DB. AVBRTT J. SKILTOW. j HISTORY OF HEW-YORK. HISTORY OF NEW-YORK, ^ROM THE FIRST DISCOVERY TO THE YEAR M.DCC.XXXII,, i^O WHICH IS ANNEXED, A DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY, "WITH A SHOttT ACCOUNT OF THE INHABITANTS, THEIR RELIGIOUS AND POLTTICAfc STATE, AND THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COURTS 05 JUSTICE IN THAT COLONY. XiO I swarming o'er the new discoverM world, Gay colonies extend ; the calm retreat Of undeservM distress....,..* Thomson, -Vec minor est virtuSj qmm qurErere^ parta tu&i'i. BY WILLIAM SMITH, A. M. WITH A CONTINUATION^ i'spbm ihe Y^ar 1T3S, to the Commencement of the Year 1814. ALBANY: PRINTED Bt RYKR SCHERMERHORIf. Sold by himself and G. Forbes, Albany ; H. Stockwell, Troy; A. Seivard, Utica^ and Andf us & Starr, Hartfocct 1814. District of Neiv-York, ss. BE it remembered, that on the thirtieth day of July, in the thirty-ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Ryer Schermerhorn, of the said district, has deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words and figures following, to wit : " History of New- York, from tlie first discovery to the year m.dcc.xxxii. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their reli- gious and political state, and the constitution of the courts of justice in that colony. " Lo ! swarming o'er the new discover'd world, *' Gay colonies extend ; the calm retreat Of undeserv'd distress Thomson. " Nec minor est virtus^ quam qumrere, parta tueri. " By William Smith, A. M- With a continuation, from the year 1732, to the commence- ment of the year 1814." In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the t^ncouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned." And also to an act, entitled " an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement of learn- ing, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and etching historical and other prints." THERON RUDD, Clerk of the District of New-York. AD VER TISEMENT. xN point of wealth, resources and importance, the state of New- York is second to none in the Uniono She has been the theatre of interesting transactions since her first colonization. The ambitious views of the aspiring court of France, while it controuled the Cana- das, were frequently directed to her subjugation : and in repelling the incursions of the French and Indians, much of her blood has been drawn, and much of her treasure dissipated. The history of the foimders of this state is crouded with striking incidents. With a bravery and vigour of soul, which, were they recorded in Grecian or Roman history, would have exalted their names, they defended their territory against invasion, and their civil and religious rights from the encroach- ments of arbitrary power. In truth, they possessed an unusual portion of that proud spirit of freedom, which looks indignantly upon chains, and spurns coercion. In reviewing the conduct of our ancestors, we find much to swell our bosoms with honourable pride. Little attention, however, has, hitherto, been directed to the history of this state. While New-Hampshire, Mas- sachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, and some other states, possess accurate and valuable historical memoirs, of recent date. New- York lias been, for the last seventy yenvB, entirely neglected. The history by .Judge vi. Smith, is a work of established reputation, but it closes "when the more interesting events of our history begin to develope. To supply this deficiency, as far as pro- gress has been made, is the object of the continuation to the present work. How far, and how successfully this has been accomplished, is left to the decision of the candid and impartial reader. The historical facts have been collected from official documents, so far as these were accessible ; and where these were deficient recourse has been had to such other sources as were entitled to credit. In copying Smith's history, few deviations from his mode of spelling the names of places, particularly such as are derived from the aboriginal tongues, have been made. It is believed that he adopted the mode of spell- ing which conveyed most clearly the sound of Indian wotds. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE EARL OF HALIFAX, VISCOUOT SUNBURT^ First Lord Commissioner of Trade and Plantations, &€. &c. MY LORD, I BEG your favourable acceptance of this short account of the ancient and present state of the province of New- York, It is not presented for your lordship's information. All the world knows that the affairs of the British colonies have been, for sevei'al years past, under your principal direction : and the wisdom of the mea- sures pursued for their prosperity and defence, are indisputable argu- ments of your acquaintance with their condition. Nor am I induced to inscribe these pages to your lordship by inte- rest, the common motive to addresses of this kind. Being, therefore, uninfluenced by the principle, I shall not follow the example, of dedi- cators ; but suppress those sentiments concerning your lordship, which would, nevertheless, give offence only to j^ourself, and to those who envy your talents and your virtues, and are enemies to their effects, your reputation, and your power. My lord, your ardent attention to the American plantations, and as- siduous labours for their protection and growth, have laid us under the most indispensable obligations to gratitude. Your lordship will, therefore, excuse me for embracing this opportu- nity to make a publick declaration of the deep sense I have of your kind offices to my country, and to do myself the honour of testifying, that T am, my lord, your lordship's Most obedient and most humble servant, wii^MAM smith: New-York, June 15, 1 PREFACE, ^^HOEVER considers the number and extent of the British colonies, on this continent ; their climates, soil, ports, rivers, riches, and numberless advantages, must be convinced of their vast importance to Great Britain ; and be at a loss to account for the ignorance concerning them, which prevails in those kingdoms, whence their inhabitants originally sprang. The mer- chants, indeed, by profitable experience, have not been altogether unacquainted with our trade and our growth — and some gentlemen of an inquisitive turn, by the help of their correspondents, have obtained the know- ledge of many other particulars equally important. But the main body of the people conceive of these plantations, under the idea of wild, boundless, inhos- pitable, uncultivated deserts; and hence the punish- ment of a transportation hither, in the judgment of most, is thought not much less severe, than an infa- mous death. -Nay, appealing to facts, we may safely assert, that even the publick boards, to whose care these extensive dominions have been more especially committed, attained but lately, any tolerable acquaint- ance with their condition. This is the more to be "wondered at, as it is natural to imagine, that the king's governours have statedly transmitted full accounts of 2 X Preface, their respective provinces. Tiie case has been quite otherwise. Governments were heretofore too often bestowed upon men of mean parts, and indigent cir- cumstances. The former w^ere incapable of the task, and the latter too deeply engrossed by the sordid views of private interest, either to pursue or study our commonweal. The w^orst consequences have result- ed from these measures. Perpetual animosities being engendered between the governours, and the people subjected to their authority ; all attempts for conciliat- ifig the friendship of the Indians, promoting the fur trade, securing the command of the lakes, protecting the frontiers, and extending our possessions far into the inland country, have too often given place to par- ty projects and contracted schemes, equally useless and shameful. The conduct of the French has been jiist the reverse : in spite of all the disadvantages of a cold climate, a long and dangerous navigation up the river of St. Lawrence, a rough, barren, unsettled^^ country, locked up from all communication with the ocean, the greatest part of the year ; I say, notwith- standing these difficulties, they have seized all m ^ ad- vantages which we have neglected. The continent, for many hundred leagues, has been thoroughly ex- plored, the main passes fortified, innumerable tribes of Indians, either won ovei' to their interest,! subdued or bridled, the fur trade engrossed, a communication maintained between the extremes of New-France, the British colonies restricted to scant limits along the sea * " Encore moins peupl(6." Charlevoix, t " Notre nation, la seule, qui ait eu le secret de gagner raffectioB des Ameriquains." Charlevoix. Prefajce. sliore, and nothing left remaining for the establishment of a vast empire, but to open a free water passage to the ocean, by the conquest of the province of New- York. If the governours of these plantations had formerly been aniuiated by the same generous and extensive views, which inspired Mr. Burnet ; the long proje* ted designs of our common enemy might, with the aid of Great Britain, have been many years ago supplanted, or at least defeated, at a trifling expense. But, alas ! little, too little, attention has been had to these impor- tant affairs, till the late encroachments on the river Ohio, in the province of Pennsylvania, ^ave the alarfn^ and the ministry were apprised of the French machi- nations, by the seasonable representations of General Shirley ; and if the colonies have now attracted the notice of his majesty and his parliament, their grateful acknowledgements are due principally to the noble lord, to whom these sheets are dedicated, for his laud- able enquiries into their state, and his indefatigable zeal and industry for their defence and prosperity. At present our affairs begin to wear a more smiling aspect. We are und^T the guardianship of a sovereign who delights in the v/elfare of his people ; are respect- ed by a parliament, affected with a generous sympa- thy for the distresses of their fellow subjects, in all their dispersions ; and by a wise improvement of the British aids, it is hoped, we shall be able to retrieve the ill consequences of our long, reproachful, and in- sensible security. Formerly the colonies were, at home, disregarded and despised, nor can any other reason be assigned for it, than that they were unknown. This is, in a great xii Preface. degree, to be imputed to ourselves. If our governours withheld those informations, which their duty required them to have given, persons of private character ought to have undertaken that useful and necessary task. But, except some accounts of the settlements in the Massachusetts' Bay and Virginia, all the other histo- ries of our plantations upon the continent are little else than collections of falsehoods, and worse than none. That this charge against those published con- cerning this province, in particular, can be fully sup- ported, I persuade myself, will incontestably appear from the following summary, concerning which I shall say a few words. Having been formerly concerned, according to an appointment by act of assembly, in a review and di- gest of our provincial laws, it was the duty of myself, and my partner in that service, to peruse the minutes of the council, and the journals of the general assem- bly, from the glorious revolution, at the accession of king William, to the year 1751 : and as an acquaint- ance with our publick transactions, was a branch of instruction, of which a student for the profession of the law ought not to be ignorant, I have since re- examined those entries, beginning with the first min- utes of council, and read over many of the records in the secretary's office. From these authentick ma- terials, the following pages were, in a great measure, compiled. For many of those parts, which concern our affairs with the French and the Indians, antece- dent to the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, I am bound to make liberal acknowledgments to Dr. Golden, the au- thor of the history of the Five Nations. Preface. xiii Mr, Alexander, a gentleman eminent in the law, and equally distinguished for his humanity, generosi- ty, great abilities, and honourable stations, supplied me with some useful papers ; and has left behind him a collection, that will be very serviceable to any gentleman who may hereafter incline to continue this narrative, through the administrations of Mr. Cosby, and lieutenant governour Clarke. The draught of this work was unfinished, at the time of Mr. Alexan- der's decease and therefore, as it never passed un- der his examination, many important additions are lost, which his long and intimate acquaintance with the affairs of this province would have enabled him to supply. When I began to frame this digest, it was only in- tended for private use ; and the motives, which now induce me to publish it, are the gratification of the present thirst in Great Britain after American intelli- gences : contributing, as far as this province is con- cerned, to an accurate history of the British empiref in this quarter of the world ; and the prospect of do- ing some small service to my country, by laying be- fore the publick a summary account of its first rise and present state. Influenced by these views, I am not so regardless of the judgment of others, as not to wish it may be, in * He died on the 2d of April, 1756. f As the proviuces are different in their constitutions, and with respect to government, independent of each other ; no general history of America can be expected, till gentlemen of leisure will draw up particular accounts ©f the respective colonies with which they are acquainted. Preface. some measure, acceptable. To please all sorts of read- ers I know is impossible : he who writes with such hopes, is a stranger to human nature, and will be in- fallibly disappointed. My design is rather to inform than please. He who delights only in pages j^hining with illustrious characters, the contentions of armies^ the rise and fall of empires, and other grand events, must have recourse to the great authors of antiquity, A detail of the little transactions, w^hich concern a co- lony, scant in its jurisdiction, and still struggling with the difficulties naturally attending its iiifant state, to gentlemen of this taste, can furnish no entertainment. The ensuing narrative, (for it deserves not the naine of a history, though for brevity's sake I have given it that title) presents us only a regular thread of simple facts ; and even those unembellished with reflections, because they themselves suggest the proper remarks, and most readers will doubtless be best pleased with their own. The sacred laws of truth have been in- fringed neither by positive assertions, oblique, insidious, hints, wilful suppressions, or corrupt misrepresenta- tion. To avoid any censures of this kind, no reins have been given to a wanton imagination, for the invention of plausible tales, supported only by light probabili- ties ; but choosing rather to be honest and dull, than agreeable and false, the true import of my vouchers hath been strictly adhered to and regarded. With respect to its style, the criticks, in that branch of literature, are at full liberty to condemn at their pleasure. The main use of language is to express our ideas. To write in the gay, pleasing pomp of diction, is above my capacity. If any are disposed to blame me for being too verbose, let it be remembered that Preface. XT this is the indefeasible right of my profession, founded upon immemorial prescription. Perspicuity is all I have endeavoured to maintain, nor am I at leisure to study any higher attainments in language. HISTORY OF HEW-iTOKK:. PART I. From the Discovery of the Colony to the Surrender in 1664, Christopher COLUMBUS, a Genoese^ em^ ployed by Ferdinand and Isabel, king and queen of Castile, was the first discoverer of America.^ He sailed from St. Lucar in August, 1492, and made sight of one of the Bahama islands on the eleventh of October following. Newfoundland and the main con- tinent, were discovered five years after, by Sebastian Gabato, a Venetian, in the service of Henry VII. ot England, from the 38th to the 68th degree of north latitude* On the tenth of April, 1606, king James I. for plant- ing two colonies, passed the great north and south Virginia patent. To Sir Thomas Gates and others, leave was given to begin a plantation, at any place on the continent, they should think convenient, between * Some authors alledge, that Coltimbus first olTered his services to the republick of Genoa ; then to John II, of Portugal, and afterwards to our king Henry YII \ but this disagrees with Lord Bacon's ac- count, who informs us, that Christopher Cokimbus sailed, before hia brother Bartholomew had laid the project before the king, which waf owing to his falling into the hands of pirates c^d his way to Euglando -3. 