EX LIBRIS C. C. CUNNINGHAM . * ■ & \ 7 ■&> C cc I Mss' Zhc Camelot Classics, Edited by Ernest Rhys. GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/greatenglishpain00cunn_0 GREAT English Painters. Selected Biographies from Allan Ctmningham's “ Lives of Eminent British Painters P ARRANGED AND EDITED, WITH AN INTRODUCTION, By WILLIAM SHARP. LONDON: Vf ALTER SCOTT, 24 WARWICK LANE, PATERNOSTER ROW. 1 886. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY NOTE . . . vii INTRODUCTION— Art and Artists in England up to the time of Holbein — Holbein — Sir A. Moro — Oliver — Vandyke — George Jamesone— Sir Peter Lely— Sir Godfrey Kneller — Sir James Thornhill . , , . i WILLIAM HOGARTH . . # . .42 RICHARD WILSON . , . 0 . I Si SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS » . . . . 1 66 THOMAS GAINSBOROUGH . 253 WILLIAM BLAKE . . k . , 275 INTRODUCTION. — — - — 0 — EW biographical works have deserved so well of the public as Allan Cunningham’s cele- brated Lives of the most Eminent British Painters . The secret of the success of the “ Lives ” lies in the fact that they are biographical records, narrated with sprightly vigour and discriminating intelligence ; not mere critical dissertations, uninteresting to the uninitiated, subject to the indifference born of maturer judgment. Comparisons seldom really fit, whether made of a man or of a place— whether Reynolds be called the English Michael Angelo, or Edinburgh the modern Athens : but there is at anyrate some justice in the application to Cunningham of the designation, “The Scottish Vasari.” In common with much of the famous record of the Italian chronicler, the main interest of the “ Lives of British Painters ” is concentrated upon personal details : the man is the dominant theme, the work merely incidental. This is as it should be, in a book intended for the general reader. The severity of criticism has condemned much in Vasari’s chronicle that the gossip- loving Giorgio probably considered irrefutable, but even in viii INTRODUCTION, this day of jealous supervision of fact, his biographical records retain much of their old value in matters of detail, while in point of interest they have suffered no material diminution whatever. As yet, and probably for a long time to come, the same may be written of Allan Cunning- ham. We now know that in some of his judgments he was mistaken, that portions of his chronicle are faulty — and, again, as was inevitable, that circumstances of time and change have modified the accuracy of what were, in his day, reliable statements. But in the main we have no pleasanter and more trustworthy “ gossip ” than the worthy sculptor’s assistant, accustomed to “ toiling in marble and bronze all day, and at night dipping the pen in biographical ink to earn an honest penny for the bairns’ bread.” Even at this date — as Mrs. Heaton has pointed out in what is much the best edition of the “ Eminent Painters ”*■ — “ it is curious to find how little our real knowledge has been widened ” since Cunningham’s death. It would, of course, have been quite impracticable to have given the whole, or anything like the whole, of the “ Lives” in a single volume of The Camelot Classics; so I have selected therefrom (besides the Introductory Chapter on Art and Artists in England up to the Restoration period) the biographies of Hogarth, Richard Wilson, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Thomas Gainsborough, and William Blake. These five celebrated artists are not only men whose biographies are of necessity full of permanent interest, but are the best representatives of the splendid sunrise of English Art— of the Art of Painting in England. Hogarth, the caricaturist— or rather the pictorial satirist ; Wilson, * Lives of the most Eminent British Painters, By Allan Cunningham. Annotated and continued to the present time by Mrs. Charles Heaton. In 3 vols, (George Bell & Sons.) INTRODUCTION. ix the father, or at anyrate one of the chief progenitors of landscape-painting in this country ; the courtly Reynolds, first of our great colourists ; Gainsborough, taking, with Sir Joshua, place among the highest in rank of the portrait- painters of modern times, and the initiator in “ landscape ” of unconventional and natural methods versus pseudo- classicism and sterile formality ; and William Blake, the visionary poet-painter — equally at home in describing in verse the woes of the little chimney-sweeper, and in delineating with inspired touch “ The Ancient of Days ” — whom a swiftly-discerning critic of Blake’s own time, Charles Lamb, declared to be “ one of the most extra- ordinary persons of the age.” The lives and works of many other deservedly famous men, besides these, were duly set forth by Cunningham. Perhaps, at a future date, the more important of the biographies of those men who have worthily sustained the tradition of English art may be given in this series; but meanwhile the present volume will serve the end in immediate view. Allan Cunningham himself should have a few words devoted to him. His father and mother were respectable people of the small-farming class: latterly, John Cunningham acted as a factor for some Dumfriesshire lairds, and it was in Nithsdale that Allan, his fourth son, was born, in Decem- ber 1784. It was in the village of Dalswinton that Allan passed his youth— a period, by his own and other accounts, very happily spent. Common-sense was one of the most marked characteristics of the young stone-mason; and it was this often foolishly abused mental quality that kept him from scorning the trade to which he had been apprenticed, or from brooding over purely fanciful X INTRODUCTION wrongs, when as a lad he found his intelligence constantly expanding and his interests reaching a higher level than did those of his companions. For it was as a stone-mason that Allan Cunningham first began the battle of life, and it is satisfactory to know that if his intel- lectual powers had not lifted him into another sphere, he would have made his way in his quondam calling. From his boyhood the ballad-poetry and traditional lore of Nithsdale and Annandale, of the Scottish lowlands generally, always had a peculiar fascination for him. Besides fostering his own poetic powers, this mental pabulum enlarged his sympathies and widened his intel- lectual horizon : he began to have more and more realisable dreams of “ doing something 19 himself. He indulged in the joys of versifying, as have done many scores of Scottish lads of his own class before and since, but his “ effusions ” had enough in them of native inspiration to distinguish them from the experimental voicings which come into ephemeral existence in almost every north- country village. He was naturally proud when verses by him under the pseudonymous signature u Hidallan 99 appeared in one of the minor London magazines ; but it was not till after the visit to Nithsdale of Robert Cromek, a well-known engraver and a man of some reading and discrimination, that he became enamoured of and acted upon the idea, first suggested by Mr. Cromek, of entering into the same field of collection and research which had in part occupied the labours of Scott and Bishop Percy. When ultimately, however, “ Nithsdale and Galloway Song” saw the light, acute judges were not long in finding out that many of the so-called legendary verses were not survivals at all, but the production of a living poet; and it was not till Professor Wilson, in a INTRODUCTION. xi contribution to Blackwood' s Magazine , , made it clear that to Allan Cunningham was mainly due the credit of this collection, that the true authorship became publicly known- It was on the recommendation of this same Mr. Cromek (who, it may be added, reaped all the profit and most of the initial reputation gained by the publication of the volume which Cunningham had forwarded to him for his consideration, unfortunately without stipulations) that the young stone-mason was induced to burn his ships behind him by adventuring to London and there seeking congenial employment. More fortunate than many who before and since have been sucked into the metropolitan vortex, Allan after a time found employment — hard work and little pay, in the work-room of a minor sculptor called Bubb. Though his wages were small, he was now able to eke out his means by journalistic and magazine work; and on the head of his slow-growing success he married “the lass he’d left behind him,” who at the opportune moment had deserted the romantic loneliness of “Preston Mill” for the domestic bliss which she felt sure awaited her in “ Lunnon.” Time passed, and just as the necessity of employment that would be at once remunerative and stable urged itself upon Cunningham’s mind, he was engaged as assistant by the sculptor Chantrey, then just entering into the flood-tide of reputation and prosperity. From being an employe he rose to be a co-worker with, and a friend of, Chantrey : and this friendship between the two men lasted till the death of the more famous, which preceded Cunningham’s only by a few months. The success of Cunningham in the writing of Scottish lyrics emboldened him to attempt a tragedy ; but “ Sir Mar- maduke Maxwell” had even less good fortune than his three or four prose romances, of which the best is Sir Michael Xll INTRODUCTION. Scott . As a story-teller he was much more in his element, and his Cameronian Tales and Traditional Tales of the English and Scottish Peasantry are still widely enough read. It was in 1829 that were published the first two volumes of the work upon which his enduring reputation must be based. It was, according to his own account, Johnson’s Lives of the Poets that first suggested to him the idea of writing the Lives of Eminent British Painters , Sculptors, and Architects , to give that work its full title. The two volumes of the new biographical work met with immediate success, and the author lost no time in following them up with equally readable and, as it proved, equally popular biographies — ultimately com- pleted with the issue of the sixth volume. An important edition, in eight volumes, of the Life and Works of Robert Burns, and a Life of Sir David Wilkie, are the two remain- ing productions of notice of the indefatigable Allan. After a life of considerable happiness, incessant hard work, and no slight measure of prosperity, Allan Cunningham ceased from his labours at the age of fifty-seven. I need not write further of the " Lives.” Those which I have selected for this volume will afford to the reader not only much entertainment and possibly instruction, but also an index to the fund of interest that awaits him if he care to make further acquaintance with the writings of Allan Cunningham. Those who agree with me will be well satisfied to endorse the opinion of “ Christopher North : ” these biographies “ are full of a fine and an instructed enthusiasm. He speaks boldly but reverentially of genius, and of men of genius ; strews his narrative with many flowers of poetry, disposes and arranges his materials skilfully, and is, in a few words, an admirable critic on art — an admirable biographer of artists.” Since the publication of the 5 ‘ Lives,” there has naturally INTRODUCTION. xiii been considerable accumulation of material for would-be successors to Allan Cunningham. Individual artists have been much “ biographied,” as some one has worded it; but it can hardly be said that a worthy successor has as yet continued the task begun by the Scots mason-body, as Cunningham sometimes jocosely called himself. It would be impracticable to review here in detail those artists with whom Cunningham was perforce unable to deal : still less could any adequate idea be conveyed to the reader of the various phases through which Art has passed during the last four or five decades, of the several vital influences now at work. But some words may be written of the most important of those artistic phases, the often discussed, and still much misunderstood, Preraphaelite movement: with some remarks on the limits of Photography, a subject germane to any discussion concerning Realism in Art. Of the individual it has been said that there is no such thing as an absolute independency of antecedents ; and what is true of the individual is true of any movement in the intellectual or social evolution of man. By the way in which the movement known as The Preraphaelite has been and is even yet spoken of, it would seem to be regarded by many as a mere eccentric aberration from orthodox methods, sprouting up irresponsibly and unexpectedly, and with the sudden sterile growth of the proverbial mushroom. But that this is far from being the case any one having real knowledge of our antecedent art and literature will know well : that it could not be the case will at once be recognised by any student of historic evolution. The latter half of the nineteenth century has been fitly XIV INTRODUCTION, called the English Renaissance.* But this term would be quite out of place if applied only to the outcome of Preraphaelite principles ; for the spirit of change has been at work not only in one or two arts, and among a small band of enthusiasts, but in all the arts, in social life and thought, in science, and in political development, and among all the foremost men of the day-scientists, poets, artists, philosophers, religionists, and politicians. Indeed, to say that the breath of change has passed over our time is not sufficiently adequate, for if we contrast the present with so late a period as thirty years ago we will perceive that there has been nothing short of a national awakening. The national mind, as represented by the great mass of intelligent fairly cultivated people, may be likened to the very sun- flower the ultra-aestheticists have brought into such dis- repute, turning towards a light of which the need is felt — the same light, whether it is the Beautiful of the artist and poet, the Truth of the philosopher, or the Higher Morality of the teacher and the priest. In religion, and in what is now called sociology, as well as in literature, the first stirrings of this awakening spirit appear unmistakably, if faintly, towards the close of the last century. Before Byron and Keats and Shelley and Coleridge and Words- worth there was “ something in the air,” the first indefinite revulsion from the bugbear of an effete pseudo-classicism • such a pseudo-classicism as received in France its death- blow, on a certain evening in February 1830, when Hernani was the victorious standard of the Romanticists. But as these stirrings grew and grew the hearts of men of * The following pages mainly consist of a revised and considerably condensed version of remarks by the present editor in his chapter on the Preraphaelite Idea in Dante Gabriel Rossetti: A Record and a Study (Macmillan & Co. ). INTRODUCTION. xv true genius took fire with a new enthusiasm, and in poetic literature there came that splendid outburst of Romanticism of which Coleridge was the first and most potent exponent. Human thought flows onward like a sea, where flow and ebb alternate ; hence after the deaths of Shelley and Keats and Byron and Coleridge there came the lapse that preludes the new wave. At last a time came when a thrill of expecta- tion, of new desire, of hope, passed through the higher lives of the nation ; and what followed hereafter were the Oxford movement in the Church of England, the Preraphaelite movement in art, and the far-reaching Gothic Revival. Different as these movements were in their primary aims, and still more differing in the individual representations of interpreters, they were in reality closely interwoven, one being the outcome of the other. The study of mediaeval art, which was fraught with such important results, was the result of the widespread ecclesiastical revival, which in its turn was the offspring of the Tractarian movement in Oxford. The influence of Pugin was potent in strengthen- ing the new impulse, and to him succeeded Ruskin with Modern Painters and Newman with the Tracts Jor the Times . Primarily, the Preraphaelite movement had its impulse in the Oxford religious revival ; and however strange it may seem to say that such men as Holman Hunt and Rossetti and, later, Frederick Shields followed directly in the footsteps of Newman and Pusey and Keble, it is indubitably so. Theoretical divergence on minor points does not militate against the classing together of certain men, whether writers or artists, so long as in the main the results of their endeavours assimilate. Between two such artists as Dante Rossetti and Mr. Frederick Shields there is, of necessity, much in common, and in their work in art there is an unmistakable affinity ; yet to the older the XVI INTRODUCTION. “ Gothic ” spirit powerfully appealed, and to the younger, I think I am not mistaken in saying, it seems fitter for a crude age than for one which would cultivate the highest art. Earnestness was at the period of which I am speaking the watchword of all those who were in revolt against whatever was effete, commonplace, or unsatisfactory. Religion and art were closelier drawn to one another than had yet been the case in England, and it seemed as if at last the two were going to walk hand in hand ; and even when the twain were not directly united in spirit, there was a determination to get at the truth of things, to work in the most absolute sincerity, that made the pursuit of art a very different thing from what it too generally was. It could not have been otherwise but that such a man as John Ruskin was at once and strongly attracted to the programme and initiatory works of the young artists known as the Preraphaelites, for in them he recognised men of undoubted talent and possessed with a new purpose — talents such as had not been exercised in art since Albert Diirer, and a purpose vital with truth and throbbing with the pulse of ardent and lofty endeavour. Their choice of designation could not be said to be fortun- ate ; for, apart from anything else, the mere selection of an epithet like Preraphaelite was a mistake, playing as it did into the hands of those whose chief weapon was ridicule. The term, as a definitive title, was quite a misnomer ; for between the works of the band of artists who preceded Raphael, and the productions of those who were called after them in the nineteenth century, there was no real resemblance ; the only bond that united them was the principle of going direct to nature for inspiration and guidance, for, as Mr. Ruskin points out, the young brother- hood of contemporary artists were altogether superior to INTRODUCTION . XVII the Italian Preraphaelites in skill of manipulation, power of drawing, and knowledge of effect ; as superior in these as they were inferior in grace of design. To the title must certainly be imputed at least part of the widespread misunderstanding that beset the early efforts of Millais, Holman Hunt, Rossetti, and others, — the idea that they imitated, perhaps intentionally and perhaps not, the errors of the early Italian painters. And certainly the “ Brother- hood ” got their fair share of scornful contempt, too frequently, unfortunately, undergoing also the mortifi- cation of having imputed to them falsity to art, and not infrequently suffering from the stings of personal spite. But if the public, or at least the critical public, was to them a huge and threatening Goliath, their spirits were soon to take new courage, for suddenly a very David came forth as their champion, and Ruskin in the Times , in Modern Painters , and elsewhere, spoke of their efforts with charac- teristic dogmatic conviction, insisting on the young painters’ rectitude of aim and frequent beauty of accomplishment, and scornfully dismissing, amongst others, such antagonistic assertions as were constantly repeated regarding the absence of perspective in Preraphaelite work, by such counter-blasts as : “ There was not a single error in perspective in three out of the four pictures in question. I doubt if, with the exception of the pictures of David Roberts, there was one architectural drawing in perspective on the walls of the Academy. I never met with but two men in my life who knew enough of perspective to draw a Gothic arch in a retiring plane so that its lateral dimen- sions and curvatures might be calculated to scale from the drawing. Our architects certainly do not, and it was but the other day that, talking to one of the most distinguished amongst them, the author of several valuable works, I XV111 INTRODUCTION. found he did not know how to draw a circle in perspective.”* It is no wonder that Mr. Ruskin, and for that matter many of the public as well, welcomed the conscientious endeavours of the Preraphaelites, when, in the famous art-critic’s own words, we are asked to look around at our exhibitions “ and behold the ‘cattle-pieces/ and ‘sea- pieces/ and ‘fruit-pieces/ and ‘family-pieces/ the eternal brown cows in ditches, and white sails in squalls, and sliced lemons in saucers, and foolish faces in simpers, and try to feel what we are, and what we might have been.” If a painter like Fra Angelico on the one hand, like Millais or Holman Hunt on the other, were to paint the same scene — say “ Ohrist healing the sick ” — the produc- tions would be very opposite ; but because the work of the Fra Angelesque painter would be utterly unreal to fact, however true to the inner truth , to the “ eternal verities,” surely this is no reason why the work of the later artist, true to the facts of costume, country, and time, and at the same time equally true in inspiration, should be inferior ? But there are many who would ignore the possibility of an artist combining realism and idealism in his work — or rather, they would say the true idealism includes whatever of realism is necessary. And it must be admitted that, at the best, historic painting or religious painting based on historic fact, can only be approximately true ; and it may have been the recognition of this that made such men as Raffaelle paint poor Galilean fishermen in flowing robes, preferring typical representations to historic accuracy. But these are not the times of Raffaelle ; * Prerajphaelitism , 1851. See also the somewhat too insisted oil opinions regarding the value of correct perspective expressed in the Preface to The Elements of Drawing . INTRODUCTION. xix and owing to the enormous extension of knowledge, not only in regard to our immediate surroundings but also in regard to man’s environment in the past, the necessity for truth, or the closest possible approximation to truth, is expected of the latter-day artist. And surely this natural evolution does not militate against an equally natural evolution of imagination? An imaginative idea, a lofty conception, may be not the less great because it be married to relative as well as absolute truth ; nor does the imagination that ignores fact necessarily in that very ignoring attain the loftiest height. Is the symbolism of Hunt’s Scapegoat less effective because the landscape of the picture is true both to nature and to the part of the country wherein happened the historic fact upon which the idea of the picture is based ? Would it have been more impressive if the goat had been more ideal in portraiture, and the landscape an English common or Italian plain? Granted equality of imaginative insight, surely it is to be desired that in a picture truth should satisfy the mind as well as the idea affect the spirit ; and this even if the truth be only approximate. In painting Caesar, even if we cannot represent the great statesman-warrior as he seemed to his contemporaries, we would not make an ideal Englishman of him, but would makehis representation Italian, Roman, in the first place, and then from the record of his- torian, carved gem, or impressed coin, complete in detail what would be necessary to realise the mental conception. It is true that a Nemesis pursues the Realist, showing him that after all his ideal of realisation of things past is frequently futile. Yet this is no reason why realism in high art is false : for in what is there no Nemesis ? The Idealist will not deny the dreaded following footsteps. A marked instance of this frequent futility in realistic work is XX INTRODUCTION. afforded in Holman Hunt’s Christ among the Doctors , of which Mons. Milsand narrates* — “ Apres avoir examine le tableau une dame juive dit gravement : — ‘ Cela est fort beau , seulement on voit que V auteur ne connaissait pas le trait distinctif de la race de Juda ; il a donn'e ct ses docteurs les pieds plats qui sont de la tribu de Ruben , tandis que les hommes de Juda avaient le cou-de-pied fortment cambr'e I 9 19 As M. Milsand remarks, here Mr. Hunt’s Preraphaelite accuracy has been his Nemesis ; for in endeavouring to be literally true to nature he has only succeeded in obtaining a general Jewish type, and not those differences at once palpable to a people acquainted with their own characteristics. However, if one must err, it is well to err on the safe side. There are many even now who would echo the Prior and his art-friends in Browning’s poem, who rated the young painter-brother for painting from nature, from life, instead of “ idealising ” : — “How ? what’s here ? Quite from the mark of painting, bless us all I Faces, arms, legs, and bodies like the true As much as pea and pea ! It’s devil’s game ! Your business is not to catch men with show, With homage to the perishable clay, But lift them over it, ignore it all, Make them forget there’s such a thing as flesh. Faint the soul, never mind the legs and arms.” To all such no better reply could be given than Fra Lippo Lippi’s own words : — “How, is this sense, I ask ? A fine way to paint soul, by painting body So ill, the eye can’t stop there, must go further * L\ Esthetique Anglaise , par. J, Milsand. 1864. INTRODUCTION. xxi And can’t fare worse. . . . Why can’t a painter . . . Make his flesh liker and his soul more like, Both in their order ? ” Preraphaelitism is not simply another name for Photo- graphy, not what a critic once called it, 44 a mere heartless reiteration of the model. ” The absurd accusation was made against the Preraphaelites that their paintings were in reality copied photographs — a charge that Mr. Ruskin effectually dissipated, by challenging any one to produce a Preraphaelite picture by that process. It is strange, now that Preraphaelitism has become a phrase of the past, that the tradition of its synonymity with photography should still exist, for only the slightest knowledge of the processes of the latter is required to show the wide difference there is between it and art . I was recently looking at the picture of one of our most eminent sea-painters, and more than once I heard the remark, 44 that it was too photographic : ” well, this painter’s method of delineation may or may not be the true way to represent the ever-changing and multi- form beauty of the sea, but one thing is certain, that it is beyond any photograph. No painter worthy of the name could paint a picture of the sea or marine coast that would not contain many more facts than any photograph could possibly do, for the limitations of the scientific method are such as to preclude more than perhaps but one truth being given at a time. If mere accumulation of facts were all that were wanted, then doubtless a series of positives would be more valuable than the picture of an artist. Suppose what is desired is a representation of the Dover Cliffs as viewed midway in the Channel, with a fresh south-west breeze blowing through the summer day, what would the painter give us % There would be overhead the deep blue XXI 1 INTRODUCTION. of mid-heaven, gradated into paler intensity as the eye ranged from the zenith ; here and there would move north- wards and eastwards (granting the wind-current to be the same at their elevation) fringed drifts of cloud whiter than snow, while down in the south-west great masses of rounded cumuli would rise above the horizon, compact, like moving alps ; the sea between the painter and the cliffs would be dazzling with the sun-glare, and the foam of the breaking waves constantly flashing along the glitter of the sparkling blue : here the sea would rival the sky, there it would seem as though dyed with melted amethysts, and farther on where dangerous shallows lurked pale green spaces would stretch along ; outward-bound, some huge ocean steamer would pass in the distance, with a thin film of blue smoke issuing from her funnel, and, leaning over with her magni- ficent cloud of canvas, a great ship from Austral or Pacific ports would overtake a French lugger making for Calais, or a heavily-built coaster bound for London ; dotted here and there would be the red sails of the fishing-boats, quite a cloud of them far away on the right, and beyond the red sails the white cliffs, surge-washed at their bases, and at their summits green with young grass. Words can give no idea of these cliffs, however, as they would really seem to the painter— the marvellous blending of colours, the shades of delicate grey deepening to purple, the glow of minute vegetation seeming like patches of orange light, the whitest portions appearing dusky in contrast with the snowy cloud and the glitter of the sea. No painter could transfer this scene to canvas as it appeared to him in its entirety ; for in cloud and sea there is an incessant and intricate change- fulness defiant alike of painter and poet ; but he could give a representation of it which, though not literally true, would yet in another sense be true, for nothing that appeared INTRODUCTION. xxiii in his picture would be out of harmony with natural truth so long as it was in itself guiltless of disrelation in its parts. And now what would the photographer give us of the same scene ? In far less time than an artist’s briefest sketch would occupy, we would have a representation of the sea, of the clouds, of the ships and fishing craft, of the cliffs and the cliff-formations. But in what condition? We see the cliffs clearly portrayed — even the gorges are recognis- able ; but to make up for this one truth the rest of the representation is falsehood. The sea is a white blank, waveless, glitterless, unbuoyant ; the sky is pale and hueless, with dull, slate-coloured clouds, the whole seeming more as if permeated with wan moonlight than the glory of noon- day ; the blue film of the steamer’s smoke is a dingy grey, and the vessel itself a black smudge, while the red sails of the fishing boats are dark and shadowless. This is what the photograph would be if a representation of the cliffs were specially desired ; and the result as a whole would be equally unsatisfactory if only the sea and cloud effects had been wished. In this case the photographic copy would be more accurate than the sketch in retaining the actual formation of the clouds, and would also give the delicate shading beautifully, and would moreover represent well the glitter of the sea ; but this would be at the sacrifice of the other constituent parts of the picture, for the vessels would be mere blotches and the cliffs irrecognisable as chalk steeps or anything else under the sun. In the first instance, in order to obtain the transference of the solid objects in the distance, the negative would have to be so long exposed to the actinic rays that decomposition would affect the more delicate sea and cloud impressions, resulting in non-grada- tion, and finally in a mere uniform flatness : and in the XXIV INTRODUCTION, second, so very short a time would the negative have to be exposed in order to obtain true portraitures of passing cloud and sea-glitter that the cliffs and farther vessels would be left quite or almost blank. Of course, a series of photographed facts taken simultaneously, some with the negative exposed but for a very brief space, some for a sufficient time to obtain medium effects, and some so as to adequately represent the most solid objects, would produce a great many truths — -in the main, might produce as many truths with more literal accuracy than any painting. But, apart from the impracticableness of this method of obtain- ing truth from nature, the series of photographs could never really bring before the mental vision of the spectator the scene with anything like the, in one sense, inaccurate and exaggerated delineation of the painter ; for though an artist might be able to paint a true and beautiful painting from these photographic facts, it would entail too great an intellectual effort on the part of any one not an artist, unless indeed his or her observant powers were highly developed, both naturally and by ceaseless usage, to com- prehend the scene in its fitness of detail ; and certainly the work of the landscapist is to convey to the onlooker a speedy impression of some beautiful or truthful natural scene, not to set before him what would involve a certain labour of comprehension. Fifty artists sketching simultaneously from the same scene, each devoting the few minutes available to its ever-changing aspects, would doubt- less give us an invaluable series of truthful effects ; never, theless we would get a far better idea of the scene through the literally inaccurate but harmonious rendering in the complete picture of one artist. However commonly we see people purchasing and even preferring photographs of scenery to paintings or water-colours or sketches, the INTRODUCTION. XXV enormous disadvantages of the artificial compared with the artistic method in rendering recognisable aspects are easily proved. Show a photograph of Snowdon, or Ben Lomond, or Hartfell, without mentioning the mountain in question, and it is doubtful if more than one in half a dozen would really recognise it even if well acquainted with the neighbourhood ; but show a sketch in water-colour, or painting in oil, and though the mountain’s features may be exaggerated, the foreground of moor or woodland filled in in the studio, and an unusual effect of sunrise, noon- glow, or sunset be over all, yet few who have once seen them would fail at once to recognise Hartfell, Snowdon, or Ben Lomond. And this fact arises from an apparent contradiction, namely, that nature as accurately delineated by photography is less truthful in the effect it produces than any good artistic representation — because any given natural aspect appeals not only to the sense of sight, to the mere faculties of recognition, but also, and most potently, to the imagination. The imagination does not want mere imitation, it can reduplicate sufficiently itself ; what it craves is a powerful impression upon which to employ itself. But there are many who do not realise this — hence, for example, the common dislike to much of our most powerful modern etching. Mr. Hamerton stated the matter concisely in The Portfolio (September 1878) in criticising the remarks of an American critic who condemned Turner’s Venetian pictures on the ground of their not being imitations of nature : — “ The question is not whether they are close imita- tions of nature , hut whether they have the art 'power oj conveying a profound impression , and that they unquestion- ably have.” Mr. Hamerton has also ably touched upon this necessity of exaggeration in land or sea-scape art in his interesting volume Thoughts about Art , wherein also he xxvi INTRODUCTION. points out what is doubtless as indubitable a fact, an equal necessity in literature dealing, as in fiction and dramatic poetry, with character. And concerning this irrecog- nisable photographic as compared with artistic repre- sentation, let the reader look at any photograph of some mountain with which he is familiar, and observe how dwarfed it seems to him, how devoid of all glory and majesty, how different from the sympathetic and im- aginative work (i.e. poetic insight, artistic grasp) of the artist. This, of course, is very much more noticeable in the case of photographs of English and Scotch hills than of the Alps, where height alone is sufficient to captivate the imagination in portraiture ; but, as Wordsworth has pointed out, and as any observant lover of mountain scenery fully realises, mere height in itself is not only what gives rise to emotions of grandeur and majesty, but the shadows of clouds passing overhead, the drifting of mists from crag to crag, the “ mountain gloom ” and “ mountain glory; ” there- fore when these natural garments of the hills are not represented, or are represented poorly and falsely, the results are unsatisfactory in the extreme, and the hill-range we love is metamorphosed into a dull brown band, the moss- cragged, fir-sloped, ravined, and bouldered majesty of Helvellyn or Schehallion changed to a dark and dreary mass. The processes of photography being then so different from the method of painters, it can be seen how absurd was the charge made against the Preraphaelites which Mr Ruskin dissipated by his challenge, and how inaccurate is the frequent remark that such and such a painting is merely a coloured photograph. So foreign is both process and result of one from the other that the accusation brought then and still brought against certain artists of painting much of the detail of their pictures from photographs instead of directly INTRODUCTION. XXVli from nature (a subsequent modification of the original charge) is quite untenable in the sense of detraction ; for supposing an artist desirous of painting an old dismantled castle wall, half covered with ivy, with wall-flowers peep- ing out of the chinks and crannies, and long grasses waving over ruined buttresses, and only having time or opportunity to make a brief sketch, he would doubtless obtain considerable help from a photograph faithfully reproducing the old ruin with all its wall-flowered inter- stices and waving grasses, and with the exact configurations of the ivy tendrils ; on these data he could regulate his drawing , but what would they give him of what is most essential to a painter — colour ? He would have to paint the various shades of grey of the castle wall, here green with one kind of moss, here brown with another — the wall- flowers in their brown, rusty, and golden-yellow hues, the grey-green of the grasses, some seeded and almost purple — the light and shade of passing clouds — and the over-arching azure sky. This he would have to do himself; in what sense, then, could it be said that he was not a true painter but only a photograph-copyist? “ All good painting, how- ever literal, however Preraphaelite or topographic, is full of human feeling and emotion. If it has no other feeling in it than love or admiration for the place depicted, that is much already, quite enough to carry the picture out of the range of photography into the regions of art.”* Both Preraphaelite and synthetic painters can agree on one point— viz., that the fountain-head of nature is the only legitimate spring wherefrom to draw inspiration ; but this agreement means little when both differ as to methods of interpretation. The analytic, the Preraphaelite artist would * Thoughts about Art, page 63. The essential differences are fully gone into in this instructive volume. xxviii INTRODUCTION \ consider fidelity to fact essential to the highest and truest art ; the synthetic would consider the individual interpreta- tion and representation of fact superior to mere literalness. There can he no doubt that truth absolute dwells with neither side in extremis ; the enthusiastic analytic painter is as one who triumphs in the flesh but sins in the spirit — the not less ardent synthetic artist as one who succeeds in the spirit but misses unity because of being insensible to “the value and significance of flesh.’ 