Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/nnemoirsofhoratioOOcoxe MEMOIRS OF HORATIO, LORD WALPOLE. • Engrav'.d Oy J Coilyer, H O It ^VT 1 C) O M r> WAI^ l» O J. K J''>-o/n Pont-y-Pool Park, communicated by the kindness of Capel Han- bury Leigh, Esquire, I derived many curious anecdotes; and have been enabled to give to the Public some interesting letters of Mr. Fox, afterwards Lord Holland. The principal documents from which I have compiled these Me- moirs, being in manuscript, I have had little occasion to draw my materials from printed narratives ; but I have not omitted to cite those authors on whose testimony I have advanced any material fact. During the aera of the Walpole administration, I have avoided, as much as possible, a repetition of the same events and reflections which xvi PREFACE. which occur in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole ; but have prin- cipally confined myself to those foreign transactions and domestic incidents, which did not fall within the plan of that work, or tended to illustrate the conduct and character of Lord Walpole. From the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, I have expatiated more largely on the History of the Times. I have attempted to de- velope the characters and administrations of Lord Granville, Mr. Pel- ham, and the Duke of Newcastle ; to sketch the state of parties, par- ticularly the contests for power between Lord Granville and the Pelhams, and between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox ; and to form a con- nected narrative of political transactions, from 1742, to the death of Lord Walpole in 1757. With this view, besides the Correspon- dence of Lord Walpole, I have introduced various letters from the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Fox. I therefore hope that this Work, which may be considered as a companion and supplement to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, will not only place the talents, character and services of Lord Walpole in a new point of view, but will throw additional light on a period of English History, of which we have few authentic documents. The Plates in this Work are all taken from Portraits, many of which have never been engraven ; and for which I beg leave to return my thanks to the possessors of the originals, Lord Walpole, and Marquis Tovvnshend ; the Earls of Hardwicke, Chol- mondeley, and Chichester ; the Countess of Waldegrave, the Hon. Mrs. Darner, and the Hon. Miss Robinson j Cresset Pelliam, Esq. and Capel Hanbury Leigh, Esq. [ xvii ] COJVTEJVTS. Page Chap. 1....1G78,-1714. Family — Birth — Education — Commences the Study of the Law — Accompanies General Stanhope to Spain — Relief of Barcelona — Anecdote of the Archduke Charles — Becomes Secretary to Mr. Boyle — Secretary to Lord Townshend and the Duke of Marlborough at the Congress of Gertruydenberg — Retires on the Dis- mission of the Whig Ministry — Takes his Seat in Parliament — Supports the Whigs 1 Chap. 2....1714,-1722. Zeal of Mr. Walpole In Support of the House of Brunswick — Appointed succes- . sively Under Secretary of State, and Secretary to the Treasury — First and Second Mission to the Hague — Account of the Government of the United Provinces — Mr. Walpole's Journey to Hanover — Change of Ministry, and Resignation of Mr. Walpole — His Conduct in Opposition — Again comes into office — Third Mission to the Hague - -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 9 Chap. 3....1723. Mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris — Subjects of his Correspondence — Character of the Duke of Orleans, and Detail of the principal Events which led to the Union between France and England — Account of Torcy — Recal of Lord Stair — and Mission of Schaub to Paris — Administration, Death, and Character of Du Bois — The Duke of Orleans becomes Prime Minister — Contest for Pre-eminence in the British Cabinet - _ 22 Chap. 4....1723. State of the French Court, and Character of the Ministers, on the Arrival of Mr. Walpole at Paris — Embarrassments from Sir Luke Schaub, and from the Affair of the Dukedom — Confidential Intercourse with Count Noce and the Duke of Orleans — Sudden Death of the Duke of Orleans - -- -- -- -- -35 c xviii CONTENTS. Fttge Chap. 5....l723,-n24'. The Duke of Bourbon becomes Prime Minister — His Character and Principles — Influence of Madame De Prie — General Account of the New Administration — Marshal de Villars — Paris Du Verney and his three Brothers — Change in the Conduct of Louis the Fifteenth — Rise and Ascendancy of Fleury — Extracts from Mr. Walpole's Private Letters relating to the State of the Court, and to the Mo- tives of his own Conduct — First Conference with Fleury - -- -- -- -46 Chap. 6.... 1724,-1725. Situation and Views of Lord Bolingbroke — Mr. Wal-pole declines his Intervention with the Duke of Bourbon — Extracts from his Letters relating to various Conver- sations with Bolingbroke, on the State of Affairs in the French Court, and on his own Exile — His complete Restoration prevented by Sir Robert Walpole - - - 60 Chap. 7....1724. Embarrassments and Uneasiness of Mr. Walpole, from the Jealousy of Sir Luke Schaub, and the Affair of the Dukedom — Extracts from his Letters — Appointed Embassador to the Court of France — Schaub recalled — Carteret removed, and the Duke of Newcastle appointed Secretary cf State - -- -- -- -- 12 Chap. 8.... 1724-. Influence of Mr. Walpole in excluding Torcy from the French Councils — Views of Philip the Fifth on the Crown of France — Embassy of Marshal Tesse to Madrid — Abdication of Philip — Conferences with Fleury on that Event ----- 80 Chap. 9.... 1724,-1725. Dismission of the Spanish Infanta, the intended Bride of Louis the Fifteenth — ^Views of the Duke of Bourbon in favour of his Sister — Opposition and Conduct of Fleury — Alarm of the Duke of Bourbon on the French King's Illness — Proposals for an English Princess ; declined by George the First — Mr. Walpole's Correspondence — His Conferences with Fleury — Marriage of Louis the Fifteenth with the Daughter cf Stanislaus Letzinski - - -86 Chap. 10....1725. Resentment of Philip the Fifth on the Dismission of the Infanta — His Negotiations with the Emperor — ^Treaties of Vienna and Hanover — Influence of Mr. Walpole in the Counsels of France — Retreat and Recal of Fleury - -- -- -- -97 CONTENTS. XIX Page Chap. 11. ...1726. Mr. "Walpok supports tlie Treaty of Hanover in Parliament — Deaths of his Sister Lady Townshend and of his Brother Galfridus — Transactions of the AUies of Hanover and Vienna — Reciprocal Preparations for War — Mr. Walpole's Return to Paris — Divided State of the French Ministry — False Suspicions of Intrigues be- tween Fleury and the Court of Spain — Fall of Ripperda -------- IQ^) Chap. 12....1726. Dismission of the Duke of Bourbon — Correspondence of Mr. Walpole on that Sub- ject — Conference with Fleury - -- ----------__-ll8 Chap. 13....1726. Commencement of Cardinal Fleury's Administration — Council of State — Characters of Marshals Tallard and D'Uxelles — Continuation of Mr. Walpole's Influence - 133 Chap. 14....1726,-1727. Proceedings in Parliament relative to the Treaties of Vienna and Hanover — Embar- rassments of Cardinal Fleury — His Declarations to Mr. Robinson — Mission and Character of the Abbot Montgon — ^Uncertain State of the French Cabinet — Siege of Gibraltar — Successful Representations of Mr. Walpole — Vigorous Resolutions of the French Court — Measures of the Hanover Allies — Preliminaries of Peace signed at Vienna — Death of George the First - -- -_-_____i38 Chap. 15.... 1727. Critical Situation of Mr. Walpole on the Death of George the First — Cabals of the Jacobites at Paris— Rumours of a Change in the British Administration — Confer- ence with Fleury — Letter from the Cardinal — Departure of Mr. Walpole — Arrival in London, and Audience of George the Second — Letter from the King to the Cardinal — From Mr. Robinson to the Duke of Newcastle — Mr. Walpole returns to Paris — Spain refuses to ratify the Preliminaries — Opposite Views of the Allies of Vienna and Hanover — Warlike Preparations — Anecdotes of Marshal Berwick 150 Chap. 16.,..1727,-1730. ReconciUation between France and Spain — Dismission of Morville — Rise and Cha- . racter of Chauvelin — Dissatisfaction of Mr. Walpole — Extract from his Apology on the remaining Period of his Embassy, and the Conclusion of the Treaties of Seville and Vienna — His Return to England — Succeeded by Lord Waldegrave — Mr. Robinson appointed Envoy to the Court of Vienna - - - - - - - -161 c 2 XX CONTENTS. Chap. 17,. ..1730,-1735. ^Ir. "VValpole appointed Cofferer of the Household — Sent privately to the Hague — Object of his Mission — Nominated Embassador — Difficulty of his Situation — Cha- racters of Slingelandt and Fagel — Views of the Prince of Orange — ^Mr. Walpole's Account of his Negotiations _-_-_-----_-_-__l72 Chap. 18....1736,-1737. Letter from Mr. Walpole to Queen Caroline — He remonstrates against the prema- ture Communication of the Plan of Pacification to the Imperial Court — Relates his Efforts to re-establish the Union between England and Holland, the Origin of the Secret Convention, and his various Negotiations at the Hague — Extracts from Queen Caroline's Letters to Mr. Walpole Continuation of Mr. Walpole's Apology — He accompanies the King to Hanover as Secretary of State — Danger of the King in his Passage from Helvoetsluys — Letters from the Princess Amelia and Queen Caroline — Mr. Walpole's Remarks on Sir John Barnard's Bill - 180 Chap. 19.... 1736,-1737. Embarrassments of Mr. Walpole from the Views of the Prince of Orange — Arrange- ments relating to the Jointure of the Princess of Orange — Correspondence with Sir Robert Walpole and the Princess on that Subject — Application of the Prince of Orange to obtain Promotion in the Dutch Army — Extracts of Letters from the Princess to Mr. Walpole, and from Mr. Walpole to the Queen — Corre- spondence of Mr. Walpole on the Illness and Death of Queen Caroline - - - 186 Chap. 20.. ..1738,-1739. Mr. Walpole supports the Spanish Convention in Parliament — Returns to the Hague — Disgusted with his Situation — Quits his Embassy — Honourable Testi- mony of the States to his good Conduct - -- -- -- -- -- -- 202 Chap. 21....l739,-l74-0. Mr. Walpole returns to England — Supports the Convention with Spain — Proposes an Alliance with Prussia — Origin and Progress of the Antipathy between the Houses of Brunswick and Brandenburgh — Death of Frederick-William — Plan of a Grand Alliance - -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- - 211 Chap. 22....1740. Death of the Emperor Charles the Sixth — Accession of Maria Theresa — Motion iu CONTENTS. xxi Parliament for tne Augmentation of Troops — Speech of Mr. Walpole — Invasion of Silesia by Frederick the Second — Attempts of the British Cabinet to reconcile Austria and Prussia — Mr. Walpole's Letter to Mr. Robinson on the Conduct of the Austrian Court — Combination against Maria Theresa — Convention of Neu- trality with Prussia — Mr. Walpole appointed Teller of the Exchequer - - - -219 Chap. 23....1741,-1742. Letters of Mr. Walpole to Mr. Trevor, on the Neutrality of Hanover, on the Feuds in the Cabinet, and on the State of Foreign and Domestic Affairs — Mr. Walpole destroys many of his Papers on the Resignation of his Brother ------ 230 Chap. 24....1743,-1744. Mr. Walpole supports the Vote of Supply for the Maintenance of the Hanoverian Troops, and opposes the Motion for their Dismission — Divided State of the Ministry — Motives of his Conduct — Mr. Pelham appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer — His Character — Attempt of the French to invade England — Zeal of the Parliament and Nation ------ 246 Chap. 25.. ..1744. Extracts from Mr. Walpole's Letters to Mr. Trevor, the Rev. Mr. Milling, and Mr. Yorke, on the Situation of Domestic and Foreign Affairs ------ 259 Chap. 26.. ..1744,-1745. Struggles in the Cabinet between Lord Granville and the Pelhams — Ineffectual At- tempts of Granville to gain the Tories and the Whigs of the Walpole Party — His Dismission extorted from the King — Review of his Character and Measures — Letters from Mr. Walpole to Mr. Trevor ----------- - 266 Chap. 27... .1745. Sketch of Domestic and Foreign Affairs — Rapid Progress of the Rebels — Weak and Divided Efforts of the Ministry — Letters from Mr. Pelham and Mr. Fox — Correspondence of Mr. Walpole - 282 Chap. 28. ...1746. Attempts of the Earls of Bath and Granville to overturn the Pelhams — Short Admi- nistration of Lord Granville — Restoration of the Old Cabinet— The King's Indig- nation against Lord Harrington— Mr. Walpole's Memorial to the King in favour of Mr. Pitt— Return of Mr. Trevor to England 292 xxii CONTENTS. Pag! Chap. 29....174.6. Divisions in the Cabinet — State of Foreign and Domestic AfFairs displayed in the Correspondence between Mr. Walpole and Mi". Pelham - -- -- -- - 306 Chap. 30.. ..1746,-1747. Mr. Walpole inculcates the Necessity of forming an Alliance with Prussia — His first Letter to the Duke of Cumberland — Extracts of Letters from Mr. Pelliam - - 32 1 Chap. 31....1747. Second Letter from Mr. "Walpole to the Duke of Cumberland — Substance of the Third Letter 331 Chap. 32....1747. Conference with the Duke of Cumberland — Correspondence with the Duke of New- castle — Unexpected Signature of the Preliminaries — Peace of Aix la Chapelle - 343 Chap. 33....1748. Satisfaction of Mr. Walpole on the Marriage of his Son with Lady Rachel Cavendish — Character of the Duke of Devonshire — Letter to Mr. Yorke — Speech on the Grant of 100,0001. to the Oueen of Hungary — His Scheme for the Security of the Netherlands — Paper on the Causes of the Peace — Letter from Bishop Seeker 362 Chap. 34....1747,-1751. State of the Cabinet — Dismission of Lord Harrington — Succeeded by the Earl of Chesterfield — His Political Life and Character — Resignation — Duke of Bedford becomes Secretary of State — Motives for his Appointment — Influence of the Duke of Cumberland — Party of Leicester-house - -- -- -- -- -- -372 Chap. 35... .1748,-1751. Conduct of Foreign Affairs — Attempts of the Cabinet to procure the Election of the Archduke Joseph to the Dignity of King of the Romans — Subsidiary Treaties with the Electors of Germany — Mr. Walpole and Mr. Pelham disapprove these Measures — Mr. Walpole's Memorial to the King 383 Chap. 36....1751,-1753. Speech of Mr. Walpole on the Grant of a Subsidy to the Elector of Bavaria — Letter from Mr. Pitt — Conduct of Mr. Walpole on the Marriage Act — Letter from Archbishop Herring - -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 397 CONTENTS. xxiii Chap. 37....1754.. Coolness between Mr. Walpole and Mr. Pelham — Death of Mr. Pelham — Conse- quences of that Event — Cabals for the Management of the House of Commons — Rise and Character of Mr. Pitt — Contests with Mr. Fox — Arrangement of the New Administration — Sir Thomas Robinson Secretary of State — Opposed by Pitt and Fox — Resigns, and is succeeded by Mr. Fox — Dismission of Mr. Pitt - - 408 Chap. 38....l754.,-n55. Mr. Walpole Is eagerly courted by the Duke of Newcastle — Letter from the Duke on the Encroachments of the French in America, and on the Contests for Pre- eminence in the House of Commons — Anxiety of Mr. Walpole to prevent the Departure of the King — At a Conference with the Ministers, reads his Thoughts on the Situation of Affairs — Letter to the Duke of Newcastle on the same Subject — Departure of the King for Hanover _------_--___4.l9 Chap. 39....1754,-1755. Mr. Walpole writes his " Answer to the latter Part of Lord Bolingbroke's Letters on the Study of History." — Correspondence on that Subject ------- 430 Chap. 40....1755. Ineffectual Endeavours of Mr. Walpole to reconcile the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt — State of Foreign Affairs — Alliances between England and Prussia, and the Houses of Austria and Bourbon — Contests for the Office of Secretary of State — Resignation of Sir Thomas Robinson, and Appointment of Mr. Fox — Dismission of Mr. Pitt and his Party — Changes in the Administration — Letters of Mr. Wal- pole to the Lord Chancellor — His Services in Support of Government - - - - 439 Chap. 4L... 1755,-1756. Mr. Walpole strenuously supports the Militia Bill — Created a Peer — Congratulatory Letter from Archbishop Herring, and his Reply — Prevents the Corporation of Norwich from joining in the Addresses to the King on the Loss of Minorca - - 450 Chap. 42.. ..1756,-1757. Resignation of the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Fox — Airangement of the New Administration — Mr. Pitt Secretary of State — Lord Walpole's Letter to Lord Hardwicke on his Resignation — Illness, Death and Character of Lord Walpole — Family, Marriage, and Genealogical Table of his Descendants ------ 460 ERRATA. Page 9, line 11, for there ivard, read the reivard. 11,1. 25, for to r.vhoni read to ivLich. 27, 1. 19, read to the Whigs. 40, 1. 12 of the Note, for Mrs. Behu read Mrs. Behn. 47, for /"W/read Prie, as also wherever the name afterwards occurs. Ibid, last Hne but three of the Note, read fanf.iron jjhin de caur." 51, 1. II, foi instantly Te'dd gradually. 60, head of the chapter, line 4, after restoration add prevented, 64, 1. 8 from bottom, for re-view read revive. 92, 1. 19 lor majesty's read majesty. 138, 1. 7 from bottom, for Bam read Balm. 208, last line, dele /or. 218, 1. 2, for •mould rene-.v read reneiv. 225 to 247. Chapters 24, 25 and 26, in the running title, should be 21, 23 and 24. 237, 1. 19, for vieivs read neivs. 242, the letter dated October 21, 1 740, should be placed in the preceding chapter. 256, 1. 15, for a question read the question. 264, 1. 20, after Flanders a semi-colon. 293, line last but one, for M^innington read Wilmington. 266, line 13, for this division read this diversion. 295, last line of the first column of the note, for descended iz^d-ivere left. 303, 1. 19, for point read fault. 346, 1.8, after servant di comma. 367, 1. l,for establishment read established. 398, last line, for not promising read for promising ntt. 436, 1, I, for which the read made by the. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE CHAPTER 1. 1678—1714. Familij — B'u'th — Education — Commences the Study of the Law-- Accom- panies General Stanhope to Spain — Relief of Barcelona — Anecdote of the Archduke Charles — Becomes Secretary to Mr. Boyle — Secretary to Lord Toxcnshend and the Duke of Marlborough at the Congress of Ger- timydenherg — Retires on the Dismission of the Whig Ministiy — Takes- his Seat in Parliament — Supports the JVhigs. ORATIO, brother of Sir Robert Walpole, -was born at Houghton, in Norfolk, on the 8th of December 1678. His grandfather, Sir Edward Walpole, received the Order of the Bath as a recompense for his zeal in promoting the cause of the Restoration ; and M as distinguished for his eloquence in parliament, where he sat as member for' Lynn Regis until his death, which happened in 1667. He married Susan, second daughter and co-heiress of Sir Robert Crane, bart. of Chilton, in the county of Sussex. Robert Walpole, eldest son and heir of Sir Edward, resided at Hough- ton in Norfolk, which had long been the family seat; Avas an active country gentleman, and zealous partisan of the R,evolution, and pro- moted the cause of the Whigs as member of parliament for the borough B of 2 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of Castle Rising-, in the county of Norfolk. He possessed considerable landed property, which he improved by his attention to agriculture, and, notwithstanding the largeness of his family, left an estate between 20001. and 30001. a year to his eldest son. He was a man of high honour and integrity. From motives of extreme delicacy, he invariably refused his consent to the marriage of his daughter Dorothy with Charles lord vis- count Townshend, to whom he was left guardian by his friend Horatio, first viscount Townshend*, lest he should be suspected of forming a match so advantageous to his family by improper means. He was much devoted to a country life, extremely hospitable, and of a convivial tem- per. By his wife, Mary, only daughter and heiress of Sir Jeffery Burwel,^ of Rougham, in Suffolk, he had nineteen children, of whom only six sur- vived him. He died in 1700, aged 50, and was interred in the parish- church of Houghton. Horatio, or, as he is more generally called, Horace, his second sur- viving son, was educated on the foundation at Eton school, and in IGQS admitted a scholar of King's College in the university of Cambridgef. Both at Eton and at College he prosecuted his studies with unwearied di- ligence, and afforded early proofs of that indefatigable application which distinguished him through life. He acquired a high degree of classical knowledge, and gave, both in his early and later years, many specimens of his taste in Latin composition. Descended from a family distinguished by their attachment to the Whigs, he adopted the principles of that party ; and as the provost and most of the fellows were, Tories, he employed his wit, of which he pos- sessed * Horatio, first viscount Townshend, de- scended from an antient family in Norfolk, who trace their lineage beyond the Conqueft, was eldest surviving son of Sir Roger Town- shend, who was created a baronet in 1617, and built the mansion-house of Rainham. He repre- sented the county of Norfolk, in parliament, and died in 1636. Horatio Townshend was born in 1530, and during the civil wars greatly diftinguished himself by his prudent and spirited conduct. In the times of confusion which suc« cceded the death of Cromwell, he was among the foremost who contributed to the restoration of monarchy, and, for his essential services, was created baron Townshend of Lynn Regis, and lord lieutenant of the county of Norfolk. In 1682 he was advanced to the title of vis- count Townshend of Rainham, anddied in lG87» leaving his eldest son Charles heir to his title and estate, in the fourteenth year of his age* + Register of Eton College* 1 MARY B UJtWEUL^ Wl*^JK of K OliKlt T WALT'OI^E Fro?n an tzt Wollp rto?t CHAPTER 1. 3 sessed a great share, in throwing ridicule on the Tories and Jacohites, and, as he always frankly avowed his sentiments, was marked out as a formi- dahlc partisan of the Whig principles. In a letter to his brother, dated May .9, he expressed his regret at the death of king William, and his enthusiasm for the character of that great monarch. It being the custom in the universities to write copies of verses, either of condolance or congratulation on the death or accession of the sovereign, a selection is always made of such as arc esteemed most worthy of publication. Those composed by ]\Ir. Walpole obtained a place in this selection*, and, in allusion to them, he makes the following observations: "I sent you yesterday the verses, and I hope you will pardon the meanness of a certain person's, whose, I'll be bold to say, would have been the first in the book, could his ingenuity have equalled the deserts of that great man, or his poetry the inclination of^ in this case, as in all other things, yours most affectionately." In May 1702 he was chosen fellow of King's College f, and, being at liberty to retire from the university, he purposed following the profes- sion of the Law. But as his fortune was only 15001. and he had numerous acquaintance among persons of the first rank, he opened his mind to his brother ; expressed his regret at quitting the university, where he had reaped so much pleasure and pi ofit, and his anxiety at launching into a scene of life incompatible with his income. " Dearest Brother, King's, Nov. 24, 1702. " When I begin to consider, (and I think it is high time now,) where I am, and what I am about, I find myselfe very easie in a college life; in the constant enjo^'mcnt of the best company, both within and without doors, whetlier I converse M'ith the living or the dead, I can't forbear think- ing this is the best part of my life, while my diligence and study on one side bears proportion with my pleasure and diversion on the other. But when I look a little forwards, and one would think with a great deal of joy and satisfaction too, to have tlie noble prospect of London and the Law, those two spacious fields of pleasure and of profit, I can't forbear being somewhat uneasy to think how Milling^ I am to step forwards, and how unable * Luftus Cantabrigienses : At non prxcipitis fati ludibiia flemus, &c. + Register of King's College. B 2 4 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. unable my legs are to carry me. Were my outward circumstances propor- tionable to my inward, or would my fortune and pocket, requisite to live at London, answer my earnest inclination of sticking to the Law, I should think no body happier than myself, while I have so many so nigh related to me, as well by kindness as by blood, among the chiefest of whom gra- titude and thanks oblige me to rank yourself, both for your past as well as your present promises of your future love and affection." In this state of uncertainty he was induced to entertain thoughts of going into the Army. During his continuance at college he had formed an intimate acquaintance with the marquis of Blandford, ordy son of John duke of Marlborough, who was admitted as a nobleman of King's College, to complete his education. The young marquis con- ceived a high esteem for Mr. Walpole, and engaged his acceptance of a commission in a regiment to which he soon expected to be appointed. But his hopes of military promotion were frustrated by the premature death of the marquis, Avho died of the small-pox on the 20th of Febru- ary 1/03, and was buried in King's College chape!. " Mr. Walpole," according to the expressions of Etough, " deplored this sad event, not only as the greatest loss to himself, but to the public. His qualities were represented as singularly excellent and amiable*." On this disappointment he entertained hopes of procuring, through the recommendation of his brother, an otlfice in the Exchequer, from lord Halifax, who was auditor ; or a small place at Court, through the interest of his uncle Horatio, who married lady Anne Osborne, daughter of Thomas duke of Leeds, and widow of Thomas Coke, esq. of Holkham in Norfolk. In conformity, however, with his first resolution, he took chambers at Lincoln's Inn, and commenced the study of the Law; but in 1705 relinquished the profession, on being appointed secretary to brigadier-general Stanhope, envoy and plenipotentiary to the archduke Charles, son of the emperor Leopold, and acknowledged king of Spain by the allied powers. General Stanhope had acquiied great reputation at the capture of Bar- celona in ITO-l-, which surrendered to the allied forces under the com- mand of the eccentric and gallant carl of Peterborough. Charles was joyfully • Etough's Minutes of Memorable Conversations with Lord Walpole. CHAPTER ]. 