18 History of New- York. the 34th and 4 1st degrees of latitude : and all the landi^ extending fifty miles, on each side, along the coast, one hundred miles into the country, and all the islands within one hundred miles opposite their plantations, were granted in fee, to be called the first colony. By the same patent, a like quantity was granted to Tho- mas Henham, Esq. and others, for a plantation between 38 and 45 degrees of latitude, under the name of the second colony. The first began a settlement in the great bay, (Chesapeake) in 1607. The latter was plant- ed at Plymouth, in INew-England, 1620. Henry Hudson, an Englishman, according to our au- thors, in the year 1608,^ under a commission from the king his master, discovered Long Island, New- York, and the river which still bears his name ; and afterwards sold the country, or rather his right, to the Dutch* Their writers contend, that Hudson was sent out by the East-India company in 1609, to discover a north west passage to China ; and that having first discovered Del- aware bay, he came hither and penetrated up Hudson's river, as far north as the latitude of 43^. It is said, however, that there was a sale, and that the English ob- jected to it, though they for some time neglected to oppose the Dutch settlement of the country. In 1610, Hudson sailed again from Holland to this country, called by the Dutch, New-Netherland ; and four years after, the States General granted a patent to sundry merchants, for an exclusive trade on the North Charlevoix, a French Jesuit, author of the General History of New- France, thinks this discovery was in 1609, vol. I. 12nio. edition, p. 221. But Stith, Douglas, Oldmixon, and other English writers agree that Hudson's first voyage was in the preceding year* I llislory of Nerv- York. 19 Kiver, who in 1614 built a fort, on the west side, near Al- bany, which was first commanded by Henry Christiaens. Captain Argal w as sent out by sir Thomas Dale, go- vernour of Virginia, in the same year, to dispossess the French of the two towns of Port-Royal and St. Croix, lying on each side of the bay of Fundy in Acadia, then claimed as**part of Virginia^, In his return, he visited the Dutch on Hudson's river, who being unable to re- sist him, prudently submitted for the present to the king of England, and under him to the governour of Vir- ginia. The very next year, they erected a fort on the south-west point of the island Manhattans, and two oth- ers in 1623 : one called Good-Hope, on Connecticut river, and the other Nassau, on the east side of Dela- ware bay. The author of the account of New-Nether- landf asserts, that the Dutch purchased the lands on both sides of that river in 1632, before the English were settled in those parts ; and that they discovered a little fresh river, farther to the east, called Varsche Riviertie, to distinguish it from Connecticut river, known among them, by the name of Varsche Rivier, w^hich Vandei- donk also claims for the Dutch^ ^ Charlevoix places this transaction in 1613. Vol. I. Hist, of New- France, in 12mo, p. 210. But Stith, whom I follow, being a clergy- man in Virginia, had greater advantages of knowing the truth than the French Jesuit. t The pamphlet is entitled, " Eeschryvinghe van Virginia, Neiuw Nederland," &c. and was printed at Amsterdam in 1651. It contains two descriptions of the Dutch possessions. The first is a copy of that published by John De Laet, at Leyden. The second gives a view of this country several years after, in 1649. A short representation of the country of the Mahakuase Indians, written In 1644, by John Me- gapolensis, jun. a Dutch minister residing Jiere, is annexed to that part of the pamphlet concerning New-^ K clhorlaiid. 20 History of New- York, Determined upon the settlement of a colony, the States General made a grant of the country, in 1621, to the West-Ind-a company. Wouter Van Twiller, arrived at Fort-Amsterdam, now New- York, and took upon him- self the government in June, 1629. His style, in the pa- tents granted by him, was thus, " We director and coun- cil, residing in New-Netherland on the islafid Manhat- tans, under the government of their high mightinesses, the lords States General of the United Netherlands, and the privileged West-India company," In his time the New-England planters extended their possession West- ward as far as Connecticut river. Jacob Yan Curlet, the commissary there, protested against it, and in the pecond year of the succeeding administration, under William Kieft,''^ who appears first in 1638, a prohibi- tion was issued, forbidding the English trade at fort* GroodrHope ; and shortly after, on complaint of the in- solence of the English, an order of council was made for sending more forces there, to maintain the Dutch terri- tories. Dr. Mather confesses, that the New-England men first formed their design of settling Connecticut riv- er in 1635, before which time, they esteemed that river, at least 100 miles from any English settlement ; and that they first seated themselves there in 1636, at Hartford, near fort Good-Hope, at Weathersfield, Windsor, and Springfield. Four years after, they seized the Dutch garrison, and drove them from the banks of the river. We have no books amoog our Dutch records remaiuing in the secrer iary's office, relating to state matters, before Kieft'stime, nor any enrol- ment of patents, till the year after Van Tuiiier arrived here. Mr. Ja- ^gt> Qpelet supplied us mih several e^^tracts from the Dutch recQrds? History of NenhYovk. 21 having first settled New-Haven in 1638, regardless of Kieft's protest against it. The extent of New-Netherlandwasto Delaware, then called South River, and beyond it ; for I find, in the Dutch records, a copy of a letter from William Kieft, May 6, 1638, directed to Peter Minuit^, who seems by the tenour of it, to be the Swedish governour of New- Sweden, asserting, 'Hhatthe whole South River of New- Netherland, had been in the Dutch possession many years above and belovf, beset with forts, and sealed with their blood." Which Kieft adds, has hapj^ened even during your administration " in New-Nethcrland, and so well known to you." The Dutch writers are not agreed in the extent of Nova Belgia, pr New-Netherland ; some describe it to be from Yirginia to Canada ; and others inform us, that the arms of the States General were erected at Cape Cod, Connecticut, and Hudson's river, and on the west side of the entrance into Delaware bay. The author of the pamphlet mentioned in the notes gives Canada river for a boundary on the north, and calls the country, north west from Albany, Terra Incognita. * The anonymous Dutch author of the Descnption of I^ew-Nether- land m 1649, calls him Minnewits ; and add«, that in ICSS he arrived at Delaware Avith two vessels, pretending that he touched for refresh- ment in his way to the W^est-Indies ; but that he soon threw off the disguise, by employing his men in erecting a fort. The same historian informs us, of the murder of several Dutch men, at South River, by the Indians, occasioned by a quarrel, concerning tlie taking away the States' arms, which the former had erected at the first discovery of that country; in resenting which an Indian had been killed. IfKiefi's let- ter alludes to this affair, then Minuit preceded Van T wilier, in the .chief command here ; and being perhaps disobliged by tlie T)?i(ch, centered into the service of the qiic^n oX S'tredrii. 22 History of New-York. In 1640, the English, who had overspread the eastern part of Long Island, advanced to Oysterbay. Kieft broke up their settlement in 1642, and fitted out two sloops to drive the English out of Schuylkill, of vvhich the Marylanders had lately possessed themselves. The instructions, dated May 22, to Jan Jansen Alpendam, who commanded in that enterprise, are upon record, and strongly assert the right of the Dutch, both to the soil and trade there- The English from the eastward shortly after sent deputies to New-Amsterdam, for the accommodation of their disputes about limits, to whom the Dutch offered the following conditions, entered in their books exactly in these words : " Conditiones a D. Directore Gen. senatuys Novi " Belgii, Doininis Weytingh atque Hill, Delegatis " a nobili Senatu Hartfordiensi, oblatae : Pro Agro nostro Hartfordiensi, annuo persolvent Prsepotentiss, D. D. Ordinibus Foed. Provinciarum Belgicarum aut eorum Vicariis, decimam Partem Revcntiis Agrorum, turn Aratro, tum Ligone, aliove Cultorum medio ; Pomariis, Hortisq ; Oleribus di- " catis, Jugerum Hollandium non excedentibus ex- " ceptis ; aut Decimarum Loco, Pretium nobile postea " constituendum, tam diu quain diu possessores ejus- dem Agri futuri erunt. Actum in Arce Amsteloda- " mensi in novo Belgio, Die Julii 9 Anno Christi 1642.'' We have no account that the English acceded to these proposals, nor is it probable, considering their superior strength, that they ever did : on the contrary, fhey daily extended their possessions, and in 1643 the colonies of the Massachusetts' Bay, Plymouth, Connect- icut, and New-Haven, entered into a league both against the Dutch and Indians, and grew so powerful History of New-York. 23 as to meet shortly after, upon a design of extirpating the former. Tiie Massachusetts' Bay declined this enter- prise, which occasioned a letter to Oliver^ Cromwell from William Hooke, dated at New-Haven, November 3, 1653, in which he complains of the Dutch, for supply- ing the natives with arms and ammunition, begs his assis- tance with two or three frigates, and that letters might be sent to the eastern colonies, commanding them to join in an expedition against the Dutch colony. Oliver's af- fairs would not admit of so distant an attempt, but Richard Cromwell afterwards drew up instructions to his commanders for subduing the Dutch here, and wrote let- ters to the English American governments for their aid ; copies of which are preserved in Thurloe's collection, vol. 1. p. 721, &c. Peter Stuy vesant was the last Dutch governour, and * The war betweeo him and the States, which began in July, 1 652, was concluded by a peace on the fifth of April, 1654. The treaty makes no particular mention of this country. If any part of it can be considered as relating to the American possessions, it is to be found in the two first articles, which are in these words : " Imprimis, It is agreed and concluded, that, from this day forwards, there be a true, firm, and inviolable peace, a sincere, intimate and close friendship, affinity, confederacy, and union, betwi'xtthe republick of England and the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the lands, countries, cities, and towns, under the dominions of each, without distinction of places, together with their people and inhabitants of what- soever degree. " 11. That hereafter all enmity, hostility, discord, and contentioo betwixt the said republicks, and their people and subjects, shall cease, and both parties shall henceforwards abstain from the committing all manner of mischief, plunder, and injuries, by land, by sea, and on tlje fresh waters, in all their lands, countries, domiuions, places, and govera- ments Avhatsoever. / 24 Mistory of New- York. though he had a commission in 1646, he did not begin hk administration till May 27, 1647. The inroads and claims upon his government, kept him constantly em- ployed. New-England on the east, and Maryland on the west, alarmed his fears by their daily increase ; and about the same time captain Forrester, a Scotchman, claimed Long Island for the dow^ager of Stirling. The Swedestoo w ere perpetually incroaching upon Delaware* Through the unskilfulness of the mate, one Deswyck, a Swedish captain and supercargo arrived in Raritan riv- er. The ship was seized, and himself made a prisoner at New-Amsterdam. Stuyvesant's reasons were these- In 1651, the Dutch built fort Casimir, now called New- castle, on Delaware. The Swedes, indeed, claimed the country, and Printz, their governour, formally protested against the works. Risingh, his successor, under the disguise of friendship, came before the fortress, fired two salutes, and landed thirty men, who were entertain- ed by the commandant as friends ; but he had no sooner discovered the weakness of the garrison, than he made himself master of it, seizing also upon all the ammuni- tion, houses, and other effects of the AVest-India com- pany, and compelling several of the people to swear allegiance to Christina, queen of Sweden. The Dutch, in 1655, prepared to retake fort Casimir. Stuyvesant commanded the forces in person, and arrived with them in Delaware the 9th of September. A few days after, he anchored before the garrison, and landed his troops. The fortress was immediately demanded as Dutch pro- perty : Suen Scutz, the commandant, desired leave to consult Risingh, which being refused, he surrendered the 16th of September on articles of capitulation. The tvhole strength of the place consisted of four cannon. History of New- York. 25 fourteen pounders, five swivels, and a parcel of small arms, which were all delivered to the conquered. Fort Christina was commanded by Risingh. Stuyvesant came before it, and Risingh surrendered it upon terms the 25th of September. The country being thus sub- dued, the Dutch governour issued a proclamation, in favour of such of the inhabitants, as would submit to the new government, and about thirty Swedes swore, " Fi- delity and obedience to the States General, the lords di- rectors of the West-India company^ their subalterns of the province of New-Netherlands, and the director general then, or thereafter, to be established." Ri- singh and one Elswych, a trader of note, were order- ed to France, or England, and the rest of the Swedish inhabitants to Holland, and from thence to Gottenbergi The Swedes being thus extirpated, the Dutch became possessed of the West side of Delaware bay, now call- ed the three lower counties. This country was afterwards uiidei* the command of lieutenant-governours, subject to the controul of^ and commissioned by, the director general at New- Amster- dam. Johan Paul Jaquet was the first vice-director, or lieutenant-governour, of South River. His successors were Airicks, Hinqjossa and William Beekman. The posterity of the last remains amongst us to this day^ These lieutenants had power to grant lands, and their patents make a part of the ancient titles of the present possessors. Alrick's commission, of the 12th of Aprils 1657, shews the extent of the Dutch claim on the west side of Delaware at that time. He was appointed Di- rector general of the colony of the South River of New- Netherlands, and the fortress of Casimir, now called Niewer Ararstel, with all the lands depending thereon/ 4 History of New-YorJc. according to the first purckase and deed of release of the natives, dated July 19, 1651, beginning at the west side of the Minquaa, or Christina Kill, in the Indian language named Suspecough, to the mouth of the bay, or river called Bompt-Hook, in the Indian language Cannaresse ; and so far inland as the bounds and limits of the Minquaas land, with all the streams, &c. appur- tenances, and dependencies.^ Of the country north- ward of the kill, no mention is made. Orders in 1658^ were given to William Beekman to purchase Cape Hin- lopen from the natives, and to settle and fortify it, which, for want of goods, was not done till the succeed- ing year. In the year 1659, fresh troubles arose from the Mary- land claim to the lands on South River ; and in Septem- ber Colonel Nathaniel U tie, as commissioner from Feu- dal lord Baltimore's governour, arrived at Niewer Am- stel from Maryland. The country was ordered to be evacuated, lord Baltimore claiming all the land, be- tween 38 and 40 degrees of latitude, from sea to sea. Beekman and his council demanded evidence of his lordship's right, and offered to prove the States General's grant to the West-India company, their payment to them for the land and possession ; and upon the whole proposed to refer the controversy to the republicks of England and Holland, praying at the same time, three weeks to consult Stuyvesant, the general. The com- missioner, notwithstanding, a few days after, warned him to draw of, beyond the latitude of 40'' : but Beek- man disregarded the threat. Colonel Utie thereupon re- turned to Maryland, and an immediate invasion was ex- pected. Early in the spring of the y ear 1660,. Nicholas Vai?