7 Undoubtedly the ideal painter is he who accepts the broad view of things in their relation to surroundings, who sees synthetically, but who at the same time can value and practise detail and elaborate finish when advisable, who can be true to the facts of nature, and at the same time true to the vision of these facts as seen through the veil of individual impression. Now, while it is true the Preraphaelite painters had a tendency to be analytic before all things, all had not this tendency in like degree ; and, moreover, if Preraphaelitism is to be judged by its chief exponents it will be seen to be primarily a protest, and not in itself a fixed creed. That Rossetti was a Preraphaelite leader is well known, but to say he was a painter who adhered to literality above all things would be absurd — for there has been no artist of our time who had a more marked and wonderful gift of infusing his work with a poetic idea. Even the Quarterly Review , in its bitter disparagement of Preraphaelitism, speaks more respectfully of Rossetti. “ With him,” it says, “ however, it was realism no longer, and though it perhaps retained a more archaic treatment and distribution than was usual with other painters, it was never the slave of material, but appealed by mental images rather than by the rigid imitation of facts. . . . The poetic idea, rather than the mechanical execution, is the leading object of the work.” INTRODUCTION. XXIX There is a manifest difficulty in avoiding misunderstand- ing when speaking of Preraphaelitism at this late date, in the fact that in the first place there is now no artistic body of painters who can be separately classed under the term ; and, in the second, that the word “ Preraphaelite ” in public usage has come to signify something derogatory. When at exhibitions visitors see a picture which is simply an absolutely unindividual soulless imitation of nature, or a figure-painting remarkable only for total absence of grace of outline and of harmonic gradation in colour, or an allegoric subject represented in quaint gestures and archaic habiliments, it is at once half-amusedly, half- scornfully passed by as “ Preraphaelite. 7; Without any doubt, the amusement is in nine such cases out of ten deserved, but the calling such a picture Pre- raphaelite is quite a mistake. It is true that travesty often flaunts itself under the guise of its original, but, like the ass who donned the lion’s skin, it does not succeed in deceiving any but the ignorant. When Mr. Horatio Grub writes an epic in twelve books on The Deluge, and is praised by the Ballyrashoon Reporter or the Straw-cum- Muddle Weekly Post as the producer of a poem Miltonic in diction and Dantesque in force, no one but of the same intellectual vigour as Mr. Grub and the Reporter and Post reviewers is deceived ; the professional critic and the lover of poetry equally recognise how utterly out of place such terms of comparison are. It is the same with Preraphael- itism. Those who know what the characteristics of the “ Brotherhood ” were, both in aim and accomplishment, would not make such a mistake as the visitors just referred to. It is true that amongst these characteristics one of our leading art writers, Mr. Hamerton, specifies an “absolute indifference to grace, and size, and majesty,” a XXX INTRODUCTION. statement which I think would have more truth in it if the word “ absolute ” were omitted. It was not so much of conscious and voluntary indifference that the “ P.R.B.” were guilty, as a ruthless naturalness that at times blinded their artistic vision. One of the most brilliant of the French critics who noticed the Preraphaelite movement in England was M. Prosper M6rim6e, who, however, begins with a mistake in his essay on Les Beaux-Arts en Angleterre , by attributing the rise of Preraphaelitism to Ruskin — “ A la faveur d’un style bizarre parfois jusqu’& Extravagance mais toujours spirituel, il a mis en circulation quelques id6es saines et merne pratiques forgetting that Ruskin was a champion, not an originator. M. M6rim6e considers that all the defects of the young school, thoroughly analysed, reduce themselves to one— inexperience : moreover, M. M6rimee fully recognises the benefits almost certain to be the outcome of the protest made by its adherents — stating that one thing remains from the Preraphaelite movement which is probably of greater value than any pictorial achievements it can show— namely, the remodelling of the system of study in England ; for at last design is given an important place, which henceforth will give a solid base to artistic education. Another well-known French critic, M, Eugene Forgues, speaking of the Preraphaelites, ces fiers revendicateurs de V independance individuelle , having found un evangile dans V oeuvre singuliere du paysagiste de Turner , et un prophete dans la personne de M. J . Ruskin , styles them ces mormons de la peinture . Perhaps the best way to state the most evident fault of the P.R.B. at the early stage of the move- ment would be to say that they, individually more or less, lacked the faculty of selection in details. This want of fit INTRODUCTION. XXXI selection does not, however, necessarily postulate want of poetic feeling, for a strong poetic bias is manifest in most of the early Preraphaelite work ; it is simply the unfortunate predominance of a mistaken idea of truth. A lately deceased eminent painter — Mr. Samuel Palmer— made the best definition of natural truth in art when he said — “ Truth in art seems to me to stand at a fixed centre , midway between its two antagonists — Fact and Phantasm T On the other hand, the “ Brotherhood ” were remarkable for strength of purpose, for intellectual power, high moral fervour, and quite unexampled manipulative skill. Their primary aims were to choose in the first instance high subjects fit for art, and in the next to treat these subjects with the utmost analytic detail and absolute faithfulness to truth ; to accept nature as the only reliable guide, and have nothing to do with tradition. What such an ideal means, any artist can realise — the high mental powers requisite, the enormous labour of hand, the keenly observant eye, faculties for the most laborious analysis, intense conviction and marvellous patience. That the Preraphaelites were thus gifted there can now be surely no dispute, and that they fulfilled a purpose and influenced the artistic spirit at large there can equally be little doubt. The Preraphaelite movement, though in itself mainly devotional or appertaining to what is called high art, was in reality the outcome of the spirit working in art that was already working in the world of thought — it was essentially a sceptical revolt. The investigations of scientists had led to conclusions antagonistic to accepted dogmas, even to Biblical declarations, and the scientific mind was in revolt against the clerical conception of the creation, the flood, the lapse of geologic periods, and so forth ; the labours of the literary philosopher had resulted in specula- XXX11 INTRODUCTION, tive theories, more or less convincingly backed-up, in direct opposition to orthodox creeds, and these theories, whether religious or social, having first joined hands with the scientific deductions, had permeated all classes; and at last the artistic minds of a select few, catching fire from the sceptical (that is, a examining ”) spirit abroad, banded together for the purpose of animating what they considered a dying English art by revolting against tradi- tion and bringing all the powers of intellect and laborious manual analysis, as opposed to a slovenly uninspired synthesis, to bear upon whatever they undertook. Looking back, these artist-sceptics saw that the band of earnest truth-loving workers who preceded Raphael resembled them in this, an absolute reliance on nature; and hence they likened themselves to, and called themselves, the Preraphaelite Brotherhood. Their convictions were assured, their energy unique, their enthusiasm intense — therefore it is not to be won- dered at that, intellectually dowered as they were, they in several instances turned also to literature not only as to another means of advancing their doctrines, but as itself a somewhat fouled stream they would fain refresh with pure and original springs. And amongst them the intel- lectual bias was as strongly marked as the artistic, the public proof being that out of the original seven promoters of the movement three have subsequently made their names conspicuous in literature. A Protestant, a protester, belonging nearly always to an extreme minority, is inevitably disliked — sometimes feared, but always disliked ; and though nearly every good law we possess, our individual, our social, our religious, our moral freedom, is owing to protest after protest, the theory of the beneficent action of protestation is only admitted in theory, INTRODUCTION xxxiii as only praiseworthy in the past. Yet let the protest- ing spirit die out of our midst, and the result will be first stagnation, and then retrogression. The craving human spirit, whether manifested in religion, or politics, or the life social, whether in the peasant who craves for his small right to the soil of his fatherland or the artisan who demands manhood suffrage, in the merchant who would fain extend commercial enterprise still further, or in the politician who labours for a republic or a constitution, in the poet, the musician, and the artist — everywhere and with ever-recurring insistence this craving human spirit must ask, ask, ask. It is therefore that Pre- raphaelitism, even if it possessed no other virtue than that of protestation, served a good purpose in art ; and if it be true, as it is, that the term no longer embraces a specific body of artists, none the less the influence of the protest was not impotent, but has borne good and lasting fruit. That, practically, the spirit ich animated the Brother- hood had for its main aim to 'protest is apparent in the fact that after the coherent energy necessary for protestation had been expended, the individualism of each artist showed itself by gliding into separate if parallel grooves, and ultimately, as in the case of Millais, into grooves widely apart.* * “Of the whilome leaders of Preraphaelitism, Mr. Dante Rossetti is perhaps the only one who combines in just balance the passion for beauty with intellectual subtlety and executive mastery. And the name of this painter brings us from the realistic, didactic part of the sequel of Preraphaelitism ... to the art whose aim is beauty. . . , Of the original Preraphaelite brethren, Mr. Rossetti, perhaps the chief intellectual force in the movement, is the only one who seems thoroughly to have combined beauty with passion and intellect. An amazing power of realization and extreme splendour of colour are used to embody subjects symbolically suggestive, and pregnant of fanciful allegory.” — Professor Sidney Colvin, English Painters and Painting in 1867. C Xxxw INTRODUCTION. The whole subject of Preraphaelitism has been greatly misunderstood, sometimes ludicrously so, as in the case of a “critic” in the North American Review (for October 1870), who, referring to the absurd story of the affectation of the P.R.B. in pronouncing the name of their magazine, The Germ , with a hard g , adds, “ there is nothing in this pro- cedure which is essentially inconsistent with the character- istics of the works which Preraphaelitic art has produced I ” Preraphaelitism, as the principle of a sect, is now a thing of the past : but let it be remembered for its beneficent influence and deeds, as well as for its faults and later back- slidings in the hands of disciples who never attained the artistic level of the original Brotherhood. For when the protest was accomplished and had borne fruit, each indi- vidual member pursued his own independent impulse ; and it was only amongst the so-called disciples that a unanimity of style and choice of subject was perpetuated. Nor should the impression, arising out of so much adverse criticism, be allowed to crystallise, the impression that adherence to Preraphaelite principles almost of necessity postulates sterility of imagination and absence of insight, however great may be the manifestation of mechanical skill — for it is not so. There is nothing in the Preraphaelite principle of “absolute, uncompromising truth to nature, and to nature only ” to prevent any artist from accepting in spirit and following up in action the principle set forth in Bacon’s beautiful sentence in On the Advancement of Learning (Bk. ii.) — “ The world being inferior to the soul ; by reason whereof, there is agreeable to the spirit of man a more ample greatness, a more exact goodness, and a more absolute variety than can be found in the nature of things.” For the animating spirit is nature as much as the permeated matter. INTRODUCTION , , XXXV Crome, Constable, Turner ; Mulready and Etty ; Clarkson Stanfield, Copley Fielding, David Roberts ; John Philip, Sir Edwin Landseer — and many other famous artists, have done their best to add to the fame of English art since the date of Allan Cunningham’s chronicle. English art itself — as has already been stated — has passed through several phases, has experienced the ebb and flow of taste, the growth and culmination of revolution; nor is there any real cause to doubt that it has a future before it that will not be unworthy of its past. There has been too much variety of genius, there have been too vigorous and independent native energies expended already, not to warrant the belief that an artistic history opening with the great names of Hogarth, Reynolds, and Gains- borough, will still have much to record when the not less great names of Rossetti and Millais belong also to an age that is gone. WILLIAM SHARP. INTRODUCTION. Art and Artists in England up to the time of Holbein — Holbein — Sir A. Moro — Oliver — Vandyke — George Jameson — Sir Peter Lely — Sir Godfrey Kneller — Sir James Thornhill . T was not without diffidence that I undertook this work ; nor have I forgotten the satiric complaint of my countryman — “ Will no one write a book on what he understands ? ” But the hands which hold the pencil are not always willing or able to hold the pen, and artists of literary attainments are either more profitably employed, or prudent enough to avoid an undertaking where there is more certainty of censure than of praise. I may also urge, in extenuation of my temerity, that as art reflects nature, through nature it must be judged. The history of art, and the lives, and characters, and works of its earlier professors, are scattered through many volumes, and are to be sought for in remote collections, private cabinets, and public galleries. Our paintings are widely diffused, nor are they all contained in the island ; and the biographical materials collected by the indiscrim- *53 2 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . inating diligence of Yertue, and brightened here and there by the wit or the sagacity of Walpole, lie strangely heaped together. The other sources of information consist chiefly of the lectures and discourses of the Professors, the accidental notice of the historian or the poet, anecdotes collected by lovers of gossip connected with eminent men, and certain detached biographies, dictated, some by the affection of friends, others by the malevolence of enemies, but most of them drawn up with the hurried indifference of men writing for bread. Of these works some are concise and barren, others overflowing and diffuse, and all are more or less liable to be charged with inaccuracy of criticism, with describing what ought to be, rather than delineating what is. Erom materials thus varied and contradictory, it is my wish to extract a clear and concise account of our early art, with the lives and characters of the most eminent British artists. Before the birth of Hogarth, there are many centuries in which we relied wholly on foreign skill. With him, and after him, arose a succession of eminent painters, who have spread the fame of British art far and wide. Of their conduct as men I hope to speak with candour. Of their works I shall express my own senti- ments, wherever I have the power of personal examination. Where this is impracticable — for many paintings are in foreign lands, some are shut up in inaccessible galleries, and others have perished through time or accident — I shall follow what are generally esteemed the safest authorities. Though the lives of men devoted to silent study and secluded labour contain few of those incidents which embellish the biographies of more stirring spirits, yet they are scarcely less alluring and instructive. Their works are at once their actions and their history, and a record of the taste and feeling of the times in which they flourished. We love to know under what circumstances a great work of art was conceived and completed : it is pleasing to follow the vicissitudes of their fortunes whose EARL Y ART IN ENGLAND , . 3 genius has charmed us — to sympathise in their anxieties, and to witness their triumph. Poetry, Painting, Sculpture, and Music are the natural offspring of the heart of man. They are found among the most barbarous nations ; they flourish among the most civilised ; and springing from nature, and not from necessity or accident, they can never be wholly lost in the most disastrous changes. In this they differ from mere inventions ; and, compared with mechanical discoveries, are what a living tree is to a log of wood. It may indeed be said that the tongue of poetry is occasionally silent, and the hand of painting sometimes stayed ; but this seems not to affect the ever-living principle which I claim as their characteristic. They are heard and seen again in their season, as the birds and flowers are at the coming of spring ; and assert their title to such immortality as the things of earth may claim. It is true that the poetry of barbarous nations is rude, and their attempts at painting uncouth; yet even in these we may recognise the fore- shadowings of future excellence, and something of the peculiar character which, in happier days, the genius of the same tribe is to stamp upon worthier productions. The future Scott, or Lawrence, or Chantrey, may be indicated afar off in the barbarous ballads, drawings, or carvings of an early nation. Coarse nature and crude simplicity are the commencement, as elevated nature and elegant simplicity are the consummation, of art. When the Spaniards invaded the palaces of Chili and Peru, they found them filled with works of art. Cook found considerable beauty of drawing and skill of work- manship in the ornamented weapons and war canoes of the islanders of the South Sea ; and in the interior recesses of India, sculptures and paintings, of no common merit, are found in every village. In like manner, when Ceesar landed among the barbarians of Britain, he found them acquainted with arts and arms ; and his savage successors, the Saxons, added to unextinguishable ferocity a love of splendour and a rude sense of beauty, still visible in the churches which 4 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . they built, and the monuments which they erected to their princes and leaders. All those works are of that kind called ornamental : the graces of true art, the truth of action and the dignity of sentiment, are wanting ; and they seem to have been produced by a sort of mechanical process, similar to that which creates figures in arras. Art is, indeed, of slow and gradual growth ; like the oak, it is long of growing to maturity and strength. Much know- ledge of colour, much skill of hand, much experience in human character, and a deep sense of light and shade, have to be acquired, to enable the pencil to embody the conceptions of genius. The artist has to seek for all this in the accumulated mass of professional knowledge which time has gathered for his instruction : and with his best wisdom, and his happiest fortune, he can only add a little more information to the common stock, for the benefit of his successors. In no country has Painting risen suddenly into eminence. While Poetry takes wing at once, free and unincumbered, her sister is retarded in her ascent by the very mechanism to which she must at last owe at least half her glory. In Britain, Painting was centuries in throwing off the fetters of mere mechanical skill, and in rising into the region of genius. The original spirit of England had appeared in many a noble poem, while the two sister arts were still servilely employed in preserving incredible legends, in taking the likeness of the last saint whom credulity had added to the calendar, and in confounding the acts of the apostles in the darkness of allegory. Henry the Third, a timid and pious king, founded many cathedrals, and enriched them with sculpture and with painting to an extent and with a skill which merited the commendation of Plaxman. The royal instructions of 1233 are curious, and inform us of the character of art at that remote period, and of the subordinate condition of its pro- fessors. In Italy, indeed, as weil as in England, an artist was then, and long after, considered as a mere mechanic. He was commonly at once a carver of wood, a maker of figures, a house and heraldry painter, a carpenter, an EARL Y ART IN ENGLAND— HENRY III 5 upholsterer, and a mason; and sometimes, over and above all this, he was a tailor. Genius had not then come to the aid of art, and paintings and statues were ordered exactly as chairs and tables are now. Much of the undisciplined talent of the nation was em- ployed by Henry the Third on the building and embellish- ing of his Cathedrals and palaces : foreign artists, too, were imported ; and the manufacture of saints and legends was carried on under the inspection of one William, a Florentine. Those productions take their position in history, and claim the place, if not the merit, of works of taste and talent. At best they were but a kind of religious heraldry : the most beautiful of the virgins and the most dignified of the apostles were rude, clumsy, and ungraceful, with ill-proportioned bodies and most rueful looks. That the religious paintings of that period were such as I have described them, there is sufficient evidence ; that those of a national or domestic kind were similar in cha- racter may be safely inferred. There is no account of the nature of those paintings which belonged to the royal Castle of Winchester; but we may conclude that they were not the same as those which aided the priests of the abbeys in explaining religion to an illiterate people. Wal- pole presumes — he says not on what authority — that when Henry the Third directed his chamber in Winchester to be painted with “ the same pictures as before,” they were of an historical nature. Historical, or religious, or domes- tic, the passage referred to by Walpole proves that the art of painting had been introduced early among us ; perhaps it even countenances the tradition that it is as old as Bede. Vertue indeed urges, with more nationality than prob- ability, the claim of England to early knowledge in art, and our acquaintance with the mystery of oil colours, before they appeared in Italy. In sculpture considerable talent was shown before this period ; but he who proves that equal skill was exhibited in Painting has likewise to prove that the artists were Englishmen— a circumstance contra- dicting tradition, and unsupported by history. The early 6 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . works of art in this island were from the hands of for- eigners. It was the interest of Rome to supply us with painters as well as priests, whose mutual talents and mutual zeal might maintain, and extend, and embellish religion. There is no honour surrendered in relinquishing our claims to such productions ; the best of them displayed no genius, and exhibited little skill. The arts seem to have suffered some neglect during the reigns of Edward the First and Second — the chronicles of the church and the state annalist are alike silent. Paint- ing, which requires seclusion and repose, was ill suited to the temper of the conqueror of Wales and Scotland, and was not likely to obtain patronage from a fierce nobility, whose feet were seldom out of the stirrup. All art was neglected save that which embellished armour, and weapons, and military trappings. Elegance was drowned in absurd pomp, and luxury in grotesque extravagance. Art and knowledge were more in favour during the long reign of Edward the Third. Poetry and learning were of his train ; a better taste and a more temperate splendour distinguished the court ; the country became rich as well as powerful, and the martial barbarism of the preceding reigns was sobered down into something like elegance. The ladies laid aside those formidable pyramids which made the face seem the centre of the body, and the nobles escaped out of the courtly boots of the first Edward, with the square turned-up toes fastened to the knees by chains of gold. There was everywhere a growing sense of what was becom- ing and elegant, yet the character of the times was de- cidedly martial. The actions of the Black Edward in France and Spain gave lustre to the arms of England. A spirit for martial adventure, tempered with high feeling and romantic generosity, spread among the nobles. He was accounted of little note in the land who preferred domestic repose to active war, or who imagined that the best pro- ductions of the human mind could be compared to the fame of a well-fought field. Sentiments and feeling such as these ushered in chivalry ; to the influence of which we EARLY ART IN ENGLAND— ED WARD HI. 7 owe so much, since it brought with it mildness, mercy, high honour and heroic daring, and many of the sweets and amenities of social life. The art of painting during this reign partook of the warlike spirit of the king ; the royal commissions for saints, virgins, and apostles gave way to orders for gilded armour, painted shields, and emblazoned banners — St. Edward was less in request than St. George. No works of art were produced in this period which induce me to lament their loss, and the oblivion which has come over them. During the civil wars which succeeded, the waste of human life was immense; the contest was fierce and of long continuance ; and the destruction of castles and churches involved the treasures of knowledge in ruin, and checked the progress of the elegant arts. In the intervals of repose, indeed, painting was not idle ; but her efforts displayed neither originality of thought nor skill of execu- tion. For many reigns art continued to work patiently at its old manufacture. No new paths were explored ; nor had the painter any other aim than that of mechanically reproducing the resemblance of that which had preceded him. Those works are the first blind gropings of art after form and colour. The faces are without thought, the limbs without proportion, and the draperies without variety. Among them there is one which merits notice, chiefly because it is one of the earliest of our attempts at historical portraiture which can be authenticated. It is a painting on wood ; the figures are less than life, and represent Henry the Fifth and his relations. It measures four feet six inches long, by four feet four inches high, and was in the days of Catholic power the altar-piece of the church of Shene. A11 angel stands in the centre holding in his hands the expanding coverings of two tents, out of which the king, with three princesses, and the queen, with four princesses, are pro- ceeding to kneel at two altars, where crosses, and sceptres, and books are lying. They wear long and flowing robes, with loose hair, and have crowns on their heads. In the background, St. George appears in the air, combating with the 8 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. dragon, while Cleodelinda kneels in prayer beside a lamb. It is not, indeed, quite certain that this curious work was made during the reign of Henry the Fifth, but there can be little doubt of its having been painted as early as that of his son. The monarch was not more fortunate than the apostles of the church; for neither his heroic character, nor the presence of princesses of the blood-royal, could animate the conception, or raise the artist above the usual cold level of barbarism. Painting, nevertheless, may be said to have advanced a step or two during that period of blood and confusion, and the love of art was gaining a little ground. The demand for saints and legends was sensibly diminishing ; a more rational taste in all things was dawning ; men’s sympathies, national and social, mingled freely in literature, and mod- erately in art. Portraits were frequently attempted ; but they are grim and grotesque — present an image of death rather than of life : and show but glimpses of that feeling and truth of character which distinguish true works of art. But though the draperies seem copied from the winding- sheet rather than from the robe, and the faces from death rather than from life ; still it was something to attempt to follow nature, and showed a spirit willing to be freed from the shackles of imitation, and a desire to escape from the thraldom of the church. At this period the character of an English artist was curiously compounded ; he was at once architect, sculptor, carpenter, goldsmith, armourer, jeweller, saddler, tailor, and painter. There is extant, in Dugdale, a curious example of the character of the times, and a scale by which we can measure the public admiration of art. It is a con- tract between the Earl of Warwick and John Bay, citizen and tailor, London, in which the latter undertakes to execute the emblazonry of the earl’s pageant in his situation of ambassador to France. In the tailor’s bill, gilded griffins mingle with Virgin Marys ; painted streamers for battle or procession with the twelve apostles ; and “ one coat for his grace’s body, lute with fine gold,” takes precedence of St. George and the Dragon. EARL Y ART IN ENGLAND— 1LLUMINA T10NS . 9 The superstition of the church formed a grotesque union with the frivolities of heraldry and the follies of courtiers and kings. The baron who patronised in his youth the gilded pomps and painted vanities of the court and camp, entertained other feelings as he approached the grave, and at once soothed a timorous conscience, and appeased a rapacious church, by benefactions to abbeys of painted saints and profitable manors. This was the true age of barbaric splendour; mankind wanted the taste to use their wealth wisely, and knew no way to estimate excellence save by price. The quantities of silver and gold, precious stones, and expensive colours, employed in works of art, were immense. Art, unequal to the task of touching the heart by either action or sentiment, appealed to our sense of what is costly, and trusted to her materials. The taste and genius of the Greeks enabled them to use rich materials, and perhaps to use them wisely ; but our fathers acted as if all the charm lay in abundance of costly things. We had gilded kings with golden crowns ; gilded angels with golden halos ; and gilded virgins sitting nursing golden children on golden clouds: the heaven above was gold, and so was the earth beneath. Yet art, in what was conceived to be a far humbler pursuit, made some atonement for all this. Before, and some time after, the invention of printing, literature was diffused over the land by means of the pen, and a skilful transcriber had more than the reputation which a clever printer enjoys now. Of the volumes thus produced, many were eminently beautiful : a single volume was the subject of a dying bequest, and the works of a favourite author were received as pledges for the repayment of large loans, and even for the faith of treaties. The hand of the painter added greatly to the value of those volumes. The illustration of missals, and of books of chivalry and romance, became a favourite pursuit with the nobles, and a lucrative employment to artists. Illustrations on this scale required a delicate hand which excelled in miniature resemblances, and a fancy in keeping with the genius of the 10 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. author. Many of those performances are beautiful. But their beauty is less that of sentiment than of colour. In some of the most remarkable there is vivid richness and delicacy of hue approaching the lustre of oil-painting. They are valu- able also for their evidence of the state of art — for the light which they throw on the general love of mankind for literature ; and for the information which they indirectly convey concerning the condition of our courts and nobles. The subjects of those illustrations are very various. They represent the dresses, ceremonies, and portraits of the chief men of the times, while they embody the concep- tions of the author. They were richly bound, and clasped with silver or gold, and deposited in painted cabinets and in tapestried rooms. They were exhibited on great occasions, and their embossed sides and embellished leaves were submitted to nobles, and knights, and poets. They were the pride and formed part of the riches of their possessors. The art of printing, and the Reformation, which that art so greatly served, threw those illuminated rarities first into the shade, and afterwards into the fire. The zeal of the reformers was let loose upon the whole progeny of the church of Rome, and wooden saints and gilded missals served to consume one another. The blunt rustics and illiterate nobles, who composed the torrent which swept away the long-established glories of the papal church, con- founded the illuminated volumes of poets and philosophers with the superstitious offspring of the Lady of the Seven Hills. Over this havoc there has been much lamentation. I grieve for the literature — for the illuminations my sorrow is more moderate. Into the latter the true genius of art had not ascended, as sap into the tree, to refresh it into life and cover it with beauty. They looked like processions of lay-figures, rather than groups of breathing beings. The art of tapestry, as well as the art of illuminating books, aided in diffusing a love of painting over the island. It was carried to a high degree of excellence. The earliest account of its appearance in England is during the reign of Henry the Eighth, but there is no reason to doubt that TA PES TR Y—HENR Y VI l x t it was well . known and in general esteem much earlier. The traditional account that we were instructed in it by the Saracens, has probably some foundation. The ladies encouraged this manufacture by working at it with their own hands; and the rich aided by purchasing it in vast quantities whenever regular practitioners appeared in the market. It found its way into church and palace, chamber and hall. It served at once to cover and adorn cold and comfortless walls. It added warmth, and, when snow was on the hill and ice in the stream, gave an air of social snugness which has deserted some of our modern mansions. At first the figures and groups, which rendered this manufacture popular, were copies of favourite paintings ; but, as taste improved and skill increased, they showed more of originality in their conceptions, if not more of nature in their forms. They exhibited, in common with all other works of art, the mixed taste of the times — a grotesque union of classical and Hebrew history — of martial life and pastoral repose — of Greek gods and Romish saints. Absurd as such combinations certainly were, and destitute of those beauties of form, and delicate gradations and harmony of colour which distinguish paintings worthily so called — still, when the hall was lighted up, and living faces thronged the floor, the silent inhabitants of the walls would seem, in the eyes of our ancestors, something very splendid. As painting rose in fame, tapestry sunk in estimation. The introduction of a lighter and less massive mode of archi- tecture abridged the space for its accommodation, and by degrees the stiff and fanciful creations of the loom vanished from our walls. The art is now neglected. I am sorry for this, because I cannot think meanly of an art which engaged the heads and hands of the ladies of England, and gave to the tapestried hall of elder days fame little inferior to what now waits on a gallery of paintings. During the reign of Henry the Seventh, painting rendered Italy the most renowned nation of the earth ; but till near his death our island continued, as of old, in gross ignorance 12 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. of all that genius, beauty, or grandeur give to art. Now and then the effigy of a prince or an earl was painted — legends were imaged forth for the church — pageants were stitched and daubed for the nobles — stones were quarried for the manufacture of saints — trees cut down in the royal parks to be chipped into apostles — and art, to the ordinary eye, seemed in full employment. But true art there was none. It would neither be instructive nor amusing to give an account of these lampoons upon human nature which our painters at this period perpetrated under the name of portraits. The likeness of Jane Shore will enable us to form some notion of the existing skill in the art. Tradition and history unite in conferring great personal beauty on this unfortunate woman, and have thus impressed an image of loveliness upon our minds which few painters, perhaps, could realise. The Jane Shore of the artists has no charms such as could have proved fatal to her peace. She possesses none of those attractions — “ Which from the wisest win their best resol ves. ,, Sir Thomas More has given us a glowing account of one of her portraits : it is one of the oldest descriptions of an English work of art, and I shall transcribe the passage : — “ Her stature was mean, her hair of a dark yellow, her face round and full, her eyes grey : delicate harmony being betwixt each part’s proportion and each proportion’s colour ; her body fat, white, and smooth ; her countenance cheerful, and like to her condition. The picture which I have seen of her was such as she rose out of her bed in the morning, having nothing on but a rich mantle cast under one arm and over her shoulder, and sitting on a chair on which one arm did lie.” “ Her forehead,” adds Walpole, describing her portrait at Eton, “ is remarkably large, her mouth and the rest of her features small, her hair of the admired golden colour : a lock of it, if we may believe tradition, is still extant in the collection of the Countess of Cardigan, and is marvellously beautiful, seeming to be powdered with golden dust, without prejudice to its silken delicacy.” EA RLY A R T—HENR Y VI I L T 3 We must receive such descriptions with caution. The words of Sir Thomas More are expressive of a portrait beautiful both in conception and execution — a work seem- ingly beyond the power of our artists, at that period, to produce. He probably thought it excellent, because others with which he compared it were utterly abominable. In a better informed age, John Evelyn, a gentleman of taste and talents, pronounced the heathen atrocities of Yerrio, in Windsor Castle, sublime compositions, and their painter the first of mankind. The silenced gods of the ancients infested then, and long after, both our literature and our conversation— and the accomplished Evelyn was pleased to see those divinities embodied, of whom he had read so much. The commencement of the reign of Henry the Eighth was auspicious for ark The monarch was young, learned, liberal, and gallant — a lover of the ladies, and of all sorts of magnificence. He desired to rival the splendour of foreign courts, and, if money could have accomplished it, he would have surpassed Charles the Fifth and Francis the First in glory. He opened his treasury, and scattered his father’s hoards with no sparing hand. Foreign artists began to appear at court, and an enthusiasm for works of talent was awakened. Skilful portrait-painting — -the noble art of expressing the sentiments of the soul in the lineaments of the face — rose more and more in estimation, and England seemed in a fair way of having a school of art created in her own spirit. A sore evil, however, accompanied the foreign artists to England— the incurable malady of allegory. This disease in art arose from the misuse of learning — from a desire of cheap adulation, and an utter poverty of fancy. An art was discovered which soothed the pride of learning, and was too mystical for the vulgar— the art of personifying virtues, and employing heathen gods to do the duty of sound divines. Minerva and Yenus, and Juno and Jupiter, with all the exploded progeny of Olympus, were seen follow- ing in the train of Christian monarchs with high-heeled boots, laced cravats, and three-storied wigs. This bastard offspring of learning swarmed in our palaces and churches. 