. * - * / # . * ' ' ! > 1 7 1 V •*r " '•-■:■ ' ' ■:• ■' 1 r •: • l ' * :7 . \' ^ ■ , ■*". • / • : " • / r . ,? .. i ^ , . ■ - ... + , : f i . ■ • ’ ; 'f. •• *' • I • ' J ws E& . i * . ■ 4 yn1IFj£.+i y.- y ' - . v', , Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Getty Research Institute https://archive.org/details/cuneiforminscripOOmorg CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS CHALDEAN, BABYLONIAN and ASSYRIAN COLLECTIONS CONTAINED IN THE LIBRARY OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN CATALOGUED BY The Rev. C. H. W. JOHNS, M.A. Lecturer on Assyriology in Queens' College , Cambridge New Haven YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS London • Humphrey Milford • Oxford University Press MDCCCCXX FOREWORD FOREWORD / T is quite true that American enterprise has been notable in the fields of material progress, and our distinction, and often our primacy, has been acknowledged in other lands. But it has been often asserted that in the fields of scholarship we have fallen far behind; that we have not only been compelled to go to the Universi- ties of Europe for the higher education of our youth, but that our older scholars have failed to reach the distinction of those of other lands. This is too largely true, yet not wholly so. Certainly it has been true in those lines of study which require material for re- search not to be had in this country. The editing of classical manu- scripts must be done in lands where they are to be found in libraries or monasteries. Until very lately the study of the rich treasures excavated in the valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris, which have given an entirely new view of primitive history and mythology, has re- quired residence near the museums where these treasures are gathered, and it has been only brief and tantalizing vacations which American scholars could give to their inspection. The same is true of the study of the monuments of Egypt. But we now have a body of younger scholars who are eager to pursue the study of Assyriology, and have made their first essay at original research in the British Museum or the Louvre. Only within a few years have they found any material whatever for study in this country. I think the first small collection of tablets and seal cylinders was brought by me from Babylonia when in charge of the Wolfe Expedition in 1885; and not long after they became the nucleus for a desired collection in the Metropolitan Museum. That expedition, which was solely for exploration, and not at all for excavation, was followed some years later by the expedition of the 5 University of Pennsylvania, conducted by Dr. J. P. Peters and after- ward by Dr. J. H. Haynes and Dr. H. V. Hilprecht, at the site of the ancient city of Nippur, one of the three sites recommended by me, on my return from the charge of the Wolfe Expedition, for excavation by American scholars. The fine enterprise of the friends of the University of Pennsylvania provided the means for the very successful expedition at Nippur; and the Sultan very graciously allowed a large part of the tablets and other things collected there to be brought to this country. From this material it has been pos- sible for Professor Hilprecht and his pupils, among whom Mr. A. T. Clay deserves special mention, to do scholarly work which has added much to our knowledge of Babylonian history and the language and literature of that ancient people, and to the honor of the University of Pennsylvania and of American enterprise and scholarship in a new and difficult field. Of the fruits of the later expedition of the University of Chicago, at the ancient city of Adab, the third site recommended by me in 1885, it is as yet too early to speak. At the third of the three huge mounds recommended by the Wolfe Expedition for excavation, the capital of the famous Elder Sargon, Anbar, long lost to maps, and a famous center of the Jewish dis- persion, not a spade has yet been struck by European or American explorers. It is the chief object, as I understand it, of Mr. Morgan in bringing to this country the written and figured monuments of the early East, such as tablets, seal cylinders, bas-reliefs or statues, to put within the reach of American scholars the material necessary for adding to the knowledge of the world. Whatever is the fruit of excavation by accredited expeditions, whether European or Amer- ican, must go to the Ottoman Museum at Constantinople, except as the Turkish Government graciously presents it to those who have done the work. But a very large portion of such objects is dug up by the natives of the country, who pursue this business assiduously and manage 6 somehow to send them to the European capitals. It is desirable that such objects be not scattered and lost to scholarship, but that they be gathered into responsible and accessible collections. A portion of the large collection made by Mr. Morgan is in- cluded in the descriptions and translations given in this volume by Mr. Johns. He has translated many texts, published in his “As- syrian Doomsday Book” “Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, Contracts and Letters” and the three volumes of his “Assyrian Deeds and Docu- ments Recording the Transfer of Property.” The present volume adds to the debt which the enlarging circle of Oriental scholars owe to one of their most competent members. It is particularly happy that so valuable a collection has come under his study, one in which the distinguished French scholar Scheil has already found very choice material. Now that this fine collection is brought to this country, to be followed doubtless by other similar treasures, we may expect that our eager American scholars will find much more to reward their search in Mr. Morgan’s library. William Hayes Ward. 7 INTRODUCTION FRAGMENT OF THE DELUGE LEGEND. INTRODUCTION r HE people of Mesopotamia, who occupied the basin of the two great rivers Euphrates and Tigris, very early attained a civiliza- tion, which has had a wider influence on mankind than anything previous to the invention of printing and the revival of Greek learning. II Echoes of its far distant renown were heard in the classics and both Assyria and Babylon loom large on the political horizon of Israel and Judah in the Bible. These ancient empires had passed away, and so long ago that the visitor to the ruins of Babylon or Nineveh was con- tent to muse over past greatness and reconstruct from scattered and mythical traditions a dim picture of their glory. Had some spirit whispered that their history and even every-day doings would one day be known again a modern scholar would have smiled in unbelief. All written memorials, if indeed such ancient and barbarous peoples could write, must long have perished. Papyrus or parchment frays out or decays, paper was not invented, and here is a widely different climate from the dust-dry soil or rainless sky of Egypt. Yet it has been even so, not only have wall sculptures been uncovered in the places of an- cient kings, depicting their battles, hunting, and even domestic scenes, but more wonderful still the most intimate details of private life, the laws, literature, history, religion, science and arts, are all fully de- scribed in innumerable documents often little the worse for having been thousands of years buried beneath the soil. Babylonia produced but few trees or stones of any size, but the mighty torrents of its rivers, when the snows melted in Armenia and the Caucasus, poured down annual floods that deposited sand and clay of the finest quality, everywhere that man did not interfere with his canals and dams to check and control the deluge. Hence brick became the staple building material and clay the depository alike of the thoughts of early sages and the wants or wishes of the workaday folk. The clay was so tough that merely dried in the sun adobes or unburnt bricks made excellent walls, that resist the pick and shovel to-day with marvelous strength, and when these walls fell down the changes of the seasons reduced them to earth again, so covering all that lay beneath them with an impervious mantle of clay. The written records inscribed on tough clay or baked to a fine terra cotta, suffered little in such a packing, and are often as sharp and clear to read as on the day they were written. A glance at many of the tablets in these collections will convince any one that the tablet is just as it left the hands of the writer. Only such documents as were deemed worthy of being preserved were burnt, the every-day matters were written down on a lump of tough clay and dried in the sun. The great danger to these is the tool of the digger. But where due care has been taken even unbaked tablets are none the worse for their long burial. 12 It is startling to realize that six thousand years ago most men and many women could write and read in that far off land at the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates. Letters passed, not only between mon- archs, governors and priests, but between husband and wife, brother and sister, lovers or business partners, merchants and their agents. The cook sent the errand boy to the shopkeeper with an order for goods and the debtor paid his creditor with a request on clay to the banker ; while the creditor deposited the same, like a check, to stand to his credit till wanted. The system of writing was once pictorial, then the picture signs became conventional representations of the objects intended, executed with a few bold strokes, without much artistic attempt to copy nature. Not that the artistic faculty was lacking, for contemporary engravings on precious stones, seals and amulets, show a power to depict men and animals with a lifelike energy never surpassed in antiquity. The necessity of writing much and fast overrode the desire for accurate portrayal and use superseded the need for it. As in Egypt the exquisite little pictures which served as hieroglyphs, though long preserved for literary works, gave place in every-day life to a demotic script. Whether because the picture writing and its demotic stage are incomparably more ancient, or whether the use of clay as the writing material hastened the evolution, we have scarcely any trace of either in the writings hitherto found. Two tablets discovered by Professor Scheil and the Monument Blau are almost the only relics we have of this stage. The history of the script begins when conven- tional pictures are constructed solely of straight lines, the arc of the curve replacing the line, and it is with the greatest difficulty that we can conjecture from them what the original picture denoted. The process was hastened by a natural law of writing in general. The sign that once stood for a cow, lithe , was used to denote the syllable lit; but when the scribe wished to write lit he no longer thought of a cow as the sign he should use. As long as the sign could be recognized to be lit, there was no need so to form it as to suggest a cow. So complicated signs, tedious to draw, were simpli- fied by continual omission of strokes till likeness to earlier forms was gone. Signs, too, that once were distinct, became confused and re- placed by one sign. Thus, -j— read mash, and denoting a half, mashlu, was combined with |^, read bar, and replaced by one sign, f . read either mash or bar. * 13 The scribe carefully selected his clay and formed it into an oblong cake, which he held in his left hand. If he meant to write on both sides, when he turned over the pressure would obliterate his writing. So he usually made the obverse quite flat, and then, the pressure being