^ History of New-York. 3etli, and Brian Newton, were dispatched from fort Aim sterdam to Virginia, in quality of ambassadors, with full power to open a trade, and conclude a league, of- fensive and defiensive against the barbarians. William Berckley, the governour, gave them a kind reception, approved their proposal of peace and commerce, which :Sir Henry Moody was sent here to agree upon and per- fect Four articles, to that purpose, were drawn up, and sent to the governour for confirmation. Stuyve- sant artfully endeavoured, at this treaty, to procure an acknowledgement of the Dutch title to the country, which Berckley as carefully avoided. This was his aq.^ 5wer : Sir, I have received the letter, you w^ere pleased t(D send me, by Mr. Mills his vessel, and shall be ever ready to comply with you; in all acts of neighbourly friendsliip and amity. But truly, sir, you desire me to do that, concerning your titles, and claims to land, in this northern part of America, which I am in no capa- city to do ; fori am but a servant of the Assembly's: neither do they arrogate any power to themselves, far- ther than the miserable distractions of England force them tOe For when God shall be pleased in his mercy, to take away and dissipate the unnatural divisions of their native country, they will immediately return to their own professed obedience. What then they should do in matters of contract, donation, or confession of right, would have little strength or signification ; much more presumptive and impertinent, would it be in me to do it, without their knowledge or assent. We shall Fery shortly meet again, and then, if to them you signi- 28 tUstory, of New- York. fy your desires, I shall labour all I can, to get you a satisfactory answer. " I am, sir, " Your humble servant, " William Berckley/^ « Virginia, August 20, 1 660." Governour Stuyvesant was a faithful servant of the *West-India company : this is abundantly proved by his letters to them, exciting their care of the colony. In one, dated April 20, 1660, which is very long and pathe tick, representing the desperate situation of affairs on both sides of the New-Netherlands, he writes, " Your honours imagine, that the troubles in England will pre- vent any attempt on these parts : alas ! they are ten to one in number to us, and are able without any assis- tance, to deprive us of the country when they please.'" On the 25th of June, the same year, he informs them, that the demands, encroachments, and usurpation, of the English, gave the people here great concern. The right to both rivers, says he, by purchase and possession is our ow n, without dispute. We apprehend, that they, our more powerful neighbours, lay their claims under a royal patent, which we are unable hitherto to do in your name.^" Colonel Utie being unsuccessful the * If we should argue, from this letter, that the West-India company had Qo grants of the New-Netherlands, from the States General, as some suppose, we discredit De Laet's History, dedicated to the States in 1624, as well as all the Dutch writers, and even Stuyvesant himself,^ •who, in his letter to Richard Nicolls, at the surrender, asserts that they had a grant, and shewed it under seal to the English deputies. But the genuine construction of the Dutch governour's letter, is this, that in 1 660, he had not the patent to the West-India company, to lay before Ih^ English ip America, who disputed the Dutch right to this countVy. History of New-York. 59 last year, in his embassy for the evacuation of the. Dutch possessions on Delaware, Lord Baltimoie, in au- tumn, 1660, applied, by captain Neal, his agent, to the West-India company, \ in Holland, for an order on the inhabitants of South River to submit to his authority^, which they absolutely refused, asserting their right to that part of their colony. The English, from New-England, were every day en- croaching upon the Dutch. The following letter, from Stuyvesant to the West-India company, dated Jidy 21^ 1661, shews the state of the colony at that time, on both sides. We have not yet begun the fort on Long Is- land, near Oysterbay, because our neighbours lay the boundaries a mile and an half more westerly, than we do, and the more as your honours, by your advice of December 24, are not inclined to stand by the treaty of Hartford, and propose to sue for redress on Long Island and the Fresh Water River, by means of the States' am- bassador. Lord Sterling is said to solicit u confirma- tion of his right to all Long Island, and importunes the present king, to confirm the grant made by his royal father, which is affirmed to be already obtained. But more probable, and material, is the advice from Mary- land, that Lord Balthnore's patent, which contains the south part of South River, is confirmed by the king, and published in print : that Lord Baltimore's natural brother, who is a rigid papist, being made governoia- there, has received Lord Baltimorei^s claim, and protest to your honours in council, (wherewith he seems but lit- tle satisfied) and has now^ more hopes of success. We have advice from England, that there is an invasion in- fended again^^t these parts, and the country solicited of 30 History of New- York. ihe king, the duke, and the parliament, is to be annex- ed to their dominions ; and for that purpose, they desire three or four frigates, persuading the king, that the company possessed and held this country under an un-^ lawfui title, having only obtained of king James leave for a watering place on Staten Island, in 1623." In August 1663, a ship arrived from Holland at South River, with new planters, ammunition, and im- plements of husbandry. Lord Baltimore's son landed a little after, and Avas entertained byBeekman at Niewer Amstek This w^as Charles, the son of Ceciiius, who in 1661, had procured a grant and confirmation of the pa- tent, passed in favour of his father in 1632. The pa« pistical principles of the Baltimore family, the charge of colonizing, the parliamentary war with Charles I. and Oliver's usurpation, all conspired to impede the settle- ment of Maryland, till the year 1661. And these con- siderations account for the extension of the Dutch li- mits, on the west side of Delaware bay. While the Dutch were contending with their Euro^ pean neighbours, they had the art always to maintain a friendship with the natives, until the war which broke e done by any of his majesty's ships or subjects. That the copies of the king's grant to his royal high- ness, and the copy of his royal highness' commission to Colonel Richard Nicolls, testified by two commis- sioners more, and Mr. Winthrop, to be true copies, shall be delivered to the honourable Mr. Stuyvesant^ the 48 History of New- York. present goveriiour^ on Monday next by eight of the clocl^ in the morning, at the Old Miln, and these articles con- sented to, and signed by Colonel Richard Kicolls, de- puty governour to his royal highness, and that within two hours after the fort and town called New- Amsterdam, upon the isle of Manhattoes, shall be delivered into the hands of the said Colonel Richard Nicolls by the service of such as shall be by him tiiereunto deputed^ by his hand and seal. " John De Decker, Nich- Verleett, Sam. Megapolen-^ sis, Cornelius Steenwyck, OlofTe Stevens Van Kortlant, James Cousseau, Robert Carr, Geo* Carteret, Johji Winthrop, Sam* Willys, Thomas Clarke, John Pyn- chon* I do consent to these articled, Richard NicollsJ^^ These articles, favourable as they were to the inha- bitants, were however very disagreeable to the Dutch governour ; and he therefore refused to ratify them, till two days after they were signed by the commissioners. The town of New^Amsterdam, upon the reduction of the island Manhattans, took the name of New-York.^ It consisted of several smalJ streets, laid out in the year 1656, and was not inconsiderable for the number of its houses and inhabitants. The easy terms of the capitu- lation, promised their peaceable subjection to the new government ; and hence we find, that in two days after the surrender, the Boston aid was dismissed, with the thanks of the commissioners to the general court. Hud-* son's and the South River vrere, however, still to be reduced. Sir Robert Carr comm.anded the expedition ^ Vide conclusion of this yolimei % History of New- York. 49 on Delaware, and Carteret was commissioned to sub- due the Dutch at Fort Orange. The garrison capitu- lated on the 24th of September, and he called it Alba- ny, in honour of the duke. While Carteret was here, he had an interview with the Indians of the Five Na- tions, and entered into a league of friendship with them, which remarkably continues to this day.^ Sir Kobert Carr was equally successful on South River, for he compelled both the Dutch and Swedes to capi- tulate and deliver up their garrisons the first of Octo- ber, 1664 ; and that was the day in which the whole New- Netherlands became subject to the English crown. Very few of the inhabitants thought proper to re- move out of the country. Governour Stuyvesant himself, held his estate, and died here. His remains were interred in a chapel, which he had erected on his own farm, at a small distance from the city, now possessed by his grandson, Gerardus Stuyvesant, a man of probity, who has been elected into the ma- gistracy, above thirty years successively. Justice obliges me to declare, that for loyalty to the pre- sent reigning family, and a pure attachment to the protestant religion, the descendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps exceeded by none of his ma- jesty's subjects. * The Dutch were sensible of the importance of preserving an unin- terrupted amity with those Indians, for they were both very numerous and warlike. The French pursued quite different measures, and the irruptions of those tribes, according to their own authors, have often reduced Canada to the brink of ruin. 7 ft HISTORY OF NEW-YORK- PART 11. From the Surrender in 1661, to the Settlement at the Revolution. RiCHAKD NICOLLS being now possessed of the coiniitty, took the government upon hiin, under the style 8f " deputy governour under his royal highness the duke of York, of all his territories in America." Dinging his short continuance here, he passed a vast number of grants and confirmations of the ancient Dutch patents, the profits of which must have been ve- ry considerable. Among these, no one has occasioned more animated contention, than that called the Eliza- bethtown grant, in New- Jersey ; which, as it relates to another colony, I should not have mentioned, but for the opportunity to caution the reader against a repre- sentation of that controversy contained in Douglass' summary. I have sufficient reasons to justify my charg- ing that account with partiality and mistakes ; and for proofs, refer to the printed answer in chancery, publish- ed in the year 1751. Besides the chief command of tbis province, Nicolls had a joint power ^ with Sir Robert Carr, Carteret, and * The commission from king Charles II. was dated the 26th of April, 1664. After a recital of disputes coaceriiing limits in New- History of New-York. Maverick, to settle the contested boundaries of certain great patents. Hence we find, that three of them had a conference with several gentlemen from Connecticut, respecting the limits of this and that colony. The re- mit was an adjudication, in these words : " By virtue of his majesty's commission, we have heard the difference, about the bounds of the patents granted to his royal highness the duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and having deliberate- ly considered all the reasons alledged by Mr. Allen, sen. Mr. Gold, Mr. Richards, and Captain Winthrop, ap- pointed by the assembly held at Hartford, the thirteenth of October, 1664, to accompany John AVinthrop, Ekq ; the governour of his majesty's colony of Connecticut to New-York, and to agree upon the bounds of the said colony, why the said Long Island should be under the government of Connecticut, Avhich are too long here to be recited, we do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea, and that Long Island is to be under the govern- ment of his royal highness the duke of York, as is ex- pressed by plain words, in the said patents, respectively, and also by virtue of his majesty's commission, and the consent of both the governours and the gentlemen above- tiamed. We also order and declare, that the creek, or river called Mamaroneck, which is reputed to be about thirteen miles to the east of Westchester, and a line England, and that addresses had been sent home from the Indian na- tives, complaining of abuses received from the English subjects ; the commissioners, or any three or two of them, of which NicoUs w as to be one, were authorised to visit the New-England colonies, and deter- mine all complaints military, civil and criminal, according to their dis- cretion, and such instructions as they might receive from the crown. History of New-York. 53 drawn from the east point or side, where the fresh wa- ter falls into the salt, at high water mark, north north- west to the line of the Massachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Connecticut, and all plan- tations lying westward of that creek and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness' goTernment ; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be under the government of Connecticut. Given under our hands, at James' fort in New- York, on the island of Maniiattan, this first day of December, 1664. Richard Nicolls, George Carteret, S. Maverick." " We the governour and commissioners of the gen- eral assembly of Connecticut, do give our consent to the limits and bounds abovementioned, as witness our hands, Gold, John Winthrop, jun. John Winthrop, sen. Allen, sen. Richards.'' At the time of this determination, about two thirds of Long Island were possessed by people from New- England, who had gradually encroached upon the Dutch. As to the settlement between New^-York and Connecticut, on the main, it has always been considered by the former, as founded upon ignorance and fraud.^ The station at Mamaroneck was about thirty miles from New- York, from Albany one hundred and fifty. * The town of Rye was settled under Connecticut, and the grant from that colony is bounded by this line of division. 54 History of Netv-Tork. The general course of the river is about north 12 or 15* east : and hence it is evident, that a north north-west line will soon intersect the river, and consequently leave the Dutch country, but a little before surrender- ed to Colonel Carteret, out of the province of New- York. It has been generally esteemed that the Con- necticut commissioners in this affair, took advantage of the duke^s agents, who we^re ignorant of the geography of the country. About the close of the year, the estate of the West- India company was seized and confiscated, hostilities being actually commenced in Europe as well as Ame- rica, though no declarations of war had yet been pub- lished by either of the contending parties. A great dispute between the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Island, which was adjusted by Colonel Nicolls, on the second of January, 1665, gave rise to a salutary insti- tution, which has in part obtained ever since. The controversy respected Indian deeds, and thenceforth it was ordained, that no purchase from the Indians, with-^ out the governour's licence, executed in his presence, should be valid. The strength and number of the na- tives rendered it necessary to purchase their rights ; and to prevent their frequent selling the same tract, it was expedient that the bargain should be attended with some considerable solemnity. Another instance of Colonel Nicolls" prudence, was his gradual introduction of the English methods of go- vernment. It was not till the 12th of June, this year, that he incorporated the inhabitants of New- York, un- der the care of a mayor, five aldermen, and a sheriff! Till this time, the city was ruled by a scout, burgo- masters, and schepens. History of NenhYork. 