5 joyfully proclaimed king by tlie inhabitants of Barcelona, and this con- quest was followed by the reduction of all Catalonia. ]\Ir. Stanhope re- paired to England with an account of this transaction, and returned in 1705, as envoy and plenipotentiary, with a large force for the relief of Barcelona, M'hich was, in the interim, besieged by Philip the Fifth in person, and reduced to the greatest extremity. Mr, Walpole sailed from Plymouth, in his new capacity, in March 1 706. After touching at Lisbon and Gibraltar, and receiving great additional force by the accession of the Dutch, and by the junction of Sir George Byng, and Sir John Jennings, the fleet appeared off Barcelona at a cri- tical moment. The town had been besieged thirty-five days, by the united forces of France and Spain under the command of Noailles, and encouraged by the presence of Philip ; the fort of Montjoy was captured, the approaches pushed to the covert way, and two breaches made in the walls. The harbour was likewise blockaded by the french fleet, and Charles expected every moment to fall into the hands of- the enemy. In this perilous situation, though earnestly advised by his friends to escape, he refused to quit his capital, exposed himself to the greatest danger, worked with his family in forming an entrenchment behind the breach, and, by his example, animated the besieged to make an almost unparalleled resistance. Notwithstanding these united exertions, a general assault was hourly expected, -when the combined squadron arrived. The troops were in- stantly landed, and passed great part of the night under arms behind the breach. On the 11th, at night, the whole french army retreated with precipitation, leaving their sick and wounded, great part of their artil- lery, and immense magazines and stores. Mr. Walpole concludes his account of this fortunate event by saying, '* Their march was overcast this morning with the darkest eclipse of the sun as almost ever was seen ; by which the superstitious here portend the eternal setting of the Bourbon sun." He also highly praises the prudent and manly conduct of the archduke Charles ; but gives a curious instance of Austrian superstition and phlegm. *' This slow court (he says) has at last determined to set out for Va- lentia, having spent a great deal of time in unnecessary ceremonies, with ^ thanks 6 IMEiVfOIRS OF LORD AVALPOLE. thanks to die Holy Virgin and St. Antonio ; and now they must not omit, though much out of their way, the solemnity of going to Montseratt. The king sets out this afternoon, which heing- two days later than he hafl fixt for his departure, excused himself to ]\Ir. Stanhope, (who has always been pressing him to lose no time,) and said he stay'd for his equipage. My master told him, the prince of Orange entered London in a coach and four, with a cloak-bag behind it, and was made king not many weeks after*." Mr. Walpole discharged the office of secretary to general Stanhope with diligence and fidelity ; and was employed in several delicate com- missions, which he executed with great address. Being dispatched to England, in a frigate of 20 guns, he passed near the english squadron, under the command of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, Mdiich blockaded the har- bour of Toulon, then besieged by the united forces of the emperor and the duke of Savoy. He paid a visit to the admiral the day after he had entertained prince Eugene and the duke of Savoy, and received several anecdotes of their behaviour and conferences. Among others, he used to relate an observation of Sir Cloudesley Shovel; " The duke of Savoy is heartily and sincerely for the success of the undertaking, but the dis- position of the prince is the reverse ; and, Horace, Toulon will not be taken:" the event justified his assertions. About this period Air. Walpole was appointed exempt in the guards, by his friend lord Townshend, captain of the yeomen, and did not long 'continue in Spain; for in 1707 we find him private secretary to Mr. Boylef , (with whom he had formed an intimate acquaintance at Cambridge,) first as chancellor of the Exchequer, and afterw ards as secretary of State. Though a man of sound sense, and not deficient in parliamentary abili- ties, j\Ir. Boyle was of a convivial and indolent disposition ; hence the assistance of Mr. Walpole was peculiarly acceptable, from his indefati- gable application and facility in transacting business. Mr. AValpole continued in this situation until the beginning of 1709, when he became secretaiy to lord Townshend, who was appointed joint plenipo- * May lO, and June 23, \ 706. Walpole Pa- son of Richard earl of Burlington, and third pcrs. son of Charles viscount Dungarvon in Ireland. - .+ Afterwards lord Carlcton. He was grand- See Collins's and Lodge's Peerage. CHAPTER 1. 7 plenipotentiary with the duke of Marlborough to the congress at Ger- truydenburgh. His indefatigable attention, sound judgment, and cheerful disposition, endeared him to these two noble persons; and the few letters in this collection, which still remain, prove the high estima- tion and confidence with which they treated their private secretary. In one of his letters, dated Hague, Nov. 29, 1709, lord Townshend thus addresses him with the affection of a friend : " I am very much obliged to you for the favour of yours, which brought the good news of your safe arrival in London. You will easily believe I am under a great deal of concern, upon account of the difficul- ties the treaty for the barrier has met with in England, Avhich has not a little increased the fits of spleen for which you have so often laughed at me. As to our evenings, you will easily believe Ave are in a very me- lancholy way of passing them at present ; and you can make no repara- tion for leaving us, unless it be by returning as soon as you can get leave." Mr. Walpole did not remain long in England, but rejoined lord Townshend at the Hague, and continued with him until his return. During this period he bore a share in the confidential correspondence between his brother, the duke of Marlborough, and lord Towns- hend, relating to the intrigues which preceded the change of admini- .stration ; and a few of his letters, on this occasion, are published in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole. On the removal of Sunderland, he warmly opposed all compromise Avith Harley and the Tories, and supported the necessity of a fair and unanimous conduct on the side of the \Vhi<>-s. From the resignation of lord Townshend, Avhich appeared in the Gazette of March 17, 1711, to the accession of George the First, Mr. Walpole, who remained firm to his party, had no public office, but promoted, as far as his situation and abilities permitted, the succession of the Protestant line *. His name, in conjunction with lord Pelham, afterwards duke of Newcastle, Addison, Pulteney, Methuen, Craggs, and many others re- markable for their attachment to the principles of the Revolution, is found among the members of the Hanover club. Oldmixon, the fac- tious partisan of the Whigs, records an instance of the zeal with which the * See Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir R. Walpole, vol, 2, p, 26, 30, 32. 8 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. the club testified their abhorrence of the Stuart line: " The loyal Hanover club took the occasion of the queen's birth-day, February 6th, 1713, to signalize their zeal and affection to the Protestant succession, by causing the effigies of the devil, the pope, and the pretender, to be carried, in solemn procession, from Charing Cross to the Royal Ex- change, and so back to Charing Cross, where they were burnt*." In 1713 he obtained a seat in the new parliament, and seconded his brother in favour of the french refugees, and against the expulsion of Steele. He also opposed the treaty of Utrecht, and in his Rhapsody of Foreign Politics, probably the last essay which he ever committed to writing, at an advanced period of his life, he strongly and justly con- demns the principles of that treaty : " After a series of wonderful successes for ten years, obtained by us, jointly with our allies, against the common enemy, we made an unequal and very disadvantageous treaty of commerce with France. Our ancient privileges of trade to Old Spain were explained away by a treaty of commerce with that crown ; by our separate treaties of peace, we sacri- ficed and abandoned, in violation of all good faith, the interest of our allies ; and particularly, our solemn engagements with the king of Por- tugal, (who had exposed himself to the vengeance of France and Spain, by deserting them to come into the grand alliance, and who, at the same time, had made a treaty with us, very beneficial to the trade of this country,) were broken, to oblige Spain; the security of the Netherlands, and of this nation, as well as the settlement of the Hanover succession, (which, in consequence, Avas afterwards attempted to be subverted,) Mas left upon a very loose and precarious foot, by a new treaty of barrier and succession. " * Oldmixon's History of England, p. 536, CHAPTER CHARGE'S FIRST VlS CO TJIVT T OWIS' S 11 E A'B y'ww tJu- Colled unt ■ al Kain/Mm 9 CHAPTER 2. 17 14-— 1722. Zeal of Air. TFalpole in Support of the House of Brun.srvick — Appointed successively Under Secretary of State, and Secretary to t/ie Treasury — First and Second Mission to the Hague — Account of the Government of the United Provinces — Mr. fFalpole's Journey to Hanover — Change of Ministry, and Resignation of Mr. TValpole — His Conduct in Opposition — Again comes into office — Third Mission to the Hague. ON the accession of George the First, Mr. Walpole signalised his zeal for the house of Brunswick, by moving for the payment of the ar- rears due to the Hanover troops, and for there ward of 100,0001. to any person who should apprehend the pretender, should he attempt to land in any part of the king's dominions. He now obtained the reward of his attachment to the Whigs, and was nominated under secretary of state by Charles lord viscount Towns- hend, to whom the arrangement of the new administration was princi- pally committed. The friendship of that nobleman for Mr. Walpole, ■which commenced at an early period, had been recently strengthened by his marriage with Dorothy Walpole, whom he espoused in 1713, two years after the death of his first wife, lady Catharine Holies; but on his bro- ther's appointment to the place of first lord of the Treasury and chan- cellor of the Exchequer, in 1715, Mr. Walpole was nominated under se- cretary to the Treasury. In 1715, the kingdom being menaced with an invasion in favour of the pretender, Mr. Walpole was deputed to the Hague to concur Avith gene- ral Cadogan, the british envoy and plenipotentiary, in an application to the States General for the immediate succour of 6OOO men. He was se- lected for this delicate trust in consequence of his conciliating disposition and intimacy with the leading men of the republic, which he had acquired during frequent missions to the Hague ; and his conduct did not belie the expectations of his friends. General Cadogan being at Antwerp, Mr. Walpole, on his arrival at the Hague, instantly presented a memorial to the States General, and prevailed C on 10 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. on them to grant the succours required without referring to their re- spective provinces, according to the usual forms of the government; by which means the troops were ordered before the french embassador was acquainted with the demand. His success in this important negotiation occasioned his second mission to the Hague in 17 16, as joint envoy and plenipotentiary with general Cadogan, for the purpose of obtaining the junction of a dutch squadron to protect the Baltic trade against the depredations of the Swedes. Though this measure was opposed by some of the states as a Hanoverian project for the security of Bremen and Verden, the address and influence of j\fr. Walpole triumphed over all opposition. He was no less successful in obtaining the accession of the States Ge- neral to a defensive treaty Avith Great Britain and the Emperor. In effect- ing this alliance he counteracted the intrigues, overbore the arguments of Chateauneuf the french embassador, and roused the supine and tempo- rising spirit of the Dutch. But he succeeded in the still more difficult task of extorting their consent to the triple alliance with England and France, for securing, by reciprocal guaranties, the establishment of the Protestant succession in England ; of the reversion of the crowns of France and Spain, as settled by the treaty of Utrecht, and the demolition of the port of Mardyke. The rapid conclusion of this treaty, in spite of the supineness and prejudices of the Dutch, and the delays of their com- plicated form of government, was a master-piece of policy and address. Although general Cadogan was joined in full pov/ers to negotiate this treaty, and although Mr. Walpole, from motives of delicacy, declined the signature; yet he was principally instrumental in bringing it to a conclu- sion. Cadogan was Av^ell skilled in military affairs, but in negotiations acted more like a general than a minister. He was impetuous, and impa- tient of opposition, lavish in his promises to remove a present difficulty, " and thought," as Mr. Walpole expresses himself, " that the pen and the sword were to be M-ieldcd with the same fierceness." In allusion to his impetuosity, pensionary Heinsius used to say emphatically, that Cado- gan Avas an excellent general of an army ; meaning that he was an indif- ferent negotiator ; and he paid a due compliment to the conciliating tem- per of Mr. Walpole, by adding, '* that unless he had been employed, the 6 negotiation CHAPTER 2. 11 negotiation would never have succeeded." Even George the First, who was dry, and sparing of compliments, laconically observed to him, " Vous avez beaucoup d'amis en Hollande, et vous m'avez rendu bien des ser- vices*." His valuable services in these, as well as in the complicated negotia- tions which followed, will be best appreciated by tracing a sketch of the government and situation of the Dutch at this period. Of all the constitutions formed by statesmen, or described by histo- rians, none was more complicated and embarrassed than that of the seven "j" united provinces. In fact, and strictly speaking, the seven provinces did not form one republic, but rather seven confederate republics; nor did each province form one commonwealth, but rather a confederacy of such orders, cities and towns, as enjoyed the right of sending depu- ties to the provincial states. And even these provincial states were only the representatives of the sovereign power, Avhich resided in the mu- nicipal corporations of the towns, and in the orders of nobles and clergy, ■^'ho conjointly nominated those representatives. For the bond and union of the confederacy the states of each province elected a certain + number of deputies, Avho formed the supreme assembly called the States General, from which all military men were excluded. Although the States General represented the sovereign power, were digni- fied with the title of High Mightinesses, and transacted the principal bu- siness of the republic; yet they did not, like the parliament of Great Bri- tain, or the diet of Sweden, possess the supreme authority. They could not enact laws, declare Avar, make peace, impose taxes, form alliances, and raise troops, without the consent of the respective provinces, to whom they referred all objects of importance. This assembly was a permanent body, resident at the Hague, and met every day, except Saturday and Sunday. Each province presided in turn during a week, and the first in rank among the deputies of the province . enjoyed that honour. The president received all letters and memorials from * Mr. Walpole's Apology. yssel. 7. Groningen and Ommelanden. + 1. Guelderland and Zutphen. 2. Holland. | The number was unlimited, yet each province S. Zealaiid, 4. Utrecht, 5. Friesland. 6, Over, had only a single vote. C2 12 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. from the embassadors of the repubhc, and from foreign embassadors resi- dent at the Hague, caused them to be read by the greffier, proposed tlic subjects of dcHberation, and collected and declared the suffrages. The greffier, or secretary, was the chief minister of the States General: he, or his deputy, was always present, and sat, like the clerk of the house of commons, at the table during the debates ; he drew up and recorded the resolutions, composed and dispatched instructions to the ministers abroad, and the letters to foreign powers. He was present at the conferences Math foreign ministers, and on that occasion had a vote. J\f. Fagel filled this high office at this period, a man of mild temper, conciliating manners, sound sense, great application, and warmly attached to the union with England. • The grand pensionary of Holland M^as the most important office nomi-i nated by the provincial states. He was one of the municipal members, and represented Holland in the States General; he was always present at their deliberations, and proposed all things which related to that province; he was commissioned to watch over the constitutional laws of the confe- deracy, and directed the meeting of the counsellors deputies with only a deliberative voice. In the provincial assembly of the States of Holland he proposed, collected the votes, registered the resolutions, and main- tained a correspondence with foreign ministers. He had a considerable influence in the republic of the united provinces, from the preponder- ance which Holland enjoyed in the general affiairs. The celebrated Hein- sius, whose character is too well known to require an eulogium, was pen- sionary at this time. Holland, Avhich paid more than half of the public burdens, had the greatest influence in the States General; and the city of Amsterdam, which paid one third of the taxes of Holland, had no less influence over that province. , Few words are wanting to describe the natural imbecility of so com- plex a government, weak in its efforts, uncertain in its direction, and dir latory in its proceedings ; neither fit for war, nor capable of maintaining itself in peace. The defects of this " many-headed headless govern- ment," as it is justly styled by Mr. Walpole, " containing as many mas- ters as minds," could only be duly modified and corrected by the office of Stadholder, CHAPTER 2. 13 Stadhokler, or captain and admiral-general of the union, vested with considerable prerogatives, which, since the revolution that gave rise to the republic, had been uniformly conferred on the princes of the house of Orange. At that period five of the seven provinces, namely Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Guelderland and Overyssel, elected Willian^ the first prince of Orange; and the two remaining provinces of Friesland and Gro- ningen chose his cousin John, count of Nassau Dillenburgh. The stad- holdership of the five provinces was continued in the descendants of Wil- liam, namely, JNIaurice, Henry Frederick, and William the Second. Ou his death, in 1650, it was abolished by the republican party; but, on the in- vasion of Holland by Louis the XlVth, was restored to his son William, prince of Orange, afterwards king of England, and declared hereditary in his male line. William dying without issue, the office was again abolished; but his cousin and heir John William Frederick, count of Nassau Dietz, became prince of Orange, and was stadholder of Friesland by hereditary descent, and of Groningen by election. Being droM'ned in crossing the Mardyke, July 14, 1711, the stadholdership of Groningen was abolished, and his posthumous son William, now a minor, who succeeded to his dig- nities and estates, was only hereditary stadholder of Friesland. During his minority the Orange party was directed by his mother Maria Louisa, daughter of Charles, landgrave of Hesse Cassel. During the course of the negotiation for the conclusion of the triple alliance, Mr. Walpole gave the most solemn assurances to the states, that no treaty should be concluded with France without their participa- tion. But the impatience of the king to secure the guaranty of France, ill according with the dilatoriness of the dutch government, a separate treaty was arranged between the abbot du Bois and secretary Stanhope at Hanover, and full powers were forwarded to general Cadogan and JMr. Walpole to sign it in conjunction with du Bois. Mr. Walpole declined signing a treaty in contradiction to his solemn asseverations, requested instant permission to return to England, and, in a letter to secretary Stanhope, expressed the agony under which he laboured. " Having plighted to the states my faith, my honour, and my conscience, in his majesty's name, that nothing of this nature should be done,, if I should afterwards sign with the abbe, in violation of these sacred and solemn assurances, MEMOIRS OF LORD VVALPOLE. assurances, which I repeated but last Tuesday in a conference, I should never be able to shew my ignominious head here again. And therefore. I plainly see that this business, in which I thought I should have some share of credit, will end in my ruin ; because, although I shall ever think it the last misfortune to disobey so good and gracious a sovereign ; yet I must freely confess I had rather starve, nay die, than do a thing that gives such a terrible Astound to my honour and conscience, and will make me for ever incapable of serving the king any more, especially in this place, where I have at present some little credit and interest*." He made as strong remonstrances to lord Townshend and his bro- ther; and, after much difficulty, obtained the king's permission to re- turn to England, and commit the signature of the treaty to general Cadogan. On his arrival in London, Mr. Walpole found the ministry, who, under the prince of Wales, directed the administration of aifairs during the absence of the king, in a state of extreme embarrassment. Letters from the king, secretary Stanhope, and lord Sunderland, had been just re- ceived from Hanover, reproaching the ministry in general for their oppo- sition to the king's continental politics, accusing lord Townshend with protracting the signature of the triple alliance, and Walpole of declining to replace the money advanced for the payment of the troops of INIunster and Saxe Gotha. Lord Sunderland had also fomented the king's jealousy of the prince of Wales, and persuaded him that the ministers in England were caballing with the son against the authority of the father. With a view to corroborate his assertions, he persuaded the king to declare-his inclination to continue at Hanover, provided means could be found to transact the business in parliament during his absence. The brother mi- nisters, anxious to conciliate the king, fell into the snare. In conse- quence of a resolution of the lords of the council, lord Townshend transmitted to secretary Stanhope the heads of the business to be laid be- fore parliament, and concluded his letter with stating it as their hum- ble opinion, *' that in conducting so many important affairs, through the difficulties incident to all popular assemblies, and more particularly in- creased by the unhappy divisions under which the nation laboured, it would * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol, 11. p, 107> 4to» CHAPTER 2. 15 ■tt^ould be impossible for them to succeed, or even to carry on the session, without frequent and long interruptions, unless his majesty thought pro- per to trust his royal highness with discretionary powers, to Avhich they might have recourse for extricating the service out of unforeseen difficul- ties, and for accommodating their conduct, from time to time, to the se- veral variations of circumstances that might arise, which could hardly be communicated, much less be provided for, at a distance." " It being thought necessary," he added, " to pitch upon somebody to carry this dispatch, who might be able to explain any of the points contained in it, his royal highness has been pleased to appoint Mr. Horace Walpole, who was therefore present at the meeting of the lords, that he migiit, by hear- ing what passed, be enabled to give his majesty the most exact informa- tion of the sentiments of his servants on the present state of affairs*." Mr. Walpole was instantly dispatched with this letter, and was at the same time privately instructed by lord Townshend and his brother to as- certain the situation of affairs at Hanover, to justify their conduct, and to expostulate with Mr. Stanhope for entering into the cabals of their enemies. Charged Avith this commission, Mr. Walpole quitted London on the 13th of November, arrived on the 17th at the Hague, had a short conference with pensionary Heinsius, and the same night departed for Hanover. After travelling night and day, he reached Gohref on the 22d, but learned, Avith extreme mortification, that orders had been transmitted to England to prorogue the parliament ; and that from the king's jealousy of the prince, all public proceedings were to be suspended until his ma- jesty's arrival. He soon discovered the successful intrigues of Sunder- land with the Hanoverian junto, and their effect on the king, and found that Stanhope, in whom his brother and lord Townshend had reposed im- plicit confidence, was deeply implicated ii\the cabal. The presence of IVIr. Walpole confounded lord Sunderland, and discon- certed the Hanoverian junto. Mr. Stanhope, affected M'ith his warm ex- postulations and manly remonstrances, renewed his professions of grati- tude and attachment to those who had raised him to his high situation. He * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 123. + A favourite hunting scat of George the First near Hanover. 