Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/chroniclesofengl01froi_0 TRANCE ana tae aborning countries CHKONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, SPAIN, AND W&z atrfomtng Countries, FROM THE LATTER PART OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD II. TO THE CORONATION OF HENRY IV. BY SIR JOHN FROISSART. Craniate* from tfy dfrmrf) €fci'tum£. WITH VARIATIONS AND ADDITIONS FROM MANY CELEBRATED MSS. BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ. TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED, A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, AN ESSAY ON HIS WORKS, AND A CRITICISM ON HIS HISTORY. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. WILLIAM LONDON: SMITH, 113, FLEET MDCCCXLIV. STREET. LONDON : BRADBURY AND EVANS, PHINTERS, WH1TEKRIARS. ADVERTISEMENT. The Chronicles of Sir John Froissart have, ever since their first publication, when they were circulated only through the medium of manuscripts, and deemed worthy presents to kings and princes, been so highly prized, as to make any apology for their reproduction in a novel, and, it is hoped, an improved form, unnecessary. England is particularly rich in MS. Froissarts, and from these stores most of the illustrations have been drawn. The reader should, however, be made aware that there scarcely exists one single MS. contemporary with the time of the author containing illustrations, and that the dresses, &c. displayed in the wood-cuts interspersed in these volumes, are almost all to be referred to a later date. The manners of the times had not undergone much alteration, nor was the costume materially different, and they at least approach very nearly to an exact representation of the scenes described in the history they illustrate. It is difficult to represent the exquisite finish of ancient illuminations, through the medium of a copy composed of black lines and contrasted lights ; but the fidelity of the outlines, and the spirit of the execution, have been scrupulously observed, and it is hoped that the general effect does not discredit the originals. It may be necessary to say a few words on the mode which has been adopted in the conduct of the present edition. The text of J olmes has been preferred to that of Lord Berners for several reasons ; the more modern diction is better adapted for the extended circulation among all classes of readers, which it is the ambition of the proprietor of the Imperial Classics to achieve ; the style and language of Lord Berners would probably be preferred by those who are familiar with our earlier writers, but notes and glossaries would be required to make clear to others many words and expressions which to them appear in no degree obscure. Again, Mr. J ohnes has in several places introduced extensive additions, which are to be found in no other edition, French or English. If these were embodied in the text of Lord Berners, a proceeding necessary to make the edition complete, a very piebald piece of patch- work would be the result; and as the original of these additions was lost when Mr. J ohnes^ house and library were destroyed by fire, it is not possible to re-translate them in a style assimilated to that of the noble translator vi ADVERTISEMENT. Another objection to adopting the text of Lord Berners, is that imperfection which induced Mr. Johnes to undertake his translation, viz. the inaccuracies in rendering the names of both men and towns, &c. Mr. Johnes did much to correct these, which are dreadfully mangled and disfigured in the original ; and they have been still further improved in the present edition. It has not been thought neces- sary to point out all these emendations ; where no doubt existed, the alteration has been made silently ; but wherever there was any uncertainty, the emendation has been proposed as a query. All Mr. Jolmes's original notes have been preserved, and many more added on subjects which he had left unnoticed, or regarding which he appeared to be in error. A few of the best passages of Lord Berners' version have been appended as specimens of his style, such as the celebrated episode of Edward III. and the countess of Salisbury, vol. i., p. 102. The original divisions made by Froissart in his work are commented on and explained in the Essay by M. de St. Palaye, translated by Mr. Johnes, and appended to this edition, and it will therefore be sufficient in this place to explain the system here adopted. The four original divisions into volumes or books have been preserved, and the chapters of each book are separately numbered. For the convenience of binding, the whole work has been divided into two volumes, and the pages are numbered in conformity with this division, without reference to the books or chapters. No two editions or MSS. exactly agree in the arrangement of the chapters, and we have therefore adhered to that adopted by Mr. Johnes. We will now take our leave of the reader in the words of Gray, who, in a letter to a friend, thus addresses him: — " I rejoice you have met with Froissart ; he is the Herodotus of a barbarous age ; had he but had the luck of writing in as good a language, he might have been immortal ! His locomotive disposition, (for then there was no other way of learning things,) his simple curiosity, his religious credulity, were much like those of the old Grecian. When you have tant chevauce as to get to the end of him, there is Monstrelet waits to take you up, and will set you down at Philip de Commines." CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. PJGE Life of the Author . ... xvii Essay on his Works . ... xxviii Criticism on the History of Froissart . . xxxvi chap. BOOK I. 1. Of the bravest knights of this present book . 3 2. Of some of the predecessors of king Edward of England . . . . .4 3. Of the relations of king Edward the third . 5 4. The occasion of the wars between the kings of 1 England and France . . . ib. 5. How earl Thomas of Lancaster, and twenty-two of the greatest nobles in England, were beheaded ib. 6. The queen of England goes to complain of sir Hugh Spencer to her brother the king of France . . . . .6 7. Sir Hugh Spencer causes the queen Isabella to be sent out of France . . .7 8. The queen Isabella leaves France and goes to Germany . . . • .8 9.. Queen Isabella arrives in England with sir John de Hainault . . . .10 10. The queen of England besieges her husband in the city of Bristol . . . .11 11. Sir Hugh Spencer the elder, and the earl of Arundel, are adjudged to death . . 12 12. The king of England and sir H. Spencer are taken at sea, as they were endeavouring to escape from Bristol castle . . ib. 13. Sir Hugh Spencer judged and executed . 13 14. The coronation of king Edward III. . . 14 15. Robert Bruce, king of Scotland, defies king Edward . . . . .15 16. A dissension between the archers of England and the Hainaulters . . . .16 17. Of the manners of the Scots, and how they carry on war . . . . .18 18. King Edward's first expedition against the Scots 19 19. King Edward marries the lady Philippa of Hainault . . . . .25 20. Robert, king of Scotland, dies . . 26 21. Philip of Valois crowned king of France . 29 22. The battle of Cassel in Flanders . . 30 23. The earl of Kent and sir Roger Mortimer put to death . . . . 1 ib. 24. King Edward pays homage to the king of France for the duchy of Guienne . . .31 25. Robert, count D'Artois, banished France . 34 26. King Edward takes the city of Berwick . ib. 27. King Philip of France and several other knights put on the cross . . . .38 28. King Edward is advised by his council to make war against king Philip of France . . 39 29. Jacob Van Artaveld governs ail Flanders . 41 30. Certain nobles of Flanders defend the island of Cadsant against the English . . 43. 31. The battle of Cadsant, between the English and the Flemings attached to the earl of Flanders 44 32. King Edward makes great alliances in the empire 45 CHAP. PAGR 33. David, king of Scotland, forms an alliance with Philip, king of France . . .46 34. King Edward of England made vicar of the empire of Germany . . . .47 35. King Edward and his allies send challenges to the king of France . . . .48 36. Sir Walter Manny, after the challenges had been sent, makes the first incursion into France . 49 37. The French, after the challenges, invade England 50 38. King Edward besieges the city of Cambray . ib. 39. King Edward creates sir Henry of Flanders a knight, and afterwards marches into Picardy . 52 40. The kings of France and of England appoint a day for their armies to engage . . 54 41. The kings of France and England draw up their armies in battle array at Vironfosse . .55 42. The two kings retire from Vironfosse without giving battle . . . .56 43. King Edward assumes the arms and title of king of France . . . . .57 44. The French destroy the territories of sir John of Hainault . . . . .58 45. The earl of Hainault takes and destroys Auben- ton, in Tierache . . . .61 46 Those of Tournay make an incursion into Flanders . . . . .63 47. John, duke of Normandy, marches into Hainault 65 48. The garrison of Douay makes an incursion into Ostrevant, during the absence of the earl of Hainault in England and in Germany . 68 49. The duke of Normandy lays siege to Thin L'Ev^que . . . . .69 50. The naval engagement between the king of Eng- land and the French, before Sluys . . 72 51. Robert, king of Sicily, endeavours to make peace between the kings of France and England . 73 52. The king of England and his allies hold a con- ference at Vilvorde . . . .74 53. The king of England besieges the city of Tournay with a powerful army . . . ib. 54. The earl of Hainault destroys the towns of Seclin and Orchies . . . .76 55. The Scots recover great part of their country during the siege of Tournay . . .77 56. The king of France assembles a large army in order to raise the siege of Tournay . .78 57. Some of the garrison of Bouchain defeat a body of soldiers from Mortaque before the town of Conde 79 58. Sir William de Bailleul and sir Vauflarts de la Croix, make an excursion to Pont a Tressin . 80 59. The earl of Hainault attacks the fortress of Mortaque in various manners . .81 60. The earl of Hainault takes the town of St. Ar- mand, during the siege of Tournay . . 82 6 1 . Sir Charles dc Montmorency, and many others of the French, captured at Pont a Tressin . 83 62. The Flemings advance at St. Omer during the siege of Tournay . . . .84 63. The siege of Tournay raifed by means of a truce 85 CONTENTS. viii CHAP. PAGE ! 64. The duke of Brittany dies without heirs ; upon j which a war ensues for the succession . 87 65. The earl of Montfort takes the town and castle of Brest . . . . .89 66. The earl of Montfort takes the city of Rennes . 90 67. The earl of Montfort takes the town and castle of Hennebon . . . . ib. 68. The earl of Montfort does homage to the king of England for the dukedom of Brittany . 92 69. The earl of Montfort summoned before the parliament of Paris, at the request of the lord Charles de Blois . . . . ib. 70. The duchy of Brittany adjudged by the parlia- ment of Paris to the lord Charles de Blois . 93 71. The lords of France enter Brittany with lord Charles de Blois . . . .94 72. The earl of Montfort taken prisoner at Nantes, and the manner of his death . . 95 73. The king of England for the third time makes war upon the Scots . . . .96 74. King David of Scotland advances with a large army to Newcastle-upon-Tyne . . 97 75. King David of Scotland takes and destroys the city of Durham . . . .99 76. The king of Scotland besieges Wark Castle, be- longing to the earl of Salisbury . .100 77. The king of England is enamoured with the countess of Salisbury . . . 1 02 78. The earls of Salisbury and Moray are set at liberty in exchange for each other . . . 104 79. Lord Charles de Blois with some other lords of France take the city of Rennes . . ib. 80. The lord Charles de Blois besieges the countess of Montfort in Hennebon . . . 105 81. Sir Walter Manny conducts tho English into Brittany . . . . .107 82. The castle of Conquet twice taken . . 108 83. The lord Lewis takes the towns of Dinant and Guerrande . . . . .109 81. Sir Walter Manny defeats the lord Lewis of Spain, at Quimperle . . .110 85. Sir Walter Manny takes the castle of Guy la Foret . . . . .111 86. The lord Charles de Blois takes the town of Carhaix . . . . .112 87. Sir John Boteler and Sir Matthew Trelawney ! are rescued from death . . .113 88. Lord Charles de Blois takes the town and castle of Jugon . . . .115 89. The king of England makes great feasts and tour- naments at London, through affection for the countess of Salisbury . . . ib. 90. The king of England sends the lord Robert d'Artois into Brittany . . .117 91. A sea engagement, off Guernsey, between the lord Robert d'Artois and the lord Lewis of Spain 118 92. The lord Robert d'Artois takes the city of Vannes . . . . .119 93. The death of the lord Robert d'Artois . . 120 94. The king of England continues the war in per- son in Brittany . . . .121 95. The lord of Clisson and sir Herve de Leon are taken prisoners by the English . .122 96. The king of England takes the town of Dinant. — The lord Lewis of Spain makes some cruises at sea . . . . ib. 97. The duke of Normandy brings with him some lords of France, to oppose the king of England in Brittany ..... 123 98. The king of England and the duke of Normandy encamp their armies opposite to each other, near to Vannes . . . . ib. j CHAP. PAGR 99. The king of France orders the lord of Clisson, and many other lords of Brittany and Nor- mandy, to be beheaded . . .124 100. King Edward institutes the order of St. George at Windsor - . . .125 101. The king of England sets at liberty sir Herve de Leon . . . .126 102. The king of England sends the earl of Derby to make war in Gascony . . .127 103. The earl of Derby conquers Bergerac . . 128 104. The earl of Derby conquers many towns and fortresses in Upper Gascony . . .130 105. The earl of Oxford is taken prisoner in Gascony, but set at liberty by exchange . .131 106. The count de Lisle, lieutenant for the king of France in Gascony, lays siege to the castle of Auberoche . . . . .132 107. The earl of Derby makes the count of Lisle, and nine more counts and viscounts, prisoners, be- fore Auberoche . . . .134 108. The earl of Derby takes different towns in Gas- cony, in his road towards La Reole . .135 109. The earl of Derby lays siege to La Reole, which surrenders to him . . . .137 110. Sir Walter Manny finds, in La Reole, the sepul- chre of his father . . . .138 111. The earl of Derby conquers the castle of La Reole 139 112. The earl of Derby takes castle Moron, and after- wards Villefranche, in Perigord . .140 113. The earl of Derby conquers the city of Angou- 16me 141 114. Sir Godfrey de Harcourt banished from France . 142 115. Jacob Van Artaveld is murdered at Ghent . ib. 116. William earl of Hainault is slain in Friezland, and many noblemen with him . .145 117. Sir John of Hainault quits the alliance of Eng- land for that of France . . . ib. 118. The duke of Normandy marches with a great army into Gascony, against the earl of Derby 146 119. Sir John Norwich escapes from Angoule'me, when that town surrenders to the French . 148 120. The duke of Normandy lays siege to Aiguillon, with a hundred thousand men . .149 121. The king of England marches into Normandy with his army, in three battalions . . 152 ! 122. The king of France collects a large force to oppose the king of England . . . 154 123. The battle of Caen.— The English take the town ..... 155 124. The English commit great disorders in Norman- dy. — Sir Godfrey de Harcourt encounters the men of Amiens, on their way to Paris, and king Edward marches into Picardy . .158 125. The king of France pursues the king of England in the country of Beauvais . . 1 60 126. The battle of Blanchetaque, between the king of England and Sir Godemar du Fay . .161 127. The order of battle of the English at Crecy, who were drawn up in three battalions on foot . 163 128. The order of the French army at Crecy . ib. 129. The battle of Crecy, between the kings of France and of England . . . .164 130. The English, on the morrow, again defeat the French . . . . .168 131. The English number the dead slain at the battle of Crecy . . . . ib. 132. The king of England lays siege to Calais. — The poorer sort of the inhabitants are sent out of it 169 133. The duke of Normandy raises the siege of Aiguillon ... ib. 134. Sir Walter Manny, by means of a passport, rides through Fiance from Aiguillon to Calais . 170 CONTENTS. ix CHAP. 135. The earl of Derby takes many towns and castles in Poitou, and the city of Poitiers 136. The king of Scotland, during the siege of Calais, invades England .... 1 37. The battle of Ncvil's Cross . 138. John Copeland takes the king of Scotland pri- soner, and receives great advantages from it . 139. The young earl of Flanders is betrothed, through the constraint of the Flemings, to the daughter of the king of England. — He escapes to France in a subtle manner .... 140. The lord Robert de Namur does homage to the king of England before Calais 141. The English conquei La Roche-d'Errien, to which place the lord Charles de Blois lays siego .... 142. The combat of La Roche-d'Errien, where the lord Charles de Blois is made prisoner 143. The king of France collects a great army, to raise the siege of Calais 144. The king of England guards all the passes round Calais, so that the king of France cannot approach to raise the siege 145. The town of Calais surrenders to the king of England ..... 1 46. The king of England re-peoples Calais 147. A robber of the name of Bacon does much mis- chief in Languedoc .... 148. A page, of the name of Croquart, turns robber . 1 49. Sir Amery de Pavie plots with sir Geoffry de Chargny, to sell the town of Calais . 150. The battle of Calais, between the king of Eng- land, under the banner of sir Walter Manny, with sir Geoffry de Chargny and the French . 151. The king of England presents a chaplet of pearls to sir Eustace de Ribeaumont Additions from two MSS. in the Hafod Library, not in any of the printed copies 152. The death of king Philip, and coronation of his son John ..... 153. The king of Navarre causes the lord Charles of Spain, constable of France, to be murdered ; with other matters .... 154. The tax of the gabelle imposed throughout France, by the three estates, on account of the war ..... 155. The king of France arrests the king of Navarre, and orders the earl of Harcourt and others to be beheaded at Rouen 156. The king of France issues out summons for assembling an army to combat the prince of Wales, who was overrunning the province of Berry . . . . . '209 157. The prince of Wales takes the castle Romorantin 211 158. The king of France leads a great army to the battle of Poitiers . . . .212 159. The disposition of the French before the battle of Poitiers .... 214 160. The "cardinal de Perigord endeavours to make peace between the king of France and the prince of Wales, previous to the battle of Poitiers . . . . .215 161. The battle of Poitiers, between the prince of Wales and the king of France 162. Two Frenchmen, running away from the battle of Poitiers, are pursued by two Englishmen^ who are themselves made prisoners . . 163. The manner in which king John was taken pri- soner at the battle of Poitiers 164. The prince of Wales makes a handsome present to the Lord James Audlcy, after the battle of Poitiers . . . . .224 171 173 174 178 179 181 . 182 183 184 185 186 189 190 191 192 ib. 195 196 201 203 206 208 217 222 223 CHAP. PAGE 165. The English gain very considerably at the battle of Poitiers ..... 225 166. The lord James Audley gives to his squires the pension of five' hundred marcs he had received from the prince .... 226 167. The prince of Wales entertains the king of France at supper, the evening after the battle . ib. 168. The prince of Wales returns to Bourdeaux, after the battle of Poitiers . . . 228 169. The three estates of France assemble at Paris, after the battle of Poitiers . . 230 170. The three estates send men-at-arms against sir Godfrey de Harcourt . . .231 171. The battle of Coutantin, between sir Godfrey de Harcourt and sir Raoul de Reyneval . 232 172. The prince of Wales conducts ftie king of France from Bourdeaux to England . . 233 173. David Bruce, king of Scotland, obtains his liberty . . . . .235 174. The duke of Lancaster lays siege to Rennes . ib. 175. A knight of the county of Evreux, called sir William de Graville, reconquers the city and castle of Evreux from the king of France, who had taken it from the king of Navarre . ib. 176. The Archpriest assembles a company of men-at- arms. — He is much honoured at Avignon . 238 177. A Welchman, of the name of Ruffin, commands a troop of the free companies . . ib. 178. The provost of the merchants of Paris kills three knights in the apartment of the regent . 239 179. By what means the king of Navarre escapes out of prison . . ib. 180. The king of Navarre makes a solemn harangue to the Parisians . . . 240 181. The commencement of the infamous Jacquerie of Beauvoisis . . . . ib. 183. The king of Navarre defeats many of the villains in Beauvoisis. — The provost of merchants builds a wall round Paris . . . 241 184. The battle of Meaux in Brie, where the villains are discomfited by the earl of Foix and the captal of Buch . . . . ib. 185. Paris besieged by the duke of Normandy, regent of France . . . . .243 186. Some Parisians are slain at St. Cloud, by the English, who had been soldiers in Paris . 244 1 87. The death of the provost of the merchants of Paris 245 188. The king of Navarre declares war against France, the French king being at the time a prisoner in England .... 247 189. The Navarrois are besieged in the castle of Mauconseil by the men of Picardy . . 249 190. Several of the citizens of Amiens attempt to give up that city to the Navarrois. — A famine in France . . . . .250 191. The men of Picardy besiege the Navarrois in St. Valery. — The kingdom of France is filled with Navarrois . . . .251 192. The canon de Robesart defeats the Navarrois in the Laonnois, near to Creil . . . 253 193. The Navarrois surrender St. Valery to the French, who had besieged it a long time . 254 194. The lord Philip de Navarre assembles three thousand men to raise the siege of St. Valery . 255 195. Sir Peter Audley leads a party of Navarrois, in the night, to take Chalons . . . 257 196. The earl de Roucy taken a second time . 258 197. Three queens, with the Navarrois, are besieged in Melun . . . . . ib. 1 98. Sir Broquart de Fenestrages, with many French, draw up in battle array against sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt and the English in Champagne 259 X CONTENTS. CHAP. 199. The battle of Nogent-sur-Seine, between sir Broquart de Fenestrages and the French, and sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt and the English . 200. The pillagers, who had kept possession of different fortresses in France, begin wonderfully to fall off . . . • 201. The French refuse to ratify the treaty which king John had entered into with England 202. Sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt obtains his liberty by a great ransom .... 203. Sir Broquart de Fenestrages forces payment from the duke of Normandy, regent of France 204. Sir Robert Knolles makes an excursion into Berry and Auvergne. — He is pursued by the gentlemen of those countries 205. Some Germans wait for the king of England at Calais, to attend him in his expedition into France, during the time king John was in England . 206. The king of England leads a great army into France, during the time the king of France was a prisoner in England. — The arrangement of the army of England 207. The king of England leaves Calais. — The order of his army in their march through Picardy towards Rheims . . . . 208. The king of England lays siege to the city of Rheims, and to the castle of Chargny. — The war re-commences between the duke of Nor- mandy and the king of Navarre 2C9. The lord of Roye and his company defeat the remainder of the troops of the lord of Gome- gines. — The castle of Commercy surrenders to the English . 21 0. The king of England, after he had raised the siege of Rheims, wastes and destroys all the countries he passes through. — He comes to Guillon, where he remains. — Great quantities of provision fol- low the army . 211. The king of England lays the kingdom of France under great tribulation. — A Cordelier friar pro- phesies. — The English place an ambuscade for those who should come out of Paris . 212. The form and tenor of the paper drawn up as articles of the peace which was concluded before Chartres, between- the kings of France and England . . . 213. The transactions of the two kings of France and England, when at Calais, respecting the duchy of Brittany and some lands of the late Godfrey de Harcourt. — King John sets out from Calais and returns home in freedom 214. Commissioners appointed on both sides to seethe garrisons in the kingdom of France evacuated. Different bodies of armed men overrun the kingdom, and do much mischief . . 215. The lord James de Bourbon and his army are defeated by these freebooting companies. — The Pope orders a croisade to be proclaimed, after they have taken the Pont du St. Esprit, and finds means to get rid of them . . 216. The deaths of the dukes of Lancaster and of -Bur- gundy, which last causes new dissensions be- tween the kings of France and Navarre. — The prince of Wales crosses the sea to Aquitaine 217. The kings of France and of Cyprus undertake and swear to perform a croisade against the infidels. — The king of Cyprus makes earnest solicitations for assistance to many kings and princes in divers places of Christendom 218. The king of England detains the hostages as prisoners. — The king of Cyprus uses great en- 260 262 . 263 264 ib. 265 266 267 269 273 276 278 280 284 290 292 295 300 303 treaties with the kings of Navarre and England, and the prince of Wales, to induce them to undertake this croisade against the Saracens 304 219. King John returns, of his own free will, to Eng- land, and dies there . . . 307 220. King Charles of France makes wise preparations against the king of Navarre, immediately after the death of king John his father, and before his coronation . . . .310 221. The king of Cyprus returns to Pars. — The fune- ral of King John at St. Denis. — The captal de Buch makes an attack on Sir Bertrand du Guesclin . . . .313 222. The battle between the French under Sir Ber- trand du Guesclin, and the Navarrois under the captal de Buch, at Cocherel in Normandy. — The captal is made prisoner, and victory declares for the French . .317 223. Charles V., surnamed the Wise, is crowned king of France. — His brother Philip is invested with the duchy of Burgundy, and sent against the free companies of pillagers . . . 322 224. The lord Lewis of Navarre makes incursions into France. — The duke of Burgundy plans several expeditions against him, but is forced to go into Burgundy, to defend it against the earl de Mountbeliart .... 324 225. King Charles orders the duke of Burgundy to besiege La Charite. — He wants it to surrender unconditionally, that he may send assistance to lord Charles de Blois, who is contesting the duchy of Brittany with the earl of Montfort 326 226. The lord Charles de Blois advances against the earl of Montfort in order of battle. — Sir John Chandos, after having drawn up the battalions of the earl of Montfort, prevents the treaty from taking place which the lord de Beau- manoir was negociating between the two pre- tenders to the duchy of Brittany . • 328 227. The battle of Auray, in which Sir Bertrand du Guesclin is made prisoner, Chas. de Blois is slain, and John de Montfort is victorious . 332 228. The chiefs attached to the earl of Montfort retire after the victory at Auray. — The earl's conduct on seeing Charles de Blois dead. — Truces granted for burying the slain. — In what manner the king of England was informed of the event of this battle of Auray . . . 334 229. The Earl of Montfort conquers Auray and several other places from the widow of lord Charles de Blois King Charles interposes between them and makes peace. — A peace is also made be- tween the kings of France and Navarre, through the medium of the captal de Buch . . 336 230. A war in Spain between the king, Don Pedro of Castille, and his bastard brother Henry, to whose aid the lord John de Bourbon and Sir Bertrand du Guesclin lead the pillaging com- panies. — Henry, by their means, is crowned king of Castille .... 339 231. King Don Pedro sends to entreat the prince of Wales' assistance against his brother Henry the Bastard. — He retires into Guienne, where he is well received by the princo . . 343 232. The prince of Wales holds a grand conference at Bourdeaux on the affairs of the king of Castille. He receives letters from the king of England to assent to the proposals of assisting Don Pe- dro. He makes overtures to the king of Na" varre, for a free passage through his kingdom, to enable him to conduct Don Pedro back to Castille . . . . .346 CONTENTS. 233. The prince of "Wales makes preparations for re- placing Don Pedro on his throne of Castillo. Henry the Bastard, though late informed of it, endeavours to prevent it . . 349 234. The viscount of Narhonne, the seneschal of Tou- louse, with other French lords, having attacked some of the free companies, that were come into France according to the orders of the prince, are discomfited near Montauhan. — The pope forbids the prisoners whom the companies had taken, and set free on their parole after the combat, to keep their faith, or to pay any ransom ..... 351 235. During the time the prince of Wales is preparing for his expedition into Castille, the king of Majorca seeks refuge with him against the king of Arragon. — The prince displeases the Lord D'Albret . . . .355 236. The birth of Richard, son of the prince of Wales. — The arrival of the duke of Lancaster to ac- company his brother on his intended expedition. — New treaties with the king of Navarre, for the security of passing through his kingdom. — Sir Bertrand du Guesclin returns to the assist- ance of king Henry . . . • 357 237. The prince of Wales and his army pass the moun- tains of Navarre, and arrive at Pampeluna.*— King Henry of Castille writes letters to him. — Sir William Felton commands an advanced party of the army . . 359 238. The king of Navarre is made prisoner by sir Olivier de Mauny, a Breton and partisan of king Henry. — The prince of Wales advances to Salvatierra in Spain. — Sir William Felton skirmishes with the enemy near the quarters of the king of Spain. — The two armies advance towards each other .... 363 239. The arrival of Sir Bertrand du Guesclin to the aid of king Henry.— Don Tello attacks the advanced guard of the prince of Wales, defeats sir William Felton and his body of men . 365 240. Sir Arnold d'Andreghen gives good advice to king Henry of Castille. — The prince of Wales sends a tardy answer to the king's letter . 367 241. The battle of Navaretta, which the prince of Wales, supporting the part of king Don Pedro against his brother the bastard, gains.— Sir Ber- trand du Guesclin is made prisoner, and king Henry forced to fly, after having fought most valiantly . . . . .369 242. All Castille, after the battle of Navaretta, acknow- ledge Don Pedro. — He protracts the stay of the Prince of Wales at Valladolid, whilst he seeks for money to pay the army . . 375 243. King Henry of Castille, having escaped from the battle of Najarra, makes war upon Aquitaine. — The prince of Wales leaves Spain, discon- tented with the king Don Pedro . . 377 244. After the return of the prince to Aquitaine, Henry king of Castille leaves Bagnieres in Bigorre, and retires to the kingdom of Arra- gon. — Sir Bertrand du Guesclin obtains his ransom. — The free companies of the prince enter the kingdom of France. — Some of the great barons of Aquitaine complain to king Charles of France of a certain tax, called Fouage, which the prince was about to lay on their lands . . . . .381 245. The bastard Henry of Castille, by the assistance of the king of Arragon and sir Bertrand du Guesclin, again makes war upon his brother Don Pedro. — Having defeated him in a battle, he is made prisoner, and murdered. — Henry remains king of Spain . . . 384 246. King Charles V. is advised to declare himself lord paramount of Guienne and Aquitaine, on account of the hearth tax which the prince of Wales was about to raise. — This causes a re- newal of the war between the French and English . . . . .390 247. The king of France sends a summons to the prince of Wales, to appear in the chamber of peers at Paris, in the matter of an appeal from the barons of Gascony . . .394 248. The prince of Wales imprisons the commissioners from the king of France, who had brought him the summons of appeal from the lords of Gascony to the court of France . . 395 249. The duke of Berry and several more lords who had been hostages in England, return to France 396 250. The earl of Perigord, the viscount of Carmaing, and other barons of Gascony, defeat the high steward of Rouergue . . . 398 251. The king of France gains over several captains of the free companies. He sends his defiance to the king of England . . .399 252. Challenges from France are delivered to the king of England. — The Earl de St. Pol and the lord de Chatillon conquer the county of Ponthieu ..... 400 253. The king of England sends a large body of men- at-arms to the borders of Scotland. — The dukes of Berry and of Anjou issue their orders for their vassals to attack the prince of Wales . 402 254. Several captains of companies side with different parties. — The king of England sends the Earl of Cambridge and the earl of Pembroke to the assistance of his son the prince of Wales. — They pass through Brittany . . . ib. 255. The earls of Cambridge and of Pembroke arrive at Angouleme. — The prince sends them to overrun the county of Perigord. — Some Eng- lish are defeated near Lusignan . . 404 256. Sir John Chandos takes Terrieres. — The earl of Perigord and many other knights lay siege to Realville in Quercy . . . 405 257. The archbishop of Toulouse turns the city of Cahors and several other towns to the party of the king of France. — The dukes of Gueldres and of Juliers send defiances to the kingof France 406 258. The duke of Burgundy, brother to king Charles V., marries the daughter of the earl of Flanders. — The king of England enters into negociations with the king of Navarre . . . 408 259. The constables of France and of Hainault under- take a grand expedition to attack Ardres. — The fortress of Realville is taken, and all the Eng- lish who were in it put to the sword . . 410 260. The French take La Roche Posay. — The sene- schal of Poitou burns and destroys the lands of the lord de Chauvigny, and takes by assault his principal town of Brux . . .411 261. Sir Robert Knolles is appointed captain of the prince's company. — He causes sir Perducas d' Albret to turn to the English. — He besieges the French companies in the fort of Durmel 412 262. Sir Robert Knolles and Sir John Chandos raise the siege of Durmel. — They lay siege to the castle of Domme . . . .414 263. Sir Robert Knolles and sir John Chandos march from Domme without doing anything. — They take Gavaches, Rochemador, and several other towns which had turned to the party of the French ..... 415 xii CONTENTS. . 416 417 419 ib. . 421 . 422 424 426 427 CHAP. 264. The earls of Cambridge and of Pembroke con quer the garrison of Bourdeilles 265. Sir Robert Knolles, sir John Chandos, and sir Thomas Felton, marshal their men, and return to the prince of Wales 266. The free companies attached to the English take the castle of Belleperche, and the mother of the duke of Bourbon who was in it. They also take the strong castle of St, Sauveur in Berry 418 267. The king of France, intending to send a large naval armament to the English coast, is pre- vented by the arrival of the duke of Lancaster at Calais .... 268. The castle of La Roche Sur Yon surrenders to the English. — The governor of it put to death, by orders from the duke of Anjou 269. The duke of Burgundy marches from the city of Rouen, with the intention of combating the duke of Lancaster and the English. — The two armies are encamped opposite to each other at Tourneheim 270. Sir John Chandos does great mischief to the province of Anjou. — He despoils the estates of the viscount de Roche-Chouart, except the fortresses and strong-holds 271. The lord Louis de Sancerre surprises the earl of Pembroke. — Several of his men are slain, and the earl is besieged in a house at Puirenon 272. Sir John Chandos comes to the assistance of the earl of Pembroke, besieged in Puirenon 273. The death of queen Philippa of England : she makes three requests to the king on her death- bed. — Some Frenchmen, having attacked the English camp at Tourneheim, are repulsed by sir Robert de Namur 274. The duke of Burgundy and his army decamp without a battle. — The duke of Lancaster re- turns to Calais .... 429 275. The earl of Pern broke, desirous of avenging him- self for the defeat he received at Puirenon, makes an incursion to Anjou. — The Abbey of St. Salvin in Poitou is betrayed to the French, and forfeited .... 276. The county of St. Pol in Picardy is pillaged and ruined by the English. — Sir Hugh de Chastillon is taken prisoner - . . 278. Sir John Chandos is slain in a skirmish. — The French, at first victorious, are in the end defeated .... 279. The lord de Coucy and the lord de Pommiers are unwilling to take part with either side in this war. — The lords de Maleval and de Mar- neil turn to the French 280. The form of the letter which the English king sent into Aquitaine. — Chatelheraut is taken by the French, and Belleperche is besieged 281. The earls of Cambridge and Pembroke carry off the mother of the duke of Bourbon with the garrison of Belleperche. — The duke of Bourbon takes possession of that castle 282. The four brothers of France have a meeting. — Their preparations for the war. — The mother of the duke of Bourbon obtains her liberty. — A treaty entered into between the kings of France and Navarre .... 283. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin leaves Spain and arrives at Toulouse, where the duke of Anjou re- ceives him with great joy. — They take together several castles from the English 284. The duke of Berry invades Limousin 285. A truce is established between England and Scotland. — Sir Robert Knolles over-runs, burns 430 431 433 438 439 441 443 444 445 and ravages the whole countries of Picardy and Vermandois .... 447 286. The garrison of Noyon make the English priso- ners who had set fire to Pont L' Ev6que. — The king of France sends, for sir Bertrand du Guesclin ..... 287. The prince of Wales assembles his army at Cognac, where he meets his brother the duke of Lancaster. — The dukes of Anjou and Berry break up their expedition, Limoges having turned to the French 288. The prince of Wales, anxious to recover Limoges, lays siege to it, and undermines it 289. Sir Robert Knolles, in continuing his incursions through different provinces of France, advances near to Paris. — A knight of his army, in return- ing from a vain-glorious expedition, is slain by a butcher of Paris 290. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin takes the fortress of St. Yrier in Limousin. — The prince of Wales reconquers Limoges 291. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin is made constable of France ..... 292. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin and the lord de Clisson defeat the forces of sir Robert Knolles at Pont-Valin .... 293. Sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt is made prisoner and ransomed. — Sir Raymond de Marneil, a partisan of France, is taken, and in imminent danger, but saved by his keeper 294. The prince of Wales, having lost by death his eldest son, gives up the duchy of Aquitaine to the care of the duke of Lancaster. — Four knights of Brittany take the castle of Mont-Paon 295. The four knights defend themselves against the duke of Lancaster. — The duke, on taking the place, admits them to ransom 296. The duke of Lancaster disbands his army, and returns to Bourdeaux. — The lord de Pons turns to the French party 297. The English take the castle of Montcontour 298. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, constable of France, besieges the town of Uses, which surrenders to him upon capitulation 299. The king of England's anger against sir Robert Knolles is appeased Peace is made between the English and Flemings 300. The king of Majorca is ransomed from king Henry of Spain. — He makes war on the king of Arragon ..... 301. The duke of Lancaster espouses the eldest daughter of the late Don Pedro, king of Spain. — Treaties of alliance are entered into between the kings of France and Spain 302. The duke of Lancaster appoints governors in Guienne: he returns to England, and carries his lady with him. — Sir Walter Manny dies in London .... 303. The king of England appoints the earl of Pem- broke governor of Aquitaine. — The Spaniards, being allies of France, attack him at sea, off La Rochelle . 304. The inhabitants of La Rochelle refuse to assist the earl of Pembroke. — The seneschal and the lord de Tannaybouton, with others, come to his aid .... 305. The earl of Pembroke is defeated, and made prisoner by the Spaniards. — They sail from La Rochelle with their prisoners.— The captal de Buch arrives there, but too late 306. Evan of Wales defeats the English off the island of Guernsey. — The king of France sends him 449 450 451 452 453 455 456 458 159 460 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 471 472 CONTENTS. xiii CHAP. PAGE CHAP. to Spain to seek for men-at-arms, to lay siege j 326. to La Rochelle . . . 474 307. The king of England is much cast down at the capture of the earl of Pembroke. — Evan of Wales meets the earl a prisoner in Spain . 475 308. The constable du Guesclin takes the castle of 327. Monmorillon, and other places in Poitou . 476 309. The constable of France takes Moncontour by a capitulation. — He marches from theYice to form a junction with the duke of Berry in the Li- 328. mousin, when they lay siege to St. Severe . 477 310. The garrison of St. Severe, after a sharp assault, 329. surrenders to Sir Bertrand du Guesclin. — The city of Poitiers turns to the French party . 479 311. The French make the captal de Buch prisoner. — 330. La Rochelle turns to the French . . 480 312. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin takes several castles in the Rochellois. — The king of England embarks to come to the assistance of Thouars, but is 331. prevented by contrary winds : upon which those of Thouars, and many others in Poitou, surrender to the French . . . 483 313. The duke of Brittany dares not openly declare for the king of England. — Sir Bertrand du Guesclin lays siege to Civray. — The English are defeated, and the whole of the countries of Poitou, Saintonge, and La Rochelle, are given up to the French .... 487 314. The siege of Becherel. — Peace between the kings of France and Navarre. — The death of the king of Scotland . . . .490 315. The earl of Salisbury, Sir William Neville, Sir Philip Courtenay, with many other men at arms, land in Brittmy.— The constable of France marches thither ; on which the duke of Brittany goes to England . .491 316. The French besiege four different places. — La 6. Roche-sur-Yon surrenders to the French. — The siege of Brest is raised by a capitulation, which is not kept .... 493 7. 317. The duke of Lancaster lands at Calais, and in- vades Picardy — A part of his army defeated by the lord deBoursiersbeforeRibemout. — Another part of his army is defeated near Soissons by an ambuscade of Burgundians and French . 496' 9. 318. The hostages sent from Derval are beheaded. — Sir Robert Knolles retaliates on those prisoners \ 10. whom he had taken. — The duke of Lancaster ) finishes his expedition . . . 499 | 11 319. The duke of Anjou'« campaign into Upper Gascony 500 320. The earl of Pembroke and his companions are ransomed. — A short truce between the French 12. and English. — Becherel surrenders on terms. — The death of the earl of Pembroke . .501 321. Several towns in Gascony surrender to the king of France. — Sir Hugh de Chastillon returns 13. from prison. — The castle of Becherel surrenders to the French . . . .502 322. A truce agreed on at Bruges between the kings of France and England. — The duke of Brittany 1 4. retires to his own country, and regains some of his towns and castles . . . 504 323. Some Breton lords of the French party are near being taken by the duke of Brittany, but are delivered by the truces at Bruges . . 506 15 324. St. Sauveur Le Vicomte surrenders to the French. — The lord de Coucy leads a large army into Austria, which he claims as his in- heritance ..... 507 325. The truce between France and England is pro- longed. — The death of the Black Prince. — The lord de Coucy returns, having had indifferent success ..... 508 Richard, son to the prince of Wales, is acknow- ledged as presumptive heir to the crown of England. — The negociations for peace having failed, and the truces expired, the war is re- newed between the French and English . 509 Pope Gregory XL leaves Avignon, and returns to Rome. — On the death of Edward III. Richard, son of the late prince of Wales, is crowned king of England . . .510 The king of France equips for sea a large fleet, which burns several towns in England . 512 The town of Ardies surrenders to the French. — The death of the captal de Buch and of the queen of France . . . .513 The war recommences between the king of France and the king of Navarre. — The siege of Cher- bourg. — The duke of Lancaster invadesBrittany. — The castle of Auray surrenders to the French 514 The French garrison of Montbourg is defeated by the English at Cherbourg . .516 BOOK II. The Duke of Anjou undertakes an expedition against the English in the Bourdelois . .518 Sir Thomas Felton is defeated and made prisoner, with many of the principal lords of Gascony, by a party of French at the siege of Bergerac . 520 Bergerac surrenders to the duke of Anjou. — The lords de Duras and de Rosem, after having promised to be of the French interest, return again to the English . . . 522 Castillon, Sauveterre, and several other places in Gascony, surrender to the duke of Anjou . 524 The duke of Anjou takes the town and castle of St. Macaire by capitulation. — The town of Duras by storm, but the castle receives quarter 525 The duke of Anjou returns to the duchess at Toulouse, and the constable to the king of France. — Evan of Wales lays siege to Mortain-sur-Mer 528 King Charles of France instigates the Scots to make war on England. — The Scots take the castle of Berwick .... 529 The earl of Northumberland retakes the castle of Berwick . . . .530 The earls of Northumberland and Nottingham enter Scotland with a large army . . 533 Sir Thomas Musgrave and the English under his command are defeated by the Scots . . 534 The deaths of the queens of France and of Na- varre, and the renewal of the feuds between their two husbands .... 535 The death of Pope Gregory XL — After the sudden death of his immediate successor the cardinals are constrained to elect Urban VI. which causes a schism in the church of Rome . ib. The king of Navarre sends ambassadors to France, in hopes of regaining possession of his children. — Two of his people are convicted of having attempted to poison the king of France . 538 The king of France orders the possessions of the king of Navarre to be seized, as well in Nor- mandy as in Languedoc. — The king of Na- varre forms an alliance with the English. — The terms of that alliance . . . 540 The lords de Coucy and de la Riviere take seve- ral places in the county of Evreux, from the king of Navarre . . . .542 The duke of Anjou retains large bodies of men- at-arms against the English. — The Spaniards lay siege to Bayonne . . . 543 The English, at this period, make excursions into various parts of the kingdom of France. — The melancholy death of Evan of Wales . . 544 xiv CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE 18. The inhabitants ofEvreux surrender to the French. — The two armies assemble before St. Malo . 547 19. The English raise the siege of Mortain . 549 20. The English vecover several strong castles from the French in the Bourdelois . . 550 2 1 . The mine which the English had made at St. Malo fails. — In consequence, the siege is raised . 551 22. Sir Oliver du Guesclin is made prisoner by the garrison of Cherbourg . . . 552 23. The French garrison of Bersat is defeated. — The town surrenders to the English. — The king of Navarre comes to Bourdcaux, to solicit aid from the English . . . .554 24. The infant of Castille besieges Pampeluna. — Sir Thomas Trivet, in conducting succours to the king of Navarre, takes several places in Gas- cony from the French . . . 555 25. Sir Thomas Trivet with the English come to the succour of the king of Navarre. — The siege of Pampeluna is raised .... 556 26. The English and Navarrois overrun the kingdom of Spain. — The events that befel them there . 558 27. Sir Thomas Trivet makes an excursion to the town of Alfaro in Castille. — Peace concluded between the kings of Spain and Navarre. — The death of Henry king of Spain. — His son John is crowned as his successor . . .559 28. The lord de Mucident turns to the English. — The lord de Langurant is mortally wounded. — The governor of Bouteville is defeated, and the castle surrenders to the French . . 560 29. Sir Thomas Trivet returns to England with his companions. — His herald relates to the duke of Lancaster the particulars of the death of king Henry of Castille, and the coronation of his eldest son Don John . . . 562 30. The earl of Flanders stops the progress of an am- bassador from the king of France to Scotland : this causes great dissensions between them . 563 31. The duke of Brittany retires from Flanders to England. — The young count de St. Pol, while a prisoner in England, marries . . 566 32. The duke of Aujou makes war on Brittany. — Sir William des Bordes is taken prisoner by the garrison of Cherbourg . . . 56.7 33. Geoffry T6te-Noir and Aimerigot Marcel, captains attached to England, take several strong places in Auvergne and Limousin from the French . 568 34. A schism in the church. — The cause of it. — The Bretons make war on the Romans. — The queen of Naples gives up her territories to pope Clement VII. . . . .569 35. Pope Clement goes to Avignon. — He makes the duke of Anjou magnificent presents. — Sir Sil- vester Budes and his companions are beheaded 573 36. The state of Flanders before the war. — The causes of the disputes between the earl of Flanders and the Flemings. — John Lyon in- troduces the distinction of White Hoods . 575 37. By the exhortations of John Lyon, the inhabitants of Ghent send some of their principal citizens to the earl of Flanders, to demand the preser- vation of their liberties and franchises. — The earl requests these citizens to abolish the White Hoods . . . . .578 38. The White Hoods murder the bailiff of Ghent in the midst of the market. — The houses and goods of the family of the Matthews are de- stroyed. — A grand confusion in Ghent . 581 39. Twelve citizens of Ghent are deputed to the earl of Flanders — The White Hoods pillage and burn the castle of Andreghien, of which the earl was very fond .... 582 CHAP. PAGE 40. The death of John Lyon.— The men of Ghent choose captains to command them. — Several towns in Flanders ally themselves with Ghent 585 41. The men of Ghent besiege the town of Oude- narde on all sides. — They make a grand assault on the earl of Flanders in Dendremonde . 587 42. Several assaults are made on Oudenarde. — Peace concluded between the Flemings and the earl of Flanders, by means of the duke of Burgundy 589 43. The duke of Brittany returns from England, at the entreaty of his subjects. — The English are desirous of marrying their young king. — The knights of England sent to the aid of the duke of Brittany meet with great tempests at sea , 44. The town of Ghent sends ambassadors to the earl of Flanders, to entreat him to come thither . 45. The earl of Flanders enters the town of Ghent, and secretly departs from it. — The walls of Oudenarde are razed by the White Hoods, their allies and accomplices 46. The men of Ghent surrender Oudenarde. — They destroy the houses of the nobles. — A cruel and pitiless war renewed between the men of Ghent and the nobility 47. The nobles make war on the Flemings 48. The death of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, constable of France ..... 49. The duke of Brittany requests succour from the king of England. — The earl of Buckingham, youngest son to the late king, is appointed commander of the expedition 50. The earl of Buckingham marches with his army from Calais ..... 51. The lord de Brimeu, his sons and his men, are taken prisoners by the English. — The garrison of Peronne are driven back into that town 52. The English burn and despoil Champagne. — They meet with various adventures on their march, and make many prisoners 53. The English come before Troyes. — A skirmish at one of the gates. — They take a fort which the duke of Burgundy had erected on the out- side. — King Charles practises with the inha- bitants of Nantes .... 54. The English overrun the countries of Gatinois and Beauce. — A French squire demands to tilt with an English squire : they both behave very gallantly ..... 55. King Charles of France is taken ill. — His last words on his death- bed 56. The Lord de Hangest is near taken by the English. — The lord de Mauvoisin remains their prisoner. — The English cross the river Sarte in disorder ..... 57. The death of Charles the Fifth, king of France . 617 58. The English arrive in Brittany. — The duke ex- cuses himself for having so long delayed coming to meet them. — They undertake together the siege of Nantes . . . .618 59. The coronation of king Charles VI. of France . 621 Two additional chapters, which are only in one of my MSS. and not in any printed copy 60. The earl of Buckingham besieges Nantes. — Sallies are made by the garrison 61. The duke of Brittany explains his reasons for not coming to the siege of Nantes. — The garri- son continue most valiantly to make sallies . 62. The English break up the siege of Nantes. — The duke of Brittany sends handsome excuses to the earl of Buckingham . . . 63. Tilts and tournaments are performed before the earl of Buckingham between certain French and English knights ...» >91 594 595 598 600 601 602 604 . 607 608 610 613 615 616 622 624 625 627 630 CONTENTS. 633 . 637 639 641 . 644 . 646 647 CHAP. 64. The duke of Brittany makes his peace with the king of France The English return home. — A comhat between an English and a French squire ..... b5. The war recommences between the earl of Flan- ders and the inhabitants of Ghent — The men of Ghent and of Ypres are discomfited by the ambuscades of the earl of Flanders 66. The towns of Ypres and Courtray turn to the earl of Flanders. — Ghent is besieged . 67. The earl of Flanders raises the siege of Ghent — He defeats a great part of the army of Ghent, through the self-sufficiency of Rasse deHarzelle, near to Nevele .... 68. Peter du Bois with the remainder of his army retire to Ghent. — After having been in danger of his life, he besieges Courtray 69. Arnoul le Clerc, captain of some troops of White Hoods, defeats several of the earl of Flanders' nobility. — He himself is afterwards defeated and slain 70. During this war, the rich citizens of Ghent are subjugated by their soldiers. — Philip Van Artaveld is made governor of Ghent . 71. A war between the kings of Castille and Portugal 649 72. The earl of Cambridge sails for Portugal. — The duke of Lancaster goes to the borders of Scot- land, to make a truce with the Scots . .651 73. The populace of England rebel against the nobility 652 74. The populace of England commit many cruelties on those in official situations. — They send a knight as ambassador to the king 75. The commonalty of England enter London, where they commit many cruelties and out- rages. — They put to death the archbishop of Canterbury and several others 76. The nobles of England are in great danger of being destroyed. — Three of the principal leaders of the rebels are punished, and the rest sent back to their homes .... 77. A truce between the English and Scots. — The duke of Lancaster remains in Scotland during the rebellion in England 78. King Richard journeys through England from town to town, punishing those who had been principals or active in the late rebellion. — The duke of Lancaster returns from Scotland to England ..... Additions, from a MS. in the Hafod Library . 79. The duke of Lancaster conceives anger against the earl of Northumberland, for the refusal of admittance into Berwick . . . 668 80. The earl of Cambridge and his army arrive at Lisbon . . . 81 . The earl of Flanders again lays siege to Ghent . 82. The earl of Flanders raises the siege of Ghent. — Two rich citizens, desirous of negotiating a peace between the earl and the town, are put to death by Peter Dubois and Philip Van Artaveld . . 83. An insurrection in Paris, on account of the in- tended taxes. — The lord de Coucy appeases it. — The duke of Anjou makes preparation for his journey to Naples 84. The English make an expedition against the Spaniards, contrary to the orders of the king of Portugal. — The castle of Fighiere is taken . 85. After the conquest of the castle of Fighiere, the canon de Robersac, returning to his garrison, is in great danger. — Succours come from France to Castille 86. The emperor Winceslaus sends his sister Anne to king Richard of England, who makes her his queen .... 681 655 657 660 665 666 667 669 670 672 . 676 678 . 680 CHAP. PAGE 87. The king of France cannot obtain money from the receiver at Paris. — The duke of Anjou marches into Italy with a noble attendance of knights ..... 683 88. The earl of Savoy, who had accompanied the duke of Anjou to Naples, orders a man to be beheaded, who had boasted that he would give them possession of the castel del Ovo by enchantment . . . .685 89. The canon de Robersac makes another excursion contrary to the will of the king of Portugal, and takes several places adjoining to Seville . 686 90. The canon and his companions gain much booty from the king of Castille. — They mutiny against the king of Portugal, who orders their pay to be instantly delivered to them . . 688 91. The kings of Castille and Portugal assemble their forces. — Peace made between them ,against the will of the English . . .691 92. A joust between a French knight and an Eng- lish squire, — The earl of Cambridge leads back his army to England, with his son, whose be- trothed wife, the Infanta of Portugal, is after- wards married to the king of Castille . 693 93. Ghent is in great distress for provisions. They are succoured by the inhabitants of Liege . 694 94. The earl of Flanders sends a harsh answer to those who wished to mediate a peace between him and Ghent. — The populace, under the name of Maillotins, rise again at Paris . 697 95. The citizens of Ghent, after having heard from Philip Van Artaveld the terms of peace which he had brought from the conferences at Tour- nay, march out, to the number of five thou- sand, to attack the earl of Flanders in Bruges . 698 96. The order of battle of the Ghent men. — They defeat the earl of Flanders and the men of Bruges. — The means by which this was brought about . . . . .701 97- Bruges is taken by the Ghent army. — The earl of Flanders saves himself in the house of a poor woman ..... 703 £8. The Ghent men spare the foreign merchants in Bruges. — The earl of Flanders quits Bruges, and returns to Lille, whither some of his people had already retreated . . . 705 99. The conduct of the Ghent men at Bruges — All the towns in Flankers surrender to them ex- cept Oudenarde . . . .707 100. Philip Von Artaveld, on his return to Ghent, lives in great pomp — The earl of Flanders re- sides in Lille .... 708 101. Philip Von Artaveld and the Ghent men lay siege to Oudenarde . . . 709 102. A detachment ot the Ghent army from before Oudenarde, in overrunning the lands of their lord, burn some villages on the frontiers of France, which causes a war between the king of France and them . . .710 103. The duke of Burgundy instigates his nephew king Charles to make war on Ghent and its allies, as well in revenge for the burnt villages as to assist in the recovery of Flanders, for the earl, who was his vassal . . .712 104. Charles the Sixth, king of France, from a dream, chooses a flying hart for his device . .713 105. During the siege of Oudenarde, the rebels en- treat king Charles to make peace between them and the earl of Flanders — The king an- swers them with contempt. — They then en- deavour to draw the English into an alliance with them . . .714 xvi CONTENTS. CHAP. PAGE 106. The ambassadors from Ghent fail in forming an alliance with England . . .716 107. The messenger which the Ghent men had sent to king Charles of France is delivered from prison. — Some prisoners from Tournay and Courtray are exchanged for each other . 717 108. King Charles orders commissioners to enter into certain treaties with the Flemings. — Their 125. messengers are imprisoned at the moment they demanded passports . . .718 1 09. The answer of Philip Van Artaveld to the French commissioners, which he sent by a prisoner of war from Oudenarde . . .719 110. Philip Van Artaveld writes affectedly civil letters i 126. to Tournay. — The French commissioners re- turn to the king . . . .721 111. King Charles, after hearing the report of his com- missioners, at the instigation of the earl of 127. Flanders, who was present, assembles his army in Artois against the Flemings. — Philip Van Artaveld guards the passes into Flanders . 722 1 28. 112. Several knights of the party of the earl of Flan- ders, having passed Pont-Amenin, are defeated and killed on their attempt to repass it, the Flemings having broken down the bridge. — Philip, hearing this news when at Ypres, makes 1 29. use of it to encourage the inhabitants . . 723 113. Order of the French army in its march to Flanders, after they had heard the bridges were broken and guarded . . . 725 130. 114. Some few of the French, not being able to cross the Lis at the bridge of Commines, finds means of doing so, by boats and other craft, 131 unknown to the Flemings . . . 728 115. A small body of French, having crossed the Lis, draw up in battle array before the Flemings . 730 116. The French who had crossed the Lis defeat, with 132, great slaughter, Peter Du Bois and the Flemings. — The van-guard of the French army repair and pass ovjr the bridge of Commines . 732 117. Philip Van Artaveld takes measures to resist the 133. force of the king of France He receives an answer from his ambassadors in England . 734 1 1 8. The king of France crosses the Lis at the bridge of Commines — Tho town of Ypres surrenders to him . . . . 735 134, 119. The king of France receives information of a riot among the Parisians. — Several places in Flanders surrender to him . . 736 135, 120. The king of France lodges in Ypres. — Peter Du Bois prevents Bruges from surrendering to the king. — Philip Van Artaveld assembles his 136, forces to combat the French . . 737 121. Philip Van Artaveld, having entertained his captains at supper, gives them instructions how they are to act on the morrow at the battle of Rosebecque. — Wonderful appearances in the 137. heavens are seen during this night . . 739 122. King Charles entertains at supper his uncles and some others of his principal barons on the eve 138, of the battle of Rosebecque. — The constable de Clisson is excused from attending the king's person during the battle . . .741 123. Philip Van Artaveld and his Flemings quit the strong position they had taken in the morning, to encamp on Mont D'Or, near to Ypres. — The constable and admiral of France, with the bastard of Langres, set out to reconnoitre their situation ..... 742 The battle of Rosebecque,. between the French and Flemings. — Philip Van Artaveld is slain, and his whole army defeated . . 743 The number of slain at the battle of Rosebecque and pursuit afterwards. — Philip Van Ai f aveld is hanged after he was dead. — The siege of Oudenarde is raised. — Peter Du Bois retreats to Ghent. — The king of France fixes his quar- ters in the town of Courtray . .746 Bruges submits to the king's mercy. — The Count de Blois guards the country of Hainault from being pillaged The inhabitants of Ghent gain courage from Peter Du Bois . 747 The treaty between the English and Flemings is broken. — The king of France departs from Flanders . . . .749 Vain attempts made for peace between the king of France and Ghent. — The king, on his re- turn to Paris, orders the chains to be taken away that barricaded the streets. — He severely punishes the Parisians . . .751 Several of the principal citizens of Paris are beheaded with John Des Marets, and many others in the different towns and cities in France . . . . .754 The Ghent men renew the war. — The earl of Flanders becomes an object of hatred to the English ..... 755 Pope Urban sends bulls into England for the destruction of the Clementists. — The bishop of Norwich appointed commander-in-chief against them . . . .756 The bishop of Norwich, commander of the Eng- lish in the croisade of Urban against the Cle- mentists, disembarks at Calais with his army of Urbanists L 757 The bisbop of Norwich, commander of the Ur- banists, enters Flanders contrary to the opinion of sir Hugh Calverley. — The earl of Flanders sends ambassadors to the bishop, who returns a harsh answer . . . .758 The bishop of Norwich marches towards Dun- kirk. — He defeats twelve thousand Flemings and takes the town . . . 762 The English, under the command of the bishop of Norwich, having conquered all the coast from Gravelines to Sluys, lay siege to Ypres . 764 The men of Ghent assist the English in their siege of Ypres. — The lord De St. Leger going to reinforce the garrison of Courtray, by orders of the king of France, is defeated by a party of English near Commines . . .765 The bishop of Liege, not being able to bring about a peace between the bishop of Norwich and the earl of Flanders, returns home . 766 The king of France issues a grand summons, with the intention of raising the siege of Ypres. — Some of the earl of Flanders' men are de- feated by the English before the church of Emenin ..... 767 LIST OF CUTS CONTAINED IN THE WORK. VOLUME THE FJRST. PAGE 1. Initial letter T 1 2. Group of Knights of the Fourteenth Cen- tury 3 3. Portrait of Edward the Second . . 4 4. Queen Isabella's Visit to her Brother at Paris 7 5. Portrait of Edward the Third . . 14 6. Edward the Third's First Expedition against the Scots . . . . . 19 7. Portrait of Philip de Valois, king of France 29 8. View of Berwick-upon-Tweed . . . 35 9. View in Ghent 42 10. Edward the Third sending a Challenge to King Philip 48 11. View of the City of Tournay . . .75 12. Entry of John de Montfort and his D uchess into Nantes 88 13. Part of the Old Town Wall of Newcastle- upon-Tyne 98 14. View of Wark Castle, Northumberland . 100 15. A Tournament. From a Manuscript of the Fifteenth Century . . . . 116 16. The Trebuchet, a Machine for Casting Stones 133 17. Wooden Tower, used for Storming Walls 137 18. Battle of Caen . . . ... 156 19. Battle of Cressy . . . . 165 20. Portrait of Queen Philippa. From her Tomb 174 21. Queen Philippa haranguing her Troops at Nevil's Cross 175 22. Lochaber Axes 176 23. Combat of La Roche D'Errien . .183 24. Battle of Calais 194 25. Portrait of John, King of France . .201 26. Portrait of Edward the Black Prince . . 225 27. Battle of Meaux, in Brie . . .242 28. War Waggons and Baggage Trains on their March 268 29. Cathedral and Part of the Old Town of Rheims 273 30. Whole-length Figure of " Bertrand du Guesclin," from a woodcut in a scarce Folio, printed 1490 . . . . 311 VOL. I. PAGB 31. Portrait of Charles the Fifth of France .314 32. Coronation of Charles V. and his Queen . 323 33. Portrait of John of Gaunt (Duke of Lan- caster) 358 34. Scenery of the Pyrenees on the French side 360 35. Scenery of the Pyrenees on the Spanish side 380 36. Battle of Montiel— an irregular Combat of French, Spaniards, Moors, and Jews 387 37. Tomb of Queen Philippa, Westminster Abbey 428 38. Sir John Chandos at the head of his troops, in the act of making his Death- charge on the French .... 436 39. Edward the Black Prince in a Litter at the Sack of Limoges . . . . 454 40. The Round Tower of Windsor Castle, as it appeared in the time of Edward III. 469 41. Sea-fight off La Rochelle . . .472 42. Dunfermline Abbey — the Burial Place of Robert Bruce 490 43. Tomb of Edward the Black Prince, Can- terbury Cathedral .... 508 44. Portrait of Richard II. . . . . 510 45. Tombof Edward III., Westminster Abbey 511 46. Duke of Anjou with his Army, marching against Bergerac 520 47. The Storming of Duras . . . . 527 48. View of Alnwick Castle . . . .531 49. View of Evreux, in Normandy . . . 547 50. Oliver du Guesclin made prisoner by the Garrison of Cherbourg . . . 553 51. Queen Joanna of Naples, surrendering her Territories to Pope Clement VII. . . 573 52. Men of Ghent attacking the Earl of Flan- ders in Dendermonde .... 589 53. The H6tel-de-Ville, Oudenarde . . . 598 54. The Earl of Buckingham, with his Army, on their Voyage to Calais, to assist the Duke of Brittany . . . .603 55. Portrait of Charles VI. of France . .621 56. The H6tel-de-Ville, Ypres . . .639 57. John Ball preaching to the People in Kent 653 58. Richard the Second and the Rebels . 657 a* *xviii LIST OF CUTS. PAGE 59. Death of Wat Tyler 663 60. Citizens of Ghent begging a Peace of the Earl of Flanders 673 61. Tomb of Good Queen Anne, wife of Richard II., in Westminster Abbey . 682 PAGE 62. View of Castel del Ovo, Naples . . 684 63. A French Knight unfurling the Oriflamme 727 64. Battle of Rosebecque . . . . 745 65. The Bishop of Norwich at the head of his Troops . . \ . . .760 VOLUME THE SECOND. PAGE 66. Initial letter I 1 67. Funeral of the Earl of Flanders, bearing the body into the Church . . .15 68. Funeral of the Earl of Flanders, placing the body before the Altar . . .16 69. Funeral of the Earl of Flanders, placing the body in the Tomb . . .17 70. Genoese Cross-bowmen attacking the Bridge of Taillebourg . . .34 71. King Robert of Scotland and his Nine Sons who loved Arms . . .48 72. The Old Maison-de-Ville, Ghent . 63 73. Froissart at the Court of the Count de Foix ...... 69 74. Bishop of Pamiers singing the Mass at the Festival of St. Nicholas . . . . 101 75. English and Gascon Lords at Bordeaux . 137 76. Ambassadors of Portugal presented to Richard II. by the Duke of Lancaster . 150 77. Attack on the Fortifications of Pontevedra 190 78. General View of Sluys . . .198 79. Battle-axe Fight between Sir John Holland and Sir Reginald de Roye . . . 230 80. View of the City of Burgos . . .236 81. Lord Beaumanoir paying the Ransom of the Constable de Clisson . . . . 247 82. Richard the Second at Bristol \ . .273 83. Bayonne, as it appeared in the Seventeenth Century . . . . . .297 84. The Emperor constituting the Duke of Brabant Keeper of the Public Roads . 305 85. Perrot le Bearnois and a company of Pil- lagers 320 86. The Duke of Brittany presenting the Count d'Estampes with a handsome white pal- frey 329 87. Palace of the Louvre . . . .345 88. View of Jedburgh 362 89. View of Brancepeth Castle . . .365 90. Death of Douglas at Otterbourne . . 370 91. Triumphal Entry of Queen Isabella into Paris 399 92. Entry of Charles, king of France, to Beziers 417 PAGE 93. Count de Harcourt presenting the Comfit Box to the king 423 94. Coronation of Pope Boniface . . . 427 95. Tournament at St. Inglevere . . . 435 96. English and French Knights under the Duke of Bourbon on their voyage to Africa 448 97. Execution of Aymerigot Marcel at Paris 464 98. Siege of the Town of Africa . . . 473 99. Richard the Second and his three Uncles, the Dukes of Lancaster, York, and Glou- cester 495 100. Assemblyof the French King and the Lords of France and England, to treat of a Peace between the two kingdoms . 517 101. Shrine of St. Aquaire . . . . 538 102. King Charles and a Hawking Party . 547 103. The Masque at Paris, in which the king and others were in great danger . .551 104. Marriage of Philip d'Artois and Lady Mary de Berry 555 105. Richard the Second on his Voyage to Ireland 567 106. Irish Chieftains making a Charge . . 578 107. King of Hungary holding a Council with the French Knights . • . . 602 108. Battle of Nicopoli . . . .608 109. William of Hainault on his Expedition against Friesland 614 110. Isabella and the king of England taking leave of the King of France, at the Camp between Ardres and Calais . . . 620 111. Visit of Richard the Second to his Uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, in his Castle at Pleshy 643 112. The Earl Marshal challenging the Earl of Derby 662 113. Earl of Derby taking leave of the King and Lords of France at Paris . . .686 114. Richard the Second resigning the Crown into the hands of the duke of Lancaster 697 115. The Coronation of Henry the Fourth . 699 116. Funeral Procession of Richard the Second 708 THE BINTDER Is requested to place the illuminated title (as a title) before the title-page of vol. L THE MEMOIR OF LIFE OF FROISSART. John Froissart, priest, canon, and treasurer of the collegiate church of Chimay, historian and poet, was born in Valenciennes, a town in Hainault, about the year 1337. This date, which appears contradicted by one single passage in his Chronicle, is confirmed by a number of others, as well in his Chronicle as in his Manuscript Poems. However attentive he may have been to inform us of the minutest particulars of his life, he does not say one word relative to his family. One can only form a conjecture from a passage in his Poems, that his fathers name was Thomas, and that he was a painter of arms. We find in his history a Froissart Meullier, a young knight from Hainault, who signalised himself by his valour at the siege of the castle of Fighieres in Spain, which the English and Gascons attacked in 1381. His country and name induce me to believe that our historian might be a relation of his, and, like him, sprung from a noble family. Froissart is titled knight, at the beginning of a manuscript in the abbey of St. Germain-des-Pres ; but as he has not this title in any other manuscript, though we have some of the most ancient and most authentic, it seems probable that the copyist has given it to him from his own authority. His infancy announced what he would one day be ; he early manifested that eager and inquisitive mind, which during the course of his life never allowed him to remain long attached to the same occupations, and in the same place. The different games suitable to that age, of which he gives us a picture equally curious and amusing, kept up in his mind a fund of natural dissipation, which during his early studies tried the patience and exercised the severity of his masters. He loved hunting, music, assemblies, feasts, dancing, dress, good living, wine, and women : all these tastes, which almost all showed themselves from twelve years of age, being confirmed by habitude, were continued even to his old age, and perhaps never left him. The mind and heart of Froissart being not yet sufficiently occupied, his love for history filled up that void which his passion for pleasure left ; and became to him an inexhaustible source of amusement. He had but just left school, and was scarcely twenty years old, when at the entreaty of his dear lord and master sir Robert de Namur, knight, lord of Beaufort, he undertook to write the history of the wars of his own time, more particularly of those which ensued after the battle of Poitiers. Four years afterwards, having gone to England, he presented a part of this history to queen Philippa of Hainault, the wife of Edward III. However young he might then be, he had already travelled into the most distant provinces of France. The object of his visit to England was to tear himself from the pains of an attachment which had tormented him for a long time. This passion took possession of his heart from his infancy ; it lasted ten years, and sparks of it were again rekindled in a more advanced age, in spite of his bald head and white hairs. When poets sing their loves, they are not always believed on their word ; as Froissart only mentions his in poetry, one may treat all he says as pure fiction ; but the portrait he draws is so natural, that one cannot prevent one's self from acknowledging the character of a b xviii MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. young man in love, and the simple expressions of real passion. He feigns, that when twelve years old, Mercury appeared to him followed by the three goddesses whose difference Paris had formerly decided ; that this god, calling to mind the protection he had given him from four years of age, ordered him to revise the dispute of these three divinities ; that he had confirmed the judgment of Paris; and that Venus had promised him, as a recompense, a mistress more beautiful than the fair Helen, and of such high birth, that from thence to Constantinople there was not earl, duke, king, nor emperor, who would not have esteemed himself fortunate to obtain her. He was to serve this beauty for ten years, and his whole life was to be devoted to the adoration of that divinity who made him such fair promises. Froissart had been early attached to romances ; that of Cleomades was the first instru- ment Love made use of to captivate him. He found it in the hands of a young maiden who was reading it, and who invited him to read it with her : he readily consented, for such complaisances cost little. There was soon formed between them a literary connexion. Froissart lent her the romance of the Baillou d' Amours*, and took the opportunity of sending it to her, to slip into it a ballad, in which he first spoke of his love. This spark of love became a flame which nothing could extinguish ; and Froissart having experienced all that agitation which a first passion inspires, was almost reduced to despair on hearing that his mistress was on the point of being married ; his excessive grief overwhelmed him, and caused him a fit of illness which lasted for three months. At last he took the resolution to travel, to dissipate his chagrin and to recover his health. As he travelled with a large company, he was forced to be attentive to himself, in order to hide his trouble. After two days' journey, during which he had never ceased making verses in honour of his mistress, he arrived at a town, which I believe to be Calais, where he embarked. During his passage the weather was so tempestuous, as to threaten an immediate wreck of the vessel : this however was not capable of suspending the application with which he was working to finish a rondeau to the honour of his love. The weather became calm, and the rondeau was completed, when he found himself on a coast, where, as he says, " they love war better than peace, and where strangers are very well received." He speaks of England ; the reception they gave him, the amusements they procured him in the societies of " lords, ladies, and damsels," and the caresses they loaded him with : but nothing was able to calm the melan- choly which overwhelmed him ; so that, not being able longer to support the pangs of absence, he resolved to return nearer the lady of his heart. A lady, queen Philippa of Hainault, who detained him in England, learnt from a virelay, which he presented to her, the cause of his trouble ; she took compassion on him, by ordering him to go back to his own country, on condition however of his promise to return, and furnished him with money and horses to perform the journey. Love soon conducted him to the lady of his affections. Froissart let no opportunity slip of being in the same places where she might be, and of conversing with her. We have before seen that she was of such high birth, that " kings and emperors might have sought her ;" these words taken literally are only suitable for a person of blood royal or to the issue of a sovereign prince ; but how can we connect the idea of such high birth with the detail he gives us of the secret conver- sations, the amusements, and assemblies, which he was at liberty to partake of by day or night ? and, as if these traits were not sufficient to make her known at the time he wrote, he seems to have wished to have more clearly pointed her out by the name of Anne, in the enigmatical verses which make part of his manuscript poems. One may presume that this love, so passionate and so tender, had the usual fate of almost every passion. Froissart speaks in one of his rondeaus of another lady, whom he had loved, and whose name, composed of five letters, was to be found in that of Polixena : this may be an Alix, which was formerly written Aelix. There is reason to believe he had a third flame called Margaret, and that it is her whom he indirectly celebrates in a poemf under the title, and in honour, of the flower which bears her name J. Perhaps he sought in these episodical * Mi dc St. Palaye, in a note, says he is not acquainted + The English reader must be informed, that Margue- with the romance. Baillou signifies bailiff. rite is not only the name of a woman, but also of the t Dittie de la fleur de la Margherite, pages 70 and the flower called daisy, and of a pearl, following, of his Manuscript Poems. MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. xix amours some remedy for a passion, which, according to his own account, was unfortunate. At least we know that, in despair for the little success which had attended all his assiduities and attentions to his first mistress, he took the resolution of again absenting himself from her. This absence was longer than the preceding one ; he returned to England, and attached himself to the service of queen Philippa. This princess, sister to the countess of ]Namur, wife of Robert, to whom Froissart seems to have been a servant, saw always with pleasure her countrymen from Hainault ; she loved letters ; the college which she founded, and which at this day is known at Oxford under the name of Queen's College, is an illustrious monument of the protection she granted to them ; Froissart therefore united all the titles which could merit the affection of queen Philippa, The history which he presented to her, as I have before mentioned, whether at his first journey or the second (for it is not possible to decide which of the two), was very well received, and probably gained him the title of clerk (that is to say secretary or writer) of the chamber of this princess, which he was ir possession of from 1361. In the age of Froissart, all the world was persuaded that love was the motive of the most brilliant actions of courage and virtue. Knights made a parade of it in tournaments. Warriors exposed themselves to the most perilous combats, to maintain the honour and beauty of their ladies. It was then believed that love might be confined to a delicate intercourse of gallantry and tenderness : it is almost always under this form that we see it represented in the greater parts of those efforts of the mind which have been handed down to us from that period ; the ladies blushed not in feeling so pure a passion, and the most modest made it the ordinary subject of their conversations. The queen of England frequently amused herself by making Froissart compose amorous ditties; but this occupation must be considered solely as a relax- ation that no way impeded more serious works, since, during the five years he was attached to the service of this princess, he travelled at her expense to various parts of Europe, the object of which seems to be a research after whatever might enrich his history. I draw this conclusion from a preface which is found at the head of the fourth volume in several manuscripts of the Chronicle of Froissart ; and, as it is not to be found in the printed copies*, I thought the insertion of it would not be improper here. " At the request, wish, and pleasure, of that most high and noble prince, my very dear lord and master Guy de Chatillon, count de Blois, lord of Avesne, of Cliimay, of Beaumont, of Schonove, of Goude ; I, John Froissart, priest, chaplain to my very dear lord above named, and at this time treasurer and canon of Chimay, and of Lille in Flanders, am again awakened, and entered into my work-shop, to labour and work at the grand and noble matters which, in former times, occupied my attention, which treat and examine the feats and events of the wars between France and England, and of all their allies and adherents, as it clearly appears from the treaties which have been made and completed until this very day of my again being awakened. " Now, you that read, have read, or shall read this history, consider in your own minds, how I could have known and collected such facts as I treat of, and of so many different parties. In truth, I must inform you that I began at the early age of twenty years, and came into the world at the time these events were passing, in the knowledge of which I have always taken greater pleasure than in anything else. God has been so gracious to me, that I was well with all parties, and of the household of kings ; more especially of king Edward, and of the noble queen his lady, madame Philippa of Hainault, queen of England, lady of Ireland and of Aquitaine, to whom in my youtli I was secretary, and amused her with handsome ditties and madrigals of love ; and through affection to the service of that noble and puissant lady to whom I belonged, all the other great lords, dukes, earls, barons, and knights, of whatever nation they might be, loved me, saw me with pleasure, and were of the greatest utility to me. Thus, under the protection of this good lady, and at her costs, as well as at the expenses of great lords, I have searched in my time the greater part * M. de St. Palaye is not quite correct ; for the begin- more particularly mentioned hereafter. This preface in ning of this preface is in the printed edition of Vevard, and my printed editions is not so long as this, and is somewhat in another printed edition which I believe was not known different. It is not ment ned in the editions of Deny? to Denys Sauvage nor to M. de St. Palaye. It will be Sauvage. h 2 XX MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. of Christendom (in truth who seeks will find) ; and wherever I came, I made inquiry after those ancient knights and squires who had been present at these deeds of arms, and who were well enabled to speak of them. I sought also for heralds of good repute, to verify and confirm what I might have heard elsewhere of these matters. In this manner have I collected the materials for this noble history ; and that gallant count de Blois before- mentioned, has taken great pains in it. And as long as through God's grace I shall live, I shall continue it, for the more I work at it, the greater pleasure I receive ; like the gallant knight or squire enamoured with arms, by perseverance and attention he perfects and accomplishes himself, thus by labouring and working on this subject, I acquire greater ability and delight." Of all the particulars of Froissart's life during his residence in England, we only know that he was present at the separation of the king and queen in 1361, with their son the prince of Wales and the princess his lady, who were going to take possession of the govern- ment of Aquitaine ; and that he was between Eltham and Westminster in the year 1363, when king John passed on his return to England. There is in his poems a pastoral which seems to allude only to that event. With regard to his travels during the time he was attached to the service of the queen, he employed six months in Scotland, and penetrated as far as the Highlands. He travelled on horseback with his portmanteau behind him, and followed by a greyhound. The king of Scotland, and many lords whose names he has preserved to us, treated him so handsomely, that he could have wished to have returned thither. William, earl of Douglas, lodged him during fifteen days in his castle of Dalkeith, five miles from Edinburgh. We are ignorant of the date of this journey ; and of another, which he made into North Wales, that I believe must have been about the same time. He was in France, at Melun-sur-Seine, about the 20th of April, 1366 ; perhaps private reasons might have led him to take that road to Bordeaux, where he was on All Saints day of that year, when the princess of Wales was brought to bed of a son, who was afterwards Richard II. The prince of Wales setting out a few days afterwards for the war in Spain, FVoissart accompanied him to Dax, where the prince resided some time. He had expected to have attended him during the con- tinuance of this grand expedition ; but the prince would not permit him to go farther, and shortly after his arrival sent him back to the queen his mother. Froissart could not have made any long stay in England, since in the following year he was at different Italian courts. It was this same year, that is to say, 1368, that Lionel, duke of Clarence, son of the king of England, espoused Joland, daughter of Galeas the Second, duke of Milan. The marriage was celebrated the 25th of April ; and Lionel died the 1 7th of October following. Froissart, who probably was in his suite, w T as present at the mag- nificent reception which Amadeus count de Savoy, surnamed the count Verd, gave him on his return : he describes the feasts on this occasion, which lasted three days ; and he does not forget to tell us that they danced a virelay of his composition. From the court of Savoy he returned to Milan, where the same count Amadeus gave him a good cottehardie *, with twenty florins of gold. ; from thence to Bologna and Ferrara, where he received forty ducats from the king of Cyprus ; and then to Rome. Instead of the modest equipage we have seen him travel into Scotland with, he was now, like a man of importance, travelling on a handsome horse attended by a hackney. It was about this period that Froissart experienced a loss which nothing could recompense : Philippa of Hainault, queen of England, who had heaped wealth on him, died in 1369. He composed a lay on this melancholy event, of which, however, he was not a witness; for he says, in another place, that in 1395 it was twenty-seven years since he had seen England. According to several authors t, he wrote the life of queen Philippa ; but this assertion is not founded on any proofs. * Or, as it is more often written , cotardie, a sort of to the usage of that time, was attached to the coat. — St. coat, a dress common to men and women ; here it means Palaye. a pourpoint. This was one of the liberalities which great f Vossius de Historicis Latinis, lib. in. cap. iv. Bullart, lords were accustomed to make ; they put money, as one Academie des Sciences, torn. i. p. 124. sees bv this example into the purse which, according MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. xxi / Independently of the employment of clerk of the chamber to the queen of England, which Froissart had had, he had also been of the household of Edward III., and even of that of John, king of France. As there are several other princes and lords of whose households he had been, or whom he calls his lords and masters, it is proper to observe, that by this mode of speech he means not only those princes and lords to whom he had been attached as a servant ; but likewise all those who had made him presents or gratifications ; or who, having received him in their courts or castles, had admitted him to their tables. Froissart, having lost hk patroness, queen Philippa, did not return to England, but went into his own country, where he obtained the living of Lestines. Of all that he performed during the time he exercised this ministry, he tells us nothing more than that the tavern- keepers of Lestines had five hundred francs of his money in the short space of time he was their rector. One reads in a manuscript journal of the bishop of Chartres, chancellor to the duke of Anjou, that, according to letters sealed on the 12th December, 1381, this prince caused to be seized fifty-six quires of the Chronicle of Froissart, rector of the parish church of Lestines, which the historian had sent to be illuminated, and then to be forwarded to the king of England, the enemy of France. Froissart attached himself afterwards to Winceslaus de Luxembourg, duke of Brabant, perhaps in quality of secretary, according to the custom of princes and lords in those days, who employed clerks to manage their affairs, and in their correspondence, and who amused them by their knowledge, or their wit. Winceslaus had a taste for poetry : he had had made by Froissart a collection of his songs, his rondeaus, and virelays, who, adding some of his own pieces to those of the prince, formed a sort of romance, under the title of Meliador, or the Knight of the Sun ; but the duke did not live sufficiently long to see the completion of the work, for he died in 1384. Almost immediately after this event, Froissart found another patron : he was made clerk of the chapel to Guy, count de Blois ; and he was not long in testifying his gratitude to his new patron, by a pastoral on the betrothing of Louis, count de Dunois, son of Guy, with Mary, daughter of the duke of Berry. Two years after, on the solemnisation of this marriage at Bourges, he celebrated it in a sort of epithalamium, sufficiently ingenious for those times, entitled " The Temple of Honour." He passed the years 1385, 1386, and 1387, sometimes in the Blaisois, sometimes in Touraine ; but the count de Blois having engaged him to continue the course of his history, which he had left unfinished, he determined in 1388 to take advantage of the peace which was just concluded, to visit the court of Gaston Phoebus., count de Foix and de Bearn, in order to gain full information in whatever related to foreign countries, and the more distant provinces of the kingdom, where he knew that a great number of warriors signalised themselves daily by the most gallant actions. His age and his health still allowed him to bear great fatigue ; his memory was sufficiently strong to retain whatever he should hear ; and his judgment clear enough to point out to him the use he should make of it. He set out with letters of recommendation from the count de Blois to Gaston Phoebus, and took the road through Avignon. One of his pastorals informs us, that he resided in the environs of an abbey *, situated between Lunel and Montpelier, and that he gained the affections of a young person, who bewailed his departure : in the same poem he tells us, that he carried with him four greyhounds t, as a present to the count de Foix. Gaston was passionately fond of dogs, and had upwards of sixteen hundred always with him : there exists a treatise written by him on hunting, which is preserved in manuscript in several libraries, and which was printed in 1520. Froissart went from Carcassonne to Pamiers, of which he gives an agreeable description ; he remained there for three days waiting for the chance of meeting some person with whom he might travel into Bearn. He was fortunate enough to meet with a knight from the country of Foix, who was returning thither from Avignon, and they journeyed together. Sir Espaign du Lyon, the name of the knight, was a man of high distinction ; he had had * Probably St. Geniez, a monastery of nuns, one league and a half from the road which leads from Montpelier to Lunel. — St. Palaye. t Their names were Tristan, Hector, Brun, and Rollant. — St. Palaye. xxii MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART considerable commands, and was employed all his life in negotiations as delicate as they were important. The two travellers agreed perfectly well together ; the knight, who had served in all the wars in Gascony, was equally desirous to learn everything which related to those that Froissart was acquainted with ; and Froissart, more in a .situation to satisfy him than any one, was not less curious to be informed of those events in which the knight had borne a part : they mutually communicated all they knew, with a reciprocal complaisance. They rode side by side, and frequently only a foot's pace : their whole journey was passed in conversations ; by which they mutually instructed each other. Towns, castles, ruins, plains, heights, valleys, defiles ; everything awakened the curiosity of Froissart, and recalled to the memory of the lord Espaign du Lyon the different actions which had there passed under his eyes, or which he had heard related by those who had been engaged in them. The historian, too exact in the recital which he gives us of these conversations, relates even the exclamations by which he testified his gratitude to the knight, for all the interesting intelligence he was so good to give him. If they arrived at a town before sunset, they profited of the remnant of day to examine the outworks of the place, or to observe those parts of it which had suffered from assaults. On their return to the inn, they continued the same conversations, either between themselves or with other knights and esquires, who might be lodged there ; and Froissart never went to bed until he had put in writing every particular he had heard. After a journey of six days, they arrived at Ortez. This town, one of the most considerable in Beam, was the ordinary residence of Gaston, count de Foix and viscount de Bearn, surnamed Phoebus, on account of his beauty. Froissart could not have chosen a court more suitable to his views. The count de Foix, at the age of fifty-nine years, was the most vigorous, the handsomest, and best-made man of that period. Adroit at all exercises, valorous, an accom- plished captain, noble and magnificent, he never suffered any warrior who waited on him to depart without carrying with him proofs of his liberality : his castle was the rendezvous of all those brave captains who had distinguished themselves in combats, or in tournaments. Their conversations solely ran on attacks of places, surprises, sieges, assaults, skirmishes, and battles. Their amusements were games of address and force; tilts, tournaments, and huntings more laborious and almost as dangerous as war itself. These details deserve to be read in Froissart : I can only imperfectly trace what he has so excellently painted. The count de Foix having learnt from sir Espaign du Lyon the arrival of Froissart, who was well known at the court of Ortez by the first two volumes of his Chronicle, sent to seek for him at the house of one of his esquires, who had received and lodged him ; and, seeing him at a distance, said to him smiling, and in good French, " That he was perfectly well acquainted with him, although he had never before seen him ; but that he had heard much talk about him, and he retained him in his household." This expression, as I have before said, does not mean that Froissart was lodged in the castle, but only that his expenses were defrayed by the count during the winter he passed at his court. His most usual occupation, in that time, was to amuse Gaston, after his supper, by reading to him the romance of Meliador, which he had brought with him. Every evening he repaired to the castle at midnight, which was the hour the count sat down to table, and none dared to interrupt the reading. Gaston himself, who listened with the greatest attention, only spoke to ask questions concerning the book ; and he never sent him away, before he had made him drink all the wine which had remained on the table, from his own bottle. Sometimes this prince took pleasure to inform him of those particulars of the wars in which he had distinguished himself. Froissart did not gain less information from his frequent conversations with those knights and esquires whom he found assembled at Ortez ; more especially from the knights of Arragon and of England, attached to the household of the duke of Lancaster, who at that time resided at Bordeaux. They related to him all they knew of the battles of the kings John of Castile, and Denys of Portugal, and their allies. A.mong others, the famous Bastot de Maulion, in giving him the history of his own life, told him also that of almost all the wars which had happened in the different provinces of France, and even in Spain, from the time of the battle of Poitiers, at which period he first bore arms. MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART, xxiii Although he applied himself, without relaxation, in collecting historical memoirs, Froissart gave, however, some moments to Poesy. We have a pastoral by him, which he seems to have composed in the county of Foix, in honour of Gaston Phoebus. He says, that being- En beau Pre sert et plaisant Par dessus Gave la riviere Entre Pau et Ortais seant, he saw shepherds and shepherdesses, who were conversing of different lords, and the arms they bore. He adroitly makes use of this fiction, to name with praise all those from whom he had received any marks of liberality, and terminates his list with the count de Foix. After a tolerable long residence at the court of Ortez, Froissart began to think of his departure. He was detained by Gaston, who gave him hopes that an opportunity would soon offer for him to travel in good company. The marriage of the countess of Boulogne, a relation of the count, having been concluded with the duke de Berry, the young bride was conducted from Ortez to Morlas, where the equipages of the duke, her husband, were waiting for her. He set out in her suite, after having received proofs of the generosity of Gaston, who warmly pressed him to return to him. He accompanied the princess to Avignon, and the remainder of the road which she took across the Lyonnois, la Bresse, le Fores, and the Bourbonnois, as far as Riom, in Auvergne. The stay at Avignon was unfortunate to Froissart ; they robbed him. This melancholy adventure was the subject of a long poem, in which he introduces several incidents of his life, and which I have made use of in this memoir. One sees, by this piece, that the desire of visiting the tomb of the cardinal de Luxembourg, who died in odour of sanctity, was not the sole motive which had induced him to re-pass through Avignon in the suite of the young princess ; but that he was charged with a private commission from the lord de Coucy. He might, as he says, have endeavoured to seek for redress for the loss of his money by soliciting a benefice ; but this resource was not to his taste. Lie laid greater stress on the generosity of the lord de la Riviere, and the count de Sancerre, who accompanied the duchess de Berry, and on that of the viscount d'Asci. He paints himself, in this poem, as a man of much expense : besides the revenue of the living of Lestines, which was considerable, he had received, since he was twenty-five years old, two thousand francs, of which nothing remained. The composition of his works had cost him seven hundred francs ; but he regretted not this expense ; for, as he says, " I have composed many a history which will be spoken of by posterity." The remainder was spent among the tavern-keepers at Lestines, and in his travels, which lie always performed with a good equipage, well mounted, well dressed, and living well wherever he went. Froissart had been present at all the feasts which were given on the marriage of the duke of Berry ; celebrated the eve of "Whitsunday at Riom, in Auvergne. Lie composed a pastoral for the morrow of the nuptials ; then, returning to France with the lord de la Riviere, he went to Paris. His natural activity, and his ardour for information, with which he was incessantly occupied, did not permit him to remain there long. We have seen him in six months go from the Blaisois to Avignon ; then to the county of Foix ; from whence he returned again to Avignon, and cross Auvergne to go to Paris. One sees him in less than two years successively in the Cambresis, in Hainault, Holland, Picardy, a second time in Paris, at the extremity of Languedoc ; then again at Paris and at Valenciennes ; from thence to Bruges, Sluys, in Zealand, and at last in his own country. He accompanied the lord de Coucy into the Cambresis to the castle of Crevecceur, which the king had just given to him. He relates to him all he had seen, and learns from him the different particulars of the negotiations between France and England. After having staid fifteen days in his own country, he passed a month in Holland with the count de Blois, entertaining him with the history of his travels. He then goes to Lelinghen, to learn the details of the negotiations for peace, which were carrying on at that place. He is present at the magnificent entry which Isabella de Baviere makes into Paris. The exactness with which he describes the ceremonies observed between the pope and Charles VI. at Avignon, seems to prove he was an eye-witness of their meeting : this is the more probable, because it is xxiv MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. certain that Charles VI. went from Avignon to Toulouse, to receive the homage of the count de Foix ; when Froissart was present, and heard their conversation. Nothing of novelty passed, as one sees, but Froissart wished to be a spectator of ; feasts, tournaments, conferences for peace, interviews of princes, their entries, nothing escaped his curiosity. It appears that, at the beginning of the year 1390, he returned to his own country, and that he was solely occupied in the continuation of his history, and in completing it, from the intelligence he had amassed from all parts with so much labour and fatigue. However, what he had learnt relative to the war in Spain did not satisfy him ; he felt a scruple at only having heard one side ; that is to say, the Gascons and Spaniards, who had been attached to the king of Castille. It was the duty of an exact and judicious historian to know also what the Portuguese had to say on this subject ; and on the information he had, that numbers of that nation were to be found at Bruges, lie went thither. Fortune served him beyond his hopes ; and the enthusiasm with which he speaks of it, paints the ardour with which he was desirous of a perfect knowledge of facts. On his arrival, he learnt that a Portuguese knight, " a valiant and wise man, and of the council of the king of Portugal," whose name was Juan Fernando Portelet, had lately come to Middleburgh, in Zealand. Portelet, who was on his road to Prussia to join in the war against the infidels, had been present in all the wars of Portugal. Froissart immediately sets out, in company with a Portuguese, a friend of the knight ; goes to Sluys, embarks, and arrives at Middleburgh, where his fellow-traveller presents him to Portelet. This knight, " gracious, amiable, and easy of access," relates to him, during the six days they passed together, everything that had been done in Portugal and Spain, from the death of king Ferdinand until his departure from Portugal. Froissart, equally pleased with the recitals of Portelet, as with his politeness, took leave of him, and returned home ; where, having arranged all the information he had acquired in his various travels, he composed a new book, which makes the third of his history. The passage from whence these particulars are taken adds, that Froissart, on quitting Zealand, and before his return to his own country, went once more to Rome. Although, in this instance, the printed copies are conformable to the manuscripts, this journey, of which no other mention is made, seems to me quite improbable. Denys Sauvage assures us, in a marginal note, that, instead of Rome, one should read Bruges, Sluys, or Valenciennes : it is much more natural to read Damme, a port in the neighbourhood of Sluys, where one has seen that the historian embarked. One cannot say how long Froissart remained in Hainault ; one only knows that he was again in Paris 1392, at the time when the constable de Clisson was assassinated by Peter de Craon ; and at Abbeville towards the end of that same year, or the beginning of the next, during the conferences which were held there by the plenipotentiaries from France and England, when they at last established a truce for four years. From the year 1378, Froissart had obtained from pope Clement VII. the reversion of a canonship at Lille. One sees, in the collection of his poetry, which was completed in 1393, and in a preface, which is to be met with in several manuscripts at the beginning of the fourth volume of his history, composed about this time, that he titled himself canon of Lille ; but Clement VII. dying in J 394, he gave up his expectations of the reversion, and began to qualify himself canon and treasurer of the collegial church of Chimay, which he probably owed to the friendship of the count de Blois, who respected him much ; the lordship of Chimay being part of the inheritance which the count had had fallen in to him in 1381, by the death of John de Chatillon, count de Blois, the last of his brothers. It was twenty-seven years since Froissart had left England ; when, taking advantage of the truce between the French and English, he returned thither in 1395, furnished with letters of recommendation to the king and his uncles. From Dover, where he disembarked, he went to Canterbury, made his offering at the shrine of Thomas a Becket, and from respect to the memory of the prince of Wales, to whom he was perfectly well known, he visited his magnificent mausoleum. He saw there the young king Richard, who had arrived to return thanks to God for the success of his last campaign in Ireland ; but, in spite of the good intentions of the lord Percy, high steward of England, who had promised to procure him an audience of the king, he could not be presented, and was obliged to follow this prince to the MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART. XXV different places he visited, until he came to Leeds castle *. This time was not lost on our historian ; the English were still full of their expedition to Ireland ; and he got them to tell him both their own exploits, and the marvellous things they had seen there. Being yet at Leeds castle, he presented to the duke of York his letters from the count d'Hainault and the count d'Ostrevant f. " Master John," said the duke to him, " keep near to our person, and to my people ; we will show you all love and kindness ; we are bounden so to do from affection to former times, and to our lady mother, to whom you were attached ; we well remember those times." He afterwards introduced him into the king's chamber, who received him with very distinguished marks of good will. Richard took the letters he had been charged with, and having read them, said, " that since he had been of the household of his grand- father, and of the queen his grandmother, he must be still of the household of England." Froissart, however, had not yet been able to present to the king the romance of Meliador, which he had brought with him ; and Percy advised him to wait a more favourable oppor- tunity. Two important objects occupied the mind of Richard ; one was his intended marriage with Isabella of France ; the other, the opposition of the people of Aquitaine to the donation which he had made of this province to his uncle, the duke of York. The prelates and barons had been summoned to Eltham, to deliberate on these two affairs ; and Froissart had followed the court. He wrote down regularly all the news of the day, which he heard in his conver- sations with the different English lords ; and Richard de Servy j, who was of the king's cabinet council, entrusted him, in confidence, with every resolution they had determined upon, begging him only to keep them secret until they should be publicly divulged. At last, on the Sunday which followed the holding of this council, the duke of York, Richard de Surry, and Thomas de Percy, finding the king but little occupied, mentioned to him the romance which Froissart had brought with him. The prince asked to see it ; and the historian says, " he saw it in his chamber : for I had it always with me, and placed it upon his bed. lie then opened and looked into it, and was greatly pleased : indeed, he ought to have been pleased ; for it was illuminated, and the writing much ornamented : it was, besides, bound in crimson velvet, with ten silver-gilt nails, with a golden rose, in the midst of two clasps gilt, richly worked with gold rose-trees. Then," continues Froissart, " the king inquired what subject it treated of ; and I told him, of love. He was delighted with this answer, and looked into different parts of the book, and read therein : for he read and spoke French perfectly well. He then ordered one of his knights, named sir Richard Credon, to carry it to his cabinet ; and he seemed much obliged to me for it." Henry Castede, an English esquire, who had been present at this conversation, and who knew besides that Froissart was writing his history, coming up to him, inquired if he had been informed of the details of the conquest which the king had just made in Ireland. Froissart pretended to be ignorant of them, in order to engage the esquire in conversation, who took pleasure in recounting them to him. Everything the historian heard, among the rest the repast which the king of England gave in Ireland to the four kings after having conquered them, excited in him very great regret for not having come to England a year sooner as he was preparing to do, when the news of the death of Queen Anne of Luxembourg, Richard's first wife, made him alter his intentions : he would not have failed to have gone to Ireland to have seen everything himself; for he was much interested in collecting the minutest circumstances of this expedition, in order to entertain " his lords" the duke of Bavaria and his son, who had on Friesland similar pretensions to those of the king of England on Ireland. After three months' residence in England, Froissart took his leave of the king. This prince, whom he had followed in his different excursions near London, ordered him to be given, as a last mark of his affection, 100 nobles § in a goblet || of silver, gilt, weighing two marcs. The melancholy end of Richard, which happened in 1399, is related at the end of the fourth * In Kent. j| This was called by our ancestors a Henepee, id est, f Afterwards earl of Holland, and knight of the garter, hanap, full of money : from whence comes the Hanaper- X Q. Was it Richard de Surry, lord Surry ? office in the English treasury. — St. Palaye. § This sum may amount to about 25 guineas of our present coin. — St. Palaye. xxvi MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FROISSART volume of Froissart's history, who acquits himself most gratefully to this prince by the affecting manner with which he laments his misfortunes. At the same time he remarks, that in this event he saw the accomplishment of a prediction which had been made on Richard, when he was born at Bordeaux ; and also of a prophecy in the romance of Brutus *, which pointed out the prince who would dethrone him. The death of Guy Count de Blois happened soon after Froissart's return home : he mentions it in his Chronicle, under the year 1397. He was then sixty years of age, and must have lived at least four years more ; for he relates some events of the year 1400 f. If one was to believe Bodin and la Popliniere, he would have lived to 1420 ; but these two writers have probably been deceived by these words, which begin the last chapter of his history : et En l'an de grace mil quatre cent ung moins ;** instead of reading, " ung," as it is written in several manuscripts and in the black-letter editions, they must have read " vingt." Another passage in Froissart may also have given rise to a belief that he lived to about the middle of the fifteenth century. In speaking of the banishment of the count de Harcourt, who persuaded the English to make a descent in Normandy, he says, that the melancholy effects of this invasion were visible for more than a hundred years after. These terms must not be taken literally ; the author wrote rather as foreseeing those evils to come which he dreaded, than as being a witness of these fatal effects. It is not, however, possible to decide in what year he died ; it only appears that it was in the month of October, since his " obit" is indicated in that month in the obituary of the collegial church of St. Monegunda, at Cliimay, from which I have added an extract at the end of this memoir. According to an old tradition of the country, he was interred in the chapel of St. Anne, in this collegial church ; and, indeed, it seems very probable that he should end his days in his own chapter. The name of Froissart was common to several persons who lived at the same time with our historian ; besides the Froissart Meullier, the young esquire from Hainault, whom I mentioned in the beginning of this memoir, one finds in the Chronicle of our author a Dom Froissart, who had signalized himself at the siege which the count de Hainault had formed in 1340 against the town of St. Amand. This monk defended for a considerable time a breach which had been made in the walls of the abbey, and did not abandon it before he had killed or wounded eighteen men. One reads at the end of some charters of the count de Foix, a signature of J. Froissart, or J aquinot Froissart : he was a secretary to the count, and perhaps a relation of the historian. There is also mention made in the registers of the " Tresor des Chartes," of a remission granted in 1375 to Philibert Froissart, esquire, who had been in the company of Gascons in the country of Guyenne, under the command of Charles d'Artois, count de Pezenas. To avoid interrupting the thread of the narrative, I have deferred to the end of this memoir the examination of a passage in the poetry of Froissart, which points out, but in obscure terms, one of the principal circumstances of his life. He recals the faults of his youth, and particularly reproaches himself for having quitted a learned profession for which he had natural talents, and which had gained him much respect (he seems to point at history, or poetry), to follow another, which, though much more lucrative, was as little suitable to him as that of arms ; and having failed in it, had made him fall from that degree of honour to which the first had elevated him. He says, he is determined to repair his fault, and returning to his former occupations, transmit to posterity the glorious names of those kings, princes, and lords, whose generosity he had partaken of. In the whole course of the life of Froissart, I see no period in which this pretended change can be placed, nor that can point out this lucrative trade, and which he himself calls " marchandise." The indecency of the expression will not suffer us to suppose it could be his cure of Lestines ; although he has said in another part, that the rectory was of considerable value ; could it be the profession of lawyer, or that of his father, who was, as we have before stated, a painter of arms ? A singular meaning of the word " marchandise" in Commines, may perhaps give us a plausible explanation. Commines, born in the same country, and * See particulars of Wace, author of the romance of completing the last chapters of his history. They appear Brutus, in Mr. Ellis' Specimens of early English poets. to be rather notes for future revisal, than finished portions t It doe« not seem probable that he lived long after of the work, and the conclusion is singularly abrupt. — En. MEMOIR OF THE LIFE OF FRO I SS ART. xxvii not very far from the time of Froissart, employs this word to signify a negotiation of affairs between princes. The business of a negotiator, or rather a man of intrigue, who seeks without any apparent character to penetrate the secret of courts, would perhaps be that which Froissart repents to have followed. The details in which we have entered respecting his various travels, the long residence which he has often made in critical times with several princes, and the talents which he had to insinuate himself into their good graces, seem to me to warrant this conjecture. Extract from a manuscript taken from the archives of the chapter of St. Monegunda, at Chimay, in which are found the obits and pious foundations made to this chapter, and other antiquities. Folio 39 and 40. u The obit of sir J ohn Froissard, born at Valenciennes, canon and treasury of the aforesaid church, which flourished in 1364, may have place here according to his quality, as having been domestic chaplain to the renowned Guy de Chatillon, count de Soissons and de Blois, lord of Avesnes, Chimay, and Beaumont, &c, who has also been a very celebrated historio- grapher of his time, and has written the wars and chronicles, and the most remarkable events from the year 1335 until the year 1400 ; according as he himself relates in divers parts of his history, and more especially in the 52nd chapter of his 4th book, and as it is shown in the euiogium written in his praise in the following words : Cognita Romanae vix esset gloria genu's, Froissardum, historiae per sua sec'la ducem ; Pluribus hunc scriptis ni decorasset honos. Scripsit enim historians mage sexaginta per annos, Tanti nempe refert totum scripsisse per orbem, Totius mundi, quae memoranda notat, Quaelibet et doctos sec'la tulisse viros. Scripsit et Anglorum Reginae gesta Philippse, Commemorent alios alii, super asthera tollam Qui. Guilielme, tuo tutia juncta toro." HONORARIUM. Gallorum sublimis honos et fama tuorum, Historiae vivus studuisti reddere vitam, Hie, Froissarde, jaces, si modo forte jaces. Defuncto vitam reddet at ilia tibi. JOANNES FROISSARDUS, Canonicus and Thesaurarius EccJesice Collegiatoe Sandce Monegundis Simaci, vetustissimo ferme totius Belgii oppido. Proxima dum propnis florebit Francia scriptis. Teque ducem historiae Gallia tota colet, Fania * dum ramos, Blancaque -j-" fundi t aquas, Belgica tota colet, Cymeaque vallis amabit Urbis ut hujus honos, templi sic fama vigebis Dum rapidus proprios Scaldis obibit agros. * The Faigne de Chimay, a small forest dependent on it. + La Blanche Eau, a river which runs by Chimay. AN ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF M. DE LA CURNE DE ST. P ALA YE. BY THOMAS JOHNES. The life of Froissart has been the subject of the preceding pages. I will now give you the history of his works, as well printed as manuscript, in verse and in prose ; and I will, as faithfully as I am able, detail their contents. It may, perhaps, be thought I have pushed these details too far ; but, I feel I owe a particular attention to an historian who alone is worth a number of others, by the importance of the subjects he treats of, and from the length of time his history continues. I have besides observed that the author has expanded, in the course of his work, many facts which serve to clear up many preceding facts ; and that, for want of this information, it has often happened that I have been stopped in my reading, and ha.ve not profited so much by it as I otherwise should have done. It is this which has made me sensible of the want those who read Froissart would have of such an explanation. To smooth all difficulties, and to lay down such rules as may conduct them, I have attempted to do that, which I should have been glad to have found done, when I began to read this author: for, I do not simply propose to give an idea of our Historian, that may satisfy those whom curiosity alone may induce to peruse ; my object is, that these Memoirs should serve as an introduction to those who may be induced to read him ; and that they should render him, as much as may be possible, more easy, more interesting, and more instructive. I. General Plan of his History. — The History which Froissart has left us extends from 1326 until 1400. It is not confined to the events which were passing in France during this long period ; it comprehends, with almost as much detail, every considerable affair which happened in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and in Flanders. It includes also an infinite number of particulars relative to the affairs of the popes of Rome and of Avignon ; of Spain, Germany, Italy ; sometimes even of Russia, Hungary, Turkey, Africa, and other places beyond sea ; in short, of almost the whole known world. But this immense multitude of facts, so different from each other ; whose chronological order is not very clearly made out, frequently presents to the reader but a confused mixture of events, passed at different times, and in different places, of which he cannot form any distinct idea, and whose memory cannot unite so many scattered objects, which have a necessary connexion between each other. II. A more detailed Plan of Froissart's History. — The History of Froissart is divided into four books, or volumes, as well in all the manuscripts, as in all the printed editions. The first begins with the coronation of Edward III. king of England, in 1326, and with the accession of Philip de Valois to the crown of France in 1328 : and closes with the year 1379 inclusively. Froissart begins his second volume with the last three years of the preceding volume, and with more detail, having gained fuller information than when he first wrote it. He continues it until the peace of the men of Ghent with the duke of Burgundy, the treaty of which is in the last chapter but one of this volume, dated the 18th December, 1385. ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xxix The third volume goes back as far as the year 1382 inclusively, reciting several events, which had been mentioned in the second from the 93rd chapter until the end. The events of these last four years, which had been already related, are so much expanded in the third volume, that they occupy the first twenty-nine chapters. The rest is employed in the history of the following years until 1389, ending with the truce concluded for three years between France and England, and with the preparations that were making for the entry of the queen Isabella de Baviere into Paris, of which the author promises to speak hereafter. The fourth volume begins with a recital of all the feasts and magnificences which were made for this entry, and ends with the dethroning and death of Richard II. king of England, in 1400, and with the election which was made that same year of Robert emperor of Germany. These events terminate the last two chapters of the whole work. This manner of dividing the History of Froissart is the same in all the manuscripts and printed copies ; but these divisions do not always begin or end at the same places in all the copies*. III. Division of the four volumes of Froissart into Chapters, and of the first Volume into several Parts. — The four volumes of the History of Froissart are each subdivided into a great number of chapters, which are differently placed, according to different manuscripts and printed copies ; but, besides these divisions, in a great many manuscripts there is one which is particular to the first volume. Some have four books, or parts, others six, and some eight. I will speak more fully when I come to mention the manuscripts of Froissart. It is in one of these four, six, or eight divisions of the first volume, that one must seek for the termination of that part of his History which Froissart carried to England, and presented to queen Philippa of Hainaultt. It necessarily precedes those books, or parts, in which the death of this queen in 1369 is related : it even precedes, if I am not mistaken, everything one reads prior to 1367, when he was appointed clerk of the closet to the queen of England ; for, I believe, it was the History which he presented to her that made him known, and gained him the office he held in the household of that princess. One cannot doubt but that it was posterior to the recital of the battle of Poitiers in 1356, since it was but at that epocha he began to write. One must not seek for it either before or after the years 1357, 1358, 1359, or 1360 ; I would rather fix on the year 1360 : for in that year was the treaty of Bretigny concluded, which gave peace to the French and English. This period agrees tolerably well with the time our author appears to have gone into England : the circumstance of the peace naturally intercepted a History which had appa- rently no other object than to treat of deeds of arms. The second and third volumes are terminated at similar periods ; one at the peace between the duke of Burgundy with Ghent in 1385 ; and the other between the French and English in 1387- Froissart discontinued writing in 1392, and during the following years, which were passed in a succession of truces between France and England ; of which Froissart took advantage, by going to England, where he had not been for twenty-seven years. IV. Did Froissart make these Divisions ? — One may ask if Froissart himself divided his History in the manner we have related ? I do not doubt but he was the author of the divi- sion into four volumes ; for, besides that it is so in all the manuscripts, even of those of his own time, he sometimes cites facts in some of these volumes which had been related in a former, and makes use of these expressions, " as it is mentioned in another History or in these words, " as you have before heard related in the preceding book of this renowned * No two manuscripts of the first volume hare been found exactly agreeing. f There exists at Valenciennes a very curious MS., recently made public by M. Buchon in bis excellent edi- tion of Froissart, which there is reason to believe was the original of the book presented to queen Philippa. In its general tenor it seems to be only the groundwork of the more expanded narrative of subsequent MSS., but some more minute details respecting the country of Hainault of no general interest, and a variation in the account of Edward's investiture with the office of Legate to the Empire, an affair which he afterwards wished to suppress, make it very probable that the Valenciennes MS. was the original expansion of that of John le Bel, which wa& afterwards remodelled at the English court. — Ed. XXX ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. excellent History." But as for the subdivisions of the first volume into four, six, or eight books, it is not to be found in the most ancient manuscripts ; besides, it is not uniformly the same in those wherein it is seen : I therefore do not hesitate in attributing them to the copyists, who have made them of their own accord. With regard to the chapters of each volume, and the titles of these chapters, they are only to be met with in the printed copies ; and in the manuscripts of that time, and posterior to it, they are different, according to the different manuscripts or printed copies : and I see no probability that Froissart was the author of them. One single passage may create a difficulty on this subject. It is in the first volume, where the historian refers you to a preceding chapter; but this passage is evidently an interpolation. Notwithstanding it is in the three black-letter editions, and in those of Denys Sauvage, it is not to be found in any of the manuscripts which I have seen, with the exception of a single one in the National Library, No. 8321, which is of the date of the latter end of the fifteenth century, and one of the least authentic copies we have *. V. The time which Froissart employed in the composition of his History. — The principal of these divisions, that which divides the history of Froissart into four volumes, serves to mark as many different epochs, at which he stopped in the course of his work ; whether from want of materials, having carried his narration to the time of his writing • or whether he wished to take some repose himself, and allow the same to his readers : but these are not the only places where Froissart has suspended the course of his history ; many have been pointed out, and I will endeavour to fix a date to them, as well as to others, to the utmost of my abilities. Before entering on this examination, I shall explain the manner in which I understand Froissart discontinued to write his history. From all I have said of his life, he is seen continually occupied with this object : upwards of forty years of his life, reckoning from the time he was twenty, were passed in this pursuit : but in such a great length of time, there is one part of it which more directly belongs to the composition of this work ; I mean that, when, returning from his travels and laborious inquiries, he collected his materials, arranged them, and formed a connected history, such as we have it at this day. As he worked at it at different times, I shall attempt to assign to each of the parts the suitable time for it ; to fix when it was begun and finished ; how many years he employed upon it, and the intervals during which he ceased to write : I think all these details necessary. Froissart travelled over large tracts of country, and made in several places long residences ; he was attached, at different times, to courts whose interests were in opposition ; he lived with a great number of princes and lords of different parties. It would have been very difficult for him not to have been biassed by prejudices, or influenced by affection for some, and hatred to others ; and that he should always have steered clear of the illusions of partiality ; for his candour alone would have served to have rendered him more susceptible of them f. If all the circumstances are recol- lected of the life of our historian, which have been related in the preceding pages, and they are connected with those times in which he worked at the composition of different parts of his history, not only the nature of the information he might be in a situation to collect will be manifest, as well relative to places, as to the persons he had seen ; but those persons to whom he may be supposed to have leaned, will be pointed out. These grounds being once * The chapters of Froissart are very difficult to settle. We have retained Mr. Johnes's division into chapters, but not his notation, which he suited to his quarto or octavo volumes, without any attention to the original division into four volumes. We have restored the original division into books or volumes, without which the reader is confused ; since, as has been shown by M. de St. Palaye, each was written and made public by the author as a separate history. There cannot be a stronger proof of this, and of Froissart's strong desire to relate the real truth without bias, than the fact, that the first book or volume, which was chiefly founded on the work of John le Bel, is that in which the greatest variation of copies is found ; in fact, no two MSS. of that book wholly agree. Froissart corrected it from' time to time, and seemed never tired of emendation ; the greater part of the original being hearsay, he was not satis- fied until he had himself examined the best witnesses; and hence the various divisions and variations in the first book, which have embarrassed every editor. — Ed. f This is a very beautiful sentiment of St. Palaye's, and no less beautiful than true. But the earnest desire Froissart showed to acquaint himself with both sides of every question, searching out truth with greater diligence than has ever before or since been shown by any historian, attaches great weight to information given on his own authority ; and wherever he is convicted of misstatements, it is upon the faith of another, which he honestly quotes.— Ed. ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xxxi established, will be of very great assistance in enabling us to appreciate more justly the different degrees of authority he deserves, acording to the various matters he treats of, and the times in which he treats of them. Without it being necessary for me to explain myself more at length on this subject, every reader may apply this rule as he shall advance in th© reading of Froissart : it will serve him as a guide each step he takes ; it will guard him from error or seduction ; whether the historian should have been ill-informed ; whether he should wish to impose on his readers, supposing it true that he should be capable of so doing. The first volume of Froissart comprehends, as I have said before, the history from 1326 to 1379. This period includes the time of his journey to England, when one may readily suppose he had discontinued the work ; for he considered it then as being finished to that part, since he says he carried it to England, where he presented it to the queen. It ends, as I have already said, about the year 1360 ; and, as we have seen that it was completed in 1361, and that he had only begun on it about the year 1357, it is evident that Froissart scarcely employed more than three or four years in the composition of this part of his work ; which nevertheless appears to me one of those with which he has taken the most pains. A sort of connexion which I find between several chapters of the remainder of this first volume, of which the first announces others at a great distance, convinces me that this remainder has been composed off-hand, and without interruption ; and that, consequently, the author only began to write it towards the year 1379, since he closes it with the account of the events of this same year. In truth, I believe that, during the time he passed in the service of queen Philippa from 1361 to 1369, he was more occupied in writing, by her orders, poems on gallantry and love verses, than in labouring at his history ; and that, although in his different travels, several of which were after the death of this princess, he was anxious to gain every information of the history of his own time, he had not, in the midst of an agitated life, either sufficient leisure, or a mind enough disengaged, to write it. He employed three or four years in composing the last half of his first volume ; for we shall see, that the following volume, which he did not immediately begin on, was written from 1385 to 1388. Notwithstanding Froissart may have written the first volume at two different times, it seems that the preface, which is at the beginning, was not done until the whole was finished ; for the author speaks in it of his travels into Scotland, whither he did not go until after he had presented the first half of this volume to the queen of England. No material interruption is met with in the course of the second volume. The author employs the first twenty-seven chapters in recapitulating the events of the last three years of the preceding volume, which had been too succinctly related. He adds new facts or new circumstances to those he had before told, or rectifies the narration, as having been better informed afterwards ; and it is from this that I draw my proof, that there was some interval between the composition of the first volume, and that which followed. After these first twenty-seven chapters he resumes the thread of his history, which he follows until the peace the men of Ghent obtained from the duke of Burgundy, and of which he reports the original treaty, dated the 18th of December, 1385. It is towards the year 1385 or 1386, that Froissart began to write his second volume : it was finished in 1388. This same year he visited the count de Foix ; and in the account he gives of his travels he says, that different persons reminded him of events which he had related in his history ; and these events are told in the second volume, which, according to appearances, was immediately written. There is an interval of upwards of two years between the composition of this volume and the ensuing one ; for the author only began on the third in 1390. He then wrote it by order, and at the expense, of the count de Blois : this he expressly says in the beginning of the first chapter of this volume *. There is nothing to prevent us from believing that the preceding volume had been composed by the orders of the same nobleman, since I have shown, in the Memoirs of his Life, that Froissart had appeared to have been attached to his service from the year 1385. The third volume, which returns to those events that had happened since the year 1382, and which gives a fuller account of them, had been, as I have just said, begun on in 1390, * Page 68, Vol. II. of the division of this edition xxxii ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. and was already finished in 1392. The author makes it so to be understood in that part where he speaks of the conventions entered into by the duke of Brittany with the king of France. He says, that at the time he was finishing this book, the duke had faithfully observed them, and had not done anything worthy of being noticed. "We shall hereafter witness the disobedience of this duke in 1392 ; who having received Peter de Craon at his palace, at the time a state criminal, he refused to obey the orders which Charles VI. sent him to give him up. This whole volume seems to me to have been composed without interruption ; at least there is a material connexion between several chapters at a great distance from each other. The interval there is between the third and fourth volumes, seems to have been caused more to give repose to the reader than to the historian ; for Froissart, in ending the third, announces the events which are to be the materials of the fourth volume. I believe the historian, immediately on completing the third, wrote the first 50 chapters of the fourth volume, which close with the events of 1392. A great number of manuscripts, and black- letter editions, which only begin the fourth volume after these fifty chapters, form a very natural prejudice in favour of this opinion : besides, from the year 1392, when they end, two years passed in continual negotiations between the French and English ; during which, several truces, but of short duration, were made ; which, however, ended at last in a peace, or truce, for four years. One cannot doubt but that Froissart then interrupted his writing ; since that was the time he performed his journey into England, where he resided three months. I believe this interval was considerable, because the remainder of the fourth volume, which seems to me to have been written without intermission, was composed, if I mistake not, but several years after this journey ; that is to say, towards the end of the fourteenth, or the beginning of the fifteenth century. One finds in it those events which belong to the years 1399 and 1400. I find nothing that may lead us to form any judgment how long a time the author employed on this last part. It is necessary to make one general observation on the subject of these intervals which I have just been speaking of, and of which I have attempted to determine the length. When our historian finished one of the parts of his history, he brought it down to the time when he was writing ; and towards the end he related the events as they were passing : from whence it happens, as it seems to me, that there is much confusion, often omissions and mistakes, which he has been obliged to correct or alter in the following parts, It is probably these different supplements which have made him take in many places the title not only of " actor," that is to say, author, but in addition to it, that of augmentator, of this history ; and that he says in other parts of it, " to have undertaken, continued, and augmented." VI. The inquiries Froissart made to compose his History, and the pains he took on this subject. — It has been shown with how much pains and fatigues Froissart had visited the greater part of the courts in Europe. Admitted into the palaces of the greatest lords, he insinuated himself into their confidence to so great a degree, that they not only related to him many particulars of their own lives, and of those events in which they had had a share, or been eye-witnesses of ; but they discovered to him sometimes the secret of the resolutions which had been entered into in the councils of the cabinet upon the most important affairs : he never failed to take advantage of his conversations with those with whom he could converse and interrogate with greater freedom. It seems that he had learnt many details of the court of France from the servants even of the king, and from those who were near to his person. If in his travels at court, or in other places he visited, he met with any from whom he thought he could gain information, more especially captains, or heralds, who in those times were the most usual agents in negotiations, and in affairs of importance ; he began a conversation with them, and insensibly led them to speak of those parts of history of which they ought to be best informed, whether in regard to the country where they were, or to other circumstances of their lives : and he never quitted them until he had made them tell all they knew ; all of which he immediately set down in writing. Not content to collect all these precious authorities, and to compare very carefully, as he himself informs us, the ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xxxiii information of persons who had been attached to different parties, he sought for proofs still less liable to suspicion. He consulted the treaties which princes had entered into with each other, their challenges or declarations of war, the letters they wrote to each other, and other papers of this nature. He expressly says, that he had seen many which he does not introduce, particularly those of the chancery of the king of England ; and some of them are transcribed entire in the course of his history. It appears that he did not choose everything he found as chance offered them, but that he examined them critically, and laid aside all those whose authenticity did not seem to him fully proved. VII. What end Froissart proposed to himself in writing his history; and what rules he had laid down to himself in writing it. — One may easily judge, from the detail of the attentions which Froissart himself tells us he took, that he was acquainted with the rules of sound criticism, and the true method which ought to be followed in writing history. He likewise informs us, that he had not the intention of making a dry chronicle, wherein facts are simply related with their dates, and in the order they happened, but that he was anxious to write what may be called in truth history, in which the events were presented with all the circumstances which had attended them. The details which lay open the secret springs by which mankind act, are precisely those which unveil the character and the very heart of the personages which history places on the stage ; and this was one of the essential parts of the design which Froissart had proposed to himself in writing history. Many passages in his work indicate that he had a natural inclination for it, and that he found infinite pleasure in working at it ; but another object, which does him much more honour, had greatly strengthened this natural taste : he proposed to preserve, for ages to come, the memory of those men who had made themselves renowned by their courage, or by their virtues ; to give to their actions a value, which nothing can efface or alter ; and, by amusing usefully his readers, to give birth to, or augment in their hearts, the love of glory, by the most brilliant examples. This desire, which always animated him in his various inquiries, supported him during forty years of labour, in which he neither spared attention nor time, and for which he feared not expending very considerable sums of money. In effect, nothing can be more proper than the spectacle which Froissart places continually before the eyes of his readers, to inspire them with a love for war ; that industrious vigilance, always on its guard against surprises, is incessantly active to surprise others ; that activity, which counts as nothing- pains and fatigue ; that contempt of death which elevates the mind above the fear of danger ; in short, that noble ambition which excites to enterprises of the greatest peril. He passes in review all the heroes which, nearly during a whole century, were produced by two warlike nations ; one of which was encouraged by successes as flattering as they were uninterrupted ; and the other, irritated by its misfortunes, was making exertions to revenge, at whatever price it may be, its own honour and its king. In so great a number of actions, of which many were extremely glorious to each party, it is not possible but that some were to be found of a quite different sort. Froissart does not take the less pains to paint these last, in order to give as much horror for vice, as he wished to inspire love for virtue : but, if all these pictures had been the fruits of his own imagination, they would not have been felt as much as he wished them. In order that their impression on the heart and mind should be perfectly sure and strong, it was necessary that their basis should be founded on the purest truth, disengaged from all flattery, as well as from partiality, or interest. It is this truth which our historian piques himself with having sought after with the greatest care. However, all I have just said is taken from his own words, spread over an infinity of passages, in his history ; and it is this alone that I guarantee. It remains to be seen if he has as faithfully observed this law which he imposes on himself as he has pro- mised it. But before I enter into an examination of this question, I shall make some general observations on his chronology : I shall then speak of the thirty-first years of his history, which are, properly speaking, but an introduction to the forty, and some years which follow them, until the end of the fifteenth century. VOL. I. G ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. VIII. The Chronology of Froissart. — I observe in the chronology of Froissart two capital defects, which are the source of all the disorder found in it. The first is, that when he passes from the history of one country to another, he makes the history which he begins go back to a period anterior to what he has just spoken of, without having had the attention to inform his readers of it. The second, which is not less considerable, is, that he has not settled in his own mind the manner of counting the years ; he makes them sometimes begin the 1st of January ; at other times at Easter ; others even at Palm Sunday. Froissart does not confine himself to date by years the events he relates : months, days, hours of the day, are often expressed in his different recitals. I remark, with regard to the days, that he only begins them when night is completely gone, and that day-break begins to appear. With regard to the hours of the day, he gives them a division, of which some examples, but in a small number, are seen in our ancient authors, and to which he very particularly attaches himself. He divides them according to the canonical hours of prime, tierce, none, and vepres; because, perhaps, he was in the ecclesiastical line himself. I observe, that he has not anywhere made use of the word sexte: what he means hj prime, was the morning, the first hour of the day, or the hour which followed next after day-break. Tierce seems to me to mark the intermediate time between the morning and mid- day, which he expresses either by the word mid-day, or by that of none. Afterwards comes vepre, or, la vepree: it was, as the word points out, the end of the day ; after which was reckoned mid-night. Sometimes he adds to these words of prime, tierce, none, vepres, the epithet of basse, to mark that the time of these hours was near closing ; and sometimes the word haute, which, in some instances, appears to have the same signification, and in others quite the contrary. He uses this mode of speech a Vaube crevant, to say, that the dawn of day has but just begun to show itself ; au soleil resconsant, to express the setting sun ; a la relevee, for the time which follows the hour of mid-day; and a la remontee, which seems to me synonymous to la vepree, for the evening, the time at which the day approaches to its end. IX. Of the first thirty years which Froissart has treated of at the beginning of his History, after John le Bel; that is to say, from 1326 to 1356. — The first thirty years of the history of Froissart are properly but a preliminary, which serves to give the reader some information relative to the wars which he was afterwards to give an account of. He describes the state of France and of England ; and shows the cause of the quarrel between the two crowns, which was the origin of those bloody wars they carried on reciprocally against each other. Froissart cannot be reckoned a contemporary writer of these first thirty years ; he was not born, or if he was, he was in his infancy, or of such an age that he could not make any great use of his reason. He therefore scarcely ever mentions these thirty years, as an author who has seen what he relates ; and, without doubt, it must be to this period alone that one can refer what he says in the commencement of his history, that he wrote after another who had lived before : it is, as he tells us, " The true Chronicles of John le Bel, canon of Saint Lambert of Liege These chronicles have not been handed down to us ; and I cannot discover anything more, either concerning the work or its author, but what Froissart tells us. He speaks of him as one who no longer existed ; but he boasts his exactness, and the pains he took in comparing his chronicles, and the considerable expenses he was at on this subject. He represents him as the favourite and confidant of John of Hainault, in company with whom he might have witnessed several great events, which, says he, shall in the end be related ; for the earl, who was nearly related to several kings, had played a principal part in many of these transactions. Froissart, in these thirty years, which are anterior to the battle of Poitiers, in 1356, enters more into the detail of the history of the English than of the French, perhaps from having followed in this respect his original author, who had taken a much greater interest in the history of England, from its connexions with the count de Hainault. This certainly is the cause why those manuscripts, which only contain the first years of the Chronicle of Froissart, are called Chronicles of England ; and also has given rise to the reproach which has been made to him of being the partisan of England, and ill-inclined towards France ; an accusa- * See note, p. xxx. ESSAY ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. XXXV tion which I shall examine at the end of this criticism. I do not think Froissart could have chosen a better guide for the history of the thirty years than the author he says he followed. To judge of the information which this historian might have drawn from the intimacy with which he lived with John of Hainault, one must recollect the situation in which this earl then was. The queen of England, Isabella of France, had fled from England with the young prince of Wales, her son, afterwards Edward III., to free herself from the persecutions of the Spencers, and the other favourites of her husband, Edward II. Charles le Bel, king of France, brother to this queen, was forced to order her to quit his kingdom, after he had afforded her an asylum for some time. The court of the count de Hainault, of whom we are speaking, was the only resource for the mother and son : not only was this open to them, but they found there powerful succours to carry with them to England, and to draw down vengeance on their enemies. The young prince had there met a virtuous and amiable princess (she was one of the daughters of the count), who felt for him those first sentiments of a natural inclination which seem to foretell the most durable attachments : he conceived a strong affection for her, made her his bride, and afterwards she was placed with him on the throne of England. It is the same to whom Froissart presented his History. Froissart wrote then after an author who was himself personally acquainted with all these facts, and from the persons the best informed ; for it was their own history. The writer, who appears to have been brought up at the court of the count de Hainault, was living in the greatest familiarity with those, to whom all the circumstances of this court, which were then recent, would be in their recollection, and perfectly well known to them ; and he wrote the history of it for queen Philippa, of Hainault, who had acted so principal a part in it : never was there an historian who had more undeniable witnesses of the facts he relates. Never was there one in whom greater confidence could be placed, than in Froissart in this part of his history. You will, however, recollect the faults which M. Lancelot has corrected in several articles which concern the history of England at this period. His criticism is founded on the original acts which he has had in his hands, and whose authority is unquestionable. I urge this example, because it seems to me more proper than any other, to make a truth, important to our history, more strongly felt, and which has been so much recommended by authors the most versed in this study : I mean, the absolute necessity of accompanying the study of history with the comparing it with the original acts of those times. Some of them enlighten parts which are wanting, while others add to the testimonies of history a degree of authenticity of which they are but in too much need ; and it is from this comparison that the certitude of these truths results as much as their nature is susceptible with regard to us. I shall reserve for another opportunity to speak of those forty and some years following, which Froissart wrote as a contemporary historian, and as an eye-witness, I may say, of everything which was then passing in the world. But I shall first examine the different judgments which have been passed on this historian, and particularly the almost universal reproach which has been made to him, of being a violent partisan of the English, and a declared enemy to the French. I shall speak of his partiality in other respects, his credulity in certain articles, his exactness in others, and his mode of writing : I will then enumerate the detail of the editions which we have of his history ; I will discuss the merits and faults of each of them ; I shall more especially examine whether that of Sauvage has more corrupted and falsified the text, than it has enlightened it. In short, I shall give a summary account of upwards of forty volumes, in folio, of manu- scripts of this history, which I have collated with great attention. c 2 A CRITICISM ON THE HISTORY OF FROISSART. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF M. DE LA CURNE DE ST. PALAYE, BY THOMAS JOHNES. I have laid before you the views with which Froissart wrote his Chronicles, the care he took to be informed of all the events which were to make parts of it, and the rules he had imposed on himself in writing it. I shall at present examine if he has been exact in observ- ing these rules ; what are the defects and advantages of his history : what is the form and style of it. From thence I shall pass to the manuscripts and editions we have of it ; then to the abridgments and different translations which have been published. Froissart is accused of partiality ; and this accusation is become so general, that it seems to have acquired the character of notoriety ; whose privilege is to supersede proofs. Frois- sart is said to have sold his pen to the English, who paid him a considerable pension ; and, by a necessary consequence of his affection for them, he is unfavourable to the French. Bodin, Pasquier, Brantome, Sorel, la Popeliniere, le Laboureur, decide against him in the most positive terms. It seems even that his readers, prejudiced by the connexions which Froissart had with the English, may have some reason to distrust everything he relates to their advantage. In truth, he begins by saying, that he had written his history at the solicitations of Robert de Namur, a near relation of the queen Philippa, and a vassal of the crown of England, which he usefully served against France. In another part he informs us, that he was of the household of Edward III. the most cruel enemy of the French ; and that his queen, to whom he was secretary, had not only, by her liberalities, enabled him to travel into various parts in order to enrich his history, but that she had generously paid him for his labours in it. In short, the first twenty-six chapters of his Chronicle solely concern the history of England, which has been the reason why it has been called the " Chronicle of England " in several manuscripts. From thence it has been concluded that Froissart, from his intimate attachment to the court of England, must be a violent partisan of that nation, and the enemy of its enemies. Nothing more was wanted for the most innocent accounts, if given by any other historian, appearing as poisonous if issued from his pen : but, in order to judge if this suspicion has any foundation, I will run over the period of which he has transmitted to us the history, in examining successively the different situations he was in when he wrote the various parts of it. Froissart cannot be suspected of partiality during the first years of the reign of Edward III. This prince never forgot that his uncle, king Charles le Bel, had given him an asylum in his kingdom ; when, with his mother, Isabella of France, he had escaped from the perse- cutions of the Spencers, who governed the mind of his father, Edward II. The court of France had not any misunderstanding with that of England during the reign of Charles. I pass over for a moment the forty years which followed from 1329, when the succession to the crown of France being opened by the death of Charles le Bel, the bonds which had united the kings of France and England became themselves the source of divisions and of A CRITICISM ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xxxvii the most murderous wars ; and I come to the times which succeeded the death of queen Philippa in 1369, a period when Froissart, no longer residing in England, had attached himself to Winceslaus, duke of Brabant. This prince, brother to the emperor Charles IV., was, in fact, uncle to Anne of Bohemia, who was afterwards queen of England, by her marriage with Richard II. ; but he was also in the same degree of relationship with Charles V. of France, the son of his sister, and preserving a strict neutrality between the two rival crowns, he was invited to the coronations of Charles V. and of Charles VI. He obtained even in the last of these ceremonies the pardon of the count de St. Pol, whom the king's council wished to put to death for the crime of high treason. Froissart, who informs us of this circumstance, with which he must have been well acquainted, tells us another, which clearly shows that Winceslaus ever preserved the friend- ship of king Charles, as well as that of his council. During the time the war was carrying- on with the greatest obstinacy, he obtained a passport for the princess Anne of Bohemia to go to England, where she was to marry Richard II. Charles and his uncles accompanied this favour with the most obliging letters, adding, they only granted it out of friendship to him. Froissart had not any interest to write against France during the time he passed with this prince ; he had, shortly afterwards, still less, when he was secretary to the count de Blois, who crowned a life, completely devoted to the interests of France, by the sacrifice of the interests of his own family. The most trifling marks of ill-will against France would have exposed him to lose not only the good graces of his master, but the fruits of his historical labours, which he had induced him to continue, and which he so generously recompensed. The historian therefore, fearful of the reproaches which might be made him for being too good a Frenchman, reproaches very different from those which have been since made him, thinks himself bound to justify, in the following terms, what he relates of the inviolable attachment of the Bretons to the crown of France against the English, vol. iii. chapter lxv. p. 240, year 1387- " Let no one say I have been corrupted by the favour which the count Guy de Blois (who has made me write this history) has shown unto me, and who has so liberally paid me for it that I am satisfied, because he was nephew to the true duke of Brittany, and so nearly related as son to count Louis de Blois, brother-germ an to Charles de Blois, who, as long as he lived, was duke of Brittany : no, by my troth, it is not so ; for I will not speak at all, unless it be the truth, and go straight forward, without colouring one more than another : besides, the gallant prince and court, who have made me undertake this history, had no other wish but for me to say what is true." Since Froissart in all these times, which carry us almost to the end of histChronicle, cannot be suspected of hatred to the French, nor of affection to the English ; [ return to those years I have omitted from J 329 to 1369, of which he passed a considerable part in England, attached to the king and queen, and living in a sort of familiarity with the young princes, their children : it is in respect to these years, that the suspicion of partiality to the English can subsist with the greatest force. It was difficult, in a court where everything breathed hatred to France, for him to preserve that perfect neutrality which the quality of an historian demands ; and that he should not lean towards that passion of princes to whom he owed his present fortune, and from whom he expected more considerable establishments. One might find reasons to weaken this prejudice in the sweetness and moderation which queen Philippa ever preserved in the midst of all these wars ; who calmed the fury of her husband at the siege of Calais, and who obtained, by her instances, the pardon of the six generous citizens of that town whom he had condemned to death. I might add, that if Froissart was of the household of king Edward, he was also of the household of king John ; and it seems he was attached to this prince even at the time when he was in England. But, without seeking to combat these prejudices by others, 1 shall simply consul* the text of Froissart, which must, in this respect, be the rule for our judgment. After having read hirn with all the attention I am capable of, without having remarked one single trace of the partiality they reproach him with, I have examined with the utmost care some principal points, where naturally it ought to have been the most apparent. The accession of Philip de Valois to the crown had incensed all England, who adopted the chimerical pretensions of Edward III. This was a delicate circumstance for an historian, xxxviii A CRITICISM ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. who, living in the midst of a court, and a nation so strongly prejudiced, was determined not to quit the line of duty. Now, these are the terms in which Froissart relates this event, after having mentioned the deaths of the kings, Louis Hutin, Philip le Long, and Charles le Bel : " The twelve peers and barons of France did not give the realm of France to their sister, who was queen of England, because they declared and maintained, and still resolve, that the kingdom of France is so noble, that it ought not to descend to a female, nor conse- quently to the king of England, her eldest son ; for thus they determine, that the son of a female cannot claim any right of succession as coming from his mother, when the mother herself has not any right ; so that, for these reasons, the twelve peers and the barons of France unanimously decreed the kingdom of France to my lord Philip, nephew to the good king Philip of France, before-mentioned, and took from the queen of England and her son the right of succeeding to the last king, Charles. Thus, as it appeared to many persons, did the kingdom of France go out of the straight line of succession, which occasioned very great wars in consequence," &c. This whole passage presents nothing but what must make one admire the courage and candour of the historian, when even he should have added these words, "it appeared to many persons ;" since it is not any matter of doubt that the succes- sion passed from the straight line to the collateral branch. Nevertheless, some malignant intention was thought to lurk beneath, and the words "took from" having offended some readers, they have added in the margin a sort of correction, which I have seen in two manuscripts in a hand almost as ancient as the manuscripts themselves : " They never could take away what they had never been in possession of, nor had any right to. They never took it away ; for neither the foresaid lady, nor her son, had even a right to it ; but Froissart shows he was partial to the English." The homage which king Edward III. paid to the king of France, hurt exceedingly the delicacy of the English : they had disputed for some time, and with great warmth, on the form in which it was to be made ; seeking to curtail it of all that was humiliating to them. As the king of France firmly supported the prerogatives of his crown, and obliged Edward to acquit himself of this duty according to the terms which had been practised by his prede- cessors, an historian who was desirous of being complaisant would have slightly passed over this article. Froissart, however, insists upon it as much as he is able ; he neither omits the difficulties which the English made, nor the authorities which king Philip opposed to them ; and he accompanies these details with the original acts the most proper to confirm them ; so that, if the kings of France should ever have occasion to verify their rights, the deposition alone of Froissart would furnish an authentic and incontestable title. The English accuse the French of not being very scrupulous in observing treaties ; and maintain, that sir Geoffry de Charni acted by the secret orders of the king of France, when, in contempt of a truce which had been made, he attempted to surprise Calais in 1349. Rapin embraces this opinion, and supports it by the testimony of Froissart, whom he quotes in the margin. I know not from what copy, nor what manuscript, he has taken his autho- rity ; but, for my part, I read in all the printed and in all the manuscripts these words, which are quite contrary to his sentiments : " I believe, that Geoffry de Charni had never spoken of it to the king of France ; for, the king would never have advised him to attempt it, on account of the truce." The English again impute to Charles V. the infraction of the treaty of Bretigny, which they first broke, if we believe the French. Far from finding anything in Froissart which favours the English pretensions, I believe that, if the terms in which he expresses himself were strictly examined, they would at least form a presumption against them. I do not despair but that one day a brother academician will give us all the proofs which a sound criticism, and a mature reading of the historical monuments of that age, can furnish on a point of history which is of equal consequence to the nation and to truth. The single combat proposed in 1354 between the kings of France and of England, is still a matter of dispute between the historians of the two nations. According to the French, the challenge sent in the name of king John was not accepted by Edward ; whilst the English say, their king dared the king of France to battle, but that he refused the combat : Froissart decides formally for the French. " The king of France," says he, " went after him as far as St. Omer, and sent to him (the king of England) by the marshal d'Authain, and by several A CRITICISM ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xxxix other knights, that he would fight with him, if he pleased, body to body, or strength against strength, any day he would name : but the king of England refused the combat, and re-crossed the sea to England ; and the king of France returned to Paris." To these examples I could add a great number of other passages where he gives much praise, as well to the people, as to the lords who signalized themselves by their attachment to the party of the French, and wherein he neither spares those who had declared themselves against, nor those who had cowardly abandoned them. In addition to what he says of the fidelity of the Bretons, and of the counts de Blois, their legitimate sovereigns, he praises the zeal with which several lords in Scotland received the French fleet sent in 1385 to assist them against the English. The earl of Douglas, to whom he appears much attached, and in whose castle he had spent several days in his travels into Scotland, seems to be of this number. At the same time he declaims against those whose bad faith and ingratitude rendered this armament fruitless. He speaks in the strongest terms of the presumption of the duke of Gueldres, who dared to declare war against the king of France (Charles VI.) in 1387, and of the insolence with which he expressed himself in his declaration of war. He applauds the just indignation which induced this monarch to march in person to chastise the pride of this petty prince. In shorty of all the nations whom he speaks of in his history, there are but few whom he has not sometimes marked with odious epithets. According to him,, the Portuguese are passionate and quarrelsome ; the Spaniards envious, haughty, and uncleanly ; the Scots perfidious and ungrateful ; the Italians assassins and poisoners ; the English vain-boasters, contemptuous, and cruel. There is not one trait against the French ; on the contrary, this brave nation supports itself, according to Froissart, by the vigour and strength of its knight- hood, which was never so totally overwhelmed by its misfortunes, as not in the end to find some marvellous resources in its courage. The historian also seems to have taken a pride in having been born a Frenchman, in telling us that he owed to this title the good reception which a French esquire gave him, when he lodged with him at Ortez. It is true, that the king of England, and his son the prince of Wales, seem to have been, as long as they lived, the heroes of his history ; and that, in the recital of several battles, he is more occupied with them than with the king of France. But, where is the Frenchman of candour, who will not find himself forced to give these princes the utmost praise ? Besides, does not our historian render justice to the valour and intrepidity of king Philip de Valois. and of king John ? Nothing can surpass the praises he gives as well to the wisdom as to the ability of king Charles V. ; and above all, that glorious testimony which he makes no difficulty to put into the mouth of the king of England : " There never was a king who so little armed himself ; and there never was a king who gave me so much to do." I think I have fully established, by all that you have just read, that Froissart was not that partial historian he has been accused of. Nevertheless, I think it will be more sure to read him with some circumspection, and that one ought, as much as may be possible, never to lose sight, I repeat it, of two objects which I have particularly endeavoured to make observed in the preceding pages : I mean to say, on one hand, the details of his life, his different attachments to divers princes and to certain lords, the connexions he had or the friendships he contracted with various persons ; on the other, the situations in which he was placed when he wrote his history, what parts* of it were undertaken at the solicitation of the count de Namur, a partisan of the English, and those which he composed by the orders of the count de Blois, a friend to France. For if one is determined to persuade oneself that he ought to be disposed to favour the English in all he relates until 1369, from the same reason he should lean to the French in all the ensuing years until the conclusion of his Chronicle. I ought not to neglect to mention that his prejudices are sometimes visible when he enters into the minuter details, as one may be convinced of by the praise she gives to the piety and other virtues of the count de Foix, strongly contrasted by those actions of cruelty he had just before related. But when an historian, disengaged from all passion, should hold an even balance between the different parties ; when to this quality he adds that which cannot be refused to Froissart, I mean, a continual anxiety to be informed of every event, and of every particular, that may interest his readers ; he will yet be very far from perfection, if to A CRITICISM ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. these acquirements he does not add sound criticism, which, in the multitude of discordant relations, knows how to separate everything that is distant from truth ; or his work will otherwise be less a history, than a heap of fables and popular rumours. Notwithstanding all Froissart tells us of the care he took to hear both sides, and to compare their different accounts with each other, often with the original pieces, I think he may be accused of some little negligence on this head. His manner of life allowed him but little leisure to make all the reflections and all the comparisons which such an examination would require. In those countries whither his active curiosity carried him, other attentions occupied his mind. Charged sometimes with secret commissions, he endeavoured to insinuate himself into the good graces of those princes he visited, by compositions of gallantry, by romances, by poetry ; and the love he ever had for pleasure took such possession of both his time and his heart, that his mind must have been often turned from the serious meditations of the cabinet, of which naturally it was not very capable. I am not afraid to say, that his manner of life is to be found in some sort retraced even in his Chronicles. One sees in them tumultuous meetings of warriors of all ages, degrees., and countries ; feasts ; entertainments at inns ; conversations after supper, which lasted until a late hour ; where every one was eager to relate what he had seen, or done : after which, the travelling historian, before he went to bed, hastened to put on paper everything his memory could recollect. One sees in them the history of events which happened during the course of almost a century, in all the provinces of the kingdom, and of all the people in Europe, related without order. In a small number of chapters one frequently meets with several different histories, begun, interrupted, recommenced, and again broken off ; and in this confusion the same things repeated, whether in order to be corrected, contradicted, or denied, or whether to be augmented. The historian seems to have carried even to his composition of the Chronicle his love of romances, and to have imitated the disorder which reigns in these sort of works ; from which one might say he has affected even to borrow their syle. Thus, for example, when he begins a narrative, he frequently uses this expression, " Now the tale says and when he speaks of the death of any one, or some other melancholy event, he adds, " but amend it he could not ; " phrases which are to be met with in almost every page of the romances of the Round Table. However, all I say of this romantic taste of Froissart, which he seems to have pre- served in his history, applies solely to the style he makes use of ; for I have never once observed that he attempts to embellish it with the marvellous. The faults which are met with contrary to historical exactness, arise solely from the natural confusion of his mind, the precipitation with which he wrote, and the ignorance he must necessarily have been in respecting many things, which would have escaped his inquiries. What he relates of distant countries, such as Africa, Hungary, Tartary, and, in general, the eastern parts of the world, is full of the grossest blunders. In his time commerce had not then formed any connexion with those countries and our own : what was known of them, was founded on the faith of those whom accident had carried thither, and who had resided too short a time among them to gain sufficient information respecting the manners, customs, and history of these people. But if Froissart has committed many faults in what he relates to us, the greatest, without doubt, is to have spoken at all of what he could not but imperfectly know. All these defects and imperfections do not prevent his Chronicle from being considered as one of the most precious monuments of our history; and that the perusal of it should not be as agreeable as instructive to those who, not confining themselves to the knowledge of general facts, seek in the details, whether of particular events, whether of the usages of that age, to develop the character of mankind, and of the centuries which have passed F roissart was born to transmit to posterity a living picture of an age, enemy to repose ; and which, amid the intervals of troubles with which it was almost continually agitated, found relaxation only in the most tumultuous pleasures. Besides the wars of so many nations which he describes, and in which he informs us of divers usages respecting the ban and arrier ban, the attack and defence of places, fortifioations, detachments, skirmishes, orders of battle, artillery, marine, the armour of those on foot, and those on horseback ; one finds in this history everything which can excite curiosity with regard to the nobility A CRITICISM ON THE WORKS OF FROISSART. xli 55 the memory of man there had not been seen so fine an assembly of great lords ; for the king of France was there in person, and had with him king Charles of Bohemia, the king of Navarre, and the king of Scotland, dukes, counts, barons, and knights without number, and they were daily increasing. When the king of England had halted in the champaign country of Tierache, as you have before heard, he was informed, that the king of France was within two leagues of him, and eager to give him battle ; he therefore summoned the chiefs of his army, and demanded of them the best method of preserving his honour, as his intention was to accept the combat. The lords looked at each other, and requested the duke of Brabant to give his opinion. The duke replied, that he was for fighting, as they could not depart honourably without it ; and he advised, that a herald should be sent to the king of France, to offer him battle, and to fix the clay. A herald, who belonged to the duke of Gueldres, and spoke French well, had this commission. After being imformed what he was to say, he rode to the French army, and coming to the king and his counsellors, told them, that the king of England, having halted in the plains, demanded and required the combat of one army against the other. To this king Philip answered willingly, and appointed the Friday following for the day, this being "Wednesday. The herald returned back, well clothed w T ith handsome furred mantles, which the king and lords of France had given him for the sake of the news he had brought, and related the good cheer he had received. The day being thus fixed, information of it was given to the captains of either army, and every one made his preparations accordingly. On the Thursday morning, two knights belonging to the earl of Hainault, the lords of Faguinelles and Tupegny, mounted their steeds ; and these two leaving their own army, set out to view that of the English. They rode on for some time boldly along the line of the English army ; when it chanced that the horse of the lord of Faguinelles took fright, ran off in spite of all the efforts of his master, and carried him, whether he would or no, to the quarters of the enemy. He fell into the hands of the Germans, who, soon perceiving he did not belong to their party, surrounded him and his horse, and took him prisoner. He remained prisoner to five or six German gentlemen, who immediately ransomed him. When they found out that he was a Hainaulter, they asked him whether he knew sir John of Hainault ; he replied, Yes, and begged of them, for the love of God, to carry him to him, because he was sure he would be security for his ransom. The Germans were delighted at this, and carried him to sir John, who pledged himself for his ransom. The lord of Faguinelles thereupon returned to the army of Hainault, to his earl and other lords. His steed was returned to him through the entreaties of the above lord of Beaumont. Thus passed that day, without any other thing occurring worthy of being recorded. CHAPTER XLI. THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND DRAW UP THEIR ARMIES IN BATTLE ARRAY AT VIRONFOSSE. When Friday morning was come, the two armies got themselves in readiness, and heard mass, each lord among his own people, and at his own quarters : many took the sacrament and confessed themselves. We shall speak first of the English order of battle, which was drawn out on the plain, and formed three battalions of infantry. They placed their horses and baggage in a small wood behind them, and fortified it. The first battalion was commanded by the duke of Gueldres, the marquis of Nuys, the marquis of Blanckenburg, sir John de Hainault, the earls of Mons and Savines, the lord of Fauquemont, sir William du Fort, sir Arnold de Bacqueghen, and the Germans. There were twenty-two banners and sixty pennons ; and the whole consisted of eight thousand good men. The second battalion was under the duke of Brabant, with whom were the barons and knights of his country. First, the lord of Kus, the lord of Breda, the lord of Berques, the lord of Rodas, the lord of Yauselaire, the lord Broguinal, the lord d'Estonnevort, the lord of Wyten, the lord d'Elka, the lord of Cassebegne, the lord of Duffle, sir Thierry de Valcourt, sir Rasse de Gres, sir John de Cassebegne, sir Walter de Hautebergue, the three brothers De Harlebeque, sir John Fitifee, sir Giles de Cottercbe, sir Henry of Flanders, whom he had 50 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. before occasion to mention, and several other barons and knights of Flanders, who were under the banner of the duke of Brabant ; that is to say, the lords of Hallain and Guiten, sir Hector Villains, sir John of Rhodes, sir Yauflart de Guistelles, sir William d'Estrates, sir Gossuin de la Muelle, and many more. The duke of Brabant had with him twenty-four banners and eighty pennons ; the whole amounting to seven thousand men. The third battalion, which was the greatest, was commanded by the king of England in person. With him were, his cousin, the earl of Derby, son of the earl of Lancaster, the bishop of Lincoln, the bishop of Durham, the earl of Salisbury, the earls of Northampton and Gloucester, the earl of Suffolk, sir Robert d'Artois, who was called earl of Richmond, the earl of Hereford, sir Reginald Cobham, the lord Percy, the lord Roos, the lord Mowbray, sir Lewis and sir John Beauchamp, the lord Delaware, the lord Lincoln, the lord Basset, the lord Fitzwalter, sir Walter Manny, sir Hugh Hastings, sir John Lisle, and many others, whom I cannot name. The king created many knights ; among whom was sir John Chandos*. whose numerous acts of prowess are recorded in this book. The king had twenty-eight banners and ninety pennons ; and there might be in his division about six thousand men at arms, and the same number of archers. He had formed on his wing another battalion, under the command of the earl of Warwick, the earl of Pembroke, the lord Berkeley, the lord Molins, and some others, who were on horseback, in order to rally those that might be thrown into disorder, and to serve as a rear guard. When every thing had been thus arranged, and each lord under his proper banner, as had been ordered by the marshals, the king mounted an ambling palfrey, and, attended only by sir Robert d'Artois, sir Reginald Cobham, and sir Walter Manny, rode along the line of his army, and right sweetly entreated the lords and their companions, that they would aid him to preserve his honour, which they all promised. He then returned to his own division, set himself in battle array as became him, and ordered that no one should advance before the banners of the marshals. We will now speak of the king of France, as it has been related by those who were present. There were eleven score banners, four kings, six dukes, twenty-six earls, upwards of five thousand knights, and more than forty thousand common men. With Philip de Valois, king of France, were, the kings of Bohemia, of Navarre, and of Scotland ; the dukes of Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy, Bourbon, Lorrain, and Athens ; the earls of Alencon (the king's brother,) of Flanders, of Hainault, of Blois, of Bar, of Forets, of Foix, oi Armagnac, the earl dauphin of Auvergne, the earls of Longueville, of Estampes, of Vendome, of Harcourt, of St. Pol, of Guines, of Boulogne, of Roussy, of Dammartin, of Yalentinois, of Auxerre, of Sancerre., of Geneve, of Dreux ; and from Gascony and Languedoc so many earls and viscounts, that it would take up too much time to name them. It was a fine sight to see the banners and pennons flying in the plain, the barbed horses, the knights and esquires richly armed. The French were formed in three large battalions, each consisting of fifteen thousand men at arms, and twenty thousand men on foot. CHAPTER XLII. THE TWO KINGS RETIRE FROM VIRONFOSSE WITHOUT GIVING BATTLE. It was a matter of much wonder how two such fine armies could separate without fighting. But the French were of contrary opinions among themselves, and each spoke out his thoughts. Some said it would be a great shame, and very blameable, if the king did not give battle when he saw his enemies so near him, and drawn up in his own kingdom in battle array, in order to fight with him according to his promise : others said it would exhibit a singular instance of madness to fight, as they were not certain that some treachery was not intended ; besides, if fortune should be unfavourable, the king would run a great risk of losing his kingdom, and if he should conquer his enemies, he would not be the nearer to gain possession of England, or of the land of the allies. Thus the day passed until near twelve o'clock in disputes and debates. About noon a hare was started in the plain, and * Neither Lord Bernera' nor Sauvage's edition make mention of this creation of knights, but speak of sir John Chandos as already a knight. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 57 ran among the French army, who began to make a great shouting and noise, which caused those in rear to imagine the combat was begun in the front, and many put on their helmets, and made ready their swords. Several new knights were made, especially by the earl of Hainault, who knighted fourteen, and they were ever after called knights of the hare. In this situation the two armies remained all Friday, without moving, except as has been mentioned. In the midst of the debates of the council of the king of France, letters were brought to the king from Robert king of Sicily, addressed to him and his council. This king Robert was, as they said, a very great astrologer and full of deep science ; he had often cast the nativities of the kings of France and England, and had found, by his astrology and the influence of the stars, that, if the king of France fought with the king of England in person, he would surely be defeated ; in consequence of which, he, as a wise king, and much fearing the danger and peril of his cousin the king of France, had sent long before letters, most earnestly to request king Philip and his council never to give battle to the English when king Edward should be there in person. These doubts, and this letter from the king of Sicily, made many of the lords of France sore disheartened, of which the king was informed, who, notwithstanding, was very eager for the combat ; but he was so strongly dissuaded from it, that the day passed quietly, and each man retired to his quarters. When the earl of Hainault saw that there was no likelihood of a battle, he departed with all his people, and returned to Quesnoy. The king of England, the duke of Brabant, and the other lords, began to prepare for their return, packed up their baggage, and came that Friday night to Avesnes, in Hainault, where they took up their quarters, and in its neigh- bourhood. The next day the Germans and Brabanters took their leave, and returned to their homes. The king of England went to Brabant with the duke, his cousin. The king of France, the Friday afternoon that the two armies had been drawn out in order of battle, retired to his lodgings, very angry that the combat had not taken place ; but those of his council told him he had acted right well, and had valiantly pursued his ene- mies, insomuch that he had driven them out of his kingdom, and the king of England must make many such expeditions before he could conquer the kingdom of France. The next day king Philip gave permission for all to depart, dukes, barons, knights, &c., most courteously thanking the leaders for having come so well equipped to serve and assist him. Thus ended this great expedition, and every man returned to his own house. The king of France went to St. Omer, and gave there his principal orders for public affairs. He despatched a great number of men at arms into his garrisons, especially to Tournay, Lisle, and Douay, and to all the towns bordering on the empire. He sent sir Godemar du Fay to Tournay, and made him governor-general and regent of all the country thereabout, and sir Edward de Beaujeu to Mortaigne ; and when he had ordered the rest of his business to his liking, he drew towards Paris. CHAPTER XLIII. — KING EDWARD ASSUMES THE ARMS AND TITLE OF KING OF FRANCE. When king Edward had departed from La Flamengrie, and arrived in Brabant, he set out straight for Brussels, whither he was attended by the duke of Gueldres, the duke of Juliers, the marquis of Blanckenburg, the earl of Mons, the lord John of Hainault, the lord of Fauquemont, and all the barons of the empire, who were allied to him, as they wished to consider what was next to be done in this war which they had begun. For greater expe- dition, they ordered a conference to be holden in the city of Brussels, and invited Jacob von Artaveld to attend it, who came thither in great array, and brought with him all the coun- cils from the principal towns of Flanders. At this parliament, the king of England was advised, by his allies of the empire, to solicit the Flemings to give him their aid and assist- ance in this war, to challenge the king of France, to follow king Edward wherever he should lead them, and in return he would assist them in the recovery of Lisle, Douay and Bethunc. The Flemings heard this proposal with pleasure ; but they requested of the king, that they might consider of it among themselves, and in a short time they would give their answer. The king consented, and soon after they made this reply : — 53 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. " Beloved sire, you formerly made us a similar request ; and we are willing to do every thing in reason for you, without prejudice to our honour and faith — but we are pledged by promise on oath, under a penalty of two millions of florins, to the apostolical chamber, not to act offensively against the king of France in any way, whoever he may be, without for- feiting this sum, and incurring the sentence of excommunication : but if you will do what we will tell you, you will find a remedy ; which is, that you take the arms of France, quarter them with those of England, and call yourself king of France. We will acknow- ledge your title as good, and we will demand of you quittance for the above sum, which you will grant us as king of France : thus we shall be absolved, and at liberty to go with you wherever you please." The king summoned his council, for he was loth to take the title and arms of France, seeing that at present he had not conquered any part of that kingdom, and it was uncertain whether he ever should : on the other hand, he was unwilling to lose the aid and assistance of the Flemings, who could be of greater service to him than any others at that period. He consulted, therefore, with the lords of the empire, the lord Robert d'Artois, and his most privy councillors, who, after having duly weighed the good and bad, advised him to make for answer to the Flemings, that if they would engage, under their seals, to the agreement of aiding him to carry on the war, he would willingly comply with their conditions, and would swear to assist them in the recovery of Lisle, Douay, and Bethune ; to which they willingly consented. A day was fixed for them to meet at Ghent, where the king and the greater part of the lords of the empire, and in general the councils from the different towns in Flanders, assembled. The abovementioned proposals and answers were then repeated, sworn to, and sealed ; and the king of England bore the arms of France, quartering them with those of England : he also took the title of king of France from that day forward, and maintained it, until he laid it aside by a certain agreement, as will be hereafter related in this book. At this conference held at Ghent, the lords engaged the summer ensuing to make an active war in France, and promised to besiege the city of Tournay. The Flemings Were much rejoiced at this, for they thought they should be strong enough to conquer it ; and if it were once under the protection of the king of England, they could easily recover Lisle, Douay, Bethune, and all their dependencies, which of right belonged to the country of Flanders. The lords and the councils were still at Ghent, much wondering why those of the country of Ilainault had not come to this conference ; but such proper excuses were sent, that the king and the others were satisfied. Things remained on this footing, when the lords took their leave, and set out for their own country. The king of England went to Antwerp ; but the queen remained with her train at Ghent, where she was often visited and comforted by Jacob von Artaveld and other lords and ladies of Ghent. The king left in Flanders the earls of Salisbury and of Suffolk, who went to the town of Ypres, which they garrisoned, and thence harassed much those of Lisle and its environs. When the king's vessel was ready, he embarked with a numerous attendance at Antwerp, and sailed for London, where he arrived about St. Andrew's clay, 1339, and was joyfully received by his subjects, who were anxious for his return. Great complaints were made to him of the ravages which the Normans, Picards, and Spaniards had committed at Southampton ; upon which he answered, that, whenever it came to his turn, he would make them pay dearly for it— and he kept his word before the end of that year. CHAPTER XLIV. THE FRENCH DESTROY THE TERRITORIES OF SIR JOHN OF HAINATJLT. King Philip, after his return to Paris, had disbanded his army ; but he had sent strong reinforcements to the navy which he had at sea, under the command of Quiriel, Bahucet, and Barbenoire. These three master corsairs had under them a number of Genoese, Normans, Picards, and Bretons, as soldiers, and had done this winter much damage to the English : they frequently came near Sandwich, Rye, Winchelsea, and Dover, upon the English coast, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. and were much dreaded, for they had upwards of sixty thousand soldiers, and none durst leave the English ports, for fear of being pillaged and put to death. These seamen had gained considerably for the king of France during the course of tire winter, and, in particular, had taken the ship Christopher, richly laden with money and wool, which the English were carrying to Flanders. This vessel had cost the king of* England a very large sum. When taken by the Normans and others, it was pillaged, and all on board put to death. The French afterwards spoke much of this capture, and made great boastings respecting it. The king of France was continually thinking how he could revenge himself on his enemies, and especially on sir John of Hainault, who had done him, as he had been informed, much mischief; such as conducting king Edward into the countries of Cambresis and Tierache, and burning and destroying all he passed through. He wrote therefore to my lord de Bemont, lord of Bresne, to the vidame of Chalons, to the lord John de la Bone *, to the lords John and Gerald de Loire, ordering them to collect a body of men, and make an incursion upon the lands of the lord John of Hainault, and burn them without delay. These lords obeyed the king's command, and secretly collected so many, that they amounted to fi ve hundred armed men, with whom they one morning came before the town of Chimay, entered it, and made a large booty ; for the inhabitants never imagined the French would advance so far into the country, or venture to pass the forest of Tierache : however, they did so, and they burnt the suburbs of Chimay, and many villages in the neighbourhood, indeed almost all the territory of Chimay except its fortresses. They then retreated to Aubenton, in Tierache, with their plunder. News and complaints of this were soon brought to sir John of Hainault, who at that time was at Mons with his nephew, at which he was very angry, and not without cause : the earl was also displeased, for these lands were held under him ; but he was silent, and showed not any open design of revenge, upon the kingdom of France. About the time of this disaster, it happened that some soldiers, who were garrisoned in Cambray, came to a small fortified house, beyond the walls of that town, called Relenques, that belonged to sir John of Hainault, and was guarded by a bastard of his, who might have with him about fifteen men ; they attacked it one whole day, but it was valiantly defended. The ditches were frozen over, so that any one might approach the walls, which those within perceiving, packed up all they could, and leaving it about midnight, set it on fire. The next morning, when those from Cambray returned and saw it on fire, they destroyed the walls and every thing remaining. The bastard and his companions retreated to Valenciennes. It has been before related how sir Walter Manny took the castle of Thin-l'Eveque, and placed his brother Giles Manny with a garrison in it. This brother made many incursions upon those of Cambray, and gave them much uneasiness, for he was every day skirmishing close up to the barriers. In this state he kept them for some time. One morning very early he set out from the castle of Thin with about six score men at arms, and came to the barriers at Cambray. The alarm was so great, that many were frightened. The garrison armed themselves as fast as they could, and mounted their horses with all haste, hurrying to the gate where the skirmish was, w T here, finding sir Giles had driven back those of Cambray, he instantly attacked their enemies. Among the Cam- bresians was a young esquire from Gascony, called William Marchant, who came to the field of battle mounted on a good steed, his shield hanging to his neck, his lance in its rest, completely armed, and spurring on to the combat. When sir Giles saw him approach, he spurred on to meet him most vigorously, and they met lance in hand, without fear of each other. Sir Giles had his shield pierced through, as well as all the armour near his heart, and the iron passed quite through his body. Thus he fell to the ground. This caused as great dismay to one party as joy to the other. The skirmish was very sharp, several were wounded, and many gallant actions performed ; but at last those of Cambray kept their ground, and drove back their enemies. They returned into the town in triumph with the body of sir Giles, whom they immediately disarmed, and had his wounds examined, and most willingly would they have preserved his life ; but their wishes were vain, for he died the next day. They determined to send the body to his two brothers, John and Thierry, * De la Boue. — D. Sauvage and Lord Berners. —Ed. 60 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. who were in garrison at Bouchain, in l'Ostrevant • for, although the country of Hainauit was not in a state of war, all the frontiers toward France were strictly guarded. They ordered a handsome coffin # , in which they placed the corpse, and directed two monks to carry it to his brothers, who received it with much sorrow, and afterwards had it carried to the church of the Cordeliers, at Valenciennes, where it was buried. The two brothers came to the castle of Thin-l'Eveque, and made a very severe war against the Cambresians, in revenge for the loss they had suffered from them. Sir Godemar du Fay at this time commanded for the king of France in Tournay and the fortresses in its neighbourhood ; the lord of Beanjeu, in Mortaigne upon the Scheld ; the high steward of Carcassonne in the town of St. Amand j sir Aimery de Poictiers in Douay; the lord Gallois de la Bausme, the lord of Villars, the marshal of Mirepoix, and the lord of Marneil, in the city of Cambray. These knights, as well as the esquires and soldiers, desired nothing more ardently than permission to enter Hainauit to pillage and destroy it. The bishop of Cambray, who had retired to Paris, being near the king's person, complained, whenever he found a fit opportunity, of the damage the Hainaulters had occasioned him, and that they had burnt and destroyed for him more than any others would have done ; so that the king at last gave his consent for the soldiers in the county of Cambray to make an invasion, and overrun the country of Hainauit. Then the garrison of Cambray prepared six hundred men at arms for this incursion, and they sent out on a Saturday at nightfall from Cambray those that were ordered for it. At the same hour those from Male-maison began their march. The two detachments met on the road, and came to the town of Haspres, which was a large handsome town, though not fortified ; nor had the inhabitants any fear, for they had never received the smallest notice of war being declared against the country. The French, on entering the town, found every one within doors. Having taken and pillaged what they pleased, they burnt the town so completely, that nothing but the walls remained. In Haspres there was a priory of black monks, that was dependent on that of St. Waas in Arras ; the monastery was extensive, and had large buildings belonging to it, which they also pillaged and burned most villanously. They returned to Cambray after this excursion, driving all their booty before them. News of this was soon carried to Valenciennes, and earl William was informed of it as he was sleeping in his hotel, called La Salle. He immediately rose, and dressed himself in great haste, and summoned all the lords that were with him : — at that time there were not many, only his high steward, sir Gerald de Verchin, sir Henry d'Antoing, sir Henry de Huffulise, sir Thierry de Walcourt, the lords of Flayon and Potrelles, and some few attached to his person, for the others were lodged at different houses, and were not ready as soon as the earl, who, without waiting for them, hastened to the market-place of Valenciennes, and ordered the alarm bells to be rung. This awakened all the inhabitants, who made themselves ready as quickly as possible to follow their lord, who was already out of the town, on horseback, pushing forward towards Haspres. When he had advanced about a league, he was informed that his efforts were in vain, for the French had retreated. He then went to the abbey of Fontenelles, where the lady his mother resided, who took all possible pains to appease and soften his anger ; but he said, that for this robbery he would make the kingdom of France shortly pay dear. The lady his mother did all she could to appease him, and would most willingly have made excuses for the king of France in this disaster ; but he would not listen to them, and said he must consider in what manner he could most speedily revenge himself, and burn part of the French territories. When he had remained there some little time, he returned to Valenciennes, and wrote letters to the knights and prelates, to have their advice what should be done under these circumstances, and to summon them to be at Mons by a fixed day. When sir John of Hainauit, who was at Beaumont, thinking how he could best revenge the burning of his land, heard these things, he mounted his horse, and came to his nephew, whom he found at La Salle. As soon as the earl perceived him, he came to meet him, saying, "Fair uncle, your absence has made the French very proud." Sir John replied, "God be praised ! for although I am much vexed at the loss you have sustained, yet I cannot help * Lord Bcrncrs says, u they ordayned a horse lytter right honorably, and put his body therein," &c. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 01 being somewhat pleased with what has happened ; for you now see what return you have had for the love and assistance you bore to the French : — you must now make an incursion upon them on their own grounds." "Fix upon the place," said the earl, "and it shall be directly undertaken." When the day of the conference, which was to be holden at Mons, was arrived, all the councils from the different towns, as well as those of Holland and Zealand, were there. Many proposals were made ; and some of the barons were for sending persons properly instructed to the king of France, to demand if he had consented or ordered the invasion and burning of Hainault, or had sent his soldiers upon the lands of the earl, and upon what title this had been done, as there had not been any defiance or challenge sent to the earl or to the country. Others were for revenging this outrage in a similar manner, as the French had begun. Upon these proposals there was much argument and debating ; but it was at last determined, that neither the earl nor the country could get clear of this business without declaring war against the kingdom of France, as well for the burning of the lands of Chimay, as for their outrages committed at Haspres : it was therefore resolved, that a challenge should be sent to the king of France, and that afterwards they should enter his kingdom with a large body of men. These letters of defiance were written and sealed by the earl and all the barons ; and the abbot Thibaut de St. Crispin was ordered to carry them. The earl then returned thanks to all his lords for the good disposition he saw them in, for they had promised him aid and assistance in every situation. The abbot of St. Crispin carried this challenge to the king, who made but light of it, saying that his nephew w*as an outrageous madman, and was bargaining to have his country burnt and destroyed. The abbot, upon this, returned home, and related to the earl and his council what had happened to him, with the answers he had received. The earl immediately collected men at arms, summoned all his knights and esquires in Brabant and Flanders, as well as in his own country, and exerted himself so much, that in a short time he got together a large body of horsemen, well equipped. They set out from Mons, in Hainault, and that neighbourhood, and advanced towards the lands of Chimay, for it was the intention of the earl and his uncle to burn and destroy the territories of the lord of Bresne, as also Aubenton, in Tierache. CHAPTER XLV. THE EARL OF HAINAULT TAKES AND DESTROYS AUBENTON, IN TIERACHE. The inhabitants of the town of Aubenton were mucb afraid of the earl of Hainault and his uncle, and had expressed their alarms to the high bailiff of Vermandois, who sent to their aid the vidame of Chalons, the lord of Beaumont, the lord de la Bone, the lord John of Loire, and many others. These knights, with their companions, marched into Aubenton, to the amount of full three hundred men at arms. The town was enclosed only by a palisade, which in many places was lately repaired. They had made every preparation to wait for the Hainaulters and defend the town, which was large, rich, and full of draperies. The Hainaulters came on a Friday evening, and took up their quarters near Aubenton, whence they considered on what side the town was most easily to be taken. The next day they marched to attack it in three battalions, their banners well arranged in front, with their cross-bow men. The earl of Hainault led the first battalion, having under him a multitude of knights and esquires of his own country. His uncle commanded the second, where there were many men at arms. The third was under the lord of Fauquemont, and composed of Germans. Each lord was with his own people, and under his proper banner. The battle began immediately on their advancing, and very sharp it was. The cross-bow men shot from within and without, by which many were wounded. The earl and his battalion came to the gate, where there was a severe assault and much skirmishing. The vidame of Chalons, who was there, performed wonders ; and on the spot he made three of his sons knights, who did many feats of arms worthy of their new honours : but the earl pressed them so closely, that he gained the barriers, and obliged his opponents to retire within the gate, where the 62 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. assault continued very fierce. Sir John de la Bone * and sir John of Beaumont were posted at the gate leading to Chimay, which was gallantly attacked. The French were forced to retire within the gate, for they had lost their barriers, which the Hainaulters had carried, as well as the bridge. The combat was here renewed with double vigour, for those who had entered, mounting upon the gate, flung down upon their assailants logs of wood, pots full of lime, and plenty of stones, by which those who had not very strong shields were much hurt. Baldwin of Beaufort, an esquire of Hainault, received there so violent a blow from a large stone that his shield was split by it, and his arm broken, which forced him to retire to his quarters ; and, owing to this accident, for a long time he could not give any assistance. The attack was pushed on with vigour, and the town defended by the garrison with much valour; which was indeed necessary, as their assailants were many ; and, had it not been for the gentlemen who had entered Aubenton, it would have soon yielded. However, at length the town was taken by force ; the palisades, which were only of wood, were broken down. Sir John of Hainault and his banner first entered the town, with great shoutings and noise of men at arms. Then the vidame of Chalons retired towards the church with some knights and esquires, where they formed themselves, with displayed banners and pennons, to the intent of combating as long as their honour demanded : but the lord of Bresne and his banner withdrew in a disorderly manner ; for he knew well how much sir John of Hainault was enraged against him, and, if he had him in his power, would not admit of any ransom; so he mounted his steed, and galloped off. When sir John of Hainault found that he who had done so much damage to his lands at Chimay was gone off towards Vervins, he pursued him with part of his company ; but the lord of Bresne made greater haste, and finding the gate of the town open, rushed in and saved himself. Sir John had followed him so far sword in hand; but when he found that he had escaped, he returned speedily by the great road to Aubenton : however, his people meeting those who were following the lord of Bresne, attacked them, and killed a great many. The combat continued obstinate before the cathedral, and many were killed and wounded. Among the first were the vidame and two of his sons : nor did any knight or esquire escape death or being made prisoner, but those who had followed the lord of Bresne. Upwards of two thousand men were taken in the town, which was pillaged of all the riches it contained ; many waggons and carts were laden with it and sent to Chimay. The town was afterwards burnt to the ground ; and the Hainaulters took up their quarters on the river side. After the destruction of Aubenton, they marched toward Maubert-Fontaine, which they took on their arrival, for it was defenceless, and then pillaged and burnt it. They did the same to Aubencheul aux Bois, to Signy TAbbaye, Signy le Petit, and all the villages thereabouts, amounting to upwards of forty. The earl of Hainault, after this, retired towards Mons, where he dismissed all his bands, after returning them thanks in so gracious a manner for their assistance, that they all left him well pleased. He then formed the design of passing over to England to amuse himself, and at the same time form a strict alliance with the king, his brother-in-law, in order to strengthen himself ; as he naturally imagined, that what he had done would not be taken quietly, but that the king of France, his uncle, would make some incursions into his country : for which reason he was anxious to have the support of the English, the Flemings, and the Brabanters, and sum- moned his council at Mons, to whom he declared his intentions. He nominated and appointed his uncle, during his absence, sir John of Hainault, governor of the three countries of Hainault, Holland and Zealand, and set out with a small company for Dordrecht, where he embarked, and sailed over to England. We shall now leave the earl, and relate what happened to his country during his absence. Sir John of Hainault, as you have heard, remained master and governor of the three pro- vinces, by order of the earl, and he was obeyed as if he had been their true lord. He took up his quarters at Mons, which he provisioned and strengthened, as well as all the forts in its neighbourhood, especially those on the frontiers of France, with a sufficient number of men at arms. He sent four knights, the lord of Antoing, the lord of Waartang, the lord of * D. Sauvage's edition reads Boue; but Lord Berners, in this nlace, has Bone. — En. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 63 Gommegines, and sir Henry Husphalize, to Valenciennes, as counsellors and advisers to the citizens and inhabitants. To Maubeuge, he sent the seneschal of Hainault, sir Gerard de Werthin, with a hundred good lances and men at arms. To Quesnoy, the marshal of Hainault, for Thierry de Walcourt ; and to Landrecy the lord of Potrellcs. He placed in Bouchain three German knights, who were brothers, of the name of Conrad. Sir Gerard de Sassegnes was sent to Escaudavore, and the lord of Fauquemont to Avesnes : all the other fortresses bordering upon France were properly strengthened. He begged and entreated each captain to be attentive to his own honour, and careful of what was intrusted to him, which when they had all promised, they set out for their different stations. We will now return to the king of France, and speak of the expedition he was forming to invade and destroy Hainault, of which he made his son, the duke of Normandy, commander. CHAP. XL VI. THOSE OF TOURNAY MAKE AN INCURSION INTO FLANDERS. When the king of France had been informed, that the Hainaulters had burnt the country of Tierache, had killed his knights, and destroyed his town of Aubenton, he ordered his son, the duke of Normandy, to collect a number of forces, make an incursion into Hainault, and destroy that country in such a manner, that it might never recover from it. The duke replied, he would cheerfully undertake this. The king then ordered the count de Lisle, a Gascon, who was at that time near his person at Paris, and whom he much loved, to collect forces, and march towards Gascony, as lieutenant for the king of France, with the intent of making some severe reprisals upon Bordeaux, in the Bourdelois, and upon all the places which held or belonged to the king of England. The count obeyed the king's orders, and left Paris for Toulouse, where he made his preparations to fulfil his commission, as you will see in its proper time and place. The king of France sent large reinforcements to the armament he had at sea, and ordered his captains to watch the coast of Flanders attentively, and upon no account to suffer the king of England to pass over or land in Flanders ; for, if he did so by their fault, he would certainly punish them with death. When king Philip heard that the Flemings had done homage to the king of England, he sent to them a prelate, as from the pope, to say, that if they would acknowledge him as king of France, and abandon the king of England, who had enchanted them, he would forgive them all their misdoings, release them from the large sum of florins which, by an old obligation, was due to him ; and moreover grant them, under his seal, many profitable franchises in France. The Flemings returned for answer, that they held themselves quit and absolved from every thing which they owed the king of France. Upon this, the king made heavy complaints to the pope, Clement VI., who issued so tremendous an excommu- nication against them, that no priest was daring enough to celebrate divine service there. The Flemings made remonstrances on this to the king of England ; who, to appease them, said, that the first time he should cross the sea, he would bring with him priests from his own country, who should say mass for them, whether the pope would or not, as he had a power of so doing, and this satisfied them. When the king of France saw that he could not make the Flemings retract their opinions, he commanded those in garrison in Tournay, Lisle, Douay, and the neighbouring castles, to make war upon them, and overrun their country. Upon which sir John de Roye, at that time in Tournay, and sir Matthew de Trie, marshal of France, together with sir Godemar du Fay and many other knights, collected a thousand men, strongly armed and well mounted, with three hundred cross-bowmen, as well from Tournay as from Lisle and Douay : they set out from Tournay one evening after supper, and marched so expeditiously, that they came before Courtray about day-break, and before sunrise had collected all the cattle thereabouts. Some of their light-horse advanced to the gates of the town, and killed and wounded many in the suburbs : they then retreated without loss, and placed the river Lys, on their return, between them and the booty, which they had carried off that day. They brought into Tournay more than ten thousand sheep, and of swine, beeves, and kine, as many more. The Flemi-ngs were sore vexed at this ; and Jacob von Artaveld, who was at that time at 64 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Ghent, swore that this expedition should be revenged on Tournay and its neighbourhood. He gave immediate orders for the different towns in Flanders to collect forces, and to send them to him at a fixed day before Tournay ; he also wrote to the earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, who were at Ypres, to beg that they would draw towards that quarter to meet him. He then set out from Ghent, accompanied by great numbers, and came to a place called the Geertsberg, between Oudenarde and Tournay, where he halted, to wait for the two earls, and for those of the Franc and Bruges. When the two earls received the letters, they would not for their honour's sake make any delay, but sent to inform Yon Artaveld, that they would be with him at the appointed time and place. They soon set out from Ypres with about fifty lances and forty cross-bowmen, and took the road where he was waiting for them. They continued their route ; but, as they were forced to pass near the outskirts of Lisle, it was soon known in that town : accordingly, fifteen hundred horse and foot were secretly armed, and sent out in three divisions to lie in wait, so that these lords might not escape from them. The earls and their company followed the guidance of sir Yauflart de la Croix, who had long made war upon the people of Lisle, and still continued so to do whenever he had an opportunity : — it was for this purpose that he was come to Ypres. He thought himself quite certain of conducting the earls in safety, as he was well acquainted with all the roads in those parts ; and he would have succeeded now, if those of Lisle had not thrown up a great trench near their town, which was not there before. When sir Yauflart came to this trench, and saw that their road was cut off, he was quite astonished, and said to the earls, " My lords, we cannot go further this way, without putting ourselves in the power of those of Lisle ; on which account my advice is, that we turn about and seek another road." But the lords replied, " Nay, sir Yauflart, God forbid that we should go out of our way for those of Lisle ! Ride on, therefore, for we have promised Jacob von Artaveld, that we would be with him some time this day." The English rode on with- out care. Sir Yauflart said to them, " It is true, my lords, that you have taken me for your guide in this expedition, and I have remained with you all this winter at Ypres, and have many thanks to give you and all your attendants ; but if it should happen, that those of Lisle make a sally upon us, do not fancy that I shall wait for them, for I shall save myself as fast as I can. If by any accident I should be taken, my head would pay for it, which is much dearer to me than your company." The lords laughed heartily, and told him they would excuse him, if he should do so. And as he imagined, so it fell out ; for, by not taking- more precaution, they were surprised by one of the parties from Lisle, who cried out, " Stop ! stop ! you cannot pass here without our kave : " and immediately the lance-men and cross- bowmen fell on the English. As soon as sir Yauflart saw what was going on, he took care not to advance farther ; but turning about as quickly as possible, galloped out of danger. The two earls fell into the hands of their enemies, and were taken as if in a net ; for the ambuscade was placed between hedges and ditches in a very narrow road, so that they could neither advance nor retreat to gain the open country ; however, when they saw their mischance, they dismounted, and de- fended themselves as well as they could, killing and wounding a great many of their oppo- nents ; but it was all in vain, for fresh forces from Lisle were continually pouring upon them. They were therefore taken prisoners ; and a young brisk esquire of Limousin, of the name of Raymond, nephew to pope Clement, was killed for the sake of his beautiful armour, after he had surrendered himself, which made many good men angry. The two earls were kept prisoners in the market-place at Lisle, and afterwards sent to the king of France, who promised, that those of Lisle should be well rewarded for the good service they had done him*. When Jacob von Artaveld received this information at Geertsberg, he was much enraged, and giving up all thoughts of his expedition, disbanded his Flemings, and himself returned to Ghent. * This is a mistake. It was not the earl of Suffolk who was made prisoner, but his son, Robert de Ufford le Fit7, ae he was called. — Dugdale, vol. ii. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c." 05 CHAP XLVII. JOHN, DUKE OF NORMANDY, MARCHES INTO HAINAULT. The duke of Normandy, eldest son of the king of France, issued a special summons of his intention to be at St. Quentin about Easter, in the year 1340. "When he came thither he was attended by the duke of Athens, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Auxerre, the earl Raoul of Eu, constable of France, the earl of Sancerre, the earl of Porcien, the earl of Roussi, the earl of Bresne, the earl of Grandpre, the lord of Coucy, the lord of Graon, and a multitude of other nobles from Normandy and the Low Countries. On their being all assembled at St. Quentinand its environs, the constable and the two marshals of France, sir Robert Bertrand and sir Matthew de Trie, numbered them, and found there were six thousand men at arms, and eight thousand others armed with brigandines, besides followers of the army ; which were fully sufficient, they said, to combat the earl of Hainault, or any force he could bring against them. They began their march, and took the road to Chateau-Cambresis, going near to Bohain ; and advanced so forward that they passed Chateau-Cambresis, and took up their quarters at the town of Montay upon the river Selle. Sir Richard Verchin, seneschal of Hainault, was informed by his spies, that the duke had halted at Montay. He asked those knights and esquires, who were with him, if they were willing to follow him ; to which they consented. Accordingly, he set off from his hotel at Verchin about sunset, accompanied by about forty lances, and pushed on till he came to Foretz, at the extremity of Hainault, a small league from Montay, when it was dark night. He made his company halt in a field to tighten their armour and regirth their horses. He then told them, he should like to give the duke an alert ; at which they were all rejoiced, and said they would stick by him till death ; for which he gave them many thanks. At that time there were with him, sir James du Sart, sir Henry de Phalise, sir Oulphart de Guis- telles, sir John and sir Bertrand de Chatelet. Of esquires, there were, Giles and Thierre de Somain, Baldwin de Beaufort, Colebrier de Brule, Moreau de l'Escuyer, Sandrat de Stramen, John de Rebersat, Bridoul de Thiaux, and many others. They set forward in silence, and came to the town of Montay, which they entered, for the French had neglected to place guards there. The seneschal and his companions dismounted at a great hotel, where they thought the duke was ; but he was lodged in another part of the town. In that hotel were two great lords of Normandy, the lords of Bailleul and of Beaute. The door was soon forced ; and when these two knights saw themselves thus surprised, and heard the cry of Hainault from the seneschal, they were quite confounded : they, however, defended them- selves in the best manner they could ; but the lord of Bailleul was killed, and the lord of Beaute taken prisoner by the seneschal, to whom he pledged his faith to surrender himself to him within three days at Yalenciennes. The French then began to be in motion, and to issue from their quarters : they lighted great fires and torches, awakened every one, even the duke himself, whom they armed as quickly as they could, and displayed his banner before his hotel, to which people of all sorts repaired. The Hainaulters wisely retreated to their horses, which they mounted, and, when they were all collected together, they carried off ten or twelve good prisoners, and returned without the smallest loss or damage, for it was so dark they were not pursued. About day- break they reached Quesnoy, where they reposed and refreshed themselves, and then went to Valenciennes. The next morning the duke of Normandy gave orders for his army to dislodge and enter Hainault, and burn and destroy every thing without exception. The baggage therefore began to move, and the lords of the advanced guard to proceed forward : they might amount to two hundred lances, and were commanded by Sir Theobald de Marneil, sir Gallois de la Baume, the lord of Mirepoix, the lord of Raivenal, the lord of Sempy, lord John of Landas, the lord of Hangest, and the lord of Tramelles. The two marshals followed with full five hundred lances ; then the duke of Normandy, attended by a crowd of earls, barons, and other lords. The advanced troops entered Hainault, and set fire to Fores, Bertrand, Verti- grieulx, Escarmain, Vendegyses-aux-Bois, Vendegyses upon the river Cinei. The next day they advanced further into the country, and burnt Avesnes-le-sec, Villiers-en-Cauchie, p 06 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. Gomegnics, Marchepois, Potel, Ansenoy, Perseaux, le Frasnoit, Andegay, the good town of Bavay, and all the country as far as the river Honneau. This second day a sharp attack was made on the castle of Verchin, and some skirmishing, by the division commanded by the marshals, but without success, as it was very well defended. The duke took up his quarters for that night upon the Selle, between Hausy and Sausoy. Sir Valerian, lord of Fauquemont, commanded in Maubeuge, and with him were full one hundred lances of Germans and Hainaulters. As soon as he was informed of this incursion of the French, and how they were burning the country, and had heard the poor people lament and bewail their losses, he put on his armour, and ordered his people to get them- selves in readiness. He gave up the command of the town to the lords of Beaurevoir and Montigny, and told his companions that he had a great desire to meet the French. He was on horseback all that day, and rode along the borders of the forest of Morinaulx. Towards evening he heard, that the duke of Normandy and all his host were lodged on the banks of the river Selle ; upon which he said he would awaken them, and rode on that evening, and about midnight he and his company forded the river. When they had all passed, they regirthed their horses, and set themselves to rights, and advanced in silence to the quarters of the duke. When they were near, they spurred on their horses, and at one rush drove into the middle of the duke's host, crying out, " Fauquemont !" They laid well about them, cutting down tents and pavilions, and killing or wounding all whom they met. The army then, being roused, armed as quickly as they could, and drew near to where the bustle was ; but the lord of Fauquemont, seeing that it was time, collected his people, and retreated most handsomely. Of the French, there was killed the lord of Requigny from Picardy The viscount de Quesnes, and Rouvroy with one eye, were made prisoners ; and sir Anthony de Coudun was severely wormded. When the lord of Fauquemont saw that nothing more could be done, he set off with all his people, and crossed the Selle without hindrance, for he was not pursued. They rode easily forward, and came to Quesnoy about sunrise, when the quartermaster-general, sir Thierry de Walcourt, opened the gates to them. The duke of Normandy ordered his trumpets to sound the next morning at day-break, for his army to prepare themselves, and to cross the Selle, and advance further into Hainault. The marshal of Mirepoix, the lord of Noysieres, sir Gallois de la Baume, and sir Thibault de Marneil, advanced first with four hundred lances, besides those armed with brigandines, and came before Quesnoy, even up to the barriers : they made a feint as if they intended to attack it ; but it was so well provided with men at arms and heavy artillery, they would only have lost their pains. Nevertheless they skirmished a little before the barriers ; but they were soon forced to retire, for those of Quesnoy let them hear their cannons # and bombards, which flung large iron bolts in such a manner, as made the French afraid for their horses — so they retreated and burnt Grand Wargny and Petit Wargny, Frelaines, Famars, Martre, Semery, and Artre, Sariten, Turgies, Estinen ; and the Hainaulters fled from these towns to Valenciennes. The French afterwards encamped their battalions upon the hill of Castres near Valenciennes, where they lived in a rich and splendid manner. During their stay there, about two hundred lances, commanded by the lord of Craon, the lord of Maulevrier, the lord of Mathefelon, the lord of Avoir, and some others, went towards Main, and attacked a large square tower, which for a long time had belonged to John Vernier of Valenciennes, but of late to John de Neufville. The assault was sharp and severe, and lasted the whole day ; nor could they make the French retire before night, although five or six were killed. Those within defended themselves right valiantly, and did not suffer any loss. A greater number of the French marched to Trie, intending, on their arrival, to pass over the Scheld ; but those of the town had destroyed the bridge, and defended that passage : nor could the French ever have conquered it, if some among them had not been acquainted with the fords of the river and the country, who conducted upwards of two hundred men to the foot -bridge at Prouvy. When these had crossed over, they came and fell upon the men * It has generally been supposed, that cannons were first used at the battle of Crecy, four years later ; but as the same words are expressed in all my copies of Froissart, whether printed or in manuscript, I cannot but believe they were employed when he mentions it. It is most probable, that artillery was first used in the defence of towns ; and Edward, seeing the advantage that could be derived from cannons, employed them at the battle of Crecy. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c. ^7 of Trie, who, being few in number in comparison to them, were not able to resist ; so they took to their heels, and many of them were killed and wounded. The seneschal of Hainault left Valenciennes that day, accompanied, at the utmost, with one hundred men at arms, by the gate of Douzaing, to succour the inhabitants of Trie, who he thought would have enough to do. It happened that, a little beyond St. Waast, he met about twenty-five light horse of the French, commanded by three knights from Poitou — the lord Boucicault, who was afterwards a marshal of France, the lord of Surgeres, and sir William Blondel : they had passed over the bridge very near to Valenciennes, which is called the bridge of La Tourelle, and is over the Vincel. When the seneschal perceived them, he stuck spurs into his horse, anfi with his lance overthrew the lord Boucicault, made him his prisoner, and sent him to Valenciennes. The lord of Surgeres saved himself by flight ; but sir William Blondel surrendered himself to sir Henry d'Usphalise ; and almost all the others were either killed or taken prisoners. This done, the seneschal hastened towards Trie ; but he was too late, for the French had already conquered it before he came, and were busily employed in pulling down the mills, and destroying a small castle that wag there. As soon as the seneschal arrived, they had not much leisure for such things, for they were driven back, killed, and cut down. Some were forced to leap into the river Scheld, and many were drowned. Thus was the town of Trie liberated. The seneschal afterwards crossed the Scheld at a place called Denaing, and rode on with all his company to the castle of Verchin, which he entered in order to defend it, should there be any occasion. The duke of Normandy still remained upon the hill of Castres, his army drawn out, the greater part of the day ; for he thought that those of Valenciennes would come and give him battle. This they would willingly have done, if sir Henry d'Antoing, who commanded in the town, had not prevented them. Lie posted himself at the gate that leads to Cambray, and had much pain and trouble to hinder them from going out. John de Vassey, provost of the town, who was there with him, appeased them as well as he could, and gave them such good reasons for their remaining quiet, that at last they were satisfied. When the duke of Normandy had staid for a considerable time on this hill, and saw that no one made any attempt to come out of Valenciennes to fight with him, he sent the duke of Athens, the marshals of France, the earl of Auxerre, and the lord of Chastillon, with about three hundred lances, well mounted, to skirmish close to the town. They advanced in good order, and came to that side of it opposite the Tourelle at Gogueb, and even to the very barriers ; but they did not stay long, as they were afraid of the shot hurting their horses. The lord of Chastillon, however, advanced so forward, that his horse was hit, fell under him, and he was obliged to mount another. This detachment then changed its course, and went towards the marshes, where they burnt and destroyed all the mills upon the river Vincel : they then made a circuit behind the Carthusian convent, and returned to their army. Some stragglers, however, had remained behind at Les Maries, to forage more at their ease. When those who were guarding a neighbouring town, which belonged to the heirs of Llainault, (though formerly to sir Robert de Namur, by the lady Isabella his wife,) perceived them, and that the main body had retreated, they issued out of the town, attacked them, killed one half, took all their forage, and re-entered it without any loss. The army remained in battle array upon the mount of Castres until the afternoon, when the scouts returned from all sides. There was then a great council held : the chiefs said, that, every thing considered, they were not in sufficient force to attack so large a town as Valenciennes ; and it w T as at last finally determined, that they should retire to Cambray. They set out, therefore, and came to Main and Fontenelles, where they took up their quarters for that night, and kept a strong watch. The next day they marched away ; but burnt Main and Fontenelles, and also the convent which belonged to madame de Valois, sister-german to the king of France. The duke was much vexed at this, and had those who set it on fire hanged. In their retreat, they completed the burning of the town of Trie and its castle ; the mills were also destroyed. Prouvy, Roinmency, Thyan, Moncheau, and all the flat country between Cambray and Valenciennes, suffered in the same manner. The duke this day came before Escaudoure, a strong and good castle, belonging to the earl of Hainault, situate upon the Scheld, which had been of great annoyance to Cambray. When p 2 OH CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. the duke had been only six days before it, the governor, sir Gerard de Sassegines, who before this had never been reproached for any thing, nor can I say by what means he way bewildered to do so, surrendered it undamaged, to the great surprise of all the country, who strongly suspected both the governor and his esquire, named Robert Marinaux, of treason. They were taken, inculpated, and both died afterwards in a miserable manner at Mons, in Hainault. The inhabitants of Cambray demolished this castle of Escaudoure, and carried the stone into their town, to repair their own dwellings and the fortifications. CHAPTER XLVIII. THE GARRISON OF DOIT AY MAKES AN INCURSION INTO OSTREVANT, DURING THE ABSENCE OP THE EARL OF HAINAULT IN ENGLAND AND IN GERMANY. After the destruction of the castle of Escaudoure, duke John of Normandy retired to Cambray, dismissed the greater part of his army, and sent the rest to the castle of Douay, and to the other fortresses in the neighbourhood. This week the garrison of Douay, in conjunction with those of Lisle, made a sally, in number about three hundred lances : they were commanded by sir Lewis of Savoy, the earl of Geneva, the earl of Villars, sir Gallois de la Baume, the lord of Waurain, and the lord of Vasiers : they burnt in Hainault all that fine country of Ostrevant ; so that nothing remained but the fortresses. — When those of Bouchain saw all this fire and smoke round about them, they were in a violent rage ; the more so, as they were unable to prevent it : but they sent messengers to Valenciennes, to let them know what was going forwards, and to inform them, that if in the night-time they would sally out with five or six hundred lances, they might attack the French to great advantage, who were lying at their ease in the flat country. But those of Valenciennes were not of the same opinion, and would not leave their town ; so the French made a great booty, and burnt the town of Anich, one half of Escoux, Escaudaing, Erin, Montigny, Santain, Varlain, Vargny, Ambreticourt, Laurche, Sauch, Roelt, Neufville, Lieu St. Amand, and all the villages which were in that country. They carried off with them immense wealth. When this detachment had retreated to Douay, those of Bouchain marched out, and burnt the other half of Escoux, which belonged to the French, and the French villages, even to the gates of Douay, and the town of Esquerchin. I have before mentioned, that all the towns on the frontiers were well garrisoned ; so that there were frequent skirmishings between the two parties, and many gallant deeds per- formed. It chanced, about this time, that there were some German soldiers, whom the bishop, of Cambray had stationed at Male-maison, two leagues distant from Chateau-Cambresis, and bordering on the other side of Landrecy, where the lord of Potrelles, a Hainaulter, commanded ; for the earl of Blois, although lord of it, had surrendered it to the earl of Hainault at the time he was attached to the French interest, and the earl had kept posses- sion of it. There were frequent quarrels between the Germans at Male-maison and those of Landrecy, who often came well mounted and armed up to the walls of the town. One day, as they sallied forth to make an excursion and collect pillage, news of it was brought to the lord of Potrelles, in Landrecy, who immediately armed himself and his companions, and mounted his horse to recapture the booty. The lord of Potrelles was followed by his men as fast as they could. He fixed his spear in the rest, and cried out to the French to turn about, as it was a disgrace to them to run away. Among them was a gallant esquire, named Albert of Cologne, who, being ashamed of this flight, instantly turned back, and couching his lance, spurred his horse violently against the lord of Potrelles, who struck him such a blow on his shield, that his lance was shivered to pieces : but the German esquire hit him so strongly with a firm spear, which broke not, but pierced through the plates of his shield, and even his armour, passing straight to his heart, that he knocked Lim off his horse, wounded to death ; which when his brother Hainaulters, the lord of Bansiers, sir Gerard, and sir John Mastin, saw, and the rest who had come out of Landrecy with him, they attacked the French so roughly, in revenge for the loss of their captain, that they discom- fited them. Few escaped death, or being made prisoners. The pillage was recovered and brought back with the prisoners to Landrecy, as was the dead body of the lord of Potrelles. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Ac. 69 After the death of the lord of Potrelles, the lord of Floron commanded in Landrecy and its dependencies for a long time. He made frequent excursions upon those of Male-maison, Chateau-Cambresis, and other places on the frontiers. The Hainaulters did so one day, and the French returned the compliment the next ; of course many mortal combats happened. The country of Cambresis was in great tribulation, for one half of it was burnt or destroyed ; the duke of Normandy was still on the frontiers, and it was not known what his next intentions were ; nor had they any news of the earl of Hainault. True it is that he had been in England, where he was most honourably entertained by the king and barons, and had made a strong alliance with the king. He had left England, and gone into Germany, to the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, which was the reason of his long absence. On the other hand, the lord John of Hainault was in Brabant and Flanders, and had remonstrated with the duke and Jacob von Artaveld, upon the desolation of Hainault, and entreated them, on the part of his countrymen, that they would give them aid and advice. They replied, that the absence of the earl could not be much longer ; and the moment he returned, they would be ready equipped to follow him, wherever he should choose to lead them. CHAPTER XLIX. THE DUKE OF NORMANDY LAYS SIEGE TO THIN-l'eVEQUE. During the time the duke of Normandy lay in Cambray, the bishop and the inhab- itants of that place informed him, that the Hainaulters had taken by assault the strong castle of Thin ; and they entreated him, out of love and honour, and by his regard to the country, that he would use his endeavours to regain it, as the garrison was a great annoyance to all the neighbourhood. The duke then sent a fresh summons to his army, and got together a number of lords and men at arms, who were in Artois and Vermandois, and who had been with him in his former excursion. He set out from Cambray w T ith all his host, and took up his quarters before Thin upon the river Scheld, in those fine meadows nearly opposite to Ostrevant, ordering many large engines to be brought from Cambray and Douay. Among these were six of an immense size, which the duke had pointed against the fortress, and which flung huge stones into it day and night, beating down the roofs and the tops of the towers ; so that it was not safe to remain in the chambers, and the people were obliged to take refuge in the vaults. This attack was severely felt by those within, and none ever suffered more for their honour than this garrison. The captains, upon wdiom fell all the weight and trouble, were sir Richard Limousin, an Englishman, and two esquires of Hainault, John and Thierry, brothers to sir Walter Manny*. They encouraged their companions, by saying, " Gallant gentlemen, the earl of Llainault will surely come in a few days, and attack the French, to deliver us honourably out of our danger, and will give us his warmest thanks for having so boldly defended ourselves." The besiegers by their engines flung dead horses and other carrion into the castle, to poison the garrison by their smell ; and this distressed it more than any thing else, for the air was as hot as in the middle of summer : they therefore having considered their situation, and that they could not long hold out, from the horrible stench, proposed a treaty for a truce to last fifteen days, during which time they would let sir John of Hainault, w T ho was regent and governor of the country, be informed of their distress, and, if they were not then relieved, they would surrender the place. This treaty was accepted, which gave great comfort to those within the castle. The garrison sent off an esquire, named Estralart de Sommain, according to the terms of the treaty, who came to Mons, in Hainault, where he found the lord of Beaumont, who had had intelligence from his nephew, the earl of Hainault, that he was returning to his own country, after having been in Germany, where he had made alliances with the emperor and other lords of the empire, who were friendly to the king of England. The lord of Beaumont assured the esquire Estralart de Sommain, that the garrison of Thin should very shortly be relieved, but that his nephew must first return. Before this truce * '* Bretherne to therle of Namicr" — Lord Berners and D.Sauvage ; but see chapter 44, where they are spoken of as brothers to sir Giles Manny. — Eo. 70 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. expired, the earl arrived in Hainault, which caused great joy to the inhabitants, as he had been impatiently wished for. The lord of Beaumont related to him all that had passed since his departure, and with what a powerful army the duke of Normandy had invaded his terri- tories, burning and destroying all his villages and lands, as far as Yalenciennes, except the fortresses. The carl answered, that he would have ample amends, and the kingdom of France was sufficiently extensive, to make him full satisfaction for all these ill deeds ; but, first of all, he was anxious to go towards Thin-FEveque, to the relief of those good men, who had so loyally and so honourably defended it ; he issued therefore his commissions, and sent letters of entreaty to his good friend Jacob von Artaveld, in Flanders, to the dukes of Gueldres and Juliers, and others in Germany, and went himself to Yalenciennes with a large body of men at arms, knights, and esquires of his own country. His forces increased every day ; and he set off with a grand array of tents, pavilions, and other ordinances and pro- visions, and encamped at Nans, upon the fine meadows and plains along the banks of the Scheie!. Of the lords of Hainault, there were, sir John of Hainault, the lord d"Anghien, the lord of Yerchin, the seneschal of Hainault, the lord of Antoing, the lord of Barbenson, the lord of Lens, sir William de Bailleul, the lord of Havereth, governor of Mons, the lord of Montegny, the lord of Barbais, sir Thierry de Walcourt, marshal of Hainault, the lords of Almede and of Gommegines, the lord of Briseul, the lord of Roisin, the lord of Trasegmes, the lord of Lalain, the lords of Mastin, Sars, Yargny, Beaurieu, and many others, who encamped themselves near to the earl, their lord. Soon after the earl of Namur arrived, handsomely attended by two hundred lances, and posted himself upon the river Scheld, adjoining the army of the earl. The duke of Brabant came next with six hundred lances ; and then the duke of Gueldres, the earl of Mons, the lord of Fauquemont, sir Arnold of Bacqueghen, and many other lords and men at arms from Germany and Westphalia, who encamped themselves upon the river Scheld near each other, and opposite to the French. They were plentifully supplied with provision from Hainault, and from the adjacent countries. When these lords had thus encamped themselves upon the Scheld between Nans and Illois, as we have just related, the duke of Normandy, who was on the opposite bank, and with him a great number of other gallant men at arms, sent to inform the king of France, his father, that the army of the earl was increasing every day. The king, who was at that time at Peronne, in the Yermandois, where he had been for six weeks with a great many nobles, issued out his special orders for raising a large body of men, and sent upwards of twelve hundred good lances to the army of his son, and soon after followed himself as a simple soldier, for he could not enter the empire with the command of an army without breaking his oath, which made him act thus. The duke was appointed chief of this enterprise ; nevertheless nothing was done without the approbation of the king. When the garrison of Thin- TEveque saw the earl of Hainault arrive with so powerful an army, they were, as may be thought, mightily rejoiced. The fourth day after they had been there, those of Yalenciennes came with a handsome body of men, led by John Boissy, who at that time was provost of the town. They were immediately ordered out to skirmish with the French upon the Scheld, to examine their forces, and to show themselves to the garrison. Many different skirmishes passed between each army, in which numbers were killed and wounded. Sir Ilichard Limosin and his companions in Thin-l'Eveque, perceiving them warmly engaged, quitted the castle, and embarked on the Scheld in boats, which had been prepared for them, and passed over to the opposite shore; they were carried to the earl of Hainault, who received them most joyfully and honourably, for the good services they had done him ; and for their sufferings in the. castle. Whilst these two armies were thus encamped upon the Scheld, the French on the side of France, and the Hainaulters near their own country, the foragers of each side scoured the country ; but they never met, for the river was between them : the French, however., burnt all that part of Ostrevant which had escaped before, as did those of Hainault that of Cambray. Jacob von Artaveld came to the assistance of the earl of Hainault, according to his request, with upwards of sixty thousand Flemings, all well armed, and posted himself strongly CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 71 opposite to the French. Immediately after their arrival, the earl sent his heralds to his cousin the duke of Normandy, to say he was ready for battle, and that it would be a very great shame, if such fine armies should separate without an engagement. The duke gave the herald for answer, that he would summon his council, and consider of it. This council lasted so long, that the herald returned without any answer. Three days afterwards the earl sent again to the duke, to know positively what his intentions and those of his army were. The duke replied that he had not yet finally determined upon fighting, and could not there- fore fix a day, adding, moreover, that the earl was too hasty. When this was told to the earl, he looked upon it only as an excuse for delay ; he therefore sent for all the com- manders of his army, explained to them his intentions and wishes, and also the answers he had received, and desired to have their opinions upon the subject. They looked at each other : at last the duke of Brabant, who was the principal commander, spoke for all, and said, that he objected to throwing a bridge over the Scheld and fighting the French ; for, to his certain knowledge, the king of England would very soon pass the sea, in order to besiege Tournay ; and he had promised him, upon his faith and love, to give him every aid and assistance in that enterprise. " Now," added he, " if we fight the French, and should be unfortunate, he cannot have that succour he expects from us ; and, should it be otherwise, he will not give us much thanks ; it is therefore my opinion that, as he is the chief of the war, we should never engage with the forces of France, but when the king of England is present. Now when we shall be before Tournay, and he there with us, it would give me much uneasiness, that the French king and his army should depart without a battle ; I therefore advise, dear son, that you decamp from this place, where you stay at a very heavy expense, and that all should return homewards, for within these ten days we shall hear from the king of England." The greater part of the lords agreed to this opinion. But the earl of Hainault was much dissatisfied, and thought his honour would suffer, should the French retire without an action. He begged and entreated of them, and of all the barons in general, that they would not leave him, but consent to his wishes. After this the council broke up, and each returned to his quarters. Those from Brussels and Louvain would very cheerfully have returned home, for they were so worn down with fatigue, they could scarce support themselves ; and they frequently complained to their captains, that they remained at a great expense and did nothing. When the earl found that the council differed in opinion, and were not unani- mous to cross the Scheld and fight the French, he called his uncle to him, and said, " Dear uncle, will you take a ride along the river side, and call to you some man of honour from the French army, and tell him from me, that I will throw a bridge over the river; that I am willing and eager to fight at all events ; but I ask a truce for three days to build it." The lord of Beaumont, seeing the eagerness of his nephew, complied with his request, went home to prepare himself, and rode along the banks of the Scheld, accompanied with two other knights, the lord of Fagnoelez and sir Florens de Beaurieu, with his pennon alone borne before him. Perceiving on the opposite bank a knight from Normandy, whom he knew by his arms ; he called to him — " My lord of Maubuisson, my lord of Maubuisson, I wish to speak to you." The knight, who knew him, stopped his horse, and asked what were his commands. " I shall beg of you, said the lord of Beaumont, " to have the kindness to go to the king of France and to his council, and say, that the earl of Hainault has sent me to ask a truce for the time necessary to throw a bridge over this river, in order that our armies may pass. You will bring me here the answer, and I will wait for you." " By my faith, that I will cheerfully do," said the knight : when, sticking spurs into his horse, he galloped up to the king's tent, where the duke of Normandy and a great many of the nobility were. He related his message, and had shortly this answer : — " My lord of Maubuisson, you will tell him who has sent you hither, that it is our intention to keep the earl of Hainault in the same state in which he is at present ; and we will make him mort- gage his lands ; for he shall be attacked on all sides, and, whenever we please, we will enter so far into his country, that we will burn the whole of it.'"' The lord of Maubuisson brought back this answer, word for word, to the lord of Beaumont, who was waiting for him on the bank. He thanked him for the trouble he had given him, and returned to the earl of 72 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Hainault, whom he found playing at chess with the earl of Namur. As soon as he saw his uncle, he rose up, and asked what news he had brought him. " Sir," said sir John, " from what I see, the king of France takes much pleasure in making you keep up such forces at so great an expense, and declares he will make you expend and mortgage all your lands ; and whenever it shall be his pleasure, and not yours, he will fight with you." The earl was much angered at this, and swore it should be otherwise. CHAP. L THE NAVAL ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE KING OF ENGLAND AND THE FRENCH BEFORE SLUYS. We will now leave the duke of Normandy and the earl of Hainault, and speak of the king of England, who had embarked for Flanders, in order to go to Hainault to assist his brother-in-law in his w T ar against France. He and his whole navy sailed from the Thames the day before the eve of St. John the Baptist, 1 340, and made straight for Sluys. Sir Hugh Quiriel, sir Peter Bahucet, and Barbenoire, were at that time lying between Blancken- burgh and Sluys with upwards of one hundred and twenty large vessels, without counting others : these were manned with about forty thousand men, Genoese and Picards, including mariners. By the orders of the king of France, they were there at anchor, waiting the return of the king of England, to dispute his passage. When the king's fleet was almost got to Sluys, they saw so many masts standing before it, that they looked like a wood. The king asked the commander of his ship what they could be, who answered, that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans, which the king of France kept at sea, and which had so frequently done him much damage, had burnt his good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the Christopher. The king replied, " I have for a long time wished to meet with them, and now, please God and St. George, we will fight with them ; for, in truth, they have done me so much mischief, that I will be revenged on them, if it be possible/' The king then drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in the front, and on the wings his archers. Between every two vessels with archers, there was one of men at arms. He stationed some detached vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help such as might be damaged. There were in this fleet a great many ladies from England, countesses, baronesses, and knights' and gentlemen's wives, who were going to attend on the queen at Ghent : these the king had guarded most carefully by three hundred men at arms and five hundred archers. When the king of England and his mar- shals had properly divided the fleet, they hoisted their sails to have the wind on their quarter, as the sun shone full in their faces, which they considered might be of disadvantage to them, and stretched out a little, so that at last they got the wind as they wished. The Normans, who saw them tack, could not help wondering why they did so, and said they took good care to turn about, for they were afraid of meddling with them : they perceived, however, by his banner, that the king was on board, which gave them great joy, as they were eager to fight with him ; so they put their vessels in proper order, for they were expert and gallant men on the seas. They filled the Christopher, the large ship which they had taken the year before from the English, with trumpets and other warlike instruments, and ordered her to fall upon the English. The battle then began very fiercely ; archers and cross-bowmen shot with all their might at each other, and the men at arms engaged hand to hand : in order to be more successful, they had large grapnels, and iron hooks with chains, which they flung from ship to ship, to moor them to each other. There were many valiant deeds performed, many prisoners made, and many rescues. The Christopher, which led the van, was recaptured by the English, and all in her taken or killed. There were then great shouts and cries, and the English manned her again with archers, and sent her to fight against the Genoese. This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at sea are more destructive and obstinate than upon land, for it is not possible to retreat or flee — every one must abide his fortune, and exert his prowess and valour. Sir Hugh Quiriel and his companions were bold and determined men, had done much mischief to the English at sea, and destroyed many of their ships ; this combat, therefore, lasted from early in the morning until noon, and the CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 70 English were hard pressed, for their enemies were four to one, and the greater part men who had been used to the sea. The king, who was in the flower of his youth, showed himself on that day a gallant knight, as did the earls of Derby, Pembroke, Hereford, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Gloucester ; the lord Reginald Cobham, lord Felton, lord Bradestan, sir Richard Stafford, the lord Percy, sir Walter Manny, sir Henry de Flanders, sir John Beauchamp, sir John Chandos, the lord Delaware, Lucie lord Malton, and the lord Robert d'Artois, now called earl of Richmond. I cannot remember all the names of those who behaved so valiantly in the combat : but they did so well, that, with some assistance from Bruges, and those parts of the country, the French were completely defeated, and all the Normans and the others were killed or drowned, so that not one of them escaped. This was soon known all over Flanders ; and when it came to the two armies before Thin-l'Eveque, the Hainaulters were as much rejoiced as their enemies were dismayed. After the king had gained this victory, which was on the eve of St. John's day, he remained all that night on board of his ship before Sluys, and there were great noises with trumpets and all kinds of other instruments. The Flemings came to wait on him, having heard of his arrival, and what deeds he had performed. The king inquired of the citizens of Bruges after Jacob von Artaveld, and they told him he was gone to the aid of the earl of Hainault with upwards of sixty thousand men, against the duke of Normandy. On the morrow, which was Midsummer-day, the king and his fleet entered the port. As soon as they were landed, the king, attended by crowds of knights, set out on foot on a pilgrimage to our Lady of Ardembourg, where he heard mass and dined. He then mounted his horse, and went that day to Ghent, where the queen was, who received him with great joy and kindness. The army and baggage, with the attendants of the king, followed him by degrees to the same place. The king had sent notice of his arrival to the lords that were before Thin-l'Eveque oppos- ing the French, who as soon as they heard of it, and of his victory over the Normans, broke up their camp. The earl of Hainault disbanded all his troops, except the principal lords, whom he carried with him to Valenciennes, and treated most nobly, especially the duke of Brabant and Jacob von Artaveld. Jacob von Artaveld, in the full market-place, explained the right king Edward had to the crown of France to all those lords that chose to hear him, and of what importance it was to the three countries, that is to say, Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault, when closely united. He spoke so clearly, and with so much eloquence, that he was praised by all, who agreed that he was worthy to exercise the dignity of earl of Flanders.* These lords then took their leave, and agreed to meet in eight days' time at Ghent, to see the king. He received them all most courteously, as did the queen, who was but lately recovered from her lying-in of a son, called John, afterwards duke of Lancaster, in the right of his wife, the lady Blanche, daughter of Henry duke of Lancaster. A day of conference was then appointed to be held at Vilvorde. CHAPTER LI. ROBERT, KING OF SICILY, ENDEAVOURS TO MAKE PEACE BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. When king Philip of France heard of the defeat of his fleet, and that the king of England was quietly landed in Flanders, he was much enraged ; but as he could not amend it, he immediately decamped, and retreated towards Arras. He dismissed the greater part of his army, until he should receive other news : but he sent sir Godemar du Fay to Tournay, to * There is some difference between this passage and the he dyde so by his great wysdome and plesaunt wordes, that corresponding French of D. Sauvage's edition : and as Lord all people that harde hym praysed hym moche and sayd Berners has translated it almost verbatim, his version is howe he had nobly spoken, and by great experyece. And subjoined : — " And then Jaques Dartuell openly, and in thus he was greatly praysed, and it was sayd y l he was the market-place, in the presence of all the lordes and of well worthy to gouerne y* countie of Flaunders." There all such as wold here hym, declared what right the kying is nothing said here of his exercising the dignity of Earl of Englande had to the crowne of Frace, and also what of Flanders, an expression which would seem to imply an puyssaience the three countreis were of Flauders, Hey- intention of investing him with the title. — Ed. nault and Brabant surely joined in one alyance. And 74 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. advise them in any difficulties, and to see that the city was well provided, for he was more in fear of the Flemings than of any other people. He placed the lord of Beaujeu in Mor- taigne, to guard the frontiers towards Hainault, and sent strong bodies of men at arms to St. Omer, Aire, and St. Venant ; he also formed sufficient magazines in the countries border- ing upon Flanders. At this time Sicily was governed by a king named Robert, who was much renowned as a great astrologer ; he had prohibited the king of France and his council from ever engaging the English when commanded by their king, for in such cases he was ever to be unfortunate. This king was very desirous of bringing about a reconciliation between those of France and England, being so strongly attached to the crown of France, that he would have been much hurt at any calamity which might have impaired its lustre. The above-mentioned king went to Avignon to represent to pope Clement, and his college of cardinals, the great evils which might befal the realm of France from the quarrels of the two kings, and entreat of them to undertake the part of mediators in appeasing this disastrous war. The pope and the college replied, they would very willingly do their best endeavours, provided the two kings would listen to them. CHAPTER LII. THE KING OF ENGLAND AND HIS ALLIES HOLD A CONFERENCE AT VILVORDE. The conference holden at Vilvorde was attended by the following personages : first, the king of England, the duke of Brabant, the earl of Hainault and his uncle, the duke of Gueldres, the earl of Juliers, the marquis of Blanckenberg, the marquis of Nuys, the earl of Mons, the lord Robert d'Artois, the lord of Fauquemont, the lord William de Dunort, the earl of Namur, Jacob von Artaveld, and many other lords. Three or four men were sent by each of the principal towns in Flanders, Hainault, and Brabant, by way of council from them. The three countries of Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault, there entered into a treaty, that thenceforward they would succour and assist each other in every possible case ; they then formed an alliance, with covenants, that if either of the three were attacked by any one whatever, the other two should immediately come to his assistance ; and if at any future period two of them should quarrel, then the third should settle the matters of difference between them ; and if he should not be in sufficient force so to do, that then it should be laid before the king of England, in whose hands these covenants had been declared, and sworn to be duly main- tained, as the power that should at last make peace between them. Many statutes were then sworn and agreed to, which afterward turned out ill. But for a further confirmation of their love and friendship, they ordered coins to be struck, that should be current in these three countries, which were styled companions or allies. It was there also determined, that the king of England should put himself in motion about Magdalen tide, and lay siege to the city of Tournay ; and all the lords present promised to be there, as well as the forces from the principal towns : they then set off for their homes, to get ready and prepare themselves properly for the business. CHAPTER LIII. THE KING OF ENGLAND BESIEGES THE CITY OF TOURNAY WITH A POWERFUL ARMY. King Philip, soon after the departure of these lords, was informed of all that had passed, and what resolutions had been entered into at this conference, and how king Edward was to come to Tournay ; he therefore determined to provide it so w T ell with ammunition, &c, and with so many good knights, that the city should be well served and well advised. He sent directly to the city of Tournay the flower of his chivalry ; the earl Raoul of Eu, constable of France, the young earl of Guines, his son, the earl of Foix, and his brothers, the earl of Aymery and Narbonne, the lord Aymery of Poitiers, the lord Geoffry of Chargny, the lord Gsrard of Montfaucon, his two marshals, the lord Robert Bertrand and lord Matthew de Trie, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 75 the lord of Caieux, seneschal of Poitou, the lord of Chatillon, and sir John of Landas, who had with them many knights and esquires renowned in arms. The king entreated of them earnestly, that they would pay so much care and attention to Tournay, that nothing unfor- tunate might happen, which they all promised him. They took leave of the king of France, left Arras, and arrived at Tournay, where they found sir Godemar du Fay, who had been sent thither before them. He received them joyfully, as did those of the town ; and, after having well examined the purveyances which were there, as well of artillery as of provision, they ordered great quantities of corn, oats, and other articles of food, to be brought into it from the country round about, so that the city was in a good state to hold out for a long time. To return to the king of England, who, when the time for being before Tournay approached, and the corn was nearly ripe, set out from Ghent, accompanied by seven earls from his own country, two prelates, twenty-eight bannerets, two hundred knights, four thousand men at arms, and nine thousand archers, without counting the foot soldiers. He passed through the town of Oudenarde, crossed the Scheld, and encamped before Tournay, near St. Martin's gate, on the road to Lisle and Douay, Soon after came his cousin, the duke of Brabant, with upwards of twenty thousand men, knights and esquires, and the companies from the different towns. The Brabanters were encamped at Pontaries upon the Scheld (a Tournay, as it appeared two hundred years since. dependence of the abbey of St. Nicholas), as you return from the fields by the gate Valentinois. The earl of Hainault came with the fine cavalry of his country, with many Dutchmen and Zealanders, who attended upon his person as their lord. The earl was encamped between the king of England and the duke of Brabant. Jacob von Artaveld came next with more than forty thousand Flemings *, not reckoning those from Ypres, Poperingue, Cassel, and Bruges, who were ordered to another part, as you will hear presently. He was quartered near the gate St. Fontaine, on both sides of the Scheld, over which they had thrown a bridge of boats, that they might have free intercourse. The duke of Gueldres, the earl of Juliers, the marquis of Blanckenberg, the marquis of Nuys, the earl of Mons, the earl of Savines, the lord of Fauquemont, sir Arnold de Bacqueghen, and all the Germans, were stationed on the side towards Hainault ; so that the city of Tournay was very completely surrounded. Each division of the army had open communication with each other, and no one could enter or come out of the city without permission, or without being seen. * Lord Berners says 60,000.— Ed. 76 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAP1ER LIV. — THE EARL OF HAINAULT DESTROYS THE TOWNS OF SECL1N AND ORCHIES. This siege of Tournay lasted a long time. The army that lay before it was plentifully and cheaply supplied with all sorts of provisions, for they were brought to them from all the neighbouring countries. Many gallant actions were performed ; for the earl of Hainault, who was very bold and enterprising, took this war to heart, reflecting as he did that his country had suffered so much at its commencement, and headed every excursion. He set out one morning very early from the camp with live hundred lances, and passing below Lisle, burnt the good town of Seclin, and many villages in its neighbourhood. His light horse advanced even as far as the suburbs of Lens, in Artois. All this was related to his uncle, king Philip, at Arras, who, though very angry, could not at this time help it. After this excursion the earl took another route, and advanced towards the capital town of Orchies, which was taken and burnt, for it was not enclosed. Landas and Celle shared the same fate, as well as many considerable villages thereabouts. They scoured the country, and took a very great booty, with which they retreated to the army before Tournay. At the same time, the Flemings made frequent and strong assaults on Tournay : they built boats, move- able towers, and other machines of offence, with which they every day battered the town. Skirmishes very frequently took place, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides : and the Flemings exerted themselves to conquer or damage Tournay, so much had this war irritated them ; and they say there is never any discord so bitter, as that between neighbours and friends. Among these attacks there was one which lasted a whole day : much valour was shown, for all the knights that were in Tournay were present. It was intended, by means of boats and other machines, to have forced and broken the barriers of the postern of the bridge ; but they were so gallantly defended, that the Flemings made no impression, but lost a vessel, in which there were one hundred and twenty men, who were drowned ; so they retreated towards evening, sorely tired. During this siege some soldiers made an excursion from St. Amand, where there was a strong body, and came to Hasnon, which belonged to Hainault, burnt the town, violated the nunnery, destroyed the monastery, and took with them all they could carry off to St. Amand. Shortly after these same soldiers set out again, and having passed through the wood of St. Amand, came to the monastery of Yicogne, with the intent to pillage and destroy it : they made a great fire before the gate in order to burn it. When the abbot perceived in what danger he was, he set off directly on horseback, and riding behind the wood, came to Valenciennes in great haste, where he requested the provost to let him have some cross-bowmen ; whom, having obtained, he led behind Raimes, and posted them in the wood looking towards Pourcelet, and upon the causeway. Thence they began to shoot upon the soldiers and Genoese, before the gates of Yicogne, who no sooner felt the arrows showering upon them from the woods, than they were panic-struck, and ran off as fast as they could. By these means was the monastery saved. About this time the earl of Lisle was in Gascony, carrying on the war, by orders from the king of France. He had already taken and recaptured all the country of Aquitaine, and kept the field with upwards of four thousand horse ; he had besieged Bordeaux by sea and land. The earl had with him the flower of the chivalry of the marches of Gascony — the earl of Perigord, the carl of Comingep, the earl of Carmaing, the earl of Villemort, the vis- count Brumquet, the lord de la Borde, and many other knights and barons, and nothing- resisted them but the fortresses, which the English garrisons carefully guarded. Many gal- lant feats of arms were performed in this country, of which we shall speak in proper time and place ; for the present we must return to Scotland, and see what is going on there during this siege of Tournay. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c. 77 CHAPTER LV. THE SCOTS RECOVER GREAT PART OP THEIR COUNTRY DURING THE SIEGE OF TOURNAY. The reader should be informed, that sir William Douglas, son of the brother of sir James Douglas, who was killed in Spain *, the earl of Moray, the earl Patrick of Dunbar, the earl of Sutherland, sir Robert Keith, sir Simon Fraser, and Alexander Ramsay, had remained as governors of the remnant of Scotland, that was not in the possession of the English*. During the space of seven years they had secreted themselves in the forest of Jed worth, in winter as well as summer, and thence had carried on a war against all the towns and fortresses wherein king Edward had placed any garrisons, in which many perilous and gallant adventures befel them, and from which they had acquired much honour and renown. While king Edward was beyond sea before Tournay, the king of France sent over some forces to Scotland, which arrived safe in the town of Perth : and he entreated the noblemen above mentioned, to carry on so bitter a war in England, that king Edward should be obliged to desist from his present enterprise before Tournay, promising them every aid and assistance ; in conse- quence of which these lords collected their forces, and made themselves ready. They quitted the forest of Jed worth, traversed Scotland, retook as many fortresses as they were able, passed by Berwick, and, crossing the river Tyne, entered Northumberland, which was formerly a kingdom of itself, where they found plenty of fat cattle. Having destroyed and burnt the whole country as far as Durham, and even beyond it, they returned by another road, doing the same to all the countries they passed through ; so that all the country on the borders of England, to the extent of three days' journey, was completely ruined and destroyed. They then re-entered Scotland, and gained all the fortresses which the king of England held, except the good town of Berwick, and three other castles, which annoyed them much, and which arc so strong, that you will scarcely find their equals for strength in any country ; one is called Stirling, the other Roxburgh, and the third, which may be styled the sovereign of Scotland, Edinburgh. This last is situate upon a high rock, commanding a view of the country round about ; and the mountain has so steep an ascent, that few can go up it with- out stopping twice or thrice. The governor of it at that time was a gallant English knight, called sir Walter Limousin, brother-german to him who had so gallantly defended the castle of Thin-l'Eveque against the French. A bold thought came into sir William Douglas's mind, which he mentioned to his com- panions, the earl of Dunbar, sir Robert Fraser, who had been tutor to king David of Scot- land, and Alexander Ramsay, who all agreed to try to execute it. They collected upwards of two hundred lances of Highlanders, went to sea, and purchased oats, oatmeal, coal, and straw, and landed peaceably at a port about three miles from the castle of Edinburgh, which had made a stronger resistance than all the other castles. When they had armed them- selves, they issued forth in the night time ; and having chosen ten or twelve from among them, in whom they had the greatest confidence, they dressed them in old threadbare clothes, with torn hats, like poor tradesmen, and loaded twelve small horses, with a sack to each filled with oats, meal, or coal ; they then placed the rest in ambuscade in an old abbey, that was ruined and uninhabited, close to the foot of the mountain on which the castle was situate. At daybreak, these merchants, who were privily armed, took the road with their horses the very best way they could towards the castle. When they had got about half way up the hill, sir William Douglas and sir Simon Fraser advanced before the others, whom they ordered to follow in silence, and came to the porter's lodge. They informed him, that they had brought, with many risks and fears, coal, oats, and meal, and, if there were any want of such articles, they should be glad to dispose of them, and at a cheap rate. The porter replied, that the garrison would thankfully have them, but it was so early, that he dared not awake either the governor or his steward : at the same time he * Celebrated in Scottish story under the name of the Knight of Liddesdale — Lord Hailes mentions him alone as being sent on the embassy to France. Robert the Stewart was regent of the kingdom. 78 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. told him to come forward, and he would open the other gate. They all then passed quietly through, and entered with their loads to the gate of the barriers, which he opened for them. Sir William Douglas had remarked, that the porter had all the great keys of the castle gates, and had, in an apparently indifferent manner, inquired which opened the great gate and which the wicket. When the first gate was opened, they turned in their nags, and flung off the loads of two, which consisted of coal, directly upon the sill of the gate, so that it could not be shut, and then seized the porter, whom they slew so suddenly, that he did not utter a word. They then took the keys, and opened all the gates ; and sir William Douglas gave a blast upon his horn, as a signal for his companions : they then flung off their torn clothes, and placed all the remainder of the coal between the gates, so that they could not be shut. When those in the ambuscade heard the horn, they sallied forth, and hastened forwards to the castle. The noise of the horn awakened the watch of the castle, at that time asleep, who, seeing these armed men running up the castle hill, blew lustily on his horn, and bawled out, " Treason ! treason ! Arm yourselves, my masters, as fast as you can, for here are men at arms advancing to our fortress." They all roused themselves as quickly as they could, and when armed came to the gate ; but sir William and his twelve companions defended the gate ; so that it could not be shut. The combat then grew hotter ; but those from without maintained their ground with great valour, until their ambuscade arrived. The garrison made a very gallant defence, killing and wounding many of their enemies ; but sir William and his party exerted themselves so much, that the fortress was taken, and all the English killed, except the governor and six esquires, to whom they showed mercy. The Scots remained in the castle all that day, and appointed for governor a squire of that country, called sir Simon de Vesci, and left with him many of his country- men. This news was brought to the king of England whilst he lay before Tournay. CHAPTER LVI. — THE KING OF FRANCE ASSEMBLES A LARGE ARMY, IN ORDER TO RAISE THE SIEGE OF TOURNAY. It has been before related in what manner the king of England had besieged the city of Tournay, and that he pressed it very close ; for he had upwards of one hundred and twenty thousand men, including the Flemings, who behaved very well in all their attacks. The commanders within the city, finding their provisions beginning to get low, sent out from it all those who had not laid in a proper quantity for the occasion. They were driven out about the middle of the day, and passed through the army of the duke of Brabant, who took compassion on them, and had them conducted in safety to king Philip at Arras; he had remained there all this time, whilst those within Tournay were in great distress, and had need of assistance and advice. The king of France published a special summons throughout this kingdom, and also in many parts of the empire, for the levying of forces. It had so good an effect, that Charles, king of Bohemia, the duke of Lorrain, the earl of Bar, the bishop of Metz, the bishop of Verdun, the earl of Montbeliard, the lord John of Chalons, the earl of Geneva, the earl of Savoy, and the lord Lewis, his brother, came to serve under the king of France, with as many men as they could collect together. There came to him also the dukes of Brittany, Burgundy, and Bourbon, the earls of Alencon, Flanders, Foretz, Armagnac, Blois, Harcourt, and Dammartin, the lord Charles of Blois, the lord of Coucy, and many other knights and barons. The king of Navarre afterwards came with a number of men at arms, to serve for the lands he held in France, and for which he was a homager to the king. The king of Scotland was also there, under the appointment of the king of France, and had a handsome body of men given to him. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 70 CHAPTER LVII. SOME OF THE GARRISON OP BOUCHAIN DEFEAT A BODY OF SOLDIERS FROM MORTAGNE*, BEFORE THE TOWN OF CONDE. "When all these lords above-mentioned, and many others, were come to Arras, the king of France advanced to a small river, which is about three leagues distant from Tournay. It was very deep, and the country about it so marshy, that it could not be crossed, but by a very narrow causeway, on which two men would have difficulty to pass abreast. The king and his army encamped in the fields, as they could not cross this river. The next day they remained there also ; and the lords about the king held a council, on the best means of building bridges, to pass over this river and the quagmires in safety. They sent some knights and armed men to examine the passages, who, after having well considered them, reported that it would be pains thrown away, and that there was no other means of crossing this river and country, but by the Pont-a-Tressin. Every thing, therefore, remained as before, and each lord took up his quarters among his own men. The news was soon spread abroad, that the king of France and his army were encamped between the bridges of Tressin and Bouvines, with the intention of giving his enemies battle ; so that all men of honour, who were desirous of fame, went and joined one side or other, as pleased them best. Three German knights, who were in garrison at Bouchain, heard, as others had done, that the two kings were near each other, and it was thought they would fight. Upon which two of them urged and entreated their companion that he would consent to remain in Bouchain, to guard and preserve it until they returned, and that they would make an excursion as far as Tournay, to seek adventures, and to see how things were going on. The two knights set out, whose names were sir Courrat d' Astra and sir Courrat de Lan- cenuch ; f they rode till they came to Estampons, above Valenciennes, for they were desirous of crossing the Scheld at Conde. Between Fresnes and Estampons they heard a noise, and met many people running away ; upon which they spurred their horses, and pushed on towards the place from whence the outcry came, with their whole company. They were altogether about twenty-five lances. They inquired of the first they met the meaning of all the noise and flight : " Oh Lord, gentlemen," said they, " the soldiers from Mortagne have made an incursion upon us, and have collected a large booty in this neighbourhood, which they are driving to their fortress, together with many prisoners they have taken." The two knights asked if they could conduct them to the road these soldiers were going ? Upon their answering in the affirmative, they pursued the French of Mortagne, and followed these honest men, who showed them a way through the woods, so that they gained ground upon them, near to Notre-Dame-aux-Bois. The French were full one hundred and twenty men, and they were driving before them two hundred large cattle, with some peasants, prisoners. Their captain was a knight from Burgundy, called sir John de Frelais, under the orders of the lord of Beaujeu. As soon as the Germans perceived them they set up a loud shout, and rushed on full gallop. The combat was very sharp, for the Burgundy knight made a gallant defence, as well as some of his company, but not all, for several of them betook themselves to flight ; but they were so closely pursued by the Germans and peasants of the country, who had armed themselves with stakes, that few escaped death. Sir John de Frelais was taken, and all the booty recaptured and given to the proprietors, who were very thankful to the Germans ever after. The knights then went forwards to Tournay, where they were very well received. * Mortagne — a small town in Flanders, near the The names of these knights are, in the 46th chapter, said confluence of the Scarpe and Scheld, three leagues to have been Conrad. " Courrat" is found in both from Tournay. places, in Lord Berners and D'Sauvage ; but in the latter t Sir Courrat d' Astra and sir Courrat de Lancenuch. it is corrected in a marginal note. — Ed. 00 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER LVIII. SIR WILLIAM DE BAILLEUL AND SIR VAUFLART DE LA CROIX MAKE AN EXCURSION TO PONT-A-TRESSIN. Soon after the king of France had taken up his quarters, with his army, near the bridge of Bouvines, a company of Hainaulters put themselves in motion by the exhortations of sir Vauflart de la Croix, who told them he knew all the country well, and he could lead them to a part of the French army which they would be sure of conquering. About one hundred and twenty of them, knights and esquires, set out one day through love to each other, to do some deeds of arms, and advanced towards Pont-a-Tressin. They made the lord of Bailleul their captain, and it was under his banner that they were to enlist. That same morning, some of the Liegeois made also an excursion, under the command of sir Robert de Bailleul, brother-german to the above-mentioned sir William de Bailleul, for he had made a promise to do this to the bishop of Liege, and was bound to execute it with his whole company. The Liegeois had passed Pont-a-Tressin, were foraging for their horses, and looking out to see if they could find any chance to profit by. The Hainaulters had rode on, and passed the bridge, without meeting with any one ; for there was such a fog that they could not distinguish any thing at the distance of a lance's length. When all had passed the bridge, they ordered sir William de Bailleul, and his banner, to remain there, and sir Vauflart de la Croix, sir Raflet de Monceaux, and sir John de Verchin, to advance as far as the quarters of the king of Bohemia, and bishop of Liege, which were near the bridge, and to attack them. The lord of Rodemach had had the guard that night of the army of the king of Bohemia, and was cn the point of retiring, when the light horse of the Hainaulters appeared They attacked them, as they came up, very valiantly, and they were repulsed also by the Liegeois. The conflict was sharp, and the Hainaulters behaved themselves well. To secure a retreat, however, to their banner, the Hainaulters drew towards the bridge, where they were followed by those of Liege and Luxembourg, and the engagement was renewed. Sir William de Bailleul was advised to recross the bridge with his banner, for many of his people remained there ; and many a gallant deed was performed, many a capture made, and many a rescue. Sir Vauflart unluckily was not able to gain the passage of the bridge, so he got out of the crowd, and saved himself the best way h too far off ; and he quotes Du Chesne, page 6G3. In my opinion, it must bo St. Jean d' Angely, as that is in Saintonge, and not too far distant for this excursion. L 2 148 CHRONIC LES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. CHAPTER CXIX. SIR JOHN NORWICH ESCAPES FROM ANGOULEME, WHEN THAT TOWN SURRENDERS TO THE FRENCH. The lords of France remained for a very considerable time before Angouleme. The French overran all the country which had been conquered by the English : they created much trouble, and, whenever they found a fit opportunity, brought to their camp many prisoners and much pillage : the two brothers of Bourbon acquired great praise from all, as they were the foremost in every excursion. "When sir John Norwich, the governor of Angouleme, found that the duke of Normandy would not break up the siege until he had gained the city ; that his provisions were growing short, and that the carl of Derby showed no signs of coming to his relief : having also perceived that the inhabitants were much inclined to the French, and would have turned to them before, if they had dared : he began to be suspicious of treason, and bethought how he could best save himself and his com- panions. On the eve of the Purification, he came on the battlements of the walls of the city alone, without having mentioned to any one his intentions, and made signs with his cap that he wanted to speak with some one from the army. Those who had noticed the signal came to know what he wanted : he said, " he wished to speak with my lord the duke of Normandy, or with one of his marshals." They went to inform the duke of this, who came there, attended by some of his knights. As soon as sir John saw the duke, he pulled off his cap, and saluted him. The duke returned the salute, and said, " Sir John, how fares it with you ? Are you inclined to surrender yourself ? " "I have no intentions to do that," replied sir John ; " but I could wish to entreat of you, in reverence to the feast of our Lady, which is to-morrow, that you would grant us a truce for that day only, that neither of us may hurt the other, but remain in peace." The duke said, " he was willing to consent to it." Early the next morning, which was Candlemas day, sir John and his companions armed themselves, and packed up all they had. They then ordered one of the gates to be opened, and issued forth ; which being perceived by the army, some part of it began to put itself in motion : sir John, upon this, rode up to them, and said, " Gentlemen, gentle- men, beware that you do no harm to us ; for we have had a truce agreed on for this whole day, as you must know, by the duke of Normandy ; and we shall not touch you. If you have not been informed of it, go and inquire ; for we can, upon the faith of this truce, ride and go wherever we please." This information was brought to the duke, and he was asked what was to be done, who replied, " Let them go, in God's name, whatever way they choose; for we cannot force them to stay. I will keep the promise I made them." Thus sir John Norwich passed through the whole French army unhurt, and took the road to Aiguillon. When those who were in garrison there heard in what manner he had escaped and saved his men, they said he had acted very cunningly. The inhabitants of Angouleme held a council on Candlemas day, and determined to surrender themselves to the duke : they sent persons properly authorised to treat, who managed so well, that the duke showed them mercy, and pardoned them. He entered the city and castle, where he received their homage, and appointed sir Anthony de Villiers governor, with a hundred soldiers to defend it. The duke afterwards decamped, and came before the castle of Damazan *, which he laid siege to for fourteen days. There were continued assaults ; but at last it was taken, and all within it, Gascons and English, put to the sword. The duke gave this castle and its dependencies to a squire, from Beausse, named the Borgne de Nully. He then came before Tonniens t, which is situated on the Garonne, and which he found well provided with Gascons and English. There were many attacks and skirmishes ; and he remained some time before it. However, at last they surrendered, upon condition of preserving their lives and fortunes, and to be conducted in safety to Bordeaux. When these foreigners had left it, the tow T n entered under obedience to the duke, who staid here with his whole army, and on the banks of the Garonne, until after Easter, when he advanced towards Port St. Marie upon the same * A town in Gasconv, in the election of Condom. f Diocese of Agon. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. river. There were about two hundred English to defend the town and this passage, who had strongly fortified it ; but they, and all within, were taken by assault. The French, after they had repaired and reinforced it with men at arms, set out and took the road towards Aiguillon. CHAPTER CXX. THE DUKE OP NORMANDY LAYS SIEGE TO AIGUILLON, WITH A HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN. The noblemen of France, under the command of the duke of Normandy, pushed on until they came before the castle of Aiguillon, when they encamped and divided their forces in the extensive and handsome meadows on the banks of the river Garonne, which is navigable for great vessels. Each lord was posted with his own people, and every company by itself, according to the orders of the marshals of the army. This siege continued until the beginning of October ; and there were upwards of one hundred thousand men in arms, including cavalry and infantry. Those within were obliged to defend themselves against this army two or three times every day, and most commonly from noon until eve without ceasing ; for there were continually pouring upon them fresh forces, Genoese or others, who gave them no repose. The chiefs of the French army found they could never attack, with advantage, the fortress, unless they passed the river, which was wide and deep : the duke therefore ordered a bridge to be constructed, that they might cross it : three hundred workmen were employed at this bridge, who worked day and night. As soon as the knights who were in Aiguillon perceived that this bridge was nearly finished, and that one half of it was completed, they prepared three vessels, in which they embarked, and, driving away the workmen and guards, instantly destroyed what had taken so much time to make. The lords of France, seeing this, got ready other vessels to attack them, in which they placed a number of men at arms, Genoese cross-bowmen and infantry, and ordered the workmen to continue their works, under the support of these guards. When these work- men were thus employed, sir W alter Manny, and some of his companions, embarked about noon, and, dashing upon them, made them quit their work and run off : he soon destroyed all that they had done. This kind of skirmish was continued daily ; but at last the French sent such large detachments to guard the workmen, that the bridge was completed in a good and strong manner. The army then passed over it in order of battle, and attacked the castle for the space of one whole day, but did no great harm ; and, in the evening, they retreated to their camp, where they were plentifully supplied with everything. Those within the castle repaired what damage had been done, for they had plenty of workmen. On the morrow, the French resolved to divide their army into four divisions ; the first of which should make an attack on this fortress from the dawn until about nine o'clock ; the second from that time till noon ; the third from noon till four o'clock ; and the fourth division from that time till night. This mode of attack was continued for six successive days. However, those within the castle were never so much harassed but that they could defend themselves valiantly ; and their enemies gained nothing but the bridge, which was before the castle. The French lords, upon this, held a council, and sent to Toulouse for eight of their largest battering engines, and constructed four other large ones upon the spot. These twelve engines cast stones into the fortress day and night ; but the besieged had taken such pains to avoid what mischief they could do, that they only destroyed the roofs of the houses : they had also made counter-engines, which played upon those of their enemies, and in a short space of time totally ruined six of them. During this siege, sir Walter Manny made frequent excursions beyond the river, with about six score companions, to forage, and often returned with his booty in sight of the army. One day the lord Charles of Montmorency had been on a foraging party, with five or six hundred men, and was conducting a great number of cattle to victual the army, when he met sir Walter Manny under the walls of Aiguillon. They immediately began an engagement, which was very sharp ; and many were killed and wounded on both sides. The French were at least five to one. News was brought of this into Aiguillon, when 150 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. every one sallied out for the fastest, and the earl of Pembroke with the foremost : they dashed into the midst of them, and found sir Walter Manny unhorsed, and surrounded by his enemies, but fighting most valiantly. He was directly rescued and remounted. During the heat of the engagement, the French hastened to drive off the cattle to a place of safety, or they would have lost them ; for the English were coming in crowds to succour their countrymen, and, falling upon the French vigorously, they put them to flight, rescued those they had made prisoners, and captured also many from them. The lord Charles de Mont- morency had great difficulty to escape, and retreated as fast as he could, quite discomfited. When it was over, the English returned to Aiguillon. Such skirmishes frequently happened, for scarcely a day passed without some engagement. The French having one day drawn out their army, ordered those noblemen that were from Toulouse, Carcassonne, and Beaucaire, and their dependencies, to make an attack with their men, from the morning until noon; and those from Rouergue, Cahors, and Agenois, to continue it from their retreat until the evening. The duke promised to any of his soldiers who should gain the draw-bridge of the castle a reward of a hundred golden crowns*. The duke, in order to assist this attack, commanded a number of vessels and barges to come down the river, in which many embarked to cross it, whilst the remainder passed over the bridge. Those in the castle made a gallant defence ; but at last, some of the French got into a small boat, and, passing under the bridge, fastened strong hooks and chains to the draw-bridge, with which they pulled so lustily, that they broke the iron chains which held the bridge, and forced it down. The French, so eager were they to gain the promised reward, leaped upon the bridge in such haste that they tumbled over each other. The besieged flung down upon them stones, hot lime, large beams, and boiling water, so that many were hurt, and drowned in the ditches. The bridge, however, was taken, though it cost them more than it was worth : but they could not gain the gate : therefore, as it was late, they returned to their camp, for they had need of rest ; and those within the castle sallied out, and repaired the bridge, making it stronger than it was before. On the next day, two principal engineers came to the duke, and said, If he w T ould find them wood and workmen, they would build for him two such high towers, as, when they were advanced to the walls of the castle, should overtop them. The duke commanded all the carpenters of the country to be sent for, and handsomely paid. These four towers were constructed, and placed on the decks of four large vessels ; but they took a long time in making, and cost much money. Those ordered upon this attack embarked on board the vessels, and, when they were about half way over the river, the besieged let off four martinetsf, which they had newly constructed, to defend themselves against these towers. These four martinets cast such large stones, and so very rapidly, that the men at arms in the towers were much hurt by them : and, having no means to shield themselves, they returned back as fast as they were able : but in their retreat one of the vessels foundered and sunk : the greater number of those that were on board were drowned, which was a great pity, as they were chiefly valiant knights who were eager to distinguish themselves. When the duke found that this scheme did not answer his expectations, he ordered them to disembark from the three remaining vessels. He was at a loss what plan to follow, by which he could aiii he castle of Aiguillon ; for he had vowed he would never quit the place until he was master of it and the garrison, unless the king, his father, ordered otherwise. The lords therefore advised him to send the constable of France and the earl of Tancarville to Paris, to inform king Philip of the state of the siege, and to know if the king wished the duke of Normandy to continue before Aiguillon, until he had, through famine, made himself master of it, since he could not gain it by force. The king of England, having heard how much pressed his people were in the castle of Aiguillon, determined to lead a great army into Gascony. He set about making his preparations, summoned all the vassals in his kingdom, and collected forces from whatever quarter he could, that were willing to enter into his pay. About this time sir Godfrey de * 6s. 8d. each. — Barnes. t Du Cange, supplement, under the word Martineius, calls it an instrument of war, and quotes this passage for his authority, but does not explain it further. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 151 Harcourt, who had been banished from France, arrived in England. He was received by the king in his palace ; and he assigned over to him a handsome estate in England, to maintain him, suitable to his rank. Soon after this, the king assembled a large fleet of ships at Southampton, and sent thither his men at arms and his archers*. About St. John the Baptist's day, 1346, the king took leave of the queen, and, setting out, left her to the care of his cousin, the earl of Kent. He appointed the lord Percy, and the lord Neville of Raby, the archbishop of York, the bishop of Durham, and the bishop of Lincoln, to be his lieutenants for the northern parts of his kingdom ; and he did not take so many forces out of the realm but that there was a sufficiency of men at arms left to defend it, should there be occasion. He took the road for Southampton, where he tarried until he had a favourable wind, when he embarked with his whole army. On board the king's ship were the prince of Wales and sir Godfrey de Harcourt : the other lords, earls, and barons embarked with their men, as they had been ordered. There might be about four thousand men at arms, and ten thousand archers, not including the Irish and the Welch, who followed the army on foot. I will enumerate the names of those lords that accompanied king Edward. I must mention first the prince of Wales, who at that time was only thirteen t years old, or there- abouts : there were Humphry Bohun earl of Hereford and Essex, his brother William Bohun earl of Northampton, Thomas Beauchamp earl of Warwick, Richard Fitzalan earl of Arundel, John Vere earl of Oxford, William Clinton earl of Huntington, Robert HufTord earl of Suffolk : of barons, there were the young lord Roger Mortimer, the lord Gerard Lisle, and his kinsman the lord John Lisle, the lord Reginald Cobham, the lords John and Roger Beauchamp, the lord John Mowbray, the lord William Roos of Hamlake, the lord Thomas Lucy of Cockermouth, the lord William Felton, the lord Thomas Bradestan, the lord Ralph Basset of Sapcoat, John lord Willoughby of Eresby, the lord Peter Manly fifth of the name, Thomas lord Ughtred, John lord Fitzwalter, William lord Kerdeston, the lord Roger Say, the lord Almaric de St. Amand, the lord Robert Bourchier, the lord John le Strange, the lord Edw r ard Montagu, the lord Richard Talbot, the lord John Mohun of Dunster, William lord Boteler of Wemme, Robert lord Ferrers, John lord Seymour, John lord Grey, William lord Botreaux, the lord Hugh Spencer, the lord John Striveling, Michael lord Poynings, Robert lord Morley, Thomas lord Ashley, John lord Sutton, the lord Nicholas Cantilupe, and others : of knights-bachelors, sir John Chandos, the lord Peter Audley, and the lord James Audley, the lord Bartholomew Burgherst junior, the lord Thomas Holland, the lord Fulk Fitzwarren, sir Richard Pembridge, and several others. There were few strangers : only sir Oulphart de Guistelles, from the country of Hainault, and five or six knights from Germany, whose names I have forgotten. When they embarked., the weather was as favourable as the king could wish, to carry him to Gascony ; but on the third day, the wind was so contrary, that they w T ere driven upon the coasts of Cornwall, where they cast anchor, and remained for six days and six nights. During this time, the king altered his mind with respect to going towards Gascony, through the advice and representations of sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who convinced him that it would be more for his interest to land in Normandy, by such words as these : " Sir, that province is one of the most fertile in the world ; and I will answer on my head, that you may land in any part of it you shall please without hindrance, for no one will think of opposing you. The Normans have not been accustomed to the use of arms ; and all the knighthood, that other- wise would have been there, are at present with the duke before Aiguillon. You will find in Normandy rich towns and handsome castles, without any means of defence, and your people will gain wealth enough to suffice them for twenty years to come. Your fleet may also follow you, up the river Orne, as far as Caen. I therefore entreat you will listen, and give belief to what I say." The king, who at that time was in the flower of his youth, and * Edward appoints his son, Lionel, lieutenant of the f This is a mistake ; for he *as born the 15th June, realm, during his absence, by an ordinance dated Porches- 1330 : he must therefore have been sixteen, ter, 5th June, 1346. — Ri/mer. I have copied the names out of Barnes' life of Edward He was at Porchester the 1st and 2nd of July, 1346. III., wherein he mentions that twenty-two of them, from — Rym r. lord Ughtred, are taken from an old MS. in C. C. C. John de Qfford, chancellor, delivered up the great seal library, Cambridge, intituled, "Acta Edwardi filii. Ed., to Johnde Thoresby, the 2nd July, in the Isle of Wight, wardi fcertii." 152 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c who desired nothing better than to combat his enemies, paid much attention to what sir Godfrey de Harcourt, whom he called cousin, had said. He commanded his sailors to stee* straight for Normandy, and ordered the flag of the admiral, the earl of "Warwick, to be hoisted on board his ship : he took the lead, as admiral of the fleet, and made for Normandy, with a very favourable wind. The fleet anchored near to the shores of Coutantin *, and the king landed at a port called La Hogue St. Vast. News of his arrival was soon spread abroad • it was told all over the country, that the English had landed with a very great army. Messen- gers were instantly dispatched to Paris, to the king, from the towns of Coutantin. He had already been informed, that the king of England had embarked a numerous army, and was on the coasts of Normandy and Brittany ; but he was not sure for what particular part he meant to make. As soon, therefore, as he heard the English had landed, he sent for his constable, the earl of Guignes, and the earl of Tancarville, who were just come from Aiguillon, and ordered them to set off directly for Caen, to defend that place and the neighbourhood against the English. They replied, they would cheerfully do it, to the utmost of their power, and left the king at Paris, taking with them a number of men at arms, whose ranks were every day increasing, and rode on to Caen, where they were received most joyfully by the inhabitants and the good people of the country, who had retired thither, with their effects. These lords imme- diately made inquiries into the state of the town, which at that time was not walled, and ordered arms to be prepared, to supply every one with them according to his degree. We will now return to the king of England, who had landed at la Hogue St. Vast, not far from St. Sauveur le Vicomte f, the inheritance of sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who at that time was a partisan of England J. CHAPTER CXXI. THE KING OF ENGLAND MARCHES INTO NORMANDY WITH HIS ARMY, IN THREE BATTALIONS. When the fleet of England was all safely arrived at La Hogue, the king leaped on shore first ; but by accident he fell, and with such violence that the blood gushed out at his nose : the knights that were near him said, " Dear sir, let us entreat you to return to your ship, and not think of landing to-day, for this is an unfortunate omen." The king instantly replied, " For why ? I look upon it as very favourable, and a sign that the land is desirous of me." 'His people were much pleased with this answer. The king and his army lay that night upon the sands. In the mean time, they disembarked their baggage, armour, and horses ; and there was a council held, to consider how they could act most advantageously. The king created two marshals of his army : one was sir Godfrey de Harcourt ; the other the earl of Warwick : and he made the earl of Arundel his constable. He ordered the earl of Huntington to remain with his fleet, with a hundred or six score men at arms, and four hundred archers. He then held another council respecting the order of march, and determined to divide the army into three battalions; one of which should advance on his right, following the sea-coast, and another on his left ; and he himself, with the prince his son, and the main body, in the centre. Every night, the marshal's battalion was to retire to the quarters of the king. They thus began their march, as they had resolved upon : those who were on board the fleet coasted the shores, and took every vessel, great and small, they met with. Both the armies of sea and land went forward, until they came to a strong town, called Barfleur §, which they soon gained ; the inhabitants having surrendered immediately, for fear of losing their lives : but that did not prevent the town from being pillaged and robbed of gold, silver, and everything precious that could be found therein. There was so much wealth, that the boys of the army set no value on gowns trimmed with far. Thev made all the townsmen quit the * Coutantin, — a district of Normanay, of which Cou- Prince of Wales a knight, and, inconsequence, demanded tances is the capital town. the usual aid on such occasions, dated Calais, the Nativity t Diocese of Coutances. of our Lady, 1346. — Rymer. \ On the king's landing at La Hogue, he created the § Diocese of Coutances CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 153 place, and embarked them on board the fleet ; for they did not choose that, after they had continued their march, they should collect together, and attack them. After the town of Barfleur had been pillaged, but not burnt, they spread themselves over the country, near the sea-coast, where they did whatever they pleased, for there were none to oppose them. They advanced until they came to a considerable and wealthy town called Cherbourg *, which they burnt and pillaged in part ; but they could not conquer the castle, as it was too strong, and well garrisoned with men at arms : they therefore passed on, and came before Montebourg, near Valognes, which they pillaged, and then set fire to it. In this manner did they plunder and burn a great many towns in that country : and acquired so much riches that it would have been difficult to have counted their wealth. They after- wards marched to a very considerable town, and well inclosed, called Carentan f , which had a strong castle, garrisoned by a number of soldiers. Those lords that were on board the fleet then disembarked with their people, and made a vigorous attack upon it ; which, when the townsmen perceived, they were fearful of losing their own lives, as well as those of their wives and children, and opened the gates to them, in spite of the men at arms and soldiers that were within the town. They voluntarily offered the English all they had, thinking it best for their advantage. The men at arms, finding the inhabitants determined to admit the English, retired into the fortress, which was very strong ; and the English entered the town ; but, not thinking it right to leave so strong a place behind them, for two successive days they kept up a strong assault against the castle. Those within, not hearing of any assistance coming to them, surrendered, on condition of their lives and fortunes being spared. They marched out, and withdrew to another part of the country. The English did what they pleased in the town and castle ; but, finding that they could not conveniently keep them, they burnt and destroyed both, and forced the inhabitants to embark on board their fleet, and go with them, as they had done to those of Barfleur, Cherbourg, Montebourg, and all the other towns which they had plundered on the sea-coast. We will now return to the expedition of the king of England. As soon as he had sent part of his army under the command of the earl of Warwick, one of his marshals, and the lord Reginald Cobham, along the sea-coast, as you have heard, he set out from La Hogue, where he was lodged, under the guidance of sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was well acquainted with every part of Normandy. Sir Godfrey, as marshal, advanced before the king, with the van-guard of five hundred armed men and tw T o thousand archers, and rode on for six or seven leagues' distance from the main army, burning and destroying the country. They found it rich and plentiful, abounding in all things ; the barns full of every sort of corn, and the houses with riches : the inhabitants at their ease, having cars, carts, horses, swine, sheep, and every thing in abundance which the country afforded. They seized whatever they chose of all these good things, and brought them to the king's army ; but the soldiers did not give any account to their officers, or to those appointed by the king, of the gold and silver they took, which they kept to themselves. In this manner did sir Godfrey, every day, proceed on the left of the king's army ; and each night returned, with his party, to the place where he knew the king intended fixing his quarters. Sometimes, when he found great plenty of forage and booty, he was two or three days before he returned. The king therefore, with the army and baggage, advanced towards St. Lo J, in Coutantin ; but, before he arrived there, he took up his quarters on the banks of the river, to wait for the return of that part of his army which he had sent along the sea-coast. When they were come back, with all their booty safely packed in waggons, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Suffolk, the lord Thomas Holland, and the lord Reginald Cobham, took their inarch, with their battalion, on the right, burning and destroying the country in the same way that sir Godfrey de Harcourt was doing. The king marched, with the main body, between these two battalions ; and every night they all encamped together. * Dioicse ofCoutances. f About three leagues from the sea, diocese of Coutances. X Diocese of Coutances. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXXII. THE KING OF FRANCE COLLECTS A LARGE FORCE, TO OPPOSE THE KING OF ENGLAND. Thus, whilst the English were burning and destroying great part of Normandy, the king of France was not idle, but had issued out his summons to the lord John of Hainault, who came to him with a powerful company of knights from Hainault and elsewhere : he also sent to every earl, baron and knight that were dependent on him. They obeyed his summons in such numbers as France had not seen for a hundred years ; but as those in foreign countries were at great distances, they were long before they arrived, and the king of England had overrun and destroyed the whole district of Coutantin in Normandy, to its great detriment. When king Philip first heard of the destruction the king of England was making in his realm, he swore that the English should never return without his having combated with them ; and, that the mischief they had done to his people should be dearly paid for. He hastened, therefore, to dispatch his letters : he sent first to his good friends in the empire, because they were at the greatest distance, and also to the gallant king of Bohemia, whom he much loved, and to the lord Charles of Bohemia his son, who had then the title of king of Germany, which he had obtained, as was well known, through the influence of his father and the king of France, and he had already quartered the arms of the empire. King Philip intreated of them to come speedily to his assistance, for he was impatient to meet the English, who were despoiling his kingdom. These lords had no intention of excusing themselves, but set about collecting a large body of men at arms, from Germany, Bohemia, and Luxembourg, and came to the king of France with a powerful army. The king of France wrote also to the duke of Lorraine, who came to serve him with upwards of three hundred lances. The earl of Savoy *, the earl of Saltzburgh, the earl of Flanders, and earl William of Namur, came also to king Philip, each of them with a very handsome company. You before heard the manner of the king of England's march : the two marshals on the right and left, and the king and prince of Wales in the centre. They advanced by short marches ; and every day they encamped between ten and twelve o'clock. They found the country so abounding with provisions, that they had no need to seek for forage, except wines, of which there was a reasonable quantity. It is not to be wondered at, if the people of the country were alarmed and frightened ; for they had never seen any men at arms, and knew nothing of war or battles : they therefore fled before the English, as soon as ever they heard they were coming, leaving their houses and barns quite full, for they had neither means nor art to save them. The king of England and Prince of Wales had, in their battalion, about three thousand men at arms, six thousand archers, ten thousand infantry, without counting those that were under the marshals; and they marched on in the manner I have before-mentioned, burning and destroying the country, but without breaking their line of battle. They did not turn towards Coutances, but advanced to St. Lo, in Coutantin, which in those days was a very rich and commercial town, and worth three such towns as Coutances. In the town of St. Lo was much drapery, and many wealthy inhabitants : among them, you might count eight or nine score that were engaged in commerce. When the king of England was come near to the town, he encamped : he would not lodge in it for fear of fire. He sent, therefore, his advanced guard forward, who soon conquered it, at a trifling loss, and completely plundered it. No one can imagine the quantity of riches they found in it, nor the number of bales of cloth. If there had been any purchasers, they might have bought enough at a very cheap rate. The English then advanced towards Caen, which is a much larger town, stronger, and fuller of draperies and all other sorts of merchandize, rich citizens, noble dames and damsels, and fine churches. In particular, there are two very rich monasteries ; one dedicated to St. Stephen, and the other to the Trinity. The castle is situated on one side of the town : it is the handsomest in all Normandy : and sir Robert de Blargny was governor, with a garrison of three hundred Genoese. * The curl of Savoy did not come, ;is you will sec further ou. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c 155 In the heart of the town was the earl of Eu and of Gulgnes, the constable of France, and the earl of Tancarville, with a crowd of men at arms. The king rode on very prudently ; and, having united his three battalions, he took up his quarters, for that night, in the fields, two short leagues from Caen, near a town called Estreham *, where there is a haven. lie ordered the earl of Huntington, whom he had made admiral of his fleet, to sail for that place. The constable of France, and the other lords who were assembled in Caen, watched it well that night ; and, on the morrow, they armed themselves, and all the inhabitants. After they were drawn out, the constable and the earl of Tancarville ordered that no one should leave the town, but should guard well the bridge, the gates, and the river. They gave up the suburbs to the English, because they were not inclosed ; and they thought they should find sufficient employment to guard the town, which was only defended by the river. The townsmen, however, said, they would march out into the plains, as they were in sufficient force to fight with the English. When the constable perceived their willingness, he said, " It shall be so then ; but, in God's name, you shall not fight without me." They then marched out of the town, in handsome order, and made a show as if they would fight valiantly, and risk their lives upon the event. CHAPTER CXXIII. THE BATTLE OF CAEN. THE ENGLISH TAKE THE TOWN. On this day the English rose very early, and made themselves ready to march to Caen : the king heard mass before sun-rise, and afterwards mounting his horse, with the prince of Wales, and sir Godfrey de Harcourt (who was marshal and director of the army, and through whose advice the king had undertaken this expedition) marched forward in order of battle. The battalion of the marshals led the van, and came near to the handsome town of Caen. When the townsmen, who had taken the field, perceived the English advancing, with banners and pennons flying in abundance, and saw those archers whom they had not been accustomed to, they were so frightened that they betook themselves to flight, and ran for the town in great disorder, without regarding the constable and the men at arms who were with them. The English pursued them eagerly ; which, when the constable and the earl of Tancarville saw, they gained a gate at the entrance of the bridge in safety, and a few knights with them, for the English had already entered the town. Some knights and squires of the French, who knew the road to the castle, made for it ; and the governor, sir Robert de Blargny received them all ; as the castle was very large, and plentifully victualled, those were safe that could get there. The English, who were after the runaways, made great havoc ; for they spared none When the constable, and those that had taken refuge with him within the gate of the bridge, looked round them, and saw the great slaughter the English were making, for they gave no quarter, they began to fear lest they should fall into the hands of some of those archers, who would not know who they were. But they perceived a knight who had but one eye, named sir Thomas Holland (whom they had formerly known in Prussia and Grenada), coming towards them, in company with five or six other knights : they called to him, and asked if he would take them as his prisoners ? Sir Thomas and his company advanced to the gate, and, dismounting, ascended to the top, with sixteen others, where he found the above-mentioned knights, and twenty-five more, who surrendered themselves to sir Thomas t. Having left a sufficient guard over them, he mounted his horse, rode through the streets, and prevented many acts of cruelty : as did also other knights and squires, to whom several * Estreham, — diocese of Bayeux, at the mouth of the said earl, and for his otner manlike prowess shewed here river Orne, four leagues from Caen. and elsewhere in this journey, king Edward, in recompense t " But here whatsoever Froissart doth report of the of his agreeable service, gave him a lordship in the county taking of this town, and of the yielding of these two of Chester, called Hanley, which the said sir Peter Legh noblemen, it is to be proved, that the said carl of Tan- doth now possess, as successor and heir to his ancestor, carville was taken by one surnamed Legh, ancestor to sir the foresaid Peter Legh, to whom it was so first given." — Peter Legh now living ; whether in the fight or withiu Hollingshed. the tower I have not to say : but for the taking of the CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c of the citizens owed their lives, and many a nun was protected from violation by their inter- ference. It was fortunate for the English, that it was ebb tide in the river, which carries large vessels, and the water very still, so that they could pass and repass it without any danger from the bridge *. Those inhabitants who had taken refuge in the garrets flung down from them, in these narrow streets, stones, benches, and whatever they could lay hands on ; so that they killed and wounded upwards of five hundred of the English, which so enraged Battle of Caen, from a MS. Froissart of the Fifteenth Century. the king of England, when he received the reports in the evening, that he ordered the re- mainder of the inhabitants to be put to the sword, and the town burnt. But sir Godfrey de Harcourt said to him : " Dear sir, assuage somewhat of your anger, and be satisfied with what has already been done. You have a long journey yet to make before you arrive at Calais, whither it is your intention to go : and there are in this town a great number of inhabitants, who will defend themselves obstinately in their houses, if you force them to it : besides, it will cost you many lives before the town can be destroyed, which may put a stop to your expedition to Calais, and it will not redound to your honour : therefore be sparing of your men, for in a month's time you will have call for them ; as it cannot otherwise happen, but that your adversary king Philip must soon come to give you battle, and you may meet with many difficulties, assaults and skirmishes, that will find full employment for the number of men you have, and even more if. we could get them. We are complete masters of the town without any more slaughter ; and the inhabitants, and all they possess, are at our disposal." The king replied : " Sir Godfrey, you are our marshal ; therefore order as you please ; for this time we wish not to interfere." Sir Godfrey then rode through the streets, his banner displayed before him, and ordered, * This is scarcely intelligible. Lord Bcrners says, the bridge," that is across the bed of the river, avoiding " the ryucr was so lowe that men went in and out besyde the danger of pressing in crowds over a narrow bridge.— Kr>. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 1*7 in the king's name, that no one should dare, under pain of immediate death, to insult or hurt man or woman of the town, or attempt to set fire to any part of it. Several of the inhabitants, cn hearing this proclamation, received the English into their houses ; and others opened their coffers to them, giving up their all, since they were assured of their lives. However, there were, in spite of these orders, many atrocious thefts and murders committed. The English continued masters of the town for three days ; in this time, they amassed great wealth, which they sent in harges down the river of Estreham, to St. Sauveur, two leagues off, where their fleet was. The carl of Huntington made preparations therefore, with the two hundred men at arms and his four hundred archers, to carry over to England their riches and prisoners. The king purchased, from sir Thomas Holland and his companions, the constable of France and the earl of Tancarville, and paid down twenty thousand nobles for them*. town. The king drew up his forces in good order and in strong number, and sent some of his people to reconnoitre the town. They found the castle well built and strong, and that it was held by the knights and men at arms of the Bishop of Bayeux. The town on the side of the water is very strong and large, and in one part of the town is an abbey as noble as can be, where William the Conqueror is buried ; it is enclosed with walls and large and strong battlemented towers ; no person remained in the abbey ; and in another quarter of the town was another noble abbey of ladies, and nobody remained in the said abbeys nor in the town on that side of the water, where the castle was ; and the inhabitants had gone over to the town on the other side of the water, where were the constable of France and the chamberlain of Tankerville, who is a very great lord, and many gentlemen, to the number of five or six hundred, and the commons of the town. The people of our host attacked the bridge without command and with- out order. The bridge had been strengthened with bat- tlements and barriers, and there was much to do, for the French defended it very stoutly, and they bore much before they gave way ; and then the said constable and chamberlain were taken, together with about a hundred knights, and six or seven score esquires. A great multitude of knights, esquires, and others, people of the town, were slain in the streets, houses and gardens ; no one can tell how many people of note, for the bodies were so despoiled they could not be known. No gentleman was slain on our side, except one esquire, who was badly wounded and died two days afterwards. Wines, provisions, and other goods, and moveables without number, were found in the town, which is larger than any town in England, except London. When the king left La Hogue, two hundred ships remained, which were taken to Rothemasse ; then the country was burnt two or three leagues inland, and many things were taken and brought to the ships ; they went as far as Cherbourg, which was a good town, with a strong castle and a handsome and noble abbey ; they burnt the said city and abbey, and the whole country on every side, from the sea at Rothemasse to the army at the haven of Caen, a distance of twenty-six English leagues. And the number of ships that were burnt was sixty-one ships of Avar, with castles before and behind, and twenty-three carracks, besides of other smaller vessels more than twenty-one ; they also destroyed thirty tuns of wine. On the Thursday after the king had come before Caen, they of the city of Bions demanded of our lord the king, that they might surrender themselves and their city to him, and do him homage, but he would not admit them to any conditions, but that they should be saved from damage." * As the reader may perhaps wish to see another account of Edward's progress, by an eye-witness, I copy from Robert de Avesbury's " Historia de Mirabilibus Gestis Edwardi tertii,'' the following very curious letterf : De Progressu Regis Anglice de Hogges usque Cadamum. " You may remember that our lord the King and his army landed at La Hogue St. Vast, the twelfth day of Julv, and remained there some days to unship the horses, and repose himself, and his people, and provide bread, until the following Tuesday. They found eleven ships at La Hogue, eight of which had castles before and behind ; these a man set on fire. On the Friday, whilst the king still remained, a party proceeded to Barfleur, where they expected to have found many people, but there were none of any consequence. Here were eleven ships with castles before and behind, two carracks, and a number of smaller vessels lying at the quays. The town is about as large, and of the same importance, as Sandwich. When this party retired, the mariners set fire to the town, and seve- ral good towns and manors were burnt in the country round about. When the king removed on Tuesday he went to Valognes, where they remained all night and found plenty of provisions. The next day they made a long march, as far as a bridge which the inhabitants of Carantan had broken down. The king caused it to be repaired the same night, and the next day proceeded to Carantan, which is not above an English league from the bridge. This town is as large as Leicester, and here they found plenty of wine and provisions. A great part of the city was burnt, in spite of the king's efforts to prevent it. On the Friday the king went on, and lodged in the villages on the banks of a river difficult to pass, for the inhabit- ants of St. L6 had broken down the bridge. The king caused the bridge to be repaired, and passed it the next day with all his army, and took post close to the town. Those of the town had begun to strengthen it, and had drawn together many men at arms, who ought to have defended the place, but they left it before the coming of the king. Great riches were found in the town, a thousand tuns of wine, and a great quantity of other goods. The town is larger than St. Nicholas. And the next day the king went his way and abode at an abbey, and his host at the villages round about ; and those of the host made excur- sions every day, robbing and destroying every day five or si« leagues about, and burnt several places. And the Monday the king removed and lodged in the villages, and Tuesday also. And Wednesday, about the hour of noon, they arrived before the town of Caen, and received intelli- gence that a great number of men at arms were in the t This is given by Mr. Johnes in the original old French, but we considered it would be more agreeable to our readers to present it in an English dress, a-nd have accordingly translated it. — Ed. 1.58 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXXIV. THE ENGLISH COMMIT GREAT DISORDERS IN NORMANDY. SIR GODFREY DE HARCOURT ENCOUNTERS THE MEN OF AMIENS, ON THEIR WAY TO PARIS, AND KING EDWARD MARCHES INTO PICARDY. "When the king had finished his business in Caen, and had sent his fleet to England, loaded with cloths, jewels, gold and silver plate, and a quantity of other riches, and upwards of sixty knights, with three hundred able citizens, prisoners ; he then left his quarters and continued his march as before, his two marshals on his right and left, burning and destroying- all the flat country. He took the road to Evreux*, but found he could not gain anything there, as it was well fortified. He went on towards another town called Louviersf , which was in Normandy, and where there were many manufactories of cloth : it was rich and commercial. The English won it easily, as it was not inclosed ; and having entered the town, it was plundered without opposition. They collected much wealth there ; and, after they had done what they pleased, they marched on into the county of Evreux, where they burnt every thing except the fortified towns and castles, which the king left unattacked, as he was desirous of sparing his men and artillery. He therefore made for the banks of the Seine, in his approach to Rouen, where there were plenty of men at arms from Normandy, under the command of the earl of Harcourt, brother to sir Godfrey, and the earl of Dreux. The English did not march direct towards Rouen, but went to Gisors|, which has a strong castle, and burnt the town. After this, they destroyed Vernon §, and all the country between Rouen and Pont-de-l'Arche || : they then came to Mantes«fT and Meulan**, which they treated in the same manner, and ravaged all the country round about. They passed by the strong castle of Roulleboise ft, and everywhere found the bridges on the Seine broken down. They pushed forward until they came to PoissyJJ, where the bridge was also destroyed ; but the beams and other parts of it were lying in the river. The king remained here five days, whilst they were repairing the bridge, so that his army might pass over without danger. His marshals advanced very near to Paris, and burnt St. Germain-en- Laye§§, la Montjoie || ||, St. Cloud ^TIT, Boulogne near Paris, and Bourg laReine***. The Parisians were much alarmed, for Paris at that time was not inclosed. King Philip upon this began to stir, and having ordered all the pent-houses in Paris to be pulled down, went to St. Denis ft +, where he found the king of Bohemia, the lord John of Hainault, the duke of Lorrain, the earl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, and great multitudes of barons and knights, ready to receive him. When the Parisians learnt that the king was on the point of quitting Paris, they came to him, and falling on their knees, said, " Ah, sire, and noble king, what are you about to do ? to leave your fine city of Paris V The king replied : " My good people, do not be afraid : the English will not approach you nearer than they have done." He thus spoke in answer to what they had said, that " our enemies are only two leagues off : as soon as they shall know you have quitted us, they will come hither directly ; and we are not able to resist them ourselves, nor shall we find any to defend us. Have the kindness, therefore, sire, to remain in your good city of Paris, to take care of us." The king replied, " I am going to St. Denis, to my army, for I am impatient to pursue the English, and am resolved to fight with them at all events." The king of England remained at the nunnery of Poissy to the middle in August, and celebrated there the feast of the Virgin Mary. He sat at table in his scarlet robes without sleeves, trimmed with furs and ermines. He afterwards took the field, and his army marched as before : sir Godfrey de Harcourt, one of his marshals, had the command of the * An ancient town in Normandy, and a bishopric, twenty-eight leagues from Caen. f Louviers,— in the diocese of Evreux. It still main- tains its celebrity for the goodness of its cloths. % Diocese of Rouen, fourteen leagues from Rouen. § Diocese of Evreux, thirteen leagues from Rouen. || Diocese of Evreux, four leagues from Rouen. ^ In the iele of France, diocese of Chartres, nineteen leagues from Rouen. * * In the Isle of France, ten leagues from Paris, twen - ty-three from Rouen. j-f A village in Normandy, election of Chaumout. XX In the Isle of France, seven leagues from Paris. § § In the Isle of France, five leagues from Paris. Illl Q. if not Montjoye St. Denis. ^f^f Isle of France, two leagues from Paris. *** Isle of France, one league from Paris. fff Isle of France, two leagues from Paris. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &o. 159 vanguard, with five hundred men at arms, and about thirteen hundred archers. By accident, he fell in with a large party of the citizens of Amiens on horseback, who were going to kino- Philip at Paris, in obedience to his summons. He immediately attacked them with those under his command ; but they made a good defence, as they were very numerous and well armed, and had four knights from Amiens with them. The engagement lasted a long time, and many were slain at the onset ; but at last those from Amiens were overthrown, killed or taken prisoners. The English seized all their baggage and arms, and found many valuables ; for they were going to the king excellently well equipped, and had but just quitted their city. Twelve hundred were left dead on the spot. The king of England entered the country of Beauvais, destroying all the flat country, and took up his quarters in a rich abbey called St. Messien, near to Beauvais*, where he lodged one night. The morrow, as he was on his march, he by chance turned his head round and saw the abbey all in flames ; upon which he instantly ordered twenty of those who had set fire to it to be hung, as he had most strictly forbidden that any church should be violated, or monastery set on fire. He passed near Beauvais without attacking it, for he was anxious to be as careful of his men and artillery as possible, and took up his quarters at a small town called Millyt. The two marshals passed so near to Beauvais, that they advanced to attack it and skirmish with the townsmen at the barriers, and divided their forces into three battalions ; this attack lasted until the afternoon ; for the town was well fortified and provided with everything, and the bishop was also there, whose exertions were of more service than those of all the rest. When the English found they could not gain anything, they set fire to the suburbs, which they burnt quite close to the gates of the town, and then came, towards evening, to where the king was. The next day, the king and his whole army marched forward, burning and wasting all the country as they went, and lay that night at a village called Grandvillier. On the morrow, he passed near to Argis : his * scouts not finding any one to guard the castle, he attacked and burnt it, and passing on, destroyed the country, and came to Poix J, which was a handsome town with two castles. The lords of both were absent, and no one was there but two handsome daughters of the lord of Poix, who would have been soon violated, if two English knights, sir John Chandos and lord Basset, had not defended them. In order more effectually to guard them, they brought them to the king, who, as in honour bound, entertained them most graciously : he inquired whither they would wish to go ? they answered, To Corbie §, to which place they were conducted in safety. The king of England lay that night in the town of Poix. The inhabitants of Poix, as well as those of the castles, had a conference with the marshals of the army, in order to save the town from being plun- dered and burnt. They offered to pay, as a ransom, a certain number of florins the ensuing day, as soon as the army should have marched off. On the morrow morning, the king and army departed, except some few, who remained behind, by orders of the marshals, to receive the ransom from the townsmen. When the inhabitants were assembled together, and con- sidered the small number of the English who were left with them, they resolved to pay nothing, told them so, and directly fell upon them. The English defended themselves gallantly, and sent after the army for succour. When lord '.Reginald Cobham and sir Thomas Holland, who commanded the rear-guard, were told of this, they cried out, " Treason ! treason P and returned back to Poix, where they found their countrymen still engaged with the townsmen. Almost all the inhabitants were slain, the town was burnt, and the two castles razed to the ground. The English then followed the king's army ,which was arrived at Airaines || , where he had ordered the troops to halt, and to quarter themselves for that night, strictly com- manding, under pain of death, that no harm should be done to the town or inhabitants, by theft or otherwise ; for he wished to remain there a day or two, in order to gain information where he could best cross the river Somme, which he was under the necessity of doing, as you will shortly hear. * A city in the Isle of France, sixteen leagues from Paris. § Corbie,— ft town in Picardy, four leagues from ■f" A town in the diocese of Beauvais. Amiens. X Poix — a town in Picardy, six leagues from Amiens. || A town in Picardy, four leagues from Amiens- 1G0 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXXV. THE KING OF FRANCE PURSUES THE KING OF ENGLAND, IN THE COUNTRY OF BEAUVAIS. I wish now to return to king Philip, whom we left at St. Denis with his army, which was increasing every day. He marched off with it, and pushed forward until he came to Coppigny les Guises, which is three leagues distant from Amiens, where he halted. The king of England, who was still at Airaines, was much embarrassed how to cross the Somme, which was wide and deep, as all the bridges had been broken down, and their situations were well guarded by men at arms. The two marshals, at the request of the king, followed the course of the river, in order if possible to find a passage for the army : they had with them a thousand men at arms and two thousand archers. They passed by Lompre *, and came to Pont de Remyj~, which they found defended by numbers of knights, squires, and people of the country. The English dismounted, and attacked the French from the very dawn of the morning until near ten o'clock : but the bridge was so well fortified and guarded, that they could not gain anything ; so they departed, and went to a large town called Fontaines-sur-Somme J, which they completely plundered and burnt, as it was quite open. They next came to another town, called Long, in Ponthieu § ; but they could not gain the bridge, so well was it guarded. They then rode on to Pecquigny||, but found the tow T n, castle, and bridge, so well garrisoned that it was impossible to pass. In this manner had the king of France ordered all the bridges and fords of the river Somme to be guarded, to prevent the king of England from crossing it with his army ; for he was resolved to force them to fight when he should see the most favourable opportunity, or else to starve them. The two marshals, having thus in vain followed the course of the Somme, returned to the king of England, and related to him that they were unable to find a passage anywhere. That same evening, the king of France took up his quarters at Amiens, with upwards of one hundred thousand men. The king of England was very pensive : he ordered mass before sunrise, and his trumpets to sound for decamping. All sorts of people followed the mar- shals' banners, according to the orders the king had issued the preceding day ; and they marched through the country of Vimeu^] , drawing near to the good town of Abbeville. In their march, they came to a town where a great number of the country people had assembled, trusting to some small fortifications which were thrown up there; but the English conquered the town, as soon as they came to it, and all that were within. Many of the townsmen and those from the adjoining country were slain or taken prisoners. The king lodged, that night, in the great hospital. The king of France set out from Amiens, and came to Airaines about noon : the English king had quitted it about ten o'clock. The French found there provisions of all sorts ; meat on the spits, bread and pastry in the ovens, wine in barrels, and even some tables ready spread, for the English had left it in very great haste. The king of France fixed his quar- ters there, to wait for his nobles and their retinue. The king of England was in the town of Oisemont ## . When his two marshals returned in the evening, after having overrun the country as far as the gates of Abbeville, and to St. Valery, where they had had a smart skirmish, the king of England summoned a council, and ordered many prisoners, whom his people had made in the districts of Ponthieu and Vimeu, to be brought before him. The king, most courteously, asked, " if any of them knew a ford below Abbeville, where he and his army could pass without danger ;" and added, " Whoever will show us such a ford shall have his liberty, and that of any twenty of his fellow-soldiers whom he may wish to select." There was among them a common fellow whose name was Gobin Agace, who answered the king, and said, " Sir, I promise you, under peril of my life, that I will conduct you to such a place, where you and your whole army may pass the river Somme without any risk. * Lompre-Corps-Saints, a small town in Picardy. || A town in Picardy, on the Somme, three leagues f In the election of Abbeville. from Amiens. J In Picardy. ^ A district in Picardy, of which St. Valery is tho § A fertile district of Picardy, between the riveis Somme capital, and Canche. ** A town in Picardy, four leagues from Amiens, five from St. Valery. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 1C1 There are certain fordable places where you may pass twelve men abreast twice in the day, and not have water above your knees ; but when the tide is in, the river is full and deep, and no one can cross it ; when the tide is out, the river is so low that it may be passed, on horseback or on foot, without danger. The bottom of this ford is very hard, of gravel and white stones, over which all your carriages may safely pass, and from thence is called Blanche- taque. You must therefore set out early, so as to be at the ford before sun-rise." " Friend," replied the king, " if I find what thou hast just said to be true, I will give thee and all thy companions their liberty ; and I will besides make thee a present of a hundred nobles." The king gave orders for every one to be ready to march at the first sound of his trumpet, and to proceed forward. CHAPTER CXXVI. THE BATTLE OF BLANCHET AQTIE, BETWEEN THE KING OP ENGLAND AND SIR GODEMAR DU FAY. The king of England did not sleep much that night, but, rising at midnight, ordered his trumpet to sound. Very soon every thing was ready ; and, the baggage being loaded, they set out from the town of Oisemont about day-break, and rode on, under the guidance of Gobin Agace, until they came to the ford of Blanchetaque, about sun-rise : but the tide Avas at that time so full, they could not cross. The king, however, determined to wait there for those of his army who were not yet come up ; and he remained until after ten o'clock, when the tide was gone out. The king of France, who had his scouts all over the country, was informed of the situation of the king of England : he imagined he should be able to shut him up between Abbeville and the Somme, and thus take him prisoner, or force him to fight at a disadvantage. From the time of his arrival at Amiens, he had ordered a great baron of Normandy, called sir Godemar du Fay, to guard this ford of Blanchetaque, which the English must cross, and nowhere else. Sir Godemar had set out, in obedience to this order, and had with him, in the whole, one thousand men at arms and six thousand foot, with the Genoese. He had passed St. Ricquier* in Ponthieu, and from thence came to Crotoyf, where this ford was : he had collected, in his march, great numbers of the country people. The townsmen of Abbeville had also accompanied him, excellently well appointed : they had arrived at the passage before the English. They were, in all, fully twelve thousand men : among them were two thousand who had jackets, resembling waggoners' frocks, called torviquiaux. On the arrival of the English army, sir Godemar du Fay drew up his men on the banks of the river, to defend and guard the ford. The king of England, however, did not for this give up his intention of crossing ; but, as soon as the tide was sufficiently gone out, he ordered his marshals to dash into the water, in the names of God and St. George. The most doughty and the best mounted leaped in first ; and, in the river, the engagement began : many on both sides were unhorsed into the water : there were some knights and squires, from Artois and Picardy, in the pay of sir Godemar, who in hopes of preferment, and to acquire honour, had posted themselves at this ford, and they appeared to be equally fond of tilting in the water as upon dry land. The French were drawn up in battle array, near the narrow pass leading to the ford ; and the English were much annoyed by them as they came out of the water to gain the land ; for there were among them Genoese cross-bowmen who did them much mischief. On the other hand, the English archers shot so well together that they forced the men at arms to give way. At this ford of Blanchetaque many gallant feats of arms were performed on each side : but, in the end, the English crossed over, and, as they came on shore, hastened to the fields. After the king, the prince, and the other lords had crossed, the French did not long keep in the order they were in, but ran off for the fastest. When sir Godemar du Fay found his army was discomfited, he saved himself as quickly as he could, and many with him ; some making for Abbeville, others for St. Ricquier. The infantry, however, could * St. Ricquier, — two leagues and a half from Abbeville. f A town in Picardy, at the mouth of the Somme, opposite to St. Valery. U 1G2 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &<•. not escape ; and there were numbers of those from Abbeville, Arras, Montreuil, and St. Ricquier, slain or taken prisoners : the pursuit lasted more than a league. The English had scarcely gained the opposite bank, when some of the light horse of the French army, parti- cularly those belonging to the king of Bohemia and sir John of Hainault, advanced upon the rear, took from them some horses and accoutrements, and slew several on the bank who were late in crossing. The king of France had set out from Airaines that morning, thinking to find the English on the banks of the Somme : when news was brought to him of the defeat of Sir Godemar and his army, he immediately halted, and demanded from his mar- shals, what was to be done : they answered, " You can only cross the river by the bridge of Abbeville, for the tide is now in at Blanchetaque." The king of France therefore turned back, and took up his quarters at Abbeville. The king of England, when he had crossed the Somme, gave thanks to God for it, and began his march in the same order as he had done before. He called to him Gobin Agace, gave him his freedom without ransom, as well as that of his companions, and ordered the hundred nobles of gold to be given him, and also a good horse. The king continued his march, thinking to take up his quarters at a good and large town called Noyelle *, situated hard by ; but when he was informed that it be- longed to the countess d'Aumarle, sister to the late Robert d'Artois, he sent to assure the inhabitants, as well as all the farmers belonging to her, that they should not be hurt. He marched further on ; but his two marshals rode to Crotoy, near the sea ; they took the town, and burnt it. In the harbour they found many ships, and other vessels, laden with wines, from Poitou, Saintonge, and la Rochelle : they ordered the best to be carried to the English army : then one of the marshals pushed forward, even as far as the gates of Abbeville, and returned by St. Ricquier, following the sea-shore to the town of St. Esprit de Rue f. These two battalions of the marshals came, on a Friday in the afternoon, to where the king was ; and they fixed their quarters, all three together, near Crecy in Ponthieu. The king of England, who had been informed that the king of France was following him, in. order to give him battle, said to his people : " Let us post ourselves here ; for we will not go farther before we have seen our enemies. I have good reason to wait for them on this spot ; as I am now upon the lawful inheritance of my lady-mother, which was given her as her marriage-portion ; and I am resolved to defend it against my adversary, Philippe de Valois." On account of his not having more than an eighth part of the forces which the king of France had, his marshals fixed upon the most advantageous situation; and the army went and took possession of it. He then sent his scouts towards Abbeville, to learn if the king of France meant to take the field this Friday ; but they returned, and said they saw no appearance of it ; upon which, he dismissed his men to their quarters, with orders to be in readiness by times in the morning, and to assemble in the same place. The king of France remained all Friday in Abbeville, waiting for more troops. He sent his marshals, the lord of St. Venant, and lord Charles of Montmorency, out of Abbeville, to examine the country, and get some certain intelligence of the English. They returned, about vespers, with information that the English were encamped on the plain. That night the king of France entertained at supper, in Abbeville, all the princes and chief lords. There was much conversation relative to war ; and the king entreated them, after supper, that they would always remain in friendship with each other ; that they would be friends without jealousy, and courteous without pride. The king was still expecting the earl of Savoy, w T ho ought to have been there with a thousand lances, as he had been well paid for them at Troyes in Champaign, three months in advance. * Government of Montreuil. f Two leagues from St. Valery. I believe it is now called Rue only. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 163 CHAPTER CXXVII. THE ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE ENGLISH AT CRECY, WHO WERE DRAWN UP IN THREE BATTALIONS ON FOOT. The king of England, as I have mentioned before, encamped this Friday in the plain : for he found the country abounding in provisions ; but, if they should have failed, he had plenty in the carriages which attended on him. The army set about furbishing and repairing their armour ; and the king gave a supper that evening to the earls and barons of his army, where they made good cheer. On their taking leave, the king remained alone, with the lords of his bed-chamber : he retired into his oratory, and, falling on his knees before the altar, prayed to God, that, if he should combat his enemies on the morrow, he might come off with honour. About midnight he went to his bed ; and, rising early the next day, he and the prince of Wales heard mass, and communicated. The greater part of his army did the same, confessed, and made proper preparations. After mass, the king ordered his men to arm themselves, and assemble on the ground he had before fixed on. He had enclosed a large park near a wood, on the rear of his army, in which he placed all his baggage- waggons and horses ; and this park had but one entrance : his men at arms and archers remained on foot. The king afterwards ordered, through his constable and his two marshals, that the army should be divided into three battalions. In the first, he placed the young prince of Wales, and with him the earls of Warwick and Oxford, sir Godfrey de Harcourt, the lord Reginald Cobham, lord Thomas Holland, lord Stafford, lord Mauley, the lord Delaware, sir John Chandos, lord Bartholomew Burgherst, lord Robert Neville, lord Thomas Clifford, the lord Bourchier, the lord Latimer, and many other knights and squires whom I cannot name. There might be, in this first division, about eight hundred men at arms, two thousand archers, and a thousand Welshmen, They advanced in regular order to their ground, each lord under his banner and pennon, and in the centre of his men. In the second battalion were the earl of Northampton, the earl of Arundel, the lords Roos, Willoughby, Basset, Saint Albans, sir Lewis Tufton, lord Multon, the lord Lascels, and many others ; amounting, in the whole, to about eight hundred men at arms, and twelve hundred archers. The third battalion was commanded by the king, and was composed of about seven hundred men at arms, and two thousand * archers. The king then mounted a small palfrey, having a white wand in his hand, and attended by his two marshals on each side of him : he rode a foot's pace through all the ranks, encouraging and entreating the army, that they would guard his honour and defend his right. He spoke this so sweetly, and with such a cheerful countenance, that all who had been dispirited were directly comforted by seeing and hearing him. When he had thus visited all the battalions, it was near ten o'clock : he retired to his own division, and ordered them all to eat heartily, and drink a glass after. They ate and drank at their ease ; and, having packed up pots, barrels, &c, in the carts, they returned to their battalions, according to the marshal's orders, and seated themselves on the ground, placing their helmets and bows before them, that they might be the fresher when their enemies should arrive. CHAPTER CXXVIII. THE ORDER OF THE FRENCH ARMY AT CRECY. That same Saturday, the king of France rose betimes, and heard mass in the monastery of St. Peter's in Abbeville, where he was lodged : having ordered his army to do the same, he left that town after sun-rise. When he had marched about two leagues from Abbeville, and was approaching the enemy, he was advised to form his army in order of battle, and to let those on foot march forward, that they might not be trampled on by the horses. The king, upon this, sent off four knights, the lord Moyne of Bastleberg f, the lord of Noyers, the lord of Beaujeu, and the lord of Aubigny, who rode so near to the English that they could clearly distinguish their position. The English plainly perceived they were come to * D. Sauvage's edition and lord Berners' say twelve hundred archers. — Ed. f The lord Moyne of Bastleburg in Bohemia. — Barnes. M 2 164 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. reconnoitre them : however, they took no notice of it, hut suffered them to return unmolested. When the king of France saw them coming back, he halted his army ; and the knights, pushing through the crowds, came near the king, who said to them, " My lords, what news ?" They looked at each other, without opening their mouths : for neither chose to speak first. At last, the king addressed himself to the lord Moyne, who was attached to the king of Bohemia, and had performed very many gallant deeds, so that he was esteemed one of the most valiant knights in Christendom. The lord Moyne said, " Sir, I will speak, since it pleases you to order me, but under the correction of my companions. We have advanced far enough to reconnoitre your enemies. Know, then, that they are drawn up in three battalions, and are waiting for you. I would advise, for my part, (submitting, however, to better counsel,) that you halt your army here, and quarter them for the night ; for before the rear shall come up, and the army be properly drawn out, it will be very late, your men will be tired and in disorder, whilst they will find your enemies fresh and properly arrayed. On the morrow, you may draw up your army more at your ease, and may reconnoitre at leisure on what part it will be most advantageous to begin the attack ; for, be assured they will wait for you." The king commanded that it should so be done : and the two marshals rode, one towards the front, and the other to the rear, crying out, " Halt banners, in the name of God and St. Denis." Those that were in the front halted ; but those behind said they would not halt, until they were as forward as the front. When the front perceived the rear pressing on, they pushed forward ; and neither the king nor the marshals could stop them, but they marched on without any order until they came in sight of their enemies. As soon as the foremost rank saw them, they fell back at once, in great disorder, which alarmed those in the rear, who thought they had been fighting. There was then space and room enough for them to have passed forward, had they been willing so to do : some did so, but others remained shy. All the roads between Abbeville and Crecy were covered with common people, who, when they were come within three leagues of their enemies, drew their swords, bawling out, " Kill, kill ;" and with them were many great lords that were eager to make show of their courage. There is no man, unless he had been present, that can imagine, or describe truly, the confusion of that day ; especially the bad management and disorder of the French, whose troops were out of number. What I know, and shall relate in this book, I have learnt chiefly from the English, who had well observed the confusion they were in, and from those attached to sir John of Hainault, who was always near the person of the king of France. CHAPTER CXXIX. THE BATTLE OF CRECY, BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND OF ENGLAND. The English, who were drawn up in three divisions, and seated on the ground, on seeing their enemies advance, rose undauntedly up, and fell into their ranks. That of the prince was the first to do so, whose archers were formed in the manner of a portcullis, or harrow, and the men at arms in the rear. The earls of Northampton and Arundel, who commanded the second division, had posted themselves in good order on his wing, to assist and succour the prince, if necessary. You must know, that these kings, earls, barons and lords of France, did not advance in any regular order, but one after the other, or any way most pleasing to themselves. As soon as the king of France came in sight of the English, his blood began to boil, and he cried out to his marshals, " Order the Genoese forward, and begin the battle, in the name of God and St. Denis." There were about fifteen thousand Genoese cross-bowmen ; but they were quite fatigued, having marched on foot that day six leagues, completely armed, and with their cross-bows. They told the constable, they were not in a fit condition to do any great things that day in battle. The earl of Alencon, hearing this, said, " This is what one gets by employing such scoundrels, who fall off when there is any need for them." During this time a heavy rain fell, accompanied by thunder and a very terrible eclipse of the sun ; and before this rain a great flight of crows hovered in the air over all those battalions, making a loud noise. Shortly afterwards it cleared up, and the sun shone very bright ; but CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. H>5 the Frenchmen had it in their faces, and the English in their backs. When the Genoese were somewhat in order, and approached the English, they set up a loud shout*, in order to frighten them ; but they remained quite still, and did not seem to attend to it. They then set up a second shout, and advanced a little forward ; but the English never moved. Battle of Crkcy, from a MS. Froissart of the ) 5th Century. They hooted a third time, advancing with their cross-bows presented, and began to shoot. The English archers then advanced one step forward, and shot their arrows with such force * Lord Bcrnei's' account of the advance of the Genoese is somewhat different from this; he describes them as leaping forward with a fell cry, and as this is not men- tioned in the printed editions, it seems probable that he followed a MS. varying from those examined by Mr. Johnes. The whole passage is so spirited and graphic that we give it entire, for the gratification of the reader. — Ed. " Whan the genowayes were assembled toguyder and beganne to aproche, they made a great leape and cryc to abasshe thenglysshmcn, but they stodcstjll and styredde nat for all that. Than the genowayes agayne the seconde tyme made another leape and a fell crye and stepped forwarde a ly tell, and thenglysshmcn remeued nat one fote ; thirdly agayne they leapt and cryed, and went forthe ty 11 they came within shotte ; than they shotte feersly with their crosbowes. Than thenglyssbe archers stept forthe one pasc and lctte fly their arowes so hotly and so thycke that itscmcd snowe. Whan the genowayes felte the arowes pcrsyngc through heedes, amies, and brestes, many of them cast downe their crosbowes and dyde cutte their strynges and rejourned dysconfited. Whan the frenche kynge sawe them fiye away, he said, Slee these rascals, for they shall lette and trouble us without reason ; than you shoulde haue sene the men of amies dasshe in among them and kylled a great nombrc of them ; and euer styll the englysshmcn shot where as they sawe thyckest preace, the sharpe arowes ranne into the" men of armes and into their horses, and many fell horse and men amonge the genowayes, and when they were downe they coude nat relyne agayne; the preace was so thycke that one ouerthrewe a nother. And also amonge the englysshemen there were certayne rascal les that went a fote with great knyues, and they went in among the men ofarmes and slewe and murdredde many as they lay on the grounde, both erles, baiowncs, knyghts, and squyers, whereof the kyng of England© was after dvspleased, for he had rather they had been taken pri- 1G6 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c and quickness, that it seemed as if it snowed. When the Genoese felt these arrows, which pierced their arms, heads, and through their armour, some of them cut the strings of their cross-bows, others flung them on the ground, and all turned about and retreated quite discomfited. The French had a large body of men at arms on horseback, richly dressed, to support the Genoese. The king of France, seeing them thus fall back, cried out, " Kill me those scoundrels ; for they stop up our road, without any reason." You would then have seen the above-mentioned men at arms lay about them, killing all they could of these runaways. The English continued shooting as vigorously and quickly as before ; some of their arrows fell among the horsemen, who were sumptuously equipped, and, killing and wounding many, made them caper and fall among the Genoese, so that they were in such confusion they could never rally again. In the English army there were some Cornish and Welshmen on foot, who had armed themselves with large knives : these, advancing through the ranks of the men at arms and archers, who made way for them, came upon the French when they were in this danger, and, falling upon earls, barons, knights, and squires, slew many, at which the king of England was afterwards much exasperated. The valliant king of Bohemia was slain there. He was called Charles of Luxem- bourg ; for he was the son of the gallant king and emperor, Henry of Luxembourg : having heard the order of the battle, he inquired where his son, the lord Charles, was : his attendants answered, that they did not know, but believed he was fighting. The king said to them ; " Gentlemen, you are all my people, my friends and brethren at arms this day : therefore, as I am blind *, I request of you to lead me so far into the engagement that I may strike one stroke with my sword." The knights replied, they would directly lead him forward ; and in order that they might not lose him in the crowd, they fastened all the reins of their horses together, and put the king at their head, that he might gratify his wish, and advanced towards the enemy. The lord Charles of Bohemia, who already signed his name as king of Germany, and bore the arms, had come in good order to the engagement ; but when he perceived that it was likely to turn out against the French, he departed, and I do not well know what road he took. The king, his father, had rode in among the enemy, and made good use of his sword ; for he and his companions had fought most gallantly. They had advanced so far that they were all slain ; and on the morrow they were found on the ground, with their horses all tied together. The earl of Alencon advanced in regular order upon the English, to fight with them ; as did the earl of Flanders, in another part. These two lords, with their detachments, coasting, as it were, the archers, came to the prince's battalion, where they fought valiantly for a length of time. The king of France was eager to march to the place where he saw their banners displayed, but there was a hedge of archers before him. He had that day made a present of a handsome black horse to sir John of Hainault, who had mounted on it a knight of his, called sir John de Fusselles, that bore his banner : which horse ran off with him, and forced his way through the English army, and, when about to return, stumbled and fell into a ditch and severely wounded him : he would have been dead, if his page had not followed him round the battalions, and found him unable to rise : he had not, however, any other hindrance than from his horse ; for the English did not quit the ranks that day to make prisoners. The page alighted, and raised him up ; but he did not return the way he came, as he would have found it difficult from the crowd. This battle, which was fought on the Saturday between la Broyes j" and Crecy, was very murderous and cruel ; and many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known. Towards evening, many knights and squires of the French had lost their masters : they wandered up and down the plain, attacking the English in small parties : they were soon destroyed ; for the English had determined that day to give no quarter, or hear of ransom from any one. Early in the day, some French, Germans, and Savoyards, had broken through the archers of the prince's battalion, and had engaged with the men at arms ; upon which the second battalion came to his aid, and it was time, for otherwise he would have been hard pressed. * His blindness was supposed to be caused by poison, which was given to him wnen engaged in the wars of Italy. — Bonamy. Mem. de V Academic, vol. xxiii. f A village in Picardy, election of Mondidier. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. 107 The first division, seeing the danger they were in, sent a knight* in great haste to the king of England, who was posted upon an eminence, near a windmill. Ou the knight's arrival, he said, " Sir, the earl of Warwick, the lord Stafford, the lord Reginald Cobham, and the others who are about your son, are vigorously attacked by the French ; and they entreat that you would come to their assistance with your battalion, for, if their numbers should increase, they fear he will have too much to do." The king replied, 44 Is my son dead, unhorsed, or so badly wounded that he cannot support himself?" " Nothing of the sort, thank God," rejoined the knight ; but he is in so hot an engagement that he has great- need of your help." The king answered, " Now, sir Thomas, return back to those that sent you, and tell them from me, not to send again for me this day, or expect that I shall come, let what will happen, as long as my son has life ; and say, that I command them to let the boy win his spurs ; for I am determined, if it please God, that all the glory and honour of this day shall be given to him, and to those into whose care I have intrusted him." The knight returned to his lords, and related the king's answer, which mightily encouraged them, and made them repent they had ever sent such a message t. It is a certain fact, that sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was in the prince's battalion, having been told by some of the English, that they had seen the banner of his brother engaged in the battle against him, was exceedingly anxious to save him ; but he was too late, for he was left dead on the field, and so was the earl of Aumarle his nephew. On the other hand, the earls of Alencon and of Flanders were fighting lustily under their banners, and with their own people ; but they could not resist the force of the English, and were there slain, as well as many other knights and squires that were attending on or accom- panying them. The earl of Blois, nephew to the king of France, and the duke of Lorraine, his brother-in-law, with their troops, made a gallant defence ; but they were surrounded by a troop of English and Welsh, and slain in spite of their prowess. The earl of St. Pol and the earl of Auxerre were also killed, as well as many others. Late after vespers, the king of France had not more about him than sixty men, every one included. Sir John of Ilainault, who was of the number, had once remounted the king ; for his horse had been killed under him by an arrow : he said to the king, " Sir, retreat whilst you have an opportunity, and do not expose yourself so simply : if you have lost this battle, another time you will be the conqueror." After he had said this, he took the bridle of the king's horse, and led him off by force ; for he had before entreated of him to retire. The king rode on until he came to the castle of la Broyes, where he found the gates shut, for it was very dark. The king ordered the governor of it to be summoned : he came upon the battlements, and asked who it was that called at such an hour ? The king answered, " Open, open, governor ; it is the fortune of France." The governor, hearing the king's voice, immediately descended, opened the gate, and let down the bridge. The king and his company entered the castle ; but he had only with him five barons, sir John of Hainault, the lord Charles of Montmorency, the lord of Beaujeu, the lord of Aubigny, and the lord of Montfort. The king would not bury himself in such a place as that, but, having taken some refreshments, set out again with his attendants about midnight, and rode on, under the direction of guides who were well * Sir Thomas Norwich.— MSS. t" The style of Lord Berners, in many instances, is so different from the mode of expression adopted by Mr. Johnes, as almost to make the parallel passage appear a distinct narrative, and in such cases it is interesting to compare the two translations. The following is Lord Berners' version of this narration. — Ed. " In the mornyng the day of the batayle certayne frenchmen and almaygnes perforce opyned the archers of the princes batayle, and came and fought with the men at armes hande to hande. Than the second batayle of then- glyshe men came to socour the prince's batayle, the whiche was tyme, for they had as than moche ado, and they with the prince sent a messangar to the kynge who was on a lytell wyndmyll hill. Than theknyght sayd to thekyng, Sir therle of "Warwyke and therle of Cafort (Stafford) sir Reynolde Cobham and other such as be about the prince your sonne are feersly fought with all, and are sore handled, wherefore they desire you that you and your batayle woll come and ayde them, for if the frenchemeu encrease as they dout they woll your sonne and they shall have moche a do. Than the kynge sayde, is my sonne deed or hurt or on the yerthe felled? No, sir, quoth the knight, but he is hardely matched wherfore he hath nede of your ayde. Well sayde the kyng, retourne to hym and to them that sent you hyther, and say to them that they sende no more to me for any adventure that falieth as long as my sonne is alyve ; and also say to them that they suffer hym tnis day to wynne his spurres, for if God be pleased, I woll this iourney be his and the honoure therof and to them that be aboute hym. Than the knyght retourned agayn to them and shewed tho kynges wordes, the which greatly encouraged them, and repoyned in that they had sende to the kynge as they dyd/' 1G8 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. acquainted with the country, until, about day-break, he came to Amiens, where he halted. This Saturday the English never quitted their ranks in pursuit of any one, but remained on the field, guarding their position, and defending themselves against all who attacked them. The battle was ended at the hour of vespers. CHAPTER CXXX. THE ENGLISH ON THE MORROW AGAIN DEFEAT THE FRENCH. When, on this Saturday night, the English heard no more hooting or shouting, nor any more crying out to particular lords or their banners, they looked upon the field as their own, and their enemies as beaten. They made great fires, and lighted torches because of the obscurity of the night. King Edward then came down from his post, who all that day had not put on his helmet, and, with his whole battalion, advanced to the prince of Wales, whom he embraced in his arms and kissed, and said, " Sweet son, God give you good per- severance : you are my son, for most loyally have you acquitted yourself this day : you are worthy to be a sovereign." The prince bowed down very low, and humbled himself, giving all honour to the king his father. The English, during the night, made frequent thanks- givings to the Lord, for the happy issue of the day, and without rioting ; for the king had forbidden all riot or noise. On the Sunday morning, there was so great a fog that one could scarcely see the distance of half an acre. The king ordered a detachment from the army, under the command of the two marshals, consisting of about five hundred lances and two thousand archers, to make an excursion, and see if there were any bodies of French collected together. The quota of troops, from Rouen and Beauvais, had, this Sunday morning, left Abbeville and St. Ricquier in Ponthicu, to join the French army, and were ignorant of the defeat of the preceding evening : they met this detachment, and, thinking they must be French, hastened to join them. As soon as the English found who they were, they fell upon tlicm ; and there was a sharp engagement ; but the French soon turned their backs, and fled in great disorder. There were slain in this flight in the open fields, under hedges and bushes, upwards of seven thousand ; and had it been clear weather, not one soul would have escaped. A little time afterwards, this same party fell in with the archbishop of Rouen and the great prior of France, who were also ignorant of the discomfiture of the French ; for they had been informed that the king was not to fight before Sunday. Here began a fresh battle : for those two lords were well attended by good men at arms : however, they could not with- stand the English, but were almost all slain, with the two chiefs who commanded them ; very few escaping. In the course of the morning, the English found many Frenchmen who had lost their road on the Saturday, and had lain in the open fields, not knowing what was become of the king, or their own leaders. The English put to the sword all they met : and it has been assured to me for fact, that of foot soldiers, sent from the cities, towns and municipalities, there were slain, this Sunday morning, four times as many as in the battle of the Saturday. CHAPTER CXXXI. THE ENGLISH NUMBER THE DEAD SLAIN AT THE BATTLE OF CRECY. Tins detachment, which had been sent to look after the French, returned as the king was coming from mass, and related to him all that they had seen and met with. After he had been assured by them that there was not any appearance of the French collecting another army, he sent to have the numbers and condition of the dead examined. He ordered on this business, lord Reginald Cobham, lord Stafford, and three heralds to examine their arms *, and two secretaries to write down all the names. They took much pains to examine all the dead, and were the whole day in the field of battle, not returning but just as the king was sitting down to supper. They made to him a very circumstantial * In those days, knights, or persons of note, wore over their armour a surcoat, having their arms blazoned upon it. This may be seen in any old paintings of that age. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. report of all they had observed, and said, they had found eighty banners, the bodies of eleven princes, twelve hundred knights, and about thirty thousand common men. The English halted there that day, and on the Monday morning prepared to march off. The king ordered the bodies of the principal knights to be taken from the ground, and carried to the monastery of Montenay, which was hard by, there to be interred in conse- crated ground. He had it proclaimed in the neighbourhood, that he should grant a truce for three days, in order that the dead might be buried. He then marched on, passing by Montreuil-sur-mer *. His marshals made an excursion as far as Hesdin t, and burnt Vaubain and Serain ; but they could make nothing of the castle, as it was too strong and well guarded. They lay that Monday night upon the banks of the Canche, near Blangy. The next day they -rode towards Boulogne, and burnt the towns of St. Josse and Neufchatel | : they did the same to Estaples, in the country of the Boulonois. The whole army passed through the forest of Hardelou, and the country of the Boulonois, and came to the large town of Wisant, where the king, prince, and all the English lodged ; and, having refreshed themselves there one whole day, they came, on the Thursday, before the strong town of Calais. CHAPTER CXXXII. THE KING OF ENGLAND LAYS SIEGE TO CALAIS, THE POORER SORT OP THE INHABITANTS ARE SENT OUT OP IT. A burgundy knight, named sir John de Vienne, was governor of Calais ; and with him were sir Arnold d'Andreghen, sir John de Surie, sir Bardo de Belleboume, sir Geoffry de la Motte, sir Pepin de Were, and many other knights and squires. On the king's arrival before Calais, he laid siege to it, and built, between it and the river and bridge, houses of wood : they were laid out in streets, and thatched with straw or broom ; and in this town of the king's, there was everything necessary for an army, besides a market-place, where there were markets, every Wednesday and Saturday, for butcher's meat, and all other sorts of merchandise : cloth, bread, and everything else, which came from England, and Flanders, might be had there, as well as all comforts, for money. The English made frequent excursions to Guines § and its neighbourhood, and to the gates of St. Omer and Boulogne, from whence they brought great booties back to the army. The king made no attacks upon the town, as he knew it would be only lost labour ; and he was sparing of his men and artillery ; but said, he would remain there so long that he would starve the town into a surrender, unless the king of France should come there to raise the siege. When the governor of Calais saw the preparations of the king of England, he collected together all the poor inhabitants, who had not laid in any store of provisions, and, one Wednesday morning, sent upwards of seventeen hundred men, women and children, out of the town. As they were passing through the English army, they asked them, why they had left the town ? They replied, because they had nothing to eat. The king, upon this, allowed them to pass through in safety, ordered them a hearty dinner, and gave to each two sterlings, as charity and alms, for which many of them prayed earnestly for the king. CHAPTER CXXXIII. — THE DUKE OP NORMANDY RAISES THE SIEGE OF AIGUILLON. The duke of Normandy, whom we left before Aiguillon, which he was besieging, and sir Walter Manny and the other knights who were within it, made, about the middle of August, a skirmish before the castle, which increased so much that almost his whole army was engaged in it. Near about this time, the lord Philip of Burgundy, earl of Artois and of Boulogne, and cousin-german to the duke, arrived. He was a very young knight : as soon as this skirmish commenced, he armed himself, and, mounting a handsome steed, stuck spurs into him, in order to hasten to the combat; but the horse, taking the bit between his teeth, * In Picardy, diocese of Amiens, f In Artois, situated on the Canche, diocese of Arras. J Villages in Picaidy. § In Picardv, two leagues and a half from Calais. It was in the possession of the English above two hundred years. 170 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. ran off with him, and, in crossing a ditch, fell into it upon the knight, who was so grievously bruised that he never recovered, and in a short time died. Soon afterwards, the king of Fiance sent to his son, the duke of Normandy, to lay all other things aside, and raise the siege, in order to return directly into France, to defend his inheritance against the English. The duke, upon this, demanded advice from the earls and barons there present ; for he had vowed he would never move from thence until he had the castle, and all within it, in his power : but they assured him, that since the king, his father, had so expressly ordered him to return, he might comply without any forfeiture of his honour. On the morrow, at break of day, therefore, the French decamped, and, trussing up tents and baggage with great haste, took the road for France. The knights who were in Aiguillon, seeing this, armed themselves, and mounting their horses, sallied forth, the pennon of sir Walter Manny taking the lead, fell upon the French, who were scarcely all marched off, cut down and slew numbers, and took upwards of forty prisoners, whom they brought back to the castle. From them they learnt the successful campaign the king of England had made in France, and that at present he was laying siege to Calais. Before the king of France left Amiens, after the battle of Crecy, to go for Paris, he was so much enraged against sir Godemar du Fay, for not having done his duty in defending the ford of Blanchetaque, by which means the English had entered Ponthieu, that he had determined to hang him ; to which many of his council also were inclined, for they w T ere desirous that sir Godemar should make some amends, by his death, for the defeat the king had suffered at Crecy, and called him traitor ; but sir John of Hainault excused him, and averted the king's anger, by saying that it would have been difficult for him to have resisted the English army, when all the flower of the French nobility united could do nothing. Soon after this, the duke of Normandy arrived in France, where he was joyfully received by his parents, the king and queen. CHAPTER CXXXIV. — SIR WALTER MANNY, BY MEANS OF A PASSPORT, RIDES THROUGH PRANCE, FROM AIGUILLON TO CALAIS. About this time, sir Walter Manny had a conversation with a great knight from Normandy, whom he detained as his prisoner, and asked him, what sum lie was willing to pay for his ransom? The knight replied, " Three thousand crowns." Upon this, sir Walter said, "I know you are related to the duke of Normandy, much beloved by him, and one of his privy councillors. I will let you free upon your honour, if you will go to the duke, and obtain from him a passport for myself and twenty others, that we may ride through France, as far as Calais, paying courteously for whatever we may want : if therefore you obtain this from the king, I shall hold you free from your ransom, and also be much obliged to you ; for I have a great desire to see the king of England, and will not remain in any town more than one night. If you cannot accomplish it, you will return in a month to this fortress, as to your prison." The knight set out for Paris, and, having obtained from the duke the pass- port, returned with it to sir Walter at Aiguillon, who acquitted him of his ransom. Sir Walter, shortly afterward, set out with twenty horse, and took his road through Auvergne. He told everywhere who he was, and, at every place he stopped, showed his passport, and was directly set at liberty ; but at Orleans he was arrested, although he showed his papers, and from thence conducted to Paris, where he was confined in the prison of the Chatelet. When the duke of Normandy heard of it, he went immediately to the king, and remonstrated with him on the subject, because sir Walter Manny had had his passport through his means, and demanded that he should, as soon as possible, be set at liberty ; otherwise it would be said that he had betrayed him. The king answered, that he intended putting him to death, for he looked upon him as one of his greatest enemies. Upon which the duke said, that if he put his intentions in execution, he would never bear arms against the king of England, and would prevent all those dependent on him from doing the same. Very high words passed between them ; and he left the king, declaring he would never serve in any of his armies, so long as Walter Manny should remain in prison. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 171 Things remained in this situation a long time. There was a knight from Hainault, named sir Mansart d'Aisnes, who was eager to serve sir Walter, but had great difficulty in getting access to the duke of Normandy : however, at last the king was advised to let sir Walter out of prison, and to pay him all his expenses. The king would have sir Walter to dine with him in the hotel de Nesle at Paris ; when he presented him with gifts and jewels to the amount of a thousand florins. Sir Walter accepted them, upon condition, that when he got to Calais he should inform the king, his lord, of it ; and if it were agreeable to his pleasure, he would keep them, otherwise he would send them back. The king and duke said, that he had spoken like a loyal knight. Sir Walter then took leave of them, rode on by easy days' journeys to Hainault, and remained, to refresh himself, three days in Valen- ciennes. He arrived at Calais, where he was well received by the king of England, who, upon being informed by sir Walter of the presents he had had from the king of France, said, " Sir Walter, you have hitherto most loyally served us, and we hope you will continue to do so ; send back to king Philip his presents, for you have no right to keep them : we have enough, thank God, for you and for ourselves, and are perfectly well disposed to do you all the good in our power, for the services you have rendered us." Sir Walter took out all the jewels, and, giving them to his cousin, the lord of Mansac, said, " Ride into France, to king Philip, and recommend me to him ; and tell him, that I thank him many times for the fine jewels he presented me with, but that it is not agreeable to the will and pleasure of the king of England, my lord, that I retain them." The knight did as he was commanded ; but the king of France would not take back the jewels : he gave them to the lord of Mansac, who thanked the king for them, and had no inclination to refuse them. CHAPTER CXXXV. THE EARL OF DERBY TAKES MANY TOWNS AND CASTLES IN POITOU, AND THE CITY OF POITIERS. It has been before mentioned, that the earl of Derby had remained in the city of Bor- deaux during the siege of Aiguillon, As soon as he was informed that the duke of Normandy had raised the siege, he issued out his summons to all knights and squires in Gascony that were attached to the English. In obedience to which, there came to Bordeaux the lords d'Albret, de TEsparre, de Rosem, de Mucidan, de Pumiers, de Courton, de Bouqueton, sir Aymery de Traste, and many others. The earl collected twelve hundred men at arms, two thousand archers, and three thousand infantry. With these he crossed the Garonne, between Bordeaux and Blayes, and took the road for Saintonge. He first came before Mirabeau*, which he took by assault as w T ell as the castle ; and, having placed therein a garrison of his own men, rode on to Aulnayj", which he also took and its castle, and then Benonj and Surgeres§: but they could make nothing of the castle of Marans||, which is about three leagues from la Rochelle : they pushed on, therefore, to Mortaigne-sur-mcr in Poitou, which they took and re-garrisoned. They then advanced to Lusignan^" and burnt the town, but could not gain the castle. They next marched to Taillebourg**, and, having conquered the bridge, town and castle, put all the inhabitants to the sword, because they had in the assault killed a valiant knight. The whole country was so much alarmed that they fled before the English, leaving their houses empty and defenceless, to shut themselves up in the fortified towns. There was not any appearance of opposition from the knights and squires of Sain- tonge, who had retired to their fortresses, without making any effort to combat the English. The earl of Derby at last came before the town of St. Jean d'Angely-)-f , and immediately began an attack upon it. There were not in the town any men at arms ; and at vespers, when the attack was nearly ended, sir William de Rion, mayor of the town, and the prin- cipal inhabitants, sent to demand passports for six of the citizens to come and treat with the earl : it was granted them for that night, and the whole of the next day. On the morrow, * A town in Poitou, diocese of Poitiers. il A town in Ancenis. t A town in Poitou. ^[ A town in Poitou. X A town in Ancenis. ** A town in Saintonge, three leagues from Saintes. § A town inAncenis. ft 1° Saintonge, diocese of Saintes. 172 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. these citizens came to the earl in his tent, and swore to be good Englishmen as long as the king of England, or any one from him, would keep them in peace from the French. The earl refreshed himself in the town for four days, and received the homage of the inhabitants : he then advanced to Niort *, of which sir Guiscard d'Angle was governor. He made three attacks upon it ; but not gaining anything, he passed on, and came to the village of St. Maximien, which he took by storm, and slew all that were within it. He next marched to Montreuil Boning, where there were upwards of two hundred coiners, who were minting money for the king of France, and who declared that they would not obey the summons of the earl : but there was so sharp an assault made on it, that the town was taken and all within put to death. The earl placed a new garrison in the castle, and advanced to Poitiers, which is a large straggling city : he could only therefore lay siege to it on one side ; for he had not forces sufficient to surround it. He immediately made an assault ; but the townsmen of the poorer sort were so numerous, though little prepared for such an attack, and defended the town so well, that the earl's people gained nothing : they retired to their quarters much fatigued. On the morrow some of the earl's knights armed themselves, rode round the town, and afterwards made their report to him of what they had seen and heard. There was then a council held ; and it was resolved to attack the town in three different places at once the next day, and to post the greater number of the men at arms and archers at the weakest part ; which was executed. It happened, that at that time there was not any gallant knight in the town who knew what deeds of arms were ; nor were they provided with any accustomed to wars, that might advise them how properly to defend themselves. The earl's people, therefore, at this assault entered the town at the weakest part : and, when those within saw themselves thus con- quered, they fled for the fastest out of the other gates, for there were many. Upwards of seven hundred were slain ; for the earl's people put every one to the sword, men, women and little children. The city was instantly plundered, and was full of wealth, as well of its own inhabitants, as of those in the neighbourhood, who had retired into it as to a place of safety, The army destroyed many churches, committed great waste, and would have done much more, if the earl had not forbidden under pain of death, that either church or house should be set on fire ; for he was desirous of remaining there ten or twelve days. Part of the disorders were stopped, but much thieving still continued. The earl remained in the city twelve days : he might have stayed longer had he chosen it, for no one came to oppose him, and the whole country trembled : none dared to show themselves out of their strong garrisons. He left Poitiers empty, for its size rendered it untenable. The army at its departure was so laden with the riches they had found there, that they made no account of clothes, unless they were of gold and silver, or trimmed with furs J. They returned by easy marches to St. Jean d'Angely, where they remained for some time. The earl during this stay made handsome presents to the ladies and damsels of the town, and almost every day gave them grand dinners or suppers. He enlivened them so much that he acquired great popularity : and they pub- licly said, he was the most noble prince that ever mounted steed. On his taking leave of them, he made the mayor and principal citizens renew their oath, that they would keep and defend the town, as the legal inheritance of the king of England. The earl then rode on with his whole army to Bordeaux, passing by the fortresses he had conquered, when he dis- missed his troops, and gave them many thanks for the services they had done. * A city in Poitou, nineteen leagues from Poitiers. difficulty by substituting furs for feathers; The author "f" A town in Poitou, three leagues from Poitiers. probably intended to say, that they made no account of I The original, according to D. Sauvage's edition, runs cloth except it was of gold or silver, nor of any tiling else thus : " qu'ils ne faisoient cdpte de draps : fors d'or et except feathers. Lord Berners says, "they sette by d' argent, et de pennes." The meaning here is not very nothynge but gold and syluer and fethers for men of clearj and Mr. Johnes has endeavoured to overcome the warre." — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &ci 173 CHAPTER CXXXVI. THE KING OF SCOTLAND, DURING THE SIEGE OF CALAIS, INVADES ENGLAND. I have been silent some time respecting the king of Scotland ; but until this moment I have not had anything worth relating of him ; for, as I have before said, mutual truces had been granted between him and the king of England, which had not been infringed. During the time the king of England was carrying on the siege of Calais, the Scots determined to make war upon him, thinking it a good opportunity to be revenged for the many disasters he had brought on them. England had at that time very few men at arms, as the king had a great number with him before Calais, as well as in his other armies in Brittany, Poitou, and Gascony. The king of France took great pains to foment this war, in order that the English might have so much to employ themselves at home as would oblige them to raise the siege of Calais, and return to England. King David issued his summons for a parliament to be holden at Perth ; which was attended by the earls, prelates, and barons of Scotland, who were unanimous for invading England as speedily as possible. Raynald, lord of the isle, who governed the wild Scots, and whom alone they obeyed, was sent to, and entreated to attend the parliament. He complied with the request, and brought three thousand of the wildest of his countrymen with him. When all the Scots were assembled, they amounted together to about forty thousand combatants : but they could not make their preparations so secretly as to prevent news of it coming to the knowledge of the queen of England, who had taken up her residence in the north, near the borders. She wrote, and sent summons to all that were attached to the king of England to come to York by a certain day. Many men at arms and archers, who had remained at home, put themselves in motion, and advanced to Newcastle-upon-Tyne, which the queen had appointed as the final place of rendezvous. In the mean while, the Scots set out from Perth, and advanced the first day to Dunfermline ; the next day, they crossed a small arm of the sea ; but the king went to Stirling, crossed the water there on the morrow, and came to Edinburgh. Here they halted and numbered their men. There were full three thousand knights and squires, well armed, and thirty thousand others, mounted on galloways. They marched to Roxburgh, the first fortress belonging to the English on their road, under the command of the lord William Montacute, who had lately erected it against the Scots. This castle is handsome, and very strong ; the Scots therefore passed on without attacking it, and took up their quarters on the banks of a river*, between Precy and Lincolle ; whence they began to destroy and burn the country of Cumberland. Some of their scouts advanced as far as York, where they burnt all without the walls and down the river, and returned to their army, within one day's march of Newcastle. * Probably the river was the Irthing, and the towns Lidel and Lanercrost ; for lord Hailes says, in his Annals, that " David stormed the castle of Lidel, and beheaded Walter Selby, the governor. Selby, according to the usage of those 4oose times, seems to have been both a robber and a warrior, alternately plundering and defending his country." " He was one of the band of robbers so famous in En- glish story, who, under their leader, Gilbert Middlcton, robbed two cardinals and the bishop of Durham. He after- wards held out the castles of Mitford and Horton against his sovereign. — Scala Chron. ap. Leland, t. i. p. 561. Yet Packington, apud Leland, t. i. p. 470, says, " David, king of Scottes, caused the noble knight Walter Selby, capitayne of the Pyle of Lydelle, to be slayne afore his owne face, not suffering him so much as to be confessed.'" 174 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXXXVII. THE BATTLE OF NEVILLE'S CROSS. The queen of England, who was very anxious to defend her kingdom, and guard it from all disturbers, in order to show that she was in earnest about it, came herself to Newcastle- upon-Tyne. She took up her residence there, to wait for the forces she expected from the different parts of the kingdom. The Scots, who were informed that Newcastle was the place of rendezvous of the English army, advanced thither, and sent their van-guard to skirmish near the town ; who, on their return, burnt some hamlets adjoining to it. The smoke and flames came into the town, which made the English impatient to sally out upon those who had done this mischief, but their leaders would not permit them. On the morrow, the king of Scotland, with full forty thousand men, including all sorts, advanced within three short English miles of Newcastle, and took up his quarters on the land of the lord Neville. He sent to inform the army in the town, that, if they were willing to come forth, he would wait for them and give them battle. The barons and prelates of England sent for answer, that they accepted his offer, and would risk their lives with the realm of their lord and king. They sallied out in number about twelve hundred men at arms, three thousand archers, and seven thousand other men, including the Welsh. The Scots posted themselves opposite to the English ; and each army was drawn out in battle array. Quf.en Philippa. — From the Tomb in Westminster Abbey. The queen of England then came to the place where her army was, and remained until it was drawn out in four battalions. The first was under the command of the bishop of Durham, and the lord Percy ; the second, under the archbishop of York, and the lord Neville : the third, under the bishop of Lincoln, and lord Mowbray ; the fourth was com- manded by lord Baliol, governor of Berwick, the archbishop of Canterbury, and the lord Roos. Each battalion had its just proportion of men at arms and archers, as was expedient. The queen now advanced among them, and entreated them to do their duty well, in defend- ing the honour of their lord and king, and urged them, for the love of God, to fight man- fully. They promised her that they would acquit themselves loyally, to the utmost of their power, and perhaps better than if the king had been there in person. The queen then took her leave, and recommended them to the protection of God and St. George. The two armies were soon after in motion, and the archers on each side began to shoot ; but those of the CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 175 Scots did not long continue it, whilst the English shot incessantly. When the battalions were got into close combat, the engagement was sharp, and well fought. Queen Philippa haranguing her troops before the Battle of Neville's Cross. — From a MS. Froissart, of tbe 15th Century. The battle began about nine o'clock, and lasted until noon. The Scots had very hard and sharp axes *, with which they dealt deadly blows ; but at last the English gained the field, though it cost them dear by the loss of their men. On the part of the Scots, there fell in the field, the earl of Sys, the earl Dostre, the earl Patrisf, the earl of Furlantj, the carl Dastredure, the earl of Mar, the earl John Douglass §, sir Alexander Ramsay, who bore the king's banners, and many other barons, knights, and squires [| . The king of Scotland was * Q. Lochabcr nxes. t Probably Patrick, carl of Dunbar. t Q. Sutherland. § No earl Douglas at that period. || "Knyghton is the historian who has given the most ample list of the killed at the battle of Durham ; yet it is, in various particulars, erroneous ; and it has been strangely disfigured by the mistakes of transcribers. Knyghton has afforded the ground-work of the following list"; and care has been taken to correct his errors, whenever they could be detected. This was the more necessary, because our writers seem to have despaired of being able* to correct the list, and have left many names as erroneous as they found them. Thus, Abercrombie has Humphry de BMs and Robert Maltalent ; and to conceal his ignorance, he affirms them to have been Frenchmen. He has also David Banant and Nicholas Clopodolian, names for which he has not ventured to account. Some additions have been procured from Fordun, although his list is not so full as that in Knyghton. These additions are marked F. " It is impossible to give a correct list of all the prison - ers of distinction taken at Durham ; for it appears, that many persons privately took ransomsfor the prisoners whom they had made, and suffered them to depart. This prac- tice became so general, that it was prohibited under pain of death [20th November, and 13th December, 1346]. " Most of the prisoners of distinction, who had not escaped by means of this connivance, were ordered to be 176 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c taken prisoner, fighting most gallantly, and badly wounded, before he was captured by a squire of Northumberland, named John Gopeland, who, as soon as he got him, pushed through the crowd, and with eight other companions, rode off, and never stopped until he was distant from the field of battle about fifteen miles He came about vespers to Ogle castle, on the Heads of Lochaber Axes. — From specimens preserved in the Tower of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. river Blythe, and there declared that he would not surrender his prisoner, the king of Scot- land, to man or woman except to his lord the king of England. That same day were taken prisoners, the earls of Murray and March, lord William Douglass, lord Robert de Wersy, convened to the tower of London [8th December, 1346]. From that instnnnent, and from some other scattered notices, I have drawn up a list of prisoners, not so com- plete, indeed, as might have been wished, yet more authentic and intelligible than any that has been hitherto exhibited. "KILLED. " John Randolph, earl of Moray, — the younger son of Randolph the regent. With him the male line of that heroic family ended. He was succeeded in his honours and estate by his sister, the countess of March, vulgarly termed Black Agnes. " Maurice Moray, earl of Strathern, — in right of his mother Mary. The English, in general, did not acknow- ledge his title. Knyghton mentions him again under the name of Maurice de Murref. " David de laye Haye, constable, F. — Knyghton men- tions his name, but without his title of office. " Robert Keith, marshal, F. — grandson of sir Robert Keith. "Robert de Peebles, chamberlain, F — There is con- siderable uncertainty as to this name. " Thomas Charters, chancellor, F De Carnuto. A name of great antiquity in Scotland. See Crawford, Offi- cers of State, p. 19. " Humphry de Boys Knyghton and his copyists say, de Bloys, probably Boys, the same with Boyse, Boece. "John de Bonneville, F. " Thomas Boyd. — This is a mistake in Knyghton, unless there were two persons of that name ; for there was a Thomas Boyd among the prisoners. " Andrew Buttergask, F. — This family subsisted until about the beginning of the 15th century, when the heiress, Margaret Buttergask of that ilk, made over her estate to the family of Gruy. " Roger Cameron. " John de Crawfurd. "William Frazer, F — of Cowie ; ancestor of lord Salton. "David Fitz-Robert. — Probably some person who had not as yet assumed a surname. "William de Haliburton. — Fordun says Walter, but there is a Walter de Haliburton among the prisoners. " William de la Haye. " Gilbert de Inchmartin, F. " Edward de Keith. *• Edmunde de Keith. — According to Knyghton, the brother of Edward de Keith. " Reginald Kirkpatrick. " David de Lindesay, — said by Fordun to have been ' the son and heir of lord David de Lindesay,' ancestor of the earls of Crawfurd and Balcarras. " John de Lindesay. "Robert Maitland, — called Mantalent by Knyghton : from whence Abercrombie formed ' Maltalent, a French knight :' plainly Matulent, now Maitland, of Thirlestane, ancestor of the earl of Lauderdale. «' Maitland, — the brother of Robert Maitland of Thirlestane. ct Philip de Meldrum , — called de Mildron by Knyghton. " John de la More. u Adam Moygrave. " William Moubray. — There was a William Mowbray among the prisoners. " William de Ramsay, the father. — A William de Ramsay, probably the younger, was among the prisoners. " Michael Scot, F. — of Murthockstone, now Murdie- stone, ancestor of the duke of Buccleugh. " John St. Clair. — There was a John St. Clair among the prisoners. "Alexander Strachan, — called Straggy by Knyghton. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 177 the bishops of Aberdeen and St. Andrew's, and many other barons and knights. There were about fifteen thousand slain, and the remainder saved themselves as well as they could. This battle was fought near Newcastle, in the year 1346, on a Saturday preceding Michaelmas day*. " Strachan, the brother of Alexander Strachan. '< John Stewart. " John Stewart. — I conjecture that sir John Stewart of Dreghorn is meant, whose father Alan was killed at Halidon. " Alan Stewart, the brother of John Stewart. " Adam de Whitsom. — Knyghton has Adamde Nys- ton, which is plainly an error in transcribing. Perhaps de Dennistoun is the right name. Knyghton reckons Patonus Heryng, r. Pairicius Heron, among the slain. It appears from Fcedera, that he was a prisoner. Knyghton also reckons the earl of Sutherland among the slain, Fordun among the prisoners. It is certain that he was not killed ; and, if he were made prisoner, he must have been among those who were suffered to escape imme- diately after the battle. "PRISONERS. " David II. king of Scots. — He received two wounds before he yielded himself a prisoner. " Duncan earl of Fife. — He had sworn fealty to Baliol. He was condemned to suffer death as a traitor, but obtained mercy. "John Graham, earl of Menteth, — in right of his wife Mary, according to the mode of those times : he was exe- cuted as a traitor. He had formerly sworn fealty to Ed- ward III. " Malcolm Fleming, earl of Wigton. — He is called Malcolm Fleming, without any addition ; Fcedera, t. v. p. 537. He had a grant of the earldom of Wigton in 1342. See Crawfurd, Peerage, p. 493. But the English government did not acknowledge the right of David II. to confer titles of honour. It is probable that he made his escape ; for, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, p. 203, there is this title, ' de capiendo Robertum Bertram, qui Malcolmum Fleming, Scotum, inimicum, regis evadere permisit.' " George Abernethy, — of Salton, ancestor of lord Salton. " David de Annand. "William Baillie, — supposed to be Baillie of Lambis- toun or Lambintoun, vulgarly Lamington ; Nisbet, vol. ii. Appendix, p. 137. But see sir James Dalrymple, p. 410. "Thomas Boyd, — probably of Kilmarnock. The son of that Boyd who was the faithful and fortunate companion of Robert Bruce. " Andrew Campbell, —of Loudoun. In right of his mother, Susanna Crawfurd, heritable sheriff of Airshire, ancestor of the earl of Loudoun. " Gilbert de Carrick, — ancestor of the earl of Dassilis. His son assumed the name of Kennedy. " Robert Chisholm. " Nicholas Knockdolian, — called Clopdolian by Knyghton, and by Abercrombie Clopodolian, in Gallo- way, although the name has a German air. " Fergus de Crawfurd Roger de Crawfurd. " Bartholomew de Dermond, — a German, as the record in Fcedera bears. This is mentioned, because Aber- crombie, vol. ii. p. 99, says, 1 perhaps Drummond? although he had perused Fcedera. "John Douglas, — probably the younger brother of William Douglas of Liddesdale, ancestor of the earl of Morton. " William Douglas, the elder. — This person, I am con- fident, is William Douglas, the bastard brother of W illiam Douglas of Liddesdale. There is no evidence that William lord Douglas, son of Archibald, surnamed Tine- man, and first earl of that family, was made prisoner at Durham, or, indeed, that he was present at the battle. Fordun, 1. xiv. c. 6, expressly says, that he did not come from France till after the battle. We learn from Fcedera, that he was at liberty while others were prisoners ; and we do not learn from Fcedera, that he was ever a prisoner. To support an erroneous hypothesis of Boece, concerning William lord Douglas, records have been miscoustructed and misapplied. " Patrick de Dunbar. — Adam de Fullarton. — John Giffard. — Laurence Gilibrand. " David Graham, — of Montrose ; ancestor of the duke of Montrose. " Alexander Haliburton, — John de Haliburton. — Douglas, Peerage, p. 321, conjectures, not improbably, that they were the brothers of Walter de Haliburton. But he ought not to have referred to Fordun, v. ii. [1. xiv. c. 3] in proof of this, for Fordun mentions them not. "Walter de Haliburton, — predecessor of the lords Haliburton of Dirleton. " Patrick Heron. — William de Jardin. " Roger de Kirkpatrick. — Made prisoner by Ralph de Hastings. Hastings died of his wounds. He bequeathed the body of Roger de Kirkpatrick to his joint legatees, Edmund Hastings of Kynthorp and John de Kirkeby ; Fcedera, t. v. p. 535. "Thomas de Lippes, — called, in Calendars of Ancient Charters, chevalier. If he was not a foreigner, I know not who he was. " William de Livingston. " Lorein,— said, in the record, to have been the son of Eustace Lorein. This Eustace, called Tassy by Fordun, 1. xiv. c. 5, was captain of Rokesburgh under Douglas of Liddesdale, the governor. " Duncan M'Donnel. — Not in the list in Fcedera, t. v. p. 535, but mentioned as a prisoner, Fcedera, t. v. p. 554. " Duncan M'Donnel.— -See Fcedera, ib. the son of the former. " de Makepath. — Were it not for the particle de, I should suppose that some person of the name of M'BetA was here understood. " John de Maxwell, — of Carlaverock, ancestor of the earl ofNithsdale. " Walter Moine. — David Moray. — William de Moray. — William More. — William Moubray. "Patrick de Polwarth, ancestor of the earl of March- mont. " John de Preston, — supposed to have been the ances- tor of Preston lord Dingwall. "Alexander de Ramsay. — Henry de Ramsay — Ness de Ramsay. " William de Ramsay. — Probably Sir William Ramsay of Colluthy. He was at the battle of Poictiers in 1356, and was made prisoner there. " William de Salton. — Not in Fcedera ; but mention is made of him, Calendar of Ancient Charters, p. 199. " John St. Clair. — Alexander Steel. — Alexander Stewart. " John Stewart, — of Dalswinston, as the record bears. Ancestor of the earl of Galloway. " John Stewart, — a bastard, as the record bears. "John de Valence. — William de Vaux Robert Wallace. Annals of Scotland, vol. ii. A pp. No. 6, p. 321, etxeq. * It was on the 17th October. 