53 ill March preceding, there was a great convention, before the governour at Heinpsted, of two deputies from every town on Long Island, empowered to bind their constituents. The design of their meeting was to adjust the limits of their townships for the preservation of the publick peace. The war being proclaimed at London, on the fourth of this month, Nicolls received the account of it in June, with a letter from the lord chancellor, informing him, that De Ruyter, the Dutch admiral^ had orders to visit New- York* His lordship was misinformed, or the admiral was diverted from the enterprize, for the Eng- lish peaceably held the possession of the country dur- ing the whole war, which was concluded on the 21st of July^ 1667, by the treaty of Breda. Some are of opin- ion^ that the exchange made with the Dutch for Surri- nam, which they had taken from us, was advantageous to the nation ; but these judges do not consider that it would have been impossible for the Dutch to have pre- served this colony against the increasing strength of the people in New-England, Maryland, and Virginia, After an administration of three years, Nicolls re- turned to England. The time during his short resi- dence here, was almost wholly taken up in confirming the ancient Dutch grants. He erected no courts of justice, but took upon himself the sole decision of all controversies whatsoever. Complaints came before him by petition ; upon which he gave a day to the parties^ and after a summary hearing, pronounced judgmente HLs determinations were called edicts, and executed by the sheriffs he had appointed. It is much to his honour^ that notwithstanding all this plenitude of power, he gov- erned the province with integrity and moderation. A History of New-York. representation from the inhabitants of Long Island, to the general court of Connecticut, made about the time of the revolution, commends him as a man of an easy and benevolent disposition ; and this testimonial is tlie more to be relied upon, because the design of the wri- ters, was by a detail of their grievances, to induce the colony of Connecticut to take them under its immedi- ate protection. Francis Lovelace, a colonel, was appointed by the duke, to succeed Nicolls in the government of the pro- vince, which he began to exercise in May, 1667. As lie was a man of great moderation, the people lived very paceably under him, till the re-surrender of the colony, which put an end to his power, and is the only event, that signalized his administration. The ambitious designs of Louis XIY. against the Dutch, gave rise to our war with the States General in 1672. Charles IL a prince sunk in pleasures, profligate, and poor, was easily detached from his alliance with the Dutch, by the intrigues^ and pecuniary promises of the French king. The following passage from a fine wri- ter^, shews that his pretences for entering into the war, were perfectly groundless and trifling. " The king of England, on his side, reproached them with disrespect, in not directing their fleet to lower the flag before an English ship ; and they were also accu- sed in regard to a certain picture, wherein Cornelius De Witt, brother to the pensionary, was painted with the attributes of a conqueror. Ships w ere represented in the back ground of the piece, either taken or burnt. Cornelius De Witt, who had really had a great share in ^ Voltaire's age of Lewis XIV. History of New- York. 57 the maritime exploits against England, had permitted this trifling memorial of his glory : but the picture, which was in a manner unknown, was deposited in a chamber wherein scarce any body ever entered. The English ministers, who presented the complaints of their king against Holland, in writing, therein mentioned cer- tain abusive pictures. The states, who always translat- ed the memorials of ambassadours into French, having rendered ahusivey by the words fcmtifs trompeurSy they replied, that they did not know what these roguish pie- turcSy (ces tableaux trompeurs) were. In reality, it never in the least entered into their thoughts, that it concerned this portrait of one of their citizens, nor did they ever conceive this could be a pretence for declar- ing war." A few Dutch ships arrived the year afier on the 30th of July, under Staten Island, at the distance of a few miles from the city of New- York. John Manning, a captain of an independent company, had at that time the command of the fort, and by a messenger sent down to the squadron, treacherously made his peace with the enemy. On that very day the Dutch ships came up, moored under the fort, landed their men, and en-' tered the garrison, without giving or receiving a shot, A council of war was afterwards held at the stadt house, at which were present Cornelius Evertse, jun. ) Commodores, Jacob Benkes, } Anthony Colve, \ Nicholas Bowes, / Captains. Abm. Ferd. Yan Zyll, ) All the magistrates and constables from East Jersey,. hong Island, Esopus, and Albany, were immediately 8 58 History of New- York. summoned to New- York ; and the major part of tlieni swore allegiance to the States General, and the prince? of Orange. Colonel Lovelace was ordered to depart the province, but afterwards obtained leave to return to England with Commodore Benkes. It has often been insisted on, that this conquest did not extend to the whole province of New- Jersey; but upon what foundation 1 cannot discover. From the Dutch records it appears, that deputies w ere sent by the people inha- biting the country, even so far westward as Delaware River, w^ho in the name of their principals, made a de- claration of their submission ; in return for which, cer- tain privileges were granted to them, and three judica- tories erected at Niewer Amstel, Upland, and Hoer Kill. Colve's commission to be governour of this coun- try is w^orth printing, because it shews the extent of the Dutch claims. The translation runs thus : " The honourable and awful council of war, for their high mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, and his serene highness the prince of Orange, over a squadron of ships, now at anchor in Hudson's River, in New-Netherlands. To all those who shall see or hear these, greeting. As it is necessa- ry to appoint a fit and able person, to carry the chief command over this conquest of New-Netherlands, with all its appendencies and dependencies, from Cape Hiu- lopen on the south side of the South or Delaware bay, and fifteen miles more southerly, with the said bay and South River included ; so as they were formerly pos- sessed by the directors of the city of Amsterdam, and after by the English government, in the name and right of the duke of York ; and further from the said ter six weeks delay at fort Frontenac, during which time a great sickness, occasioned by bad provisions, broke out in the French army, De la Barre found it ne- cessary to conclude the campaign with a treaty, for which purpose he crossed the lake, and came to the place which, from the distress of his army, was called la Famine. Dongan sent an interpreter among the In- dians, by all means to prevent them from attending the treaty. The Mohawks and Senecas accordingly re- fused to meet De la Barre, but the Oneydoes, Ononda« gas, and Cayugas, influenced by the missionaries, were unwilling to hear the interpreter, except before the priests, one La Main, and three other Frenchmen, and afterwards waited upon the French governour. Two days after their arrival in the camp, monsieur De la Barre, addressing himself to Garrangula, an Onondaga chief, made the following speech, the Indians, and French officers at the same time forming a circle round about him. The king, my master, being informed that the Five Nations have often infringed the peace, has ordered me to come hither with a guard, and to send Ohguesse to the Onondagas, to bring the chief sachems to my camp. Thp intention of the great king is, that you and I may smoke the calumet of peace together ; but on this condition, that you promise me, in the name of the Senecas, Cay- ugas, Onondagas, and Mohawks, to give entire satisfac- tion and reparation to his subjects, and for the future never to molebt them. Histoj^y of NeW'YorJc. 85, "^'^ The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, and Mohawks, have robbed and abused all the traders that were passing to the Illinois and Miainies, and other In- dian nations, the children of inj king. They have acted, on these occasions, contrary to the treaty of peace with my predecessor. I am ordered, therefore, to demand satisfaction, and to tell them, that in case of refusal, or their plundering us any more, I have ex- press orders to declare war. This belt confirms my words. The warriours of the Five Nations liave con- ducted the English into the lakes, which belong to the king, my master, and brought the English among the nations that are his children, to destroy the trade of his subjects, and to withdraw these nations from him. They have carried the English thither, notwithstanding the prohibition of the late governour of New-York, who foresaw tiie risque that both they and you would run. I am willing to forget those things, but if ever the like ghall happen ior the future, I have express orders to de« clare war against you. This belt confirms my words. Your warriours have made several barbarous in- cursions on the Illinois and Miamies ; they have massacred men, women, and children, and have made many of these nations prisoners, who thought them- selves safe in their villages in time of peace : these people, who are my king's children, must not be yaur slaves ; you must give them their liberty, and send them back into their own country. If the Five Nations shall refuse to do this, I have express or- ders to declare war against them. This belt confirms my words. " This is what I have to say to Garrangula, that he m^y carry to the Senecas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, Cay- fi^ Mstory of NcTV'Tork. ugas, and Mohawks, the declaration which the king, my master, has commanded me to make. He doth not wish them to force him to send a great army to Cadar- ackui fort, to begin a war, which must be fatal to them* He would be sorry that this fort, that was the work of peace, should become the prison of your warriours. We must endeavour, on both sides, to prevent such inisfortunes. The French, who are the brethren and friends of the Five Nations, will never trouble their re- pose, provided that the satisfaction, which I demand, be given ; and that the treaties of peace be hereafter ob- served. I shall be extremely grieved, if my words do not produce the effect which I expect from them ; for then I shall be obliged to join with the governour of New-York, who is commanded by his master, to assist me, and burn the castles of the Five Nations, and de- stroy you. This belt confirms my words.'* Garrangula heard these threats with contempt, be- cause he had learnt the distressed state of the French army, and knew that they were incapable of executing the designs with which they set out ; and, therefore, af- ter walking five or six times round the circle, he an- swered the French governour, who sat in an elbow ©hair, in the following strain : " YONNONDIO, ^ I honour you, and the warriours that are with me likewise honour you. Your interpreter has finished your speech ; I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your ears ; hearken to them. " Yonnondio, you must have believed, when you left Quebec, that the sun had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they History of New-Yorh had surrounded our castles, and that it was impossible for us to get out of them. Y es, Yonnondio, surely you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so great a wonder, has brought you so far. Now you are undeceived, since that I and the warriours here pre- sent, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayu- gas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, and Mohawks, are yet alive^ I thank you, in their name, for bringing back into their coimtry the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was happy for you, that you left under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so often dyed in tlie blood of the French. Hear, Yonnon- dio, I do not sleep, I have my eyes open, and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Ononda- gas. But Garrangula says, that he sees the contrary^, that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. I see Yonnondio raving in a camp of sick men^ w^hose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. Hear, Yonnondio, our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our warriours had not disarmed them, and kept them back, when your messenger, Ohguesse, came to our castles. It is done, and I have said it. Hear, Yonnon* dio, we plundered none of the French, but those that carried guns, powder, and ball to the Twightwies and Chictaghicks, because those arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of the Jesu- its, who stave all the kegs of rum brought to our csis^- History of Nm-York. ties, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriours have not bever enough to pay for all these arms that they have taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war. This belt preserver my words. " We carried the English into our lakes, to trade there with the Utawawas and Uuatoghies, as the Adi- rondacks brought the Frencli to our castles, to carry on a trade, which the English say is tlieirs. We are born free ; we neither depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. W^e may go where we please, and carry with u^ whom we please, and buy and sell what we please : if your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other but your people. This belt preserves my words. " We knocked the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because they had cut dow^n the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. They have hunted be vers on our lands : they hav« acted contra- ry to the customs of all Indians ; for they left none of the bevers alive, they killed both male and female* They brought the Satanas ^ into the country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. We have done less than either the English or French, that have usurped the lands pf so many In- dian nations, and chased them from their own country. This belt preserves my words. " Hear, Yonnondio, what I say, is the voice of all the Five Nations ; hear what they answer ; open your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayugas, On- ondagas, Oneydoes, and Mohawks say, that when they * B)^ the Freach called Sauouoons. History of New- York. 89 buried the hatchet at Cadarackui (in the presence of your predecessor) in the middle of the fort; they plant- ed the tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully preserved, that, in place of a retreat for sol- diers, that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants : that in place of arms and ammunition of war, beavers and merchandise should only enter there. " Hear, Yonnondio, take care for the future, that so great a number of soldiers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriours shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves, and shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchet, till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall either jointly or separately endeavour to attack the country, which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors. This belt preserves my words, and this otherj the authority which the Five Nations have given me." Then Garrangula, addressing himself to monsieur La Main, said " Take courage, Ohguesse, you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yonnondio, your governour, by the mouth of Garrangula, who loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to Yonnondio, on the part of the Five Nations." Enraged at this bold reply, De la Barre as soon as the peace was concluded, retired to Monlreal, and in- Bistory of New-YorL gloriously finished an expensive campai£yn, as Doctor Golden observes, in a scold \^ \ih an old Indian. De la Barre was succeeded by the marquis De Non- Tille, colonel of the dragoons, who arrived with a rein- forcement of troops, in 168.^. The marquis was a man 6f courage and an enterprising spirit, and not a little animated by the consideration, that he was sent over to repair the disgrace which his predecessor had brought upon the French colony. The year after his arrival at Quebec, he wrote a letter to the minister in France, recommending the scheme of erecting a stone fort, suf- ficient to contain four or five hundred men, at Ni- agara, not only to exclude the English from the lakes, but to command the fur trade and subdue the Five ]^ations. Dongan, who was jealous of his designsj took umbrage at the extraordinary supplies sent to fort Frontenac, and wrote to the French governour, signifying that if he attacked the confederates, he would consider it as a breach of the peace subsisting between the two crowns ; and to prevent his building a fort at INiagara, he protested against it, and claimed the coun- try as dependent upon the province. De Nouviile, in his answer, denied that he intended to invade the Five INationSj tho' the necessary preparations for that pur- p( se were then carrying on, and yet Charlevoix com- mends him for his piety and uprightness, egalement estimable (says the Jesuit) pour sa valeur^ sa droitnre Sf supieUr Colonel Dongan, who knew the importance of our Indian alliance, placed no confidence in the de- clarations of the marquis, but exerted himself in pre- paring the confederates for a war; and the French au- tlior, just mentioned, does him honour, while he com- plains of him as a perpetual obstacle in the way of tiie* History oj New-York. 91 execution of fheir schemes. Our allies were now tri- uaiphing in their success over the Chictaghics, and me- ditating a war with the Twightwies, who had disturbed them in their beaver hunting. De Nonville, to prevent the interruption of the French trade witii the Twight- wies,* determined to divert the Five iVations, and carry the war into their country. To that end, in 1637, he collected two thousand troops and six hundred Indians at Montreal, and issued orders to all the officers in the more westerly country, to meet him with additional succours at Niagara, on an expedition against the Sen- ecas. An English party, under one M'Gregory, at the same ti ne, was gone out to trade on the lakes, but the French, notwithstanding the peace then subsisting be« tween the two crowns, intercepted them, seized their effects, and imprisoned their persons. Monsieur Fon- ti, commandant among the Chictaghics who was com- ing to the general's rendezvous at Niagara, did tha like to another English party, which he met with in lake Erie.