i The Publication Committee of the GroHer Club certifies that this copy is one of an edition of four hundred copies printed from type on Holland paper in the month of February, 1897. Digitized by tine Internet Arcliive in 2014 littps://arcliive.org/details/clironologicalcatOOkoeli DURER'S ENGRAVINGS, DRY-POINTS, AND ETCHINGS. A CHRONOLOGICAL CATALOGUE OF THE ENGRAVINGS, DRY-POINTS AND ETCHINGS OF 9i\btvt Btirer AS EXHIBITED AT THE GROLIER CLUB COMPILED BY S. R. KOEHLER THE GROLIER CLUB OF NEW YORK MDCCCXCVII Copyright, 1897, by the Grolier Club. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Introduction. PAGE I. The Meaning of Diirer's Work i II. The Chronology of Diirer's Engravings ix III. The Influence of the Antique an^of Italian Art on Diirer xx IV. Was Diirer a Copyist? xxiii V. Did Durer Invent Etching? xxiv VI. The Technical Processes employed by Durer . . . xxvi VII. The Printing of Diirer's Plates xxxviii VIII. Diirer's Price-list xlii IX. The Scope and Value of the Present Exhibition . . xliv Biographical Illustrations xlix Durer's Engravings, Dry-Points, and Etchings .... ■ i Engravings attributed to Durer, either Doubtful or Spurious 89 Supplementary Illustrations 94 Finding List 97 List of Books and Papers Consulted 99 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS' FACING PAGE The Genesis of Durer's Adam. (No. 34) 40 Apollo and Diana. (No. 36) 42 St. Veronica with the Sudarium. (No. 62) 53 St. Jerome by the Willow Tree. (No. 65) 55 The Holy Family. (No. 66) 56 The Small Crucifixion. (Nos. 88a, 88b, 88c, enlarged) . . 75 The Great Courier (No. 103) • 89 INTRODUCTION. I. The Meaning of Durer's Work. Of all the artists whose names are in everybody's mouth, Diirer is the one least understood. Max Allihn is quite right when he says of some of his compositions that they "may be fittingly likened to the sphinx of the old legend, for they attack every one who, either as critic or his- torian, or harmless wanderer, enters the realm of art, and propose to him their insolvable riddles." And if the truth were told, it would be found that all so attacked were vanquished, and that they ought to be counted among the dead. The difficulties which beset the Diirer student are manifold, and of a peculiar kind. Rembrandt, who always comes up in the mind as Durer's rival in the fascination which he exercises upon those who venture within the reach of his influence, repulses at first by his apparent ugliness, and to the specialist in prints brings many a sore trial through the Protean shapes which his plates assume in the way of "states," but as to the subject matter of his compositions, it is as easily understood as the con- versation of a neighbor of to-day. The truth is that Rembrandt is thor- oughly modern, and utters his homely but heartfelt sentences in simple speech, which only gains from what there still adheres to it of an anti- quated flavor. As to his genesis and the reason for his being and ap- pearing just where and as he did, these also are perfectly clear, and can be deduced logically from the conditions which preceded and surrounded him. With Diirer, on the other hand, all this is different. He does not, indeed, trouble us with "states," for among all his authenticated works of i INTRODUCTION. importance there is only one, the "Adam and Eve," of which two states, properly so called, are known, nor does he shock us with apparently vulgar ugliness, however far removed his creations may be from the Ital- ian ideal of beauty as we admire it in Raphael. But when we come to inquire into the course of his development, and seek to understand the influences which assisted in the shaping of his mind, we are at once con- fronted by serious obstacles, and our troubles increase as we enter upon the task of the interpretation of his works. It seems as if it were more difficult even to understand Dtirer than the older artists still farther re- moved from us, not only in time, but also in feeling. And therein we may possibly find a first clue to the nature of our troubles. These older men were of the same metal throughout, and thus present a unity which, although foreign to us, we may hope to understand by contrast. Rembrandt, on the other hand, is thoroughly modern, — cast in the same mold in which we were cast,— arid we understand him, therefore by similarity. Diirer, however, is neither the one nor the other, or rather, he is both. We think we have divined his innermost thoughts by approaching him from the side of the Middle Ages, when, lo and be- hold, we suddenly find ourselves face to face with an idea with which the Middle Ages had nothing to do; and we are equally vanquished if we look at him from a modern point of view. It is this, precisely, that makes him so thoroughly typical of his age, which was racked and con- fused by conflicting desires : the love of, and inability to get away from, old ideals ; an undefined longing for the new out of which the modern world was to rise ; and the vain hope that by returning to the dead past, as embodied in the Rome of antiquity, the two might be reconciled and enjoyed together. Diirer himself has given very characteristic literary embodiment to the crude, illogical thinking of the Renaissance in one of his drafts for an introduction to his book on the proportions of the hu- man body, still preserved in the British Museum. Having expressed his regret at the loss of the " noble books " of the ancients on kindred subjects, which, he opines, may have been suppressed and utterly de- ii INTRODUCTION. stroyed in the beginning of the Church, from hatred of idolatry, he con- tinues: "Should it be as I conjecture, and had I been present at the time, I would have said : O you dear holy sirs and fathers, do not, for the sake of the bad, thus pitiably kill the nobly invented art, which has been brought together by such great trouble and labor. For art is great, weighty, and good, and we will convert it with great honors to the praise of God. For in the same way as they applied the most beau- tiful figure of a man to their idol Apollo, thus we will take the same measurement for Christ, the Lord, who is the most beautiful of all the world. And as they have used Venus as the most beautiful woman, thus will we chastely devote the same graceful figure to the most pure Virgin, the Mother of God. And of Hercules we will make Samson ; the same will we do with all the others. " (Lange und Fuhse, p. 316.) Bearing in mind this condition of things, we may hope, if not fully to understand, at least correctly to appreciate, Diirer's works. For it is precisely the illogical, and therefore enigmatical, character of the time of struggle and transformation in which he lived that takes form in them and makes them representative. To hope to reduce such half-felt, half-reasoned productions to the clearness of a problem in mathematics is in vain, and all attempts in that direction have, therefore, been fruitless. But the difficulties which the age in general interposes are measurably increased in Diirer's case by his nationality. He was a German, or, more broadly speaking, a Northerner. To the limitations which bound all the intellects of his time there were added those which inhered in his race. However the spirit of classical antiquity might be misunderstood on the other side of the Alps, the favored son of the South had at least retained through all the vicissitudes of the Dark Ages an instinctive feeling of form and refinement which his Northern brother had never possessed. One needs only to compare a naughty story told by Boccaccio with a similar tale told by Chaucer, to understand this difference between the North and the South. The former throws around it all the allurements of refined outward beauty, and thus increases the force of the poison a iii INTRODUCTION. thousandfold ; the other presents his subject in all its native repulsive- ness, and thus robs it of much of its baleful influence. And the same holds good of pictorial art. The Apollos and Venuses, the Theseuses and Ariadnes of the old Florentine engravers grouped together under the mythical firm name of Botticelli-Baldini, however far they may be removed from the creations of a Phidias or even of his late Graeco- Roman followers, are still, as compared with their congeners on the northern side of the mountains, triumphant examples of grace and beauty, and in so far at least make good their claim to be direct descen- dants of antique ancestors. To understand this, it suffices to place side by side with the Italian engravings alluded to such a plate as that of " The Judgment of Paris," by the Master of the Banderoles (reproduced in Lehrs' " Der Meister mit den Bandrollen," Dresden, 1886). The Italian works named belong to a period which, it is hardly necessary to say, preceded the time of Diirer's activity by nearly half a century. But, all advances in the intermediate years conceded, the relative positions of the North and the South nevertheless remained about the same. Of an age and a country which did not hesitate, in sober earnest and by the mouth of one of its most learned men, to proclaim Maximilian's "Arch of Honor" (woodcut, B 138) the counterpart of an antique Roman triumphal arch, and which represented Truth, in the attempted recon- struction of the " Calumny " of Apelles, by a woman richly attired in sixteenth-century costume, with a big feather hat, and carrying a flaming face, — the sun, — on a fruit-dish (see Diirer's sketch in Thausing, II, opp. p. 162), we must not demand that it should distinguish to a nicety between the Roman Fortuna and the Greek Nemesis. To these racial difficulties, however, there must, finally, be added, in the case of Diirer, still others which arise out of the individuality of the artist himself. With Faust, he also might have sighed that two souls dwelt within his breast: one, that of the scientific investigator, the man of facts, the reasoner, — the other, that of the artist, burning with a con- stant yearning for the visual embodiment of his longings, which in- iv INTRODUCTION. eluded ever evasive visions of beauty. It was the conflict between these two tendencies, and the endeavor to reconcile them, which still further helped to mar Diirer's art. Over and over again he repeats, in the many drafts for passages in his theoretical works which he left behind, that the artist is full of figures inside, which he would not have time enough to draw if he were to live a hundred years or more ; and quite as often he warns the young artist that the truth is in Nature. "Therefore," he says (L. u. F., p. 226), "look at it dili- gently, be guided by it, and do not depart from Nature in thy pre- sumption, thinking that thou thyself mightest find something better; for thou wilt be misled." As to Beauty, he quite agrees with Ra- phael: "But what Beauty may be, that I know not" (L. u. F., p. 288). While, however, Raphael was content to follow his artistic instinct, Diirer thirsted for knowledge. " For I know," he writes (L. u. F., p. 239), — and again he formulates the same idea over and over, — "that the desire of mankind may be so satiated of earthly things by their surfeit that one becomes weary of them; only excepted to know much, — of that no one wearies." So that, while he is convinced that we may not know what Beauty is, he yet believes also that "Art is hidden in Nature; whoso- ever can tear it out has it" (L. u. F., p. 226). And htuce it is his never-tiring endeavor to find the key that will unlock the secret of Beauty in the human form, and will put him into the possession of the ideal measurements, according to which may be constructed a perfect body. It is the old vain struggle after the absolute, leading at last to disenchantment, if it does not lead to intellectual death, — and Diirer was no exception. In spite of the fact that he was just engaged in seeing his book on proportions through the press when death overtook him, he acknowledged to his friend Pirkheimer that only late towards the even- ing of life had he learned to esteem at its true value the simplicity of nature, and there is no denying that his speculative labors exerted a deadening influence on his art. Moved by these conflicting impulses, we see him, almost from the very beginning of his career, draw ugly V INTRODUCTION. naturalistic figures, like those of " The Four Naked Women" (No. 14 of this catalogue) and of the " Nemesis " (No. 33), simultaneously with others of quite a different kind, — the Venus in "The Dream" (No. 15), for instance, and the figures of Adam and Eve in the celebrated plate of the year 1 504 (No. 34), which are the outcome of his speculations and his striving after the absolute. A similar difference we may note in his landscape work, although in this, curiously enough, he confines his real- ism to the studies made for himself Such sketches, for example, as those in the Print Cabinet, at Berlin (Lippmann, No. 14), and in the British Museum, at London (Lippmann, No. 219), would be admitted to any exhibition of " impressionist " art of to-day. But when he utilized his sketches, he so conventionalized them that, on the unaided testi- mony of the landscape backgrounds to be seen in the works destined for the public, and more especially in his engravings, no one would ever think of attributing all these things to the same hand. Nevertheless, however difficult it may be to understand, not only the subject matter, but even the outward form of Diirer's work, it would never do, in a fit of ultra-agnosticism, to content ourselves with an ad- mission of ignorance, and to give up all endeavor in despair. Although we may be ready to acknowledge that there are certain things which we cannot know, we yet feel it necessary to give play to our faculties, and to ascertain what we may know, and in spite of the rebuffs suffered by some, there will always be others ready to ask whether it is really utterly impossible to lift the veil. The answer is apparently simple. We may hope to comprehend these works, so far as their matter is concerned, by studying them within their time ; that is to say, by seeking for the gen- eral causes to which they owe their existence. It is the " kulturhisto- rische Deutung," — the explanation from the point of view of the historian of civilization, — which alone promises to furnish the key so long sought. That all other ways have led to nothing is evident. It is surprising to see the stupid ingenuity or the ingenious stupidity which has been dis- played in attempts to explain some of Diirer's prints merely upon the vi INTRODUCTION. outward evidence of the subjects themselves. On the other hand, the subjective method, — that method which questions the works as to the effect produced upon the individual observer, and then, from this effect, deduces the causes which must have moved the artist, — has proved equally abortive. Nor yet will the life history alone of the artist pro- vide a sufficient explanation, although it claims a decided share in the evidence to be cpnsidered. Into what strange aberrations such a one- sided method of proceeding may lead is plainly shown by the interpre- tations based upon the unfortunate relations which for a long time were supposed to have existed between Diirer and his wife, and upon which recent researches have thrown at least a milder light, even if they