178 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, PRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXXXVIII. JOHN C'OPEL AND TAKES THE KING OF SCOTLAND PRISONER, AND RECEIVES GREAT ADVANTAGES FROM IT. When the queen of England, who had remained in Newcastle, heard that her army had gained the day, she mounted her palfrey, and went to the field of battle. She was informed that the king of Scotland had been made prisoner, by a squire of the name of John Copeland, bat who had rode off with him they could not tell whither. The queen ordered him to be written to, to bring the king of Scots to her, and to tell him that he had not done what was agreeable to her, in carrying off his prisoner without leave. All that day the queen and army remained on the field of battle, which they had won, and on the morrow returned to Newcastle # . When the letter from the queen was presented by a knight to 'John Copeland, he an- swered, that he would not give up his prisoner, the king of Scots, to man or woman, except to his own lord, the king of England : that they might depend on his taking proper care of him ; and he would be answerable for guarding him well. The queen, upon this, wrote letters to the king, which she sent off to Calais. She therein informed him of the state of his kingdom. The king then ordered John Copeland to come to him at Calais, who, having placed his prisoner under good guards, in a strong castle on the borders of Northumberland, set out, and, passing through England, came to Dover, where he embarked, and landed near Calais. When the king of England saw the squire, he took him by the hand, and said, " Ha ! welcome, my squire, who by his valour has captured my adversary the king of Scot- land." John Copeland, falling on one knee, replied, " If God, out of his great kindness, has given me the king of Scotland, and permitted me to conquer him in arms, no one ought to be jealous of it ; for God can, when he pleases, send his grace to a poor squire, as well as to a great lord. Sir, do not take it amiss, if I did not surrender him to the orders of my lady the queen ; for I hold my lands of you, and my oath is to you, not to her, except it be through choice." The king answered, " John, the loyal service you have done us, and our esteem for your valour is so great, that it may well serve you as an excuse ; and shame fall upon all those that bear you any ill will. You will now return home, and take your pri- soner, the king of Scotland, and convey him to my wife : and, by way of remuneration, I assign lands, as near your house as you can choose them, to the amount of five hundred pounds sterling a-year, for you and your heirs ; and I retain you as a squire of my body and of my household t." John Copeland left Calais the third day after his arrival, and returned to England : when he was come home, he assembled his friends and neighbours, and, in com- pany with them, took the king of Scots and conveyed him to York, where he presented him, in the name of the king, to the queen, and made such handsome excuses that she was satisfied. When the queen had sufficiently provided for the defence of the city of York, the castle of Roxburgh, the city of Durham, and the town of Newcastle-upon Tyne, as well as for all the borders, and had appointed the lords Percy and Neville governors of Northumberland, to * " Froissart supposes that Philippa, the consort of Edward IIT., was their leader ; and in this he has been implicitly followed by the later historians of both nations. A young and comely princess, the mother of heroes, at the head of an army in the absence of her lord, is an or- nament to history : yet no English writer of considerable antiquity mentions this circumstance, which, if true, they would not have omitted. Baliol also is said to have been next in command to queen Philippa : yet the ancient English writers say nothing of it ; and the whole strain of the Fcedera is inconsistent with the hypothesis of his having any such command. Barnes, page 398, says, that the English ' were in number twelve hundred men at arms, thiee thousand archers, and seven thousand footmen, be- sides a choice band of expert soldiers, newly come from before Calais ; the whole amounting to sixteen thousand complete.' For this he quotes Giovanni Villani, the Flo- rentine historian, lib. xii. c. 75. Vilkni's account of the battle of Durham is exceedingly superficial ; and, which is remarkable, he says nothing of what Barnes quotes as from him. See Muratori Scrip. Ital. t. xiii. p. 959." — Annals of Scotland. f " Copeland was made a banneret, with a salary of 500/. yearly, to him and to his heirs, until lands of the like yearly amount should be bestowed on him. He ob- tained a pension for life of 100/., under condition of fur- nishing twenty men at arms. He was also made warden of Berwick. Besides all this, it appears that he obtained the office of sheriff of Northumberland, and keeper of Roxburgh castle. Robert de Bertram had a pension of 200 marks given to him and to his heirs, until the king should provide him in lands of equal value, for his cap- ture of the knight of Liddcsdale." Annals — and Fcedera, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 179 take proper care of it, she set out from York and returned to London. She ordered the king of Scots, the earl of Murray, and the other prisoners, to be confined in the tower of London, and, having placed a sufficient guard over them, set out for Dover, where she em- barked, and, with a favourable wind, arrived before Calais three days preceding the feast of All-Saints *. The king, upon her arrival, held a grand court, and ordered magnificent en- tertainments for all the lords who were there, but more especially for the ladies; as the queen had brought a great many with her, who were glad to accompany her, in order to see fathers, brothers, and friends, that were engaged at this siege of Calais. CHAPTER CXXXIX. THE YOUNG EARL OP FLANDERS IS BETROTHED, THROUGH THE CON- STRAINT OF THE FLEMINGS, TO THE DAUGHTER OF THE KING OF ENGLAND. HE ESCAPES TO FRANCE IN A SUBTLE MANNER. The siege of Calais lasted a long time ; during which many gallant feats of arms and ad- ventures happened : but it is not possible for me to relate the fourth part of them : for the king of France had posted so many men at arms in the fortresses, and on the borders of the counties of Guines, Artois, Boulogne, round to Calais, and had such numbers of Genoese, Normans, and others in vessels on the sea, that none of the English could venture abroad on horseback or on foot, to forage, without meeting some of these parties : there were frequent skirmishes near the gates and ditches of the town, which never ended without several being killed and wounded : sometimes one side gained the advantage, and sometimes the other. The king of England and his council studied night and day to invent engines more effectually to annoy the town : but the inhabitants were equally alert to destroy their effect, and ex- erted themselves so much, that they suffered nothing from them. However, no provisions could be brought into the place but by stealth, and by the means of two mariners, who were guides to such as adventured : one was named Marant, and the other Mestriel ; both of them resided in Abbeville. By their means, the town of Calais was frequently victualled ; and by their boldness they were often in great danger, many times pursued and almost taken ; but they escaped, and slew and wounded many of the English. The siege lasted all the winter. The king had a great desire to keep on good terms with the municipalities of Flanders, because he thought that through them he should the more easily obtain his end. He made, therefore, frequent protestations of friendship to them, and gave them to under- stand, that, after he should have succeeded at Calais, he would re-conquer for them Lisle, Douay, and all their dependencies : so that the Flemings, believing in such promises, put themselves in motion, about the time that the king was in Normandy, whence he came to Crecy and Calais ; and they laid siege to Bethune. They had chosen for their commander the lord Oudart de Renty, who had been banished from France, and had closely besieged the town, and much damaged it by their attacks : but there were within four knights for the king of France, who well defended it ; their names were, sir Geoffry de Chargny, the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord Baudoin d'Anequin, and lord John de Landas. The town of Bethune was so well defended, that the Flemings conquered nothing : they returned therefore to Flanders, not having been more successful than before. When the king of England was come to Calais, he did not cease sending flattering mes- sengers and promises to the municipalities of Flanders, to preserve their friendship, and lessen their opinion of the king of France, who was taking great pains to acquire their affections. The king of England would have gladly seen the earl Lewis of Flanders, who at that time was but fifteen years old, married to his daughter Isabella, and set so many engines to work among the Flemings that they acceded to it, which mightily rejoiced the king ; for he imagined that by this marriage he would easily govern that country. The Flemings also thought that this alliance would enable them more effectually to resist the French ; and that it would be more profitable to be connected with the king of England * Knyghton, p. 2592, relates, that by command of different companies of London, in their proper dresses, Edward III. David Bruce was conducted to the tower, were present at the procession ; and that David Bruce under an escort of 20.000 men, well armed: that the rode on a tall black horse, so as to be seen by all men. N 2 180 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. than with the king of France. Their young earl, however, who had been educated with the royal family of France, and who at the time was in that kingdom, would not agree to it, and declared frankly, that he would never take to wife the daughter of him who had slain his father. On the other hand, duke John of Brabant was very eagerly trying to make a match between the earl and his daughter, and promised to obtain for him the full enjoyment of Flanders, by fair or foul means. The duke also gave the king of France to understand, that, if the marriage took place, he would manage the Flemings, that they should attach themselves to him in preference to the king of England. Upon the strength of these pro- mises, the king of France consented to the marriage of the earl of Flanders with the duke of Brabant's daughter. After the duke had obtained this consent, he sent messengers to all the principal citizens of the great towns in Flanders, who coloured the union with so many specious reasons, that the councils of the principal towns sent to the earl, and informed him that if he would come to Flanders, and follow their advice, they would be his true friends, and would give up to him all royalties, rights, and jurisdictions, in a greater degree than any earl had hitherto been possessed of. The earl was advised to go to Flanders, where he was joyfully received ; and the chief towns made him rich and handsome presents. As soon as the king of England was informed of this he sent the earls of Northampton and Arundel, and lord Reginald Cobham, into Flanders ; who managed matters so well with the leading men in place, and with the corporations, that they were more desirous their lord should marry a daughter of the king of England, than the daughter of the duke of Brabant : they very affectionately entreated their lord so to do, and supported it by many strong and good arguments, which would be too tedious to detail here ; insomuch that those of the duke of Brabant's party could say nothing to the contrary. The earl, however, would not consent to it, notwithstanding their fair speeches and arguments, but repeated his former declaration, that he would never marry the daughter of him who had killed his father, were he to have a moiety of the kingdom of England for her dower. When the Flemings heard this, they said, their lord was too much of a Frenchman, and very ill advised, and that he must not expect any good from them, since he would not listen to their counsels. They arrested him, and confined him, though not a close prisoner, and told him, he should never have his liberty until he would pay attention to their advice : they added, that if the late earl, his father, had not loved the French so much, but had listened to them, he would have been the greatest prince in Christendom, and would have recovered Lisle, Bethune, and Douay, and been alive at this day. Whilst all this was passing, the king of England still held on the siege of Calais. He kept his court there at Christmas in a royal and noble manner ; and in the ensuing Lent, the earl of Derby, the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Oxford, and many knights and squires who had crossed the sea with them, returned from Gascony. The Earl of Flanders was for a long time in danger from the Flemings, and, being a prisoner, was perfectly weary of it. He therefore made them understand, that he was willing to follow their advice, for he could receive more advantages from them than from those in any other country. These words pleased the Flemings much : they gave him his liberty, and allowed him to partake of one of his favourite amusements, hawking, of which he was very fond. However, when he went to follow this sport, they set a good watch over him, that he did not escape, nor was stolen from those who had undertaken to guard him, on pain of death. These guards were of the king of England's party ; and watched him so closely that they would scarcely allow him to make water. This conduct lasted so long, and was so offensive to the earl, that he agreed to marry the king of England's daughter. The Flemings immediately informed the king of it, and desired that the king and queen would come to the monastery at Bergues, accompanied by their daughter, and they would bring their earl there, and conclude the marriage. You may easily imagine how pleased the king and queen were with this news : they said the Flemings were very good sort of people. A day was fixed on for all parties to be at Bergues St. Vinox, between New- port and Gravelines. The most powerful and leading men of the principal towns of Flanders came hither in great pomp, bringing their lord with them. He respectfully saluted the king and queen, who were there in great state. The king took the earl gently by the CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 1P.1 hand, led him forth, and said, to excuse himself as being the cause of the death of his father that, as God should help him, he had never heard, on the day of the battle of Crecy, nor on the morrow, that the earl had been there. The young earl appeared to be satisfied with this excuse. The subject of the marriage was next discussed, and certain articles and treaties were agreed upon between the king, the earl, and the states of Flanders, which were promised and sworn to be adhered to *. The earl was then betrothed to the lady Isabella daughter of the king and queen of England, whom he engaged to espouse ; but the day of marriage was put off, until the king should have more leisure. The Flemings returned home, taking with them their lord ; and they quitted the king, queen, and the council, in very good humour : the king went back to the siege of Calais. Things remained in this state : whilst the king was making preparations for rich presents of cloths and jewels to distribute on the wedding-day, the queen was employed in the same manner, as she was anxious to acquit herself on the occasion with honour and generosity. The earl of Flanders, who was returned to his own country, and among his own people, was continually hawking, and pretended that this English alliance was perfectly agreeable to him. The Flemings believed all he said, and did not keep so strict a guard upon him as before : but they were not then acquainted with the disposition of their lord ; for, however much he might dissemble in his outward behaviour, he was in his heart devoted to the French. It happened one day, in the same week that he was to espouse the English princess, he went out a hawking : the falconer fled his hawk at a heron, and the earl did the same with his : the two hawks pursued their game, and the earl galloped off, as if following them, crying, " Hoye, hoye." When he was at some distance from his keepers, and in the open fields, he stuck spurs into his horse, and made such speed that he was soon out of sight : he did not stop until he was got into Artois, where he was safe. He then went to king Philip in France, and related to him and his nobles his adventures, who told him he had acted wisely ; but the English, on the contrary, accused him of betraying and deceiving them. The king of England, nevertheless, did not fail for this, to cultivate the friendship of the Flemings ; for he knew that what had happened was not through their consent, but, on the contrary, that they were very much enraged at it ; so he was immediately satisfied with the excuses they made on the occasion. CHAPTER CXL. THE LORD ROBERT DE NAMUR f DOES HOMAGE TO THE KING OF ENGLAND, BEFORE CALAIS. Many barons and knights, from Flanders, Hainault, Brabant, and Germany, came to pay their respects to the king and queen, whilst they were besieging Calais ; and none returned without considerable presents. About this time, the lord Robert de Namur was newly returned into the county of Namur, from an expedition to the Holy Land J, where he had been knighted by the lord Despentin. He was very young, and had not been solicited for his assistance by either of the two kings. He set out with a rich and numerous attendance, and came to Calais, accompanied by many knights and squires, where he was kindly received by the king, queen, and all the barons. He gained their favour and esteem, from bearing the same name as his uncle, the lord Robert d' Artois, who had been formerly so well beloved by them, and from whose counsels they had reaped so much benefit. Lord Robert de Namur from this time became a loyal servant to the king of England, who granted him a pension of three hundred pounds sterling a-year, and assigned the payment of it on his chest at Bruges. He remained with the king at the siege of Calais, until the town was won, as you will hear related. * There is in the Foedera the treaty of Marriage, dated mentions in his preface. He was created a knight of the Dunkirk, 3rd March 1346; but the seal has been torn garter, in Richard II.'s reign, and is the 85th knight of off, probably as not having been carried into effect. that order. — See Ashmole's History of the Order of the f Lord Robert de Namur was Froissart's great patron ; Garter, and to him we are indebted for this history, as he himself t Lord Berners says " at the holy eepulcre." — Fnu 182 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CXLI. THE ENGLISH CONQUER LA ROCHE-d'eRRIEN *, TO WHICH PLACE THE LORD CHARLES OF BLOIS LAYS SIEGE. I have abstained a long time from speaking of the lord Charles of Blois, at that time duke of Brittany, and of the countess of Montfort ; but it has been occasioned by the truce agreed to before Vannes, which was strictly observed : each party, during that time, kept peaceably all that they had gained. As soon as the truce was expired, the war was renewed with vigour. The king of England had sent into Brittany sir Thomas Daggeworth -f" and sir John Hartwell ; and they had quitted the siege of Calais with two hundred men at arms and four hundred archers. The countess of Montfort remained in the town of Hennebon ; and she had with her sir Taneguy du Chatel, a knight from lower Brittany. The English and Bretons made frequent attacks upon the lord Charles's party, and with various success ; but the country was completely ruined and destroyed by these men at arms, and the poor people paid dearly for it. Three knights one day set out to besiege a town called la Roche-d'errien : they had col- lected a number of men at arms on horseback, and foot soldiers, and made some violent attacks upon the town ; but it was so well defended, that the English could not gain any advantage. The captain of the garrison for lord Charles was Tassart de Guines J, but three parts of the inhabitants were more attached to the English than to the French ; so they arrested sir Tassart, and declared they would murder him, if he would not join them in sur- rendering the place to the English. Upon this, he said he would comply with whatever they wished : they then let him go, and advanced towards the English army, whom they admitted into their town. Sir Tassart was continued as before, governor of it. When the English returned to Hennebon, they left with him a sufficiency of men at arms and archers, to defend the town and castle. Lord Charles when he heard this, swore things should not go on thus. He summoned all his partisans in Brittany and Normandy, and assembled in the city of Nantes sixteen hundred men in armour, and twelve thousand foot soldiers. There might be four hundred knights and twenty- three bannerets, who all came to lay siege to la Roche- d'errien. They brought with them large engines, which threw stones into the town day and night, and much annoyed the inhabitants. The townsmen sent off* messengers, to inform the countess what was going forwards ; as she had promised them assistance, if they should be besieged. Upon this, the countess sent everywhere that she could think likely to procure men, and in a short time collected a thousand men in armour, and eight thousand foot soldiers, which she put under the command of the three § knights before mentioned. These knights declared that they would cither raise the siege of la Roche-d'errien, or perish in the attempt ; and, taking the field, they advanced very near to the army of lord Charles : they took up their quarters on the banks of a river, with the intention of fighting the next day. About midnight sir Thomas Dag worth and sir John Hartwell armed one half of their people, and, setting off in silence, fell upon one of the wings of lord Charles's army, and slew a great number of his men. They remained in this action so long that the whole army was roused and armed ; they could not therefore retreat, without encountering the whole of the lord Charles's force. They were surrounded, and so sharply dealt with that they could not with- stand the powers of the French. Sir Thomas Dagworth was taken prisoner, after having been severely wounded. Sir John Hartwell escaped as well as he was able, with all that he could bring off with him, by making for the river. He related to sir Taneguy du Chatel the ill success of their attack ; and they held a council, whether they ought not to return to Hennebon ||. * A town in Brittany, about two leagues from Treguier, Dugdale's Baronage. Sir Thomas Dagworth was not near Guingamp. made prisoner, nor wounded ; he was the person who ad- t Sir Thomas Daggeworth was appointed commander in vised the second attack, not the lord of Cadoudal, as Frois- Brittany, by writ of privy seal, dated Reading, January sart relates. The king, for his good conduct, made him 10, 1347. — Fo3dkra. his lieutenant-general of the duchy of Brittany; and the X The historian of Brittany seems to think this person ensuing year he was called up to the house of peers, should he Richard Toussaint. In the Histoire de Bretagne, so often quoted, the § From what follows, one may suppose these three account of these engagements is very different, and in part knights were, — sir Thomas Dagworth, — sir John Hart- not very much to the honour of sir Thomas Dagworth, if well, sir Taneguy du Chatel. the facts be true. Vol. i. pp. 276, 277. || Our historians relate this affair differently. See CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 183 CHAPTER CXLII.— THE COMBAT OF LA ROCHE-D'eRRIEN, WHERE THE LORD CHARLES OF BLOIS IS MADE PRISONER. At the time they were holding this council, whether to decamp or not, there came to them a knight from the countess, called Gamier, lord of Cadoudal, with a hundred men at arms, who had been prevented from coming sooner. When he was informed of the resolution they were about to take of returning, " Oh come," said he, " arm yourselves quickly, and mount your horses ; and he that has no horse, let him follow on foot ; for we will go and look once more at our enemies, who are now so elated that we shall be sure to conquer them." Those that had horses soon got themselves in readiness, and set out ; and the foot followed them j so that, about sun-rise, they came upon the army of the lord Charles, which they found wrapped up in sleep, for they did not imagine they should have any more disturbance. The English and Bretons began immediately to cut down and destroy tents and pavilions, and to slay all those whom they had thus surprised ; for they had thought themselves so secure, they had not set any watch. Thus were those of the party of lord Charles defeated, and all the barons of Normandy and Brittany that were with him taken prisoners that night. The siege of la Roche-d'errien was raised, and lord Charles conducted to Hennebon. Nevertheless the towns and fortresses that he had before gained, still held out for him ; for his wife, who called herself duchess of Brittany, undertook most cheerfully to continue the war. Combat of la Roche-d'errif.n. Lord Charles of Blois taken prisoner. Engraved from a MS. Froissart of the 15tb century. 184 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c, CHAPTER CXLIII. THE KING OF FRANCE COLLECTS A GREAT ARMY TO RAISE THE SIEGE OF CALAIS. King Philip of France, who felt that his subjects in Calais must be severely oppressed, commanded all the knights and squires of his realm to rendezvous at Amiens, or near that town, on the feast of Whitsuntide. No one dared to disobey this order, but all were punc- tual in being there at the appointed time. King Philip kept a solemn court at Amiens, at which were present the duke of Normandy his eldest son, the duke of Orleans his youngest son, Eudes duke of Burgundy, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Foix, the lord Lewis of Savoy, the lord John of Hainault, the earls of Armagnac, Yalentinois, Forets, and a great many other earls, barons and knights. When all these noblemen were assembled in Amiens, they held many councils. The king of France was very anxious to have a free passage through Flanders, that he might send through it a part of his army by way of Gravelines, to reinforce the garrison of Calais, and to attack and fight with the English on that side of the town. He sent, therefore, a very magnificent embassy into Flanders, to treat with the Flemings on this subject : but the king of England had so many friends there, that they would not grant him his request. The king upon this said, he would then advance as far as Boulogne. The king of England, who found he could not conquer Calais but by famine, ordered a large castle to be constructed of strong timbers, in order to shut up the communication with the sea ; and he directed it to be built and embattled in such a manner that it could not be destroyed. He placed it between the town and the sea, and fortified it with all sorts of war- like instruments *, and garrisoned it with forty men at arms and two hundred archers, who guarded the harbour and port of Calais so closely, that nothing could come out or go into the town, without being sunk or taken. By this means he more sorely aggrieved the Calesians, than by anything he had hitherto done, and sooner brought famine among them. About this time, the king of England was so active among the Flemings (with whom as you have just heard the king of France wanted to make a treaty) that they, to the amount of a hun- dred thousand men, marched out of Flanders, and laid siege to the town of Aire f : they burnt all the country round it, as far as St. Yenant, Mourville la Gorge, Estelly le Yentre, and a tract of country round Loo, and even as far as the gates of St. OmerJ and Terouenne§. The king of France took up his quarters at Arras || . He sent a large body of men to strengthen his garrisons in Artois, and in particular sir Charles d'Espagne, his constable, to St. Omer ; for the earl of Eu and of Guines, who had been constable, was a prisoner, as I have before related, in England. The Flemings kept advancing into the country, and gave the French employment enough before they retreated. When the Flemings were returned, after having made themselves well acquainted with the parts about Loo^f, the king of France and his army left Arras, and came to Hesdin** : the army and baggage occupied three leagues of country. When the king had rested one day at Hesdin, he advanced the next day to Blangy-j-f, where he halted, in order to consider whither he should march next. He was advised to make for that part of the country called la Belune, and accordingly began his march thither, his army following, which amounted, including men of all descriptions, to two hundred thousand. The king and his army passed through the country of Faukenberg jj, and came straight to the hill of Sangate§§, between Calais and Wissant : they marched armed, with banners flying, by moon-light ; so that it was a beautiful sight to see their gallant army. When those in Calais perceived them, from the walls, pitching their tents, they thought it had been a new siege. * " Spvingalles, bombardt's, bowes and other artillary." 1F Loo, — a town to the south of Fumes. — Lord Berners. ** A strong town in Artoi3, diocese of Arras, thirteen f A strong town in Artois, generality of Amiens, four- leagues distant from it. teen leagues from Calais. ft Village in Artois, bailiwick of St. Pol. % A strong town in Artois, ten leagues from Calais. XI A village in Artois, bailiwick of Aire. § An ancient town in Artois, destroyed by Charles §§ A village in Picardy, government of Calais. V. 1553. || A strong city in Artois, twenty-seven leagues from Calais. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. 185 CHAPTER CXLIV. — THE KING OP ENGLAND GUARDS ALL THE PASSES ROUND CALAIS, SO THAT THE KING OP FRANCE CANNOT APPROACH TO RAISE THE SIEGE. I will now relate what the king of England had done, and was doing, when he saw with what a prodigious force the king of France was come to raise the siege of Calais, which had cost him so much money and labour. He knew that the town was so nearly famished, that it could hold out but a very short time : therefore it would have sorely hurt him to havs been forced at that time to raise it. He considered, that the French could neither approach his army nor the town of Calais but by two roads ; the one by the downs along the sea- shore ; the other higher up the country, which however was full of ditches and bogs ; and there was but one bridge, called the bridge of Nieullet, by which they could be crossed. He posted, therefore, his fleet along the shore, as near as he could to the downs, and pro- vided it with plenty of every warlike engine * ; so that the French could not pass that way. He sent the earl of Derby, with a sufficient force of men at arms and archers, to guard the bridge of Nieullet. The French, therefore, were prevented from advancing thither, unless they attempted crossing the marshes between Sangate and the sea, which were impassable. There was also, nearer to Calais, a high tower, which was guarded by thirty archers from England ; and they had fortified it with double ditches, as a stronger defence of the passage over the downs. When the French had taken up their quarters on the hill of Sangate, those from Tournay, who might amount to about fifteen hundred men, advanced towards this tower : the garrison shot at them, and wounded some ; but the men of Tournay crossed the ditches, and reached the foot of the tower with pick-axes and bars. The engagement was then very sharp, and many of the Tournaymen were killed and wounded ; but, in the end, the tower was taken and thrown down, and all that were within it put to the sword. The king of France sent his two marshals, the lord of Beaujeu and the lord of St. Venant, to examine the country, and see where the army could pass, in order to fight with the English ; but, after they had well examined all the passes, they returned and told the king there was not any possibility of doing it, but with infinite loss of men. Things remained in this state that day and the following night ; but on the morrow, after the king of France had heard mass, he sent to the king of England the lord Geoffry de Chargny, the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, sir Guy de Nesle, and the lord of Beaujeu, who, as they rode along, observed how strongly all the passes were guarded : they were allowed to proceed freely, for so the king of England had ordered, and praised very much the dispositions of the earl of Derby, who was posted at the bridge of Nieullet, over which they passed. They rode on until they came where the king was, whom they found surrounded by his barons and knights : they all four dismounted, and advanced towards the king, with many reve- rences ; then the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont said, " Sir, the king of France informs you through us, that he is come to the hill of Sangate, in order to give you battle ; but he can- not find any means of approaching you : he therefore wishes you would assemble your council, and he will send some of his, that they may confer together, and fix upon a spot where a general combat may take place." The king of England was advised to make his answer as follows : " Gentlemen, I perfectly understand the request you have made me from my adversary, who wrongfully keeps possession of my inheritance, which weighs much upon me. You will therefore tell him from me, if you please, that I have been on this spot near a twelvemonth : this he was well informed of, and, had he chosen it, might have come * here sooner ; but he has allowed me to remain so long, that I have expended very large sums of money, and have done so much that I must be master of Calais in a very short time : I am not therefore inclined, in the smallest degree, to comply with his request, or to gratify his convenience, or to abandon what I have gained, or what I have been so anxious to con- quer. If, therefore, neither he nor his army can pass this way, he must seek out some other road t." The four noblemen then returned, and were escorted as far as the bridge of Nieullet, and related to the king of France the king of England's answer. * " Bombardes, crossbowes, archers, springalles, and f By a letter from Edward to the archbishop of Can- other artillary." — Lord Berncrs. tcrbury, -svhieh is at length in Avesbury, pp. 162, &c. he 186 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Whilst the king of France was devising means to fight with the English, two cardinals, from Pope Clement, arrived as ambassadors in the camp. Immediately on their arrival, they visited each army, and exerted themselves so much that they procured a sort of truce ; during which time, four lords of each party were to meet, and endeavour to form a peace. On the part of the king of France were, nominated the duke of Burgundy, the duke of Bourbon, the lord Lewis of Savoy, and sir John of Hainault. The English commissioners were, the earl of Derby, the earl of Northampton, lord Reginald Cobham, and Sir Walter Manny *. The two cardinals were the most active persons in this business, going backwards and forwards from one army to the other. These commissioners were three days together ; and various propositions for peace were brought forward, though none took effect. During which time the king of England was strengthening his army, and making wide and deep ditches on the downs, to prevent the French from surprising him. When these three days were passed without any treaty being effected, the two cardinals went to St. Omer. The king of France, perceiving he could not in any way succeed, decamped on the morrow, and took the road to Amiens, where he disbanded all his troops, the men at arms, as well as those sent from the different towns. When the Calesians saw them depart, it gave them great grief. Some of the English fell on their rear, and captured horses, and waggons laden with wine and other things, as well as some prisoners ; all which they brought to their camp before Calais. CHAPTER CXLV. THE TOWN OF CALAIS SURRENDERS TO THE KING OF ENGLAND. After the departure of the king of France, with his army, from the hill of Sangate, the Calesians saw clearly that all hopes of succour were at an end ; which occasioned them so much sorrow and distress, that the hardiest could scarcely support it. They entreated, there- fore, most earnestly, the lord John de Vienne, their governor, to mount upon the battlements, and make a sign that he wished to hold a parley. The king of England, upon hearing this, sent to him sir Walter Manny and lord Basset. When they were come near, the lord de Vienne said to them, " Dear gentlemen, you who are very valiant knights, know that the king of France,*whose subjects we are, has sent us hither to defend this town and castle from all harm and damage : this we have done to the best of our abilities. All hopes of help have now left us, so that we are most exceedingly straitened ; and if the gallant king, your lord, have not pity upon us, we must perish with hunger f. I therefore entreat, that you would beg of him to have compassion on us, and to have the goodness to allow T us to depart in the state we are in, and that he will be satisfied with having possession of the town and castle, with all that is within them, as he will find therein riches enough to content him." To this sir Walter Manny replied : " John, we are not ignorant of what the king our lord's intentions are ; for he has told them to us : know then, that it is not his pleasure you should get off so • for he is resolved that you surrender yourselves solely to his will, to allow those whom he pleases their ransom, or to put them to death ; for the Calesians have done him so much mischief, and have, by their obstinate defence, cost him so many lives and so much money, that he is mightily enraged." The lord de Vienne answered : " These conditions are too hard for us. We are but a small number of knights and squires, who have loyally served our lord and master, as you would have done, and have suffered much ill and disquiet ; but we will endure more than any men ever did in a similar situation, before we consent that the smallest boy in the town should fare worse than the best. I therefore once more entreat you, out of compassion, to return to the king of England, and beg of him to have pity on us : he will, I trust, grant you this favour : for I have such an opinion of his gallantry as to hope, that, through God's mercy, he will alter his mind." The two lords returned to the king, says he accepted this challenge, hut that the enemy varied Giialtier of Manny," and it appears from Dugdale that be in his terms of acceptance, so that they could not agree; had a summons to parliament among the harons of the and that the French, setting fire to their tents, ran off realm, from the 21stto the 44th of this king's ve^gn, in- xvith precipitation, as if they had been defeated. elusive. — Ed. * The edition of D. Sauvage and lord Berners, here f " We must all dye or els enrage for famyn". — both term Sir Walter Manny " the Lorde (Monscigncur) Lord Bcrncrs. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 187 and related what had passed. The king said he had no intentions of complying with the request, but should insist that they surrendered themselves unconditionally to his will. Sir Walter replied : " My lord you may be to blame in this, as you will set us a very bad example ; for if you order us to go to any of your castles, we shall not obey you so cheerfully, if you put these people to death ; for they will retaliate upon us, in a similar case." Many barons who were then present supported this opinion. Upon which the king replied : " Gentlemen, I am not so obstinate as to hold my opinion alone against you all : sir Walter, you will inform the governor of Calais, that the only grace he must expect from me is, that six of the principal citizens of Calais march out of the town, with bare heads and feet, with ropes round their necks, and the keys of the town and castle in their hands. These six persons shall be at my absolute disposal, and the remainder of the inhabitants pardoned." Sir Walter returned to the lord de Yienne, who w r as waiting for him on the battlements, and told him all that he had been able to gain from the king. " I beg of you," replied the governor, "that you would be so good as to remain here a little, while I go and relate all that has passed to the townsmen ; for, as they have desired me to undertake this, it is but proper they should know the result of it." He went to the market-place, and caused the bell to be rung ; upon which all the inhabitants, men and women, assembled in the town- hall. He then related to them what he had said, and the answers he had received ; and that he could not obtain any conditions more favourable, to which they must give a short and immediate answer. This information caused the greatest lamentations and despair; so that the hardest heart would have had compassion on them ; even the lord de Vienne wept bitterly. After a short time, the most wealthy citizen of the town, by name Eustace de St. Pierre, rose up and said : " Gentlemen, both high and low, it would be a very great pity to suffer so many people to die through famine, if any means could be found to prevent it ; and it would be highly meritorious in the eyes of our Saviour, if such misery could be averted. I have such faith and trust in finding grace before God, if I die to save my townsmen, that I name myself as first of the six." When Eustace had done speaking, they all rose up and almost worshipped him : many cast themselves at his feet with tears and groans. Another citizen, very rich and respected, rose up and said, he would be the second to his companion, Eustace ; his name was John Daire. After him, James Wisant, who was very rich in merchandise and lands, offered himself, as companion to his two cousins ; as did Peter Wisant, his brother. Two others then named themselves, which completed the number demanded by the king of England. The lord John de Yienne then mounted a small hackney, for it was with difficulty that he could walk, and conducted them to the gate. There was the greatest sorrow and lamentation all over the town ; and in such manner were they attended to the gate, which the governor ordered to be opened, and then shut upon him and the six citizens, whom he led to the barriers, and said to sir Walter Manny, who was there waiting for him, " I deliver up to you, as governor of Calais, with the consent of the inhabitants, these six citizens ; and I swear to you that they were, and are at this day, the most wealthy and respectable inhabitants of Calais. I beg of you, gentle sir, that you would have the good- ness to beseech the king, that they may not be put to death/ 1 " I cannot answer for what the king will do with them," replied sir Walter, " but you may depend that I will do all in my power to save them." The barriers were opened, when these six citizens advanced towards the pavilion of the king, and the lord de Yienne re-entered the town. When sir Walter Manny had presented these six citizens to the king, they fell upon their knees, and, with uplifted hands, said, " Most gallant king, sec before you six citizens of Calais, who have been capital merchants, and who bring you the keys of the castle and of the town. We surrender ourselves to your absolute will and pleasure, in order to save the remainder of the inhabitants of Calais, who have suffered much distress and misery. Con- descend, therefore, out of your nobleness of mind, to have mercy and compassion upon us." All the barons, knights, and squires, that were assembled there in great numbers, wept at this sight. The king eyed them with angry looks, (for he hated much the people of Calais, for the great losses he had formerly suffered from them at sea,) and ordered their heads to be stricken off. All present entreated the king, that he would be more merciful to them, 18B CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. but he would not listen to them. Then sir Walter Manny said, " Ah, gentle king, let me beseech j^ou to restrain your anger : you have the reputation of great nobleness of soul, do not therefore tarnish it by such an act as this, nor allow any one to speak in a disgraceful manner of you. In this instance, all the world will say you have acted cruelly, if you put to death six such respectable persons, who, of their own free will, have surrendered them- selves to your mercy, in order to save their fellow-citizens." Upon this, the king gave a wink, saying, " Be it so," and ordered the headsman to be sent for ; for that the Calesians had done him so much damage, it was proper they should suffer for it. The queen of Eng- land, who at that time was very big with child, fell on her knees, and with tears said, " Ah, gentle sir, since I have crossed the sea with great danger to see you, I have never asked you one favour : now, I most humbly ask as a gift, for the sake of the Son of the blessed Mary, and for your love to me, that you will be merciful to these six men." The king looked at her for some time in silence, and then said ; " Ah, lady, I wish you had been anywhere else than here : you have entreated in such a manner that I cannot refuse you ; I therefore give them to you, to do as you please with them." The queen conducted the six citizens to her apartments, and had the halters taken from round their necks, after which she new clothed them, and served them with a plentiful dinner : she then presented each with six nobles, and had them escorted out of the camp in safety*. * " Froissart alone among his contemporaries relates this remarkable fact : and the simplicity of his style may give even to fable the appearance of truth. Edward was generous : he is here represented as a ferocious conqueror, whom love alone could soften, and who obstinately persists to punish a courage which he ought to have esteemed. The action of these six men, thus devoting themselves for their fellow-citizens, was sufficiently great to have been trumpeted through all France by the thousand and thou- eand voices of Fame. This action, however, brilliant as it was, and which the wretches driven out of Calais would have spoken of everywhere, was unknown in the capital. If it had been otherwise, the Chronicle of St. Denis, and other histories of 'he time, would not have been silent on the subject ; and yet not one mentions it. Avesbury, an Englishman and contemporary, who is very particular as to all the circumstances of the siege of Calais, is equally silent. Villani alone goes even beyond Froissart ; for he says, that Edward intended to hang all the citizens of Calais ; and he adds, they were all forced to abandon the town naked, all but their shirts. This falsehood should render the other parts of his recital doubtful. Froissart, an historian and poet, and who has too often expanded over history the privileges of poetry, has only embroidered a little what truth offered him. When the Calesians saw the retreat of Philip, they struck the flag which was flying on the great tower : John de Vienne ordered the gates to be opened, and left the town mounted on a small hackney, for he had been wounded. The warriors who accompanied him held their swords pointed to the ground ; and many of the citizens followed with halters round their necks, and with their heads and feet bare. Edward kept, as prisoners, the governor, fifteen knights, and some citizens ; but he did not send them to England, until he had loaded them with presents : he hastened to distribute food among the inhabitants who had remained in the town. We only see, in all these circumstances, the humiliation of the in- habitants, wishing by it to affect the conqueror, and the generosity of the prince. " Froissart supposes that the queen of England was melted into tears at the fate of these citizens, condemned by her husband, and that she humbled herself so as to cast herself at the feet of the inflexible conqueror to obtain their pardon ; aud we see, some days afterward, this queen, so generous, obtain, for her own profit, the confiscation of the houses of this John Daire, whose life, it is said, she saved. On the other hand, Edward is described as obsti- nately bent on having the venerable Eustace de St. Pierre beheaded ; and we see, shortly after, this same Eustace de St. Pierre overwhelmed, as it were, with gifts. The con- queror gives him houses, considerable pensions, and even deigns to express himself, that he only grants these first favours until he shall have more amply provided for him : they are recompenses by which he acknowledges before- hand the services this citizen may render him, either by keeping good order in the town of Calais, or in watching over its security. Here then is this famous St. Pierre, one day the hero, and the next the complaisant betrayer of his country ; one moment the object of the revenge and cruelty of Edward, the next of his confidence and favour. The interests of this prince forced him to a necessary rigour. He wished to preserve Calais, as it opened to him an en- trance into France ; and he could not leave their inhabit- ants too much attached to their own country not to hate its destroyer. Those who refused to swear fidelity to him were obliged to quit the town, and make room for a new population imported from England ; and this St. Pierre, this St. Pierre whose noble courage should have rendered him the most to be dreaded, is one of those whom the conqueror retains, and who is by him charged to overlook the conduct of others. "The English monarch certainly showed signs of severity. We see, by the letter he wrote to the archbishop of Canter- bury, that when Philip, encamped near to Calais, had de- manded, as a preliminary of peace, that the inhabitants should have liberty to quit the town with their fortunes, it was refused ; and when Edward granted to the humili- ation of the townsmen what he had refused to Philip, he only detained as prisoners some of the principal citizens ; but detaining them as prisoners is very different from hav- ing them put to death before his eyes. The king of France did not forsake the miserable Calesians when they were driven out of their town, but gave them all the offices which were then vacant in his realm, with powers to sell them, or exercise them by deputies. He also granted them landed or other estates that might escheat to the crown. But whether these resources came too late, or were insufficient ; whether the monarch met with contra- dictions in these acts of beneficence, it is asserted that a great number of the Calesians were reduced to beggary. La France sous les cinq Premiers Valois, par M. Levesque, pp. 518, &c. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 18}) CHAPTER CXLVI. THE KING OF ENGLAND RE-PEOPLES CALAIS. Thus had the strong town of Calais been besieged by king Edward of England, as you have heard, about St. John's day, in August in the year 1346, and surrendered about the end of August 1347. The king, after he had presented these six citizens to the queen, called to him sir Walter Manny, and his two marshals, the earls of Warwick and Stafford, and said to them, " My lords, here are the keys of the town and castle of Calais : go and take possession of them. You will put into prison the knights you may find there : but you will send out of the town all the other inhabitants, and all soldiers that may have come there to serve for pay ; as I am resolved to re-people the town with English alone." These three noblemen, with only one hundred men, went and took possession of Calais, and from the gates sent to prison the lord John de Surie, the lord John de Vienne, the lord John de Bellebourne, and other knights. They then ordered every sort of arms to be brought and piled in a heap in the market-place. They sent out of the town all ranks of people, retaining only one priest, and two other old men, that were well acquainted with the customs and usages of Calais, in order to point out the different properties, and gave direc- tions for the castle to be prepared for lodging the king and queen, and different hotels for their attendants. When this had been done, the king and queen mounted their steeds, and rode towards the town, which they entered at the sound of trumpets, drums, and all sorts of warlike instruments *. The king remained in it until the queen was brought to bed of a daughter, called Margaret f . The king gave to sir Walter Manny, lord Stafford, lord Warwick, sir Bartholomew Burghersh, and other knights, very handsome houses in Calais, that they might re-people it : and his intentions were, to send thither, on his return to England, thirty-six substantial citizens, with all their wealth, and to exert himself in such a manner that the inhabitants of the town should be wholly English : which he afterwards accomplished. The new town and fortifications, which had been built before Calais, were destroyed, as well as the castle upon the harbour, and the great boom which was thrown across was brought into the town. The king posted different persons to guard the gates, walls and towers of the town ; and what had been damaged he got repaired, which however was not soon done. The lord John de Vienne and his companions were sent to England ; they remained in London about half a year, and then were ransomed. In my opinion, it was a melancholy thing for the inhabitants of both sexes of the town of Calais, thus to be sent abroad, with their children, from their inheritances, leaving every thing behind ; for they were not allowed to carry off any of their furniture or wealth ; and they received no assistance from the king of France, for whom they had lost their all. They did, however, as well as they were able ; and the greater part went to St. Omer J. The cardinal Guy de Boulogne, who was come into France as ambassador, and was with his cousin king Philip in the city of Amiens, laboured so earnestly, that he obtained a truce between the two kings and their adherents, which was to last for two years. This truce was agreed to by all parties except the rivals for the duchy of Brittany ; but there the two ladies carried on the war against each other. The king and queen returned to England ; and sir Aymery de Pavie was appointed governor of the castle of Calais : he was a native of Lombardy, and had been much promoted by the king ||. The king sent the thirty-six substantial citizens with their wives and families to Calais : their number increased daily : * " Trumpets, tabours, nakquayres and homes." — to forsake their houses, herytages and goodes, and to bere Lord Berners. away nothing ; and tbey had no restorcment of the frenchc f Margaret of Calais was married to tlie lord John kyng foi whose sake they lost all. The most part of them Hastings, earl of Pembroke, but died before her husband, went to Saynt Omers." — Ed. without issue Barnes. \\ Sir John Montgomery was appointed governor of the % We subjoin Lord Berners' version of this passage; town of Calais, the 8th October 1347, by the king at it is much more striking and affecting. " We thynke it Calais ; sir John Gattesden was at the same time nomi- was great pyte of the burgesses and other men of the towne nated marshal of the town. — Rymer. f'f Calys and women and chyldren, whan they were fayne 190 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. for he multiplied and enlarged their privileges so much, that many were eager to go there, in order to gain fortunes*. About this time the lord Charles of Blois, who called himself duke of Brittany, was brought prisoner to London. He was sent to the Tower, but not as a close prisoner, where the king of Scotland and the earl of Moray were also confined. He did not, however, long remain there, but at the entreaties of the queen of England, to whom he was cousin german, was set at liberty on his parole, and rode all over London wherever he pleased ; but he was not permitted to lie a night out of the tower, except it was in such places where the royal family were f. The earl of Eu and of Guines was also in London a prisoner : he was a very gallant knight, and so amiable that he was always w^ell received by the king, queen, barons, and ladies of the court. CHAPTER CXLVII A ROBBER, OF THE NAME OF BACON, DOES MUCH MISCHIEF IN LANGUEDOC. All this year of the truce, the two kings remained at peace. But lord William Douglas, and the Scots, who had taken refuge in the forest of Jedworth, carried on the war against the English, wherever they could meet with them. Those in Gascony, Poitou, and Saintonge, as well French as English, did not observe the truce any better, but conquered towns and castles from each other, by force or intrigue, and ruined and destroyed the country day and night. There were frequently gallant deeds of arms performed, with alternate success. Poor rogues took advantage of such times, and robbed both towns and castles ; so that some of them, becoming rich, constituted themselves captains of bands of thieves : there were among them those worth forty thousand crowns. Their method was, to mark out particular towns or castles, a day or two's journey from each other : they then collected twenty or thirty robbers, and, travelling through by-roads in the night-time, entered the town or castle they had fixed on about day-break, and set one of the houses on fire. When the inhabitants perceived it, they thought it had been a body of forces sent to destroy them, and took to their heels as fast as they could J. The town of Donzere§ w^as treated in this manner ; and many other towns and castles were taken, and afterwards ransomed. Among other robbers in Languedoc, one had marked out the strong castle of Cobourne in Limosin, which is situated in a very strong country. He set oft' in the night-time with thirty com- panions, took and destroyed it. He seized also the lord of Cobourne, whom he imprisoned in his -own castle, and put all his household to death. He kept him in prison until he * An ancient manuscript gives the annexed establish- ment of the army of king Edward III. in Normandy and before Calais, in the 20th year cf his reign, with their several stipends : At per diem. £. s. d. My lord the prince . . .10 0 Bishop of Durham . . ..068 13 earls, each . . .068 44 barons and bannerets . ..040 1046 knights . . . .020 4022 esquires, constables, centenary, and leaders . . .010 5104 vintenars and archers on horseback .006 335 pauncenars 500 hobblers 15,480 foot archers . .003 314 masons, carpenters, smiths, engineers, tent-makers, miners, armourers, gun- ners, and artillerymen, — some at 12d., 10d., 6d., and 3d. per diem. 4474 Welsh foot, of whom 200 vintenars at 0 0 4 The rest at . . .002 700 masters, constables, mariners, and pages 900 ships, barges, balingers, and victuallers Sam total for the aforesaid men, besides lords, 31 ,294/. ; and for some men from Germany and France, who each receive for their wages 15 florins per month. The sum total of the wages of war, with the wages of the mariners, from the 4th day of June, in the 20th of the said king Edward, to the 12th day of October in the 21st of the same king, for one year, 131 days, as appears from the book of particular accounts of Walter Went- waght, then treasurer of the household, entitled, " Wages of War in Normandy, France, and before Calais," was 127,201/. 2s. 9±d. — Grose's Military Antiquities, vol. i. p. 330. •f* George de Lesnen, physician to Charles de Blois, and Oliver de Bignon, his valet de chambre, affirm their master was closely confined for two years ; that he was shut up every night in the tower, from whence he only came out to walk in the court of the castle, where the English soldiers insulted him ; and that he never mounted a horse during these two years. — Hist, de Bretagne, p. 278. % Lord Berners here adds, " and thanne these brigant wolde breke up cofers and houses and robbe and take what they lyste, and fiye away whan they had done." — Ed. § A town of Dauphin^, on the Rhone, election of Montelimart. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 191 ransomed himself for twenty-four thousand crowns paid down. The robber kept possession of the castle and its dependencies, which he furnished with provisions, and thence made war upon all the country round about. The king of France, shortly afterwards, was desirous of having him near his person : he purchased the castle of him for twenty thousand crowns, appointed him his usher at arms, and heaped on him many other honours. The name of this robber was Bacon, and he was always mounted on handsome horses of a deep roan colour, or on large palfreys, apparelled like an earl, and very richly armed ; and this state he maintained as long as he lived. CHAPTER CXLVIII. A PAGE, OF THE NAME OF CROQJJART, TURNS ROBBER. There were similar disorders in Brittany ; and robbers carried on the like methods of seizing and pillaging different towns and castles, and then selling them back again to the country at a dear rate : by which means many of their leaders became very rich. Among others, there was one of the name of Croquart, who was originally but a poor boy, and had been page to the lord d'Ercle in Holland. When this Croquart arrived at manhood, he had his discharge, and went to the wars in Brittany, where he attached himself to a man at arms, and behaved very well. It happened, that in some skirmish his master was taken and slain ; when, in recompense for his prowess, his companions elected him their leader in the place of his late master : he then made such profit by ransoms, and the taking of towns and castles, that he was said to be worth full forty thousand crowns, not including his horses, of which he had twenty or thirty, very handsome and strong, and of a deep roan colour. He had the reputation of being the most expert man at arms of the country, was chosen to be one of the thirty that engaged against a similar number, and was the most active combatant on the side of the English *. King John of France made him the offer of knighting him, and * I have been much surprised that Eroissart, who in general is so very minute in relating every transaction, should have omitted an account of this extraordinary engagement. The relation of it which follows is taken from the Histoire de Bretagne, vol. i. p. 280. After the death of sir Thomas Dagge worth, the king appointed sir Walter Bently commander in Brittany. The English being much irritated at the death of Dagge- worth, and not being able to revenge themselves on those who slew him, did so on the whole country by burning and destroying it. The marshal de Beaumanoir, desirous of putting a stop to this, sent to Berubro, who commanded in Ploermel, for a passport, to hold a conference with him. The marshal reprobated the conduct of the English, and high words passed between them ; for Bembro had been the companion in arms to Daggeworth. At last one of them proposed a combat of thirty on each side : the place appointed for it was at the halfway oak-tree between Josselin and Ploermel ; and the day was fixed for the 27th March, the fourth Sunday in Lent, 1351. Beaumanoir chose nine knights and twenty-one squires : the first were, the lord de Tinteniac, Guy de Rochefort, Yves C'harruel, Robin Raguenel, Huon de St. Yvon, Caro de Bodegat, Olivier Arrel, Geoft'iy du Bois, John Rousselet, &c. Bembro could not find a sufficient number of English in his garrison ; there were but twenty, the remainder were Germans and Bretons. Among them were, sir Robeit Knolles, Croquart, Herve de Lexualen, John Plesanton, Richard and Hugh le Gaillart, Jannequin Taillart, Resse- fort, Richard de la Lande, Thomelin Billefort, Hugh Cal- verly, Robinet Melipars, Yfrai or Isannai, John Russel, Dagorne, and a soldier, named Hulbitee, of a very large size, and of great strength, &c. Bembro first entered the field of battle, and drew up his troop. Beaumanoir did the same. Each made a short harangue to his men, exhort- ing them to support their own honour and that of their nation. Bembro added, there was an old prophecy of Merlin, which promised victory to the English. As they were on the point of engaging, Bembro made a sign to Beauma- noir he wished to speak to him, and represented he had engaged in this matter rather imprudently ; for such com bats ought first to have had the permission of their respec- tive princes. Beaumanoir replied he had been somewhat late in discovering this ; and the nobility of Brittany would not return without having proved by battle who had the fairest mistresses. The signal was given for the attack. Their arms were not similar ; for each was to choose such as he liked. Billefort fought with a mallet 251bs. weight, and others with what arms they chose. The advantage, at first, was for the English ; as the Bretons had lost five of their men. Beaumanoir exhorted them not to mind this, as they stopped to take breath ; when, each party having had some refreshments, the combat was renewed. Bembro was killed. On seeing this, Croquart cried out; " Companions, don't let us think of the prophe- cies of Merlin, but depend on our courage and arms ; keep yourselves close together, be firm, and fight as I do.'' Beaumanoir, being wounded, was quitting the field to quench his thirst, when Geoffry du Bois cried out, " Beaumanoir, drink thy blood, and thy thirst will go off." This made him ashamed, and return to the battle. The Bretons at last gained the day, by one of their party breaking on horseback the ranks of the English ; the greater part of whom were killed. Knolles, Calverly, and Croquart, were made prisoners, and carried to the castle of Josselin. Tinteniac, on the side of the Bretons, and Croquart, on the English, obtained the prize of valour. Such was the issue of this famous combat of Thi'rty, so glorious to the Bretons, but which decided nothing as to the possession of the duchy of Brittany. 192 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. marrying him very richly, if he would quit the English party, and promised to give him two thousand livres a year ; but Croquart would never listen to it. It chanced one day, as he was riding a young horse, which he had just purchased for three hundred crowns, and was putting him to his full speed, that the horse ran away with him, and in leaping a ditch, stumbled into it, and broke his master's neck. Such was the end of Croquart. CHAPTER CXLIX. SIR AYMERY DE PAVIE PLOTS WITH SIR GEOFFRY DE CHARGNY, TO SELL THE TOWN OF CALAIS. At this time sir Geoffry de Chargny was stationed at St. Omer, to defend the frontier ; and, in every thing touching war, he acted as if he had been king. He bethought himself, that as Lombards are very poor # , and by nature avaricious, he would attempt to recover the town of Calais, by means of Aymery de Pavie the governor : and as, from the terms of the truce, the inhabitants of the towns of St. Omer and Calais might go to each place to sell their different merchandises, sir Geoffry entered into a secret treaty with sir Aymery, and succeeded so far that he promised to deliver up the town, on receiving twenty thousand crowns. The king of England, however, got intelligence of it, and sent to Aymery the Lombard, orders to cross the sea immediately, and come to him at Westminster. He obeyed ; for he could not imagine that the king knew of his treason, it had been so secretly carried on. When the king saw the Lombard, he took him aside, and said ; " Thou knowest that J have intrusted to thee what I hold dearest in this world, except my wife and childien, I mean the town and castle of Calais, which thou hast sold to the French; and for which thou deservest death." The Lombard flung himself on his knees, and said ; " Ah, gentle king, have mercy on me, for God's sake. All that you have said is very true ; but there is yet time to break the bargain, for hitherto I have not received one penny." The king had brought up this Lombard from a child, and much loved him : he replied, " Aymery, it is my wish that you continue on this treaty : you will inform me of the day that you are to deliver up Calais ; and on these conditions I promise you my pardon." The Lombard then returned to Calais, and kept every thing secret. In the mean time, sir Geoffry de Chargny thought himself sure of having Calais, and issued out privately his summons for five hundred lances : the greater part were ignorant where he intended to lead them ; for it was only known to a few barons. I do not believe he had even informed the king of France of his plan, as he would have dissuaded him from it, on account of the truce. The Lombard had consented to deliver up the town to him, the last night of the year, with which he made the king of England acquainted by means of his brother f. CHAPTER CL. THE BATTLE OF CALAIS, BETWEEN THE KING OF ENGLAND, UNDER THE BANNER OF SIR WALTER MANNY, WITH SIR GEOFFRY DE CHARGNY AND THE FRENCH. When the king of England was informed of this, and knew that the day was for a certainty fixed, he set out from England with three hundred men at arms and six hundred archers. He embarked at Dover, and came so privately to Calais, that no one knew of his being there. He placed his men in ambuscade in the rooms and towers of the castle, and said to sir Walter Manny, " Sir Walter, I will that you be chief of this enterprise ; and I and my son will fight under your banner." Sir Geoffry de Chargny had left St. Omer the latter end of * Poverty was not the general characteristic of the Edward's confidence : I therefore think,with M.Levesque, Lomhards, however justly they may be charged with that Aveshury's account is more probable. " Dictus vero avarice ; Lord Berners and D. Sauvage's ed. allude only genuensis nolens prodere regem Anglorum dominum to the latter. — Ed. suum Aurum tamen sibi promissum cupiens f Sir Aymery de Pavie was appointed commander of inibursare, cum eodem domino Galfrido pacifice loquens, the galleys by the king, dated Westminster, 24tb April in dolo suis sua&ionjbus callidis adquievit."- -Avesbury y 1348.— Sir Aymery does not seem to have forfeited p. 180. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 193 December, with all the forces he had collected, and arrived near to Calais about midnioht the last day of the month. He halted there for his rear to come up, and sent forward two of his squires, who found sir Aymery waiting for them ; they asked, if it were time for sir Geoffry to advance? the Lombard answered, that it was. The two squires upon this returned to sir Geoffry, who marched his men in battle array over the bridge of Nieullet • he then sent forward twelve of his knights, with one hundred men at arms, to take possession of the castle of Calais ; for he thought, if he had possession of the castle, he should soon be master of the town, considering what strength he had with him ; and, in a few days' time, he could have as much more, should there be occasion. He gave orders for twenty thousand crowns to be delivered to sir Odoart de Renty, who was in this expedition, for him to pay the Lombard ; and sir Geoffry remained in the plain in silence, his banner displayed before him, with the rest of his army ; for his intention was to enter the town by one of its gates, otherwise he would not enter it at all. The Lombard had let down the draw-bridge of the castle, and opened one of the o- a tes, through which his detachment entered unmolested; and sir Odoart had given him the twenty thousand crowns in a bag, who said, " he supposed they were all there ; for he had not time to count them, as it would be day immediately." He flung the bag of crowns into a room, which he locked, and told the French he would conduct them to the great tower, that they might the sooner be masters of the castle : in saying this, he advanced on, and pushing back the bolt, the door flew open. In this tower was the king of England with two hundred lances, who sallied forth, with swords and battle-axes in their hands, crying out, " Manny ! Manny ! to the rescue : what, do these Frenchmen think to conquer the castle of Calais with such a handful of men !" The French saw that no defence could save them, so they surrendered themselves prisoners ; and scarcely any of them were wounded. They were made to enter this tower, whence the English had sallied, and there shut in. The English quitted the castle, and, forming themselves in array, mounted their hors.is, for they knew the French were mounted, and made for the gate leading to Boulogne. Sir Geoffry was there with his banner displayed ; his arms were three escutcheons argent on a field gules, and he was very impatient to be the first that should enter Calais. He said to those knights who were near him, that " if this Lombard delayed opening the gate, they should all die with cold." " In God's name," replied sir Pepin de Werre, " these Lom- bards are a malicious sort of people ; perhaps he is examining your florins, lest there should be any false ones, and to see if they be right in number." During this conversation, the king of England and his son advanced, under the banner of sir "Walter Manny. There were many other banners also there, such as the earl of Suffolk's, the lord Stafford's, lord John Mountacute's, brother to the earl of Salisbury, the lord John Beauchamp's, the lord Berkeley's, the lord de la Waae : all these were barons having banners : and no more than these were in this expedition. The great gates were soon opened, and they all sallied out : when the French sa w this, and heard the cries of " Manny to the rescue !" they found they had been betrayed ; and sir Geoffry said to those around them, " Gentlemen, if we fly, we shall lose all : it will be more advantageous for us to fight valiantly, in the hopes that the day may be ours." t; By St. George," said some of the English, who were near enough to hear it, " you speak truth : evil befal him who thinks of flying." They then retreated a little, and dismounted, driving their horses away, to avoid being trampled on. When the king of England saw this, he halted the banner under which he was, and said, " I would have the men drawn up here in order of battle ; and let a good detachment be sent towards the bridge of Nieullet ; for I have heard that there is posted a large body of French, on horseback and on foot." Six banners and three hundred archers left his army, and made for the bridge of Nieullet, where they found the lord Moreau de Fiennes, and the lord of Crequi, who guarded it. There was also posted, between the bridge and Calais, the cross-bowmen from St. Omer and Aire, who had that day sharp work : more than six hundred were slain or drowned ; for they were immediately discomfited, and pursued to the river : it was then scarcely day-break. The knights of Picardy maintained this post some time ; and many gallant actions were performed ; but the English kept increasing from the town, when, on the contrary, the o 194 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. French fell off, so that when they found they could not longer keep the bridge, those that had horses mounted them, and betook themselves to flight. The English immediately pursued them, and many were overthrown : but those that were well-mounted escaped ; among them were the lords de Fiennes, de Crequi, de Sempy, de Lonchinleich, and the lord of Namur. Many were taken through their own hardiness, who might otherwise have Battle of Calais, between the King of England (under Sir Walter de Manny) and the French. — From a MS. Froissart, of the 15th century. saved themselves. When it was broad day-light, that each could see the other, some knights and squires collected themselves together, and vigorously attacked the English, insomuch that several of the French made good prisoners, that brought them much profit.* We will now speak of the king of England, who was there incognito, under sir Walter Manny's banner. Fie advanced with his men on foot, to meet the enemy, who were formed in close order with their pikes, shortened to five feet, planted out before them. The first attack was very sharp and severe. The king singled out sir Eustace de Ribeaumont, who was a strong and hardy knight : he fought a long time marvellously well with the king, so that it was a pleasure to see them ; but, by the confusion of the engagement, they were separated ; for two large bodies met, where they were fighting, and forced them to break off their combat. On the side of the French, there was excellent fighting by sir Geoffry de Chargny, sir John de Landas, sir Hector and sir Gavin Ballieul, and others; but they were all surpassed by sir Eustace de Ribeaumont, who that day struck the king twice down on his knees : at last, however, he was obliged to surrender his sword to the king, saying, " Sir * Both honour and profit.— -Lord Berners. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. 105 knight, I surrender myself your prisoner, for the honour of the day must fall to the Enolish." All that belonged to sir Geoffry de Chargny were either slain or captured : among the first were sir Henry du Bois, and sir Pepin de Werre : sir Geoffry and the rest were taken prisoners. The last that was taken, and who in that day had excelled all, w r as sir Eustace de Ribeaumont. This business was finished under the walls of Calais, the last day of December, towards morning, in the year of grace 1348. CHAPTER CLI. THE KING OF ENGLAND PRESENTS A CHAPLET OF PEARLS TO SIR EUSTACE DE RIBEAUMONT. When the engagement was over, the king returned to the castle in Calais, and ordered all the prisoners to be brought before him. The French then knew for the first time that the king of England had been there in person, under the banner of sir Walter Manny. The king said he would, this evening of the new year, entertain them all at supper, in the castle. When the hour for supper was come, the tables spread, and the king and his knights dressed in new robes, as well as the French, who, notwithstanding they were prisoners, made good cheer (for the king wished it should be so) : the king seated himself at table, and made those knights do the same around him, in a most honourable manner. The gallant prince of Wales, and the knights of England, served up the first course, and waited on their guests. At the second course, they went and seated themselves at another table, where they were served and attended on very quietly. When supper was over, and the tables removed, the king remained in the hall, among the English and French knights, bareheaded, except a chaplet of fine pearls, which was round his head. He conversed with all of them : but, when he came to sir Geoffry de Chargny, his countenance altered, and looking at him askance, he said, " Sir Geoffry, I have but little reason to love you, when you wished to seize from me by stealth, last night, what had given me so much trouble to acquire, and has cost me such sums of money. I am, however, rejoiced, to have caught you thus in attempting it. You were desirous of gaining it cheaper than I did, and thought you could purchase it for twenty thousand crowns ; but, through God's assistance, you have been disappointed." He then passed on, and left sir Geoffry standing, without having a word to say for himself. When he came to sir Eustace de Ribeaumont, he assumed a cheerful look, and said, with a smile ; " Sir Eustace, you are the most valiant knight in Christendom, that I ever saw attack his enemy, or defend himself. I never yet found any one in battle, who, body to body, had given me so much to do as you have done this day. I adjudge to you the prize of valour above all the knights of my court, as what is justly due to you." The king then took off the chaplet, which was very rich and handsome, and placing it on the head of sir Eustace, said ; " Sir Eustace, I present you with this chaplet, as being the best combatant this day, either within or without doors ; and I beg of you to wear it this year for love of me. I know that you are lively and amorous, and love the company of ladies and damsels ; therefore, say wherever you go, that I gave it to you. I also give you your liberty, free of ransom ; and you may set out to-morrow, if you please, and go whither you will # . In this same year, 1349, king Philip of France married his second wife, at Brie-comte- Robert t, on Tuesday the 29th day of January. She was the lady Blanche, daughter of * Mr. Johnes seems to have missed the exact sense of the kyng toke the chapelet that was upon his heed beyng this passage ; the proclaiming the giver of the chaplet, bothe fayre goodly and ryche, and sayd, Sir Eustace, I was the condition on which the knight's liberty was gyue you this chapelet for the best doar in armes in this granted. The passage in Lord Berners is as follows journey past of eyther party, and I de3yre you to bere it " Than the kynge came to Syr Eustace of Rybamont and this yer.e for the loue of me. I knowe well ye be frosshe iously to hym he sayd, Sir Eustace ye are the knyght in and amourouse, and often tymes be among ladyes and the worlde that I have sene most valyant assayle his damoselles ; Say ivhersoever ye come that I dyd gyue ennemyes and defende himself, nor I never founde knyght it you and I quyte you your prison and ransome, and that euer gaue me so moche ado, body to body, as ye ye shall depart tomorrowe if it please you." — Ed. liaue done this day ; wherefore I gyue you the price aboiie t A market-town of Brie-Fi anqaise, diocse and election all the knightes of my court by right sentenoe. Thau of Paris, seven leagues from Paris. o 2 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c Philip king of Navarre, who had died in Spain, was very well beloved, and about eighteen years old. On the 19th of the following February, which was Shrovetide, the duke of Normandy, eldest son of the king of France, was married at St. Genevieve, near St. Germain- en-Laye, to his second wife, Jane countess of Boulogne : she was the widow of the lord Philip, son of the duke of Burgundy, who died before Aiguillon, 1346. The countess was the daughter of earl William of Boulogne, by the daughter of Louis earl of Evreux, and held in her own right the duchy of Burgundy, the counties of Artois, Boulogne and Auvergne, with many others. ADDITIONS, From two MSS. in the Hafod Library, not in any of the Printed Copies. You have heard related how the young earl Lewis of Flanders had been betrothed to the lady Isabella, daughter of king Edward of England, and that afterwards he had escaped from Flanders into France, where he was joyfully received by the king and his barons, who told him he had acted wisely, for that such forced marriages were of no avail : and the king added, that he would otherwise ally him more to his honour and profit. Things remained in this state for about a year. Duke J ohn of Brabant w T as not much displeased at this ; for he was desirous of marrying the young count of Flanders to his second daughter, the eldest being countess of Hainault. He sent ambassadors to king Philip, to intreat he would con- sent to the match between the count of Flanders and his daughter ; that, if he consented, he would in future be his good neighbour, and that neither he nor any of his children would ever bear arms again for the king of England. The king of France, who knew the duke of Brabant to be a powerful lord, that could hurt or assist him according to his pleasure, listened to his proposal in preference to any other, and let the duke know, that if he could prevail on the states of Flanders to consent to this marriage, he would be agreeable to it, and would press it on the earl. The duke, in his answer, engaged for the consent of the states. He instantly sent able commissioners to the principal towns, to negotiate with them this marriage : he treated, as I may say, sword in hand ; for he gave them to understand, that if they married the young earl otherwise, he would instantly declare war against them ; and, on the contrary, if they complied with his desire, he would unite himself strongly with them, and defend them against any other lords. The councils of the principal towns heard with attention the proposals and promises the duke of Brabant, their neighbour, made them. They knew their young lord was not within their power, but under the direction of the king of France and the lady his mother, and that his heart was entirely French. Upon mature consideration, therefore, they thought, that as the duke of Brabant was a very powerful prince, and of great enterprise, it would be much more advantageous to conclude a match with him than with any one else ; for by it they would enjoy peace, and have their lord again among them, which they very much desired. The business was so well arranged that the young earl of Flanders was brought to the city of Arras, whither the duke of Brabant sent his eldest son, the lord Godfrey earl of Mons, the earl of Los, and all his council. The principal towns of' Flanders sent thither also their magistrates. Many conferences were held ; and the young earl and his countrymen engaged for his marriage with the daughter of the duke of Brabant, provided it were agreeable to the church. This had been already secured, and the dispensation from the pope was arrived. Not long after this, the young earl came to Flanders, where all due homage was paid him ; and greater powers were granted to him than even his father, or any of his predecessors, had enjoyed. The earl married the duke's daughter ; and, by the marriage-arti'cles, the towns of Mechlin and Antwerp were to revert to the earl of Flanders, after the death of the duke ; but this treaty was so secretly managed, that few heard of it. The duke gave so much to his daughter, that great wars were the consequence between Flanders and Brabant in after times, as you will hear : but, as this is not as yet the subject-matter of my history, I shall briefly state, that the king of England was sorely vexed with all parties for this marriage : CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 197 with the duke of Brabant, because he was his cousin-german, and had carried off from his daughter the heir of Flanders, to whom she had been betrothed ; with the carl, because he had broken his engagement with him , respecting his daughter. The duke sent, however, very prudent and handsome apologies ; as did afterwards the earl of Flanders. About this period, there was much ill will between the king of England and the Spaniards, on account of some infractions and pillages committed at sea by the lattar. It happened at this season, that the Spaniards who had been in Flanders with their merchan- dize, were informed they would not be able to return home, without meeting the English fleet. The Spaniards did not pay much attention to this intelligence : however, after they had disposed of their goods, they amply provided their ships from Sluys with arms and artillery, and all such archers, cross-bowmen and soldiers as were willing to receive pay. The king of England hated these Spaniards greatly, and said publicly : " We have for a long time spared these people ; for which they have done us much harm ; without amending their conduct : on the contrary, they grow more arrogant ; for which reason they must be chastised as they repass our coasts." His lords readily assented to this proposal, and were eager to engage the Spaniards. The king therefore issued a special summons to all gentlemen who at that time might be in England, and left London. He went to the coast of Sussex, between Southampton and Dover, which lies opposite to Ponthieu and Dieppe, and kept his court in a monastery, whither the queen also came. At this time and place, that gallant knight, lord Robert de Namur, who was lately returned from beyond sea, joined the king : he came just in time to be one of this armament ; and the king was exceedingly pleased at his arrival. On finding that he was not too late to meet the Spaniards on their return, the king, with his nobles and knights, embarked on board his fleet ; and he was never attended by so numerous a company in any of his former expeditions at sea. This same year the king created his cousin, Henry earl of Derby, duke of Lancaster, and the baron of Stafford an earl, who were now both with him. The prince of Wales and John earl of Richmond were likewise on board the fleet : the last was too young to bear arms, but he had him on board because he much loved him. There were also in this fleet, the earls of Arundel, Northampton, Hereford, Suffolk, and Warwick, the lord Reginald Cobham, sir Walter Manny, sir Thomas Holland, sir Lewis Beauchamp, sir James Audley, sir Bartho- lomew Burghersh, the lords Percy, Mowbray, Neville, Roos, de Di/ort, de Gastrode, de Berder, and many others. There were four hundred knights ; nor was he ever attended by a larger company of great lords. The king kept the sea with his vessels ready prepared for action, and to wait for the enemy, who was not long before he appeared. He kept cruising for three days between Dover and Calais. When the Spaniards had completed their cargoes, and laden their vessels with linen cloths, and whatever they imagined would be profitable in their own country, they embarked on board their fleet at Sluys. They knew they should meet the English, but were indifferent about it ; for they had marvellously provided themselves with all sorts of warlike ammunition ; such as bolts for cross-bows, cannon, and bars of forged iron to throw on the enemy, in hopes, with the assistance of great stones, to sink him. When they weighed anchor, the wind was favourable for them : there were forty large vessels of such a size, and so beautiful, it was a fine sight to see them under sail. Near the top of their masts were small castles, full of flints and stones, and a soldier to guard them ; and there also was the flag-staff, from whence fluttered their streamers in the wind, that it was pleasant to look at them. If the English had a great desire to meet them, it seemed as if the Spaniards were still more eager for it, as will hereafter appear. The Spaniards were full ten thousand men, including all sorts of soldiers they had enlisted when in Flanders : this made them feel sufficient courage not to fear the combat with the king of England, and whatever force he might have at sea. Intending to engage the English fleet, they advanced with a favourable wind until they came opposite to Calais. The king of England being at sea, had very distinctly explained to all his knights the order of battle he would have them follow : he had appointed the lord Robert 198 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. de Namur to the command of a ship called Le Salle du Roi, on board of which was all his household. The king posted himself in the fore part of his own ship : he was dressed in a black velvet jacket, and wore on his head a small hat of beaver, which became him much. He was that day, as I was told by those who were present, as joyous as he ever was in his life, and ordered his minstrels to play before him a German dance which sir John Chandos had lately introduced. For his amusement, he made the same knight sing with his minstrels, which delighted him greatly. From time to time he looked up to the castle on his mast, where he had placed a watch to inform him when the Spaniards were in sight. Whilst the king was thus amusing himself with his knights, who were happy in seeing him so gay, the watch, who had observed a fleet, cried out, " Ho, I spy a ship, and it appears to me to be a Spaniard." The minstrels were silenced ; and he was asked if there were more than one : soon after he replied, " Yes ; I see two, three, four, and so many that, God help me, I cannot count them." The king and his knights then knew they must be the Spaniards. The trumpets were ordered to sound, and the ships to form a line of battle for the combat ; as they were aware that, since the enemy came in such force, it could not be avoided. It was, however, rather late, about the hour of vespers. The king ordered wine to be brought, which he and his knights drank ; when each fixed their helmets on their heads. The Spaniards now drew near ; they might easily have refused the battle, if they had chosen it, for they were well freighted, in large ships, and had the wind in their favour. They could have avoided speaking with the English, if they had willed, but their pride and presumption made them act otherwise. They disdained to sail by, but bore instantly down on them, and commenced the battle. When the king of England saw from his ship their order of battle, he ordered the person who managed his vessel, saying, " Lay me alongside the Spaniard who is bearing down on us ; for I will have a tilt with him." The master dared not disobey the king's order, but laid his ship ready for the Spaniard, who was coming full sail. The king's ship was large and stiff ; otherwise she would have been sunk, for that of the enemy was a great one, and the shock of their meeting was more like the crash of a torrent or tempest ; the rebound caused the castle in the king's ship to encounter that of the Spaniard : so that the mast of the latter was broken, and all in the castle fell with it into the sea, when they were drowned. The English vessel, however, suffered, and let in water, which the knights cleared, and stopped the leak, without telling the king any thing of the matter. Upon examining the vessel he had engaged lying before him, he said ; " Grapple my ship with that ; for I will have possession of her." His knights replied ; " Let her go her way : you shall have better than her." That vessel sailed on, and another large ship bore down, and grappled with chains and hooks to that of the king. The fight now began in earnest, and the archers and cross-bows on each side were eager to shoot and defend themselves. The battle was not in one place, but in ten or twelve at a time. Whenever either party found themselves equal to the enemy, or superior, they instantly grappled, when grand deeds of arms were performed. The English had not any advantage ; and the Spanish ships were much larger and higher than their opponents, which gave them a great superiority in shooting and casting stones and iron bars on board their enemy, which annoyed them exceedingly. The knights on board the king's ship were in danger of sinking, for the leak still admitted water : this made them more eager to conquer the vessel they were grappled to : many gallant deeds were done ; and at last they gained the ship, and flung all they found in it overboard, having quitted their own ship. They continued the combat against the Spaniards, who fought valiantly, and whose cross-bowmen shot such bolts of iron as greatly distressed the English. This sea-fight, between the English and Spaniards, was well and hardly fought : but, as night was coming on, the English exerted themselves to do their duty well, and discomfit their enemies. The Spaniards, who are used to the sea, and were in large ships, acquitted them- selves to the utmost of their power. The young prince of Wales and his division were engaged apart : his ship was grappled by a great Spaniard, when he and his knights suffered much ; for she had so many holes, that the water came in very abundantly, and they could CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND FRANCE, &c. not by any means stop the leaks, which gave the crew fears of her sinking, they therefore did all they could to conquer the enemy's ship, but in vain ; for she was very large, and excellently well defended. During this danger of the prince, the duke of Lancaster came near, and, as he approached, saw he had the worst of the engagement, and that his crew had too much on their hands, for they were baling out water : he therefore fell on the other side of the Spanish vessel, with which he grappled, shouting, "Derby to the rescue!" The engagement was now very warm, but did not last long, for the ship was taken, and all the crew thrown overboard, not one being saved. The prince, with his men, instantly embarked on board the Spaniard ; and scarcely had they done so when his own vessel sunk, which convinced them of the imminent danger they had been in. The engagement was in other parts well contested by the English knights, who exerted themselves, and need there was of it, for they found those who feared them not. Late in the evening, the Salle du Roi, commanded by lord Robert de Namur, was grappled by a large Spaniard, and the light was very severe. The Spaniards were determined to gain this ship ; and, the more effectually to succeed in carrying her off, they set all their sails, took advantage of the wind, and in spite of what lord Robert and his crew could do, towed her out of the battle : for the Spaniard was of a more considerable size than the lord Robert's ship, and therefore she more easily conquered. As they were thus towed, they passed near the king's ship, to whom they cried out, " Rescue the Salle du Roi," but were not heard ; for it was dark ; and, if they were heard, they were not rescued. The Spaniards would have carried away with ease this prize, if it had not been for a gallant act of one Ilanequin, a servant to the lord Robert, who, with his drawn sword on his wrist, leaped on board the enemy, ran to the mast, and cut the large cable which held the main sail, by which it became unmanageable ; and with great agility, he cut other four principal ropes, so that the sails fell on the deck, and the course of the ship w T as stopped. Lord Robert seeing this, advanced with his men, and, boarding the Spaniard sword in hand, attacked the crew so vigorously, that all were slain or thrown overboard, and the vessel won. I cannot speak of every particular circumstance of this engagement. It lasted a consider- able time ; and the Spaniards gave the king of England and his fleet enough to do. However, at last, victory declared for the English : the Spaniards lost fourteen ships ; the others saved themselves by flight *. When it was completely over, and the king saw he had none to fight with, he ordered his trumpets to sound a retreat, and made for England. They anchored at Rye and Winchelsea a little after nightfall, when the king, the prince of Wales, the duke of Lancaster, the earl of Richmond and other barons, disembarked, took horses in the town, and rode to the mansion where the queen was, scarcely two English leagues distant. The queen was mightily rejoiced on seeing her lord and children : she had suffered that day great afflic- tion from her doubts of success ; for her attendants had seen from the hills of the coast the whole of the battle, as the weather was fine and clear, and had told the queen, who was very anxious to learn the number of the enemy, that the Spaniards had forty large ships : she was therefore much comforted by their safe return. The king, with those knights who had attended him, passed the night in revelry with the ladies, conversing of arms and amours. On the morrow, the greater part of his barons who had been in this engagement, came to him : he greatly thanked them all for the services they had done him, before he dismissed them, when they took their leave, and returned every man to his home. * " Anno Gratise millesimo trccentissimo quinquages- victoria cessit Anglis. Capta; sunt ibi igitur 2C naves simo, qui est annus regni regis Edwardi a. crnquestu tertii magna?, reliquis submersis, vel in fugam versis. In hoc vicesimus quartus, commissum est bellum navale inter conflictu dum Hispani tirnidi et superbi, atque fidentcs Anglicos et Hispanos quarto calendas Septembris. Ed- in robore suo et strenuitate, dedignantur se reddere jussu ward us nempe rex Anglise cum paucis navibus obviavit regis Edwardi, omnes miserabiliter perierunt, alii ferro csesi, navigio Hispanise, viris bellicosis refertissimo juxta Win- aliiaquis submersi." — Thomas W xlsiwgham, Hist. A nglics, chelsee. Et facto atrocissimo conflictu, rnulti lsesi p. 169. sunt ex utraque parte. Nam tarn fervens erat bellum, Stowe says, that Edward returned triumphant, but be- tam crebra vulnera inflicta ex omni parte, quod ab illo wailing the loss of sir Richard Goldcs borough. — Page "250. pradio vis aliquis evasit illaosus. Deraum (Deo volente) 200 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. You have before heard how Aymery de Pavie had plotted to surrender the town and castle of Calais, for a sum of florins to the French, and how it befel them : that sir GeofFry de Chargny and the knights with him were made prisoners, and carried to England, whence they ransomed themselves as soon as they could pay the money, and returned to France. It happened, that, during the time he was at St. Omer by order of the king of France, he heard that Aymery de Pavie was at a castle in the country near Calais, called Fretun, which the king of England had given him. The Italian lived there at his ease with a beautiful English woman whom he had brought thither as his mistress ; and he fancied the French had forgotten his courtesy to them : but that was not the case, as you shall hear. As soon as sir Geoffry received this information, he secretly inquired from those of the country who knew this castle, if it could easily be taken : they assured him it might ; for that sir Aymery lived there without any suspicion, and without guards or watch, thinking himself as safe as if he were in London or Calais. Sir Geoffry did not let the matter sleep, but, collecting privately a band of men at arms, left St. Omer in an evening, taking with him the cross-bows that were quartered there, and marched all night, when, at day-break, he arrived at the castle of Fretun. They instantly surrounded the castle, as it was not of any size, and having entered the ditch, passed through. The servants, awakened by the noise, ran to their master, who was asleep, and said, " My lord, rise instantly ; for the castle is surrounded by a large body of men at arms, who are forcing their way into it." Aymery was much alarmed, and rose as speedily as he could ; but notwithstanding his baste, he could not arm himself before his court-yard was filled with soldiers. He was thus made prisoner with his mistress ; but nothing was pillaged in the castle, on account of the existing truce between France and England ; and besides sir Geoffry only wanted to take Aymery. He was greatly pleased with his success, and carried sir Aymery to St. Omer, where he did not suffer him to languish in prison, but had him put to death, with much cruelty, in the market-place of St. Omer, in the presence of the knights and common people of the country, who had been sent for thither. Thus died sir Aymery de Pavie ; but his mistress escaped, for his death freed her, and she afterwards attached herself to a squire of France. This year of our Lord 1349, there came from Germany, persons who performed public penitencies by whipping themselves with scourges having iron hooks, so that their backs and shoulders were torn : they chaunted also, in a piteous manner, canticles of the nativity and sufferings of our Saviour, and could not, by their rules., remain in any town more than one night : they travelled in companies of more or less in number, and thus journeyed through the country performing their penitence for thirty-three days, being the number of years Jesus Christ remained on earth, and then returned to their own homes. These penitencies were thus performed, to intreat the Lord to restrain his anger, and withhold his vengeance ; for, at this period, an epidemic malady ravaged the earth, and destroyed a third part of its inhabit- ants. They were chiefly done in those countries the most afflicted, whither scarcely any could travel, but were not long continued, as the church set itself against them. None of these companies entered France : for the king had strictly forbidden them, by desire of the pope, who disapproved of such measures, by sound and sensible reasons, but which I shall pass over. All clerks or persons holding livings, that countenanced them, were excommuni- cated, and several were forced to go to Rome to purge themselves. About this time, the Jews throughout the world were arrested and burnt, and their fortunes seized by those lords under whose jurisdictions they had lived, except at Avignon, and the territories of the church dependent on the pope. Each poor Jew, when he was able to hide himself, and arrive in that country, esteemed himself safe. It was prophesied, that for one hundred years people were to come, with iron scourges, to destroy them : and this would now have been the case, had not these penitents been checked in their mad career, as has been related *. * Here end the additions. I cannot help supposing there It began in the spring of the year 1348, and came from mast have been more ; for Froissart would ceuainly have Asia. It destroyed in some parts the fourth, in others ihe particularly mentioned this sad calamity of the plague, third of their population : sometimes it left not the tenth that afflicted all Europe, and he scarcely notices it. part. It carried off in Paris from 40 to nO.000, and in CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 201 CHAPTER CLII. THE DEATH OF KING PHILIP, AND CORONATION OF HIS SON KING JOHN. In the beginning of August, in the year 1350, Raoul de Cahours *, and many other knights and squires, to the number of one hundred and twenty men at arms, or thereabouts, combated with the commander for the king of England in Brittany, called sir Thomas John, King of France. — Drawn on his return from England, in 1309 ; by Beauclaire, Croix of St. Eloy, Pans. Dagge worth, before the castle of Aurai. Sir Thomas f and all his men were slain, to the amount of about one hundred men at arms. On the 22nd of August, in the same year, the little town of St. Denis, 1600. There were some- times, at Paris, 800 burials in a day : and in the single church-yard of the Charter-house, London, were buried 200 daily. It broke every bond of attachment asunder : servants fled from their masters, wives from their husbands, and children from their parents. There were no laws in force : the greatest excesses were committed ; and, when the contagion was at an end, morals were found more corrupted. I refer my readers to the different chronicles of the times, for more particular information. Lord Hailes dates its ravages in 1349, and says ; " The great pesti- lence, which had long desolated the continent, reached Scotland. The historians of all countries speak with horror of this pestilence. It took a wider range, and proved more destructive than any calamity of that nature known in the annals of mankind. Barnes, pp. 428 — 441, has collected the accounts given of this pestilence by many historians ; and hence he has, unknowingly, furnished materials for a curious inquiry into the populousness of Europe in the fourteenth century." " The same cause which brought on this corruption of manners produced a new species of fanaticism. There appeared in Germany, England and Flanders, numerous coufiaternities of penitents, who, naked to the girdle, dirty and filthy to look at, flogged themselves in the public squares, chaunting a ridiculous canticle. Under- neath are two stanzas of their canticle, consisting of nine- teen in the whole. It is entire in a chronicle belonging to M. Brequigny, which is the only one supposed to express it : " Or avant, entre nous tuit frere, Battons nos charcignes bien fort, En remembrant la grand misere De Dieu, et sa piteuse mort, Qui fut pris de la gent amere, Et venduz, et traiz a tort, Et battu sa char vierge et claire ; On nom de ce, battons plus fort. O Roiz des roiz, char precieuse, Dieuz Pere, Filz, Sains Esperis, Vos saintisme char glorieuse, Fut pendue en crois par Juts Et la fut grief et dolorcuse : Quar vo douz saint sane beneic Fit la croix vermeil le et hideuse, Loons Dieu et battons nos pis.'' M. Levesque, torn. i. pp. 530, 531. * Raoul de Cahours was of the English party, but gained over by the magnificent promises of king John. He first changed his side at this battle, when he fought with the commander iu Brittany, who had only one hundred men, and might have gained the day, if he had not been too rash. King John, as a recompense, gave him 24.000 livres, and allowed him the possession of the lands of Beauvoir, the island of Chauvet, and other estates which he had seized from Jane de Belleville. Cahours engaged, in return, to deliver into the king's hands Vannes, Cuerrande, Brest, Hennebon, &c. — Hist, de Bretagne. Raoul de Cahours was made commander in Poitou, by writ of privy seal, dated Eltham, 17th January, 1347. — Riimer. The 4th July, 1348, the king grants liim £1000 a-year, in Poitou, besides other advantages. — Idem. f Dugdale, in his Baronage, says he was slain through the treachery of the French. 202 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c, king Philip of France departed this life at Nogent-le-Roi *, and was carried to Notre-Dame in Paris. On the Thursday following, his body was buried at St. Denis, on the left hand of the great altar : his bowels were interred at the Jacobins at Paris, and his heart at the convent of the Carthusians at Bourgfontaines in Valois. The 26th day of September ensuing., John, eldest son of king Philip, was crowned king, on a Sunday, at Rheims. His wife, Queen Jane, was also crowned at the same time. The king,, on this occasion, made many knights : his eldest son, the dauphin of Vienne ; his second son, Louis earl of Alencon ; the earl of Estampes ; the lord John d' Artois ; Philip duke of Orleans, brother to the king ; the duke of Burgundy, son of the Queen by her first marriage with the lord Philip of Burgundy ; the earl of Dammartin, and many others. The king set out from Rheims on the Monday, and returned to Paris, by way of Laon, Soissons and Senlis. The king and queen made their public entry into Paris on a Sunday, the 17th of October. There were great feasts, which lasted the whole week. The king remained at Paris at the hotel de Nesle, or at the palace, until near Martinmas, when he assembled his parliament. On Tuesday, the 16th day of November following, Raoul, earl of Eu and Guignes, constable of France, who was but lately returned from his prison in England, was arrested, by orders from the king, in the hotel de Nesle f, where king John resided, by the provost of Paris, and was detained in confinement in his hotel, until the next Thursday ; when, about the hour of matins, he was there beheaded, in the presence of the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Armagnac, the earl of Montfort, the lord John of Boulogne, the earl of Rueil, and many other knights, who attended the execution by command of the king, at that time in his palace. He was thus executed, for great treasons, of which he had confessed himself guilty to the duke of Athens, and some others. His hody was buried in the Augustins at Paris, within the walls of the monastery, by permission of the king, out of respect to the friends of the constable J. In the month of the ensuing January, Charles of Spain, to whom the king- had given the earldom of Angouleme, was appointed by him constable of France. The lord Guy de Nesle, marshal of France, had an engagement, on the first of April, in Saintonge, with the English and Gascons : the army of the marshal was defeated : he himself was taken prisoner, with his brother the lord William, lord Arnold d'Anreghen, and many others. On Palm Sunday, which was the 10th of April, 1351, Giles Rigault de Rouffy, who was abbot of St. Denis,, and lately made a cardinal, was presented with the red hat, in presence of king John in his palace, by the bishops of Laon and of Paris. This had never been done before ; but the pope had directed it to be so, by a bull addressed to these bishops. In the following September, the French recovered the town of St. Jean d'Angely, of which the English had kept possession for five years. It was surrendered by the garrison without striking a blow, and merely through want of provisions. In the month of October, the fraternity of the noble house of St. Ouen§, near Paris, was established by order of the king. All those who were of this order wore a star on their hoods, and another on the front of their mantles ||. This year, there was the greatest scarcity of provisions all over the kingdom * A town in Beauce, on the river Eure, five leagues from Chartres. f The hotel de Nesle is now demolished ; and its situa- tion would be unknown, were it not for a curious memoir respecting it, in the xxiiid vol. of the Memoires de l'Academie, by M. Bonamy, to which I refer the reader. X De Dolo Regis Francice Johannis, fyc. " Comes de Ewe, constabnlarius Francise, qui in con- flictu inter Anglicos & Normanos, anno Domini millesimo. cccmo. XLvito. apud Cadamum habito, captus fuit, & tunc missus in Angliam, per in. annos & amplius ibidem rcmanserat sub carccrali custodia mancipatus, circiter fes- tum Sancti Michaelis, anno Domini millesimo. cccmo. iimo. licenciatus per regem Anglorum loca sua in partibus Francia; visitare, Parisios venit ad novum Franciae regem Johannem, utique statura magnum & discretum, minus tamen graciosum, & faina publica referente libidine ple- num, ab uxore propria divertentem, fornicarisque tarn seculaiibus quam religiosis etiam incestuose turpiter adhserentem, a paucis suis magnatibus vel plebeis dilectum. Tunc idem rex, se amicum ipeius comitis simulans, & pacifire sibi loquens, convivavit eundem. Sed statim nocte sequenti, misso spiculatore cum quibusdam satelliti- bus ad hospicium dicti comitis, ipsum comitem fecit subito decollari." — Avesbury, p. 187. § St. Ouen is a small town in the Isle of France, diocese and election of Paris. || Barnes says, that on the 8th September, 1351, king John revived the almost obsolete order of the Star, in imitation of the Garter ; and the first chapter of it was held at his palace of St. Ouen. At first there were but eighteen knights ; the rest were added at different chap- ters. They wore a bright star on the crest of their helmets, and one pendent at their necks; and the same was em- broidered on their mantles. The day fixed for the annual celebration of this order was the Epiphany, and the star chosen for the emblem. The eighteen first knights were : CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. 203 of France ever known in the memory of man. Wheat was sold at Paris for eight livres parisis* the septier I : a septier of oats for forty sols parisis, and a boisseau-J of peas eight sols, and other grains according to their value. In this month of October, on the day of the celebration of the fraternity of St. Onen, the English took the town of Guignes, notwith- standing the truce : and in this year, the constable of France was married to the daughter of the lord Charles of Blois. CHAPTER CLIII.— THE KING OF NAVARRE CAUSES THE LORD CHARLES OF SPAIN, CONSTABLE OF FRANCE, TO BE MURDERED ; WITH OTHER MATTERS. In the year 1352, on the eve of the feast of our Lady, the middle of August, the lord Guy de Nesle, lord of Ossemont, at that time marshal of France in Brittany, had an engagement, in which the marshal w T as slain in battle, and also the lord of Briquebec, the baron of Beauvais, and many other nobles, as well of the country of Brittany, as of other parts of France. The 4th of September was the day appointed for the combat § at Paris, between the duke of Brunswick and the duke of Lancaster, for words which the duke of Lancaster had spoken, and for which the duke of Brunswick had summoned him to answer at the court of the king of France. The two dukes came to the field completely armed, and entered the lists which had been prepared for the German appellant, and the English respondent. As the English were at war with France, the duke of Lancaster had come thither under a safe-conduct from king John, to defend his honour. The king of France, however, would not permit them to fight ; but, although they had armed themselves, and had taken the oaths, and were mounting their steeds, he took the business into his ow T n hands, and made up the difference between them. On the 6th day of December, pope Clement VI. died, at Avignon, in the eleventh year of his pontificate ; and, on the 11th of the following month, a cardinal from Limosin, styled cardinal of Ostia, but, because he had been bishop of Clermont, commonly called cardinal of Clermont, was elected pope, about the hour of ten in the morning, in his room. He took the title of Innocent VI., though his own proper name was sir Stephen Aubert. On the 6th day of January, 1353, soon after day-break, the lord Charles Navarre, earl of Evreux, caused the lord Charles of Spain, constable of France, to be murdered in his bed, at an inn in the town of Aigle || in Normandy, by some men at arms whom he sent there ; he remained in a barn without the tow 7 n, until they were returned to him after the performance of this deed. It was said he was accompanied by the lord Philip of Navarre his brother, the lord Lewis de Harcourt, and lord Godfrey de Harcourt his uncle, and many other knights, as w T ell from Navarre as from Normandy. The king of Navarre and his company retreated to the city of Evreux, of which he was lord, provisioned it, and added to the fortifications. With him went the above-mentioned Harcourts, the lord of Malue, John Mailer lord of Graville, the lord Almaury de Meulent, and many other noblemen of Normandy. Shortly after, the king of Navarre went to Mantes: he had before sent many letters sealed, to different towns in the kingdom, to inform them that he had put to death the constable, for John king of France, sovereign. John of Artois, earl of Eti, — Charles of Artois, count Philip duke of Orleans, his only bather. de Longueville, — John viscount de Melun, sons of Robert Charles of France, dauphin of Vieni:e, Louis duke of d'Artois. Anjou, — John duke of Berry, — Philip duke of Touraine, For more particulars, see Favine's Theatre d'Honneur. — king John's sons. * Cotgrave says, that a livre parisis is 2s. 6d , and that Charles king of Navarre. ten sols parisis is equal to one shilling. Peter duke of Bourbon, — James Bourbon count de la + A septier of wheat, according to Cotgrave, weighs Marche,— brothers. 240 pounds. Charles de la Cerda of Spain, earl of Angouleme. J A boisseau of wheat weighs 20 pounds. Arnold d'Andreghen,— John de Clermont, — marshals § See Dugdale's Baronage, for a more particular account of France. of this duel, and of an end being put to it by the king of GeofTry count de Chargny, great chamberlain of France. France, at the entreaty of the duke of Brunswick, who, Charles earl of Tancarville. through cowardice, submitted to his award. William de Brenne, duke of Athens, master of the || Diocese of Evreux. horse. 204 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE &c. various evil deeds which the constablo had done against him. He sent the earl of Meaux to the king of France at Paris, on the same subject. The king despatched to the king of Navarre at Mantes, the cardinal de Boulogne, the bishop of Laon, the duke de Bourbon, the earl of Vendome, and others, who entered into a treaty with the king of Navarre : forasmuch as he had married the king's sister, the mere pardon of the king for this crime would not satisfy him ; but ho required of the king, his lord, many other things. Every one in France imagined that a war was unavoidable, between the two kings ; for the king of Navarre had made many alliances, collected troops in different places, and had victualled and fortified his towns and castles. At last, however, after many treaties, there was one agreed to, of which the following are some of the principal points. The king of France was to give the king of Navarre thirty-eight thousand livres tournois, on account of an annuity which the king of Navarre received from the treasury of Paris, in lieu of lands which, according to an agreement made between their royal predecessors, were to be assigned to him, for the county of Champagne, as well as on account of his marriage with the king of France's daughter, when he was promised as much land as would amount to twelve thousand livres a-year. The king of Navarre wished to have the lordship of Beaumont-le-Roger*, the lands of Breteuilt, in Normandy, Conches J, and Orbec§, the viscounty of Pont-Audemer ||, and the bailiwick of Coutantin: which were acceded to by the king of France, though the first four lands belonged to Philip duke of Orleans, the king's brother, and he gave him other estates in lieu of them. The king consented also, for the sake of peace, that all the Harcourts and his other allies should hold from him, as their lord, all lands dependent on Navarre, in whatever part of France they might be situated ; and it was at their option to do him, if they pleased, homage for them. The king of Navarre obtained also, that these lands, and those he possessed before, should be holden by him as a peerage : and he had the power to hold, twice a-year, a court of exchequer as nobly as the duke of Normandy. The king of France consented to pardon all who had been concerned in the death of the constable, and promised, upon his oath, that neither now nor hereafter would he seek to do them hurt for this act. The king of Navarre, in addition, received from the king of France a large sum in golden crowns ; and, before he would come to Paris, he made the king send him, by way of hostage, the earl of Anjou, his second son. "When he came to Paris, he was attended by a numerous body of men at arms. The 4th day of March following, he came to the chamber of parliament, where the king was sitting, attended by many peers of France, the parliament, and some of his council : the cardinal of Boulogne was there also. The king of Navarre besought the king of France to pardon him the death of the constable, alleging that he had good reasons for so doing, which he offered then to lay before the king, or at any other time. He swore he had not done it out of any contempt to the king of France, or to the office of constable ; and he added, that he should not feel anything so much, as to be thought he had incurred the anger of the king. Upon this, the lord James de Bourbon, constable of France, by order of the king, gave his hand to the king of Navarre, and drew him aside. Shortly after, the queen Joan, aunt to the king of Navarre, and queen Blanche, his sister ; the first of whom had been the wife of Charles le Bel, and the last of king Philip, lately deceased ; came into the presence of the king, and made a low reverence : sir Reginald de Trie, falling on his knees, said ; " My most redoubted lord, here are my ladies the queens, Joan and Blanche, who have heard that my lord of Navarre is in your ill graces, and are much hurt at it. They beseech you to ha\e the goodness to pardon him ; and, if it please God, he will for the future behave himself in such a manner, that you and all the people of France shall be satisfied." The constable and the marshals then went to seek the king of Navarre, who, coming again into the presence of the king, placed himself between the two queens, when the cardinal spoke as follows : " My lord of Navarre, no one ought to be surprised, if my lord the king of France is offended with you, for the crime you have committed. There is no * A market town in Normandy, on the Rille, diocese of Evreux. f Election of Conches. X A market-town in Normandy, diocese of Evreux. § A town of Normandy, diocese of Lisieux. (i Pont-Audemer, — a town in Normandy, diocese of Lisieux, seventeen leagues from Caen. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c 205 occasion for me to name it, for you have made it so public, by your letters and otherwise that it is known to all. You are so much beholden to him, that you ought never to have done it : you are of his blood, and nearly related to him ; besides, you are his liege man, and one of his peers, and have also espoused his daughter ; therefore this deed is so much the more blameable. However, for the love and affection he bears my ladies the queens, here present, who have most earnestly intreated him in your behalf ; and, because he believes you have committed this crime through bad advisers, he pardons you heartily and willingly." The two queens, and the king of Navarre, upon this, fell on their knees, and thanked the king. The cardinal added, " that in future if any one of the kings relations, or others, should dare commit such a crime as the king of Navarre had done, and even if it should again happen to the king's son, to insult or injure the lowest officer the king had, he should infallibly be punished." Upon this, the court broke up*. The 22nd of March, a knight-banneret of the low marches, called sir Reginald de Pressigny, lord of Marans near la Rochelle, was drawn and hanged on a gibbet, by orders of the parliament and many of the great council of the king. On the 4th of August, 1354, the king of France was reconciled to the earl of Harcourt and the lord Lewis his brother, who were, as it was then said, to reveal to him many things of consequence, especially all that related to the death of the constable. In the following month of September, the cardinal de Boulogne set out from Paris to go to Avignon, and, it was commonly reported, not in the good graces of the king : howbeit, during the space of a year that he had remained in France, he had lived as well with the king as any other courtier. About this time, lord Robert de Lorris, chamberlain to the king of France, suddenly quitted the kingdom. It was said, that, had he been taken, he would have suffered, for having revealed to the king of Navarre the secrets of the king of I'rance, in the like manner as the Harcourts had done to the king of France. The king of Navarre, in the month of November, set out from Normandy, and passed through divers places, amusing himself until he came to Avignon, and from thence went to Navarre. And in this month the archbishop of Rouen, chancellor of France, and the duke of Bourbon, set off for Avignon ; as did the duke of Lancaster, and others of the English, in order to hold a conference touching a peace between the two kings. This same month the king of France left Paris, and went into Normandy as far as Caen. Lie took possession of all the lands belonging to the king of Navarre, and appointed new officers and garrisons in all the castles belonging to him, except six, viz. Evreux, Pont-Audemcr, Cherbourg, Gavreyt, Avranches |, Mortain§, which were garrisoned by men from Navarre, who would not surrender themselves, but answered those sent to them from the king of France, that they would not give them up save to their lord, the king of Navarre, who had put them under their guard. In the month of January, the lord Robert de Lorris returned to Paris, by a passport from the king, where he remained a fortnight without having permission to see him ; and, when he was admitted to his presence, he was not fully reconciled : he therefore, by the advice of the king's council, returned to Avignon, that he might be present during the conferences. Towards the end of February, news was brought, that the truce which would expire in April, between the kings of France and England, had been prolonged by the pope to the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, in order that he might find some means of making a permanent peace ; and that the commissioners from each king had consented to it. The pope sent ambassadors to the kings, respecting another mode of carrying on the treaty than what had hitherto been practised. This same month, the king of France coined florins of fine gold, which were called Lamb Florins, because on the reverse was the figure of a lamb. They were valued at fifty- two the marc || ; and when they were coined, the king gave forty- * The cause of the murder of Charles d'Espagne, con- f A market-town in Normandy, four leagues from stahle of Prance, by Charles le Mauvais, was the opposi- Coutances. tion the constable made to the pretensions of the king of J A town in Normandy, — a bishop's see. Navarre to the counties of Champagne, Brie, and to the § A town in Normandy, — diocese of Avrauches. duchy of Burgundy See Ferrera's Hist, of Spain, vol. v. || Eight ounces of gold, silver, or bullion. pp. 276, 277. 206 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. eight for a marc of pure gold, and forbade the currency of any other florins. This month, sir Gaucher de l'Orme came to Paris, to the king of France, as ambassador from the king of Navarre : he returned the following March, carrying with him passports for the king of Navarre. This year, about Shrovetide, many of the English advanced near to Nantes ; and by means of rope-ladders, about fifty-two of them got into and took the castle : but sir Guy de Rochefort, who was the governor, and at that time in the town, attacked them so vigorously that he regained it that same night ; and the fifty-two English were either slain or taken prisoners. King John, about Easter 1355, sent his eldest son, Charles dauphin of Vienne, into Normandy, as his lieutenant, where he remained all the summer, and the province granted him three thousand men at arms for three months. In the month of August following, the king of Navarre landed at the castle of Cherbourg, and with him ten thousand men, including every one. There were many treaties begun between those attached to the king of France and those belonging to the king of Navarre : each sent respectively ambassadors to the other. The king of Navarre's garrisons in Evreux and Pont-Audemer plundered all the country thereabout : some of them advanced to the castle of Conches, which at that time was in king John's hands, took it, and filled it well with provisions and men at arms. Several other acts of hostility were done by the men of Navarre against the subjects of the king of France. A t last, peace was made ; and the king of Navarre then went to the dauphin of Vienne, in the castle of Verneuil*, who conducted him to the good city of Paris. On the 24th day of September, they both came to the king, who then resided at the castle of the Louvre at Paris : and, when admitted to his presence, the king of Navarre made his reverence before the many nobles who were there assembled. He excused himself very honourably for having quitted the realm, and added, that he had heard some had found fault with his conduct towards the king : he therefore requested the king would name those who had done so : for he swore that, since the death of the constable, he had done nothing against the king of France but what a loyal subject should and ought to do. Nevertheless, he besought the king of France, that he would pardon all that was passed, artd admit him to his favour. He promised that in future he would be as good and loyal as a son ought to be t-o a father, or a vassal to his lord. The king informed him, through the duke of Athens, that he forgave every thing heartily. CHAPTER CLIV. THE TAX OF THE GABELLET IMPOSED THROUGHOUT FRANCE, BY THE THREE ESTATES, ON ACCOUNT OF THE WAR. The prince of Wales went into Gascony some time in the month of October 1355, and advanced as far as Toulouse, where lie crossed the Garonne, and went to Carcassonne J. He burnt the suburbs, but could do nothing to the town, as it was well defended. He then marched to Narbonne§ burning and destroying the country, and in the month of November, returned to Bordeaux with great plunder and a multitude of prisoners, without having met with any opposition, notwithstanding that the earl of Armagnac, the king of France's lieutenant in Languedoc, was at that time in the country, as well as the lord of Foix, the lord James de Bourbon, lord of Ponthieu and constable of France, and the lord John de Clermont, marshal of France, with a more numerous army than that of the prince of Wales. The king of England landed at Calais in the month of October of this year, and marched to Hesdin ||, where he destroyed the outworks, and burnt the houses within them ; but he did not enter the town or castle. The king of France, on hearing this news of the English, issued out his; summons for an army to assemble at Amiens, and marched towards the king * Verneuil, — a city of Normandy, twenty-nine leagues who enriched themselves at the public expense, and a half from Paris. % A considerable town in Languedoc, twenty-three f The Gabelle is a tax upon salt, first imposed by leagues from Toulouse. Philippe le Long. All persons inFrance before the Revo- § A large city in Languedoc, an archbishopric, thirty- lution in 1789, when it was abolished, were obliged to seven leagues from Toulouse. pay a certain sum for salt, whether they used any or not. || A strong town in Artois, on the Canche, twenty-two This necessary article was monopolized by contractors, leagues from Calais, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 207 of England, who had retreated to Calais. The king of France advanced as far as St. Omer, whence he sent to inform the king of England, by the marshal d'Anthain, and many other knights, that he was willing 10 give him battle, either in single combat, or with his army, any day he would choose to name ; but the king of England refused the combat, and crossed the sea for England. The king of France returned to Paris. In this same year, about St. Andrew's day, the king of France summoned all the prelates, chapters, barons, and citizens of the principal towns, to Paris, when he laid before them, through his chancellor, in the chamber of parliament, the state of the war, and requested of them to consult together on what aids they could grant that should be sufficient to enable him to carry it on. And because the king had heard that his subjects complained of being much aggrieved by the alteration in the coin, he offered to coin money that should be good and weighty, if they would grant him other supplies sufficient to enable him to pursue the war. Upon which they answered, that is to say, the clergy by the mouth of the archbishop of Rheims, the nobles by the duke of Athens, and the citizens by Stephen Marcel, provost of merchants in the good town of Paris, that they were willing to live or die for him, and offered him the disposal of their lives and fortunes, requiring only a little time to deliberate together. This request was willingly complied with. The king of France gave this year, on the vigil of the feast of the Conception of the Virgin Mary, the duchy of Normandy to his eldest son the dauphin of Vienne, earl of Poitiers ; and, on the morrow, he did homage for it. After the three estates had deliberated, they replied to the king of France, in the chamber of parliament, by the aforementioned persons, that they would grant him an army of thirty thousand men, to be maintained by them for one year ; and in order to have the fund for paying this, which was estimated at fifty thousand livres parisis *, the three estates ordered that there should be levied upon all persons, whatever their state maybe, churchmen, nobles or others, a tax of eight deniers parisis per pound, on all sorts of provisions ; and that the tax upon salt should be established throughout France. But, as it was not known if this tax, and the extension of the gabelle, would be sufficient, it was ordered that the three estates should remain in Paris, to see and examine the result of this tax, and that on the 1st of March following they should again assemble ; which was done, except by some of the nobles and citizens from the chief towns in Picardy, and many other towns in Normandy. Those who had examined the receipt of the taxes were also there ; and upon their information that it was not sufficient, a new subsidy was resolved on ; and it was ordered, that all manner of persons, of the blood royal or not, priest or layman, monk or nun, privileged or unprivileged, innkeepers, heads of churches, who possessed rents, or revenues from offices or administra- tions, widows as well as those who held estates in their own right, children, married or not, who had any fortune in the hands of trustees or otherwise; coiners, and all others who had formerly been exempted from taxation, and who were possessed of one hundred livres a- year, or under, whether by inheritance, annuity, wages or pension for life, should pay a subsidy of four livres, to defray the expense of the war : those of forty livres a-year, and under, to pay forty sols : ten livres a-year, and upwards, twenty sols : and under ten livres a-year, children, whether in wardship or upwards of fifteen years old, labourers and workmen gaining their li velihood by work, should pay ten sols : if they had any fortune beside what they acquired by labour, they were to pay as the others. Servants and all who worked for hire, so that they gained a hundred sols, and upwards, a-year, were also to pay ten sols. The sol was to be taken as the sol parisis, in those parts where this mode of reckoning was usual, and as the sol tournois in the other parts. Those servants who did not gain more than the exact sum of one hundred sols a-year, or under, were to pay nothing ; but, if they had any equivalent fortune, they were to pay according to the rate of the others. None of the mendicant monks, nor those in cloisters without office or administration, nor children under the age of fifteen, without any property, were to pay to this subsidy. Nuns were also exempted, who had not any income exceeding ten livres. Wives paid nothing, because their husbands were taxed, and their fortunes would be reckoned as part of their husbands. With regard to the clergy, whether they were prelates, abbots, priors, canons, curates, or others * My two MSS. say " cinquant cent mille livres," which appears most probable from the severity of the tax. 208 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. who possessed upwards of one hundred livres a-year, by benefices, or inheritance from the holy church, or by both, and extending to five thousand livres a-year, they were to pay four livres for the first hundred livres, and forty sols for every other hundred of the five thousand. No farther aid was to be required from any sum above five thousand livres. The revenues of the benefices were to be estimated by the tax of the tenth penny, and no one was to be allowed to claim any privileges from their tenths, if they had been once granted. With regard to the nobility, and citizens of the chief towns, who had upwards of one hundred livres a-year : the nobles were to be taxed as far as five thousand livres of rent, and forty sols for every hundred livres, besides the four livres for the 'first hundred. The inhabitants of the towns in the same manner, as far as one thousand livres a-year. As for the furniture of those noblemen who did not possess a hundred livres a-year, it was to be valued as high as one thousand livres, and no higher ; and for those who were not noble, and had not four hundred livres a-year, their furniture was to be valued as far as four thousand livres, that is to say, at the rate of one hundred livres for every ten livres of rent ; and they were to pay the tax in the manner above specified. If it should happen that any nobleman possessed but just the rental of one hundred livres, and his furniture of no higher value than one thousand livres ; or that any one, not noble, had a rental of four hundred livres, and furniture to the amount of four thousand livres, then their rentals and furniture should be entered together, as high to the nobleman as one thousand livres, and to others as far as four thousand livres, and no more. On Saturday, the 5th of March, 1356, there was a dissension in the town of Arras, between the higher and lower ranks of inhabitants : the lower sort killed, that day, seventeen of the higher rank in the town. On the Monday following, they murdered four others, and banished many more ; so that they remained masters of the town of Arras. CHAPTER CLV. THE KING OP FRANCE ARRESTS THE KING OF NAVARRE, AND ORDERS THE EARL OF HARC0URT AND OTHERS TO BE BEHEADED AT ROUEN. The king of France, on Tuesday the 5th of April, which was the Tuesday after midlent Sunday, set out early, completely armed, from Mainville # , attended by about one hundred lances. There were with him his son the earl of Anjou, his brother the duke of Orleans, the lord John d'Artois, earl of Eu, the lord Charles his brother, cousins-german to the king, the earl of Tancarville, sir Arnold d'Andreghen, marshal of France, and many other barons and knights. They rode straight for the castle of Rouen, by a back way, without passing through the town, and on entering found, in the hall of the castle, Charles, duke of Normandy, Charles king of Navarre, John earl of Harcourt, the lords de Preaux, de Clerc, de Graville, and some others seated at dinner. The king immediately ordered them all, except the dauphin, to be arrested, as also sir "William and sir Louis de Harcourt, brothers to the earl, the lord Fricquet de Friquart, the lord de Tournebeu, the lord Maubue de Mamesnars, two squires called Oliver Doublet and John de Yaubatu, and many others. He had them shut up in different rooms in the castle; and his reason for so doing was, that, since the reconciliation made on occasion of the death of the constable of France, the king of Navarre had conspired and done many things contrary to the honour of the king, and the good of his realm : the earl of Harcourt had also used many injurious expressions in the castle of Vaudreuil +, when an assembly was holden there to grant a subsidy to the king of France against the said king, in order to prevent, as much as lay in his power, the subsidy from being agreed to. The king, after this, sat down to dinner, and afterwards, mounting his horse, rode, attended by all his company, to a field behind the castle, called the Field of Pardon. The king then ordered the earl of Harcourt, the lord of Graville, the lord Maubue and Oliver Doublet to be brought thither in two carts : their heads were cut off, and their bodies dragged to the gibbet at Rouen, where they were hung, and their heads placed upon the gibbet. In the course of that day and the morrow, the king set at liberty all the other * Mainville, — a market town in Vexin Normandy, in the election of Gisors. f Vaudreuil. — a small town of Normandy, diocese of Evreux, six leagues from Rouen. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c prisoners, except three: Charles king of Navarre, who was conducted to prison in the Louvre at Paris, and afterwards to the Chatelet: some of the king's council were appointed as a guard over him. Friquet and Yaubatu were also confined in the Chatelet. Philip of Navarre, however, kept possession of several castles which the king his brother had in Normandy, and, when the king of France sent him orders to surrender them, refused to obey, but in conjunction with the lord Godfrey de Harcourt and other enemies of France, raised forces in the country of Coutantin, which they defended against the king's troops. On Wednesday after Easter 1356, sir Arnold d'Andreghen went to Arras, and there very prudently, and without the help of his soldiery, arrested one hundred of those who had put the town in a state of rebellion, and who had murdered the citizens. On the morrow, he had twenty of them beheaded ; and the rest he kept in prison until the king should have ordered otherwise. By this means the town was rendered obedient to the king. In the month of June following, the duke of Lancaster landed in the country of Coutantin, and joined the lord Philip of Navarre and sir Godfrey de Harcourt. They were about four thousand combatants. They marched straight for Lisieux, Orbec, and Pont- Audemer, where they reinforced the castle, which had been besieged for upwards of two months. The lord Robert de Hotetot, captain of the cross-bowmen in France, who with other nobles, had laid siege to it, broke it up, as he heard of the coming of the duke of Lancaster, leaving behind him his machines and artillery, which were captured by those of the castle. The duke and lord Philip made an excursion as far as Breteuil *, which they strengthened, robbing and plundering the country through which they passed. When they found that the city and castle of Evreux had lately surrendered to the king of France, who had for a length of time laid siege to it, and that the town and cathedral had been pillaged and burnt by the men of Navarre, who gave up the castle by capitulation, as well as by some of the king's forces, who were besieging the town, the duke and lord Philip went forwards to Verneuil t, which town and castle they took and plundered : they also burnt part of the town. The king of France, on hearing of the landing of the duke of Lancaster, had issued out his orders for raising troops : he assembled a large body of men at arms and infantry, set out in pursuit of him, and, passing through Conde J, made straight for the town of Verneuil. He passed by 1'Aigle §, and followed him to Tubceuf, two leagues distant from l'Aigle. The king of France was then informed that he could not pursue him further; for there were immense forests in which his party could secrete themselves : the king therefore returned, and came, with his whole army, before the castle of Thilliere |j, which they said was in possession of Navarre. He took it, and garrisoned it with his own people. He afterwards came to the castle of Breteuil, which was defended for the king of Navarre. The king of France remained before this castle the space of two months, when it was surrendered on capitula- tion that the garrison might go whither they pleased, and all they could carry with them. CHAPTER CLVI. — THE KING OF FRANCE ISSUES OUT A SUMMONS FOR ASSEMBLING AN ARMY TO COMBAT THE PRINCE OF WALES, WHO WAS OVERRUNNING THE PROVINCE OF BERRY. When king John of France had finished his expedition, and had re-conquered all the towns and castles in lower Normandy which belonged to the king of Navarre, whom he detained in prison, he returned to the city of Pari3. He had not long been there before he heard that the prince of Wales, with his whole army, had invaded his kingdom, and was fast advancing towards the fertile country of Berry. When this was told him, the king said, with an oath, that he would immediately set out after him, and give him battle wherever he should find him. He issued out a special summons, to all nobles and others who held fiefs under him, that they should not, under any pretence whatever, absent themselves without incurring his highest displeasure, but, immediately on the receipt of these letters, set out to meet him on the borders of Touraine and Blois ; for he was determined to fight * A town in Normandy, election of Conches. § A small city in Normandy, diocese of Evreux. elec- t A city in Normandy, twelve leagues from Evreux. tion of Verneuil. f A village in Normandy, in the election of Alencon. || Thilliers is a village in Picardy, near Montidier. P 210 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. the English. The king, to hasten the business, marched from Paris ; for he had at this time a large body of men at arms in the field ; and went to Chartres, to gain more certain intelligence of the enemy. He remained there some time, and great crowds of troops and men at arms came to him from the different countries of Auvergne, Berry, Burgundy, Lorraine, Hainault, Vermandois, Picardy, Brittany and Normandy. They passed through the town on their arrival, to show their musters, and. took up their quarters in the fields, according to the orders of the two marshals, the lord John de Clermont and lord Arnold d'Andreghen- The king gave orders for all the towns in x\njou, Poitou, Maine and Touraine, to be well garrisoned and provided with all things, especially those on the borders, by which it was hoped the English would pass, that they might be inclosed, and cut off from any subsistence for themselves and horses. In spite of this, however, the prince, who had with him two thousand men at arms and six thousand archers, rode on at his ease, and collected every where provisions in plenty. They found the country of Auvergne, which they had entered and overrun, very rich, and all things in great abundance ; but they would not stop there, as they were desirous of combating their enemies. They burnt and destroyed all the countries they passed through ; and when they entered any town which was well provisioned, they rested there some days to refresh themselves, and at their departure destroyed what remained, staving the heads of wine casks that were full, burning the wheat and oats, so that their enemies could not save any thing. They kept advancing, and found plenty every where ; for the countries of Berry, Poitou, Touraine and Maine are very rich, and full of forage for men at arms. The English advanced so far that they came to the good city of Bourges *, where there was a great skirmish at one of the gates. Two knights, the lord de Cousant and the lord Hutin de Memelles, had charge of the city. Many gallant deeds were performed ; but the English left it without doing any damage, and went to Issodun t, where there was a strong castle. They attacked it very briskly, with their whole army, but they could not gain it ; for the governor and the knights who were with him too valiantly defended themselves. The English therefore passed on, and came to a large town J and castle : the town, being weakly fortified and badly defended, was taken by storm. They found there great plenty of wines and other provisions, and remained three days to repose themselves. News was brought there to the prince of Wales, that the king of France was in the city of Chartres, with a very large army, and that all the passes and towns on that side of the Loire were secured, and so well guarded no one could cross the river. The prince then held a council, when it was resolved he should set out on his return to Bordeaux, whence he had come, through Touraine and Poitou, and destroy all the country as he passed. They began their retreat after they had done their pleasure with the town ; and this day they gained the castle, and slew the greater part whom they found in it. They marched towards Romorantin §. The king of France sent into Berry three gallant barons, the lord of Craon, the lord of Boucicault, and the hermit of Chaumont, to defend the frontiers, and to observe the motions of the English. They had with them three hundred lances ; and, skirting the borders of the province, they followed them for six days, without finding any opportunity of intercepting or of attacking the enemy ; such good and close order did the English maintain on their march. The French, therefore, had recourse to an ambuscade, near to Romorantin, in a wonderfully narrow spot, which the English were obliged to pass. That same day, there left the prince's army, from the battalion of the marshals, by permission of the prince, the lord Bartholomew Burghersh, the lord of Muyssidan, a Gascon, the lord Petiton Courton, the lord Delawar, the lord Basset, sir Walter Pavely, sir Richard Pontchardan, sir Nesle Loring, the young lord Despencer, sir Eustace and sir Sanchez d'Ambreticourt, with about two hundred combatants, in order to push forward to Romorantin. They passed through the ambuscade of the French without molestation ; but, the moment they were clear of it, the French, who were mounted on * A large city in Berry, and an archbishopric. X "Vierzon, according to a marginal note in D. Sauvage's f In Berry, diocese of Bourges, and eight leagues edition. — Ed. distant. § Romorantin, — a considerable town on the Saudre, in Blaisois, and capita] of Sologne. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 211 excellent and well-dressed horses, stuck spurs into them, to overtake them. The English, who had got far forward, hearing the sound of horses' feet, turned round and found it was the enemy. They immediately halted, to wait for the French, who advanced on a gallop, fully determined what to do, with their lances in their rests. The English, seeing them thus charge full speed, opened on each side and let them pass through, so that no more than five or six were unhorsed : they then closed their ranks, and fell upon the rear of the French. This engagement was very sharp : many knights and squires were unhorsed, raised up again and rescued on both sides. It lasted a long time, and no one could tell, so valiantly was it disputed, to which side victory would incline, when the battalion of the marshals appeared in sight. The French first noticed it, as it marched, skirting along a wood, and immediately thought of saving themselves as fast as they could, taking the road to Romorantin. The English followed on full gallop, overthrowing all they could, without sparing themselves or their horses. The slaughter was great, and many were killed and unhorsed. One half of them, however, got safe into the castle of Romorantin, whose gates were opened to receive them. There the three barons saved themselves, as well as some knights and squires who were the best mounted. The town of Romorantin was taken on the first arrival of the English, for it was not fortified. The remainder of the French endeavoured to escape by getting into the castle. CHAPTER CLVII. THE PRINCE OF WALES TAKES THE CASTLE OF ROMORANTIN. When the prince of Wales was informed that his people had been engaged, he hastened the march of his army towards Romorantin, and, when he entered the town, found it full of his men, who were studying how they could take the castle. The prince called sir John Chandos, and ordered him to go and hold a parley with those in the castle. Sir John went to the barriers, and made a sign that he wished to speak with some one : those upon guard inquired his name, by whom he was sent, and then went to inform their masters. Upon which, the lord of Boucicault and the hermit of Chaumont came down to the bars. When sir John saw them, he saluted them, and said : " Gentlemen, I am sent to you by my lord the prince, who wishes, as it appears to me, to behave courteously towards his enemies, and thus says, that, if you will surrender the castle and yourselves, he will show you mercy, and give you good company." The lord of Boucicault replied : " We have no sort of inclination to accept of such terms, nor to commit such an act of folly without any necessity ; for we are determined to defend ourselves." Upon this they parted ; and the prince ordered his men to quarters, for the next day he meant to attack the castle : they were therefore commodiously lodged in the town of Romorantin, and close about it. On the next morning, the men at arms prepared themselves, and the archers advanced under their respective banners, and made a sharp attack upon the castle. The archers, who had posted themselves on the ditches, shot so justly, that scarcely any one dared to show himself on the battlements. Some got upon hurdles and doors, with pickaxes and mattocks in their hands, and swam over the ditch, when they began to undermine the w T alls. Those within flung down upon them large stones and pots of hot lime. On this occasion, there was slain, on the part of the English, a squire called Remond de Gederlach, who belonged to the division of the captal de Buch. This attack lasted the whole day, with little intermission. The English retreated, towards night, to their quarters, in order to take care of the wounded ; and on the morrow, at sun-rise, the marshal's trumpets sounded. All who were ordered for this assault got themselves in readiness : the prince of Wales himself attended in person, and by his presence mightily encouraged the English. A squire, of the name of Bernard, was killed close at his side, by a stone thrown from the castle : upon which the prince swore, he would never move from that place until he had the castle and all in it in his power, and immediately ordered reinforcements to the assault. Some of the wisest thought that they might use lances and arrows for ever in vain ; and p 2 212 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. therefore they ordered cannons to be brought forward, and also aqueraux *, to fire le feu Gregeois\ into the lower court of the castle, so that it was all in a blaze. The fire increased so much, that it gained a large tower which was covered with thatch. When those within the castle found that they must either surrender themselves or perish by fire, the lord of Craon, the lord of Boucicault, and the hermit of Chaumont, came down from the castle, and surrendered themselves to the prince, who made them ride and attend him, as his prisoners : many other knights and squires who were in the castle w T ere set at liberty, and the castle was destroyed. CHAPTER CLVIII. THE KING OF FRANCE LEADS A GREAT ARMY TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. After the taking of the castle of Romorantin, and the above-mentioned knights, the prince and his army marched forward as before, burning and destroying the country, in his approach to Anjou and Touraine. The king of France, who had resided at Chartres, set out from that place and came to Blois J, where he remained two days. He then came to Amboise§, and then to Loches||, where he heard that the English were in Touraine, taking the road for their return through Poitou ; for the English army was constantly observed by some able and expert knights of France and Burgundy, who sent the king particular information of its movements. The king of France then advanced to La Hayelf, in Touraine. His army had crossed the Loire, by the bridges of Orleans, Mehun, Saumur, Blois, and Tours, and wherever else they could. There were such numbers of good and able men, that they were at least twenty thousand men at arms, without reckoning the others : there were twenty-five dukes and earls, and upwards of six score banners. The four young sons of the king were also with him ; Charles duke of Normandy, the lord Lewis, who was afterwards duke of Anjou, the lord John, since duke of Berry, and the lord Philip, the younger, who was afterwards duke of Burgundy. About this time, pope Innocent VI. had sent into France two cardinals, sir Bertrand, cardinal of Pcrigord, and sir Nicholas, cardinal d'Aigel**, to endeavour to make a peace between the king of France and his enemies, and especially between him and the king of Navarre, who w T as still detained in prison. The two cardinals had held frequent conferences w T ith the king on this subject, during the siege of Breteuil, but were not able to bring it to a conclusion. The cardinal of Perigord had retired to the city of Tours, where he was informed that the king of France was marching in all haste after the English. He therefore left Tours, and hastened to Poitiers, as he had learnt that the two armies were approaching near to each other in that quarter. When the king of France heard that the prince of Wales was making as much haste as possible to return, he did not think he could any way escape from him. He marched from La Haye, with his whole army, and made for Chauvignytt, where he took up his quarters on Thursday, as well in the town as without the walls, in meads along the banks of the river Vienne. On the morrow, after breakfast, the king crossed the river at the bridge of Chauvigny, and imagined that the English were just before him, but he was mistaken. However, in the pursuit, upwards of forty thousand horse crossed this bridge on the Friday ; * Aqueraulx. In Du Cange, this passage is referred to as the authority for the word : he calls itmachina belli. [It seems that the aqueraulx were weapons projected from the cannons, and not machines used for casting the Greek fire. — Froissart's words are, u et ordonn&rent a porter canons en avant et a. traire en aquereaux et a feu Gregeois." They ordered cannons to be brought up and aquereaux and Greek fire to be shot from them. — En.] f Feu Gregeois, or feu Grecquois, was composed of sul- phur, naphtha, pitch, gum, and bitumen. It is only ex- tinguishable by vinegar mixed with sand or urine, or by raw hide?. It was first used by the Greeks, about the year 660. — For further accounts, see Encyclopaedia Britan- nica, word Fire. % A handsome city and bishopric, on the north side of the Loire, forty-four leagues and a half from Paris. § A small city in Touraine, on the Loire, ten leagues from Blois. || A town in Touraine, on the Lndre, diocese of Toms, sixty-nine leagues from Paris. ^[ A town in Touraine, on the Creuse, twelve leagues from Tours. ** In some, it is d'Urgel. ft A town in Poitou, on the Vienne, diocese of Poitiers, six leagues from Poitiers. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND FRANCE, &c. 213 many others did so at Chatelleraut * ; and all, as they passed, took the road to Poitiers. On the other hand, the prince of Wales and his army were ignorant of the exact motions of the French ; but they supposed they were not far distant, for their foragers found great difficulties in procuring forage, of which the whole army was in extreme want. They repented of the great waste they had made in Berry, Anjou, and Touraine, and that they had not more amply provisioned themselves. It happened on this Friday, from the king of France in person passing the brido-e of Chauvigny, and the great crowds which attended him, that three great barons of France, the lord of Auxerre, the lord Raoul de Joigny, and the earl of Joigny, were obliged to remain all that day in the town of Chauvigny, and a part of their people with them : the others passed over without baggage or armour except what they had on their backs. On the Saturday morning, they dislodged, crossed the bridge, and followed the army of the king, which was about three leagues off. They made for the open fields and the heaths, which were surrounded by woods, in order to arrive at Poitiers. This same Saturday, the prince decamped from a village hard by, and sent forward a detachment to seek adventures, and to bring some intelligence of the French. They consisted of about sixty men, well armed and mounted for the occasion. Among the knights were sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt and sir John de Guistelles. By accident, they got on the heaths surrounded by the woods above mentioned. The French soon saw they were enemies ; they fixed on their helmets, and unfurled their banners as quickly as they were able ; when, fixing their lances in their rests, they stuck spurs to their horses. The English no sooner perceived these Frenchmen, who were about two hundred lances, than they resolved to allow themselves to be pursued, as the prince and his army were not far distant : they therefore wheeled about, and made for the rutty road through the wood. The French chased them with shouts and a great noise, and as they galloped on, fell in with the army of the prince, which had halted among the heaths to wait for their companions. The lord Raoul de Joigny, and those under his banner, were advanced so far that they came right upon the banner of the prince : the engagement was very sharp, and sir Raoul fought well : however, he was made prisoner, as were the earl of Joigny, the Viscount de Breuse, and the lord of Chauvigny : the greater part were either slain or captured. By these the prince learnt, that the king of France had marched forward, and that he could not return without fighting him. Upon which, he collected all the stragglers, and ordered that no one, under pain of death, should advance or skirmish before the battalion of the marshals. They marched on this Saturday, from about nine o'clock until vespers, when they came within small leagues of Poitiers. The captal de Buch sir Haymenon de Pomiers, sir Bartholomew Burgherst and sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, were ordered to advance, and observe where the French were encamped. These knights, with two hundred men well armed and mounted on their best steeds, set out, and soon perceived the French king's army. All the plain was covered with men at arms ; and these English could not refrain from attacking the rear of the French ; they unhorsed many, and took some prisoners, insomuch that the main army began to be in motion. News was brought of this to the king of France, as he was on the point of entering the city of Poitiers : upon which he turned back, and ordered his whole army to do the same, and make for the open fields, so that it was very late before they were quartered. The English detachment returned to the prince, and related to him the appearance of the French, that they were in immense numbers. The prince, on hearing this, said, " God help us ; we must now consider which will be the best manner to fight them the most advantageously." This night, the English were quartered in a very strong position, among vineyards and hedges, and both armies were well guarded. * A town in Poitou, on the Vienne, diocese of Poitiers, others, became, in length of time, attached to particular ten leagues distant. families, and to the estates of which they were possessed. f The Captal de Buch. The title of captal had In the time of the first dukes of Aquitaine, there were anciently been affected by some of the most illustrious several captals ; but this title, perhaps by neglect, was lords of Aquitaine. It seems that it was originally replaced by others, so that, towards the fourteenth century, equivalent to the title of count, and marked even a there were no more than two captals acknowledged, that superiority, as the word capitalis announces, principal of Buch and that of Franc. — Vide Gloss. Du Cange chief. This dignity, at first personal, as well as all the ad. verb. Capitalis. 214 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CLIX. THE DISPOSITION OF THE FRENCH BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. On the Sunday morning, the king of France, who was very impatient to combat the English, ordered a solemn mass to be sung in his pavilion ; and he and his four sons received the communion. Mass being over, there came to him the duke of Orleans, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Ponthieu, the lord James de Bourbon, the duke of Athens, constable of France, the earl of Tancarville, the earl of Saltzburg, the earl of Dammartin, the earl of Vantadour, and many barons of France, as well as other great lords who held fiefs in the neighbourhood, such as my lord of Clermont, sir Arnold d'Andreghen, marshal of France, the lord de St. Venant, the lord John de Landas, the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord de Fiennes, the lord Geoffrey de Chargny, the lord of Ohatillon, the lord of Sully, the lord of Nesle, sir Robert de Duras, and many more, according to a summons they had received for a council. They were a considerable time debating : at last it was ordered, that the whole army should advance into the plain, and that each lord should display his banner, and push forward in the name of God and St. Denis. IJpon this, the trumpets of the army sounded, and every one got himself, ready, mounted his horse, and made for that part of the plain where the king's banner was planted and fluttering in the wind. There might be seen all the nobility of France, richly dressed out in brilliant armour, with banners and pennons * gallantly displayed ; for all the flower of the French nobility were there : no knight nor squire, for fear of dishonour, dared to remain at home. By the advice of the constable and the marshals, the army was divided into three battalions, each consisting of sixteen thousand men at arms, who had before shown themselves men of tried courage. The duke of Orleans commanded the first battalion, where there were thirty-six banners and twice as many pennons. The second was under the command of the duke of Normandy, and his two brothers, the lord Lewis and lord John. The king of France commanded the third. Whilst these three battalions were forming, the king called to him the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord John de Landas, and the lord Guiscard de Beaujeu, and said to them, " Ride forward, as near the English army as you can, and observe their countenance, taking notice of their numbers, and examine which will be the most advantageous manner for us to combat them, whether on horseback or on foot." The three knights left the king to obey his commands. The king was mounted upon a white palfrey, and, riding to the head of his army, said aloud : " You, men of Paris, Chartres, Rouen and Orleans, have been used to threaten what you would do to the English, if you could find them, and wished much to meet them in arms : now, that wish shall be gratified : I will lead you to them ; and let us see how you will revenge yourselves for all the mischief and damage they have done you ; be assured we will not part without fighting." Those who heard him replied : " Sir, through God's assistance, we will most cheerfully meet them." At this instant the three knights returned, and pushing through the crowd, came to the king, who asked what news they had brought : sir Eustace de Ribeaumont, whom his companions had requested to be their spokesman, answered : " Sir, we have observed accurately the English ; they may amount, according to our estimate, to about two thousand men at arms, four thousand archers, and fifteen hundred footmen. They are in a very strong position ; but we do not imagine they can make more than one battalion ; nevertheless, they have posted themselves with great judgment, have fortified all the road along the hedge-side, and lined the hedges with part of their archers ; for, as that is the only road for an attack, one must pass through the midst of them. This lane has no other entry ; and it is so narrow, that scarcely can four men ride through it abreast. At the end of this lane, amidst vines and thorns, where it is impossible to ride or march in any regular order, are posted the men at arms on foot ; and * The pennon was the proper ensign of a bachelor or In computing the numbers of an army, every man at simple knight. Du Fresne shows, that even squires arms should be counted as three ; for each had his squire might bear pennons, provided they could bring a sufficient to bear his lance, &e. and also his body squire, suit of vassals in the field — Note in Grose 1 a Military Villaret, in his History of France, says that three Antiquities. See also p. 206, vol. i. for an account of thousand men at arms amounted to nearly twelve thousand the banner and banneret, and p. 256, vol. ii. men. Vol. v. 4th edit. p. 179. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c. 215 they have drawn up before them their archers, in the manner of a harrow, so that it will be no easy matter to defeat them." The king asked, in what manner they would advise him to attack them : " Sir," replied sir Eustace, " on foot : except three hundred of the most expert and boldest of your army, who must be well armed and excellently mounted, in order to break, if possible, this body of archers ; and then your battalions must advance quickly on foot, attack the men at arms hand to hand, and combat them valiantly. This is the best advice that I can give you ; and, if any one know a better, let him say it." The king- replied ; " Thus shall it be then ; " and, in company with his two marshals, he rode from battalion to battalion, and selected, in conformity to their opinions, three hundred knights and squires of the greatest repute in his army, each well armed and mounted on the best of horses. Soon after, the battalion of the Germans was formed, who were to remain on horse- back to assist the marshals : they were commanded by the earls of Saltzburg, Neydo, and Nassau. King John was armed in royal armour, and nineteen others like him *. He had given his eldest son in charge to the lord of St. Venant, the lord of Landas, and the lord Theobald do Bodenay. The lord Geoffry de Chargny carried the banner of France, as being the most valiant and prudent knight of the army. The lord Reginald de Quenolle f , surnamed the Archpriest, wore the full armour of the young earl of Alencon. CHAPTER CLX. THE CARDINAL DE PERIGORD ENDEAVOURS TO MAKE PEACE BETWEEN THE KING OF FRANCE AND THE PRINCE OF WALES, PREVIOUS TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. When the battalions of the king of France were drawn up, and each lord posted under his proper banner, and informed how they were to act, it was ordered, that all those who were armed with lances should shorten them to the length of five feet, that they might be the more manageable, and that every one should take off his spurs. As the French were on the point of marching to their enemies, the cardinal de Perigord, who had left Poitiers that morning early, came full gallop up to the king, making a low reverence, and intreated him, with uplifted hands, for the love of God, to halt a moment, that he might speak to him : he thus began ; " Most dear sire, you have here with you all the flower of knighthood of your kingdom against a handful of people, such as the English are, when compared to your army : you may have them upon other terms than by a battle ; and it will be more honourable and profitable to you to gain them by this means than to risk such a fine army, and such noble persons as you have now with you. I therefore beseech you, in all humility, and by the love of God, that you will permit me to go to the prince, and remonstrate with him on the dangerous situation he is in." The king answered, " It is very agreeable to us ; but make haste back again." The cardinal upon this, set off, and went in all speed to the prince, whom he found on * This custom of arming several in like manner to the commander of. an army, seems to have been usual, and was carried down to our Richard IIL's time. Shak- speare makes Richard say, in the fourth scene of the last act ; " I think, there be six Richmonds in the field : Five have I slain to-day, instead of him." Also in the First Part of Henry IV. Douglas says ; " Another king ! they grow like hydras 1 heads ; I am the Douglas, fatal to all those That wear these colours on them. — What art thou, That counterfeit'st the person of a king ? " t His name was Arnaut de Cervole. " The family of Cervole, Cei voile, or Servola, held a distinguished rank among the nobility of Perigord. Arnaut was of this family. Some authors make him a Gascon, because formeily all borderers on the Garonne were so called. " The title of archipresbyter de Vermis, which Dom. Vaissette translates, ' archpriest of Vezzins, 1 was given to him, for though a knight and a married man, he pos- sessed an archpiiestship of that name. It is known, that Hugh, duke of France and Burgundy, earl of Paris and Orleans, who died in 956, was surnamed the Abbot ; because, though a layman, he possessed tlie abbeys of St. Denis, St. Germain-des-pr^s, and St. Martin-de-Tours. Vizzins was probably an archpiiestship, whose revenues Cervolle received. One cannot determine where it was situated, for villages and hamlets of this name are in Anjou, Touraine, Bouergue, and in Brittany." For further particulars, I shall refer to M. de Zurlau- ben's memoir itself, in the xxvth volume of the Memoires de l'Acad^mie. " In this same year [136G], about Trinity-day, sir Arnold de Cervole, surnamed the Archpriest, who com- manded a large body of men at arms in the kingdom of France, was put to death by his own men, which rejoiced many." — Sec moro in the Grandes Chroniques de France, T. 3. 210 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. foot in tlic midst of his army, in the thickest part of a vineyard. When the cardinal camo there, he dismounted, and advanced to the prince, who most affably received him, and, after he had made his reverence, said ; " Fair son, if you have well considered the great army of the king of France, you will permit me to make up matters between you both, if I possibly can." The prince, who was but in his youth, replied ; " Sir, my own honour, and that ot my army saved, I am ready to listen to any reasonable terms." The cardinal answered ; " Fair son, you say well : and I will bring about a treaty, if I can ; for it would be a great pity, that so many worthy persons, who are here, should meet in battle." The cardinal returned to the king of France, and said : " Sir, you have no occasion to be so impatient to fight with them, for they cannot escape from you : I therefore intreat you would grant them a truce from this time, until to-morrow's sun-rise." The king at first would not agree to it, for a part of his council refused their consent : however, the cardinal spoke so eloquently, that the king at last assented. He ordered a very handsome and rich pavilion of red silk to be pitched on the spot where he stood, and dismissed his army to their quarters, except the battalion of the constable and marshals. All this Sunday, the cardinal rode from one army to the other, and was very anxious to reconcile the two parties. But the king would not listen to any other terms than that four principal persons of the English should be given up to his will, and that the prince and his army should unconditionally surrender themselves. Many proposals were made : the prince offered to surrender to the king of France all the towns and castles which he had conquered in this expedition ; to give up, without ransom, all his prisoners, and to swear he would not for seven years take up arms against the king of France. The king and his council refused to accept of this, and the affair remained some time in suspense : at last, they declared that, if the prince of Wales and one hundred of his knights did not surrender themselves prisoners to the king of France, he would not allow them to pass on without an engagement. The prince and his army disdained accepting of such conditions. Whilst the cardinal was riding from one army to the other, endeavouring to make peace, some knights of either party rode forth, skirting their enemy's army, to examine its dispo- sition. It chanced, on that day, that sir John Chandos had rode out near one of the wings of the French army, and lord John de Clermont, one of the king's marshals, had done the same, to view the English. As each knight was returning to his quarters, they met ; they both had the same device upon the surcoats which they wore over their other clothes ; it was a Virgin Mary, embroidered on a field azure, or, encompassed with the rays of the sun argent *, On seeing this, lord Clermont said ; " Chandos, how long is it since you have taken upon you to wear my arms?" " It is you who have mine," replied Chandos ; " for it is as much mine as yours." " I deny that," said the lord of Clermont ; " and were it not for the truce between us, I would soon shew you that you have no right to wear it." " Ha," answered sir John Chandos, " you will find me to-morrow in the field, ready prepared to defend, and to prove by force of arms, that it is as much mine as yours." The lord of Clermont replied ; " These are the boastings of you English, who can invent nothing new, but take for your own whatever you see handsome belonging to others." With that they parted, without more words, and each returned to his own army. The cardinal de Perigord, not being able by any means to reconcile the king and prince, returned to Poitiers late in the evening. That same day the French kept in their quarters, where they lived at their ease, having plenty of provisions ; whilst the English, on the other hand, were but badly off, nor did they know whither to go for forage, as they were so straitly kept by the French, they could not move without danger. This Sunday they made many mounds and ditches round where the archers were posted, the better to secure them. On Monday morning, the prince and his army were soon in readiness, and as well arrayed as on the former day. The French were also drawn out by sun-rise. The cardinal, returning again that morning, imagined that, by his exhortations, he could pacify both parties ; but the French told him to return where he pleased, and not attempt bringing them any more * This blazonry seems erroneous ; at all events it is a. blue Madonna worked in embroidery, surrounded incorrectly expressed. The words in Salvage's ed. are by sun- beams, and it is the same in Lord Berners. — En. v une bleue Danic ouvree d'une brodure, au ray du soleil : " CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 217 treaties or pacifications, else worse might betide him. When the cardinal saw that ho laboured in vain, he took leave of the king of France, and set out toward the prince of Wales to whom he said ; " Fair son, exert yourself as much as possible, for there must be a battle ; I cannot by any means pacify the king of France." The prince replied, " that such were the intentions of him and his army • and God defend the right." The cardinal then took leave of him, and returned to Poitiers. In his company, there were some knights and men at arms more inclined to the French than to the English, who, when they saw that a battle was unavoidable, stole away from their master, and, joining the French forces, chose for their leader the castellan of Amposta *, who at that time was attached to the cardinal. The cardinal knew nothing of this, until he was arrived at Poitiers. The arrangement of the prince's army, in respect to the battalions, was exactly the same as what the three knights before named had related to the king of France, except that at this time he had ordered some valiant and intelligent knights to remain on horseback, similar to the battalion of the French marshals, and had also commanded three hundred men at arms, and as many archers on horseback, to post themselves on the right on a small hill, that was not too steep nor too high, and, by passing over its summit, to get round the wing of the duke of Normandy's battalion, who was in person at the foot of it. These were all the alterations the prince had made in his order of battle : he himself was with the main body, in the midst of the vineyards : the whole completely armed, with their horses near, if there should be occasion for them. They had fortified and inclosed the weaker parts, with their waggons and baggage. I wish to name some of the most renowned knights, who were with the prince of Wales. There were Thomas Beauchamp carl of Warwick, John Vere earl of Oxford, William Montacute earl of Salisbury, Robert Hufford earl of Suffolk, Ralph lord Stafford, the earl of Stafford, the lord Richard Stafford, brother to the earl, sir John Chandos, the lord Reginald Cobham, the lord Edward Spencer, the lord James Audley and his brother the lord Peter, the lord Thomas Berkley (son of the lord Maurice Berkley, who died at Calais nine years before), Ralph lord Basset of Drayton, John lord Warren (eldest son to John Plantagenet late earl of Warren, Strathcrn and Surrey, by his first lady Maude de Hereford), Peter lord Mauley, the sixth of the name, the lord John Willoughby de Eresby, the lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, the lord William Felton and the lord Thomas Felton his brother, the lord Thomas Bradestan ; sir Walter Pavcly, sir Stephen Cossington, sir Matthew Gournay, sir William de la More, and other English. From Gascony, there were the lord of Pumiers, the lord d'Albret, the captal de Buch, the lord John de Chaumont, the lord de l'Esparre, the lord of Rosen, the lord of Cousen, the lord de Montferrand, the lord de Landulas, the lord Souldich de la Traine *f", and many more whom I cannot remember. Of Hainaulters, there were sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, the lord John de Guystelle, and two other strangers, the lord Daniel Phaselle and lord Denis de Morbeque. The whole army of the prince, including every one, did not amount to eight thousand : when the French, counting all sorts of persons, were upwards of sixty thousand combatants ; among whom were more than three thousand knights. CHAPTER CLXI. THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, BETWEEN THE FRINCE OF WALES AND THE KING OF FRANCE. When the prince of Wales saw, from the departure of the cardinal without being able to obtain any honourable terms, that a battle was inevitable, and that the king of France held both him and his army in great contempt, he thus addressed himself to them : " Now, my gallant fellows, what though we be a small body when compared to the army of our enemies ; do not let us be cast down on that account, for victory does not always follow numbers, but * Among the cortes of Spain was the castellan of Am- supposes the word Souldich (but says he can nowhere posta. find the meaning of it) to be that of some office, like to t He is called sir Sandich de la Trane in the account captal, which, in the customs of Bordeaux, article 75, is of the knights of the garter. See Anstis' Order of the ranked with the viscounts and barons. Garter, where there is a short history of him. He 218 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. where the Almighty God pleases to bestow it. If, through good fortune, the day shall be ours, we will gain the greatest honour and glory in this world : if the contrary should happen, and we be slain, I have a father and beloved brethren alive, and you all have some relations, or good friends, who will be sure to revenge our deaths. I therefore entreat of you to exert yourselves, and combat manfully ; for, if it please God and St. George, you shall see me this day act like a true knight *." By such words and arguments as these, the prince harangued his men ; as did the marshals, by his orders ; so that they were all in high spirits. Sir John Chandos placed himself near the prince, to guard and advise him ; and never, during that day, would he, on any account, quit his post. The lord James Audley remained also a considerable time near him ; but, when he saw that they must certainly engage, he said to the prince : " Sir, I have ever served most loyally my lord your father, and yourself, and shall continue so to do, as long as I have life. Dear sir, I must now acquaint you, that formerly I made a vow, if ever I should be engaged in any battle where the king your father or any of his sons were, that I would be the foremost in the attack, and the best combatant on his side, or die in the attempt. I beg therefore most earnestly, as a reward for any services I may have done, that you would grant me permission honourably to quit you, that I may post myself in such wise to accomplish my vow." The prince granted this request, and, holding out his hand to him, said ; " Sir James, God grant that this day you may shine in valour above all other knights." The knight then set off, and posted himself at the front of the battalion, with only four squires whom he had detained with him to guard his person. This lord James was a prudent and valiant knight ; and by his advice the army had thus been drawn up in order of battle. Lord James began to advance, in order to light with the battalion of the marshals. In like manner, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt took great pains to be the first to engage, and was so, or near it : and, at the time that lord James Audley was pushing forward to seek his enemies, it thus befel sir Eustace. I mentioned before, that the Germans attached to the French interest were drawn up in one battalion on horseback, and remained so, to assist the marshals. Sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, being mounted, placed his lance in its rest, and, fixing his shield, stuck spurs into his horse, and galloped up to this battalion. A German knight, called lord Lewis von Coucibras (who bore for arms five roses, gules, on a shield argent, while those of sir Eustace were ermine, three humets, in pale gules), perceiving sir Eustace quit his army, left his battalion that was under the command of earl John of Nassau, and made up to him: the shock of their meeting was so violent, that they both fell to the ground. The German was wounded in the shoulder, so that he could not rise again so nimbly as sir Eustace, who, when upon his legs, after he had taken breath, was hastening to the knight that lay on the ground ; but five German men at arms came upon him, struck him down, and made him prisoner. They led him to those that were attached to the earl of Nassau, who did not pay much attention to him, nor do I know if they made him swear himself their prisoner : but they tied him to a car with some of their harness. The engagement now began on both sides: and the battalion of the marshals was advancing before those who were intended to break the battalion of the archers, and had entered the lane where the hedges on both sides were lined by the archers ; who, as soon as they saw them fairly entered, began shooting with their bows in such an excellent manner, from each side of the hedge, that the horses, smarting under the pain of the wounds made by their bearded arrows, would not advance, but turned about, and, by their unruliness, threw their masters, who could not manage them, nor could those that had fallen get up again for the confusion : so that this battalion of the marshals could never approach that of the prince : however, there were some knights and squires so well mounted, that, by the strength of their horses, they passed through, and broke the hedge, but, in spite of their efforts, could not * Now sirs, though we be but a small company, as in I have the kyng my father and bietherne, and also ye have regarde to the puyssance of our ennemyes, let us nat be good frendes and kynsmen; these shall reuenge us. Ther- abasshed therefore, for the vyctorie lyeth nat in the multi- fore sirs, for Goddes sake, I requyre you do your deuoyeis tude of people but wher as God wyll sende it •, if it fortune this day, for if God be pleased and Saynt George, this that the iourney be ours, we shal be the most honoured day ye shall se me a good knyght. — Lord Berners. people of all the worlde ; and if we dye in our right quarell, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 210 get up to the battalion of the prince. The lord James Audley, attended by his four squires * had placed himself, sword in hand, in front of this battalion, much before the rest, and was performing wonders. He had advanced, through his eagerness, so far, that he engaged the lord Arnold d'Andreghen, marshal of France, under his banner, when they fouoht a considerable time, and the lord Arnold was roughly enough treated. The battalion of the marshals was soon after put to the rout by the arrows of the archers, and the assistance of the men at arms, who rushed among them as they were struck down, and seized and slew them at their pleasure. The lord Arnold d'Andreghen was there made prisoner, but by others than the lord James Audley or his four squires ; for that knight never stopped to make any one his prisoner that day, but was the whole time employed in fighting and following his enemies. In another part, the lord John Clermont fought under his banner as long as he was able ; but, being struck down, he could neither get up again nor procure his ransom : he w T as killed on the spot. Some say, this treatment was owing to his altercation on the preceding day with sir John Chandos. In a short time, this battalion of the marshals was totally discomfited ; for they fell back so much on each other, that the army could not advance, and those who were in the rear, not being able to get forward, fell back upon the battalion commanded by the duke of Normandy, which was broad and thick in the front, but it was soon thin enough in the rear ; for, when they learnt that the marshals had been defeated, they mounted their horses and set off. At this time, a body of English came down from the hill, and, passing along the battalions on horseback, accompanied by a large body of archers, fell upon one of the wings of the duke of Normandy's division. To say the truth, the English archers were of infinite service to their army ; for they shot so thickly and so well, that the French did not know which way to turn themselves, to avoid their arrows : by this means they kept advancing by little and little, and gained ground. When the men at arms perceived that the first battalion was beaten, and that the one under the duke of Normandy was in disorder, and beginning to open, they hastened to mount their horses, which they had, ready prepared, close at hand. As soon as they were all mounted, they gave a shout of " St. George, for Guienne !" and sir John Chandos said to the prince ; " Sir, sir, now push forward, for the day is ours : God will this day put it in your hand. Let us make for our adversary the king of France ; for where he is will lie the main stress of the business : I well know that his valour will not let him fly ; and he will remain with us, if it please God and St. George : but he must be well fought with ; and you have before said, that you would show yourself this day a good knight." The prince replied ; " John, get forward • you shall not see me turn my back this day, but I will always be among the foremost." He then said to sir Walter Woodland, his banner-bearer, " Banner, advance, in the name of God and St. George." The knight obeyed the commands of the prince. In that part, the battle was very hot, and greatly crowded : many a one was unhorsed : and you must know, that whenever any one fell, he could not get up again, unless he were quickly and well assisted. As the prince was thus advancing upon his enemies, followed by his division, and upon the point of charging them, he perceived the lord Robert de Duras lying dead near a small bush on his right hand, with his banner beside him, and ten or twelve of his people : upon which he ordered two of his squires and three archers to place the body upon a shield, carry it to Poitiers, and present it from him to the cardinal of Perigord, and say, that " I salute him by that token." This w T as done ; for he had been informed how the suite of the cardinal had remained in the field of battle in arms against him, which was not very becoming, nor a fit deed for churchmen to do, as they, under pretext of doing good and establishing peace, pass from one army to the other, they ought not therefore to take up arms on either side. These, however, had done so, at which the prince was much enraged, and for this had sent the cardinal his nephew sir Robert de Duras, and was desirous of striking off the head of the castellan of Amposta, who had been made prisoner, notwithstanding he belonged to the cardinal f; but sir John Chandos said, "My lord, do not think of such things at this * Their names were : Dutton of Dutton,— Delves of nection with the cardinal was the very reason why the Doddington, — Fowlehurst of Crew, — Hawkestone of prince desired his death. Lord Berners properly translates Wainehill.— Ashmole's Garter. the words of the original, " pourtant qu'il estoit," " by- t This is incorrectly translated; the castellans con- cause he was pertaynyngc." — Ed. 220 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. moment, when you must look to others of the greatest importance : perhaps the cardinal may excuse himself so well, that you will be convinced he was not to blame." The prince, upon this, charged the division of the duke of Athens, and very sharp the encounter was, so that many were beaten down. The French, who fought in large bodies, cried out, " Montjoye St. Denis !" and the English answered them with, " St. George for Guienne !" The prince next met the battalion of Germans, under the command of the earl of Saltzburg, the earl of Nassau, and the earl of Neydo ; but they were soon overthrown, and put to flight. The English archers shot so well, that none dared to come within reach of their arrows, and they put to death many who could not ransom themselves. The three above-named earls were slain there, as well as many other knights and squires attached to them. In the confusion, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt was rescued by his own men, who remounted him : he afterwards performed many gallant deeds of arms, and made good captures that day. When the battalion of the duke of Normandy saw the prince advancing so quick upon them, they bethought themselves how to escape. The sons of the king, the duke of Normandy, the earl of Poitiers, and the earl of Touraine, who were very young, too easily believed what those under whose management they were placed said to them : however, the lord Guiscard d' Angle and sir John de Saintre, who were near the earl of Poitiers, would not fly, but rushed into the thickest of the combat. The three sons of the king, according to the advice given them, gallopped away, with upwards of eight hundred lances who had never been near the enemy, and took the road to Chauvigny. "When the lord John de Landas, who, with the lord Theobald de Bodenay and the lord of St. Venant, were the guardians of the duke of Normandy, had fled with him a good league, they took leave of him, and besought the lord of St. Venant not to quit him until they were all arrived at a place of safety ; for, by doing thus, he would acquire more honour than if he were to remain on the field of battle. On their return, they met the division of the duke of Orleans, quite whole and unhurt, who had fled from behind the rear of the king's battalion. True it is, there were many good knights and squires among them, who, notwithstanding the flight of their leaders, had much rather have suffered death than the smallest reproach*. The king's battalion advanced in good order, to meet the English : many hard blows were given with swords, battle-axes, and other warlike weapons. The king of France, with the lord Philip his youngest son, attacked the division of the marshals, the earls of Warwick and Suffolk : there were also with the marshals some Gascons, such as the captal de Buch, the lord of Pumiers, the lord Amery de Charree, the lord of Languran, the lord de f Estrade. The lord John de Landas, with the lord Theobald de Bodenay, returning in good time, dismounted, and joined the battalion of the king. On one side, the duke of Athens, constable of France, was engaged with his division ; and, a little higher up, the duke of Bourbon, surrounded with good knights, from the Bourbonois and Picardy. Near to these were the men of Poitou, the lord de Pons, the lord de Partenay, the lord de Dampmaire, the lord de Monta- bouton, the lord de Surgercs, the lord John de Saintre, the lord Guiscard d' Angle, the lord d'Argenton, the lord de Linieres, the lord de Montrande, the viscount de Rochechouart, the earl of Aulnoy. Many others were also engaged, such as the lord James de Beaujeu, the lord of Chateau-Villain, and other knights and squires from Burgundy. In another part were the earls of Vantadour and Montpensier, the lord James de Bourbon, the lord John d'Artois, and the lord James his brother, the lord Arnold de Cervolle, surnamed the Arch- priest, armed as the young earl of Alencon. There were also from Auvergne, the lord de * My manuscripts make here a new chapter, and it be- gins as follows : " You have heard before related in this history the battle of Crecy, and how fortune was marvellously unfa- vourable to the French. They had equal ill-luck at the battle of Poitiers ; for the French men at arms were at ieast seven to one. Tt must therefore be looked upon as very unfortunate that, with this advantage, they could not gam the field from their enemies. But, to say the truth, this battle of Poitiers was much better fought than that of Crecy ; and the men at arms had more leisure, and better opportunities to observe their enemies, than they had at Crecy ; for that battle did not begin before vespers, and with 'an army in disorder, whilst the battle of Poitiers commenced early in the morning, and the French army well arranged. There were many more gallant deeds per- formed, without comparison, in this than in the formei battle ; and there were not so many great lords slain. Those that were there behaved themselves so loyally, that their heirs, to this day, are honoured for their sake." CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sea. 221 Marcueil, the lord de la Tour, the lord de Chalenton, the lord de Montague, the lord de Rochefort, the lord de la Chaire, the lord d'Achon ; and from Limousin, the lord de Linal, the lord de Naruel, and the lord Pierre de Buffiere. From Picardy, there were the lord William de Merle, the lord Arnold de Rcnneval, the lord Geoffry de St. Dizicr, the lord de Chauny, the lord de Hely, the lord de Monsant, the lord de Hagnes, and many others. The lord Douglas*, from Scotland, was also in the king's battalion, and for some time fought very valiantly ; but, when he perceived that the discomfiture was complete on the side of the French, he saved himself as fast as he could ; for he dreaded so much being taken by the English, that he had rather have been slain. The lord James Audley, with the assistance of his four squires, was always engaged in the heat of the battle. He was severely wounded in the body, head and face ; and as long as his strength and breath permitted him, he maintained the fight, and advanced forward : ho continued to do so until he was covered with blood : then, towards the close of the engagement, his four squires, who were as his body-guard, took him, and led him out of the engagement, very weak and wounded, towards a hedge, that he might cool and take breath. They disarmed him as gently as they could, in order to examine his wounds, dress them, and sew up the most dangerous. King John, on his part, proved himself a good knight ; and, if the fourth of his people had behaved as well, the day would have been his own. Those, however, who had remained with him acquitted themselves to the best of their power, and were either slain or taken prisoners. Scarcely any who were with the king attempted to escape. Among the slain, were the duke Peter de Bourbon, the duke of Athens, constable of France, the bishop of Chalons t in Champagne, the lord Guiscard de Beaujeu, and the lord of Landas. The archpriest, sir Theobald de Bodenay and the lord of Pompadour, were made prisoners, badly wounded. In another part of the field of battle, the earls of Vaudemont and Genville, and the earl of Vendome, were prisoners. Not far from that spot were slain, the lord William de Nesle and the lord Eustace de Ribeaumont, the lord de la Tour and the lord "William de * u Lord Douglas, forgetful of his religious pilgrimage, offered his sword to the French king. He was received with distinguished honours, 1 was made a knight of his hande,' Scala Chron. ap. Leland, and his service was accepted. To say that a person received the honour of knighthood, is, in modern language, uninteresting, and sometimes it is ludicrous. This must always be the case, when names and ceremonies are retained, while from a total change of manners, that which gave dignity to such names and ceremonies is forgotten by the vulgar. " Great carnage was made of the Scots at the battle of Poitiers. Lord Douglas, after having been wounded, was forced off the field by his surviving companions. Archibald Douglas, a warrior eminent in our history, fell into the power of the enemy ; but, by the extraordinary presence of mind of sir Williain Ramsay of Colluthy, he was con- cealed, and escaped unknown. The story of Archibald Douglas's escape, as related by Fordun, is curious. It shall be translated as nearly as possible in his own manner. ' Archibald Douglas, having been made prisoner along with the rest, appeared in more sumptuous armour than the other Scottish prisoners; and, therefore, he was supposed by the English to be some great lord. Late in the even- ing after the battle, when the English were about to strip off his armour, sir William Ramsay of Colluthy, happening to be present, fixed his eyes on Archibald Douglas, and, affecting to be in a violent passion, cried out, " You cursed, damnable murderer, how comes it, in the name of mischief (ex parte diaboli), that you are thus proudly decked out in your master's armour? Come hither, and pull off my boots." Douglas approached trembling, kneeled down, and pulled off one of the boots. Ramsay, taking up the boot, beat Douglas with it. The English bystanders, imagining him out of his senses, interposed, and rescued Douglas. They said, that the person whom he had beaten wa certainly of great rank, and a lord. " What, he a lord ?" cried Ramsay ; " he is a scullion, and a base knave, and, as I suppose, has killed his master. Go, you villain, to the field, search for the body of my cousin, your master ; and when you have found it, come back, that at least I may give him a decent burial." Then he ransomed the feigned serving-man for forty shillings ; and, having buffeted him smartly, he cried, "Get you gone; fly.'" Douglas bore all this patiently," carried on the deceit, and was soon beyond the reach of his enemies.' " This story, as to some of its circumstances, may not seem altogether probable ; yet, in the main, it has tho appearance of truth. Had I been at liberty to vary the narrative, I would have made Ramsay suspect, that the feigned serving man had stripped his master, after he had been slain or mortally wounded. This Archibald was the natural son of the renowned sir James Douglas, slain by the Saracens in Granada." — Lord Hailes's Annals of Scotland, vol. i. pp. 240, 241. f The bishop of Chalons. We see, by the example of this prelate and of tho archbishop of Sens, who assisted at the battle of Poitiers, that tho custom, arising out of the feudal law, which obliged ecclesiastics to personal service in the armies, subsisted in many parts of France. The laws of the church condemned this practice, to which their temporal possessions subjected the clergy. This contra- diction in the form of our government with the spirit of our religion existed until the practice was insensibly abo- lished by different dispensations, and exchanged for contri- butions of money and men. Francis I. by his edict of the 4th July 1541, regulated the clauses for their exemp- tion. Since that period, the clergy have been exempted from service of ban and arriere ban, by different letters patent, and particularly by an edict of the 29th April 1636, under Lewis XIII.— Villaret, Hist, de France, vol. v. p. 104. 222 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Montagu. The lord Lewis de Melval, the lord Pierre de Buffiere and the lord de Senerach, were taken. In this engagement, upwards of two hundred knights and squires were killed or captured. A band of Norman knights still kept up the battle, in another part of the field ; and of these, sir Guinenton de Chambly and sir Baudrin de la House were slain : many others were discomfited, who were fighting in small bodies. CHAPTER CLXII*. TWO FRENCHMEN, RUNNING AWAY FROM THE BATTLE OF POITIERS, ARE PURSUED BY TWO ENGLISHMEN, WHO ARE THEMSELVES MADE PRISONERS. Among the battles, skirmishes, flights and pursuits, which happened in the course of this day, an adventure befel sir Edward de Roucy, which I cannot omit relating in this place. He had left the field of battle, as he perceived the day was irrecoverably lost ; and, not wishing to fall into the hands of the English, was got about a league off ; when he was pursued by an English knight, his lance in the rest, who cried to him, " Sir knight, turn about : you ought to be ashamed thus to fly." Upon this, sir Edward halted, and the Englishman attacked him, thinking to fix his lance in his target ; but he failed, for sir Edward turned the stroke aside, nevertheless he did not miss his own : with his spear he hit his enemy so violent a blow on the helmet, that he was stunned and fell to the ground, where he remained senseless. Sir Edward dismounted, and, placing his lance on his breast, told him that he would certainly kill him, if he did not surrender himself his prisoner, rescued or not. The Englishman surrendered, and went with sir Edward, who afterward ransomed him. It happened that, in the midst of the general pursuit, a squire from Picardy, named John de Helennes, had quitted the king's division, and, meeting his page with a fresh horse, had mounted him, and made off as fast as he could. At that time, there was near to him the lord of Berkeley, a young knight, who, for the first time, had that day displayed his banner : he immediately set out in pursuit of him. When the lord of Berkeley had followed him for some little time, John de Helennes turned about, put his sword under his arm in the manner of a lance, and thus advanced upon the lord Berkeley, who taking his sword by the handle, flourished it, and lifted up his arm in order to strike the squire as he passed. John de Helennes, seeing the intended stroke, avoided it, but did not miss his own ; for as they passed each other, by a blow on the arm he made lord Berkeley's sword fall to the ground. When the knight found that he had lost his sword, and that the squire had his, he dismounted, and made for the place where his sword lay : but he could not get there before the squire gave him a violent thrust which passed through both his thighs, so that, not being able to help himself, he fell to the ground. John upon this dismounted, and, seizing the sword of the knight, advanced up to him and asked him if he were willing to surrender. The knight required his name: " I am called John de Helennes," said he, " what is your name?" " In truth, companion," replied the knight, my name is Thomas, and I am lord of Berkeley, a very handsome castle situated on the river Severn, on the borders of Wales." Lord of Berkeley," said the squire, " you shall be my prisoner : I will place you in safety, and take care you are healed, for you appear to me to be badly wounded." The knight answered, " I surrender myself willingly, for you have loyally conquered me." He gave him his word that he would be his prisoner, rescued or not. John then drew his sword out of the knight's thighs and the wounds remained open ; but he bound them up tightly, and, placing him on his horse, led him a foot-pace to Chatelherault. He continued there, out of friendship to him, for fifteen days, and had medicines administered to him. When the knight was a little recovered, he had him placed in a litter, and conducted him safe to his house in Picardy ; where he remained more than a year before he was quite cured, though he continued lame ; and when he departed, he paid for his ransom six thousand nobles, so that this squire became a knight by the great profit he got from the lord of Berkeley. * This cliap. in the original ed. is numbered CLX., and is one higher, and heneeforvvard will be two higher, than chap. XIX. is there numbered XVIII.; consequently the original ed. of Mr. Johnes. This i3 here noticed to from the latter point to this chapter, the present numbering avoid confusion in quotations. — En. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 223 CHAPTER CLXIII. THE MANNER IN WHICH KING JOHN WAS TAKEN PRI30NER AT THE BATTLE OP POITIERS. It often happens, that fortune in war and love turns out more favourable and wonderful than could have been hoped for or expected. To say the truth, this battle which was fought near Poitiers, in the plains of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, was very bloody and perilous : many gallant deeds of arms were performed that were never known, and the com- batants on each side suffered much. King John himself did wonders : he was armed with a battle-axe, with which he fought and defended himself. The earl of Tancarville, in endeavouring to break through the crowd, was made prisoner close to him : as were also sir James de Bourbon, earl of Ponthieu, and the lord John d'Artois, earl of Eu. In another part, a little farther off, the lord Charles d'Artois and many other knights and squires were captured by the division under the banner of the captal de Buch. The pursuit continued even to the gates of Poitiers, where there was much slaughter and overthrow of men and horses ; for the inhabitants of Poitiers had shut their gates, and would suffer none to enter : upon which account, there was great butchery on the causeway, before the gate, where such numbers were killed or wounded, that several surrendered themselves the moment they spied an Englishman : and there were many English archers who had four, five, or six prisoners. The lord of Pons, a powerful baron in Poitou, was slain there, as were several other knights and squires. The viscount de Rochechouart, the lords de Partenay and de Sain- tonge, and the lord of Montendre, were taken prisoners : as was the lord John de Saintre, but so beaten that he never afterward recovered his health : he was looked upon as the most accomplished knight in France. The lord Guiscard d' Angle was left for slain among the dead : he had fought well that day. The lord de Chargny, who was near the king, combated bravely during the whole engagement : he was always in the crowd, because he carried the king's sovereign banner : his own also was displayed in the field, with his arms, which were three escutcheons argent on a field gules. The English and Gascons poured so fast upon the king's division that they broke through the ranks by force ; and the French were so inter- mixed with their enemies, that at times there were five men attacking one gentleman. The lord of Pompadour and the lord Bartholomew de Brunes were there captured. The lord de Chargny* was slain, with the banner of France in his hands, by the lord Reginald Cobham ; and afterwards the earl of Dammartin shared the same fate. There was much pressing at this time, through eagerness to take the king ; and those who were nearest to him. and knew him, cried out, " Surrender yourself, surrender yourself, or you are a dead man." In that part of the field was a young knight from St. Omer, who was engaged by a salary in the service of the king of England ; his name was Denys de Morbeque ; who for five years had attached himself to the English, on account of having been banished in his younger days from France for a murder committed in an affray at St. Omer. It fortunately happened for this knight that he was at the time near to the king of France, when he was so much pulled about ; he, by dint of force, for he was very strong and robust, pushed through the crowd, and said to the king in good French, "Sire, sire, surrender yourself." The king who found himself very disagreeably situated, turning to him, asked, " To whom shall I surrender myself : to whom ? Where is my cousin the prince of Wales ? if I could see him, I would speak to him." " Sire," replied sir Denys, " he is not here ; but surrender yourself to me, and I will lead you to him." " Who are you ? " said the king. " Sire, I am Denys de Morbeque, a knight from Artois ; but I serve the king of England, because I cannot belong to France, having forfeited all I possessed there." The king then gave him his right hand glove, and said, " I surrender myself to you." There was much crowding and pushing about, for every one was eager to cry out, " I have taken him." Neither the king nor his youngest son Philip were able to get forward, and free themselves from the throng. The prince of Wales, who was as courageous as a lion t, took great delight that day to * Monseigneuv Geoffroy de Chargny. — D. Sauvage, f Courageous and cruel as a lion, says Lord Beruers ; the edition of P. Sauvage has the same words. 224 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. combat his enemies. Sir John Chandos, who was near his person, and had never quitted it during the whole of the day, nor stopped to make prisoners, said to him towards the end of the battle ; " Sir, it will be proper for you to halt here, and plant your banner on the top of this bush, which will serve to rally your forces, that seem very much scattered ; for I do not see any banners or pennons of the French, nor any considerable bodies able to rally against us ; and you must refresh yourself a little, as I perceive you are very much heated." Upon this the banner of the prince was placed on a high bush : the minstrels began to play, and trumpets and clarions to do their duty. The prince took off his helmet, and the knights attendant on his person, and belonging to his chamber, were soon ready, and pitched a small pavilion of crimson colour, which the prince entered. Liquor was then brought to him and the other knights who were with him : they increased every moment ; for they were returning from the pursuit, and stopped there surrounded by their prisoners. As soon as the two marshals were come back, the prince asked them if they knew any thing of the king of France : they replied, " No, sir ; not for a certainty ; but we believe he must be either killed or made prisoner, since he has never quitted his battalion." The prince then, addressing the earl of Warwick and lord Cobham, said ; " I beg of you to mount your horses, and ride over the field, so that on your return you may bring me some certain intelligence of him." The two barons, immediately mounting their horses, left the prince, and made for a small hillock, that they might look about them : from their stand they perceived a crowd of men at arms on foot, who were advancing very slowly. The king of France was in the midst of them, and in great danger ; for the English and Gascons had taken him from sir Denys de Morbeque, and were disputing who should have him, the stoutest bawling out, " It is I that have got him :" " No, no," replied the others, " we have him." The king, to escape from this peril, said, " Gentlemen, gentlemen, I pray you conduct me and my son in a courteous manner to my cousin the prince ; and do not make such a riot about my capture, for I am so great a lord that I can make all sufficiently rich." These words, and others which fell from the king, appeased them a little ; but the disputes were always beginning again, and they did not move a step without rioting. When the two barons saw this troop of people, they descended from the hillock, and sticking spurs into their horses, made up to them. On their arrival, they asked what was the matter : they were answered, that it was the king of France, who had been made prisoner, and that upwards of ten knights and squires challenged him at the same time, as belonging to each of them. The two barons then pushed through the crowd by main force, and ordered all to draw aside. They commanded, in the name of the prince, and under pain of instant death, that every one should keep his distance, and not approach unless ordered or desired so to do. They all retreated behind the king ; and the two barons, dismounting, advanced to the king with profound reverences, and conducted him in a peaceable manner to the prince of Wales. CHAPTER CLXIV. THE PRINCE OF WALES MAKES A HANDSOME PRESENT TO THE LORD JAMES AUDLEY, AFTER THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. Soon after the earl of AVarwick and the lord Reginald Cobham had left the prince, as has been above related, he inquired from those knights who were about him of lord James Audley, and asked if any one knew what was become of him : u Yes, sir," replied some of the company, " he is very badly wounded, and is lying in a litter hard by." " By my troth," replied the prince, " I am sore vexed that he is so wounded. See, I beg of you, if he be able to bear being carried hither : otherwise I will come and visit him." Two knights directly left the prince, and, coming to lord James, told him how desirous the prince was of seeing him. " A thousand thanks to the prince," answered lord James, " for condescending to remember so poor a knight as myself." He then called eight of his servants, and had himself borne in his litter to where the prince was. When he was come into his presence, the prince bent down over him, and embraced him, saying ; " My lord James, I am bound to honour you very much ; for, by your valour this day, you have acquired glory and CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 225 renown above us all, and your prowess has proved you the bravest knight." Lord James replied ; " My lord, you have a right to say whatever you please, but I wish it were as you have said. If I have this day been forward to serve you, it has been to aceomplish a vow that I had made, and it ought not to be thought so much of." "Sir James," answered the prince, " I and all the rest of us deem you the bravest .knight on our side in this battle ; and to increase your renown, and furnish you withal to pursue your career of glory in war, I retain you henceforward, for ever, as my knight, with five hundred marcs* of yearly revenue, which I will secure to you from my estates in England." " Sir," said lord James, " God make me deserving of the good fortune you bestow upon me." At these words he took leave of the prince, as he was very weak, and his servants carried him back to his tent : he could not have been at a great distance, when the earl of Warwick and lord Reginald Cobham entered the pavilion of the prince, and presented the king of France to him. The prince made a very low obeisance to the king, and gave him as much comfort as he was able, which he knew well how to administer. He ordered wine and spices to be brought, which he presented to the king himself, as a mark of his great affection. CHAPTER CLXV. THE ENGLISH GAIN VERY CONSIDERABLY AT THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. Thus was this battle won, as you have heard related, in the plains of Maupertuis, two leagues from the city of Poitiers, on the 19th day of September, 1356 1. It commenced about nine o'clock, and was ended by noon ; but the English were not all returned from the pursuit, and it was to recall his people that the prince had placed his banner upon a high bush. They did not return till late after vespers from pursuing the enemy. It was reported that all the Edward the Black Prince. — From the Tomb at Canterbury. flower of French knighthood were slain ; and that, with the king and his son the lord Philip, seventeen earls, without counting barons, knights or squires, were made prisoners, and from five to six thousand of all sorts left dead in the field. When they were all collected, they found they had twice as many prisoners as themselves : they therefore consulted, if, consider- ing the risk they might run, it would not be more advisable to ransom them on the spot. * The marc is 13s. 4d. — Phillips. MSS. it is 1356. Also in the Annales Rerum Angli- f Froissart calls it on the 22d day of September, 1357 ; carum, Wilhelmi Wincester, 1356. " Hoc anno, xix die but Bouchet proves it to be a mistake, in his Annales Septembris, captio regis Johanms Franpae, per Edwardum d'Aquitaine, from the registers of the convent where the principem." noblemen that were slain were buried : and in my two Q 226 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. This was done : and the prisoners found the English and Gascons very civil, for there were many set at liberty that day on their promise of coming to Bordeaux before Christmas to pay their ransom. When all were returned to their banners, they retired to their camp, which was adjoining to the field of battle. Some disarmed themselves, and did the same to their prisoners, to whom they showed every kindness ; for whoever made any prisoners, they were solely at bin disposal, to ransom or not, as he pleased. It may be easily supposed that all those who ac- companied the prince were very rich in glory and wealth, as well by the ransoms of his prisoners, as by the quantities of gold and silver plate, rich jewels, and trunks stuffed full of belts, that were weighty from their gold and silver ornaments, and furred mantles. They set no value on armour, tents, or other things ; for the French had come there as magnificently and richly dressed as if they had been sure of gaining the victory. CHAPTER CLXVI. THE LORD JAMES AUDLEY GIVES TO HIS SQUIRES THE PENSION OF FIVE HUNDRED MARCS HE HAD RECEIVED FROM THE PRINCE. When the lord James Audley was brought back to his tent, after having most respectfully thanked the prince for his gift, he did not remain long before he sent for his brother sir Peter Audley, the lord Bartholomew Burghersh, sir Stephen Coffington, lord Willoughby of Eresby, and lord William Ferrers of Groby : they were all his relations. He then sent for his four squires that had attended upon him that day, and, addressing himself to the knights, said : 44 Gentlemen, it has pleased my lord the prince to give me five hundred marcs as a yearly inheritance ; for which gift I have done him very trifling bodily service. You see here these four squires, who have always served me most loyally, and especially in this day's engagement. What glory I may have gained has been through their means, and by their valour ; on which account I wish to reward them. I therefore give and resign into their hands the gift of five hundred marcs, which my lord the prince has been pleased to bestow on me, in the same form and manner that it has been presented to me. I disinherit myself of it, and give it to them simply, and without a possibility of revoking it." The knights pre- sent looked on each other, and said, 44 It is becoming the noble mind of lord James to make such a gift ;" and then unanimously added : 44 May the Lord God remember you for it ! We will bear witness of this gift to them wheresoever and whensoever they may call on us." They then took leave of him ; when some went to the prince of Wales, who that night was to give a supper to the king of France from his own provisions : for the French had brought vast quantities with them, which were now fallen into the hands of the English, many of whom had not tasted bread for the last three days. CHAPTER CLXVII. THE PRINCE OF WALES ENTERTAINS THE KING OF FRANCE AT SUPPER, THE EVENING AFTER THE BATTLE. When evening was come, the prince of Wales gave a supper in his pavilion to the king of France, and to the greater part of the princes and barons who were prisoners. The prince seated the king of France and his son the lord Philip at an elevated and well-covered table : with them were, sir James de Bourbon, the lord John d'Artois, the earls of Tancarville, of Estampes, of Dammartin, of Graville, and the lord of Partenay. The other knights and squires were placed at different tables. The prince himself served the king's table, as well as the others, with every mark of humility, and would not sit down at it, in spite of all his entreaties for him so to do, saying, that 44 he was not worthy of such an honour, nor did it appertain to him to seat himself at the table of so great a king, or of so valiant a man as he had shown himself by his actions that day." He added also with a noble air : 44 Dear sir, do not make a poor meal because the Almighty God has not gratified your wishes in the event of this day ; for be assured that my lord and father will show you every CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 227 honour and friendship in his power, and will arrange your ransom so reasonably, that you will henceforward always remain friends. In my opinion, you have cause to be glad that the success of this battle did not turn out as you desired ; for you have this day acquired such high renown for prowess, that you have surpassed all the best knights on your side. I do not, dear sir, say this to flatter you, for all those of our side who have seen and observed the actions of each party, have unanimously allowed this to be your due, and decree you the prize and garland for it." At the end of this speech there were murmurs of praise heard from every one ; and the French said, the prince had spoken nobly and truly, and that he would be one of the most gallant princes in Christendom, if God should grant him life to pursue his career of glory*. * Extract taken from the convent of the Fr£res Mineurs, in the city of Poitiers, of the names of those knights who were slain in the battle of Poitiers, and other gentlemen that were buried in that convent. M First, the underneath knights : The duke of Athens, constable of France The bishop of Chalon, (Reg- nauld Chaveau — Chronique de Wassebourg) M.Andre, viscount deChauvigny Sir Lewis de Brosse Sir John, lord of Mailly in Berry Sir Geoffry de Chargny in Cham- pagne M. de Montjouan Sir John de Lisle Sir Gris Mouton de Chambely Sir Peter de Chambely, his bro- ther M. de Chateau Vilain, in Cham- pagne Sir John de Montigny Sir John de Maulmont Sir John de Bourbon Sir Philip de Boutennillier Sir Hugh dc Maille Sir Geoffry de St. Dizier Sir Aymery de h. Barre Sir William de Blese Sir John de Grillon M.de Chitre, lord of Rademonde M. Clerin de Cherues M. Baudin de Gargalingaen Sir Ansiaulme de Hois Sir Michael de Pommoy Sir Richard de Beaulieu Sir William de Fuylle Sir Hugh Bonnyn M. Dannee de Melon Sir William de Creneur Sir William de Linnieres Sir Olivier de St. Giles Sir William de Romeneuil Sir John de Cranches M. Yvon du Pont, lord of Roche- cheruiere Sir William da Mongy Sir John de Tigny Sir John Brigdene Sir John de Noirterre Sir William de Paty Sir Robert de Chalus Sir Adam de Beauvilliers Sir Bonabes de Roges Sir Vynies de St. Denis Sir Mac£ de Grosbois Sir Louis de Nully Sir Simon Oynepuille Sir Henry, his brother M. de Champrecour Sir William Sauvage Sir William du Retail Sir Sequin de Cloux M. le Vidame de la Roche Dagon Sir Raol de Resay Sir John de la Mirabeau Sir Guiscard de Chantylon M. Ancelin de Carou, lord of Hes M. Guy des Barres, lord of Chau- mont Sir John de Cloys M. le Borgne de Prie. Squires. Bernard de Douzenac Robert Gilles de Miraumont Guicheaux de Maronnay Girard de Pierre William de la Fosse Robert de la Roche Pierre de Bras John Ribriche, lord of Corbon Celart Herausant Hopart de Hanpedourt Guymon Pery William de la Jarracere William Griau Olivier de la Rosay Girard Delec Berart de Lemont Heymonnet Embert Jobert d'Artoy Richard de Vendcl William Seurin John du Flume John Defleat Guy de Bournay Le Moine de Montigny Guinet de Buysson John de Brinac Ymbert de Chamborant Brunet d'Augun John Sarrayn Peter de St. Denis Perrine de Pache Ferry Pate John Dynie Le Petit d'Inchequin Jehannot de Moutabis Jolivet Buffart John de Bourmeuille John Martin Ardouyn de la Touche William de Lusange Le Petit Bidaut de la Rochedcgon. " Many other bodies slain at the aforesaid battle, by licence from the official, and permission of the mayor of Poitiers, were brought in carts from the Freres Mineurs of that town, and buried in large graves in their church-yard, without the church, the feast-day of St. Valentine, 1356 ; and honourable obsequies were performed in all the churches and convents in the town of Poitiers, at the cost of the good citizens of that town. " Underneath are the names of those who were buried in the church of les Fr&res Prescheurs, of the town of Poitiers, which I have taken and extracted from the book called the Kalendar of the Convent, and translated from the Latin into French, chapter fifth. The duke of Bourbon on the right of the great altar. The marechal de Clermont on the opposite side. Lower down, but near him, sir Aubert d'Angct. After him the viscount de Rochechoiurt. In the middle of the choir, Aymer de la Rochcfoucault. At the entrance of the choir, on the right, sir John de Sancerre. In the chapel of the Magdalen, Sir John de St. Didicr. In the same chapel, near the wall, Thibaut de Laval. In the chapel of the Apostles, near the wall, sir Thomas de Motuz. In the chapel of our Lady, sir Walter de Montagu. Adjoining to him, sir Raoul Rabinard. In the nave, near the door, sir John Ferchaut. Near to him, sir Peter Marchadier, and Heliot his brother. Opposite the statue of St. Michael, sir Oliver de Mou- ville. On the other side, sir Philip de Forges. Before the great door, sir William de Bar and eir John de Nully. Q2 228 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CLXVIII.- -THE PRINCE OF WALES RETURNS TO BORDEAUX, AFTER THE BATTLE OF POITIERS. When they had supped and sufficiently regaled themselves, each departed to his lodging with the knights and squires they had captured. Those that had taken them asked, what they could pay for their ransoms, without much hurting their fortunes; and willingly believed whatever they told them ; for they had declared publicly, that they did not wish to deal harshly with any knight or squire that his ransom should be so burdensome as to prevent his following the profession of arms, or advancing his fortune. Towards morning, when these lords had heard mass, and had eaten and drunk a little, whilst the servants were packing up or loading the baggage, they decamped and advanced towards Poitiers. That same night, the lord of Roy had entered the city of Poitiers with a hundred lances, that had not been engaged in the battle, for, having met the duke of Normandy near Chauvigny, he had commanded him to march for Poitiers, and to guard it until he should receive other orders. When the lord of Roye had entered Poitiers, he ordered the gates, towers, and walls, to be well watched that night, on account of the English being so near ; and on the morning he armed all sorts of people, and posted them wherever he judged most convenient for the defence of the town. The English, however, passed by, without making any attempt upon it ; for they were so laden with gold, silver, jewels, and great prisoners, that they did not attack any fortress in their march, but thought they should do great things if they were able to convey the king of France and his son, with all their booty, in safety to the city of Bordeaux. They returned, therefore, by easy marches, on account of their prisoners and heavy baggage, never advancing more than four or five leagues a-day : they encamped early, and marched in one compact body, without quitting the road, except the division of the marshals, who advanced in front, with about five hundred men at arms, to clear the country. They met with no resistance any where ; for the whole country was in a state of consternation, and all the men at arms had retreated into the strong fortresses. During this march, the prince of W ales was informed how lord James Audley had made a present of his pension of five hundred marcs to his four squires. He sent for him : lord James was carried in his litter to the presence of the prince, who received him very graciously, and said to him : u Sir James, I have been informed, that after you had taken leave of me, and were returned to your tent, you made a present to your four squires of the gift I pre- sented to you. I should like to know if this be true, why you did so, and if the gift were not agreeable to you." " Yes, my lord," answered lord James, " it was most agreeable to me, and I will tell you the reasons which induced me to bestow it on my squires. These The names of those who were interred in the cloisters of the said convent Le chevalier Miloton Sir John de Chambes Sir John Macillon Sir Oliver de St. George Sir Ymbert de St. Saturnin Sir John de Ridde Sir Hugh Odard Sir Giles Cherchemont Sir John de Senyce Sir Wm. de Digoyne and his son Sir John Drouyn de Metz in Loraine Sir Robert d'Aulnay Master John Dannerniarie Sir John de la Lang Sir Simon de Renouylla Sir Philip de Pierreficte Sir "William de Miners Sir Raoul de Bouteillier Sir Peter de la Rocdete The lord de la Fayete A German called Erroys Pincerne Sir Boulenuille, viscount d'Aumalle Sir John Fretart Sir Robert Daucre Sir John la Garpe, ung appel le filz de roy Sir Lewis Defcrinel Sir John de Vernicourt Sir Peter Audouyn Sir John de Vernoil Sir John de Montmorillon and his son Sir Hugelin de Vaux Sir John de Almaigne The lord d'Espraigny Sir Hugh de Tinctes The lord of St. Gildart Sir Henry de l'Aunoy Sir Girard de Helchemanc Sir Gourard Guenif Sir Vipert Beau Sir Henry Michiner Sir John de Brie Sir Raoul Seil Sir Symon de Blesy Sir Hugh Orry de Melle Sir Segnyn de Cluys Sir Thomas de Baignel Sir Peter Baillon. Sir William de Mausenac " Eight were buried in three graves, whose names and surnames were unknown ; and among them was the body of a knight, whose surcoat of arms was three chevrons or, in a fdiield gules. " The arms of all the prince9, knights, and lords above- mentioned were blazoned on the stalls of the convent, in order to keep them in perpetual remembrance." Bouchet's Annates d'Aquitaine, \me parte, folio 15. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 220 four squires, who are here, have long and loyally served me, on many great and dano-erous occasions ; and until the day that I made them this present, I had not any way rewarded them for all their services ; and never in this life were they of such help to me as on that day. ^ I hold myself much bound to them for what they did at the battle of Poitiers ; for, dear sir, I am but a single man, and can do no more than my powers admit, but, through their aid and assistance, I have accomplished my vow, which for a long time I had made and by their means was the first combatant, and should have paid for it with my life, if they had not been near to me. When, therefore, I consider their courage, and the love they bear to me, I should not have been courteous nor grateful, if I had not rewarded them. Thank God, my lord, I have a sufficiency for my life, to maintain my state ; and wealth has never yet failed me, nor do I believe it ever will. If, therefore, I have in this acted contrary to your wishes, I beseech you, dear sir, to pardon me ; for you will be ever as loyally served by me and my squires, to whom I gave your present, as heretofore." The prince answered : " Sir James, I do not in the least blame you for what you have done, but, on the contrary, acknowledge your bounty to your squires whom you praise so much. I readily confirm your gift to them ; but I shall insist upon your accepting of six hundred marcs, upon the same terms and conditions as the former gift." The prince of Wales and his army kept advancing, without meeting any obstacle, and, having passed through Poitou and Saintonge, came to Blaye, where he crossed the Garonne, and arrived in the good city of Bordeaux * It is not possible to relate all the feasts and entertainments which the citizens and clergy of Bordeaux made for the prince, and witli what joy they received him and the king of France. The prince conducted the king to the monastery of St. Andrew, where they were both lodged ; the king on one side, and the prince on the other. The prince purchased from the barons, knights and squires of Gascony, * u A letter from the Black Prince to the bishop of Worcester, dated 20th October 1356, relating to the battle of Poitiers, wherein the French king was made prisoner, &c. Ex registro Reginaldi Brien, Wigorn. episcopi, fol. 113. ' L'ra D'ni Principis Wall' de Capcione R. Franciae par le prince de Gales. 4 Reve'nt piere en Dieu, et tresch' ami. — Nous vous mercions entierement de ce que nous avons entendu q'vous estes si bien et si naturelment porte dev's nous, en p'ant Dieux p'r nous et p'r n're exploit ; et sumes tout certiens q' p'r cause de vous devoutes p'eres et dautres, Dieu nous a en toutes nos besoignes be' vucliz aide ; de quoi nous sumes a tous jo's tenuz de lui grazier, en p'ant que v're part ancy vieullietz faire en continuant dev's nous come devant ces heures avetz fait de quoi nous nous tenons g'n'ment tenuz a vous. Et, rev'ent piere, endroit de n're estat, dont nous peneeons bien q'vous desirez la v're merci doier bones nouvelles, vuellietz entendre q' a la faisance de cestes estions sains et heures et tout en bon point, loiez en soit Dieux q' nous donit y ces mesmes de vous toutes soitz oir et saver, et de ce nous vuellietz certifier p'r vos 1'res et p' les entrevenantz a plus souvent q' vous p'res bonement en droit de nouvelles ceandroitz. Vueil- letz savoir q'la veille de la translation Saint Thomas de Canterbire, nouz commenceasmes a chivauch' ove n're povar v's les parties de France et souvraignement p' cause q' nous entesdismes la venue de n're treshonn'e seign'r et piere le roy la endroitz, et si neismes dev's les parties de Bergies en Berye, Orlions et Tours, et avions nouvelles q' le roy de France ove g' nt povar bien pies de celles marches venoit' p' combattre ove no's, et approcheasmes t;mtq' la battaille se prist entre nous en tiele maniere q' les ennemis estoient disconsitez, grace en soit Dieux, et le dit roi et son fils et plusieurs autres g'ntz pris et mortz, les noms de queauz nous vous envions p' n're tresch' bachiler mons' Roger de Cottesford portoir de cestes. Rev'ent piere en Dieux, et n're tresch 'ami, le Saint Esprit vous ait toute jours en sa guarde. * Donne souz n're seal a Birdeaux, le xxe jour d'Oc- tobV " — Archceologia, vol.i. p. 213. We subjoin a translation of this curious letter. — Ed. Reverend father in God, and very dear friend. — We thank you heartily for, as we have heard, you have been well and affectionately (naturelment) inclined towards us in praying to God for us and our enterprize ; which we are very certain succeeded on account of your prayers and those of others. God has been pleased to aid us in all our necessities ; for which we are bound to give him thanks for ever, and we pray that you will also do your part continuing with us as heretofore, for which service we hold ourselves much indebted to you. And, reverend father, in regard to our health, of which we believe that you in your kindness desire to hear good news, know that at this time we are well and happy and altogetber in a good condition, praise be to God, which enables us now to let you hear and know that which we wish you to certify in your letters, and in frequent visits which you priests good naturedly permit, for the purpose of circu- lating news. You must know that on the eve of the translation of St. Thomas of Canterbury, we commenced an incursion with our power, into the French territory, chiefly because we expected the arrival of our much honoured lord and father in those parts ; and thus we advanced into the countries of Beiges in Berry, Orleans and Tours, and had news that the king of France with a great power was at hand, and was coming to fight with us, and we approached so near that a battle took place between us, in which the enemy was discomfited, thanks be to God, and the said king and his son, and several other gentlemen, were taken or killed, for whose names we refer you to our very dear bachelor Mr. Roger de Cottes- ford, the bearer of these. Render thanks to God, and may the Holy Ghost have you our very dear friend, always in his keeping. Given under our seal at Bourdeaux, the twentieth day of October. 230 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. the ransoms of the greater part of the French earls who were there, and paid ready money for them. There were many meetings and disputes among the knights and squires of Gascony, and others, relative to the capture of the king of France. On this account, Denys de Morbeque truly and by right of arms claimed him. He challenged another squire of Gascony, named Bernard de Trouttes, who had declared that he had an equal right to him. There was much disputing between them before the prince and the barons present : and as they had engaged to fight each other, the prince put them under an arrest, until they should be arrived in England, and forbade any thing more being said on the subject till they were in the presence of the king his father. However, as the king of France gave every assistance to Sir Denys in support of his claim, and leaned more to him than to any of the other claimants, the prince ordered two thousand nobles to be given privately to Sir Denys, in order to enable him the better to support his rank. Soon after the prince's arrival at Bordeaux, the cardinal de Perigord came thither as, it was said, ambassador from the pope. It was upwards of a fortnight before the prince would speak to him, on account of the castellan of Amposta and his people having been engaged against him at the battle of Poitiers. The prince believed that the cardinal had sent them thither ; but the cardinal, through the means of his relations, the lord of Chaumont, the lord of Montferrant, and the captal of Buch, gave such good reasons for his conduct to the prince, that he admitted him to an audience. Having obtained this, he exculpated himself so clearly that the prince and his council were satisfied ; and he regained the place he before held in the prince's affection. All his people were set at liberty at moderate ransoms : the castellans amounted to ten thousand francs, which he paid. The cardinal, soon after, began to touch upon the deliverance of king John : but I shall say little on that head, as nothing was done in the business. The prince, with his Gascons and English, remained all that winter at Bordeaux, where was much feasting and merriment ; and they foolishly expended the gold and silver they had gained. In England also, there were great rejoicings, when the news arrived of the affair of Poitiers, and of the defeat of the French. Solemn thanksgivings were* offered up in all churches, and bonfires made in every town and village. Those knights and squires who returned to England, after having been in this battle, were honoured in preference to any others, CHAPTER CLXIX. THE THREE ESTATES OF FRANCE ASSEMBLE AT PARIS, AFTER THE BATTLE OF POIT1EBS. During the time of this defeat at Poitiers, the duke of Lancaster was in the county of Evreux, on the borders of Coutantin ; and with him were sir Philip de Navarre and the lord Godfrey de Harcourt. They had made war on Normandy from that quarter, and had continued to do so all that summer, on account of the king of Navarre, whom the king of France detained in prison. These three lords had done all in their power to join the prince of Wales ; but it was not possible, for all the passages of the river Loire were too well guarded. When they were informed that the prince had made the king of France prisoner, and of the manner in which the battle of Poitiers had been won, they were much pleased, and put an end to their excursions ; for the duke of Lancaster and sir Philip de Navarre wished to go to England, which they did. They sent sir Godfrey de Harcourt to guard the frontiers, at St. Sauveur le Vicomte. If the kingdom of England and its allies were much delighted with the capture of the king of France, that realm was sore troubled and vexed. It had very good cause to be so ; for there were great distresses and desolations in every quarter, and men of understanding foresaw that greater mischiefs might arise : since the king of France and all the flower of chivalry of that kingdom were either slain or made prisoners, and the three sons of the king, Charles, Louis, and John, who had escaped, were very young in years and understanding, so that no great expectation could be formed from them ; and neither were they willing to undertake the government of the kingdom. Add to this, that the knights and squires who CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 231 had returned from the battle were so much despised and blamed by the common people, that they very unwillingly entered the great towns. There were many conferences held, and much discontent appeared ; when the most prudent and wise perceived that this state could not continue, nor longer go on without some remedy ; for the English and Navarrois were in force in Coutantin, under sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was overrunning and destroying the country. The prelates of the church, bishops and abbots, and all the noblemen and knights, the provost of merchants and citizens of Paris, as well as the council from the other capital towns in the kingdom, assembled together in the city of Paris, in order to consult and advise upon the best manner of governing the kingdom of France, until king John should be set at liberty. But they were first determined to inquire what was become of the great sums of money that had been raised in France by way of dismes, maletostes # , subsidies, by the coinage and other vexations. Notwithstanding the country had been much harassed and distressed by levying them, the army had been badly paid, and the kingdom ill guarded and defended : but there was no one who could give any account of them. The clergy, therefore, resolved to select twelve of the wisest from among themselves, to consider and determine what would be most advisable to be done. The barons and knights chose twelve also, to attend to this business. The citizens likewise did the same, according to their unanimous agreement. These thirty- six personages were to remain at Paris, in order to confer together upon the better government of the kingdom ; and all affairs were to be laid before these three estates : all prelates, noblemen, and all cities, towns and commonalties, were to obey them and execute their orders. In the beginning, however, there were many in this selection that were not agreeable to the duke of Normandy, or to his council. The first act of the three estates was to forbid the coining any money in the manner in which it was then done, and to seize the dies. They next required of the duke of Normandy, that he would order the chancellor of the king his father to be arrested, the lord Robert Lorris, the lord Simon de Buci f, as well as many other masters of accounts and counsellors in former times to the king, that they might give a just account of what sums through their advice had been levied and raised in the kingdom. When all these personages heard of this, they quitted the realm as speedily as possible, and took refuge in other kingdoms until the face of affairs should be changed. CHAPTER CLXX. THE THREE ESTATES SEND MEN AT ARMS AGAINST SIR GODFREY DE HARCOURT. The three estates, after this, established and appointed, in their names, receivers to collect whatever taxes might be due to the king, or to the realm. They coined money of fine gold, which was called Moutons % : and they would with pleasure have seen the king of Navarre deli vered from his prison in the castle of Crevecour in Cambresis, where he was confined ; for it appeared to many members of the three estates, that the kingdom would be stronger and more ably defended, provided he would be true and loyal : for there were few noblemen at that time in France that were able to make any good defence, the greater part having been slain or made prisoners at the battle of Poitiers. They therefore requested the duke of Normandy to give him his liberty ; for they thought he had been unjustly used, nor did they know for what reason he was a prisoner. The duke replied, that he could not advise his being set at liberty ; for the king his father had ordered him to be confined, and he was ignorant of the cause or reason of it. * Maletoste,—an extraordinary tax, or subsidy, levied was originally of. the value of twelve sols six denicrs fine the year 1296 by Philip le Bel, viz. at first the value of silver.— Annals of Scotland, vol. n. note, p. 231 . the hundredth, and afterwards of the fiftieth part of all Le mouton d'or was a coin on which was impressed the either lay or churchman's goods.— Cotgraves Dictionary, figure of a lamb, with this inscription : « Agnus Dei, qui tt • 7* tollit peccata mundi, miserere nobis ; and on the reverse f He was first president of the parliament.— Hainault. & ^ thege wordg? << ChristU8 vincit , Christus + The gold coin called Moutons had the impression of regnat, Christus imperat." There were fifty-two of thesa the Agnus Dei, which the vulgar mistook for a sheep ; pieces in a marc of fine gold. — Du Canye, Gloss, ad verb honce it got the ridiculous name of Moutons. This coin Muttones. 232 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. At this period, news was brought to the duke and to the three estates, that sir Godfrey de Harcourt was waging a destructive war against Normandy ; that his army, which was not very numerous, overran the country twice or thrice a- week, as far as the suburbs of Caen, of Saint Lo *, Evreux and Coutances, and no one went out to oppose him. The duke and the three estates ordered an expedition of men at arms, consisting of three hundred lances and five hundred with iron armour : they nominated four captains to command them, the lord de Reyneval, the lord de Chauny, the lord de Riville, and the lord de Frianville. This army set out from Paris, and marched to Rouen, where there was a large body collected from different parts. There were many knights from Artois and Vermandois, such as the lord of Crequi, the lord Lewis de Havesquerque, the lord Edward de Renti, lord John de Fiennes, lord Enguerrant de Hedin, and many others : there came also from Normandy many expert men at arms. These lords, with their troops, advanced until they came to the city of Coutances, which they garrisoned. CHAPTER CLXXI. THE BATTLE OF C0UTANTIN, BETWEEN SIR GODFREY DE HARCOURT, AND SIR RAOTJL DE REYNEVAL. When sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who was strong, bold, and courageous, heard that the French were come to the city of Coutances, he collected together as many men at arms as possible, archers and other friends, and said he would go to meet them. He left, therefore, St. Sauveur le Vicomte, accompanied by about seven hundred men, including every one. This same day, the French also sallied out, and had sent forward their scouts to examine the country, who returned and informed their lords that they had seen the Navarrois. On the other hand, sir Godfrey had sent out his scouts, who had taken a different road, and, having examined the army of the French, had counted their banners and pennons, and to what numbers they amounted. Sir Godfrey, however, paid but little attention to their report : he said, that since he saw his enemies he would fight with them. He immediately placed his archers in the front of his men, and drew up in battle array the Englishmen and Navarrois. When lord Raoul de Reyneval perceived he had drawn up his men, he ordered part of the French to dismount, and to place large shields before them to guard themselves against the arrows, and for none to advance without his orders. The archers of sir Godfrey began to advance, as they were commanded, and to shoot their arrows with all their strength. The French, who were sheltered behind their shields, allowed them to shoot on, as this attack did not hurt them in the least. They remained so long in their position without moving, that these archers had expended all their arrows ; they then cast away their bows, and began to fall back upon their men at arms, who were drawn up alongside of a hedge, sir Godfrey in the front, with his banner displayed. The French then began to make use of their bows, and to pick up arrows everywhere, for there were plenty of them lying about, which they employed against the English and men of Navarre. The men at arms also made a vigorous charge ; and the combat was very sharp and severe, when they were come hand to hand ; but the infantry of sir Godfrey would not keep their ranks, and were therefore soon discomfited. Sir Godfrey, upon this, retreated into a vineyard which was inclosed with strong hedges, and as many of his people as could get in followed him. When the French saw this, they all dismounted, surrounded the place, and considered how they could best enter it. They examined it on every side, and at last found an entrance. As they went round, seeking a passage, sir Godfrey and his men did the same, and halted at the weakest part of the hedge. As soon as the French had gained this entrance, many gallant deeds of arms were performed ; but it cost the French dear before they were complete masters of it. The banner of sir Raoul was the first that entered. He followed it, as did the other knights and squires. When they were all in the inclosure, the combat was renewed with greater vigour, and many a one was beat down. The army of sir Godfrey would not keep the order which he * A city of Normandy, situated on the Vire. diocese of Coutances CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 233 had appointed, according to the promise made to him ; but the greater part fled, and could not withstand the French. Sir Godfrey, on seeing this, declared, that he would prefer death to being taken, and, arming himself with a battle-axe, halted where he was ; he placed one foot before the other, to be firmer ; for he was lame of one leg, though very strong in his arms. In this position, he fought a long time most valiantly, so that few dared to encounter his blows ; when two Frenchmen mounted their horses, and, placing their lances in their rests, charged him at the same time, and struck him to the ground : some men at arms immediately rushed upon him with their swords, which they ran through his body, and killed him on the spot. The greater part of his army were slain or made prisoners, and those who were able to escape returned to St. Sauveur le Vicomte. This happened in the winter of 1356, about Martinmas. CHAPTER CLXXII. THE PRINCE OF WALES CONDUCTS THE KING OF FRANCE FROM BORDEAUX TO ENGLAND. After the death of the before-mentioned knight, sir Godfrey de Harcourt, as soon as the country had been freed from his incursions by the defeat of his troops, the French returned to Coutances, carrying with them their booty and prisoners. Shortly afterward, they returned to Paris, to the duke of Normandy, who was styled Regent, and to the three estates., who paid much honour to the knights and squires who had been in Coutantin. From that time, the town of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, and all the landowners of sir Godfrey de Harcourt, attached themselves to the English ; for he had sold it, subject to his life, to the king of England, and had disinherited the lord Louis de Harcourt, his nephew, because he would not follow his party. When the king of England was informed of the death of sir Godfrey, he lamented him much, but embarked men at arms, knights, squires, and cross-bowmen, to the amount of upwards of four hundred men, to take possession of St. Sauvour le Vicomte, which was well worth thirty thousand livres annual rent. He nominated the lord John Lisle governor of the lands and castles. The three estates, all this time, paid great attention to the better ordering of the realm of France, which was governed by them. The prince of Wales, and the greater part of those lords who had been with him at the battle of Poitiers, remained all this winter at Bordeaux, revelling, making preparations of shipping, and settling their own affairs, or engaged in making arrangements for conducting the king of France, his son, and the principal lords who were prisoners, to England. When the season was sufficiently advanced, and every thing was ready for the prince's departure, he sent for the great barons of Gascony, the lord d'Albret first, and the lords de Mucident, de TEsparre, de Longueren, de Pumiers, de Courton, de Rosem, de Chaumont, de Montfer- rant, de Landuras, sir Aymery de Tarse, the captal de Buch, the souldich de la Trane, and many others. He received them with every sign of affection and friendship, and promised them great rewards and profits, which is all that a Gascon loves or desires. He then informed them of his intention of going to England, that he should take some of them with him, and the rest he should leave in different parts of the province, to guard the frontiers against the French, and should put all the cities and castles under their management, as if they were their own property. When the Gascons learnt that the prince of Wales intended taking away with him the king of France, whom they had assisted to make prisoner, they were unwilling to consent to it, and said to the prince : " Dear sir, we owe you, as it becomes us, all honour and obedience, to the utmost of our power, but it is not our intention you should carry the king of France from us, who have so largely contributed by our services to place him in the situation he is now in. Thank God, he is at present well in health and in a good city ; and we are powerful enough to guard him against any force France may send to take him from us." The prince replied, " My dear lords, I willingly agree to all you have said, but the king, my father, wishes to have him, and to see him. We are very sensible and thankful for the services which you have done both to him and myself, and you may depend on being 234 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. handsomely rewarded for them." These words, however, did not satisfy the Gascons, nor would they agree to the departure of the king of France, until lord Reginald Cobham and sir John Chandos found a means of appeasing them. They were well acquainted with the avaricious disposition of the Gascons, and therefore said to the prince, " Sir, sir, offer them a handsome sum of florins, and you will see they will soon comply with whatever you wish/' Upon this, the prince offered them sixty thousand florins ; but they would not listen to him : at last it was settled that the prince should give them one hundred thousand florins, to be distributed among the barons of Gascony, and that he might set out with the king when he pleased. After this, he nominated four of them as governors of the country until his return ; the lords d'Albret, de l'Esparre, de Pumiers, and de Rosem. This being done, the prince embarked on board a handsome ship, and took with him a great many Gascons ; among them were the captal de Buch, sir Aymery de Tarse, the lord de Tarse, the lord de Landuras, the lord de Mucident, the souldich de la Trane, and many others. The king of France was in a ship by himself, in order that he might be more at his ease. In the fleet there were five hundred men at arms and two thousand archers, to guard against any accidents at sea, and also because the prince had been informed before he left Bordeaux, that the three estates, who then governed France, had raised two large armies, which were posted in Normandy and at Crotoy # , to meet the English, and to carry off the king, but they saw nothing of them. They were eleven days and nights at sea, and on the twelfth they arrived at Sandwich, where they disembarked, and took up their quarters in the town and neighbourhood. They remained there two days to refresh themselves, and, on the third, set out and came to Canterbury. When the king of England was informed of their arrival, he gave orders for the citizens of London to make such preparations as were suitable to receive so great a prince as the king of France. Upon which they all dressed themselves very richly in companies, and the different manufactories of cloth appeared with various pageants t. The king and prince remained one day at Canterbury, where they made their offerings to the shrine of St. Thomas. On the morrow, they rode to Rochester, where they reposed themselves. The third day they came to Dartford, and the fourth to London, where they were received with every honour and distinction, as indeed they had been by all the chief towns on their road. The king of France, as he rode through London, was mounted on a white steed, with very rich furniture, and the prince of Wales on a little black hackney by his side. He rode through London, thus accompanied, to the palace of the Savoy, which was part of the inheritance of the duke of Lancaster. There the king of France kept his household for some time; and there he was visited by the king and queen of England, who often entertained him sumptuously, and afterward were very frequent in their visits, consoling him all in their power. The cardinals de Perigord and St. Vital soon after came to England, by command of pope Innocent VI. They endeavoured to make peace between the two kingdoms, which they laboured hard to effect, but without success. However, by some fortunate means they procured a truce between the two kings and their allies, to last until St. John the Baptist's day, 1359. The lord Philip de Navarre and his allies, the countess of Montfort and the duchy of Brittany, were excluded from this truce. Shortly afterward, the king of France and all his household were removed from the palace of the Savoy to Windsor castle J, where he was permitted to hunt and hawk, and take what other diversions he pleased in that neighbourhood, as well as the lord Philip his son. The rest of the French lords remained at London, but they visited the king as often as they pleased, and were prisoners on their parole of honour * A village in Picardy, near the mouth of the Somme. t Unless Mr. Johnes's MSS. differed here from D. Sauvage's edition, he seems to have misconceived Froissart's meaning. tc Adoncques ceux de Londres se vestirent par Connestablies, et tre richement; et tous les maistres, en draps differens des autres," are the words in D. Sauvage's edition, which Lord Berners thus translates, il Then they of London arrayed themselfe by companyes : and the chief masters clothing different fro the other.'' 7 — Ed. X He was afterward confined in Hertford Castle, under the guard of Roger de Beauchamp. David king of Scot- land was likewise a prisoner there. John was removed to different other castles, from a suspicion of his being deli- vered by treason or force. — Ashmole. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 235 CHAPTER CLXXIII. DAVID BRUCE, KING OF SCOTLAND, OBTAINS HIS LIBERTY. You have before heard how king David of Scotland had been a prisoner in England, where lie had remained upwards of nine years. Shortly after this truce was agreed to between France and England, the two cardinals, in conjunction with the bishop of St. Andrew's in Scotland, undertook the enlargement of the king of Scotland. The treaty was formed upon this ground, that the king of Scotland should never bear arms against the king of England, in his realm ; neither advise nor consent that any of his subjects should molest or wage war upon the English : that the king of Scotland, upon his return to his kingdom, should make every exertion in his power to obtain his subjects' consent that the crown of Scotland be held in fief and homage from the king of England. If the country would not submit to this, then the king of Scotland would swear solemnly to maintain and keep a firm and lasting peace with the king of England. He was also to bind himself and his kingdom, as its own real lord and heir, in the payment of five hundred thousand nobles within ten years. And, upon the demand of the king of England, he was to send good hostages and securities for the performance of this treaty, such as the earl of Douglas, the earl of Moray, the earl of Mar, the earl of Sutherland, the earl of Fife, sir Thomas Bisset and the bishop of Caithness, who were to remain in England as prisoners or hostages for their lord and king until there should have been paid the whole of the above sum. Public instruments were drawn up according to these resolutions and obligations, with letters patent, sealed by each of the kings. The king of Scotland then left England, and returned to his own country, with his queen Johanna *, sister to the king of England. He was received by his subjects with every honourable mark of distinction, and, after having visited them, gave orders for his castle of Scone, near Perth, to be repaired, as it was in ruins. This is a good and commercial town, situated upon a river called the Tay t. CHAPTER CLXXIV. THE DUKE OF LANCASTER LAYS SIEGE TO RENNES. About the middle of May, in the year 1357, the duke of Lancaster raised a large body of men at arms, of English and Bretons, for the assistance of the countess of Montfort and her young son, who at that time bore arms, and was a party in their excursions. There might be a thousand men at arms, well equipped and appointed, and five hundred others among the archers. This army left Hennebon, scouring and burning all the country until they came to the good town of Rennes, which the duke besieged on every side, and lay a " " There is a strange diversity among historians con- cerning the time of the death of this ill-fated lady. Fordun, 1. xiv. c. 18, says, that ' she went to England in 1 357, and died after she had remained there for some time. In ScalaChron. ap. Leland, t. i. p. 568, it is said, the queen of Scotland, sister to king Edward, came out of Scotland to Wyndesore, to speak with him, and after was with her mother, queen Isabella, at Hertford, and there died. This imports, that she died either before her mother, or soon after her. It is certain that her mother died in the autumn, 1358.' Fordun and the author of Scala Chronica are iu a mistake. Queen Johanna must have lived beyond the year 1357 or the year 1358. Her husband speaks of her as alive on the 21stFebruary, 1358-9, Foedera, t. vi. p. 118. Nay more, on the 2d May, 1362, a passport is granted by Edward III. to John Heryng, the servant of Johanna queen of Scotland, our sister ; Fcedera, t. vi. p. 364 ; — and, therefore, I incline to follow Wal- singham, p. 179, who places her death in 1362." — Annals of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 250. f " The treaty, which had been in agitation so many jears was at length concluded, at Berwick, 3d October, 1357. By it the king of Scots was released, after a cap- tivity of eleven years. The Scottish nation agreed to pay one hundred thousand marks sterling as the ransom of their sovereign, by yearly payments of ten thousand marks on the 24th June. " Twenty young men of quality, and among them the eldest son of the Stewart, were to be given as hostages ; and for further security, three of the following great lords were to place themselves in the hands of the English : the Stewart, the earls of March, Mar, Ross, Angus, and Sutherland, lord Douglas and. Thomas Moray of Bothwell. It was provided, that a truce should continue between the two nations until complete payment of the ransom. « The king of Scots, the nobility and the boroughs, ratified this treaty the 5th of October, and the bishops ratified it on the following day. " David, immediately after his release, summoned a parliament, laid the treaty before the three estates, obtained their approbation, and then ratified the treaty anew, at Scone, 6th November."— Annals of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 244. 236 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. long time before it, making many assaults, by which he gained not much, for there were in the town the viscount de Rohan, the lord de Laval, sir Charles de Dinan, and many others. There was also in the town a young knight-bachelor called sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who, during the siege of Rennes, fought with an Englishman named sir Nicholas Dagworth. The terms of the combat were to be three courses with spears, three strokes with battle-axes, and three stabs with daggers. The two knights behaved most valiantly, and parted without hurting each other. They were seen with pleasure by both armies *. The lord Charles of Blois was at that time returned to the country : but, as he could not bear arms himself, he was perpetually teazing the regent of France to send him a sufficiency of men at arms to raise the siege of Rennes. But the regent was too much occupied with the affairs of France, which were in great confusion, to attend to his request, and therefore the siege of Rennes was still continued. CHAPTER CLXXV. A KNIGHT OP THE COUNTRY OF EVREUX, CALLED SIR WILLIAM DE GRAVILLE, RE-CONQUERS THE CITY AND CASTLE OF EVREUX FROM THE KING OF FRANCE, WHO HAD TAKEN IT FROM THE KING OF NAVARRE. A knight, named the lord de Graville, who was attached to the king of Navarre by his faith and oath, was much hurt at his imprisonment, as were likewise many of the inhabitants of the Evreux ; but they could not help themselves so long as the castle was in the enemy's possession. This sir William lived about two short leagues from Evreux, and whenever he came to that city, was received by a citizen, who in former times had been a great friend to the king of Navarre. When sir William came to the house of this citizen, he ate with him, and, during their repasts, discoursed on various subjects, but generally of the king of Navarre, and of his imprisonment, which vexed them sorely. It happened one day that sir William said to him ; " If you will give me your assistance, I will surely re-conquer this city and castle for the king of Navarre. " How will you do that ? " replied the citizen, " for the governor is strongly attached to the French interest ; and, without having gained the castle, we dare not shew ourselves, for he is master of the town and suburbs." Sir William answered : " I will tell you. You must get three or four citizens of your friends, that are of the same way of thinking as yourself, and fill your houses well with armed men that can be depended on ; and I promise you on my head, that we will enter the castle by a trick, without incurring any danger." The citizen was so active, that he soon collected a hundred of his friends, who were as well inclined as himself. Sir William went in and out of the town without any suspicion ; for he had not borne arms in the last expedition with the lord Philip de Navarre, because the greater part of his property lay near to Evreux, and the king of France, at the time he conquered Evreux, had made all the landholders in the neighbourhood swear allegiance to him, otherwise he would have taken possession of their lands ; he had thus only gained outwardly their affections, but their hearts remained attached to the interest of Navarre. If king John, however, had been in France, this sir William would not have dared to attempt what he performed. But he perceived the embarrassed state of public affairs, and that the three estates were desirous of giving the king of Navarre his liberty. Sir William having made his preparations, the citizens were apprised what they were to do : he armed himself at all points, put on a short gown, and over all his cloak. He had under his arm a small battle-axe, and, thus equipped, he came, attended by his servant, whom he had let into the secret, to walk upon the square before the castle, as had been of * The historian of Brittany says, it was William de Blancbourg, brother to the governor ot Fougerai, who had been slain by Bertrand. Tn confirmation of this, Dugdale makes no mention of this duel, which he would probably have done, had sir Nicholas Dagworth been the person. Bertrand, in the first course, pierced the coat of mail of Blancbourg, and his own helmet suffered the same. The two ensuing courses were harmless. Bertrand asked if he would run three more : which was accepted. In the first course, Bertrand struck him so violently on the body, hia lance entered very deep, and unhorsed him. He would not kill him, from respect to the duke of Lancaster, but seized his horse, which he carried away as a trophy of his victory. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 237 late his custom. He walked there so long a time, that the governor, who usually came to the gate twice or thrice about that time, opened the gate of the castle to look about him but it was only the wicket-gate, and he placed himself right before it. When sir William perceived him, he approached nearer by little and little, saluting him most respectfully. The governor, though he returned the salute, kept his position. Sir William, however, at last came up to him, and began to converse with him on different subjects : he inquired if he had heard what was doing in France. The governor, from being constantly shut up in the castle had enjoyed little communication from without, and being eager to learn the news, replied that he had heard nothing, and would thank him to let him know what was passing. " Very willingly," answered sir William. " It is reported in France, that the kings of Den- mark and Iceland * have made an alliance, and have sworn never to return to their countries before they shall have destroyed England and brought back the king of France to Paris. They have an armament at sea, with upwards of one hundred thousand men : and the Eng- lish are so much alarmed and frightened, that they know not which way to turn themselves to defend their coasts ; for it was a very old saying with them that they were to be destroyed by the Danes." The governor inquired from whom he had learnt this news. Sir William said, that a knight in Flanders had written it to him as a fact, and added, " He has sent me the handsomest set of chess men I ever saw." He had invented this tale, because he had learnt the governor was very fond of playing at chess. The governor said, he should be very glad to see them. 44 Well," replied sir William, 44 I will send for them, but on condition you play with me for some wine ;" and, turning to his servant, said, 44 Go, look for the chess-board and men, and bring them to us at the gate." The servant set off, and the governor and sir William entered the first gate of the castle. The governor fastened the wicket on the inside with a bolt, but did not lock it. Sir William said, 44 Governor, open this second gate ; you may do it without any risk." The governor opened the wicket only, and let sir William pass through to see the inside of the castle, while he himself followed. The servant, in the mean time, went to those citizens who had the armed men in their houses, led them up to the castle, and then blew his horn, as had been agreed on between him and his master. When sir William heard the horn, he said to the governor, 44 Let us go out, and pass this second gate, for my servant will soon return." Sir William re-passed this wicket, and stood close by it on the other side. When the governor had put one foot through, and had lowered his head, sir William drew out the axe he had under his cloak, and struck him such a blow that he split his head asunder, and felled him dead on the sill of the door. He then went to the first gate, which he opened. The watch of the castle had heard with astonishment the servant's horn, for it had been proclaimed in the city, that no one should dare to sound a horn, under pain of losing his hand. He perceived also armed men running towards the castle ; upon which he sounded his horn, and cried out, 44 Treason! treason \ " Those that were in the castle hastened to the gate, which, to their surprise, they found open, the governor lying dead across it, and sir William, his axe in his hand, guarding the passage. The men at arms, who were to assist him, soon arrived, and having passed the first and second gates, fiercely drove back the gar- rison. Several were killed, and as many taken as they chose. They entered the castle : and in this manner was the strong castle of Evreux retaken. The citizens and inhabitants of the town immediately surrendered, when they drove out all the French. They sent to inform lord Philip de Navarre of this event, who was but lately returned from England. He came immediately to Evreux, and made it his principal garrison to carry the war into the rich country of Normandy. There were with him sir Robert Knolles, sir James Pipe, the lord Fricquet de Fricquant, le Bascle de Marneil, sir John Jewel, who afterwards, as you will hear in this history, did much mischief to France. * Ireland, according to De Sauvage and Lord Berners. — Ed. 238 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. CHAPTER CLXXVI. THE ARCHPRIEST ASSEMBLES A COMPANY OF MEN AT ARMS- HE IS MUCH HONOURED AT AVIGNON. About this period, a knight, named sir Arnold de Cervole, but more commonly called the Archpriest, collected a large body of men at arms, who came from all parts, seeing that their pay would not be continued in France, and that, since the capture of the king, there was not any probability of their gaining more in that country. They marched first into Pro- vence, where they took many strong towns and castles, and ruined the country by their robberies as far as Avignon. Pope Innocent VI., who resided in Avignon, was much alarmed, as not knowing what might be the intentions of the archpriest, the leader of these forces ; and, for fear of personal insult, he and the cardinals kept their households armed day and night. When the archpriest and his troops had pillaged all the country, the pope and clergy entered into treaty with him. Having received proper security, he and the greater part of his people entered Avignon, where he was received with as much respect as if he had been son to the king of France. He dined many times with the pope and cardinals, who gave him absolution from all his sins ; and, at his departure, they presented him with forty thousand crowns, to distribute among his companions. These men, therefore, marched away to different places, following, however, the directions of the archpriest * CHAPTER CLXXVII. A WELSHMAN, OP THE NAME OF RUFFIN*f% COMMANDS A TROOP OF THE FREE COMPANIES. At this time, also, there was another company of men at arms, or robbers, collected from all parts, who stationed themselves between the rivers Loire and Seine, so that no one dared to travel between Paris and Orleans, nor between Paris and Montargis, or even to remain in the country : the inhabitants of the plains had all fled to Paris and Orleans. This company had chosen for their leader a Welshman named Ruffin, whom they had knighted, and who acquired such immense riches as could not be counted. These companies advanced one day near to Paris, another day towards Orleans, another time to Chartres ; and there was no town nor fortress but what was taken and pillaged, excepting such as were strongly gar- risoned. St. Arnout J, Galardon§, Broumaulx, Aloes, Estampes||, Chartresll, Montlehery **, Plouviers in the Gatinois, Millytt, LarchantJJ, Chatillon§§, Montargis Yssieres, were plundered, and so many other towns that it would be difficult to recount them all. They rode over the country in parties of twenty, thirty, or forty, meeting with none to check their pillage ; while, on the sea-coast of Normandy, there were a still greater number of English and Navarrois, plunderers, and robbers. Sir Robert Knolles was their leader, who conquered every town and castle he came to, as there was no one to oppose him. Sir Robert had followed this trade for some time, and by it gained upwards of 100,000 crowns. He kept a great many soldiers in his pay ; and, being very liberal, he was cheerfully fol- lowed and obeyed. * " So some of his company departed : but 6tyll the ** A town in the isle of France, seven leagues from archpriest kept his company togyder." — Lord Berners. Paris. T Barnes calls him Griffith, but mentions no authority. Tt A market- town in Gatinois. % A town in Beauce, election of Dourdon. XX St. Mathurin de Larchant, a town in Gatinois. § A town in Beauce, election of Chartres. §§ A town in Beauce, election of Chateaudun. |j A city in Beauce, thirteen leagues from Paris. |||| Capital of Gatinois, twenty-seven leagues and a half ^ A city of. Orleanois, capital of Beauce, twenty- two from Paris, leagues from Paris. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CLXXVIII. THE PROVOST OF THE MERCHANTS OF PARIS KILLS THREE KNIGHTS IN THE APARTMENT OF THE REGENT. During the time that the three estates governed the kingdom, all sorts of people united themselves together, under the name of Free Companies : they made war upon every man that was worth robbing. I must here inform you, that the nobles and prelates of the realm and church began to be weary of the government and regulations of the three estates : they therefore permitted the provost of the merchants to Paris to summon some of the citizens because they were going greater lengths than they approved of. It happened one day, when the regent of France was in his palace at Paris, with many knights, nobles, and prelates, that the provost of the merchants collected also a great number of the common people of Paris who were devoted to him, all wearing caps* similar to his own, that they might know each other ; and, attended by this crowd, the provost came to the palace. He entered the apartment of the duke, and demanded of him, in an insolent manner, to take the management of the kingdom of France, and to govern it wisely (since it would become his by inheritance), that all those free companies, who at present were over- running the country, might be prevented from doing further mischief. The duke replied that he would very willingly comply with his request, if he had the means to carry it into execution ; but that it more properly belonged to those who had raised and received the im- posts due to the realm, to perform it. I cannot pretend to say how it happened, but words increased so much and with such warmth, that at last three of the principal counsellors of the duke were slain, and so near to him that their blood flew over his robe : he himself was in very great danger, but they had put one of their caps on his head, and he consented to pardon the death of his three knights. Two of them were knights of arms, and the other of laws. Their names were, the lord Robert de Clermont, a gallant and magnificent knight, and the lord de Conflans : the knight of laws was the lord Simon de Buci t. CHAPTER CLXXIX. BY WHAT MEANS THE KING OF NAVARRE ESCAPES OUT OF PRISON. Shortly after this happened, the lord John de Piquigny and some other knights, through the advice of the provost of merchants and the principal persons of some of the other considerable towns, went to the strong castle of AlleresJ in Pailleul, situated in Picardy, where the king of Navarre was imprisoned, under the guard of sir Tristan du Bois. These gentlemen brought such certain and assured tokens to the governor, that he allowed them to watch the opportunity when sir Tristan should be absent, so that by their means the king of Navarre was delivered out of his prison, and carried by them, with great joy, to Amiens, where he was gladly and honourably received. He dismounted at the house of a canon, who was much attached to him, whose name was the lord Guy Kyrec. The king was conducted thither by lord John de Piquigny ; and he remained with the canon fifteen days, until he had completed his equipage, and was assured of the duke of Normandy's dispositions ; for the provost of merchants, who much loved him, obtained by intreaties his pardon from the duke, as well as from his fellow- citizens at Paris. Upon this, the king of Navarre was escorted to Paris by the lord John de Piquigny and others, citizens of Amiens, where he was gladly seen by all sorts of people : even the duke of Normandy entertained him ; for it was necessary he should do so, as the provost and his faction had exhorted him to it ; and the duke dissembled his own inclinations, to comply with those of the provost and the Parisians. * Mi partie bleu. T Etienne Marcel was provost of the merchants. The president, Henault, only mentions Robert de Clermont, marechal de Normandie, and Jean de Conflans, marechal de Champagne, as having been slain in the apartment of the regent. — Mezeray says the same. Simon de Buci he states as premier president, and ennobled 1369. This in- solence of Marcel he puts under the year 1358, and the king of Navarre's escape from prison 1357. if Q. if not Allery, which is a town in Picardy, near to Amiens. It was said before, that the castle of Crevecceur was his prison. — Barnes says it was Arleux, a town in tho diocese of, Cambray and Douay. 240 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CLXXX. THE KING OF NAVARRE MAKES A SOLEMN HARANGUE TO THE PARISIANS. "When the king of Navarre had been some time in Paris, he collected an assembly of all sorts of people ; prelates, knights, and the students at the university. He made to them a very long and studied harangue in Latin. The duke of Normandy was likewise present. He complained of the grievances and ills he had unjustly suffered, and said, that no one could possibly entertain a doubt but that his sole wish must be to live and die defending the realm and crown of France. It was his duty so to do ; for he was descended from it, in a direct line, both by father and mother ; and by his words he gave them to understand, that if he chose to challenge the realm and crown of France for himself, he could show that his right to them was incontestably stronger than that of the king of England. It must be observed, that he was heard with great attention, and much commended. Thus, by little and little, he won the hearts of the Parisians, who loved and respected him more than they did the regent, duke of Normandy. Many other cities and towns in France followed this example : but, notwithstanding all the love and affection which the provost of merchants and the Parisians showed to the king of Navarre, the lord Philip de Navarre would not be seduced by it, or consent to come to Paris. He said, that in commonalties there was neither dependance nor union, except in the destruction of everything good. CHAPTER CLXXXI. THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE INFAMOUS JACQUERIE OF BEAUVOISIS. Soon after the deliverance of the king of Navarre out of prison, a marvellous and great tribulation befel the kingdom of France, in Beauvoisis, Brie, upon the river Marne, in the Laonnois, and in the neighbourhood of Soissons. Some of the inhabitants of the country towns assembled together in Beauvoisis, without any leader : they were not at first more than one hundred men. They said, that the nobles of the kingdom of France, knights, and squires, were a disgrace to it, and that it would be a very meritorious act to destroy them all : to which proposition every one assented, as a truth, and added, shame befal him that should be the means of preventing the gentlemen from being wholly destroyed. They then, without further council, collected themselves in a body, and with no other arms than the staves shod with iron, which some had, and others with knives, marched to the house of a knight who lived near, and breaking it open, murdered the knight, his lady, and all the children, both great and small ; they then burnt the house. After this, their second expedition was to the strong castle of another knight, which they took, and, having tied him to a stake, many of them violated his wife and daughter before his eyes : they then murdered the lady, her daughter, and the other children, and last of all the knight himself, with much cruelty. They destroyed and burnt his castle. They did the like to many castles and handsome houses ; and their numbers increased so much, that they were in a short time upwards of six thousand : wherever they went, they received additions, for all of their rank in life followed them, whilst every one else fled, carrying off with them their ladies, damsels, and children, ten or twenty leagues distant, where they thought they could place them in security, leaving their houses, with all their riches in them , These wicked people, without leader and without arms, plundered and burnt all the houses they came to, murdered every gentleman, and violated every lady and damsel they could find. He who committed the most atrocious actions, and such as no human creature would have imagined, was the most applauded, and considered as the greatest man among them. I dare not write the horrible and inconceivable atrocities they committed on the persons of the ladies. Among other infamous acts, they murdered a knight ; and, having fastened him to a spit, roasted him before the eyes of his wife and his children, and, after ten or twelve had violated her, they forced her to eat some of her husband's flesh, and then knocked her brains out. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 241 They had chosen a king among them, who came from Clermont in Beauvoisis : he was elected as the worst of the bad, and they denominated him James Goodman *. These wretches burnt and destroyed in the country of Beauvoisis, and at Corbie, Amiens, and Montdidier, upwards of sixty good houses and strong castles. By the acts of such traitors in the country of Brie and thereabout, it behoved every lady, knight, and squire, having the means of escape, to fly to Meaux, if they wished to preserve themselves from being insulted, and afterwards murdered. The duchess of Normandy, the duchess of Orleans, and many other ladies, had adopted this course to save themselves from violation. These cursed people thus supported themselves in the countries between Paris, Noyon, and Soissons, and in all the territory of Coucy in the county of Valois. In the bishoprics of Noyon, Laon, and Soissons, there were upwards of one hundred castles and good houses of knights and squires destroyed. CHAPTER CLXXXIII. THE KING OF NAVARRE DEFEATS MANY OF THESE VILLAINS IN BEAUVOISIS. THE PROVOST OF MERCHANTS BUILDS A WALL ROUND PARIS. When the gentlemen of Beauvoisis, Corbie, Vermandois, and of the lands where these wretches were associated, saw to what lengths their madness had extended, they sent for succour to their friends in Flanders, Hainault, and Bohemia : from which places numbers soon came, and united themselves with the gentlemen of the country. They began therefore to kill and destroy these wretches wherever they met them, and hung them up by troops on the nearest trees. The king of Navarre even destroyed in one day, near Clermont in Beauvoisis, upwards of three thousand : but they were by this time so much increased in number, that had they been altogether, they would have amounted to more than one hundred thousand. When they were asked for what reason they acted so wickedly ; they replied, they knew not, but they did so because they saw others do it ; and they thought that by this means they should destroy all the nobles and gentlemen in the world. At this period, the duke of Normandy, suspecting the king of Navarre, the provost of merchants and those of his faction, for they were always unanimous in their sentiments, set out from Paris, and went to the bridge at Charenton-upon-Marne, where he issued a special summons for the attendance of the crown vassals, and sent a defiance to the provost of merchants, and to all those who should support him. The provost, being fearful he would return in the night-time to Paris (which was then uninclosed), collected as many workmen as possible from all parts, and employed them to make ditches quite round Paris. He also surrounded it by a wall with strong gates. For the space of one year, there were three hundred workmen daily employed ; the expense of which was equal to maintaining an army. I must say, that to surround, with a sufficient defence, such a city as Paris, was an act of greater utility than any provost of merchants had ever done before ; for otherwise it would have been plundered and destroyed several times by the different factions. CHAPTER CLXXXIV. — THE BATTLE OF MEAUX IN BRIE, WHERE THE VILLAINS ARE DISCOMFITED BY THE EARL OF FOIX AND THE CAPTAL OF BUCH. At the time these wicked men were overrunning the country, the earl of Foix and his cousin the captal of Buch were returning from a croisade in Prussia f. They were informed, on their entering France, of the distress the nobles were in ; and they learnt at the city of Chalons, that the duchess of Normandy, the duchess of Orleans, and three hundred other ladies, under the protection of the duke of Orleans, were fled to Meaux on account of these disturbances. The two knights resolved to go to the assistance of these ladies, and to reinforce them with all their might, notwithstanding the captal was attached to the English ; * Jacques Bon Homme. f Barnes says that the lord Fauconbridge was with them, and quotes Dugdale, vol. ii. p. 4 ; but I do not see that he mentions any thing relative to this matter, except that he made a voyage to the Holy Land. n 242 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. but at that time there was a truce between the two kings. They might have in their company about sixty lances. They were most cheerfully received, on their arrival at Meaux, by the ladies and damsels ; for these Jacks and peasants of Brie had heard what number of ladies, married and unmarried, and young children of quality, were in Meaux : they had united themselves with those of Valois, and were on their road thither. On the other hand, those of Paris had also been informed of the treasures Meaux contained, and had set out from that place in crowds : having met the others, they amounted together to nine thousand men : their forces were augmenting every step they advanced. They came to the gates of the town, which the inhabitants opened to them, and allowed them to enter : they did so in such numbers that all the streets were quite filled, as far as the market-place, which is tolerably strong, but it required to be guarded, though the river Mai ne nearly surrounds it. The noble dames who were lodged there, seeing such multitudes rushing towards them, were exceedingly frightened. On this, the two lords and their Battlf of Mfaux, in Brie, where the Jacquerie were defeated by the Count de Foix and the Captal dc Buch. From a MS. Froisgart of the Fifteenth Century. company advanced to the gate of the market-place, which they had opened, and marching under the banners of the earl of Foix and duke of Orleans, and the pennon of the captal of Buch, posted themselves in front of this peasantry, who were badly armed. When these banditti perceived such a troop of gentlemen, so well equipped, sally forth to guard the market-place, the foremost of them began to fall back. The gentlemen then followed them, using their lances and swords. When they felt the weight of their blows, they, through fear, turned about so fast, they fell one over the other. All manner of armed persons then rushed out of the barriers, drove them before them, striking them down like beasts, and clearing the town of them ; for they kept neither regularity nor order, slaying so many that CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 243 they were tired. They flung them in great heaps into the river. In short, they killed upwards of seven thousand. Not one would have escaped, if they had chosen to pursue them further. On the return of the men at arms, they set fire to the town of Meaux, burnt it ; and all the peasants they could find were shut up in it, because they had been of the party of the Jacks. Since this discomfiture which happened to them at Meaux, they never collected again in any great bodies ; for the young Enguerrand de Coucy * had plenty of gentlemen under his orders, who destroyed them, wherever they could be met with, without mercy -f. CHAPTER CLXXXV. — PARIS BESIEGED BY THE DUKE OF NORMANDY, REGENT OF FRANCE. Not long after this event, the duke of Normandy assembled many noblemen and gentlemen, as well those of his own kingdom as from the empire, by means of subsidies. They might amount, in the whole, to more than three thousand lances. With this force he marched to lay siege to Paris, towards the suburbs of St. Antoine, along the river Seine. He took up his quarters at St. Maur |, and encamped his army in that neighbourhood ; whence he made excursions with it every day towards Paris. Sometimes the duke resided at Charenton, at others at St. Maur. Nothing could enter Paris, by land or water, on that side ; for the duke had possession of the two rivers, Marne and Seine : his people had burnt all the villages round Paris, which were not inclosed, in order to chastise more severely the Parisians. Paris itself would have been destroyed if it had not been fortified, as before related ; and no one dared to enter or go out of it, for fear of the duke's army, who scoured both sides of the Seine as they pleased, for none ventured to oppose them. The provost of merchants still continued his attachment to the king of Navarre as strong as ever ; as did the council and commonalty of Paris ; and, as before said, he employed people night and day the more strongly to fortify the city. He had also a large body of men at arms, Navarre soldiers and English archers, and other companions with him. There were among the inhabitants some very determined and able men, such as John Maillart, his brother Symon, and many of their relations, by whom lie was very much disliked on account of his hatred to the duke of Normandy ; but the provost had attached to himself such a strong party, that no one dared to contradict him, unless he wished to be murdered without mercy. The king of Navarre, who wa3 acquainted with all this variance between the duke of Normandy and the Parisians, justly imagined, that things could not long continue in their present state ; nor had he any very great confidence in the commonalty of Paris : he therefore quitted Paris as handsomely as he could, and went to St. Denis, where there was a large body of men at arms in the pay of the Parisians. In this position, the king remained for six weeks, and the duke at Charenton. The two armies pillaged and ruined the country on all sides. The archbishop of Sens, the bishop of Auxerre, the bishop of Beauvais, the lord of Montmorency, the lord of Fiennes and the lord de St. Venant, undertook to mediate between them. They managed so wisely with both parties, that the king of Navarre, of his own free will and accord, went to the duke, his brother-in-law, at Charenton, and made excuses for having given him cause of suspicion. First, for the death of the two marshals and master Simon de Buci ; also for the insult which the provost of the merchants had offered to him in his own palace at Paris, which he swore had been done without his knowledge. He promised the duke to remain with him at all events, during this expedition * Enguerrand de Coucy was one of the hostages given see M. de Zurlauben's memoir, in the xxvth vol. of the by France to England, at the treaty for the liberty of king Memoires de FAcad^mie des Inscriptions, p. 168. John. f Barnes says, that " their captain, James the Goodman, , ' being here taken alive, was sent to the dauphin, who, Edward, to attach him to his interest, married him to underst;ltldin g that he had assumed the name of a king, Isabella his second daughter, and gave him very large caused h[m tQ be crowned with a trivet, or the three- possessions in England. He erected the barony of Bed- j , frame of an iron ekel]et? red hot< and so t0 be ford into an earldom in his favour. hangedi - n reqnUal for aU Ws barbarous cruelties." For further particulars relating to Enguerrand de Coney , $ Probably St. Maur des-Fossez, in the Isle of France. R 2 244 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Upon this peace was made between them. The king of Navarre added, that he would have the Parisians corrected for the evil deeds they had committed. The commonalty were to be included in this peace ; but the duke was to have the provost of the merchants delivered up to him, and twelve of the citizens, according to his choice, to punish in what manner he should think best. These things being settled, the king of Navarre returned to St. Denis, and the duke went to Meaux in Brie, where he dismissed his army. Some of the citizens of Paris, to whom the treaty had given more freedom to speak their minds, intreated the duke to return to Paris, in all security, and that they would pay him every honour in their power. The duke answered, " that he should consider the peace as good, having sworn to it ; that it should never, with God's permission, be infringed by him ; but that he would never again enter Paris, unless he had satisfaction from those who had insulted him." The provost of the merchants, and those of his faction, frequently visited the king of Navarre at St. Denis : they remonstrated with him on the indignation of the duke, which they had incurred on his account (for they had delivered him out of prison and brought him to Paris), and that in the name of God, they would not place any confidence in the duke, nor in his council. The king replied : "Be assured, gentlemen and friends, that you shall not suffer any ills without my partaking of them • and, as you have at present the government of Paris, I would advise you to provide yourselves with gold and silver, so that, if there should be any necessity, you may know where to find it, and send it confidentially here to me at St. Denis, trusting to my faith : I will take good care of it, and will keep secretly a body of men at arms, and other companions, with whom, in case of need, you may make war upon your enemies." The provost of the merchants followed this advice ; and thrice * every week afterwards, he conducted two horses laden with florins to the king of Navarre at St. Denis, who most cheerfully received them. CHAPTER CLXXXVI.— SOME PARISIANS ARE SLAIN AT ST. CLOUD, BY THE ENGLISH WHO HAD BEEN SOLDIERS IN PARIS. There had remained in Paris a great number of the English and Navarre soldiers, whom the provost and commonalty of Paris had in their pay, to assist them against the duke of Normandy, and very loyally and well had they served them during the time the war lasted. When the treaty was concluded between the duke and the Parisians, some of these soldiers left Paris, others remained. Those that quitted it went to the king of Navarre, who retained them all, but there were left behind in Paris about three hundred, who enjoyed themselves, and spent their money cheerfully. There happened, however, a quarrel between them and the inhabitants, when upwards of sixty English were slain. The provost was exceedingly angry at this, and blamed the Parisians highly ; but, to appease the commonalty, he seized one hundred and fifty of the English, whom he confined over three gates, and told the Parisians, who were so much incensed that they wanted to murder them, that he would have them punished, according to their deserts, which satisfied them. When night came, the provost set them at liberty to go where they pleased ; they went to St. Denis to the king of Navarre, who accepted their services. In the morning, when the Parisians found that the English were let out of prison, they were much enraged against the provost ; but he, who was a prudent and wise man, knew well how to dissemble what part he had in it, and to turn it off, so that it was soon forgotten. When these soldiers, English and Navarrois, were all collected together at St. Denis, they were upwards of three hundred. They resolved to be revenged for the murder of their companions and the insults they themselves had sustained. They first sent a challenge to the Parisians, and then made war upon them, cutting off and slaying all those who issued out of the town, so that no one dared to venture beyond the gates. The provost of the merchants was, upon this, required to arm a part of the commonalty, and take the field, for they were desirous of fighting these English. Ho complied with their request, * Lord Berners and D. Sauvage say twice. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 245 and said he would accompany them. He armed, therefore, a body of the Parisians, and marched out, to the number of twelve hundred, who, when they were in the plains, were informed that the English they were in search of were in the neighbourhood of St. Cloud. Upon this intelligence, they divided themselves in two bodies, and took separate roads. These two parties were on their march all that day round Montmartre, but did not meet their enemies. It chanced that the provost had the smallest division, and, after searching all about, entered Paris by St. Martin's gate, without having done any thing. The other division, who were ignorant of the return of the provost, kept the field until vespers, when they began their retreat, but without any regular order, like those who did not look for or expect any hindrance. They came back in crowds quite fatigued ; some carried their helmets in their hands, others slung them round their necks ; some dragged their swords after them on the ground, while others hung theirs on their shoulders. They had taken their road so as to enter Paris by the gate of St. Honore *, when suddenly they came upon the English, to the amount of four hundred, in a hollow road, who, upon seeing them, began to shout, " Here are the Frenchmen ! " and fell upon them, which made them fly in every direction. At the first onset, there were upwards of two hundred overthrown. The French, who had not kept any order in their march, were so much astonished that they never thought of rallying, but made the best of their way to escape, and were killed in their flight like so many sheep. There were upwards of six hundred slain in this pursuit ; they were followed even beyond the barriers of Paris. The commonalty of Paris threw all the blame of this accident on the provost of the merchants, and said that he had betrayed them. On the next morning, the near relations and friends of those that had been slain issued out of Paris with cars and carts, to seek for the bodies of the dead to bury them : but the English had placed an ambuscade near the field of battle, when they killed and wounded more than six score of them. The Parisians were thrown into great trouble and dismay, for they did not know whom to trust. They were night and day under much alarm, for the king of Navarre was grown cold in his proffered assistance to support them, on account of the peace which he had sworn to the duke of Normandy, and also for the outrage which the Parisians had committed on the English soldiers : he connived, therefore, at the chastisement they had received. On the other hand, the duke of Normandy was much enraged, that the provost of the merchants should still keep the government of Paris. The provost and his faction were not quite at their ease ; for the Parisians, as they were well informed, dospised them exceedingly. CHAPTER CLXXXVII. THE DEATH OF THE PROVOST OF THE MERCHANTS OF PARIS. The provost and those of his party held many secret councils among themselves, to consider in what manner they could best keep their authority. They knew they should not find mercy from the duke of Normandy, whose general answer to the Parisians was, that he would never make peace with them, until twelve persons from Paris should be given up to him, according to his choice, for him to deal with as he pleased. This declaration had very much alarmed the provost and his friends ; they thought it preferable to remain alive in good prosperity than to be destroyed, and that it was much better to slay than to be slain. They entered, therefore, into a secret treaty with the English, to continue on the war against Paris. It was agreed upon between them, that the provost and his friends should be posted over the gates of St. Honore and St. Anthony, so that the English and Navarrois might together enter Paris at midnight, properly prepared to ruin and destroy the town, except such parts where signals should be placed at the doors or windows : wherever this signal was not found, they were to put men and women to the sword. The night on which this enterprise was to take place, God shewed his mercy to some of the citizens who had always been attached to the duke, that is to say, John Maillart, his * At that period, the gate of St. Honore was near the Quinzc-Vingts.— MSmoir'es de VAcadtmie, vom. xvii. p 696. 246 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. brother Symon, and many others, who by divine inspiration (as one may well suppose it) gained information that Paris was to be sacked and destroyed. They therefore armed them- selves secretly, made all their party do the same, and whispered their suspicions abroad, in order to acquire more help. They all came properly armed, a little before midnight, to the gate of St. Anthony, where they found the provost of the merchants with the keys of the gate in his hand. Upon this, John Maillart said to him, calling him by his name ; " Stephen, what do you do here at this time of night?" The provost replied; " John, why do you ask it ? I am here to take care of, and to guard the city, of which I have the government." " By God," answered John, " things shall not go on so : you are not here at this hour for any good, which I will now shew you," addressing himself to those near him ; " for see how he has got the keys of the gate in his hand, to betray the city." The provost said, " John, you lie." John replied, " It is you, Stephen, who lie ;" and rushing on him, cried to his people, " Kill them, kill them : now strike home, for they are all traitors." There was a very great bustle ; and the provost would gladly have escaped, but John struck him such a blow with his axe on the head, that he felled him to the ground, although he was his comrade, and never left him until he had killed him. Six others, who were present, were also killed: the remainder were carried to prison. They then put themselves in motion, and awakened every one in the different streets of Paris. John Maillart and his party went to the gate of St. Honore, where they found those of the provost's faction, whom they accused of treason, and whose excuses were of no avail. Many of them were taken, and sent to different prisons : those who would not suffer them- selves to be made prisoners, were slain without mercy. This same night, all those who were inculpated in .the treason, for which the provost had been slain, were taken in their beds'; for those who had been sent to prison had confessed the fact. On the morrow morning, John Maillart assembled the greater part of the commonalty of Paris in the market-place ; where, having mounted a scaffold, he explained, in general terms, his reasons for having killed the provost of the merchants. All those who had been of the faction of the provost were then condemned to die by the elders of the commonalty, and were accordingly executed with various tortures. These things done, J ohn Maillart, who was much in the Parisians' favour, and some of the elders attached to him, sent Symon Maillart and two masters in Parliament, sir John Alphonso, and master John Pastorel, to the duke of Normandy, who resided at Charenton. They related to the duke the event that had happened in Paris, and besought him to return thither to direct and counsel the city henceforwards, as all his adversaries were slain. The duke replied, that he would willingly comply with their request. He accordingly came to Paris, attended by sir Arnold d'Andreghen, the lord of Roye, with many other knights, and took up his lodging in the Louvre *. * All this chapter I have translated from my copy doubts upon the want of exactness in the narration of printed on vellum, which is conformable to Denys Froissart, I hope to be able to show, that the commonly- Sauvage's edition, and to lord Berners' translation : but, received narration is not the true text. I believe I have on comparing it with two of my manuscripts, there is a found this text in threo manuscripts in the king's library, very great difference; they are perfectly similar in the two of which are perhaps the most ancient and authentic text to the three manuscripts mentioned by M. Dacier in that exist in any library. One, numbered 8318, has a his memoir, " To whom ought to be attributed the glory date, which marks its age ; upon one of the leaves of of the revolution which saved Paris during the captivity of vellum, at the beginning, is written : king John?" — Memoires de PAcademiedes Inscriptions, "'This is a part of the chronicles done by master &c, vol. xliii. p. 563. John Froissart, a Hainaulter, from the time of king M. Dacier proves very clearly, that John Maillart, so Charles IV., of the wars between France and England ; far from being the hero who saved his country, was a which chronicles master "William Boisratier, master of rebel, and connected with the provost : that the regent, requests of the king's palace, one of his counsellors, and on that account, confiscated the property which John counsellor also to the duke of Berry his lord, gave to Maillart had in the county of Dampmartin, and gave to the aforesaid duke his lord, in his hotel de Neelle, John de Chastilson, earl of Porcien, and his heirs for the 8th day of November in the year 1407.' — Signed ever, on account of the services ho had rendered, and was Flamel. still rendering to the king, a rent charge of five hundred " The manuscript cannot be later than this date : and livres of this confiscated property in Dampmartin and one may see by the signature of W. Boisratier, which is elsewhere. — Extracted from the Tr£sor des Chartres — on a leaf of parchment pasted on the inside of the cover, Registro 86, piece 142. that he had been owner of it some time before he pre- M. Dacier continues : ?' If this piece should leave any sented it to the duke of Berry ; so that it may, without CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. '247 CHAPTER CLXXXVIII. THE KING OP NAVARRE DECLARES WAR AGAINST FRANCE, THE FRENCH KING BEING AT THE TIME A PRISONER IN ENGLAND. When the king of Navarre was informed of the death of his great friend the provost of the merchants, and of those who were attached to him, he was sorely vexed; for the provost had always been very favourable to his designs. And because he had the reputation of being the chief cause of the provost's treasons, the lord Philip de Navarre, who at that time was at St. Denis with him, advised him, as he could not see any means of getting clear of this suspicion, to declare war against the kingdom of France. He sent his challenge to the duke of Normandy, to the Parisians, and to the whole realm of France. He quitted St. Denis, and his people overran the whole country, plundering it as far as Melun-sur-Seine *, where difficulty, be estimated as having been written the latter end of the 14th century. Tho second manuscript is so perfectly conformable to the first in the quality of the vellum, the colour of the ink, and the form of the letters, that it clearly belongs to the same period." M. Dacier does not believe these manuscripts copied from the same original, nor from each other. He then goes on to tho " Third manuscript, numbered 6760, which is les9 ancient. It appears to have been written towards the middle of the 15th century. In comparing it with the two preceding, I have found some differences that prove it is not a copy from them. This forms aithird testimony in favour of the new text of Froissart. As this text has never been published, I shall transcribe the whole chapter, except the first twenty lines, in which the historian lays down the plan of the conspiracy of Marcel similar to what is in the printed editions. " That very night which was to disclose all this mis- chief, (that is to say, the destruction of Paris,) God in- spired and alarmed some of the citizens of Paris, who were and ever had been attached to the duke of Normandy, of whom sir Pepin des Essarts and sir John de Charny were the leaders ; and these were, as we may suppose, informed by divine inspiration that Paris w r as to be overrun and destroyed. They soon armed themselves, made all those of their party do the same, and secretly 6pread abroad their intelligence in different quarters, that they might have more assistance. This sir Pepin then set out, with many other determined companions, well armed. Sir Pepin displayed the banner of France, crying out Au Roi, and Au Due, followed by crowds of people, until they came to the gate of St. Anthony, where they found the provost of the merchants, holding the keys in his hands. " John Maillart was likewise there, who, having had that day a dispute with the provost and with Josseran de Mascon, had joined the party of the duke of Normandy. The provost was severely taunted by words and arguments ; and there was such a noise made by the crowd, that scarcely anything could be heard : they kept crying out, ' Kill them, kill them! kill the provost of the merchants and his allies, for they are all traitors.' There was a great tumult ; and the provost, who was standing on the steps of the fort of St. Anthony, would willingly have escaped, but he was so beset that he could not. Sir John de Charny struck him to the ground by a blow of his battle-axe on the head. He was then attacked by master Peter Fouace and others, who never quitted him until he was dead, as well as six of his party ; among whom were Philip Guiffart, John de Lille, John Poiret, Simon le Paonnier, and Giles Marcel. Many more were taken and sent to prison. They then made search in all the streets of Paris, put the town in a state of security, and kept a strong guard all that night. " You must know, that as soon as the provost of the merchants and the others had been slain or made prison- ers, which happened on Tuesday, the last day of July, 1358, in the afternoon, messengers were sent in haste to carry this news to the duke of Normandy, at that time at Meaux, which gave him, and not without reason, great pleasure. He made preparations for his journey to Paris ; but, before his arrival, Josseran de Mascon, who was treasurer to tho king of Navarre, and Charles Toussac, sheriff of Paris, who had been made prisoners, were exe- cuted in the square of the Greve, by having their heads cut off, because they had been traitors, and were of the provost'6 party. The body of the provost and of those that had been slain with him, were dragged into the court of the church of St. Catherine du Val des Ecoliers, and, naked as they were, extended before tho cross in that court, and left there a considerable time for the view of all those that chose it : they were afterward thrown into the river Seine. " The duke of Normandy, who had sent a sufficiency of men at arms to Paris, to defend and reinforce it against the English and Navarroia, who were in the neighbourhood continually harassing it, set out from Meaux, where he then resided, and came with speed to Paris, attended by a noble and numerous escort of men at arms. He was received by the good town of Paris, and by all persons with great joy, when he dismounted at the Louvre. John Maillart was at that time near his person, and much in his grace and favour ; and, to say the truth, he was then very deserving of it, as you have heard related above, notwithstanding ho had been formerly, as it was said, one of the allies of the provost of the merchants. Shortly afterward, the duke sent for the duchess of Normandy his wife, and all the ladies who had for some time taken refuge at Meaux in Brie. When they came to Paris, tho duchess alighted at the hotel of the duke, which had been the hotel de St. Pol, whither he had retired, and where he had remained for a considerable time." M. Dacier then adds : " This is the new reading I announced, and which ap- pears to me far preferable to the common one, because it unites tho double advantage of coming from the most authentic manuscripts we know, and of agreeing much better than the printed copies, as well with the contempo- rary historians, as with the other monuments of the times, to which it may serve both as a commentary and supple- ment." I shall refer the reader, for further proofs that John Maillart was not the hero who saved Paris, to the memoir of M. Dacier, in the xliiid vol. of the Momoiis of the Academy of Inscriptions, &c. * Melun, — an ancient town ;n the Isle of France, ten leagues and a half from Paris 248 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. the queen Blanche his sister, the widow of king Philip, resided. That lady received him cheerfully, and gave up to him everything she possessed. The king of Navarre made this town and castle his principal garrison. He collected men at arms from all parts, and soldiers from Brabant, Germany, Hainault, and Bohemia. People everywhere came willingly to serve under him ; for he paid them largely out of the treasures he had amassed, through the means of the provost of merchants, from the city of Paris, as well as from the neighbouring towns. The lord Philip de Navarre withdrew his forces to Mantes*, and Meulanf, upon the river Seine, where he posted garrisons. Every day their forces were increased by those who were desirous of getting money. In this manner did the king of Navarre begin his war upon the kingdom of France, which was especially directed against the city of Paris, for he was master of the three rivers, the Seine, Marne, and Oise. The Navarrois multiplied so fast, that they took the strong town of Creil j : they were besides the masters of the river Oise, and the strong castle of Herielle § three leagues distant from Amiens, and afterwards of Mauconseil || . The capture of these three fortresses was the cause of innumerable ills to the realm of France. There were at least fifteen hundred com- batants who were overrunning the country, without any attempt made to oppose them. They soon spread farther, and took, shortly afterward, the castle of St. Valery^f, of which they made a very strong garrison. Sir William de Bonnemare and John de Segures * * were governors of it. They had under them full five hundred fighting men, with whom they scoured the country as far as Dieppe and Abbeville, along the sea-coast, to the gates of Crotoy, Roye, and Montreuil-sur-mer. These Navarrois, whenever they had determined to take a castle, whatever its strength might be, never failed of succeeding. They frequently made excursions of thirty leagues in a night, and fell upon a country that never suspected they could come to them. Thus did they ruin and destroy the fortresses and castles in the king- dom of France. They took pleasure to summon knights, ladies, and damsels, before they were out of bed, for their ransoms. Sometimes they seized all they had, and then turned them out of doors. The lord Fondrigais of Navarre was chief governor of Creil-upon-Oise. He gave pass- ports to those who wished to go from Paris to Noyon, or from Noyon to Compiegne, or from Compiegne to Soissons, or Laon, as well as to other parts in the neighbourhood. These passports were worth to him, during the time he remained at Creil, one hundred thousand livres. Sir John de Piquigny, who, though of Picardy, was strongly attached to the cause of Navarre, resided in the castle of Herielle. His troops grievously oppressed the inhabitants of Montdidier, Arras, Peronne, Amiens, and all that part of Picardy on the river Somme. In the castle of Mauconseil were three hundred men, under the command of Rabigeois de Dury f f , Charles Frangnelin, and Hannequin Francois ; they plundered the country all round Noyon, and all the large towns and monasteries which were not fortified, if their inhabitants did not ransom themselves from these captains, by paying them a certain number of florins weekly. On any other conditions they would have been burnt and destroyed, for these ruffians were very cruel to their enemies. From such causes as these, the lands were uncultivated ; for no one dared to till them ; so that very great scarcity soon added to the disasters under which the kingdom already laboured. * Mantes, — in the Isle of France, capital of the Mantois, || Q. If not Maucourt, which is a village of Picardy fourteen leagues from Paris. near Noyon. f Meulan, or Meullent,— in the Isle of France, four ^[ A town in Picardy, at the mouth of the Somme, four leagues from Mantes, ten from Paris. leagues and a half from Abbeville. X Creil, — a town in the Isle of France, on the Oise, ** Sir John Segar, an Englishman. — Barnes. twenty leagues and a half from Amiens, ten leagues and ft Barnes says, that "in Mauconseil were three hundred a half from Paris. men at arms, under these captains, Rabigois of Derry, an § La Herielle, — a village of Picardy, in the election of Irishman, — Franklin and Hawkins, two squires of Eng- Montdidier, near Breteuil. land, sir Robert Knolles his companions."— Page 544. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 243 CHAPTER CLXXXIX. THE NAVARROIS ARE BESIEGED IN THE CASTLE OF MAUCONSEIL, BY THE MEN OF PICARDY. When the duke of Normandy, who resided at Paris, heard that these men at arms were destroying the country, under the name of the king of Navarre, and that their numbers were daily increasing, he sent to all the principal towns in Picardy and Vermandois, to require that each should, according to his proportion, send a certain number of men at arms, on foot and on horseback, to oppose the Navarrois, who were ruining the kingdom of which he had the government. The cities and chief towns willingly complied with his request : they taxed themselves, according to their fortunes, with men at arms, both horse and foot, archers and cross-bowmen. These advanced first toward the good city of Noyon, making straight for the garrison of Mauconseil, because they thought this the weakest of the fortresses of the Navarrois, and that which had most harassed the inhabitants of Noyon and the country of Vermandois. The bishop of Noyon, the lord Raoul de Coucy, the lord de Ra venal, the lord de Chauny, the lord de Roye, and sir Matthew de Roye, his brother, were the captains and leaders of those men at arms and the other troops. These lords had with them many other knights and squires from Picardy and Vermandois, who, laying siege to Mauconseil, made many assaults on it, and hardly pressed the garrison ; who, when they could not hold out much longer, sent to inform sir John de Piquigny of their distressed situation. He then resided in the castle of la Herielle. All these garrisons and places were under his command. He made haste, therefore, to succour his good friends in Mauconseil, and sent orders privately to the garrison of Creil, to arm themselves directly, and to march to a certain spot which he pointed out to them ; for he meant to make an excursion through the country with all the men at arms under his command. When they were all assembled, they amounted to one thousand lances at least. They rode on, under the direction of guides, all that night, without halting, and came before the castle of Mauconseil at day-break. There was so thick a fog that morning, that they could not see the length of an acre of ground. Immediately on their arrival, they fell suddenly on the French army, who, not expecting them, nor having a sufficient guard, were sleeping as if in perfect safety. The Navarrois set up their cry, and began to kill and cut down both men, tents, and pavilions. The skirmish was very sharp, insomuch that the French had not time to arm themselves or collect together, but ran off, as fast as they could, to Noyon, which was hard by, and the Navarrois after them. Many were slain and unhorsed between Noyon and Orcamp*, and between Noyon and Pont TEvequef, and in that neighbourhood. The dead and wounded lay in heaps on the ground, on the highways, and between the hedges. The pursuit lasted as far as the gates of Noyon, which put that town in great danger of being ruined ; for some of both parties who were there, have declared, that if the Navarrois had chosen, they might for a certainty have entered the town, as those who belonged to it were so much frightened, when they returned, that they forgot, or had not time to shut the gate leading to Compiegne. The bishop of Noyon was taken prisoner, near the barriers, and gave his word to surrender himself, or he would have been killed. On the morrow, the lord Raoul de Coucy was taken, as were the lord Raoul de Ravenal, the lord de Chauny, and his two sons, le borgne J de Rouvroy, the lord de Turte, the lord de Vendueil, the lord Anthony de Coudun, and full one hundred knights and squires. There were upwards of fifteen hundred men slain : the greatest loss fell upon those who came from the city of Tournay : they suffered much, as many had come from that part. Some said, that of the seven hundred which they at first were, scarcely any returned back, but all were either killed or taken prisoners. The garrison of Mauconseil made a sally, to complete this defeat, which happened in the year 1358, on the Tuesday following the feast of our Lady, the middle of August. The Navarrois conducted the greater part of their prisoners to Creil, because it was a good and strong town. They acquired by this * f Villages near Noyon. J Q. Borgne, — whether one-eyed; or some title, as captal or souldich? 260 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c expedition much wealth, as well in jewels as by the ransoms of their prisoners. From this time they became rich, and ransomed the citizens of Tournay and those of the other towns whom they had captured cheerfully, for such sort of ware as swords, axes, spear-heads, jackets, doublets, housings, and for all the different sorts of tools they were in want of. The knights and squires took their payments in ready money, in coursers or other horses ; and one poor gentleman, that had not wherewithal to pay, they made serve for a quarter of a year : two or three were treated in this manner*. With regard to wines and provision, they had plenty : for all the flat countries supplied them handsomely by way of ransom. The towns got nothing, but in an underhand manner, or by means of their passports, which they sold at a high price. By this method they could obtain all they wanted, except hats of beaver, ostrich feathers, and spear-heads ; which things they never would insert in their passports. The garrison of Mauconseil destroyed the greater part of the fine abbey of Orchamps, at which the governor was much enraged when informed of it. These Navarrois spread themselves over many places, along the banks of the Somme and the Oise ; and two of their men at arms, called Rabigeois de Dury and Robin l'Escot t took by escalade, the good town of BerlyJ, in which they placed a garrison, and strongly fortified it. These two companions had in pay, under their command, about four hundred men, to whom they gave fixed wages, and paid them every month. The garrisons of Beaulieu, Creil, Mauconseil, and la Herielle, scoured all parts of the country, as no one opposed them; the knights having sufficient employment in guarding their houses and castles. These English and Navarrois went armed or unarmed, and rode over the country at their pleasure, to amuse themselves, from one garrison to another, as if all had been at peace. The young lord de Coucy had his towns and castles extremely well guarded ; he was also lord paramount of that part of the country. The canon de Robesart watched the Navarrois better than any other, and harassed them much ; for frequently he had overthrown many of them. CHAPTER CXC. SEVERAL OF THE CITIZENS OF AMIENS ATTEMPT TO GIVE UP THAT CITY TO THE NAVARROIS. A FAMINE IN FRANCE. The lord John de Piquigny, who was much attached to the king of Navarre, was the chief of his council, and through whose assistance he had escaped from prison, resided at la Herielle, three leagues from Amiens. He had tampered so successfully, by fine speeches and other- wise, with several of the principal citizens of Amiens, that they had consented to admit the Navarrois into the city. These treacherous citizens had even hid in their chambers and garrets some of the Navarrois that were to assist in destroying their town. Lord John de Piquigny, lord William de Graville, lord Fricquet de Friquant, lord Lin de Belaysy, and the lord Fondrigay, came one night, with upwards of seven hundred men, to the gates of the city, which lead to la Herielle, on assurance of their friends within the town, that they should be open ; and they kept their promise. Upon this, those who had been hid in cellars and garrets sallied forth, shouting, " Navarre ! " whilst the inhabitants, being awakened, cried out, "Treason, treason!" and collecting themselves together, hastened towards the gate where the greatest tumult was, between the suburbs and the city. The first comers defended the gate well, and with good courage : numbers were slain on both sides. If the Navarrois had hastened to enter the city instantly on their arrival, they would have won it ; but they loitered in the suburbs, and performed the enterprise in a cowardly manner enough. This same night, God inspired the lord Morel de Fiennes, constable of France, and the earl de St. Pol, who were at Corbie in great force, with the design to go to Amiens. They rode there so fast, and came so opportunely, that the Navarrois had but just gained the suburbs : * " And of a poor gentylman that had nothyng to pay, Q. The first,- see note ft, p. 248; — the second they took their seruyce for a quarter of a yere or a halfe or Robin Scott. thre quarters, as they could agree." — Lord Berners — who X Q- If not Beaulieu, which is a town in Picardy in the in this agrees with D. Sauvage. — Ed. diocese and election of Noyon. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 251 they were exerting all their efforts to win the city, and must have succeeded, if these gentlemen had not arrived. As soon as they had entered the city of Amiens by another gate, they advanced to the place where the battle raged, and having displayed their banners, drew up their men in the street, without passing through tho gate to the suburbs ; for they gave them up as lost, which in truth they were. They, by this timely succour, inspired fresh courage into the men of Amiens, who lighted the streets with a number of torches, and with pitched ropes in iron lanthorns. The lord John de Piquigny and the Navarrois, on hearing that these lords and their squadrons were arrived, and drawn up in the city, thought that, if they remained, they ran a risk of losing more than they could gain : lord John, therefore, collected his people together, and sounded a retreat, which he made as handsomely as he could, but not before he had destroyed and burnt the suburbs. There were at least three hundred* houses, and a number of handsome hotels, with parish- churches, burnt ; for nothing was spared. Thus did the Navarrois carry off with them great wealth, which they had found in the large suburbs of Amiens, and returned with many prisoners to their different garrisons. The constable and the earl of St. Pol, upon the retreat of the Navarrois, separated their troops, and sent them to all the different gates of the city, with orders, under pain of death, to suffer no one to quit the town. On the morrow morning, these two lords, and some of the citizens of Amiens, who were acquainted with the manner in which the town had of late been governed, and who suspected some of the citizens of both sexes of this treason, went to the houses of those they were in search of, and arrested seventeen, who were soon after beheaded in the public market-place. The abbot of Gars was among the number, who had been an accomplice in this treason, and had even lodged some of the Navarrois in his house. Shortly after, six of the principal inhabitants of Laon were arrested and executed, for a similar crime : and it would have gone hard with the bishop of that place if he had been caught, for he was accused of being concerned, which afterwards he could not deny : but he quitted the town secretly, as he had good friends, who gave him notice of what was likely to happen, and went immediately to the king of Navarre, at Melun-sur-Seine, who most courteously received him. Such adventures as these happened often in France : on which account, the barons and knights, as well as the cities and principal towns, were always upon their guard. To speak truly, the king of Navarre had many friends intermixed in every part of France ; and, if they had not been discovered, much worse things would have been done, though in truth they did enough. During this time, the duke of Normandy and his brothers resided at Paris. No merchants nor others dared to venture out of the town, to look after their concerns, or to take any journey : for they were attacked and killed, whatever roads they took. The kingdom was so full of the Navarrois, they were masters of all the flat countries, the rivers, and the principal towns and cities. This caused such a scarcity of provisions in France, that a small cask of herrings was sold for thirty golden crowns, and every thing else in proportion. Many of the poor died with hunger. This famine lasted more than four years. The great towns, in particular, were much distressed for salt, which could only be had through the ministers of the duke of Normandy, who sold it at a very dear rate, in order to collect more money to pay the soldiers. CHAPTER CXCI. THE MEN OF PICARDY BESIEGE TnE NAVARROIS IN ST. VALERY. THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE IS FILLED WITH NAVARROIS. The constable of France and the young earl of St. Pol acquired great popularity in Picardy, for the succours which they had brought to Amiens. The knights and squires of that province united themselves to them ; and they thought they were now in sufficient force to lay siege to St. Valery. The constable sent to all the principal towns, to inform them of it : upon which, those of Tournay, Lisle, Douay, Arras, Bethune, St. Omer, * Lord Berner; and D. Sauvage say three ihousmd — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. St. Quontin, Peronne, Amiens, Corbie, and Abbeville, met together : they engaged to find a certain number of men, whom they sent to the constable and the earl of St. Pol. Even the knights and squires of Hainault put themselves in motion, and came thither, on account of the estates they had in France. The lord d'Andreghen sent thither the young seneschal of Hainault, the lord John de Verthin, magnificently equipped, the lord Hugh d'Antoing his cousin, with many others ; when they marched to lay siege to St. Yalery. There were full two thousand knights and squires ; and the chief towns had sent twelve thousand common soldiers at their expense : Abbeville, in particular, was too heavily taxed, for thence they took all their purveyances. The siege of St. Yalery lasted some time. There were many sharp assaults and skirmishes. Almost every day there was something of this sort going forward ; for the young knights and squires were eager to make trial of their arms, and they readily found those who would gratify them. The lord William de Bonnemare, sir John Segar, and several other knights, who were in the garrison, advanced from the barriers of the castle, to tilt and skirmish with those of the army ; so that there were generally some killed or wounded on both sides daily. There might have been in St. Yalery three hundred companions, without counting those of the town, whom they forced to fight and assist them, otherwise it would have ended badly. The chiefs of the besiegers ordered engines of war to be brought from Amiens and Abbeville, and to be pointed against St. Yalery, which cast large stones, and much harassed the inhabitants, who had cannon and springalls *, with which they annoyed the army. Whilst this siege was carrying on, and the king of Navarre making war in all parts of France, the captal of Buch, cousin to the king of Navarre, arrived at Cherbourg, according to his intreaties, being retained by him, with two hundred lances in his pay. The captal, on his arrival in Normandy, took the field, and, passing through the lands of the king of Navarre, came to Mantes, where he found the lord Philip de Navarre, with whom he tarried some days. He then set out secretly with all his companions, and made such expedition in one night, through the good country of Yexin and Beauvoisis f, that he arrived at Clermont J in Beauvoisis, which is a large town, though not inclosed, with a handsome castle, having one large tower walled all round. Immediately after having summoned it, he took it by escalade, though the tower had hitherto been deemed impreg- nable. Nevertheless he succeeded by means of rope-ladders, and by using arrow-heads to attach them to the walls. The first person who entered was sir Bernard de la Salle, climbing like a cat. He, in his time, had taken many other places by similar means. The captal de Buch exerted himself so much that he conquered Clermont, which he and his companions kept possession of for a long time. He from that post harassed the countries of Yexin and Beauvoisis, with the assistance of the Navarrois, who were in garrison in the neighbouring fortresses, such as Creil, la Herielle, and Mauconseil. All the flat countries were at their disposal, as there were none to oppose them. In such manner was the whole kingdom of France kept in a state of warfare, under the name of the king of Navarre. Many strong castles were taken in Brie, Champagne, and Yalois, in the bishoprics of Noyon, Soissons, Senlis, and Laon, of which divers knights and squires from foreign parts were made governors. In that part of the country, near Pont-sur- Seine§, towards Provins||, Troyes^I, Auxerre**, and Tonnerreff, they were so overrun with soldiers that no one dared to venture out of the strong cities t and well-fortified towns. Sir Peter Audley resided in the castle of Beaufort, between Chalons and Troyes, which was part of the duke of Lancaster's inheritance. Sir Eustace d'Ambretioourt, a Hainault er, resided * Espringalles, or espringolds, or springolds, were ma- § A town in Champagne, diocese of Sens, twenty-eight chines whence came shot stones, or bolts. leagues from Paris. Skinner's Dictionary. |j An anctent city of Brie, diocese of Sens, twenty-two « And eke within the castil were leagues from Paris. .<: .;• " Springoldis, gonnes, bowes, and archers." . } f f la % e Clt ? of Cham P a g ne > thirty-eight leagues and a Chaucer's Roman de la Rose, verses 490, 491. L ? m S * . fT , , s+ t f *i» a An ancient city of Burgundy, capital of the Auxerrois, + A small province in the isle of France. Beauvais is forty-one leagues and a half from Paris. the capital. A town in Champagne, diocese of Langrcs, forty- $ Fifteen leagues from Paris. eight leagues and a half from Paris. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Ac. sometimes at Pont-sur-Seine, sometimes at the castle of Nogent, with about five hundred combatants, who pillaged all the country round about. In another part of Champagne, lived a squire from Germany called Albret. These three captains kept possession of all Champagne and the country on the Marne, with upwards of sixty castles and fortified houses. At any time they pleased, they could bring into the field more than two thousand combatants. That whole district was under their subjection : they ransomed or robbed every one. They had pillaged and burnt the good towns of Ay, Epernay*, and Vertusf, and all the chief towns on the Marne, as far as Chateau-Thierry J, with those that were in the neighbourhood •of Rheims§. They had also taken the good town and castle of Ronay||, and the strong castle of Hansf in Champagne, ascending the river as far as St. Antoine in Pertois**. Further advanced on the borders of Burgundy and Pertois, Thibat de Chaufour and John de Chaufour had taken up their quarters in the name of the king of Navarre. They had got possession of a strong castle called Mont Sangontt, in the diocese of Langres ; in which they had a garrison of four hundred men, who scoured the country as far as the bishopric of Verdun and the country of Soissons. Between Laon and Rheimswere other pillagers, whose principal garrison was at Vely, in which were six hundred men. Rabigeois de Dury, an Englishman, was the governor of it. He retained all sorts of persons, who wished to serve under him ; and, as he paid well and punctually, he was duly obeyed. He had with him Robert Scott, as companion in his gains and losses, who, during the Christmas holidays, won and plundered the strong castle and town of Roucyfl, in which he established a garrison that was afterwards a great grievance to the neighbourhood. He ransomed the earl, his lady, and daughter, for the sum of twelve thousand golden florins au mouton, and kept possession of the town and castle all that winter and ensuing summer of 1359. As soon as the earl of Roucy had paid his ransom, he went to reside in Laon, and in divers other places. During this period, there was not any tilling of the ground, so that it caused a great scarcity in a short time. CHAPTER CXCII. THE CANON DE ROBESART DEFEATS THE NAVARROIS IN THE LAONNOIS, NEAR TO CREIL. About this time, as I have been informed, the canon de Robesart performed a very gallant action. It fell out, that as the lord of Pinon, a knight-banneret of Vermandois, was riding from one strong place to another, accompanied by about sixty men at arms, the garrisons of Vely§§ and Roucy, to the number of three hundred, but without their captains, were also abroad to see what they could capture. As they advanced towards Creil, they perceived the lord of Pinon marching in good order, in the plain near that town, with his pennon displayed. They immediately saw they were French : the lord of Pinon also knew they were his enemies, and that he had no way to escape from them. However, he and his little troop turning to the right and skirting Creil, for the Navarrois had cut off his retreat the way he had come, stuck spurs into their horses to save themselves, if possible, by flight ; but the Navarrois pursued them, crying out, " St. George, Navarre!" and, being better mounted, would have come up with them in less than half a league. It chanced that the lord de Pinon, in his flight, met with a large and deep ditch, inclosed on one side by strong hedges, and having only one entrance, which was so narrow horses could not pass through. As soon as he was come near, he noticed the advantage that might be made of it, and said, " Dismount, dismount : it is much better to wait here the chance of war, and defend ourselves, than to be slain or made prisoners in our flight." Upon which, * An ancient city of Champagne, diocese of Rheiuis, thirty-three leagues from Paris. ' T A town in Champagne, near Epernay. % A city in Brie, diocese of Soissons, twenty-one leagues and a half from Paris. § An ancient city and archbishopric in Chavnpagie, thirty. eight leagues from Paris. || A village in Champagne, diocese andelection of Troyes. ^ A village in Champagne, election of St. Menehould. ** Pertois, a fertile country of Champagne, ff Q. if not Monsaujon ? which is in the diocese of Langres. XX A town in Picardy, diocese and election of Laon. §§ Vely, — a chatellany in Picardy, diocese of Soissons 254 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &o. all his people dismounted ; as did the Navarrois on their arrival. In the troop of the lord de Pinon, there was a knight*, who, calling his page, said, " Mount my courser, and spare him not, but gallop to the garrison of Pierrepontf, and intreat the canon de Robesart to come to our assistance." The page answered, " Suppose I should meet with him, how will it be possible for him to arrive in time, for it is five leagues distant from hence V The knight said, u Do thy duty." The page immediately set off, and left his master fiercely attacked by these plunderers of Vely and Roucy. The lord de Pinon and his company defended themselves with great valour. He kept possession of the advantageous position in the ditch, without any loss, from ten o'clock in the morning until the afternoon. I will now return to the page, who never broke gallop until he came to Pierrepont in the Laonnois. He delivered his message to the canon de Robesart, who replied that he would do his duty, and hasten to the place where the lord de Pinon was engaged, as he was perfectly acquainted with the spot. He ordered his trumpet to sound, and his companions, who might be about six score, to mount their horses. At the same time, he sent off one of his servants to Laon, which was not far distant, to inform a captain who was stationed there what was going forwards. He would not wait for the arrival of this reinforcement, but set off directly, full gallop, which he continued until he came to the lord de Pinon and his company, whom he found so hard pressed by the Navarrois, that they could not have held out much longer. The canon immediately placed his lance in its rest, and rushed upon the Navarrois with such force, that he struck down three the first onset. His people being fresh and in spirits, drove down the Navarrois, who were quite fatigued with having combated the whole day. The canon de Robesart gave such deadly blows with his battle- axe, that none could stand before him. These plunderers were totally routed : more than one hundred and fifty were left dead on the field of battle ; and if any attempted to save themselves they were met by the detachment from Laon, who made such a slaughter, that, of the three hundred they amounted to at first, fifteen only escaped ; the rest were either slain or made prisoners. CHAPTER CXCIII. THE NAVARROIS SURRENDER ST. VALERY TO THE FRENCH, WHO HAD BESIEGED IT A LONG TIME. I have before related, that the lords of Picarcly, Artois, Ponthieu and the Boulonnois, were a considerable time before St. Valery ; that they had made many grand attacks upon it by machines and other instruments. Among other events, it chanced that the lord de Bacien from Picarcly, having got into a boat to reconnoitre more particularly the castle, was struck with a bolt from an espringal, of which he died. The garrison had such quantities of artillery, that every attack upon them was attended with great danger. This siege, therefore, lasted from the beginning of August until the following Lent. The lords then declared they would starve them to a surrender, since they could not take it by assault. They therefore remained a long time inactive, but took great care to guard all the passes, so that nothing could enter the town by sea or land. Their provisions soon began to lessen, for they could not venture abroad to forage : on the other hand, they saw no appearance of any succours coming to them. They therefore determined in council to treat with the constable of France, the earl of St. Pol and the other barons of the army, to surrender the fortress upon condition that their lives and fortunes should be spared, and that they might be allowed to go wherever they pleased. This was granted them ; but they were to leave the place unarmed. Some difficulties also attended the compliance with their proposals, for the earl of St. Pol insisted on their surrendering uncon- ditionally. At this time, the lord Philip de Navarre was advanced towards St. Valery, to raise the siege, which he would have done, if the garrison had not been in such haste to surrender. He and his army were very angry at the event ; but they could not now by any means prevent it. '* A squire, according to D. Sauvage and Lord Berners. — E*>« •f* A village in Picardy, diocese of Laon. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 255 CHAPTER CXCIV. THE LORD PHILIP DE NAVARRE ASSEMBLES THREE THOUSAND MEN TO RAISE THE SIEGE OF ST. VALERY. The lords of France were still drawn up in the plain ; and, though no one had left the army, yet they were about departing ; their tents, pavilions and baggage were packing up ; when news was brought them that the Navarrois were upon their march, and not more than three leagues off. It was the lord Philip of Navarre who governed all the territories of the king his brother ; that is to say, the county of Evreux ; and all the different parties that were making war on France obeyed his orders. He had been informed by sir John de Piquigny, that the garrison of St. Valery was on the point of surrendering. The lord Philip was encouraged to attempt raising the siege : and for this purpose he had assembled secretly, at Mantes and Meulan, three thousand men, one with the other. Tho young earl of Harcourt, the lord de Granville, sir Robert Knolles, and sir John de Piquigny, were there, with, many other knights and squires, who had followed him to within three leagues of St. Valery when it was surrendered. He was assured of the truth of it, by the arrival of the lord de Bonnemare and sir John Segar, who met him on his march. When the French, who had taken possession of St. Valery, heard of the approach of the Navarrois, the constable, the earl of St. Pol, the lord de Chatillon, the lord de Poix, the lord de Beausault, the lord de Helly, the lord de Crestkes, lord Odoart de Renty, lord Baudoyn d'Ennekin, and some other barons and knights who were present, retired into the castle, to a council ; when it was resolved they should advance to combat their enemies. The constable issued his orders for every one to fall into his rank, and prepare for combat ; upon which they all marched forward in good order, as if they were immediately to fight with the lord Philip. The Navarrois, learning that the French were marching towards them in battle-array, to the amount of thirty thousand men, did not think it advisable to wait for them, but crossed the river Somme as speedily as possible, and took post in the castle of Long * in Ponthieu, with their horses, baggage, and whatever else they had, which straight- ened them much for room. They had scarcely entered it, when the French, who were in pursuit of them, came before it, about the hour of vespers. Their numbers were continually increasing ; for the common soldiers from the cities and chief towns could not inarch so fast as the men at arms. The lords held a council, and determined to take up their quarters that night before the castle, to wait for more troops, which were dropping in one after another, and on the morrow to make a general assault upon it. This was done. But the Navarrois within the castle, being short of provisions, as soon as it was midnight sallied out at a back way, without any noise, and took the road for the Vermandois. They were more than two leagues off before the French knew of their departure : they immediately armed themselves, and set out after them, following the tracks of their horses. Thus did both parties push forward, the Navarrois first, and the French behind them, until the Navarrois came to the little village of Thorigny, which is situated on an eminence whence there is a good view of all the country round about. It is in the Vermandois, between St. Quentin and Peronne. There the Navarrois halted, to refresh themselves and horses, and to fight their enemies, if they were forced to it. They had formed themselves in a circle on the summit of the eminence, so that they might profit from the situation of the place. They had not remained long before they saw the whole country below them covered over, and full of Frenchmen, who seemed to amount to upwards of thirty thousand. When the Navarrois perceived they had the appearance of coming to attack them, they issued out of the town, and drew up their army in three battalions : the first of them was given to sir Robert Knolles, the second to sir Lewis de Navarre, and the third to the earl of Harcourt. Neither of these battalions consisted of more than seven hundred fighting men. They cut their lances to five feet in length, and ordered their servants to carry their * Long et le Castlelet, — a village of Picardy, near Abbeville. 25G CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. spurs to the slope of the hill, where they were to fix them with the rowels uppermost ; so that their enemies might not ascend the hill at their ease. The lord Philip de Navarre knighted the young earl of Harcourt, who displayed his banner, as did also the young lord de Granville. The French halted in sight of the Navarrois, and dismounted, for many were desirous to give them immediate combat, whilst others were against it, saying, "Our people are fatigued ; besides, we have such numbers in the rear, that it is proper we wait for them, and take up our quarters where we are for the remainder of this day. It will be night soon, and we can fight them to-morrow in better order/' In this situation, the French encamped themselves, placing all their baggage-waggons round them, of which they had great numbers. When the Navarrois found that there was no intention of attacking them, they retired towards evening into their village of Thorigny, making great fires and smoke, to let them understand they meant to remain there that night : but as soon as it was dark, they got their horses ready, having previously made every other preparation, and set off in silence. The night was dark and foggy ; and they marched down to the river Somme, which they crossed at a ford, near a small village not far distant from Bethencourt * ; thence they took the road to the wood of Bohain f, which they skirted : they marched that night upwards of seven leagues, which caused many of the worst mounted to remain behind, who were made prisoners by the inhabitants of Bohain. The peasants also of the country slew many who were unablo to keep up with their masters, and all who had lost their road. The French were informed of the departure of the Navarrois a little before day-break ; when they resolved to cross the Somme by the bridge at St. QuentinJ, and to push forward towards Liannes§, and by this means to come up with them. Everyone, therefore, mounted his horse as quickly as possible, and galloped on for the fastest, taking the road for St. Quentin, where they arrived as day appeared, for it was but two short leagues distant. The constable and the earl of St. Pol were among the first. "When the guards of the town who were stationed over the first gate heard the bustle of their arrival, they began to be alarmed, as they knew the enemy was in the neighbourhood ; but recollecting that the draw-bridge was up, they were somewhat re-assured, as that would prevent them from doing any mischief. They asked, who they were that were come there at such an unusual hour : the constable answered, " We are such and such persons, and wish to pass through this town in pursuit of the Navarrois, who have stolen away from Thorigny, and are flying from us : we command you therefore, in the king's name, instantly to open the gates." The guard replied, that the keys were with the magistrates in the town. Two of the guard went to those that had the keeping of the keys, who told them they would not consent to open the gates till they had consulted the inhabitants. By this means, so much time was lost that it was after sun-rise, before they had considered what answer to give : they then ascended over the gateway, and, putting their heads out of the windows, thus addressed the constable and the earl of St. Pol, who were waiting : " Dear lords, have the goodness to take compassion and excuse us this time ; but it is the determination of the commonalty of the town, that only five or six of you may enter, out of the respect we bear you : the others must go any other way they choose." The lords were so much enraged at this answer, that many high words and abusive language ensued ; nevertheless, those of St. Quentin would not open their gates. These lords, therefore, gave up all thoughts of following further the Navarrois, as it would have been in vain. By the advice of the constable, the French separated themselves, and the earl of St. Pol went to his castle of Bohain, in such a rage that no one dared to speak to him. * A village in Picardy, election of Peronne. J A strong city in Picardy, diocese of Noyon, generality f Bohain, — a small town in Picardy, election of Guise, of Amiens, near St. Quentin. § Liannes, a village in Picardy, generality of Amiens. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 257 CHAPTER CXCV. SIR PETER AUDLEY LEADS A PARTY OF NAVARROIS, IN THE NIGHT, TO TAKE CHALONS. Thus did this grand expedition end : the French separating, went one way, and the Navarrois another: the last came that day to Vely, where they crossed the river Oise at a ford ; when, finding they were out of all danger, they halted and refreshed themselves. As soon as they thought proper, they returned into Normandy, and journeyed from fortress to fortress in perfect security, as they were masters of all the rivers and flat country. Having again entered the district of Coutantin, they carried on their excursions, as before, through Normandy. During this time, the king of Navarre remained at Melun-sur- Seine, with a large body of men at arms. It happened that while sir Peter Audley was governor of Beaufort, which is situated between Troyes and Chalons, he imagined, that if he could cross the Marne above the town of Chalons, and advance by the side of the monastery of St. Peter, he might easily take the town. To carry this scheme into effect, he waited until the river Marne was low, when he secretly assembled his companions from five or six strong castles he was master of in that neighbourhood. His army consisted of about four hundred combatants. They set out from Beaufort at midnight. He led them to a ford of the river Marne, which he intended to cross, for he had people of the country as guides. On coming thither, he made them all to dismount, and give their horses to their servants, when he marched them through the river, which was very low. All having crossed, he led them slowly towards the monastery of St. Peter. There were many guards and watchmen scattered over the town of Chalons, and in the public squares : those who were nearest to the monastery of St. Peter, which is situated above the town, heard very distinctly the noise of the Navarrois : for as they were advancing, their arms, by touching each other, made a noise and sounded. Many who heard this wondered what it could be : for all at once, sir Peter having halted, the noise ceased, and, when he continued his march, the same sounds were again heard by the sentinels posted in St. Peter's street, as the wind came from the opposite quarter ; and some among them said, " It must be those English and Navarrois thieves that are advancing, to take us by escalade : let us immediately sound the alarm, and awaken our fellow-citizens." Some of them went to the monastery, to see what it might be. They could not, however, make such speed but that sir Peter and his army were in the court-yard ; for the walls in that part were not four feet high ; and they immediately rushed through the gate of the monastery into the street, which was large and wide. The citizens were exceedingly alarmed, because there were cries from all parts of, " Treason, treason ! To arms, to arms !" They armed themselves in haste, and, collecting in a body to be the stronger, advanced to meet their enemies, who overthrew and killed the foremost of them. It happened, very unfortunately for Chalons, that Peter de Chalons, who had been governor of the city upwards of a year, with a hundred lances under his command, had lately left it, on account of not being able to get paid according to his wishes. The commonalty of the city were numerous, and set themselves in earnest to make a good defence. It was high time ; but they suffered much, and the Navarrois conquered all the lower town, as far as the bridges over the Marne. Beyond the bridges, the citizens collected themselves, and defended the first bridge, which was of great service to them. The skirmish was there very sharp : the Navarrois attacked and fought well. Some of the English archers advanced, and, passing over the supports of the bridge, shot so well, and so continually, that none from Chalons dared to come within reach of their arrows. This engagement lasted until mid-day. It was said by some, that Chalons must have been taken, if sir Odes de Grancy had not learnt, as it were by inspiration, this excursion of the Navarrois. In order to defeat it, he had intreated the assistance of many knights and squires ; for he knew that there was not one gentleman in Chalons. He had come therefore, day and night, attended by sir Philip de Jancourt, the lord Anceau de Beaupre, the lord John de Guermillon, and many others, to the amount of sixty lances. As soon as they were come to Chalons, they advanced towards the bridge, which the inhabitants were s 258 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. defending against the Navarrois, who were exerting themselves to the utmost to gain it. The lord de Grancy displayed his banner, and fell upon the Navarrois with a hearty good will. The arrival of the lord de Grancy mightily rejoiced the people of Chalons ; and well it might, for without him and his company they would have been hard driven. When sir Peter Audley and his friends saw these Burgundians, they retreated in good order the way they had come, and found their servants with their horses on the banks of the Marne. They mounted them, and, crossing the river without molestation, returned towards Beaufort, having by a trifle missed their aim. The inhabitants of Chalons were much pleased at their departure, and gave thanks to God for it. After expressing their obligations to the lord de Grancy for the kindness he had done them, they presented him with five hundred livres for himself and his people. They intreated the lord John de Besars, who was present and a near neighbour, to remain, to advise and assist them. He consented to their request, for the handsome salary they allowed him, and set about fortifying the city in those places which were the weakest. CHAPTER CXCVI. THE EARL DE ROUCY TAKEN A SECOND TIME. About this period, the two garrisons of Vely and Roucy * united together, and took by assault the town of Sissonne # , which they garrisoned with all sorts of people : the captain of it was Hannequin Francois t, a lad from Cologne on the Rhine. He was so cruel in all his excursions, that he showed neither pity nor mercy to any one who fell in his way. He burnt all the country, slaying men, women an4 children, whom he could not ransom according to his will. The earl of Roucy, who had still at heart the loss of his town and castle, which these robbers had wrested from him, intreated the assistance of those knights and squires who were his neighbours. He collected upwards of a hundred lances and forty horsemen, whom he conducted from the city of Laon. Among them were the earl de Porcien, lord Robert de Canency, the lord de Montegny in Ostrevant, and others. They advanced towards Sissonne, and meeting with that garrison, who were burning a village, fell upon them merrily. This Hannequin and his followers immediately dismounted, and placed their archers in the front. The engagement was very sharp ; but those from Laon retreated towards their city without having done much. The other Frenchmen remained, and fought manfully for a long time. However, the fortune of the day was against them : the earl de Roucy was severely wounded, and made prisoner : the lord Gerald de Canency, the lord de Montegny and many other men at arms, were likewise captured. Thus was the earl of Roucy made prisoner twice in the space of one year. The lord Eustace d'Ambreticourt resided at this time in Champagne, with seven hundred fighting men under his command ; by whose means he acquired great wealth, from the ransoms of towns, castles, vineyards and private houses, as well as by granting passports. He was master of at least twelve fortresses, and much in love with the lady Isabella de Juliers J, daughter of the earl of Juliers, whom he afterwards married. This lady was greatly attached to sir Eustace, for his gallant deeds of arms, which had been related to her ; and she sent him coursers, hackneys, and letters 'full of love, which so much emboldened sir Eustace, and spurred him to perform such feats of chivalry and of arms, that all those under him made fortunes. CHAPTER CXCVII. THREE QUEENS, WITH THE NAVARROIS, ARE BESIEGED IN 3IELUN. After the surrender of St. Valery, as you have heard related, the duke of Normandy collected upwards of three thousand lances, set out from Paris, and laid siege to Melun- sur-Seine, of which the Navarrois kept possession. At that time, three queens resided therein : Jane, aunt to the king of Navarre and widow of Charles king of France ; Blanche, * Towns in Pieardy, diocese of Laon. % " Niece to the queen of England, and widow of the f Mentioned in chapter 188, as one of the garrison of earl of Kent." — Marginal note, D. Sanvage. Mauconscil. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 259 widow of king Philip of France and sister to the king of Navarre : the third was the queen of Navarre, sister to the duke of Normandy. The duke of Normandy sent his forces thither but did not accompany them in person : they were under the command of the lord Morel de Fiennes, constable of France, the earl de St. Pol, the lord Arnold d'Andreghen, marshal of France, the lord Arnold de Coucy, the bishop of Troyes, the Lord Broquart de Fenestrates, Peter du Bar and Philip des Armoyes, with others, amounting in the whole to threethousand lances. They besieged Melun all round, and had brought from Paris a number of springals and other engines, which, day and night, kept continually throwing stones into the fortress, against which also many assaults were made. The Navarrois within the town began to be alarmed, more particularly those queens, who would cheerfully have seen this siege raised at any rate : but the governors of the town, lord John Pippes and lord John Carbinaux *, desired the ladies not to be so much frightened, for in a few days this siege would be raised, as they had learnt from the king of Navarre, who was at that time at Vernon f. The lord Philip de Navarre also was assembling a body of men at Mantes and Meulan, to come to their assistance ; and at those places all the various garrisons in the Navarre interest were collecting together. On the other hand, the duke of Normandy, who knew the Navarrois intended to attempt raising the siege, retained soldiers wherever he could get them, and sent them to Melun. But good people interposed between the duke and the king ; for at that time the cardinals de Perigord and de St. Vitalis were in France, who exerted themselves so efficaciously, that a day was appointed for treating of a peace between them at Yernon. The duke of Normandy and his council came thither ; as did the king of Navarre, accompanied by the lord Philip his brother ; when a peace was made. The king of Navarre swore, that from henceforward he would be a loyal Frenchman. There were included in this peace as many as three hundred knights and squires, who were pardoned by the duke : some others, however, were excepted, whose evil deeds he refused to forgive. The lord Philip of Navarre would not accept of the peace. He told the king his brother, he was bewitched for so doing, and was acting very ill towards the king of England, who was his ally, and who had always faithfully assisted him. In despite of his brother the king of Navarre, the lord Philip, with three others, set off, and rode as fast as they could to St. Sauveur-le-Vicomte, where was an English garrison. The lord Thomas Dagworth commanded there, in the name of the king of England, who received the lord Philip, and told him he had acquitted himself loyally towards the king his lord. CHAPTER CXCVIII. SIR BROQUART DE FENESTRAGES, WITH MANY FRENCH, DRAW IIP IN BATTLE-ARRAY, AGAINST SIR EUSTACE D'AMBRETICOURT AND THE ENGLISH IN CHAMPAGNE. By the articles of this peace, many towns and castles in Normandy, which had been in dispute, were given up to king Charles of Navarre, particularly Mantes and Meulan. Peace was also made between the young earl of Harcourt and the duke of Normandy. The lord Lewis de Harcourt, uncle to the earl, who was of the council and household of the duke, interested himself much in its success ; and the duke gave to the earl in marriage the daughter of the duke of Bourbon, sister to the duchess of Normandy. The siege of Melun-sur-Seine was raised. The town remained to the French. But, in spite of this peace, the kingdom of France w T as torn in pieces by war as before ; for the truce between the two kingdoms of France and England had lately expired ; so that those captains who had carried on the war for the king of Navarre, in the provinces of Burgundy, Normandy, Champagne, Picardy, Brie, and Beauce, still continued it in a powerful and shameful manner, in the name of the king of England. They never passed any fortress without attacking it, notwithstanding the peace ; for these soldiers had learnt to pillage or ransom the inhabitants of the country, and to make * Lord James Pipe, — sir Hugh Calverly, — English natives — Barnes. j Y T ernon -sur-Seine, — a town in Normandy, diocese of Evreux. s 2 2G0 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. excursions sometimes in bodies of two thousand, many of whom had from ten to twelve horses, who, if they had not kept up this war, would perhaps have gone on foot. After the siege of Melun had been raised, the duke of Normandy besought the lord Broquart de Fenestrages, who was from Lorraine, and who had in his pay five hundred men, to assist him in driving the English out of the province of Champagne, where they had esta- blished themselves, and were harassing the country day and night. Sir Broquart consented, on condition of receiving a large sum of florins for himself and for his people. Upon this, the bishop of Troyes, the count de Vaudemont, the count de Jouy, the lord John de Chalons, and the lord Broquart de Fenestrages, assembled men at arms in the provinces of Champagne and Burgundy : they amounted to full two hundred lances, and fifteen hundred footmen, who advanced and posted themselves before the strong castle of Hans* in Champagne, which the English had taken and kept possession of a year and a half. They carried it by assault at the third attack ; and there were upwards of fourscore English slain, for none were spared. The French then retreated to the city of Troyes ; and, when they had refreshed themselves, they sallied forth with twelve hundred lances f, and nine hundred footmen, taking the road to Nogent-sur-Seine J. Sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, who was informed of this expedition, collected those garrisons under his command, to the amount of four hundred lances and two hundred archers, with whom he set out from Pont-sur-Seine§. He was completely armed, except his helmet, and was mounted on a hackney which had been given to him, but he had a very fine war-horse led by one of his people. He had not rode far before he heard of the French from his scouts, who brought intelligence that they had seen his enemies. Had sir Eustace known that they were in such numbers, he would have asked assistance from the lord Peter Audley and lord d'Albret, who could easily have sent to his aid four hundred combatants. Sir Eustace having drawn up his men beyond Nogent, placed himself on a small hillock, in the midst of a vineyard, his archers in front. As soon as the French arrived, they formed themselves into three battalions : the first under the command of the bishop of Troyes and sir Broquart ; the second under the lord John de Chalons and the count de Jouy; the third under the count de Janville || . Sir Eustace, who was in the midst of his people, said to them : " Gentlemen, let us fight courageously, and the day will be ours : we then shall be masters of all Champagne, which was formerly an earldom. Perhaps I may in time do such essential services to the king of England, whom I hold as the rightful king of France, that he may confer this earldom on me." Lie then called to him some young squires, such as the courageous Manny, his cousin John of Paris, Martin of Spain and others, whom he knighted. Having dismounted his men, he caused their lances to be shortened to the length of five feet, and placed his pennon before him, which had his arms, ermine., three humets in pale gules. CHAPTER CXCIX. THE BATTLE OF NOGENT-SUR-SEINE, BETWEEN SIR BROQUART DE FENESTRAGES AND THE FRENCH, AND SIR EUSTACE D'AMBRETICOURT AND THE ENGLISH. When sir Broquart de Fenestrages, who was a bold and courageous knight, saw that sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt and his battalion weie not inclined to quit their position, he said, * Hans, — a village in Champagne, in the election of St. lances consisted only of that number of individuals, hut Menehould. would have been quite inefficient if they amounted to three f Dcnys Sauvagc has on this passage the following note, or four times that number. The remark is, however, con- in the margin : fined to this particular instance — in general each lance was " From what follows it appears to me that each lance equal to three men. See Note, p. 214. — Ed. was, upon both sides, only one man." This is probably in + Nogent-sur-Seine,— a town in Champagne, between reference to the numbers which could have been furnished p ar is and Troves diocese of Sens, by lord Audley and lord d'Albret, " four hundred com- ' ' ' batants;' which Froissart speaks of as sufficient to have in- 0 § Pont-sur-Seinc,— a town in Champagne, diocese of sured sir Eustace's success. Such a reinforcement would Scns > clectlon °* Nogent. have bcjii of great service, if the twelve hundred French II Q- if not Joinville. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c 201 " Let us march to them, for we must fight, whatever be the consequences." Upon which, lie advanced with his battalion. Sir Eustace received the attack of this battalion in such a manner, that he broke it and threw it into confusion. At the first shock, he unhorsed upwards of forty*, and would have completely routed them, if the second battalion of the French had not immediately moved forward to their assistance, who, having rallied them, collected all the stragglers together. Upon this, the English archers began to use their bows, and so well, that none dared to come within the reach of their arrows. The third battalion of the French now advanced on their flank, to support the other two ; and the engagement was very sharp and bloody, but the French were three to one. Sir Eustace struck to the ground four of the most vigorous of his enemies, with the spear he had in his hand ; which was no sooner perceived by sir Broquart de Fenestrages, than he flung his lance over the heads of all those that were between him and sir Eustace, and, hitting him on the visor of his helmet, it penetrated through and broke three of his teeth : this, however, did not prevent sir Eustace from continuing the combat. The English had the advantage of the hill, and they kept so closely together that they could not be broken. The French were on horseback, the English on foot. The archers had retreated, in a battalion by themselves, to somewhat higher ground, and shot briskly against the French ; and when the French attempted, by marching about, to surround them, they kept their front to face the enemy. At this time, however, the French infantry, who could not make such haste as the men at arms, arrived. This infantry were full nine hundred men, and, being armed with lances and large shields-]-, broke through the line of the archers, and flung them in disorder ; for their shields were so strong, that the arrows made no impression on them. They kept up the fight as long as they could ; but, being thrown into confusion, the second battalion of the French men at arms galloped after them, and slew them all. This second battalion then went to the boys who were guarding the English horses, and killed or made prisoners the greater part of them, for very few escaped. During this time, the two other battalions of the French were engaged with the English ; and in the end they broke them, that they never were able to rally : the pennon of sir Eustace, which was their standard, was taken and torn to pieces. When the English were thrown into confusion, many were beaten down, and the French made prisoners at their choice. Sir Eustace fell into the hands of a knight who served under the count de Vaudemont, whose name was sir Henry de Quenillart, to whom he surrendered himself, and who had great diffi- culty to save his life ; for the common people of Troyes wanted to put him to death for the gallant deeds of arms he had performed in Champagne. Lord John de Paris and lord Martin of Spain were also made prisoners, as well as many other knights and esquires. Those that were able to escape fled to the garrison of Nogent ; but very few were so fortunate, as almost all were slain or taken. Sir Courageous de Manny J was left for dead on the field of battle, and by this means forgotten : but after the defeat, and when all the French were retired, he, who had been grievously wounded, and more than half killed, raised his head a little, and saw nothing but dead bodies around him. He then got up as well as he could, and seating himself, looked about to see if he were far from Nogent, which had an English garrison ; and, by crawling on his hands and knees, in about an hours time he came to the foot of the tower of Nogent. He made signs to the garrison, that he was of their party. Upon which, they carried him into the fortress ; and, by dressing and sewing up his wounds with much care, he was completely cured. This engagement took place in the year 1359, the vigil of the feast of St. John the Baptist. * Sixty. — Lord Berners. f Pavisses. — Lord Berners. t I cannot find any thing relative to this Monseigneur Courageux de Manny in Dugdale's Baronage. Lord Walter Manny seems to have left at his death only one daughter, married to the earl of Pembroke. Barnes says, he was cousin to sir Eustace and nephew to sir Walter Manny, and was honoured always with the epithet courageous. 202 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CC. THE PILLAGERS WHO HAD KEPT POSSESSION OF DIFFERENT FORTRESSES IN FRANCE BEGIN WONDERFULLY TO FALL OFF. After the defeat of Nogent-sur-Seine, which I have just related, the country being cleared of the enemy, the French barons and men at arms returned to Troyes, carrying with them their booty ; but the prisoners they sent by different roads to several of the French garrisons, because the common people at Troyes were desirous of putting them to death. — When those who had remained at Pont-sur-Seine heard that sir Eustace, their captain, was made prisoner ; that all his army were slain or taken ; they packed up their baggage and set out as quickly as possible, for they were but a very few in number. Those also who were at Torcis *, Espoye f, Ausy J, Mery§, and Pleusy|| , and in all the forts that had been under the command of sir Eustace, did the same, and left them void, for fear of the bishop of Troyes and sir Broquart de Fenestrages, who were great warriors : they united themselves with other garrisons at a distance. Sir Peter Audley did not, for this check, quit Beaufort ** ; nor sir John Segar, Nogent ; nor the lord Albret, Gie-sur-Aube j-f. About this time, the lord John of Piquigny died in an extraordinary manner at his castle of la Herielle, within three leagues of Amiens : it was reported that he was strangled by his chamberlain, and that sir Luke de Bekusy, who was of his council, died much in the same manner. Near this period, as some of the soldiers belonging to sir Peter Audley were riding through the country, they came to a good large village of the name of Ronay J J, which they plundered ; insomuch that, as the curate of the place was celebrating high mass, an English squire entered the church, took the chalice from the altar, in which the curate was preparing to consecrate the precious body of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and cast the wine upon the floor. Upon the curate remonstrating with him for this conduct, he struck him so hard a blow with his gauntlet upon the hand, that the blood spirted upon the altar. These pillagers then marched out into the fields, and the squire carried with him the sacred vessels and the cloth, tie was, however, scarcely got into the fields, when his horse began to caper, and to play such violent tricks that no one dared to approach him : after many plunges, they both fell to the ground with their necks broken, and were immediately turned into cinders and dust. His companions, seeing this, made a vow, that from henceforward they would never violate the sanctity of any church. The garrison of Mauconseil, not having any provisions, sold the place to the inhabitants of Noyon§§, and those in its neighbourhood, for about twelve thousand gold moutons || ||, with liberty to go away in safety, which they did, carrying off all that belonged to them. They withdrew into the fortresses of Creil, Clermont, la Herielle, Vely, Pierrepont, Roucy, and Sissonne, which, for a length of time, had been held by the Navarre party ; but, since the conclusion of the peace with the king of Navarre, they had remained with the English. As soon as those of Noyon were in possession of Mauconseil, they razed it to the ground. Sir John Segar sold also Nogent to the bishop of Troyes, and gave it up to him for a large sum of florins, which he was to receive, and had it ratified to him under the hand and seal of the bishop. Upon this, he went to the city of Troyes, and dismounted at the hotel of the bishop, who said to him : " John, you will stay with me two or three days ; and, whilst you are courteously treated, I will prepare the money for your payment." Sir John, who had come thither on the bishop's word, agreed to the proposal : but the populace began to murmur, and to say, " How can our lord bishop make such a mock of us, as to entertain in his house the greatest pillager of all France, besides wanting to make us give him our * A village in Champagne, diocese and election of ** Beaufort-les-Regnicourt, a village in Champagne, Troyes. election of Rheims. t A village in Champagne, diocese of Rheims. ft Gie,— a village in Champagne, election of Bar-sur- $ Ausson is a town and village in Champagne, — Arcv A ++ e \-> -n • ™ i- i t * le Pousard, election of Rheims * U Ronay,— a village in Champagne, diocese and election •vt c! • °f Troyes. Tro Mcry * SUr " beme >~~ a town IU Cliam P a gne, diocese of §§ Noyon,_an ancient town in Picardy. Its hishop is '"• N ' s * suffragan to the bishop of Rheims. j| A town in Champagne, diocese of Troves. |||| Moutons, — see note, p. 231. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. money ? " They then collected together, sent strong guards to each of the gates, to prevent his escape, and marched in a body of six thousand, with arms, to slay sir John Segar in the court of the bishop's hotel. When the bishop saw this, he spoke to them, and said : " My good friends, he is come here under the security of my passport ; and you know that a treaty has been made between us, with your consent : it would therefore be highly disloyal to do anything, under this assurance, that may be hurtful to him." However, notwith- standing the endeavours of the bishop, they forced into the hall and the apartments, in which they made so exact a search that they found sir John Segar, slew him, and cut him into pieces. CHAPTER CCI. — THE FRENCH REFUSE TO RATIFY THE TREATY WHICH KING JOHN HAD ENTERED INTO WITH ENGLAND. I have been a long time silent with regard to the king of England : but until this moment there has not been any cause for speaking of him ; for as long as the truce lasted his people did not carry on the war in his name. The truce having expired the first day of, May, 1359, from that period the English and Navarre garrisons made war for him as king of France, and continued so to do daily. It happened that soon after the peace between the duke of Normandy and the king of Navarre had been concluded, as has been related, the lord Arnold d'Andreghen, marshal of France, returned to England ; for he was not yet ransomed since he was made a prisoner at Poitiers. At that time also, the king of England and the prince of Wales came to Westminster, to meet the king of France and lord James de Bourbon ; when these four assembled together in council, and agreed on a peace, without any arbitrator between them, upon certain conditions which were written down, and also a letter was indited to be sent to France to the duke of Normandy. The earl of Tancarville and sir Arnold crossed the sea with these dispatches, landed at Boulogne, and hastened on to Paris ; where they found the duke of Normandy and the king of Navarre, to whom they delivered their letters. The duke of Normandy consulted the king of Navarre on the subject of them, who advised that the prelates, nobles, and the councils of the principal towns should be assembled, which was accordingly ordered. It appeared to the king of Navarre, the duke of Normandy and his brothers, as well as to the council of state, that the conditions of peace were too hard : and they gave an unanimous answer to the two lords who had brought them, that " they would much rather endure the great distress they were in at present, than suffer the kingdom of France to be diminished, and that king John must remain longer in England." When the king of France was informed they had not succeeded in their mission, he said, u Ha, ha, my good son Charles, you consult with the king of Navarre, who deceives you, and would deceive forty such as you." The king of England, on receiving their answer, said, that since it was so, before the winter was over, he would enter France with a most powerful army, and remain there until there was an end of the war by an honourable and satisfactory peace. He began making- more splendid preparations than he had ever done before. About this season, which was the middle of August, 1359, the lord John de Craon, archbishop of Rheims, the inhabitants of that town and its neighbourhood, with other knights and squires of the counties of Rethel and Laon, marched and laid siege to the castle of Roucy : they pressed it so hard for five weeks, that the garrison surrendered, on condition of saving their lives and fortunes. For this effect, they had letters, with permission to go wherever they pleased in surety, under the hands of the archbishop, the count de Porcien and the count de Braine, who were there : but when they were setting out, the common people came forth to meet them, and slew the greater part, in spite of the lords, who with much difficulty saved the life of their leader, Hanequin Francois. Thus had the count de Roucy once more possession of his town and castle. 264 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CCII. SIR EUSTACE d'aMBRETICOURT OBTAINS HIS LIBERTY BY A GREAT RANSOM. Soon after the re-capture of the castle of Roucy, sir Peter Audley fell sick, and died in his bed, at the castle of Beaufort in Champagne, which caused great grief among all the followers of his fortunes. Upon this, the English and Germans, who were united in carrying on the war in the name of the king of England, consulted together, and determined that they could not fix on a more proper leader than sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, who was then recovered from his wounds. They sent Faucon the herald into the county of Vaude- mont, to confer with the earl of that name, and with the lord Henry de Quenillart *, who had made him prisoner, touching his redemption. His liberty was granted, on condition of his paying down twenty-two thousand French livres for his ransom. Sir Eustace thus recovered his freedom; the different garrisons in Champagne and Brie having made a subscription for that purpose, when each man cheerfully paid his part. He obtained his hackney and war-horse that he had lost at the battle of Nogent, which had been sent to him by the lady Isabella de Juliers, countess of Kent, from England, out of her affection to him. The English also surrendered at that time the castle of Conflanst in Champagne, of which they were in possession. When these troops, who were carrying on the war against France, had thus ransomed sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, they elected him their chief, and all sorts of persons enlisted under his banner. He made an excursion into the Rhetelois J, where no one had been before, and took by storm the good town of Attigny § upon the Aisne, where they found upwards of a hundred butts of wine. They fixed upon this as the principal garrison, and overran from it the whole country in the environs of Rheims : they pillaged Epernay 1 1, Damery ^[ , Touraine **, and the town of Yertus f t, where they met with very great booty ; they placed there another garrison, which scoured the country from the river Marne to la Ferte-Milon J £ ; whilst those of Attigny overran it as far as Mesieres §§ upon the Meuse, Donchery ||||, and even to le Chene PouilleuxHlf. CHAPTER CCIII. SIR BROQUART DE FENESTRAGES FORCES PAYMENT FROM THE DUKE OF NORMANDY, REGENT OF FRANCE. About this time it happened, that sir Broquart de Fenestrages, who had been to the aid of the duke of Normandy and the French, against the English and men of Navarre, and had much assisted them in their conquests, and in driving them out of their fortresses in Champagne, had been very badly paid for his assistance, insomuch that there was owing to him and his men, for their subsidy, thirty thousand livres. He sent therefore certain persons to the duke at Paris, who did not give them very pleasant answers, for they returned without having been able to do any thing. Upon this, sir Broquart sent a defiance to the duke and to all France, and took possession of a handsome town called Bar-sur-Seine # **, where at that time there were nine hundred hotels, and plundered the inhabitants ; but the castle was so well guarded, he could not gain it. Having packed up his booty, he carried away upwards of five hundred prisoners, and burnt the town so completely, that nothing remained but the walls. His men retreated to Conflans, which they had made their garrison, and committed afterward more atrocious acts in Champagne than ever the English or men of Navarre had * Barnes calls him sir Henry de Quingey, but why, I ++ A town in Picardy, diocese of Senlis, election of know not. Crespy. t Diocese and election of Chalons, near Chalons. §§ A strong city in Champagne, on the Meuse. X A country of Champagne, near Rhetel. || || A town in Champagne on the Meuse, bordering on § A market-town in Champagne, diocese of Rheims, Luxembourg, and near Rhetel. Chesne Pouilleux, — a town in Champagne, in the || Diocese of Rheims, eight leagues from Chalons. election of Rhetel, near Sedan, — made famous by the % Damery, — a village near Epernay. retreat of the Duke of Brunswick, before Dumouricz, in ** I can find only Touraille, a village in Champagne, the year 1792. election of Chaumont, near Ligny. *** A town of Burgundy, on the Seine, diocese of ft A town in Champagne, six leagues from Chalons. Langres. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 265 done. When sir Broqiiart and his troop had thus overrun and pillaged the country, tliere was an agreement made with them ; and each man was paid even more than he demanded ; so that sir Broquart retreated into Lorraine, whence he had come, carrying with him all his soldiers : he left peaceably the kingdom of France and country of Champagne, after havino- done a sufficiency of evil to each of them. CHAPTER CCIV. SIR ROBERT KNOLLES MAKES AN EXCURSION INTO BERRY AND AUVERGNE. HE IS PURSUED BY THE GENTLEMEN OF THOSE COUNTRIES. At this same period, in the year 1359, sir Robert Knolles prepared an expedition, con- sisting of three thousand persons, including every one. With this army, he quitted the marches of Brittany ; and having followed the course of the Loire upwards, entered the province of Berry, overrunning and destroying all that part of the country. It was reported that his intentions were to pass through Auvergne, to pay a visit to the pope and cardinals at Avignon, and get some of their florins, as the archpriest had done before. The gentlemen of Auvergne and Limousin assembled, in large bodies, to oppose this invasion ; in particular, the count de Forests, who brought with him four hundred lances : and they were very numerous when all were assembled. Sir Robert Knolles and his troops, who were all called Englishmen, continued their march from Brittany unmolested, until they came to the borders of Auvergne. The lords of Auvergne, with their array, advanced to within a short day's journey of sir Robert. They observed, from a mountain where they had posted themselves, all that the English were doing. On the morrow, they marched to that part ; there were only two short country leagues between them ; when they halted, and took post on a mountain, and the English did the same on another : each army saw the fires the other was making. The next morning, the French decamped, and advanced still nearer to meet them, for they were well acquainted with the country, and, about noon, took up their quarters on an eminence right before the English : the two armies were only separated by a meadow of about twelve acres. The English immediately drew up in order of battle, and placed their archers on the declivity of the hill, in the front. The French lords then drew up their army in two battalions, each of which consisted of upwards of five thousand men. The count de Clermont, dauphin of Auvergne, commanded the first battalion ; his name was Berault. He was knighted on the spot, and displayed his banner, which was quartered with the arms of Auvergne and Clermont*. There were near to his person, his uncle the lord Robert Dauphin, the lord of Montagu, the lord of Talencon, the lord of Rochefort, the lord of Serignac, the lord Godfrey of Boulogne, and many young squires from Limousin, Quercy, Auvergne, and Rouergue. In the second battalion, were the count de Forests, the lord John of Boulogne, the count d' Auvergne, the lord d' Archer and his sons, the lord d'Achon, the lord d'Uzes, the lord Reginald de Forests, brother to the count, and great numbers of knights and squires, with a thorough good will for the combat, as was apparent. On the other hand, sir Robert Knolles and his troops showed an equally good countenance to engage. Thus then they remained until the evening, each in their entrenchments, without moving, except some young knights and squires, who, in hopes of gaining glory by feats of arms, descended into the meadow, with the leave of their marshals, in order to tilt with their opponents. He who conquered his adversary carried him off" prisoner. Towards night, each party retired to his quarters, and kept a good and great guard. The lords of France * In all my manuscripts and printed editions, it is The counts of Auvergne added the title of dauphin, in Auvergne and Merquel. Denys Sauvage says, that there rivalship to the dauphin of Viennois, 1167. How long must be some mistake, and proposes Clermont in lieu of they continued it I know not. The last dauphin of Merquel, which, as he was count de Clermont as well as Viennois was Humbert, who ceded the title and his dauphin of Auvergne, seems to me proper. Barnes estates to the crown of France, 1345, on condition of the changes the word Merquel into Marteques ; but he heir apparent to that crown bearing it. Dauphin was gives no reason or authority for so doing. formerly a title of honour, as duke, marquis, &c. is now. 2oe CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. held a council, and resolved at the hour of midnight to descend the mountain, not on the side next the English, but by that which they had ascended ; when, by making a circuit of only two leagues, they would come to the opposite side of the hill where the English were posted, which part was not high nor difficult of ascent : they had hopes to arrive there so early, that the English would not be all armed. Each lord was to give these orders to his own people : this, however, was not done so secretly but that the English were informed of it by one of their countrymen, a prisoner in the French army, who made his escape, and told sir Robert Knolles of their intentions. Sir Robert summoned a council of those in whose opinion he most confided, who, considering the superiority of the French forces, thought it not advisable to wait for them. Upon this, their baggage was immediately loaded : they decamped, and were conducted by those of the country whom they had made prisoners. At midnight, the French were drawn up in battle-array, and marched according as it had been ordered. They arrived by day-break on the mountain, where they thought to have found the English : but, when they saw they had decamped, they sent off some of their most expert and best mounted, over the hills, to see if they could get any tidings of them. They returned about nine o'clock, and reported that they had seen them on their march, named the roads they had taken, and added they were advancing towards Limoges. When the lords of Auvergne heard this, they broke up their expedition, and each returned to his own home. Very soon after, a treaty of marriage was entered into, and completed, between the gallant knight the lord Berault, dauphin of Auvergne, with the daughter of the count de Forests, whom he had by a sister of the lord James de Bourbon. CHAPTER CCV. SOME GERMANS WAIT FOR THE KING OF ENGLAND AT CALAIS, TO ATTEND HIM IN HIS EXPEDITION INTO FRANCE, DURING THE TIME KING JOHN WAS IN ENGLAND. During all this time, the king of England was making such great preparations for his expedition into France, that the like was never seen before : on which account, many barons and knights of the German empire, who had formerly served him, exerted themselves much this year, and provided themselves handsomely in horses and equipage in the best manner they could, each according to his rank, and hastened as fast as possible, by the frontiers of Flanders, to Calais, where they remained, to wait for the king of England. It happened that the king could not come thither with his army by the time appointed, which caused such numbers to remain at Calais, that there were no lodgings for them, nor stables for their horses. In addition to this, bread, wine, hay, oats, and all sorts of provisions, were so scarce, that none could be had for money. Thus did these mercenary Germans, Bohemians, Brabanters, Flemings, Hainaulters, both poor and rich, wait from the beginning of August until St. Luke's day ; so that many were forced to sell the greater part of their jewels. If the king had arrived then, they would not have known where to have lodged him and his people, except in the castle, for the whole town was occupied. There was also some doubt if these lords, who had spent their all, would have quitted Calais, for the king or any one else, if their expenses had not been allowed them. The king had not sent for a fourth part of them. Some came out of good- will to him, in hopes of grace and favour : others, with the expectation of gaining from the plunder of France. The king of England at last ordered the duke of Lancaster to Calais, with four hundred men in armour and two thousand archers and Welchmen. When the duke came to Calais, he was much rejoiced to see so many foreign lords, who made earnest inquiries after the king. He excused the king for not coming, on the impossibility of getting all preparations ready for so large an army by the time he had fixed, tie then told these lords, that a longer residence there would be of no service : that as he intended making an excursion into France, to see what he could find, he entreated of them to accompany him, offering to lend to each a sum of money, to pay their landlords and other expenses, as well as to supply them CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 207 with as much provision as their horses could carry. They accepted the duke's proposal, for they were ashamed to refuse it : and having had their horses new shodden, and packed up their baggage, they set out from Calais in a magnificent train, accompanying the duke towards St. Omer. They might be about two thousand men with armour, without counting the archers or footmen. They passed by St. Omer, riding on towards Bethune *, which they also left unmolested, and came to Mont St. Eloyf , where there was a large and rich monastery, situated two leagues distant from Arras. Here they halted four days, to refresh themselves and their horses, as they found a sufficiency for both in the monastery. When they had robbed and plundered the country round about, they advanced until they came to the town of BrayeJ, which they attacked a whole day. A knight-banneret § of England was slain there, with many others ; for the townsmen defended themselves valiantly, owing to a reinforcement which the count de St. Pol and the lord de Lameval, with others, to the amount of two hundred lances, had thrown into the back part of the town. "When the English perceived they could make no impression, they marched off, following the course of the river Somme, being in great distress for bread and wine, until they came to a town called Cherisy || , where they found enough of both. They crossed the river at this last place by the bridge, which was not destroyed, and remained there that night and the feast of All-Saints. That day, a messenger brought the news to the duke, that the king was arrived at Calais, with orders for him and his troops to join him immedi- ately. Upon which they all returned to Calais. In this expedition was sir Henry of Flanders, with two hundred lances. From Brabant, there were sir Henry de Beautresen, lord of Bergues, the lord Girard de la Harde, and lord Franque de Halle . From Hainault, the lord Walter de Manny and the lord John de Gommeguines. From Bohemia, sir Walter de la Hautepomme, sir Reginald de Boullant, the lord Godfrey de Harduemont, and the lord John his son, the lord Duras, Thierry de Ferram, the lord Russe de Jumeppe, the lord Giles Sorles, the lord John de Bermont, the lord Reginald de Bergehes, and many other noblemen. The Germans and mercenaries from strange countries, I am unable to name ; therefore, for the present, I shall be silent on that head. CHAPTER CCVI. THE KING OF ENGLAND LEADS A GREAT ARMY INTO FRANCE, DURING THE TIME THE KING OF FRANCE WAS A PRISONER IN ENGLAND. THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE ARMY OF ENGLAND. As the duke of Lancaster, with his barons and knights, were returning to Calais, to salute the king of England, who was impatient to see them, they met, within four leagues of Calais, such a multitude of people, the whole country was filled with them ; and they were so richly armed and dressed out, that it was a pleasure to view their arms glittering in the sun, their banners waving in the wind, and the whole army marching slowly in battle-array. When the duke and the above-mentioned lords were come to the king, he received them very graciously, and thanked them much for their services. Shortly afterward, these mercenary Germans, Brabantcrs, and Bohemians, having assembled together, informed the king, that, having spent their money, and sold their horses and armour, very little remained with them for his service, according to the design of their coming, and that, if there should be occasion, they had not wherewithal to return to their own country: they intreated him, out of his generosity, to pay some regard to their situation. The king thus replied : " I am but ill prepared at this place to give you a complete answer ; and, as I imagine, you must all be much fatigued, if you will go and refresh yourselves in Calais for two or three days, I will consider your requests this night, and to-morrow will send you such an answer as ought to * A strong town in Artois. H Sir Francis van Halle was afterwards captain of f A village of Artois, diocese of Arras. Calais, and a commissioner for treating of peace with t Braye-sur-Somme,— a village in Pirardy. Fiance. He was installed knight of the gaiter in the § Barnes says it was sir Thomas Murrers, but gives no 23rd stall, in the room of sir Otho Holland.— BusweU's authority. Account of the Garter, No. 50. || A village in Picardy, diocese of Noyon. 268 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. be satisfactory to you in reason, and according to my means." These lords then left the king and the duke, and advanced towards Calais. When they had marched about half a league, they met a great number of handsome waggons, and soon after the prince of Wales, who, as well as all his attendants, were most brilliantly armed, and in such numbers that the whole country seemed covered with them : they marched slowly in close order, as if they were about to engage in battle, and always a league or two in the rear of the king's division, with their baggage and provisions between them ; which arrangement the foreign lords viewed with delight. War- Waggons and Baggagk-Tkains on theirMarch. — From Authorities of the Fifteenth Century. Engraved and Described in Grose's Military Antiquities. These lords attentively considered this army, and respectfully saluted the prince, the barons, and the other lords that were with him. After the prince had courteously and handsomely received them, like one who knew well how to do so, on their taking leave, they informed him also of their poverty and situation, beseeching him that he would have the goodness to attend to their necessities. The prince listened to them, and cheerfully complied with their request. They then rode on, and came to Calais, w T here they took up their lodgings. The second day after they had been there, the king of England sent them his answer by three worthy knights, who told them plainly, that the king had not with him adequate sums of money to pay all their expenses, nor what they might perhaps demand : that he had brought with him only sufficient for the enterprise he had undertaken : that, how- ever, if they thought proper to accompany him, and partake of his good and bad fortune, should any success ensue, they should partake of it, and largely ; but that he would not be understood as obliged to pay them any wages, nor anything for horses destroyed, or other expenses which they might be put to ; for he had brought an army from his own country equal to the business that he had undertaken. This answer was not very agreeable to these lords, nor to their companions, who had laboured hard, and expended their all : they had also pawned their horses and armour, having sold every thing superfluous through necessity. Nevertheless, they could obtain nothing except some small sums lent them to carry them home chroniclp:s of England, France, &c. 200 again. However, some of these noblemen chose to remain with the king and share his adventures ; for they would have been blamed if they had gone back to their own country without having done anything. I shall now point out the manner of the arrangement of the king of England's forces, which he brought with him for this expedition. It ought not to be passed over in silence, for so large an army * had never left England before. Previous to the king's embarking for France, he sent all the French earls and barons, his prisoners, into different parts and strong castles in his kingdom, in order to be more under command. He placed the king of France in the Tower of London, which is very large and strong, and situated on the river Thames : his young son Philip was sent thither with him : but they were deprived of many of their attend- ants, curtailed in several comforts, and more closely confined than before. When he was ready to set out, he summoned all those who had provided themselves with everything necessary to attend him to France, to advance towards Dover, where they would find vessels to cross the sea. Each man got himself ready as fast as he could : there was not knight, squire, or man of honour, from the age of twenty to sixty years, that did not go ; so that almost all the earls, barons, knights, and squires of the realm went to Dover, except those whom the king and his council had ordered to remain to guard his castles, bailiwicks, mayoralties, sea-ports, havens, and marches. When all were collected together at Dover, and the vessels ready, the king ordered both small and great to assemble at a particular place out of the town, where he distinctly told them, that his intentions were to pass into France, and never to return until he should have put an end to the war, and obtained an honourable and efficient peace ; that he would die sooner than not accomplish this object ; and that if there were any among them who disapproved of what he had said, he desired they would return home. They all approving, embarked on board the ships, to the cries of " God and St. George \" and arrived at Calais two days before the feast of All-saints, 1359. CHAPTER CCVII. THE KING OF ENGLAND LEAVES CALAIS THE ORDER OF HIS ARMY IN THEIR MARCH THROUGH PICARDY TOWARDS RHEIMS. When the king of England was arrived at Calais, attended by the prince of Wales and three other sons, namely, Lionel earl of Ulster, John earl of Richmond, and Edmund, after- wards earl of Cambridge, the youngest of the four, with the following lords and their attend- ants, he ordered the cavalry, provision, and baggage, to be landed, and remained there four days. He then commanded every man to get ready ; for he was desirous of marching after his cousin the duke of Lancaster. He left the town of Calais on the next morning, and took the field with the largest army and best appointed train of baggage- waggons, that had ever quitted England. It was said, there were upwards of six thousand carts and waggons, which had all been brought with him. He then arranged his battalions : they were so richly and well dressed that it was a pleasure to look at them : he nominated his cousin the earl of March, whom he much loved, his constable. First marched five hundred knights, well armed, and a thousand archers, in the van of the king's battalion, which was composed of three thousand men at arms and five thousand archers ; himself and attendants riding among them in close order after the constable. In the rear of the king's battalion, was the immense baggage-train, which occupied two leagues in length : it consisted of upwards of five thousand carriages, with a sufficiency of horses to carry the provision for the army, and those utensils never before accustomed to be carried after an army, such as handmills to grind their corn, ovens to bake their bread, and a variety of other necessary articles. Next marched the strong battalion of the prince of Wales : he was accompanied by his brothers : it was composed of full two thousand men at arms, most excellently mounted and richly dressed. Both the men at arms and archers marched in close order, so that they were ready instantly to engage, should there be occasion. On their march, * Or so weU ordered. — Lord Berners. 270 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. they did not leave even a boy behind them without waiting for them, so that they could not well advance more than four leagues a-day. In this state, they were met by the duke of Lancaster with the foreign lords, as has been before related, between Calais and the abbey of Licques*, in a handsome plain. There were also, in this army of the king of England, five hundred pioneers with spades and pick-axes, to level the roads, and cut down trees and hedges, for the more easily passing of the carriages. I wish now to name the great lords of England who crossed the sea with the king, and the duke of Lancaster his cousin-german : — First then, there were his four sons already named ; Henry duke of Lancaster ; John earl of March, constable of England ; the earls of Warwick and Suffolk, marshals of England ; the earls of Hereford, Northampton, Salisbury, Stamford, Oxford ; the bishops of Lincoln and Durham ; the lords Percy, Neville, Despenser, Roos, Manny, Reginald Cobham, Mowbray, Delawarre ; sir John Chandos, sir Richard Pem- bridge*f% the lord Maine, the lord Willoughby, the lord Felton, the lord Basset, the lord Charlton J, the lord SilvancierJ ; sir James Audley, sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, the lord Scales, sir Stephen Cossington, sir Hugh Hastings, sir John Lisle, sir Nesle Loring, and a great many others whom I cannot recollect. These lords then rode on in the same order I mentioned on their quitting Calais, and marched through Artois, passing by Arras, taking the same road which the duke of Lancaster had done before. They, however, could not find any provision in the flat countries, for every thing had been carried into the different garrisons. The country had been so pillaged and destroyed, that the ground had not been cultivated for the last three years ; and there was such distress and famine in the kingdom of France, that if corn and oats had not been sent from Hainault and the Cambresis, into Artois, Vermandois, the bishopric of Laon, and Rheims, must have died with hunger. It was upon this account, that the king, who had been informed of the poverty and distress in France, had made such ample provision before he quitted England. Each lord had done the same according to his rank, except in the articles of straw and oats, and for that they did with their horses as well as they could. The season, however, was very rainy, which hurt greatly both themselves and their horses : for almost every day and night it rained in torrents, so that the vintage of this year was worth nothing. The king continued his march, by short journeys, with his whole army, until he came near Bapaume§. I must notice here an adventure which befel sir Galahaut de Ribemmont, a very gallant and expert knight of Picardy. I will first inform you, that all the towns, cities, and castles, near the road that the king of England was following, were well guarded ; for each town in Picardy took and received knights and squires into their pay. The count de St. Pol had posted himself, with two hundred knights, in Arras ; the constable of France in Amiens ; the lord de Monsault in Corbie ; sir Odart de Renty and sir Enguerrant de Hedin in Bapaume ; sir Baldwin de Annequin, captain of the cross-bowmen, in St. Quentin : and thus from city to city, for it was well known to all that the king of England was marching to lay siege to the good city of Rheims. It happened, that the inhabitants of Peronne in Vermandois had neither captain nor leader ; and as their town was on the line of march the king was taking, and the English very near, they were not at their ease. This town is situated upon the river Somme ; and the English followed the course of the rivers in preference : they bethought themselves, therefore, of sir Galahaut de Ribemmont, who was not at that time engaged to any town, and, as they had heard, was at Tournay. They sent thither to him most courteous letters, to intreat that he would come to assist in guarding the good town of Peronne, and bring as many companions as were attached to him ; that they would pay him every day, for himself, twenty livres ; for each knight under him, ten livres ; and each lance having three horsos, seven livres || a-day. * Licques, — a small town in Picardy, sovereignty of Ardres. f Sir Richard Pembridge is buried in Hereford cathe- dral. — See Gough's Sepulchral Monuments. X In my MSS. it is Corbanton and Silvancier. Barnes says, there was lord John Charlton, who was chamberlain to the king; but who Silvancier is, I cannot find out. Lord Berners repeats the word, and calls the first lord Grabalton. § Bapaume, — a strong town in Artois, diocese of Arras. || All my copies, MS. as well as printed, have ungfravc a-day ; but as Denys Sauvage has altered it to seven, and says that other authors say 6even, and particularly as La Chaux marks it clearly vii., I have therefore followed it. \ CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 271 Sir Galahaut was always eager for any warlike enterprise, and, finding himself thus courteously sought after by his neighbours of Peronne, readily complied with their request, and answered, that he would set out and be with them the day after the morrow. He left Tournay with about thirty lances ; but his numbers, as he rode on, increased. He sent to sir Roger de Cologne, to meet him at an appointed place, which sir Roger did, accompanied by nineteen good companions, so that sir Galahaut had now fifty lances. They took up their quarters one night, in their way to Peronne, within two short leagues of the enemy,«at a village, but where they found no one, for all the inhabitants of the low countries had fled to the fortified towns. On the next morning, they were to have got into Peronne, as thev were but a small distance from it. About the hour of midnight, when supper was over, after they had posted their watch, they were chatting and jesting about feats of arms, of which they had wherewithal to talk, sir Galahaut said : " We shall get into Peronne very early to-morrow morning ; but, before we make our entry there, I would propose an excursion towards the flanks of our enemies ; for I shall be much mistaken, if there will not be some of them who who will set out early in hopes of gaining honour or booty by pillaging the country ; and we may perchance meet with them, and make them pay our score. His companions immediately agreed to this proposal, kept it secret among themselves, and were ready with their horses saddled at break of day. They took the field in good order, and, leaving the road which led to Peronne, skirted the woods to see if they could meet with any one : they arrived at a village, the inhabitants of which had fortified the church : sir Galahaut dismounted at this place, where there was wine, with bread and meat in plenty, which were offered to them by those within. Whilst they were at this place, sir Galahaut called to him two of his squires, one of whom was Bridoul de Tallonne, and said to them ; " Ride forward, and examine the country round, to see if you can perceive any one : and, if you find nothing, return here to us : we will wait for you." The two squires set off, mounted on good horses, and made for a wood which was about half a French league distant. This same morning, sir Reginald de Boullant, a German knight belonging to the duke of Lancaster's division, had rode forth since day- break, and, having made a large circuit without seeing any one, had halted at that spot. The two squires, being come thither, imagined they might be some persons of the country, who had placed themselves there in ambuscade, and rode so near that each party saw the other. The two Frenchmen, therefore, consulted together, and said, " If they be Germans, we must pretend we belong to them : if they be of this part of the country, we will tell them who we are." When they were so near each other that they could speak, the two squires soon perceived, by their uniforms, that they were Germans and their enemies. Sir Reginald de Boullant spoke to them in German, and inquired whose soldiers they were. Bridoul de Tallonne, who well understood that language, answered, " We belong to sir Bartholomew Burghersh." " And where is sir Bartholomew ? " " He is," replied he, " in that village." " For what reason has he stopped there ? " " Sir, because he has sent us forward, to see if we can find any thing to forage in this part of the country." " By my faith, there is not," answered sir Reginald ; " for I have been all over it, and have not been able to pick up any thing. Return to him, and tell him to advance, and we will ride together as far as St. Quentin, and see if we cannot find out a better country, or some good adventure." " And who are you V demanded the squire. " I am called Reginald de Boullant," answered the knight, " and say so to sir Bartholomew." Upon this the two squires turned about, and went to the village where they had left their master. As soon as sir Galahaut saw them, he asked, " What news ? have you found or seen any thing?" " Yes, sir, enough, in conscience: beyond this wood is sir Reginald de Boullant, with about thirty more : he has been riding about this neighbourhood all this morning, and desires much to have your company to ride further forward towards St. Quentin." "How," replied sir Galahaut, "what are you saying? sir Reginald de Boullant is a German knight, and in the service of England." " All this we know well," answered the squire. " Then how could you get away from him ?" " Sir," said Bridoul, " I will tell you." He then related to him all that conversation which has just been mentioned. When sir Galahaut heard what had passed, he was for a moment thoughtful, and then asked the opinions of sir Roger de Cologne and some other knights present, what was best \ 272 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. to be done. The knights answered, " Sir, you are seeking for adventures, and, when they fall into your mouth, take advantage of them, for by all means, allowed by the laws of arms, every man ought to molest his enemy." To this advice sir Galahaut cheerfully assented, for he was very desirous of meeting the Germans. He ordered his steed to be got ready, and put on his helmet with the visor down, that he might not be known : the rest did the same. They quitted the village, and, getting into the fields, rode to the right for the wood, where sir Reginald was waiting for them. They might be about seventy men at arms, and sir Reginald had but thirty. As soon as sir Reginald perceived them advancing, he collected his men together in a very orderly manner, and thus left his ambuscade, with his pennon displayed before him, and marched with a gentle pace to meet the French, whom he believed to be English. When he was come up with them, he raised his visor, and saluted sir Galahaut, by the name of sir Bartholomew Burghersh. Sir Galahaut kept his face covered, and replied in a low voice, adding, " Come, come, let us ride on." Upon which, his people drew off on one side, and the Germans on the other. When sir Reginald de Boullant noticed his manner, and that sir Galahaut was eyeing him askance without saying a word, some doubts entered his mind. He had not rode a quarter of an hour before he stopped short, under his banner, in the midst of his people, and said aloud : " I have some suspicions, sir knight, that you are not sir Bartholomew de Burghersh ; for I am well acquainted with sir Bartholomew, and hitherto I have not seen your face ; therefore, you must tell me your real name, before I ride any farther in your company." At these words, sir Galahaut raised his visor, and advanced towards the knight, in order to seize the reins of his horse, crying out, " Our Lady of Ribemmont!" which was echoed by sir Roger de Cologne, crying, 4 i Cologne to the rescue !" Sir Reginald, perceiving his mistake, was not much frightened, but laying his hand quickly on his sword of war, which he wore by his side, that was both stiff and strong, drew it out of the scabbard ; and, as sir Galahaut advanced to take the bridle, sir Reginald gave him so furious a stroke with this sword, that it penetrated the armour, and passed through his body. Having drawn it back again, he stuck spurs in his horse, and left sir Galahaut grievously wounded. The companions of sir Galahaut, perceiving their master and captain in such a condition, were like madmen : they threw themselves up, and attacked the party of sir Reginald most fiercely, when some of them were unhorsed. As for sir Reginald himself, he had no sooner struck sir Galahaut than, clapping spurs to his horse, he had galloped off. Some of sir Galahaut' s squires pursued him, whilst others were engaged with the Germans, with the intention of being fully revenged : but sir Reginald, who was a bold and accomplished knight, was not much alarmed : however, when he found himself so closely pursued, that it was proper to turn about or be disgraced, he wheeled round, and struck the nearest so violently with his strong sword, that he had not any desire to follow him further : thus, as he was riding off, he beat down and severely wounded three ; and had he had a sharp battle-axe in his hand, every one of his strokes would have killed a man. In this manner did the knight escape from the French, without receiving the smallest wound, which his enemies, as well as all those who heard of it, considered as a most gallant act : but it fared otherwise with his people, as they were almost all killed or made prisoners, scarcely any escaping. They placed sir Galahaut de Ribemmont, who was very severely wounded, on a litter, and carried him to Peronne to a physician. He was never perfectly cured of this wound ; for he was a knight of such courage that he would not allow it time to heal, so that he died shortly afterward. We will now return to the king of England, and relate how he laid siege to the city and castle of Rheims. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c« 273 icd CHAPTER CCVIII. THE KING OP ENGLAND LAYS SIEGE TO THE CITY OP RHEIMS, AND TO THE CASTLE OF CHARGNY. THE WAR RE-COMMENCES BETWEEN THE DUKE OF NORMANDY AND THE KING OF NAVARRE. The English continued tlicir inarch, until they had passed through Artois, the low country of which they found in great poverty and distress for provisions, and had entered Camhrcsis where all things were in greater abundance : for the inhabitants of the plains had not carrie their provisions into any fortresses, thinking themselves secure from the English, as formin a dependence of the empire ; but the king of England did not consider them in that light, nor look upon Cambresis as part of the empire. 'The king took up his quarters in the town of Beaurevoir in Cambresis, encamping his army in the neighbourhood, where they halted four days to refresh themselves and horses, and from whence they overran the greater part of the country of Cambresis. The bishop, Peter of Cambray, and the councils of the lords of the country and the principal towns, sent divers messengers, under a passport, to inquire the grounds of the war. They received for answer, that some time ago they had contracted alliances with the French, had aided them RHKIMS.-The Cathedral and part of the Old Town, as it appeared during the Siege. Designed from Original Sketches. m »ch, had supported them in their towns and fortresses, and war as enemies -that these were the reasons why the war was earned on ™™ u ™"™£: nor conldThev get any other answer. The Cambresians were therefore obliged to put up ^irthetrWand^evancesaswellastheyeould. Cambresis, and entered Tierache * ; but his people overran the count > the ^mdleK and took provisions wherever they could lay hands on them. It chanced, that * Tierache, — a fertile country south of Hainault. in Picajrch watered by the Oise and the Serre, to the west of Champagne, and 27^ CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. these foraging parties sir Bartholomew Burghersh, in riding towards St. Quentin, aecidentall y met the governor of that place, sir Baldwin d'Annequin, when both riders and horses met together : there was great confusion, and many were unhorsed on each side ; but in the end the English gained the field, and sir Baldwin d'Annequin was captured by sir Bartholomew Burghersh, to whom he had been before a prisoner at the battle of Poitiers. The English returned to the king, who that day was lodged in the abbey of Ferny *, where they found great plenty of provisions for themselves and horses ; they then passed on, and continued their march without any hindrance, so that they arrived in the environs of Rheims. The king's quarters were at St. Waal beyond Rheims, and the prince of Wales' at St. Thierry f, where they held their courts. The duke of Lancaster, after them, kept the greatest household. The counts, barons, and knights, were quartered in the neighbouring villages to Rheims, so that they were not very comfortable, nor had they weather to please them ; for they had arrived there in the depth of winter, about St. Andrew's day, when it was very rainy : their horses were badly housed, hardly treated, and ill fed, as the whole country was so destroyed, by having been for two or three years before the theatre of war, that no one had tilled or sowed the ground. There was such scarcity of corn of all sorts, many were forced to seek forage ten or twelve leagues off. These parties met frequently with the garrisons of the neighbouring fortresses : sharp skirmishes ensued between them : sometimes the English lost, at others were victorious. Sir John de Craon, archbishop of Rheims, the count de Porcien, sir Hugh de Porcien his brother, the lord de la Bone, the lord de Canency, the lord Dannore, the lord de Lore, were governors and captains of the town at the time the king of England besieged it. Many other barons, knights and squires of the district of Rheims were also there, who exerted themselves so much that the town suffered little loss or damage from the siege : besides, it was strong, well fortified, and as well defended. The king of England was not desirous of storming it, lest his army might suffer too much from wounds or fatigue ; he remained, therefore, before it, from St. Andrew's day to the beginning of Lent. Detachments from his army, however, scoured the country in search of adventures. Some of them went over the whole country of Rhetel, as far as Warq J, to Maisieres§, Donchery ||, and Mouson If : they quartered themselves in the country for three or four days ; and after having pillaged it without let or hindrance, they returned again to their army. During the time that the king of England was before Rheims, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt had taken the good town of Achery-sur-Aine ** ; in which he had found a great quantity of provisions, and, in particular, upwards of three thousand butts of wine. He sent a large portion of it to the king of England and his sons, for which they were very thankful. Whilst this siege lasted, many knights left it, to seek what good fortune they might find. Among others, sir John Chandos, sir James Audley, the lord of Mucident, sir Richard de Pontchardon, with their companies, advanced so near to Chalons in Champagne, that they came to Chargny-en-Dormois ft, where there was a very handsome and strong castle. Having carefully examined it, thoy were very desirous of gaining this castle, and directly made an assault on it. Within it were two good and valiant knights as governors : the name of one was sir John de Caplcs, who bore for arms a cross anchored sable, on a shield or. The attack was sharp and long : the two knights and their garrison defended themselves well : and it behoved them so to do, for they were assaulted very roughly. The lord of Mucident, who was a powerful and rich lord in Gascony, advanced so forward at this attack, that he received a severe blow from a stone on his helmet, through which it found a passage to his head : he was so badly wounded, that he could not be carried away, but died in the arms of his people. The other barons and knights were so enraged at the death of the lord * Fcuiy, — a village in Cambresis, on the borders of || Donchery, — a town of Champagne, on the Meuse, Hainault. diocese of Rheims, election of Rhetel. t St. Thierry, — a small village in Champagne, diocese *f Monson, — a town of Champagne, diocese of Rheims. of Rheims. ** Achery, — a town in Picardy, on the Oise, diocese $ Warq-les-Maisom, — a village of Champagne, eleclion of Laon. The river Aine falls into the Oise near of Rhetel. Compiegne. § Mezieres, — a strong city of Champagne, diocese of ft Dormois, — a country of Champagne, docese of Rheims, election of Rhetel. Rheims. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 27,5 of Mucident, they swore they would never quit the place until they had conquered the castle, and all that were in it. They renewed the assault with double vigour : many gallant deeds were performed : for the Gascons, being irritated by the loss of their lord, rushed into the ditches, close to the walls of the castle, without sparing themselves, and, placing their shields over their heads, climbed up them : the archers, in the meantime, kept such a continual volley of arrows, that no one dared to appear. The castle was so briskly assaulted that it was won, but it cost them dear. When the English were masters of it, they made the two knights prisoners who had so valiantly defended it, and some other squires and gentlemen : the rest of the garrison they put to the sword. They destroyed much of the castle of Chargny, because they did not wish to keep it, and returned to the king and his barons, to relate what they had performed. During the time they were before Rheims, great animosities and hatred arose between the king of Navarre and the duke of Normandy. I am not perfectly well informed of the real cause*, but so it was, for the king of Navarre quitted Paris suddenly, and went to Mantes-sur- Seine, from whence he sent his challenge to the duke and his brothers. Many a baron was much surprised at this, and wondered for what cause the war was to be renewed. However, a squire from Brussels, whose name was Waustre Ostrate, under pretence of this war took the strong castle of Roulleboise upon the Seine, a short league from Mantes, which was afterwards a great annoyance to the Parisians and all the neighbourhood. While the king of England was besieging Rheims, with his whole army, it happened that the lord Gomegines, who had returned to the queen in England, at the time the king had sent all strangers out of Calais, as had been before related, re-passed the sea, and with him some squires of Gascony and England, who accompanied him into Hainault, intending to join the army before Rheims. The young lord of Gomegines, being eager to advance himself, collected some men together on his return to Hainault. Many men at arms joined him, and served under his pennon. When they were all assembled, they might amount to about three hundred. They set out from Maubeuge t, where they had been mustered, and came to Avesnes;};, which they passed through, and then to Trelon§. The lord of Roye, at this period, was in garrison at Roye|| in Tierache : there were a great many companions with him, as well knights as squires ; and he had been informed, by the spies he kept in pay on the borders of Hainault, of the lord of Gomegines having collected a body of forces, which he was marching to the assistance of the king of England before Rheims, and that he and his troops must pass through Tierache. As soon as the lord of Roye had ascertained the truth of this intelligence, he communicated it secretly to all his fellow-soldiers in the neighbourhood, and particularly to the lord Robert, canon de Robersart, who at that time managed the estates of the young earl de Courcy, and resided in the castle of Marie ^f. When the canon heard it, he was not slow in obeying the summons, but came to the lord of Roye with full forty lances. The lord of Roye was chosen the chief of this expedition, as indeed he had reason to expect, for he was a powerful baron in Picardy, and for the times was a good man, and a gallant soldier, much renowned, and well spoken of in various places. These French men at arms, who might amount to three hundred, posted themselves in ambuscade, on the road the lord of Gomegines and his troops must necessarily pass, who was quite ignorant of their intentions, and who thought to continue his march unmolested ; he entered, therefore, Tierache, and taking the road to Rheims, came very early in the morning to a village called Habergny ## , where they determined to halt for a short time to refresh themselves and horses, and then to continue their route without any more delay. They * Probably occasioned by the king of Navarre's tie:*.