the same all over the surface, very little damage was done. In order to free the clay from grit and pebbles, the scribe often rolled out the clay into a thin sheet, then doubled it up, or made a roll of it. He did not always get all the air squeezed out, and when he baked his tablet pieces flew off, or in after years, when a small fracture was made, the outer sheet flaked off, carrying the writing with it. But the best specimens were so carefully made that they have escaped all injury and even a fall on a stone floor does not chip them. The scribe wrote on the soft clay with a reed of triangular section or a metal stylus of peculiar shape. His work can be very well imi- tated on a lump of clay, putty or dough, with a square sectioned lucifer match, taking care to keep one edge nearly flat on the lump. The end of the stick will make a nail-shaped impression, a wedge in fact, whence the name “cuneiform,” from Latin cuneus, “a wedge.” A careful investigation of the problems involved in this system of writing will be found in the fourteenth volume of Series A of the Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, by Prof. A. T. Clay (Philadelphia, 1906). Our fathers would remember the world-wide sensation made by the discovery of the palaces of Assyrian kings at Khorsabad by Botta and at Nineveh by Layard, lying bare the sculptures and in- scriptions of Sargon, Sennacherib, Esarhaddon and Sardanapalus, known to us from the Bible and classical writers, but by a dim allusion that scarcely removed them from legendary heroes of the past. These discoveries revealed their actual history and the every- day life of the people; while the decipherment of the inscriptions by Grotefend and Rawlinson, just a century ago, gave us a new world of ancient history and literature that has profoundly affected our views of antiquity and the origin of many things in Israel and in Greece. The surprise has worn off, but really more sensational discoveries have been made since, almost annually, in that home of mystery, cradle of science and tutor of the world, the famed Chaldea. Some indication of its importance was given to the public by Professor Delitzsch’s lectures before the German Emperor on Babel und Bibel, 14 which made such a stir in Germany a few years back. At any rate they show how important it is that the public should know and ap- preciate the bearing of the discoveries in Babylonia upon all ques- tions of ancient culture and the beginnings of literature. Especially have the explorations of the French at Telloh and Susa, of the Germans at Babylon and Asshur, and the University of Pennsylvania’s Expedition to Nippur laid an enormous mass of ma- terial before the learned world, and every year, almost every month, sees some important work appear bringing fresh results to light. A very useful little work is Prof. A. T. Clay’s Light on the Old Testa- ment from Babel (the Sunday School Times Company, Philadelphia, 1907), which throws great light on much besides. The religious journals and periodicals have devoted innumerable articles to such subjects, but there is no less contribution to be made to the history of institutions and inventions. The beginnings of mathematics, as- tronomy, natural history, not to speak of literature, law and ethics, are traced to Babylonia, and we still use their measurement of time, if not their weights and measures. In his wonderfully successful explorations at Telloh, the site of the ancient Sumerian city Shirpurla, later known to the Semitic Babylonians as Lagash, M. de Sarzec laid bare in marvelous state of preservation the remains of an extremely early civilization. The rulers of Shirpurla, whether kings, or patesis (pontiffs) subject to the monarchs of Ur, Isin, Akkad or other metropolis, left their monuments in such profusion that it has been possible to sketch the history of the state for centuries. A very splendid work, called Decouvertes en Chaldee , was published by M. Leon Heuzey, under the auspices of the French Ministry of Education, embodying M. de Sarzee’s discoveries; and from them chiefly Dr. H. Radau has com- piled his valuable Early Babylonian History (Oxford University Press, New York, 1900). Since then much has been added to our knowledge of old Telloh by various scholars, among whom the very first rank must be ever assigned to Prof. V. Scheil, best known as the editor of the Code of Hammurabi. For a series of years his un- tiring pen contributed to various scientific journals, especially Mas- pero’s Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a V Archeologie and Peiser’s Orient alistische Litter aturzeitung, a number of Notes epigraphiqueSj etc., of the highest importance for early Babylonian times, based largely upon the texts now in the Morgan collections. These original sources are now made available for reference to the scholars of America. 15 De Sarzec, at the close of his campaign of 1894, laid bare a collection of some thirty thousand tablets, forming the archives of an ancient temple at Telloh, arranged on their shelves along the walls of galleries just as they were left five thousand years ago, when the roof fell in and buried them. Had it been possible to keep them together, as they dated from every year, almost every day, of a very long period, and concerned the most minute affairs of the temple officials and many of the principal inhabitants of the city, it might have been possible to reconstruct the municipal annals of Telloh for the third millennium B. C. with a completeness far greater than that of a European city in the Middle Ages. It was too late in the year to remove such an immense accumulation, and before De Sarzec could resume operations the natives had carried off the bulk of the tablets. These archives were thus scattered, and almost every museum in Europe and America possesses Telloh tablets of this collection. From their numbers, and divorced as they were from their true connection, seemingly dry and uninteresting, they became a drug in the market, and not readily finding buyers, quantities have been de- stroyed. They all date from the dynasty of Ur, and interest in them has lately revived. A very instructive account is given by Dr. J. Lau in his Old Babylonian Temple Records (The Macmillan Com- pany, New York, 1906), where references will be found to the chief publications of the tablets. When “Telloh tablets” are spoken of this set is usually meant. The present collection contains but few of them, only twenty-seven in all. De Sarzec, however, also found other archives, and the tablets hailing from Telloh have been conveniently classed as of six epochs: (1) those before the patesi Ur-Nina; (2) from his time to the dynasty of Sargon I.; (3) the period of Sargon I. and his son Naram- Sin, kings of Akkad; (4) the dynasty of Ur (called the First Dynasty); (5) the reign of Dungi; (6) the reigns of Bur-Sin, Gimil-Sin and Ibi-Sin, his successors. Of the second epoch these collections embrace about forty, re- markable for their exquisitely fine writing, being standard specimens of the calligraphy of the period and especially valuable for the light they throw upon archaic script. They also date from the time of Lugalanda, king of Shirpurla, and the patesis Enlitarzi, Urukagina and Eniggal. Urukagina was also king later. This period Radau put at 4000 B. C., and it is certainly before Sargon I. The tablets 16 are deeply interesting also for a study of early personal names, and throw much light on things that were obscured in later records. The natives of Babylonia have also discovered many tablets ranging over all periods. Doubtless many of these belonged to private archives, the deed chests of great families or business firms. It is, therefore, often impossible to say whether such tablets come from native dis- coveries or were abstracted by the workmen from De Sarzec’s finds. These collections are especially rich in tablets of the third epoch, that of Sargon of Akkad and his son Naram-Sin. The former has usually been dated, as by Radau, on the authority of Nabonidus, last native king of Babylon, and a great antiquary in his day, at B. C. 3800. Later discoveries have caused this date to be doubted, but have not succeeded in substituting any reasonable alternative. The tablets are assigned to this date chiefly by their style of writing, of which they are exquisite little specimens. From their small size they could easily be stolen by workmen, and this is the most probable explana- tion of their finding their way into the market and not to the Con- stantinople or Paris Museums. There are about sixty of them. The tablets of the fifth and sixth epochs are usually dated. The Babylonians assigned to each year a separate name; e. g., “the year in which Bur-Sin, being king, devastated the city Urbillum.” Lists were drawn up of these year-names arranged in proper chrono- logical order, and, in a more or less complete condition, several of these lists have been preserved to us and published by various scholars. Hence it is often possible to state in which year of a king’s reign a tablet was written. Thus the above quoted year-name is given by the date lists as the second year of Bur-Sin. We now know how long each king of the dynasty reigned, and by checking the date lists with the dates actually used on the tablets we may hope to com- plete the chronology for the whole period. A very large number of all the collections of tablets from Telloh come from temple archives. The purpose of these tablets was to record some payment or donation made from the temple stores or received from worshipers, tenants, etc., as offerings, rents or dues. There was a large number of persons who regularly received certain allowances in food, drink, or other goods. By what title they re- ceived such things we are rarely, if ever, told. It is certain, how- ever, that particular families, descended possibly from the original group who formed the first settlers in the city, or deriving from 17 them by conquest, purchase or adoption, had the right to so many days at a particular altar, temple gate or other site about the place. That seems to imply that what we may call “the temple share” of all sacrifices, offerings, etc., and the temple revenues from land and investments, were shared by this group of people. They were by no means all priests or temple officials, indeed some were debarred by sex or religious disqualification from actually officiating. This right could be pledged, mortgaged, let out by its owner, but only during his lifetime; at his death it reverted to his family. Such allowances may be called rations. A temple was in many respects very like a medieval monastery. It had lands and endowments. Possibly all the land of the city had once belonged to the god, that is, the temple, and the original group of settlers, or their descendants, heirs and assigns. Private property in land had, however, already arrived. The temple re- ceived much revenue from its lands and tenants of houses, buildings, or other property. It also lent out from its enormous stores of goods paid in kind, crops, herds, flocks, etc. Especially frequent are advances of corn, oil, wine, wool, even silver. Such loans usually name a fixed period for repayment, and often stipulate for interest to be paid on overdue accounts. There was very little lending for the sake of the interest. Most loans were punctually repaid. It is probable that the borrowers, if not all citizens, had a customary right to borrow of the temple in time of need. It was a form of collective charity. When interest was charged the loan was usually covered by a pledge, the