14 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . The pedantry of poets, the mysteries of the church, and the grotesque combinations of heraldry, all united in encouraging this absurd deviation from truth and nature. Art, in no nation, could well be lower than it was in England when Henry the Eighth succeeded his father, and artists never stood lower, either in the scale of genius or in the estimation of mankind. They were numbered with the common menials of the court ; they had their livery suit, their yearly dole, and their weekly wages. Their works, too, were worthy of their condition. I transcribe the following singular memorandum from a book belonging to the Church of St. Mary, in Bristol : the subject referred to is a religious pageant, which seems to have been composed of strange materials, and to have been the united production of all the incorporations. “ Memorandum : That Master Cumings hath delivered : the 4th day of July, in the year of our Lord, 1470, to Mr. Nicholas Bettes, Vicar of Radcliffe, Moses Couteryn, Philip Bartholomew, and John Brown, Procurators of Radcliffe, beforesaid, a new sepulchre, well gilt, and cover thereto ; an image of God Almighty rising out of the said sepulchre, with all the ordinance that longeth thereto ; that is to say,— Item. A lath, made of timber, and iron work thereto. Item. Thereto longeth heaven, made of timber and stained cloth. Item. Hell, made of timber and iron-work, with devils in number thirteen. Item. Four knights, armed, keeping the sepulchre, with their weapons in their hands, that is to say, two axes and two spears. Item. Three pair of angels’ wings; four angels, made of timber, and well painted. Item. The Father, the crown and visage ; the ball with a cross upon it, well gilt with fine gold. Item. The Holy Ghost coming out of heaven into the sepulchre. Item. Longeth to the angels four chevelers.” The rude simplicity of this curious memorial, and the singular mixture of carving and painting, and chipping and hewing, which the work required, will speak for themselves. Scarcely less ludicrous are the written instructions which Henry the Eighth left for a monument to his own memory. THE RE FORM A TION. *5 “ The king shall appear on horseback,” says this strange document, “of the stature of a goodly man, while over him shall appear the image of God the Father, holding the kings soul in his left hand, and his right hand extended in the act of benediction.” The whole was to be in bronze, and much of it was completed, but the parsimony of Elizabeth prevailed over her respect for her father ; the work was stopped, and the Puritan parliament sold the whole for £ 600 . A reformation came which affected religion, literature, art, and the civil and social condition of mankind. This great change arose, not, as has been widely asserted, through the voluptuousness of the king — for that was but as a drop to the torrent ; it sprung from the impulse which knowledge had given to the nation, and which nothing could withstand or resist. It is to be regretted that in this salutary change from superstition to wisdom, there were men found rude and savage enough to lift their hands against much that was worthy and valuable. We may doubt if the pictures which were destroyed in the English churches are to be regretted very sorely ; but the Reformation struck at the scope and spirit of Italian art. The war which it waged against the superstitious beliefs and idle ceremonies of the old church, included not only her images — (which had been at least abused to idolatrous ends) — but the whole of her religious paintings. Our reformers were purifiers of religion, not patrons of art; nor could they perceive any sort of con- nection between the rules of belief and moral obedience laid down by our Saviour, and the glowing creations and lively fictions of Italian limners. They perceived, too, that the weak and the ignorant considered even painted altar-pieces as a sort of divinities ; so, by one decisive movement, they swept them away, and crushed the religious art of Italy in the very act of filling our churches with its splendid products. Thus did the early reformers ; thus the weak Somerset — the politic Elizabeth — and the zealous Puritans of the times of Cromwell. These last completed the crusade by stabling their chargers in the stalls of the cathedrals. i6 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. Portraiture survived the general wreck : and Henry the Eighth, who was as vain as he was cruel, protected and sheltered it at court, where, indeed, all was safe except virtue and innocence. He was sensible of the lustre which literature and art can shed upon the throne : he saw the rival kings of France and Spain marching to battle or to negotiation with poets and painters in their trains, and he envied not a little the unattainable brilliancy of their courts. Vanity and ostentation, rather than true love of art, induced him to patronise Hans Holbein, and to fix him in England by kindness and caresses, as well as by a regular pension. This was the first painter of eminence who came to England, and with him the art in which genius shines may be said to have commenced. His name had already been spread far and wide by the obvious and peculiar beauty of his productions, and by the eloquent praises of Erasmus. Stung with the neglect of his talents at Basle, his native place, and his domestic peace embittered by the froward temper of his wife, he was willing to seek for peace and profit in another land. He accordingly came to England in 1526, in the thirtieth year of his age. This island, at that period, presented a fine field for the display of a creative and original genius. England had dismissed the pageantry of the Romish Church ; and — cleared of all preceding works of the pencil, with a taste improved and a mind enlarged, and great wealth — whoever appeared willing to work in her spirit, she was ready to welcome and reward him. The genius of Holbein was too literal and mechanical for this. He was skilful in plain fidelity of resemblance, and could imitate whatever stood before him in living flesh and blood ; but he was deficient in imagination - — in the rare art of embodying visions of grace and beauty. He wrought at the court of Henry with a diligence, and, what was better, with a skill new to the country. His works are chiefly portraits, and are all distinguished by truth and by nature. His Sir Thomas More has an air of boldness and vigour, and a look at once serene and acute, HENRY Vlll— HOLBEIN. i? which attest the sincerity of the resemblance ; his Anne Boleyn is graceful and volatile ; his King Henry bluff and joyous, with jealous eyes and an imperious brow. He was not always so faithful to nature, and knew how to practise the flattery of his profession. He lavished so much beauty on Anne of Cleves, that the king, who had fallen in love with the picture, when the original came to his arms, regarded her with aversion and disgust, exclaimed against the gross flattery of Hans, and declared she was not a woman, but a Flanders mare. This anecdote, however, confirms the painter’s claim to fidelity in his other like- nesses : he was no habitual flatterer, or Henry would not have given implicit faith to him. On another occasion Holbein went to Flanders to draw the picture of the Duchess-Dowager of Milan— the intended successor to Jane Seymour. She was a princess of equivocal virtue, but of ready wit. “ Alas ! ” said she, “ the king of England asks me to be his wife ; what answer shall I give to him ? I am unfortunate enough to have but one head ; had I two, one of them should be at his highness’s service.” It is traditionally asserted that the king employed Holbein to paint the portraits of the fairest young ladies in his kingdom, that, in case of the frailty of a queen, he might go to his gallery and select her successor. This story, which I can desire no one to credit, seeing that his majesty had ready access to the originals, is countenanced by an anecdote related by Vermander. One day, while the artist was painting in private the portrait of a favourite lady for the king, a great lord unexpectedly found his way into the chamber. The painter, a brawny, powerful man, and some- what touchy of temper, threw the intruder downstairs, bolted the door, ran to the king by a private passage, fell on his knees, asked for pardon, and obtained it. In came the courtier, and made his complaint. “ By God’s splendour,” exclaimed the king (this was his customary oath), “ you have not to do with Hans, but with me. Of seven peasants I can make seven lords, but I cannot make one Hans Holbein, even out of seven lords.” *54 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. The works of Holbein were once very numerous in England, but some were destroyed during the great civil wars ; others were sold abroad by the Puritan parliament, and many perished when the great palace of Whitehall was burned. The original drawings, eighty-nine in number, which he made of the chief persons of Henry’s court, are the greatest curiosity in her present Majesty’s collec- tion. Charles the First exchanged them with the Earl of Pembroke for the splendid St. George of Raphael ; Pembroke gave them to the Earl of Arundel ; they suffered something in the vicissitudes of the civil war, and at last found their way back, it is not remembered how, into the Royal Gallery. “A great part of these drawings,” observes Walpole, “ are exceedingly fine, and in one respect preferable to the finished pictures, as they are drawn in a bold and free manner. And though they have little more than the outline, being drawn with chalk upon paper stained of a fresh colour, and scarce shaded at all, there is a strength and vivacity in them equal to the most perfect portraits.” Holbein died of the plague in 1554. His works have sometimes an air of stiffness ; but they have always the look of truth and life. He painted with great rapidity and ease, wrought with the left hand, and dashed off a portrait at a few sittings. He was gay and joyous, lived freely, and spent his pension of two hundred florins and the money he received for his works with a careless liberality. He had a strong frame, a swarthy, sensual face, a neck like a bull, and an eye unlikely to endure contradiction. It would be unjust to his fame to withhold the information that his talents were not confined to pictures. Like other eminent artists, his mind took a range beyond the brush and the easel. He was an able architect : he modelled and he carved. He was skilful, too, in designing ornaments, and in making drawings for printed books ; some of which he is said to have cut himself. Sir Hans Sloane had a book of jewels of his designing which is now in the British Museum. Inigo Jones had another book of his designs SIR ANTONIO MORO . 19 for weapons, hilts, ornaments, scabbards, sword-belts, but- tons, hooks, hat-bands, girdles, shoe-clasps, knives, forks, salt-cellars, and vases. Neither the presence of Holbein, nor the influence of his works, could prevail against the mercantile mode of bar- gaining for works of art; they continued to be weighed out or measured like other commercial commodities. An artist was looked upon as a manufacturer, and his produc- tions were esteemed according to their extent, and the time consumed in making them. Francis Williamson, of Southwark, and Symon Symonds, of Westminster, glaziers, on the 3rd of May, in the 18th of Henry the Eighth, undertook to “ glaze curiously and sufficiently four win- dows of the upper storey of the church of King’s College, Cambridge, of orient colours and imagery, of the story of the Old Law and of the New Law, after the manner and goodness in every point of the King’s new chapel at West- minster, also according to the manner of Bernard Flower, glazier, deceased, to be paid after the rate of sixteenpence per foot for the glass.” Other engagements of the same nature might be cited, all proving that works of English art were bargained for by measure, and that groups and figures, requiring taste and genius to create, were ordered, like bricks and tiles, by the dozen and the long hundred. “Yet as much,” observes Walpole, “as we imagine our- selves arrived at higher perfection in the arts, it would not be easy for a master of a college now to go into St. Mar- garet’s parish or Southwark, and bespeak the roof of such a chapel as that of King’s College, and a dozen or two of windows so admirably drawn, and order them to be sent home by such a day, as if he was bespeaking a chequered pavement or a church Bible.” It is remarkable that one of the finest of those windows contains the story of Sapphira and Ananias, as told by Raphael in the Cartoons. Painting maintained its place in popular estimation during the brief and guilty reign of Mary. Sir Antonio Moro, for his portrait of the queen, received from Philip a chain of gold, with the more substantial addition of a 20 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. pension of four hundred a-year as painter to the king. Moro followed Philip into Spain, lived in much splendour, and in close intimacy too with the monarch, which was not without its danger. One day, it is said, Philip laid his hand jestingly on Moro’s shoulder in the presence of his courtiers, and, as the artist was professionally engaged, he touched the royal hand with a brush dipped in carmine. The courtiers stood aghast at this criminal breach of court etiquette, and Philip himself surveyed for a moment in silence that awful hand, which even ladies knelt to kiss with a serious look. The painter saw his error — he knelt, sued for forgiveness, and obtained it from the king — but not from the Inquisition, who believed, or said, that Moro had got from the English heretics a charm wherewith he bewitched Philip. He retired from a country so dangerous for a man of free manners, and pleased the Duke of Alva so much with some portraits of favourite ladies, that he was made receiver of the revenue of West Flanders, a lucrative appointment — whereon Sir Antonio forthwith threw away his brushes and burnt his easel. Queen Elizabeth courted wits and coquetted with war- riors, but disregarded art and artists. She encouraged nothing that promised to be expensive, and the strong Protestant feeling of the nation, still writhing under the recollection of her sister’s severities, excluded madonnas and saints, and even apostles, from the cathedrals. “ There is no evidence,” says Walpole, in his own sarcastic way, “ that Elizabeth had much taste for painting ; but she loved pictures of herself. In them she could appear really handsome, and yet, to do the profession justice, they seem to have flattered her the least of all her dependants : there is not a single portrait of her that one can call beautiful. The profusion of ornaments with which they are loaded are marks of her continual fondness for dress, while they entirely exclude all grace, and leave no more room for a painter’s genius than if he had been employed to copy an Indian idol totally composed of hands and necklaces. A pale Iioman nose, a head of hair loaded with crowns and QUEEN ELIZABETH— DE HE ERE. 21 powdered with diamonds, a vast ruff, a vaster fardingale, and a bushel of pearls, are the features by which everybody knows at once the pictures of Queen Elizabeth.” Elizabeth was determined to know everything, and wished to appear skilful in matters which she had neither studied, nor could, without study, fairly comprehend. She directed artists, and laid down rules for their productions, not for the advantage of the nation, but for her own. On one occasion, when she sat for her portrait, she ordered it to be painted “ with the light coming neither from the right nor from the left, without shadows, in an open garden light ; ” — a mere conceit — and the conceit, too, of one unacquainted with the principles of the art she pre- sumed to direct. Raleigh informs us that she ordered all pictures of herself, done by unskilful artists, to be collected and burned; and in 1563 she issued a proclamation for- bidding all persons, save “ especial cunning painters, to draw her likeness.” She quarrelled at last with her look- ing-glass as well as with her painters ; during the latter years of her life the maids-of-honour removed mirrors, as they would have removed poison, from the apartments about to be occupied by the virgin queen. Lucas de Heere, a native of Ghent, a poet, a painter, and a wit, came in this reign to England, where he executed several portraits. He was employed to paint the gallery of the Earl of Lincoln, in which he represented the charac- ters of several nations. When he came to the English, he painted a naked man with a pair of shears and cloths of various colours lying beside him, as a satire on our fickle- ness in fashions. This thought is borrowed from Andrew Borde, who, to the first chapter of his Induction to Know- ledge, prefixed a naked Englishman, accompanied with these lines : — “ I am an Englishman, and naked I stand here, Musing in mind what raiment I shall wear ; Now I will wear this, and now I will wear that, And now will I wear — I cannot well tell what.” De Heere, proceeding more warily with the queen than 22 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS with the nation, depicted her majesty in a rich dress, with crown, sceptre, and globe, coming out of her palace with Juno, Pallas, and Yenus as her companions ; Juno drops her sceptre, Yenus scatters her roses, and Cupid flings away his arrows. The poverty of the invention is as remarkable as the intolerable grossness of the flattery. The great Earl of Nottingham, whose defeat of the Armada established the throne of his mistress, employed Cornelius Yroom, a native of Haarlem, to draw the designs of his successive victories over the Spaniards, and the whole was wrought in tapestry by Francis Speiring. It is a noble and national work. It is divided into ten battles, and contains the portraits of twenty-seven naval com- manders. These portraits have the air of real likenesses ; indeed, as the tapestry was wrought while the original persons were living, the artist could not well indulge in imaginary features. The painter had for his drawing one hundred pieces of gold ; the arras cost ten pounds one shilling per ell — a high price — and, as it measures seven hundred and eight ells, the whole amounted to upwards of seven thousand pounds. This was a work worthy of the noble House of Howard. James the First repaid the money to the earl, and the crown became proprietor of the work ; and the Puritan commonwealth placed it (where it still remains) in the House of Lords — then used by the Commons as a committee-room. Towards the close of Elizabeth’s reign, Hilliard and Oliver began to distinguish themselves, and they are prob- ably the earliest natives of this island who have any claim to the name of artists. The former was the son of the Queen’s goldsmith, and was allowed to study from the heads of Holbein : the parentage of the latter is unknown, “ nor is it of any importance,” says Walpole, 4< for he was a genius, and they transmit more honour by blood than they can receive.” Hilliard enjoyed the protection of the court, and became popular ; Oliver obtained the patronage of the nation, and merited all which it bestowed. The chief merit, indeed, of Hilliard is, that he helped to form the OLIVER— MYTENS. 23 taste and discipline the hand of Oliver. The works of the latter are all miniatures ; in the estimation of judges they rival those of Holbein, and may be compared with those of Cooper, who, living in a freer age, and studying under Vandyke, scarce compensates by all the boldness of his expression for the severe nature and delicate fidelity of the elder hand. Oliver died in 1617, aged sixty-two years, leaving behind him many works of exquisite skill and beauty. If the long reign of Elizabeth was inglorious for art, neither will that of James introduce us to names of note, or to works of lasting reputation. James, though an ungainly man and no very gracious monarch, had high qualities : he loved peace, he loved learning, he loved poetry— and he loved art a little. He encouraged first and then pensioned Mytens, a native of the Hague, whose reputation was such, that in the opinion of many it suffered but a slight eclipse on the appearance of Vandyke. This artist was at first employed in portraiture, but he afterwards copied in little many works of the great painters of Italy ; nor did the originals, it is said, suffer much either in richness of colour or in beauty of sentiment, so skilful was his pencil. The younger Oliver, too, made himself known about this period by numerous miniature portraits of the chief persons about court. This branch of art was encouraged by the prevailing fashion of wearing miniatures richly set in gold and diamonds ; they were no longer concealed in boxes and cabinets of carved ebony, but displayed publicly around the neck, and employed to embellish the velvet dresses of the courtly and the high-born. This harmless vanity, while it encouraged art, exposed its works to the risk of continual accidents. The English at this period were rich and proud, and sensible of the fame which successful art brings to a nation. But there was a strong feeling entertained against them by foreign princes and foreign artists. They were denounced by the ancient church as incurable heretics ; they were dreaded by sea and land ; and it was reckoned dangerous to 24 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . the soul, and not very safe to the body, to have interchange of civilities with men whom the saints had abandoned, and the Pope consigned to perdition. V/e were unable, therefore, either to allure over artists of talent, or to become the purchasers of many works of eminence. The general aversion which the mass of the community entertained towards the appearance of paintings in churches began, however, sensibly to abate. Painted windows, altar-pieces, and works of a scriptural character became common as the episcopal church grew strong. The king encouraged their reappearance ; the dignitaries of the church sanctioned it ; and the people, naturally fond of flashy colours and of pomp and show, made no opposition — though the Puritans called it a bowing of the knee to Baal, and a setting up of the image-worship of the Lady of Babylon. To the commencement of the reign of Charles the First all lovers of art and literature look with joy, and to the conclusion with sorrow. His spirit was lofty, his discern- ment great, his taste refined, and his nature generous. The purity of his court and the dignity of his manners were models for other nations. Into his palaces he introduced works of art of the first merit, and to his friendship men of talents and attainments. He filled his cabinets and his galleries with all the works of genius which he could procure in other countries or in his own. He encouraged merit of the first order. Inigo Jones was his architect, and Vandyke was his painter. Of the contents of King Charles’s galleries we have various accounts, but all agreeing that they contained many works of very high talent. Prince Henry, it is true, shares with his brother the merit of patronising painting ; and the Earl of Arundel has also the honour of being one of the foremost in forming the national taste, by a judicious assemblage of works of art. But the collection of the prince was small, for he died early ; and that of the earl was chiefly, if not wholly, in sculpture ; while the gallery of the king was rich in paintings from the best masters. The merit, however, of commencing the royal collection is KING CHARLES I 25 due to Henry the Eighth. It contained in his time one hundred and fifty pieces, including miniatures ; and when we reflect on the deficiency of public taste, on the foreign wars which that king waged, his contest with the Church of Rome, and his domestic labours in courting, crowning, and uncrowning queens, we cannot but feel that he did much for art. His wardrobe accounts in the British Museum contain the list of his pictures ; and though the artists’ names are not mentioned, it is easy to trace that many are by Holbein, and pleasing to know that some of them are still in the Royal collection. This curious docu- ment confirms the accounts of the domestic splendour and public magnificence of Henry. The influence of a king of true taste, like Charles, was soon visible in the nation. The foreign countries, who, to Elizabeth and James, had presented necklaces, and jewels, and splendid toys, now propitiated the English court with gifts of the fairest works of art. The states of Holland, instead of ivory puzzles, and cabinets formed after the ingenious pattern known to school-boys by the name of the Walls of Troy, sent Tintorets and Titians. The King of Spain presented the Cain and Abel of John of Bologna, with Titian’s Yenus del Pardo; and other states courted Charles by gifts of a similar nature, though of less value. He employed skilful painters to copy what he could not purchase. Through the interposition of Rubens he obtained the Cartoons of Raphael, and by the negotiation of Buckingham, the collection of the Duke of Mantua, containing eighty-two pictures, principally by Julio Romano, Titian, and Correggio. These and others rendered the great gallery of Whitehall a place of general attraction ; there the king was oftener to be found than in his own apartments ; all who loved and encouraged art went there ; and so careful was Charles of those favourite works, that, on the occasion of a public banquet, he caused a temporary place of accommodation to be constructed, rather than run any risk of soiling the paintings by the vapour of candles and torches. 26 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . This gallery contained in all four hundred and sixty pictures, by thirty-seven different artists. Of these, eleven were by Holbein, eleven by Correggio, sixteen by Julio Romano, ten by My tens, seven by Parmegiano, nine by Raphael, seven by Rubens, three by Rembrandt, seven by Tintoret, twenty-eight by Titian, sixteen by Vandyke, four by Paul Veronese, and two by Leonardo da Vinci. All these were the private property of the king. The nobles, imitating the example of the throne, purchased largely whenever an opportunity offered. In 1625 Buck- ingham persuaded Rubens to sell him his own private collection, consisting of thirteen pictures by his own hand, nineteen by Titian, thirteen by Paul Veronese, seventeen by Tintoret, three by Leonardo da Vinci, and three by Raphael. Charles considered this noble gallery but as the com- mencement of one much more valuable and magnificent, and he proceeded to collect materials with taste and enthusiasm. By a letter, written with his own hand, he invited, though in vain, Albano into England. Buckingham exhausted all his arts of persuasion to entice over Carlo Marratti ; and Venet, a French painter of eminence, was solicited with the same bad success. What money failed to purchase, or patronage to secure, was obtained by chance. The Infanta of Spain sent, as her representative to the English court, the accomplished Rubens. He was welcomed with great honour, and during the remission of public duty was prevailed upon to embellish the Banqueting Room of Whitehall with the Apotheosis of King James — a work distinguished by such freedom and vigour of drawing, and such magnificence of colour, as excited general admiration. To the fame of this great painter nothing can now be added by praise, and as little can be taken from it by censure. The singular ease, vigour, and life which he imparted to all that he touched, the freedom and truth of his drawing, and the glowing and unlaboured excellence of his colouring, have been written upon and talked about in every na- tion ; and the universal eulogy need not be repeated VAND VICE . 27 here.* Rubens remained one year in England, and gave by his works a visible impulse to art. Frigid imitation, and cold and mechanical covering, began to rise into boldness and varied richness ; we had no longer forms without freedom, and faces without life. We have at present in Britain eighty-eight paintings by the hand of this great master. Charles was equally fortunate in obtaining the aid of Vandyke; it came too, as many things of much value come, in the way that may be called accidental. The painter had heard of the honour which art received in England, and arrived in London in 1632, in the thirty-fourth year of his age. He remained a short time quite unnoticed, and retired to the Continent in disgust. The king, then learning what a treasure he had lost, employed Sir Kenelm Digby to soothe him and bring him back ; and in this he was successful. Vandyke returned, was admitted into the ranks of the royal painters, and as he wrought with equal rapidity and success, soon gave such evidence of his abilities as delighted the monarch, and consequently captivated the whole court, The queen, then young and lovely, sat to him, and so did her sons ; her example was followed by many lords and ladies of the court, and also by the king, who bestowed a knighthood and a pension of two hundred a-year upon the fortunate artist. No portrait painter, indeed, ever merited royal favour more. Vandyke had studied under Rubens — “Fame,” says Walpole, a attributes to his master an envy of which his liberal nature was, I believe, incapable, and makes him advise Vandyke to apply himself chiefly to portraits. If Rubens gave the advice in question, he gave it with reason, not maliciously. Vandyke had a peculiar genius for por- traits; his draperies are finished with a minuteness of truth * From fame thus established the sharp censure with which Fuseli visits the allegories of the school of Rubens can subtract little. There is much bitterness, but there is also not a little of truth in the remarks. “Those allegorical histories are empty representations of themselves, the supporters of nothing but clumsy forms and clumsier conceits ; they can only be considered as splendid improprieties, as the substitute for wants which no colour can palliate and no tints supply.” 28 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. not demanded in historic compositions ; besides, his inven- tion was cold and tame ; nor does he anywhere seem to have had much idea of the passions and their expression — portraits require none.” This seems but a cold acknow- ledgment of the talents of this great artist, whose portraits are now, and are likely to remain, the wonder of all nations. Of those works, this island alone possesses more than two hundred. He has been equalled in freedom by Reynolds, and surpassed in the fascination of female loveliness by Lawrence, but no one has yet equalled him in manly dig- nity — in the rare and important gift of endowing his heads with power to think and act. With all his vigour, he has no violent attitudes, no startling postures ; all is natural and graceful. Whatever his figures do, they do easily ; there is no straining. Man in his noblest form and attitudes was ever present to his fancy ; he strikes his sub- jects clearly and cleverly out ; he disdains to retire into the darkness of backgrounds, or to float away the body into a cloud or a vapour. All his men are of robust intellect, for he is a painter of mind more than of velvet or silk ; yet he throws a cloak over a cavalier with a grace which few have attained. His ladies are inferior to his men ; they seldom equal the fresh innocent love- liness of nature. He remained long in this country ; and to his pencil we owe many portraits of the eminent persons who embellished or embroiled the most unfortunate of English reigns. “Vandyke’s pictures,” observes Barry, “are evidently painted at once, with sometimes a little retouching, and they are not less remarkable for the truth, beauty, and freshness of the tints, than for the masterly manner of their handling or execution.” Of the St. Sebastian and Susanna by the same artist, in the Dusseldorf gallery, Reynolds remarks, “they were done when he was very young ; he never afterwards had so brilliant a manner of colouring ; it kills every thing near it. Behind are figures on horseback, touched with great spirit. This is Vandyke’s first manner, when he imitated Rubens and Titian, which JAMESONE. 29 supposes the sun in the room ; in his pictures afterwards he represented common daylight.” The public mind during this period was laden and heav- ing with another leaven ; and that fierce spirit was visibly at work which turned our churches into stables, and levelled the ancient fabric of our monarchy with the dust. Men of talent turned their attention to more important matters than those of art ; and I cannot help feeling sur- prised that a time teeming with the elements of strife and commotion should have produced an artist of such merit as George Jamesone. Of this painter, distinguished by the name of the Scottish Vandyke, less is known than I could wish. He was the son of an architect, and was born at Aberdeen in the year 1586. He went abroad; studied under Rubens in the company of Vandyke; returned to Scotland in 1628; and commenced his professional career at Edinburgh. His earliest works are chiefly painted on panel ; he afterwards used fine linen cloth. Having made some successful attempts in landscape and history, he relinquished them for portraiture — a branch of the art which this island has never failed to patronise. He acquired much fame in his day, and was considered after Vandyke the ablest of the scholars of Rubens. His excellence consists in softness and delicacy, and in a manner broad and transparent. His colouring is beautiful ; his shades not changed, but helped by varnish ; and there is very little appearance of the pencil. When Charles visited Scotland in 1633, he sat for his portrait to Jamesone, and rewarded him with a diamond ring from his own finger. Many of his portraits are still to be found in the housed of the Scottish nobility and gentry. So well had he caught the manner and spirit of Vandyke, that several of his heads have been imputed to his more famous contemporary. I must not omit to men- tion that some of his pictures are in the college of his native place, and that “The Sybils,” a work of merit, was copied, according to tradition, from two of the beauties of Aberdeen. 3o ORE A T ENGLISH PAINTERS . . The prices which he received for his pictures seem small, even in the swelling numbers of the Scottish currency. In the genealogy of the House of Breadalbane occurs the following singular memorandum — it is dated 1635: — “ Sir Colin Campbell, eighth laird of Glenorchy, gave unto George Jamesone, painter in Edinburgh, for Robert and David Bruces, kings of Scotland, and Charles the First, King of Great Britain, and his majesty’s queen, and for nine more of the queens of Scotland, their portraits which are in the hall of Balloch (now Taymouth), the sum of two hundred and threescore pounds. Moreover the said Sir Colin gave to the said George Jamesone for the knight of Lochore’s lady, and the first countess of Argyle, and six of the ladies of Glenorchy, their portraits, and the said Sir Colin his own portrait, which are set up in the chamber of Deas at Balloch, one hundred and fourscore pounds.” In spite of all this apparent penury of price, Jamesone died rich. His works still maintain their original reputa- tion ; and he goes down as the first native of this island who excelled in works of art as large as life. An anecdote is related of Charles, which it would be wrong to omit. The king wished to employ Bernini the sculptor, and tried in vain to allure him into England. Not succeeding in this, and still desirous to have one of his works, he employed Vandyke to draw those inimitable profiles and full face now in the royal gallery, to enable the sculptor to make his majesty’s bust. Bernini surveyed these materials with an anxious eye, and exclaimed, “ Some- thing evil will befall this man ; he carries misfortune on his face.” Tradition has added, in the same spirit, that a hawk pursued a dove into the sculptor’s study, and, rending its victim in the air, sprinkled with its blood the finished bust of King Charles. I have also heard it asserted that stains of blood were still visible on the marble when it was lost in the fire which consumed Whitehall. It would be instructive to ascertain how far art had re- sumed its old sway in our churches under the friendly govern- ments of James and Charles— to learn how many windows THE COMMONWEALTH. 3i were refilled with painted glass, and how many altar-pieces, representing Scripture story, had reappeared — when the fierce Puritans vanquished the chivalry of Charles, and purged anew the sanctuary, to the fullest sense of the proclamations of Henry, Edward, and Elizabeth. This cannot now be known. The fierce war which ensued, and the strange desolation which fell on rank, station, and all established things, was sure to make art a victim. The “ pulpit, drum ecclesiastic, assailed the beloved paintings of the monarch, as things vain, frivolous, and sinful ; and stigmatised their admirers and abettors as persons possessed with an unclean spirit. The fury of the Parliament fell upon the royal galleries. The presence of art in the land was accounted superfluous ; to despise whatever increased external dignity was merito- rious ; and to lop and prune the blossomed boughs from the stately tree of civil and religious government was not only deemed a merit, but a duty. To strip off, therefore, the exterior magnificence of the old government, was the first act of the new ; and they proceeded to sell by common auction the hereditary furniture of the palaces, the heir- looms of the monarchy, and the collection of paintings made under the auspices of their kings. A list of these works of art was made out, imaginary prices attached to each, and the public purpose named — the war in the north and in Ireland — to which the money arising from the sale should be applied. The Puritans affected to despise those productions, because they wished to insult the kings memory ; and they desired to sell them, because they had need of the money. But not finding this a sufficient justi- fication, they pretended a fanatic hatred to certain classes of works, and ordered these to be burned — as Henry and Elizabeth had done before. The following is transcribed from the Journals of the House of Commons, of 23rd July 1645. “ Ordered, that all such pictures and statues there (York House), as are without any superstition, shall be forthwith sold for the benefit of Ireland and the north. Ordered, that all such pictures there, as have the representa- 32 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . lion of the Virgin Mary upon them, shall be forthwith burnt. Ordered, that all such pictures there, as have the representation of the second person in the Trinity upon them, shall be forthwith burnt.” * “ This was a worthy con- trast,” says Walpole, “to Archbishop Laud, who made a star- chamber business of a man who broke some painted glass in the cathedral at Salisbury. The cause of liberty was then, and is always, the only cause that can excuse a civil war ; yet if Laud had not doated on trifles, and the Presbyterians been squeamish about them, I question whether the nobler motives would have had sufficient influence to save us from arbitrary power. They are the slightest objects which make the deepest impression on the people. They seldom fight for the liberty of doing what they have a right to do, but because they are prohibited or enjoined some folly that they have, or have not, a mind to do.” The wild order for the dispersion and destruction of the royal collections was not immediately, nor indeed ever was fully, obeyed. The sales lingered for six or eight years ; they were retarded by the unsettled state of the republican government, and by the intrigues of Cromwell. It appears that even the order for the destruction of paintings repre- senting the Virgin and the Saviour was very imperfectly fulfilled. The Puritans, having put them down by a vote as superstitious, allowed not a few of them to escape the flames, and pass silently into the possession of private purchasers whom they were unwilling to disoblige. They stigmatised art ; silenced dramatic actors ; shut up the playhouses ; and, having conquered and dispersed all their enemies, had full leisure to dispute and quarrel among themselves ; — and they did not neglect the opportunity. As they were debating about the booty, a wily and daring spirit interposed, and seized at one grasp the fruits of all their deliberations, prayers, mortifications, plots, and battles. Cromwell, with all his talents, had little feeling for the higher excellency of art. Plis chief instruction to the painter of his portrait was to remember the warts and moles. He was not insensible, however, that lustre is THE WHITEHALL GALLERIES . 