^ The Five Nations, in the mean time, were preparing to give the French army a suitable recep* lion. Monsieur Companie, with two or three hundred Canadians, in an advanced party, surprised two villages of the confederates, who, at the invitation, and on the faith of the French, seated themselves down about eight leagues from lake Fadarackui or Ontario. To pre- vent their escape with intelligence to their countrymen, they were carried to the fort, and all but thirteen died in torments at the stake, singing with an heroick spirit^ * Both these attacks were open infractions of the treaty at Whitehall, executed in November, 1686; by which it was agreed that the Indian trade in America sliouid be free to the English ami French. History of JSew- York. in their expiring moments, the perfidy of the French; The rest, according to the express orders of the French king, were sent to the galleys in Europe. The mar- quis having embarked his whole army in canoes, set out from the fort at Cadarackui, on tlie 23d of June, one half of them passing along the north, and the other on the south side of the lake ; and both arrived the ^ame day at Tyrondequait, and shortly after set out on their march towards the chief village of the Senecas, at about seven leagues distance. The main body was composed of the regulars and militia, the front and rear of the Indians and traders. The scouts advanced the second day of their march, as far as the corn of the village, and within pistol shot of five hundred Senecas, Avho lay upon their bellies undiscovered. The French, w^ho imagined the enemy were all fled, quickened their march to overtake the women and old men. But iio sooner had they reached the foot of a hill, about a mile from the village, than the Senecas raised the war shout, and in the same instant charged upon the whole army, both in the front and rear. Universal confusion ensu- ed. The battalions divided, fired upon each other, and flew into the wood. The Senecas improved the disor- der of the enemy, till they were repulsed by the French Indians. According to Charlevoix's account, which may be justly suspected, the enemy lost but six men, and had twenty wounded, in the conflict. Of the Senecas, he says, sixty were wounded and forty-five slain. The marquis was so much dispirited, that he could not be persuaded to pursue the enemy that day ; which gave the Senecas an opportunity to burn their village and get off. Two old men remained in the castle to receive the general, and regale the barbarity of his History of New- York. 93 Indian allies. After destroying the corn in this and seve- ral other villages, the army retired to the banks of the lake, and erected a fort with foiu' bastions on the south- east side of the streights at Niagara, in which they left one hundred men, under the command of Le Chevalier de le Troye, with eight months provisions; but these being close blocked up, all, except seven or eight of them, who were accidentally relieved, perished through famine/^ Soon after this expedition, colonel Dongan met the Five Nations at Albany. To what intent, ap- pears from the speech he made to them on the 5th of August, which I choose to lay before the reader, to shew his vigilance and zeal for the interest of his mas- ter, and the commonweal of the province committed to his care. Brethren, " I am very glad to see you here in this house, and am heartily glad that you have sustained no greater loss by the French, though I believe it was their inten- tion to destroy you all, if they coidd have surprised you in your castles. " As soon as I heard their design to war with you, I gave you notice, and came up hither myself, that I might be ready to give all the assistance and advice that so short a time would allow^ me. * Nothing can be more perfidious and unjust than this attack upon our confederates. The two crowns had but just conckided a treaty for the preservation of the peace : La Hontau, one of the French his- torians, censures De Nonville's conduct, and admits the British title to the command of the lakes, but Charlevoix blames hira, as he does Hennepio, De L'Isle, and every other author, who confesses the truth to the prejudice of the ambitious claims of the court of France, 94 History of Neiv-YorJc. I am now about sending a gentleman to England^ to the king, my master, to let him know, that the French have invaded his territories on this side of the great lake, and warred upon the brethren, his subjects* I therefore would willingly know whether the brethren ha?e given the governour of Canada any provocation or not ; and if they have, how, and in what manner ; because f am obliged to give a true account of this mat- ter. This business may cause a war between the king of England, and the French king, both in Europe and here, and therefore I must know the truth. " I know the governour of Canada dare not enter in- to the king of England^s territories, in a hostile manner^ without provocation, if he thought the brethren were the king of England^s subjects ; but you have, two or three years ago, made a covenant chain with the French^ contrary to my command (which I knew could not hold long) being void of itself among the Christians ; for as much as subjects (as you are) ought not to treat with any foreign nation, it not lying in your power. You have brought this trouble upon yourselves, and, as I believe, this is the only reason of their falling on you at this time. " Brethren, 1 took it very ill, that after you had put yourselves into the number of the great king of England's subjects, you should ever offer to make peace or war;^ without my consent. You know that we can live with- out you but you cannot live without us ; you never found that I told you a lie, and I offered you the assis- tance you wanted, provided that you would be advised by me; for I know the French better than any of you History of New- York. 95 Now since il^re is a war begun upon you by the governour of Canada, I hope without any provocation by you given, I desire and command you, that yoiii hearken to no tieaty but by my advice ; which if yeo- pie, which tliey have prisoners already, or may take hereafter.'^ " 2dly, That if it be possible, that you can order it so, I would have you take one or two of your wisest sa- chems, and one or two of your wisest captains, of each nation, to be a council to manage all affairs of the war. They, to give orders to the rest of tiie otBcers what they are to do, that your designs may be kept private ; for after it comes among so many people, it is blazed abroad, and your designs are often frustrated; and those chief men should keep a correspondence with me by a trusty Hiessengen " idly, The great matter imder consideration with the brethren, is, how to strengthen themselves, and weaken their enemy. My opinion is, that the breth- ren should send messengers to the Utawawas, Twight- wies, and the farther Indians, and to send back likewise some of the prisoners of these nations, if you have any left, to bury the iiatchet^ and to make a covenant chain> 96 History of New- York. that they may put away all the French that are among them, and that you will open a path for them this way (they being the king of England's subject likewise, though the French have been admitted to trade with Ihem ; for al] that the French have in Canada, they had it of the great king of England) that, by that means, they may come hither freely, where they may have every thing cheaper than among the French : that you and they may join together against the French, and make so firm a league, that whoever is an enemy to one, must be to both. 4thly, Another thing of concern is, that you ought to do what you can to open a path for all the nor(h In- dians and Mahikanders that are among the Utawawas and further nations. I will endeavour to do the same to bring them home. For, they not daring to return home your way, the French keep them there on pur- pose to join with the other nations against you, for your destruction ; for you know, that one of them is worse than six of the others ; therefore all means must be used to bring them home, and use them kindly as they pass through your country. " 5thly, My advice furtlier, is, that messengers go, in behalf of all the Five Nations, to the Christian Indians in Canada to persuade them to come home to their na- tive country. This will be another great means to weak- en your enemy ; but if they will not be advised, you know what to do with them. " 6thly, I think it very necessary, for the brethren's security and assistance, and to the endamaging the French, to build a fort upon the lake, where I may keep stores and provisions in case of necessity ; and therefore I would have the brethren let me know what place will be most convenient for it. History of New-York. S7 7thly, I would not have the brethren keep then- corn in their castles, as I hear the Onondagas do, but bury it a great way in the woods, where few people may know where it is, for fear of such an accident as has happened to the Senecas. 8thly, I have given my advice in your general as- sembly, by Mr. Dirk Wessels and Akus, the interpre- ter, how you are to manage your parties, and how ne- cessary it is to get prisoners, to exchange for your own men that are prisoners with the French, and I am glad to hear that the brethren are so united as Mr. Dirk Wessels tells me you are, and that there were no rotten members nor French spies among you. " 9thly, The brethren may remember my advice> which I sent you this spring, not to go to Cadarackui ; if you had, they would have served you as they did your people that came from hunting thither, for I told you that I knew the French better than you did. " lOthly, There was no advice or proposition that I made to the brethren all the time that the priest lived at Onondaga, but what he wrote to Canada, as I found by one of his letters, which he gave to an Indian to car- ry to Canada, but which was brought hither ; therefore, T desire the brethren not to receive him, or any French priest any more, having sent for English priests, with whom you may be supplied to your content. " llthly, I would have the brethren look out sharp, for fear of being surprised. I believe all the strength of the French will be at their frontier places, viz. at Ca- darackui and Oniagara, w^here they have built a forf now, and at Trois Rivieres, Montreal and Chambly. 13 98 Hidory of New-York. 12tlily, Let me put you in mind again, not to make any treaties without my means, tvlilch will be more ad- vantageous for you, than your doing it for yomselves, for then you will be looked upon as the king of Eng- land's subjects, and let me know, from tinie to time, every thing that is done. " Thus far I have spoken to you relating to the war." Not long after this interview, a considerable party of Mohawks and Mahikanders, or River Indians, beset fort Chambly, burnt several houses, and returned with many captives to Albany. Forty Onondagas, about the same time, surprised a few soldiers near fort Fron- tenac, whom they confined instead of the Indians sent home to the galleys, notwithstanding the utmost address was used to regain them, by Lamberville, a French priest, who delivered them two belts, to engage their kindness to the prisoners, and prevent their joining the quarrel with the Senecas. The belts being sent to colonel Dongan, he wrote to De Nonville, to demand the reason of their being delivered. Pere le Yaillant was sent here about the beginning of the year 1688, under colour of bringing an answer, but in reality as a spy. Col. Don- gan told him, that no peace could be made with the Five Nations, unless the Indians sent to the galleys, and the Caghnuaga proselytes were returned to their respec- tive contons, the forts at Niagara and Frontenac razed and the Senecas had satisfaction made them, for the damage they had sustained. The jesuit, in his return, was ordered not to visit the Mohawks. Dongan, who was fully sensible of the importance of the Indian interest to the English colonies, was for com- pelling the French to apply to him in all their affairs with the Five Nations ; wliile they, on the other hand. History of New- York. 99 were for treating with them independent of the Eng- lish. For this reason, among others, he refused them the assistance they frequently required, till they ac- knowledged the dependence of the confederates on the English crown. King James, a poor, bigotted, popish, priestridden prince, ordered his governour to give up thi^ point, and to persuade the Five Nations to send messen- gers to Canada, to receive proposals of peace from the French. For this purpose a cessation of arms and mu- tual redelivery of prisoners was algreed upon. Near twelve hundred of the confederates attended this nego* cidtion at Montreal, and in their speech to De Nonville, insisted, with great resolution, upon the terms proposed by colonel Dongan to father Le Vaillant. The French governour declared his willingness to put an end to the war, if all his allies might be included in the treaty of peace, if the Mohawks and Senecas would send depu- ties to signify their concurrence, and the French might supply fort Frontenac with provisions. The confede- rates, according to the French accounts, acceded to these condition?, and the treaty was ratified in the field. But a new rupture not long after ensued, from a cause entirely unsus})ected. The Dinondadies had lately in- clined to the English trade at Messilimakinac, imd their alliance was therefore become suspected by the French. Adario, their cliief, thouglit to rvegain the ancient confi- dence which had been reposed in his countrymen, by a notable action against the Five Nations ; and for that purpose put himself at the head of one hundred men : ^lotliing was more disagreable to him than the prospect of peace between tlie French and the confederates ; for that event would not only render the amity of the Di- nondadies useless, but give the French an opportunity 100 History of New- York. of resenting their late favourable conduct towards the English. Impressed with these sentiments, out of af- fection to his country, he intercepted the ambassadours of the Five Nations, at one of the falls in Cadarackui river, killed some, and took others prisoners, telling them that the French governour had informed him, that fifty warriours of the Five Nations were coming that way. As the Dinondadies and confederates were then at war, the ambassadours were astonished at the perfidy pf the French governour, and could not help communi- cating the design of their journey. Adario, in prosecu- tion of his crafty scheme, counterfeited the utmost dis- tress, anger, and shame, on being made the ignominious tool of De Nonville^s treachery, and addressing himself to Dekanesora, the principal ambassadour, said to him, *^ Go, my brethren, I untie your bonds, and send you home again, though our nations be at war. The French governour has made me commit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the Five Nations shall have taken full revenge." This outrage and indig- nity upon the rights of ambassadours, the truth of which they did not in the least doubt, animated the confede- rates to the keenest thirst after revenge ; and accord- ingly twelve hundred of their men, on the 26th of July, 168B, landed on t he south side of the island of Montreal, while the French were in perfect security ; burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and put to the sword all the men, women, and children, without the skuts of the town, A thousand French were slain in this inva- sion, and twenty-six carried into captivity and burnt alive. Many more were made prisoners in another at- tack in October, and tiie lower part of the island whol- History of Nerv-YorTc. 