use of which was a set off against the interest. The steward of the temple had, of course, to account for all that he allowed out, and these tablets may be regarded as his vouchers for expenditure and also as receipts on the part of the receivers. The tablet itself, however, rarely enlightens us beyond the mere state- ment that “A has received something from B.” Whether we are to suppose A had a right to receive it, or had to return it, we do not know. The word shubati means “he has taken,” and it is not un- common to speak of these tablets as shubati tablets. It is convenient to do so, because they do not tell us whether these advances were really loans or payments of dues. It was sufficient for the steward’s purpose to show that A had his goods, and the temple auditor would know if the payment was in order. It may be that a donor to the 18 temple would expect a receipt for his gift, but we should not expect to find such receipts in the temple archives, but rather in the donor’s deed chest. There may be a few such. A gift was often accom- panied by a note to say who sent it, even when presented in person, with or without some prayer or pious wish that the god would regard with favor the donor or some one dear to him. Many such notes, sometimes also the gifts, in precious stones or other imperishable ob- jects, have been preserved and the notes asking for life or prosperity for the donor or his lord and master. Such are called votive offer- ings or tablets. The steward drew up most elaborate and exhaustive accounts. Besides lists of rations in food, drink or clothing, he kept wool ac- counts, skin and cloth accounts. These record quantities served out to weavers, leather cutters, or tailors to be worked up and returned as manufactured articles. Sometimes the receiver gave a receipt for such goods, explicitly promising to return specified garments or other articles. The work was sometimes paid for by the temple, sometimes the work was service due. The steward’s lists usually were less explicit, merely stating who had the goods and how much. The temple possessed large numbers of oxen, sheep and goats, of all ages, sexes and conditions. Being an eminently pastoral folk, the Babylonians had, like the Arabs, a bewildering variety of names for what we have to render simply by ox, sheep or goat. The herds were annually entrusted to herdmen, the flocks to shepherds, who took them out to pasture beyond the town fields. These men were responsible for the safe custody of the animals, for proper breeding and care of the increase, and thus bore to the temple steward the same relation as Jacob did to Laban in the Bible story. To secure himself, the steward drew up lists of the cattle confided to each shepherd, and sometimes exacted of the shepherd a sealed and signed agreement to return them, setting forth all particulars. There might be losses by accident, lions or wolves, or “the act of God.” Also the shepherd could deduct some for his hire, thus like Jacob acquiring a flock of his own. The royal tax-collector might make abstraction of some cattle for regular dues or extraordinary demands, usually on a pro rata system. As a rule, however, temple property was exempt from royal exactions. All gains and losses the temple steward en- tered in his accounts. The temple existed for public benefit as well as for its own 19 aggrandizement. It had to redeem a citizen from the hands of the enemy; it had to entertain strangers, especially worshipers from afar, the royal messengers from other cities, or foreign rulers who visited the city. We have many of the steward’s lists of these ex- traordinary expenditures, which seem to have been of considerable extent. Expenditure for wages to workmen on repairs, enlarge- ments or improvements, was duly entered. Accounts were kept written up and dated as often as once a month. What the temple steward did on a large scale every head of a family did on a smaller. Especially business firms kept all sorts of accounts. They kept all their accounts, bonds, memoranda, letters — in fact, it seems every scrap of writing — in great urns or pots sunk in the ground. Native diggers, especially, find these private collec- tions, usually only just below the surface. Considerable interest attaches to the many labels or tickets, which have been called “bullae” from their resemblance to the bulla attached to legal documents in the Middle Ages; whence the title of Papal “Bulls” given to such documents up to the present. The name serves as a distinction for the sort of object, but is entirely misleading in its suggestions. Lumps of clay were impressed on the knot of a cord tying up a sack or bale of goods, or on the sack or wrapping itself. The name of the sender, addressee, sometimes a statement of the contents, even a date, might be inscribed. An ani- mal might have a similar label tied round its neck by a string when entrusted to some shepherd. Slaves wore similar tickets with their name and that of their owner. This was easily made away with, but a slave who thus rebelled was branded or tattooed with an irradicable mark. It is difficult to be sure in many cases of the real purpose of these objects, which are often so rubbed as to be illegible, and not much information is to be obtained from them. They are little more use to us than would be a collection of labels or tickets from goods now. These collections have some interesting examples, either for early date or fine preservation. The first dynasty of Babylon has attained celebrity in modern times chiefly by the interest attaching to the sixth king, Hammurabi, from his widely accepted identification with Amraphel of Genesis xiv. He deserves even more renown for his celebrated Code of Laws, the earliest of which we have any full information, and its derived interest from comparison with the Mosaic Code, This was 20 the crowning glory of De Morgan’s explorations at Susa, the Shushan of the book of Esther. The tablets of this period nearly all come from Sippara, usually identified with the Biblical Sepharvaim. Prof. V. Scheil excavated there for the Turkish Government in 1893-94, but the natives have from time to time unearthed thousands of tablets at its modern site, Abu Habba. In fact, in this period, Sippara seems to have been the predominant city of Babylonia and Babylon merely the seat of government. Most of these tablets appear to be of private interest and can hardly have formed part of a public archive, unless it was the custom for private persons to deposit a copy of their deeds in the temple. Many relate to temple officials, and very many to those vestal virgins, as we may call them, who were vowed to vir- ginity, yet could marry, and usually lived in Gagia, the great convent of these Shamash votaries at Sippara. The tablets relate to all sorts of transactions, covering every kind of transfer of property. They are deeply interesting for the light they throw on customs at this period. The ruling dynasty were of foreign extraction, perhaps best called Amorites, without necessarily implying affinity with the Bib- lical Amorites of Palestine. There are many Amorite names on the tablets implying racial affinities with the old South Arabians. The date lists for this period are in an advanced state of perfection, and the year of the king’s reign can usually be given, but there are many new year-names, every one of which is a gain to knowledge. On the whole period the writer may be allowed to refer to his Babylonian and Assyrian Laws , Contracts and Letters (Scribner’s Sons, New York, 1904). The religious texts are of the deepest interest and will be noted in detail later. The historical texts deserve separate notice. There are many others of various epochs, which are better treated indi- vidually. All in all, it is difficult to imagine a collection of the same size with more varied and interesting contents. MYTHOLOGICAL TEXTS DELUGE STORY When George Smith, in 1872, announced in the Daily Tele- graph of August 3d that he had discovered among the tablets in the British Museum, brought by Sir H. Layard from Nineveh, some 21 fragments of the Babylonian account of the Deluge, enthusiasm knew no bounds, and the Daily Telegraph placed one thousand guineas at his disposal to proceed to Nineveh and procure more. He published in his Chaldean Genesis (London, 1875), a remark- ably successful account of all the fragments then recognized, and in 1884 Prof. P. Haupt produced his edition of the Nimrod-Epos, in which were collected all the fragments known. Nothing has been added since to what may be called the Ninevite version. Its likeness and contrast to the Biblical versions have been discussed ever since in numberless publications. It was known that Berosus, the Greek writing priest of Babylon, about B. C. 280, had preserved a somewhat different version. Great was the surprise and delight when Professor Scheil published a fragment of a version dating from the eleventh year of Ammizaduga, last king but one of the first dynasty of Baby- lon, fully a thousand years earlier than any of the hitherto known texts. It presents what has been called the Sippara version, and was published by Scheil in Recueil de Travaux, vol. xx., p. 55 ff. It is now marked M. 135. ETANA MYTH The legend of Etana, who was carried up to heaven on the back of an eagle, is of great interest, apart from the suggestion that he is the Ethan of I. Kings iv., 31, whose wisdom was excelled by that of Solomon, and the likeness of the story to that of Elijah. For it is closely connected with the story of “the snake and the eagle” and that of “the storm bird, Zu.” The fragments from Nineveh were published by Dr. E. T. Harper in the Beitrage zur Assyriologie (vol. ii., p. 439 ff.). Professor Scheil published in Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiii., p. 18 ff.) a fragment probably from Senkereh, earlier than the first dynasty of Babylon. Both from its extreme age and from the interest of its subject, this unique tablet is of priceless worth. It is now M. 130. The subject is represented on several fine cylinder seals in the British Museum, the Louvre and elsewhere. In the legend of the descent of Ishtar to Hades a hero called Uddushunamir is mentioned. Professor Scheil published in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xx., p. 83) a fragment of a mythological tablet from Sippara, which mentioned a patesi called Uddushunamir, among other patesis called Udduarukali, Zakira, Belidlina and 22 Gimil-Ninib. They may all have been ancient rulers of Babylonia, whom popular tradition regarded as heroes and set to guard the gates of Hades. The fragment is valuable as containing a hint which awaits confirmation from other sources. It is now marked M. 129. LEGEND OF KUTHA The legend of Kutha has possibly an historical foundation, but is worked up with many poetic and mythical accessories. It tells how a king of the early times was beset by an enemy, led by seven brethren. Three years he sent out his forces, first one hundred and twenty thousand, then ninety thousand, then sixty thousand seven hundred, but not one of them ever came back. At last, by the help of the gods, the king triumphed. It may echo some memory of a barbaric invasion, but while fragments were preserved in the Nineveh Library, the fragment edited by Professor Scheil in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xx., p. 65 f.) dates from the time of Sargon I., about 3800 B. C. This fragment is now M. 128. STORY OF ADAPA The Ninevite versions of most of these legends were preserved in the library of Ashurbanipal, king of Assyria, B. C. 668-626, and are nearly all in the British Museum. It is excessively rare to find a fragment of them elsewhere. The story of Adapa, a semi-divine hero, who broke the wings of the South-wind for spoiling his fishing and was summoned to heaven for judgment, where he narrowly es- caped being made an immortal, is one of the most celebrated of these stories. Professor Scheil published a fragment of it from Nineveh in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xx., 127), and this seems to identify Adapa with the mythical king Adaparos, who reigned before the flood, according to Berossus. Part of his history is written on one of the celebrated Tell el Amarna tablets, and was studied by those Egyptians who, under Amenophis IV., had to correspond with the kings and rulers of Syria and Palestine, in Babylonian language and writing. The fragment published by Scheil is now M. 144. 