33 proper to a court ; and, as soon as he became possessed of absolute power, put an end to all sales of the royal furniture and paintings. For many fine works this order came too late ; they had been dispersed beyond recall. Some of the best were bought by the King of Spain, and arrived at Madrid at the same time with the ambassadors of the exiled King — - a circumstance which puzzled sorely the Spanish etiquette. Many were sold to persons connected with the old court, many to mere picture-dealers, and some to the more sensible and spirited of the Puritans. The celebrated Colonel Hutchin- son was an extensive purchaser ; Oliver Crom well’s name appears early in the list of buyers. Some had the misfortune to purchase just when the Lord-General was about to assume sovereign power, and their bargains were declared void ! One of these disappointed dealers had the audacity to petition Charles the Second for a restitution of his lot of pictures — the result is not known. Into a dozen galleries Charles had collected upwards of twelve hundred works of art ; most of these were dispersed by public sale during the years from 1645 to 1652, and they produced to the republicans thirty-eight thousand pounds. Another fate befell the gallery of the Duke of Buckingham. The pictures were sold privately, to support the second duke during the misery of exile, and, what is worse, they were chiefly purchased by foreigners. There is no doubt, after all, that very many of the royal pictures remained in England. At the Restoration, when Pepys visited the royal gallery, he declares that he missed few of his old favourites ; and we see by the catalogue of James the Second, that the crown was in his time repossessed of many of its ancient paintings. But the un- fortunate fire at Whitehall completed what the Puritans did imperfectly, a : A destroyed a vast number of noble works. Of the painters who appeared during the Commonwealth little need be said. Painting and sculpture are of slow growth, and seldom thrive amidst wars and convulsions. Men have not peace of mind nor leisure during rebellions and 34 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS, treasons to cultivate what is elegant ; and when a man’s head is not safe on his shoulders, it is not likely that he will spend his time sitting for his likeness. James the Second indeed acted otherwise. He was sitting for his portrait, as a present to Pepys, when word was brought to him of the landing of the Prince of Orange. The artist was confounded, and laid down his brush. “ Go on, Kneller,” said the king, betraying no outward emotion— u go on, and finish your work; I wish not to disappoint my friend Pepys.” For the character of those times and their influence on art, I transcribe, without entirely approving, the words of Walpole. “ The arts were in a manner expelled with the royal family from Britain. The magnificence the people have envied they grow to detest ; and, mistaking consequences for causes, the first objects of their fury are the palaces of their masters. If religion is thrown into the quarrel, the most innocent are catalogued with sins. This was the case in the contest between Charles and his parlia- ment. As he had blended affection to the sciences with a lust of power, nonsense and ignorance were adopted into the liberties of the subject. Painting became idolatry ; monuments were deemed carnal pride, and a venerable cathedral seemed equally contradictory to Magna Charta and the Bible. Learning and wit were construed to be as heathen. What the fury of Henry the Eighth had spared, was condemned by the Puritans. Ruin was their harvest, and they gleaned after the Reformers. Had they coun- tenanced any of the softer arts, what would those arts have represented ? How picturesque was the figure of an Ana- baptist? But sectaries have no ostensible enjoyments: their pleasures are private, comfortable, and gross. The arts that civilise society are not calculated for men who rise on the ruins of established order.” The noble poetry of Milton, the fine taste and lofty feel- ings of Colonel Hutchinson, as well as the actions and speeches of many of the great worthies who warred on the side of civil and religious freedom, furnish a sufficient THE RESTORATION— SIR PETER LELY. 35 answer to the exclusive claim, which Walpole sets up for the episcopal church, to all that is witty, and learned, and elegant. Under the influence of the Restored King, the character of the nation seemed changed as if by sudden enchantment — the people leapt from dreary prayers and interminable sermons to dice, and dance, and debauch. For the stately and chivalrous court of Charles the First— for the martial austerity of Cromwell and his companions, we had profli- gates, gamblers, paid informers, hired stabbers, and titled strumpets ; while over the whole scene of courtly iniquity presided a prince pensioned by the enemies of his country —the most witty and polished of profligates. The impurities of the court infected literature : it took away the natural grace of innocence and simplicity from our youth ; and art also was renewed in a spirit correspond- ing with the unwholesome state of society. It was no longer grave and devout, as under the first Charles. It was dedicated to the task of recording the features of lordly rakes and courtly wantons. Loose attire and looser looks were demanded now. No one was so ready to comply as Sir Peter Lely, and it must be confessed that no other artist could have brought such skill and talent to the task. When Cromwell sat to Lely, he said, “I desire you will use all your skill to paint my picture truly like me, and not flatter me at all ; but remark all those roughnesses, pimples, warts, and everything as you see me ; otherwise I never will pay one farthing for it.” When the softer cus- tomers of Charles’s palace sat to the same painter, they laid his talents under no such restrictions. He seemed to con- sider himself chief limner at the court of Paphos. No on© knew better than he how to paint 66 The sleepy eye that spoke the melting soul ; ” to imitate the fascinating undulations of female bosoms, or give voluptuous glow and solid softness to youthful flesh and blood. The beauties of Windsor, as they are called, 36 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . kindled up old Pepys, who says in his Memoirs, that he called at Mr. Lely’s, who was “ a mighty proud man and full of state,” where he saw the Duchess of Cleveland tc sitting in a chair, dressed in white satin ; ” also Lady Castlemaine, “ a most blessed 'picture , of which he was resolved to have a copy.” The lapse of a century and a-half has purified the air round those gay and merry madams, and we can look on Lady Castlemaine and her companions as calmly as on the Venus de Medicis. “ The bugle eyeball and the cheek of cream ” have done with their magic now. Lely, however, did not wholly dedicate his pencil to the condescending beauties of Charles’s court : he has pre- served the features of statesmen who contrived to walk upright even in those slippery times : nor did he neglect the men of genius who flourished in his day. He painted Clarendon, Cowley, Butler, Selden, and Otway. He formed a gallery of the works of Vandyke and other eminent artists, which was sold at his death for twenty-six thousand pounds. He maintained the state of a gentleman, and preserved the dignity due to art in his intercourse with the court. Of the numerous works which he painted— for he was a diligent and laborious man— upwards of seventy are still in the island, — portraits of ladies of rank or note, and of men of birth or genius. To the coming of Kneller some writers have attributed the death of Lely. But he died suddenly ; and jealousy and mortification are more slow in their operations. The new artist was indeed a man of talent, but there was nothing of that high order about him which could be supposed capable of sickening the soul, or shortening the life of the other. The works of Kneller are numerous : they are almost exclusively portraits ; and over whatever he produced he threw an air of freedom and a hue of nature not unworthy of Vandyke. All the sovereigns of his time, all the noblemen of the court, all the men of genius in the kingdom, and almost all the ladies of rank or of beauty in England, sat for their portraits. When he painted the SIR GODFREY KNELLER. 37 head of Louis the Fourteenth, the king asked him what mark of his esteem would be most agreeable to him : the painter answered modestly and genteelly that he should feel honoured if his Majesty would bestow a quarter-of-an- hour upon him, that he might execute a drawing of his face for himself. It was granted. He painted Dryden in his own hair, in plain drapery, holding a laurel, and made him a present of the work. The poet repaid this by an epistle containing encomiums such as few painters deserve iS Such are thy pictures, Kneller ! such thy skill, That nature seems obedient to thy will, Comes out and meets thy pencil in the draught, Lives there, and wants but words to speak the thought.” To the incense of Dryden was added that of Pope, Addison, Prior, Tickell, and Steele. No wonder the artist was vain. But the vanity of Kneller was redeemed by his naivetd and rendered pleasant by his wit. “ Dost thou think, man,” said he to his tailor, who proposed his son for a pupil, “ dost thou think man, I can make thy son a painter ? No ! God almighty only makes painters.” Plis wit, however, was that of one who had caught the spirit of Charles the Second’s wicked court. He once overheard a low fellow cursing himself. “ God damn you ! indeed ! ” exclaimed the artist in wonder; “ God may damn the Duke of Marlborough, and perhaps Sir Godfrey Kneller ; but do you think he will take the trouble of damning such a scoundrel as you ? ” The servants of his neighbour, Dr. Radcliffe, abused the liberty of a private entrance to the painter’s garden, and plucked his flowers. Kneller sent word that he must shut the door up. “ Tell him,” the doctor peevishly replied, “ that he may do anything with it but paint it.” “ Never mind what he says,” retorted Sir Godfrey, “I can take anything from him— but physic.” Kneller was one day conversing about his art, when he gave the following neat reasons for preferring portraiture. “ Painters of history,” said he, “ make the dead live, and do 3B GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . not begin to live themselves till they are dead. I paint the living, and they make me live ! ” In a conversation con- cerning the legitimacy of the unfortunate son of James the Second, some doubts having been expressed by an Oxford doctor, he exclaimed, with much warmth, “ His father and mother have sat to me about thirty-six times a-piece, and I know every line and bit of their faces. Mein Gott ! I could paint King J ames now by memory. I say the child is so like both, that there is not a feature in his face but what belongs either to father or to mother ; this I am sure of, and cannot be mistaken : nay, the nails of his lingers are his mother’s, the queen that was. Doctor, — you may be out in your letters, but I cannot be out in my lines.” To four distinguished foreign artists, then, we are indebted for portraits of the most eminent persons who appeared in England during a long course of years. The truth, force, and elegance of many of their works are yet unsurpassed. I am aware that there is a certain air of stiffness in the portraits of Holbein, that several of Vandyke’s are unequal to his talents, that Lely is loose and many of his pictures unlike, and that Kneller exhibits much sameness and very little imagination ; yet, with all these drawbacks, each has left works which will never be neglected. The Olivers,* * Concerning some of the portraits of the younger Oliver, Yertue relates the following characteristic story After the Restoration, Charles made many inquiries about the miniatures of Oliver which had been in his father’s gallery, and expressed a great desire to obtain them. He could hear no account of them. At last he was told by one Rogers, of Isleworth, that both father and son were dead, but that the son’s widow was living at Isleworth, and had many of their works. The king went privately and unknown with Rogers to see them. The widow showed several finished and unfinished, with many of which the king being pleased, asked if she would sell them. She replied she had a mind the king should see them first, and, if he did not purchase them, she would think of disposing of them. The king discovered himself, on which she produced some more pictures which she seldom showed. The king desired her to set her price ; she said she did not care to make a price with his majesty, she would leave it to him ; but promised to ARCHITECTURAL PAINTING. 39 and James Jamesone, and Cooper, it is true, were native artists ; but miniature-painters and mere imitators of Vandyke can have little right to be classed among masters. A certain kind of painting obtained great reputation in this island during the reigns of the Stuarts, which may be called the architectural. It professed to be the handmaid of architecture; when the mason, and carpenter, and plasterer had done their work, its professors made their appearance, and covered walls and ceilings with mobs of the old divinities — nymphs who represented cities — crowned beldams for nations — and figures, ready ticketed and labelled, answering to the names of virtues. The national love of subjecting all works to a measure-and- value price, which had been disused while art followed nature and dealt in sentiment, was again revived, that these cold mechanical productions might be paid for in the spirit which conceived them. The chief apostles of this dark faith were two foreigners and one Englishman — Verrio, La Guerre, and Sir James Thornhill. Eubens, indeed, and others, had deviated from nature into this desert track — only to return again to human feelings with a heartier relish. But Thornhill and his companions never deviated into nature. The shepherdesses of Sir Peter Lely were loose in their attire, loose in their looks, and trailed their embroidered robes among the thorns and brambles of their pastoral scenes in a way which made the staid dames of the Puritans blush and look aside. But the mystic nymphs of Thornhill or La Guerre, though evidently spreading look over her husband’s books, and let his majesty know what prices his father, the late king, had paid. The king took away what he liked, and sent Rogers to Mrs. Oliver with the option of a thousand pounds, or an annuity of three hundred a-year for her life. She chose the latter. Some years afterwards it happened that the king’s mistresses had begged all or most of these pictures : Mrs. Oliver said, on hearing it, that if she had thought the king would have given them to such strumpets, he never should have had them. This reached the court ; her pension was stopped, and she never received it afterwards.” 40 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . out all their beauties and making the most of their charms, could never move the nerves of a Stoic. It is in vain that a goddess tumbles naked through a whole quarter of the sky. It is astonishing how much and how long these works were admired, and with what ardour men of education and talent praised them. Thornhill enjoys all the advantage of the praise of Pilk- ington, and the approbation of Lord Orford. “ His genius,” says the former, “was well adapted to historical and allegori- cal compositions. He possessed a fertile and fine invention, and sketched his thoughts with great ease, freedom, and spirit. He was so eminent in many parts of his profession, that he must for ever be ranked among the first painters of his time.’ 7 . . . “Sir James Thornhill,” says Walpole, “a man of much note in his time, who succeeded Yerrio, and was the rival of La Guerre in the decorations of our palaces and public buildings, was born at Weymouth, in Dorset- shire ; was knighted by George the First, and was elected to represent his native town in Parliament. His chief works were the dome of St. Paul’s ; an apartment at Hampton Court ; the altar-piece of the chapel of All Souls, at Oxford ; another for Weymouth, of which he made them a present ; the hall at Blenheim ; the chapel at Lord Orford’s, at Whimpole, in Cambridgeshire ; the saloon and other things for Mr. Styles, at More Park, Hertfordshire ; and the great hall of Greenwich Hospital. Yet, high as his reputation was, and laborious as his works were, he was far from being generously rewarded for some of them, and for others he found it difficult to obtain the stipulated prices. His demands were contested at Greenwich, and though La Fosse received <£2000 for his works at Montague House, and was allowed £500 for his diet besides, Sir James could obtain but forty shillings a square yard for the cupola of St. Paul’s, and I think no more for Greenwich. I now approach the period when native painters of genius and fame make their appearance — men whose works merit minute examination, and whose lives contain matters of lasting interest. It is plain that up to this time no British DA WN OF NA TIVE ART. 41 artist had arisen capable of leading the way in painting — no one who possessed at once talent for original composition, and skill to render his conceptions permanent. The heart of the country had as yet been but little moved by this art ; —and all the splendid colouring, and academic forms, the fixed and approved attitudes and long-established graces, went for nothing, when a man appeared who sought lasting fame— and found it— in moral sentiment, nervous satire, sarcastic humour, and actual English life. WILLIAM HOGARTH . William Hogarth was born in the parish of St. Bartholo- mew the Great, London, on the 10th of December 1697. That he was baptised on the 28th of the same month we have the authority of his own manuscripts — the parish registers have been examined for confirmation with fruitless solici- tude. He was a descendant of the family of Hogard, Hogart, or Hogarth, of Kirkby-Thore, in the county of Westmoreland ;* his father being the youngest of three brothers — the eldest of whom lived and died in the con- dition of yeoman, on a small hereditary freehold in the vale * Nichols says, in his earlier years he wrote himself Hogart or Hogard, but in this he is certainly incorrect. His father to his books and his letters added Richard Hogarth, and there is no reason to believe that the son, even for a time, refused to adopt an improvement so graceful. That the name, in London pronunciation, would have the concluding tb hardened into t } there can be little doubt ; such is the fate of all northern names with similar terminations. Thus in conversation he was called Hogart, which the following lines, from Swift’s “Legion Club,’ 5 sufficiently prove t( How I want thee, humorous Hogart ! Thou, I hear, a pleasant rogue art ! Were but you and I acquainted, Every monster should be painted ; You should try your graving tools On this odious group of fools ; Draw the beasts as I describe them From their features while I gibe them. Draw them like, for I assure-a You’ll need no caricatura ; Draw them so that we may trace All the soul in every face.” HOGARTH. 43 of Bamptoii. The second held the plough at Troutbeck, in the same district ; and Richard, the youngest, having been educated at the school of St. Bees, carried thence his learning and his health to the market of the great metropolis. Bor his small success in London we have the testimony of his son. He arrived, we know not at what period ; obtained employment as a corrector of the press ; married a woman whose name or kindred no one has mentioned ;* kept — it is not known how long — a school in Ship Court, Old Bailey ; and having sought in vain for the distinction of an author and the patronage of the powerful, sunk under disappointed hope and incessant labour about the year 1721 — leaving one son, William, and two daughters, whose names were Ann and Mary. When the fame of William Hogarth was such as rendered some account of his kindred a matter of public curiosity, it was discovered that his uncle, who lived at Troutbeck, was a rustic poet and satirist, whose rude and witty productions (in the opinion of Adam Walker, the natural philosopher) reformed the manners of the people as much, at least, as the sermons of the clergyman; and that he had written a singular and humorous dramatic poem on the destruction of Troy, which was acted with applause in the open air, among the pastoral hills, by the peasants of Westmoreland. “The wooden horse v — says the philosopher, “Hector dragged by the heels— the fury of Diomed— the flight of Eneas— and the burning of the city, were all represented. I remember not what fairies had to do in all this ; but— as I happened to be about three feet high at the time— I personated one of those tiny beings. The stage was a fabric of boards placed about six feet high, on strong posts ; the green-room was partitioned off with the same materials, its ceiling was the canopy of heaven, and the boxes, pit, and galleries, were * Of Mrs. Hogarth, the mother of the painter, it is stated in the “ Gentleman’s Magazine,” for June 11, 1735, that she “ died of a fright occasioned by the fire on the 9th instant.” For an account of this fire see “Gentleman’s Magazine,” vol. v. p. 330. 44 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . laid out into one by the great Author of Nature, for they were the green slope of a fine hill.” When Nichols col- lected his anecdotes of Hogarth,* he was desirous of tasting the spirit of the rustic dramatist of Westmoreland ; and many ballads and satires were gathered and laid before him. George Steevens— a fellow-labourer in the collection - — made the following estimate of their merits — “ These poems are every way contemptible. Want of grammar, metre, sense, and decency, are their invariable character- istics.” But a critic who recognised only humour and burlesque in the works of the immortal nephew, might see nothing but the defects of the Bard of Troutbeck ; the man who wrote to excite the laughter of a rustic audience was not likely to be solicitous about grammar, or fastidious about delicacy of phrase. Respecting his father also inquiries were made ; but they were left unanswered till the death of the painter, when the following particulars were found among his memoranda. Richard Hogarth wrote a volume of about four hundred pages as an addition to Littleton’s Latin Dictionary, and obtained testimonials to its usefulness and merit “from some of the greatest scholars in England, Scotland, and Ireland.” He submitted it to a bookseller with the intention of printing it, but delays took place, and the work was finally withdrawn and laid aside. He then published “ Grammar Disputations ; or an Examina- tion of the Eight Parts of Speech, by way of Question and Answer, English and Latin, whereby Children in a very little time will learn not only the knowledge of Grammar, but likewise to speak and write Latin, as I have found by * This curious work was written by two able men, John Nichols and George Steevens ; but the former had the sole reputation of the author- ship from 1785 till 1810, when in the second edition the different contributions were distinguished. By following the first edition, I have done unintentional wrong to the memory of Nichols. The passages most injurious to Hogarth were written, it appears, by .Steevens,. who seems to have taken pleasure in mingling his own gall with the milk of his coadjutor’s narrative. In this edition [2nd] I have made all the reparation I can for such a very natural mistake. HOGARTH. 45 good experience.” These are his own words ; the book was printed in 1712 — of his success let his son speak. “ I saw the difficulties,” says William, “ under which my father laboured ; the many inconveniences he endured from his dependence, living chiefly on his pen ; and the cruel treat- ment he met with from booksellers and printers. I had before my eyes the precarious situation of men of classical education ; it was, therefore, conformable to my own wishes that I was taken from school, and served a long apprentice- ship to a silver-plate engraver.” Walpole is, therefore, mistaken when he says that Hogarth was the son of a low tradesman. Of the extent of his education we have no account ; but, as his father was an enthusiastic scholar, we have no reason to suppose that it was neglected. He has been accused of ignorance ; and friends and enemies united in upbraiding him with misspelling his native language. But when knowledge was required he showed no deficiency ; some of his memorandums and remarks are well and cleverly written ; and much of the misspelling on his plates is evidently intentional, and for the sake of effect. Correct spelling, however, was not then common, and men of literary attainments must share in the reproach. Of his age, when he was apprenticed to Ellis Gamble, an eminent silversmith in Cranbourne Street, there is no notice; he was old enough to observe that the classical knowledge of his father was no protection against sorrow and want. His own reflecting mind influenced him in the choice of a business which brought daily bread, in preference to the precarious honours of scholarship. There were other reasons, which are best related in his own words : — - “As I had naturally a good eye and fondness for drawing, shows of all sorts gave me uncommon pleasure when young, and mimickry, common to all children, was remarkable in me. An early access to a neighbouring painter drew my attention from play; and I was, at every possible opportunity, employed in making drawings. I picked up an acquaintance of the same turn, and soon learnt to draw the alphabet with 46 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . great correctness. My exercises when at school were more remarkable for the ornaments which adorned them than for the exercise itself. In the former, I soon found that blockheads, with better memories, would soon surpass me : but for the latter I was particularly distinguished.” Nothing better could be done with a boy who thus adorned his school exercises than to make him an artist. But probationary study in painting, or in sculpture, pro- vides neither food nor clothes, and, as Hogarth required both, he was placed in a situation which procured them. The choice he made was a fortunate one. Drawing and engraving made part of his profession ; and even shields, crests, supporters, coronets, and ciphers afforded to his young hand the means of gaining facility and precision. Before his apprenticeship expired, however, he had gone far beyond these things ; he had conceived a new and happy style of art— rough-hewn his own notions of excellence, and taken a satiric sitting or two from public vice and folly. “ I soon found,” he observes, “ this business in every respect too limited. The paintings of St. Pauls and Greenwich Hospital, which were at that time going on, ran in my head, and I determined that silver-plate engraving should be followed no longer than necessity obliged me to it. Engraving on copper was at twenty years of age my utmost ambition. To attain this it was necessary that I should learn to draw objects something like nature, instead of the monsters of heraldry, and the common methods of study were much too tedious for one who loved his pleasure and came so late to it ; for the time necessary to learn in the usual mode would leave me none to spare for the ordinary enjoyments of life. This led me to considering whether a shorter road than that usually travelled was not to be found. The early part of my life had been employed in a business rather detrimental than advantageous to those branches of the art which I wished to pursue, and have since professed. I had learned by practice to copy with tolerable correctness in the ordinary way, but it occurred HOGARTH. 47 to me that there were many disadvantages attending this method of study, as having faulty originals, etc. ; and, even when the pictures or prints to be imitated were by the best masters, it was little more than pouring water out of one vessel into another.” Nichols asserts that the skill and assiduity of Hogarth were, during his term of servitude, of singular assistance to his family and to his master. He was, I doubt not, a dutiful son, and on the whole a faithful servant ; but it is seldom that the labours of an apprentice increase a master’s fortune. He has the general notion of his business to acquire, his hand to discipline, and his taste to correct ; and these things with the cleverest must be the work of time. Hogarth, to be sure, was no common apprentice ; yet his account of his own feelings and aspirations yields no support to the supposition of Nichols. He found his profession too limited ; he grew weary of the monotonous monsters of heraldry ; he loved his pleasure ; and loved, too, to think upon the dignity of art and its honours. That a youth so aspiring and ardent always employed his hands for his master’s advantage appears doubtful. When released from his indenture, we find him skilful as an engraver, a good draughtsman, with considerable knowledge in colouring. During the acquisition of much of this knowledge, I am afraid that he was not of “ singular assistance” to Ellis Gamble. He served his time without any complaint — nor have I heard of any commendation.* Of those early days I find this brief notice in Smith’s “ Life of Nollekens,” the sculptor. “ I have several times heard Mr. Nollekens observe, that he had frequently seen Hogarth, when a young man, saunter round Leicester Fields with his master’s sickly child hanging its head over his shoulder.” It is more amusing to read such a book than * A magnificent melon-shaped tea-kettle, engraved with heads in medallion and scrolls by Hogarth, on a circular stand, finely chased with masks, scrolls, and medallions, and dated 1722, was sold at Lord Willoughby de Eresby’s sale in 1869. It was from Lord Tenterden’s collection. 48 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . safe to quote it, Hogarth had ceased to have a master for seventeen years was married to Jane Thornhill, kept his carriage, and was in the full blaze of his reputation when Nollekens was born. Of his shorthand way of acquiring knowledge we have some account from himself. His dislike of academic instruction, and his natural and proper notion of seeing art through stirring life, are very visible in all he says or writes. Copying other men’s works he considered to resemble pouring wine out of one vessel into another ; there was no increase of quantity, and the flavour of the vintage was liable to evaporate. He wished to gather in the fruit, press the grapes, and pour out the wine for himself. His words are instructive ; he is speaking of his own aspirations after fame, and the unsatisfactory mode of study commonly recommended to students. “ Many reasons led me to wish that I could find the shorter path— fix forms and characters in my mind — and, instead of copying the lines, try to read the language, and, if possible, find the grammar of the art, by bringing into one focus the various observations I had made, and then trying by my power on the canvas how far my plan enabled me to combine and apply them to practice. For this purpose I considered what various ways, and to what different purposes, the memory might be applied ; and fell upon one most suitable to my situation and idle disposition ; — laying it down first as an axiom, that he who could by any means acquire and retain in his memory perfect ideas of the subjects he meant to draw, would have as clear a knowledge of the figure as a man who can write freely hath of the twenty-five letters of the alphabet, and their infinite combinations.” In this power of picturing in air the characters which composed his productions, Hogarth had great mastery. No man indeed can make a true design who is deficient in pictorial fancy, and wants the vivid imagination which calls up, in moving form and breathing expression, the beings wuth whom he is to people his canvas. By a succession of HOGARTH. 49 efforts — by slow and repeated touches — by studying a posture here and a character there — glancing one moment at life and another at art — a man may elaborate out a work which shall claim and even obtain a place amongst the pro- ductions of genius ; but it will want those vivid and natural graces, and that lifelike air, which an imagination contain- ing the picture within itself stamps upon its creations : even though blameless in its separate parts, it will appear defective as a whole. Possessing this vividness of imagination, Hogarth was ready at a moment to embody his subjects ; and by a sagacity all his own, and a spirit of observation which few have equalled, he had ever original characters at command. He seldom copied on the spot the peculiar objects which caught his notice ; he committed them to memory, and his memory, accustomed to the task, never failed him. If, however, some singularly fantastic form or outre face came in his way, he made a sketch on the nail of his thumb, and carried it home to expand at leisure. “ I had (he writes) one material advantage over my competitors — viz., the early habit I acquired of retaining in my mind’s eye, without coldly copying it on the spot, what- ever I intended to imitate. Sometimes, but too seldom, I took the life for correcting the parts I had not perfectly enough remembered, and then I transferred them into my own compositions. Instead of burdening the memory with musty rules, or tiring the eye with copying dry or damaged pictures, I have ever found studying from nature the shortest and safest way of obtaining knowledge in my art. A choice of composition was the next thing to be con- sidered, and my constitutional idleness naturally led me to the use of such materials as I had previously collected ; and to this I was further induced by thinking that, if properly combined, they might be made the most useful to society in painting, although similar subjects had often failed in writing and preaching.” From a mind so formed, a hand so diligent, and a spirit so observing, it was natural to expect something striking 156 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . So and original. Of his first attempt at satire, the following story is related by Nichols, who had it from one of Hogarth’s fellow-workmen : — One summer Sunday during his apprenticeship, he went with three companions to High- gate, and the weather being warm and the way dusty, they went into a public-house and called for ale. There hap- pened to be other customers in the house, who to free drinking added fierce talking, and a quarrel ensued. One of them, on receiving a blow with the bottom of a quart pot, looked so ludicrously rueful, that Hogarth snatched out a pencil and sketched him as he stood. It was very like and very laughable, and contributed to the restoration of order and good-humour. On another occasion he strolled, with Hayman, the painter, into a cellar, where two women of loose life were quarrelling in their cups. One of them filled her mouth with brandy and spirted it dexterously in the eyes of her antagonist. “See! see!” said Hogarth, taking out his tablets and sketching her — “look at the brimstone’s mouth.” This virago figures in “ Modern Midnight Conversation.” Anecdotes such as these were related in vain to Lord Orford, who was too dainty and delicate to be the bio- grapher of a man accustomed to search in scenes of low sensuality, as well as elsewhere, for the materials of his productions. That a biographer with gold buckles in his shoes should hesitate to follow the steps of one who was no picker of paths, was natural ; nor is it matter of surprise that a Horace Walpole should conclude the conversation of a Hogarth to have been gross, and his mind uninformed — Lord Orford considered all men as uninformed who had not received an university education ; and all human beings as gross in conversation who were unacquainted with the conventional courtesies of fashionable life. Ireland, too, in a work full of information concerning our artist’s compositions and character, considers him as an unenlightened man, and one who “ had not much bias towards what has obtained the name of learning.” If Hogarth showed little bias towards learning, it was HOGARTH. 5i because his powerful mind was directed to studies where the knowledge of actual life in all its varieties was chiefly essential — where an eye for the sarcastic and the ludicrous, and a mind to penetrate motives and weigh character, were worth all the lights of either school or college. But there is no proof that he was a man gross and uninformed, or that he thought lightly of learning. He was indeed a zealous worshipper of knowledge ; but he loved to pluck the fruit fresh from the tree with his own hand. Of want of learn- ing no man of Hogarth’s pitch of mind will boast ; it is the open sesame which clears up the mysteries of ancient lore, and acquaints us with the lofty souls and social sympathies of the great worthies of the world. Our artist had not time for everything ; he could not, circumstanced as he was, have been both a scholar of any eminence, and the first man in a new walk of art. But it is unjust to set him down as despising in the abstract what his own great natural genius enabled him to do without. Ireland having asserted that Hogarth had little bias towards learning, and Walpole that he was gross and ignorant, Nichols brings against him the additional charge of extreme poverty in his earlier years. There is no proof that he suffered under the twofold evil of ignorance and want. That his parents were poor we have his own admis- sion ; but he never spoke of absolute indigence. The wages of industry would do the same for him as for others : his food might be plain and his dress coarse — his lodging mean, and little money in his pocket ; still he was no object of compassion while the expense of his living was covered by his earnings. “ Owing,” says Hogarth, “ to my desire to qualify myself for engraving on copper, and to the loss which I sustained by piratical copies of some of my earlier and most popular prints, I could do little more than main- tain myself until I was near thirty ; but even then I was a punctual paymaster,” cc Being one day,” says Nichols, “ distressed to raise so trifling a sum as twenty shillings— in order to be revenged of his landlady, who strove to compel him to payment, he S2 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . drew her as ugly as possible, and in that single portrait gave marks of the dawn of superior genius. Other authorities intimate, that had such an accident ever happened to Hogarth, he would hardly have failed to talk of it afterwards, as he was always fond of contrasting the necessities of his youth with the affluence of his maturer age. He has been heard to say of himself, “ I remember the time when I have gone moping into the city with scarce a shilling, but as soon as I have received ten guineas there for a plate, I have returned home, put on my sword, and sallied out again with all the confidence of a man who had thousands in his pockets.” That young Hogarth held the same contest with fortune for bread, which is the usual lot of unfriended genius, there can be little doubt. Before the world felt his talents, and while he was storing his mind and his portfolio with nature and character, then was the season of fluctuating spirits, rising and falling hopes, churlish landladies, and importu- nate creditors. When he had conquered all these diffi- culties, his vanity — and who would not be vain in such circumstances? — loved to dwell on those scenes of labour and privation, and fight over again the battle which ended so honourably to him as a man, and so gloriously to him as an artist. But, even under the worst view which he him- self gives of his condition, one can hardly call Hogarth poor ; he paid all he owed — he had a sword at home, a shilling in his pocket, and an engraving in his hands which raised ten guineas. With a head so clear, hands so clever, and youth and independent feelings on his side, he could not be destitute — and he never was. With much appearance of accuracy, Ireland releases him from his apprenticeship in 1718, when he was one-and- twenty years old; and Walpole sends him to the academy in St. Martin’s Lane, where he “studied drawing from the life, in which he never attained great excellence.” Of his habits of diligence in drawing from set figures I have already spoken, and in his own words, he loved rather to study in the wild academy of nature, and to seek in life for HOGARTH. 