16 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. He declared, with the most solemn asseverations, that he would use his in- fluence with the king in support of his friends in England, and requested the intervention of Mr. Walpole to re-establish the former harmony. The king also expressed his regret at the recent misunderstanding, and testified the strongest marks of restored confidence. Mr. Walpole accordingly quitted Gohre, with the full conviction of Ah. Stanhope's repentance and sincerity, and hastened to carry the good tidings to England. His eagerness to convey this pleasing intelligence will appear from his letter to Mr. Stanhope, on his arrival at the Hague, dated December 8. "I arrived here last night in a very ^indifferent con- dition; for my chaise breaking, two posts from Hanover, I got into a light open waggon, and by that means was exposed to such violent storms of wind, hail, and rain, that after the first night I contracted extreme pains in all my joints on my left side, so that it was impossible for me to ride on horseback. However, without taking any rest, I continued my jour- ney hither, that I may lose no time in my way to England, in order to execute a commission that I think of the utmost consequence to the public affairs, and which my own particular concern, as well as his majesty's service, will engage me to use my utmost skill to bring to a good issue*." He had scarcely reached London, and communicated to the brother ministers the renewal of the king's favour, when a dispatch from secre- tary Stanhope arrived, announcing the dismission of lord Townshend from the office of secretary of state, accompanied with the offer of the go- vernment of Ireland. Confounded at this instance of duplicity, and s-hocked at being the dupe of Stanhope's affected sincerity, Mr. Walpole expostulated with a frankness and manly freedom which do honour to his integrity and spirit t- He gave also a striking instance of his disinterestedness and attachment to his friends when the new administration was arranged under the aus- pices of lord Sunderland. Lord Townshend, after accepting the lord lieutenancy of Ireland, was dismissed in disgrace. Walpole relinquished the * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Corre- a circumstantial detail of the cabals which occa- spondence, Vol. II. p. 137. sioned the dismission of Townshend, the resigna- + See this spirited letter in the Memoirs of tion of Walpole, and the disunion of rhe Whig Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol. II. ministry, p. 146, to which work the reader is referred for CHAPTER 2. 17 the office of fust lord of the Treasury, and his resignation was followed by those of Devonshire, Orford, Metliuen and Pulteney. Sunderland and Addison were appointed secretaries of State, and Stanhope first lord of the Treasury and chancellor of the Exchequer. The king, after ac- cepting the resignation of Robert Walpole M^ith extreme reluctance, was anxious to retain Mr. Walpole in his service, whose abilities in negotia- tion he duly appreciated. The grand marshal of Hanover waited on him, with a gracious message from his majesty, importing that he was much satisfied with his services, and saw no reason why he should not continue to be employed, although his relations were no longer in place. But Ml'. Walpole, highly indignant at the ill usage which the brother ministers had received, declined, in terms of respect, this kind insinuation, and resigned his post of secretary to the Treasury *. Fortunately before the dismission of the ministry, he was nominated by his brother surveyor and auditor of the revenues of America, which being a sinecure place for life, insured him an income of 8001. a year. From this period Mr. Walpole united his efforts with those of his party in a violent opposition, and, like his brother, coalesced with the Tories, and even the Jacobites, for the purpose of thwarting all the measures of government. His name frequently occurs in the parliamentary debates, on the side of opposition, although the substance of his speeches is sel- dom given. But he particularly distinguished himself in censuring the quadruple alliance, which, though concluded for the purpose of preserv- ing the tranquillity of Europe, was calculated, as he thought, to produce the contrary efi'ectf. In * Apology. plomatic language of the times, the " eventual + By this treaty the emperor renounced all investiture," within two months after the rati- prctensions to the crown of Spain, and in con- fication of the treaty. As an indemnification sequence of the claims of Elizabeth Farnese, for this sacrifice in Italy he received Sicily from granted the reversion of the duchies of Tus. the duke of Savoy, in lieu of Sardinia. The cany, Parma and Placentia, as male fiefs of the terms imposed on Philip were, the renunciation empire, to Don Carlos, her eldest son by king of all claims to the Netherlands, the Milanefe, Philip, and her heirs male, on the deaths of the and the kingdom of Naples. — Collection of Trea- dukes of Tuscany and Parma without male issue. ties from the end of the reign of Queen Anne to He promised to expedite the letters expectative 1731, Vol. IV. of this reversion, which was called, in the di- D 18 MEMOIRS OF LOUD WALPOLE. In tlie Rhapsody of Foreign Politics, or Observations on the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Mr. Walpole has introduced some excellent remarks on the quadruple alliance, Avhich ought not to be withheld from the reader: " I cannot omit observing, that although the principle of this treaty for ascertaining to the emperor and king Philip the portion of the Spanish succession which each of them should for the future respectively enjoy, by their mutual consent, and under the guaranties of the most consider- able powers, was just and wise ; yet there was more dexterity and art shewn in the conduct and conditions of it, on the part of the imperial court, than there was honour and prudence on the part of England. For the divesting the king of Sicily of that island, which had been granted to him by the treaty of Utrecht, when he had done nothing to forfeit his right, and without the least provocation by his behaviour, was not very honourable. Nor was the putting the emperor in full possession of Si- cily, until he had executed, on his part, what he had promised, for secur- ing the eventual succession of Tuscany, Parma and Placentia, to Don Carlos, (which >vas the condition of his having that island,) extremely prudent ; for the notion of putting 6000 Swiss into the principal places of those dutchys, to answer that end, was a more dilatory and uncertain ex- pedient, as that garrison could not be put into those places until the let- ters expectative, containing the eventuall investiture of them to Don Car- los, had passed the dyet of the empire, which it was always in the power of the emperour to delay. Besides the tediousness of a negotiation with the Cantons, for hiring those troops, and the stipulated proposal, that the king of England should furnish 6000 men, in the mean time, to supply that want, was, I may say, ridiculous and absurd." " Hence he was of opinion, that this alliance, calculated for terrifying all the powers of Europe, would be productive of new troubles ; foresee- ing, that when the emperor %vas once in actual possession of Sicily, en- deavours would be used, notwithstanding the solemn engagements, to dis- appoint the succession of Don Carlos, should the possessors die without issue male : therefore he spoke strongly against the approbation of that treaty in parliament ; and the disagreeable events which followed the con- clusion of the treaty, on the part of the imperial court; sufficiently jus- tified his observation*." Soon * Apology, CHAPTER 2. 19 Soon after the resignation of his friends, and the change of administra- tion, My. Walpole joined the Tories and Jacobites, in a question trifling in itself, which howev^er shewed that he was no less inflamed than his bro- ther by the spirit of party. Sir William Wyndham, who was just dis- charged from the Tower, having moved that Dr. Snape, one of the king's chaplains, and master of Eton School, should preach before the House, on the anniversary of the Restoration of Charles the Second, the motion was seconded by Shippen; but vehemently opposed by the ministerial Whigs, who contended that Dr. Snape had recently attacked the cham- pion * of the Revolution and Protestant Succession, and defended passive obedience and non-resistance. INIr. Walpole defended Dr. Snape with no less Avarmth, and observed, it was unusual to put the negative on any man whom a member had thought fit to name, and that Dr. Snape was a per- son of great merit and learning. His brother also spoke highly in his commendation, and the question was carried by a majority of ten votes f. The zeal which Mr. Walpole displayed in behalf of the Whigs who had quitted the ministry, and adhered to the prince of Wales, exposed him to the censures of the court party, and he had the honour of being satirized in the political ballad called the " Seven Wise INfen, " which he thus men- tions in a letter to his brother, dated July 2, 1791- " The inclosed ballad, in answer to what was made upon the thirteen kings, is highly valued by the court party ; it is supposed to be the product of Mr. Craggs' sense and his man Tickle's poetry, which is all I shall say of it, especially since I think they have done me a great deal of honour." Mr. Walpole was classed with his brother as forming together one of the seven wise men who governed the prince of Wales, and even his successful negotiations in Holland, in the true spirit of party, were made the object of ridicule ::|:. In * Hoadley, bishop of Bangor, who published J " The Walpoles twain but one I count, a Preservative against the Principles and Prac- tices of Non-jurors, and a Sermon on the Na. ture of the Kingdom of Christ. These two pub- lications were censured by the convocation, and the sermon was answered by Dr. Snape. + Tindal, Vol. I9, p. 132, 133. D2 " For say whate'er they can, " Although two wags, they do amount *• But just to one wise man." ****»**»«» " To the purpose Horace did not much, ** But made a heavy splutter, *' Of treaties when he bit the Dutch " On the fam'd point of butter." 20 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. In the debates on the South Sea scheme Mr. Walpole took an active part: at the opening of the business he confessed that the scheme was weak in its projection, villainous in its execution, and calamitous in its end ; but he warmly seconded his brother's endeavours to prepare a remedy before they instituted an enquiry. During the proceedings he inveighed against the rapacity, pride, and insolence of the directors, and was severe in his censures of Sir John Blunt, whom he considered as the contriver and chief promoter of the mischief. When the unfortunate failure of the South Sea scheme compelled the earls of Sunderland and Stanhope to court the assistance of Townshend and Walpole, Mr. Walpole again came into office as secretary to the duke of Grafton, lord lieutenant of Ireland, and suggested a plan for reducing the expence of the military establishment, which was highly ap- proved by the king. The deaths of Sunderland and Stanhope having re- stored the brother ministers to the full confidence of the sovereign, and to their posts of secretary of State and first lord of the Treasury, he was again associated in their political labours, and employed in various com- missions of high trust and delicacy. The distresses of the nation at this juncture caused great disaffection in all ranks of people ; and suspicions justly entertained, of the corrupt in- terposition of the Hanoverian ministers and mistresses, in favour of the South Sea scheme, rendered the king extremely unpopular,* and excited a conspiracy for the restoration of the dethroned family, which is distin- guished by the name of Atterbury's Plot. Full information being con- veyed to the british ministers from the regent of France, and confirmed by intercepted letters, active preparations were made to repel invasion ; and Mr. Walpole was again deputed to the Hague, for the purpose of re- quiring succours of men to be ready for immediate embarkation in case of necessity. On his arrival at the Hague, in May 1722, he experienced much greater difficulties than during his first mission in 1715. The minds of the peo- ple were alienated from England by the negligence of the british govern- ment in sending back the dutch troops, who had been granted in 1715, in the midst of a severe winter. Lord Cadogan had irritated the repub- lican party by his imprudent zeal, in publicly promoting the election of the CHAPTER 2. 21 the prince of Orange, to the stadholdership of Groningen, and by favour- ing his pretensions to that of Guelderland ; he had still more highly ex- asperate! the magistrates of Amsterdam, by threatening, in his convivial moments, to compel the province of Holland to follow the example of Groningen. Notwithstanding these and other difficulties, Mr. "Walpole succeeded in the object of his mission, and, in less than a fortnight, obtained a resolu- tion of the S' ates General, to hold in readiness 3000 men for the service of the king of England. He principally owed his success, in this diffi- cult negotiation, to the zeal of liis confidential friends Fagel and Slinge- landt, to the assistance of Hornbeck, who had succeeded Heinsius in the office of pensionary, and to his address in softening the republican party, and conciliating the magistrates of Amsterdam. The leading members of the republic did him the justice to declare, that, considering the indispo- sition of the States of Holland, no other person could have succeeded in this delicate commission. On the 25 th of June 1722, he took leave of the States, and returned to England, where he continued an useful and indefatigable co-adjutor to lord Townshend and his brother, until his known talents for. negotiation brought him upon the public theatre of Europe in a more enlarged sphere of action. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 3. 1723. Mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris — Subjects of his Correspo7idence — Cha- racter of the Duke of Orleans, and Detail of the principal Events which led to the Union between France and England — Account of Torcy — llecalof Lord Stair, and Mission of Schaub to Paris — Administration, Death, and Character of Du Bois — The Duke of Orleans becomes Prime Minister — Contest for Pre-eminence in the British Cabinet. THE mission of Mr. Walpole to Paris forms an important epoch in his own life, as well as in the administration of his brother. I have shewn in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, that this mission was occa- sioned by a party struggle between Townshend and Walpole, on one hand, and Carteret on the other; and that the appointment of Mr, Walpole to the embassy of Paris M^as the prelude to the dismission of Carteret, and the ascendancy of the brother ministers in the british cabinet. His original correspondence during the period of his embassy details a series of events highly interesting to France, to England, and to Europe. These letters contain the secret history of the court of Versailles from 1723 to 1730; they relate the death of the duke of Orleans, the administration of the duke of Bourbon, the final ascendancy of cardinal Fleury, and the strict union established between France and England. They collaterally refer to the situation and conduct of the courts of Vienna and Madrid ; they minutely describe the abdication of Philip the Fifth, the short reign of Louis the First, the resumption of thfe crown by Philip, and the dis- union of Spain and France. They detail the negotiations for the treaties of Hanover and Vienna, for the congresses of Cambray and Soissons, the reconciliation of Spain and France, the conclusion of the treaty of Seville, and the reunion of England with the house of Austria. 6 From CHAPTER 3. 23 From this correspondence I shall select an historical narrative of the most interesting events, which will be illustrated by other authentic do- cuments. To convey a just idea of the situation of the court of France at the time of Mr. Walpole's arrival at Paris, it is necessary to take a retrospec- tive view of the character of the duke of Orleans, and of those events in his administration which led to the union between France and England. Philip duke of Orleans, who is better distinguished by the title of Re- gent of France, was son of Philip duke of Orleans, brother of Louis the Fourteenth, by Elizabeth of Bavaria his second wife*. He was born in 1674, and gave striking proofs of quick comprehension, lively parts, and great talents. At an early period he highly distinguished himself in the military line ; at the age of seventeen he was intrusted with the command of the corps de reserve at the battle of Steinkirk, where he was Avounded in the shoulder; and at the battle of Nerwinden in 1693, he displayed heroic intrepidity, and was five times surrounded by the enemy. In I706 he commanded the french army at the celebrated siege of Turin, and had his advice been followed, according to the honourable testimony of prince Eugene himself, the siege would not have been raised. Instead of wait- ing the approach of the enemy within the lines, which were too extensive to be defended, he proposed to lead the army to the attack, but was over- ruled in a council of war, and thwarted by the obstinacy of JMarchin, and the jealousy of La Feuillade. But Avhen the lines were forced, and the french army thrown into confusion, M'hen Marchin was taken prisoner, and La Feuillade overwhelmed with despair was incapable of acting, the duke of Orleans resumed the command, and made the most heroic exer- tions. Though twice wounded he continued in the hottest of the action, and when the troops gave way, called the ofticers by their names, ani- mated the soldiers by his voice, and led the troops repeatedly to the charge. Overcome at length by pain, and weakened by loss of blood, he was compelled to retire until his wounds were dressed; but instantly returned to the field of battle, performed the duties of a general and a soldier, and when the disorder and confusion became irreparable, by bis presence * His first wife was Henrietta daughter of Anna Maria, who espoused Victor Anaadeu* Charles the First, by whom he had one daughter king of Sardinia. 24- ME.MOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. presence of mind and skill saved the remnant of the army. The king and nation did justice to his military talents, and the successful campaign which he made in Spain increased his reputation. Having incurred, by his sarcastic railleries, the ill will of the princess Ursini, and of madame de JMaintenon, and excited the jealousy of Philip the Fifth by aspiring to the crown of Spain, he lost the command, and was never afterguards employed by Louis the Fourteenth. Being thus reduced to a state of inactivity and disgrace, he gave a loose to his passions, and broke out into those infamous excesses AVhich disgrace his memory, and to which he was instigated by the example and encou- ragement of his preceptor du Bois. If it were possible to draw a veil over these enormities, no prince was ever more highly distinguished for personal accomplishments, engaging manners, winning affability, charms of conversation, and love of science : even in the midst of his excesses, he was adored by all ranks of people, who attributed his vices to du Bois, and his virtues to himself. The vindictive spirit of madame de Maintenon followed him in his re- tirement ; the premature deaths of the dauphin, the dukes of Burgundy and Berry were attributed to poison, and the duke of Orleans was accused of an intention to secure the crown of France by the murder of the whole royal family. These infamous reports were countenanced by madame de Maintenon for the advancement of her darling the duke of Maine, and made a deep impression on the mind of Louis the Fourteenth. In consequence of these ill-grounded suspicions, and from a misplaced affec- tion to his natural son the duke of Maine, the king, by his will, instead of declaring the duke of Orleans sole regent, restricted his authority by a council of regency, and by intrusting to the duke of Maine the pro- tection of the young sovereign's person, the superintendance of his edu- cation, the command of his guard, and the government of his household. But this will being annulled by parliament, through the influence, and on the representations of the duke of Orleans, he was declared sole regent, with more enlarged powers. The first acts of his administration were to appoint seven councils for the management of public affairs, and to hold a bed of justice, in which the king assisted to confirm the new regula- tions. The CHAPTER 3. 25 The peculiar situations of the duke of Orleans and George the First changed the discordant politics of the two cabinets, and united the inter- ests of England and France. By the treaty of Utrecht it was stipulated, that the crowns of France and Spain should never be joined in the same person; and Philip duke of Anjou was acknowledged king of Spain on renouncing his right to the crown of France, which was to devolve on the duke of Orleans should Louis the Fifteenth die without issue male. The young monarch being of a sickly constitution, this event was not im- probable ; and Philip, notwithstanding his renunciation, entertained de- signs of ascending the throne of France, and was countenanced by a con- siderable party in the kingdom. Hence the duke of Orleans, threatened with the loss of the succession, favourably received the overtures of Eng- land as the only power able to support his right; and George the First was equally anxious to conciliate the friendship of France, as the princi- pal means of counteracting the schemes of the Jacobites, and annihilating the hopes of the pretender. When their interests thus concurred, it was not difficult to adjust the conditions of a treaty of alliance ; after a few obstacles and delays, occasioned by the volatile character of the regent, a negotiation Avas commenced by the earl of Stair at Paris, continued by Mr, Walpole and Chateauneuf the french minister at the Hague, and finally concluded by secretary Stanhope and du Bois the confidential friend of the regent. The principal articles of the treaty which formed the bond of union be- tween the two countries, were, on the side of the regent, to send the pre- tender beyond the Alps ; and on the part of George the First, to guaranty, in conformity with the peace of Utrecht, the eventual succession of the house of Orleans to the crown of France. This singular alliance, con- cluded on the 2 1 St of August 17 16, formed the commencement of a new sera in the political annals of Europe, and united the rival powers of France and England, whose enmity had deluged Europe with blood, and whose union produced a. long and unexampled period of peace and tranquillity. From the conclusion of this treaty the great object of the english ca- binet was directed to keep the regent steady to his engagements, through the channel of du Bois, who was gratified as ith a large pension from the £ king MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. king of England *. To attain this point, it was necessary to procure the dismission of Villars, Noailles, Torcy, and d'Uxelles, who were attached to the old system, and gradually to raise du Bois to the office of prime minister. But to compass this scheme was no easy task ; for, notwith- standing the wonderful ascendancy which du Bois had acquired over his illustrious pupil, the regent did not without great reluctance consign to him the supreme direction of the State. Misinformed Avriters have asserted, that the advancement of du Bois was as unobstructed as it was rapid, and that the duke of Orleans was as eager to promote him as he was to be promoted. The dispatches of the earl of Stair f prove the falsity of these unqualified assertions, and shew that the regent hesitated, that du Bois almost despaired of conquering his repug- nance, and that the success was principally owing to the influence of the english cabinet, by Avhich the regent from personal motives was governed. The appointment of duBois to the direction of foreign affairs was a prelude to the success "of the whole plan. This arrangement was so essential to the british cabinet, that lord Stair considered it as " the surest pledge for the support of those measures in the promotion of which the abbot had been the chief instrument. " Du Bois was no sooner nomi- nated to this post, than he artfully appropriated to himself the management of the most secret transactions ; all affairs of importance passed through his hands alone, and the councils established at the commencement of the regency were suppressed, though the respective ministers were permitted to retain their appointments;]:. Having thus obtained fordu Bois the management of foreign affairs, the next attempt of the english cabinet was to effect the dismission of the marquis de Torcy, secretary of State, the inveterate enemy of England, and the ablest minister in the french cabinet. John Baptiste marquis de Torcy, second son of the great Colbert, was born in 1665; brought up under the auspices and improved by the in- structions of his celebrated father, he was soon initiated in state affairs, and * St. Simon affirms that this pension was 40,000l. but this sum was so enormous at that period as to render it probable that he was misinformed. + Hardwicke's State Papers, Vol. 2, X Duclos Memoires Secrets, T. i, p. 408. CHAPTER 3. 