23 INCANTATION* Of the greatest interest is M. 66, an incantation text, of very early date, possibly used as an amulet to ward off demons. It is unpublished, but a most interesting variety. It is inscribed on stone, not clay. OMENS A text connected with omens is N. 215, unpublished and un- fortunately only a fragment, but earlier than those already known by many centuries. NISABA An invocation to the goddess Nisaba, goddess of agriculture, M. 67, was inscribed on the edge of a bowl. The piece has broken off and fortunately gives a practically complete text, which was pub- lished by Professor Scheil in the Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung (vol. vii., p. 254 f.). Nisaba is here invoked as the goddess of fertility with seven wombs, seven breasts, and as goddess of literature (?) with eighteen ears. She is also called the scribe of Anu and sister of Ellil. It is curious to find the association of agriculture with letters in the person of a mother goddess. Another fragment of some as yet unrecognized legend exists as M. 13 1, and awaits publication. These legends form part of a literature which, as is now grad- ually being recognized, was known and read from Elam to Cilicia, from Syria to Egypt, and its influence is to be traced in the Bible and probably also in early Greek mythology. Every fragment re- covered is therefore a unique treasure. It may explain so much now obscure to us. GEOGRAPHY The tablets which come from Telloh continually name cities and places in the neighborhood, some of which were in existence cen- turies later. It is of the highest importance to collect these geo- graphical references, from which in time we may map out lower *It was published by V. Brummer in Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxviii., p. 216). 24 Babylonia, for the third millennium B. C. In M. 68 we have a list of more than fifty towns, with amounts of money, a shekel or so, set down for each. The amount seems small, but perhaps it merely marked relative liability to tax or rate for some purpose. The text seems to be of the first dynasty of Babylon, but came from Telloh, and was published by Professor Scheil in the Re cue'll de Travaux (vol. xx., p. 68 f.). One of these ancient cities was fixed by Professor Scheil as having been on the site where now stands the village Jocha, to the west of Wasit el-Hai, in the El-Batajeh in Irak. The ancient city was called Uch, and its name used to be read Gishban, while its site was sought as far away as Haran. The means of this fortunate discovery were the tablets M. 70 and M. 71, found at Jocha by Scheil, in April, 1894. They were published in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xix., p. 62 fE.), give the name of the patesi of Uch as Urbilku, and are probably of the fifth or sixth Telloh epoch. ARCHAIC TABLETS The fine collection N. 69-110 embraces tablets of the very early Pre-Sargonic period of Lugalanda and Urukagina, rulers of Telloh. Of the nature of temple records, they give the names of scores of people, important in their day as rulers, patesis, etc. Of great interest is the frequent mention of the wives of these rulers, whose names form a welcome addition to our knowledge of the lot of women then. The tablets are beautiful specimens of exquisitely fine writing. The celebrated patesi, Gudea, whose diorite statues adorn the Louvre and whose power was little short of that of the mightiest kings, a great builder and adorner of Telloh, but a loyal subject of Dungi, king of Ur, is known chiefly by the palaces and temples which beautified his city of Telloh. He has left almost endless inscriptions, published in Decouvertes en Chaldee , and most recently translated by Prof. Thureau Dangin in Les Inscriptions de Sumer et d 3 Akkad (Leroux, Paris, 1905). It is interesting, therefore, to find him inci- dentally mentioned in M. 12 1, probably as a donor of offerings of food and drink, on the festival of Dungi, the fifteenth day of the month called the Feast of Dungi. Telloh tablets were dated both 25 by the years of Gudea’s reign and by those of his sovereign, Dungi; M. 88 uses both systems. The year of Dungi is probably the forty- sixth, but those of Gudea are not yet fixed in order. This will form a valuable help to the synchronism of the reigns. The dynasty of Ur, with which Gudea’s reign was contemporary, began with the great king Ur-Engur and lasted one hundred and seventeen years. The kings are here given in order with the lengths of their reigns. The period is that of the fourth, fifth and sixth periods of Telloh. Ur-Engur reigned 18 years. Dungi, his son, reigned 58 years. Bur-Sin, his son, reigned 9 years. Gimil-Sin, his son, reigned 7 years. Ibi-Sin, his son, reigned 25 years. This dynasty is represented by twenty-seven tablets, of which thirteen are to be assigned to the reign of Dungi, eight to Bur-Sin and six to Gimil-Sin. One other tablet, certainly of this period, dated in “the year the temple of Engur was built,” is not yet to be assigned its place in the above dynasty, N. 46. The patesi Eannatum reigned at a very early date, but he is mentioned in the twenty-first year of Ammiditana on N. 218. NEW AND RARE KINGS In the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiv., p. 25 ff.) Professor Scheil published the names of several new rulers or kings, whose place in the dynasties has not been determined. The king whose name is written an-a-an, and read variously, perhaps best as Huma, was identified with a somewhat similarly named king of the so-called second dynasty of Babylon, and also with others. It is possible that he was a contemporary of Sumulailu, second king of the first dynasty of Babylon, and that he ruled over the “Lealand.” See Professor Hilprecht’s Introduction to the twen- tieth volume of Series A of the Babylonian Expedition of the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania (p. 56 b.). This king is only known with 26 certainty from a tablet in the Louvre still unpublished, from M. 89 and M. 126. They were published by Professor Scheil in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiv., p. 25). The king whose name has been read gir-ne-ne, Aradshagshag, etc., is only known from an unedited tablet in the Louvre and M. 127. It is as yet impossible to place him. Published as above. The king Siniribam is known only from M. 125, published by Professor Scheil as above, and again in Orientalistische Litteratur- zeitung (vol. viii., p. 350 f.). It is as yet impossible to place him. The king Ammikinabi is only known from N. 49, which is still unpublished. It is impossible to place him. The king Rim-Anum was first made known by Professor Sayce in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology , 1897, P- 73 - Then Professor Scheil found several tablets dated in his reign in the Museum at Constantinople, and published M. 124 in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xx., p. 64). He claims here, as in the fourth vol- ume of Rawlinson’s Inscriptions of Western Asia, pi. 35, No. 8, to be king of a wide empire, naming Emutbal, Isin, Suri, Dupliash, Ashurn as subject lands. This is important for history, if correctly read. The kings of Ur reigned over Susa, as is shown by the votive tablets of Dungi found there, and during this period Susa was ruled, like Telloh, by patesis. Intercourse between the cities was frequent, and we read of ships of corn going from Telloh to Susa, or vice versa. In M. 103 we read of the patesi Beliaurugal of Susa who came to Telloh. Six ships laden with corn from Susa are mentioned in M. 78. Rim-Sin, son of Kudur-Mabug, ruler of Emutbal, Elamite king of Larsa, usually identified with Arisch of Ellasar in Genesis xiv., is represented by one tablet, probably dated in his reign, N. 232. One tablet, N. 163, is dated by a year-name not yet to be found in the year lists or chronicle if the writer is not mistaken; it repre- sents some new dynasty, but where it was located is not clear. The Sippara tablets are nearly all from the period of the first dynasty of Babylon, when the city was evidently at the zenith of its power and prosperity. A list of the kings of this dynasty, with the lengths of their reigns, may be of interest to the reader: Sumuabu, 14 years. Sumulailu, 36 years. Zabum, his son, 14 years. 27 Apil-Sin, his son, 18 years. Sinmuballit, his son, 20 years. Hammurabi, his son, 43 years. Samsuiluna, his son, 38 years. Abeshu, his son, 28 years. Ammiditana, his son, 37 years. Ammizaduga, his son, 22 years. Samsuditana, his son, 31 years. While Sumuabu founded the dynasty, he seems not to have been succeeded by a son. The chronicle of the dynasty, see especially Mr. L. W. King’s Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi (3 vols., Luzac & Co., London), vol. iii., pp. 212-253, is complete for his reign, but, with one exception, no tablet dated in his reign is known. Tablets dating from the reign of Sumulailu and already pub- lished number fifteen, but only one gives the year of the reign. Col- lection N. adds three tablets dated in the sixth, nineteenth and twenty- third years — three times as many as known before. The third king, Zabum, is represented by thirty tablets already published. Collection N. includes two more of the seventh and eighth years. Apil-Sin is represented by twenty-eight tablets published, only five of which are dated by years of his reign. N. has one more. Sinmuballit is better known, fifty-two tablets being published. Here are three more dated in his second, sixth and fourteenth years. Tablets from the reign of Hammurabi are always eagerly sought after, and quite one hundred and forty are already published, nearly all dated by the years of his reign. N. 225 is one more of the four- teenth year. Samsuiluna is known from about as many published tablets. N. 187 is dated in his seventh year. Abeshu is hitherto represented by only thirty-five tablets, and the chronicle is so defective that it has hitherto been impossible to place the dates in order. Here are seven more tablets, one dated in the last year of his reign. Ammiditana is known from some one hundred and thirty pub- lished tablets. Here are forty-seven more, a quarter of all known, dated in the seventh, eighth, ninth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, six- teenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first, twenty-fourth, 28 twenty-fifth, twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, thirty-first, thirty-second, thirty-third, thirty-fourth, thirty-fifth, thirty-sixth and thirty-seventh years. Ammizaduga is represented by one hundred and twenty pub- lished tablets, but here are forty-two more, adding another quarter. The chronicle has lately been extended to his seventeenth year, and here are