101 ly destroyed. Only three of the confederates were lost, in all this scene of misery and desolation."^^ Never before did Canada sustain such a heavy blow, Tlie news of this attack on Montreal no sooner reach- ed the garrison at the lake Ontario, than they set fire to the two barks, which they had built there, and abandon- ed the fort, leaving a match to twenty-eight barrels of powder, designed to blow up the works. The soldiers went down the river in such precipitation, that one of the battoes and her crew were all lost in shooting a fall. The confederates in the mean time seized the fort, the powder and the stores ; and of all the French allies, who were vastly numerous, only the Nepicirinians and Kikabous adhered to them in their calamities. The Utawawas and seven other nations instantly made peace Vv^ith the English ; and but for the uncommon sagacity and address of the sieur Perot, the western Indians would have murdered every Frenchman among them. Nor did the distresses of the Canadians end here. Nu- merous scouts from the Five Nations, continually in- fested their borders. The frequent depredations that were made, prevented tliem from the cidtivation of their fields, and a distressing famine raged through the whole country. Nothing but the ignorance of the Indians in the art of attacking fortified places, saved Canada from being now utterly cut off. It was tlierefore unspeaka^ ably fortunate to the French, that the Indians had no assistance from the English, and as unfortimate to us, * I have followed Dr. Coklen in the account of this attack, ^vho dif- fers from Charlevoix. That jesuit tells ug, that the invasion was late in August, and the Indians fifteen hundred strong ; and as to the loss of the French, he diminishes it only to two hundred souls. 102 History of New- York. that our colonies were then incapable of affording suc- cours to the confederates, through the malignant influ- ence of those execrable measures, which were pursued under the infamous reign of king James the second. Colonel Dongan, whatever his conduct might have been in civil aSairs, did all that he could in those relating to the Indians, and fell at last into the king's displea- sure, through his zeal for the true interest of the pro- vince. Wiiile these things were transacting in Canada, a scene of the greatest importance was opening at New- York. A general disaffection to the government pre- vailed among the people. Papists began to settle in the colony under the smiles of the governour. The col- lector of the revenues, and several principal officers, threw off the mask, and openly avowed their attach- ment to the doctrines of Rome. A Latin school was set up, and the teacher strongly suspected for a Jesuit. The people of Long Island, who were disappointed in their expectation of mighty boons, promised by the governour on his arrival, were become his personal enemies ; and, in a word, the whole body of the peo- ple trembled for the protestant cause. Here the lea- ven of opposition first began to work. Their intel- ligence from England, of the designs tliere in favour of the prince of Orange, blew up the coals of discon- tent, and elevated the hopes of the disaffected. But no man dared to spring in action, till after the rup- ture in Boston. Sir Edmond Andross, who was per- fectly devoted to the arbitrary measures of king James, by his tyranny in New-England, had drawn upon himself the universal odium of the people, an- imated with the love of liberty and in the defence of History of New-York. JQ3 it resolute and courageous ; and, therefore, when they could no longer endure his despotick rule, they seiz- ed and imprisoned him, and afterwards sent him to England, The government, in the mean time, was vest- ed in the hands of a committee for the safety of the people, of which Mr. Bradstreet, was chosen presi- dent. Upon the news of this event, several captains of our militia convened themselves to concert mea- sures in favour of the prince of Orange. Among these, Jacob Leisler, was the most active. He was a man in tolerable esteem among the people, and of a moderate fortune, but destitute of every qualilica- tion necessary for the enterprise. Milix)rne, his son in law, an Englishman, directed all his councils, while Leisler as absolutely influenced the other offi- cers. The first thing they contrived, was to seize the garrison in New- York ; and the custom, at that time, of guarding it every night by the militia, gave Leis- ler a fine opportuiiity of executing the design. He entered it with forty-nine men, and determined to hold it till the whole militia should join him. Colo- nel Dongan, who was about to leave the province, then lay embarked in the bay, having a little be- fore resigned the government to Francis Nicholson, the lieutenant governour. The council, civil officers, and magistrates of the city, were against Leisler, and therefore many of his friends were at first fear- ful of openly espousing a cause disapproved by the gentlemen of figure. For this reason, Leisler's first de- claration in favour of the prince of Orange, was sub- scribed only by a few, among several companies of the trained bands. While the people, for four days 104 History of New-York. successively, were in the utmost perplexity to deter- mine what part to choose, being solicited by Leisler on the one hand, and threatened by the lieutenant governour on the other, the town was alarmed with a report that three ships were coming up with or- ders from the prince of Orange. This falsehood was very seasonably propagated to serve the interest of Leislei;; for, on that day, the 3d of June, 1689, his party was augmented by the addition of six captains and four hundred men in New- York, and a compa- ny of seventy men from East Chester, who all subscrib- ed a second declaration,"^ mutually covenanting to hold the fort for the prince. Colonel Dongan continu- ed till this time in the harbour, waiting the issue of these commotions ; and Nicholson's party being now unable to contend with their opponents wete totally dispersed, the lieutenant governour himself absconding, the very night after ihe last declaration was signed. I have taken an exact copy of it for the satisfaction of the reader* " Whereas our intention, tended only but to the preservation of the protestant religion, and the fort of this ciity, to the end that we may avoid and prevent, the rash jad^rment of tlie world, in so just a design ; wee have thought fiit to let every body know by these publick pro- clamation, that till tlie safe arryvell of the ships, that wee expect eve- ry day, from his royal highness the prince of Orange, w itii orders for the government of this country in the behalf of ^uch person, as the said royal highness had chosen, and honoured with the charge of a gover- nour, that as soon as the bearer of the said orders, shall have let us see his power, then, and without any delay, we shall execute the said or- ders punctually ; declaring that we do intend to submit and obey, not only the said orders, but also the bearer thereof, committed for the ex- ecution of the same. In witness hereof, w e have signed these pre- sents, the third of June, 1 689. History of New- York. Leisler being now in complete possession of the fort, sent home an address to king William and queen Ma- ry, as soon as he received the news of their accession to the throne. It is a tedious, incorrect, ill-drawn narra- tive of the grievances which the people had endured^ and the methods lately taken to secure themselves^ end* ing with a recognition of the sovereignty of the king and queen over the whole English dominions. This address was soon followed by a private letter from Leisler to king William, which, in very broken English, informs his majesty of the state of the garri* son, the repairs he had made to it, and the temper of the people, and concludes with strong protestations of his sincerity, loyalty, and zeal. Jost Stoll, an ensign, on the deliveiy of this letter to the king, had the honour to kiss his majesty's hand, but Nicholson, the lieutenant governour, and one Ennis, an episcopal clergyman, ar- rived in England before him ; and by falsely represent- ing the late measures in New-York, as proceeding rather from their aversion to the church of England, than zeal for the prince of Orange, Leisler and his par- ty missed the rewards and notice which their activity for the revolution justly deserved* For though the king made Stoll the bearer of his thanks to the people for their fidelity, he so little regarded Leisler's complaints against Nicholson, that he was soon after preferred to the government of Virginia. Dongan returned to Ire- land, and, it is said, succeeded to the earldom of Lime* rick. Leisler's sudden investiture with supreme power over the province, and the probable prospects of king William's approbation of his conduct, could not but ex- cite the envy and jealousy of the lat^ council and ma- 14 106 History of New-Yorlc. gistrates, who had refused to join in the glorious wort of the revolution ; and hence the spring of all their aver- sion, both to the man and his measures. Colonel Bay- ard, and Courtland, the mayor of the city, were at the head of his opponents, and finding it impossible to raise a party against him in the city, they very early retired to Albany, and there endeavoured to foment the oppo- sition. Leisler, on the other hand, fearful of their in- fluence> and to extinguish the jealousy of the people, thought it prudent to admit several trusty persons to a participation of that power, which the militia on the 1st of July had committed solely to himself. In conjunc- tion wath these, (who, after the Boston example, were called the committee of safety) he exercised the go* Ternment, assuming to himself only the honour of being president in their councils. This model continued till the month of December, when a packet arrived with a letter from the lords Carmarthen, Halifax, and otheis, directed " to Francis Nicholson, esq ; or in his absence, to such as for the time being, take care for preserving the peace and administering the laws, in their majes- ties' province of JNew-York, in America." This letter was dated the 29th of July, and was accompanied with another from lord Nottingham, dated the next day, which, after empowering Nicholson to take upon him the chief command, and to appoint for his assistance as many of the principal freeholders and inhabitants as he should think fit, requiring also " to do every thing ap- pertaining to the office of lieutenant governour, accord- ing to the laws and customs of New-York, until further orders." Nicholson being absconded when this packet came to liand^ Leisler considered the letter as directed to him- History of New-Fork* self, and from this time issued all kinds of Commissions in his own name, assuming the title, as well as authori- ty, of lieutenant governour. On the 11th of December, he summoned the committee of safety, and agreeable to their advice, swore the following persons for his council : Peter de Lanoy, Samuel Staats, Hendrick Jansen, and Johannes Yermilie, for New- York. Ge- Tardus Beekman, for King's county. For Queen's coun- ty, Samuel Edseh Thomas Williams, for Westchester. William Law rence, for Orange county* Except the eastern inhabitants of Long Island, all the southern part of the colony cheerfully submitted to Leister's command. The principal freeholders, how- ever, by their respectful letters, gave him hopes of their submission, and thereby prevented his betaking himself to arms, while they were privately soliciting the colony of Connecticut to take them under its jurisdiction. They had indeed no aversion to Leisler's authority, in favour of any other party in the province, but were willing to be incorporated with a people from whence they had originally colonized ; and, tiierefore, as soon as Con- necticut declined their request, they openly appeared to be advocates for Leisler. At this juncture the Long Island representation was drawn up, which I have more than once had occasion to mention. The people of Albany, in the mean time, were de- termined to hold the garrison and city for king Wil- liam, independent of Leisler, and on the 26th of Octo- ber, which was before the packet arrived from lord Nottingham, formed themselves into a convention for that purpose. As Leisler's attempt to reduce this coun- try to his command, was the original cause of the fu- ture divisions in the province, and in the end brought 108 ITistory oj New- York. about his own ruin, it may not be improper to see the resolution of the convention, a copy of which was sent 4own to him at large. Lieut. Robert Sanderse, " Resolved, since we are informed by persons con> ing from New- York, that captain Jacob Leisler is de- signed to send up a compainy of airmed men, upon pre- tence to assist us in this country, who intend to make themselves master of their majesties' fort and this city, and carry divers persons and chief officers of this city, prisoners to New-York, and so disquiet and disturb their majesties* liege people, that a letter be writ to al- dejrman Levinus Van Schaic, now at New- York, and lieutenant Jochim Staets, to make narrow enquiry of the business, and to signify to the said Leisler, that we have received such information ; and withal acquaint him, that notwithstanding we have the assistance of ninety-^ five men from our neighbours of New-England, who are now gone for, and one hundred men upon occasion, to command, from the county of Ulster, which we think will be sufficient this winter, yet we will willingt ly accept any such assistance as they shall be pleased to send for the defence of their majesties' county of Albany : Provided, they be obedient to, and obey such orders and commands, as they shall, from time to time^ r^ceiive from the convention ; and that by no means Peter Schuyler, Mayor, Dirk Wessels, Recorder, Jan Wandal, Jan Jaosen Bleeker, KiUian V. Renslaer, J ustice, Capt. Marte Gerritse, Justice, Capt. Gerrit Tunisse, Dirk Tunisse, Justice, Claes Ripse, David Schuyler, Albert Ryckman, Rynier Barentse. John Cuyler, Gerrit Ryerse, Evert Banker, Aldermen, Hislory of New-York. 109 they will be admitted, to have the command of their majesties' fort or this city ; which we intend, by God's assistance, to keep and preserve for the behoof of their majesties William and Mary, king and queen of Eng- land, as we hitherto have done since their proclamation ; and if you hear, that they persevere with such inten- tions, so to disturb the inhabitants of this county, that you then, in the name and behalf of the convention and inhabitants of the city and county of Albany, protest against the said Leisler, and all such persons that shall make attempt, for all losses, damages, bloodshed, or whatsoever mischiefs may ensue thereon ; which you are to communicate with all speed, as you perceive their design." Taking it for granted, that Leisler at New-York, and the convention at Albany, were equally affected to the revolution, nothing could be more egregiously foolish, than the conduct of both parties, who, by their intestine divisions, threw the province into convulsions, and sowed the seeds of mutual hatred and animosity, which, for a long time after, greatly embarrassed the publick affairs of the colony. When Albany declared for the prince of Orange, there was nothing else that Leisler could properly require : and rather than sacri- fice the publick peace of the province, to the trifling honour of resisting a man who had no evil designs, Al- bany ought in prudence to have delivered the garrison into his hands, till the king's definitive orders should ar- rive. But while Leisler, on the one hand, was inebri- ated with his new gotten power, so on the other, Bay- ard, Courtland, Schuyler, and others, could not brook, a submission to the authority of a man, mean in his abilities, and inferiour in his degree. Animated by 110 History of New-Yorh these principles, both parties prepared, the one to re- duce, if I may use the expression, the other to retain, the garrison of Albany. Mr. Livingston, a principal agent for the convention, retired into Connecticut, to solicit the aid of that colony for the protection of the frontiers against the French. Leisler suspecting that they were to be used against him, endeavoured not on- ly to prevent these supplies, but wrote letters, to have Livingston apprehended as an enemy to the reigning powers, and to procure succours from Boston, falsely represented the convention as in the interest of the French and king James. Jacob Milborne was commissioned for the reduction of Albany. Upon his arrival there, a great number of the inhabitants armed themselves and repaired to the fort, then commanded by Mr. Schuyler, while many others followed the other members of the convention to