27 and commenced at a very early period his diplomatic career as secretary and envoy in different courts of Europe. In the twenty-second year of his age he was appointed secretary of State for foreign affairs. He dis- tinguished himself in the negotiations which took place on the death of Charles the Second, king of Spain, in regard to the succession of the Spa- nish dominions, at the congress of Gertruydenberg, and in the confer- ences which settled the peace of Utrecht. A striking proof of his ability is given in the history of these transactions published after his death from his papers*; it is one of the most curious monuments of the superiority of the frencli cabinet in every species of intrigue and address in negotiation. Torcy continued to enjoy, during the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, the full confidence of his sovereign, and was engaged in secretly promoting the success of the invasion against England, and in making excuses for per- mitting the pretender to reside in Loraine. On the death of Louis the Fourteenth, Torcy was continued in the ministry, as the only person versed in the management of foreign transactions ; his capacity for affairs, and the talent which he possessed of rendering business agreeable to the regent, made him a necessary instrument in the administration. But Torcy '[ had become obnoxious to George the First, and the Whigs who directed the counsels of England at this period, by his declaration to lord Boling- broke concerning the nullity of any renunciation which could be made by Philip duke of Anjou to the crown of France The * Memoires de Torcy pour servir a I'Histoire the Spanish branch of the Bourbon family to re- des Negociatlons, depuis le Traite de Ryswick nounce by oath the right of succession to the jusqu' a la paix d'Utrecht. crown of France; yet the doctrine of its invali- + Torcy is represented by the f rench writers, dity, as an act void ab initio, had been publicly and particularly by St. Simon, who knew him avowed. Torcy frankly owned to lord Boling- personally, as remarkable for the mildness of his broke, " The renunciation desired would be null manners and the placidness of his temper ; yet and invalid by the fundamental laws of France, the earl of Stair has recorded an instance which according to which laws the nearest prince to proves a great want of self command, and a pee- the crown is of necessity the heir. This law vish aversion to the English, at a time when it is considered as the work of Him who has esta- was the interest of the french court to conti- blished all monarchies, and wc are persuaded in nuecn good terms with them. — See Hardwicke's France that God only can abolish it. No renun. papers, Vol. IJ. p. OGO, 53.5. ciation therefore can destroy it; and if the king J Though the peace of Utrecht had obliged of Spain should renounce it for the sake of peace, and E2 28 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. The interest of England concurring with the inclinations of du Bois, who was jealous lest Torcy should supplant him in the management of foreign affairs, his dismission Avas obtained principally by the artful ma- nagement of lord Stair. The address which Stair employed in thus com- pleting the triumph of du Bois is recorded in his journal*, and Avill afford a striking picture of the great ascendancy which England at that period possessed in the cabinet of Versailles. On many other occasions du Bois employed the interest of the english embassador with the regent, of which two curious instances are recorded by Duclos. While his agent Lafiteau was ineffectually soliciting the pope to confer on him the dignity of cardinal, the pretender, who had retired to Rome, being distressed for money, offered his turn of nomination to du: Bois, provided he would procure the payment of his pension, which was considerably in arrears. Du Bois, .^lowever, not only declined accepting the nomination, on a condition which would have ruined his credit at Lon- don ; but obtained the intercession of George the First, and the emperor, in his favour. During this transaction the archbishopric of Cambray becoming vacant, he coveted that high dignity, as a means of rendering him more worthy of the purple. But finding the regent disinclined to promote a person of his dissolute character, to a see recently filled by the venerable Fenelon ; du Bois adopted the same plan which he followed in regard to the car- dinal's hat. He wrote to des Touchesf, the french agent at London, to request that George the First would apply to the regent. The king, on re- ceiving and in obedience to his grandfather, they would ness or wickedness of that administration, who deceive themselves, who received it as a suffici- could build the peace of Europe on so sandy a ent expedient to prevent the mischief we pur- foundation, and accept of terms which France pose to avoid." — See Report of the Secret Com- itself was honest enough to own were not to be mittce, p. 13. maintained." Letter to Two Great Men, p. 20. Torcy made no scruple of publicly declaring * Hardwicke's State Papers, Vol. 11. that this expedient, which had been devised to + Des Touches was well known as the author prevent the union of France and Spain under of several excellent comedies, and was chosen a one monarch, could be of little force, as being In. member of the french academy. He himself consistent with the fundamental laws of France. communicated this anecdote to Ducloi. Vol. II» "This declaration," observes a judicious au- p. 82. thor, "gives a remarkable Instance of the weak- CHAPTER 5. 29 ceiving the application, burst into laughter : ''Sire," said des Touches, who was in great favour with the king, I feel no less than your ma- jesty the singularity of the application ; but it will be of the greatest im- portance to my interest to obtain it." " How," replied George, conti- nuing to laugh, " shall a protestant prince interfere in making an arch- bishop of France? The regent himself will laugh, and pay no attention to my recommendation." "Excuse me. Sire," returned des Touches, " he will laugh indeed, but he will grant it; first out of respect to your majesty, and secondly for its singularity. Besides, du Bois is tiie person on whom my future condition in life totally depends, he will ruin me if I do not obtain from your majesty an urgent letter on this occasion ; here it is already Avritten ; and the kindness with which your majesty has ho- noured me, leads me to hope that you will not refuse your signature. " " Give it me," said the king, " since it will be of so much service to you;" and he signed it. The dispatch A^as immediately forwarded; the regent v. as convinced that du Bois had suggested this measure ; but his appointment did not the less take place. Lord Stair having quarrelled with Law, v,ho directed the finances of France, earl Stanhope, secretary of State, who had long been in habits of the strictest intimacy with the regent, repaired to Paris, and settled ■with him and du Bois the plan of future intercourse. Stair being recalled, Sir Richard Sutton v/as deputed to Paris, and, after a short stay, succeeded by Mr. afterwards Sir Luke Schaub, a native of Basle, who had served as private secretary to earl Stanhope, and was principally employed in pen- ning his foreign dispatches. After passing a year at Madrid, in the cha- racter of english agent, he was selected by lord Carteret to convey to du Bois the strongest assurances from the king of England, that the death of lord Stanhope would occasion no alteration in the conduct of the bri- tish cabinet, who would persevere in maintaining the connection with France, and pursuing the same system of politics which had proved so ad- vantageous to both countries. Du Bois, whose influence over the regent depended on the friendship of the british cabinet, affectionately received his friend Schaub, as the messenger of joyful tidings. The failure of the Mississippi scheme, which reduced France to a bank- ruptcy, and the disgrace of Law, served to increase the ascendancy of du Bois, and left him without a rival in the affections of the regent. Having 30 IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Having succeeded in obtaining the archljisliopiic of Cambray, and the dig- nity of cardinal, he was finally raised, by the influence of England, through the agency of his friend Schaub, to the office of prime minister. But he did not long enjoy that elevated station; he died on the J 0th of August 1723, in the 67th year of his age. William du Bois, Avho thus attained the highest station in church and state, "vvas the son of an apothecary in Limousin, and was born in 1656. Chance having made him sub-preceptor to the duke of Orleans, his sup- ple temper, insinuating manners, versatile talents, and indefatigable per- severance in promoting his own views, raised him to the highest honours and employments of the State. The notorious infamy of his private cha- racter has induced superficial observers to deny him abilities which he really possessed, and not sufficiently to appreciate his capacity for public business, and talents for negotiation. In fact he did not solely gain the favour of his pupil by flattering his passions and pandering to his vices, but he inspired him -with a love of science, rendered natural philosophy easy and familiar, and instructed him in political knowledge. He also accompanied the young prince in some of his campaigns, and displayed at the battle of Steinkirk a striking in- stance of personal valour and humanity. ]\Iarshal Luxembourg, who com- manded in that memorable engagement, said to Louis the Fourteenth, who mentioned that the ahh6 Pelisson died without confession, " I know another abb^ who might die in the same situation." "Who?"' enquired the king. " The abb6 du Bois," returned Luxembourg, " who intre- pidly exposed himself to danger in the battle of Steinkirk. I met him in cver}^ part of the field." At the conclusion of the engagement he pre- vailed on the duke of Chartres to give orders for the removal and care of the wounded; he Avrote also an account of the battle with equal spirit and precision, and his letter pleased and surprised Louis the Fourteenth. St. Simon has in his Memoirs agreeably detailed the circumstances of his extraordinary rise; but, in drawing his portrait, has delineated his vices, and forgotten his abilities. Marshal Villars, however, speaks* more fa- vourably * On lui trouvoit beaucoup d'esprit, mais il mal, mais sitot que le cardinal n'eut plus d'autre avoit mauvaise reputation pour les moeurs. Son interet que celui de I'ctat, il y parut cnticre- maitrc avoit cte le premier a en parler assez ment dcvoue ; cherchant I'amitie et I'approba- tion CHAPTER 3. 31 vourably of his public character. During the last year of his life, the enormous load of public business, and the ill state of his health, rendered him incapable of executing the duties of his office with his accustomed fa- cility. The affairs of State were consequently in great disorder at his death, and hence, perhaps, arose the imputation of negligence and incapacity. On the death of du Bois the duke of Orleans resumed the reins of go - vernment, in the quality of prime minister, and appeared like a man re- lieved from a great burthen, recalling all those whom the cardinal had banished from court, and expressing the most marked contempt for his memory *. Fortunately, however, liis interests concurring with the in- clinations of the english ministry, no alteration ensued in the friendship established between France and England. The appointment of Morville, as successor to du Bois, in the direction of foreign affairs, at the recom- mendation of the english cabinet, sufficiently proved the inclination of the duke of Orleans to maintain the union M'ith England. Although the death of du Bois did not produce any change in the situ- ation of the two courts ; yet it occasioned the recal of the english mini- ster at Paris, and brought Mr. Walpole upon the political theatre at a cri- tical period. The british cabinet was divided into two parties ; the one headed by lord Townshend, secretary of State for the northern department, and Walpole, who Avas first lord of the Treasury ; the other was led by lord Carteret, secretary of State for the southern department, who had suc- ceeded to the influence of Sunderland and Stanhope. A violent struggle for ascendancy ensued, and was still undecided, when the king repaired to Hanover, in July 1723. He was accompanied by the two secretaries of State, and during their absence Walpole executed tbeir office in England. The Hanoverian junto was likewise divided into two parties, who ranged themselves under the duchess of Kendal and the countess of Darlington. Lord tion des honnctes gens, et voulant, disoit-il, punir les fripons. Enfin, sa mort fut regardee comme une perte dans la conjoiicture presente." Memoires de Villars, T. 3, p. 80. * If we xiidy credit Schaub, whose excessive attachment to du Bois renders him a suspicious panegyrist,, the duke of Orleans was highly af- fecced with his death, and burst into a flood of tears when he announced it to the king. 32 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Lord Townshend had secured the duchess of Kendal, and lord Carteret lady Darlington, with Bernsdorf, Bothmar, and the principal Hanoverian ministers. He was a man of superior knowledge and great abilities, and concihatcd the favour of the king, by his acquaintance with the german language, and by flattering his german prejudices. In virtue of his post as secretary for the southern department, the correspondence with the court of Versailles passed through his hands ; his attachment to the prin- ciples of Sunderland and Stanhope secured the confidence of du Bois ; and his influence in the cabinet of Versailles was increased by the representa- tions of Sir Luke Schaub, that he solely directed the system of foreign affairs, and was the only minister who was anxious to preserve the con- nection between the two countries. With a view still farther to ingratiate himself with the king, he promoted a scheme suggested by Schaub, to negotiate a marriage between Amelia, countess de Platen, niece of lady Darlington, and the count de St. Flo- rentin, and to procure, through the influence of the king, a dukedom for his father the marquis de la Vrilliere. The king warmly seconded this proposal ; he agreed to portion the bride, and permitted Schaub to employ his name in soliciting the dukedom from du Bois, provided the grant could be obtained "without difficulty, and without offending the nobility of France. Schaub readily secured the concurrence of du Bois, Carteret con- trived to retain the negotiation in his own hands, and accompanied the king to Hanover, in order to conclude it with the greater secrecy. Hu- mours however of the transaction transpiring, the secret was confidentially communicated by Carteret to lord Townshend, and thus became known to the duchess of Kendal, who was jealous of the family of Platen. In this situation of affairs the death of du Bois defeated the views of Carteret, and paved the way to the ascendancy of Townshend and Wal- pole, by the recal of Schaub, and the appointment of Mr. Walpole to the embassy at Paris. Although Sir Luke Schaub had conducted the affairs of his mission with great address ; yet being a foreigner, and v ithout dis- tinction, either from biith or connections, he could not have so long conti- nued in this station, had not the protection of Stanhope, Sunderland and Carteret, and his personal credit with duBois, concurred to render his pre- 8 sence CHAPTER 3. 33 sence at Paris conducive to the maintenance of the pacific system. In consequefice of his attachment to Carteret, he became obnoxious to Towns- hend and Walpole, and they eagerly embraced the opportunity which the death of du LJois presented, of lessening his credit with the king. Towns- hend represented that the continuance of Schaub at Paris would be preju- dicial to his majesty's affairs, in consequence of the personal enmity of count Noc^, who had been banished by the cardinal, and considered Schaub as the cause of his disgrace. Being now reinstated in his former favour, he was supposed to be the person who would govern the duke of Orleans. Lord Townshend therefore suggested the propriety of deputing to Paris a person capable of asceitaining the state of the french ca- binet, and the real influence of Schaub ; he recommended Mr. Walpole as best qualified for tiiis delicate charge, and to avoid disgusting lord Car- teret, proposed, that his brother-in-law should not assume a diplomatic character, but appear to pass through Paris in his way to Hanover. The king's consent was the signal of victory, and Townshend triumphantly an- nounces to Walpole the beneficial consequences which must result from this step. " If Horace Walpole executes his commission with his usual dexterity, the effect will cither be that he Avill make such discoveries as must end in getting Scliaub reca,lled, or at least that Schaub, finding we have credit enough to get so near a relation sent over to superintend him, will so far consider his own situation, as to act in a more open and sincere manner towards us, and think it necessary to make a merit to himself, of appearing to throw that interest into our hands, which, after such a tacit declaration in our favour, it may no longer be in his power to withhold from us. And as that interest has hitherto been the chief, and is at pre- sent in a manner the only hold and support of our antagonists, this affair, if managed with discretion, will wound them in the most vital and sensi- ble part *. " This transaction was settled without the knowledge of lord Carteret ; but soon afterwards the king, at the suggestion of lord Townshend, ordered him to expedite credential letters to Mr. Walpole for the purpose of ad- mitting the king of Portugal into the quadruple alliance. Carteret re- luctantly * Lord Townshend to Robert Walpole, Hanover, Sept. 2.t, XJ'iS. Me rioirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol, II. p. eGsJ. F 54 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. luctantly obeyed, and ToAvnsliend again thus announced his success. " This indubitable mark of confidence towards us, and neglect towards Carteret and Schaub, cannot fail to induce the duke of Orleans and the french minister to open themselves to my brother Horace, and to court our friendship. And the king's putting so near a relation of ours over Schaub's head, in a court, Avhere the whole secret of affairs centers at pre- sent in lord Carteret's province, and in the strength and heart of his in- terest, will be such a publication to the world of the superiority of our credit, that I think a stronger neither can nor ought to be desired at pre- sent. * * * * " This mortifying stroke, I assure you, has so astonished lord Carteret, that I never observed in him, on any occasion, such visible marks of de- spair*." With respect to the alfair of the dukedom, which lord ToAvnshend fore- saAV would encounter many difficulties, Mr. Walpole was instructed nei- ther to oppose it, lest he should offend the king, or to interfere in the ne- gotiation, if he could avoid it with prudence. • Lord Townshend to Robert Walpole, October 2b, 1723. Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 281. 3S CHAPTER 4. 1723. State of the French Court and Character of the Ministers on the Arrival of Mr. JValpole at Paris — Embarrassments from Sir Luke Schaiib, and from the Afair of the Dukedom — Confidential Intercourse with Count Noce and the Duke of Orleans — Sudden Death of the Duke of Orleans. MR. Walpole arrived at Paris on the 19th of October, and on the 1st of November forwarded to lord Townshend his first dispatch containing a most perspicuous and interesting account of the french court and ministry. The answer of lord Townshend will shew the extreme sa- tisfaction which the king derived from this communication. " Hanover, Nov. 27 — Dec. 8. " Not thinking it proper to have j\Ir. Thomas come over to the Gohre, I desired him to stay at this place till our return hither; and I now take the first opportunity of dispatching him back to you, that you may have the satisfaction of knowing that the relations you sent by him M'ere highly acceptable to the king, who expressed himself with the greatest kindness and aflfection tow ards you on this occasion, and declared that he never had at any time received so sensible and satisfactory an account of the situa- tion of persons and affairs at the french court." Mr. Walpole found the duke of Orleans in full possession of absolute authority, and managing the vast and complicated machine of State with a skill and facility equal to his great talents ; but which the dissoluteness of his life did not seem to promise. Louis the Fifteenth was at this period only in his fourteenth year; in 1722 he had been declared out of his minority, and after being crowned at Rheims, ostensibly assumed the reins of government. He was of a weak and sickly habit, and shewed no marks of that robust and hardy frame, which afterwards supported such incessant fatigue. He was af- F 2 fectionately 56 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. fectionately devoted to his preceptor Fleury, but wholly governed in af- fairs of State by the duke of Orleans; and the ministers were either per- sons of inferior capacity, or of little consequence. Armenonvillc, the keeper of the seals, was without weight or capacity, and is characterised by the duke of Orleans in the celebrated pasquinade * against the ministry of du Bois, as thus addressing himself to the russian embassador. " Are you come, sir, to consult me as keeper of the seals, or as financier ? I must frankly inform you, that I am acquainted with my oM'n finances, but not with those of the king ; and as keeper of the seals, papers are sent me to seal, but I am not permitted to read them. I have uo other merit than that of good-will." His son, count Morville, appointed to the office of secretary of State on the death of cardinal du Bois, was, like his father, a man of integrity and good-will ; but little acquainted with foreign atfairs, and extremely embarrassed * In the midst of a large fociety of ladies, noblemen, men of letters, and artists, assembled at the house of madame d'Auverne, the duke of Orleans affected to quote a pasquinade, which he pretended, was recently published against himself and his administration. " Ladies and gentlemen," he said, " the French are ex- tremely malicious in publishing the most severe Hbels against me and the ministers. They feign that the czar of Russia, finding the french go- vernment wiser than those of the other nations which he has visited, has just sent an envoy, express, to request the assistance of my coun- sels. The embassador makes me a flattering eulogium on the part of his master, to which I reply, ' His czarish majesty, sir, does me great honour, by his good opinion of my capa- city, which I do not merit. Louis the Four- teenth, from a principle of jealousy, removed me from his councils ; my studies have been confined to the belles lettres, chymistry, paint- ing, and music. My birth, it is true, called me to the regency, but I do not interfere in the government any otherwise than to plan edicts when I am intoxicated in the evening, with my boon companions, which annul those of the pre- ceding evening. I am concerned that I am not able to assist your master in his great projects ; but go to cardinal du Bois.' " The embassador accordingly repairing to du Bois, and delivering the prince's message, the cardinal replied, * The duke of Orleans is jok- ing, without doubt, in sending you to me,. Where does he think I have learnt to govern well ? I am the son of a village apothecary. I began my career at Paris, as servant to a doc- tor of the Sorbonne ; my good stars made rae sub-preceptor to the regent, who loaded me with dignities, without giving me capacity. Besides I am eaten up with disease, which consumes me, and prevents me, even if I had the capacity, from transacting the affairs of France. Go then, to the keeper of the seals, and the other ministers. " After drawing the characters of Armenon- villc, Maurepas, Ereteuil, Dodun and la Vril- licre, which are inserted in the text, the duke of Orleans concluded: " Voila comment I'am- bassadeur courant de I'un a I'autre ministre sans rien pouvoir apprendre, s'en retourna a sa cour corame il etoit venu," CHAPTER 4. 37 embarrassed in transacting business. The principal cause of his elevation ■was derived from his devotion to England. He is characterised even by Schaub, who was prejudiced in his favour, as possessed of great good sense and prudence, but without shining talents. Mr. Walpole, in his first dispatch to lord Townshend, speaks of him as *' an honest inan, that does the business of his office to the satisfaction of his master, Avithout any other confidence or aim at power," and as " cor- dially disposed to keep a good understanding with England." Jean Frederic count de IMaurepas, of the branch of Philippeaux Pont- chartrin, was at the head of the marine department ; he was born in 1701, and, in the seventeenth year of his age, was named secretary of State, by the duke of Orleans, as a recompence to his grandfather, the count de Pontchartrin, chancellor, who resigned his charge, that he might not make the will of Louis the Fourteenth, which limited the power of the re- gent. He was nominated superintendant of the king's household in 1718, and placed at the head of the Admiralty in 1723*. In the pasquinade jVIaurepas is thus characterised, as apostrophising the russian embassador. " I should be happy to be useful to his czarish majesty ; but I trust he will have the goodness to wait until I am acquainted with business. I have sense, an inclination to learn, and love for the king and the state; but I am just come from school, and have seen no other vessel than one which ascended the Seine, two years ago, and those of two feet high which are made to amuse boys of my age. I do not however despair of one day rendering myself serviceable to his czarish majesty ; but 1 have hitherto only been a lively and mischievous boy." Breteuil, the minister at war, Avas son of the intendant of Languedoc, and became hiniself intendant of the Limosin. lie appears to have solely owed his elevation to his address in stealing the leaf of the register of a village in the Limosin, containing the entry of du Bois's marriage, which the * He continued in different employments un- till 1749, when he was banished by the influ- ence of madame de Pompadour, whom he had satirised. He remained in exile during the whole reign of Louis the Fifteenth, but, on the accession of Louis the Sixteenth, was recalled, and, tl'.ough he lield no official employment, was considered as prime minister. He died in 178 1 in the eighty. second year of his age. 38 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. the cardinal had commissioned him to secure*. In reward for this service du Bois called him from his petty office of intendant, to succeed le Blanc as minister of Avar, although he was totally unacquainted with military concerns. Though not deficient in talents, he was a man of extreme ig- norance, and no less vanity, of which St. Simon has recorded two ridicu- lous instances f. In the pasquinade of the duke of Orleans, Breteuil is thus introduced as speaking to the russian embassador. " To whom, sir, do you address yourself? It is true, I am secretary at war ; but I have seen no other troops than the regiment Avhich passed through Limoges while I was intendant." Dodun comptroller-general is thus characterised: " I was formerly counsellor of the parliament, and actually reported a cause; but the duke of Orleans made me comptroller-general, and I confess myself totally un- acquainted with the duties of my office." Henry Philippeaux, comte de St. Florentin, son of Louis Philippeaux, marquis de la Vrilliere, succeeded his father on his dismission from the office of secretary of State, February 17, 1723. At this period he was only 18 years of age, and as he v/as totally without experience, to him might be applied the pasquinade of the duke of Orleans on his fatlicr. " Be- liold, sir," he says to the russian embassador, " the form of our letters de cachet, that is all with which I am yet acquainted. Here is one to immure an unfortunate priest in the Bastile. This is all that I do, and all I knov/ how to do. I give it you v.'ith great satisfaction, and you may transmit it to your master, who employs similar methods to send his sub- jects into Siberia," This M as the person:}: who afterwards espoused Ame- lia, countess of Platen, the pretensions of whose family to a dukedom oc- casioned so much embarrassment to Mr. Walpole, and hastened the recal of Sir Luke Schaub. The bishop of Frejus, afterwards well known under the denomination of * St. Simon relates this anecdote at length, but the authors of the Dictionnaire Historique call it in question, + Oeuvres de St. Simon, Tom. 12, p, 231, £36. ^ Louis Philippeaux, the father, died in 1725; and Henry, the son, continued in the ofiice of secretary of State until 1736, when he was ap- pointed garde des sccaux, in the place of Chauve- lin. He became chancellor to the queen in 1 743, and in 1770 was created duke de la Vrilliere. Des Bas Dictionnaire de la Noblesse. CHAPTER 4. 