should not have proved them to be wholly without foundation (see " Diirer's Wife," among the " Biographical Illustrations," p. Ivii, etc.). It follows from all this that the historical method remains as the only one to be followed, however much such an essay as Allihn's " Diirer Studien " may tend to make us shun it, in view of the paucity of results attained as compared with the vast amount of learning expended. It does, indeed, seem as if the past, quite as much as the future, were to us a book with seven seals. But the attempts to open it will never cease, and the sooner we resign ourselves to the conviction that intuition or the divine furor of the poet will not help us to break the seals, but that, if they are to be broken at all, nothing but downright hard work will do it, the better it will be for us. The notes given in the catalogue of Diirer's engravings which fol- lows are principally designed, so far as opportunities and the limits of a catalogue will allow, to supply some hints to those who may wish to see what has so far been done towards the interpretation of Diirer's works by the writers who have made him their special subject of study. Noting all these limitations, and listening to all these "ifs" and "buts," what, it may be asked, is there left, then, to explain Diirer's fame and the value universally set upon his works ? There is probably no other artist who is so freely criticized as Diirer by even his most ardent admirers. That he really was not a painter in the modern sense of vii INTRODUCTION. the word is all but universally admitted, — that he rarely, if ever, attained Beauty ; that most of his compositions are next to impossible to under- stand ; and, Vorse than all, that much of his engraving, which is that part of his work by which he is most widely known, is commonplace and has the flavor of market ware, being redeemed only by careful and consci- entious workmanship, — all these points are equally conceded. And yet, ask whomsoever you please to name to you the six greatest artists of the past, and Diirer is sure to be amongst them, and if you cut the number down to three, the answer will probably be, — certainly would have been, say twenty-five years ago, — Raphael, Diirer, and Rembrandt. Here is another enigma, seemingly the greatest of them all. To the real student of Diirer, however, — to him who knows the story of his aspi- rations and his struggles, — this apparent enigma is not insolvable. The story of Diirer's life is a sad one, and it expresses itself in his art. The man " full of figures inside " ; the true artist to whom the greatest need of life was to give form to that which was in him ; the spirit that yearned for the truth and longed to see ideal beauty, — living in the sixteenth century in a burgher community like Nuremberg, at the commencement of the Reformation, which tended rather to lead men away from than to- wards art; compelled to work for markets and fairs, where his wares were exposed to the gaze and the criticism of peasants and lansquenets, and others of like ilk, together with " Lebkuchen " and nuts and even less esthetic things, — what an anomaly ! And, moreover, hampered in him- self by the racial shortcomings, intensified by those of the individual, discussed above ! It is truly an elevating spectacle to see so much achieved under such terrible limitations, and our hearts go out in pity towards the man who bravely carries on the unequal struggle, so that we are ready to sympathize with him, even in his defeats. If, however, Diirer had no other claim on the public in general, the argument just advanced might be open to the charge of begging the question, and the universal estimation in which he is held would still be unexplained. We shall, therefore, have to continue our questioning, and viii INTRODUCTION. the answer received is this : It is a patent fact that most of Diirer's de- signs, — and this is more especially true of his engravings, — exercise a strong fascination over the beholder, even while they are not in the least understood, — a welcome assurance that the admiration expressed by those who have not taken the pains to study them is not all mere lip service. It is precisely their enigmatical character which proves to be their strength, and this enigmatical character, again, is due, in the sense now under consideration, to the curious mixture of allegory and realism, of vague idea and definite form, which characterizes them and invests them with the charm of a vivid dream. There is such intense outward life in them that it seems almost impossible not to be able to comprehend them; and yet their meaning is so hidden to us, or so in- tangible in itself, that it evades us at the very moment when we hope to grasp it. It is the lack of this contrast between intangible essence and tangible form that makes all later allegory so distasteful. In it, wrongly so-called idealized forms, — that is to say, forms out of which all individ- uality has been generalized, — are united with unpictorial ideas, and the result is an unutterable insipidity from which Diirer's realism happily saves him. We must not forget, however, that this fascinating incon- gruity is not of Diirer's intending, and we must be careful, therefore, not to impute wrong motives to him. But in this unconsciousness, again, lies part of the fascination of his work, — a fascination which it shares with much of the work of the primitive Italians, — it is naive. There is incongruity, also, in much of the most modern art, but it is conscious, — it is not naive, — wherefore it betrays itself as spurious, and is condemned. II. The Chronology of Durer's Engravings. Our human sympathies, if nothing else, would suffice to explain why we are not satisfied with a general knowledge of the works of an artist whom we admire, but desire also to make his personal acquaintance, and 2 ix INTRODUCTION. to follow him in his development. To be able to do this, it is necessary to arrange the works of the artist in question in chronological sequence. If it had not been for this, there would have been no occasion whatever for the present attempt to make a new catalogue of Diirer's engravings. It would have sufficed to reprint Bartsch's catalogue, which has so well stood the test of time that, out of the lo8 prints listed by him, 102 (Nos. 1-102 of this catalogue) are still by almost common consent ac- cepted as being the work of Diirer, while those which later writers have endeavored to add (see Nos. 109-12 of this catalogue) have been as unanimously rejected. It is evident, therefore, that this time-honored authority has not been departed from because of disrespect. Bartsch has lately been attacked most unjustly. Sir Francis Seymour Haden has attributed a " barbarous and base origin " to what he calls " the Bartschian classification" (see "The Etched Work of Rembrandt." London: Macmillan & Co., 1895, p. 3), and although he refers more especially to Bartsch's Rembrandt catalogue, it is manifest that this harsh criticism affects all of Bartsch's lists. The accusation rests on a misun- derstanding. Bartsch's catalogues are finding lists, and as such invalu- able, and quite unreplaceable by chronological catalogues. The world, or at least that comparatively small part of it which cares for engrav- ing and its history, owes a heavy debt of gratitude to Bartsch for the masterly manner in which he brought order out of chaos and made of a hideous mass of disjointed fragments an organized body. He erred, to be sure, and, being in most cases a pioneer, he did not know every- thing; but it would be the height of absurdity to bring criminal charges against him for these reasons, however necessary it may be to criticize and to correct him. Without such finding lists as Bartsch's no public print cabinet, no private collector, no dealer in prints could get along. Bartsch, therefore, upon whose shoulders stand all who work in the same field, deserves honor rather than obloquy. Finding lists, moreover, may be definite and universally accepted, which chronological lists, in the very nature of things, never can be, X INTRODUCTION. since they will have to be remodeled continually with the growth of knowledge, and must always be influenced by subjective considerations. In the arrangement of the present catalogue and exhibition, either one of at least three chronological lists might have been followed : — Von Ret- berg's, published at Munich in the year 1871 ; the catalogue of the Diirer Exhibition held at the Museum of Fine Arts, in Boston, in the year 1888 (compiled by the author of the present catalogue), and the Rev. Charles H. Middleton -Wake's list, according to which the Diirers in the Fitz- william Museum, at Cambridge (England), are arranged. It was found advisable, however, to disregard all of these catalogues, and even the se- quence now adopted was decided upon only after still another had been laid out and rejected. It will be seen, therefore, that the author has been quite as critical with himself as with others, and he does not hesitate to say that, after another ten years of occupation with Durer's engravings, it is more than likely that he would again discard his present classifi- cation. Concerning Von Retberg's list, it may be said that it is inad- missible, because he occasionally allows his judgment to be misled by mere outward considerations which carry no weight whatever. Mr. Mid- dleton's list, aside from differences of opinion arising in the case of indi- vidual prints, seems to suffer from too great positiveness. No artist's work can be classed according to ironclad rules which subject him to an inviolable law of progress, and deprive him of the possibility of going back to earlier methods, or taking up again a tentative effort which he may have abandoned for the time being. The present writer confesses that he despairs of ever being able to arrive at the knowledge which would make it possible for him to tell whether Durer's "St. Ann and the Virgin" (No. 25 of this catalogue) was executed in " 1498 or early in 1499," and he confesses still further, that he holds such knowledge un- necessary. If we can succeed in arranging an artist's work into fairly correct groups, following one another in tolerably reliable chronological order, we shall have attained all that is needed. It would be well to bear in mind in such cases the modest avowal made by Dr. Lippmann in xi INTRODUCTION. the preface to the second volume of the Diirer drawings edited by him. Not only does he point out the frequent " shifting of the art-historical point of view " in such matters, but he frankly confesses that his own views have already changed in regard to some of the drawings admitted to the first volume. The cautiousness here applied to drawings is quite as applicable to prints or to anything else. In the case of Diirer, the difficulties to be overcome seem, at first sight, to be of the slightest, for out of the 102 plates universally accepted as his only 37 are undated, and out of these 3 can be dated approxi- mately and tolerably closely, on the strength of external evidence. In the arrangement here adopted 13 undated plates precede "The Four Naked Women " (No. 14), with the date of 1497, the earliest date to be found on Diirer's plates. Then follow 14 more of the undated plates, until we come to the year 1503, which appears on "The Virgin Nursing the Child" (No. 29) and the " Coat-of-Arms with the Skull" (No. 30). Between the years 1 504 and 1508, 7 of the undated plates have been intercalated, leaving only 3 to dispose of, which, as above remarked, are approximately datable on external evidence. The plates really to be dealt with, therefore, are 34 in number, and for the ordering of the earliest of these (excluding "The Ravisher," No. I, which has no mark of any kind), the monogram upon them can be relied on to a certain extent. Diirer not only took evident pride in his monogram, but it must be borne in mind also that it was, not figura- tively, but absolutely speaking, his trademark. When, in the year 15 12, he complained to the city council of Nuremberg that copies of his en- gravings were offered for sale, the copyists were ordered to take his mark off their copies, on pain of confiscation ! No copyright law existed in those times, except in the way of obtaining a "privilege," which Diirer did, for instance, for his " Life of the Virgin " and " Small Passion " on wood. As soon, therefore, as he launched out for himself, he began to develop his monogram, which quickly reached its well-known form. (See Thausing, I, p. 344, 2d ed.) xii INTRODUCTION. The earliest marks found on the drawings of the young Diirer are not really monograms. They consist of the initials of his name placed along- side of one another, the very earliest being that on the " Madonna and Angels" (Lippmann, No. i), of the year 1485 : X 4 a capital A, pointed at the top, with a small d beside it. Two signa- tures of the year 1489, on the other hand, "The Cavalcade" (Lipp- mann, No. 100) and "The Three Lansquenets" (Lippmann, No. 2), offer two capitals placed alongside of one another, and on the second- named drawing the A is not even pointed, but rather spreading at the top. It is barely possible that these initials are later additions by Diirer himself, as we know of other drawings that he placed his monogram upon them years after they had been done. The " Orpheus " drawing (Lippmann, No. 159; see Supplementary Illustrations, No. VI), of the year 1494, again has the small d: and the same combination is seen on the " Bacchanal " and " The Battle of the Tritons," after Mantegna (in the Albertina), both also of 1494, while a similar, but rather curious signature : 1 p J is found on a drawing belonging to the year following, a child, copied from Lorenzo di Credi (reproduced by Ephrussi, opp. p. 36). On " The Women's Bath" (Lippmann, No. loi), dated 1496, the two capitals again appear, the A, however, quite pointed; and in the year 1497, xiii INTRODUCTION. finally, on the " Angel playing the Lute " (Lippmann, No. 73), we meet for the first time on a drawing the monogram as subsequently adhered to : that is to say, the D inclosed in the A, and this latter spreading at the top. To the same year belongs the first dated engraved plate, which also has a similar monogram. Turning, now, to the engravings, we may construct from them an evolutionary series, as follows : A 7^ K "M^ 12345 6 7 No. I of this series is taken from "The Holy Family with the Dragon- fly " (No. 2 of this catalogue) ; No. 2 from " The Five Footsoldiers and a Mounted Turk" (No. 3) ; No. 3 from "The Offer of Love " (No. 4); No. 4 from "The Prodigal " (No. 5) ; and No. 5 from "St. Jerome in Pen- ance " (No. 6). Omitting several intermediate stages, which show the gradual spreading of the A, we arrive at the first dated plate, " The Four Naked Women " (No. 14), of the year 1497, from which Fig. 6 is taken. The large monogram. No. 7, finally, is copied from one of the woodcuts of the " Apocalypse," which we know to have been published in the year 1498. If we compare with Nos. 6 and 7 the monogram. Fig. 8, from the "Erasmus," dated 1526 (No. 102 of this catalogue), which is 8 xiv INTRODUCTION. the last engraved by Diirer, we recognize at once with what fideUty he adhered throughout his life to the form adopted in early