53 those materials with which neither lectures nor examples could supply him.— If we allow seven years for the term of his apprenticeship, he must have been indentured at four- teen ; his father, therefore, may be relieved from the suspicion of inattention to his education— he seems to have instilled as much knowledge into the mind of his only son as was consistent with the boy’s years and habits. The first work of any merit which appeared from the hand of Hogarth was called “ The Taste of the Town/’- — engraven in 1724. The reigning follies of the day were sharply lashed ; and the town was so much taken with this satiric image of itself, that it became profitable to pirate the piece— a fraud which deprived the artist of the fruit of his labour, and compelled him to sell his etchings at any price the piratical printseller chose to give. “ c The Taste of the Town’ (says Ireland) is now entitled the ‘Small Masquerade Ticket, or Burlington Gate/ in which the follies of the town are severely satirised by the representation of multitudes properly habited crowding to the masquerade. The leader of the figures wears a cap and bells, and a garter round his right leg, while before him a satyr holds a purse containing a thousand pounds — a satirical glance at majesty ; the kneeling figure, pouring eight thousand pounds at the feet of Cuzzoni, the Italian singer, has been said to resemble Lord Peterborough. Opera, masque, and pantomime are in glory, while the works of our great dramatists are trundled to oblivion on a wheel-barrow. On the summit of Burlington Gate he placed the fashionable artist, William Kent, brandishing his palette and pencils, with Michael Angelo and Raphael for supporters.” At this time it appears that he did not apply himself wholly to original compositions; he had a mother and sisters to assist, and— success in his new and original path being uncertain — continued to make sure of bread by engraving arms and crests. Coats-of-arms, symbols, ciphers, shop-bills, and etchings on bowls and tankards, have been since collected and shown to the world as productions of the early days of Hogarth. That some of these bear an impress 54 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. like his I mean not to deny ; but all the works which the necessities of genius compel it to perform are not therefore excellent and worthy of being treasured up. The poet wisely says, that “ Strong necessity supreme is ’Mongst sons of men.” All artists are more or less compelled to toil for subsistence ; and even the most fortunate often execute commissions alien to their feelings. By these things they should not be judged. Hogarth soon felt where his strength was to lie; and others began to feel it too. The booksellers employed him to embellish books with cuts and frontispieces. Illustrations of literature were not then very common, nor was the style of their execution in general at all creditable to art. In Mortraye’s “ Travels ” there are fourteen cuts bearing the name of Hogarth ; seven more may be found in the “ Golden Ass of Apuleius,” printed in 1724; in Beaver’s “Military Punishments of the Ancients ” there are fifteen headpieces ; and five frontispieces from the same hand decorate the five volumes of “Cassandra,” printed in 1725. He likewise designed and engraved two cuts for “ Perseus and Andro- meda ; ” and, what lay more out of his way, two for Milton. The date of the latter is uncertain ; nor have I found that they incurred censure or received praise, unless they are included in the following sweeping condemnation of Walpole : “ ISTo symptoms of genius,” says he, “ dawned in those early plates.” There is, indeed, little of that peculiar spirit which distinguished his after- works; but they are well worth examination, were it but to learn the lesson which genius reckons ungracious — that no distinction is to be obtained without long study and well-directed labour. Into the Hudibras , published in 1726, a larger portion of his satiric spirit was infused. “ This was among the first of his works,” observes Walpole, “that marked him as a man above the common ; yet in what made him then HOGARTH. 55 noticed, it surprises me now to find so little humour in an undertaking so congenial to his talents.” This censure is to be admitted with some abatement. That he has given in the seventeen plates of that performance vivid and accurate images of his witty original, I am not prepared to say. It is seldom that the pencil catches the same inspira- tion as the pen, and it would be wonderful if it did. There are many bright points and graces in poetry on which painting can find no colours to bestow, which look simple and seem easy to be embodied, but which are too elusive and quicksilvery to take a hue and shape. The poetry of Butler, graphic as it is, and full of images of fun and humour, will always keep its ascendancy, and, in the width of its range, and by the rapidity of its motion, baffle the rivalry of any pencil. It is not where Hogarth has followed, but where he has departed from the poet, that the charm of his embellishments lies. By one or two skilful additions, awakening a similar train of thought and humour, he has increased the graphic glee of his author. The work was published by subscription, and Allan Ramsay, the poet — a man after Hogarth’s own heart, and not unlike him in look— a lover of rough, ready wit, broad humour, and social merriment— subscribed — -he was a book- seller as well as a poet— for thirty copies. Twelve of the plates were published separately, and inscribed by the artist to “William Ward, of Great Houghton, Northamp- tonshire, and Allan Ramsay of Edinburgh.” A little praise was then valuable ; kindness shown to genius at the com- mencement of its career is seldom forgotten. A friendly intercourse (of which, however, I can discover no farther traces than some hasty lines by the poet) seems to have been carried on after this between Ramsay and Hogarth. But the poet’s son forgot his father’s affection, in the feud which arose between the members of the fraternity of painters and Hogarth. The animosities of artists are only surpassed in sharpness and malignity by those of religious sects. Of these designs Hogarth thought so well, that in after-life he often lamented having parted with them. 56 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . A patron very different from the poet of the u Gentle Shepherd ” appeared in the person of W. Bowles, of the Black Horse in Cornhill, “ I have been told,” says Nichols, J£ that he bought many a plate from Hogarth by the weight of the copper, but am only certain that this occurrence happened in a single instance, when the elder Bowles offered, over a bottle, half a-crown a pound weight for a plate just then completed.” This story is an odd one ; and yet there can be little doubt of its truth ; nor, indeed, was it to every one that the generous Bowles offered such high terms. Major, the engraver, said, that when he was young and desirous to go abroad for improvement, he offered for sale two plates of landscapes, one of them called u Evening,” which he had just finished. This was one of his best- works. Bowles was much pleased with the performance, and said, as improvement was Mr. Major’s object, he would give him in exchange two pieces of plain copper of the same dimensions. This patron had the true English notion of things. Thornhill sold paintings to the government at two guineas the Flemish ell ; and Hogarth’s engravings were estimated at half-a-crown per pound avoirdupois. Though Hogarth at this period used both the crayon and the brush, he was still little known except as an engraver. He was looked upon generally as a mere etcher of copper, and his productions were regarded— I copy with shame and anger the unjust and injurious language of Fuseli — “ as the chronicle of scandal, and the history-book of the vulgar.” If a man like Fuseli could write thus when Hogarth had the fame of many years on his head, we may wonder less at the conduct of one Morris, an upholsterer, who engaged him in 1727 to make a design for tapestry, and afterwards discovered to his confusion that he had commissioned an engraver instead of a painter. The work ordered by the upholsterer was a representation of the Element Earth ; and in what fashion the task was per- formed cannot now be known. Morris, however, refused to pay for it, and was sued for the price — twenty pounds for workmanship, and ten pounds for materials. HOGARTH ; 57 “ I was informed,” said the defendant, when the trial came on before the Lord Chief- Justice, “by Mr. Hogarth, that he was skilled in painting, and could execute the design of the Element of the Earth in a workmanlike manner. On learning, however, afterwards that he was an engraver and not a painter, I became uneasy, and sent one of my servants to him, who stated my apprehensions, to which Mr. Hogarth replied that it was certainly a bold and unusual kind of undertaking, and if Mr. Morris did not like it when finished he should not be asked to pay for it. The work was completed and sent home ; but my tapestry- workers, who are mostly foreigners, and some of them the finest hands in Europe, and perfect judges of performances of that nature, were all of opinion that it was not finished in a workmanlike manner, and that it was impossible to execute tapestry by it.” Such was this classical upholder’s defence, and it prevailed. Patronage by the pound weight, and jury-verdicts which refused to him the name of a painter, suited ill with the haughty heart and sarcastic spirit of Hogarth. A more congenial subject than that suggested by Mr. Morris ere long presented itself, and called forth his proper powers. Bambridge, warden of the Fleet Prison, and Huggins, his predecessor, were accused, in 1729, before the House of Commons, of breaches of trust, extortions, and cruelties, and sent to Newgate. The examination passed in the presence of Hogarth, who sketched the scene in a way which has called the following happy description from the pen of Walpole “ The scene is a committee of the Commons ; on the table are the instruments of torture. A prisoner in rags and half-starved appears before them ; the poor man has a good countenance, which adds to the interest. On the other hand is the inhuman jailer. It is the very figure which Salvator Bosa would have drawn for Iago in the moment of detection. Villainy, fear, and conscience are mixed in yellow and livid upon his countenance ; his lips are contracted by tremor, his face advances as eager to lie, SB GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . his legs step back as thinking to make his escape, one hand is thrust forward into his bosom, the fingers of the other are catching uncertainly at his button-holes. If this was a portrait, it is the most striking that ever was drawn ; if it was not, still finer.” The face was that of Bambridge, the rest was the imagination of the artist. By labouring for the booksellers, and by designing and etching little scenes of town life and folly, Hogarth suc- ceeded in gradually withdrawing himself from the drudgery of his original profession, and in establishing a name with the world for satiric skill and dramatic sketching. But the prices which he obtained were small — so little, indeed, compared with what others received then, and what he was afterwards paid, that he seems ashamed to mention them. He could not disguise from himself that artists of very inferior powers, but of more courtly address, were growing rich by painting portraits of the opulent and the vain, and lived in splendour and affluence. Kent, the architect and painter, seems to have fixed, if he did not merit, Hogarth’s peculiar indignation : he was, as we have already seen, the first artist who felt the touch of his satiric hand. This man had painted an altar-piece for St. Clement’s Church, sufficiently absurd of itself for all the purposes of ridicule ; but Hogarth was not satisfied till lie had increased the public merriment by a caricature. There was, indeed, little to do, but it was done effectually. The print raised an universal laugh through the parish, and Gibson, Bishop of London, on his visitation to the church, smiled as he looked on the original, and ordered the churchwardens to remove it. It was taken down accordingly, 7th September 1725, on which a parishioner wrote and printed a con- gratulatory letter, with a motto from Exodus : “ And he took the calf which they had made, and burnt it in the fire, and burnt it to powder, and strewed it upon the water, and made the Children of Israel drink of it.” There is a puritanic touch in this. No wonder that Hogarth was indignant at the popularity of such a pretender in painting as Kent, who, not contented with the fame of HOGARTH. 59 an architect and ornamental gardener, aspired also to the merits of sculpture, and encumbered Westminster Abbey with some of his absurd conceptions. For his popularity we have the words of Walpole : “ He was not only consulted for furniture, as frames of pictures, glasses, tables, chairs, etc., but for plate, for a barge, for a cradle. And so impetuous was fashion, that two great ladies prevailed on him to make designs for their birthday gowns. The one he dressed in a petticoat decorated with columns of the five orders, and the other like a bronze, in a copper-coloured satin, with ornaments of gold/ The unsparing ridicule which the prints of Hogarth threw on this personage was very acceptable to Sir James Thornhill, who, desirous of distinction as an architect, found Kent, in his fourfold capacity of painter, sculptor, architect, and ornamental gardener, a rival that met him at every turn. These satiric compositions are supposed by Ireland to have been something like the price of admission tickets to Sir James Thornhill’s academy in St. Martin’s Lane. That Hogarth did attend that academy he has himself recorded ; but his time was wasted in controversies with his brother students, on the propriety of studying art from paintings or from nature. In the acrimony of disputation he learned to despise the former too much ; and declaimed vigorously against borrowed postures and academic groups. “The most original mind (said he), if habituated to these exercises, becomes inoculated with the style of others, and loses the power of stamping a spirit of its own on canvas.” On this theme he was fluent and bitter. He was amused, however, with the following retort of one of his brethren. “ Hogarth, by the doctrine which you preach and practise, it seems that the only way to draw well is not to draw at all ; and I suppose if you wrote on the art of swimming, you would not permit your scholars to go into the water — till they had learned to swim/’ 6o GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . He had, however, other motives than an artist’s for courting the notice of Thornhill — and frequenting his academy. To what their intimacy amounted previously we know not; but on the 23rd of March 1729 Hogarth, then in his thirty-second year, married J ane, the only daughter of Sir James, aged twenty. He is called in the marriage register of the parish an eminent designer and engraver — and his father-in-law, serjeant-painter and history-painter to the king. The match was neither hasty nor imprudent on the side of the lady ; but it was accomplished without the consent of parents, and her father was offended. Thornhill had been, or was then, a member of parliament —was history-painter to the king, and a person of public importance and fame in his day, and conceived that his only daughter might have been wooed and won by a man of higher birth and larger income. He could not foresee his unwelcome son-in-law’s future eminence ; and he knew his present inability to maintain his wife in the style in which she had been educated. Hogarth was as yet acknowledged by few even as a painter ; his works were obviously deficient in the elegant and elaborate drawing recommended by academies, and preached upon by Sir James himself; they wanted harmony of colouring ; and, more than all, they bore a stamp and impress of thought materially different from what had found favour with any artist of established reputation. Hapless, no doubt, appeared the aspirations of one who turned obstinately aside from the beaten way— who had the audacity to despise gods and goddesses, regarded allegory as a subject for laughter, and was seeking to make sentiment triumph over mere form, and human nature over conventional beauty. The old man’s wrath was of two years’ duration ; it subsided as all fiery feelings must. He was mollified by the entreaties of his wife, the submissiveness of his daughter, and — above all, we may believe — by the rising reputation of Hogarth. His high spirit, no doubt, inclined him to resent the conduct of Sir James Thornhill ; but his wife’s affection and his own good sense subdued the rising feeling, and he HOGARTH. 61 set himself diligently to work, in the hope of being able to maintain his wife in such fashion as became her. He resolved to be wise and prudent; laid aside his satiric designs ; took a house in Leicester Fields, and commenced portrait-painter — “ the most ill-suited employment,” says Walpole, “to a man whose turn was certainly not flattery, nor his talent adapted to look on vanity without a sneer. Yet his facility in catching a likeness, and the method he chose of painting familiar and conversation pieces in small, then a novelty, drew him prodigious business for some time. It did not last, either from his applying to the real bent of his disposition, or from his customers apprehending that a satirist was too formidable a confessor for the devotees of self-love.” To be eminently popular in portrait-painting requires more than mere skill and talent. Hogarth was a man of plain manners, unpolished address, and encumbered with the dangerous reputation of a satirist. He was unac- quainted with the art of charming a peer into a patron by putting him into raptures with his own good looks. There were other drawbacks. The calm, contemplative look, the elegance of form without the grace of action, and motion- less repose approaching to slumber, were not for him whose strength lay in kindling figures into life and tossing them into business. A collection of isolated lords and ladies, each looking more lazily than the other into vacancy, com- pared with historical pictures, are as recruits drawn up in line and put into position by the drill-sergeant, compared to soldiers engaged in the tumult of battle, animated with high passions, and determined to do or die. Hogarth’s account of this part of his life is brief and modest. “ I married (he says), and commenced painter of small conversation pieces from twelve to fifteen inches high. This, having novelty, succeeded for a few years. But though it gave somewhat more scope for the fancy, it was still but a less kind of drudgery ; and as I could not bring myself to act like some of my brethren, and make it a sort of manufactory to be carried on by the help of backgrounds 62 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. and drapery painters, it was not sufficiently profitable to pay the expenses my family required.” This is a very imperfect account of his labours as a portrait-painter ; he seems unwilling to dwell on a department wherein he was not quite successful, and he hastens to the compositions to which he owes his immortality. It would, however, be unjust to his memory to pass over the matter so lightly ; for, in truth, some of his portraits are very vigorous performances. Of his conversation pieces there are many — of his life- size portraits few. Compared with the productions of the great masters of the art of portraiture, those of Hogarth are alike distinguished for their vigorous coarseness and their literal nature. They are less deficient in ease and expression than in those studied airs and graceful affecta- tions by which so many face-makers have become* famous. Ladies, accustomed to come from the hands of men prac- tised in professional flattery with the airs of goddesses, and sometimes with the name, would ill endure such a plain-spoken mirror as Hogarth’s. Another circumstance must be mentioned. It was the practice of those days to see genius much more willingly and readily in the works of the dead than in those of the living : and perhaps the fashion is not yet gone out. There is no danger of making a mistake in praising a Raphael or Correggio, but there is some in determining the merits of any new production ; and great lords — even now-a-days — are frugal of com- mendation, till the voice of the people gives confidence to their taste. With such men it was the fortune of our portrait-painter to come frequently in contact; disputes ensued; and he was no picker of pleasant words. Hone of these circumstances were very likely either to augment the number of Hogarth’s sitters, or to cheat him into good-humour with an originally uncongenial task. His portraits of himself are all very clever, and all very like. In one he is accompanied by a bull-dog of the true English breed ; and in another he is seated in his study, with his pencil ready, and his eye fixed and intent on a HOGARTH. 63 figure which he is sketching on the canvas. He has a short, good-humoured face, full of health, observation, and sagacity. He treated his own physiognomy as he treated his friends 1 — seized the character strongly, and left grace and elegance to those who were unable to cope with mind and spirit. On the palette which belongs to the first-named of these two portraits there is drawn a waving line, with the words, “ Line of beauty ” — a hieroglyphic of which no one could at first divine the meaning. The mystery was afterwards solved in his “ Analysis of Beauty,” a volume which gained Hogarth few friends and many enemies. In his family-piece of Mr. and Mrs. Garrick there is more nature and less dignity than was likely to please a pair who, constitutionally vain, had been fed daily and nightly, through a long series of years, with the flatteries of play-writing poets, play-going lords, and player-admir- ing painters. The great Roscius appeared seated by an ordinary-looking table, with a not very extraordinary-look- ing wife coming behind him and taking the pen out of his hand. Garrick was dissatisfied with the representation of himself, and said so ; the lady said nothing as to herself, but complained that her dear husband looked less noble in art than in nature. Hogarth drew his pencil across David’s mouth, and never touched the piece again. The picture was unpaid for at Hogarth’s death, and his widow sent it to Mrs. Garrick, unaccompanied by any demand. In Garrick as Richard the Third he was more fortunate. The tyrant starts from his couch in true terror and natural agony. The figure, however, is too muscular and massy. Hogarth’s portrait of Henry Fielding, executed after death from recollection, is remarkable as being the only likeness extant of the prince of English novelists. It has various histories. According to Murphy, Fielding had made many promises to sit to Hogarth, for whose genius he had a high esteem, but died without fulfilling them ; a lady accidentally cut a profile with her scissors, which re- called Fielding’s face so completely to Hogarth’s memory, that he took up the outline, corrected and finished it, and 64 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . made a capital likeness. The world is seldom satisfied with a common account of anything that interests it — more especially as a marvellous one is easily manufactured. The following, then, is the second history. Garrick, having dressed himself in a suit of Fielding’s clothes, presented himself unexpectedly before the artist, mimicking the step and assuming the look of their deceased friend. Hogarth was much affected at first, but, on recovering, took his pencil and drew the portrait. For those who love a soberer history, the third edition is ready. Mrs. Hogarth, when questioned concerning it, said, that she remembered the affair well ; her husband began the picture, and finished it one evening in his own house, and sitting by her side. Captain Ooram, the projector of the Foundling Hospital, sat for his portrait to Hogarth, and it is one of the best he ever painted. There is a natural dignity and great benev- olence expressed in a face which, in the original, was rough and forbidding. This worthy man, having laid out his fortune and impaired his health in acts of charity and mercy, was reduced to poverty in his old age. An annuity of a hundred pounds was privately purchased, and when it was presented to him he said, “I did not waste the wealth which I possessed in self-indulgence or vain expense, and am not ashamed to know that in my old age I am poor.” The last which I shall notice of this class of productions is the portrait of the celebrated demagogue, John Wilkes. This singular performance originated in a quarrel with that witty libertine and his associate Churchill, the poet : it immediately followed an article, from the pen of Wilkes, in the “North Briton,” which insulted Hogarth as a man and traduced him as an artist. It is so little of a carica- ture, that Wilkes good-humouredly observes somewhere in his correspondence, “ I am growing every day more and more like my portrait by Hogarth.” The terrible scourge of the satirist fell bitterly upon the personal and moral deformities of the man. Compared with his chastisement HOGARTH. 65 the hangman’s whip is but a proverb, and the pillory a post ‘of honour. He might hope oblivion from the infamy of both ; but from Hogarth there was no escape. It was little indeed that the artist had to do, to brand and emblazon him with the vices of his nature ; but with how much discrimination that little is done ! He took up the correct portrait, which Walpole upbraids him with skulking into a court of law to obtain, and in a few touches the man sunk, and the demon of hypocrisy and sensuality sat in his stead. It is a fiend, and yet it is Wilkes still. It is said that when he had finished this remarkable portrait, the former friendship of Wilkes overcame him, and he threw it into the fire, from which it was saved by the interposition of his wife. To describe his portraits, or even barely to enumerate them, would take more space than can be spared ; but the reader will be pleased to know the extent of his employ** ment and the nature of his engagements. I transcribe the following account from a manuscript list written by the artist, and entitled, “Account taken 1st January 1731 of all the pictures that remain unfinished — half-payment received.” He had been then married about a year “A family-piece, consisting of four figures, for Mr. Each, begun in 1728. An assembly of twenty-five figures, for Lord Castlemain, begun Aug. 28, 1729. Family of four figures, for Mr. Wood, 1728. A conversation of six figures, for Mr. Cork, Nov. 1728. A family of five figures, for Mr. Jones, March, 1730. The committee of the House of Commons, for Sir Arch. Grant, Nov, 5, 1729 ; the Beggars’ Opera, for ditto. A single figure, for Mr. Kirkman, April 18, 1730. A family of nine, for Mr. Yernon, Feb. 27, 1730. Another of two, for Mr. Cooper. Another of five, for the Duke of Montague. Two little pictures, for ditto. Single figure, for Sir Robert Pye, Nov. 18, 1730. Two little pictures, called ‘ Before and After,’ for Mr. Thomson, Dec. 7, 1730. Ahead, for Mr. Sarmond, Jan. 12, 1730 — Pictures bespoke for the present year.” Here the memo- randum concludes. There is nothing said of the amount of 157 66 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . price, and it has been observed that Hogarth has nowhere acknowledged what money he received for his family-pieces and portraits. For his Garrick as Richard the Third he had <£200 ; but that was later in life, when his fame justi- fied the demand. It is believed that, at the period we are now treating, his prices were extremely low. I have already mentioned some of the reasons which Hogarth assigned for relinquishing portrait-painting ; there were other reasons behind, and these he expressed in a manner sufficiently bitter when, near the close of his career, he looked back on early days, and thought of the impedi- ments which rivalry and affectation had thrown in his way to riches and fame. “For the portrait of Garrick as Richard (says he) I received more than any English artist ever before received for a single portrait, and that too by the sanction of several painters who were consulted about the price. Notwithstanding all this, the current remark was, that portraits were not my province ; and I was tempted to abandon the only lucrative branch of the art ; for the practice brought the whole nest of phyzmongers on my back, where they buzzed like so many hornets. All those people had their friends, whom they incessantly taught to call my women harlots — my ‘ Essay on Beauty ’ borroived — and my engraving contemptible . This so much disgusted me that I sometimes declared I would never paint another portrait, and frequently refused when applied to ; for I found, by mortifying experience, that whoever will succeed in this branch must adopt the mode recommended in Gay’s ‘ Fables/ and make divinities of all who sit to him. Whether or not this childish affectation will ever be done away is a doubtful question ; none of those who have attempted to reform it have yet succeeded ; nor, unless portrait-painters in general become more honest and their customers less vain, is there much reason to expect they ever will.” 3 . . Hogarth afterwards embodied his satire in a small print, wherein the current of royal favour is set forth as watering the trees of Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture : the two latter flourish luxuriantly ; but of HOGARTH. 6 7 the former a single branch, and a low one, alone remains green — and this, by an ingenious contrivance, is shown to represent Portrait. During this busy period, whilst he was contending with the world for bread, and with his brother artists for repu- tation in “ the only lucrative branch of the art,” he was silently collecting materials for those works of a satirical and moral order on which his fame depends. He had not forgotten the precepts which he laid down, to the amuse- ment of his fellow-students, about studying from living nature. To find excellence in art without perfection of form — to make use of human beings such as they moved and breathed before him — and to embody the characters with which observation had peopled his fancy, was the wish of Hogarth ; and to this task he now addressed himself wdtli the alacrity of one stung by disappointment, and who is determined to vindicate his confidence in nature and his consciousness of his own strength. The schools in which he delighted to study were the haunts of social freedom — scenes where the chained-up natures of men are let loose by passion, wine, and contradiction. With subjects well suiting the sarcastic talent of the artist London abounded, and neither public vice nor private deformity escaped his satiric strokes. I have mentioned the displeasure of Sir James Thornhill respecting his daughter’s marriage, and that time and the rising fame of his son-in-law softened the old gentleman’s feelings gradually into kindness and affection. During this period Hogarth designed and etched the first portion of the “ Harlot’s Progress,” so much to the gratification of Lady Thornhill, that she advised her daughter to place it in her father’s way. 4 ‘Accordingly, one morning (says Nichols) Mrs. Hogarth conveyed it secretly into his dining-room. When he rose, he inquired from whence it came, and by whom it was brought. When he was told, he cried out, ‘Very well! very well! The man who can make works like this can maintain a wife without a portion.’ He designed this remark as an excuse for keeping his purse- 63 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . strings close ; but soon after became both reconciled and generous to the young people. ” The reconciliation was sincere. Hogarth was ever the earnest admirer and the ready defender of the conduct and reputation of Sir James Thornhill. The artist has told with the pen the reasons which in- duced him to “turn his thoughts to painting and engraving subjects of a modern kind and moral nature — a field not broken up in any country or age.” I transcribe his own memorandums : — “ The reasons which induced me to adopt this mode of designing were, that I thought both critics and painters had, in the historical style, quite overlooked that inter- mediate species of subjects which may be placed between the sublime and the grotesque. I therefore wished to compose pictures on canvas similar to representations on the stage ; and further hope that they will be tried by the same test and criticised by the same criterion. Let it be observed, that I mean to speak only of those scenes where the human species are actors, and these I think have not often been delineated in a way of which they are worthy and capable. “In these compositions, those subjects that will both entertain and inform the mind bid fair to be of the greatest public utility, and must therefore be entitled to rank in the highest class. If the execution is difficult — though that is but a secondary merit — the author has a claim to a higher degree of praise. If this be admitted, comedy in painting, as well as in writing, ought to be allotted the first place, as most capable of all these perfections, though the sublime, as it is called, has been opposed to it. Ocular demonstration will carry more conviction to the mind of a sensible man than all he would find in a thousand volumes, and this has been attempted in the prints I have composed. Let the decision be left to any unprejudiced eye; let the figures in either pictures or prints be considered as players, dressed either for the sublime — for genteel comedy or farce — for high or low life. I have endeavoured to treat HOGARTH. 69 my subjects as a dramatic writer ; my picture is my stage, my men and women my players, who, by means of certain actions and gestures, are to exhibit a dumb show.’' Those who are not satisfied of the accuracy of Hogarth’s notions by his prints and his pictures have little chance of being overcome by the force of his written arguments. I am afraid few will be disposed to rank comedy above tragedy, or common life higher than the heroic. The actions of lofty minds and the pursuits of inspired men will always maintain a higher place in the estimation of mankind than the more picturesque exploits of inferior characters. Entertainment and information are not all that the mind requires at the hand of an artist. We wish to be elevated by contemplating what is noble, to be warmed by the presence of the heroic, and charmed and made happy by the sight of purity and loveliness. We desire to share in the lofty movements of fine minds — to have communion with their images of what is godlike — - and to take a part in the raptures of their love and in the ecstasies of all their musings. This is the chief end of high poetry, of high painting, and of high sculpture ; and that man misunderstands the true spirit of those arts who seeks to deprive them of a portion of their divinity, and argues that information and entertainment constitute their highest aim. It was well for Hogarth that he painted and engraved far beyond his own notions. The “Harlot’s Progress ” was commenced in 1731, and appeared in a series of six plates in 1734. It was received with general approbation. Compliments in verse and prose were poured upon his prints and upon his person ; and as money followed fame, his father-in-law was relieved from his fears and Hogarth from his necessities. The boldness of the attempt, the fascinating originality and liveliness of the conception, together with the rough, ready vigour of the engraving, were felt and enjoyed by all. The public saw, with wonder, a series of productions combined into one grand moral and satiric story— exhibiting, in truth, a regular drama, neither wholly serious nor wholly comic, in 7o GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . which fashionable follies and moral corruptions had their beginning, their middle, and their end. Painters had been employed hitherto in investing ladies of loose reputation with the hues of heaven, and turning their paramours into Adonises ; here was one who dipped both in the lake of darkness, and held them up together to the scorn and derision of mankind. Here we had portraits of the vicious and the vile — not the idle occupants of their places, but active in their calling, successful in their shame, and marching steadily and wickedly onwards ; while not a porter looked at them in the printsellers’ windows without feeling his burden lighter as he named them. Hogarth’s fellow artists saw with surprise those monitory and sarcastic creations, which refused to owe any of their attractions to the established graces of the schools, or to the works of any artist new or old. The mixture of the satiric with the solemn — the pathetic with the ludicrous — of simplicity with cunning — and virtue with vice, was but an image of London and of human nature. The actors — some of them at least — might be regarded as the evil spirits of the time, whom a mighty hand had come to exorcise and lay. The merit of those compositions lies less in their personal satire than in their general presentation of the character of a great and lascivious city. Yet the portraitures mark the intrepid spirit of the artist ; for some whom he ridiculed were powerful enough to make their resentment be felt. For their resentment he appears to have cared little. One of them— a polished personage who moved in polite circles — still bore the brand of Pope when he was pilloried to everlasting infamy by Hogarth. To reclaim such a hardened offender was beyond satire’s art, or even religion’s power ; to bottle up the viper was the surest way ; and there he stands, expecting his fit associate, the procuress, to lead innocence into his toils. The dramatic cast of the whole composition — the march from modesty to folly — from folly to vice — from vice to crime — and from crime to death, contributed less, it is said, to the immediate popularity of the work than the portraits HOGARTH. 7 1 of Colonel Charteris, Kate Hackabout, Mother Needham, Parson Pord, and — one who should not be confounded with publicans and sinners — Mr. Justice Gonson.* An anecdote is related by Nichols, which confirms the account of the sudden popularity of the “ Harlot’s Pro- gress,” and the accuracy of the likenesses. “At a Board of Treasury, which was held a day or two after the appear- ance of the third scene, a copy was shown by one of the lords, as containing, among other excellencies, a striking likeness of Sir John Gonson. It gave universal satisfac- tion ; from the Treasury each lord repaired to the print- shop for a copy of it ; and Plogarth rose completely into fame. The anecdote was related by Christopher Tilson, one of the chief clerks in the Treasury, and at that period under-secretary of state.” Stories such as this are often told concerning the success of works of genius. The approbation of the Lords of the Treasury was as necessary, in the eyes of one of their clerks, for the fame of the “Harlot’s Progress,” as their signatures were for the validity and circulation of an official document. What signified genius, life, humour, and moral reprehension, until two or three official underlings clapped their hands at the likeness of Sir John Gonson? The clerks of the treasury, however, are quite mistaken: fame is still the free gift of the 'people ; it was so in Hogarth’s time, and it will continue to be so. While Hogarth was etching the “ Harlot’s Progress,” he found leisure to attack a more dangerous antagonist than either Kent, Pord, or Charteris. He had the audacity to satirise Pope. “Pope,” says Johnson, “published in 1731 a poem called c Palse Taste,’ in which he very particularly and severely criticises the house, the furniture, the gardens, and the entertainments of Timon, a man of great wealth * Justice Gonson was distinguished for the extravagance of his addresses to the Grand Juries. They were composed, it is said, by Henley of the “ Gilt Tub.” The daily papers praised them in their own spirit. “ Sir John Gonson, ” says the Daily Post , “ gave a most incomparable, learned, and fine oharge to the Grand Jury.” 72 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . and little taste. By Timon he was universally supposed, and by the Earl of Burlington, to whom the poem is addressed, was privately said to mean the Duke of Chandos, a man perhaps too much delighted with pomp and show, but of a temper kind and beneficent, and who had con- sequently the voice of the public in his favour. A violent outcry was, therefore, raised against the ingratitude and treachery of Pope, who was said to be indebted to the patronage of Chandos for a present of a thousand pounds, and who gained the opportunity of insulting him by the kindness of his invitation.” Hogarth’s hostility to Pope might have arisen from his connection with Sir James Thornhill, whose uneasiness under the success of Pope’s friend Kent, the architect, has already been noticed ; or it may have originated in the public odium which the poet incurred by wantonly attack- ing a kind and benevolent nobleman. Of his motives it is difficult to judge ; of the sharpness of his satire there can be but one opinion. He has painted Burlington Gate, with Kent on the summit, in his threefold capacity of painter, sculptor, and architect, flourishing his palette and pencils over the heads of his astonished supporters, Michael Angelo and Raphael. On a scaffold, a little lower down, Pope stands, whitewashing the front ; and whilst he makes pillar and pilaster shine, his wet brush besprinkles Lord Chandos, who is passing by. Lord Burlington serves the poet in the condition of a labourer.