59 of cardinal Fleuiy, discreetly remained in the back ground of the pic- ture, and the v/hole weight of affairs rested upon the duke of Orleans. Mr. Walpole commended, in the strongest terms, his great talents for business, and the general satisfaction and tranquillity which prevailed under his administration. Count Noc6, whose name often occurs in the early correspondence of Mr. Walpole, though not a member of the administration, had consider- able influence over the duke of Orleans, as a votary of wit and pleasure, and as a boon companion in his convivial hours. He was a man of a vo- latile and capricious disposition, solely addicted to his amusements, and averse to business; he repeatedly deplined all offices of trust or emolu- ment, and piqued himself on his independence. Although he affected never to interfere in public affairs, yet he occasionally suggested hints, and exerted his great influence over his patron in his hours of relaxation. Hence he was assiduously courted by du Bois, in- the early period of the regency ; and facilitated his rise at the intercession of madame de Ten- cin*, who carried on an intrigue with both, but was most devoted to the abbot. At * Claudine Alexandrine, usually styled ma- dame de Tencin, was of an illustrious fa. niily in the province of Dauphine. She took the veil, and resided in the monastery of Mont Fleury, near Grenoble ; but, disgusted with the life of nun, obtained, through the interest of Fontenelle, a brief from the pope to quit the cloister. She soon afccrwaids came to Paris, and rendered herself conspicuous by her beauty, talents, gallantries, and political intrigues. At the instigation of Torcy, she made suc- cessful advances to lord Bolingbroke, during his embassy at Paris, became a spy upon his conduct, and stole from him some papers of con- siderable importance. She had less success with the duke of Orleans, with whom she was em- ployed to ingratiate herself, on the death of Louis the Fourteenth, by d'Argenson, lieute- 8 nant de police. With a view to effect her purpose, she pretended to be violently in love with him ; but the duke, suspecting the snare, was not duped by her blandishments. About the same time she captivated du Bois, and be- came privately his mistress, the depositary of his secrets, and th'; directress of his designs. — On his elevation she appeared publicly as his mistress, domineered over him and his household, and was the source of honours and court fa- vours. On his death she tot;illy lost her influ- ence ; but lived in a magnificent style, as she had acquired a considerable fortune, during the frenzy of the Mississippi scheme, by the assist- ance of Law, who was also one of her admirers. Her house continued the rendezvous of men of gallantry and letters, and among her numerous lovers was la Fresncy, a counsellor of the par- liament. 4a MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. At length clu Bois having firmly established his credit with the re- gent, neglected Noce in his applications for favours, who, provoked at his ingratitude, ineffectually endeavoured to obstruct his elevation. He once said to the duke, " I hear you intend to promote that rascal da Bois to the archbishopric of Cambray, " True," replied the duke, ex- tremely embarrassed ; " but his promotion will be servicable to my af- fairs." In his interviews with madame Tencin, he also loaded him with the most sarcastic abuse, which the lady reporting, du Bois obtained the disgrace of Noce, and Schaub, who M^as another of her paramours, and espoused the quarrels of du Bois, took an active part in this transaction. On the cardinals death, the duke of Orleans instantly sent messenger after messenger to recal Noc6, contemptuously observing in his letters, " Morta la bestia, morto il venino, " and received him with embraces ac- companied with tears. Mr. Walpole describes him as "a humourist, full of satire and contradiction, though with a great fund of wit, and apt to give things a malicious turn, if you approach him too near." On his recal, Noc^ testified the most inveterate hatred and contempt of Sir liament, who having a violeat quarrel with her, killed himself in her apartment. Being accused of abetting the murder, she was imprisoned in the Chatclet, and from thence transferred to the Bastile ; but her innocence appearing on exa- mination, she was released, and entered again into the world. SIic was author of several no- vels, of which the principal are Memoires de Comminges, and Les Malheurs de I'Amour. — Some of her writings partake of the licentious, ress of her life, and she may be said, like Mrs. Behu, " to put her cliaracters to bed." She died in 1749, at an advanced age. She is sup- posed to hare been the mother of the celebrated d'Alembert, who was born in 1717, and placed as a foundling under the care of a glass- man, in the parish of La Ronde, in Paris, from whence he was called Jean de la Ronde, until lie took the name of d'Alembert, To her influence, her brother, Pierre Guerin de Tencin, principally owed his elevation. He entered early into the church, became prior of the Sorbonne, and grand vicar of Sens. He was in great friendship with Law, whose abjuration of the Protestant religion he received, and by his means he considerably improved his fortune, in a manner unfavourable to his reputation. At this period he was charge d'affaires at Rome, and aspired to the highest ecclesiastical honours. He was appointed archbishop of Embrun in 1724, and in 1740 archbishop of Lyon?. He was created cardinal in 1 739, at the nomination of the pretender, minister of state in 1742, and aspired to be prime minister on the death of car- dinal Fleury, but was disappointed in his expec- tations. He was a man of moderate abilities, and licentious morals; but of agreeable man. nets, and insinuating address. He died in 173 8, iiged 80. CHAPTER 4. 41 Sir Luke Schaub : publicly called him a babbler, and turned away with marks of disgust, Avhenever he attempted to address him. His aversion, however, to the british envoy did not influence his political opinions ; he was a staunch friend to the alliance between France and England, and warmly recommended the continuance of the connection. His natural indolence and abhorrence of business induced superficial observers to suppose that he would be merely the social companion of the duke of Orleans, and not have the smallest influence in matters of state. But the sagacity of Mr. Walpole duly appreciated his character: "I have," he says, in a dispatch to lord Townshcnd, " the influence of count Noce upon the regent's mind so much at heart, that while Schaub, and indeed others, think him of no great consequence, because he him- self, nor the regent for him, seem to have any thoughts of his being put into business, I for that very reason believe he has the greatest credit ■with his royal highness, as it is certain he has entirely his affection. For as Noc6 is a bold open speaker, with a great deal of wit and good sense, but mixed with vanity, I know for certain that he values himself for not seeking to be a minister, and for having never made any great advantage from so great favour as he possesses in the regent's heart, which flatters his own vanity, and at the same time gives him great in- fluence in what he says, as being disinterested, and solely attached to his master's good*." Accordingly Mr. Walpole courted Noce with the most assiduous attention, and succeeded in conciliating his friendship, and securing the good-will of the duke of Orleans. JMr. Walpole was greatly embarrassed in his new situation, by the secret opposition of Sir Luke Schaub, who was mortified tha.t a person of his character and connections should be sent to Paris, and was apprehen- sive of being superseded. With a view, therefore, to render his continu- ance at Paris necessary, Schaub availed himself of the private negotiation relative to the dukedom, and was supported by all the influence of his friend and protector lord Carteret, Avhose superior pre-eminence in the cabinet he blazoned to the french ministers, decried the interest of Townshend and Walpole, and represented them as adverse to the alliance with France. With * Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, Paris, Oct. 21 — Nov. 1, 1733. G 42 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. With a view to defeat tliese manoeuvres, Mr. Walpole obtained a private audience of the duke of Orleans ; he stated the king's firm resolution to pursue such measures as would preserve the friendship and good under- standing with his royal highness, and the sincere attachment of his re- lations to the same system. He likewise made a distinction between the principles of the Whigs and Tories, and described the former as friendly, and the latter as hostile, to the connection with France. This declara- tion made a deep impression on the mind of the duke of Orleans, and counteracted in an instant all the insinuations of Sir Luke Schaub. In consequence of these contradictory opinions, and the mutual jea- lousy of both parties, they appeared like the ministers of two rival courts; and the letters of Mr. Walpole to his relations, and those of Sir Luke Schaub to lord Carteret, are filled with petulant remarks and vehement invectives, Avhich it would be tedious and uninteresting to detail. In the midst of these discordant intrigues, the duke of Orleans gave an instance of his superior esteem for Mr. Walpole, and of his conviction that his relations had the pre-eminence in the cabinet. By the express command of the duke of Orleans, communicated through Count Noce, Mr. Walpole had a confidential interview with his royal highness on the subject of the dukedom. After dining with count IVIorville, he was conducted by Noc6 to a low and dark apartment in the palace of Versailles. Noc6 retiring, on the entrance of the duke of Orleans, his royal highness opened the conference, by expressing his willingness to make any sacrifice, or undergo any hazard, to comply with the king's request. He then expatiated on the difficulties and obstacles* which resulted from the aversion of the nobility ; he represented the family of la Vrilliere as having no pretensions to that honour ; treated the Avhole business * A curious passage in the Memoirs of Vil. lars will prove the embarrassments of the duke of Orleans. " Le bruit fe repandit alors que le due d'Orleans voulut faire des dues, et donner cet honneur au marquis de la Vrilliere, a fin que son fils epousat unc fiUe batarde du roi d' Angleterre, sur cela je dis au due d'Orleans ; vos bons ser- viteurs ne peuvent s'empecher de vous repre- senter que votre gloire est interessee a ne pat laisser dire que le roi d' Angleterre, n'osant pas donner sa batarde a un milord, dont il yen a plus de deux cents, vous oblige, pour la marier, a faire un due en France. Le regent m'avoua qu'on lui en avoit parle, et que je lui faisois un plaisir tres sensible de lui faire voir et sentir les consequences qu'aroit cctte demarche." — Memoirs de Villars, Tom. 3, p. 9'-*. C n A P T E R 4. 43 business as an intrigue of Scliaub, who had a love affair with madame de la Vrilliere, and had deceived the king by his misrepresentations. He declared therefore his resolution to delay presenting to the king of France, the letter from the king of England, requesting the grant of the dukedom which Sir Luke Schaub had delivered to him, until he had re- ceived further information from Hanover. He then concluded, " I must therefore request you instantly to send a courier to Hanover, with a letter for lord ToMaishend, to lay before his majesty the true and real state of the business ; I wish to know the king's sentiments on the subject, and am ready to obey his majesty's commands, when I am convinced he is fully acquainted with the transaction." An account of this interesting interview, which proved the full reliance of the duke of Orleans on Mr. Walpole's integrity and good sense, is detailed at length, in a dispatch to lord Tov.^nshend, dated on the first of December, to be laid before the king. It was accompanied with a private letter, in which Mr. Walpole exculpates himself from having pur- posely solicited this confidential communication with a view to obstruct the grant of the dukedom. He stated the delicacy of his situation, and his apprehensions of offending the king ; 3'et expressed his full convic- tion, that the obstacles to the grant were insuperable, that Schaub had exceeded his powers, and by his indiscreet precipitancy in delivering the letter for the king of France, before he was secure of success, had com- mitted the king's honour. These dispatches had scarcely reached the place of their destination, before another arrived, which announced a sudden and unexpected change in the court of France. The duke of Orleans had been some time indisposed ; but notwith- standing the repeated solicitations of his physicians, would neither ab- stain from pleasure or business. His surgeon observing his eyes inflamed, and his countenance bloated, predicted a fit of apoplexy, unless he would submit to be bled and physicked. The duke, smiling, replied, that vain apprehensions should not debar him from the enjoyments of life, and a sudden death was that of all others which he preferred. He accordingly continued his usual train of life, and did not relax his extreme appli- cation to business. G 2 On 44- MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. On the Hd of December, after dinner, in which he freely indulgeci himself, he transacted much business of State, until fatigued with his exertions, the importunities of visitors, and numerous applications, he re- tired to his cabinet, to repose himself until the hour in A\ hich he usually waited on the king. Among many persons who were refused admittance, Avas his principal favourite, at this period, the duchess of Phalaris, who came to present a memorial in favour of the duchess of Meilleray. The duke having soon afterwards enquired of his valet the names of the visi- tors, sent for the duchess of Phalaris, Avho had retired to the apartment of madame du Rohan; because, as he said, she would not fatigue him witli her importunities, and perhaps had something of importance to commu- nicate. On entering tlie room, she perceived that he was indisposed. While they were conversing on the subject of the memorial, and he was promising to grant her friend's request, he sunk into a kind of lethargy ; but recovering, made an apology for his inattention ; he soon re- lapsed, and the duchess observing great difficulty of respiration, and an immediate change of countenance, his eyes open and his mouth distorted, rushed out of the cabinet, and shrieked violently for assistance. But after traversing various apartments in vain, she returned, and found the room full of people, and the duke extended on the floor, his head resting on the corner of the chair. He still breathed ; but after several ineffectual attempts to restore him, expired within a few hours, in the 50th year of his age*. The sudden death of the duke of Orleans, and the doubtful prospect of the succeeding administration,, filled the court and country with general consternation ; the young king received the account of his demise with great marks of sensibility and aflfliction, and long regretted his memory. Mr. Walpole has paid him a just tribute of applause in the dispatch which announced his death. ' ' This great and unexpected stroke does I find affect, in a most sensible manner, the persons of the best quality and sense here, as thinking the death of his royal highness at this juncture, considering him * This account of the death of the duke Alfo from a letter of Sir Luke Schaub to lord of Orleans, is principally taken from Mr. Carteret, Mr. Walpole's Dispatches, and CEi»- Crawfurd's Dispatch to Lord Carteret, in Lord vres dc St. Simon, Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 2, p. 625, CHAPTER 4. 45 him as to his high birth, and superior talents in government, not to be re- placed ; besides that he had, by his capacity, and indefatigable pains in business, overcome difficulties almost insurmountable, and given the na- tion a prospect of a lasting peace, which the best patriots here think ab- solutely necessary for France*." * To lord Townshend, December 6th, 1723. Walpole Papers. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 5. 1 723—1 724. The Duke of Bourbon becomes Prime Minister — His Character and Prin- ciples — Injluence of, Madame dii Prie — General Account of the New Ad- ministration — Marshal de Villars — Paris du Verney and his three Bro- thers — Change in the Conduct of Louis the Fifteenth — Rise and Ascen- dancy of Fleury — Ext^^acts from Mr. JFalpole's Private Letters, relat- ing to the State of the Court, and to the Motives of his own Conduct — First Conference xvith Fleury. fT^HE (ieatb of the duke of Orleans was scarcely announced, before Jl the duke of Bourbon entered the closet, and found the king in tears, and the bishop of Frejus employed in consoling him. The duke requesting the office of prime minister, the king made no reply; but fixed his eyes on Fleury, -who instantly nodding approbation, declared he Avould answer for the duke's loyalty and attachment, and that his ma- jesty would consult his interest in appointing him first minister. He added, " M. de la Vrilliere is in the antichambcr, and if your majesty is willing, I will call him to receive your orders to expedite the patent. The king said, "Yes:" La Vrilliere was admitted; the patent, which was drawn up, was signed ; and a chair of state being introduced, his ma- jesty seated himself in it, and received the customary oaths from the duke of Bourbon*. Soon after the departure of the duke of Bourbon, the young duke of Orleans entered the closet, and threw himself at the king's feet, who gently raised him from the ground; the duke burst into tears, and after exclaiming that he was too deeply affected with this melancholy catastrophe of his fathers death to address his majesty, abruptly took his leave. Louis * Mr, Walpole to lord Townshend, Dec. C, 1723. MAIIAME DE PR I K From an Oricfinal at St7"au'berri^ JIill CHAPTER 5. 47 Louis Henri, duke of Bourbon and Enghien, of the branch of Cond^, usually styled, during his administration, JMonsieur le Due, was in the thirty-second year of his age, when he succeeded the duke of Orleans in the office of prime minister. In his early youth he displayed great per- sonal courage, but was a man of weak capacity and irresolute temper; and possessed all the vices, without the talents, of his predecessor. He was beset by projectors, encompassed by persons of indifferent reputation, and was so wholly governed by his mistress, that his administration was termed the administration of madame de Prie. Agnes, daughter of Stephen de Berthelot, Baron de Bayc, was born in 1698, and espoused, when very young, Louis marquis de Pri6, embas- sador at the court of Turin*. She possessed great beauty of counte- nance, elegance of figure, fascinating manners, and, for her age and sex, 110 inconsiderable share of literary accomplishments ; but she was disso- lute, imperious, venal, profuse, and intriguing. The principal ministers who directed affairs under du Bois, and the duke of Orleans, were retained by madame de Pri6; Morville, Armenon- ville, la Vrilliere, Breteuil, and Dodun ; most of M'hom being persons without influence, and of moderate talents, were wholly subservient to lier will. To these ministers the duke of Bourbon joined the marshal de Villarsf, whom he introduced into the council of State. These were the ostensible ministers ; but the real and efficient agents of this weak administration were four brothers of the name of Paris, whose rapid rise and singular adventures are recorded by Saint Simon. Their father kept a solitary inn at the foot of the Alps, in a narrow pass lead- ing to Italy. His four sons, who followed the occupation of muleteers, Avere * Desbois Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, art. Berthelot and Prie ; torn, 2, p. 3 89, and torn. J 1, p. 542. + Louis Hector, marquis and due de Villars, was born in lCo3. Being destined to the profes- sion of arms, he gave, at an early period of his life, numerous instances of extreme intrepidity, and raised himself to thehighest military rank, in which he equally distinguished himself by his skill as a general. Towards the close of the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, he revived the glory of the french arms, and, by his successful campaign in Flanders, and his negotiations at Rastadt, hastened the conclusion of ;he peace of Baden. His character is well and truly drawn by Voltaire : " Heureux Villars, fanfaron, et plein de coeur;" for his vanity was equal to his success and intre- pidity. 8 48 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ■were active, industrious and intelligent, and performed essential service by transporting provisions and forage across the mountains, to the army of the duke de Vendome in Italy, who, by the delay of his commissary, had been prevented from opening the campaign. The activity and zeal of the four brothers attracted notice ; they were again employed, made great profits, and gradually became contractors themselves. After rais- ing considerable fortunes they repaired to Paris, where their talents were rewarded, and they were employed in the department of the finances, un- der the duke of Noailles and Argenson. During the regency, Law had great difficulty in suppressing their cre- dit and influence ; but on the overthrow of his system, to Which they greatly contributed, they again rose into power. They principally di- rected the administration of the finances, under Pelletier de la Houssaie, who was made comptroller-general in 1720, and Dodun, who succeeded him in ] 722 ; they were often consulted by du Bois, and noticed by the duke of Orleans. Being protected by madame de Prie, their authority was paramount under the administration of the duke of Bourbon. The eldest was distinguished by the name of Paris ; the second was called la Montague, from the sign of his father's inn; the third, Montmartel; and the fourth, Duverney, who had served as a common soldier, and was the most remarkable for his address and influence. The commencement of the duke of Bourbon's administration was ex- tremely embarrassed, by the opposition of the family of Orleans, and by the cabals of his mother, Louisa Frances, natural daughter of Louis the Fourteenth, whose high spirit could not brook subjection to a superci- lious and domineering mistress. He was, as Mr. Walpole, in a letter to his brother, justly observes, ' ' encompassed with a mother and a mistress, who had both their private views and interests; who heartily hated one another, but lived well enough in appearance ; each apprehending who should get the better in case of a rupture, and both of them daily suggesting, by their creatures, some project that might flatter the duke's particular in- terests and ambition*." The evil effects of these cabals, and of the duke's incapacity, were counteracted by the situation and ascendancy of Fleury. Andrew Cardinal Fleury From, ctrz Or^iQinalvyi the Collection of L07^d W al/xole CHAPTER 5. 