manhood. (All but the last of the monograms here given were photo-engraved from unsatisfactory tracings, — the one of 1495 from the reduction in Ephrussi. They will do, however, to show the form of the letters, which is all that is needed.) It is apparent from the initials and monograms which we have been able to examine, that, according to the evidence furnished by them, Diirer's earliest mark consists of a very pointed A with a small d along- side of it, and that the monogram, in its final form, does not appear, in connection with a date, upon either drawing or engraving, before the year 1497. After that date it is steadily adhered to, not, however, to the absolute exclusion of slight variations, which occasionally show a return to a more pointed form of the A, as, for instance, on the " Apollo and Diana " (No. 36 of this catalogue). As none of the engravings are marked with the initials, — the A and d or D placed alongside of one another, — the conclusion would seem to be justified that none of them (with the exception of " The Ravisher," No. i, which has neither initials nor monogram) can be earlier than 1495 or 1496, and that " The Holy Family with the Dragon-fly" (No. 2), which still shows the small d, although enclosed within the A, cannot be later. And this date corre- sponds approximately to the time when Diirer settled down permanently in Nuremberg, and established a household, with probably a " shop," of his own. "And as I went away in the 1490 year after Easter," he writes in his family chronicle (L. u. F., p. 8), " thereupon I came back when they counted 1494 after Pentecost. And when I had come home again Hans Frey bargained with my father, and gave me his daughter, named Jungfrau Agnes, and gave me with her 200 fl. and celebrated the wed- ding, that was on Monday before St. Margaret's day [July 7] in the 1494 year." It may be objected, of course, and with perfect truth, that the evidence offered by monograms is of purely external character, and hence, that XV INTRODUCTION. too much weight must not be attached to it. Nor has it been admitted here to any great extent, except for the prints of the first period, the workmanship of which undoubtedly points to the same time. As to Diirer's workmanship in general, an examination of his prints will show that, with increasing command over the burin, he not only strove for greater regularity of line, but that he developed also the coloristic possi- bilities of engraving ; that is to say, he endeavored, by variety of texture, which results from difference in treatment, direction, and combination of lines and dots, to suggest a feeling of color. He was in this a forerunner of the engravers of the Rubens school, who are usually credited with being the first colorists with the burin. As these efforts, however, are more especially noticeable in the dated engravings, and will be pointed out in the discussion of the individual plates, they need not here be dwelt upon. It will be sufficient to name as especially characteristic examples, which may help to make the matter clearer to the student by way of contrast, "The Virgin and Child with the Monkey" (No. 13 of this cata- logue) and "The Virgin sitting by a Wall" (No. 75), — the former a fine specimen of pure black-and-white work, the latter the most developed example of coloristic engraving in Diirer's mivre. It may be stated, also, that towards the close of his life he returned again to simpler methods. But in spite of all the aids invoked, the sequence of the undated plates will always remain a subject for discussion. Plates 1-6, as here arranged, offer no difficulty, so far as workmanship is concerned. No. 2, " The Holy Family with the Dragon-fly," stands apart as regards the design, in consequence, no doubt, of the influence of Schongauer which is appar- ent in it, although others, as, for instance, Springer, detect Italian influ- ences in it. With Nos. 7-10 it is different. The set character of the lining of the flesh in No. 7, "The Penance of St. John Chrysostom," would seem to point to a later time, but the general conception is rather archaic, and the shape of the monogram supports this conclu- sion. The beautiful little Madonna, No. 8, stands quite apart in Diirer's xvi INTRODUCTION. work, and the contrast between it and No. 9, " The Little Fortune," is positively jarring, while in No. 10, "The Little Courier," there is an apparently irreconcilable contradiction between the skilled although simple workmanship and the very archaic conception. In assigning positions to these plates, some influence has been allowed to the char- acter of the monogram. The most serious difficulty, however, is caused by the undoubtedly most beautiful of Diirer's early plates, and, it might perhaps be truthfully said, the most satisfactory of all his Madonnas, "The Virgin and Child with the Monkey," No. 13. It is quite impos- sible to find a fitting place for it, and the one finally chosen, on the evidence of the workmanship and the character of the monogram, brings it into most uncongenial company. It would indeed harmonize better with the surroundings if it were placed immediately after No. 6, " St. Jerome in Penance," but that is inadmissible. The anomalous character of this plate has also been recognized by other writers. Springer (" Zeit- schrift fiir bildende Kunst," 1877, p. 7) says of it that it completely " drops out of the line " of Diirer's other Madonnas. It is this difficulty which leads him to conjecture that the composition is not by Diirer, but was copied by him from some older original. (See below: IV. Was Diirer a Copyist ?) It may appear odd, also, to see the larger plates, Nos. 14-17, all deal- ing with the nude and evidently influenced by Italy or the antique, grouped together, to be followed immediately by quite a series of small plates, all dealing either with religious subjects or with events of Diirer's own time. This sudden break is, however, quite natural. We know that Diirer was deeply interested, even as a very young man, not only in the problem of the human figure, but also in antiquity ; and we know, furthermore, that he was one of those dreamy yet ardent natures which are capable of quite losing themselves in a favorite pursuit, to the forgetting of everything else about them. We can imagine, therefore, how he gave himself up to what his wife merely considered his hobby, and how Frau Agnes, seeing her stores diminish 3 xvii INTRODUCTION. and no profit in view, grew more and more restless, until finally she said to the dreamer, — with a bitter ring in her speech, according to the gospel of Pirkheimer ; with the voice of an angel, according to that of Thausing, — " Have n't you wasted enough time and copper and money on your naked women and your old heathen goddesses ? No one will buy them ! And now the fair is almost upon us, and if I am to keep a booth there, or if you want me to go to Frankfort the coming Easter, what am I to take with me ? Why don't you engrave something for good Christian folk, — some Madonnas and Saints, so that I may have something new to show, — and something that people want? You know what the pedlar said who was here the other day. He went away with- out buying anything, — and what a good customer he used to be ! And besides the saints, there are the Turks and the peasants, about whom everybody is talking nowadays. They would sell, too ! " So what could poor Albert do, — for he knew his Hausfrau was right, — but pack away his naked women and his heathen gods and goddesses, and go at the saints and the peasants and the Turks, — even if he did it with a sigh ? And thus we have an at least plausible explanation for the sud- den change which evidently came over the spirit of Diirer's dreams at this time. The difficulties here discussed are only a few of the leading ones. Others have been pointed out in the catalogue itself That the chrono- logical arrangement has not been absolutely adhered to for the dated plates, — the two series, "The Passion on Copper" and "The Apostles," having been kept together, — will need no apology. It goes without saying, also, that a chronological arrangement is in- dispensable if the works of an artist are to be studied with reference to the progress of his life in general, outward as well as inner. Diirer's printed works are, indeed, far from having the autobiographical char- acter of those of Rembrandt, his own personality being suppressed in them altogether, but they nevertheless conspicuously mark the events of his life, which was more varied than Rembrandt's. In this respect, xviii INTRODUCTION. however, the present exhibition is deficient, as it comprises only Diirer's work on metal, to the exclusion of the woodcuts, of which there are about twice as many. When both are examined together, it is easily recognized how curiously two lines of thought struggle for the mastery over the artist immediately after his return from his early travels, — the one showing him to us apparently bent entirely upon the acquisition of knowledge, and finding expression in such studies of the nude as the "Four Naked Women" (No. 14) and "The Dream" (No. 15), with the " Adam and Eve " (No. 34) as its crowning triumph, all engraved by himself on copper ; the other, and finally, in the course of his life, the conquering one, leading him on to the formulation of his religious con- victions, through the medium of the woodcut as the more popular method of communication with the mass of his countrymen, in such series as the " Apocalypse," published in the year 1498, — contempo- raneously, that is to say, with the studies just alluded to. We would find, furthermore, that the enigmatical compositions like the " Hercules " (No. 17 of this catalogue) are almost wholly confined to the work on metal done in his earlier years, while among the woodcuts there is really only one of a similar character, hkewise called "Hercules" (B 127), and also a work of earlier days. We would be able, again, to trace his early connection with the humanists; we would note the extended activity which he displayed when at the height of his powers, in the service of the Emperor Maximilian, and the position which he made for himself among the scientific men of his time; we would recognize, — as, indeed, we may do also in this exhibition, — the portraits of the celebrated friends and patrons who remained true to him until the last ; and we would finally see him, at the close of his life, giving to the world the result of those theoretical studies which, to his help or to his hindrance, he had followed so assiduously throughout his career. Still more in- teresting, however, than these reflections of outward events, — and to be easily detected even in this partial collection of his works, — are the signs of his inner development, which, in spite of the limitations of his xix INTRODUCTION. nature and his environments, was steadily from the fantastic to the humane, from bizarre variety to greater simpHcity, from whimsical con- ceits and misunderstood antique subjects to portraits and the expression of his own feelings and convictions. On the other hand, it needs no chronological arrangement to convince us, upon the testimony of his works, of the purity of his character, which ennobled also his art. Diirer was vain, — there is no gainsaying that, — but his vanity was of a gentle, so to speak, modest kind, which differed greatly from the vanity, the vice of the time, to which his great and learned friends fell a prey, at the head of them all the Emperor Maximilian, the last of the knights. But of the coarseness of his age there is not a trace in all his authenti- cated works, which is all the more remarkable as his activity as an en- graver and publisher might easily have tempted him to pander to the tastes of the multitude, upon which he was dependent. Ill, The Influence of the Antique and of Italian Art ON Durer. An interesting factor in Diirer's artist life, — all the more interesting, perhaps, because enveloped in uncertainty, and therefore only vaguely traceable, — is the influence exercised on him by Italian art, and, either directly or indirectly, by the antique. That Diirer visited Italy twice is now accepted as a fact by most of the writers who have occupied themselves with him, — the first time, while he was wandering about the world as an obscure journeyman painter, during the years 1490-94; the second time in 1506-07, when his work had already begun to spread his fame abroad. Of the first journey we have no definite knowledge, — only faint echoes of it here and there in his work and a vague allusion in one of his letters. Con- cerning his second journey we are fully informed, through the medium of the letters written by him from Venice to his friend Pirkheimer. But he did not come into contact with Italy through these journeys XX INTRODUCTION. only. An undoubtedly great influence was exercised upon him, or at least a directing impulse given to his studies, by Jacopo de' Barbari, or Jacob Walch e., " Der Welsche," or " The Italian"), as he was called in Germany, himself a somewhat mystical personage, in spite of the critical labors expended upon him, more especially by Ephrussi. That Jacopo visited Germany is a fact. But exactly when we do not know, and it is equally unknown whether Diirer made his acquaintance in Nu- remberg, either before or after his first Italian journey, or whether he met him in Italy. Jacopo de' Barbari seems to have been the first to direct the young Diirer's attention towards the study of the proportions of the human body, but having excited his thirst for knowledge, he refused to allay it, either from ill will or from incompetency. Possibly he was one of those men of whom Diirer in later years warned young artists to beware, — men who talk about things they cannot do. It is certain that Jacopo's art, as we know it from his engravings, betrays a weakly conventional rather than a scientific draftsman. Diirer, speak- ing of his early desire to know what others had written on the subject of proportion, makes mention of him as follows (L. u. F., p. 340): "How- ever, as I find no one who has described anything, except one man, was named Jacobus, was a good, sweet painter, born in Venice, he showed me man and woman, which he had made from measurements, and although I took to mind the idea, how such things might be brought about, yet I could not obtain from him his reason, how he used his art, and although I was at that time still young, nevertheless I took the thing to heart, took up Vitruvius, he writes a little of the members of a man. Thus from the two named above, I searched for it out of my own reso- lution." And again he writes (L. u. F., p. 343): " For this before men- tioned Jacobus would not clearly show me his reason, that I well per- ceived in him. But I took the thing up for myself and read Vitruvius, he describes a little of the members of a man." And in another place (L. u. F., p. 342) he says that he would have given a new kingdom for Jacob's knowledge. This was written in 1523, but although Diifer here xxi INTRODUCTION. calls Jacopo a " good sweet painter," recalling the impressions he had received from him in his youth, there was a time when he esteemed him differently. Writing to Pirkheimer from Venice in 1506, he says: "I let you know also, that here there are