* Of all this Pope took no notice, though he resented the “ Pictured Shape” from the hand of a very inferior satirist. * This, though the description reads somewhat alike, is not the same plate as that described at page 53. This is sometimes called “ The Man of Taste.” HOGARTH. 73 Either Hogarth’s obscurity,” says Nichols, “ was his protection from the lash of Pope, or perhaps the bare! was too prudent to exasperate a painter who had already given such proofs of his ability in satire.” The poet was not a person to be easily intimidated, and the name of Hogarth, then in full fame, must have been familiar to him. Pope remained silent, whether to the satisfaction or sorrow of the painter cannot now be ascertained. Much blame had been incurred by the satire on Chandos, and the poet might be unwilling to provoke further discussion or pro- long the strife. It is, however, probable that Pope regarded Hogarth as a vulgar caricaturist, beneath his notice. Thornhill now thought so well of his son-in-law that he sought his aid in some of his ornamental paintings. A task of that kind suited ill with the temper or the talents of Plogarth, nor did it correspond altogether with those theories of composition which he had laid down with so much ardour to his companions, and realised in his own works. But he probably considered the gods, goddesses, and allegorical progeny of his father-in-law as the best of their kind, and wished him to be the sole manufacturer of what he contemptuously called the " sublime.’’ He certainly accompanied Sir James to Headly Park, in Hants, where he furnished a satyr, and some other undistinguished figures, to the story of Zephyrus and Flora. Hogarth, whose poverty had hitherto detained him in town, was now rich enough to take summer lodgings at Lambeth Terrace ; the house which he occupied is still shown, and a vine pointed out which he planted. While residing there he became intimate with the proprietors of 74 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. Vauxhall Gardens, and embellished them with designs. He drew the “ Four Parts of the Day,” which Hayman copied; the two scenes of “ Evening ” and “ Night,” with portraits of Henry the Eighth and Anne Boleyn. For this assistance, which seems to have been gratuitous, the proprietors presented him with a gold ticket of admission for himself and a friend, which he enjoyed long, and his wife after him. Some of those works have perished ; nor is this much to be regretted — they had little of the peculiar character which distinguished his other productions. Among the manuscript notes left by Hogarth, in which he recorded the feelings of his early days, and the notions which he entertained in art, there is a short account of his labours as an historical painter. It cannot be commended for candour ; and it exhibits the levity of a man who was so pleased with success of another sort that he thought much too lightly of works which the ablest find some difficulty in performing. “ I entertained some thoughts,” he writes, “ of succeeding in what the puffers in books call the great style of history painting ; so that, without having had a stroke of this grand business before, I quitted small portraits and familiar conversations, and with a smile at my own temerity commenced history-painter, and on a great staircase at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital painted two Scripture stories — ‘The Pool of Bethesda’ and ‘The Good Samaritan ’—with figures seven feet high. These I presented to the charity, and thought they might serve as a specimen to show that, were there an inclination in England for encouraging historical pictures, such a first essay might prove the painting them more easy attainable than is generally imagined. But as Beligion, the great promoter of this style in other countries, rejected it in England, and I was unwilling to sink into a portrait manufacturer, and still ambitious of being singular, I soon dropped all expectations of advantage from that source, and returned to the pursuit of my former dealings with the public at large.” HOGARTH . 75 An inscription, which accompanies these historical paint- ings in the hospital, intimates that they were finished and presented by our artist in 1736. Of their character much need not be said ; it is evident that Hogarth himself never considered them as the fairest fruits of his fancy, and others have treated them with still less respect. For historical and poetical subjects he seems to have possessed strong power ; but he wanted discipline of hand, and that patient laboriousness of study without which works of a high order are seldom achieved. He had a keen sense of char- acter, eminent skill in grouping, and facility perhaps unrivalled in giving to his numerous figures one combined, clear, and consistent employment ; but of the art of elevating and ennobling he seems to have known little, and to have had no desire of learning more. The grandeur of a Macbeth or a Hamlet was not included in the theory which he was resolved to follow ; it took in Thersites, but left out Agamemnon. He could hold the mirror up to folly, show vice her visage till she writhed with anguish, and paint lasciviousness as disgusting as one of Swift’s Yahoos; but the serene beauty of innocence, and the dignity of tragic emotion, were things beyond his power, or at least beyond his ambition. “ He was ambitious (says Walpole) of distinguishing himself as a painter of history, but the burlesque turn of his mind mixed itself with the most serious subjects. In his 4 Danae,’ the old nurse tries a coin of the golden shower with her teeth- — to see if it is true gold ; in the Pool of Bethesda,’ a servant of a rich ulcerated lady beats back a poor man who sought the same celestial emedy Both circumstances are justly thought — but rather too ludicrous. It is a much more capital fault that 4 Danae herself is a mere nymph of Drury. He seems to have conceived no higher idea of beauty.” That Hogarth had ever dreamt of imitating the severity of the Italian school there is no reason to believe. He saw the actions of mankind under another aspect— he painted under another planetary influence than that of the saints, 76 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . and was not unwilling to mingle a little of a gayer feeling with the sincerity of the old strain. The story of “Danae” cannot well be told with a serious face, nor is it proper to paint it gravely — and Hogarth hung mirth and sobriety in a balance. The want of personal beauty in the lady is a more material blemish. The employment of the servant at the “ Pool of Bethesda ” is satirical, but not ludicrous. The conception of those works is their chief merit ; nor are they necessarily unhistoric because they differ in character from works called historical. Satire and humour come within the meaning of history ; they mingle in man’s loftiest moods ; they are present in epic poetry and in tragedy, and can only be required to keep away when sacred things are revealed and made visible. In all our poetry which is not devoted expressly to devotion, there are strokes of humour and passages of a gay and satiric kind ; and, what is more to the purpose, they mingle with the most tragic occurrences of life. We ought, therefore, to be pleased with an artist who works so much in the spirit of nature and poetry. The sarcasm and humour of his ordinary compositions infected, in the estimation of the world, the whole of his performances. Few seemed disposed to recognise, in any of his works, a higher aim than that of raising a laugh. Somerville, the poet, inscribed the “ Rural Games ” to Hogarth in these words : — “ Permit me, Sir, to make choice of you for my patron, being the greatest master in the burlesque way. Your province is the town — leave me a small outride in the country, and I shall be content.” Fielding had another feeling of the artist’s merits : — He who would call the ingenious Hogarth a burlesque painter, would, in my opinion, do him very little honour ; for sure it is much easier, much less the subject of admiration, to paint a man with a nose, or any other feature, of a preposterous size, or to expose him in some absurd or monstrous attitude, than to express the affections of man on canvas. It hath been thought a vast commendation of a painter to say his figures seem to breathe ; but surely it HOGARTH . 77 is a much greater and nobler applause that they appear to think.” The “Harlot’s Progress” is no burlesque production nor jesting matter — it exhibits, in the midst of humour and satire, a moral pathos which saddens the heart. In 1734 Hogarth lost liis father-in-law, of whose talents he thus wrote in the Obituary of Sylvanus Urban “ Sir James Thornhill, Knight, the greatest history-painter this kingdom ever produced : witness his elaborate works in Greenwich Hospital, the cupola of St. Paul’s, the altar- pieces of All Souls’ College in Oxford, and the church in Weymouth, where he was bom. He was not only by patents appointed history-painter to their late and present majesties, but serjeant-painter, by which he was to paint all the royal palaces, coaches, barges, and the royal navy. This late patent he surrendered in favour of his only son John. He left no other issue but one daughter, now the wife of Mr. William Hogarth, admired for his curious miniature conversation pieces.” In the following year he lost his mother. She lived near him in Cecil Court, St. Martin’s Lane, and her death was hastened by an alarm which she received from a fire in the neighbourhood, kindled by a woman in revenge for having received notice to quit her house. “ I shall make,” said this incendiary, “such a bonfire on the twentieth of June as will warm all my rascally neighbours.” And she kept her word. Mrs. Hogarth lived to have her maternal solicitude rewarded by the eminence of her only son. Few mothers enjoy such honour, for few sons obtain such reputation. Her death was thus noticed in the newspapers: — “June 11th, 1735, died Mrs. Hogarth, mother of the celebrated painter ” — a date which fails to correspond with the threat of her neighbour. She left her daughters — who lived unmarried - — in a ready-made clothes shop at Little Britain Gate, where they were aided by their brother, who loved them very tenderly. The “Harlot’s Progress” was followed by the “Rake’s Progress,” in a series of eight scenes, each complete in itself, and all uniting in relating a domestic history in a way at 73 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . once natural, comic, satiric, and serious. The folly of man, however, was not so warmly welcomed by the public as that of woman had been. Hogarth was now his own dangerous rival. No one preceded, and no one had fol- lowed him, in his course ; and the new work was measured less by its actual merits than by those of the “ Harlot’s Progress,” and the surprise and admiration which that entirely novel performance had excited. The gloss of novelty was dimmed, the fine edge of curiosity was blunted, and criticism was no longer to be surprised into approba- tion ; it had leisure to be captious and seek for faults — nor was it slow in finding them. “ The £ Hake’s Progress,’ ” says Walpole, “ though perhaps superior to the ‘Harlot’s Progress,’ had not so much success as the other, from want of novelty ; nor is the print of the ‘ Arrest ’ equal to the others.” The inferiority of the “ Arrest ” was felt by Plogarth himself ; he tried to improve it, but without success. He added figures ; but neither heightened the action, nor brightened the sentiment. The boldness, originality, and happy handling of those productions made them general favourites, and by the aid of the graver they were circulated over the island with the celerity of a telegraphic despatch. For the “ Harlot’s Progress” no less than 1,200 subscribers’ names were entered on the artist’s books. Theophilus Cibber converted it into a pantomime ; it also appeared on the stage in the shape of a ballad opera, under the name of “ The Jew Decoyed ; or, a Harlot’s Progress.” Fan-mounts were like- wise made containing miniature representations of all the six plates ; these were usually printed off with red ink, three compartments on one side, and as many on the other. Of the “ Rake’s Progress ” the success is less distinctly stated, but it must have been great ; for it was satisfactory to the artist himself, who was now confirmed in his own notions of what was fittest for art. In those fourteen plates are contained the stories of two erring creatures who run their own separate careers; and never did dramatist or painter read two such sharp, satiric, and biting lessons to HOGARTH. 79 mankind. In the first series a young woman is conducted from innocence through six scenes of woe, wickedness, and guilt ; coming pure from the country into the pollution of London, she is decoyed and deceived ; she deceives in her turn ; rises to guilty splendour, to sink in more guilty woe ; and finally perishes amid wretches as guilty and as miserable as herself. In the other series of engravings a young man steps unexpectedly from poverty to fortune, from rustic dependence to lordly wealth, by heiring a sordid miser, of whose den and hoards the artist introduces him in the act of taking possession. He despises and deserts the woman whom he had wooed and vowed to marry ; starts on a wild career of extravagance, dissipation, and folly ; is beset and swindled by speculators of all kinds ; parades through various haunts of sin and of splendour ; till, with a fortune dissipated, a constitution ruined, his fame blighted, and his mind touched, he is left raving mad in Bedlam. Mirth and woe, humour and seriousness, a brilliant rise and a dark ending, are seen often together in this world, and the painter has not separated them. The brief and agitated careers of two fellow* mortals are represented ; the truth of nature is closely observed ; a series of actions all conducive to the catastrophe are exhibited, and were they arranged for the stage, and personated by first-rate actors, hardly could the impression be more vivid or the moral strengthened. Nor has the painter sought to win and move us by beauty of form, or by any exterior grace ; there is youth, but there is little loveliness — nor is its absence felt. “ The curtain,” says Walpole, “ was now drawn aside, and his genius stood displayed in its full lustre. From time to- time he continued to give these works, which should be immortal if the nature of his work will allow it. Even the receipts for his subscriptions had wit in them. Many of his plates he engraved himself, and often expunged faces etched by his assistants when they had not done justice to his ideas.” The fame of Hogarth was now so well established that 8o GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS, the daily and weekly collectors of news began to find it worth while to describe what works he was engaged in, and the characters which were satirised in his composi- tions. To the industry of those persons we are indebted for various curious particulars concerning the chief persons in the “ Harlot’s Progress ” and “Rake’s Progress.” Mary Moffat and Kate Hackabout divide between them the fame of the frail heroine. The latter, a personage familiar to the sitting magistrates of the day, supplied the name ; and the former, a free dame who lived in some state, sug- gested the circumstance of beating hemp in the House of Correction in a gown richly laced with silver The patched and sanctified-looking procuress was a certain Mother Needham, of whose history the catastrophe may be suffi- cient. She incurred in her vocation sentence to be pilloried in Park Lane, and was so roughly handled by the populace that she survived but a few days. The infamous life of Colonel Charteris was notorious, and our artist has not spared him. After the verse of Pope and the pencil of Hogarth, but one thing more co uldbe wanted, and the profligate obtained that also — to wit, an epitaph by Dr. Arbuthnot : “ Here continueth to rot the body of Francis Charteris, who, with an inflexible con- stancy, and inimitable uniformity of life, persisted, in spite of age and infirmities, in the practice of every human vice, excepting prodigality and hypocrisy ; his insatiable avarice exempted him from the first — his matchless impudence from the second.” Of Justice Gonson, who was indefatigable in rummaging out ladies of loose reputation, and fortunate in the detection of thieves and robbers, it is needless to speak, since his looks have had the sanction of the lords of the treasury, and his voice the satiric commendation of Pope — “ Talkers I’ve learn’d to bear ; Motteux I knew ; Henley himself I’ve heard, and Budgell too. The doctors’ wormwood style, the hash of tongues A pedant makes, the storm of Gonson’s lungs.” HOGARTH ; 81 The justice wears the look of one in authority, and enters the house of Hogarth’s heroine with slow and cautious steps. The portrait of Dr. Sacheverel, the pistols of the highwayman, her “ true love,” the print of the Virgin Mary, the stolen watches and jewels— these things are so many glimpses into the private life and conversation of the unfortunate. The fat and lean physicians, who disturb the expiring sinner with their disputes, were well-known characters, who poisoned and slew in their day with more success than attends the most practised quacks of the present generation. The meagre son of iEsculapius was Dr. Misaubin, a foreigner ; his corpulent adversary was home-born, and only differed with his brother about the means of conduct- ing their patient to repose and death. They were men well qualified to fulfil the parting words of a witty northern baronet to his son, who was about to proceed into England to practise as a physician. “ Go, my son, into the land of the Southron ; they will find in thee the avenger of the battle of Pinkie.” The persons who crowd the eight busy scenes of the “ Rake’s Progress ” are not so well known ; many are be- lieved to be portraits. The hero himself is probably only the personation of the vices which the painter proposed to satirise ; through which the treasures amassed by sordid meanness were to be as ignobly squandered. In the halo round the head of the antiquated beldam, whom he marries to support his extravagance, we see a satiric touch at that spiritual school of painting to which Hogarth never bore any love. The two sedate personages in the scene of the gaming-table are one Manners (of the family of Rutland), to whom the Duke of Devonshire lost the great estate of Leicester Abbey, and a highwayman, who sits warming his feet at the fire, waiting quietly till the winner departs, that he may, with a craped face and a cocked pistol, follow and seize the whole. “ Old Manners,” says Ireland, “ was the only person of his time who amassed a considerable fortune by the profession of a gamester.” Hogarth has shown him 158 8 2 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . exercising his twofold avocation of miser and gamester, dis- counting a note-of-hand to a nobleman with a greedy hand and a rapacious eye. In another scene the actors in the drama of prodigality are numerous and well chosen. The rake, holding his morning lev6e, appears stiff and ungraceful in his rich dress and newly-acquired importance, and is surrounded by visitors well qualified to reduce him from affluence to poverty. Paris sends a tailor, a dancing-master, a milliner, a master of fencing, and a blower of the French horn ; we have besides an English prize-fighter, a teacher of Italian music, a garden architect, a bravo, a jockey, and a poet. One of those worthies — Dubois, a Frenchman — was memor- able for his enthusiasm in the science of defence, and for having died in a quarrel with an Irishman of his own name and profession, as fiery and skilful as himself. Another was Fig g, the prize-fighter, noted in the days of Hogarth for beating half-a-dozen intractable Hibernians, which ac- counts for the words on the label — “A Figg for the Irish.” The teacher of music resembles Handel, and the embel- lisher of gardens has the look of Bridgman — a person who modestly boasted that his works “ created landscape, realised painting, and improved nature.” If the subjects which painting embodies could be as clearly described by the pen, there would be less use for the pencil ; nothing short of the examination of these varied productions can properly satisfy curiosity. “ The ‘Hake’s Lev6e Hoorn,’” says Walpole, “ the ‘ Nobleman’s Dining-Hoom,’ the ‘ Apartments of the Husband and Wife’ in ‘Marriage &-la-Mode,’ the ‘Aider- man’s Parlour/ the ‘Bed-Chamber,’ and many others, are the history of the manners of the age.” The fame of Hogarth and the profit arising from his pieces excited needy artists and unprincipled printsellers to engrave some of the most popular of his works and dis- pose of them for their own advantage. The eight prints of the “ Rake’s Progress ” were pirated by Boitard, published on one large sheet a fortnight before the originals appeared, and called ‘‘The Progress of the Rake, exemplified in the HOGARTH. 83 Life of Ramble Gripe, Esq., Son and Heir of Sir Positive Gripe.” They were executed, too, with a skill which threatened to impair his income. Hogarth complained with much bitterness of this audacious proceeding ; and, to put a stop to such depredations, and secure to painters generally a fair profit in their own compositions, he applied to Par- liament, and obtained an Act in 1735 for recognising a legal copyright in designs and engravings, and restraining copies of such works from being made without consent of the owners. A few very plain words, one would have thought, might have expressed this very plain meaning ; but in Acts of Parliament the meaning is apt to be lost amidst the multi- tude of phrases, as a figure is sometimes obscured in the abundance of its drapery. One Huggins, the friend of Hogarth, drew the Act, and worded it so loosely and vaguely, that when resorted to as a remedy in the case of Jeffreys the printseller, it was the opinion of Lord Hard- wicke, before whom the trial came on, that no peason claiming under an assignment from the original inventor of the paintings or designs copied could receive any benefit from it. “Hogarth,” says Sir John Hawkins, “attended the hearing of the cause, and lamented to me that he han employed Huggins to draw the Act, adding that, when he first projected it, he hoped it would be such an encourage- ment to art, that engravers would multiply, and the shops of printsellers become as numerous as those of bakers : — a hope (adds Hawkins) which seems pretty nearly gratified.” From his pencil and his graver Hogarth obtained a two- fold fame, and a right to a twofold profit — of which he naturally desired to secure the advantages to himself. His paintings, notwithstanding his general reputation, con- tinued, however, low-priced ; they were considered more as the corrupted offspring of a random inspiration than as the legitimate productions of study and art. His graver was to him as a second right-hand ; he thus multiplied his works by the hundred and by the thousand, increased his 8 4 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. income, and established his fame everywhere. Hogarth stood alone here ; by holding the graver with his own hand, he communicated to the prints an autograph import- ance which materially increased their value. Few painters of eminence have engraved their own pictures. Hogarth and Martin — the latter as eminent for splendid imagination in historical landscape as the former for his human nature —have secured to themselves the value of their works, and gratified purchasers with the certainty of possessing prints which have the merit of being originals rather than copies. The attention which the Legislature paid to the artists wishes, in passing his Bill for the encouragement of the arts of designing and engraving, was so much to his satis- faction, that he engraved a small print, with emblematic devices, to commemorate the event. What symbols failed in expressing, he supplied by means of words — and the symbols and the words were both very laudatory. On the top of the plate Hogarth etched a royal crown, shedding rays on mitres and coronets, on the Great Seal, on the Speaker’s hat, and other symbols, indicating the united wisdom of king, lords, and commons. Underneath was written, “ In humble and grateful acknowledgment of the grace and goodness of the legislature, manifested in the act of parliament for the encouraging of the arts of design- ing, engraving, etc., obtained by the endeavours, and almost at the sole expense, of the designer of this print, in 1735 ; by which, not only the professors of those arts were rescued from the tyranny, frauds, and piracies of monopolising dealers, and legally entitled to the fruits of their own labours; but genius and industry were also prompted by the most noble and generous inducements to exert themselves ; emulation was excited, ornamental com- positions were better understood, and every manufacture, where fancy has any concern, was gradually raised to a pitch of perfection before unknown : insomuch that those of Great Britain are at present the most elegant and the most in esteem in Europe.” HOGARTH. 85 Such is the account which Hogarth considerately gave of the works which this Act was framed to protect and encourage. There is something too much of the manufac- turer in it, and more than is modest of the personal importance of the artist. Nor has he properly described the works intended to be protected. His own productions are of another order than the “ ornamental,” and no one but himself has yet ventured to call them elegant. His satiric compositions, like the verses of his uncle, “ had more effect on the manners of the people than the sermons of the parish parson ” — they were useful, but not ornamental. He calls himself, however, only a designer and engraver- letting the name of painter lie till he should lift it like a banner, and display it on a new field of glory. In 1736 Hogarth dropped one or two more of his burn- ing satires on the reigning follies of London. “ The Sleep- ing Congregation,” in which a heavy parson is promoting, with all the alacrity of dulness, the slumber of a respect- able, but singular auditory, is very clever. Similar scenes must arise on the fancy of all who look on this work. Sleep seems to have come over the whole like a cloud. The last who yields is the clerk, a portly man, with a shining face. One of his eyes is closed, and the other is only kept open by a very fine young woman, w 7 ho is sleeping very^ earnestly at his left hand. He is conscious of the tempta- tion ; his efforts to keep awake are very ludicrous— but it is easy to see that sleep is to be the conqueror. The second design was that of the “Distrest Poet a subject half- serious, half-comic. The bard himself is evidently one of those who “ Strain from hard-bound brains eight lines a year ; ” and, though the subject in hand is a gold mine, inspiration descends slowly. He is as busy with one hand as if the muse could be won by scratching, and holds the pen in the other wet with ink, to note down the tardy and reluctant words. His wife, a sweet-looking, thrifty body, as a poet’s spouse requires to be, applies her hands to a certain kind 86 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . of work which will not disturb with its noise the painful reverie of her husband ; she is seeking at the same time to soothe, by mild looks and well-chosen words, the clamour of a milkwoman, who exhibits an unliquidated tally. In the same year he published two prints, the titles of which I forbear to transcribe, from pictures painted at the request of some vulgar or vicious nobleman. “ He re- pented/’ says Steevens, “ of having engraved them ; and almost every possessor of his works will wish they had been withheld from the public.” “ Southwark Fair ” — another early work, but for which there is no certain date,*— is one of his most elaborate per- formances. It is, however, too crowded, too busy, and too extensive, and wants, what all his other works have, that central point of attraction round which all lesser and sub- ordinate things should revolve. It exhibits a lively image of the noisy hurly-burly scenes in which our ancestors loved to indulge, and in which the gentry and nobles mingled without fear or alarm. Some sixty years ago the fields around a village fair were filled with the carriages of people of rank and condition, and noblemen, with their wives and daughters, mixed in the crowd, and kept, by their presence, the rustic part of the visitors in subordination. With this less graphic portion of the show Hogarth has not meddled. Strolling players, fire-eaters, jugglers — “ . . . Katterfelto, with his hair on end, At his own wonders wondering for his bread ” — simple-faced countrymen, nimble pickpockets, and ladies with roguish eyes, are the actors who fill his stage. One of the most successful characters is that of the strutting Amazon in a hat and feather, the sole heroine in a gang of hedge comedians beating up for an audience. On this patched, painted, and buskined beauty, two clowns are staring their senses away in gaping ecstasy of enjoyment. Of “ Modern Midnight Conversation,” which famous * An advertisement which appeared in the “ Craftsman ” fixes the date of “ Southwark Fair ” as 1738. HOGARTH. 87 piece we now come to, it is said by Ireland that most of the figures were portraits. This is likely ; but nothing can exceed the drunken joyousness of this assembly. Around a table some dozen persons are, or have been, seated, and upon them strong wine and brandy punch have done their good offices. They are talking, swearing, sing- ing, falling, sleeping, smoking, swilling, and huzzaing with a spirit which life alone can rival. A parson, the high priest of these festivities, personifies the satire of Thomson, and sits “ a black abyss of drink.” His intellects and power of swallow survive amidst the general wreck of his companions : with a pipe in one hand and a corkscrew in the other, which he uses as a tobacco-stopper, he still presides with suitable gravity, “ And to mere mortals seems a priest in drink.” Sir John Hawkins says this divine is Henley the orator, the victim of Pope ; but, according to Mrs. Piozzi, he is no other than Parson Ford,* a near relative of Dr. Johnson, and famous in his day for profligacy. * Parson Ford. Hereby hangs a tale — and on this subject we have obtained, through the intrepidity of Boswell, Johnson’s own opinion ; it is very curious. “Parson Ford, sir, was my acquaintance and relation, my mother’s nephew. He had purchased a living in the country, but not simoniacally. I never saw him but in the country. I have been told he was a man of great parts : very profligate ; but I never heard he was impious.” Boswell — “Was there not a story of his ghost having appeared?” Johnson — “Sir, it was believed. A waiter at the Hummums, in which house Ford died, had been absent for some time, and returned, not knowing that Ford was dead. Going down to the cellar, according to the story, he met him ; going down again he met him a second time. When he came up, he asked some of the people of the house what Ford could be doing there. They told him that Ford was dead. The waiter took a fever, in which he lay for some time. When he recovered, he said he had a message to deliver to some woman from Ford ; but he was not to tell what or to whom. He walked out ; he was followed ; but somewhere about St. Paul’s they lost him. He came back and said he had delivered the message, and the woman exclaimed that we are all undone. Dr. Pellett, who was not a credulous man, inquired into the truth of this story, and he said the evidence was irresistible.” Of Henley the orator, who shares with Ford the reputation of 88 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . The merry group, among whom the reverend gentleman is seated, have emptied twenty-three flasks, and the twenty- fourth is decanting. Even the timepiece seems infected with the fume of the liquor, for the hour and minute-hands do not agree. In justification of the propriety of giving the priest a corkscrew, the following anecdote was related by Lord Sandwich <£ I was in a company where there were ten parsons, and I made a w r ager privately — and won it — that among them there was not one prayer-book. I then offered to lay another wager, that among the ten parsons there were half a score of corkscrews — it was accepted ; the butler received his instructions, pretended to break his corkscrew, and requested any gentleman to lend him one, when each priest pulled a corkscrew from his pocket.” This print has carried the name of Hogarth into the re- motest lands. It is considered in France and Germany the best of all his single works. The next work of Hogarth was “ The Enraged Musician.” This sensitive mortal, by the frogs on his coat, appears to be a Frenchman ; and by the splendour of his dress, and grandeur of his house, we at once see that he is one of those successful performers who, with better fortune than Glasgerion, who harped fish out of the water, succeed in fiddling the gold out of misers’ pockets. To perplex and distress the refined ear of this delicate Monsieur, the artist has assailed him with such a mixture and uproar of supplying the tippling parson to Hogarth’s design, the following characteristic story is related : — Henley was drinking in the Grecian Coffee-house, in company of a friend, when he was heard to say, “Pray, what is become of our old acquaintance, Dick Smith ? I have not seen him for years.” Friend — “I really don’t know: the last time I heard of him he was at Ceylon, or some other of our West India settlements.” Henley — “Ceylon, sir? you have made two mistakes ; Ceylon is not one of our settlements, and is in the East Indies, not the West.” Friend — “That I deny.” Henley — “The more shame for you ; every boy eight years old knows the truth of what I say.” Friend — “Well, well, be it as you will. Thank God, I know very little about these sort of things.” Henley — “ What ! you thank God for your ignorance, do you?” Friend — “I do, sir; what then ? ” Henley — “ You have much to be thankful for.” HOGARTH. vexatious- sounds as defies one to contemplate. It seems impossible to increase his annoyance by the addition of any other din, save the braying of an ass, which Oowper says is the only unmusical sound in nature . “ This strange scene,” said a wit of the day, “ deafens one to look at.” “ This design,” says Ireland, “ originated in a story which was told to Hogarth by Mr. John Festin, who is the hero of the print. He was eminent for his skill in playing upon the hautboy and German flute, and much employed as a teacher of music. To each of his scholars he dedicated one hour each day.” “ At nine o’clock one morning,” said he, “ I waited upon my Lord Spencer, but his lordship being out of town, from him I went to Mr. Y n, now Lord y n • it was so early that he was not arisen. I went into his chamber, and opening a window sat down on the window seat. Before the rails was a fellow playing upon the hautboy. A man with a barrow full of onions offered the piper an onion if he would play him a tune ; that ended, he offered a second for a second tune ; the same for a third, and was going on ; but this was too much-- 1 could not bear it — it angered my very soul. Zounds, said I, stop here ! This fellow is ridiculing my profession— he is playing on the hautboy for onions ! ” In the spirit of this story the artist has gone to work. Of vocal performers there is the dustman, shouting “ Dust, ho ! dust, ho ! ” the wandering fishmonger, calling, “ Flounders ! ” a milkmaid crying, “ Milk above ! milk below ! ” a female ballad-singer, chanting the doleful story of the “ Lady’s Fall ’’—her child and a neigh- bouring parrot screaming the chorus ; a little French drummer beats “ rub-a-dub, rub-a-dub,” without remorse, singing all the time ; two cats squall and puff in the gutter tiles ; a dog is howling in dismay ; while, like a young demon, overlooking and inspiring all, a sweep-boy, with nothing un-black about him save his teeth and the whites of his eyes, proclaims that his work is done— from the top of a chimney-pot. Of instrumental accompaniments there is good store. A postman with his horn, a stroller 90 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . with his hautboy, a dustman with his bell, a paviour with his rammer, a cutler grinding a butcher’s cleaver ; and “John Long, Pewterer,” over a door, adds the clink of twenty hammers striking on metal to the medley of out-of-door sounds. The following advertisement in the Daily London Post for November 1740 fixes the date of this amusing production. “ Shortly will be published a New Print, called the ‘ Provoked Musician/ designed and engraved by William Hogarth ; being the companion to a print representing a ‘Distrest Poet/ published some time since. To which will be added a third, on Painting, which will complete the set ; but as this subject may turn upon an affair depending between the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor and the author, it may be retarded for some time.” What the affair pending between Hogarth and the city was, no one has informed us. Parsons was at that time Lord Mayor. The “ Four Times of the Hay,” in four prints, were the next works which appeared. “ In the ‘ Progress of the Harlot ’ and the c Adventures of the Rake/ Hogarth displayed,” says Ireland, “ his powers as a painter of moral history ; in the c Four Times of the Day 7 he treads poetic ground.” He treads London streets, and finds his materials in its follies. The first scene is called “ Morning.” The sun is newly risen, and there is snow on the housetops. An old maiden lady, prim, withered, miserly, and morose, is walking to church, with a starved and shivering footboy bearing her prayer-book. A more than common sourness is in her look; for she sees, as if she saw them not, two fuddled beaux from Tom King’s Coffee-house earnestly caressing two of the daughters of folly. The remains of a night-fire glimmer on the pavement ; a young girl with a fruit-basket is warming her hands, while a beggar-woman, her companion, is soliciting charity in vain from the lady who is on her way to church. The door of Tom King’s Coffee-house is filled with a crowd of drunken and riotous HOGARTH. 