a conference with him at the city hall. Milborne^ to proselyte the crowd, declaimed much against king James, popery, and arbitrary power ; but liis oratory was lost upon the hearers, who, after several meetings, still adhered to the convention. Milborne then ad- vanced with a few men up to the fort, and Mr. Schuy- ler had the utmost difficulty to prevent both his own men, and the Mohawks, who were then in Albany, and perfectly devoted to his service, from firing upon Mil- borne's party, which consisted of an inconsiderable number, In these circumstances, he thought proper to retreat, and soon after departed from Albany. In the spring he commanded another party upon the same er- rand, and the distress of the country upon an Indian iiTuption, gave him all the desired success. No sooner was he possessed of the garrison, than most of the prin^ History of New-York. Ill cipal members of the convention absconded. Upon which, their effects were arbitrarily seized and confis- cated, which so highly exasperated the sufferers, that theii' posterity, to this day, cannot speak of these trou- bles, without tlie bitterest invectives against Leisler and all his adherents. In the midst of those intestine confusions at New- York, the people of New-England, were engaged in a war with the Owenagimgas, Ourages, and Penocaks. Between these and the Schakook Indians, there was then a friendly communication, and the same was suspected of the Mohawks, among whom some of the Owenagun- gas had taken sanctuary. This gave rise to a confer- ence between several commissioners from Boston, Ply- mouth, and Connecticut, and the Five Nations, at Al- bany, in September, 1689, the former endeavouring to engage the latter, against those eastern Indians, who were then at war with the New-England colonies* Tahajadoris, a Mohawk sachem, in a long oration, an- swered the English message, and, however improbable it may seem to Europeans, repeated all that had been said the preceding day. The art they have in assisting their memories is this. The sachem who presides, has a bundle of sticks prepared for the purpose, and at th^ close of every principal article of the message delivered to them, gives a stick to another sachem charging him with remembrance of it. By this means the oratour, af- ter a previous conference with the Indians, is prepared to repeat every part of the message, and give it its pro- per reply. This custom is invariably pursued in all their publick treaties. The conference did not answer the expectation of the peopk of New-England, the Five Nations discovering 112 History oj New- York. a great disinclination to join in the hostilities against the eastern Indians. To atone for which, they gave the highest protestations of their willingness to distress tlie French, against whom the English had declared war, on the 7th of May preceding. That part of the speech ratifying their friendship with the* English colonies, is singularly expressed. " We promise to preserve the chain inviolably, and wish that the sun may always shine in peace over all our heads that are comprehend- ed in this chain.'^ We give two belts. One for the sun, and the otiier for its beams* We make fast the roots of the tree of peace and tranquility which is plant- ed in this place. Its roots extend as far as the utmost of your colonies ; if the French should come to shake this tree, we would feel it by the motion of its roots, which extend into our country. But we trust it will not be in the governour of Canada's power to shake this tree, which has been so firmly, and long planted with us." Nothing could have been more advantageous to these colonies, and especially to New- York, than the late suc- cess of the Five Nations against Canada. The mise- ries to which the French were reduced, rendered us secure against their inroads, till the work of the revo- lution was in a great measure accomplished ; and to their distressed condition, we must principally ascribe the defeat of the French design, about this time, to make a conquest of the province. De Callieres, who * The Indians* conceptiou of the league between them and us, is couched under the idea of a chain extended from a ship to a tree; sad every renewal of this league they call brighteiuDg the chain. History of New-York. 113 went to France in 1688, first projected the scheme ;^ and the troubles in England encouraged^ the French court to make the attempt. Caffiniere commanded the ships which sailed for that purpose from Rochefort ; subject, nevertheless, to the count De Frontenac, who was general of the land forces, destined to march from Canada by the rout of Sorel river and the lake Cham- plain. The fleet and troops arrived at Chebucta, the place of rendezvous, in September : from whence the count proceeded to Quebec, leaving orders with Caf- finiere to sail for New-York, and continue in the bay, in sight of the city, but beyond the fire of our cannon, till the 1st December : when, if he received no intelli- gence from him, he was ordered to return to France, af- ter unlading the ammunition, stores, and provisions at Port-Roy al.f The count was in high spirits, and fully determined upon the enterprise, till he arrived at Que- bec ; where the news of the success of the Five Nations against Montreal, the loss of his favourite fort at lake Ontario, and the advanced season of the year, defeated his aims, and broke up the expedition. De Nonville, who was recalled, carried the news of this disappoint- ment to the court of France, leaving the chief command of the country in the hands of count Frontenac. This * Charlevoix has published an extract of the memorial presented lo the French king. The force demanded for this enterprise was to consist of 1300 rej2;ulars, and 300 Canadians. Albany was said to be fortified only by an inclosure of stockadoes and a little fort with four bastions; and that it contained but 150 soldiers and 300 inhabitants. That New- York, the capital of the province, was open, had a stone fort with four bastions, and about four hundred! inhabitants^^ divided tat© ^ight companies. t Now Anjiapolis- 15 114 History of ISew-Yorh gentleman was a man of courage, and well acquainted with the affairs of that country. He was then in the 68th year of his age, and yet so far from consulting his ease, that in a few days after he landed at Quebec, he re- embarked in a canoe for Montreal, where his presence was absolutely necessary, to animate the inhabitants and regain their Indian alliances. A war, between the English and French crowns, being broke out, the count betook himself to every art, for concluding a pefice be- tween Canada and the Five Nations ; and for this pur- pose, the utmost civilities were shown to Taweraket and the other Indians, who had been sent to France by De ISonville, and were now returned. Three of those Indians, who doubtless were struck with the grandeur and glory of the French monarch, were properly sent on the important message of conciliating the friendship of the Five Nations. These, agreeable to our alliance, sent two sachems to Albany > in December, with notice that a council for that purpose was to be held at Onon- daga. It is a just reflection upon the people of Albany, that they regarded the treaty so slightly, as only to send four Indians and the interpreter with instructions, in their name, to dissuade the confederates from a ces- sation of arms ; while the French, on the other hand, had then a Jesuit among the Oneydoes. The council began on the 22d of January, 1690, and consisted of eighty sachems. Sadekanaghtie, an Onondaga chief, opened the conference, llie whole was managed with great art and fonnality, and concluded in sbovviijg a disposition to make peace with the French, vvithout per- fecting it ; guarding, at the same time, against giving the least umbrage to the English. * History of New- York. 115 Among other measures to detach the Five Nations from the British interest, and raise the depressed spirit of the Canadians, the count De Frontenac thought pro- per to send out several parties against the English col- onies. D'x\illebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne, com- manded that against New- York, consisting of about two hundred French and some Caghnuaga Indians, who, bet- ing proselytes from the Mohawks, were perfectly ac- quainted with that country. Their orders w^ere, in gen- eral, to attack New- York ; but pursuing the advice of the Indians, they resolved, instead of Albany, to sur- prise Schenectady, a village seventeen miles northwest from it, and about the same distance from the Mohawks. The people of Schenectady, though they had been in- formed of the designs of the enemy, w ere in the great- est security ; judging it impracticable for any men to march several hundred miles, in the depth of winter^ through the snow, bearing their provisions on their backPv Besides the village was in as much confusion as the rest of the province ; the officers who were posted there, being unable to preserve a regular w-atch, or any kind of military order. Such was the state of Schenectady, as represented by colonel Schuyler, who was at that lime mayor of the city of Albany, and at the head of the convention. A copy of his letter to the neighbour- ing colonies, concerning this descent upon Schenecta- dy, dated 151h of February, 1689-90, I have now lying before me, under his own hand. After two and twenty days march, the enemy fell in w ith Schenectady, on the Oth of February ; and were red [iced to such streights, that they had thoughts of sur^ rendering themselves prisoners of war. But their scouts, who were a day or two in the village entirely unsuspect- 116 History of New- York. ed, returned with such encouraging accounts of the ab- solute security of the people, that the enemy deter- mined on the attack. They entered on Saturday night about eleven o'clock, at the gates, which were found unshut ; and, that every house might be invested at the same time, divided into small parties of six, or seven men. The inhabitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed, till their doors were broke open. Never were people in a more wretched consternation. Before they were risen from their beds, the enemy entered their houses, and began the perpetration of the most in- human barbarities. No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, can express the cruelties that were committed. The whole village was instantly in a blaze. Women with child ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames, or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty person^ perished in the massacre, and twenty seven were carri- ed into captivity. The rest fled naked towards Albany, through a deep snow which fell that very night in a ter- rible storm ; and twenty-five of these fugitives, lost their limbs in the flight, through the severity of the frost. The news of this dreadful tragedy reached Albany about break of day ; and universal dread seized the in- habitants of that city, the enemy being reported to be one thousand four hundred strong. A party of horse was immediately dispatched to ^chenectady, and a few Mohawks, then in the town, fearful of being intercepted^ were with difficulty sent to apprise their own castles. The Mohawks were unacquainted with this bloody ecene, till two days after it happened ; our messengers being scarce able to travel through the great depth of snow. The enemy, in the mean time, pillaged the town of Schenectady till noon the next day ; and thejok History of New-YorJc. 117 went off with their plunder, and about forty of their best horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find, lay slaughtered in the streets. The design of the French, in this attack, was to alarm the fears of our Indian allies, by shewing that we were incapable of defending them. Every art also was used to conciliate their friendship, for they not only spared those Mohawks who were found in Schenectady, but several other particular persons, in compliment to the Indians, who requested that favour. Several women and children were also released at the desire of captain Glen, to whom the French offered no violence ; the offi- cer declaring he had strict orders against it, on the score of his wife's civilities to certain French captives in the time of colonel Dongan. The Mohawks, considering the cajoling arts of the French, and that the Caghnuagas who were with them, were once a part of their own body, behaved as well as could be reasonably expected. They joined a party of young men from Albany, fell upon tne rear of the ene- my, and either killed or captivated five and twenty. Several sachems, in the mean time, came to Albany, and very affectingly addressed the inhabitants, who w^ere just ready to abandon the country ; urging their stay, and exciting an union of all the English colonies against Canada. Their sentiments concerning the French appear from the following speech of condolence. " Brethren, we do not think, that what the French have done can be called a victory : it is only a farther proof of their cruel deceit : the governour of Canada, sent to Onondaga, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; but war was in his heart, as you now see by wo- ful experience. He did the same, formerly, at Cadar- 118 History of New-Yorlc. acqui, and in the Seneca's country. This is the third time he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house, at both ends ; formerly in the Seneca's coun- try, and now here. We hope however to be revenged of them.'' Agreeable to this declaration, the Indians soon after treated the chevalier d'Eau and the rest of the French messengers, who came to conclude the peace proposed by Taweraket, with the utmost indignity ; and after- wards delivered them up to the English. Besides this, their scouts harrassed the borders of the enemy, and fell upon a party of French and Indians, in the ri- ver, about one hundred and twenty miles above Mon- treal, under the command of Louvigni, a captain, who was going to Missilimakinac, to prevent the conclusion of the peace between the Utawawas and (iuatoghies, with the Five Nations. The loss in this skirmish was nearly equal on both sides. One of our prisoners was deliver- ed to the Utawawas, who ate him. In revenge for this barbarity, the Indians attacked the island of Montreal, at Trembling Point, and killed an officer and twelve men ; while another party carried oflf about fifteen pri- soners taken at Riviere Puante, whom they afterwards slew, through fear of their pursuers ; and others burnt the French plantations at St. iEurs. But Avhat render- ed this year most remarkable, was the expedition of sir William Phips against Quebec. He sailed up the river with a fleet of thirty-two sail, and came before the city in October. Had he improved his time and strength, the conquest would have been easy ; but by spending three days in idle consultations, the French governour brought in his forces, and entertained such ^ mean opinion of the English knight, that he not only History of New- York. despised his summons to surrender, but sent a verbal answer, in which he called king William an usurper, and poured the utmost contempt upon his subjects. The .messenger, who carried the summons, insisted up- on a w^ritten answ^er, and that within an hour ; but the count de Frontenac absolutely refused it, adding, " III answer your master by the mouth of my cannon, that he may learn that a man of my condition is not to be summoned in this manner." Upon this, sir William made tw^o attempts to land below the town, but was re- pulsed by the enemy, with considerable loss of men, cannon and baggage. Several of the ships also cannon- aded the city, but without any success. The forts at the same time returned the fire, and obliged them to retire in disorder. The French writers, in their ac- counts of this expedition, universally censure the con- duct of sir William, though they confess the valour of his troops. La Hontan, who was then at Quebec, says, he could not have acted in a manner more agreeable to the French, if he had been in their interest.