14 Julii, 1647- 
 Timothy Pursey, of Selston, in the county of Not- 
 tinqham, esq. to settle £50. per annum, for ever, upon 
 the Church of Crych, in the county of Derby; for 
 which he is allowed £500. and so the fine of £967. is 
 reduced to £467. 
 
 22 Novembris, 1647. 
 Edward Earl of Dorset, to settle £164. per annum, 
 for ever : viz. £80. per annum upon St Dunstan's in 
 the West, and £84. upon the Church of Lullington, in 
 the county of Derby ; for which he is allowed £1640. 
 and so his fine of £2415. is reduced to £775. settled. 
 
 1659. "August 12th was White's Fryday, the town then making an insurrection against 
 the then usurped powers ;" an account of which is given in the following letter. 
 
 " The Copy of a Letter from an Officer under the Lord Lanibett, giving an account of a 
 rising in Derby. Of Colonel Charles White, his proclaiming Booth's Declaration. And 
 how they were dispersed. Communicated in letters from Colonel Sanders, Colonel Mitchell, 
 and Major Barton, to the Lord Lambert, with the last news from Chester and Liverpoole. 
 August 26th, 1659. 
 
 A Letter from an Officer under the Lord Lambert, giving an account of a rising 
 
 in Derby. 
 
 " Honoured Sir 
 
 " Since I saw you I have had little rest, for the Lord Lambert required me to wait upon 
 him towards Cheshire ; and this day being at Stafford, news was brought him of a rising in 
 Derby ; for the quelling of which he presently ordered one hundred dragoons, and about 
 one hundred and fifty horse, to march for Derby, giving the command to Major Grove, and 
 commanded me to goe with him. Away we marcht to Utceter (where we are now) intend- 
 ing resolvedly to fall into them at Derby this night : but while we were refreshing, a mes- 
 senger came with letters from Colonel Sanders, Colonel Mitchell, and Major Barton, to give 
 an account that the business was at present ended. The beginning was this : Yesterday 
 divers Commissioners being busie in raising and settling the Militia, about eleven o'clock 
 Colonel Charles White, with some few came into the town, and openly proclaimed Booth's 
 declaration, whereupon all the town rose, shut up their shops, seased upon many of the 
 Militia horses with shouting. Captain Doughty turned on their side, and drew many of his 
 new men to him, and in the midst of this confusion, Colonel Sanders came in amongst them, 
 asking them what they would have, drew them all to the Green, where they all desired him 
 to own their quarrel, and be their leader ; he refused, and had liberty to go home, and after- 
 wards they drew into the town, and moultered away, so that this morning there was not 
 one left to appear, the active townsmen crying Pecavy ; and thus our journey is stopped, 
 and we are upon returning, save one troop goes forward thither. Now for Chester, this was 
 the last news, at seven o'clock this day to the Lord Lambert : that the enemies numbers 
 doe something lessen. We have had eighteen troup in their teethes these three daies, but 
 can doe little for want of our foot ; but we shall quickly now, for they lay the last night at 
 Stafford: and untill they come up, for conveniency of provision and quarters, our brigade 
 of horse lye about Drayton. They doe make much of Liverpoole, Colonel Ireland is gov- 
 ernor, 'tis thought some of their hot spirits begin now to coole, they will ere long be lapt 
 closer together. I am both weary and in haste. 
 
 " I remaine, Yours to serve, 
 
 "S. S." 
 
 " Utceter, August 13th, 3 o'clock." 
 
 (i Thursday, September 1st, 1659. 
 u Having in our last stated something touching the late insurrection in Cheshire, be pleased 
 to take a short review of the High Sheriff and Magistrates of Derby, who having proclaimed 
 Sir George Booth's declaration at the market-place immediately after being suppressed, was 
 appointed forthwith to proclaim the Parliament proclamation, wherein Sir George and his 
 adherents were declared traytors, in which it is to be noted, that they themselves were con- 
 cluded guilty. Since which time there is seised the Earl of Chesterfield, Sir Henry Every, 
 
24} DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 Mr. Stanhope, Mr. Grey of Rislcy, my Lord Stamford's son, several Aldermen, and persons 
 of estate. The heat of the insurrection being over, divers counties begin to look pale fae'd, 
 especially those where the Militia revolted, more particularly Captain Doughty at Derby, 
 who meeting Colonel White, shook hands with him, and said, they were agreed ; bid the 
 people arm, and stand for the country, shewed them where the arms and powder was, ap- 
 pointed officers of foot, caused the bells to be wrung backwards, and endeavoured to appre- 
 hend Captain Hope ; but was prevented by Colonel Mitchel, who put a stop to the further 
 accessions of the countey. In this design, the Ministers did severally invite their parishes, 
 onely Mr. Swetnam adhered to the Parliament, and said, they were fools. Yet Mr. Siden, 
 minister of Langley (whom Colonel Sanders had before sent into Lancashire to dissuade 
 their proceedings) returned so much their instrument, that he appeared before the Commis- 
 sioners with his sword, and pistol cockt, declaring high words to Colonel Sanders. Colonel 
 White, who first appeared in Nottinghamshire, and afterward put the town of Derby into 
 combustion, is ordered to be brought up to London."* 
 
 * Weekly Post, 150. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 Printed by Henry Mozley and Son, Derby.