9i companions. Swords, cudgels, and all such missiles as hasty anger picks up, are employed — and the strife grows fast and furious. Snow on the ground and icicles at the eaves are a chilling prospect ; hut to suit the season and the scene there is an open shop where liquor is sold ; and to meet disease there is the flying physician, Doctor Rock, expatiating to a motley and marvelling audience on the miracles wrought by his medicine, which he dispenses, as his sign-post shows, by letters patent. It is said that the old maiden in this print was the portrait of a lady, who was so incensed at the satire that she struck Hogarth out of her will; she was pleased at first, for the resemblance was strong, till some good-natured friend explained it in a way injurious to the fortune of the artist. Churchill, the poet, deprived himself of a legacy in a similar way, by singing of “ Famed Yine Street, Where heaven, the kindest wish of man to grant, Gave me an old house and an older aunt.” Tom King’s Coffee-house was famed for riots and dissipation. The proprietor, Mrs. Moll King, the relict of Thomas, was well acquainted with the magistrates, and suffered in purse, and also in her person, for keeping a disorderly house. Retiring from business, and that bad eminence the pillory, to the hill of Hampstead, she lived on her early gains, paid for a pew in church, was charitable at appointed seasons, and died in peace in 1747. The second scene is “Hoon.” A crowd of people are coming from church — an affected Frenchwoman, with a fop of a husband and an indulged child, are foremost. A servant girl, returning with a pie from the baker’s, is stopped by a blackamoor, and from the alacrity with which her cheek and his lips come together, they may be considered as old acquaintances : both victuals and virtue, however, seem in some danger. The most natural portion of the picture is where the poor boy, in placing hastily a baked pudding on the head of a post to rest himself, has broken the dish and scattered the contents. His mouth is gaping 9 2 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . in misery, his eyes are shut, yet running over with tears, and he is scratching his head in a ludicrous agony which surpasses description. A poor, half-famished child is devouring some of the smoking fragments. “ The scene is laid,” says Ireland, “at the door of a French Chapel in Hog Lane, a part of the town at that time almost wholly peopled by French refugees or their descendants. The congregation is exclusively French, and the ludicrous saluting of the two withered beldams is national. By the dial of St. Giles’s Church we see that it is only half-past eleven. At this early hour, in those good times, there was as much good eating as there is now at six o’clock in the evening. From twenty pewter measures hanging on the wall, it would seem that good drinking too was considered worthy of attention.” The third is “Afternoon,” and the hour five o’clock. The foreground is occupied by a husband and wife walking out to enjoy the air. What the painter intended the former should be taken for may be guessed by the relative position in which his head and the horns of a neighbouring cow are placed : as for his partner, she is so portly, so proud, so swollen with spite, and saturated with venom, that Hogarth has evidently collected into her looks the malice and the poison of a whole district of false and domineering wives. She is fatigued, too, with the walk, angry with she knows not what, and obviously looking out for a victim worthy of her wrath. The scene is laid on the bank of the New River, near Sadler’s Wells, and includes a public-house, with the head of Sir Hugh Middleton on its sign-post — the only memorial, by the way, which London ever raised of that spirited person. He was an opulent goldsmith, and beggared himself by an undertaking which gave pure water to the city and wealth to many of those who took up his speculation after him. The fourth scene is “ Night.” It was the practice at that time to kindle fires openly in the public streets on occasions of rejoicing ; and, as this was the twenty-ninth of May, boughs of oak were stuck over signs, and wreathed in the HOGARTH. 93 hats of the merry spirits of the hour. London seems to be reeling with intoxication. In the Freemason, staggering home from the tavern assisted by a waiter, Hogarth is supposed to have satirised Sir Thomas de Yeel ; Sir John Hawkins, indeed, says that he could discover no such resemblance — -but the resemblance probably lay less in the person than in the practice of Sir John’s brother-justice. Magistrate or not, a city Xantippe is showering a midnight favour upon him from a window. “ The Salisbury Flying Coach, oversetting and broken by passing through the bonfire, is said,” observes Ireland, “ to be an intended burlesque upon a right honourable peer, who was accustomed to drive his own carriage over hedges and rivers, and has been sometimes known to drive three or four of his maid- servants into a deep water, and there leave them in the coach to shift for themselves.” The practical fun of this facetious peer has been imitated in more modern times. On the whole, “ Night v scarcely satisfies expecta- tion — indeed, it falls considerably below the excellence of its companions ; grouping more varied, and a scene richer in satiric touches, were expected from the hand of one whose fault lay not in the scantiness but in the excess of materials. The Duke of Ancaster purchased the first two of these pictures for seventy-five guineas ; and the remaining pair were sold to Sir William Heathcote for forty-six.* The next production was the “ Strolling Actresses,” one of the most imaginative and amusing of all the works of Hogarth. In a huge barn, fitted up like a theatre, the invention of the artist has assembled such a company of * Concerning the prints of these pictures George Faulkner thus writes from Dublin: “Mr. Delany tells me that you are going to publish more prints. Your reputation is sufficiently known to recom- mend any thing of yours, and I shall be glad to serve you. You may send me fifty sets, providing you take back what I cannot sell. I have often the pleasure of drinking your health with Dr. Swift, who is a great admirer of yours, and hath made mention of you in his poems with great honour, and desired me to thank you for your kind present, and to accept of his service. ,, 94 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . performers as never before or since met to dress, rehearse, and prepare themselves for the amusement of mankind. The “ Devil to Pay in Heaven ” is the play they are pre- paring to exhibit — a rustic drama, invented to ridicule those Religious Mysteries which so long kept possession of the stage, and which, in the times of the Romish Church, were under the direction of the clergy. Such is the common account ; and such might have been the aim of the satirist — but the scene seems better calculated to ridicule the ornamental painters of those days, who filled parlours and halls with mobs of the heathen divinities. The dramatis personse are principally ancient deities, and these of the first order. The names of Jupiter, Juno, Diana, Apollo, Flora, Night, Syren, Aurora, and Cupid figure on the playbill ; and these personages are accom- panied by a ghost, two eagles, two dragons, two kittens, and an aged monkey. Juno is sitting on an old wheel- barrow, which serves occasionally for a triumphal car ; she stretches out one leg, raises her right hand, and rehearses her part ; while Night, dressed in a starry robe, is mending her stocking. The Star of Evening, which rises over the head of Night, is a scoured tin-mould used in making tarts. A veteran damsel with one eye, and a dagger fixed in her mantle by way of skewer, represents the Tragic Muse ; she is cutting a cat’s tail to obtain blood for some solemn pur- pose, and grins well pleased as it drops into the broken dish. Two little devils, with horns just budded, are contesting the right to a pot of ale, out of which one of them is drink- ing lustily ; the pot had occupied a Grecian altar, on which lies a loaf of bread— beside a tobacco-pipe, about whose orifice a slight smoke still lingers. The centre of the design is occupied by Diana, stripped to her chemise. The inspiration of her part bad come upon her as she prepared to dress ; one foot rests on her un- appropriated hoop, her head is stuck full of flowers and feathers, and she rehearses her speech with more enthu- siasm of look than modesty of manner. She is unlike her HOGARTH. 95 companions — she is young, blooming, and beautiful. Flora is seated at her toilet, and it would wrong her looks to say that she had no need of it. Her toilet is a wicker basket, which contains the regalia of the company; she smooths her hair with a piece of candle, holds the dredger ready, and casts her eye on a broken looking-glass, apparently with some satisfaction. Apollo and Cupid are endeavour- ing to bring down a pair of stockings, hung out to dry on a cloud ; but the wings of the God of Love are unable to raise him, and he has recourse to a ladder. Aurora sits on the ground, with the Morning Star among her hair ; she is in the service of the Syren, who offers to Ganymede a glass of gin, which he gladly accepts in the hope of curing an aching tooth. The She, who personates the Bird of Jove, is feeding her child ; a regal crown holds the saucepan stuffed with pap ; the child, frightened by the enormous beak of the eagle, is crying lustily. In a corner a monkey in a long cloak, a bag wig, and solitaire, is moistening the plumed helmet of Alexander the Great. There is no limit to the drollery. One kitten touches an old lyre with apparent skill — another rolls an imperial orb; cups and balls are there, to intimate the sleight-of-hand pursuits of the company ; and, as a moral remonstrance, two judges’ wigs and an empty noose are near. A mitre, filled with tragedies and farces, and a dark lantern, are placed on a pulpit cushion. The wit, the humour, and amusing absurdities of this performance are without end. Into the darkest nook the artist has put meaning, and there is instruction or sarcasm in all that he has introduced. There is such a display of the tinsel wealth and the symbols of vulgar enjoyment of the strolling community — such a ludicrous intermixture of heaven with things of the earth earthy, and such a con- trast of situations and characters, that the eye is never wearied, for the mind is ever employed. It would be un- fair not to note that a hen has found a roost for her chickens and herself on a set of unemployed waves, which are manufactured to perform the part of a storm at sea ; 96 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . and that materials are collected for fabricating that iden- tical kind of dramatic thunder of which John Dennis was the inventor and maker. The bill assures us that this is positively the last 'performance of the diabolical drama in this place : the barn, therefore, instead of ringing with comic mirth or with tragic distress, is destined in future to re-echo only the sound of the flail and fanners. This wondrous picture was sold to Francis Beckford, Esq., for <£27, 6s. : he thought the price too much, and returned it to the painter, who afterwards disposed of it to Mr. Wood, of Littleton, for the same price. The genius of Hogarth was frequently obliged to bow to the parsimony of the rich and the presumption of the ignorant. Hogarth was now in his forty-eighth year : his fame was established ; he was rich enough to maintain a carriage ; and though his brother artists conceded to him the name of painter with whimsical reluctance, he was everywhere received with the respect and honour due to a man of high talents and uncommon attainments. Success seldom teaches humility : it wrought no material change in Hogarth. When a poor student he displayed the same firmness of purpose in his pursuits, and defended his adher- ence to the dramatic species of painting (which he invented) with the same warmth, decision, and enthusiasm which characterised him now. Throughout his life his pursuits and his opinions were the same. He imagined a new national style of composition, and to this he adhered from youth to age; for the short periods devoted to portrait- painting cannot be considered as any abandonment of his original purpose— but only as sacrifices to necessity. Hogarth supported himself by the sale of his prints : the prices of his paintings kept pace neither with his fame nor with his expectations. He knew, however, the passion of his countrymen for novelty — how they love to encourage whatever is strange and mysterious ; and hoping to profit by these feelings, the artist determined to sell his principal paintings by an auction of a very singular nature. On the 25th of January 1745 he offered for sale the six HOGARTH. 97 paintings of the “ Harlot’s Progress/’ the eight paintings of the “ Rake’s Progress,” the “ Pour Times of the Hay,” and the “ Strolling Actresses,” on the following conditions : — 1. Every bidder shall have an entire leaf numbered in the book of sale, on the top of which will be entered his name and place of abode, the sum paid by him, the time when, and for which picture. 2. That on the day of sale, a clock striking every five minutes shall be placed in the room ; and when it hath struck five minutes after twelve, the first picture mentioned in the sale-book shall be deemed as sold ; the second pic- ture, when the clock hath struck the next five minutes after twelve, and so on in succession till the whole nineteen pictures are sold. 3. That none advance less than gold at each bidding. 4. No person to bid on the last day, except those whose names were before entered in the book. As Mr. Hogarth’s room is but small, he begs the favour that no persons, except those whose names are entered in the book, will come to view his paintings on the last day of sale. This plan was new, startling — and unproductive. It was probably planned to prevent biddings by proxy, and to secure to the artist the price which men of wealth and rank might be induced to offer publicly for works of genius. “ A method so novel,” observes Ireland, “probably disgusted the town ; they might not exactly understand this tedious formula of entering their names and places of abode in a book open to indiscriminate inspection ; they might wish to humble an artist who, by his proposals, seemed to con- sider that he did the world a favour in suffering them to bid for his works ; or the rage for paintings might be confined to the admirers of the old masters ; be that as it may, he received only four hundred and twenty-seven pounds, seven shillings for his nineteen pictures — a price by no means equal to their merit. The prints of the ‘Harlot’s Progress’ had sold much better than those of the Rake’s, yet the paintings of the former produced only fourteen guineas each, while those of the latter were sold 159 9 8 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . for twenty-two. That admirable picture, 1 Morning/ brought twenty guineas, and 1 Night/ in every respect inferior to almost any of his works, six-and-twenty.” Such was the reward, then, to which the patrons of genius thought these works entitled. More has been since given, over and over again, for a single painting, than Hogarth obtained for all his paintings put together. The coldness of the town and the reserve of wealthy purchasers, however, may have arisen, in part at least, from another cause than the singularity of the mode of sale. The wit and humour of Hogarth were ever ready to flow out ; and here, unfortunately for his profit, he sent forth his satire in the shape of a card of admission to his sale. This production — which, among the lovers of art, has obtained the name of the “ Battle of the Pictures ” — is still more singular than his plan of auction ; he seemed resolved never to do an ordinary thing in a common way. As he had not spared his speech in ridicule of those who thought all beauty and excellence were contained in the old religious paintings, so neither did he feel disposed to spare them when the subject came fairly before his pencil. It is no easy matter to describe with accuracy this curious card. On the ground are placed three rows of paintings from the foreign school — one row of the “Bull and Europa ” — another of “ Apollo flaying Marsyas ” — and a third of “ St. Andrew on the Cross.” There are hundreds of each, to denote the system of copyism and imposture which had filled the country with imitations and caricatures. Above them is an unfurled flag, emblazoned with an auctioneer’s hammer ; while a cock, on the summit of the sale-room, with the motto “ p-u-f-s,” represents Cocks, the auctioneer, and the mode by which he disposed of those simulated productions. On the right hand, in the open air, are exposed to sale the principal pictures of Hogarth, and against them, as if moved by some miracu- lous wind, the pictures of the old school are driven into direct collision. The foreign works seem the aggressors — HOGARTH. 99 the havoc is mutual and equal. A 44 Saint Francis ” has penetrated, in a very ludicrous way, into Hogarth’s 44 Morning” — a 44 Mary Magdalen” has successfully in- truded herself into the third scene of the 44 Harlot’s Progress,” and the splendid saloon scene in 44 Marriage-a- la-Mode” suffers severely by the 44 Aldobrandini Marriage.” 44 Thus far,” as Ireland observes, y Chambers, West, Cotes, and Moser ; the caution or timidity of Reynolds kept him for some time from assisting. A list of thirty members was made out; and West, a prudent and amiable man, called on Reynolds, and, in a conference of two hours’ continuance, succeeded in persuad- ing him to join them. He ordered his coach, and, accompanied by West, entered the room where his brother artists were assembled. They rose up to a man, and saluted him “President.” He was affected by the compli- ment, but declined the honour until he had talked with Johnson and Burke ; he went, consulted his friends, and having considered the consequences carefully, then consented. He expressed his belief at the same time that their scheme was a mere delusion : the King, he said, would not patronise nor even acknowledge them, as his majesty was well-known to be the friend of another body— the Incorporated Society of Artists. The plan of that Society (established in 1765) had failed to embrace all the objects necessary for the advancement of art ; several painters of reputation were not of their number ; and the new institution, now formed for the purpose of extending the usefulness of such a scheme, was the work of many heads. Much that was old was adopted, something new was added, and the whole was carefully matured into a simple and consistent plan. The professed objects were an academy of design for the instruction of students, and an annual exhibition, which should contain the works of the academicians, and admit at the same time all other productions of merit. The funds for the further- ance of this design were to come from the fruits of the annual exhibition. The King, who at first looked coldly upon the project, as it seemed set up in opposition to the elder society, on further consideration offered voluntarily to supply all deficiencies annually from his private purse. This enabled the members to propose rewards for the encouragement of rising genius ; and at a future period to bestow annuities on the most promising students, to defray 206 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. their expenses during their limited residence at Rome. Johnson was made professor of ancient literature, a station merely honorary ; and Goldsmith professor of ancient history, another office without labour and without emolu- ment — which secured him a place, says Percy, at the yearly dinner. Of this honour Goldsmith thus writes to his brother : — “I took it rather as a compliment to the institu- tion than any benefit to myself. Honours to one in my situation are something like ruffles to a man who wants a shirt. ” Lastly, the King, to give dignity to the Royal Academy of Great Britain, bestowed the honour of knighthood on the president ; and seldom has any such distinction been bestowed amidst more universal approba- tion. Burke, in one of his admirable letters to Barry, says— “ Reynolds is at the head of this academy. From his known public spirit, and warm desire of raising up art among us, he will, I have no doubt, contrive this institu- tion to be productive of all the advantages that could possibly be derived from it ; and whilst it is in such hands as his, we shall have nothing to fear from those shallows and quicksands upon which the Italian and French academies have lost themselves.” Johnson was so elated with the honour of knighthood conferred on his friend, that he drank wine in its celebration, though he had abstained from it for several years; and Burke declared there was a natural fitness in the name for a title. Of his election as president Northcote says, what I would fain disbelieve, “ that he refused to belong to the society on any other conditions.” How this is to be reconciled with his con- fusion and surprise at being hailed president, as above described, I cannot determine. The gentleman who relates it is cautious and candid, and not likely to hazard such an assertion lightly. Of Sir Joshua’s capacity to fill the station of president, and to render it respectable by his courtesy and embellish it by his talents, no one ever enter- tained a doubt ; but it was unworthy of him to stipulate for it, and I hope Northcote is for once mistaken. Pie voluntarily imposed on himself the task of composing REYNOLDS . 207 and delivering discourses for the instruction of students in the principles and practice of their art. Of these he wrote fifteen : all distinguished for clearness of conception and for variety of knowledge. They were delivered during a long succession of years, and in a manner cold and some- times embarrassed, and even unintelligible. His deafness, and his abhorrence of oratorical pomp of utterance, may have contributed to this defect. A nobleman who was present at the delivery of the first of the series, said, — “ Sir Joshua, you read your discourse in a tone so low that I scarce heard a word you said.” “That was to my advantage,” replied the president, with a smile. He distinguished himself in the first exhibition of the Academy by paintings of the Duchess of Manchester and her son, as “ Diana disarming Cupid ; ” Lady Blake, as “Juno receiving the cestus from Venus ; ” and Miss Morris, as “ Hope nursing Love.” The grace of design and beauty of colouring in these pictures could not conceal the classical affectation of their titles, and the poverty of invention in applying such old and exhausted compliments. Poor Miss Morris was no dandler of babes, but a delicate and sen- sitive spinster, unfit for the gross wear and tear of the stage — who fainted in the representation of Juliet, and died soon after. Of Lady Blake’s title to represent Juno, I have nothing to say— a modern lord would make an indiff- erent Jupiter ; and what claim a Duchess of Manchester, with her last-born in her lap, could have to the distinction of Diana, it is difficult to guess. Sir Joshua guided his pen with better taste than his pencil in the first year of his presidency. He, at the request of Burke, addressed a letter of advice to Barry, which made a strong impression on the mind of that singular man. “Whoever,” says Sir Joshua, “ is resolved to excel in painting, or indeed in any other art, must bring all his mind to bear upon that one object from the moment that he rises till he goes to bed : the effect of every object that meets a painter’s eye, may give him a lesson, provided his mind is calm, unembarrassed with other objects, and 208 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. open to instruction. This general attention, with other studies, connected with the art, which must employ the artist in his closet, will be found sufficient to fill up life, if it were much longer than it is. Were I in your place, I would consider myself as playing a great game, and never suffer the little malice and envy of my rivals to draw off my attention from the main object, which, if you pursue with a steady eye, it will not be in the power of all the Cicerones in the world to hurt you. Whilst they are endeavouring to prevent the gentlemen from employing the young artists, instead of injuring them, they are in my opinion doing them the greatest service. “ Whoever has great views, I would recommend to him, whilst at Rome, rather to live on bread and water than lose advantages which he can never hope to enjoy a second time, and which he will find only in the Vatican; where, I will engage, no cavalier sends his students to copy for him. The Capella Sistina is the production of the greatest genius that was ever employed in the arts ; it is worth considering by what principles that stupendous greatness of style is produced ; and endeavouring to produce something of your own on those principles, will be a more advantageous method of study than copying the St. Cecilia in the Borghese, or the Herodias of Guido, which may be copied to eternity without contributing* a jot towards making a man a more able painter. If you neglect visiting the Vatican often, and particularly the Capella Sistina, you will neglect receiving that peculiar advantage which Rome can give above all other cities in the world. In other places you will find casts from the antique, and capital pictures of the great painters ; but it is there only that you can form an idea of the dignity of the art, as it is there only that you can see the works of Michael Angelo and Raphael.” Barry, who at that time was awed by the fame of Reynolds, received this letter with thankfulness, and acknowledged it with civility ; but his precipitancy of nature hindered him from profiting much by it. When Dr. Goldsmith published his “ Deserted Village,” REYNOLDS . 209 he inscribed it to Sir Joshua in a very kind and touching manner : — “ The only dedication I ever made,” says the doctor, “ was to my brother, because I loved him better than most other men. He is since dead. Permit me to inscribe this poem to you.” The poet was a frequent guest, with Johnson, at the table of the painter, which was adorned and enlivened by the presence and the talents of Miss Reynolds — herself a painter and a poetess, and eminent for her good sense and ready wit. This lady was a great favourite of J ohnson, who was fond of her company, and acknowledged oftener than once the influence of her conversation. I have already said that Reynolds was an admirer of Pope. A fan, which the poet presented to Martha Blount, and on which he had painted, with his own hand, the story of Cephalus and Procris, with the motto “ Auri Yeni,” was to be sold by auction, and Sir Joshua sent a person to bid for it as far as thirty guineas. The messenger imagined that he said thirty shillings, and allowed the relic to go for two pounds ; a profit, however, was allowed to the purchaser, and it w 7 as put into the hands of the president. “ See,” said he, to his pupils who gathered round him, “ see the painting of Pope ; this must always be the case when the work is taken up from idleness, and is laid aside when it ceases to amuse ; it is like the work of one who paints only for amusement. Those who are resolved to excel must go to their work, willing or unwilling, morning, noon, and night ; they will find it to be no play, but very hard labour.” This fan was afterwards stolen out of his study; as a relic of that importance cannot be openly displayed to the world by the person who abstracts it, it is not easy to imagine what manner of enthusiast the thief could be. At a festive meeting, where Johnson, Reynolds, Burke, Garrick, Douglas, and Goldsmith were conspicuous, the idea of composing a set of extempore epitaphs on one another was started. Two very indifferent lines of ordinary waggery by Garrick offended Goldsmith so much that he avenged himself by composing the celebrated “ Poem of Retaliation,” in which he exhibits the characters of 166 210 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. his companions with great liveliness and talent. The character of Sir Joshua Reynolds is drawn with discrim- ination and delicacy ; it resembles, indeed, his own portraits, for the features are a little softened and the expression a little elevated ; it is, nevertheless, as near the truth as the affection of the poet would permit him to come. The lines have a melancholy interest, from being the last which the author wrote. “ Here Reynolds is laid, and, to tell you my mind, He has not left a wiser or better behind ; His pencil was striking, resistless, and grand ; His manners were gentle, complying, and bland ; Still born to improve us in every part, His pencil our faces, his manners our heart.” That he was an improver of human faces no one could be more conscious than Goldsmith ; his portrait by Reynolds is sufficiently unlovely, yet it was said by the artist’s sister to be the most flattered likeness of all her brother’s works. In 1771 James Northcote became his pupil. Of which he thus speaks : — “ As from the earliest period of my being able to make any observation, I had conceived Reynolds to be the greatest painter that ever lived, it may be conjectured what I felt when I found myself in his house as a scholar.” He unites with Malone in assuring us that such were the gentleness of Sir Joshua’s manners, the refinement of his habits, the splendour of his establishment, and the extent of his fame — that almost all the men in the three kingdoms, who were distinguished in literature, in art, at the bar, in the senate, or in the field, might occasionally be found feasting at his social and well- furnished table. The following description of one of the painter’s dinners is by the skilful hand of Courteney : — “ There was something singular in the style and economy of his table, that contributed to pleasantry and good- humour : a coarse, inelegant plenty, without any regard to order or arrangement. A table prepared for seven or eight, often compelled to contain fifteen or sixteen, Vvffien this REYNOLDS. 211 pressing difficulty was got over, a deficiency of knives and forks, plates and glasses, succeeded. The attendance was in the same style ; and it was absolutely necessary to call instantly for beer, bread, or wine, that you might be supplied before the first course was over. He was once prevailed on to furnish the table with decanters and glasses for dinners, to save time and prevent the tardy manoeuvres of two or three occasional undisciplined domestics. As these accelerating utensils were demolished in the course of service, Sir Joshua could never be persuaded to replace them. But these trifling embarrassments only served to enhance the hilarity and singular pleasure of the enter- tainment. The w T ine, cookery, and dishes were but little attended to ; nor was the fish or venison ever talked of or recommended. Amidst this convivial animated bustle amongst his guests, our host sat perfectly composed, always attentive to what was said, never minding what was eat or drank, but left every one at perfect liberty to scramble for himself. Temporal and spiritual peers, physicians, lawyers, actors, and musicians composed the motley group, and played their parts without dissonance or discord. At five o’clock precisely dinner was served, whether all the invited guests were arrived or not. Sir Joshua was never so fashionably ill-bred as to wait an hour perhaps for two or three persons of rank or title, and put the rest of the company out of humour by this invidious distinction.” Of the rough abundance which covered his table Cour- teney says enough ; as to the character of the guests, we have the testimony of Dunning, afterwards Lord Ashburton. He had accepted an invitation to dinner from the President, and happened to be the first guest who arrived ; a large company was expected. “ Well, Sir Joshua,” he said, “ and who have you got to dine with you to-day ? The last time I dined in your house, the company was of such a sort that by I believe all the rest of the world enjoyed peace for that afternoon.” “ This observation,” says Northcote, “ was by no means ill-applied ; for as Sir 212 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . Joshua’s companions were chiefly men of genius, they were often disputatious and vehement in argument.” Miss Reynolds seems to have been as indifferent about the good order of her domestics, and the appearance of her dishes at table, as her brother was about the active distribution of his wine and venison. Plenty was the splendour, and freedom was the elegance, which Malone and Boswell found in the entertainments of the artist. The masculine freedom of Johnson’s conversation was pleasing in general to Reynolds ; it was not, however, always restrained by a sense of courtesy, or by the memory of benefits. It is related by Mrs. Thrale that once at her table Johnson lamented the perishable nature of the materials of painting, and recommended copper in place of wood or canvas. Reynolds urged the difficulty of finding a plate of copper large enough for historical subjects ; he was interrupted by Johnson. “ What foppish obstacles are these? here is Thrale, who has a thousand-tun copper; you may paint it all round if you will, I suppose it will serve him to brew in afterwards.” When Johnson’s pen was in his hand, and it was seldom out of it, he spoke of painting in another mood, and of Reynolds with civility and affection. “ Genius,” he says, “ is chiefly exerted in historical pictures, and the art of the painter of portraits is often lost in the obscurity of the subject. But it is in painting as in life ; what is greatest is not always best. I should grieve to see Reynolds transfer to heroes and goddesses , to empty splendour and to airy fiction , that art which is now employed in diffusing friend - ship, in renewing tenderness , in quickening the affections of the absent , and continuing the presence of the dead . Every man is always present to himself, and has, therefore, little need of his own resemblance ; nor can desire it, but for the sake of those whom be loves, and by whom he hopes to be remembered. This use of the art is a natural and reason- able consequence of affection : and though, like all other human actions, it is often complicated with pride, yet even such pride is more laudable than that by which palaces are REYNOLDS . 213 covered with pictures, that, however excellent, neither imply the owner’s virtue nor excite it.” By an opinion so critically sagacious, and an apology for portrait-painting, which appeals so effectually to the kindly side of human nature, Johnson repaid a hundred dinners. Reynolds now raised his price for a portrait to thirty-five guineas, admitted some more pupils to the advantages of his studio, and leaving them to forward draperies and make copies of some of his pictures in his absence, made a visit to Paris. Of the object of this journey there is no account, nor has he made any note of his own emotions on observing the works of the French artists. He returned, and resumed his labours — which were too pressing to permit him to visit Bennet Langton, at his country seat — though they allowed him to obey the king’s wish, and see the installa- tion of the Knights of the Garter, in Windsor ; — on which occasion his curiosity paid the tax of a new hat and a gold snuff-box, pilfered in the crowd. Yeung Northcote acquired skill rapidly under Sir J oshua : he ere long painted one of the servants so like nature that a tame macaw mistook the picture for the original, against whom it had a grudge, and flew to attack the canvas with beak and wing. The experiment of the creature’s mistake was several times repeated with the same success, and Reynolds compared it to the ancient painting where a bunch of grapes allured the birds : “ I see ” (said he) “ that birds and beasts are as good judges of pictures as men.” The “Ugolino” was painted in 1773. The subject is contained in the “ Oommedia ” of Dante, and is said by Cumberland to have been suggested to our artist by Goldsmith. The merit lies in the execution ; and even this seems of disputable excellence. The lofty and stern sufferer of Dante appears on Reynolds’s canvas like a famished mendicant, deficient in any commanding qualities of intellect, and regardless of his dying children, who cluster around his knees. It is indeed a subject too painful to contemplate ; it has a feeling too deep for art, and certainly demanded a hand conversant with severer things than the 214 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . lips and necks of ladies, and the well-dressed gentlemen of England. It is said to have affected Captain Cooke’s Omiah so much, that he imagined it a scene of real distress, and ran to support the expiring child. The Duke of Dorset paid the artist four hundred guineas, and took home the picture. His next piece, the “ Children in the Wood,” arose from an accident. A beggar’s infant, who was his model for some other picture, overpowered by continuing long in one position, fell asleep, and presented the image of one of the babes, which he immediately secured. No sooner had he done this than the child turned in its sleep, and presented the idea of the other babe, which he instantly sketched, and from them afterwards made the finished picture. Accident often supplies what study cannot find ; for nature, when unrestrained, throws itself into positions of great ease and elegance. In the month of July he visited Oxford, where he was received with some distinction, and admitted to the honorary degree of Doctor of Civil Law. At that period he was a member of the Royal, the Antiquarian, and Dilettanti Societies. When he presented himself to the audience, and bowed, and took his seat, there was much applause : Dr. Beattie accompanied him, and received the same honours. It seems a singular token of respect to salute a man with a title to which he can neither lay claim by his learning nor by his pursuits ; but in our own time we have seen Blucher and Platoff dubbed Doctors of Law in the same venerable place. From Oxford Reynolds went to visit a noble duke, in compliance with many press- ing solicitations : he hastened into his presence, and was mortified with a cold reception. The artist, it seems, had the incivility to appear in his boots ! On his return to London he painted the celebrated picture of Dr. Beattie in his Oxonian dress as Doctor of Laws, with his book on the “ Immutability of Truth ” below his arm, and the Angel of Truth beside him, overpowering Scepticism, Sophistry, and Infidelity. One of these prostrate figures has a lean and profligate look, and resembles RE WOLDS. 215 Voltaire ; in another, which is plump and full-bodied, some one recognised a resemblance to Hume ; nor is it unlikely that the artist had Gibbon in his thoughts when he intro- duced Infidelity. The vexation of Goldsmith when he saw this painting overflowed all bounds. “ It is unworthy ” (he said) “ of a man of eminence like you, Sir Joshua, to descend to flattery such as this. How could you think of degrading so high a genius as Voltaire before so mean a writer as Beattie ! Beattie and his book will be forgotten in ten years ; but your allegorical picture and the fame of Voltaire will live to your disgrace as a flatterer.” There was as much good sense as envy in this. The picture was an inconsiderate compliment, and arose from the false estimate which Reynolds had formed of the genius of Beattie. The royal favour and the applause of the church are excellent in their day, and may float a man on to fortune ; but posterity is an inexorable tribunal which overthrows all false estimates of character, all unsound reputations, and decides upon merit and genius alone. Hume, and Voltaire, and Gibbon — injurious as their works have been to the best interests of mankind— have survived the attack of Beattie and the insult of Reynolds. About the close of summer of 1773 he visited his native place, and was elected Mayor of Plympton — a distinction so much to his liking that he assured the king, whom he accidentally encountered on his return in one of the walks at Hampton Court, that it gave him more pleasure than any other he had ever received — “ excepting,” (he added — recollecting himself) — “ excepting that which your Majesty so graciously conferred on me— the honour of knighthood.” The arts now met with a repulse from the church, which is often mentioned with sorrow by the painters, and even considered as an injury deserving annual reprobation. It happened that Reynolds and West were dining with the Bishop of Bristol, who was also Dean of St. Pauls, and their conversation turned upon religious paintings, and upon the naked appearance of the English churches in the absence of such ornaments. West generously offered his 216 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. entertainer a painting of “ Moses and the Laws ” for the Cathedral of St. Paul, and Reynolds tendered a “ Nativity.'