49 Andrew Hercules de Fleury, M'^as son of a receiver of tythes in the dio- cese of Lodeve, in the province of Languedoc. He was born on the 22d of June \633, and discovering early signs of quick comprehension, was sent to Paris, at the age of six, and prosecuted his studies with great as- siduity and success, under the Jesuits, and iu the school of Harcourt. He distinguished himself by his public dissertations in latin and greek, in which he explained, with considerable learning, the principal doctrines of the athenian pliilosophers. Being destined to the church, he ob- tained, in l66S, a canonry of jMontpellicr, by the recommendation of Pierre de Bonzi, bishop of Beziers, whose protection his father had ac- quired. This prelate, afterwards better known under the title of cardi- nal de Bonzi, archbishop of Narbonne, and grand almoner to the queen, was fascinated with the rising talents and insinuating address of young Fleury, introduced him at court, and procured for him the appointment of chaplain to the queen of Louis the Fourteenth, at the age of twenty. On the death of the queen, he was nominated, by the same interest, chap- lain to the king. Under the auspices of his powerful protector, he was introduced to the first societies of Paris, and increased the favourable impression of a pleasing figure and fascinating countenance, by the ame- nity of his manners, the charms of his conversation, and the discretion of his conduct. These amiable qualities, which acquired him many friends, among the first persons of the realm, for some time retarded his promotion, J^ouis the Fourteenth was displeased with his courtly manners and gene- ral acquaintance, wliich appeared to him marks of dissipation, and in re- ply to the numerous applications for a bishopric, said, " Fleury has too many friends, and is too much a man of the world to fulfil the duties of an episcopal station." Fleury submitted patiently to these disappointments, and was at length, by the importunity of the archbishop of Paris, promoted to the see of Frejus, in Provence*. Retiring to his bishopric he per- formed his professional duties with extreme regularity, tempered the dignity of his high office with his characteristic suavity of disposition, liquidated, • In 1698. II .30 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. liquidated, by the strictest ceconomy, the debts which his predecessors liad entailed upon the diocese, and rendered himself equally beloved and respected. He performed the most essential service to the town and district of Frejus, when Victor Amadeus, duke of Savoy, and prince Eugene, led a considerable army against Toulon. The inhabitants of Frejus, alarmed at the approach of the enemy, were preparing to retire, but were prevented by the bishop, whose interposition with the duke of Savoy saved the town from pillage on the payment of a moderate contribution. During three days, which the duke and prince Eugene passed in the episcopal palace, they distinguished the bishop with uncommon marks of attention ; and Victor Amadeus was so much delighted with his con- versation and manners, that he pressed him to accept the oiiice of go- vernor to his son, afterwards Charles Emanuel the First, an honour which the bishop declined ; but he offended Louis the Fourteenth by performing Te Deum in the cathedral of Frejus, and publicly offering the holy water to the duke of Savoy, which was maliciously represented as an act of rejoicing for the success of his arms; circumstances which added obstacles to his further promotion. During his residence in his bishopric he collected various memorials relating to the revenue, and the improvement of several branches of com- merce, manufactures and agriculture, which increased his political know- ledge. He did not totally bury himself in his diocese; but made occa- sional excursions, appeared at court, and in the capital, and kept alive his antient connexions, particularly with the families of Noailles and Villeroy, to whom he principally owed his subsequent elevation. Louis the Fourteenth, having, at the instigation of madam de Mainte- non, made by will an act of settlement for the government of the king- dom, during the minority of his grandson, which divided the administra- tion, and the care of the young king's person, between the dukes of Or- leans and Maine, under the controul of a council of regency, appoint- ed marshal Villeroy governor; but was embarrassed in the choice of a pre- ceptor, who was capable of that important trust, and calculated to conci- liate the different parties. After much hesitation and difficulty he was induced, CHAPTER 5. 51 induced, by the importunity of marshal Villeroy, to nominate Fleury, who, aware of this arrangement, had recently resigned the bishopric of Frejus for the abby of Tournus. Although the duke of Orleans, on the death of Louis the Fourteenth, annulled the will of the monarch, and assumed the sole regency ; yet he confirmed the appointment of the governor and preceptor. During the turbulent and intriguing period of the regency, Fleury conducted him- self with such circumspection as to give no umbrage to the duke of Or- leans or the cardinal du Bois ; he entered into no cabals, he made no ap- plications, either for himself or his friends ; but seemed wholly attentive to fulfil the duties of his trust, and instantly gained an uncommon influ- ence over the mind of his royal pupil. In the course of his employment, he omitted no opportunity of obtaining information on the domestic and foreign affairs of France, thus qualifying himself for the station which he afterwards attained. The disgrace of his patron marshal Villeroy, which seemed likely to involve him in the same catastrophe, contributed to strengthen his in- fluence, and perpetuate his power. Informed of Villeroy's arrest, he pre- cipitately quitted the court, and retired to Baville, a seat belonging to his friend de Lamoignon. The young king, deeply afflicted with the loss of his governor and preceptor, refused all sustenance, took no rest, and endangered his life by the excess of his grief. In this alarming si- tuation, the retreat of Fleury being either purposely or accidentally dis- covered, a letter from the king, affectionately urging his return, and ano- ther from the regent, in terms no less flattering, after some affected de- lays, drew him to Versailles, where his presence instantly restored the king to health and tranquillity. He resumed his office, under the duke of Charost, the new governor : and though he suffered the imputation of ingratitude for deserting his former benefactor ; yet he secretly exulted in the removal of an imperious master, and anticipated the most glorious prospects of future elevation. Soon after this event, Fleury gave a proof of great disinterestedness, or still greater ambition, by declining the archbishopric of Rheims, the first station in the kingdom, except that of a prince of the blood; de- claring to the regent, who pressed him to accept it, that he preferred his H 2 station 52 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. station about the king's person, and in the council, to all the dignities upon earth. It is likewise a striking proof, either of his prudence or his integrity, that he did not supplant the duke of Orleans, and accept the office of prime minister, ofllered him by the king, on the death of cardi- nal du Bois. lie seems to have stood in awe of the regent; and even be- fore the disgrace of his patron Villeroy, he seldom ventured, and not "without great apparent diffidence, to be present in the cabinet, when the duke of Orleans transacted business with the king*, and concealed liis views under an air of candour and siniplicit}^ Hitherto Fleury, adhering to his unobtrusive manner, had kept in the back ground ; but he now became a prominent figure in the french ad- ministration. His abilities, however, were at this period so little appre- ciated, that he was merely considered as a learned bigot, wholly ignorant of foreign politics. Even Mr, Walpole, notwithstanding his discernment of character, did not at first sufficiently appreciate the independence and spirit of Fleury. Although he mentions him in his first dispatch to lord Townshend f as a man of great learning, abilities, and credit with tlie king; yet he also considered him as a creature and spy of the duke of Orleans. Such being the state of the french court, and of the piincipal charac- ters who composed or influenced the administration, the situation of Mr. Walpole called forth all his sagacity and discretion. He was embarrassed with the long-pending affair of the dukedom, he was thwarted by the intrigues and jealousy of Sir Luke Schaub, he was without a permanent official character, and uncertain, at this crisis, by whom the duke of Bourbon would be governed, or by whom the helm of State M^ould be di- rected. He was urged by Schaub to pay instant court to madame de Prie; he was importuned by Bolingbroke to employ his agency with the duke of Bourbon ; but he prudently kept aloof from the petty cabals of women and courtiers, and waited till the struggle of the contending par- ties was decided. He did not, however, neglect his duty: he obtained, in an interview with the duke of Bourbon, the strongest assurances, that the * A la fin de ce travail ou le marechal de Villars asslstoit toujours, et ou quelquefoia I'an- eien eveque de Frejus se hazardoit de rester, &c. St. Simon, t. 9, p» gCi. + Paris, November 1, 1723. Walpole Papers, CHAPTER 5. 53 the death of the duke of Orleans would make no change in the measures hitherto pursued to preserve the union between the two nations, and formed a plan for his future conduct, to gain the party who should ac- quire the ascendancy. A few extracts from his interesting letters to his brother and lord Townshcnd will shew the uncertain state of the french court, and the motives by which his conduct was regulated. " The particular audience that IMr. Crawfurd* and I had, last night, at Versailles, of the duke of Bourbon, which gave me some, and indeed would have given me a great deal of satisfaction, had his highness in any respect an authority, credit, or capacity equal to his predecessor, or to his own inclinations ; though I think we have not at present any thing to fear, and we must be looking to see what pilot, what hands, and what materials this new and unexperienced admiral will make use of to steer under him i;i a season and a sea so doubtful. In the mean time I will venture, by way of speculation with you, to state the difference of the late and present situation of persons and times, and to leave the ecclair- cissement of them to future events. " The duke of Orleans had an authority by his birth, as presumptive heir to the crown, ^ hich the duke of Bourbon not only wants, but has a dangerous rival to his administration, in the person that has an unques- tionable title before him. The duke of Orleans, by virtue of that right, and his own great address, had guarded all the avenues to the king, and not only kept every body in awe, and at a distance fnjm his majesty, but had indeed made himself of late more agreeable to him than any body else. The duke of Bourbon, I am afraid, wants not only that founda- tion of right, but also the talents necessary to establish himself in that manner, and must expect that others will approach his majesty, and per- haps influence him too on certain occasions. His royal highness, by a great genius, and long experience in affairs, had got the better of all cabals and parties against him, and his right of succession to the crown, and had settled his own interest on so strong and extensive a bottom, that not only the tranquillity of Europe, but the interest and repose of France itself, depended upon it ; and even those that had been his enemies had laid aside their principles to become courtiers to him, which made * Mr. Crawfurd was fccretary to the embassy, and charge d'affaires. 54. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. made him every day grow move popular of late, and is now generally la- mented. Even the marshal d'Hiixelles, who hated him most, has been heard to say since his death, that it is a pity so great a coquin should be so great a loss. " The duke of Bourbon, as it is visibly his interest and his inclination to follow the same plan, has certainly steadiness and resolution enough, in particular points, -when he has once taken his plie ; but as he has always been encompassed \vith projectors, he may possibly fall into hands and measures, that may make him uneasy in his management of civil affairs, first, and the same Avant of discernment, as to persons and things, may, by degrees, unwarily lead him into steps relating to foreign affairs, incon- sistent with the present system, and his own interests. " Madame de Prie has certainly a vast ascendant over him, and as she is a lad}' of an intriguing and craving temper, money will be her principal ^ icw ; and it is therefore thought, that the Paris's will be able to gain her, and will be consequently the duke's chief directors, as to the finances, which may indeed exclude M. le Blanc and ]\Ir. Law, for whom his highness has certainly some inclination. ******** " Morville is thought to be at presents ell with the duke of Bourbon, on account of foreign affairs ; and should he gain credit enough to make his opinion prevalent, and of weight with his highness, it would be of good consequence ; but as preceptor Frejus is said to have in a manner recommended the duke to his majesty to be prime minister, and is thought to be underhand in an alliance with Villars, those two, M-ho were all complaisance and submission to the duke of Orleans, may now think of acting upon their own views and principles ; it being almost as necessary for tlie duke to court them, as for them to court the duke, " Frejus is not very able, I am told, as to foreign affairs ; but a mighty bigot : insomuch that the French themselves think him too great a papist. I have learnt this day a particular instance of it, and of his being no great friend to England. The night before I was to deliver my creden- tial letter to his majesty, Tabbe Alaric, sub-preceptor to the king, was in company with Mr. Crawford and me, and the next morning, being at his usual hour with his majesty, he talked to the king of my being to wait upon him that day, and of both of us in so kind a way as to please 8 his CHAPTER 5. 55 his majesty, which l\Ir. Frejus taking notice of, stepped up, and said, Bui these are enemies, Sire, to our holy religion. " The natural disposition and view of marshal Villars is known to all the world ; Avar and glory are what he desires, and especially to retrieve and revenge the honour of France ; and should bigotry and glory prevail in french councils, the old maxims will soon revive ; but it is to be hoped, and I verily believe that apprehensions of this nature are at a distance, and before it must come to this, Torcy must be recalled, who will not be contented to act barely as a commiss ; and should there ever be any good foundation for suspecting his return to business, in that case, perhaps, his majesty will think it necessary to give the duke of Bourbon notice, in a proper time and manner, of the distrusts and jea- lousy it must needs create in the mind of his majesty and his good sub- jects, in order to hinder in time his highness from taking so dangerous " From these particulars it is not unlikely but that in some time great cabals, divisions, and parties, will be formed in this court, from whence we may at least have this comfort, that it will more than ever be not only the duke of Bourbon's, but the interest of the other princes, rather to make their court to, than to quarrel with his majesty ; and it is the general opinion here, that INI. le Due has shewn this particular mark of friendship to the marshal de Villars, in order to strengthen himself at home, without any regard to things abroad. * * * * * " The duke of Chartrest, besides his grief for the loss of his father, is certainly affected at heart for that of his right, as he thinks it, to be a prime minister, (being one of the council, and in the one and twentieth year of his age,) and to such a degree as not to be able to disguise it. * * * * * " Things standing thus, we must wait to see what may be the conse- quence of the stubborn coolness and indeed aversion of the duke of Chartres to the duke of Bourbon, and to Avhat a degree he will push it. The duke of Chartres's best friends, I am told, blame his conduct, espe- cially as it arises in opposition to the other's being prime minister, which + The duke of Orleans by the death of his father. 66 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. which being an immediate act of the king himself, approved and sub- mitted to by the uhole nation, will put him not only in the Avrong in the eye of the world, but be made use of to his disadvantage with the young king; but it is said that his mother, tlie duchess of Orleans, is in- exorable against the duke of Bourbon, and animates her son in this state of enmity and defiance. Should this fatal division continue, and conse- quently by degrees increase, the danger we have to apprehend seems to be, lest one of those, without considering his real interest, in regard to the succession of the crown, should, for his immediate support, fling him- self into the councils and power of the king of Spain, and that the em- peror may, if he sees a prospect of civil disorders in France, make his ad- vantage of them, and think of measures that may hazard the tranquillity of Europe. But it is to be hoped, that such apprehensions are so far out of sight at present, as not to prevent the conclusion of what has been so long dependhig at Cambray. Whether tint congress may not suffer some delays, depends entirely upon the behaviour of the courts of Spain and Vienna, when they shall have known the duke of Orleans's death, and the state of aifairs here. " As to the duke of Bourbon's own conduct in his administration, and who is like to have the greatest influence upon it, you may conclude from what I have already said, that as things now stand, he seems deter- mined to make use of the hands, and follow the steps of the duke of Or- leans, relating to foreign affairs. " But for having the chief confidence and power \fith him, in regard to the management of civil matters, there are great cabals and intrigues, the chief of M'hich seems to be between madame de Prie, the duke's mis- tress, and the duchess of Bourbon, his mother. Their views both tend immediately to their particular profit, and his majesty's ministers should be cautious here, as } ct, in their application to either, for fear of not only giving jealousy to the other, but even to the duke of Bourbon him- self, as if he was to be influenced by ladies in his administration. Should madame de Prie prevail, Crawfurd has the means of a very good access to her ; should the duchess prevail, Lassay, who is, and has been for some time her gallant, may have a good deal to say, and must be managed. He CHAPTER 5. 57- He has been a handsome agreeable person, bnt has no great knowledge of business, besides that of projects and stockjobbing, wliicli made him in- timate with Mr. Law, and endeavour, not long bef(jre the duke of Orleans's death, to do him service, even to have him sent for back. But Lassay's reputation is none of the best ; his father has a good character, had great credit in Louis the Fourteenth's time, and is of the stamp and principles of the old court, having been some years an humble servant to madame de Bon, Torcy's sister. During this state of suspense, Mr. Walpole first adopted that line of » conduct which afterwards gave success to his negotiations, and contri- buted to secure the friendship of France during a period of unexampled difficulty. Though misinformed of the real views and character of . Fleury, he was aware of his grov/ing credit and influence with the king. He therefore opened a personal communication with the venerable pre- ceptor, and obtained an interview, of which he gives an account in a letter to his brother, dated December loth, 1723, N. S. "The constant and assiduous attendance of bishop Frejus upon the young king, as counsellor as well as preceptor, makes it difficult to see him, unless by a particular appointment, A\ hich, however desirous I might be, I M ould not officiously affect to do, after the full assurance I had re- ceived already of the duke of Bourbon's good intentions, as well from himself as from other ministers and his particular friends. But Mr. Crawfurd and I being at Versailles on Monday morning, Avhither we M'cnt upon an invitation of the marshal de \'illars to dine with him there that day, we did, upon an intimation of abbe Alaric, sub-preceptor to the king, of the bishop's being at his lodgings, M ait upon him, and as soon as we came in, he discharged those that were about him, and ordered to be denied : after the first compliments between us were over, and he had expressed himself with a respect due to the king our master, and regard to the administration and happy state of affaiis, we found an opportu- nity to mention the present state of affairs here; upon which he immedi- ately gave us, in the readiest and roundest manner, the strongest assurances of the fixt resolution of his most christian majesty and his council to per- severe in the same system, the same measures, and in the same good un- derstanding with the king our master, relating to foreign affairs, as had I been 5S MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. been pursued and brought so near to a happy conclusion by the late duke of Orleans ; and he declared upon the word and faith of a bishop, there was not the least doubt, nor the shadow of any thoughts to the con- trary. That as for his own part we might depend upon his being entirely of the same opinion with Mr. le Due and Mr. de Morville in what they had assured us on this subject, and added that as a counsellor to the most christian king, the interest, welfare, and peace of his majesty's kingdoms should have the first and uppermost place in his thoughts, and when they came under consideration, he should always in giving his advice, however attached he may be to his own religion, divest himself of his cross and ecclesiastical function. He expressed himself on this occasion with so mucli frankness, candour, and simplicity, that truth and sin- cerity seemed to accompany his words, and he appeared to us in the state, he said, he should always be when consulted by his majesty upon foreign affairs. ' ' He seemed not to doubt of things going well ; that this sudden stroke of the duke of Orleans's death might at first occasion an alarm and ferment in all Europe ; he hoped it would subside again, and things go on in their former channel, and tliat we should see this great work of the quadruple alliance brought to a final conclusion, by finishing the con- gress, in a manner, as soon as it was opened. " We were not wanting, you may be assured, to express our great sa- tisfaction and acknowledgements to the bishop for having done us the honour to declare his sentiments so much for the advantage of the two nations, and for the public tranquillity of Europe, in so open and oblig- ing a manner; and that we did not doubt but his personal credit with his most christian majesty, as well as great influence he must needs have in his counsels, Avould be of singular service and weight for the good pur- poses he had mentioned, and particularly for improving the union and confidence between the two nations ; as his majesty had already given sufficient proofs of having that in view, and at heart, more than any other consideration, Ave might venture to assure him beforehand, that he would continue in the same sentiments notwithstanding the late altera- tion. The bishop answered, that he was fully persuaded of what we said, but could not forbear observing, at the same time, that there was a party ia C H A P T E R 5. 59 in England extremely affected to the emperor. We answered, that we had been the emperor's friends for a great many years, for the good of our own country, and preserving tlie balance of Europe; and that v/e were willing to live well with him still, but by no means to such a degree as to give into any views that might disturb the present peace, and lead us into war de gakte de coeur ; that upon the same principles, and for the same reasons, we now desire to live in confidence with France ; that for his majesty's part he had no pretensions, no differences to adjust with any prince whatsoever, nothing to desire but the peace of his own subjects, and the tranquillity of the rest of Europe. " Upon the whole, I think, considering the bishop's character, and the manner of his conversation with us, we have no reason to suspect but that he spoke his own real sentiments, as well as the duke of Bourbon's and Morville's, in regard to the measures to be pursued here, at least at this present juncture ; and I having since seen the dutch embassador, he confirmed me in this opinion, by letting me know that Frejus had upon the same subject spoke his mind so fully and so openly to him, that he must be the most avowed rogue in the world if he designed to deceive him, and he has not, to do him justice, that reputation." This conference removed the prejudices which ]Mr. Walpole had enter- tained of the opinions and character of Fleury, and laid the foundation of that intimate union which was established between two persons whose manners and deportment were opposite, but whose views and principles tended solely to promote the honour and advantage of their respective countries, and to preserve the peace of Europe. And so convinced was Mr. Walpole of the bishop's candour and integrity, that, in a letter of December 22, after expatiating on the dangers which might arise from the enmity between the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, he adds, " No- thing can be more desirable than a reconciliation between these two great personages, both for their own sakes, and for the salce of the public peace. In the mean while, I flatter myself tliat old Frejus has got so much possession of the king's ear and mind, as to be able to fix him to the present administration, and to prepossess him against any insinuation to tiie contrary." Ctl AFTER 60 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHArrER 6. 