much better painters than Master Jacob is out there. But Anthony Kolb [for whom Jacopo had designed the large view of Venice published in 1500, a really very clever work] swears an oath, there lived no better painter on earth than Jacob. The others scoff at him, say : ' If he were good he would stay here.' " (L. u. F., p. 22.) Nevertheless, he thought better of him again in 1521. In the diary of his journey to the Netherlands (L. u. F., p. 170), Diirer notes that in the possession of the Lady Margaret, the governess of the Netherlands, in whose service Jacopo de' Barbari had died, he saw a number of good things, some of them by Jacob Walch. " I begged my lady to give me Master Jacob's little book [probably a sketch-book], but she said she had promised it to her painter." These details are given here because the influence of Jacopo de' Barbari is repeatedly alluded to in the notes of the catalogue, and reproductions of a number of his engravings will be found among the Supplementary Illustrations. Jacopo de' Barbari, however, was not the only Italian artist who in- fluenced the young Diirer, although with no other does he seem to have come into such close contact. That he appreciated and studied Man- tegna is apparent from the pen copies in the Albertina, Vienna, which he made from some of his engravings. (See also under No. 34 of the catalogue.) It is very curious to note how in these copies he trans- lated the straight-line shading system of the ItaHan into the curved line more familiar to himself. An interesting series of copies by Diirer, in the British Museum, London, from some of the so-called " Tarocchi," has been reproduced by Lippmann (Nos. 211-18). Concerning the influence of the antique, and its meaning not only for Diirer, but for the Northern nations in general, see especially the remarks under No. 34, " Adam and Eve." xxii INTRODUCTION. It may seem cause for wonder that Diirer, with the ardent admiration which he evidently had for Italy and the antique, and with his longing for formal Beauty, did not succumb to these influences, like the later artists of Germany and of the Netherlands. But he was too strong a man for that, he had too much of a personality of his own, and so, in- stead of a weakly imitator, he became a great artist, in spite of all his limitations. IV. Was Durer a Copyist? The story of Diirer's life has unfortunately been burdened with a number of questions, which are either of themselves of little or no impor- tance, or which have been or can be definitely answered in the negative, but which, once having been raised, must necessarily be alluded to when- ever his work is spoken of. Among these is the question as to the originality of a number of Diirer's earlier engraved plates : — Are the compositions represented in these plates his own, or did he merely copy them from some older artist ? The plates in dispute are the following nine, here given with the numbers and in the order of this catalogue : lo. The Little Courier. 12. The Promenade. 13. The Virgin and Child with the Monkey. 14. The Four Naked Women. 15. The Dream. 16. The Rape of Amymone. 17. Hercules. 22. The Cook and his Wife. 27. The Lady and the Lansquenet. Of these nine plates versions exist by an engraver who signs with a W. (See No. 14^ .) Thausing endeavored to show that this engraver was Wolgemut, Diirer's teacher, and that his plates were the originals, while those bearing Diirer's monogram were copied from them. He xxiii INTRODUCTION. allowed, however, that the compositions of those of the plates in ques- tion which showed the influence of the antique or of Italy were based on studies or drawings by Diirer, as the spirit which they breathe is entirely foreign to Wolgemut. Colvin and Harck adopted Thausing's conclusions, and Springer also declared Diirer's engravings to be copies, — with this difference, however, that he substituted Jacopo de' Barbari (known as Jacob Walch in Germany, as already stated, whence the W) for Wolgemut as the author of those compositions which, like the " Hercules," betray the influence of Italian art. The question cannot be discussed here in detail. Those interested in it may consult the authors named, as advocates of the copyist theory, while on the other side Lehrs must be heard. (See List of Books for titles.) The argument of the writer last named, that Wenzel von Olmiitz is the author of the W prints, and that they are copies from Diirer, would seem to be conclusive, the most convincing fact being this, that nearly all of the copies of the same subjects, by still other engravers, can be shown to be based upon Diirer's versions, and not upon W's. V. Did DiiRER Invent Etching ? The claim that Diirer invented etching is another of those disturbing elements needlessly introduced into the history of his life and work, alluded to at the beginning of the preceding paragraph. Thausing's attempt to substantiate this claim, — not, indeed, a new one, — would hardly need to be considered, if the authority enjoyed by his in so many ways admirable book had not led other writers on Diirer to follow him unquestioningly. Harzen, in his excellent essay on the invention of etching (in Naumann's " Archiv," 1859), has, indeed, settled the question conclusively ; but Thausing brushes him aside contemptuously, and even states positively that he is wrong in ascribing the invention of the art to the armorers, who used etching for the decoration of arms and armor xxiv INTRODUCTION. long before the process was employed by painters and engravers for the production of printable plates. He adds, on the authority of unnamed connoisseurs, that no armor decorated with etching is known which can be dated before 1520. In view of this state of things, it will be well to give, as concisely as possible, the leading dates and facts involved. They are as follows : Recipes for etching on iron are found in manuscripts of the fifteenth century. (Harzen.) A number of short swords, with etched ornamentation, still preserved at Bologna, must have been made between 1488 and 1506. (Harzen.) The sword of Caesar Borgia, known as " the Queen of Swords," with rich etched ornamentation, the work of Hercules de' Fideli, was made between 1494 and 1498. (Yriarte.) A sword in the Historical Museum at Dresden, also richly etched, and bearing the device of Barbara Gonzaga, who married Count Eberhard " im Bart" of Wiirtemberg in the year 1474, is with great probability attributed to about that period by Mr. Max von Ehrenthal, the director of the museum in question. The same museum owns also parts of a beautifully etched suit of armor, which Mr. von Ehrenthal is inclined to attribute to Hercules de' Fideli, and which, judging from the style of the figure compositions on it, must certainly be of Italian origin and of about the end of the fifteenth century. Harzen has shown conclusively, although by circumstantial evidence, that the Hopfers, of Augsburg, produced printing-plates etched on iron, at least as early as the beginning of the sixteenth century, if not earlier. The earliest dated etching so far known, of the year 1513, "A Girl Washing her Foot," is by Urs Graf. A reproduction of this etching has lately been made at the Government Printing Ofiice in Berlin. Diirer's earliest dated etchings are of the year 1515, two years later than Graf's plate. In justice to Thausing, however, it must be stated, that he could 4 XXV INTRODUCTION. hardly have known about the work of Hercules de' Fideli, and that Grafs etching, although mentioned by Eduard His as far back as 1873 (see " Jahrbiicher fur Kunstwissenschaft," VI, p. 146, No. 8), attracted no at- tention until lately. It may be well to add that the " etchings " which have been attributed to the Master W with the sign somewhat resembling a key, to Wenzel von Olmiitz, and to Hans Baldung Grien, are engravings. A curious reference to " Scheidwasser " (aquafortis, nitric acid) is found in one of Diirer's rhymes, " Von der bosen Welt," e., " Of the Wicked World " (L. u. F., p. 85) : Wer bei Bosen wohnt unverletzt, Den kein Scheidwasser nit fretzt, (who lives unharmed with bad people will not be bitten by aquafortis). The familiar way in which "Scheidwasser" is here used in a simile shows that it must have been well known not only to Diirer, but also to those to whom he addressed himself, at the time when these rhymes were written, which, it would seem, cannot have been later than 15 10. Nevertheless it is usually accepted as a fact that the making of nitric acid, and consequently the knowledge of its properties, was a secret known only to a few at the time in question, and that it was not gener- ally introduced before the thirties of the sixteenth century. (Lippmann, " Kupferstich," p. 49.) But however this may be, the dates above given are not affected by it. VI. The Technical Processes employed by Durer. Diirer made designs for wood-cutting, and himself produced printable plates on metal by engraving, by dry-pointing, and by etching. Of dry- points there are four: "St. Veronica with the Sudarium," dated 15 10 (No. 62 of this catalogue) ; " The Man of Sorrows with Hands Tied," xxvi INTRODUCTION. dated 15 12 (No. 64) ; "St. Jerome by the Willow Tree," also dated 1512 (No. 65) ; and " The Holy Family," undated (No. 66). Of etchings there are six: "The Man of Sorrows seated," dated 15 15 (No. 81); " Christ in the Garden," of the same year (No. 82) ; " The Sudarium dis- played by one Angel," dated 15 16 (No. 83); "The Rape of a Young Woman," of the same year (No. 84); "The Man in Despair," undated (No. 85) ; and "The Cannon," dated 15 18 (No. 89). All the rest of his plates are pure graver work. The dry-point plates would offer no difficulty whatever, if Bartsch had not been curiously loose in his statements about them, — a fact all the more to be wondered at as he was himself a very skilled engraver, — and if Thausing had not beclouded the matter still further by groundless technical speculations. Bartsch speaks of three of these plates as "grave a leau-forte sur une planche de fer," i. e., engraved with acid on an iron plate. Only one of them, the " St. Veronica," he describes as a dry- point. Naturally enough he was followed in this by any number of writers, most of whom are content to sail in the wake of " authority," although Von Retberg and Hausmann long ago pointed out the true nature of these plates. Thausing (II, p. 69, 2d ed.), originally misled, perhaps, by Bartsch's statement, declares them to be etched plates, i. e., plates bitten with acid, which Diirer was compelled to work over with the dry-point, because he did not know how to manage the acid, and therefore underbit them. The fallacy of the argument is obvious, but in order to be able to make this clear, it will be necessary to consider the technic of dry-pointing, and as this technic has never as yet been cor- rectly illustrated, such a discussion will be of special interest to those who care for these matters. It need hardly be said that "dry-pointing" is neither more nor less than scratching on a bare metal plate with a sharp metal point. In etching, a point is also used, but its office in this case is to remove the " ground," that is to say, the thin coating of wax, etc., which protects the plate, and the lines thus laid bare are then bitten in, or, in other words, hollowed out in the plate, by the corrosive action xxvii INTRODUCTION. of a mordant or acid. Etching, therefore, involves the use of a fluid, and hence is a wet process. Scratching with a point on the bare plate, on the contrary, with sufficient force to produce a furrow does not in- volve the use of a fluid. Hence it is a dry process, and as the instrument used is a point, it is called "dry-pointing." It is usually stated that the point, in plowing through the plate, throws up a ridge of copper, which it turns up alongside of the furrow, as the plowshare turns up the earth while cutting the furrow in the ground. This is not, however, strictly correct. In the first place, the dry-point cannot be compared to the plowshare, as it is not pushed through the copper, but is held like a pencil, and is drawn over the copper. The action of the plowshare is, indeed, that of the graver, which is pushed, and throws the copper out of the furrow produced. The point, however, does not remove the cop- per, nor does it turn it up alongside of the furrow, — it merely raises it over the furrow on one side of the point (see Fig. i), while on the other side the pressure produces a very slight ridge. The metal projection thus raised above the surface of the plate is called the bur. Generally speaking, the edge of this bur is jagged, as shown in Fig. 2. It goes without saying that the character of the bur depends on the angle which the point forms with the surface of the plate. These statements are the result of careful investigations made by the writer in preparation for a course of lectures delivered before the Lowell Institute, at Boston, some years ago. It is this projecting bur which catches the ink and prevents the clean wiping of the plate, thus producing the rich velvety effect so highly prized by the dry-pointer. By partly scraping the bur, xxviii I 2 INTRODUCTION. that is to say, by reducing its height, its ink-catching capacity may be reduced, and by removing it entirely this capacity may be destroyed altogether, leaving only the furrow, — the incised line, — which will then print the same as any other incised line, simply producing a well-defined black mark. The wearing of the plate, which gradually reduces and finally obliterates the bur altogether, has the same effect as scraping. Impressions from a worn dry-point plate, therefore, show none of the velvety effects produced by such a plate in good condition. This is very well illustrated by the dry-points in different states here exhibited (see Nos. 65 and 66). We are now in a position to gage Thausing's theory, according to which Diirer first etched these plates, producing lines that were too shallow, and that he then entered these lines with the dry- point, to increase their printing qualities. As the action of the point in 3 the line would have raised a ridge of bur in the line (see Fig. 3), it is evident that such a proceeding would have filled the line, instead of deepening it, and the effect would have been the very reverse of that sought, that is to say, the ink-carrying capacity of the line would have been reduced, instead of being increased. On the other hand, if the lines had been so shallow as to have no perceptible ink-holding capacity, in which case the bur might have risen above them, no artist would have thought of entering these useless lines with the point, painfully following one after the other. In the endeavor thus to save a spoiled plate all the freedom of dry-point work would have been lost, and it would have been much better to take a fresh plate, and begin anew. That the plates now under consideration are dry-points admits of no doubt. There is a peculiarity in impressions from dry-point plates which, if discoverable, can always be relied upon, and which was first xxix INTRODUCTION. pointed out by the present writer in the introduction to the catalogue of the Diirer exhibition held in Boston in the year 1888. The bur thrown up by the point projects above the surface of the copper, so that, in a dry-point plate