* As this offer was in a manner fulfilling the original design of Sir Christopher Wren, the Dean imagined it would be received with rapture by all concerned. He waited on the king, who gave his ready consent ; but Terrick, Bishop of London, objected at once, and no persuasion could move him, no arguments could change his fixed and determined opposition. A little of the old spirit, which ejected the whole progeny of saints and Madonnas out of the reformed church, was strong in this Bishop of London. “ No,” (said he) “ whilst I live and have power, no popish paintings shall enter the doors of the metropolitan church.” The project was dropped and never again revived. A portrait of Burke, which Reynolds painted at the request of Thrale, is the only reason that has ever been assigned for the hostility which Barry now began to show, first to Burke, and afterwards to Sir Joshua. Barry was a proud artist, and a suspicious man : he could not be insensible that the President had amassed a fortune, and obtained high fame in abiding by the lucrative branch of the profession, whilst he had perched upon the unproductive bough of historical composition, and had not been rewarded with bread. He followed his own ideas in the course he pursued, but probably he reflected that he was also obeying the reiterated injunctions of Sir Joshua, who constantly, in his public lectures and private counsels, admonished all who loved what was noble and sublime to study the great masters, and labour at the granTS style. This study had brought Barry to a garret and a crust ; the neglect of it had spread the table of Reynolds with that sluttish abund- ance which Courteney describes, and put him in a coach with gilded wheels and the seasons painted on its panels. To all this was added the close friendship of his patron, Burke, with the fortunate painter. Barry fancied — in short — that his own merits were overlooked, and that some- thing like a combination was formed to thwart and depress him. Nor is the mild and prudent Reynolds himself REYNOLDS. 217 altogether free from the suspicion of having felt a little jealousy towards one who spoke well, and thought well, and painted well, and who might rise to fame and opulence rivalling his own. Goldsmith was removed by death, in 1774, from the friendship of Reynolds, who was deeply affected; he did not touch his pencil for a whole day afterwards. He acted as executor — an easy trust — for there was nothing left but a large debt and a confused mass of papers. He directed his funeral, which was respectable and private, and aided largely in the monument which stands in the Poets’ Corner of Westminster Abbey. Nollekens cut the marble : Johnson composed the epitaph. To the society called the Dilettanti Club some ascribe the origin of all those associations whose object is the encouragement of art. To this club, as has been duly mentioned, Sir J oshua belonged, and to his pencil many of the members are indebted for the transmission of their looks — and names — to posterity. Those portraits are con- tained in two pictures, in the manner of Paul Veronese, and amount in all to fourteen. He was more worthily employed when Johnson sat to him in 1775: the picture shows him holding a manuscript near his face, and ponder- ing as he reads. The near-sighted “Cham of literature” reproved the painter in these words — 44 It is not friendly to hand down to posterity the imperfections of any man.” Mrs. Thrale interposed, and said— 44 You will not be known to posterity for your defects, though Sir Joshua should do his worst.” The artist was right — he gave individuality and character to the head. His practice introduced him occasionally to strange acquaintances. A gentleman, who returned rich from the East, sat for his portrait, but was called into the country before it was quite finished. He apologised by letter for his absence, and requested that the work might be com- pleted. 44 My friends,” said he 44 tell me of the Titian tint and the Guido air — these you can add without my appearance,” 218 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. Sir Joshua was chosen a member of the Academy of Florence, and in consequence he painted, and presented, a portrait of himself in the dress of his Oxford honours, which is placed in the Gallery of Eminent Artists in that city. This prudent Italian Academy requires by its laws the portrait of every new member, painted by his own hand— a regulation which has accumulated a very curious collection. Sir J oshua’s performance raised the reputation of English art in Florence. It was Sir Joshua’s opinion that no man ever produced more than half-a-dozen original works in his whole lifetime ; and when he painted the “ Strawberry Girl,” he said, “ that is one of my originals.” On looking at this work it is not easy to see the cause of the artist’s preference ; but genius sometimes forms curious estimates of its own productions : some lucky triumph over an obstinate difficulty — some work produced with great ease in an hour of enjoyment — or one, the offspring of much consideration, and the crowning of some new experiment, is apt to impress an idea of excellence on the maker’s mind which his work fails to communicate to the cold spectator. From secret envy he had not hitherto escaped ; he was now to experience an open attack, and that from one of his own profession. A painter of the name of Hone- — a man of some experience in portrait-painting, but of very mod- erate talents — sent to the annual exhibition, “The Pictorial Conjurer, displaying his whole art of Optical Deception.” This was meant as a satire upon the style of Sir Joshua, and of the use which he was not unwilling to make of the postures and characters of earlier artists. The indignation of the friends of Reynolds was great; they rejected the offensive picture in the exhibition, and defended him with tongue and pen. “ He has been accused of plagiarism,” says one, “ for having borrowed attitudes from ancient masters. Not only candour, but criticism must deny the force of this charge. When a single posture is imitated from an historic picture, and applied to a portrait in a different dress, this is not plagiarism, but quotation ; and a quotation from a REYNOLDS. 219 great author, with a novel application of the sense, has always been allowed to be an instance of parts and taste, and may have more merit than the original/ The parallel entirely fails. To give a new turn to the sense of a sentence, or avail himself of a line or two from an early author, is allowed to a modern poet. But should he bring away an entire character, and employ it with the whole costume of thought unaltered, then he is a plagiarist ; and such in many instances seems to have been Sir Joshua. His best defence is that he borrowed to improve, and stole that he might show his own power of colouring. Most of the songs of Burns, works unrivalled for nature and passion, are constructed on the stray verse or vagrant line of some forgotten bard. But then the poet only employed those as the starting-notes to his own inimitable strains, and never stole the fashion and hue of any entire lyric. An attack such as that of Hone seemed to affect the friends of the artist more than it did himself ; he said nothing, and the subject passed to oblivion. One of a more serious nature, and less easy to refute, was made in some of the public prints concerning the instability of the colours which he used in painting. He was accused of employing lake and carmine — colours of a nature liable to speedy decay — and, in short, making frequent experiments at the expense of others. It was urged, that he knew those glossy and gaudy colours would not endure long ; and it was hinted, that though the experiments which he made might be for the advancement of art, they were injurious to individuals, who purchased blooming works, which were destined to fade in their possession like the flowers of the field. Of the danger of using such colours Sir Joshua was at length convinced, but not until strong symptoms of decay had appeared in many of his own works; as yet he zealously defended the propriety of his experiments with his pen as well as in conversation. In one of his memorandums he says, with much complacency : — “I was always willing to believe that my uncertainty of proceeding in my works 220 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. — that is, my never being sure of my hand, and my frequent alterations — arose from a refined taste, which could not acquiesce in anything short of a high degree of excellence. I had not an opportunity of being early ini- tiated in the principles of colouring ; no man, indeed, could teach me. If I have never settled with respect to colouring, let it at the same time be remarked, that my unsteadi- ness in this respect proceeded from an inordinate desire to possess every kind of excellence that I saw in the works of others, without considering that there are in colouring, as in style, excellencies which are incompatible with each other. We all know how often those masters who sought after colouring changed their manner ; while others, merely from not seeing various modes, acquiesced all their lives in that with which they set out. On the contrary, I tried every effect of colour, and, by leaving out every colour in its turn, showed each colour that I could do without it. As I alternately left out every colour, I tried every new colour ; and often, as is well known, failed. I was influenced by no idle or foolish affectation. My fickleness in the mode of colouring arose from an eager desire to attain the highest excellence. This is the only merit I can assume to myself from my conduct in that respect.” It is to be regretted that he continued these experiments for a long course of years, and that they infected, more or less, many of the finest of his works. He was exceed- ingly touchy of temper on the subject of colouring, and reproved Northcote with some sharpness for insinuating that Kneller used vermilion in his flesh-colour. “What signifies,” said he, “ what a man used who could not colour ? — you may use it if you will.” He never allowed his pupils to make experiments, and on observing one of them employing some unusual compounds, exclaimed, “ That boy will never do good, with his gallipots of varnish and foolish mixtures.” The secret of Sir Joshua’s own preparations was carefully kept — he permitted not even the most favoured of his pupils to acquire the knowledge of his colours— he had all securely locked, and allowed no one to REYNOLDS. 221 enter where these treasures were deposited. What was the use of all this secrecy ? — those who stole the mystery of his colours could not use it unless they stole his skill and talent also. A man who, like Reynolds, chooses to take upon himself the double office of public and private instructor of students in painting, ought not, surely, to retain to himself a secret in the art which he considers to be of real value. He was fond of seeking into the secrets of the old painters ; and dissected some of their performances without remorse or scruple, to ascertain their mode of laying on colour and finishing with effect. Titian he conceived to be the great master-spirit in portraiture ; and no enthusiast in usury ever sought more incessantly for the secret of the philosopher’s stone than did Reynolds to possess himself of the whole theory and practice of the Venetian. But this was a concealed pursuit ; he disclosed his discoveries to none ; he lectured on Michael Angelo, and discoursed on Raphael ; but he studied and dreamed of Titian. “ To possess,” said the artist, “ a real fine picture by that great master, I would sell all my gallery — I would willingly ruin myself.” The capital old paintings of the Venetian school, which Sir Joshua’s experiments destroyed, were not few, and it may be questioned if his discoveries were a com- pensation for their loss. The wilful destruction of a work of genius is a sort of murder, committed for the sake of art; and the propriety of the act is very questionable. “I considered myself,” said he, in a private memorandum preserved by Malone, “as playing a great game, and, instead of beginning to save money, I laid it out as fast as I got it in purchasing the best examples of art ; I even borrowed money for this purpose. The possessing portraits by Titian, Vandyke, Rembrandt, etc., I considered as the best kind of wealth. By this kind of contemplation we are taught to think in their way, and sometimes to attain their excellence. If I had never seen any of the works of Correggio, I should never, perhaps, have remarked in nature the expression which I find in one of his pieces : or, 222 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS. if I had remarked it, I might have thought it too difficult, or perhaps impossible, to be executed.” In the summer of 1776 Northcote informed Sir Joshua of his intention of visiting Italy, to confirm his own notions of excellence by studying in the Yatican. This communi- cation, which deprived him of a profitable assistant, was received with much complacency ; he was sensible of the advantages obtained from his pupil's pencil, and said so with much freedom and kindness. “ Remember,” said the master to his departing friend, “that something more must be done than that which did formerly — Kneller, Lely, and Hudson will not do now.” He seldom omitted an oppor- tunity of insulting the memories of Kneller and Lely. He might have spared them, now that the world admitted him to have excelled them. Reynolds was skilful in compliments. When he painted the portrait of Mrs. Siddons as the Tragic Muse, he wrought his name on the border of her robe. The great actress, conceiving it to be a piece of classic embroidery, went near to examine, and seeing the words, smiled. The artist bowed and said, “ I could not lose this opportunity of sending my name to posterity on the hem of your garment.” He painted his name, in the same manner, on the embroidered edge of the drapery of Lady Cockburn’s portrait. When this picture was taken into the exhibition room, such was the sweetness of the conception, and the splendour of the colouring, that the painters, who were busied with their own performances, acknowledged its beauty by clapping their hands. Such eager admiration is of rare occurrence amongst brothers of the trade. The tardy praise which he wrung from artists was amply compensated by that of others. The surly applause of Johnson, and the implied admiration of Goldsmith, were nothing compared to the open and avowed approbation of Burke. That extraordinary man possessed a natural sagacity, which opened the door of every mystery in art or literature ; his praise is always warm, but well placed : he feels wisely and thinks in the true spirit. His debt of REYNOLDS . ' 223 gratitude to Sir Joshua was never liquidated by affected rapture. The artist had reason to be proud of the affection of Burke. He sometimes asked his opinion on the merit of a work — it was given readily — Sir Joshua would then shake his head and say, “Well, it pleases you; but it does not please me ; there is a sweetness wanting in the expression which a little pains will bestow — there ! I have improved it.” This, when translated into the common language of life, means, “ I must not let this man think that he is as wise as myself; but show him that I can reach one step at least higher than his admiration.” That Reynolds was a close observer of nature, his works sufficiently show ; he drew his excellence from innumerable sources ; paid attention to all opinions ; from the rudest minds he sometimes obtained valuable hints, and babes and sucklings were among his tutors. It was one of his maxims that the gestures of children, being all dictated by nature, are graceful ; and that affectation and distortion come in with the dancing-master. He watched the motions of the children who came to his gallery, and was pleased when he saw them forget themselves, and mimic unconsciously the airs and attitudes of the portraits on the wall. They were to him more than Raphael had ever been. “ I cannot but think,” he thus expresses himself in one of his memorandums, “ that Apelles’s method of exposing his pictures for public criticism was a very good one. I do not know why the judgment of the vulgar, on the mechanical parts of painting, should not be as good as any whatever ; for instance, as to whether such or such a part be natural or not. If one of these persons should ask why half the face is black, or why there is such a spot of black, or snuff as they will call it, under the nose, I should conclude from thence that the shadows are thick or dirtily painted, or that the shadow under the nose was too much resembling snuff, when, if those shadows had exactly resembled the transparency and colour of nature, they would have no more been taken notice of than the shadow in nature itself.” Such were the sound and sagacious opinions of this eminent man 224 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . when he sat down to think for himself and speak from practice. He had a decided aversion to loquacious artists ; and spoke little himself whilst he was busied at his easel. When artists love to be admired for what they say, they will have less desire to be admired for what they paint. He had, in truth, formed a very humble notion of the abstract meditation which art requires, and imagined it to be more of a practical dexterity of hand than the offspring of intellect and skill. He assured Lord Monboddo that painting scarcely deserved the name of study ; it was more that sort of work (he said) which employed the mind without fatiguing it, and was thereby more conducive to individual happiness than the practice of any other pro- fession. This Northcote pronounces to be the speech of a mere portrait-manufacturer ; but genius, when congenially employed, is seldom conscious of exertion. Dr. Johnson, when questioned by Boswell on the merit of portraits, said, — “Sir, their chief excellence is being like ; I would have them in the dress of their times, to preserve the accuracy of history — truth, sir, is of the greatest value in these things.” To give the exact form and presence of the man, and animate him with his natural portion of intellect, and no more, requires a skilful hand, and a head which the love of flattering is unable to seduce from the practice of the truth. To paint a likeness is, however, a very common effort of a very common mind ; but to bestow proper expression, just character, and un- studied ease, is infinitely difficult. Reynolds said he could teach any boy whom chance might throw in his way to paint a likeness. “To paint like Velasquez is another thing. He did at once, and with ease, what we cannot accomplish with time and labour. Portraits, as well as written characters of men, should be decidedly marked, otherwise they will be insipid, and truth should be preferred before freedom of hand.” In 1777 he had delivered seven discourses on art, which he collected into a volume, and, that they might want no REYNOLDS. 225 attraction to recommend them to popularity, he inscribed them to the King in a dedication written with care and caution, and neither deficient in self-approbation nor unadorned by classical allusion. He was an ardent lover of his profession, and ever as ready to defend it when assailed as to add to its honours by the works of his hands. Dr. Tucker, the famous Dean of Gloucester, asserted before the Society for encouraging Commerce and Manufactures, that a pin-maker was a more useful and valuable member of society than Raphael. When Sir Joshua was informed of this he was nettled, and said, with some asperity — “ That is an observation of a very narrow mind : a mind that is confined to the mere object of commerce — that sees with a microscopic eye but a part of the great machine of the economy of life, and thinks that small part which he sees to be the whole. Commerce is the means, not the end, of happiness or pleasure : the end is a rational enjoyment by means of arts and sciences. It is therefore the highest degree of folly to set the means in a higher rank of esteem than the end. It is as much as to say, that the brickmaker is superior to the architect.” Sir Joshua now painted another portrait of Johnson at the request of Mr. Thrale. This seems to have been accomplished without any of those bickerings which dis- tinguished the former sittings. Reynolds observed once to an acquaintance, that knowledge was not the only advantage to be obtained in the company of such a man — that the importance of truth and the baseness of falsehood were inculcated more by example than by precept, and that all who were of the Johnsonian school were remarkable for a love of truth and accuracy. One day Boswell was speak- ing in high commendation of the Doctor’s skill and felicity in drawing characters: Sir Joshua said — “ He is un- doubtedly admirable in this ; but, in order to mark the characters which he drawls, he overcharges them, and gives people more than they have, whether of good or bad.” It would be difficult to express more neatly and simply the character of our artist’s style of portraiture. He bestowed 226 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. beauty and mind with no sparing hand. Every captain has the capacity of a general, and every lord a soul fit for wielding the energies of an empire. Reynolds was now fifty-four years old — he had acquired fame and amassed a fortune — yet such was his unabated activity, that he continued to paint with the avidity of one labouring for bread ; nor is there any proof that he even wished to confine himself to personages of note and talent. He raised his price to fifty guineas, without lessening the number of his commissions : he was in the wane of life ; the wise were anxious to secure as many proofs of his genius as they could before he went — and the rich were glad of the increased price, for it excluded the poor from indulging in the luxury of vanity. This fortunate man began now to have warnings of the kind which wait plentifully on advancing years. Gold- smith had gone, Garrick followed — and bodily decay was visibly creeping over Johnson. Reynolds himself — a frugal liver and a cautious man — was still hale and robust ; he had painted one generation, was painting a second, and, in the opinion of the third, he promised to last to give them the benefit of his skill. He had no thought, indeed, of retiring to spend in leisure the money he had gathered : painting was to him enjoyment; and he knew that, if he withdrew from the scene, much of his social distinction would fall from about him. The powerful and the rich are soon willing to forget men of genius when they cease to minister to their vanity or their pleasures, and are no longer the talk of the town. Reynolds was aware of this — no one had yet appeared capable of disputing with him the title of first portrait-painter of the age : — with this spell he had opened the doors as well as the purses of the proud and the far-descended, and taken his seat among the eminent of the land : and here he was resolved to remain. In the year 1780 the Royal Academy was removed to Somerset House-rooms were prepared for the reception of the paintings- — and models and apartments selected for the keeper and the secretary. Sir Joshua taxed his invention REYNOLDS. 227 in the embellishment of the ceiling of the library, and could think of nothing better than Theory sitting on a cloud — a figure dark and mystical, which fails to explain its own meaning — nor is the meaning much to the purpose when it is explained. To the exhibition of this year he sent the portrait of Miss Beauclerc as Spenser’s “Una,” and the heads of Gibbon the historian and Lady Beaumont. He also painted for the Royal Academy the portrait of Sir William Chambers, and that likeness of himself which contains the bust of Michael Angelo. It was one of the pleasant delusions of his life that the divinity of Michael Angelo inspired him in his productions — he was ever calling on his name — invoking him by his works — and making five guineas an hour in the belief that the severe majesty of Buonarotti was at least dimly seen among the curls and flounces, laced waistcoats, and well-powdered wigs of his English nobility. He was questioned by Northcote on the merits of two French portraits by Madame Le Brun, which were then exhibited in London : “ Pray, what do you think of them, Sir Joshua?” Reynolds: “That they are very fine.” Northcote : “ How fine ? ” Reynolds : “ As fine as those of any painter.” Northcote : “ As fine as those of any painter ! — do you mean living or dead ? ” Reynolds, sharply : “ Either living or dead.” Northcote : “ Good God ! what, as fine as Vandyke?” Reynolds: “Yes, and finer.” Reynolds had seen — as men see now— the wreck of high hopes and lofty expectations ; he rated vulgar popularity at its* worth, and disdained to interfere with the brief summer of Madame Le Brun. A series of allegorical figures for the window of New College Chapel at Oxford employed his pencil during the year 1780, and for several succeeding years. There are seven personifications in all — Faith, Hope, Charity, Tem- perance, Fortitude, Justice, and Prudence. That Reynolds has conferred a healthier hue and more splendid colours on those seven abstract personages than some of them enjoyed before, I readily allow ; but they are a cold and unnatural 228 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. progeny, and are regarded only as embellishments. Without nature there can be no sentiment — without flesh and blood there can be no sympathy. In the group of Charity, a critic discovers that the “ fondling of the infant, the importunity of the boy, and the placid affection of the girl, together with the divided attention of the mother, are all distinguishably and judiciously marked with the knowledge of character for which the great artist who gave this design is so justly celebrated. ” This passage has surely been written to show how prettily words may be grouped together without meaning. Where is the charity in a mother taking charge of her own children ? The u Nativity,” a composition of thirteen figures, and in dimensions twelve feet by eighteen, was designed to surmount the seven “ Allegories.” This was sold to the Duke of Rutland for 1200 guineas, and was burnt at Belvoir Castle, with many other noble performances. It had the fault of almost all Sir Joshua’s historical works ; it was cold, laboured, and uninspired. He had no revelations of heavenly things, such as descended on Raphael ; the visions which presented themselves were unembodied or dim, and flitted before his sight like .the shadowy progeny of Banquo. If angels of light, ministers of grace, and souls of just men made perfect, could have sat for their portraits, who could have painted them so divinely as Reynolds ? Having painted a “ Thais 99 with a torch in her hand, a “ Death of Dido,” and a Boy hearkening to a marvellous story, and placed them in the exhibition, he set off on a tour among the galleries of the Continent. The fame of these three new pictures followed him. The “Dido,” by the loveliness of her face and the rich colouring of her robes, drew immense crowds to Somerset House. Mean- while he pursued his journey. He stopped at Mechlin, to see the celebrated altar-piece by Rubens, of which he was told the following story : — A citizen commissioned the picture, and Rubens having made his sketch, employed Yan Egmont, one of his scholars, to dead-colour the canvas, for the full sized painting. On this the citizen said to REYNOLDS. 229 Rubens, — “ Sir, I bespoke a picture from the hand of the master, not from that of the scholar.” “ Content you, my friend,” said the artist, “ this is but a preliminary process, which I always entrust to other hands.” “ The citizen,” said Sir Joshua, “was satisfied, and Rubens proceeded with the picture, which appears to me to have no indica- tions of neglect in any part : on the contrary, I think it has been, for it is a little faded, one of his best pictures, though those who know this circumstance pretend to see Van Egmont’s inferior genius through the touches of Rubens.” At Antwerp he noticed a young artist named De Gree, who had been designed for the church, but loved painting more, and pursued it with success. He came afterwards to England. Reynolds generously gave him fifty guineas, which the young man, as pious as he was enthusiastic, transmitted home for the use of his aged parents. When Reynolds returned to London he found that a new candidate for fame had made his appearance, and promised to become fashionable. This was Opie, who, introduced by Wolcot, and remarkable alike by the humility of his birth and the brightness of his talents, rose suddenly into reputation and employment. It is true that he had then but moderate skill, and that the works which the world of fashion applauded were his worst ; but he was a peasant, and therefore a novelty ; he could paint, and that was a wonder. So eager were the nobility and gentry to crowd into his gallery, that their coaches became a nuisance ; and the painter jestingly said to one of his brethren, “ I must plant cannon at my door to keep the multitude off.” This fever soon reached its cold fit. But a little while- — and not a coroneted equipage was to be seen in his street ; and Opie said to the same friend with sarcastic bitterness, “ They have deserted my house as if it were infected with the plague.” Sir Joshua, who knew the giddy nature of popular regard, and the hollowness of patronage, regarded all this bustle with calmness ; nor was he at all annoyed when the young peasant was employed by the chief nobility 230 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS . of England. He appreciated Opie’s real talents, and, always willing to find a foreign forerunner for native genius, compared him to Carravaggio. At the age of fifty-eight, and in the full enjoyment of health and vigour, Sir J oshua was attacked by a paralytic affection. His friends were more alarmed than himself, and Johnson, to whom at all times the idea of death was terrific, addressed him in a letter of solemn anxiety. “ I heard yesterday,’ 7 he says, “ of your late disorder, and should think ill of myself if I heard it without alarm. I heard likewise of your recovery, which I wish to be complete and permanent. Your country has been in danger of losing one of its brightest ornaments, and I of losing one of my oldest and kindest friends ; but I hope you will still live long for the honour of the nation ; and that more enjoyment of your elegance, your intelligence, and your benevolence is still reserved for, dear sir, your most affectionate — Sam. Johnson.” — Reynolds soon recovered from this attack. A sense of the excellence of his works, or acquaintance with his bounty, obtained for him the praise of Wolcot, more widely known by the name of Peter Pindar. In the dearth of good poets and manly satirists this person rose into reputation. His works had a wide circulation ; and he was dreaded by all who had a reputation which would pay for an attack. His commendation, however, was about as undesirable as his satire. In his eulogiums on Reynolds, he calls on Rubens and Titian to awake and see the new master, sailing in supreme dominion, like the eagle of Jove, above the heads of all other mortals. Those two great artists are in no haste to arise to behold the elevation of a maker of portraits, and are insulted by the poet and reproached with jealousy. Simple Portrait stands ready to be limned, and History sighs, anxious for his pencil. Such are the thoughts and many of the words in which Wolcot expressed his admiration of Reynolds. Nor was he much more successful when he condescended to treat of him in prose. “ I lately breakfasted,” he says, REYNOLDS. 231 “ with Sir Joshua, at his house in Leicester Fields. After some desultory remarks on the old masters, but not one word of the living artists — as on that subject no one can ever obtain his real opinion — the conversation turned on Dr. Johnson. On my asking him how the club to which he belonged could so patiently suffer the tyranny of this overbearing man, — he replied, with a smile, that the members often hazarded sentiments merely to try his powers in contradiction. I think I in some measure wounded the feelings of Reynolds by observing that I had often thought that the Ramblers were Idlers, and the Idlers Ramblers, except those papers which he (Reynolds) had contributed ; and, further, that Johnson too frequently acted the reverse of gipsies ; ‘ the gipsies/ said I, ‘ when they steal the children of gentlefolks, conceal the theft by beggarly disguises; whereas Johnson often steals common thoughts, disguising the theft by a pomp of language.’ ” Sir Joshua, supreme head as he was of the Academy, and unrivalled in fame and influence, was doomed to experience many crosses and vexations ; but his sagacious spirit and tranquil temper brought him off triumphant. Barry, a man of great natural talents, and one who flew a flight even beyond Reynolds in his admiration of Michael Angelo, differed with him in everything else. Becoming Professor of Painting on the resignation of Mr. Penny, he had it in his power to annoy the Chair, and was not slow in perceiv- ing his advantage. Reynolds, in the performance of his duty as President, could not fail to remark how very back- ward the Professor of Painting was in the performance of his undertaking — he had not delivered the stipulated lectures — and he inquired if they were composed. Barry, a little man and full of pride, rose on tip-toe — it is even said he clenched his fist to give stronger emphasis to his words — and exclaimed, “ If I had only in composing my lectures to produce such poor mistaken stuff as your dis- courses, I should have my work done, and be ready to read.” To reply suited neither the dignity nor the caution of Reynolds. The world praised him for his mildness and 232 GREA T ENGLISH PAINTERS . moderation, and censured his fiery opponent, on whom they laid the whole blame of this indecent scene. The reformation which the Emperor Joseph wrought among the monastic establishments brought before the public many of the productions of Rubens ; and Reynolds, who seldom missed an opportunity of examining all paint- ings of eminence, went over to the Netherlands to see them. He remarked, on his return from his first tour, that his own works were deficient in force in comparison with those he had seen ; and on his second tour, “ He observed to me” (said Sir George Beaumont) “that the pictures of Rubens appeared much less brilliant than they had done on the former inspection. He could not for some time account for this circumstance ; but when he recollected that when he first saw them he had his note-book in his hand, for the purpose of writing down short remarks, he perceived what had occasioned their now making a less impression than they had done formerly. By the eye passing immediately from the white paper to the picture, the colours derived uncommon richness and warmth : for want of this foil they afterwards appeared comparatively cold.” Mason, after having translated Du Fresnoy’s “ Art of Painting,” laid it aside, and had nearly forgotten it, when it was brought into light and life by the inquiries and commendations and illustrative notes of Sir Joshua. He seems to have been desirous at all times of obtaining literary distinction for himself ; or at least of obtaining the regard of literary men. It is true that some of his admirers claim the highest honours of literature for his “ Discourses,” which Malone, inspired by his friendship and his legacy, calls “ The Golden Discourses.” Others, like Wolcot, see an excellence in his casual essays which those of Johnson never attained; nor is Northcote willing to be behind, for, instead of Burke lending his aid to Reynolds in the composition of those far-famed “Discourses,” he reverses the obligation, and insinuates that Burke had the help of Sir Joshua in writing his admirable admonition REYNOLDS . 233 to Barry. To claims such as these it would be unwise to listen. Johnson and Burke were of a higher order of intellect than Reynolds, and displayed a mastery in every subject with which they grappled. Such men were much more likely to impart than receive aid from him in literary compositions ; and there is nothing in the letter of Burke which required minute information, or a mechanical acquaintance with the details of art. It discusses principles, not practice; and may justly claim the honour of being the most clear, sagacious, profound, and natural view of the true objects of painting which has ever been composed. The notes which Reynolds added to Du Fresnoy may be dismissed in a few words. They are distinguished by their sagacity and knowledge — by their shrewd estimates of other men’s merits, and by their modesty concerning his own. I have said that the President was frugal in his communications repecting the sources from whence he drew his own practice — he forgets his caution in one of these notes. He is speaking of the masters of the Venetian school, and says : — “ When I was at Venice, the method I took to avail myself of their principles was this : — when I observed an extraordinary effect of light and shade in any picture, I took a leaf out of my pocket-book, and darkened every part of it in the same gradation of light and shade as the picture, leaving the white paper untouched to represent the light, and this without any attention to the subject or the drawing of the figures. A few trials of this kind will be sufficient to give the method of their conduct in the management of their lights. After a few experiments I found the paper blotted nearly alike : their general practice appeared to be, to allow not above a quarter of the picture for the light, including in this portion both the principal and secondary lights ; another quarter to be kept as dark as possible ; and the remaining half kept in mezzotint or half- shadow. Rubens appears to have admitted rather more light than a quarter, and Rembrandt much less, scarce an eighth : by this conduct Rembrandt’s light is extremely brilliant — but it costs too much — the rest of the picture is 234 GREAT ENGLISH PAINTERS. sacrificed to this one object. That light will certainly appear the brightest which is surrounded with the greatest quantity of shade, supposing equal skill in the artist.” Reynolds was commonly humane and tolerant — he could indeed afford, both in fame and in purse, to commend and aid the timid and the needy. When Gainsborough asked sixty guineas for his “ Girl and Pigs,” Sir Joshua gave him a hundred ; and when another English artist of celebrity, on his arrival from Rome, asked him where he should set up a studio, he informed him that the next house to his own was vacant, and at his service. He could, however, be sharp and bitter on occasion. It is one of the penalties paid for eminence to be obliged, as a matter of courtesy, to give opinions upon the attempts of the dull. Sir Joshua had such visitations in abundance. One morning he became wearied in contemplating a succession of specimens submitted to his inspection, and, fixing his eye on a female portrait by a young and trembling practitioner, he roughly exclaimed : “ What’s this in your hand? A portrait ! you should not show such things : what’s that upon her head — a dish-clout ? ” The student retired in sorrow, and did not touch his pencils for a month. Allan Ramsay, the king’s painter, died in 1784, and was succeeded in his office by Reynolds — the emolument was little, nor was the honour important. Wilkes, in his sar- castic attack upon Hogarth, confounds the station with that of the house-painter ; in short, the place, having been filled by several inferior artists, had sunk into discredit, like that of city poet. The exertions of Burke, in reforming the expenses of the royal household, had reduced the salary of the king’s painter from two hundred pounds to fifty ; and as Reynolds had no use for the money, and as the station could confer no new dignity upon him, he could have had no inducement to take it, save the desire of complying with the wishes of his benevolent sovereign. He distinguished himself above all his brother artists in the year 1784 by his “ Fortune-Teller,” his portrait of Miss Kemble, and his Mrs. Siddons as the Tragic Muse— REYNOLDS. 235 all very noble compositions. The latter conveys a strong image of the great actress, as, in the fulness of her beauty and her genius, she awed and astonished her audience, making Old Drury to show