1724—1725. Situation a)id Vieivs of Lord Bolinghrohe — Mr. JFalpole decVmes Jiis Inter- vention xvith the Duke of Bourbon — Extracts from his Letters, relating • to 'oarious Conversations with Bolingbroke, on the State of A ffairs in the French Court, and on his Exile — His complete Restoration by Sir- Robert JValpok. IN no instance, perhaps, did Mr. Walpole display greater sagacity and discretion, than in his behaviour to lord Bolingbroke, M'ho now re- sided at Paris, and, since his dismission from the pretender's service, had opened a clandestine correspondence with the british ministers, and essen- tially contributed to injure the cause of the Jacobites. In consequence of his services, he had received from Sunderland and Stanhope, promises of restoration to his estates and honours, the fulfil- ment of which, on their deaths, he claimed from TowTishend and Walpole, and his solicitations were countenanced by the influence of the duchess of Kendal, and of his friend lord Ilarcourt, who had recently made his peace with the ministry. His marriage with madame de VillettCi niece of madame de Maintenon, having facilitated his intercourse with the french court, his interposition was considered as highly important; in ]\Iay 1723 his pardon passed the great seal, and he mms ?nabled to re- turn to England, but without the restoration of his estate and peerage. After passing some months in England, A\'here he paid the most abject court to Townshcnd and Walpole, with the hopes of obtaining a full' re- storation to his estates and honours, he returned to Paris. On the death of the duke of Orleans, the british ministers, eager to avail tliemselves of his intimacy with the duke of Bourbon, instructed Mr. Walpole to em- ploy his intervention in promoting the continuance of the union between the two courts. Bolingbroke, eager to extort his restitution, by becoix^- ing the principal cliannel of communication, importuned ]\Ir. Walpole witii From an Ortytnal at J^elwvrth CHAPTER 6. 6i with his offers to negotiate directly with the duke of Bourbon, and particuhirly to employ his influence in the affair of the dukedom. In the course of his conferences, he continually reverted to the uneasiness and uncertainty of his situation, and expressed his hopes of restoration; he affected to renounce his connection with the Tories, professed his in- violable attachment to the Whigs, and declared his fixed resolution to act in subservience to those who restored him to his country, Mr. Walpole, aware of his object, and conscious of the danger of en- trusting the affairs of England to a person of his versatile and ambitious character, declined his overtures, by representing the dilffculty of carrying the reversal of his attainder through parliament, notwith- standing the support of the ministers. Lord Bolingbroke appeared to yield to these reasons ; but expressed his wish, that the ministers might so far obtain the reversal of his attainder, as to enable him to inherit his paternal estate, which Mr. Walpole agreed to represent to his brother. Two letters from Mr. Walpole to his brother will display his extreme caution, and shew the address by Avhicli he succeeded in declining the mediation of Bolingbroke, and in transacting the business directly with the duke of Bourbon himself, Paris, Dec. 15, 1723. " Tom Roberts brought me your letter of the 29th instant, Avhich I own did not so much sr.rprise (Brinsden being the forerunner of it) as it did concern me, finding myself once more upon a precipice, to avoid the danger of which greater discretion and abilities than I am master of are certainly required. As you prudently avoided writing to lord Bolingbroke, had you likewise endeavoured to gain time, until 3'Ou had heard from me, relating to the situation of affairs, I should have escaped easily the great difficulties which I now apprehend, and made a good use of my lord Bolingbroke's information, without having given him any handle to be the negotiator of his majesty's affairs, and by degrees endeavour to make himself the necessary instrument between the two courts ; the consequences of which are too obvious, on many ac- counts, to your understanding, to make it needless for me to mention. For I have seen him since the death of the duke of Orleans several times, received several lights from him, have been very open and friendly in my conver- 62 MEJilOIRS OF LOKD WALPOLE. conversation with him ; hut as he never offered, so I never intended to desire him to take a part in doing his majesty service with the duke of Bourbon, as being by no means wanted, and, as I hinted before, leading to great inconveniences. " But Brinsden is come with a letter from lord Harcourt ; Tom Roberts is likewise arrived with a letter from you, to back, as lord Bolingbroke must naturally think, Avhat the other has wrote and recommended ; and as the dev^il would have it, his lordship and Tom entered my room at the same instant, and I having perused your letter before him, let him know that it referred to somcthmg that lord Harcourt had wrote to his lordship by Brinsden. Lord Bolingbroke immediately read to me, aloud, (Craw- furd being by,) that part of lord Harcourt's letter relating to the great services he, Bolingbroke, was thought to be capable of doing at this junc- ture, by his acquaintance and intimacy Avith the duke of Bourbon, and v/ith a seeming modesty, and a good deal of art, said that it Avas some time since he had been intimate Avith his highness ; hoAvever he would go immediately to Versailles, and wait upon him, and see Avhat is to be done : then in the sequel of this discourse began to chalk out Avays and schemes l)y Avhich he could become acquainted Avith madame de Prie, or others that might stand fairest in the duke of Bourbon's favour, and by that means endeavour to be useful to his majesty, if it Avas thought proper ; and he Avould seem to appear rather indifferent than over fond of such a commission, taking it for granted, at the same time, as if this had been an application to him. But I confess this Avas the fn-st time I have seen, since I have been here, any real satisfaction or pleasure in his counte- nance. After a short conversation, in Avhich I had no great share, he de- sired nie to dine with him to-morroAv, Avhich I did not decline, for fear of making him suspect a coolness in me on the subject of your letter. But I shall, in the best manner, decline any further offices from him after this visit of his to the duke of Bourbon. I have fully apprised Mr. CraAvfurd, Avho is his friend, and Avishes him Avell, of m hat consequence it may be to let lord Bolingbroke into the management of his m.ajesty's affairs here, and he seems ver}' sensible of it. And noAV fortune and my stars direct and protect me, once more, in this ciitical juncture ! and if ever I become an itinerant minister again, I know whose fault it is. " *' Decern- CHAPTERS. ^' December IG. Yesterday, as I have hinted to you ah'eady, I went to dine M'ith my lord Bolingbroke, and before we sat down to table, he took Mi: Crawfurd and me aside, to acquaint us with the conversation he had with the duke of Bourbon, at Versailles, in which his highness having expressed his resolution of living with the same confidence and union with his majesty, and upon the the same foot of friendship v/ith him as the duke of Orleans had done, he took an occasion to ask his lord- ship, whether he had seen the king's ministers here, and hoped they ^vere M'ell satisfied with him. His lordship replied, he had seen Mr. Walpole and Mr. Crawfurd, mIio had declared themselves extremely pleased m ith the assurances his highness had given them. Upon mentioning my name, his highness said, his brother in England was one of great capacity, in conducting well the home affairs there; but had little or no concern or influence in what was to be transacted in foreign courts. His lordship, on this occasion, did you justice in all respects, and gave his highness to understand, that whoever was looked upon to be so considerable as you are in the administration, did not fail to have his weight in council, upon foreign as Avell as domestic affairs, though it was not the immediate busi- ness of his own department. His highness answered, he was informed, that lord Carteret was the person who had the chief and only care and di- rection of the things abroad ; his lordship replied, that lord Townshend had immediately by his station an equal concern in the management of them. " The duke of Bourbon, after this discotirse was over, took an occa- sion to mention to lord Bolingbroke M. de la Vrilliere's affair of the dukedom, as what Schaub had been very solicitous with him to have im- mediately done, as what his majesty would certainly expect, on account of the letters he had wrote, and Avere delivered to the duke of Orleans, be- fore his death, and had since, though unopened, fallen into his highness's, hands, who is prime minister. The duke spoke of Schaub with a good deal of contempt, but talked of this affair in such a manner, as though desirous, on one side, to know his majesty's real sentiments, yet more uneasy, on the other, lest too great a delay should look as if he neglected to tio in a handsome manner what his majesty might perhaps have much at heart. I think it is plain, from lord Bolingbroke's discourse, that the duke of 8 Bourbon, 64 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Bourbon would do it with pleasure, if he thought it would oblige the king. From what the duke of Bourbon said, in relation to the ministers in England, it is plain that Sir Luke Schaub, by himself, or his friends, is endeavouring, by insinuations, to make impressions and distinctions of his majesty's ministers, in favour of such only as he looks upon as his chief patrons and supporters; and whether he does this with a view to his majesty's service, or his own, in particular, I leave you to judge. " But to return to lord Bolingbroke. After he had finished his ac- count of his discourse with the duke of Bourbon, he said that he had made this step at the desire of our friends in England ; but that he had two reasons Avhy he thought it not proper to engage himself too far, and be very busy in our concerns here. The first, as what perhaps might be of no great use to his majesty at present ; the second, on account of his situation, being in a constant uneasiness and suspense, about what may be, or may not be done for him in England, and M'here, how, and with \\ horn he is to pass the rest of his days. " I laid hold of what he said to let him know I thought he talked ex- tremely right, and that it would be unreasonable to expect that he should exert himself here, for the service of England, without. knowing what he might depend upon from thence, which I said it was impossible forme to tell him at present. He seemed well enough satisfied at what I had said; but yet I must observe to you, in confidence, that I believe, by his counte- nance and manner of speaking, he m as in hope^ of greater encouragement, and exhortations from me to engage him in our service, than I woidd ven- ture to give him ; and hinted as if time and circumstances might offer an opportunity of being useful. But I let this matter rest there, and I hope there will be no occasion to review it again, it being n)y opinion that this court seems entirely disposed to live v/ell with his majesty, and I don't doubt but they themselves think his majesty's friendship as necessary to them as theirs can be to his majesty, at least as things stand now. The insinuations, therefore, that may be made to you, by the friends of Mr. Law, or even of my lord Bolingbroke, of their being capable to be useful to us at this time here, is no otherwise so, than as we think fit to make it to ourselves. And I don't see that it can be in their powei to do us any harm, CHAP T E R 6. ()5 harm, unless we officiously put it into tlieir power to do us good ; not but that we should continue to shew them all outward civilities and regard, thev^ being already upon that foot with us." " Paris, December 29, 1723, N. S. * As I intimated to you in my last, lord Bolingbroke, after he had told me he expected to be sent for by the duke of Bourbon in two or three days, went the day after that discourse to Versailles, and being returned, he made me a visit on Sunday evening, and told me that he had seen his highness, who, after having talked with him, in great coniidence, of some disputes and difficulties about his parti- cular affairs at court, iScc. he opened his mind to him upon that of the dukedom demanded for M. de la V'rilliere, and expressed himself extremely embarrassed with a thing of this nature in the beginning of his administra- tion, by which he found himself either under a necessity of disobliging his majesty, to whom he would gladly give the most early proofs of his zeal for his service, or else of pushing an affair which might be difficult for him to obtain, and be attended with great inconveniences in regard to the nobility of France. The young king had been already prepossessed, and spoke against it ; Frejus opposed it, and had treated M. de la Vrilliere with a great deal of freedom upon it ; all the men of quality, as it came in their A\'ay, shewed their aversion to it, with much more to the same pur- pose relating to the nature of the thing, as what the duke of Orleans had represented to me on that subject, adding some severe expressions about the impertinence of Sir LukeSchaub in never letting him alone upon it. " Lord Bolingbroke asked his highness, Avhy he did not speak to me, whom he was pleased to represent as a person more proper to be talked to upon a thing of such nicety and consequence, and might be better able to infonn his highness of his majesty's real sentiments, and to make him more easy under these difficulties ? His highness paused some time, and said, No ; he would not speak to nie, lest such a conversation should draw upon him a new letter from his majesty, which might lay him under a stronger obligation to execute the thing, before he knew Avhether he was able to do it, than he M'as at present, in the way it had come to his hands: but after some discourse he gave his lordship authority to sound me, as from * Orford Papers. K 66 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. from himself, whether his highness could talk to me on this subject with- out any such risk, and let him know my answer. " Lord Bolingbroke having finished his relation, immediately with great vivacity and pleasure told me I never could have such a glorious oppor- tunity to lay a foundation of merit and confidence Avith his highness, to shew how his majesty has been imposed upon and deceived by Schaub, and to destroy the credit of lord Carteret, who must have been at the bottom of this whole matter. " This encouraging discourse of his lordsliip, joined with the general precaution I had framed to myself not to be led into any matter of mo- ment and confidence under his lordship's management and conduct, gave me time to recollect, and to let his lordship know, that I was extremely obliged to him for his good intentions to put mc into a Avay of credit and esteem Avith his highness ; but I was afraid the opportunity he proposed was of too nice a nature for me to make use ot" for that purpose : I was not entirely convinced that Schaub had deceived his majesty as to M. le Due's own disposition to the dukedom for la Vrilliere ; because by the account his lordship had given of his former conversation with his high- ness on that subject, as well as what I had heard from others, had made me believe that M. le Due himself had been favourably inclined towards it. I took the case to be, that the ladies had engaged him, before the lale duke of Orleans's death, to give his consent, at least acquiescence to it, when it should be proposed in council, and afterwards, at his first coming to the administration of affairs, they may likewise have touched him in a lucky moment, and obtained a renewal of his former assurances ; but his highness having since taken the affair as prime minister into his serious consideration, and consulted Avith others, as Avell particular friends, as persons that must be concerned in doing it, finds the advice and disposi- tion of every body against it, and himself intangled Avith inextricable dif- ficulties, Avhich made me apprehensive that the most cautious conversa- tion of mine Avith his highness on so delicate a point, in the negotiation of Avhich I had had no share or concern, might be turned afterAvards to my dis;idvantage in case the thing did not succeed. But I Avas on the other hand extremely concerned lest M, le Due should take ill my de- clining to see him on the foot and in the manner desired ; for, although 8 ^ his CHAPTER 6. 67 his lordship was to speak to me as from himself, 3 Ct as it arose from a conversation that he had with his highness, and his lordship was to carry an answer back to him as to my disposition, in this case I was afraid that the difference between a message directly from the duke, and what his lordship said to me, was so small, that his lordship's report of my conduct might make an impression to my prejudice in his higbness's mind, which was a thought extremely grievous to me, especially at this juncture; but I could not tell how to avoid it, but by leaving it to his lordship's ma- nagement to give it the most favourable turn he could. " I perceived his lordship extremely uneasy at this discourse, and with the air of a person the most disconcerted and disappointed I ever saAv : he told me that he had no other view in this affair but my particular ser- vice and that of my friends, and, after strong professions (for which I gave him no occasion) to that purpose, and of his being himself very indiffer- ent in the matter, said he wished he had not embarked so far in this af- fair, and since I looked upon it in the light I did in relation to M. le Due, he muist beg on his part not to be involved in the fault should the thing take a wrong turn at last. That Sir Luke Schaub, as he was cer- tainly informed, had said, that he (lord Bolingbroke), by my instigation, had spoiled this affair in the duke of Orleans's time; and that therefore he hoped I would do hiin justice, if there was occasion, with you, as to his having never had any concern in it, but what had accidentally fallen to his lot lately in the manner I knew. " I told his lordship that he need not be under the least uneasiness on that account ; Schaub's malicious insinuations against his lordship, my- self, Mr. Crawfurd, and others, on this occasion, would, I was persuaded, have no weight with his majesty, or his ministei s in England ; and he might depend upon my representing this matter in such a light as to pre- vent any prejudice against him. His lordship concluded with telling me he would let his highness know, that he found me so close and uneasy in talking to me on this subject, that he did not think proper to push me to speak out ; and he would do it in such a manner that M. le Due should have no reason to be disobliged, and to take it ill of me. " It is possible that in reading what goes before, you may at first view think I was too nice and refined in declining the opportunity flung in my K 2 wsLV ()"8 ^lEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. way toknowJM. le Duc'ssentiments, and perhapsof establishing a confidence and merit with him. But when I foresaw it must have been done under the protection in a manner of my lord Bolingbroke, Avho, by his own address without my seeking, had got so far into this business, and must in this way have been master of the v\'hole secret and of my sentiments about Schaub and somebody else *, (who, I think, have most grossly deceived his majesty in this whole transaction,) as also have had the whole credit to himself with his highness, and turned the matter as he should find oc- casion to his own service and advantage, and perhaps laid a foundation with M. le Due for being the canal through which the english affairs of confidence might pass for the future : these reflections made me avoid his lordship's proposition, by convincing him (with a great many acknow- ledgements for his kindness to me) that I was afraid to embark and ha- zard myself in a transaction of this nature, which had been under the sole care and management of another, without any concern on ni}^ side, be- sides that of declaring myself for it as occasion required ; and I am per- suaded his lordship, by my behaviour, went away satisfied of this being my only view. " In the mean time I had resolved with myself, as being sufficiently au- thorised by lord Townshend's letter to me of the 9th December, to make the best advantage I could, for his majesty's service, of this hint from lord Bolino-broke, without his knowledo-e or intervention. I went the next day to Versailles, and having, by the means of the marquis de Livr}-, ob- tained a private and secret audience of M. le Due, I begged his pardon for troubling him in a manner and at a time so unseasonable ; but hear- ing: that his hisi-hness was much embarrassed about the affair of the duke- dom for M. ce la Vrilliere, if he would be pleased to let me know his sen- timents and intentions upon it, I would venture and was able to give him a true state of his majesty's part and concern in it. Jle immediately said he would do all he could in it. I answered, that I was glad of it, but that I was obliged to tell him that this affair did not arise originally from his majesty's application and request, and it was never in his majesty's in- tention in the least to have it mixed and entangled with business of a. public nature. At which he seemed a good deal surprised, and asked me ^ hovir * Lord Carteret. CHAPTER 6. 69 liow that matter stood? I then began to lay open the whole affair, by communicating to him what had passed between the late duke of Orleans and rne upon it, of which I find he had already got some account, (and I don't wonder at it, because the present duke of Orleans has certainly declared he knew that his father would never have done it, and had let his majesty know how much they had both been imposed upon.) But, says his highness, Avhat answer have you to this from the king ? I then imparted to him wliat lord Townshend wrote to me in his letter of 28th November, recapitulating all the several steps and proceedings in it, and during the whole time M. le Due seemed extremely astonished at the con- duct of Sir Luke Schaub and the freneh ministers in a thing of this nature. 1 then intimated to his highness, thai; I had in some measure exceeded my orders, in going so far without his having spoke to me first upon it : he asked mc -whether I had not had a hint of it from somebody else? I told him then what had passed between lord Bolingbroke and me, and how I l:ad declined to give into the proposition coming from his lordship, letting his highness know that I and all my family had a personal regard and esteem for his lordship, and would do him what service they could in their power ; yet his highness would easily conceive that his lordship's present situation makes him by no means a proper person for me to intrust M'ith matters of such confidence, and therefore I hoped he would be so good to me as to let this audience be entirely a secret to lord Boling- broke, 1 having not given his lordship the least reason to suspect that I had any thoughts of waiting upon his highness. " M. le Due, in the most obliging manner, gave me his word, which I might always depend upon, that his lordship should know nothing of it. I then intimated to him' that I hoped my own behaviour, as well as the credit I may presume to have with the king my master, v.ould procure me the honour of his confidence and conmiands in any thing where their mutual interest was concerned, which I should endeavour to deserve. M. le Due said several kind things to me on this occasion, with thanks for what I had imparted to him, of which he would consider, as also what could possibly be done in this business, and accordingly I should hear from him in a few days ; but that he must then wait on the young king, having al- ready 70 MEMOIRS OF LORD ^yALPOLE. ready exceeded by a quarter of an hour the time when he is obhged, and never fails, to make his court to his majesty. " Having given you an account of my conduct and my reasons for it in a situation I think none of the easiest, I must submit it to better judg- ments, and expect the advice and direction of others for my future be- haviour ; for I plainly foresee, that though I carry myself towards my lord Bolingbroke in a very civil and friendly manner, he must, upon re- flection, conclude that I do not enter into his views and actions so heartily as he could wish : and I must observe at the same time, that his lordship has so familiar an acquaintance with the companions of M. le Due, and is so personally esteemed by his highness, that he may be able to come to the knowledge of things of great moment." " December 30. Since writing Avhat goes before, lord Bolingbroke is returned from Versailles ; and by the account he has given of his conver- sation with M. le Due to Mr. Crawfurd and me separately, we have both reason to conclude that his highness has been faithful to me, and not given his lordship the least intimation of my having been with him." Thus the address of Mr. Walpole relieved the ministers from the em- barrassment under which they would have laboured, had they employed the agency of Bolingbroke; and he returned to England, to solicit his re- storation, without any claim on their gratitude. I have in a former M ork* given anecdotes of lord Bolingbroke, and en- deavoured to account for the motives which induced Sir Robert ^\^alj)ole to promote the bill for restoring him to his family inheritance, and ena- bling him to purchase estates Avithin the kingdom. I likewise observed, that he owed this favour to the influence of the duchess of Kendal, Avhom he had bribed with l],()00l. and that the minister promoted the bill in conformity with the express injunctions of the king. But, for want of au- thentic documents, I could not ascertain whether the failure of his com- plete restoration was owing to the opposition of Sir Robert Walpole. Some papers, however, which have since fallen under my notice, prove that the minister was threatened with his dismission if he did not promote the return of Bolingbroke, and that he compromised the business by consent- ing * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. CO. CHAPTER 6. 71 ing to the restittition of his family estate ; but counteracted and prevented his complete restoration ; a fact which sufficiently accounts for the indig- nation of Bolingbroke, and his unceasing enmity to the character and administration of Sir Robert Walpole. This exclusion of Bolingbroke from a seat in the house of peers, which might again have placed in his hands the helm of State, called forth the warm eulogium of archbishop Herring, Avho observes in a letter to Etough, " Bolingbroke was so abandoned in all respects, that I have al- ways and shall reverence Sir Robert Walpole for setting his face full against him*." * Etough from Sir Robert Walpole ; and Archbishop Herring to Etough, dated Sept. il, 1753. 