in good condition and with the bur unscraped, there are two kinds of lines, the sunken lines or furrows which hold the ink below the surface of the plate, and the raised, relief lines of the bur, which hold it upon the surface. If the printer wipes with sufficient force, and the bur lines are not too minute, the ink is removed from the back of the bur. The result in the impression is a series of embossed black lines, produced by the furrows in the plate, accompanied by a series of very fine white lines, pressed into the paper, caused by the relief lines of the bur. The plate may have been so wiped that the back of the bur is still covered with ink, in which case no white lines are seen. But wherever the depressed white lines appear alongside of the embossed black lines, the existence of dry-point work is proven. In the mag- nificent impression of "The Holy Family" here shown (see No. 66^) careful inspection will disclose some of these sunken white lines, and in the impression from the original plate of the " St. Jerome by the Willow Tree" (No. 65^) even the jagged outline of the bur can easily be seen in the strong dry-pointing of the monogram. It may be well to add that "dry-point work" is here used in its broadest sense, that is to say, any process which, by the use of some suitable instrument, produces a bur capable of catching the ink. That Diirer should have dry-pointed only these four plates, and then abandoned the process in disgust, is no cause for wonder. All these things have their philosophy. Diirer had no care for chiaroscuro, and, therefore, really had no use for dry-pointing. It needed the advent of Rembrandt, the great chiaroscurist, to produce the first really great dry- pointer. The " Master of 1480 " or " of the Amsterdam Cabinet," in spite of the many dry-points which he produced, does not gainsay this asser- tion. In the first place, he is an isolated phenomenon ; and in the second place, he used the dry-point merely as a handy substitute for the graver, XXX INTRODUCTION. with no thought whatever of the effects of Hght and shade which it is capable of producing. Diirer's six etched plates need not detain us long. Their technical character is sufficiently manifest, and we know from ocular demonstra- tion that, like the plates of the Hopfers, they were etched on iron (see under No. 82). Again, it is not to be wondered at that Diirer did not take kindly to the process. Great investigator that he was, it was quite natural that he should try all the processes he heard of, and, com- pelled as he was to work for the market, it was equally natural that he should not be averse to labor-saving devices. He, therefore, gave etching a somewhat more extended trial than dry-pointing, and he tried it in various directions: — for religious representations, like "The Suda- rium displayed by one Angel," etc. (see Nos. 81-83), for the enigmatical nude pseudo-classical " Rape of a Young Woman " (No. 84), and finally and very characteristically, after a couple of years' interval, for a popular subject appealing to the interests of the day, " The Cannon " (No. 89). He had' evidently gaged it for what it really was to the many artisan- artists who used it in the sixteenth century, — a cheap substitute for engraving. Hence he used it once more in 15 18 for "The Cannon," which, without doubt, he wished to bring out quickly, so as to turn to profit the momentary interest aroused by this great " dog of war," and then he threw it aside for ever. His care was for subject and for careful elaboration, and for these purposes the graver was the far more congenial instrument. It needed the development of the individualistic spirit, with Rembrandt again as the leader, to make of etching a great art, — the exponent of individualism among all the multiplying arts. Up to the time of the appearance of Thausing's book, it would have been quite unnecessary to consider the technical character of Diirer's engravings. They were acknowledged to be pure works of the burin, and as such they had never been questioned. In the laudable endeavor to heap honor upon his hero, Thausing attempts to make Diirer not only the inventor of etching, but also of xxxi INTRODUCTION. forwarding by etching, that is to saj-, the process of first biting-in the lines of a plate, or of certain parts of a plate, and then finishing the work with the graver, — a process which is generally said to have been first practised by the engravers of the Rubens school, and which is to-day almost universally used by engravers. We have seen that Thausing tried to make out of Diirer's dry-point plates etchings gone over with the dry-point. Having thus failed in his attempt to work with acid on copper, Thausing goes on to say, Diirer began, about 15 14, to etch on iron, and, succeeding in this, he " found in etching a welcome means of reducing the labor and securing the perfection of engraving on copper " (2d German ed., II, p. 70). This, we are told, explains why there is a total change of character in Diirer's engravings from the year 15 14. His older plates yield brilliant black impressions. "This still holds good of the plates of 15 13, the ' Madonna by the Tree,' B 35 (No. 67 of this cata- logue), of the 'Sudarium held by two Angels,' B 25 (No. 68), and of the celebrated ' Rider ' or ' The Knight, Death, and the Devil,' B 98 (No. 69). It is only the later engravings by Diirer which show the peculiar, more uniform, fainter tone, that delicate, silver-gray garb, which gives them such a distinguished appearance. The 'Madonna sitting near the Wall of a City,' B 40 (No. 75), forms, as it would seem, the transition to the new technic. The treatment of this plate is unequal, and shows, especially in the flesh parts of the child and the head of Mary, the sharper, blacker burin lines of the older plates. It takes its position, therefore, close by the border line of the two methods. On the other hand, the ' Virgin with short Hair, upon the Crescent,' B 33 (No. 74), and all the other six coppers of the year 15 14, including such important pieces as the ' Melancholy ' (No. 70) and the ' St. Jerome in the Chamber' (No. 71), belong to the new group. This suddenly appearing difierence presupposes a method differing in prin- ciple. . . . From the evidence at hand, I can explain this difference only by the sharper edges of the burin line, as against the porous limits of the etched line. It would appear, therefore, that Diirer gave up etching xxxii INTRODUCTION. upon copper only in so far as he blended it with his burin work. The dry-point had shown itself insufficient ; he therefore subordinated it to the well-tried burin. He secured to the latter the preponderance, con- tenting himself with a very slight preparatory etching of his engravings, with a view to trimming them line for line and completing them with the graver. Even so the laborious work of the burin would receive con- siderable help, and a method would thus be established which has been practised for centuries. Compare, for instance . . . B 3 1 (No. 44) . . . and B 32 (No. 86), . . . and the great contrast in their general tone will be apparent at first sight. But upon closer inspection evidence of the traces of etching will also be found in the blunter, frayed lines of the plate last named. Experienced collectors and dealers, therefore, have long ago come to the conclusion that the faint gray impressions from Diirer's later plates are preferable to the lush, blacker ones " (2d Germ, ed., II, pp. 70-71). It is significant that Thausing takes as his starting-point the " Madonna sitting near the Wall of a City," B 40 (No. 75 of this catalogue). This plate does hold a special place among Diirer's engravings, but for reasons quite different from the one assigned by Thausing. It was pointed out above that there is a progression noticeable in Diirer's work, from pure black and white to a coloristic effect. As extreme types " The Virgin and Child with the Monkey" (No. 13) and the plate just named were cited. In the former there is almost absolute uniformity of treatment (if we except a slight differentiation in the sleeve of the undergarment of the Virgin, as seen on her left arm), in the latter the variety of tex- ture has been carried farther than in any other plate ever engraved by Diirer. The flesh is treated very simply, — almost wholly line, with but little dotting ; in the garments of the Virgin at least three different tex- tures are noticeable, — and let it be understood here that " texture " has nothing to do with the way in which the drapery reflects the light or breaks into folds, — in the sleeve of the under garment, in the fur- trimmed wrapper, and in the satin-like scarf which covers the head, 5 xxxiii INTRODUCTION. hangs down the back, and is thrown over the knee, and to these must be added the variations in the arrangement and combination of Hnes and dots in the foreground, the wall, and the distant landscape. Thaus- ing evidently overlooked this peculiarity of the plate in question, but, noticing a difference between it and other plates, sought for other rea- sons. It will be sufficient to point out the contradictions in which he involves himself and which are of a nature to destroy the force of his argument. Diirer is supposed to have been led to the use of the dry- point by some of the engravings of the Master of 1480, "the deHcate, bloomy effect of which we must attribute principally to the dry-point " (II, p. 63). But he starts out with etching, and only resorts to the point after its failure. Again, we are told that the richness of these works is best seen in the first impressions before the monogram, while evidently the first impressions must be the barest of all, since the work of the point came in only later. After an interval of four years he began to etch on iron, which necessitates an entirely different treatment of the acid or mordant than etching on copper, and having been successful in this, he applied the process to copper again, but wisely abandoned the point, and instead trimmed every line with the burin. Nevertheless, although the action and the purpose of the burin would be to sharpen and clean the work, and thus to remove the imperfections inherent in the etched line, the traces of etching are still to be found " in the blunter, frayed lines " produced by it. The subject might be dropped here, if Thausing's contradictory statements had not been adopted by later writers, one of whom, Mr. Middleton, the author of the well-known Rembrandt catalogue, even goes beyond him in the extent to which he would make etching a factor in the execution of Diirer's engraved plates. Thus, Thausing expressly names " The Sudarium held by Two Angels " (No. 68 of this catalogue) as one of the plates illustrating his older method, while, according to Mr. Middleton, it "was printed not from an engraved, but from an etched plate — i.e., from a plate in which the design was both bitten in and xxxiv INTRODUCTION. completed with the acid." In the introductory note to his "Catalogue of the Engraved Work of Albert Diirer" (p. 6), in accordance with which, as before stated, Diirer's prints have been arranged in the Fitz- william Museum at Cambridge (England), he summarizes his conclusions as follows : First. He [Diirer] takes up a process already practised, that of direct engraving upon the copper, for the purpose of producing impressions upon paper. Second. He adopts from the armorers the process of etching ; and, as a ready and effective method of producing the desired effect, he com- pletes his work in "dry point." Third. Finding that the plates so treated produced very few even moderately fine impressions, he etches a plate in which the acid shall bite so deeply that, to produce the effect he desires, no further tool work is required. Fourth. He varies the process, and now etches the plate lightly, and after taking a few impressions — the " silvery-gray impressions " — deep- ens the lines with the point. Fifth. He etches upon iron or steel plates, but not finding the result what he desired, he reverts to process 4. No exception, as a matter of course, can be taken to paragraph I of this statement. Paragraph 2 finds its reply in what has been said in regard to dry- pointing; the bur produced in the bitten line would diminish its ink- holding capacity, instead of increasing it. Paragraph 3 must be taken to apply to one plate only, the " Sudarium XXXV INTRODUCTION. held by Two Angels," as " <2 plate " is spoken of in it, and as the plate named is the only one of which Mr. Middleton declares unequivocally that it "was both bitten in and completed with the acid" (see No. 70 of Mr. Middleton's catalogue). If this expression is to be taken literally, it involves the claim that Diirer knew the stopping-out process, the method of laying a re-biting ground, or the reversed process, which begins by etching the darkest parts first and then proceeds to the lighter, and so on to the lightest; but there is no evidence whatever in the six undoubtedly etched plates by Diirer that he was conversant with anything but flat biting. Nor does the character of the lines in the plate in question point to anything but the graver, in their steadiness, in their clean cutting, in the manner of their beginning and ending. This may seem to be simply the meeting of one assertion by another. It is most unfortunate that it should be so. There is nothing left to those interested but to investigate for themselves, and then to judge each assertion in the Hght of the infor- mation obtained. In paragraph 4 the statement is repeated that Durer " etches the plate lightly" and then "deepens" the lines "with the point." These plates, therefore, would differ in nothing from those described in para- graph 2, and the objection raised there would hold good also here. It is to be presumed, however, that "point" in this instance is merely a misprint for " burin." Writing of "The Virgin seated by a Wall" (Mr. Middleton's No. 71 ; No. 75 of this catalogue), he says: "The plate was first lightly etched, and then the lines which should produce the darker shading were deepened with the burin. In the latest impressions the lines have all thus been re- worked." And again of the plate imme- diately following, " The Virgin with Short Hair on a Crescent " (No. 74 of this catalogue) : " The earliest impressions taken from the lightly- etched plate have the silvery-gray tone. . . . Later and darker im- pressions were printed from the plate after it had been re-worked with the burin." There are several objections to be made to these statements. In the first place, the method of proceeding here outlined quite contra- xxxvi INTRODUCTION. diets the ways of Diirer, so far as we know them. The trial proofs from the "Hercules" (No. 17) and from "Adam and Eve" (No. 34) show that he did not carry on his plates as a ivhole, but that he finished one part after another. It may be claimed, however, that he changed his method in later years, and this conjecture does not involve an impossi- bility. But if he executed some of his plates in at least three stages, as it is averred of " The Virgin seated by a Wall," — first lightly etching it, then strengthening the darker shading, and then re-working the whole plate with the burin, — where, it is quite legitimate to ask, are the proofs of these three distinctly different " states " ? Finally, as to the re-work- ing of the whole surface of the plate with the burin, — a terrible under- taking in plates of such delicate character, not at all to be compared with the reentering of the lines, as practised by later engravers ! Mr. Middleton himself, indeed, indirectly recognizes this difficulty. Writing of "The Knight, Death, and the Devil " (No. 69 of his, as well as of the present catalogue), he says : " It has been suggested that to conceal the error [in one of the feet of the horse], he worked the plate over again, hence the dark tone of the earlier \sic !'