tablets dated in every known year but the tenth. The last king, Samsuditana, is already known from twenty-four published tablets. This collection adds nine more, another quarter. As the chronicle is defective for this reign, we can not place them in proper order, but they make important contributions to fixing it. In all there are one hundred and sixteen dated tablets of this period, sixty of them being fresh contributions to our knowledge of the history. There are examples of every reign except the first. The contents of the tablets are, for the most part, the same as those already published, with, of course, different parties and many interesting variations in detail. They are all as yet unpublished. Some open up fresh subjects, e. g., the very interesting agreements on the part of shepherds or herdsmen entrusted with flocks or herds. The Code of Hammurabi dealt with the subject, Sections 262-267, but little illustration has yet been available from the practice of the period. These serve to explain and confirm the Code. Here we find what seems to be the earliest reference to the horse, in the tablets N. 252, 253, where the name Shasisi occurs. We may render it, if rightly read, “horsey,” like the Greek Philippus. It is possible, however, that it is not a proper name, but only an entry in a list of proper names, of so much “corn for the horses.” Either way, the mention of the horse is carried back centuries by this reference. Other proper names of great interest occur, such as compounds of Lagamar, so famous in the discussions of the Elamite name Kudur- Lagamar, the Biblical Chedorlaomer, and compounds of Ian, which were so much discussed in the controversy raised by Professor Delitzsch’s lectures on Babel und Bibel. The so-called Amorite names occur in plenty. In fact scarcely one of these Sippara tablets is without some point of interest for the student. 29 CASE TABLETS It was usual to inclose the more important documents in an envelope. This was made of a thin sheet of clay, which was wrapped round the tablet and pinched together at the corners. Good ex- amples of such envelopes are N. 44, which is the envelope of N. 47, and N. 25, which is part of the envelope of N. 10. In case of any dispute the tablet had to be produced in the court of law. If it was broken, or had been tampered with, the judge might rule it was defective evidence and the additional expense of summoning and examining witnesses would have to be borne. To reduce the risk the substance of the inner document was indicated on the envelope, often a complete duplicate of it was written out. N. 44, however, merely reads, “the bond (sealed tablet) for one cow, one year old, which belongs to Ahuni, son of Awil-Nabium the cowherd.” N. 47, which was once enclosed in it, is the deed of sale of one cow one year old by Ahuni, son of Awil-Nabium, to Licvir-Babili, son of Acvil-Ishtar, for one and one-half shekel of silver, with one-twelfth of a shekel as earnest money. It is witnessed by three witnesses and dated the twenty-eighth of the seventh month of the second year of Ammizaduga. If the inner tablet had been left exposed, although it was baked, a dishonest man might alter it. But once enclosed in its envelope, he could not do so, without signs of having done it. To avoid his putting on another envelope, the parties not only impressed their seals, but often ran the seal over every part of it, while the clay was soft. Though the forger might make a new envelope, after falsi- fying the contents, he could not well forge the seals, which were often those of third parties, witnesses, judges, scribes or others not likely to connive. Tablets in their cases are not rare. The native finder is of opinion that these things contain gold or precious things, and, if he hears the inside rattle, he breaks the envelope. Hence few envelopes find their way to Europe. Occasionally the envelope sticks fast to the contents and there is no temptation to break it. Unfortunately that may be a great injury to the inner tablet, it may be impossible to remove the adhering part of the case, and, so, many inner tablets can not be entirely read. 30 Of course, the inner tablet was baked hard before it was put in its envelope, which was then also baked hard. Occasionally neither were baked at all. This kind naturally rarely gets far from the finder’s hands, crumbling to pieces under his curious fingers, with all its possibly priceless information, perishing now after centuries of preservation in the soil. Letters, of course, only bore the address outside, with perhaps the sender’s name, and often the date. The envelope was broken to read the letter, and very few letters in their envelopes have been found as yet. They could not have been read, perhaps not delivered. It is possible that M. 146 is a case tablet, but it has not been opened yet. LETTERS Great interest has attached to the letters of the period of the first dynasty of Babylon, since Professor Scheil, in 1896, thought he had discovered a letter of Hammurabi referring to Chedorlaomer. This proved to be a mistake, but the interest aroused was fully main- tained by Mr. L. W. King’s Letters and Descriptions of Hammurabi, which showed with what minute care the great Hammurabi and his successors looked into all the affairs of their kingdom. ' N. 26 may be a letter to the king, for the writer says he has sent “two men to thy presence,” but it may be from the king to an official. Unfortunately neither the writer’s name nor that of his correspondent is given. These would naturally be on the envelope, which was broken to read the letter, and probably thrown away. N. 62 is written by Ardiilishu to his brother about Licvir-Babili and Idin-Sin, asking his brother’s orders in the matter. N. 51 is a letter from Ibni-Ib to Aliellatti about a number of persons in the latter’s neighborhood who owe him money. He sends an agent to collect it. N. 57 is a request from Liburnadinshu to Mahritu, his mother, to sell two measures of drink and “if she loves him” send him certain articles, apparently baskets, but of unspecified contents. N. 19 is a report, possibly to the king, but the writer does not give his name. He says Risaturn will not change his opinion. He sends the goods belonging to Belshunu, son of Idin-Lagamal. He bought a cow for ten shekels of silver: and so on. It is evident here, 3i as in most of the private letters, that we can not understand them until we know more of the business relations of the parties concerned. It is only by the publication of all such documents available that we can make out much more. M. 133 is very interesting for its beautiful seal, representing two priests or worshipers raising their hands in the Babylonian atti- tude of prayer or adoration toward a symbol of Ishtar, the mother goddess. She is here, which is the remarkable thing, represented as a cow suckling her calf, and turning back her head to caress it. The representation was exquisitely engraved on the seal, and though the impression was hurriedly made the little scene is very clear. Beneath is the usual conventional representation of the goddess, naked and holding her hands to her breasts. As Queen of Nineveh, Ishtar is addressed by Ashurbanipal as the mother who has suckled him in his infancy. The tablet contains a list of names of persons who had received dues from the temple, came from Sippara and is of the period of the first dynasty of Babylon. It was published by Pro- fessor Scheil in the Re cue’ll de Travaux (vol. xx., p. 62). The same symbolism is found on the Greek coins of Corcyra and its colonies and on other Babylonian seals. The use of the seal was not without its disadvantage for scholars in reading the tablets now. When the seal was run up and down over the tablet while yet soft the characters formed by depressions in the clay became closed up and lost their characteristic features. It is usual to say that at no period were tablets so badly written or signs so carelessly formed. It is very commonly the case at this period that a seal bore only the name of its owner, stating whose son he was and which god he worshiped. As seals probably also served as amulets this would identify the owner as under that god’s protection, but it may have had the more mundane purpose of marking him as a member of a particular congregation. The exact relation of groups worship- ing different gods has not yet been fully worked out. Such a seal is often of great assistance in reading the blurred names in the text itself. A more elaborate sort of seal depicted some scene from myth- ology, or a worshiper introduced into the presence of some god, or some ornamental design. This might have the owner’s name as before or not. The seals were cylinder shaped with a hole drilled down the center, and ran in a setting which made them not unlike 32 a garden roller. On some tablets the marks of this metal mounting can plainly be seen, as in N. 29. M. 3 has an interesting seal repre- senting a single standing figure wearing a peculiar cap. N. 20 is a seal impression and nothing else. Why it was done and what pur- pose it served it is impossible to say, but it is a very fine specimen. Perhaps the lump of clay was a label on a bale of goods or the like. The seal impression on M. 96 is worth remarking. The so-called bullae N. 206-210 have a very fine seal. N. 211 is also a sealed bulla. N. 212 is a mere cake of bitumen used to stop a bottle or jar and bears a seal impression which is probably late. Several other tablets have seal impressions now much defaced. HISTORICAL INSCRIPTIONS FROM ASSYRIA, ETC. The German explorations conducted at the old capital of Assyria, the last four years, have made known the names of many early rulers of Assyria, kings or patesis of Asshur. One of the earliest of these, Uspia, was first made known by Professor Scheil in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxii., p. 155 f.), who there published a fragment of an inscription from Kalat Shergat, the modern site of Asshur. It also names Erishum, another early ruler, and is now M. 138. M. 139 is part of the annals of Arikdenili, a very early king of Assyria, which was published by Professor Scheil in the Orienta- listische Litteraturzeitung (vol. vii., p. 216 f.) It is of considerable historic value, but very fragmentary. M. 140, 142, 143 are fragments of inscriptions of Assyrian kings, as yet unpublished, but too little is preserved to identify them with certainty. M. 134 is part of a Semitic inscription mentioning Samsuiluna, son and successor of the great Hammurabi, but in too fragmentary a fashion for much to be made out of it. Subsequent discoveries will probably clear it up. It has not yet been published. M. 137 contains a votive inscription of Kurigalzu, king of Ur, probably from a door socket or bowl. It was published by Professor Scheil in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiii., p. 133), and though so short is of historic value as showing the extent of the Kassite rule. When Ashurbanipal succeeded Esarhaddon on the throne of Assyria, his brother Shamashshumakin, the Saosduchinos of the 33 Greeks, was installed as subject king of Babylon. The exact extent of his kingdom has been disputed, but M. 146, a bond for twelve shekels of silver, dated in the fifteenth year of his reign, at Nagiti, near the mouth of the Euphrates, shows that he held part of Southern Babylonia. It was published by Professor Scheil in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiv., p. 28). It is remarkable for its beautiful writing. Very little was known of Sinshariskkun, the Saracus of the Greeks, save that he