^ ^ Dr. Golden supposes this attack was made upon Queboc, ia IGQl^ but he is certainly mistaken ; see life of sir William Phips, published at London, 1697...0}dmixon's Brit. Empire.. .and Charlevoix. Among the causes of the ill success of the fleet, the author of the life of sir William Phips, mentions the neglect of the conjoined troops of Kew-York, Connecticut, and the Indians, to attack Montreal, accord- ing to the original plan of operations. He tells us, that they marched to the lake, but there found themselves unprovided with battoes, and that the Indians were dissuaded from the attempt. By what authority these assertions may be supported, I know not. Charlevoix says our army was disappointed in the intended diversion, by the small pox, which seized the camp, killed three hundred raeD^ and terrified out Indian allie^,^ HISTORY OF H]lSW-YO]RK» PART nr. From the Revolution to the second Expedition against Canada, While our allies were faithfully exerting them*^ selves against the common enemy, colonel Henry Sloughter, who had a commission to be governour of this province, dated the 4th of January, 1689, arrived here, and published it on the 19th of March, 169L Never was a governour more necessary to the province, than at this critical conjuncture ; as well for reconciling a divided peoplcj as for defending them against the wales of a cunning adversary* But either through the hurry of the king's affairs, or the powerful interest of a favouf-^ ite, a man was sent over, utterly destitute of every qualification for government, licentious in his morals, avaricious, and poor. The council present at his arrival were, Joseph Dudley, Gabriel Mienvielle^ Frederick Philipse, Chudley Brook, Stephen Van Courtlandtj Thomas Willet, William Pinhorne* If Leisler had delivered the garrison to colonel Sloughterj as he ought to have done, upon his first landing, besides extinguishing, in a great degree, tha animosities then subsisting, he would, doubtless, have at- ti^acted the favourable notice, both of the govcrtiour 16 1212 History of Neiv- YorL and the crown. But being a weak man, he was so in-' toxicated with the love of power, that though he had' been well informed of Sloughter's appointment to the government, he not only shut himself up in the fort with Bayard and Nichols, whom he had, before that time, imprisoned, but refused to deliver them up, or to sur- render the garrison. From this moment he lost all cre- dit with the governour, who joined the other party against him. On the second demand of the fort. Mil- borne and De Lanoy came out, under pretence of con- ferring with his excellency, but in reality to discover his designs. Sloughter, who considered them as rebels, threw them both into gaol. Leisler, upon this event, thought proper to abandon the fort, which colonel Sloughter immediately entered. Bayard and Nichols were now released from their confinement, and sworn of the privy council. Leisler having thus ruined his cause, was apprehended with many of his adherents, and a commission of oyer and terminer issued to sir Thomas^ Robinson, colonel Smith, and others, for their trials. In vain did they plead the merit of their zeal for king William, since they had so lately opposed his governour. Leisler, in particular, endeavoured to justify his con- duct, insisting that lord Nottingham's letter entitled him to act in the quality of lieutenant governour. Whether it was through ignorance or sycophancy, I know not : but the judges instead of pronounting their own sentiments upon this part of the prisoner's defence,, referred it to the governour and council, prav ing their opinion, whether that letter " or any other letters, or papers, in the packet from Whitehall, can be under- stood, or interpreted, to be and contain, any power, or 4iiection to captain Leisler, to take tlie government of History of New-York. 123 iiiis province upon himself, or that the administration thereupon be holden good in law." The answer was, as might have been expected, in the negative ; and Leisler and his son were condemned to death for high treason. These violent measures drove many of the inhabitants, who were fearful of being apprehended, into the neigh- bouring colonies which shortly after occasioned the pass^ ing an act of general indemnity. From the surrender of the province to the year 1683, the inhabitants were ruled by the duke's governours and their councils, who, from time to time, made rules -and orders, which were esteemed to be binding as laws. These, about the year 1674, were regularly collected under alphabetical titles ; and a fair copy of them re7 mains, among our records, to this day. They are com- monly known by the name of the duke's laws. The litle page of the book, written in the old court hand, ife in these bald words, JUS JNOViE EBORACENSIS ; VEL, LEGES ILLUSTRISSIMO PRINCIPE JACOBI DU€E. EBORACI ET ALBAN^E, ETC. INSTITUT.^: ET ORDINATJE, AD OBSERVANDUM IN TERRITORIIS AMERICA ; TRANaSCRIPT.E, ANNO DOMINI M.DC-LXXIV. Those acts which Avere made in 1683, and after the duke^s accession to the throne, when the people were admitted to a participation of the legislative power, are for the most part rotten, defaced, or lost. Few minutes relating to them remain on the council book?, and none in the journals of the house. 124 History of New- York, As this assembly, in 1691, was the first after the re- volution, it may not be improper to take some particur lar notice of its transactions.^ It began the 9th of April, according to the writs of summons issued on the 20th of March preceding. The journal of the house opens with a list of the memberf^ jreturned by the sheriffs. City and county of New- York. County of Richmond. James Graham, Efias Dukesbury, William Merrett, John Dally. Jacobus Van Courtlandt, County of Westchester* Johannes Kipp. John Pell. City and county of Albany. County of Suffolk. Derrick Wessels, Henry Pierson, Levinus Van Scayck. Mathew Howell, Ulster and Dutchess county* Queen's county. Henry Beekman, John Bound, ' Thomas Garton. Nathaniel PercalK King's county. TNTicholas Stillwell, John Poland. The members for Queen's county, being quakers> were afterwards dismissed, for refusing the oaths direct- ed by the governour's commission ; but all the rest -were qualified before two commissioners appointed for that purpose. James Graham was elected their speaker, and ap- proved by the governour. The majority of the members of this assembly were against the measures which Leisler pursued in the lat- * All laws made here, antecedent to this period, are disregarded both by the le«;islature and the courts of law. In the collection of our »cts, published in 1752, the compilers were directed tp begin at this assembly. The validity of the old grants of the powers of govern* toent, in several American cojouies, is ver^ much doubted in this pro* History of New-¥orJc. 125 ter part of his time ; and hence we find the house, after considering a petition, signed by sundry persons, against Leisler, unanimously resolved, that his dissolving the late convention, and imprisoning several persons, was tumultuous, illegal, and against their majesties' right,, and that the late depredations on Schenectady w^ere to be attributed to his usurpation of all power. They resolved against the late forcible seizures made of effects of the people, and against the levying of mo- ney on their majesties' subjects. And as to Leister's holding the fort against the governour, it was voted to be an act of rebellion. The house having, by these agreeal le resolves, pre- pared the way of their access to the governour, ad- dressed him in these words : " May it please your excellency, " We their majesties' most dutiful and loyal subjects, convened, by their majesties' most gracious favour, in general assembly, in this province, do, in all most hum- ble manner, heartily congratulate your excellency, that as, in our hearts, we do abhor and detest all the rebellious, arbitrary, and illegal proceedings of the late usurpers of their majesties' authority over this pro- vince, so we do, from the bottom of our hearts, with all integrity, acknowledge and declare, that there are none, that can or ought to have right to rule and go- vern their majesties' subjects here, but by their majes- ties' authority, which is now placed in your excellency; and therefore we do solemnly declare, that we will, with our lives and fortunes, support and maintain the administration of your excellency's government, under their majesties, against all their ^ majesties' enemies whatsoever : and this we humbly pray your excellency to accept as the sincere acknowledgment of all their History of New* York. majesties' good subjects within this their province ; praying for their majesties' long and happy reign over us, and that your excellency may long live and rule, as according to their majesties' most excellent constitution of governing their subjects by a general assembly," Before this house proceeded to pass any acts, they unanimously resolved, ^ That all the laws consented to by the general assembly, under James duke of York, and the liberties and privileges therein contained, granted to the people, and declared to be their rights, not being observed, nor ratified and approved by his royal highness, nor the late king, are null and void, and of none effect ; and also, the several ordinances, made by the late governours and councils, being con- trary to the constitution of England, and the practice of the government of their majesties' other plantations in America, are likewise null and void, and of no effect, nor force, within this province." Among the principal laws enacted at this session, we may mention that for establishing the revenue, which was drawn into precedent. The sums raised by it, were made payable into the hands of the receiver general, and issued by the governour's warrant. By this means the governour became, for a season, independent of the people, and hence we find frequent instances of the as- semblies contending with him for the discharge of debts to private persons, contracted on the faith of the go- vernment. Antecedent to the revolution, innumerable were the controversies relating to publick townships and private rights ; and hence, an act was now passed, for the con- firmation of ancient patents and grants, intended to put an end to those debates. A law was also passed for the History of Nhv-YorJc) 127 establishment of courts of justice, though a perpetual act had been made to tliat purpose in 1683, and the old court of assize entirely dissolved in 1684. As this en- acted in 1691, was a temporary law, it may hereafter be disputed, as it has been already, whether the present establishment of our courts, for general jurisdiction, by an ordinance, can consist even with the pi^eceding act, or tlie general rules of law- Upon the erection of the supreme com t, a chief justice, and four assistant judg- es, with an attorney general, were appointed. The chief justice, Joseph Dudley, had a salary of 130/, per an-- mmi; Johnson, the second judge, 100/. and both were payable out of the revenue ; but William Smith, Ste- phen Y an Courtlandt, and William Pinhorne, the other judges, and Newton, the attorney general, had nothing allowed for their services. It has, more than once, been a subject of animated debate, whether the people, in this colony, have a right to be represented in assembly, or whether it be a pri- vilege enjoyed through the grace of the crown. A me- morable act passed this session,, virtually declared in fa- vour of the former opinion, upon that, and several other of the principal and distinguishing liberties of English- men. It must, nevertheless, be confessed, that king William was afterwards pleased to repeal that law, in the year 1697.^ Colonel Sloughter proposed, immediately after the session, to set out to Albany, but as Leisler's party were enraged at his imprisonment, and the late sentence It was entitled, " An act declaTiug what are the rights and privi* leges of their majesties' subjects inhabiting within their province ©f New-York;' 128 History of New-Yorki. iigainst him, his enemies were afraid new troubled would' spring up in the absence of the governour ; for this rea- son, both the assembly and council advised that the pri- soners should be immediately executed* Sloughter, who had no inclination to favour them in this request, chose rather to delay such a violent step, being fearful of cut- ing off two men, who had vigorously appeared for the king, and so signally contributed to the revolution. Nothing could be more disagreeable to their enemies, whose interest was deeply concerned in their destruc- tion. And, therefore, when no other measures could prevail with the governour, tradition informs us, that a sumptuous feast was prepared, to which colonel Slough- ter was invited. When his excellency's reason wag drowned in his cups, the entreaties of the company pre- vailed with him to sign the death warrant, and before he recovered his senses, the prisoners were executed. Leisler's son afterwards carried home a complaint to king William, against the governour. His petition was referred, according to the common course of plantation affairs, to the lords commissioners of trade, who, after hearing the whole matter, reported on the 11 th of March, 1692, that they were humbly of opinion, that Jacob Leisler and .Jacob Milborne, deceased, were condemned and had suffered according to law.'' Their lordships, however, interceded for their families, as fit objects of mercy, and this induced queen Mary, who approved the report , on the 17th of March, to declare, " that upon the humble application of the relations of the said .Jacob Leisler and .Jacob Milborne, deceased, her majesty will order the estates of Jacob Leisler and Jacob Milborne, to be restored to their families, as objects of her majes- ty's mercy." The bodies of these unhappy sufTerers History of New-York. 129 were afterwards taken up and interred, with great pomp, in the old Dutch church, in the city of New-York. Their estates were restored to their families, and Leis- ler's children, in the publick estimation, are rather dig- nified, than disgraced, by the fall of their ancestor. These distractions in the province so entirely en- grossed the publick attention, that our Indian allies, who had been left solely to contend with the common enemy, grew extremely disaffected. The Mohawks, in particular, highly resented this conduct ; and, at the instance of the Caghnuagas, sent a messenger to Cana- da, to confer with count Frontenac about a peace. To prevent this, colonel Sloughter had an interview at Al- bany, in June, with the other four nations, who express- ed their joy at seeing a governour again in that place. They told him that their ancestors, as they had been informed, were greatly surprised at the arrival of the first ship in that country, and were curious to knoW what was its huge belly. That they found Christians in it, and one .Tacques, with whom they made a chain of friendship, which they had preserved to this day* All the Indians, except the Mohawks, assured the go^ vernour, at this meeting, of their resolution to prosecute the war. The Mohawks confessed their negociations with the French, that they had received a belt from Can« ada, and prayed the advice of the governoiu', and after- wards renewed their league with all our colonies. Sloughter soon after returned to New- York, and end- ed a short, weak, and turbulent administration, for he died suddenly on the 23d of July, 1691. Some were not without suspicions that he came unfairly to his end, but the certificate of the physician and surgeons who openr 17 130 Mistory of New- York ed his body, by an order of council, confuted these con- jectures, and his remains were interred in Stuyvesant'^i vault, next to those of the old Dutch governour. At the time of Sloughter's decease, the government devolved, according to the late act for declaring the rights of the people of this province, on the council, in which J oseph Dudley had a right to preside ; but they committed the chief command to Richaid Ingolsby, a captain of an independent company, who was sworn in- to the office of president on the 26th of July, 1698. Dudley, soon afterwards, returned to this province, from Boston, but did not think proper to dispute Ingolsby'sr authority^ though the latter had no title, nor the great- est abilities for government, and was besides obnox- ious to the party who had joined Leisler, having been an agent in the measures which accomplished his ruin. To the late troubles, which were then recent, and the agreement subsisting between the council and assembly, we must ascribe it, that the former tacitly acknowledg- ed Ingolsby's right to the president's chair ; for they concurred with him, in passing several laws, in autumn and the spring following, the validity of which has never yet been disputed. This summer major Schuyler,^^ with a party of Mo- hawks, passed through the lake Champlain, and made a bold irruption upon the French settlements, at the north * The French, from his great influence at Albany, and activity fimong the Indians, concluded that he was the governour of that city ; and hence their historians honour him with that title, though he was then only mayor of the corporation. " Pierre Schuyler, says Charle- toiXg etoit un fort hounete honiime." History of New-York. 131 aend of it.^' De Callieres, the governour of Montreal^ io oppose him, collected a small army, of eight hun-