- § Trelon, — a village in Flanders, near Avesnes. sonable designs being discovered. See Villaret's Hist, of || R 0 ye, — a strong town in Picardy. My printed France, pp. 216, &c. copies have it Ray, two MSS. Roy, one Rosoy. It is said there, that the castle of Roulleboise was taken ^ Marle _ a town in p icar dy, diocese of Laon. by one of the king of Navarre s captains. " . ■ , , f A strong town in Hainault, on the Sambre, diocese ** Habergny. Barnes calls it Harcigny, which IS a of Cambray village in Picardy, diocese of Laon. Habergny is not in | Avesnes, — a strong town in Hainault, diocese of tne Gazetteer. Cam bray. T 2 270 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. dismounted in this village, and began to make preparations for feeding their horses. Whilst his companions were thus employed, the lord of Gomegines, who was then young and wilful, said, he would ride out of the village to see if he could not meet with something better to forage. He called to him five or six of his companions, and Christopher de Mur* his squire, who bore his pennon : they quitted the village furiously, but without any order or regularity. It happened that the French knights and their troops were in ambuscade near this village: they had followed them the preceding day and night, in order that they might combat them with more certainty ; and, if a proper opportunity had not offered itself in the plain, they intended to have entered the village, for the purpose of attacking them ; but the lord of Gomegines fell into their hands. When the French lords perceived the lord of Gomegines and his company advancing on this secret excursion, they were at first surprised, and could not conceive who they might be. They sent two scouts on the look-out, who brought back word, that they were enemies. This news was no sooner heard than they quitted their ambuscade, each crying out, " Roye, for the lord of Roye!" The knights advanced before the lord of Roye, who had his banner displayed in front. There were sir Flamen de Roye his cousin, sir Lewis de Robersart, the canon de Robersart his brother, who was a squire, sir Tristram de Bonne-roye, and others, each armed according to his condition, with their swords hanging to their wrists, and their spears couched, towards their enemies, crying out, u Roye, for the lord of Roye \" When the lord of Gomegines perceived the ambuscade he had fallen into, he was much astonished ; but he determined to stand his ground, and wait his enemies, for both himself and followers disdained to fly : they couched their spears, and formed themselves in order of battle. The French, being well-mounted, charged these English and Gascons, who were not very numerous ; and, at the first charge, the lord of Gomegines was run through with a spear, and had not afterwards an opportunity, from the situation of the place, to remount his horse. His people fought valiantly, and many gallant deeds were done ; but in the end the lord of Gomegines could not hold out ; he was therefore made prisoner, on his parole. Two of his squires had fought valiantly, but were forced to yield, or they would have been slain, as well as Christopher de Mur, a valiant squire, who bore the pennon of the lord of Gomegines. To make an end of this affair, all those of the Gomegine party were either slain or made prisoners, except the valets, who, being well-mounted, saved themselves by flight. No pursuit was made after them, more weighty considerations occupying their enemies. CHAPTER CCIX. — THE LORD OF ROYE AND HIS COMPANY DEFEAT THE REMAINDER OF THE TROOPS OF THE LORD OF GOMEGINES. THE CASTLE OF COMMERCYT SURRENDERS TO THE ENGLISH. The knights and squires who had taken the lord of Gomegines, and overthrown all those who had followed him out of the village, did not wish to lose time, but, putting spurs to their horses, galloped into the above-mentioned village, calling out, " Roye, for the lord of Roye !" Those who were there were much alarmed at this cry, and surprised to find their enemies so near them, as they were chiefly disarmed and scattered about, so that they could not rally nor collect together. The French made prisoners of them at their pleasure, in houses, barns, and ovens : and the canon de Robersart had many who surrendered them- selves to him, because his banners were better known than those of the others. It is true, indeed, that some of them retreated to a small fortified house, surrounded by a moat, which is situate in this village of Harcigny, and consulted among themselves whether to defend it until the king of England, who was before Rheims, might hear of their disaster, (for the mansion could very soon be made strong enough to enable them to hold out,) when they * Barnes makes him an Englishman, of the name of Moor, but I see no cause for it. f Commerey is not in the Gazetteer. Barnes calls it Cormicy, which is a town in Champagne, diocese of Rheims. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 277 thought, that as soon as he should know of their situation, he would without douht send forces to relieve them. Some, however, hesitated, as the house was in an open country, and they were surrounded by their enemies. Whilst they were thus debating, the lord of Royc and his companions came before it, and said to them : " Listen, gentlemen ; if you force us to make the slightest assault, we will not suffer any one of you to escape death ; for, if we begin, we will continue the attack until we take it." These and such-like words threw them into confusion ; and even the boldest were alarmed : they surrendered, therefore, on having their lives spared. They were all made prisoners, and sent to the castle of Coucy, and the other garrisons from whence the French had marched. This disaster happened to the lord of Gomegines and his party about Christmas, 1359. When the king of England was informed of it, he was mightily enraged ; but he could not amend it. We will now return to the siege of Rheims, and speak of an adventure which happened to sir Bartholomew Burghersh, who had laid siege to the town and castle of Cormicy, in which was a knight of Champagne, whose name was sir Henry de Yaulx ; he wore black armour, and bore for arms five almonds argent on a field sable : his war-cry was " Viane*" During this siege of Rheims, the earls, barons, and great lords were quartered in the neighbourhood, as you have before heard, in order to prevent any provision being carried into that city. Among them was sir Bartholomew Burghersh, a great baron of England : he and his suite, with his company of archers and men at arms, were lodged near Cormicy, where there is a very handsome castle belonging to the archbishop of Rheims, who had put into it the knight before-mentioned, with many good companions, to guard it against their enemies. They w T ere far from fearing any attack ; for the castle had a large square tower, whose walls were very thick, and it was well furnished with arms of defence. When sir Bartholomew had surrounded this castle, and, by well reconnoitering its strength, found he could not take it by assault, he ordered a number of miners, whom he had with him in his pay, to get themselves ready and do their duty in undermining the fortress, when he would reward them handsomely : upon which they replied, they would cheerfully under- take it. The miners immediately broke ground, and, having lodged themselves in their mine, worked night and day ; insomuch that they advanced far under the great tower ; and, as they pushed forward, they propped up the work, that those within knew nothing of it. When they had thus completed their mine so that they could throw down the tower when they chose, they came to sir Bartholomew Burghersh, and said to him : " Sir, we have carried our works so far that this tower, great as it is, shall be thrown down whenever you please." " It is well," replied sir Bartholomew, " but do nothing more without my orders :" to which they willingly consented. The knight immediately mounted his steed * and taking John de Guistellesf with him, who was one of his companions, they advanced to the castle, and sir Bartholomew made a signal that he wished to have a parley with those within. Upon this, sir Henry came forward on the battlements, and demanded what he- wanted. " I want you to surrender," replied sir Bartholomew, " or you will be all infallibly destroyed." " By what means V answered the French knight, who began to laugh ; " we are perfectly well supplied with every thing ; and you wish us thus simply to surrender : certainly it shall not be to-day," added sir Henry. " Certainly," said the English knight, " if you were truly informed what your situation is, you would surrender instantly, without more words." "Why, what is our situation ? " demanded sir Henry. "If you will come out, upon my assurance of your safety, I will show you," replied sir Bartholomew. Sir Henry accepted the condition, and came out of the fortress, with only three others, to sir Bartholo- mew and John de Guistelles, who immediately conducted them to the mine, and showed them that the great tower was only supported on props of wood. * In all the printed books I have seen, his name is [Amans, in Norman French, mean diamonds, or, in Henry de Noir, but at the end it is Henri de Vaulx. My heraldic phrase, lozenges ; the arms of Henri de Noir or two MSS. have, " Messire Henri de Vaulx, et s'armoit le de Vaulx, are not given in D. Sauvage's or Lord Bernevs. dit messire Henri, de noir a cinq amans d'argent, et criet — Ed.] Viane." t Barnes calls him lord John de Botetourt ; but he Q. Amans, — not in any of my dictionaries. Mr. Lodge gives no authority for it. supposes they must mean almonds. 278 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. "When the French knight saw the peril lie and his garrison were in, he told sir Bartholo- mew, that he had very good reasons for what he had said, and that his proceedings were truly gallant and noble : " We shall therefore surrender ourselves to your will." Sir Bar- tholomew took them all his prisoners, made them leave the tower one after the other with their baggage, and then set fire to the mine. The timber was soon on fire ; and, when the props were burnt, the tower, which was extremely large, opened in two places, and fell on the opposite side to where sir Bartholomew was standing, who said to sir Henry and the garrison of the fortress, "Now, see if I did not tell you the truth." "We own it, sir," replied they, " and remain prisoners at your pleasure. We also return you our best thanks for your kindness to us; for if the Jacquerie, who formerly overran this country, had had the same advantage over us that you have, they would not have acted so generously." Thus were all the garrison of Cormicy made prisoners, and the castle thrown to the ground. The king of England remained before Rheims for upwards of seven weeks, but never made any assault upon it, as it would have been useless. He began to tire ; and as his army found great difficulties in obtaining forage and provision, their horses perished. He broke up his camp, and marched off towards Chalons, in Champagne, in the same order as before. The king and his army passed very near to Chalons, and sat down before Bar-sur-Aube, and afterwards before the city of Troyes. He took up his quarters at Mery-sur-Seine *. The whole army lay between Mery and Troyes, which is reckoned to be eight leagues distant from each other. "Whilst he was at Mery-sur-Seine, his constable f , who commanded always the van battalion, advanced and came before St. Florentin £, which was under the command of sir Odoart de Rency ; and, after having displayed his banner, (which was blazoned, or and azure, a chief pally, and at each of the two corners girons, and an escutcheon argent in the midst of the shield,) before the gate of the fortress, made a fierce attack on it, but in vain. The king of England and his whole army came and took up their quarters at Saint Florentin and the neighbourhood, on the banks of the river Armancon §. When they marched from thence, they came before Tonnerre || , which was so briskly attacked, the town was won, but not the castle. The English, however, found in that town upwards of three thousand butts of wine, which were of great service to them. At this period, the lord de Fiennes, constable of France, was in the city of Auxerre 1F with a number of men at arms. CHAPTER OCX. THE KING OF ENGLAND, AFTER HE HAD RAISED THE SIEGE OF RHEIMS, WASTES AND DESTROYS ALL THE COUNTRIES HE PASSES THROUGH. HE COMES TO GUILLON, WHERE HE REMAINS. — GREAT QUANTITIES OF PROVISION FOLLOW THE ARMY. The king of England and his army remained five days in Tonnerre, on account of the good wines he found there. The castle was often assaulted ; but it was well provided with men at arms, commanded by sir Baldwin d'Annequin, master of the cross-bows. When they had well-reposed and refreshed themselves in Tonnerre, they marched off, and crossed the river Armancon. The king of England left the road to Auxerre on his right hand, and took that which leads to Noyers **: his intentions were to enter Burgundy and pass his Lent there. He and his whole army marched above Noyers ; but he would not suffer any attack to be * Mery-sur-Seine, — diocese and election of Trojes, seven leagues from Troyes. — Gazetteer. t Roger earl of Mortimer. See more of him and his arms, in Ashmole, p. 692. Mr. Lodge says, the arms of Mortimer have puzzled heralds at all times : but the terms heralds now use in blazoning the arms of Mortimer are these : " Barry of six or and azure, an inescutcheon argent ; on a chief of the first three pallets of the second, between two girons or." — [The arms of Mortimer, given in Burke's " Extinct, dor- mant, and suspended Peerages," are as follow : Barry of tix or and azure on a chief of the first, three pellets between two esquires, bust dexter and sinister, of the second, and in escutcheon argent. — Ed. J X St. Florentin — situated on the Armancon, thirteen leagues from Troyes. § In the printed copies it is Mouson, but in my MSS. Armancon. )| Tonnerre, — situated on the Armancon, diocese of Langres. % It is Dampierre in the printed copies. Denys Sau- vage thinks it ought to have been Auxerre. It is Auxerre in my MSS. ** Noyers,— a town in Burgundy, on the river Serin, diocese of Langres. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 270 made on it, as the lord of it was his prisoner since the battle of Poitiers. They marched on for their quarters to a town called Montroyal *, situated on a river called Scllettes ; and, when the king left it, he went up that river, and proceeded straight to take possession of his lodging at Guillon f, which is also on its banks ; for one of his squires, called John d'Alcncon, who bore for his arms a scutcheon argent in a field azure, had taken the town of Flavigny % in its neighbourhood, and had found within it a sufficiency of provision for the whole army for a month. This was very fortunate, as the king remained there from the night of Ash- Wednesday until Mid-lent. His marshals and light troops scoured the country round, burning and destroying it, and frequently bringing to the army fresh provisions. I must inform you, that the king of England and his rich lords were followed by carts laden with tents, pavilions, mills, and forges, to grind their corn and make shoes for their horses, and every thing of that sort which might be wanting. For this purpose there were upwards of six thousand carts, each of them drawn by four good and strong horses which had been transported from England. Upon these carts also were many vessels and small boats, made surprisingly well of boiled leather : they were large enough to contain three men, to enable them to fish any lake or pond, whatever might be its size : and they were of great use to the lords and barons during Lent : but the commonalty made use of what provisions they could get. The king had, besides, thirty falconers on horseback, laden with hawks : sixty couple of strong hounds, and as many greyhounds ; so that every day he took the pleasure of hunting or fishing either by land or water §. Many lords had their hawks and hounds as well as the king. Their army was always in three divisions, and each person kept to his division : there was also a vanguard to every one of them, and their quarters were one league distant from each other, the king being with the third and largest division. This order was constantly kept on their march from Calais, until they came before the town of Chartres. During the time the king of England remained at Guillon, where he was living on the provision which John d'Alencon had found in Flavigny, his thoughts were employed in devising means to keep and maintain himself in France. The young duke of Burgundy and his council, at the request of his subjects, sent to the king divers lords and knights, as ambas- sadors to treat with him, so that the duchy of Burgundy should not be destroyed or pillaged. The under-named lords accepted this commission : first the lord Anselme de Sallins, great chancellor of Burgundy, sir James de Vienne, sir John Derie, sir Hugh de Vienne, sir William de Thoroise and sir John de Montmartin. These lords managed the affair so well, and found the king of England in such good humour, that a treaty was soon entered into between them ; and a composition was made, that for three years no part of the duchy of Burgundy should be overrun, on condition of having 200,000 livres paid down ||. When this treaty was finished and sealed, the king and his whole army dislodged, and set out on his return, taking the straight road for Paris, fixing his quarters at Avalon If upon the river Cousin, below Vezelay * # . The quarters of his army extended from the river Yonne as far as Clamecy ft, to the entrance of the county of Nevers. The English entered Gatinois ; and the king made such forced marches that he came so near Paris as to take up his quarters within tw o short leagues of it, at Bourg-la-Reine. As he and his army passed through the country, they destroyed it on all sides. On the other hand, the garrisons which he had in Picardy, * I cannot find Montroyal, nor the river Sellettes, in the Gazetteer. f Guillon, — a town in Burgundy, in the bailiwick of Avalon. J Flavigny, a town of Burgundy, situated near the Onzerain, bailiwick of Semur-en-Auxois. § Lord Berners says " he either hunted or hawked at the river/' 1 It is not to be supposed that he or his lords could find much pleasure in fishing in their leather boats or coracles, although they were useful to obtain a supply of fish for them in Lent. The words in D. Sauvage's cd. are, " Le roy avoit bien pour lui trent fauconiers a cheval, chargez d'oiseaux, et bien soixantcs couples de forts chiens et autant de leuriers : dont il alloit chacun jour ou eu chace ou en riviere." — Ed. || See this treaty in Rymer, anno 1,3 GO. The sum was 200,000 moutons, — 50,000 to be paid at the ensuing feast of St. John the Baptist, 100,000 at Christinas, and 50,000 at Easter. ^[ Avalon, a town of Burgundy, o i the Cousin, which falls into the Yonne. ** Vezelay, a town in Nivernois, diocese of Autun, four leagues from Clamecy. ft Clamecy, — a small city of the Nivernois, diocese of Auxerre, on the conflux of the Yonne and Beuvron. 280 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Beauvoisis, the Isle of France, Champagne and Brie, carried on a continual war, and ruined the country. The king of Navarre resided in Normandy, and made a cruel war against France, insomuch that that noble kingdom was so grievously oppressed, it did not know which way to turn itself. But above all, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt was the most active : his quarters were at Cheny-sur-Aisne, where he had a strong garrison of soldiers and men at arms, who overran, pillaged and ransomed the good county of Rethel, from Donchery to Mezieres, and as far as Chesne-le-Pouilleux and Stenay *, in the county of Bayf. They quartered themselves wherever they chose in all that country, for two or three nights, without opposition from any one, and then returned unmolested to their garrison at Cheny, to refresh and recruit themselves. It is true indeed, that all the neighbouring lords, knights and squires threatened them much : they met together, and appointed different days for their assembling, to take the field and besiege sir Eustace in his castle of Cheny ; but nothing in fact was done. It happened that these adventurers (whose whole thoughts, night and day, were occupied on the best means of taking towns, and in what parts of the country they should find most to pillage) came one night to a good town with a strong castle, situated in the Laonois J, tolerably near to Montagu §, and in a very deep marshy country, the name of which was Pierrepont || . At this time, there were in it a great many people of the country, who had carried thither their goods, trusting to the strength of the place. When sir Eustace's com- panions arrived, the guard was asleep : they marched, therefore, through the deep marshes with much loss, for their avarice urged them on, and they came to the walls of the town, which they entered without resistance, and robbed at their pleasure. They found in it more riches than in any other place ; and, when it was day, they burnt the town, and returned to Cheny, well laden with booty If. CHAPTER CCXI. THE KING OF ENGLAND LAYS THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE UNDER GREAT TRIBULATION. A CORDELIER FRIAR PROPHESIES. THE ENGLISH PLACE AN AMBUSCADE FOR THOSE WHO SHOULD COME OUT OF PARIS. About this period, a Franciscan friar, full of knowledge and understanding **, was at Avignon : his none was John de Rochetaillade : and pope Innocent VI. kept him a prisoner in the castle of Baignoux, not only on account of the great prophecies he made of the times to come, chiefly and principally relating to the heads and prelates of the holy church, by reason of their pride and the expensive life they led, but also concerning the kingdom of France, and the great lords of Christendom, for their heavy oppressions on the common people. The above-mentioned John was willing to prove all he said from the Apocalypse, and by the ancient books of the holy prophets, which were opened to him through the grace of the Holy Ghost, by which he uttered things that were difficult to be credited. Some of the predictions he had made were seen to come to pass within the time, which he never could have foretold as a prophet but by means of the ancient Scriptures, and the Holy Spirit, that had given him the power of understanding these ancient prophecies, and of announcing to all Christians the year and time when they were to be fulfilled. * Stenay, — in the diocese of Treves, on the Meuse. standyng in a maresse ; the same season there were within f I cannot find, in any dictionary, the county of Bay. the tovvne great nombre of men of the countrey that had It is Buy in Denys Sanvage. Stenay is in the diocese of brought thither theyr goodes on trust of the strength of Treves : but even the connection of names is so wide, I the place. When they of Cheny came thither the watche cannot suppose it to be a mistake for Treves. within was aslepe ; they spared not the dangerous maresses, I Laonois, — in Picardy. but went through them and came to the walks and so § Montagu, — in Picardy, diocese of Laon. entered into the towne and wanne it without defence || Pierrepont, — village of Picardy, diocese of Laon. and robbed it at their pleasure. They found ther more ^[ This passage is one of those so excellently translated riches than ever they found before in any towne. And by Lord Bernevs, that we are induced to subjoin it. "These whan it was day they brent the towne and returned to companyons who ymagined nyght and daye howe they Cheny well furnysshed with great pyllage." — Ed. might geat and steale townes sad fortresses on a night ther, »* « Plem de grand c i £rg i e e t de grande entendemcut," came to a stronge towne and a good castell in Laonnoyse are the words used in D . Sauvag e's ed Ed. here to Montague ; this fortrcsse was called Pierpont CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 281 He made many books, full of much science and learning. One was written in the year 1346, which contained many marvellous things, difficult of belief, but of which some had come to pass already. When he was questioned concerning the war against France, he answered, that what they had seen was nothing to what was to happen ; for there would be no peace until the realm of France was destroyed and ruined from one end to the other*. This indeed happened afterwards ; for that kingdom was completely spoiled at the time the friar had fixed, in the years 1356, 1357, 1358, and 1359 ; insomuch that none of its princes or gentlemen dared to show themselves against those of the low estate collected from all parts, and who had arrived, one after the other, without leader or chief, whilst the country had not any means of resisting them. They elected (as you have before seen), in different parts of the country, captains from among themselves, to whom they paid obedience. The captains, when they enrolled any man in their companies, made certain agreements with them respecting their shares of booty and the ransoms of prisoners : they found so much pillage, that all the leaders became rich from the great wealth they amassed. King Edward was lodged at Bourg-la-Reine, two short leagues from Paris, and his army in different parts between that and Montlhery(\ He sent from thence his heralds to the Duke of Normandy in Paris, who had with him a great number of men at arms, to offer him battle : but the duke would not accede to it. His messengers, therefore, returned without having done anything. When the king found that his enemies would not venture out of Paris, he was mightily enraged : upon which that good knight, sir Walter Manny, stepped forth and besought his lord that he would permit him to make an excursion and assault as far as the barriers of Paris. The king consented to his request, and named himself those knights that should accompany him. He made also many new knights on the occasion ; among whom wen 1 , the lord Delawarre, the lord de Silvacier, sir Thomas Banaster J, sir William Torceaux, sir Thomas le Despensier, sir John Neville, sir Richard Dostmay, and many others. Colart d'Ambreticourt, son of sir Nicholas, would have been of the number ; for the king was desirous of it, as he was attached to his person and squire of his body ; but the young man excused himself, by saying he could not find his helmet. Sir Walter Manny set out on his enterprise, and carried with him these new knights to skirmish and make an attack on the barriers of Paris. Many hard blows were given and received ; for there were within the city several valiant knights and squires, who would willingly have sallied forth, if the duke of Normandy had given his consent. They, however, guarded the gates and barriers so well that no damage was done to them. This skirmish lasted until twelve o'clock, and many were killed on both sides. Sir Walter then retreated with his people to their quarters, where they remained together that day and the following night. On the morrow, the king dislodged, and took the road to Montlhery. When the camp was breaking up, some English and Gascon knights planned the following- enterprise. They thought, that as there were so many knights in Paris, some of them would sally out after them ; and some young adventurers would endeavour to gain, by their valour, both honour and booty. They therefore placed two hundred picked men, well armed, in an old empty house, three leagues from Paris. The chiefs on the Gascon party were, the captal de Buch, sir Aymery de Pommiers, and the lord de Courton : on the English, the lord Neville, the lord Mowbray, and sir Richard de Pontchardon. These six knights were the leaders of this ambuscade. When the French who were within Paris perceived that the king of England was decamping, * There is a difference here in Lord Berners, and we people of lowe estate assembled of all countrcs without have therefore transcribed his version. — The ed. of D. heed or capitayne, and they shulde do as they lyste in the Sauvage agrees with Mr. Johnes. It will be seen that realme of Fraunce, the whiche felle after as ye have herde, Lord Berners makes the friar particularly predict the howe the companyons assembled theym toguether and by Jacquerie, whilst in Mr. Johnes ? s version a general pro- reason of theyr robbery and pyllage waxed riche and be- phecy alone is ascribed to him. " The whiche 6ayeng was came great capitaynes," are the words of Lord Berners. — well seen after, for the noble realme of Fraunce was sore Ed. wasted and exyled, and spe/ially in that terme that the f Montlhery,— a town in the Isle of France, seven sayd frere had sette, the which was in the yeres of our leagues from Paris. Lorde MCCCLVI, VII, VIII, and VIX. He + Sir Thomas Banaster was afterwards elected knight of sayde in those years the pryncis and gentylmen of the the garter in this king's reign — See his life, in Anstis' realme shuld not for fear e shewe themselfe ayynst the History of the Garter, vol. ii. p. 153. £82 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. some young knights collected together, and said among themselves : " It will be a good thing for us to sally out secretly, and follow a while the army of England, to see if we cannot gain something." They were all instantly of this opinion, so that sir Raoul de Coucy, sir Raoul de Ravenal, the lord de Monsault, the lord de Helay, the constable of Beauvais, le begue de Villaines, the lord de Beausiers, the lord of Ulbarin, sir Gauvain de Valouel, sir Flamant de Roye, sir Azelles de Cavilly, sir Peter de Fermoises, Peter de Savoisies, and upwards of a hundred lances with them, sallied out well mounted, with a thorough good will to do some- thing ; but they must first find the occasion. They took the road to Bourg-la-Reine, which they passed, and gained the open fields, when they followed the track of the cavalry and army of England, and rode beyond the ambuscade of the captal and his company. They were no sooner passed than the English and Gascons marched out of it, after them, with their lances in their rests, shouting their war-cry. The French turned about, wondering who they could be : but they soon found they were their enemies. They immediately halted, and drew themselves up in battle array, and, with couched spears, prepared to meet the English and Gascons, who soon joined them. At this first onset many were unhorsed on each side, for both parties were well mounted. After this tilting-bout, they drew their swords, and attacking each other more closely, many hard blows were given, and many gallant deeds performed. — This attack lasted a considerable time, and the ground was so well disputed, that it was difficult to say which of the two would be conqueror. The captal de Buch shone particularly, and did with his hand many deeds worthy so good a knight. In the end, however, the English and Gascons fought so valiantly, that the field remained to them : they were more than half as many again as the French. The lord of Campreny showed himself a valiant knight on the side of the French, and fought gallantly under his banner, the bearer of which was slain : his banner was argent, a buckle gules, between six martlets sable, three above and three below. The lord of Campreny was made prisoner. The other French knights and squires, who saw the ill success of their attempt, and that they could not recover themselves, took the road toward Paris, fighting as they retreated, and the English pursuing them most eagerly. In this retreat, which continued beyond Bourg-la-Reine, nine knights, as well bannerets as others, were made prisoners ; and, if the English and Gascons who pursued them had not been afraid that others might sally out of Paris to their assistance not one would have escaped being killed or taken. When this enterprise was finished, they returned towards Montlhery, where the king was. They carried their prisoners with them, to whom they behaved very courteously, and ransomed them handsomely that same evening, allowing them to return to Paris, or wherever else they chose, taking readily their word of honour as sufficient security for their ransom. The intention of the king of England was to enter the fertile country of Beauce, and follow the course of the Loire all the summer, to recruit and refresh his army in Brittany until after August ; and as soon as the vintage was over, which from all appearances promised to be abundant, he meant to return again and lay siege to France, that is to say, to Paris ; for he wished not to return to England, as he had so publicly declared, on setting out, his determination to conquer that kingdom, and to leave garrisons of those who were carrying on the war for him in France, in Poitou, Champagne, Ponthieu, Vimeu, Valguessin *, in Normandy, and throughout the whole kingdom of France, except in those cities and towns which had voluntarily submitted to him. The duke of Normandy was at this time at Paris with his two brothers, their uncle the duke of Orleans, and all the principal councillors of state, who, well aware of the courage of the king of England, and how he pillaged and impoverished the whole realm of France, knew also that his situation could not last, for the rents both of the nobles and clergy were generally unpaid. At this period, a very wise and valiant man was chancellor of France, whose name was sir William + de Montagu, bishop of Therouenne : by his advice the kingdom was governed : every part of it profited from his good and loyal counsel. Attached to him were two clerks of great prudence ; one was the abbot of Clugny, the other friar * Most probably Vexin. Vexin Norman is bounded on one side by tbe Seine. ■f The president Renault calls him Gille Aycelin de Montagu, cardinal and bishop of Therouenne, vol. i. 4 to, p. 263. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 2sa Symon de Langres, principal of the predicant monks, and doctor in divinity. These two clerks just named, at the request and command of the duke of Normandy and his brothers, the duke of Orleans their uncle, and of the whole of the great council, set out from Paris with certain articles of peace. Sir Hugh de Geneve, lord of Autun, was also their companion. They went to the king of England, who was overrunning Beauce, near to Gallardon *. These two prelates and the knight had a parley with the king of England, when they began to open a treaty of peace with him and his allies. To this treaty the duke of Lancaster, the prince of Wales, the earl of March t, and many other barons were summoned. However, this treaty was not concluded, though it was discussed for along time. The king of England kept advancing into the country, seeking for those parts where was the greatest abundance. The commissioners, like wise men, never quitted the king, nor suffered their proposals to drop ; for they saw the kingdom in such a miserable situation, that the greatest danger was to be apprehended if they should suffer another summer to pass without peace. On the other hand, the king of England insisted on such conditions as would have been so very grievous and prejudicial to France, that the commisioners, in honour, could not assent to them : so that their treaties and conferences lasted seventeen days, the two prelates and the lord of Autun constantly following the king of England : this last was much listened to at the court of the king. — They sent every day, or every other day, their treaties and minutes to the duke of Normandy and his brothers at Paris, that they might see what state they were in, and have anwers thereto ; as well as to know in what manner they were to act. All these papers were attentively examined and considered privately in the apartments of the duke of Normandy, and then the full intentions of the duke were written down, with the opinions of his council to these commissioners ; by which means, nothing passed on either side without being fully specified and examined most cautiously. These aforesaid Frenchmen were in the king's apartments, or in his lodgings, as it happened, in the different places he halted at, as well on his march towards Chartres as otherwise ; and they made great offers, to bring the war to a conclusion ; but the king was very hard to treat with : for his intention was, to be in fact king of France, although he had never been so, to die with that rank, and also to put Brittany, Blois and Touraine in the same situation as those other provinces where he had garrisons. If his cousin, the duke of Lancaster, whom he much loved and confided in, had not persuaded him to give up such ideas, and advised him to listen to the offers of peace, he never would have come to any terms. — He very wisely remonstrated with him, and said : " My lord, this war which you are carrying on in the kingdom of France is wonderful to all men, and not too favourable to you. Your people are the only real gainers by it ; for you are wasting your time. Considering every thing, if you persist in continuing the war, it may last you your life ; and it appears to me doubtful if you will ever succeed to the extent of your wishes. I would recommend therefore, whilst you have the power of closing it honourably, to accept the proposals which have been offered to you ; for, my lord, we may lose more in one day than we have gained in twenty years." These prudent and sensible words, which the duke of Lancaster uttered loyally, and with the best intentions, to advise the king of England to his good, converted the king to his opinion, through the grace of the Holy Spirit, who also worked to the same effect : for an accident befel him and all his army, who were then before Chartres, that much humbled him, and bent his courage. During the time that the French commissioners were passing backwards and forwards from the king to his council, and unable to obtain any favourable answer to their offers, there happened such a storm and violent tempest of thunder and hail, which fell on the English army, that it seemed as if the world was come to an end. The hailstones were so large as to kill men and beasts, and the boldest were frightened. The king turned himself towards the church of Our Lady at Chartres, and religiously vowed to the Virgin, as he has since confessed, that he would accept of terms of peace. He * Gallardon, — a town in Beauce, diocese and election of Chartres. f This is a mistake, for the earl of March was killed a month prior to this treaty, the 26th of February, at Rouvniy in Burgundy Barnes. 284 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. was at this time lodged in a small village, near Chartres, called Bretigny ; and there were then committed to writing, certain rules and ordinances for peace, upon which the following articles were drawn out. To follow up this, and more completely to treat of it, the counsellors and lawyers of the king of England drew up a paper called the Charter of Peace, with great deliberation and much prudence, the tenor of which follows. CHAPTER CCXII. THE FORM AND TENOR OF THE PAPER DRAWN UP AS ARTICLES OF THE PEACE, WHICH WAS CONCLUDED BEFORE CHARTRES, BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. " Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine, to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting. As, in consequence of the dissensions, variance, discord and strife, that have arisen, or that might have been expected to arise between us and our very dear brother the king of France, certain commissioners and pro- curators from us and from our dear son, Edward prince of Wales, having sufficient power and authority for us, for him and for our kingdom on the one part, and certain other commissioners and procurators from our said brother, and from our very dear nephew Charles duke of Normandy and dauphin of Vienne, eldest son to the aforesaid king of France, having power and authority from his father, in this instance, for his father and for himself on the other part, have been assembled at Bretigny, near Chartres ; in which place the above-mentioned dissensions, variances and strife were discussed, debated, and finally closed ; and the commissioners from us and from our son, for us and for him, and the commissioners from our aforesaid brother and nephew, for his father and for himself, did swear upon the holy evangelists, to preserve, keep and fulfil the aforesaid treaty, as we have also sworn and will swear to whatever is said or concluded in the above treaty. " And in this treaty, among other articles, our brother of France and his son aforesaid, are held and have promised to give up and surrender to us, our heirs and successors for ever, the counties, cities, towns, castles, fortresses, lands, islands, rents, and revenues, and other things which follow, with all that we are now in possession of in Guienne and Gascony, to hold for ever by us, our heirs and successors, in the same manner that the kings of France have always held them : that which is in demesne in demesne, and that which is in fief in fief, in such manner as will be hereafter explained ; that is to say, the city, castle and county of Poitiers with all the lands and country of Poitou, together with the fief of Thouars * and the lands of Belleville ■(* : the town and castle of Saintes, and all the lands and territory of the county of Saintonge on each side the river Charente, with the town and fortress of la Rochelle, their appurtenances and appendages ; the city and castle of Agen, and the country of Agenois : the city, town, castle, and all the lands of Perigord, with the whole country of Perigueux : the city and castle of Limoges and country of Limousin : the city and castle of Cahors and country of Cahorsin : the city, castle and country of Tarbes ; the territory of the country of Bigorre : the country and lands of Gaure : the city and castle of Angouleme, with all the country of Angoumois : the city and castle of Rodais, and the county and country of Rouergue : and if there should be any lords in the duchy of Guienne (such as the count de Foix, the count de Armagnac, the count de l'lsle, the viscount de Carmain, the count de Perigord, the viscount de Limorges or others), that hold any lands within the boundaries of the above-mentioned places, they shall be bounden to do us homage, and all other services and duties due on account of their lands and places in the same manner as they formerly have performed them : and we shall re-enter upon all that we, or any other kings of England have possessed, as well as upon these places whence we formerly had received nothing. " The viscounty of Montreuil-sur-mer has been also promised to be given up to us in the same manner as in former times, and all whatsoever we or any other king of England possessed there : and whereas there have arisen disputes relative to the division of this territory, our * Thouars, — an ancient city on a hill, and on the river Thoue, sixteen leagues from Poitiers. t Belleville. There are two villages in Poitou of this name, — one near Niort, the other near les Sables d'Olonne. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 235 brother of France has promised, that he will declare it to be ours as speedily as possible after his return to France. " Item, it is also promised that the county of Ponthieu shall be delivered over to us entire, save and except that if any part of it should have been alienated by the kings of England who reigned before us, and were formerly possessors of it and its appurtenances, to others than the kings of France, neither our aforesaid brother, nor his successors, shall be bounden to surrender them : and if the said alienations have been made to any former kings of France, immediately, without passing through a third person, and our aforesaid brother be in possession of them, he shall render them wholly up to us : excepting that if the kings of France have had them from us in exchange for other lands, we will deliver up such lands so exchanged : but if any of the kings of England at former times should have alienated or disposed of any parts to others than to the kings of France, and it should afterwards have come into the hands of our aforesaid brother, he shall not be obliged to surrender them : and if the parts aforesaid owe homage to us, or our successors, he shall grant them to others, who will pay us that homage ; but, if they do not owe homage, he shall then give them to a tenant that shall do us suit and service, within the year ensuing upon our departure from Calais. " Item, the castle and town of Calais ; the castle, town, and lordship of Merle ; the towns, castles, and lordships of Sangate, Couloigne, Ham, Walles, and Oye, with the lands, woods, marshes, rivers, rents, lordships, advowsons of churches, and all other appurtenances and places lying within the limits and bounds following ; that is to say, from Calais to the course of the river before Gravelines, and also by the course of the river which falls into the great lake of Guines, as far as Fretun, and from thence by the valley round the mountain of Chalk, inclosing that mountain, and as far as the sea, including Sangate and all its appurtenances. " Item, the king of England shall also possess the castle, town, and the whole county of Guines, with all its castles, towns, fortresses, woods, lands, men, homages, lordships, forests, rights, as completely as the last count of Guines, lately deceased, held it during his life : and the churches and good men, being within the boundaries of the said county and other places above mentioned, shall obey him in the same manner as they did our aforesaid brother, the count of Guines, for that time. All these things comprehended in the present article, and in the preceding one of Merle and Calais, we shall hold in demesne, excepting the inheritances and possessions of the churches, which shall remain wholly to the said churches, wherever they may be situated ; and also except the inheritances of the other people of the countries of Merle and Calais, as far as the value of one hundred pou'ids a-year in land, according to the current coin of the Gountry ; which inheritances shall remain to them of the abovesaid value and under ; but the habitations and inheritances in the town of Calais, and their appurtenances, shall remain in demesne to us, for us to order and do as we please with them : and also all the possessions of the householders and inhabitants of the county and town of Guines shall remain to them, and shall be restored fully, save and except what is said and declared relative to the bounds and frontiers above mentioned, in the article of Calais. " Item, the king of England shall have possession of all islands adjoining to the lands or places above mentioned, together with all other islands he was possessed of at the time of this treaty. " And it has also been discussed, that our aforesaid brother and his eldest son should renounce all right and sovereignty which they may have over the above-mentioned places, and that we should possess them as a neighbour, without any vassalage or dependence on our said brother, or on the kingdom of France ; and that our brother aforesaid shall give up to us in perpetuity all right and dominion which he may have over the places before mentioned. " And it has also been discussed, that in like manner we and our said son shall expressly renounce all those things that are not to be given up and surrendered to us by the said treaty, more especially the name of king of France, and all right and title to that kingdom, and to the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, the county of Touraine, and the counties of Anjou and Maine ; and to the sovereignty and homage of the county of Flanders ; and to the sovereignty and homage of the duchy of Brittany (excepting the right of the count de Montfort, and what claim he may have on that duchy and country of Brittany, which we reserve, and by express words put out of our treaty ; saving, however, that when 28G CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. we and our aforesaid brother shall come to Calais, we will so manage the business, by the advice of able counsellors and other deputies, that we will establish peace and concord between the count de Montford and our cousin sir Charles de Blois, who claims and challenges the inheritance of Brittany) : and we renounce whatever claims we made, or may have made, of any sort whatever, except those things above-mentioned which are to be given to us and our heirs ; and we give up and cease from making any claims on all other things, but those which are to be yielded to us. " Upon this subject, after many altercations had taken place, ending in a mutual agreement that these renunciations, transportations, cessions and aforesaid surrenderings should be made as soon as our said brother shall have given up to us, or to our people especially deputed for that purpose, the city and castle of Poitiers, with all the territory of Poitou, together with the fief of Thouars and of Belleville : the city and castle of Agen, with all the territory of the Agenois ; the city and castle of Perigord, with the territory of Perigueux ; the city and castle of Cahors, with the territory of Cahorsin ; the city and castle of Rodais, with the territory of Rouergue ; the city and castle of Saintes, with the territory of Saintonge ; the city and castle of Limoges, with all the territory of Limousin ; and that which we or other kings of England have held in the town of Montreuil-sur-mer, with its appurtenances. Item, the whole county of Ponthieu, save and except the contents of the article contained in the said treaty which makes mention of the said county. Item, the castle and town of Calais ; the castle, town and lordship of Sangate, Colloigne, Ham, Walles, Oye, with the lands, rivers, marshes, rents, woods, lordships and other things mentioned in the article respecting them. Item, the castle, town and entire county of Guines, with all the lands, castles, towns, fortresses, places, men, homages, woods, lordships, forests and rights, according to the tenor of the article which in the treaty makes fuller mention of them, and with the islands adjacent to the said lands, countries and places before mentioned, together with those other islands which we are now in the possession of (that is to say, at the date of this article and of the peace.) We, and our brother the king of France, have promised by faith and oath to each other to preserve and keep this treaty and maintain the peace, and to do nothing against it ; and we are bounden, us and our said brother the king of France, and our eldest sons before mentioned, by obligation and promise and by faith and oath to each other pledged, to make certain renunciations one to the other according to the form and tenor of the aforesaid article of peace. u Item, it is agreed, that the king of France and his eldest son the regent, for them and for their heirs for ever, shall as soon as possible, and without any double dealing, at the latest within the feast of St. Michael next ensuing, deliver up and give to the king of England, his heirs and successors, and convey to them the honours, royalties, services, homages, allegiances, vassalages, fiefs, obediences, acknowledgments, oaths, rights, seizures, and all manner of jurisdictions, both criminal and civil, appeals, securities, lordships and sovereignties which appertained, now appertain, or may hereafter appertain to the kings or to the crown of France, or to any other person on account of the king or for the aforesaid crown of France, in whatever time it may have been, in the cities, towns, castles, fortresses, islands, countries and places before named, or in any one of them, their appurtenances and appendages, wherever they may be, whether held by princes, dukes, counts, viscounts, archbishops, bishops, abbots or other prelates of the church, barons, knights, nobles or others whomsoever, without reserve to themselves, their heirs and successors, or to the crown of France, or to any other person whatever : nor shall they challenge or demand, at any future period, any thing of the above from the king of England, his heirs or successors, or from any one of his vassals or subjects aforesaid, in any one of the places or countries before mentioned, in behalf of the king or crown of France. Thus, therefore, all the before-named persons, and their heirs and successors, shall be liege men and subjects of the king of England, his heirs and successors for ever ; and they shall hold and keep all persons, cities, counties, lands, islands, castles and places before-mentioned, with all their appurtenances and appendages, and shall remain fully and peaceably for ever in their lordship, sovereignty, obedience, loyalty and subjection, as the preceding kings of France had and kept them in former times : and the aforesaid king of England, his heirs and successors, shall and will maintain, peaceably and CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 287 perpetually, all the countries before-named in full freedom and liberty for ever, as sovereign and liege lord, and neighbour to the king of France and said kingdom of France, without acknowledging any sovereignty or paying any obedience, homage, jurisdiction or subjection, and in time to come without doing any service or acknowledgment to the king or crown of France for the cities, counties, castles, lands, territories, islands, places and persons before- named, or for any one of them. " Item, it is agreed, that the king of France and his eldest son shall expressly renounce the said jurisdictions and sovereignties, and all those things which by this present treaty ought to belong to the king of England ; and in like manner, the king of England and his eldest son shall renounce all those things which by this present treaty are not to be granted to the king of England, and all those claims he made on the king of France, and particularly the title, right, and arms, and the challenge he made of the crown and kingdom of France ; the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, of the county of Touraine, the counties of Anjou and Maine, and the sovereignty and homage of the county and territory of Flanders, and all other claims which the king of England made at the time of the aforesaid challenge, and might make in times to come upon the said realm of France, through any reason whatever, except those things which by the present treaty are granted to the king of England and his heirs : and they will convey, surrender, and yield, one king to the other, in perpetuity, all the right which each has or may have on all those things and places which by the present treaty are to remain or to be granted to each of them ; and with regard to the time and place when these renunciations are to be made, the two kings will consult each other, and order it when they shall be at Calais together. " And because also our said brother of France and his eldest son, in order to maintain and keep the said articles of peace and agreement aforesaid, have expressly renounced the jurisdictions and sovereignties comprised in the said articles to all rights which they had or might have had on all the above-mentioned things which our said brother has granted, delivered, and abandoned to us, and in those other things which henceforward ought to appertain and belong to us by the said treaty of peace. We, among these said tilings, renounce expressly all those which are not to be granted to us, for ourselves and our heirs, and all those claims which we made or might make on our said brother of France, and especially to the title and right to the crown of France and the sovereignty of that kingdom; and to the homage, sovereignty, and domain of the duchy of Normandy, the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine : and to the sovereignty and homage of the county and territory of Flanders ; and all other claims which we made, or might have made, on our said brother, for whatever cause there might be, save and except that which by this present treaty is to remain to us and our heirs : and we yield, abandon, and give up to him, and he to us, mutually to each other, in the securest way we can, all the rights which each of us may have, or may have had in all those things, which by the said treaty are to be respectively granted to each of us : reserving to the churches and to churchmen that which appertains or may appertain to them ; and all that which has been occupied or detained of their property, on account of the wars, shall be made good and restored to them. The towns, fortresses, and all dwellings of the inhabitants, shall retain and enjoy such liberties and franchises as before they came into our hands ; and, if required, they shall be confirmed by our said brother of France, if not contrary to what has been already agreed on. " And with regard to ourselves, we submit all things belonging to us, our heirs and successors, to the jurisdiction and coercion of the church of Rome, and are willing and desirous that our holy father the pope should confirm all these things by giving monitions and gentle mandates for the accomplishment of them against ourselves, our heirs and successors, our commonalty, colleges, universities, or any particular persons whatsoever, and by giving general sentences of excommunication, suspension, or interdict, which we may incur by ourselves or by them, by this act, when we shall, either by ourselves or others, infringe the peace, by taking or occupying any town or castle, city or fortress, or in any- thing else, by giving advice, aid, or assistance, public or private, against the said peace : from which sentences they cannot be absolved until they shall have made full satisfaction to all those who by this act should have sustained or might sustain any damage. And with 288 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. this we desire and consent, that by our holy father the pope (in order that the same may more firmly be kept, maintained, and observed for ever) all the agreements, confederations, alliances, and conventions, under whatever name they may be, in case they become prejudicial or inimical to the said peace in the present moment or hereafter (supposing they were closed under penalties and by oaths, and confirmed by our holy father the pope or others,) should be broken and annulled as contrary to the public welfare, to the good of the peace, unprofitable to all Christendom, and displeasing to God : and that all oaths, in such a case made, shall be reported to our holy father the pope, that it may be decreed by him that no one should be bounden to keep such oaths or conventions ; and if, in fact, any one attempted to act contrary, they shall from this moment be broken and annulled, and of no weight : nevertheless we shall punish such by corporal punishment and confiscations, as violators of the peace, if the case should require it, or it should appear reasonable : and if we should encourage or suffer anything to be done hurtful to the peace (which God forbid !) we are willing to be counted as liars and disloyal, and also to suffer in this case such blame and disrepute, as a sacred king ought to undergo for such conduct : and we swear upon the body of Jesus Christ to conclude, maintain, and keep the aforesaid treaty, and neither by ourselves nor others to depart from it for any cause or reason whatsoever. And in order that these premises may be concluded and maintained, we bind ourselves, our heirs, our property, and the property of our heirs, over to our said brother the king of France, and to his heirs, and swear by the holy Evangelists, bodily touched by us, that we will complete, conclude, and preserve (according to the articles aforesaid) all the preceding- conditions by us promised and agreed to, as is before mentioned. And we will, that in case our brother, or his deputies at the place and time, and in the manner before stated, do his duty, that from that time our present letters, and whatever is comprehended in them, should have as much force, effect, and vigour as any of our other letters shall have that have been promised and granted by us, as has been already said ; saving, however, and reserving for us, our heirs and successors, that the letters above incorporated shall have no effect, nor be of any prejudice or damage until our said brother and nephew shall have performed, sent, and given the above renunciations in the manner before specified ; and therefore they shall not avail themselves of them against us, our heirs and successors, in any manner but in the case above mentioned. " In testimony of which, we have caused our seal to be put to these present letters, given at Calais this twentieth day of October, in the year of grace and of our Lord one thousand three hundred and sixty." "When this private charter (which is called letter of renunciation, as well from one king as the other) was written, engrossed and sealed, it was read and published generally in the council chamber, when the tw T o above-named kings were present w T ith their counsellors. It appeared to each to be handsome, good, well dictated and well ordered ; and then again the two said kings and their two said eldest sons, swore upon the holy Evangelists, bodily touched by them, and upon the sacred body of Jesus Christ, to conclude, keep and main- tain, and not to infringe any of the articles included in it. Afterwards, by the advice and deliberation of the king of France and his council, and towards the end of the conference, the king of England was requested to make out and give a general commission to all those who for the time, and under shadow of the war, held towns, castles and forts in the kingdom of France, that they may have knowledge of what had passed, with orders to give them up and quit them. The king of England, who was sincerely desirous of maintaining a good understanding and peace between himself and the king of France, his brother, as he had before sworn and promised, readily acceded to this request, which he thought reasonable. He ordered his people to make it out in the clearest manner they could, to the satisfaction of the king of France and his council. The most able of the counsellors of the two kings aforesaid, united, and then was drawn up, written and engrossed by the advice of each other, a commission, the tenor of which is underneath. " Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine, to all our captains, governors of towns and castles, adherents and allies, being in parts of France, as well in Picardy, in Burgundy, in Anjou, in Berry, in Normandy, in Brittany, in Auvergne, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 289 in Champagne, or Maine, in Tonraine, and within the boundaries and limits of France, greeting. As peace and concord is now established between us, our allies and adherents on the one part, and our dear brother the king of France his allies and adherents on the other part, in regard to all quarrels or discords which we may have had in times past ; and having sworn upon the body of Jesus Christ, as well our dear eldest son and others our children, and those of our blood, as likewise many prelates, barons and knights, and the principal men of our kingdom ; and also our said brother, and our nephew the duke of Normandy, and our other nephews his children, with many barons, knights and prelates of the said kingdom of France, to maintain and firmly keep the peace : and as it may fall out or happen that some warriors from our kingdom, or other of our subjects, may endeavour to do or undertake things contrary to the said peace by taking or detaining forts, towns, cities and castles, or in pillaging and arresting persons, and taking from them their goods, mer- chandise or other things, acting against the said peace (the which will highly displease us, and we cannot nor will not suffer it, nor pass it over under any sort of dissembling) ; "We, willing to remedy these aforesaid things with all our power, wish, desire and ordain, by the deliberation of our council, that none of our subjects or allies, whatever their state or con- dition may be, do, or endeavour to do, any thing contrary to the said peace, by pillaging, taking, or detaining forts, persons or goods of any sort in the kingdom of France, or belong- ing to our said brother, his subjects, allies or adherents whomsoever. And in case there should be found any one that acts contrary to this said peace, and who does not cease from so doing, nor renders back the damages he may have committed, within the space of one month from the time he shall be required so to do by any of our officers, sergeants or public persons, for this act alone, without other suit or condemnation, he shall be reputed banished from our realm and from our protection, as well as from the kingdom and territories of our said brother ; all his goods confiscated and subjected to our governance ; and if he should be found in our kingdom, we command and expressly will, that punishment should be inflicted on him, as a rebel and traitor to us according to the customary punishment for leze majeste, without any pardon, grace or remission : and we will that the same be done to our subjects, of whatever condition they may be, who, in our kingdom on either side of the sea, shall seize, occupy or detain any forts whatever contrary to the will of those to whom they belong ; or who shall burn or ransom towns or persons, and shall pillage or be guilty of robberies, or who shall stir up wars within our realm against our subjects. We therefore order, command and expressly enjoin all our seneschals, bailiffs, provosts, captains of castles or others our officers, under pain of incurring our high displeasure, and of losing their offices, that they proclaim, or cause to be proclaimed, these presents in the most public places of their districts, bailiwicks, provostships and castlewicks ; and that no one, after having seen and heard this proclamation, remain in any fort which belongs to the kingdom of France, except according to the tenor of the treaty of peace, under pain of being considered as an enemy to us and to our aforesaid brother the king of France ; and that they, in all the aforesaid points, conform to, preserve and make to be strictly observed in every particular. And be it known to all, that if they fail, or are negligent, in addition to the punishment aforesaid, we will make them pay the losses to all those who through their fault or neglect may have been aggrieved, or suffered any loss ; and with this we will punish them in such a manner that they shall be an example to all others : in testimony whereof, we have had these letters patent drawn up, given at Calais the 24th day of October, in thb year of grace and of our Lord 1360." u 293 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c CHAPTER CCXIII. THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE TWO KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, WHEN AT CALAIS, RESPECTING THE DUCHY OF BRITTANY AND SOME LANDS OF THE LATE GODFREY DE HARCOURT. KING JOHN SETS OUT FROM CALAIS AND RETURNS HOME IN FREEDOM. When all these letters had been drawn up, and the different commissions delivered, which were mutually done by the advice and to the satisfaction of each other, there was some conversation respecting sir Charles de Blois and sir John de Montfort, and the state of Brittany, for each of them claimed it as their right of inheritance : and though there was a conference holden, how these matters could be settled, nothing was definitively done ; for, as I have since been informed, the king of England and his party had no great desire of agreeing to it. They presumed, that henceforward, all men at arms attached to them would be obliged to surrender every fort and strong place which they at present held and possessed in the kingdom of France, and that they would retire to whatever parts they chose : it was therefore much better and more profitable that these warriors and pillagers should retire into the duchy of Brittany, which is one of the richest and best foraging countries in the world, than that they should come to England, which might be pillaged and robbed by them. This consideration made the English shortly break up the conference respecting Brittany. It was a pity, and ill done that it so happened ; for, if the two kings had been in earnest, peace would have been established, by the advice of their counsellors, between the parties, and each would have held what should have been given him. Sir Charles de Blois would have recovered his children, who were prisoners in England, and probably have lived longer than he did. As nothing was done at this conference, the wars in Normandy were more bitterly carried on than before the peace we have just spoken of (as you will hear in the continuance of this history), and even between the knights and barons of Brittany who had supported different interests. The duke of Lancaster (who was a valiant and discreet knight, full of devices, and who too strongly loved the count de Montfort and his advancement) then addressed himself to the king of France, in the presence of the king of England and the greater part of the counsellors : " Sire, the truces of Brittany, which were made and agreed to before Rennes, will not expire before the first of the ensuing month of May ; then, or within that time, the king our Lord will send, by the advice of his council, persons from him, and from his son-in- law the young duke, sir John cle Montfort, to you in France, and they shall have power and authority to explain and declare those rights the said sir John claims from the inheritance of his father in the duchy of Brittany, and accept them in such manner as you, your counsellors and ours assembled together, shall ordain ; for greater safety, it is proper the truces should be prolonged until the feast of St. John the Baptist next ensuing." All this was agreed to, as the duke of Lancaster had proposed, and then the lords conversed on different matters. King John, who had a great desire to return to France (as was natural), testified most heartily to the king of England every proof of that affection which he had for him and for his nephew the prince of Wales : the king of England made an equal return : and, for a stronger confirmation of their friendship, the two kings (who by the articles called each other Brother) gave to four knights of each party eight thousand francs, French money of revenue ; that is to say, two thousand to each. And because the lands of St. Sauveur le Vicomte, in Coutantin, came to the king of England from sir Godfrey de Harcourt by the sale the said sir Godfrey had made of them to the king, as has been before related in this history, and that the said lands were not included in the articles of peace, it was necessary for those who should hold the said lands to do homage and service to the kino; of France : the king of England, therefore, had reserved and given it to sir John Chandos, who had done him and his children many notable services ; and the king of France, through his great affection and love, confirmed and sealed it, at the entreaty of the king of England, to the said sir John Chandos, as his right and lawful inheritance. It is a very fair estate, and worth full sixteen hundred francs of yearly rent. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 291 In addition to these things, many other letters and alliances were made, of which I cannot relate the particulars ; for, during the fifteen days or thereabouts, that the two kings, their children and their counsellors, were at Calais, there were every day conferences, and new ordinances made, strengthening and confirming the peace ; and, moreover, other deeds were drawn up, without annulling or changing the former ones ; and they were all made to one date, as more sure and certain, of which I have seen copies in the chanceries of the two kings. When every thing relative to the peace had been so concluded and settled, that no one could think of any means to strengthen or amend it, and that nothing could be devised to add to the strong alliance between the two kings and their children, which bound them, and by which they had sworn to maintain the peace from being infringed, which was indeed kept, as you will hereafter see in reading this book ; and that those who were to be the hostages for the redemption of the king of France were arrived at Calais, whom the king of England had sworn to guard in peace in England, until the six hundred thousand francs * were paid to the deputies of the king of England, that king gave to the king of France a most magnificent and grand supper in the castle of Calais : it was well arranged ; and the children of the king, and the duke of Lancaster with the greatest barons of England, waited bare-headed. After this supper, the two noble kings took final leave of each other in a most gracious and affectionate manner, and the king of France returned to his hotel. On the morrow, which was the vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude, the king of France set out from Calais, with all those of his party who were to accompany him f. The king of France went on foot, in pilgrimage to our Lady of Boulogne. The prince of "Wales and his two brothers, Lionel and Edmund, accompanied him : and in this manner they arrived, before dinner, at Boulogne, where they were received with great joy. The duke of Normandy was there waiting for them, when all these aforesaid lords went on foot to the church of our Lady of Boulogne, where they made their offerings most devoutly, and afterwards returned to the abbey at Boulogne, which had been prepared for the reception of the king of France and the princes of England. They remained there that day, and on the following night returned to the king their father. All these lords crossed the sea together with the hostages from France : it was the vigil of All-Saints, in the year 1360. It is proper that I should name the nobles of France who went to England as hostages for the king of France. First, sir Philip, duke of Orleans, son of the late king Philip of France ; his two nephews, the dukes of Anjou and Berry : after them the duke of Bourbon, the count d'Alencon, sir John d'Estampes, Guy de Blois, for his brother the count Louis de Blois : the count de St. Pol, the count de Harcourt, the count dauphin of Auvergne ; sir Enguerrant, lord of Coney; sir John de Ligny; the count de Porcien, the count de Breme, the lord of Mont- morency, the lord of Roye, the lord of Preaux, the lord d'Estouteville, the lord de Cleritez, the lord de St. Yenant, the lord de la Tour d' Auvergne, and many others, but I cannot name them all J. There were also from the good city of Paris, from Rouen, Rheims, * This seems a mistake ; for in the fourteenth article *f" Froissart seems to have been mistaken as to the of the peace of Bretigny in 1360, in Rynier, particular day king John left Calais, when he says it was the eve of mention is made of the value of the crown, two of which St. Simon and St. Jude, the 27th October ; for in an ehall be worth an English noble. ancient state of Brittany, by Nicholas Vignier, page 383, 14th article. — " It is agreed that the king of France there is a letter from king John, dated Boulogne-sur-Mer, shall pay to the king of England three millions of crowns October 26, 1 360. of gold, tivo of which shall be of the value of an _ 1 English noble. + I n tne fifteenth article, in Rymer, they are men- " And there shall be paid to the said king of England, tioned as underneath : or his deputies, six hundred thousand crowns at Calais, in Monsieur Louis, comte d'Anjou ; M.Jean, comte dc fourteenths, from the time the king of France shall be at Poitiers ; le due d'Orleans ; le due de Bourbon ; le Calais. comte de Blois, ou son frere ; le comte d'Alencon, on " And within the next year ensuing, there shall be M. Pierre d' Alengon son frere ; le comte de St. Pol ; le paid four hundred thousand crowns of the above value, in comte de Harcourt; le comte de Portien ; le comte de the city of London. Valentinois ; le comte de Breme ; le comte de Vaude- " And from thenceforward, every following year, four mont ; le comte de Forez ; le vicompte de Beaumont ; hundred thousand crowns, like to the above, shall be paid le sire de Couci ; le sire de Frenles ; le sire de Preaus ; in the said city, until such time as the aforesaid three le sire de St. Venant; le sire de Gauntrines ; le dauphin millions shall be paid.'" d 1 Auvergne ; le sirede Hangest ; le sire de Montmorency ; According to Cotgrave, a noble in his time was worth monsire Guillaume de Craon ; monsire Louis de Har- fifteen shillings. court ; monsire Jean de Li.my. u2 292 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Bourges in Berry, Tours in Touraine, Lyon upon the Rhone, Sens in Burgundy, Orleans, Troyes in Champagne, Amiens, Beauvais, Arras, Tournay, Caen in Normandy, St. Omer. L'Isle, Douay, from each city two or four burgesses, who all crossed the sea, and shortly arrived in London *. The king of England commanded all his officers, under pain of incurring his displeasure, to behave courteously to all these lords and their attendants, and to preserve peace between them and his subjects, as they were under his special care. The king's orders were strictly obeyed in every respect ; and the hostages were allowed to enjoy themselves, without any danger or molestation, in the city of London and its neighbourhood. The lords followed the chase or hawking, according to their pleasure, and rode out as they pleased to visit the ladies without any constraint, for the king was right courteous and amiable. We will now speak a little of the king of France on his arrival at Boulogne, after he had quitted Calais. CHAPTER CCXIV. COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED ON BOTH SIDES TO SEE THE GARRISONS IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE EVACUATED. DIFFERENT BODIES OF ARMED MEN OVERRUN THE KINGDOM, AND DO MUCH MISCHIEF. The king of France did not remain long at Boulogne, but set out soon after All-saints, and went to Montreuil and Hesdin : he continued his journey until he came to Amiens; and wherever he passed he was most magnificently and honourably received. After he had remained at Amiens until Christmas was passed, he set out for Paris, when he was solemnly and reverently met by all the clergy of Paris, and conducted to the Palace t, where he dismounted, as did sir Philip his son, and all the nobles who accompanied him. The dinner was grandly magnificent, and the tables well covered ; but I can never tell how warmly the king of France was received on his return to his kingdom, by all sorts of people, for he was much wished for. They made him rich gifts and presents, and the prelates and barons of the realm feasted and entertained him as became his condition ; and the king gave them a most gracious reception. Soon after king John was returned to France, the commissioners appointed by the king of England crossed the sea, to take possession of the lands, countries, counties, bailiwicks, cities, towns and castles, that were to be given up to him, according to the articles of the peace. But this was not so soon accomplished ; for many of the nobles in Languedoc at first absolutely refused to obey them, or to surrender themselves to the king of England, though the king of France had acquitted them of their fidelity and homage to him : for they thought it highly contrary and adverse to their interests to be obliged to obey the English. The count de la Marche, the count de Perigord, the count de Comminges, the viscount de Chatillon, the viscount de Carmaing, the lord of Pincornet, in particular, with many others in the distant countries, wondered much that the king of France should force them from his jurisdiction. Others said, it was not in his power thus to free them ; and it was not his right so to do ; for, as they were Gascons, they had very old charters and privileges from the noble Charlemagne (who was king of France), which placed them under the jurisdiction of his court, and of no other. On which account, these lords would not at first yield obedience to the commissioners ; but the king of France, who wished to uphold and maintain what he had sworn and sealed, sent thither his dear cousin sir James de Bourbon, who appeased the greater part of these nobles ; and those who were bounden became liege men to the king of England ; such as the count d' Armagnac, the lord d' Albret, and many others, * Chalons, Chavtres, Toulouse, Compiegne, are men- the h6tel de Nevers was afterwards constructed, and nearly tioned, in addition to those of Froissart, in the treaty in upon the site which the College Mazari'n and the hotel do Rymer. Conti now occupy. f Palace — I believe the kin* of France's palace at that , . , ,. . , , e , A , * , .. , A . , , XT ° T „ . I *, This hotel must be distinguished from another hotel de time was the hotel de Nesle. I find, by Villaret's -vr^,. . , vi:ll .j f u _ rr L : i history, that he was lodged there after his coronation at Rheims. Nesle, which was built at the same time. This second hotel de Nesle was situated on the spot where the hotel T1 . , .,, . , e ., c, . , de Soissons was built, and which was demolished 1747. This hotel was built on the banks of tne Seme, where ' CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 293 who at the entreaties of the king of France and of sir James de Bourbon, obeyed, but very unwillingly. On the other hand, it was very displeasing to the barons, knights and inhabitants of the towns on the sea-coast, and in the country of Poitou, the Rochellois and all Saintono-e, that they should be given up to the English : in particular those in the town of La Rochelle would not consent to it ; they made frequent excuses, and would not, for upwards of a year, suffer any Englishman to enter their town. The letters were very affecting which they wrote to the king of France, beseeching him, by the love of God, that he would never liberate them from their fidelity, nor separate them from his government and place them in the hands of strangers ; for they would prefer being taxed every year one half of what they were worth, rather than be in the hands of the English. The king of France (who knew their good will and loyalty, and had frequently received their excuses) felt great pity for them ; he wrote, therefore, very affectionate letters, and sent to inform them, that it was necessary they should obey, or otherwise the peace would be infringed, which would be too prejudicial to the kingdom of France. When the inhabitants of La Rochelle received these letters, and saw the situation they were in, that neither excuses, prayers nor entreaties, were of any avail, they obeyed ; but it was sore against their inclinations. The principal persons of the town said, " We will honour and obey the English, but our hearts shall never change/- Thus had the king of England seisin and possession of the duchy of Aquitaine, the counties of Poitou and Guignes, and of all those lands which he was to have beyond the sea, that is to say in the kingdom of France, which were given to him by the articles of the peace. This year sir John Chandos crossed the sea, as regent and lieutenant of the king of England, to take possession of all the lands aforesaid, and receive the faith, fidelity and homage of the counts, viscounts, barons, knights, towns and castles: he instituted everywhere seneschals, bailiffs and officers, according to his will, and fixed his residence at Niort. Sir John kept a noble and great establishment ; and he had the means of doing it ; for the king of England, who loved him much, wished it should be so. He w T as certainly worthy of it ; for he was a sweet-tempered knight, courteous, benign, amiable, liberal, courageous, prudent and loyal in all affairs, and bore himself valiantly on every occasion : there was none more beloved and esteemed by the knights and ladies of his time. Whilst the commissioners and deputies of the king of England were taking seisin and possession of the aforesaid lands, according to the articles of peace, other commissioners and deputies were on the frontiers of France with commissioners from that king, ordering all men at arms, who were garrisoned in the different castles and forts of France, to evacuate and surrender them to the king of France, under pain of confiscation and death. There were some knights and squires attached to England who obeyed, and surrendered, or made their companions surrender such forts as they held : but there were others who would not obey, saying that they had made war in the name of the king of Navarre. There were also some from different countries, who were great captains and pillagers, that would not, on any account, leave the country ; such as Germans, Brabanters, Flemings, Hainaulters, Gascons and bad Frenchmen, who had been impoverished by the war : these persons persevered in their wickedness, and did afterwards much mischief to the kingdom. When the captains of the forts had handsomely delivered them up, with all they contained, they marched off, and when in the plain, they dismissed their people : but those who had been so long accustomed to pillage, knowing well that their return home would not be advantageous for them, but that they might perhaps suffer for the bad actions they had committed, assembled together, and chose new leaders from the worst disposed among them. They then rode on, one party following the other, and made their first stand in Burgundy and Champagne, where they formed large squadrons and companies, which were called the Late-comers, because as yet they had but little pillaged that part of the kingdom of France. They suddenly came before and took the fort of Joinville *, with great wealth in it, which the whole country round had brought thither, confiding in the strength of the place. When these troops found such riches as were valued at a hundred thousand * Joinville, — an ancient town in Champagne, on the Marne, diocese of Chalons. 204 CHRONICLES OF KNGLAND, FRANCE, &c. francs, they divided it amongst them as far as it would go, and held the castle for a time, from whence they scoured all the country of Champagne, the bishoprics of Verdun, Toul and Langres ; but, when they had plundered sufficiently, they departed, and sold the castle of Joinville to the inhabitants of the country for one thousand francs # . They then entered Burgundy, where they reposed and refreshed themselves until they were all collected, and did many bad and villanous actions ; for they had among them some knights and squires of that country, who advised and conducted them. They remained some time in the neighbourhood of Besancon, Dijon and Beaune, despoiling everywhere, for none went out to oppose them. They also took the good town of Guerchey "j* in the Beaunois, which they sacked, and remained for a time near Vergy J, on account of the fertility of that country. Their numbers were perpetually increasing ; for those who quitted the castles and towns on their being surrendered, and who were disbanded by their captains, came into those parts; so that by Lent they amounted to at least sixteen thousand combatants. When they found their numbers so great, they appointed many captains, whom all obeyed implicitly. I am able to name some of their greatest leaders ; and first a knight from Gascony, called sir Seguin de Batefol, who had under his command two thousand combatants. There were also Tallebert Tallabaton, Guy du Pin, Espiote, le petit Mechin, Battailler, Ilannequin Francois, le Bourg § de TEspare, Nandpz de Bauguerant, le Bourgca- mus, le Bourg de Breteuil, la Nuyt, Arbrethoury the Scot, Bourdonnelle the German, Bernard de la Salle, Robert Briquet, Carnelle, Aimenon d'Ortige, Garsiot du Chatel, Gironet du Paux, TOrtingo de la Salle, and many others. These leaders, about the middle of Lent, resolved that they would advance with their forces towards Avignon, and pay a visit to the pope and cardinals. They therefore traversed the country of Burgundy and Mascon, making for the rich and fertile country of Foretz, and for Lyons situate on the Rhone. When the king of France was informed in what manner these freebooting troops overran and pillaged his kingdom, he was mightily enraged. It was stated, by special orders of the council, to his majesty, that unless these bands were repressed, they would multiply so much and do such mischief, to judge from what they had already done, that the kingdom of France would suffer equally as during the war with the English. The council, therefore, advised the king to send a sufficient force to fight them. The king in consequence wrote especial letters to his cousin the lord James de Bourbon || (who was at that time in the town of Montpelier, and had lately put sir John Chandos in full possession of the cities, lands, towns and castles of the duchy of Guienne, as has been before mentioned), ordering him to put himself at the head of the force that was to be sent against these freebooters, and to take a sufficient number of men at arms to give them combat. When the lord James de Bourbon received these orders, he set off immediately for the city of Agen , without stopping anywhere, and sent off letters and messengers to the nobles, knights, and squires, requiring, in the king's name, their instant attendance. Every one most willingly obeyed his orders, and followed him to the city of Lyons ; for he was eager to fight with these wicked people. The lord James of Bourbon was much beloved throughout the kingdom of France, and all most cheerfully obeyed his orders. Knights and squires, therefore, came to him from all quarters ; from Auvergne, from Limousin, Provence, Savoy and Dauphine. On the other hand, many attended him from the duchy of Burgundy, whom the young duke of Burgundy had sent to him. * Lord Berners says, for 20,000 francs. — Ed. soldiers ravaging Champagne and theLyonnois, lord James •f* A village in Champagne, near Joigny. was sent against them, when, being overpowered by num- J Vergy,. — a village of Burgundy, bailiwick of Nuits. bers, he and his son Peter were mortally wounded, and § See note, p. 297. died three days afterwards at Lyons, 6th April, 1382. — II Lord James de Bourbon, Count de la Marche Anderson's Royal Genealogies. received from king John, to whom he was always faith- I suspect, however, there is some mistake, and that f'ul, the county of Ponthieu and the dignity of constable. Brignano means Brignais, where he was. mortally He was famous in three battles: first in that of Crecy, Avounded. where he was-wounded ; next in that of Poitiers, when he ^ Agen is a considerable city in Ouienne, the capita! was taken prisoner; and lastly in that of Brignano, where of the Agenois, twenty-eight leagues from Toulouse, and he conquered. But soon after, a company of disbanded thirty-six from Bordeaux. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 295 This army began its march, making no halt at Lyons, but advanced into the county of Mascon. The lord James entered the county of Foretz, which was dependent on his sister in right of her children, for the count de Foretz was lately dead, and was governed by Reginald de Foretz in the interim, who was brother to the late count. He received the lord James and his company with great joy, and feasted them in the best manner he was able. The two nephews of the lord James de Bourbon were at home : he presented them to him, who received them very graciously, and ordered them to be posted near his person, that they might aid to defend their country. The free companies were advancing towards this neighbourhood ; for those who were at Chalons * upon the Saone and near to Turnus t, and in that fertile country, having heard that the French were assembling an army to fight with them, their captains' called a council, to determine what steps they should take. They made a muster of their troops, and found they amounted, one with another, to sixteen thousand combatants. They then resolved to go and meet the French, who were so desirous of it, and to offer them battle, in such situations only as would be for their advantage, but upon no other terms. " If fortune," said they, " should be favourable to us, we may all be rich, and at our ease for a long time, as well by the valuable prisoners we shall make, as from the fear we excite ; for no more troops will be hardy enough to come against us : but, if we lose the battle, we shall have hard blows for our pay." This resolution was adopted : they broke up their camp, and marched towards the mountains, in order to penetrate into the county of Foretz : they came to the river Loire, and, in their road, to a good town called Chariieu J, in the bailiwick of Mascon, which they surrounded and attacked. They exerted themselves to take it by assault, which employed them a whole day, but they could do nothing, for it was well defended and guarded by the gentlemen of the country, who had flung themselves into the town ; otherwise it would have been won. They then marched off, and revenged themselves on the estates of the lord of Beaujeu, which were near, and where they did very considerable mischief, and entered the diocese of Lyons. As they advanced, they took all the smaller forts, and lodged themselves in them, and did much damage wherever they passed. They took a castle and a lord and lady in it ; which castle was called Brignais §, and is situate on the Rhone, three leagues from Lyons. There they halted and took up their quarters, for they were informed that the French army was drawn out in the plain in order of battle. CHAPTER CCXV. THE LORD JAMES DE BOURBON AND HIS ARMY ARE DEFEATED BY THESE FREEBOOTING COMPANIES. THE POPE ORDERS A CROISADE TO BE PROCLAIMED, AFTER THEY HAVE TAKEN THE PONT DU ST. ESPRIT, AND FINDS MEANS TO GET RID OF THEM. The men at arms, assembled under the lord James de Bourbon, were in the city of Lyons upon the Rhone, when they heard that these companies were approaching in great strength, and had taken by assault the town and castle of Brignais, as well as several others, and were pillaging and ruining the whole country. This was very unpleasant news to the lord James, who had taken the management of the estates of the county of Foretz for his nephews, as well as to all the other chiefs. They immediately took the field, and were a numerous body of men at arms, knights, and squires. They sent out their scouts for intelligence respecting these companies, to know w T here they were, that they might find them. I must now mention the grand trick which these free companies played. They were encamped upon a high mountain ||, on the summit of which there was a plain that could not * Chalons, — an ancient town in Burgundy, twenty-nine || " A high mountain." — Denys Sauvage has written a leagues from Lyons. long note to say, that he had visited this spot in 1558, f Tournus, — an ancient town of Burgundy, on the and that it ought not to be called a high mountain, for it Saone, in the road from Lyons to Dijon. was but a hillock. This Froissart himself allows in the X Chariieu, — a town of the Lyonnois. following lines, where the scouts call it a "tertre.'' D. § Brignais — In all my old editions, and in lord Berners' Sauvage says, the place corresponds to the description, and translation, it is Brunay : but Denys Sauvage is certainly that different weapons have been found in the adjoining right to alter it to Brignais. grounds. 296 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. be seen : in this place they had posted the greater part of their army, and permitted the French scouts to come so near, they could have taken them if they had chosen it, but they were allowed to return unhurt*. They informed the lord James de Bourbon, the count d'Usez, the lord Reginald de Foretz, and those lords who had sent them, all they had observed and heard, adding, " We have seen the companies drawn up in array upon a hillock, and, according to our understanding, well formed ; but, having attentively con- sidered them, they cannot be more than five or six thousand men, and seem marvellously ill- armed. " When lord James de Bourbon heard this, he said to the archpriest, " You told me they amounted to at least sixteen thousand combatants, and you now hear the contrary." " My lord," answered he, " I still think they are not less in number : if it should be otherwise, we may thank God for it, and it is so much the better for us : you will therefore determine what you will do." " In the name of God," said the lord James, " we will go and fight them." The lord James ordered all the banners and pennons to halt immediately, and formed his battalions in good order to begin the combat, for they saw their enemies before them. He then created many new knights : the first was his eldest son Peter, who displayed his banner ; his nephew, the young count de Foretz, did the same ; the lord of Tournon, the lord de Molinier, and the lord de Groslee, in Dauphine. Among the nobility, there were, sir Louis and sir Robert de Beaujeu, sir Louis de Chalons, sir Hugh de Vienne, the count d'Usez, and many other worthy knights and squires, eager to advance to the combat, both for their own honour and to destroy these freebooters, who were wasting the country without right or reason. The archpriest, whose name was Arnaut de Ccrvole, was ordered to take the command of the first battalion. He willingly obeyed ; for he was an expert and hardy knight, and had under his command about sixteen hundred combatants. The freebooters, from their situation on the hill, saw but too clearly all these arrangements of the French, who could not see what they were about, nor approach them without danger and loss ; for there were at least a thousand cart-loads of flints ready to be thrown against the first assailants by that body of men who appeared so ill-armed to the scouts. I must mention, that the only way these French men at arms, who were so desirous to fight the companions at any rate, could approach them was to ascend sideways the hill on which they had placed themselves. When they, therefore, attempted this, those who were on the hill began to throw down on them the stones and flints, of which they had made so large a provision that they had only to stoop and pick them up • Jtnd, having full time to aim them well, they wounded and killed many, so that others were afraid to push forward. This advanced battalion was so severely treated, it was not of any good use afterwards. The other battalions marched to its succour, under the lord James de Bourbon, his son and his nephews, with their banners, and many other respectable gentlemen, who rushed on to their own destruction, so that it was a pity they had not formed better plans, or listened to wiser counsel. The archpriest and some other knights had truly said, they were going to fight with these companions at a disadvantage, with certain loss, considering the situation they had chosen for themselves. They advised waiting until they should have been dislodged from the strong-hold where they had posted themselves, that then they would have a better chance of success, but they were never listened to. Thus then, when the lord James de Bourbon and the other lords, with banners and pennons flying, approached and ascended sideways this hill, the weaker and less completely accoutred of the freebooters were enabled to harass them ; for they flung upon them so rapidly and vigorously stones and flints, that the boldest and best armed were in dread of them. When they had thus for some time kept them in check, their grand battalion, fresh and untouched, advanced by a secret road round the hill, and being in close order like a brush, with their lances cut down to six feet * Lord Berners, who here agrees with D. Sauvage, has harncysed) arenged alonge on the hylle side, and suffered these words : " Now shall I shewe you the great malice of the frenche currours to aproche nere to them, and to these companyons who were lodged on a mountayne, and retourne agayne withoute any damage." The stratagem there they had such a place that they could nat be dis- practised is here plainly described, but is scarcely intelli- cryed nor auewed ; and specially the chief of them, who gible in Mr. Johnes's version. — Ei>. were beste harnessed : for the residewe (who were worste CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 207 or thereabouts, with loud cries, and a thorough good will, fell upon the French army. In this first attack, very many were unhorsed, and many gallant deeds performed ; but the freebooters fought so hardily, it was marvellous to think of it, and the French army was forced to retreat. That good and valiant knight the archpriest fought excellently well : but he was so overpowered by numbers that, after being grievously wounded, he was made prisoner, as well as several knights and squires of his company. Why should I make a longer talk of this affair ? in fact, the French had the worse of the day : lord James de Bourbon and the lord Peter his son were very badly wounded : the young count de Foretz was slain : sir Reginald de Foretz his uncle, the count d'Usez, the lord Robert de Beaujeu, the lord Louis de Chalons, and upwards of one hundred knights, were made prisoners. It was with great difficulty the lord James de Bourbon and his son the lord Peter were brought back to Lyons. This battle of Brignais was fought on the Friday after Easter, in the year of our Lord 1361. All the bordering countries were thrown into the greatest confusion, when they heard that the army had been discomfited ; and there w T as no one so bold, who had even the strongest castle, that did not tremble ; for the wisest among them immediately supposed the greatest mischiefs would ensue and multiply, if God did not directly bring some remedy. The inhabitants of Lyons were confounded when they first heard that victory had declared for these freebooting companies. They, however, received in the kindest manner all those who returned from the battle, and were much hurt at what had befallen the lord James de Bourbon and his son the lord Peter. The ladies, both young and old, visited them in the kindest manner; for they were much beloved in the city of Lyons. The lord James departed this life the third day after the battle, and his son did not long survive him. They were much pitied and regretted. The king of France was greatly affected at the death of the lord James de Bourbon ; but as it was not now to be amended, he was obliged to bear his mourning as well as he could. We will now return to these freebooters, wdio, having resolved to keep themselves united, were rejoiced at the fortunate issue of this battle. They had been great gainers, as well by what they had seized on the spot as from the ransoms of their wealthy prisoners. These companies had the whole country under their disposal, for no one now T ventured to attack them. Soon after the battle at Brignais, they entered and overspread the county of Foretz, which they completely sacked and ruined, except the fortresses ; and because they were in such large bodies that no small extent of country could maintain them, they divided them- selves into two parties ; sir Seguin de Bastefol commanded the smallest, which, however, consisted of about three thousand fighting men. He advanced towards Ance*, near to Lyons, where he fixed his quarters. He then strongly fortified and rebuilt parts of it, and kept his troops in its neighbourhood, which is one of the richest countries in the world. He overran and ransomed at his ease all the countries above and below the Saone, such as the county of Macon, the archbishopric of Lyons, the territories of the lord of Beaujeu, and the w T hole country as far as Marsilly les Nonnainst, and the county of Nevers. The other division of these free companies under the command of Nandoz de Baugerant, Espiote, Carnelle, Robert Briquet, Ortingo and Bernard de la Salle, Lannuyt, le Bourgcamus J, * Ance, — an ancient town of the Lyonnois, situated bourg Calart, le bourg Anglois, le bourg de Champagne, near the Sadnc, diocese and election of Lyons, about a et Raymond de Force, &c. league from Villefranche. " Burgi, adde, ' A genuina vocis Callieae bourg notione f Marsilly les Nonnains. I cannot find in the Ga- longe abevrari mihi videtur, cum ex Froissavte exponitur zetteer this name. There is. Marcilly-sur-Saone, a village de Castellano sur burgi prsefecto. Bourg enim eo loci, in Burgundy, near Auxonne, which is, I suppose, the quemadmodum et in aliis ejusdem acvi historicis, spurium, same. nothum sonat, Gall, batard ; quod apprime docet Berry in $ Bourg, in the dictionaries of the old French lan- Hist. Chronol. Carol. VII. ad an. 1432, ubi quern bourg guage, seems to mean bastard or illegitimate. dicit, paulo infra appellat bastard: sic et ad an. 1430, Burgi, in Du Cange's Glossary, is as follows, " Cale- le bourg de Masquaren. Bourc. in Litt. Remiss, an. pino ex Tit. C. de fund, rei private. 1 Qui collegio, vel 1411 ex reg. 165. Chartoph. reg. ch. 219. Icelui Pierre curiae, vel burgis cajterisque corporibus servient. An appellast le suppliant arlot, tacain, bourc; qui vaut autant inde, an non potius a burggravius per contractionem a dire en languaige du Pais de par de la, gareon, truant, Bourgs, appellati sunt castellani, et prefecti castrorum, bastart. Bort, eodera sensu usurpant Hiepani. Vide in perarcium, apud Froissartem,' torn. ii. cap. 34. 4 Sietoient hac voce.' " de sa route les capitaines des autres chateaux, comme le 203 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. le bourg de Breteuil, le bourg de l'Esparre, and many others of the same sort and with the same intentions, advanced towards Avignon, saying they would go and visit the pope and the cardinals, in order to have some of their money ; otherwise they should be well vexed. They waited in that neighbourhood to receive the amount of their ransoms for the prisoners taken at Brignais, as well as to see if the peace that had been made between the two kings was likely to be lasting. In their route to Avignon, they took towns, castles, and forts ; for nothing could stand before them. The whole country was in alarm ; for in those parts they had not had any war, and the guards did not know how to defend or keep their strongholds against such men at arms. These companions got information, that at the Pont du St. Esprit *, seven leagues from Avignon, there was very great wealth ; and that all the riches of the country thereabouts had been carried thither, as to a place of safety, trusting to the strength of its castle. They therefore consulted together, and agreed that if they could get possession of this town of St. Esprit, it would be of the greatest advantage to them ; for they then would be masters of the Rhone as well as of Avignon. After they had well digested their plan, Guyot du Pin and the little Mechin (as I have heard it related) mounted their horses, and, with their companies, rode one whole night to the extent of fifteen leagues. They arrived by break of day at the town of St. Esprit, which they took, and all those of both sexes which were therein. It was a pitiful sight ; for they murdered many a discreet man, and violated many a virgin. They gained immense riches, and provision sufficient to last them a whole year. They could from this town escape easily, in an hours time and without danger, into the kingdom of France, and in another hour into the empire. They collected their companies together, and kept advancing towards Avignon, at which the pope and cardinals were much alarmed. These companions had chosen, at the Pont du St. Esprit, a captain to command the whole of their forces, who was commonly styled the friend t of God, and enemy of all the world. There were at that time in France, besides these companies, many other pillagers, English, Gascons, and Germans, who were desirous of living there J, and who maintained many garrisons in fortresses. Although the commissaries from the king of England had ordered them to evacuate these castles, and to leave the country, they had not obeyed, which was very displeasing to the king of France, as well as to his council. But when many of them learnt (for they had possession of different places in France) that their brethren had overthrown the lord James de Bourbon with two thousand knights and squires, had taken a great many prisoners, and had very lately surprised and conquered the town of St. Esprit, where they had found immense riches, and that they had expectations of gaining Avignon, where they would have the pope and cardinals at their mercy, as well as all Provence, each was eager to join them, in the hopes of gain and doing more mischief. This was the reason why many warriors left their forts and castles, and advanced before their companions, expecting greater pillage. When pope Innocent VI. and the Roman college saw themselves thus threatened by these accursed people, they were exceedingly alarmed, and ordered a croisade to be published against these wicked Christians, who were doing everything in their power to destroy Christianity (like the Vandals § of old, without right or reason) by ruining all the countries * Pont du St. Esprit, — a town of lower Languedoc, on the Rhone, diocese and receipt of Uzes ; so called from one of the most beautiful bridges in Europe built over the Rhone, in the road from Montpelier to Paris. It is probable that the town of Pont St. Esprit was taken twice ; for a chronisle, written in the reign of king John, assures us positively, 'que les compagnons qui etoient sortis de la France, et qui se faisoient appeler la grande compagnie,' took possession of the town and castle of St. Esprit on Innocents' day, 1360. — Chronique, MSS. du Roi Jean, Bibliot. du Roi, No. 9652. t " Friend." Denys Sauvage says, in a note on the mar- gin, that instead of ami it was ennemi in all the editions; but that he had corrected it from the two abridgments. He is certainly right as to the printed editions of Verard and Eustace, as well as in lord Berners' translation and Barnes's History of Edward III. ; but it is ami in my two MSS. J Lord Berners uses these words, " who sayd they must nedes lyue, v which fully express the feelings and con- dition of these disbanded soldiers Ed. § " Vandals." Denys Sauvage has Bandes, and says it is so in all the editions, but that he thinks it should be Van. dais. It is Vandes in all my printed editions, as well as MSS. [Lord Berners' version is, " And than ordeyned a croysey agaynst these yuell christen people who dyde their payne to> distroy chrystendome as other bandes had done before without tytell of any reason." May not this have reference to the expedition of the archpriest mentioned before, instead of to the Vandals ? — En. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. 200 whither they resorted ; by robbing, wherever they could find anything ; by violating women both young and old, without pity : and by killing men, women, and children, without mercy' who had done no ill to them ; for he was reckoned the bravest, and most honoured, who could boast of the most villanous actions. The pope and the cardinals had therefore a croisade publicly preached. They absolved from every crime and sin * all those who should take the cross, and voluntarily give them- selves up to destroy these wretches. The cardinals elected the lord Peter de Monstier cardinal d' Arras, by some called cardinal d'Ostia, to be the chief of this croisade ; who, upon his nomination, immediately left Avignon, and went to Carpentras, seven leagues distant, where he fixed his quarters. He retained all soldiers, and others, who were desirous of savin o- their souls, and of gaining the foresaid pardons : but he would not give them any pay, which caused many of them to depart and go into Lombardy ; others returned to their own countries, and some joined these wicked companies, which were daily increasing. They divided themselves into several companies, over each of which they nominated captains, and took up their quarters in different places. Thus they harassed the pope, the cardinals, and the merchants in the neighbourhood of Avignon, and did a great deal of mischief until the summer was far advanced of the year 1361. It happened that the pope and cardinals cast their eyes upon a very accomplished knight and good warrior ; that is to say, upon the marquis de Montferratt, who for along time had been engaged in war against the lords of Milan, and was at this time so employed. They sent to him to come to Avignon, where he was received with much honour by the pope and cardinals. A treaty was then entered into with him. He agreed, for a considerable sum of money, to free the territories of the pope and the neighbourhood of those freebooting companies, and to lead them with him into Lombardy. The marquis negotiated, therefore, with the captains of these companies J, and managed so well, that by means of sixty thousand florins which he divided among them, and the high pay he promised them, they consented to follow him into Lombardy ; but they also insisted on receiving pardon and absolution from all crimes and sin. Every article was fulfilled, and the money paid : they gave up the town of St. Esprit, quitted the territory of Avignon, and marched away with the marquis of Montferrat. King John and his whole kingdom were much rejoiced, when they found themselves delivered from these people ; but many of them returned back into Burgundy : sir Seguin de Batefoi, who kept his garrison at Ance, would not surrender it for any treaty or promise they made him : however, France was, in many places, more at peace than it had been. When the greater part of these companies had quitted the country, and had marched with the marquis de Montferrat into Piedmont, the marquis managed his affairs well against the lords of Milan. He conquered many towns, castles, and forts, and gained much territory from them. He had also many skirmishes and attacks, which turned out to his profit as well as honour ; and these companies, within the year, gave him a superiority in the war, and were in a great measure the cause that the lords Galeas and Bernabo Yisconti §, who were * A poena et culpa. — Lord Berners. f The marquis de Montferrat. John Palseologus, 16th marckgrave of Montferrat, 1338, died 1371, reigned 33 years. — Anderson? s Royal Genealogies. % "Captains of these companies." Barnes says, that the principal leader was sir John Hawkwood ; but the follow- ing quotation from the life of sir John Havvkwood, pub- lished in the 6th volume of the Bibliot. Typog. Britan. page 6, shows it was not so. " The company of English adventurers who now entered into the service of the marquis of Montferrat, 1363, is said, by Muratori, vol. xii. p. 207, to have been commanded by one Albaret. " Upon the conclusion of the peace between the marquis of Montferrat and Galeazzo, the few English who remained with the former went and joined their countrymen in Tuscany, and soon after formed a body under Hawkwood." There must be a mistake respecting the date of 1363, for Froissart, as well as Denys Sauvage, fixes it positively 1361. § In the year 1354, Matthew II., Bernabo and Galeas II., all three sons of Stephen Visconti, brother of John, succeeded their uncle in the state of Milan, and divided it into equal portions, except Milan and Genoa, which the two last individually held. Matthew dying without male children, the 26th September, 1355, Lis two brothers in- herited his portion, except Bologna, which they suffered Visconti d'Olegio to carry from them. They obtained the same year, from the emperor Charles IV. the vicegerency of Lombardy. Their union defended them against a powerful league, formed by the Florentines, the marquises of Este, of Mantua, and of Montferrat. In 1359, Galeas, assisted by his brother Bernabo, made the conquest of Pavia, in the month of November, after a long siege. In 1371, Bernabo acquired, from Feltrin de Gonzague, the city of Reggio. Galeas died 1378, aged 59 years. Muratori gives a very bad character of him. See more of the house of Visconti, in l'Art de Verifier les Dates, whence the above is taken. SOO CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, Sec. sovereigns of Milan, and who since reigned there in great prosperity, came to a proper under- standing with him. About this time sir Seguin de Batefol, who had retained his garrison at Ance upon the river Saone, took by escalade a good city in Auvergne, called Brioude, and which is situated on the river Allier. He maintained himself there for upwards of a year, and fortified it so strongly that he was not afraid of an attack : from this place he overran all the country as far as Clermont*, Tilhac, Puyf, Case Dieu J, Montferrant §, Riom||, la Nonnettelf, Ussoire**, Oudallef f , and the lands of the count Dauphin, who was at that time a hostage in England, and committed the greatest damages. When he had very much impoverished the whole country, he marched away, according to an agreement, carrying off with him great riches. Sir Seguin de Batefol + J returned into Gascony, whence he had originally come. Of this sir Seguin I know no more, except that by accident I heard it related that he died in an extra- ordinary manner. God pardon him for all his misdeeds ! CHAPTER CCXVI. — THE DEATHS OF THE DUKES OF LANCASTER AND OF BURGUNDY, WHICH LAST CAUSES NEW DISSENSIONS BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. THE PRINCE OF WALES CROSSES THE SEA TO AQUITAINE. At this period died in England the good duke of Lancaster §§, whose Christian name was Henry. The king and all his barons, knights, and squires, were much afflicted, and wished it had not been so. He left two daughters, the lady Maude and the lady Blanche. The eldest was married to the earl of Hainault of the name of William, son of the lord Lewis of Bavaria and Margaret of Hainault. The youngest was married to the lord John, earl of Richmond, son of the king of England, who was afterwards duke of Lancaster, in right of his wife, and by the death of Henry duke of Lancaster. In this season also died the young duke Philip of Burgundy |] || , earl of Burgundy, of Artois and of Boulogne, palatine of Brie and Champagne. He married the daughter of Louis earl of Flanders, by one of the daughters of John duke of Brabant, to whom fell the earldom of Burgundy, by the near relationship of Margaret his mother, who did homage and fealty for it to the king of France. The lord John of Boulogne, earl of Auvergne, came, by the same means, into possession of the earldom of Boulogne, and was homager to the king of France. King John also, from his proximity, took possession of and retained the duchy of Burgundy, and all rights over Champagne and Brie, which was highly displeasing to the king of Navarre ; but he could not help himself ; for he claimed Champagne and Brie, as being the * Clermont, or Clermont-Ferrard. capital of Auvergne. -j- Puy, — a village in Auvergne, diocese of Clermont. + Case Dieu, Q. an abbey, diocese of Auch. § Montferrant, — a town in Auvergne, near Clermont. || Rion, Riom, — a city of Auvergne, near Clermont. H LaNonnette, — a town of Auvergne, election of Issoire. ** Ussoire, Usson, — a town of Auvergne, four leagues from Brioude. ■jrj- Oudalle, I cannot find, nor Tilhac. " Sir Seguin de Batefol." Mezeray calls him Simon Batefol. Villaret calls him gentilhomme navarrois, and gays that he died from some poisoned oranges, which Charles le Mauvais, king of Navarre, had served at dinner, in order to get rid of him. He was desirous of engaging sir Seguin de Batefol to make fresh disturbances in France, contrary to the promise he had made king John, on sur- rendering Brioude : but he asked too large a sum ; and, having possession of Charles's secret, he thus poisoned him that it might not be divulged. — Histoirede France, par Villaret, torn. v. p. 258. §§ " Henry duke of Lancaster, who died of the plague of 1360, was buried on the south side of the high altar of the collegiate church of Leicester, founded by his father (not by him, as in Dugdale), and on the next niche to him lay a lady, by likelihood his wife." — GQuyh's Sep. Mon. " He left issue by his wife Isabel, daughter of Henry lord Beaumont, two daughters, his heiresses. Maude first married to Ralph, son and heir to Ralph Lord Stafford, and afterwards to William duke of Zealand ; and Blanche (by virtue of a special dispensation from the pope, in re- gard to their near alliance) to John of Gaunt, earl of Richmond, fourth son to Edward III. and afterwards duke of Lancaster. — Dugdale' s Baronage, vol. 1, p. 789. Maude came to England soon after her father's death, and died, supposed by poison. — Knyghton. |||| Philip duke of Burgundy succeeded to the earldoms of Boulogne and Auvergne at the age of fifteen by the death of his mother, 29th September, 1360. Towards the latter end of November, 1361, he died at Rouvre, and was buried at Citeaux. He lived but a short time, and was very much regretted, as he promised well. The duchy of Burgundy passed to the king of France, not by virtue of the law of appanages, but as being nearest heir to duke Philip. The earldom of Burgundy, by the same right, passed to Margaret, who married Philip, fourth son of John king of France, who was created duke of Burgundy by letters patent, 6th Sept. 1363.— V Art de verifier lea Dates. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, & c . 301 nearest heir : his reasons were not listened to, for king John hated him much, and declared that he should never possess a foot of ground in Champagne nor in Brie *. About this time, the king of France had formed a resolution to go to Avignon, and visit the pope and cardinals, and, in his road, to amuse himself by inspecting the duchy of Burgundy, which had lately fallen in to him. The king, therefore, ordered preparations to be made, and set out from Paris about St. John's day 1362, having left his eldest son Charles duke of Normandy, regent and governor of the kingdom during his absence. The king took with him the lord John of Artois, his cousin, whom he much loved ; the earl of Tancarville, the earl of Dampmartin, Boucicault marshal of France, sir Arnold d'Andreghen, the grand prior of France, and several others. He travelled slowly and with much expense, making some stay in all the cities and towns of Burgundy, so that he did not arrive at Villeneuve t, until about Michaelmas. It was there that his hotel was prepared, as well for himself as for his attendants. He was most magnificently received and feasted by the pope and the college at Avignon : the king, pope, and cardinals, visited each other often. The king remained at Villeneuve during the whole time J. About Christmas pope Innocent VI. departed this life : and the cardinals were in great discord about the election of another, for each was desirous of that honour ; more particularly the cardinals of Boulogne and Perigord, who were the greatest in the college. Their dissensions kept the conclave a long time shut up. The conclave had ordered and arranged everything according to the desires of the two before-mentioned cardinals, but in such a manner that neither of them could succeed to the papacy : upon which they both agreed, that none of their brethren should wear the papal crown, and elected the abbot de St. Victor § of Marseilles, who was a holy and learned man, of good morals, and who had laboured hard for the church in Lombardy and other places. The two cardinals sent to inform him of his elevation, and to desire he would come to Avignon : which he did as soon as possible, and received this gift with joy. He was called Urban V., and reigned with great prosperity : he augmented much the power of the church, and did great good to Rome and other parts. Soon after this election, the king of France heard that the lord Peter de Lusignan, king of Cyprus and Jerusalem, was on his road to Avignon, having crossed the sea : upon which he resolved to wait for him, as he was anxious to see one of whom so many handsome things had been related, for having made war upon the Saracens. Lately, the new king of Cyprus, had taken the strong city of Satalie 1 1 from the enemies of God, and had slain, without any exceptions, all the inhabitants of both sexes whom he had found there. There was, during this winter, a full parliament holden in England, respecting regulations * In place of this paragraph lord Bcmers has the fol- lowing:—" The lord James of Buibone abode styll pursuynge the treaty bytwene the lorde John of Mount- forde and the lord Charles of Bloys for the right of the duchy of Bretayne acordyng to the treaty begon at Calais as ye have herd before. And for lacke of concludyng thereof great warres and yuels fell after in the countri of Bretayne as ye shall here in this hystorie." — Ed. f Villeneuve d' Avignon, — a town of lower Languedoc, on the Rhone, opposite to Avignon. | Villaret seems to think Froissart has made a mistake respecting this visitofthe king, and that it was to prevent the marriage of Edmund earl of Cambridge, son of king Edward III. with the widow of the late duke of Burgundy, by means of the pope. " Since his (the king's) return from London, he made only one journey to the court of Avignon, where he did not arrive until after the death of Innocent VI." This opinion will not agree with what Froissart says of the entertainments and feasts he received from the pope. John must have made two journeys, at a short distance from one another. The contrary, however, is proved by the letters of this king, preserved in the fourth volume des Ordon- nances. Froissart will have, without doubt, confounded this journey with the one made before his imprisonment. —Hist, de France vol. v. p. 270, note. In the Grands Chroniquesde St. Denis, vol. ii. feuillet 273. « In the month of August, 1362, the king of France set out to visit the pope, Innocent, at Avignon, who was then alive, and that same year, the 22nd Dec, he died." " King John entered Avignon St. Catherine's day, the 22nd November. Pope Urban received him very honour- ably in consistory, and retained him to dinner." There must be some mistake in these dates. § " Abbot de St. Victor." Urban V. William Grimoald, abbot de St. Germain d'Auxerre, then abbot of St. Victor de Marseille, was elected pope, 28th September, 1362, at the age of 53 years.; he died 19th December, 1370. || City of Satalie, — is the Attalea of the ancients, situated in Pamphilia, a province which at this day makes part of Caramania. Antalia, or Satklie,— at the bottom of the gulf of Satalie. — D 1 Anville' s map. Geographie Moderne. Peter de Lusignan had succeeded his father Hugh. He did not arrive at Avignon until the 29th March, 1362, the Wednesday of the holy week. Valdemar, king of Denmark, was there at the same time, who came to place his person and kingdom under tho protection of the holy see. — Villaret, Hist, de France. Peter I. succeeded his father Hugh, as king of Cypru3, in 1361. January 18, 1372, he was assassinated by two lords whom he had abused. He disgraced the glories and fame of his early life by his debaucheries and cruelties in his latter days. — Art de verifier les Dates. 302 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. for the country, but more especially to form establishments for the king's sons They considered that the prince of Wales kept a noble and grand state, as he might well do ; for he was valiant, powerful, and rich, and had besides a large inheritance in Aquitaine, where provisions and everything else abounded. They therefore remonstrated with him, and told him from the king his father, that it would be proper for him to reside in his duchy, which would furnish him withal to keep as grand an establishment as he pleased. The barons and knights of Aquitaine were also desirous of his residing among them, and had before intreat.ed the king to allow him so to do ; for although the lord John Chandos was very agreeable and kind to them, they still loved better to have their own natural lord and sovereign than any other. The prince readily assented to this, and made every preparation becoming his own and his wife's rank*. When all was ready, they took leave of the king, the queen and their brothers ; set sail from England, and were landed, with their attendants, at La Eochelle. But we will for a while leave this prince, and talk of some other regulations which were made at this time in England. It was enacted by the king and his council, that the lord Lionel, the king's second son, and who had borne the title of earl of Ulster, should from thenceforward bear that of duke of Clarence ; and the lord John, who was called earl of Richmond, was created duke of Lancaster, which estate came to him by his wife, the lady Blanche, as heiress to the good duke of Lancaster, her father. It was also taken into con- sideration by the king and his council, that the lord Edmund, the king's youngest son, who was called earl of Cambridge, should be well provided for, and, if it were possible, that he should be united in marriage with the daughter of the earl of Flanders, at that time a widow. However, that matter, though proposed, was not fully entered upon ; for it would be necessary to go cautiously to work about it ; besides, the lady herself was sufficiently young. About this time, the lady Isabella of France, mother of the king, died. She was daughter of Philip the Fair. The king ordered a most magnificent and pompous funeral for her, at the Friar Minors t ; at which all the prelates and barons of England, as well as the lords of France who were hostages for the performance of the articles of peace, attended. This happened before the prince and princess of Wales left England ; soon after which they set out, and arrived at La Rochelle, where they were received with great joy, and remained four whole days. As soon as the lord John Chandos (who had governed the duchy of Aquitaine a considerable time) was informed that the prince was coming, he set out from NiortJ, where he resided, and came to La Rochelle with a handsome attendance of knights and squires, where they feasted most handsomely the prince, princess, and their suite. The prince was conducted from thence, with great honour and rejoicings, to the city of Poitiers. The barons and knights of Poitou and Saintonge, who at that time resided there, came and did homage and fealty to him. The prince rode from city to city, and from town to town, receiving everywhere due homage and fealty. He at last came to Bordeaux, where he resided a considerable time, and the princess with him. The earls, viscounts, barons, knights, and lords of Gascony, came thither to pay their respects to him : all of whom he received in so gracious and pleasing a manner, that every one was contented. Even the count de Foix came to visit him, whom the prince and princess received most honourably, and treated him magnificently. A peace was at this time concluded between him and the count d'Armagnac, with whom there had been a continual warfare for a very considerable time. The lord John Chandos was soon after appointed constable of all Guienne, and sir Guiscard d' Angle marshal. The prince thus provided for the knights of his own country and his household, particularly those he loved most, with these noble and handsome offices, which were at his disposal in the duchy of Aquitaine. He nominated to all his stewartries and bailiwicks knights from England, who kept up greater state and magnificence than the inhabitants of the country could have wished : but things did not go according to their desires. We will now leave the prince and the princess of Wales, to speak of king John of France, who at this time was at Yilleneuve d' Avignon. * " His wife's rank.'' The prince of Wales married this from him, then she was married to si» Thomas Holland. — year the lady Joan, daughter of Edmund Plantagenet earl Fabian. of Kent, commonly called the fair countess of Kent. She f Friar Minors, — commonly called the Grey Friars, now was a widow, and of the hlood royal of England. She a parish church called Christ Church. — Grafton. was first married to the earl of Salisbury, and divorced % Niort, a city in Poitou, diocese of La Rochelle. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE &c. m CHAPTER CCXVII. THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND OF CYPRUS UNDERTAKE AND SWEAR TO PERFORM A CROISADE AGAINST THE INFIDELS. THE KING OF CYPRUS MAKES EARNEST SOLICITATIONS FOR ASSISTANCE TO MANY KINGS AND PRINCES IN DIVERS PLACES OF CHRISTENDOM. About Candlemas*, 1362, the king of Cyprus came to Avignon : at which event the whole court was much rejoiced, and many cardinals went out to meet him, and to conduct him to the palace of pope Urban, who received him very graciously, as did the king of France, who was present. When they had remained together some time, and had had wines and spices served to them, the two kings took leave of the pope, and each went to his hotel. During this time, there was a public combat before the king of France, at Villeneuve, from pledges given and received, between two valiant and noble knights, whose names were sir Aymon de Pommiers and sir Foulques d'Archiac. When they had fought well and valorously for a length of time, the king of France appeased them, and made up their quarrel. The two kings remained the whole Lent at Avignon, or thereabout. They often vrsited the pope, who received them with joy. During these frequent visits, the king of Cyprus remonstrated with the pope, the king of France, and the cardinals present, how noble and praiseworthy a thing it would be for Christendom, to open a holy passage beyond sea, and to fall upon the enemies of the true faith. The king of France listened eagerly to this discourse, and proposed that for himself he would willingly undertake such an enterprise, if he should live three years only, for two reasons : one was, that king Philip, his father, had formerly made a vow to do the same ; the other was, to draw out of his kingdom all those men at arms, called free companions, who pillaged and robbed his subjects without any shadow of right, and to save their souls. These reasons, however, the king of France kept to himself, without mentioning them to any one, until Holy Friday, when the pope preached in his chapel before the kings of France and Cyprus, and the College of Cardinals. After the sermon, which was very humble and devout, the king of France, through his great devotion, put on the cross, and requested the pope, with great sweetness, to confirm it to him. The pope immediately and benignantly complied with his request, and crossed in like manner the lord Talleyrand cardinal de Perigord, the lord John d'Artois, the earl of Eu, the earl of Dampmartin, the earl of Tancarville, the lord Arnold d' Andreghen, the grand prior of France, the lord Boucicaut, and many knights there present. The king of Cyprus was highly pleased, and returned fervent thanks to the Lord for having inspired their hearts. Thus, as you have heard, the king of France, and those barons and knights that were with him, put the red cross upon their outward robes. The holy father gave it his benedic- tion, and ordered it to be preached in many places : not, however, throughout all Christen- dom, for a reason I will give. The king of Cyprus (who had come thither with the intention of forming this croisade, having promised himself much pleasure in visiting the emperor and all the great barons of the empire, the king of England, and the chief princes of Christendom, which he did, as this history hereafter will show you), offered to the holy father and to the king of France his personal services, his wealth, and his eloquence, wherever he should arriye or make any stay, in remonstrating and arguing the grace and devotion of this expedition, in order to excite all those princes and lords to join in it who before had not had much religion. This said king was so much honoured, as it was but just he should be, that, from the eloquence and warmth with which he would display the value of this expedition to the different princes, he would gain more hearts than all the preachments. The pope assented to this proposal, which was then resolved on. Soon after Easter, 1363, the king of Cyprus left Avignon, saying he was going to visit the emperor and the lords of the empire, and then return by Brabant, Flanders, and * " Candlemas." Denys Sauvage says, in a note on the year 1565 at the first of January ; whereas formerly the margin, that Froissart forgets in this place to hegin the year commenced at Easter. It appears to me that its year the first of January. commencement ought to be the 21st December, or rather " By an edict given by Charles IX. at Roussillon the 21st of March."— Essais Historiques sur Paris, Chateau in Dauphine. 1564, he fixed the beginning of the tome iii. p. 328. 304 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Hainault, to the kingdom of France. He took leave of the pope and the king of France, who on every occasion showed him marked attentions ; the pope gave to him and to his attendants presents of jewels and benedictions*. Soon after the departure of the king of Cyprus, the king of France took leave of the pope, and went towards the city of Montpellier, in order to visit Languedoc, where he had not been for a long time. We will now return to the king of Cyprus, and to the journey which he made. After many days' travel in Germany, he came to a city called Prague, and found there the emperor of Germany, the lord Charles of Bohemia f , who received him magnificently, as did all the lords of the empire who were with him. The king of Cyprus remained in Prague and in its environs three weeks, and greatly exerted himself in exhorting all the Germans to assist in this holy expedition. The emperor defrayed his expenses during the stay he made, and for his journeys in Germany. The king of Cyprus went next to the duchy of Juliers, where the duke received him with much feasting and rejoicings. From the duchy he went to Brabant, Avhere the duke and duchess received him magnificently in the good town of Brussels. He was there entertained with grand dinners, suppers, tourna- ments, and other sports, in which he knew well how to play his part ; and, at his departure, they made him many presents of rich jewels. When he left Brussels, he went to Flanders, to visit earl Lewis, who received and feasted him grandly. He found at Bruges the king of Denmark, who had come thither to see him. They were magnificently treated at Bruges ; insomuch that the two kings were very well pleased with earl Lewis, and with the knights and barons of his country. The king of Cyprus thus passed his summer, since he had left Avignon, in his journey through the empire and along its frontiers, exhorting all to undertake this expedition against the Saracens. This gave much pleasure to many of the great lords, who were desirous that it should be accomplished ; but many others excused themselves from taking part in it CHAPTER CCXVIII. — THE KING OP ENGLAND DETAINS THE HOSTAGES AS PRISONERS. THE KING OF CYPRUS USES GREAT INTREATIES WITH THE KINGS OF NAVARRE AND ENGLAND AND THE PRINCE OF WALES, TO INDUCE THEM TO UNDERTAKE THIS CROISADE AGAINST THE SARACENS. About this time, the king of England showed much favour to four dukes, viz. the duke of Orleans, the duke of Anjou, the duke of Berry, and the duke of Bourbon. These lords had returned to Calais, whence they had liberty to make excursions whither they chose for three days ; but they were to return on the fourth day by sun-set. The king had granted this favour with the good intent of their being nearer to make solicitations to their friends, and that they might hasten their ransoms, which they were eager to do. During the time the four above-mentioned lords were at Calais, they sent many and pressing messages to the king of France, and to the duke of Normandy his eldest son, who had nominated them as hostages, to remonstrate with them on the subject of their ransoms, which they had sworn and promised to attend to at the time they went to England, otherwise they would have undertaken it themselves, threatening no longer to consider themselves as prisoners. But although these lords were, as you know, very near relations to the king of France, their solicitors and messengers were not listened to, nor themselves ransomed, which was very displeasing to them, more particularly to the duke of Anjou, who declared he would himself find a remedy, happen what would. At this moment, the kingdom and the councils of the king and duke of Normandy were hardly pressed, as well on account of the croisade which the king had undertaken, as for the war with the king of Navarre, who was harassing the realm of France, and who had recalled some of the captains and companions from Lombardy, in order the better to carry on his designs. This was the principal reason why they could not immediately attend to tho * Many fayre gyfts and ieaweh and pardons. — Lord Berners. •f Lord Charles of Bohemia, — Charles IV. emperor of Germany. He published the famous Golden Bull, that nas ever since regulated all the elections of emperors of Germany. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 305 ransoms of the four dukes, nor give satisfactory answers by tlicir messengers, when they came to France. We will now return to the king of Cyprus. When he had visited the empire and other countries, as you have heard, he returned to France, where he was magnificently received by the king and the great lords of his court. Several councils were held on the subject of this croisade, to discover in what manner it could turn out to the honour of the king of France or to the good of his realm. The wisest were of opinion, that seeing the kingdom so much harassed, robbed, and ruined, by the companies and thieves that invaded it from all parts, this expedition ought not to take place until the kingdom were in a better state, or till peace were made with the king of Navarre. However, notwithstanding the good sense of this advice, the king would not listen to it, nor allow his ardour for this croisade to be cooled. He confirmed his engagement to the king of Cyprus, and promised to be at Marseilles in March the ensuing year (which would be 1364), and that then he would without delay cross the sea, and order purveyances to all who were willing to do the same. Upon this, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the king of France, finding that he had sufficient time to return to his own country and make his preparations. He considered with himself, if he should not do well to pay a visit to his cousin the king of Navarre, and endeavour, if possible, to make a peace between him and the king of France. He therefore set out from Paris with a grand equipage, and took the road to Rouen ; where, when he was arrived, he was most handsomely received by his cousin the lord John d'Alencon, arch- bishop of Rouen, who entertained him very agreeably for three days. On the fourth he departed, taking the road to Caen, and continued his route to Cherbourg, where he found the king of Navarre, the lord Louis * his brother, and a very small company with them. These two lords of Navarre received the king of Cyprus graciously and honourably, feasted him grandly, as they had the means, and knew well how to use them. Whilst he was there, he endeavoured to begin a treaty between them and the king of France, and talked to them frequently and eloquently upon this subject ; for he was a man of excellent under- standing, master of many languages, and much beloved. The two brothers made very handsome replies to him, but excused themselves by saying, it was not their fault if they were not good friends with the king and realm of France ; for their great desire was to be so, but the king must give back their inheritance which he held from them wrongfully. The king of Cyprus would willingly have brought this business to a conclusion, for the king of Navarre would have left it to him, had not their differences been too great. When the king of Cyprus had remained at Cherbourg about fifteen days, having been entertained by the king of Navarre and his brother suitably to his rank, he took leave of them, saying he should not rest until he had been in England, and exhorted king Edward and his children to put on the cross. He departed from Cherbourg, and arrived at Caen ; thence he crossed the sea at Pont de i'Arche + ; and entered Ponthieu ; having passed the Somme at Abbeville J, he came to Rue §, to Montreuil ||, and to Calais, where he found the three dukes of Orleans, Berry and Bourbon : for the duke of Anjou had returned to France, but by what means or in what condition I know not ^f. * '•' Lord Louis," Charles had two brothers, Philip and Stowe says, in his Chronicle, that the duke of Anjou, Louis ; but which is here meant, I know not. Denys by breaking his word and oath to return to England as Sauvage says it was Philip, my MSS. Louis. one of the hostages for king John, and thus deceiving him, f Pont de 1'Arche, — a town of Normandy, on the was the cause of his majesty's death, through grief- Seine, diocese of Evreux. t Abbeville,— a considerable town in Lower Picardy, Carte 8a y s > " Their negotiations not succeeding, the diocese of Amiens. duke °f Anjou made use of that indulgence to escape § Rue, a small'town in Picardy. int0 France : the kin & his father ' bl ? m< ; d him exceedingly, || Montreuil.— a town in Picardy, diocese of Amiens. and > to re P air his son ' s fau ts > resolved to go himself to f See Pvymer, anno 1363, for different letters from England, and, by a personal treaty with Edward, remove king John whilst at Avignon, and other matters respecting the obstructions which had hitherto prevented the full the ransoms of these princes of the blood. It appears execution of the treaty of Bretigny. His ministers tried that they were all promised their freedom, on possession in vain ' to dl f uad , e from this resolution ; for he told being given to the officers named by king Edward of them ' that th °"g h g ood & * were banished out of the certain lands and castles belonging to each of them , dated rest of the ^rld it ought still to be found m the words of at Westminster, 26th May 1363. The duke of Anjou P rinces ' and as the performance of the articles of that and other hostages broke their parole and escaped. In ^ty *as the condition of his, he would at any rate bee the Foedera 1364, there are various remonstrances made tl)em executed. by Edward on this subject. x 806 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. These three dukes, prisoners, though they were in the town of Calais, received the king of Cyprus very joyfully, and the king behaved with equal politeness to them. They con- tinued together for twelve days. When the king of Cyprus had a favourable wind, he crossed the Straits, and arrived at Dover. He remained there two days to recover himself, whilst they unloaded his vessel and disembarked his horses. The king then continued his route by easy day-journeys, until he arrived at the good city of London. He was honourably received on his arrival, as well by the barons of France, who were there as hostages, as by the English lords, who had rode out to meet him ; for king Edward had ordered some of his knights, viz. the earl of Hereford *, sir Walter Manny, the lord Despencer f , the lord Ralph de Ferrers J, sir Richard Pembridge §, sir Richard Stafford ||, and others to meet him, who accompanied and conducted him to the lodgings which were prepared for him in the city of London. It would take me a day were I to attempt relating to you the grand dinners, suppers, and other feasts and entertainments that were made, and the magnificent presents, gifts and jewels which were given, especially by queen Philippa, to the accomplished king of Cyprus. In truth, he was deserving of them, for he had come a long way and at a great expense, to visit them, to exhort the king to put on the red cross, and assist in regaining countries now occupied by the enemies of God. But the king of England politely and wisely excused himself, by saying : " Certainly, my good cousin, I have every inclination to undertake this expedition ; but I am growing too old, and shall leave it to my children. I make no doubt, that when it shall have been begun, you will not be alone, but will be followed most willingly by my knights and squires." " Sir," replied the king of Cyprus, " what you say satisfies me. I verily believe they will come, in order to serve God, and do good to themselves ; but you must grant them permission so to do ; for the knights of your country are eager in such expeditions." " Yes," answered the king of England ; " I will never oppose such a work, unless some things should happen to me or to my kingdom which I do not at this moment foresee." The king of Cyprus could never obtain any thing more from king Edward, in respect to this croisacle ; but, as long as he remained, he was politely and honourably feasted with a variety of grand suppers. About this time king David IT of Scotland had some affairs to transact with king Edward that made it necessary for him to come to England ; so that when he heard the king of Cyprus was there, he hastened his journey, in order to meet him, and made such dispatch that he arrived in London before he had left it. The two kings were much rejoiced to meet, and congratulated each other upon it. The king of England gave them two grand entertain- ments in his palace of Westminster. At the last of these, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the king and queen of England, who made him very magnificent presents : king Edward gave him also a ship called the Catharine, which was very beautiful and well built. The king of England had had her constructed, by his orders, to make the vo\'age to Jerusalem. She was valued at twelve thousand francs, and lay in the harbour of Sandwich. The king of Cyprus was much pleased with this gift, and returned many thanks for it. He made no long stay after this in England, but returned to the king of France. The king * The earl of Hereford, — son of William Bohun, earl || Sir Richard Stafford, — was son to sir Richard Staf- of Northampton, succeeded to the title and estates of ford, brother to Ralph, earl of Stafford. He served in Hereford, on the death of his uncle, Humphry de Bohun, Edward III.' s wars in Gascony, and was summoned to in 1361. He was afterwards nominated ambassador to parliament among the barons, from 44th Edward III. the duke of Milan, respecting the marriage of his daughter until 4th Richard II. inclusive. Violante to the duke of Clarence, and died shortly after. •f Lord Despencer,. — grandson of Edward that was ^[ " King David." It appears, by Rymcr, from the pass- executed at Hereford. He enjoyed much favour under port granted him by king Edward, the 20th February, Edward HI. and was buried at Tewkesbur-y. 1364, that David Bruce's journey into England was to X " Lord Ralph de Ferrers." I cannot find in Dugdale's pay his devotions at the shrine of Our Lady at Walsing- Baronage any of this family that bore the name of Ralph, ham. The same religicus motives might have made him There is Rauf de Ferriers, banneret, in Ashmole, which so eager to converse with the king of Cyprus on the sub- I suppose must be the same. ject of the croisade. — His passport was to continue in § Sir Richard Pembridge, — was fifty-third knight of force until the ensuing Michaelmas, the garter. He died 1375, and his tomb is in Hereford His new queen, Margaret Logie, had at the same time cathedral. The only account I can find of him is in a passport, to pay her devotions at the shrine of Thomas Mr. Gough's first volume of Sepulchral Monuments, to a Becket, at Canterbury, which I refer. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. of England, however, defrayed all his and his attendants' expenses during the time he remained, as well as the cost of his journeys in coming and returning. I do not know how it was, nor for what reason, but he left the ship in the harbour of Sandwich ; for, two years afterwards, I saw it there at anchor. The king of Cyprus left England *, and crossed the sea to Boulogne. Having learnt on the road, that the king of France, the duke of Normandy, the lord Philip, youngest son to king John, and the council of state, were to be in the good town of Amiens, the king of Cyprus took that road, and found the king of France just arrived, with part of his council. He was kindly received by them, and related to them the greater part of his travels, which they listened to with pleasure. When he had been there some time, he said that as yet he had done but little, until he should have seen the prince of Wales ; and that, if it pleased God, he would go visit him, as well as the barons of Poitou and Aquitaine, before he returned home. The king of France made no objection to this, but earnestly entreated, that when he set out on his return home, he would take his departure from France, to which the king of Cyprus readily assented. He therefore left Amiens, taking the road to Beauvais, passed the Seine at Pontoise, and continued his route to Poitiers. At this time, the prince was at Angouleme, where there were shortly to be grand enter- tainments and justs by forty knights and as many squires, in honour of the princess, who had lately been brought to bed of a handsome son, called Edward t, after his father. As soon as the prince was informed of the arrival of the king of Cyprus at Poitiers, he sent by special command, sir John Chandos, attended by many knights and squires of his household, to meet him. They accompanied him, with great joy and respect, to the prince, who received him most kindly and honourably. We will now leave the king of Cyprus for a while, and return to the king of France, to relate what were the reasons why he and his council had come to Amiens. CHAPTER CCXIX. KING JOHN RETURNS, OF HIS OWN FREE WILL, TO ENGLAND, AND DIES THERE. I was informed, and indeed truly, that king John had a wish to go to England, to visit his brother king Edward and the queen his sister, and for this effect had summoned part of his council.— They could not make him change his mind, though they gave freely their opinions on the subject : and many of the prelates and barons of France told him, he would do a very foolish thing, if he again put himself in the power of the king of England. But the king answered, that he had found so much loyalty and honour in his brother the king of England, the queen, and his nephews their children, that he could not sufhciently praise them : he did not in the least doubt but that they would be courteous, polite, and loyal, and friends to him in all situations. He was also anxious to go to England, in order to make excuses for his son, the duke of Anjou, who had returned to France. On hearing this, not * Barnes, in his history of Edward III. says, that the king of Denmark and the duke of Bavaria accompanied him to England, and that their passports were dated 6th December. In Rymer, there is a passport for Waldemar, king of Denmark, dated the 1st of February, 1364, to continue to the ensuing Michaelmas, for himself and three hundred horsemen, &c, but not one word is said of the king of Cyprus, nor of the duke of Bavaria. a Anno reg. 31, 1357. — Henry Picard, vintner, mayor of London, in one day did sumptuously feast Edward king of England, Jobn king of France, the king of Cyprus (then newly arrived in England), David king of Scots, Edward prince of Wales, with many noblemen and others : and after, the said Henry Picard kept his hall against all comers whosoever that were willing to play at dice and hazard. In like manner, the lady Margaret, his wife, did also keep her chamber to the same intent. The king of Cyprus, playing with Henry Picard in his hall, did win of him fifty marks; but Henry being very skilful in that art, altering his hand, did after win of the said king the same fifty marks and fifty marks more ; which when the said king began to take in ill part, altbough he dissem- bled the same, Henry said unto him, ' My lord and king, be not aggrieved : I covet not your gold, but your play ; for I have not bid you hither that I might grieve you, but that amongst other things I might try your play and gave him his money again, plentifully bestowing his own amongst the retinue. Besides, he gave many rich gifts to the king and other nobles and knights, who dined with him, to the great glory of the citizens of London in those days." — Stowe's Chronicle. . ■f " By her (the princess) he had two sons, namely, Edward the eldest, born at Angouleme in February, 1365 (Leland saith 1364), who died in Gasooigne at seven years of age," — and Richard, who was afterwards king of England. — Ashmole's Garter, p. 676. x 2 308 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. one of the council had a word more to say, since his majesty had thus ordered and settled it. He again appointed his son, the duke of Normandy, regent of France during his absence. He promised his youngest son, the lord Philip, that on his return from the journey he was about to make # , lie would create him duke of Burgundy, and that he should inherit the lands of that duchy. When all things were prepared according to his orders, and his purveyances sent to Boulogne, he departed from the city of Amiens, and, having begun his journey, continued it until he came to Hesdin, where he remained to pass his Christmas. — The earl, Louis of Flanders, who was much attached to him, came there to visit his majesty; and they continued together, about three or four days. On Innocent's day, he left Hesdin, rode forwards to Boulogne, where he took up his quarters in the abbey, and remained there until he had a favourable wind. He was accompanied, when he crossed the sea, by the following nobles of his realm, the lord John d'Artois, the earl of Eu, the earl of Dampmartin, the grand prior of France, the lord Boucicaut, marshal of France, sir Tristan de Maguelles, sir Peter and sir John de Villiers, sir John d'Anville, sir Nicholas Bracque, and several great knights. When their vessels were laden, and the mariners had a wind to their wishes, they informed the king, who embarked on board his vessel about midnight, as did his attendants on board of theirs. Having set their sails for the coast of England, they arrived at Dover about vespers. It was on the day preceding the vigil of the feast of the Three Kings, called the Epiphany t. News was brought to the king of England (who at that time was with his queen at Eltham, a very magnificent palace which the king had, seven miles from London), that the king of France had landed at Dover. He immediately ordered many knights of his house- hold to go and congratulate the king on his arrival ; the lord Bartholomew Burghersh J, sir Richard Pembridge §, sir Allan Boxhall ||, and several others. They took leave of king Edward, and rode towards Dover, where they found the king of France, who had remained there since his arrival. They attended and conducted him with every mark of respect and honour, as they well knew how to do. Among other compliments, they told him the king their lord was much rejoiced at his coming, which the king of France readily believed. On the morrow morning, the king and his attendants were on horseback early, and rode to Canterbury, where they dined. On entering the cathedral, the king paid his devotions to the shrine of St. Thomas a Becket, and presented to it a rich jewel of great value. The king of France remained two days in the city of Canterbury. The third day he set out, taking the road to London, and rode on until he came to Eltham, where the king of England was, with a number of lords, ready to receive him. It was on a Sunday, in the afternoon, that he arrived : there were, therefore, between this time and supper, many grand dances and carols. The young lord de Coucy IT was there, who took pains to shine in his dancing and singing whenever it was his turn. He was in great favour with both the French and English ; for whatever he chose to do he did well and with grace. I can never relate how very honourably and magnificently the king and queen of England received king John. On leaving Eltham, he went to London ; and, as he came near, he was met by the citizens dressed out in their proper companies, who greeted and welcomed him with much reverence, and attended him with large bands of minstrels, unto the palace of the * That on his return, &c. King John's passport is in Ryraer, dated 10th December, 1363. There is also in that excellent collection, the patent of the creation of Philip duke of Burgundy, which is dated Germigny-sur- Marne, 6th September, 1 363. — Carte, vol. ii. There are two Germignys, Germigny l'Ev^que and Germigny sous Colonic, villages of Brie, in the diocese and election of Meaux. t This, according to a marginal note of Denys Sauvage, makes it 1364, beginning the year the 1st of January. % Lord Burghersh, — knight of the Garter. See Dug- dale's Baronage. § Sir Richard Pembridge. See p. 306, note. || Sir Allan Boxhall, — fifty-second knight of the Gar- ter. See Ashmole. Walsing. Ypodigma, p. 136, saith ; u Hoc anno Rob. Haule scutifer fuit occisus in ecclesia Westmon. tempore majoris missa; per quosdam regis satellites quorsum ductor extitit Alanus de Buxhalle, miles per ante non ignobilis, sed hoc facto postea semper infamis for which he waa by name excommunicated. Anno 1378, sir Ralph de Ferrars was excommunicated with him for the same offence. u Lord de Coucy." Enguerrand de Coucy, son of Enguerrand de Coucy and Catherine, daughter of Leopold, first duke of Swabia (the present Imperial family). He married Isabella, eldest daughter of Edward the Third.— Anderson's Royal Genealogies. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Savoy, which had been prepared for them. The princes of the blood royal that remained, as his hostages, in England, were also lodged in the same palace ; namely, his brother the duke of Orleans, his son the duke of Berry, his cousin the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Alencon, Guy de Blois, the earl of St. Pol, and many more. The king passed there part of the winter very gaily with his countrymen. The king of England visited him often ; as did his children, the duke of Clarence, the duke of Lancaster, and the lord Edmund his youngest son. There were several times great feastings between them, in dinners, suppers and other entertainments, at this hotel of the Savoy, and at the palace of Westminster, which is not far off, whither the king went in a private manner, whenever he chose it, by the means of the river Thames. They both frequently regretted the loss of the lord James de Bourbon, and said that it was a very unfortunate business ; for no one deserved better his rank among nobles. We will now leave the king of France for a short time, and speak of the king of Cyprus, who had come to Angouleme to visit his cousin the prince of Wales. He was most graciously received by his royal highness, and by all the barons, knights and squires of Poitou and Saintonge who were then with the prince, such as the viscount de Thouars, the young lord of Pons, the lord of Partenay, sir Louis de Harcourt, sir Guiscard d' Angle ; and, among the English, by sir John Chandos, sir Thomas Felton *, sir Nele Loring t, sir Richard de Pontchardon J, sir Simon de Basselles §, and several others, as well of that country as from England. The king of Cyprus was magnificently entertained by the prince, princess, and the barons and knights above-mentioned. He staid there upwards of a month ; and then sir John Chandos accompanied him, for his amusement, into different parts of Poitou and Saintonge, and showed him the good town of La Rochelle, where there was a grand feast made for him. When he had seen everything, he returned to Angouleme, to assist at the noble tournament which the prince held, where there were plenty of knights and squires. Soon after this feast, the king of Cyprus took his leave of the prince and of the knights of the country, but not before he had related to them the principal reason of his visit, and for what cause he had put on the red cross which he wore : how the pope had blessed this expedition, which was deserving of every praise; and how the king of France through devotion, as well as many other great lords, had put it on, and had sworn to its execution. The prince and the knights made him a courteous answer, saying, that in truth it was an expedition in which every man of worth or honour was interested ; and that, if it pleased God, and the passage were open, he would not be alone, but would be followed by all those who were desirous to advance themselves. The king of Cyprus was well pleased with this speech and took his departure ; but sir John Chandos attended him, until he had quitted the principality. It appears to me, that he went back into France, and took the road towards Paris, in the hopes of finding the king of France returned home : but it was not so ; for he was still at the palace of the Savoy, confined to his bed by sickness, of which he grew worse every day, to the great uneasiness of the king of England and his queen, as the most learned physicians had declared him to be in much danger. The duke of Normandy was informed of all this at Paris, where he resided, having the regency of the realm ; for the lord de Boucicaut had crossed the sea, to convey the news of this illness to him. The king of Navarre also heard of the progress of this disorder, which gave him no displeasure, for he hoped, if the king of France died, to carry on his war more to his satisfaction : he sent letters, therefore, to the captal de Buch |j, who at that time was *" Sir Thomas Felton," of Lutcham in Norfolk, forty- § 'Sir Simon de Basselles," probably Basset, but I ninth knight of the Garter. He was grand seneschal and cannot say more. commandant de Guienne for Richard II. He was killed „ Q x de Bud „ fifth kni hJ of the Qarter> M< £ opposing Henry Transtamare before the battle of ^ ^ ^ socond yol , Ifc ^ ^ John & Najara. Sir Thomas Hoo knight of- the Garter, married ^ f j ,. and the most renowned com . hm^t^Ansm MS.CottecUons mande V at tl / at time> wh ose unalterable loyalty to the t 'So Nele Loring, twentieth knight of he Garter. rf £ ]and ^ mch that he cW tQ Jie a isoner bee his life in Ashmole. He was chamberlain to the . -d • i Q -a 7 to ,.k„„ a.,,™ u » t>i i t> • tt ■ • j . i n ., t>. i j tt i at Pans, 1397, ra-ther than deviate trom it. Black Prince. He died the 9th Richard II. and was ' buried at Dunstable. — Anstis" MS. Collections. " Buch is a small promontory lying along the coast + "Sir Richard de Pontchardon." I cannot find anything from Bayonne to Medoc," &c. — See Anstis, about him. 310 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. •with his brother-in-law the earl of Foix *, to desire that he would come to him in Normandy, and that he would exalt him in dignities above all other lords and knights. The captal, who was fond of arms, and cousin to the king of Navarre, complied with his request. He left the earl of Foix, taking his road through the principality of Aquitaine, where he solicited several knights and squires to go with him ; but he succeeded with only a few. Neither the English, Gascons, nor Poitevins were willing to take up arms for the king of Navarre, against the crown of France ; for they considered the treaties and alliances entered into and sworn by the king of England, their sovereign lord, with the king of France at Calais, so sacred and strong, they would not by any means infringe or break them. During the time the captal de Buch was journeying towards the king of Navarre, John king of France departed this life in England. The king, queen, the princes of the blood, and all the nobles of England were exceedingly concerned at it, from the great love and affection he had shown to them since the conclusion of the peace. His brother, the duke of Orleans, and his son, the duke of Berry, were in great affliction at his death, and sent in haste to inform the duke of Normandy of the melancholy event ; who, when he was certain it was true, was much affected by it, as he had reason to be ; but, considering that everything which is created must in the course of nature have an end, and that he could not remedy this loss, he bore it as patiently as he was able. Finding himself thus successor to the inheritance of the kingdom of France, and being well informed that the king of Navarre was daily reinforcing his garrisons in the county of Evreux, and that he was engaging men at arms to carry on the war, he resolved to provide himself with an able council, and to oppose this evil by every means in his power. CHAPTER CCXX. KING CHARLES OF FRANCE MAKES WISE PREPARATIONS AGAINST THE KING OF NAVARRE, IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE DEATH OF KING JOHN HIS FATHER, AND BEFORE HIS CORONATION. At this period, there was a knight of Brittany, who had always borne arms in favour of the French, called sir Bertrand du Guesclint. His worth and fame were but little known except among the knights of Brittany, who were his neighbours in that country, where he had resided and carried on the war in favour of the lord Charles of Blois. This sir Bertrand was always much esteemed by them as a valiant knight, and well-beloved by his brethren at arms : he was already in the good graces of the duke of Normandy, on account of the great acts of valour that he had heard related of him. It happened that the duke of Normandy, soon after the death of the king his father, had very strong suspicions of the king of Navarre : he therefore gave orders to the lord of Boucicaut, saying, " Set out from hence as speedily as you can, with as many friends as possible, and ride towards Normandy, where you will meet sir Bertrand du Guesclin : I shall then desire that you both fall on the king of Navarre, and retake Mantes ; by which means we shall be masters of the river Seine." The lord de Boucicaut answered, " Sir, this I will most willingly perform J." He then quitted Paris, taking with him a great number of knights and squires. He followed the road towards Normandy, through St. Germain-en-Laye, and gave those to understand who accompanied him that he was going to attack the castle of Roulleboise §, which was detained by certain persons called free companions, who did every mischief possible. Roulleboise has a very good and strong castle upon the river Seine, about a league distant from Mantes, and was at that time filled and garrisoned by these companies and their men at arms, who carried on the war for their own benefit, and attacked the friends of the * "Earl of Foix." Gaston II. succeeded his father, 1344. Les Memoires Historiques, that the mareehal de Boucicaut His sister Blanca was married to John de Greilly. had any thing to do with the taking of Mantes, &c. as his f " Bertrand du Guesclin." For more of him, see his name never once occurs. Nor are the chronicles agreed memoirs in the third and fourth volumes of Les Memoires as to the exact date when this happened.— See Note 19, Historiques, and also in Hist, de la Bretagne, &c. Mem. Hist. X It does not appear from the memoirs of Bertrand du § Roulleboisc,— a village in Normandy, on the Seine. Guesclin, re-published in the third and fourth volumes of CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 311 kings of France and of Navarre without distinction. They had a captain of the name of Wautaire Austarde*, a native of Brussels, whom they implicitly obeyed. He paid them according to a certain fixed proportion of wages, and was an expert soldier of great courage. He and his people had pillaged the country all around ; so that no one dared travel from Paris to Mantes, nor from Mantes to Rouen or Pontoise, for fear of them ; for they attacked both French and Navarrois, pressing especially the people of Mantes very hard. Bertkand du Guksclin. From a wood-cut in a rare gothic folio, printed at Lyons, 1490, preserved in tho Bibliotheque Royale, Paris ; and called the " Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin." When the lord de Boucicaut left Paris, though he made it to be understood he was going to that part of the country, nevertheless he missed taking the right road to Roulleboise. He waited therefore for sir Bertrand du Guesclin and his army, who a short time before had made an excursion to Evreuxt, and held a parley with the inhabitants of that city; but instead of opening their gates to him, they severely attacked him with stones, &c. : he retreated, and made for the marshal, who had halted for him in a road not far from Roulle- boise. Upon mustering their forces, they found they were full five hundred men at arms. These two captains had a long conference together, upon the best means of subsisting them- selves, and what would be the surest method of gaining the town of Mantes, their principal object. They determined that the lord de Boucicaut, with one hundred of his knights only, should ride to Mantes, and feign themselves to be much frightened, crying out that the garrison of Roulleboise was in pursuit of them, and begging that they would give them admittance. If they consented, they were to seize the gates, and sir Bertrand would directly * " Wautaire Austartle.' Barnes calls him Vantair Austart. t Evreux, — an ancient city of Normandy. Its bishop is suffragan to the archbishop of Rouen. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &<$. follow with tlie remainder of the army : they would then be masters of the place. Should this plan fail, they did not see by what other means they could gain it. The council being dissolved, the lords kept the secret among themselves. The lord de Boucicaut set out, according to their plan, and took the road to Mantes : sir Bertrand went with the rest of the troops another road, but placed himself and men in ambush not far from the town. When the lord de Boucicaut was near to Mantes, he and his troops separated, like to people that had been beaten and were pursued. The marshal, attended only by ten others (followed, however, by the rest at a small distance), came to the barricadoes of the town, and cried out, " Hollo ! good people of Mantes, open your gates, I beg of you, and let us come in; for the thieves of Roulleboise have discomfited us, and are now at our heels." "Who are you?" asked those whom he had addressed. "I am, gentlemen, the lord de Boucicaut, marshal of France, whom the duke of Normandy had sent against Roulleboise : but those rogues there have beaten us, and made us fly, whether willing or not ; and they will capture me and my people unless you open your gates to us." The people of Mantes, thinking he had said nothing but truth, replied : " Sir, we know well that those in Roulle- boise are our enemies as well as yours, and that it is indifferent to them on which party they make war : on the other hand, the duke of Normandy hates us, on account of our attach- ment to the king of Navarre our lord : we are therefore in great doubt, if we shall not be betrayed by you, who are marshal of France." " By my faith, gentlemen, that shall never be ; for I am come into this country polely to destroy the garrison of Roulleboise." At these words they opened their gates. The V>rd de Boucicaut entered, with some of his companions ; but he was followed so slowly by thf remainder, that the people of Mantes had not time to shut their gates upon sir Bertrand' s men, who came in with the last of the lord de Boucicaut's party : for though the lord de Boucicaut went with his men directly to an hotel, where they disarmed themselves, in order the better to blind the inhabitants, sir Bertrand and his forces came full gallop into the town, crying, " St. Yves Guesclin ! death to the Navarrois." They entered, pillaged the houses of whatever they found, and made prisoners of whom they pleased : they also murdered several. Soon after they had possession of Mantes, a detachment of Bretons advanced to Meulan, a league distant, and very cunningly entered it. They said they were men at arms whom sir William de Graville had sent thither, and that as many or more had remained at Mantes. The people of Meulan believed the truth of this the more readily because they came by the road from Mantes, and because they could not have crossed the river but by the bridge of Mantes. Thinking what they had told them must be true, they opened their gates, which were instantly seized by the Bretons, who entered, crying out, "St. Yves Guesclin !" and began to lay about them with their arms. When the inhabitants found themselves thus deceived, and that there were no hopes of redress, they fled and saved themselves as well as they could. Thus were Mantes and Meulan taken, to the great joy of the duke of Normandy. The king of Navarre was in a furious rage when he was informed of it : he directly reinforced all his towns and castles with troops and well-tried officers : for he was much chagrined at losing Mantes and Meulan, as they were to him convenient entrances into France. This same week, the captal de Buch arrived at Cherbourg with four hundred men at arms. The king of Navarre was well pleased thereat, and received him most graciously. In his complaints against the duke of Normandy, he was very sore upon his losses of the towns of Mantes and Meulan, which, he said, had been taken from him by stealth. The captal replied: " My lord, if it please God, we will go and meet your enemies, and exert ourselves so effectually that, God willing, you shall speedily have again possession of these, as well as many other towns and castles. It is said that the king of France will very soon go to Rheims, for his coronation : we will therefore at that time begin our attack on his country." The king of Navarre, being much rejoiced at the arrival of the captal de Buch, said he should send him on an excursion into France. The king sought for men at arms wherever he could get them, or where there was any likelihood of obtaining them. There was at that time in Normandy, an English knight who formerly had borne arms for the king of Navarre : his name was sir John Jouel ; a very able and expert man in his pro- fession. He commanded about two or three hundred lances. The king of Navarre sent to CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 313 intreathim to serve under him, together with his men ; which sir John Jouel* consented to, and waited on him to place himself under his orders. The duke of Normandy was informed that the king of Navarre was collecting large bodies of men at arms, and that the captal de Buck was to be the commander of them. He therefore formed his resolutions, and wrote to sir Bertrand du Guesclin, to order him and his Bretons to make a stand against the Navarrois, and that he would speedily send him sufficient reinforcements to offer battle to the troops of the king of Navarre. At the same time, he ordered the lord de Boucicaut to remain at Mantes and Meulan. Sir Bertrand and his Bretons departed, and took up their quarters near to Yernon. In a few days afterward, the duke of Normandy sent to him some noble men at arms ; such as the earl of Auxerre, the viscount de Beaumont, the lord de Beaujeu, the lord Louis de Ch&lons, the archpriest, the master of the cross-bowmen, and many other knights and squires. About this time, several knights of Gascony came to serve under the duke of Normandy : among whom were the lord d'Albret, sir Aymon de Pommiers, the souldich de TEstrade t, sir Petiton de Courton, and several more. The duke of Normandy felt himself much obliged to them for coming to his assistance, and begged of them to go into Normandy to oppose his enemies. The above-named lords willingly obeyed, and, having put their men in proper array, marched towards Normandy, except the lord d'Albret, who remained with the duke ; but his troops went on the expedition. At this period a knight, called Beaumont de Laval, came from the French frontiers of Brittany, and advanced towards Evreux, with about forty lances under him. A young knight, sir Guy de Graville, happened to be in that town at the time, who no sooner heard of the alarm than he hastened to arm himself, ordering all the garrison to do the same : they were soon mounted, and in pursuit after them. But sir Beaumont had already succeeded in his enterprise. However, by the fleetness of his horse, sir Guy de Graville came near enough to cry out, " Beaumont, you must not go off thus : the men of Evreux must speak to you, for they wish to be better acquainted with you." When sir Beaumont thus heard himself called upon, he turned his horse about, lowered his lance, and made straight for sir Guy. These two knights met each other with such force, that their lances were shivered on their shields ; but they were so firm in their seats that neither was unhorsed, as they passed each other. On their return, they drew their swords,; and, at the same time, both their companies began to fight so furiously, that in the course of the rencounter many were unhorsed on each side. The Bretons acquitted themselves most loyally ; but in the end they could not maintain their ground,for numbers increased upon them every moment, so that they were all killed or made prisoners : none escaped. Sir Beaumont de Laval was taken by sir Guy de Graville, and brought as his prisoner to the castle of Evreux, whither all the other prisoners were conducted. Thus ended this adventure ; for which sir Guy was much praised, and beloved by the king of Navarre and the citizens of Evreux. CHAPTER CCXXI. THE KING OF CYPRUS RETURNS TO PARIS. THE FUNERAL OF KING JOHN AT ST. DENIS. THE CAPTAL DE BUCH MAKES AN ATTACK ON SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN. The king of Cyprus, who was now returned from Aquitaine to France, went to meet the king, who had before borne the title of duke of Normandy. His two brothers, the duke of Anjou, and the lord Philip, since duke of Burgundy, were with the duke waiting for the corpse of their father, which was on the road from England. The king of Cyprus very cordially condoled with them on the subject of their loss, and was himself much affected by the death of the king of France, because his expedition would be retarded by it : he clothed himself in black for his mourning j. * " Sir John Jouel." Barnes calls him sir John Jones ; X And the kyng of Cypre holpe them to complayne the but he quotes no authority for this change from all the dethe of the kyng, and was inarneyously displeased ther- chronicles and memoirs of the times. with, bycause of the hyndringe of his vyage of the t " The souldich de l'Estrade." He was afterwards croyse ; and so he clothed hymself with the vesture of created a knight of the Garter. See Anstis's Garter, dvloure-, — Ei>. vol. ii. p. 157. He calls him sir Saadich de Trane. S14 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. When the body of the king of France, which had been embalmed and pnt into a coffin approached near to Paris, attended by the lord John tfArtois, the earl of Dampmartin^ and the grand prior of France, the duke of Normandy, his brothers, the king of Cyprus, and th greater part of the clergy of Paris, went on foot beyond St. Denis^ to meet it. On bem brought thither, it was buried with great solemnity; and the archbishop of Sens said mass on the day of interment. After the service was over, and dinner ended, (which was very magnificent), the great lords and prelates returned to Paris. There were then held many councils on the state of the kingdom, which could not any longer do well without a king • and it was determined by the prelates and nobles, that they should immediately go lor Rheims The duke of Normandy (for such was still his title) wrote to his uncle, Winceslaus Portrait of Charles V., surnamed the Wise. — From a Print in Mezcray's Hist, de France. duke of Brabant* and Luxemburgh, and also to his cousin the earl of Flanders f, to request their attendance at his coronation, which was fixed for Trinity-day next ensuing J. "Whilst these things were going forward, and the nobles were making preparations for the coronation, the French and Navarrois were advancing towards each other in Normandy : the captal de Buch was already in the city of Evreux, collecting his men at arms and soldiers from every place he could get them. We will speak of him and of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, * Winceslaus duke of Brabant, son of the emperor Charles IV. — Anderson's Royal Genealogies. f Earl of Flanders, — Lewis II. the last earl of Flanders. He was stabbed in a quarrel by John, son of the king of France, at Boulogne, 1382. — Anderson. J As the account of the funeral of king John is very different in the superb edition of Les Grandes Chroniques de St. Denis, in my possession, I translate it. " This Tuesday, the 1st day of May, 1364, the body of king John, who had died at London, as has been related, was brought to the abbey of St. Anthony, near Paris. It remained there until the Sunday following, that prepara- tions might be made for the funeral. On that day, the 5th of May, it was transported from thence to the church of Notre-Dame, attended by processions on foot from all the churches of Paris, and by three of the king's sons, namely, Charles duke of Normandy, Lewis duke of Anjou, and Philip duke of Terouenne : the king of Cyprus was also there. " The body was carried by the members of his parlia- ment, as had been the usage with other kings, because they represent the person of the king in matters of justice, which is the fairest jewel in his crown, and by which he reigns. On the Monday morning solemn mass was sung in the church of Notre-Dame ; and, soon afterward, the body was carried to St. Denis in the same manner as it had been brought from the abbey of St. Anthony. The three princes and the king of Cyprus followed on foot, as far as the gate of St. Landri*, where they mounted their horses, and accompanied the body to the town of St. Denis, where, on their arrival, they dismounted, and, as before, followed the body on foot to the church. " On Tuesday, the 7th day of May, the obsequies of the late king were performed in the church of St. Denis, and the body was interred on the left hand of the high altar. " Shortly after mass, king Charles, the eldest son of the late king, went into the meadow, and there received the homages of the peers of France and other great barons. He then went to dinner, and remained at St. Denis that and the following day. On the Thursday, king Charles left that town, to prepare for his coronation, which was fixed for the Trinity Sunday following." * There was formerly a gate called Port St. Landri, near to St. Germain-l'Auxerrois. It was built up in the year 1558. — M. Sauval, Antiquites de Paris. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 315 as well as of a famous battle which was fought the Thursday preceding Trinity Sunday, the day the duke was to he crowned king of France (as indeed he was) in the cathedral of the city of Rheims. When the lord John de Greilly, known by the appellation of the captal de Buch, had completed his numbers of archers and foot-soldiers in the city of Evreux, he made his final arrangements, and appointed as governor of it a knight called the lord Michael d'Orgery. He sent to Conches* the lord Guy de Graville, to defend that place as a sort of frontier. He then marched with all his men at arms and archers ; for he had heard that the French were abroad, but was not certain in what quarter. He took the field, very desirous of finding them ; and, having mustered his army, he found he had seven hundred lances, and full three hundred archers, with five hundred other service- able men. There were among them several good knights and squires, especially a banneret of the kingdom of Navarre, named the lord Saulx ; but the greatest and most expert, with the largest company of men at arms and archers in his train, was an English knight, called sir John Jouel. There were also the lord Peter de Saque-ville, the lord William de Gaville, the lord Bertrand du Franc, Basque de Marneil, and many others, who were eager to meet sir Bertrand du Guesclin, to give him battle. They marched towards Passy t and Pont de l'Arche, thinking the French would pass the Seine there, if in truth they had not already crossed it. It chanced that, as on the Whitsun- Wednesday, the captal and his companions were riding through a wood, he met a herald, whose name was Faucon J, and who had that morning left the French army. As soon as the captal saw him, he recognized him, for he was one of the king of England's heralds, and asked him from whence he came, and if he could give them any intelligence of the French army. " Yes, that I can, in God's name, my lord," replied he ; c< for I only left them this day : they are seeking after you, and are very anxious to meet with you." " Where are they V asked the captal, " on this or on the other side of Pont de l'Arche V " In the Lord's name," answered Faucon, u they have passed Pont de l'Arche and Vernon, and are, as I believe, at this moment very near to Passy." " Tell me, I pray thee," said the captal, " what sort of people they are, and who are their captains?" " In God's name," replied Faucon, " they are full fifteen hundred combatants, and all good men at arms. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin is there, who has the largest company of Bretons : there are the earl of Auxerre, the viscount de Beaumont, the lord Lewis de Chalons, the lord of Beaujeu, the lord Baudoin d'Ennequin, grand master of the cross-bows, the archpriest, the lord Odoart de Renty. Some lords from Gascony, your own countrymen, are likewise among them, with the men at arms of the lord d'Albret ; as also the lord Aymon de Pommiers and the lord Souldich de la Trane." When the captal heard the names of these Gascons, he was marvellously astonished, and turned red with anger : recovering his speech, he said, " Faucon, Faucon, is it indeed true what thou hast just told me of these Gascon lords being in the French army ? and the men attached to the lord d'Albret?" " Yes, in good faith, it is really as I have said," answered the herald. "And where is the lord d'Albret himself?" asked the captal. "In God's name," answered Faucon, " he is at Paris, with the regent-duke of Normandy, who is making * Conches, — a market-town in Normandy, four leagues fro the Frenche hoost. As sone as the captall se hym he from Evreux. knewe hym well, and made him great chere, for he was f Passy, — a town in Normandy, four leagues from perteynyng to the kyng of England. Then he demaundcd Evreux. of hym fro whens he came, and if he knewe any tidyngs X Faucon was the title, not the name of this herald, of the Frenchmen. ' Sir,' quoth he, ' in the name of Noble, in his History of the College of Arms, says under God, I knowe well where they be ; I departed fro them the title Falcon : " This heraldship was anciently written to-day ; they seke you as well as ye do them.' ' Where Faucon. The falcon was a badge of Edward III., who be they,' quoth the captall ; 'beyond the bridge of Tharche, had an officer of that name ; but whether king, herald, or or a this syde ?' ' Sir,' quoth Faucon, ' they be passed pursuivant, authors are not agreed. Richard II. had the bridge at Vernon ; and, as I beleue, they are nowe Falcon king at arms : in the reign of Edward IV. the office about Passy.' ' What nombre be they,' quoth the was fallen to that of herald." Both Lord Berners and captall, ' and what capitens haue they ? I pray you shewe D. Sauvage call him " king Faucon." — Ed. me.' 'Sir,' quoth Faucon, ' ihey are well a xvc Lord Berners' version is so spirited that we are induced fightyng men, and there is sir Bertrand of Clesquy to subjoin it : — " So it happened that the Friday in the (Guesclin) who hath the grettest company of Bretons ; also whytson weke the captall and his company rode out of a there is therle of Aucer, the vycount of Beaumont, the wode, and by auenture they met a haraude of armes called lorde Loys of Chalon, the lorde of Beauieu, the master of kynge Faucon, and the same mornynge he was departed the cros-bowes, tharchpreest, the lorde Edward of Remy; 316 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. preparations for going to Rheims, to be crowned ; for it is commonly reported that that ceremony is to take place on Sunday next." The captal then put his hand to his head, and cried out in anger : " By the head of St. Anthony, Gascons against Gascons will make mischief enough." Then Faucon spoke concerning Prie (a herald whom the archpriest had sent thither), and said to the captal, " My lord, there is a herald hard by waiting for me, whom the archpriest has sent to you, and who, as I understand from the herald, would willingly speak to you." The captal made answer, saying, " Ha, Faucon, Faucon, tell this French herald, that he need not come nearer ; and let him say to the archpriest, that I do not wish to have any parley with him." Sir John Jouel, upon this, stepped forward, and said, " Why, my lord, will you not see the archpriest ? perhaps he may give us some information that we may profit by." The captal replied, " John, John, it will not be so ; for the archpriest is so great a deceiver, that if he were to come among us, telling his tales and his nonsense, he would examine and judge of our strength and numbers, which would turn out probably to our disadvantage : therefore I do not wish to hear of any parleys." Faucon, king at arms, upon this, returned to the herald Prie, who was waiting for him at the end of the hedge, and made such good and sensible excuses for the captal that the herald was perfectly satisfied, went back to the arch- priest, and related to him all that Faucon had told him. By the reports of the two heralds, both armies were acquainted with each other's situation. They therefore made such dispositions, as would speedily force them to meet. When the captal had heard from Faucon the numbers the French army consisted of, he immediately despatched messengers to the captains who were in the city of Evreux, with orders for them to send him as many recruits and young gallants * to his assistance as they could possibly collect : they were to meet him at Cocherel t ; for, supposing that he should find the French in that neighbourhood, he had determined to fight them wherever he should meet them. When the messengers came to Evreux, the lord Michael d'Orgery had it publicly cried, and strictly ordered all those who were horsemen to join the captal. Upon this, there imme- diately set out one hundred and twenty young companions from that town. On the Wednesday the captal de Buch took up his quarters, about two o'clock, on a mountain, and encamped his army. The French, who were wishing to meet them, marched straight forwards until they came to a river, called Yton, in that country, which runs towards Evreux, having its source near Conches, and encamped themselves at their ease, this same Wednesday, in a handsome meadow, through which this river runs. On the morrow, the Navarrois decamped, and sent their scouts out, to examine whether they could learn any news of the French. The French also sent out their scouts on the same errand. Before they had gone two leagues, each brought back to his army such intelligence as could be depended upon. The Navarrois, conducted by Faucon, marched straight by the way he had come, and, by four o'clock in the morning, found themselves in the plains of Cocherel, with the French in front of them, who were already drawing up their army in battle-aray. There were a great many banners and pennons flying ; and they seemed to be in number more than half as many again as and of Gascone, there is the company of the lorde Dalbret, and the lorde Aymon of Punyers, the lorde of Saldyche and of Lestrad ; ' and when the captall herd those Gascons named, he mareueyled gretly, and blussed for displeasure, and sayd, 1 Faucon, is this true ye soye, that these lordes of Gascone are there, and the lorde Dalbret's company?' ' Sir,' quoth the harald, ' ye without fail.' ' And where is the lorde Dalbret himself?' quoth the captall. ' Sir,' quoth Faucon, ' he is at Parys with the regent- duke of Normandy, who aparelleth himselfe to go to Reynes, for it is sayd that on Sonday next comyng he shulde be crowned kyng.' Than the captall layd his hand on his own heed and said in great displeasure, ' By Saint Antones cap Gascon against Gascon.' ' Sir, 1 quoth Faucon, ' here by taryeth for me a harald of tharch- preest, sent to speke with you fro hym ; and as I under- stand by the harald, tharchpreest wolde speke with you. ' Than the captall sayd, ' A Faucon, say to the Frcnche harald he nede not to go any farther : let hym shewe to tharchpreest that I wyll not speke with hym.' Than sir Johan Jouell stept forthe and sayd, ' Sir, why wyll ye nat speke with hym, perauenture, it is for our profyte.' Than the captall sayd, ' Nay, I warrant you it is not for our profyte, for tharchpreest is so great a brauler, that if he come to us, he wyll but iangle, and in the meantyme ymagen our strengthe, and anewe our nombre, the which, parauenture, shall cctne more to our preiudice than ad- vantage — therefore I haue no hast to speke with hym.' Than Faucon the haraud went to thother haraud and ex- cused the captall so wysely, that he was well content, and than he went to tharchrpreest and shewed him all as Faucon had sayd." — Ed. * " Young gallants." In all the originals, it is " ieunes armerets," which D. Sauvage thinks should be bannerets, but I do not see why. In Du Cange, armeret is a gallant, and thus I have translated it. f Cocherel, — a village in Normandy, diocese of Evreux. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 317 themselves. The Navarrois directly halted on the outside of a small wood. The captains assembled together, and began to form their men in order of battle. They first formed three battalions well and handsomely on foot, sending their baggage and attendants into the wood. Sir John Jouel commanded the first battalion of English, which consisted of men at arms and archers. The captal de Buch had the second battalion, which, one with another, was about four hundred combatants. With the captal, there were the lord of Saulx in Navarre, a young knight who had a banner, the lord William de Gaville, and the lord Peter de Saque-ville. The third battalion had three knights ; the lord Basque de Marneil *, the lord Bertrand de Franc and the lord Sauseloppins, and were in the whole about four hundred men under arms. When they had formed their battalions, they marched them not far distant from each other r taking advantage of the mountain which was on their right, between them and the wood, posting their front upon this mountain facing their enemies, and fixing, by orders of the captal, his banner in the midst of a large thorn bush. He commanded sixty men to remain there, to guard and defend it. They had so placed it to serve as a standard for them to rally round, if by chance of war they should be dispersed or separated ; and they strictly ordered, that no one should, on any pretence, descend the mountain ; but if their enemies wished to fight, they must come to seek them. CHAPTER CCXXII. THE BATTLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH UNDER SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN, AND THE NAVARROIS UNDER THE CAPTAL DE BUCH, AT COCHEREL, IN NORMANDY. THE CAPTAL IS MADE PRISONER, AND VICTORY DECLARES FOR THE FRENCH. Thus drawn out and formed were the English and Navarrois, who remained, as I have said, upon the mountain. The French, in the mean time, arranged themselves into three battalions also, and a rear-guard. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin commanded the first battalion, which was composed of all his Bretons, and they were fronted opposite to the battalion of the captal. The earl of Auxerre had the second battalion. There were with him, as his advisers, the viscount de Beaumont, and the lord Baudoin d'Ennequin, grand master of the cross-bows. There were also in that battalion French, Picards, and Normans, and sir Odoart de Renty, sir Enguerrant de Hesdin, sir Louis de Havenquerque, with several other good knights and squires. The third battalion consisted of Burgundians, commanded by the archpriest : with him were the lord de Chalons, the lord de Beaujeu, the lord John de Vienne, the lord Guy de Felay, the lord Hugh de Vienne, and many more. This battalion was to oppose Basque de Marneil and his company. The other battalion, which was to serve as a rear-guard, was entirely composed of Gascons ; and they were commanded by the lord Edmund de Pommiers, the lord Souldich de la Trane, the lord Perdiccas d'Albret, and the lord Petiton de Courton. These captains had a grand consultation. They considered the arrangement of the captal, and that his people had fixed his banner in a bush, with part of his men guarding it, as if it were to serve as a standard : they therefore said, " It is absolutely necessary, when the combat shall begin, that we march directly for this banner of the captal, and that we exert ourselves as much as possible to gain it ; for, if we be successful, our enemies will be much disheartened, and incur great danger of being conquered. These Gascons thought also of another plan which was of great service to them, and was the cause of their gaining the day. As soon as the French had formed their line, the principal Gascon chiefs withdrew together, and consulted for a long time how they could best act ; for they saw that their enemies, from their position, had greatly the advantage over them. One of them made a proposal, which was cheerfully listened to : " My lords, we well know that the captal is as hardy a knight as can be found upon earth ; and, as long as he shall be able to keep with his men and fight, he will be too much for us. I therefore think that if we order thirty of our boldest and most expert cavaliers to do nothing but to follow and attack the captal, * " Lord Basque de Marneil." In the memoirs of Bertrand, he is called Bascon de Manuel, and the baron de Marceuil, 318 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. whilst we are making for his banner, his men will be thrown into some confusion : and then our thirty, by their own strength and that of their horses, will be able to push through the crowd, and advance so near the captal, that they may seize him and carry him off between them to some place of safety, where they will remain until the end of the battle ; for, if he can be taken by such means as this, the day will be ours, as his army will be panic- struck*." The Gascon knights immediately assented to this plan, saying it was well thought of, and should be followed. They chose from their battalion thirty of the most enterprising men at arms, and mounted them upon the strongest and most active horses they had with them. They then marched into the plain, well instructed what they were to do. The army remained where it was, on foot, in order of battle. When the French had thus drawn up their forces, and each knew what he was to do, the chiefs held a consultation, and long debated what war-cry they should use, and whose banner or pennon they should fix on as a rallying point. They for a long time determined to cry, " Notre Dame Auxerre !" and to make the earl of Auxerre their commander for that day. But the earl would not by any means accept of it, excusing himself by saying : " My lords, I return you many thanks for the good opinion you have of me, and for the honour you offer me ; but at this moment I cannot accept of such an office, for I am too young to undertake so honourable a charge. This is the first pitched battle I was ever at : for which reason I must beg of you to make another choice. We have here many very able and enterprising knights, such as my lord Bertrand du Guesclin, my lord the archpriest, my lord the grand master of the cross-bows, my lord Lewis de Chalons, my lord Edmund de Pom- miers, and sir Odoart de Renty, who have been in many hard engagements, and know much better than I do what in such cases is proper to be done. I must, therefore, intreat you to excuse me from accepting your honourable cffer." The chiefs, after looking at each other, said : 44 Earl of Auxerre, you are the highest by birth, and of the largest property and estates of any of us : you have therefore the right of being our chief." 44 Certainly, my lords," replied the earl of Auxerre, 44 what you say is very pleasing to me ; but this day I will only rank as one of your companions ; and, whether I live or die, I will hazard the adventure among you ; but, as to the command, I am deter- mined not to accept it." They again looked at each other, in order to see whom they should fix on for their chief. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin was unanimously thought on, and considered as the best knight of the whole company, one who had been engaged in the greatest number of battles, and who was the best informed in military affairs. It was therefore resolved they should cry, 44 Notre Dame Guesclin !" and that the whole arrangement of that day should be as sir Bertrand would order it. Every thing, therefore, being settled, each lord retired to his banner or pennon. They found that their enemies were still upon the hill, and had not quitted their strong situation (not having a desire or thought of so doing), which very much vexed the French, seeing that they had greatly the advantage where they were, and that the sun was beginning to be high, which was the more to their disadvantage, for it was at that season very hot. This delay was what the most able and expert knights dreaded ; for they were as yet fasting, and had not brought with them any wine or victuals worth mentioning, except some of the lords, who had small flagons of wine that were soon emptied, and none had been procured or thought of in the morning, as they imagined the engagement would begin on their arrival : but this, as it appeared, was not the case. The English and Navarrois deceived them thus by subtlety, and it was a late hour before they engaged. When the French lords perceived their situation, they assembled in council, to know what would be the best for them to do, and whether they should march to attack them or not. In this council, all were not of the same opinion. Some wished to fight, whatever might be the consequences ; for, they said, it would be shameful for them to make any difficulties about it. But others, better advised, said, that if they should begin the combat, situated as they were so much to their disadvantage, they would be in the greatest danger, and out * The editors of the Meoioires Historiques douht very much this fact, in a note to the M^rnoires de Guesclin, and think Froissart must have heard it from a Gascon. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 319 of five men they should certainly lose three. In short, they could not agree to fight in their present position. During this time, the Navarrois saw them very plainly, and how they were formed : they said to each other, e< Look at them : they will very soon come to us, for they have a good will so to do." There were among them some knights and squires of Normandy, that had been made prisoners by the English and Navarrois, who had been allowed perfect liberty to go and ride about wherever they pleased, upon the faith of their word of honour, provided they did not bear arms in favour of the French. They rode towards the French army, and, in conversation, said to the French lords : " My lords, consider what you are about ; for, should this day pass without an engagement, your enemies will to-morrow receive a very large reinforcement ; as it is reported among them, that the lord Louis de Navarre is on his road to join them with at least four hundred lances." This intelligence much inclined the French to attack the Navarrois at all events : they were made ready for it two or three different times : but the wiser advice got the better. Those lords said, " Let us wait a little longer, and see what they will do ; for they are so proud and presumptuous that they are as eager to fight us as we are to meet them." Many of them were very ill and faint, from the great heat, as it was now about noon ; they had fasted all the morning, and had been under arms : they were therefore much heated by the sun, which affected them doubly through their armour. They said, therefore, " If we attempt to fight them by ascending the hill in our present state, we shall most certainly be beaten ; but i we retreat to our quarters, through the necessity of the case, by to-morrow morning we shall form a better plan." Thus had they different opinions on what was to be done. When the knights of France (to whose honour the command of this army was intrusted) saw the English and Navarrois were not inclined to quit their stronghold, and that it was now mid-day ; having heard the information which the French prisoners who had visited their army had given, and having considered that the greater part of their men were exceedingly hurt and faint, through the heat ; they met together, by the advice of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, whose orders they obeyed, and held another council. " My lords," said he, " we perceive that our enemies are very eager to fight us, and have a great wish for it ; but, however violent they may be, they will not descend from their strong position, unless by a plan which I shall propose to you. We will make dispositions, as if for a retreat, not intending to fight this day, (our men, indeed, are severely afflicted by the great heat) ; and order our servants, baggage, horses, &c. to cross the bridge and river, and retire to our quarters : we will, at the same time, keep close to them, watching attentively the enemy's motions. If they really wish to fight us, they will descend the hill, and follow us into the plain. As soon as we shall perceive their motions, if they act as I think they will, we shall be ready armed to wheel about, and thus shall have them more to our advantage." This proposal was approved of by all, and considered as the best that could have been offered. Each lord, therefore, returned to his people, under his banner or pennon. The trumpets sounded as for a retreat, and every knight and squire ordered his servants to cross the river with their baggage. This the greater part did, and afterward the men at arms followed, but very slowly. When sir John Jouel (who was an expert and valiant knight, and eager to engage with the French) saw the manner of their retreat, he said to the captal, " My lord, my lord, let us now descend boldly : do you not see how the French are running away?" — " Lla," replied the captal, " they are only doing so out of malice, and to draw us down." Sir John Jouel upon this advanced forward (for he was very desirous of fighting), crying out, " St. George i" and said to his battalion, " March : those that love me let them follow me, for I am going to engage." He then drew his sword, and, with it in his hand, marched at the head of his battalion. He and his company were almost down the hill before the captal moved: but when he found this to be so, and that sir John Jouel meant to fight without him, he considered it as a great presumption, and said to those around them, " Come, let us descend the hill speedily, for sir John Jouel shall not fight without me." The company of the captal advanced forwards, with him at their head, his sword in his hand, 320 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. When the French, who had bean watching them all the time, saw them descend and enter the plain, they were mightily rejoiced, and said, " See now, what we have been waiting for all this day has come to pass !" They then faced about, with a thorough good will to meet their enemies, crying out, " Notre Dame Guesclin \ " They dressed their banners in front of the Navarrois, and began to form under them from all parts and on foot. On the side of the Navarrois, sir John Jouel advanced, sword in hand, most valiantly, and drew up his battalion opposite to that of the Bretons, which was commanded by sir Bertrand du Guesclin, and performed many gallant deeds of arms ; for he was a bold knight ; but he found there one that was too able a match for him. The knights and squires then spread themselves over the plain and began to fight with all sorts of weapons, just as they could lay hands upon them ; and each party met the other with great courage. The English and Navarrois shouted out, "St. George!" the French, "Notre Dame Guesclin!" In this battle, there were many good knights on the side of the French : sir Bertrand de Guesclin, the young earl of Auxerre, the viscount de Beaumont, sir Baudoin d'Ennequin, grand master of the cross-bows, the lord Louis de Chalons, lord Anthony the young lord de Beaujeu, who raised his banner for the first time, the lord Anthony de Kanerley, sir Odoart de Renty, sir Enguerrand de Hedin. In like manner, in the battalion of Gascons, who were drawn up by themselves, there combated most valiantly, sir Aymon de Pommiers, sir Perdiccas d'Albret, the souldich de la Trane, sir Petiton de Courton, and several others of the same sort. This battalion was formed opposite to that of the captal, which consisted of Gascons also, and they were very desirous of meeting. There were many hard blows given, and many valorous deeds of arms performed on each side ; for no one should wilfully lie *. It may be asked, " What became of the archpriest, who was an excellent knight, and had the command of a battalion, that I have not hitherto made any mention of him ? I will tell the truth. As soon as the archpriest saw the enemies drawn up, and that the battle was going to begin in earnest, he quitted his company, but said to his people, and particularly to his banner-bearer ; "I order and command you, under pain of my greatest displeasure, that you remain where you are, and wait the event of the battle. I set out directly from hence, not meaning to return ; for I can neither bear arms nor fight against some of the knights that are with the enemy. If any one should inquire after me, this is the answer that you will give him." He then set out, accompanied by a single squire, re-crossed the river, and left the others to make the best of it. They did not notice his absence, as they saw his banner, and thought he was among them, until the business was over. I will now speak of this battle, and how it was stiffly maintained. At the commencement of the conflict, when sir John Jouel had descended the hill, he was followed by all as closely as they could, and even by the captal and his company, who thought they should have gained the day ; but it turned out otherwise. When they perceived that the French had wheeled about in good order, they immediately found they had been deceived. However, like deter- mined men, they were not panic-struck at the discovery, but were resolved to recover it by their gallantry in the combat. They retreated a little, then assembled together, and after that they opened the ranks to give room to their archers, who were in their rear, to make use of their bows. When the archers were advanced in front, they extended themselves, and began to exert themselves handsomely in shooting ; but the French were so strongly armed and shielded against their arrows, they were but little hurt by them, if at all, and for this did not fight the less valiantly, but intermixed themselves with the English and Navarrois, as did the English with them, equally eager in the combat. There was much hacking and cutting of each other, with lances and battle-axes, seizing each other by main strength and wrestling. They took and ransomed prisoners from each alternately, and were so much intermixed together, that they engaged man to man, and behaved with a degree of valour scarcely to be credited * These words "for no one should wilfully lie," in "for" does not occur in D. Sauvage, the sentence being their present position, do not seem at all necessary. It quite unconnected with the preceding; but as his arrange- appcars probable that they originally belonged to the next inent, with this exception, is the same as Mr. Johnes's, we paragraph, where they are natural and proper. The word have not ventured to alter the text. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &e. 321 but by eye-witnesses. You may easily imagine that, in such a crowd and so situated, numbers were thrown down, wounded and killed : for neither side spared the other. The French had need not to sleep on their bridles ; for they had opposed to them men of ability and determined enterprise. Each, therefore, loyally agreed, not only to defend himself and his post vigorously, but to take every advantage that should offer : if they had not done so, they must have been defeated. In truth, I must say, that the Bretons and Gascons were good men, and performed many gallant feats of arms. I wish now to speak of the thirty who had been selected to attack the captal. They had been excellently mounted, on the best horses of the army, and attentive to nothing but their orders (as, being so charged, they were bound to do) : they advanced in a close body towards the captal, who was using his battle-axe manfully, and gave such deadly strokes with it that none dared approach him. They pushed through the crowd by the strength of their horses, as well as by the help of some Gascons who had accompanied them. These thirty men, who, as you have seen, were so well mounted, and who knew well what they were to do, neither looking to the risk nor danger, made up directly to the captal and surrounded him. They all fell upon him, and carried him off by dint of force, quitting the spot directly. This created great confusion, and all the battalions drew thitherward ; for the captal's men were like to madmen, shouting out, " Rescue, rescue the captal!" All this, nevertheless, w T as of no service or help to them ; for, in fact, the captal was carried off in the manner I have related, and placed in safety. However, at the moment this happened, it was not truly known which side had the best of the battle. In this grand bustle and confusion, whilst the Navarrois and English, like madmen, were following the captal, who had been captured before their eyes, sir Aymon de Pommiers, sir Petiton de Courton, the souldich de la Trane, and the company of the lord d'Albret, determined unanimously to make for the banner of the captal, which was fixed in a bush, and which served as a standard for the Navarrois. The attack and defence were equally sharp and vigorous ; for it was guarded by good men : particularly by sir Bascon de Marneil and sir Geoffry de Roussillon : many were wounded, killed, unhorsed, and rescued. The Navarrois, at last, who were near this bush and about the banner, were broken in upon and forced to retreat. Sir Bascon de Marneil with several others were slain. Sir Geoffry de Roussillon was made prisoner by sir Aymon de Pommiers. The banner of the captal was immediately seized : and those who defended it were either killed, taken, or had retreated so far that there was no news of them. Whilst the banner of the captal was thus conquered, torn and dragged upon the ground by the Gascons, the Bretons, the French, the Picards, the Normans and Burgundians were most valiantly fighting in another part of the field ; and well it behoved them so to do, for the Navarrois had made them retreat. Among the French, there was already killed the viscount de Beaumont ; the more the pity, for he was a young knight well formed to do great things. His people, to their great sorrow, had carried him out of the battle, and guarded him, as I have heard related, by those of both sides. No one had ever seen a battle, with the like number of combatants, so well fought as this was ; for they were all on foot, and combated hand to hand, intermixing with each other, and striving for victory with the arms they used, and, in particular, with those battle-axes which gave such astonishingly fatal blows. Sir Petiton de Courton and the souldich de la Trane were sorely wounded, insomuch that they could do no service during the remainder of the day. Sir John Jouel, by whom the combat began, and who had most courageously attacked and fought the French, performed, that day, many very gallant feats of arms, and never deigned once to retreat. He had been engaged so far in the battle that he was grievously wounded in several parts of the head and body, and at last made prisoner by a squire of Brittany under sir Bertrand du Guesclin : he was then carried out of the crowd. At length, the French gained the field ; but on their side there weie killed the grand master of the cross-bows, sir Louis de Haven querque, and many others. On the side of the Navarrois, the lord de Saulx and numbers of his people were slain. Sir John Jouel died in the course of the day. There were made prisoners, sir William de Graville, sir Peter de Sequainville, sir Geoffry de Roussillon, sir Bretrand du Y H22 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. Franc, and several more. Few of the Navarrois escaped being slain or taken. This battle was fought in Normandy, pretty near to Cocherel, on a Thursday, the 24th day of May, 1364* . After, this defeat, when all the dead were stripped, and those who had made prisoners had put them aside and attended to the wounded ; when the greater part of the French, having repassed the bridge, were retiring bruised and weary, to their quarters ; sir Guy de Graville, son of sir William de Graville, who had been made a prisoner, having in haste left Conches (a garrison town of the Navarrois), with fifty lancemenf , intending to join the captal, came on full speed to the field where the battle had been fought. Upon which, the French in the rear cried out, " Let us turn back, for here are more enemies." On hearing this, sir Aymon and his company, who had remained on the field, seeing these Navarrois advancing, fixed his pennon aloft in a bush, as a rallying-post for the French. When sir Guy saw this, and heard the shout of "Notre Dame Guesclin \" and that none of his party appeared, but plenty of dead bodies were lying around, he soon found that the Navarrois had been discom- fited ; he therefore quickly faced about, and returned the way he came. In the evening, the French examined those prisoners whom they had in their tents. The archpriest was much inquired about and spoken of, when it was found that he had not been in the engagement : his people made the best excuses for him they could. You must know that the thirty cavaliers who had carried off the captal, as you have heard, never halted until they had brought him safe to Vernon, and lodged him in the castle. On the morrow, the F'rench decamped, and marched to the city of Rouen, where they left a part of their prisoners. CHAPTER CCXXIII. CHARLES V. SURNAMED THE WISE, IS CROWNED KING OF FRANCE. HIS BROTHER PHILIP IS INVESTED WITH THE DUCHY OF BURGUNDY, AND SENT AGAINST THE FREE COMPANIES OF PILLAGERS. On Trinity-day, 1364, king Charles, eldest son of the late king John of France, was crowned and consecrated king, in the great church of our Lady at Rheims, by the archbishop of that city ; and with him his queen, the daughter of duke Peter of Bourbon. The king of Cyprus, the dukes of Anjou and Burgundy, the lord Wenccslaus of Bohemia, duke of Luxembourg and Brabant, the earls of Eu, of Dampmartin, of Tancarville, of Vaudemont, and great numbers of other lords and prelates, were present at this ceremony. There were great entertainments and feasts at Rheims, during the time the king remained, which was five days : he then departed for Paris. It would take me a long time were I to relate all the fine shows and feasts the Parisians made for him at his entry. The lords after this, that is to say, the strangers who had come to his coronation, returned to their own countries. When the king of France was come back to Paris, he gave the investiture of the duchy of Burgundy to his youngest brother, who left Paris with a noble company, in order to take possession and receive the homage of the barons, knights, cities, castles and large towns in that duchy. After he had visited the whole country, he returned to Paris. He brought with him the archpriest, who appeased the anger of the king, which he had incurred by not fighting at the battle of Cocherel, by the fair reasons he gave for not bearing arms against the captal j. The captal had been brought a prisoner to Paris, and, through the intercession of the lord d'Albret, obtained his liberty on his parole. He also assisted the archpriest to excuse himself towards the king, as well as towards the French knights who * " It is singular enough, that the date of so memorable Johnes' reason for translating " lances" lancemen'm this a battle should not have been more certainly known, instance is not apparent. — Ed. Historians place it the 23rd May, 1364. Du Chatelet % The archpriest, according to the life of Charles V. by reports ancient acts, which prove it to have been the the abbe de Choisy, had oftentimes changed sides : some- 16th May. times for the king of France, but oftener for the king of "Froissart, in relating this battle, differs from our Navarre, because there was more licence allowed the memoirs in several details," &c— Memoires Ilisto- soldiers ot his army. After the peace, he pillaged various riqaes, vol. iv. provinces of France. In his retreat from the emperor T Charles IV. near Macon in Burgundy, he was assassinated t J-ord Berners and D. Sauvage say fifty spears ; when by his owu men< His death gave great joy to the people, individuals are meant, the word combattans, fighting- whom be had robbed for ten years successively.— Histoire men, is generally to be made use of by Froissart. Mr. d e Charles V p 88. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. ?23 had talked very scurvily of him, notwithstanding he had overthrown lately, in a part of Burgundy, beyond Dijon, four hundred pillagers ; over whom Guillot du Pin, Taillebert, Taillebourdon and John de Chaufour were captains. About this time, the king of France ordered sir Peter de Sequainville to be beheaded in the city of Rouen, for having taken the part of the Navarrois. Sir William de Graville would have undergone the same punishment, if his son, sir Guy, had not signified to the king of France, that whatever treatment his father suffered, he would do the like to sir Beaumont de Laval, a great lord of Brittany, whom he kept as his prisoner. Upon this, the family of sir Beaumont interceded with the king, and exerted themselves so effectually that they obtained the exchange of sir Beaumont for sir William de Graville *. Sir Bertrand du Guesclin, at this time, gained the castle of Roulleboise, by presenting the governor of it, sir Yautaire Austard, with six thousand francs, who retired to Brabant, whence he had come. Many large companies of pillagers still kept possession of different forts in the countries of Caux, Normandy, Beauce, and Perche, whence they greatly harassed the kingdom of France : some under pretence of serving the king of Navarre ; others, for themselves, robbed and destroyed the country without any claims of right or of reason. Coronation of Charles V. and his Queen. — From a MS. Froissart of the 15th Century. The king of France sent his brother, the duke of Burgundy, against these pillagers, who appointed his rendezvous in the city of Chartres. He then took the field, accompanied by sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the lord de Boucicaut, the earl of Auxerre, the lord Louis de Chalons, the lord de Beaujeu, sir Aymon de Pommiers, the lord Raineval, Pierre de Villaines, surnamed le Begue, the lord Nicholas de Ligne, grand master of the cross-bows, sir Odoart de Renti, sir Enguerrand de Hedin, and full five thousand combatants. When * In the Memoires Historiques, note 31, of Bertrand angered hy it, against Bayeux and his children, they were da Guesclin, it is said, that sir William de Graville was forced to leave the kingdom : the king afterwards pardoned ransomed from sir Guy de Bayeux, who had taken him, them. In the continuation, however, of this note, it is for one thousand florins, and that the king was so much related nearly the same as Froissart tells us. y 2 324 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE. &c. they found they mustered so strong, they divided themselves into three bodies ; from which sir Bertrand took, at the most, one thousand fighting men, and marched for the country of Coutantin, towards the neighbourhood of Cherbourg, to guard the frontiers, and to prevent the Navarrois from doing any mischief to Normandy. The lord of Sancerre, the earl of Joigny, the lord Arnold d'Andreghen, and a crowd of knights and squires from Brittany and Normandy, accompanied sir Bertrand. Another division was under the command of the lord John de la Riviere ; and with him were many knights and squires of France and Picardy, whom he sent towards Evreux. The duke had the largest division. He went and laid siege to the castle of Marcheville *, which was a very strong fortress, in possession of the Navarrois. He ordered many machines to be brought from Chartres, by which he flung into it stones and other tilings day and night, that much annoyed the garrison. CHAPTER CCXXIV. THE LORD LEWIS OF NAVARRE MAKES INCURSIONS INTO PRANCE. THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY PLANS SEVERAL EXPEDITIONS AGAINST HIM, BUT IS FORCED TO GO INTO BURGUNDY, TO DEFEND IT AGAINST THE EARL DE MONTBELLIARD. Whilst these men at arms were harassing the Navarrois and enemies of the realm, in Beauce and in Normandy, the lord Lewis of Navarre (the lord Philip being dead) had taken upon himself the management of the war for his brother the king of Navarre, and had sent a challenge to the king of France, because the object of this war was personal to their family, being for a right of inheritance. He had therelore assembled men at arms ever since the battle of Cocherel, and was collecting them from every part he could get them. He had been so active himself, and by means of the captains of companies, of which great numbers still remained in France, that he had assembled upwards of twelve hundred lances. With him were sir Robert Knolles t, sir Robert Ceny {, and sir Robert Briquet de Carsnelle §. The men at arms, who were every day increasing, were quartered between the rivers Loire and Allier |], and had overrun apart of the Bourbonnois and Auvergne, between Moulins ^f, St. Pierre le Moustier ** and St. Poursaint ft. From this body, whom the lord Lewis de Navarre commanded, a company of about three thousand were detached under the orders of Bertrand de la Salle and Ortingo. They crossed the Loire above Marcilly les Nonnains JJ, and pushed forward with so much haste, that by day-break, they came before La Charite §§, a large and well inclosed town upon the Loire. This they immediately scaled without any opposition ; and, having entered the town, took possession of that part of it ; but as they were fearful lest the townspeople might have laid an ambuscade for them, they dared not advance further until it should be broad day. During this delay, the inhabitants of the town embarked all their most valuable things in boats which were on the river Loire, and having also placed their wives and children in them, sailed off in safety towards the city of Nevers, which was five leagues distant. The English, Navarrois and Gascons, who had entered the town, upon day appearing, marched forwards, but found all the houses empty. Upon this, they called a council, to consider if they should keep possession of the town, and fortify it ; for it would be very convenient for them, as a place of strength, to attack each side of the Loire. They sent to inform the lord Lewis de Navarre of their situation, who was at that time in Auvergne, and who imme- diately despatched to them sir Robert Briquet, with three hundred armed men. They * Marcheville, — a town in Beauce, diocese of Chartres. f Sir Robert Knolles was a great captain, and the maker of his own fortune. There is a doubt if lie were or were not a knight of the Garter (No. 74). See M. Anstis. Having considered the different very great employments he held, &c., Iam inclined to believe he was of the Garter. t "Sir Robert Ceny,"— sir Robert Cheny. See his pedigree in M. Gough's Sepulchral Monuments. His descendants were called to the house of Peers, 3rd Henry VII. . \ " Sir Robert Briquet de Carsnelle." I can find uolhing about him- |! Allier, — a river in Languedoc, which rises in the Gevaudan, near the village of Coudray, whence, flowing northwards, it traverses Auvergne and the Bourbonnois, and then, entering the Nivernois, falls into the Loire, about a league above Nevers. % Moulins, — capital of the Bourbonnois, on the Allier. ** St. Pierre le Moustier, — a town of the Nivernois. ft St. Poursaint, — a town of Auvergne. XX Marcilly les Nonnains, — a village in Berry, election of La Charite. §§ La Charite, — a town in the Nivernoifi. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND. FRANCE, &c. Z2o crossed the country without molestation, and entered the town of La Charite, by the bridge over the Loire. When they were thus assembled together, they were in such force, they began to make grievous war upon the kingdom of France. We will return to the duke of Burgundy, whom we left besieging Marcheville. lie had done so much by his machines and by his assaults, that the garrison surrendered upon having their lives and fortune spared. The duke sent the lord de Boucicaut, and the lord John de Yienne, marshal of Burgundy, to take possession of it. He gave the castle to a squire of Beauce, called William de Chartres, and forty men to guard it. The duke then led his army to the Castle of Camerolles, which he surrounded, for it is situated in the flat country. It is time to say something of the lord John de la Riviere, who was besieging Acquigni, near to Passy, in the county of Evreux. He had under him two thousand good combatants ; for he was so great a favourite with the king that he managed the finances according to his pleasure. This castle of Acquigni was garrisoned by English, Normans, French and Navarrois, who had fled thither after the battle of Cocherel. They defended themselves well, and were amply provided with artillery and provision. Notwithstanding this, matters were so well managed, that they surrendered upon having their lives and fortunes spared, and carried their property with them to Cherbourg, whither they retired. The lord John placed a new garrison in the castle, and marched towards the city of Evreux. Under his com- mand, were sir Hugh de Chatillon, the lord of Saimy, the lord Louis de Sancerre, sir Matthew de Roye, the lord of Monfang, the lord of Eloy, the lord of Crequi, the lord of Campy, sir Odoart de Renti, sir Enguerrand de Hedin, and many other knights and squires of France. In the meantime, the duke of Burgundy pressed so hard upon the garrison of Camerolles, that they were forced to surrender at discretion. Ail the foreign soldiers were pardoned ; but some French pillagers, who had taken refuge there, were put to death. Some of the principal burgesses of Chartres came to the duke's camp, to entreat of him to give them the castle of Camerolles, as a recompense for the use of their machines ; for it had done them much harm in former times. The duke consented to their request ; and immediately they sent workmen, who levelled the castle with the ground. The duke marched next to a castle called Drue, which is situated in the plains of Beauce, and was in the possession of pillagers. He took it by storm, and killed all that were found in it. He then halted before a castle called Preux, and surrounded it on ail sides. He made many an assault, in hopes of carrying it ; but at last the garrison surrendered on having their lives spared : they carried nothing with them ; but all the French remained prisoners at the duke's will. The duke ordered the castle to be taken possession of by his marshals, and made a present of it to a knight of Beauce, called sir Peter du Bois, in order that he might sufficiently guard and repair it. The duke, and the greater part of his army, went after this to Chartres, to refresh themselves. When he had been there five or six days, he set out to besiege the castle of Connie *, which had done so much mischief to all the country round, and pointed against it six large machines. During the time these sieges, assaults, and conquests were going forward in Beauce and Normandy, the lord Lewis de Navarre was overrunning Auvergne. He kept the field, and impoverished the whole country ; for no one went forth against him. Those also who were at La Charite upon the Loire did in those parts just what they pleased. On the other hand, the earl of MontbeHiard, with some allies from Germany, had entered the duchy of Burgundy, near Besancon, and was despoiling it. On which account, the king of France ordered the duke of Burgundy to raise the siege of Connie, arid come to Paris ; for it was necessary that he should go into Burgundy. The duke, on receiving this news, was very pensive ; for he had publicly declared, that he would never depart from Connie until he had subjected it to his will. But those of his council made him understand, that since the king, who had sent him thither, ordered him to return, he might very well leave the place without disgrace. Those in Connie had no infor- mation whatever respecting this : they were, therefore, summoned by the marshals to surrender unconditionally, which they refused. They said, they were willing to surrender, on having their lives and fortunes spared. These terms were then agreed upon. The duke * Connie, — a village in Beauce, flection of Chateaudun. fl26 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. gave the castle to a squire of Bcauce, whose name was Fliilip d'Arcieres, who repaired it, and garrisoned it with good and trusty men. The duke went to Chartres, and then gave up the command of the greater division of his army to the earl of Auxerre, Boucicaut, and the lord Louis de Sancerre. He set out for Paris, taking with him the lord Louis d' Alencon, the lord of Beaujeu, and the lord of Vienne. He ordered the Burgundians to march towards Burgundy as speedily as possible. But the duke himself went to meet the king, who was at that time at Yaux-la-Comtesse in Brie. He remained but one day there, and then set out for Troyes in Champagne ; whence he took the road to Langres, sending everywhere for men at arms. The Burgundians were already collected, and drawn out as a frontier to their enemies : the archpriest, the lord of Chateau- Vilain, the lord of Vergey, the lord of Grancy, the lord of Soubournon, the lord of Rougemont, and a very rich man called John of Boulogne, the lord of Prises, sir Hugh de Vienne, the lord du Chattel, the bishop of Langres, and several more, who were all mightily rejoiced on the arrival of the lord duke. They immediately marched against their enemies, who were full fifteen hundred lances ; but they retreated across the Rhine. Upon which, the Burgundians entered the county of Montbclliard, and burnt the greater part of it. CHAPTER CCXXV. KING CHARLES ORDERS THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY TO BESIEGE LA CHARITE, HE WANTS IT TO SURRENDER UNCONDITIONALLY, THAT HE MAY SEND ASSISTANCE TO LORD CHARLES DE BLOIS, WHO IS CONTESTING THE DUCHY OF BRIT- TANY WITH THE EARL OF MONTFORT. In the interim, the king of France sent his constable, the lord Moreau de Finnes, and two marshals, the lord de Boucicaut and John de Mauquerchi, lord of Blainville, accompanied by many knights and squires, to besiege La Charite upon the Loire. On their arrival, they attacked it on one side, and every day had skirmishes with the garrison of the place. When the duke of Burgundy and the greater part of his troops, who had accompanied him into the county of Montbelliard, were returned to Paris, the king sent him, with upwards of a thousand lances, to La Charite. There were then at that siege three thousand knights and squires, of whom many went every day to skirmish with the garrison ; when several were killed and wounded on both sides. At a sally which the garrison made, the lord Robert of Alencon, son of the earl of Alencon, who was killed at Crecy, and the lord Louis d' Auxerre, who was son of the earl of Auxerre, and brother to the earl of Auxerre, then present, were knighted, and displayed their banners. The inhabitants of La Charite were very hard pressed, and would willingly have surrendered upon terms ; but the duke was resolved to have them unconditionally, and for that reason had guarded the river so that no provision could enter the town. During this time, the lord Lewis de Navarre, who was destroying everything before him in the country of Auvergne, exerted himself much, and assembled a sufficient body of men to enable him to raise the siege of La Charite : he had collected two thousand combatants at the least, and had also sent into Brittany to request that sir Robert Knolles, sir Walter Huet, sir Matthew Cournay, and several other knights and squires, would hasten to his assistance. They would have complied cheerfully ; but at the time they were engaged with the earl of Montfort, besieging the castle of Auray *, who had sworn he would not depart until it had submitted to his pleasure. When the lord Lewis found he could not have their aid, he retreated, by the orders of his brother, towards Cherbourg. Upon which, the king of France, that the lord Charles de Blois might have more men at arms, commanded the duke of Burgundy to treat with the garrison for their surrendering the town and fort, on condition of not bearing arms for the king of Navarre during three years. The garrison complied with these terms, surrendered La Charite, took nothing with them, and marched out on foot : they passed through the kingdom of France under passports of the duke of Burgundy. The old inhabitants of La * Auray, — a sca-port in Brittany, diocese of Vannes. One of my MSS. says, it was founded by Arthur. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 327 Charite now returned back to it, having been forced to reside in other places. The duke went to Paris. After this, the king of France granted permission for his cousin, the lord Charles de Blois, to raise in his kingdom a thousand lances. He again wrote to sir Bertrand du Guesclin, who at the time was in Normandy, to march to the assistance of the lord Charles, against the earl of Montfort. These orders gave sir Bertrand great pleasure, for he had always considered the lord Charles as his natural lord. He set out, therefore, from Normandy, with all the troops that were under him, and marched through Tours, in his way to Brittany. The lord de Boucicaut went to guard Normandy in his place. Sir Bertrand continued his march until he came to Nantes, where he met the lord Charles de Blois and his lady. They received him very kindly, and thanked him much for coming to their assistance. They had then a long conference, upon what was to be done ; for they were in the best parts of Brittany, which were much attached to the lord Charles de Blois, as their duke and lord, and willing to support him. They conferred also on the means of raising the siege of Auray, and fighting with the lord John de Montfort. Within a very short time, many barons and knights came thither from France and Normandy : among whom were the earl of Auxerre, the earl of Joigny, the lord de Franville, the lord de Prie, le Begue de Villaines, and many other knights and squires, all of the right sort, and good men at arms. News was brought to the lord John de Montfort, at that time besieging Auray, that the lord Charles de Blois was assembling large bodies of men ; that a number of the lords of France had come to him, and were daily arriving, to assist him, in conjunction with those barons, knights and squires of Brittany, who had remained steady to his interest. As soon as lord John heard this, he made it known in the duchy of Aquitaine to the knights and squires of England who were there, and in particular to sir John Chandos, earnestly intreating them to come to his aid in the difficulties he was about to encounter : adding, that he expected Brittany would afford such a field of honour, that all knights and squires who were desirous of advancing their name ought most cheerfully to come thither. When sir John Chandos saw himself thus affectionately intreated by the earl of Montfort, he spoke of it to the prince of Wales, to know how he should act. The prince said, he. might go there without any blame, since the French had already taken part against the earl, in support of the lord Charles; and he advised him to accept the invitation. Sir John Chandos was much rejoiced at this, and made accordingly grand preparations. He asked several knights and squires of Aquitaine to accompany him ; but few went except the English. However, he conducted full two hundred lances, and as many archers, and marching through Poitou and Saintonge, entered Brittany. He went straight to the siege of Auray, where he found the earl of Montfort, who was very happy at his arrival ; as were sir Olivier de Clisson, sir Robert Knolles, and the other companions. It seemed to them, that now no evil could befal them, since sir John Chandos was in their company. Many knights and squires crossed the sea in haste from England, eager to advance their fortunes, and to fight with the French. They came to the aid of the earl of Montfort, before Auray, who received them all with great joy. They were therefore in all, as well Bretons as English, when mustered, sixteen hundred men at arms, and from eight to nine hundred archers. We will now return to the lord Claries de Blois, who remained in the good city of Nantes, and made there his muster of knights and squires from all parts ; for he had been informed that the earl of Montfort had been strongly reinforced by the English. He therefore intreated those barons, knights and squires whose homage he had received, to assist him in guarding his inheritance, and in defending him against his enemies. Among the barons of Brittany who came to serve him, in obedience to his summons, were the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Leon, Charles de Dinan, de Rieux, de Tournemine, d'Ancenis, de Malestroit, de Quentin, d'Avaugour, de Loheac, du Pont, and many others whom I cannot name. These lords and their companies were quartered in the city of Nantes, and in the villages around it. When they were mustered, they were estimated at two thousand five hundred lances, including those who had come from France. These lords did not wish to make any long stay, but advised the lord Charles to march against his enemies. 328 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. When the lord Charles was about to set out, and was taking leave of the lady his wife, she said to him, in the presence of sir Bertrand du Guesclin and some of the barons of Brittany : " My lord, you are going to defend your inheritance and mine (for that which is mine is yours*), which the lord John de Montfort had seized, and has kept for a long time most wrongfully, without any right, as God knows. The barons of Brittany, who are here present, know well that I am the rightful heiress of it. I therefore most earnestly beg and intreat of you, that you will not listen to any treaty, or composition, which may be offered, so that the whole body of the duchy may be ours." The lord Charles promised to comply with her request. All the lords, knights, and barons, who were at Nantes departed, each having bid adieu to his lady, whom he considered as his duchess, they began their march, and took the road to Rennesf, where, on their arrival, they were quartered, and in its environs. They halted there to repose and refresh themselves, as well as to learn the numbers and countenance of their enemies, and to consider of the best place to offer battle, in case they should not be able to find a situation which might give them an advantage. Many fine speeches and harangues were made by the knights and squires of France and of Brittany, who had come to the succour of the lord Charles de Blois. Lord Charles was very courteous and polite, and perhaps would willingly have listened to terms of peace, and been contented with a part of Brittany, without much wrangling : but he was, in God's name, so hard pressed by the last words of the lady his wife, and the knights of his party, that he could neither draw back nor dissemble. CHAPTER CCXXVI. — THE LORD CHARLES OF BLOIS ADVANCES AGAINST THE EARL OF MONT- FORT IN ORDER OF BATTLE. SIR JOHN CHANDOS, AFTER HAVING DRAWN UP THE BATTALIONS OF THE EARL OF MONTFORT, PREVENTS THE TREATY FROM TAKING PLACE WHICH THE LORD DE BEAUMANOIR WAS NEGOTIATING BETWEEN THE TWO PRETENDERS TO THE DUCHY OF BRITTANY. Between Vannes and Auray, where the earl of Montfort was encamped, there are eight country leagues ; so that news was soon brought to him that the lord Charles was advancing, with the finest body of men at arms, the handsomest equipped and the best ordered that had ever left France. This intelligence gave great joy to the English who were there ; for they were eager for the fight. These companions, therefore, immediately set about putting their armour in good repair, and re-furbishing their lances, daggers, battle-axes, coats of mail, helmets, skull-caps, visors, swords, and all sorts of weapons, as they well imagined they should soon have use for them. The commanders of the army then waited on the earl of Montfort ; first sir John Chandos (whose advice he meant in particular to follow,) sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, sir Robert Knolles, sir Hugh Calverly, sir Matthew Gournay *. These knights and barons, having deliberated on their present situation, resolved that it would be most advantageous to quit their quarters early in the morning, and take the field. They might then consider on the best mode of acting against the enemy, when they should have had more exact information concerning them. Orders were therefore given, that the whole army should, on the following morning, be ready armed and in battle-array, as if they were immediately to begin the engagement. This night passed quietly. On the morrow, which was a Saturday, the English and * Johanna, countess of Penthievre, born 1319, was f " Rennes." I believe, with Denys Sauvage, it should made heiress of Brittany by her uncle, John III., who, be Vannes, consistently with what follows; but it is to strengthen her title, gave her in marriage to Charles de Rennes, in all my printed editions and MSS. and also in Blois, lord of Guyse and Mayenne, nephew of Philip IV. the Histoire de Bretagne. king of France. " When the earl of Montfort gained the dukedom J Sir Matthew de Gournay. gee more of him in the and held it from the crown of France, he engaged to give second volume of Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, puge Johanna lands that should yield her 20,000 francs yearly, 20. He died at the age of 96. besides Penthievre and Limoges." — Anderson. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 329 Bretons issued forth from their quarters, marching gaily in order of battle, to the rear of the castle of Auray, where they halted, and, having chosen a situation, declared they would wait there the coming of their enemies. Almost immediately after day-break, the lord Charles and his army appeared. They had marched on the Friday after dinner from Vannes, and had rested that night three small leagues distant from Auray. The troops of the lord Charles were in the best and handsomest order, and drawn up in the most brilliant manner that could be seen or imagined. They marched in such close order that one could not throw a tennis-ball among them, but it must have struck upon the points of some of their lances, so stiffly did they carry them. The English took great pleasure in looking at them. The French halted in this order in front of their enemies, and took their ground on an extensive heath. Their marshals gave strict charge that no one should quit his ranks without orders, and that there should be no tilting, justs, or assaults. The men at arms, having halted, formed their line of battle, and made preparations for an immediate combat, as they expected nothing less, and were very desirous of it. The lord Charles de Blois, by the advice of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, (who was a great captain, and much praised and confided in by the Bretons,) formed his army again. He divided it into three battalions and a rear-guard. It seems to me, that sir Bertrand had the command of the first ; and with him were numbers of knights and squires of Brittany. The earl of Auxerre had the second, with the earl of Joigny and many knights and squires from France. The third battalion was commanded by the lord Charles himself : under him were the principal lords of Brittany ; among whom were the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Leon, d'Avaugour, Charles de Dinan, d'Ancenis, de Malestroit, and several others. In the rear-guard were, the lords de Raix, de Rieux, de Tournemine, du Pont, and many good knights and squires. Each of these battalions was composed of a thousand men. The lord Charles de Blois entreated every one in the fairest manner, that they would loyally and discreetly assist him. He swore, upon his soul, and his hopes of Paradise, that it was for a just and right cause they were going to engage. He assured each, that, if they acquitted themselves well, he should feel himself ever obliged to them. "We must now speak of the dispositions of the English and Bretons, and in what manner they drew up their army. You first must understand that, though the earl of Montfort was the commander in chief, yet it was under the sole direction of sir John Chandos : for the king of England had thus settled it with the earl of Montfort. He had also ordered sir John Chandos to have especial regard to whatever concerned the interests of his son-in-law ; for the earl of Montfort had received one of the king's daughters* in marriage. In obedience to such orders, sir John Chandos advanced before the knights and squires of Brittany who were about the person of the earl of Montfort, and having well considered the dispositions of the French in his own mind, thought so highly of them, he could not remain silent, but said : " As God is my help, it appears to me that all the flower and honour of chivalry is there, most wisely and expertly drawn up." He then added aloud to those knights who were within hearing : " Gentlemen, it is time that we form our line of battle ; for the enemy have set us the example." Those who heard him replied : " Sir, you say truly ; and, as you are our commander, you will form us according to your wish ; for there is none higher than yourself to look to, and you know much better than any one how to order such things." Sir John Chandos formed three battalions and a rear-guard. He placed over the first, sir Robert Knolles, sir Walter Huet, and sir Richard Burleyt. The second battalion was under the command of sir Olivier de Clisson J, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, and sir Matthew Gournay. The earl of Montfort had the third, which was to remain near his person. There were in each battalion five hundred men at arms, and four hundred archers. When he came to the rear-guard, he called sir Hugh Calverly to him, and said : " Sir Hugh, you will take * The princess Mary. J " Sir Olivier de Clisson."' Dom Morice, in his Histoire de la Bretagne, says that this Olivier de Clisson was not ■\ Sir Richard Burley, — was nephew of sir Simon the nephew of Walter de Clisson, who was killed, 1341- , Burley, knight of the Garter, who was beheaded early in at the siege of Chateauceau, hut seems to have been the Richard Ii.'s reign. — Gough's Sep. Mori,, vol. i., p. 150. " veritable seigneur de Clisson." — Vol. i. p. 148 030 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. the command of the rear-guard of five hundred men, and keep on our wing, without moving one step, whatever may happen, unless you shall see an absolute necessity for it ; such as our battalions giving way, or being by accident broken : in that case, you will hasten to succour those who are giving way, or who may be in disorder : and assure yourself, you cannot this day do a more meritorious service." When sir Hugh heard sir John Chandos give him these orders, he was much hurt and angry with him, and said : " Sir John, sir John, give the command of this rear-guard to some other ; for I do not wish to be troubled with it;" and then added, "Sir knight, for what manner of reason have you thus provided for me ? and why am not I as fit and proper to take my post in the front-rank as others V Sir John discreetly answered : " Sir Hugh, I did not place you with the rear-guard because you were not as good a knight as any of us ; for, in truth, I know that you are equally valiant with the best : but I ordered you to that post, because I know you are both bold and prudent, and that it is absolutely necessary for you or me to take that command. I therefore most earnestly entreat it of you ; for, if you will do so, we shall all be the better for it ; and you yourself will acquire great honour : in addition, I promise to comply with the first request you may make me." Notwithstanding this handsome speech of sir John Chandos, sir Hugh refused to comply, considering it as a great affront offered him, and entreated, through the love of God, with uplifted hands, that he would order some other to that command ; for, in fact, he was anxious to enter the battle with the first. This conduct nearly brought tears to the eyes of sir John. He again addressed him, gently saying : " Sir Hugh, it is absolutely necessary that either you or I take this command : now, consider which can be most spared." Sir Hugh, having considered this last speech, was much confused, and replied : " Certainly, sir, I know full well that you would ask nothing from me which could turn out to my dishonour ; and, since it is so, I will very cheerfully under- take it." Sir Hugh Calverly then took the command of the battalion called the rear-guard, entered the field in the rear, on the wing of the others, and formed his line. It was on Saturday the 8th day of October, 1364, that these battalions were drawn up facing each other, in a handsome plain, near to Auray in Brittany. I must say, it was a fine thing to see and reflect on ; for there were banners and pennons flying, with the richest armour on each side : the French were so handsomely and grandly drawn up, it was great pleasure to look at them. Whilst either party was forming or dividing its battalions, the lord of Beaumanoir, a very great and rich baron of Brittany, was going to and from each army, with propositions for peace. Very willingly would he have laboured, if he had been able to ward off the perils that were on the point of happening. He was earnest in the business : and the English and Bretons on the side of Montfort, allowed him to pass and repass, to parley with sir John Chandos, and the earl of Montfort, because he had pledged his honour, as a prisoner, and therefore could not bear arms against them. This same Saturday, he brought many proposals, in hopes to make a peace ; of which, however, none succeeded : he was occupied with one party or the other until noon. He nevertheless obtained, through his good sense, a truce between the two armies for this day and the following night, until the morrow at sun-rise. Each army retreated to their quarters, and refreshed themselves with what they had. During the time the truce lasted, the governor of the castle of Auray came out of it, on Saturday night, and went peaceably to the army of the lord Charles de Blois, who graciously received him. The name of the governor was Henry de Hauternelle, a very expert warrior, who brought with him forty lances, good companions, well armed and well mounted, who had aided him in guarding that fortress. When the lord Charles saw the governor, he asked him, laughingly, the state of the castle. " In God's name," replied the squire, " and praise be to him, we are still sufficiently provided with everything for two or three months, should there be occasion." " Henry, Henry," answered lord Charles, " to-morrow by day-break, you shall be made free in every respect, either by a treaty of peace or by a battle." " My lord," replied the squire, 44 God grant us his assistance." "By my faith, Henry," said the lord Charles, 44 1 have under my command two thousand men at arms, of as good stuff, CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. 331 and as much inclined to acquit themselves well, as there are in the kingdom of France." " My lord," answered the squire, " this is a great advantage : you should therefore praise God, and thank him most gratefully : likewise sir Bertrand du Guesclin, and the barons of France and Brittany, who have come so courteously to your assistance." Thus the lord Charles amused himself in conversation with sir Henry, and with one or another, and passed the night much at his ease. In the course of this evening, some English knights and squires earnestly begged of sir John Chandos that he would not listen to any overtures of peace between the earl of Montfort and lord Charles de Blois ; for they had expended their whole fortune, and were so poor, that they hoped by means of a battle, either to lose their all or to set themselves up again. The knight assented to the request. When Sunday morning came, each army made itself ready, and armed. Many masses were said in that of lord Charles, and the sacrament was administered to all who wished it. The same was done in the army of the earl of Montfort : and a little before sun-rise, each person posted himself in the same battle array as on the preceding day. Shortly after, the lord de Beaumanoir, who had prepared different proposals of peace, and who would willingly have brought them to some agreement, had he been able, returned to the charge, and came galloping towards sir John Chandos, who left his battalion and the earl of Montfort, at the time with him, as soon as he perceived his intentions, and advanced into the plain to meet him. When the lord de Beaumanoir came up, he saluted him very humbly, and said : " I entreat of you, sir John Chandos, in the name of God, that we may bring these two lords to some agreement ; for it is a great pity that so many good persons who are here should slaughter each other in support of their opinions." Sir John Chandos gave him a very different answer than he expected from what had passed on the preceding evening : " Lord de Beaumanoir, I would advise you not to make any more attempts at peace to-day ; for our men declare that, if they can enclose you within their ranks, they will kill you. You will say to lord Charles de Blois, that happen what may, the lord John de Montfort is determined to risk the event of a combat. Have done, therefore, with all ideas of peace or agreements ; for he will this day be duke of Brittany, or die in the field." When the lord de Beaumanoir had received this answer from Chandos, he was mightily enraged, and replied : " Chandos, Chandos, that is not less the intention of my lord, who has as good a will to fight as the lord John de Montfort : his army are also of the same mind." At these words, he set off without saying anything more, and went to lord Charles and the barons of Brittany, who were waiting for him. Sir John Chandos returned to the earl of Montfort, who asked, "How goes on the treaty? What does our adversary say ?" " What does he say ?" replied Chandos : " why, he sends word by the lord de Beaumanoir, who has this instant left me, that he will fight with you at all events, and remain duke of Brittany, or die in the field." This answer was made by sir John, in order to excite the courage of the earl of Montfort ; and he continued saying, "Now consider what you will determine to do, whether to engage or not." " By St. George," answered the earl of Montfort, " engage I will, and God assist the right cause : order our banners to advance immediately." With regard to the lord de Beaumanoir, he said to lord Charles de Blois : " My lord, my lord, by St. Ives I have heard the proudest speech from John Chandos that my ears have listened to for a long time : he has just assured me, that the earl of Montfort shall remain duke of Brittany, and will clearly show to you that you have not any right to it." These words brought the colour into lord Charles' cheeks ; when he answered, " Let God settle the right, for he knows to whom it belongs ;" and thus said all the barons of Brittany. He then ordered his banners and men at arms to march, in the name of God and St. Ives. 332 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. CHAPTER CCXXVII. THE BATTLE OF AURAY, IN WHICH SIR BERTRAND DU GUESCLIN IS MADE PRISONER. CHARLES DE BLOIS IS SLAIN ; AND JOHN DE MONTFORT IS VICTORIOUS. A little before eight in the morning, the two armies advanced near to each other. It was a very fine sight, as I have heard those relate who saw it ; for the French were in such close order that one could scarcely throw an apple among them, without its falling on a helmet or lance. Each man at arms carried his spear right before him, cut down to the length of five feet ; a battle-axe, sharp, strong and well steeled, with a short handle, was at his side, or hung from his neck. They advanced thus handsomely a foot's pace, each lord in array and among his people, with his banner or pennon before him, well knowing what they were to do. On the other hand, the English were drawn up in the handsomest order. The Bretons, under the command of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, posted themselves with his banner opposite to the battalion of sir Robert Knolles and sir Walter Fiuet. The Bretons of either party placed the banners of their two lords, who was each called duke, opposite to the other. In this first onset, there were hard blows between the lancemen, and a sharp scuffle. True it is, that the English archers shot well at the commencement ; but their arrows hurt not, as the French were too well armed and shielded from them. Upon this, they flung away their bows ; and, being light and able men, they mixed with the men at arms of their party, and attacked those of the French who had battle-axes. Being men of address and courage, they immediately seized several of these axes, with which they afterwards fought valiantly and successfully. There were many gallant feats of arms performed ; many a struggle, many a capture, and many a rescue. You must know, that whoever had the misfortune to fall, found great difficulty to rise again unless he was speedily succoured. The battalion of lord Charles marched straight to that of lord John de Montfort, which was very strong and deep. In his company were, the viscount de Rohan, the lords de Leon, Charles de Dinan, de Quintin, d'Ancenis, and de Rochfort, each with his banner displayed before him. The engagement between these two battalions was very severe and desperate, and well fought on both sides. That of the earl of Montfort was at first thrown into confusion ; but sir Hugh Calverly, who was upon its wing with a good battalion of gallant men, perceiving them giving way and opening their ranks, drove the enemy back, and replaced everything by force of arms. This action Was certainly of great use to them. In another part of the plain, sir Olivier de Clisson, sir Eustace d' Ambreticourt, sir Matthew Gournay, and several other valiant knights and squires, fought valorously with the battalion of the earls of Auxerre and Joigny, which was very numerous and deep, and crowded with several able men at arms. Many bold actions were performed on both sides : prisoners and rescues were frequent. The French and Bretons fought in earnest with their battle-axes. The lord Charles showed himself a marvellously good knight, eagerly seeking for and engaging his enemies. His adversary, the earl of Montfort, fought with equal gallantry : and each person spoke of them according to their deserts. Sir John Chandos proved himself more able than his opponents : for he was at the same time bold and hardy, redoubted by his adversaries in battle, as well as wise and discreet in council, giving the clearest orders. He advised the earl in everything, and, in order to animate him and his people, said to them, " Do so and so : march to this side or to that." The young- earl of Montfort believed all he said, and followed bis advice. In another part, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, the lords du Pont, de Tournemine, d'Avaugour, de Raix, de Loheac, de Malestroit, de Prie, and many other able knights and squires of Brittany and Normandy, who were there on the side of the lord Charles, fought very determinedly, and did many handsome deeds of arms. The battle was so warmly contested that all the battalions were engaged, except the rear-guard of the English, which sir Hugh Calverly commanded. This battalion kept always on one wing, and never engaged with any, but was solely occupied in recovering and bringing back to their ranks those who were thrown into confusion. Among other knights, sir Olivier de Clisson played his part handsomely, and did marvels CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. with his battle-axe, by which he opened and cut through the ranks, so that none dared to approach him. Once, indeed, his eagerness brought him into great peril ; for he advanced so forward that he had the battalion of the earls of Auxerre and Joigny upon him, and had hard work to extricate himself. lie received in this affair a stroke of a battle-axe, which struck off the visor of his helmet ; and its point entered his eye, which he afterwards lost. Ha was not, however, for this, a less gallant knight during the whole of the day. Battalions and banners rushed against each other, and sometimes were overthrown, and then up again. Among the knights, sir John Chandos shewed his ability, valorously fighting with his battle-axe : he gave such desperate blows, that all avoided him ; for he was of great stature and strength, well made in all his limbs. He advanced to attack the battalion of the carl of Auxerre and the French. Many bold actions were performed ; and, through the courage of himself and people, he drove this battalion before him, and threw it into such disorder that, in brief, it was discomfited. All their banners and pennons were thrown on the ground, torn and broken : their lords and captains were in the greatest danger ; for they were not succoured by any, their people being fully engaged in fighting and defending themselves. To speak truly, when once an army is discomfited, those who are defeated are so much frightened, that if one fall, three follow his example, and to these three ten, and to ten thirty ; and also, should ten run away, they will be followed by a hundred. Thus it was at the battle of Auray. These lords shouted again and again their cries of war, as well as their banner-bearers, which some who heard them answered ; but others were too much in the rear, and from the greatness of the crowd could not advance, so that the earl of Auxerre was desperately wounded, and taken, under the pennon of Sir John Chandos : he gave his pledge as a prisoner, as well as the earl of Joigny and the lord de Prie, a great banneret in Normandy. The other battalions fought very valiantly, and the Bretons made a good appearance still. It must however, to speak loyally of this battle, be allowed, that they did not keep their line nor array (as it seemed) like the English and Bretons on the side of Montfort. The wing commanded by sir Hugh Calverly was to them, in this battle, of the greatest advantage. "When the English and Bretons of the Montfort party perceived the French to be in confusion, they were much rejoiced. Some of the French had their horses got ready, which they mounted, and began to fly as fast as they could. Sir John Chandos then advanced with a part of his company, and made for the battalion of sir Bertrand du Guesclin, where many courageous deeds were doing ; but it had been already broken, and several good knights and squires slain. Many a hard blow was given by the battle-axes, and many a helmet opened, so that several were wounded and killed. To say the truth, neither sir Bertrand nor his people were able to withstand the strength of their adversaries. Sir Bertrand was made prisoner by an English squire, under the pennon of sir John Chandos. In this conflict, sir John received the pledge as prisoner, from a baron of Brittany, called the lord of Raix, a wonderfully hardy knight. After this, the Bretons and their battalion being broken, were as good as defeated : the others being in disorder, took to flight, each in the best way he could to save himself, except some good knights and squires of Brittany, who would not quit their sovereign, the lord Charles deBlois, preferring death to reproach. They collected themselves together, and rallied round him, fighting valiantly. The lord Charles and his companions kept their ground a long time, by their valour in defending themselves : at last, however, it was of no avail, for they were defeated and put to the rout by numbers ; for the whole strength of the English was drawing towards them. The banner of the lord Charles was conquered, cast to the ground, and the bearer of it slain : he himself was also killed facing his enemies, as well as a bastard of his called the lord John de Blois, with many other knights and squires of Brittany. It appears to me, that orders had been given to the English army, that if they should gain the battle, and the lord Charles were found or made prisoner, no ransom should be taken for him, but that they should kill him. In a similar case, the French and Bretons had given the like orders respecting the lord John de Montfort ; for in this day each party wished, by battle, to put an end to the war. When a pursuit took place, great slaughter and many mischiefs happened, and several 334 CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. good men were killed or made prisoners. The whole flower of chivalry, who had that day taken the side of lord Charles de Blois, were either prisoners or slain, particularly the bannerets of Brittany. Among the dead, lay the lord Charles de Dinan, the lords de Leon, d'Ancenis, d'Avaugour, de Loheac, de Gargolle, de Malestroit, du Pont, and many whose names I cannot remember. There were made prisoners, the viscount de Rohan, sir Guy de Leon, the lords de Rochefort, de Raix, de Rieux, de Tournemine, sir Henry de Malestroit, sir Olivier de Mauny, the lords de Riville, de Franville, de Raineval, with several from Normandy, and many good knights and squires from France, with the earls of Auxerre and Joigny. In a word the defeat and loss were immense : numbers were slain in the field, as well as in the pursuit, which continued for eight good leagues, even as far as Vannes. A variety of accidents happened this day which had never come to my knowledge, and many a man was killed or made prisoner. Some fell into good hands, where they met with kind and civil masters. This battle was fought near to Auray, in the year of our Lord 1 364. CHAPTER CCXXVIII. THE CHIEFS ATTACHED TO THE EARL OP MONTFORT RETIRE AFTER THE VICTORY AT AURAY. THE EARL's CONDUCT, ON SEEING CHARLES DE BLOIS DEAD. TRUCES GRANTED FOR BURYING THE SLAIN. IN WHAT MANNER THE KING OF ENGLAND WAS INFORMED OF THE EVENT OF THIS BATTLE OF AURAY. After the total defeat of lord Charles's army, when the field of battle was free, and the principal leaders, English and Bretons, were returned from the pursuit, sir John Chandos, sir Robert Knolles, sir Eustace d'Ambreticourt, sir Matthew Gournay, sir John Bour^ier,* sir Walter Huet, sir Hugh Calverly, sir Richard Burley, Sir Richard Tancon f , and several others, drawing near to the earl of Montfort, came to a hedge, where they began to disarm themselves, knowing the day was theirs. Some of them placed their banners and pennons in this hedge, with the arms of Brittany high above all, in a bush, as a rallying post for their army. Sir John Chandos, sir Robert Knolles, sir Hugh Calverly and others, then approached to the earl of Montfort, and said to him, smiling ■ " My lord, praise God, and make good cheer, for this day you have conquered the inheritance of Brittany." He bowed to them very respectfully, and then said, loud enough to be heard by all around him ; " Sir John Chandos, it is to your valour and prudence that I am indebted for the good fortune of this day : this I know for a truth, as well as all those w T ho are with me : I beg you will, there- fore, refresh yourself out of my cup." He then extended to him a flagon full of wine, and his cup, out of which he himself had just drunk, adding, " After God, I owe more thanks to you than to all the rest of the world." As he finished these words, the lord de Clisson returned, out of breath and very hot. He had pursued the enemy a long way, and had just left them, bringing back his men, with a number of prisoners. He advanced directly to the earl of Montfort and the knights who were about him, leaped off his courser, and refreshed himself with them. Whilst they were thus together, two knights and two heralds returned, who had been sent to examine the dead bodies in the field, to know what was become of the lord Charles de Blois : for they were uncertain if he had been slain or not. They cried with a loud voice, " My lord, be of good cheer, for we have seen your adversary lord Charles de Blois among the dead." Upon this, the earl of Montfort rose up and said, he wnshed to see him himself, for that, " he should have as much pleasure in seeing him dead as alive." All the knights then present accompanied him to the spot where he was lying apart from the others, covered by a shield, which he ordered to be taken away, and looked at him very sorrowfully. After having paused a while, he exclaimed ; " Ha, my lord Charles, sweet, cousin, how much mischief has happened to Brittany from your having supported by arms your pretensions ! God help me, I am truly unhappy at finding you in this situation, but at present this cannot be amended." Upon which he burst into tears. Sir John Chandos, perceiving this, pulled him by the skirt, and said : " My lord, my lord, let us go away, and * Sir John Bourchier. — Barnes. + Sir Richard Taunton. — Barnes. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. return thanks to God for the success of the day : for without the death of this person, you never would have gained your inheritance of Brittany." The earl then ordered that lord Charles's body should be carried to Guingamp*, which was immediately done with great respect, and he was most honourably interred. This was but his due, as he was a good, loyal, and valiant knight. His body was afterwards sanctified by the grace of God, and venerated as Saint Charles. Pope Urban V. who was the reigning pontiff, approved of it, by canonising it ; for it performed then, as it does to this day, many miracles f . After these orders, when the dead were stripped, and the victors returned from the pursuit, they all retired to the quarters which they had left that morning. They disarmed them- selves ; and having taken some refreshment, of which they had an ample provision, they attended to their prisoners. Those that were wounded, were moved and dressed : even the servants who had suffered were well taken care of. On the Monday morning, the earl of Montfort sent information to the city of Vannes, and to the neighbouring towns, that he should grant a truce for three days, in order that those slain in the battle might be buried in consecrated ground. This conduct was very pleasing to all. The earl of Montfort sat down before the castle of Auray, declaring he would not depart thence until he had possession of it. News was spread abroad with great celerity, and in different places, that the earl of Montfort, by the help and assistance of the English, had gained the victory ; that the lord Charles was defeated and slain ; and that all the knights of Brittany, who had sided with the lord Charles, were either taken prisoners or dead. Sir John Chandos had the whole honour of this battle ; for all the knights, lords, and squires who had been engaged in it, declared that it was solely owing to his prudence and prowess they had gained the day. The friends and allies of lord Charles were much afflicted at this news,, as was natural for them to be ; but the king of France was the most hurt ; for this defeat affected him greatly, considering that many of the knights of his realm had been made prisoners and killed. Among the first, sir Bertrand du Guesclin, whom he much loved ; the earls of Auxerre. of Joigny, and all the barons of Brittany without exception. The king of France, therefore, sent his brother, the duke of Anjou, to the borders of Brittany, to the assistance of the country, which was much distressed by the loss of their lord, Charles de Blois ; and to comfort and condole with the duchess of Brittany, his widow, who was in the deepest affliction. This it was the duty of the duke to do ; but he was the more earnestly engaged in this melancholy task, having married her daughter. He therefore most willingly gave his promise of advice, assistance, and succour to the large cities, towns, castles, and to all the country of Brittany in which the duchess, whom he called his mother, and the whole country, had for a long time great confidence, until the king of France, to avoid all difficulties, made other arrangements, as you shall hereafter be informed of. News of this victory was brought to the king of England ; for the carl of Montfort had written to him on the fifth day after the battle of Auray, and sent the intelligence, with credential letters, by a pursuivant at arms, who had been in the engagement, to the town of Dover. The king of England nominated him his herald, and gave him the name of Windsor^", with a handsome present of money. Through this herald, and from some knights of both parties, I have been informed of the whole. With regard to the cause why the king of England was then at Dover, you shall immediately learn. It is a well-known fact, that proposals for a marriage between the lord Edmund earl of Cambridge, son of the king of England, and the daughter of earl Lewis of Flanders, had been treated of, and different * Guingamp, — a town of Brittany, diocese of Treguier, who had given him such honours, without the approbation f This is a mistake of Froissart. There was some such of the apostolic see, and, by his letters to the bishops of intention in the pope's mind, as there are extant letters Brittany, enjoined them to prohibit such things being done from him to John duke of Brittany on this subject; but, in future — Barnes' Hist. Edw. III., p. 660. when he understood the manner of his death, he was not % This was the first institution of a Windsor herald, an looked upon as a martyr. He was very angry with those office which has continued to the present time. — Ed. CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, &c. negotiations entered upon three years before* : to which marriage the earl of Flanders had but lately given his consent, provided a dispensation could be obtained from pope Urban V., as they were very nearly allied. The duke of Lancaster, and the lord Edmund his brother, attended by many knights, had been to visit the earl of Flanders, who received them with every mark of distinction ; and, to show greater affection and love, he had accompanied them to Calais, and crossed the sea to Dover, where the king and part of his council had remained. When the before-mentioned pursuivant brought to this place the news of the affair at Auray, as it has been told, the king and his barons were much rejoiced at the event ; as was also the earl of Flanders, on account of the advancement of his cousin-german the earl of Montfort. The king of England, the earl of Flanders, and the other barons, staid at Dover three days, which were spent in feasts and entertainments. When they indulged in these sufficiently, and had finished the affairs on which they had met, the earl of Flanders took his leave of the king, and departed. It seems to me, that the duke of Lancaster and the lord Edmund crossed the channel with the earl, and attended him until he arrived at Bruges. We will not speak longer of this matter, but return to the earl of Montfort, and mention how he conducted himself in Brittany. CHAPTER CCXXIX. — THE EARL OF MONTFORT CONQUERS AURAY AND SEVERAL OTHER PLACES FROM THE WIDOW OF LORD CHARLES DE BLOIS. KING CHARLES INTERPOSES BETWEEN THEM, AND MAKES PEACE. A PEACE IS ALSO MADE BETWEEN THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE, THROUGH THE MEDIUM OF THE CAPTAL DE BITCH. The earl of Montfort, as it has been before related, laid siege to Auray, and declared that he would not leave it until he had conquered it ; at which those of the castle were not very well pleased. They had lost their captain, Henri de Hauternelle, who had fallen in the battle with the flower of the garrison ; so that they were very few to defend it, and without hope of assistance. They took counsel together, whether it would not be advisable to surrender, on having their lives and fortunes saved, and on these terms entered into a negotiation with the earl. The earl, who had many other places to look to, and was not certain how the country would act after this victory, accepted their terms, allowing those who w T ould not remain with him to depart according to their inclinations. He then took possession of the castle, new garrisoned it, and marched forward with his whole army, which increased daily ; for men at arms and archers came to him in crowds, and many knights and squires turned to his party, especially those from Lower Brittany. He came before the good town of Jugont, which shut its gates against him. He remained there three days, and ordered it to be assaulted twice, which occasioned many both w T ithin and without the walls to be badly wounded. Those in Jugon, seeing themselves thus hardly pressed, and no hopes of aid, did not wish to be further harassed : they acknowledged, there- fore, the earl of Montfort for their lord, opened the gates, and swore homage and fealty to him, which they faithfully promised to keep. The earl changed all the municipal officers, appointing new ones in their stead. He then advanced towards the city of Dinan J and laid siege to it, which continued during the winter ; for that town was well furnished with men at arms and provision : besides, the duke of Anjou had exhorted them to behave themselves as good men should do (for he had assisted them) : this made them hold out, and suffer many a sharp assault. When they found their provision growing low, and that no relief was coming to them, they entered into a treaty of peace with the earl, who willingly listened to it ; for he was desirous of nothing but that * The first mention I find in Rymer is dated 7