was the last king of Nineveh, who perished in the fall of his city, about B. C. 606. It was with feelings of great satisfaction, therefore, that Professor Scheil published in the Zeit- schrift fur Assyriologie (vol. xi., p. 47 ff.), the fragment M. 149 of a charter of this king, in which he calls himself son of Ashurbanipal and grandson of Sennacherib. He, therefore, succeeded his brother Ashuretilitani on the throne. Only sufficient is left of the tablet to discern its general purpose. CONTRACTS FROM ASSYRIA The vast majority of the Assyrian tablets come from Nineveh and are in the British Museum. The deeds and documents relating to the transfer of property, commonly but loosely called “contracts,” for the eighth and seventh centuries B. C., were published by the writer in 1898, but the natives still occasionally find one or two. They are excessively rare. One, M. 148, records the loan of five homers of barley by the lady Amat-Ishtar, in B. C. 681. It is also interesting by its deviations from the stereotyped formulae of the tablets concerned with the business of the Royal Household in Nineveh. It is dated in the limmu of Nabuacheeresh. The Assyrians had modified the ancient Babylonian custom of giving each year a name after some great event, but they continued to give each year a name, the name of some great official. Thus, in turn, the king, the Tartan or Rabshakeh, commanders in chief of the army, the chief justice, the chief over the levy or militia, the chief secre- tary of state, the chief steward and cupbearer, and the governors of Asshur, Arbela, Nineveh, and other great cities, in a fixed order of precedence, even the governors of distant provinces, Carchemish, Damascus or Cilicia, were chosen to the office of Eponym for the year. The year was called the limmu of whoever was thus Eponym. 34 Lists of these Eponyms, in strict chronological order, were drawn up and are known as the Eponym Canons. Several copies are known and published giving an exact chronology from B. C. 893 to B. C. 668. A great many names of Eponyms are to be found on dated documents which are not in the lists preserved, but the writer has succeeded in fixing the order of the Post Canon Eponyms down to B. C. 640. The German explorations at Asshur have recovered many of the early Eponyms, whom it is not possible to place in order yet. The discovery of each new Eponym is an event in Assyriology, and when Professor Scheil published M. 147 in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxiv., p. 25), the discovery was hailed with delight. The tablet records the sale of a female slave, and is dated in the Eponymy of Nabutapput-Italak, the Rabshakeh. It is after B. C. 640, and, of course, before the fall of Nineveh about B. C. 606. Syllabary, M. 145, is of great interest as a specimen of the vocabularies drawn up by the Babylonian scribes to aid in the in- terpretation of archaic words and ways of writing. The language of the Pre-Semitic inhabitants long continued to be used for the religious and scientific works much as Latin was the language of theology and science in the Middle Ages. These syllabaries are of many kinds. Some in four columns give the sign to be explained, the name of it, the pronunciation in the old language, Sumerian, or other, and the meaning of it in Babylonian. Other syllabaries explain Sumerian words and phrases in Babylonian, of which this is an example, notable for its beautiful writing, but unfortunately only a fragment. It was published in the Recueil de Travaux (vol. xxvii., p. 125). ANZANITE TEXT The Medes and Persians, with the help or connivance of the Babylonians, destroyed Nineveh about B. C. 606 and made an end of the empire of Assyria. Cyrus the Great was a Persian of the Achaemenid family, but at first only king of Anzan, a dis- trict on the Babylonian borders of Elam and subject to Media. Nabonidus, the last king of Babylonia of native race, called Cyrus “a petty vassal” of Astyages, king of the Medes. Cyrus, however, by an uninterrupted career of conquest rose to be master of the whole of Western Asia. The language of Anzan, or Anshan as it is called by Cyrus, is of great interest, though not yet completely understood. Professor 35 Scheil has published many of the monuments from Susa in this language. The people used the cuneiform script, but in a modified form, closely related to that of the inscriptions of Darius, Artaxerxes, Aerxes, Cambyses, etc., at Persepolis, which were first deciphered by Grotefend and Rawlinson. In the publications of the French Delegation en Perse will be found a long series of such inscriptions, of the deepest interest for the ancient history of Elam. It was known that the last kings of Assyria frequently corre- sponded with these kings of Elam, and in the Ninevite archives were found a number of tablets in Anzanite, which have been published by Dr. J. H. Weishbach in the Beitrage zur Assyriologie (vol. iv., pp. 168-202) ; but very little progress has been made in reading them. M. 150 is another such text, but it is hazardous to attempt to state its contents or purpose. The most recent texts in the collection are Neobabylonian. They belong to the empire founded by Nabopolassar, on the fall of the Assyrian empire, of which the most distinguished member was Nebu- chadnezzar II., known to us from the Bible. Very many tablets of this period were found at Sippara, Borsippa and Babylon. N. 15 bears no date, nor does N. 66,201 ; they are exquisite specimens of writing. The little statuettes of Ishtar and the head of Nabu, N. 198, 199, are very interesting for a study of the plastic art in Babylonia. The little alabaster foot of an image is rare and curious, N. 200. STYLE OF WRITING The student may remark some very fine specimens of calli- graphy, important for the study of the signs at these periods. On M. 37, at the lower end of the reverse, are three lines of writing scratched on the tablet when nearly dry and not inscribed. They are in very archaic characters, such as were used before the wedges became pronounced. They contain the name of Nammahni, father of the last mentioned person, Amel-Nina, who received a ration or loan. Such a “docket,” as is usually called, may well have been written by Nammahni himself, who used an ancient method of writing. M. 15 is a beautiful specimen; M. 62 is another; M. 19 another — all of early date, while others have already been noticed, 36 FUNERARY CONE N. 197 is a good example of an object of which there are sev- eral examples in European museums, all bearing precisely the same inscription. It appears to have been placed on a stick to mark the place of a grave. Professor Scheil gave a partial account of it in Recueil de Travaux . (vol. xxii., p. 154 f.). Professor Thureau Dangin published it in full in the Orientalistische Litteratwzeitung (vol. iv., p. 5 ff.). Professor Delitzsch quoted from it in his lec- tures on Babel und Bibel. It is deeply interesting for the light it throws on Babylonian ideas of the future world. At any time, in the gliding of days, in the days to come, in the days hereafter, this tomb let one look upon and remove it not; to its place let him restore it. Such a one who sees this and does not disdain it, saith thus: — “This tomb to its place I will restore it come to its help.” Let him pour a libation on it. In the world above may his name be blessed ! In the world below may his spirit drink the pure waters! As in the Gilgamish Epic the Babylonian thought of the lot of the blessed as lying on a couch drinking the waters of life. 37 CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS CHALDEAN AND ASSYRIAN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS CHALDEAN AND ASSYRIAN A collection of Chaldean and Assyrian clay tablets with cunei- form inscriptions, formerly the property of the Rev. Father V. Scheil, S.J., professor of Assyriology at the Ecole pratique des Hautes- Etudes, at the Sorbonne, Paris. ABBREVIATIONS USED O. L. Z. — Orientalistische Litteraturzeitung, Ed. F. E. Peiser, pub. W. Peiser, Berlin, S. 42, Brandenburgstrasse 11. R. T. — Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie et a l’Archeologie Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, Ed. G. Maspero, pub. E. Bouillon, Paris, 67 Rue de Richelieu. Z. A. — Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie, Ed. C. Bezold, Strassburg, Ver- lag, K. J. Triibner. N. B. — This collection exhibits about 1900 lines of text.* About 60 of the texts, mostly short ones, date from the time of Sargon I. and Naram-Sin, circa B. C. 3800. About 40 belong to the dynasty of Ur, circa B. C. 2500. Nearly 120 are temple accounts from Lagash or Telloh. The tablets from Jokha are unique, so far. Ten tablets are Assyrian and of importance for the history, sev- eral being unique. The five tablets with legends of Adapa, Deluge, Etana, Kutha are priceless and unique. A new king, Siniribam, and several other little known rulers, are represented. An extraordinarily large proportion of the tablets are perfect. The Anzanite text is very remarkable; as yet it can hardly be said to be translatable, but every new text advances knowledge and eliminates errors. * Twenty-two of the most important texts have already been published by Professor Scheil. 41 1 Note of 5 shekels of silver and 5 homers of corn, served out to each of six persons. ... 14 1^4 1/4 2 Note of small cattle counted out and assigned to several persons, perhaps shepherds 4 1]/% l-fa 3 Receipt for loan of 10 shekels of silver, witnessed and sealed 13 1^$ i}£ 4 Note as to 4 gazelles 2 J 4 5 Note of 20 sheep sent for food 4 i 1 /^ 1*4 6 Note of small cattle counted out 7 1 ^ 7 Note of small cattle counted out 5 i l /% 1 8 Note of small cattle counted out 8 1 ]/% g Note of small cattle counted out and assigned to shepherds 12 i}i 1% 10 Note of small cattle counted 3 1*4 it*s 11 Note of small cattle counted over and entrusted to shepherds 13 1 )/% 1*4 12 Note of sheep and birds (?) counted 7 % ]/% 13 Note of kids entrusted to various persons. ... 12 1^4 1 24 14 Note of rations served out 6 1^4 1/4 75 Note of rations served out in month Isin-Dungi 8 I T(T id Note of kids entrusted to Ur-Ishtar 3 % 24 17 Note of skins given out 6 1 1 18 Note of rations in meal 7 1 1 ig Note of rations served out 11 ij 4 i 24 20 Fragment of list of rations 11 i £4 I H 21 Note of rations served out 5 % % 22 Note of rations served out in month gud-du- NE-SAR-SAR 7 1*4 I 23 Note of rations served out in meal 6 £4 24 24 Note of rations served out 4 J 4 % 23 Fragment of list of rations 11 124 I £4 26 Note of rations served out 5 Va 24 27 Note of rations served out 7 i_j 4 1 28 Note of rations served out in meal, sacks (?) of fish, etc 5 1 H 2g Note concerning 621 fish 7 i 24 1 Ya 42 30 Note of rations served out to Dada 3 Y Y& 31 Note of rations served out. 4 -}% 32 Note of rations served out 3 1^ 33 Note of rations served out 9 1 Y 34 Note of rations served out 6 Y> Y 33 Note of 50 doves counted by Amel-Udda. ... 3 Y Y 36 Note of rations served out 5 Y 37 Note of silver delivered to different persons. 10 iY l Y* 38 Note of delivery of articles to Ati son of Laban 6 V/2 iY 39 Receipt for spices served out in month of Isin- Tamzi 11 lY l Y 40 Note as to musical instruments served out. . . 41 1 41 Note of rations served out 2 42 Order for thousands of bricks 7 iY I ii 43 Note of rations served out 3 Y Y 44 Note of rations served out. . 10 iY I Y 45 Fragment of list of rations 8 iY 1 Y 46 Note of rations served out 6 Y 47 Note of rations served out 8 \]/\ iY 48 Note of rations served out 5 Y Y 49 Receipt for loan of corn in month asha; Dungi 46 12 1 Y ll A 30 Rations served out 6 Y> Y 31 Note of rations served out 6 Y it 32 Note of rations served out 6 Y> 33 Note of fishes received and served out. ..... 