\ impressions. I cannot accede to this supposition ; it would hardly have been possible to avoid leaving some trace of such re-work, and yet no such trace can be discovered." Is not, then, the question pertinent : Why are no such traces visible in the other plates which are supposed to have been re-worked ? As to paragraph 5, no remarks are needed. Considering all these points, it is impossible to come to a conclusion differing from the statement made at the outset: Of Diirer's plates on metal, four are dry-points, six are etchings on iron, all the rest are pure burin work. Nevertheless, it is an undeniable fact that some of the impressions from Diirer's plates are black, others silvery, while others again show still different qualities. The explanation of these differences is found in the varying methods of printing adopted and developed by Diirer and his printers in the course of time. xxxvii INTRODUCTION. VII. The Printing of Durer's Plates. The different methods of printing exempHfied by the impressions from Durer's plates supply material for a most interesting chapter in the history of printing, — a subject, so far as it applies to the treatment of engraved plates, hitherto almost entirely neglected. This catalogue may claim to be the first in which special attention is paid to it. The conclu- sions arrived at are based on careful studies made in the Departement des Estampes of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, in the Print Room of the British Museum at London, and in the Royal Print Cabinets at Dresden and at Berlin. The notes there made have been tested by an examina- tion of the Diirers in the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston (most of which belong to the Gray Collection, the property of Harvard College), and of the fine collection brought together for this exhibition. Schongauer's plates are printed with an intensely black, strong ink, which, being deposited on animal-sized e., glued) paper, assumes a bright gloss in the heavy lines. Practically, they are clean wiped, that is to say, all the ink is removed from the surface of the plate, so that only the lines drawn by the engraver show black on a white, or at least light ground. Wherever ink was left on the surface of the plate, between the lines or on unworked parts, it was by accident. This is true also of Durer's early plates. Beautiful examples of such clean-wiped impres- sions are found in this exhibition in No. 7, "The Penance of St. John Chrysostom," and No. 13% "The Virgin and Child with the Monkey." In these impressions every line is clean and clear, and even in the most closely worked parts (the darkest shadows) the minute points of copper left standing between the crossing lines produce white points. Not all impressions, however, were as successful. If the plate was not sufficiently close-wiped, the lines were too full, and in the darkest parts they ran to- gether, so that these parts formed black masses. The difference can very well be studied in the four impressions of No. 32, " St. Eustace," of which xxxviii INTRODUCTION. the darker impressions show this " filling." Impressions of this kind, if otherwise clean wiped, present strong contrasts, and collectors are apt to call them "brilliant." (Compare also No. ij*".) The ideal of old print- ing evidently always was the " clean wipe," even in the darkest parts. Whoever has tried his hand at printing knows, however, that the clean wiping of a plate is not as easy a matter as it may seem to be. The first attempts, — and not only the first attempts of amateur printers, — are sure to be " smudged " impressions, — that is to say, impressions, which show tinting or spots where the ink has not been removed from the surface of the plate. Occasionally such an accident will happen also to a skilled printer, and the accident may be a fortunate one. It is most likely to happen in some part of the plate where the lines are tolerably close together, producing a spot of richer color than the engraver intended. Such presumably accidental smudging or tinting may be noticed in No. 8% "The Virgin on the Crescent without Crown." As humanity, however, learns by its misfortunes, its accidents, so did the printers. It was easily seen that this smudging or tinting could be utilized to good purpose, if it could only be brought under control, and the effort was made, therefore, to produce consciously what at first was brought about unconsciously. Such evidently conscious attempts at tinting are sup- plied by No. 9, "The Little Fortune," and No. 33^ "Nemesis." But the printers must soon have become convinced that, with the strong, intensely black ink which they were in the habit of using, tinting under control was quite a difficult thing, and they began, therefore, to experi- ment with softer and warmer inks. A manifestly early attempt of this kind is seen in No. 36, "Apollo and Diana," and later ones can easily be found by the aid of the notes which accompany each print. For the present purpose, it will be sufficient to call attention to No. 94, " The Virgin crowned by one Angel," the two impressions of No. 95, "The Virgin with the Child swaddled," and No. 96, " St. Christopher with the head turned to the left." These impressions show "artificial" printing in the sixteenth century in its highest development. xxxix INTRODUCTION. The change in the consistency and the color of the ink led, however, to still other results. The effect produced was much more delicate, not only because the ink was more delicate, but also because the lines were apt to be somewhat more wiped out. And as, very probably, the two kinds of printing were used simultaneously, and a plate was printed sometimes in the old style and sometimes in the new, the existence of impressions, quite different in effect from the same plate, is easily explained : an impression printed in the old style, with strong black ink, produces a black, heavier effect, another printed in a softer ink produces what is usually called a " silvery " effect. It is not at all an assured fact, therefore, that the "silvery" impressions are the earlier and the black ones the later; it may be said, indeed, that the reverse is more likely to be true. This is evidently so, for instance, in the case of im- pressions Nos. 27^ and 27'', "The Lady and the Lansquenet." The first is a very fine dark impression in pure black ink, the second is much more delicate and silvery, but the fact that it shows slight and even tinting in the saddle-cloth and on the ground to the left betrays it as a later impression. It can be noticed also that in many cases the lines in the black impressions have a rougher appearance than the "silvery" ones. There is such an impression of No. 86, "The Virgin on the Crescent, with Crown of Stars and Scepter," in the Gray Col- lection, Boston: If the darker effect produced by it were due to the reworking of the lines with the graver, the edges of the lines ought to be sharper and cleaner than those of the lines in the silvery impressions, whereas the contrary holds true. The stages of development in the art of printing engraved plates, as practised by Diirer and his printers, may now be summarized as follows : I. Clean wiping, with intensely black, strong ink; 2. Attempts to obtain tinting with such ink, caused by accidents which the printers tried to bring under control; 3. The substitution of softer and warmer inks, which not only produced a softer effect, but allowed also of tinting on parts or over the whole surface of the plate, thus giving rise to " artifi- xl INTRODUCTION. cial " printing. Toward the end of his career, and especially in his portraits, Diirer seems, however, to have preferred again simpler methods, with only very slight tinting. He saw, no doubt, that such artificial printing as may be seen in the two impressions of No. 95 was likely to lead to excess, and he therefore cried halt. It is very curious to note that these skilled sixteenth-century printers stopped short at tinting, and did not also discover " retroussage," that is to say, the spreading of the ink between the lines by playing over the plate with a soft rag after it has been wiped. It was left for the printers of the nineteenth century to make this discovery. Not even Rembrandt knew " retroussage," although he, too, tried his hand at tinting and artifi- cial printing, as we may see, for instance, in the splendid impression of the "St. Francis," B 107, in the collection of Mr. Theodore Irwin, of Oswego. It would have been desirable to illustrate the development of printing as above outlined by actual demonstration, that is to say, by a series of impressions from one and the same plate, in different inks and difierently wiped. To make this demonstration conclusive, however, it would have needed a plate, if not engraved by Diirer, at least approximating his manner. Such a plate, unfortunately, was not obtainable. There have, however, been placed on exhibition a number of impressions of a modern etching, which will serve to show what the printer can do with a plate, — a subject of which the public at large is entirely uninformed, to the detriment of the printer. For further explanations, see Sup- plementary Illustrations, Nos. XIV and XV. The differences in the qualities of the prints from the same plate add to their charm, as they give an individuality to each impression, and allow of the exercise of taste by the purchaser. It goes without saying that Diirer was fully aware of these differences, but it is nevertheless interesting to find that he refers to them. Speaking, in his book on the proportions of the human body, of the impossibility of making two things absolutely alike, he says : " For we see, when we make two im- 6 xli INTRODUCTION. pressions from an engraved copper .... that at once a difference can be found, by which we may know them from one another, for many reasons." (L. u. F., p. 218.) VIII. DuRER's Price-list. As the prices charged by Diirer for his prints are occasionally referred to in the following notes, it may be of interest to group together here all we know concerning them. In the Diary of his journey to the Nether- lands, Diirer has entered also his sales, and from them we can in a meas- ure reconstruct his price-list. The most important sale is that to Sebald Fischer, at Antwerp, from which it appears that his wholesale rates, so to speak, were as follows : — " The Small Passion " on wood, 4 sets for one florin; "The Large Passion," "The Apocalypse," and "The Life of the Virgin," 4 sets for one florin ; " The Passion " on copper, 2 sets for one florin; whole sheets (including such engravings as " Adam and Eve," " Melancholy," etc.), 8 assorted for one florin ; half sheets (" The Great Crucifixion," "The Nativity," etc.), 20 assorted for one florin; quarter sheets (the small Madonnas, saints, and peasant subjects), 45 assorted for one florin. Usually the sales are given in a lump, as " a set of all the copperplates, a Passion on wood, one on copper, two half sheets, and two quarter sheets, sold together for eight florins in gold." Single pieces or sets are priced only occasionally, as a "Passion" on wood, sold for 12 stivers (half a florin), and an " Adam and Eve," sold for 4 (one sixth of a florin). These prices are enough to make an admirer and collector of Diirer's works giddy, and to cause him to wish that he had been born four hundred years ago. And even if we take into account the much greater purchasing power of money at the time, they still remain ludic- rously low. According to Thausing the living expenses of a Nuremberg burgher at the time were computed at 50 florins a year, while a salary of 100 florins a year was considered quite decent, and the yearly income of the highest official of the town, that of the imperial magistrate (Schul- xlii INTRODUCTION. theiss) was only 600 florins. Diirer himself, indeed, hardly considered 50 or even 100 florins enough for a year's living. Writing to Jacob Hel- ler on March 19, 1508, about the picture of " The Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand," just finished for the Elector Frederic, he says: "I worked on it nearly a whole year, and shall profit little by it ; for I do not re- ceive more than 280 florins Rhenish for it. One needs about that for food." Lange and Fuhse (p. 9, note 3) write on the same subject as follows : " The Rhenish gold florin, the value of which had considerably decreased, in consequence of continued deterioration of fineness, is cal- culated for the time in question as having a gold value of 5.36 marks ($1.34). Its actual value in use, which, naturally, was very much larger, is apparent from the fact that about the year 1520 the schoolmasters of Nuremberg received only 20 florins in current coin a year, the ' Schneid- arzt ' (cutting physician, i. e., surgeon) 80 florins, the ' medicus,' 100 florins; the legal advisers of the council, 160-260 florins. The salary of the ' Schultheiss ' (imperial magistrate), 600 florins, was quite excep- tional, and evidently gaged in accordance with the duties of representa- tion. Accordingly, translated into our present conditions, 200 florins would correspond to 4000 marks (z. e., $1000. The text says 6000 marks, but this is corrected in the errata). Perhaps, however, wherever Diirer mentions only gulden, instead of Rhenish gulden, we shall have to understand Nuremberg gulden. These were worth even more than the Rhenish gulden. A piece of the year 1523 has been calculated, from its weight, to be worth 6.80 marks." This would make it $1.70, and accordingly would raise the purchasing power of 200 florins to about $1270. In the introduction to the catalogue of the Boston Diirer Exhibi- tion, the purchasing power of 100 florins in Diirer's time was assumed to be about equal to $1000, and the prices of his publications were accord- ingly calculated as follows : The large woodcut publications, " Apocalypse," etc., in quantities, $2.50 per set. xliii INTRODUCTION. "The Passion on Copper," in quantities, $5.00 per set. The "full sheets," in quantities, $1.25 each. The " half sheets," in quantities, 50 cents each. The "quarter sheets," in quantities, about 22 cents each. The large "Passion on Wood," at retail, $5.00 per set. The "Adam and Eve," at retail, $1.67 each. Accepting Lange and Fuhse's valuation, these prices will have to be reduced as follows: $5.00 to $3.17; $2.50 to $1.59; $1.67 to $1.06 ; $1.25 to 79 cents; 50 cents to 32 cents; 22 cents to 14 cents. IX. The Scope and Value of the Present Exhibition. As before noted, and as the title of this catalogue indicates, only the works on metal by Diirer are included in the present exhibition, to the exclusion of the woodcuts. Of the works on metal all are