9 iY 1 Y 34 Note of rations served out 7 lY L T 4 33 Note of rations served out in month she-il-la 8 iY 1 56 Note of rations served out ................ 8 1 57 Note of quantities of food and drink (ra- tions ?) 10 1Y2 1V2 38 Note of rations served out. 11 2 1^4 39 Fragment of accounts. 5 iY 1 Y 60 Fragment of accounts 11 iY 1 Y 61 List of names 7 1^2 iY 62 List of quantities of provender for asses 30 2 lY 43 63 Bulla for one person 2 i I 64 Pass for 3 women 1 $/& 65 Note of rations served out 5 1 1 /% 66 Incantation text, very early example, R. T. XXVIII. p. 216 13 1 24 1 H 67 Dedication of vase to goddess Nisaba; O. L. Z. VII. 284.. 13 3^ 1 68 List of places in neighborhood of Telloh with amounts of taxes due; R. T. XX. 69 56 \]/ 2 4% 69 Note of rations served out; Bur-Sin 1 8 1 *4 1 H 70 Deed of sale from Jokha, ancient gish-uh ; R. T. XIX. 63, Urbilku, Patesi 35 4 H 2 71 Deed of sale of a house, from Jokha; R. T. XIX. 63, Dungi 37, Urbilku, Patesi.... 20 2% 1% 72 List of slaves and owners from Jokha 7 2]/% i $4 73 Legal decision by Patesi; Dungi 45 6 i l / 2 1 74 Receipt for 20 ewes in month Isin-Ninasu; Gimil-Sin 3 8 1% i /4 75 Note of rations served out in month Isin- Dungi ; Gimil-Sin 3 7 1 76 Return of corn from two fields in month Isin- Bau; Dungi 47 a 13 77 Cargo account in month Amarasi; Bur-Sin 8 12 i T ^ if 78 Cargo account of ship from Susa to Telloh with sesame, crew of 36; Bur-Sin 6, R. T. XXII. 153 9 1% I'A 79 Note of allowances to messengers from Sa- bum, etc 24 1 y& 80 Note of rations served out 13 1 1 /% 1 81 Note of rations served out 25 1^6 1 82 Note of rations served out in month Isin- Dungi 15 iMs 83 Note of corn delivered by order of two officials 3 1 84 Receipt for meal in month she-il-la 8 1^5 1 83 Receipt for loan of 7 Yz shekels of silver, inter- est 5 shekels, month shu-kul-a; Bur-Sin 8 16 1 y 2 i}£ 86 Receipt for loan of corn and silver; Dungi 31 9 1^6 1&6 44 87 Receipt for loan of corn in month Isin-Dungi ; Bur-Sin n 12 1 34 88 Loan of corn to Gudea; Dungi 46 13 ifa i% 89 List of names, time of an-a-an the king; R.T. XXIV. 25 10 1 y 2 i« 90 List of advances to several persons 18 1/4 91 Bulla for one ram to Ribamilti, shepherd. ... 3 1^ 1 A 92 Bulla for one ram to same 3 i*4 lA 93 Bulla for one ram to same 3 lA 1^2 94 Bulla for one ram to same 6 lA lA 95 Bulla for one ram to Haliaum 3 1 A 1 A 96 Bulla for two kids, good seal impressions. ... 2 lA lA 97 Receipt for two brick moulds ( ?) ; Gimil- Sin 1 9 iy s 1 98 Note of rations served out in month gan-mash 9 iA 1 99 Note of rations served out 5 1^4 1 A 100 Bulla for one big ox to Apia 3 iA 1 A 1 01 Order for corn from two officials 7 1^2 iA 102 Note of rations served out in month Isin- Dungi 7 1 % 103 Note of rations served out to Beliaurugal, patesi of Susa, in month gan-mash ; R. T. XXII. p. 153 ; 9 iH l3 A 104 Note of 295 cattle confided to Namhani, shep- herd of Ur-Ninsu 10 2 iA 105 Note of rations served out 13 iA i/4 106 Receipt for 6 women hired for 1 day by Ur- Abba; Bur-Sin 8 8 iA i T \ 107 Calculation of hire of 123 workmen; R. T. XXII. 1 5 1 , Bur-Sin 2 13 2 iA 108 Loan of four wooden implements; R. T. XVII. 38, Gimil-Sin 6a 9 I A lA 109 Receipt for quantities of wool; Gimil-Sin 1, Bur-Sin 11 10 1^2 iA no Account of revenues furnished by 3 cities; Gimil-Sin 8 8 i'/z 1 A 45 hi Note of rations served out to messenger from Susa io !*/& 1 12 Rations for people from Huhunuri and Sa- bum 15 \ l / 2 1 J4 1 13 Note of rations served out in month zib-ku. . 12 1 1 1 14 Note of rations served out in month she-il-la io i 11 5 Note of rations served out to officials from Sabum 11 i ^4 i /4 116 Note of rations served out to Gudea in month SHE-IL-LA 14 1^4 1 17 Note of rations served out 15 1^2 i }4 1 18 Note of rations served out; Bur-Sin 14 1 % 1 19 Note of rations served out in month gan- MASH 5 I I 120 Note of rations served out 6 1^4 ll A 121 Note of rations served out to Gudea in month Isin-Dungi 10 1% 1/4 122 List of names 6 1^4 123 Note of rations served out 6 % ?/s 124 List of foreigners with amounts (of taxes ?), time of Rim-Anum; R. T. XX. 64 23 3 j 4 2 123 List of contributions in accession year of Sin- iribam; O. L. Z. VIII. 350 33 3% ij 4 126 Seeds of vegetables given out to five barbers, King an-a-an; R. T. XXIV. 25 18 2 1 127 List of corn loans, month ash-a. King Ardi- ne-ne; O. L. Z. VIII. 351 11 1 Yi 1 % 128 Fragment of the Legend of Kutha; R. T. XX. 65 73 3H 4 X 129 Mythological fragment naming Uddushu- namir and other patesis; R. T. XX. 63.. 13 2^4 2^4 130 Fragment of the Legend of Etana, R. T. XXIII. 18 55 2^4 4 1 31 Fragment of a new mythological legend 13 2^4 4 % 132 Receipt for corn; Ammiditana 15 9 H H 46 133 List of names, with seal bearing image of Ishtar as a cow; R. T. XX. 62 11 2^4 1^4 134 Fragment of barrel cylinder naming Samsu- iluna 29 4>4 3 135 Fragment of the Deluge Legend; R. T. XX. 55 ; 63 3/4 136 Flake of reverse of corn loan; Ammizaduga 15 4 1^4 1^4 137 Fragment of inscription on dolerite, door socket (?), Kurigalzu I., King of Ur; R. T. XXIII. 133 3 3^4 4 H 138 Part of a cone (?) naming Ushpia and Eri- shum early patesis of Assyria; R. T. XXII. 156 11 4 3^4 139 Part of annals of Arikdenilu, king of Assyria; O. L. Z. VII. 216 32 3 2^4 140 Fragment of historical inscription of Assyrian king 11 3 3 14 1 41 List of names 17 4^4 2 142 Fragment of inscription of Assyrian king. ... 33 3^4 3^4 143 Fragment of inscription of Assyrian king. ... 14 2 i £4 144 Fragment of the Legend of Adapa; R. T. XX. 127 30 2^4 2J6 143 Fragment of a syllabary; R. T. XXVII, P -125 35 2 2 146 Receipt for loan of 12^4 shekels of silver, 1st of Elul, Shamashshumukin 15, at Nagiti; R. T. XXIV. 28 14 i 54 1 Vs 147 Deed of sale of female slave, Eponymy of Nabutapputalak, after B. C. 640 18 i £4 1/4 148 Deed of loan of 5 homers of barley by Amat- Ishtar to Ashurkassun, B. C. 681 15 2 1 149 Fragment of charter of Sinsharishkun ; Z. A. XI. 47 _ 18 3?4 3 130 Anzanite text, four-sided prism 14 2^4 Y\ 47 CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN A collection of Babylonian and Assyrian clay tablets with cunei- form inscriptions, formerly the property of the Sheik of Abu Habba. ABBREVIATIONS A denotes tablet from Abu Habba. B denotes tablet from Babylon. T denotes tablet from Telloh. The collection exhibits about 5400 lines of text. At least 90 tablets are perfect and 30 others nearly so, a very unusual proportion. Forty tablets date from the times of the very early kings and patesis of Lagash, B. C. 4000. Over 150 tablets date from the first dynasty of Babylon, and were found at Abu Habba. At least one new king is represented by No. 49, some 20 new dates not being yet fixed in their correct chronological sequence. Two tablets come from Bismaya and are as yet excessively rare in Europe. The collection is exceptionally valuable for the chronology of the First Dynasty. A large number of texts are remarkable for beauty of script. All these tablets are unpublished except No. 197, a duplicate of O. L. Z. IV. 5. 1 Sale of a building; Sinmubalit 14, perfect, A. 24 2 Legal decision; Sinmubalit 14, perfect, A. . . . 33 3 Loan of silver; Sinmubalit 6, perfect, A. . . . 19 4 Sale of a field; Sumulailu 19, perfect, A. . . . 26 5 Money loan ; Ammiditana 1 1 , perfect, A . . . . 17 6 Loan of oil; Ammizaduga 16, perfect, A. . . . 16 7 Money accounts; Ammizaduga 16, perfect, A 14 ^3 Is s e a £ ll 88.5 2 H 1 H 3 t /2 2 2% i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 A 2 H iH iVs 1 34 iy 2 1 H 51 8 Loan of silver by the god Shamash; Ammi- zaduga 8, nearly perfect, A n i £4 1/4 g Trust deed for small cattle, new kind of docu- ment; Ammizaduga 15, perfect, A 18 1% 1% 10 Sale of burbal estate; Zabium 8, perfect, A. . 28 z l A 2 11 Money account; Ammizaduga 5, perfect, A. 17 2 A 2 12 Corn account; no date, perfect, A 14 2}4 2 13 Money account; Ammizaduga 16, perfect, A. 14 ij 4 1% 14 Money account; Ammizaduga 13, perfect, A 13 i ^4 1^4 75 Corn account; no date, Neobabylonian, end broken off, B 11 i $4 2/4 16 Corn account; Ammizaduga 13, imperfect, A. 11 2 j 4 2/4 77 Corn account; no date, perfect, A 23 2% 2 18 Corn account; Ammiditana 13, perfect, A. . . . 15 2 I % ig Letter; no date, perfect, A 40 2% 1^4 20 Seal impression, label or pass; no date, nearly perfect, A o 194 3/4 21 Corn account; 24th of Elul, nearly perfect, A 21 2^4 i /4 22 Corn account; Ammizaduga E, perfect, A.. 14 2 1^4 23 Money account (wages bill ?) ; 14th of Tam- muz, perfect, A 8 1^4 I 94 24 Sale of burbal estate, fragment of the envelope of No. 10 11 2^4 lZ A 25 Bread, or meal account; Ammizaduga E, per- fect, A 11 2 1 $4 26 Letter; probably to the king; no date, perfect, A 14 2 /4 2 27 Sale of 22 palm trees; Ammizaduga 13, per- fect, A 24 2^4 2 28 Sale of burbal estate; Apil-Sin C (7?), per- fect, A 31 324 1 Vs 2 g Sale of 3-year-old cow; Samsuditana I., per- fect, A 24 2 j 4 i 94 30 Meal account; 16th of Ab, perfect, A 13 2 2 31 Wages bill; 5th of Elul, perfect, A 8 1^4 *24 32 Corn account; no date, perfect, A 18 2 i 24 33 Wages bill; 1st Sivan, perfect, A 8 1^4 *24 5 2 34 Dedication of maid to a god, or manumission ; Samsuditana A, perfect, A 35 Memorandum ; no date, nearly perfect, A . . . 36 Sale of 2-year-old cow; Ammiditana 25, nearly perfect, A 37 Corn account; Ammizaduga E, perfect A. . . 38 Roll call of militia; Ammizaduga 13, perfect, A 3Q Sale of 3-year-old cow; Ammiditana 24, per- fect, A 40 Rations served out or corn account; the year Simurum was destroyed, nearly perfect, T. 41 Rations served out or corn account; the year Simurum was destroyed, nearly perfect, T 42 Rations served out or corn account; the year Simurum was destroyed, nearly perfect, T 43 Rations served out or corn account; the year Simurum was destroyed, nearly perfect, T 44 Sale of one-year-old cow, perfect case of No. 47; Ammizaduga 2, A 45 Rations served out; same date as No. 40, re- verse weathered, T 46 Rations served out; year the temple of Gur, nearly perfect, T 47 Sale of one-year-old cow; Ammizaduga 2, per- fect, A 48 Rations served out; same date as No. 40, nearly perfect, T 49 Loan of silver; Ammikinabi, perfect, A 50 Meal account; 18th day, perfect, A 51 Letter; no date, perfect, A 52 Temple accounts, fish, etc., 7 columns; Uru- kagina king of Lagash, perfect, T 53 Temple accounts, skins, etc., 7 columns; Lugal- anda, patesi of Lagash, perfect, T 54 Sale of a field; Sumulailu 6, perfect, A. . . . G 3 Length inches Breadtl inches 20 2V& 2% 12 2 2 23 3 K 2 % l 6 2 2 30 2^ 2 22 2 H 2 19 2^ iVs 26 2 iH l 8 iH 1 H 15 2 1/2 4 3 5 /s 2^4 16 1% 15 iH 1 y% 23 2 % 1*4 15 2 1 Vs 15 2 iH 15 i H 1 H 3 i 2 % iH 3 i 2 H 2 H 37 3 H 3V2 30 3 Z A 1 H 53 55 Sale of 3-year-old cow; Ammiditana 20, dam- aged, A 27 314 2 56 Sale of adult bull, portions broken out; Am- miditana 7, damaged, A 19 334 2 57 Roll call; no date, perfect, A 14 1^4 1 58 Loan of money and corn; Ammizaduga 14, perfect, A 13 i l / 2 \ l / 2 59 Sale of bull for chariot; Ammiditana 34, dam- aged, A 26 334 2 60 Corn account for each day of a month, Neo- babylonian; no date, perfect, B 23 2^4 1/4 61 Corn account; Ammizaduga 13, A 8 i }4 lj 4 62 Letter to a brother; no date, perfect, A 26 i £4 1 J 4 63 Corn account; 26th of Teshri, perfect, A... 26 2^4 2 64 Sale of female slave; Ammiditana 13, dam- aged, A 30 334 2 63 Temple accounts; same date as No. 4, dam- aged, T 12 2 1 34 66 Legal decision; Abeshu U, damaged, A 24 3 2 67 Corn account, Neobabylonian ; 4th of Sivan, nearly perfect, B 24 2^4 2 68 Loan of corn; Ammiditana 8, damaged, A. . 