shown in orig- inal impressions, except, as a matter of course, the few which are unique, or nearly so, and therefore not obtainable. These, however, are repre- sented by facsimiles or copies. The doubtful and spurious works are also included, but they have been placed together by themselves (Nos. 103-12). No attempt has been made to show any large number of copies, beyond the few which happened to be within reach almost accidentally. Nor would the exhibition of such copies be desirable or necessary. Although there are some among them which may be called "misleading," the vast majority are sufficiently bad to condemn themselves. As an object les- son, a few late impressions from the worn plates have been admitted, so as to show how badly some of these plates have been abused, and to warn the intending collector of what he must beware. Even such bad impressions are still sometimes catalogued by unscrupulous dealers as " good " or " fine." The Biographical and Supplementary Illustrations hardly call for special mention. xliv INTRODUCTION. In conclusion, a word of regret, — regret that the fine collection here brought together for the edification and the information of the public, by the liberality of a number of owners, who, in accordance with the policy of the Grolier Club, must even remain unnamed, cannot be kept together. Not only is the quality of the impressions here shown, on the average, an exceptionally high one, but the important and distinctive feature of the exhibition is that of some of the prints two, three, and even more impressions are shown. It is this feature which, — with the aid of the notes of the catalogue, — will enable the visitor to make the comparative study of the methods of printing adopted by Diirer which is quite necessary to the full understanding of the interest offered by these prints, and which supplies the material for a chapter in the history of printing, hitherto, as before remarked, altogether too much neglected. Naturally, in the comparisons which had to be instituted between the different impressions, a frank expression of opinion could not be avoided. When the susceptibilities with which collectors are usually charged are considered, it will be thankfully acknowledged that the gentlemen who have contributed to this exhibition have shown themselves remark- ably free from them. It must not be forgotten, however, that some of the terms used in describing the impressions shown do not really con- vey the unfavorable meaning which at first sight they seem to possess. Even a " smudged " impression, that is to say, one in which the tinting is still accidental, is not necessarily a bad one, more especially if con- sidered as a document in the history of printing, and there is not an impression of this kind in the exhibition which any museum would not be, or at least ought to be, glad to possess. And this again emphasizes the regret already expressed, that this collection cannot be kept together for ever and deposited in a museum. As a rule, museums aim only to have one good impression of each print, and this is why comparative studies can only be carried on with difficulty by examining isolated examples in collections scattered all over Europe. The ideal collection would represent, not only each plate, but also all the various possibili- xlv INTRODUCTION. ties of each plate, — and the collection here shown comes nearer to this ideal than any public collection now in existence. The list of books and papers consulted in the compilation of this cata- logue, given elsewhere, may serve to point out, not only the facilities for the verification of the references in the notes which follow, but also the means for a thorough study of Diirer in connection with the exhibition. The principal references are, naturally enough, to the biography of Diirer by Moriz Thausing, and, for the convenience of those not conversant with German, to its English translation, except where the contrary has been expressly stated. The finding-list at the end of the catalogue will enable visitors to find without trouble any of the prints by, or attributed to Diirer, according to the numbers given to them by Bartsch and Passavant. The abbreviations used almost explain themselves : B stands for Bartsch, R for Retberg, H for Heller, P for Passavant, M for Middleton. Right and left, when used in the description of a print, is always un- derstood to refer to the right and the left side of the person looking at it. The case is different when a person represented in the print is spoken of. "The left arm of the Virgin," for instance, actually means her left arm, although in the print it is seen on the right side. xlvi BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. a NUREMBERG in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. /. View of the western side of Nuremberg, taken from the Haller- wiese, at the mouth of the Pegnitz. " From the low-lying point of view, the observer, facing north, sees, above, the Thiergartner Tower, or the New Gate Tower, which was then still quadrangular, whence the city wall runs toward the right in front, while in the distance, wooded heights extend up to the houses of St. Johann " (Thausing, I, p. 123, 2d ed.). Heliotype from a drawing in colors by Diirer, in the Kunst- halle at Bremen. Above is written " Nornperg," with Diirer's mono- gram, which is, however, a later addition. (Lippmann, No. 103.) 2. The houses of St. Johann, near Nuremberg. Above is written " Sant Johans Kirchn," i. e., " St. John's Church," with Diirer's mono- gram, which is again a later addition. To the right are seen the chapel and the cemetery, where Diirer was to find his last resting-place (Thau- sing, I, p. 123, 2d ed.). Hehotype from the drawing in body colors, by Diirer, in the Kunsthalle at Bremen. (Lippmann, No. 104.) 3. Nuremberg in 1552. Etching by Hans Sebald Lautensack. The inscription over the coat-of-arms reads : " True representation of the praiseworthy city of the realm Nuremberg, against the rising of the sun. 1552." Lauteasack etched also a companion view, "against the setting of the sun." There are other views near Nuremberg by Diirer, drawn, probably, toward the end of the fifteenth century. Of these the " Weidenmiihle" (willow-mill), still existing near the Hallerwiese, according to Thausing; the " Drahtziehmiihle " 7 xlix BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. (wire-drawing mill); a view of the village of Kalkreut; and the " Weiherhaus," near the Gleishammer, east of Nuremberg (Thausing, I, pp. 123-24, 2d ed.), have been reproduced by Lippmann (Nos. 331, 4, 105, and 220) : two of them (Nos. 4 and 220) in the colors of the originals. The "Weiherhaus" was utilized by Diirer in the middle distance of " The Virgin and Child with the Monkey" (No. 13 of this catalogue). Ephrussi mentions furthermore a view taken from the Trockensteg, in the Albertina, and a large view of a village near Nuremberg, in the Bertini Collection, at Milan. b DURER'S FATHER, Albert Durer the Elder. Etching from the painting in the possession of the Duke of Northum- berland, now at Sion House, London. The etching was made by Wenzeslas Hollar, in the year 1644, when the painting was in the col- lection of the Earl of Arundel. The inscription above reads: " 1497. Albrecht Thvrer, the elder, and old 70 years." Old copies of this pic- ture are preserved in the Staedel Institute, Frankfort, and in the gallery (Pinakothek) at Munich. Of the latter there is a lithograph by Strixner. There is another portrait of Diirer the Elder, by his son Albert, in the gallery of the Uffizi, at Florence, which, according to Thausing (I, p. 47, 2d ed.), was painted at the end of Diirer's apprenticeship, and before he started on his wan- derings as a journeyman painter (1490). Ephrussi (pp. 81, 82) describes also a drawing in the British Museum as a portrait of Diirer the father, by the son, and Springer (p. 171) refers to it as a study for the painting in Florence. Lipp- mann, however, does not reproduce it, which shows that he rejects it. A me- dallion portrait of Diirer the Elder, said to have been modeled by the son in the year 1514, is now discredited. (Thausing, II, p. 51, 2d ed.) c DURER'S MOTHER, Barbara Durer. Facsimile of a drawing by Diirer, in the Print Cabinet at Berlin. (Lippmann, No. 40.) The inscriptions may be translated as follows: " 1 5 14. March 19. This is Albrecht Diirer's mother, she was 63 years old, and died in the year 15 14, on Tuesday before Rogation-Day-Week [May 16], at two o'clock towards night." (See about the date of death, under "Melancholy," No. 70 of this catalogue.) 1 BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. d DURER'S BROTHERS. /. Hans Diirer, not, however, the second youngest of the Diirer chil- dren, so often mentioned in Albert's biography, but an elder brother, by trade probably a tailor (Thausing, I, pp. 49, 50, 2d ed.). Photograph from the painting dated 1500 in the gallery (Pinakothek) at Munich. There is also a lithograph of this picture by Strixner. 2. Andrew Diirer, goldsmith, born 1 484 (Thausing, I, pp. 51, 5 2, 2d ed.). Above is written, after the date, 15 14, and the monogram: "Thus was Endres Durer formed, when he was thirty years old." Photograph from a drawing by Durer in the Albertina at Vienna. Another drawing, of a man seen in less than profile, also dated 15 14, and also in the Albertina, is declared by Thausing (II, p. 67, 2d ed.) to be a second portrait of Andrew Diirer, and to have been utilized for the man seen in profile on the left in Diirer's etching, "The Man in Despair" (No. 85 of this catalogue). Ephrussi, however, who reproduces the drawing (p. 177), controverts this opinion. The elder Diirer had eighteen children, but of these only two, besides Albert, were living in the year 1524, when the latter compiled his family chronicle. They were Andrew, mentioned above, and Hans, the second youngest, born 1490, painter and pupil of his brother. Three of the boys had been given the name of Hans. The full list of names, with dates of birth, as noted by their father and handed down to posterity by Albert, can be found in Lange and Fuhse, " Diirer's Schriftlicher Nachlass," pp. 4-7. Of none of them, however, are portraits known to exist, except of Albert, the celebrated painter; Hans, the supposed tailor; and Andrew, the goldsmith. e ALBERT DURER. /. 1484. Photograph from the drawing by Durer in the Albertina at Vienna. The inscription reads as follows : " This I drew from myself out of a looking glass in the 1484 year, when I was still a child. Albrecht Diirer." As Diirer was born in the year 147 1, it follows that he was then thirteen years old. li BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 2. As a youth. Reduced reproduction of the drawing by Diirer, in the University Library at Erlangen. The inscription, " Martin Schon Contrefeit," and the date, 1465, are later additions. A full size repro- duction accompanies the article by W. von Seidlitz (Jahrb. der K. preuss. Kunstsammlungen, XV, pp. 23-26), in which attention was called to this portrait for the first time. (On the same mount are grouped together reduced reproductions of the four earliest known portraits of Diirer by himself. Compare Nos. i, 3, and 4.) 3. 1493. Engraver-etching, by Louis Schulz, from the painting by Diirer in the possession of Mr. Eugen Felix, of Leipsic. Above is written: " 1493. My affairs go, as it stands above," i. e., according to the will of heaven. An old copy is in the Museum at Leipsic. It was this copy on which Goethe based his enthusiastic description in his "Annals" for 1805. For Thausing's speculations regarding the sup- posed connection of this picture with Diirer's marriage with Agnes Frey, in the year 1494, see his first volume, pp. 131-134, 2d ed. 4. 1498. Photograph from the painting by Diirer, in the gallery of the Prado, at Madrid. The inscription reads: "1498. I painted this from my figure, when I was six-and-twenty years old," followed by the monogram. A duplicate, in the gallery of the Ufifizi at Florence, is, according to Thausing (I, p. 187, 2d ed.), a copy. 5. 1498. Etching by Wenzeslas Hollar, executed in the year 1645, from a similar picture, which was at the time in the collection of the Earl of Arundel. The position is reversed, and the inscription, identical as to matter, stands near the lower margin, whereas in No. 4 it is placed under the window, with the date and monogram. 6. 1504, 1505 ? Photograph from the best-known of Diirer's por- traits of himself, in the gallery (Pinakothek) at Munich. According to Thausing (II, pp. 97-98, 2d ed.), "the picture is in very bad condition to-day. Little is left of its original coloring, which, without a doubt, was quite bright and clear. Repainting and brown varnish have given it the look of a picture by a late artist of the Netherlands, who is in lii BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. search of chiaroscuro. Through the black repainting of the background, there may still be seen, on the right, traces of a tablet with curved outlines, and formerly light in color, with an inscription. The present inscription, as well as the monogram and the date, 1500, are falsifications, and have been painted in powdered gold. (The inscription reads : ' Albertus Durerus Noricus ipsum me propriis hie effingebam coloribus aetatis anno XXVIII.') The year 1500 .... is altogether improbable for this portrait of Diirer by himself. This is shown by comparison with all his other portraits and paintings in general, but more especially with the far more youthful portrait of 1498, also by himself, in Madrid. In my opinion the picture cannot have originated before 1503, and not after 1509, — perhaps 1504 or 1505, by way of mere suggestion." 7. Engraving by Frangois Forster, executed in 1822, from the paint- ing in Munich (see No. 6). Dedication proof, with only the engraver's name, inscribed to " Mr. MuUer." 8. Engraving by M. Steinla. The original is not known. Nagler, in the list of Steinla's works, " Lexicon," XVII, p. 207, merely says : " Albrecht Diirer, ^ view, different from the picture in Munich." The probability is that it is a free adaptation of this picture. 9 and 10. 1 508-11. Diirer introduced himself into his three most celebrated pictures, — "The Feast of the Rosary," painted for the German merchants of Venice in the year 1506; " The Assumption of the Virgin," painted for Jacob Heller, finished 1509; and "The Trinity," or "All Saints" picture, painted for Matthew Landauer, and dated 151 1. An outline of "The Feast of the Rosary " is given by Thausing (I, opp. p. 352, 2d ed.). Diirer, who stands in the middle ground, on the right, with his friend Pirkheimer behind him, holds in his hand a large sheet of paper, on which is written : " Exegit qvinqvemestri spatio Albertvs Dvrer Germanvs MDVL," and the monogram. Of the two other figures illustrations are here shown. No. 9 is a facsimile from one of Diirer's studies for " The Assumption of the Virgin," in the Print Cabinet at Berlin (Lippmann, No. 23). On the tablet which Diirer holds is his mono- liii BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. gram, and below it the date, 1508, and the words: " Er selber," i. e., "He himself." On No. 10, an engraving by Lucas Kilian (1579-1637), known as " Diirer's Temple of Honor," the figure from the "Assump- tion" is given on the left, while that from the "All Saints" picture stands on the right, both as they appear in the finished pictures, except that they do not hold the tablets with the inscriptions. The inscription on the "Assumption" reads: " Albertvs Dvrer Alemanvs faciebat post virginis partvm 1509;" that on the "All Saints" picture: "Albertvs Dvrer Noricvs Faciebat Anno a Virginis Partv 151 1." An etching by V. Jasper of the last named figure is also given by Thausing, as a frontis- piece to his second volume. //. 1520. From a portrait painted from life at Antwerp, in the year 1 520, by Thomas Vincidor, of Bologna. Engraved by Andr. Stock, 1629. Thomas Vincidor, or Tommaso Vincidore, was a pupil of Raphael, who had come to the Netherlands with a letter of introduction from Pope Leo X, to superintend the weaving of the tapestries from the cartoons of Raphael and his pupils. It was from him that Diirer first learned of the death of Raphael. The two seem to have become quite intimate, for they exchanged presents, and Diirer gave to Tommaso a complete set of his prints, to be sent to Rome to another painter, who was to send in return Raphael's works, meaning, without doubt, Marcantonio's en- gravings after Raphael (Thausing, II, p. 187, 2d ed.). It is not known what has become of the original. 12. " Albert Durer G".""," i. e., " engraver," and therefore holding a cop- per plate and a burin. Engraved by Edelinck. (R.-D., VII, p. 253, No. 193, 3d St.) Thausing suggests that this " not very exact " portrait may be based on the one painted by Tommaso Vincidore, just described (No. II). 13. A slight sketch made by Diirer during his last illness, and offering quite a pathetic interest from the words written upon it by the patient : " Where the yellow spot is and [I] point with the finger to it, there it hurts me." It is evident that the drawing was sent to some physician liv BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. for his advice. (See Cust, p. 80, for the opinion of a modern physician, Dr. Norman Moore, on the cause of Diirer's death, based on this drawing and on the symptoms, as described by the artist himself.) Heliotype from the drawing, sHghtly washed with color, by Diirer, in the Kunsthalle at Bremen. (Lippmann, No. 130.) 14. At the age of fifty-six years. Woodcut, B 156, published after Diirer's death. Above is the legend : " Albrecht Diirer portrayed at the age of his LVL year." Below twenty-four lines of rhymes, in three col- umns of eight lines each. In the upper left corner is Diirer's coat-of- arms, without date or motiogram. According to Bartsch there are three states of this cut. The impression exhibited is of the second state. As Diirer was born May 21, 1471, and died April 6, 1528, the age given on the cut would place the design at least into the year 1527. Thausing, however, is of opinion that the drawing was made after Diirer's death, possibly with the aid of a death mask (II, p. 295, 2d ed.). That it was not published until after his death is apparent from the verses, and the fact that the date of the artist's demise is wrongly given, — May 6, 1528, instead of April 6, — would seem to argue still further that the cut must have been issued some time after the event, for certainly such a mistake could not have been made so long as its memory was still fresh in the minds of Diirer's friends. 15. A very close recutting (Bartsch's Copy A) of the third state of the woodcut described under No. 14, with the date 1527 and Diirer's mono- gram inserted in the coat-of-arms. This is a very good example of the close facsimiles made by the woodcutters of the sixteenth century, show- ing that they must have understood the art of transferring to the wood the cut to be reproduced. 16. At the age of fifty-six years. Reversed copy, by an unknown en- graver, of an etching made by Melchior Lorch in the year 1550. (See Bartsch, IX, p. 505, No. 10.) 17. Same as the preceding, converted into a chiaroscuro by the ad- dition of a tint block. Iv BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 18. Process reproduction of a drawing from a marble statue by M. J. Ezekiel, an American sculptor residing at Rome, — one of a series of statues of artists, all executed by the same sculptor, for the decoration of the Corcoran Gallery of Art, at Washington. Another portrait of Diirer by himself, of the year 1492, was in the possession of the Imhoffs, at Nuremberg, but Thausing (II, p. 190, 2d ed.) is of opinion that it was a forgery. Numerous suggestions have been made as to likenesses of Diirer occurring in his earlier works. Springer sees him in the Adam in the " Studies for Adam and Eve" (No. 112 of this catalogue), in which he would detect his earliest engraving. He has also been discovered in the young man facing full front in "The Five Soldiers and a Turk" (No. 3 of this catalogue), and even in "The Prodigal" (No. 5). Springer ("Diirer," p. 14) sees him in a drawing of two horsemen, in the cabinet at Munich, and Wustmann points him out in the woodcut which represents Celtes presenting his edition of Roswitha's comedies to Frederic the Wise. (Zeitschrift f. b. Kunst, XXII, p. 193.) Finally, it has been claimed that his representations of Christ are all modeled on his own likeness. The Emperor Maximihan I is said to have complained that every one who could draw a crooked nose thought he could draw his portrait. So Diirer might perhaps complain that every long-headed young man with flowing curls was supposed to be he. As to the shape of Durer's head, and as to his countenance in general, the portraits here brought together, mostly by his own hand, give curious evidence. Did his head shrink, and change, from an almost abnormally long one to a round one ? Or did he flatter himself in his earher portraits ? Great and good man that he undoubt- edly was, it cannot be denied that even he was tainted, however mildly, by the leading vice of his age, — vanity (see Introduction, p. xx), and, considering the praise showered upon him during his Ufetime, the fact that he was not utterly spoiled shows his goodness still more markedly. It is quite likely, therefore, that he did flatter himself. Did he, possibly, not set his teeth, when he painted or drew his portrait, thus lengthening the lower part of his face ? But even this assumption does not entirely remove the difficulties which stand in the way of reconcihng these different portraits. The two earliest drawings of himself (Nos. • I and 2), as a boy and as a youth, show a very long head, and it is not to be supposed that he was even then trying to flatter himself. On the other hand, the portrait of 1493 (No. 3), which is of all his portraits the most frank, the most ingenuous, certainly shows a somewhat rounder head than either those which precede it or the one which immediately follows, of the year 1498, in which we see him arrayed in the garb of a " dandy " of his day (No. 4). But the palm is carried off in this respect by the celebrated Munich portrait (No. 6); Ivi BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. and this again is flatly contradicted by the only portrait which we have of him, painted from life by another artist, — that by Tommaso Vincidore, executed in Antwerp, in 1520. The later portraits, such as the woodcut published after Diirer's death (No. 14), are quite in harmony with this of the year 1526, but in the little sketch sent to the physician (No. 13) Diirer himself again reverts to an indication of his earlier looks. Did he possibly lose his teeth comparatively young ? That would certainly affect the lower part of the face very decidedly, and quite in a contrary sense to the suggested artificial lengthening in earlier days. f DURER'S WIFE, Agnes Frey. /. Inscribed " Main Agnes," i. e., " My Agnes," followed by the monogram, which, judging from the shape, would, however, seem to be a later addition. This is supposed to be the earliest drawing extant of the young wife of Albert. It shows her in her kitchen costume, the head supported on the right hand, as if she had fallen asleep from sheer exhaustion by her housework. Thausing (I, p. 142, 2d ed.) supposes it to be a joke by the young husband. Photograph from Diirer's drawing in the Albertina, at Vienna. 2. Facsimile of a drawing by Diirer in the Kunsthalle at Bremen (Lippmann, No. 113). Thausing (I, p. 142, 2d ed.) mentions such a drawing, but says of it that it presents " still the same narrow girl-face with the straight nose" as No. i. Ephrussi, who reproduces the draw- ing under the title "Portrait d' Agnes Frey," says (p. 35) that it shows her "somewhat more aged" and "impressed by a precocious gravity," while Lippmann describes it as the portrait of a woman with " lean, sickly look," and suggests that it may be the sister of Agnes, Catherine. 3. 1500. Photograph from a drawing in colors by Diirer, in the Ambrosiana, at Milan. There is no date, but the year 1500 is probable, in view of the drawing described under No. 5. Agnes Diirer here appears, according to Thausing (I, p. 143, 2d ed.), "as the tidy, chaste housewife, with head and eyes lowered, in white cap and apron, in green, richly trimmed dress, over it a red shoulder cloth, trimmed with black, at the belt the well-filled leather pouch, in the hand a large handkerchief." 8 Ivii BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 4. 1500. According to Thausing (I, p. 143, 2d ed.), the drawing just described served Diirer as a model for one of the costume drawings, in color, in the Albertina, at Vienna. The wood-engraving in colors here shown, by F. W. Bader, of Vienna, from the drawing as stated, makes it evident that the Milan and the Vienna drawings are almost identical. Above is written: "Thus they dress in the houses, Nurem- berg." Date assumed, as under No. 3. 5. 1500. Another of Diirer's costume studies in the Albertina, for which his wife is supposed to have served him as a model. Above is written: "Think of me in your kingdom, 1500. Thus they go to church at Nuremberg." Wood-engraving in colors, by F. W. Bader, of Vienna, from the drawing as stated. 6. 1500. A third costume study, for which again Agnes Diirer is supposed to have served as a model. Original in the Albertina. The inscription on it reads : " Thus the women of Nuremberg go to the dance, 1500." Wood-engraving in colors, by F. W. Bader, of Vienna, from the drawing, as stated. 7. 1504. Above, under the date, Diirer's monogram and " Albrecht Diirerin." This silver-point drawing shows Agnes Diirer, according to Thausing (I, p. 144, 2d ed.), " in full development and in the flower of her beauty." Facsimile of the drawing by Diirer, in the collection of Dr. Blasius, at Brunswick. (Lippmann, No. 133.) 8. 1 52 1. In the Netherlands Diirer bought various pieces of finery for his wife, among others, in Bergen-op-Zoom, on December 3, 1520, " a Netherlandish thin kerchief for the head." In this head-dress, well known from pictures of the Flemish school, according to Thausing (II, pp. 191, 192, 2d ed.), Diirer portrayed his wife, upon his return to Antwerp. The facsimile here shown is from the original in the Print Cabinet, at Berlin. (Lippmann, No. 64.) The inscription reads as fol- lows : " Albrecht Diirer drew this from his wife at Antwerp in the Neth- erlandish dress in the year 1521, when they had been married XXVII years." Iviii BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 9, 1 52 1. Photograph from a leaf from the sketch-book used by Diirer during his journey to and from the Netherlands, original in the Court Library, at Vienna. On the right is Agnes Diirer, over whose head is written: "On the Rhine, my wife, near Boppart." Above the head of the young girl on the left are the words : " Kdlnisch gepent," i. e., " Co- logne binding," showing the way in which the girls at Cologne used to bind up their hair. The drawing was made on the return journey. It is the last portrait we have of Diirer's "aged wife" (Thausing, II, pp. 206, 207, 2d ed.). Mention is made also of a medallion likeness of Agnes by her husband, but, like all the other things of this kind, it is now looked upon as a falsification (Thau- sing, II, p. 51, 2d ed.). Diirer's wife, on the testimony of the undoubtedly prejudiced, aged, gouty, and therefore testy Pirkheimer, has for centuries en- joyed the reputation of being a sixteenth-century Xantippe, who, if she did not directly kill her husband, was at least the cause of hastening his death, and who certainly led him a sad Hfe, by reason of her cupidity and her acrimony. Later writers, and more especially Thausing, have gone to the other extreme, and have made of her, if not an angel, at least a most exemplary, faultless housewife, and besides this spiritual beauty, they have claimed for her also fleshly beauty. Her youthful portraits do show that she was not uncomely, but she can hardly be called a beauty. She simply had the attractiveness of all well-developed, healthy female bodies. As to her spiritual beauty, it is to be feared that the later portraits bequeathed to posterity by her husband will not help to substan- tiate all the claims advanced in her favor by her latter-day advocates. Even the evidently flattered drawing " in the Netherlandish dress " reveals the coun- tenance of a woman who knows her mind, which, to be sure, is not a fault, if the mind be all right. But in the portrait drawn on the Rhine there is a sullen, — one is tempted to say a somewhat malignant, — expression, which makes us sigh for poor Albert. Even if not a Xantippe, this woman cannot have been a fit companion for the dreamy, speculative, ardent spirit which dwelt in the body of her husband. g DURER'S COAT-OF-ARMS. Reduced reproduction of the woodcut, B 160, dated 1523 (from Cust, p. 9). "In the year 1523," writes Thausing (II, p. 269, 2d ed.), " Diirer devoted a nice large woodcut to his own coat-of-arms, with the BIOGRAPHICAL ILLUSTRATIONS. open door on the tri-mountain (' Dreiberg ') surmounted by the torso of a negro. It is the same coat which was used already by his father, who may even have brought it with him from his Hungarian home, for the ' Dreiberg ' is an attribute frequently occurring in Hungarian coats." The door on the escutcheon involves a pun, being an allusion to Diirer, or Thiirer, as the name may also be written, the English equivalent of which would be "Doorer." A slight drawing of Diirer's coat-of-arms is in the British Museum. (Lippmann, No. 264.) The family coat-of-arms, that is to say, the Diirer coat allied to an- other, which latter is supposed to be that of Diirer's mother, is painted on the back of the portrait of Albert Diirer, the elder, by his son, in the gallery of the Uffizi, at Florence. For a full description see Thausing, I, p. 45, 2d ed. h DURER'S HOUSE IN NUREMBERG. Etching by J. C. Erhard, 1 8 16, from a drawing made by J. A. Klein, in the year 181 5. This is the house in the Zistelgasse, near the Thier- gartner Gate, bought by Diirer on June 14, 1509, formerly owned by Bernhard Walther, the astronomer, and still known as the " Diirer House" (Thausing, I, p. 150, 2d ed.). The house which the elder Diirer bought on May 12, 1475, which his celebrated son spent his childhood and youth, is also still standing. It was known in the sixteenth century as the corner house of the goldsmith, Peter Kraft, " unter der Vesten," /'.