27 3^4 2^4 69 Temple accounts; no date, damaged, T 5 1^4 1^4 70 Bitumen seal of jar, with seal; no date, nearly perfect, T 1^4 1^4 71 Temple accounts; 21 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, much damaged, T 326 7^4 7 ^4 72 Temple accounts; 19 cols., date lost, much damaged, T 218 534 5 H 73 Temple accounts; 17 cols., date lost, much damaged, T 183 534 5 74 Temple accounts; 13 cols., Urukagina patesi of Lagash, much damaged, T 138 534 4/4 75 Temple accounts; 17 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, much damaged, T 148 5 4 34 54 76 Temple accounts; 12 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, much damaged, T no 4 4*4 77 Temple accounts; 12 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, much damaged, T 120 4 ^ 4*4 78 Temple accounts, 19 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, much damaged, T 239 5*4 5 % 79 Temple accounts; 10 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, nearly perfect, T 105 4 4 80 Temple accounts, skins chiefly; 7 cols., Lugal- anda patesi of Lagash, nearly perfect, T. . 47 3 3^4 81 Temple accounts; 10 cols., date lost, damaged, T 73 4 K 4 82 Temple accounts; 5 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, nearly perfect, T 28 2^4 2 Va 8 3 Temple accounts; 7 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, nearly perfect, T 43 3 84 Temple accounts; 5 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, perfect, T 29 2^4 2^4 85 Temple accounts; 8 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, a fragment, T 30 3 3J/2 86 Temple accounts; 8 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, perfect, T 50 3^2 3*4 87 Temple accounts; 4 cols., no date, perfect, T 17 2% 2% 88 Temple accounts; 6 cols., no date, damaged, T 26 2^2 2^4 89 Temple accounts; 4 cols., no date, perfect, T. 21 2 2 90 Temple accounts; 3 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, perfect, T 12 2^4 2*4 91 Temple accounts; 2 cols., no date, perfect, T. 12 2^4 2 /4 92 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, perfect, T 20 2^4 2 93 Temple accounts; 4 cols., no date, nearly per- fect, T 13 ij4 itt 94 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, perfect, T 16 2 %. 2^4 95 Temple accounts; 3 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, perfect, T 15 2^4 2*4 55 g6 Temple accounts; 7 cols., Lugalanda patesi of Lagash, fragment, T 30 2^4 2% 97 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Lugalanda patesi, perfect, T 18 2 >4 2 >4 98 Temple accounts; 3 cols., Lugalanda patesi, nearly perfect, T 11 2% 2 % 99 Temple accounts; 2 cols., no date, perfect, T 5 2^4 2 100 Temple accounts; 5 cols., no date, nearly per- fect, T 19 2^4 2 l /s 101 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Lugalanda patesi, damaged, T 20 2 T /& 2% 102 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Urukagina, dam- aged, T 18 2^4 234 103 Temple accounts; 3 cols., Urukagina king of Lagash, perfect, T 22 2^)4 2*4 104 Temple accounts; 3 cols., Enlitarzi patesi of Lagash, damaged, T 12 2 2*4 105 Temple accounts; 2 cols., no date, damaged, T. 6 lfy 106 Temple accounts; 2 cols., no date, perfect, T. 9 ij 4 ij 4 107 Temple accounts; 4 cols., date lost, damaged, T 15 2% 234 108 Temple accounts; 4 cols., Urukagina king, damaged, T 16 i }4 i /4 109 Temple accounts; 2 cols., no date, perfect, T. 5 1 24 l Y\ no Temple accounts ; 2 cols., no date, illegible, T. 11 1^4 l Yx hi Loan of silver; Ammiditana 27, fragment, A. 19 2^4 2 1 12 Marriage contract; Ammiditana 3, pieces gone, A 28 3% 234 11 3 Sale of female slave; Abeshu S, lower edge gone, A 22 3 J 4 2 Va 1 14 Loan of corn; Ammiditana 34, weathered, A. 17 2^4 2 11 3 Trust deed for cattle; Ammizaduga 1, per- fect, A 17 2 2 1 16 Loan of money; Ammiditana 31, perfect, A. 16 1^4 l Y\ 1 17 Account rendered; Ammiditana 24, nearly per- fect, A 11 1 Y\ lH 1 18 Account rendered; Ammiditana 24, perfect, A. 20 2 1^4 56 i ig 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 H3 144 H5 146 147 148 149 150 Loan of corn; Ammiditana 18, perfect, A. . . . Loan of corn; Ammiditana 37, damaged, A. Accounts; Ammizaduga H, perfect, A Hire of ox by several partners; Abeshu, frag- ment, A Sale of female slave; Ammiditana 21, weath- ered, A Assignment of property for debt; Ammiditana 29, damaged, A Share of family estate; date lost, damaged, A. Memorandum; Ammizaduga 5, perfect, A.. Memorandum; Ammizaduga 3, perfect, A.. Deposit; Ammiditana 28, damaged, A Deposit; date lost, A Loan of silver; Ammiditana 31, perfect, A. . . Loan of silver, Ammiditana 19, damaged, A. Loan of silver; Ammizaduga 1, damaged, A. Loan of silver; Ammiditana 9, perfect, A. . . Loan of silver; Ammizaduga 2, badly broken, A Loan of silver; date gone, mere fragment, A. Loan of silver; Ammiditana 19, weathered, A Loan of silver; Ammiditana 32, damaged, A. Loan of silver; Ammiditana 13, damaged, A. Loan of silver; Ammiditana ( ?), damaged, A. Deposit of silver; Ammiditana 33, damaged, A Loan of silver; Ammiditana 29, perfect, A. . Loan of silver; Ammiditana 11, damaged, A. Deed of exchange; Abeshu, damaged, A Loan of oil; Ammiditana 36, perfect, A. . . . Lease of fields; date lost, only lower part, A. Case of tablet ; no date, perfect, A Corn account; no date, perfect, A Sale of a house; reign of Abeshu, no date, lower half only, A Loan of silver ; Ammiditana 29, pieces gone, A Loan of corn; Ammiditana 32, damaged, A. . J3 c 3 n s-a PQ.S 13 iA iA 15 iA iAa 9 i /4 1)4 12 2)4 iA 27 4 'A 2J4 27 3)4 2 J 4 4 i 4*4 2}4 8 lA iA 18 iA iA 11 iy A 1 . A 12 iH iA 15 2 iA 15 2 2 15 1 A 16 itt l 5 /s 16 i)4 8 i'A iA 17 is/s 17 iy 4 iA 17 1 Vs iVi 17 2 2 17 2 iA 15 2 iA 1 1 iH 28 3^ 2A 15 * 3 /& iA 21 2% 2 2 3 l /2 2)4 11 i 5 /s 1 A 13 \y 4 2 13 1 M iA 1 1 iA 57 1 51 Loan of corn; Ammiditana 16, weathered, A. 13 1 % 1 % 152 Trust deed for sheep; Ammiditana 25, edge gone, A 13 iS/ 8 iy 2 1 53 Corn account, names Crown Princess Iltani; Ammiditana 13, perfect, A 11 1^6 1^2 154 Order, or report; no date, perfect, A 7 i 1 /* 155 Corn account, names Princess Iltani; no date, perfect, A 12 1^4 156 Lease of fields; date lost, a fragment, A. . . . 15 1^ 1 *4 157 Legal decision on lease of estate; date lost, fragment, A 16 1^4 158 List of hired workmen; no date, fragment, A. 8 % 2 159 Loan of silver; date lost, fragment, A 7 1 % i l /% 160 Loan of corn (rations possibly), Iltani; no date, perfect, A 6 1^2 1 61 Lease of field; date lost, pieces lost, A 21 2]/s 1 Y\ 162 Loan of money for reapers; Ammiditana 12, pieces lost, A 11 1^4 1 163 Corn rations; new date, perfect, from Bis- maya 7 1^2 1^2 164 Loan of money to buy corn;,Abeshu 15, from Bismaya 15 165 Loan of corn; no date, fragment, A 24 2^4 2%. 166 Corn account; no date, fragment, A 18 1^2 1^2 167 Corn list of rations (?), no date, fragment, A. 14 2]/% 2 168 Money loan; Ammizaduga (?), fragment, A. 8 i£4 169 Corn list; Samsuditana L, perfect, A 11 ifyi 1 170 Corn list; no date, perfect, A 6 i5/s 17 1 Corn loan; Ammizaduga O, fragment, A... 11 1^4 1 A 172 Account rendered; Ammizaduga T, fragment, A 16 iy 2 173 Corn list; no date, fragment, A 15 2]/\ 2}£ 174 List of houses with their rents; no date, frag- ment, A 17 2 /4 175 Corn list; no date, perfect, A 9 lZ A 176 List of gifts; no date, perfect, A 9 i^4 I /4 58 J 77 Loan of oil; Ammizaduga n, nearly perfect, A 16 2^4 i H 178 Loan of corn; Ammizaduga 8, fragment, A. . 17 2 i 24 17 9 Corn list; no date, weathered, A 7 i ?4 i 24 180 Lease of a field; date lost, fragment, A 20 224 i £4 181 List of money spent; Samsuditana S, nearly perfect, A 10 ij 4 2 182 Letter; no date, lower piece, A 19 i 24 183 List of initum; Samsuditana S, pieces gone, A 21 224 2^4 184 List of initum; Samsuditana S, pieces gone, A 13 2^4 2^4 185 Loan of silver; date lost, defaced, A 15 124 186 Lower edge of a large tablet; Samsuditana B, A 4 3/4 187 Religious text; Samsuiluna 7, pieces gone, B. 31 3^4 2^4 188 Religious text in two cols., no date, fragment, A 78 6 2}4 189 Accounts; no date, A 12 324 3 190 Possibly historical text; no date, calcined, B (?) 20 324 2^4 191 Loan of corn for reapers; Ammiditana 25, top edge gone, A 13 ij 4 I Z A 192 Loan of corn; Ammizaduga T, obverse lost, A (?) 6 1 34 i 24 193 Corn loan; no date, perfect, A 10 1^4 i 24 194 Loan of money; Ammizaduga U, fragment, A 13 1^4 x 34 193 Loan of corn; Ammizaduga 16, nearly per- fect, A 19 1 24 iH 196 Contract Neobabylonian ; no date, corners gone, B 40 4>4 2^4 197 Funerary cone; no date, damaged, B 40 3^4 2^4 198 Statuette of Ishtar; no date, feet gone, A. . . . 3^4 1/4 199 Statuette of Nabu, head, Ishtar body; no date, A 4 Vs i'A 200 Alabaster foot of small image ; no date, A . . . 2 24 59 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 21 1 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 Rations served out; no date, perfect, B Fragment of tablet; no date, A Fragment of tablet; no date, A Lease of fallow land; date lost, damaged, A. Bulla or label sent with goods; Ampjiditana (?), heart shaped, A Bulla or label sent with goods; no date, fine seals, A Bulla or label sent with goods; duplicate of last, A Bulla or label sent with goods; duplicate of last, A Bulla or label sent with goods; duplicate of last, A Bulla or label sent with goods; duplicate of last, A Bulla or label sent with goods; different seals, A Jar stopper with seal, A Statement of area of field and corn rent, A. . Lease of estate; Samsuditana C, nearly per- fect, A Magical text; no date, fragment, A Loan of silver; Ammizaduga 8, pieces broken out, A Temple accounts, list of clothes, etc. ; no date, damaged, T Money lent, with weights of silver; Ammidi- tana 21, perfect, A Money account; Ammizaduga 5, lower half gone, A Lease of field; Abeshu 28, perfect, A Loan of silver; Ammiditana 28, corner gone, A Loan of silver; date lost, top edge gone, A. . . Lease of fields; Samsuditana D, perfect, A.. Hire of house; Ammizaduga 13, damaged, A. » ts -q ■2 5 r. a J3.S 11 n .£ 21 I X 2 Vs 3 1 V 2 5 i'A I 24 3 iVs 12 i 3 A 1 Y\ iH 1 iH 1 • lyi 1 iy 2 1 iH 1 i'A iy& l l /2 23 2 34 12 3Vs 2 J 4 14 iS/s i y& 33 4 1 17 2 12 1 >4 234 17 2/4 \3/a 14 l 3/ 4 12 iy 2 iH 25 3 iH 22 234 iH 60 22 J Sale of field; Hammurabi 14, half reverse gone, A 32 4 % 2 Ji 226 Bulla or label sent with goods; no date, per- fect, A 3 1% 1 227 Bulla or label sent with goods; no date, per- fect, A 3 iji 228 Religious text; no date, weathered, A...... 49 5*4 2 229 Bulla, or label; no date, perfect, A 2 1^4 1 2 jo Bulla, or label; no date, perfect, A 2 1% I 2ji Loan of silver; Ammizaduga 13, corner gone, A 13 i}£ it/s 2J2 Loan of silver; date uncertain, nearly per- fect, A 7 1% 1 2JJ Loan of silver; Ammizaduga 9, nearly per- fect, A 14 i*4 1 H 2J4 Loan of silver; Ammiditana, weathered, A. . 18 3^4 1% 235 Memorandum, Neobabylonian ; no date, edge gone, B 15 iji iy 2 236 Loan of silver; Ammiditana 16, edge gone, A 11 ij4 i£4 2 jy Rations served out, Neobabylonian ; no date, reverse half gone, B 23 3 1^4 238 Loan of silver; Ammiditana 25, edge gone, A 19 ij4 i*H$ 239 List of names with contributions or rations, lot of lines apparently effaced 8 3f4 2 240 Loan of silver; Ammiditana 12, perfect, A. . 15 1% 1^4 241 Corn account, mention of horses ( !) ; 24th of Nisan, perfect, A 14 1^4 242 Roll call with check marks to each name; per- fect, A 25 2 2 24 3 Corn list (rations ?) ; perfect, A 11 1^4 1 Ya 61 Of this edition of the catalogue of “Cuneiform Inscriptions; Chaldean, Babylonian and Assyrian,” there have been printed two hundred and fifty copies during the month of April MCMVIII. p GETTY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 3 3125 01536 0825