72 ]\rEMOTRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 7. 1724. Embai^rassments and Uneasiness of Mr. JValpole from the Jealousy of Sir Luke Scliaub, and the Affair of the Dukedom — E.vtraets from his Let- ters — Appointed Embassador to the Court of France — Schaub recalled, Carteret removed, and the Duke of Newcastle appointed Secretary of State. ryiHE perspicuous and interesting accounts which Mr. Walpole gave JL of the principles and characters of the french ministers, his address in gaining tlie confidence of the duke of Bourhon and count JNIorville, and his growing intimacy with Fleury, impressed the king with a favour- able opinion of his talents for negotiation, and the brother ministers con- sidered his continuance at Paris as necessary to further their views for the removal of Carteret. But the intrigues of Schaub, and the difficulties which Mr. Walpole experienced from the affair of the dukedom, rendered his situation extremely irksome, and his private correspondence is filled with complaints. After detailing his embarrassments in a letter to his brother, dated December 1.5, 1723, he continues, " I must therefore ear- nestly request of you, not for my own only, but for the sake of his ma- jesty's service, to obtain for me immediate leave to return into England, since my continuing here can be of no use, but to make a ridiculous figure, as well as Sir Luke Schaub. The whole french court begins to perceive what is im))ossible for me to prevent, that we look upon each other, and act, as if we were ministers of two different courts; for in the present juncture, where there is no particular business of a j)ublic nature depending, but the chief aim and view must be to get the best informa- tions we can, from all parts, relating to the continuation or change of mi- nisters and measures, his way of talking, answering, and concluding, upon CHAPTER 7. 73 upon persons and things, is generally so different from mine, that I can't possibly act with him, in -w aiting upon ministers, or others of distinction, nor in any other step necessary for his majesty's service. And yet when I am at Versailles, he is so kind and assiduous an attendant upon me, ready, if I please, to introduce me to madame de Prie, the duchess of Bourbon, and others that may stand fairest for M. le Due's favour, he being inti- mate with all these persons ; and he is so fond of me, as not to be willing to make a visit without me, nor to let me make any visit without him. This simple appearance, of us two, begins to make the company smile upon one another, whenever we are together." After expatiating still further, on these mortifications, he concludes, My heart is too full on this dis- agreeable subject to dwell any longer upon it; and therefore I must in- sist upon your interceding for my return into England ; because I assure you I have so much to say, tha,t cannot possibly be wrote, of service to the king, and to his ministers, especially to those that I know, that I am persuaded my being in England as soon as I can, would be of more use than my continuing any longer here. " The affair of the dukedom increased his agitation, and exposed him to still greater embarrassment. The letter, which details his conversations Avith lord Bolingbroke, and his secret interview with the duke of Bour- bon, sufficiently shews the difiiculties Avhich attended that delicate nego- tiation. In a second audience the duke likewise exposed the obstacles to the measure, the aversion of the young king, and the opposition of the nobility ; he also severely commented on the conduct of Schaub, for endeavouring to entangle it with affairs of State. These declarations convinced jMr. Walpole, that all attempts to obtain the dukedom would be fruitless, and that the king's honour would be compromised, by any further application. Impressed a\ ith this conviction, he writes to lord Townshend, January 5, 1724 : " Can your lordship read, and consider a moment, my present and late dispatches, relating to the dukedom, and be surprised at my pressing to get liome ? If your lordship did imagine I might have been of service to his majesty at this juncture, must not that imagination prove vain, if, while I am ordered to explain his majesty's j;eal sense and sentiments in an affair, Schaub takes upon him to act in that very same affair, as a minister, in direct opposition to those senti- ments. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. merits, and with so much assurance and importunity, that it is impos- sible it should be tliought here, he wants authority, support and encou- ragement to do it? Who has the credit, and who is to be believed ? Is not this an agreeable situation for his majesty's interest, at a court which is the centre of the greatest affairs in Europe? I confess I am so weak, that, not for my own, but his majesty's sake, it grieves me to the soul." Unable to obtain the removal of Schavdj, the brother ministers hoped to relieve Mr. Walpole's uneasiness, by procuring for him the character of envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary ; but, in consequence of his pe- culiar situation, this honour increased instead of removing his embarrass- ments, and he expresses to his brother his resolution not to deliver the credentials: " Dear Brother, Paris, January 172|. If some hasty expressions fell from my pen, last niglit, you must at- tribute it to the disorder I was in upon the receipt of your letter of the 12th and 13th, which struck me all of a heap: my heart was full, and is still so, even ready to burst ; and upon mature thoughts of a restless niglit, my sentiments are still the same, that the step you have taken to make me more easy, and some amends for not getting Schaub recalled, will make my situation more uneasy, and less capable to act for the ser- vice of his majesty, of my friends, and myself. " Whether you were able to succeed in the attempt for recalling Schaub, and whether that success might not be attended with the ill consequences you apprehended, you certainly are the best judges. But to think the character you have obtained will give such marks of distinc- tion as must bring all the credit and confidence of the court and minis- ters to center in me, is the weakest of imaginations; for it cannot fail of having, if I take it upon me, a quite contrary effect. "A minister that is occasionally sent to act here, by virtue of a letter of cachet, as plenipotentiary for his master, is considered as having the cre- dit and perhaps the secret of his court, and is regarded accordingly; but as soon as he is invested with the lowest character, that is admitted here, the friends under Avhose protection he is sent, are looked upon as not hav- ing the chief interest at home, or as having a mean opinion of the person they send. This is so true, that no crowned head, nay no republic, ever > employs CHAPTER 7. 75 employs a minister in France, that they intend shall have credit, but that they make him embassador extraordinary, or let him act as plenipoten- tiary by virtue of a private letter ; that of a public envoy being no ways considered or respected here. This may look like pride or partiality in me ; but I am afraid the application is too strong- in the present case, with this difference only, that the credit and confidence I had at first by a private letter, is by the continuation of Schaub, and the support he has met with from friends at home, displayed in a proper manner, by his airs and insolence, already become doubtful and precarious, and, should I take upon me the public character of envoy, will be sunk to nothing ; so that I cannot possibly rest any longer here, in either capacity, with honour, or be of any use at all. " For some time the circumstance of being related to lord Townshend and you, and of being known to several foreign ministers of the first rank, the little reputation of my own, as to foreign affairs, gave ine immediately credit and attention, and, in the minds of all sensible persons, foretold with pleasure the fall of Schaub ; but he having had time to recollect himself, his being engaged in a transaction that his majesty has secretly much at heart, has suspended the judgment of people, and begins to make them imagine it a doubtful case who has the credit at home, Townshend or Carteret, or who the credit abroad, Schaub or Walpole. Several little incidents, too trifling in themselves to name, which he improves to his own advantage, and which I scorned to take notice of, thinking the es- sential stroke would come at last, have contributed to this opinion ; and hoAvever mortifying this honour done to me may be to Schaub's patron, Schaub liimself will have assurance enough to despise it ; for as it is in itself here no great honour, he will say with justice, it only puts me upon an equal foot v/ith him ; he has already the pay of it, and nothing but his being a foreigner has hindered his liaving that and a greater charac- ter too. That as I had at first only a full power to sign the accession of the king of Portugal, so I have now the character of envoy, to enable mc to act in some cases where he cannot ; but the secret is still with him, and that will be soon seen. This is his language, and I am afraid the conse- quence will prove it too true ; and you yourself will be startled whea jou read in the inclosed paper, marked No. 1, concerning an intrigue I L '2 have 76 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. •liave discovered carrying on, and is to be put in execution by count de Buy*. " The circumstance of tliat gentleman's being sent as embassador to England, and of my being declared about the same time envoy extraor- dinary in France, will confirm all I have said, and expose my relations and me to the greatest degree. " The pitiful circumstance of all the dispatches wrote to us both jointly being carried (I suppose by private intimation to the messengers) to Schaub directly to Versailles, being opened by him first, and communi- cated to Morville, or other ministers there, before I know any thing of the matter ; the dispatches for Spain and Cambray being inclosed to him, perused by liim, forwarded by him, and made such use of as he shall think fit, without my communication or knoM lc(ige, I have thought hi- therto below me to take notice of, and 'tis too late to do it now. H(C nugcc scria diicunt In mala. He adds, "In short I am determined not to deliver my credentials, but have wrote a letter to lord Carteret acknowledging the receipt of them, and have gi^'cn such a turn to it that I dare say you M ill not be uneasy at it, and therefore 1 send you a copy inclosed. His letter, by the bye, was the most dry, not to say the most impertinent, lever read from a se- cretar}' of State to a minister; but that don't trouble me at all. I have wrote a letter to you, marked No. 3, on this occasion, that perhaps you may not think it amiss to be imparted to his majesty, although it is con- ceived in terms as designed only for yourself " While the contest in the cabinet was depending, lord Townshend, unable to effect the removal of Schaub, or procure the character of embassador for ]\Ir. Walpole, prevailed on him to restrain his impa- tience, and to submit to these temporary mortifications. But Sir Luke Schaub, anxious to retain his situation at Paris, and aware that his con- tinuance depended on the decision of the french court, relative to the af- lair of the dukedom, renewed his importunities to the duke of Bourbon, and * He alludes to an attempt of Sir Luke embassador through the influence of raadame Schaub to procure the count dc Buy the title of de Prie, CHAPTER 7. 77 and fed the king- -with hopes that he should ulth:!intely succeed through the interest of madame de Pri^, who was no anxious to procure a, dukedom for her husband. This ilhision continued two months, and was finally dissipated l)y the candid and explicit avov/al of the duke of Bour- bon to Mr. Walpole, of which he transmitted an account to lord Town- shend. March 7, 1724. " Having not paid my court to the duke of Bourbon a considerable time, I waited upon his liighness the same evening, read to him lord Carteret's letter, expressing his majesty 's satisfaction at the man- ner in which the design of building a key at ISlardyke had been commu- nicated by the french commissioners at Dunkirk, and declaring that the king has no objection to it. The duke of Bourbon made a suitable return ofhis sense of Ins majesty's goodness, and desired me to assiu-e him that the king should alwa3-s find the same marks of confidence and friendship towards him in all his actions ; and then having paused for some time, he said, " But I am afraid I have disobliged the king in an affair where I did all that was in my power to comply with his desire. ' Finding me a good deal surprised, as I really was, he said, " I mean that of making M. de la Vrilliere a duke, for I perceive that his majesty seems very mucli to wish that it might be done. When this matter first came before me," con- tinued he, "I turned it every way in my thoughts, and was resolved, upon the earnest and repeated solicitations of Sir Luke Schaub, to do whatever I was able to bring it about, though I can assure you I never gave him any promises or engagements that it would be done. At last, when I found that the more I considered it the more I was embarrassed, and that the steps I took towards it plainly shewed that the difficulties were insu- perable, I was determined to give his majesty a natural and true state of the affair relating to my o^ n situation, as well as the french king's senti- ments upon it; and even since I received your master's ansv\'er, by Avhicli I find he still wishes it might be done, I have again mentioned it to the king; but find no possibility of succeeding in it. " I told him I hoped his highness would not make himself uneasy on this account, notwitlistanding the esteem that his majest}^ has for some of the persons concerned, might make him willing to obtain such an advantage for their family, especially after it has gone so far, yet his highness knew ^ very \ 78 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE". very well It was never the king's intention to make this a matter of state, or embarrass his administration by it. And I dare say his majesty was convinced that his highness had personally used his good oi?ices and cre- dit to have it done : he added on this, that he knew, if the duke of Or- leans had lived, it would never have been done, and that his majesty, as ^yell as his late royal highness, had been deceived and imposed upon in the management of it ; and let fall some expressions of resentment and contempt at Schaub's conduct and importunity. What the duke said to me upon this occasion I don't look upon as designed I should represent it from him to his majesty ; but as unbosoming himself, not being able to contain his concern, lest his majesty should be made to believe he had not done all that lay in his power to oblige him. " I have since learnt, my lord, from undoubted intelligence, that Sir Luke Schaub himself now thinks this unfortunate business quite despe- rate, as to the dukedom ; but that he has set another project on foot, in favour of madamede la Vrilliere, as a recompense for this disappointment, ^ hich is to get her made Dame de Palais to the infant queen, a greater honour, and still, more than the other, beyond what that family and qua- lity can expect. However, Schaub is looking out precedents, to make this succeed ; but as he will be able to find none, so I am told, the young king is already prevented and set against it." The day after this audience IVIr. Walpole again expresses to his brother his impatience to return : " I hope, before you receive this, you will have seen ]Mr. Poyntz, and have come to some certain determination about me and my little friend ; it is impossible for me to continue in this state of acting jointly any longer, and therefore either he or I must be recalled." Notwithstanding, however, these repeated remonstrances, and the ef- forts of the brother ministers, the influence of Carteret still protracted the disgrace of Schaub; till Mr. Walpole, in consequence of private in- structions from lord Townshend, though not without great reluctance, ■wrote an ostensible letter, exposing his conduct, and urging the neces- sity of his immediate recal. My Lord, Paris, March 22, 1724. *' I am persuaded I need not convince your lordship of my readi- i^ess and zeal to serve his majesty, in any station, and in any manner, he shall CHAPTER 7. 79 shall be pleased to direct; which zeal for his majesty's service, and the ex- perience of five months, obliges me to let your lordship know, that it is impossible for the king's interest to be carried on so effectually, as I could wish, as long as Sir Luke Schaub and I are to act jointly togetiier here, I have no personal pique against him, having industriously avoided (not- withstanding the provocations I may have had) all disputes with him, that we might notexpose ourselves, in prejudice to his majesty's affairs ; yet our way of acting and thinking, in regard to persons and things, is so very different, that I cannot live in any confidence or intimacy with him; and I am at the same time so constantly attended, watched, and observed by him, when I go to Versailles, that it is impossible for me to cultivate and settle such a correspondence and credit with persons of the chief authority here, as might be useful for his majesty's service, and not at all difficult to obtain, were I entirely free and independent of Sir Luke Schaub. " Had Sir Luke Schaub, by an extraordinary capacity in business, and by a suitable conduct and behaviour as a minister, acquired any reputation or particular esteem at this court, I am sure I should readily submit my judgment to his in every thing, and earnestly desire that the manage- ment of his majesty's affairs should be entirely trusted in his hands. But if I may venture to speak plain to your lordship, in confidence, and as my near relation, he is so far from having such a character, that he has ren- dered himself odious to many, and disagreeable to every body, and were it not for his majesty's commission here, he would make a very inconsi- derable, I had like to have said a contemptible figure, in the eyes of all, as well french as foreigners. " Did I not find this by my own observations to be true, I would scorn to have mentioned it at all ; having no other motive for doing it but a serious concern for his majesty's honour and service, which, in my conscience, I think never can be supported as they should be, while Sir Luke Schaub is employed here." This letter produced the desired effect; Mr. Walpole was nominated embassador, and Schaub was recalled. Soon afterwards Carteret was re- moved from the office of secretary of State to the government of Ireland ; he was succeeded by the duke of Newcastle, and the ascendancy of the brother ministers became uncontrolled. CHAPTER so MEI\IOIRS OF LOtCD WALPOLE, CHAPTER 8. 1 724. Injluence of Mr. TValpole in excludbig Torcy from the French Councils — ■ Viezvs of Philip the Fifth on the Crown of France — Embassy of Mar-- slial Tesse to Madrid — Abdication of Philip — Conferences with Fleury on that Fvent. EXCLUSIVE of the embarrassments, arising from the influeuce of lord Carteret, the jealousy of Schaub, and the affair of the dukedom, the embassy of Mr. Walpole M^as pregnant \vith difficulties which miglithave discouraged the most able negotiator. He was to prevent the ill conse- quences which seemed likely to arise from the enmity of the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, without giving umbrage to either ; he Avasto keep the court of France steady to their engagements with England, to ma- nage the unbending spirit of the imperial ministers, to counteract the in- trigues of Spain, and, above all, to take all necessary precautions to secure the succession of the french crown in the house of Orleans, provided Louis the Fifteenth should die without issue. One of his first and successful measures, which prevented a change of system, was the exclusion of Torcy from the department of foreign af- fairs. His nomination was secretly promoted by the duke of Bourbon, who, anxious to obtain the assistance of a person of his experience and capacity, by means of his agents underhand suggested to ]\Ir. Wal- pole, that the principles of Torcy, in respect to the succession of the croM'n of France, Avere changed, and that his admission into the ministry would not affect the connection between the two countries. Amoni>' others, even Bolingbroke became an advocate for Torcy. In a confer- ence with lord Bolingbroke, in which he hints at the removal of Frcjus, INIr. Walpole says, " I asked him, in case Frcjus should be removed, in whose hands the credit and conduct of affairs would chiefly fall, consi- dering CHAPTER 8. 81 ciering the weakness of the first mhiister? lie shrugged up his shoulders and said, ' I can't tell ; his highness would certaiuly be at a loss : Mor- ville is an honest man, but is by no means of a genius equal to the prime direction of affairs :' and after some other broken thoughts and imperfect discourses, being upon his legs to go away, he let fall, that perhaps Torcy, when all is said and done, might act in a right way for the present sys- tem. Upon which I, in the strongest manner, laid home to his lordship the letter as mentioned above, and appealed to him whether it was possi- ble to conceive that Torcy had altered those intentions, or whether it was not impossible to make the englisli nation believe it ? His lordship re- plied, ' What you have urged is very strong, and I can't tell what to say to it;' and owned that IM. Torcy had himself not long since in conver- sation, upbraided his lordship with his having insisted, when secretary of State, upon king Philip's making then his immediate choice of the crown of France or Spain*. " But Mr. Walpole made the strongest remonstrances against his appoint- ment, and did not desist until he had obtained positive assurances from Fleury that he should never be employed. Mr. Walpole gave no less striking proofs of his influence, by preventing the french court from allowing the duke of Ormond to make a temporary residence in France, and prevailing on Fleury not to receive a visit from bishop Atterbury. But the point in Mhicli he surmounted the great- est difficulties was to counteract the intrigues of the Spanish party, and preserve the succession to the crown of France in conformity with the treaty of Utreclit. Philip the Fifth, considering his solemn renunciation of the crown as an act of nullity, resolved to assert his right to the succession, should Louis the Fifteenth die without issue; and the duke of Bourbon, in con- sequence of his enmity to the house of Orleans, was inclined to promote his claims. At this particular juncture he nominated marshal Tess6, who was friendly to the lineal descent, embassador to Madrid, with a view, as it was suspected, to settle the terms of his eventual succession. While * Mr. W alpole to lord Townshend, Paris, lord Bolingbrokc, about the nullity of renunci- Jamiary 12, 1724. ations, see page 27. With respect to Torcy 's celebrated letter to M 82 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. While the english embassador Avas labouring to procure intelligence concerning the real object of this mission, and to thwart the designs of Tess6, through the medium of Fleury, the unexpected abdication of Phi- lip filled Paris with surprise and alarm. The first notice of this extraor- dinary event was communicated to the english court by INfr. "Walpole, in a dispatch to lord Townshend, dated Sunday night, January 23, 1724; in which he describes this act as wholly unknown to the court of France, and only the effect of religious melancholy. Notwithstanding these assurances, lord Townshend having expressed his suspicion that the abdi- cation was concerted M'ith the duke of Bourbon, and that Philip purposed to retire into France, Air. Walpole proved, from the conduct and astonish- ment of the french ministry, that there was no collusion between the two courts. lie did not, however, neglect his usual precaution ; but Avith (extreme address drew forth the opinion of Fleury, and secured his promise to oppose the eventual accession of the king of Spain. *' On Tuesday,"' he says in a letter to lord ToMushend, of January 23, *' I made a visit to bishop Frejus, at Versailles, (when the news began to take air,) and as company came in, and I was taking my leave, he took me aside to the window, and spoke of the abdication, Avith his eyes and ^ hands lifted to heaven; Avith the greatest agony and surprise, he let fall, in imperfect sentences, how untimely it Avas, how prejudicial it might prove to the present system, and particularly to the french interest. Spanish councils, Spanish measures might take place, he added, but he hoped the union between England and France Avould still subsist, as more necessary than ever. I told him, he might depend upon that. ' Ay,' says he, squeezing me earnestly by the hand, ' but in a stricter manner if possible; and something neAv should be found out for that purpose' " In a subsequent conversation, during a private conference, the bishop expressed his conviction that no person in France Avas prcAdously ac- quainted with Philip's abdication ; and in another still more confidential, which I cannot Avithhold from the reader, declared his resolution to pre- vent his retiring into France, and that he had secretly obtained a promise from the young king to that effect. Paris, March 7, 1724. " Being, as I have hinted to your lordship in some of my former letters, upon a foot of friendship and familiarity Avith 8 bishop CHAPTER 8. 83 bishop Frejus, without affecting to see him often, and talking in confi- dence to him when I do, I made him, after a considerable absence, a visit on the 4th instant at Versailles. ********** "In discoursing with him about Spain, I had an opportunity to ask the bishop, whether they had any news of marshal Tesse's arrival ? He said, No ; but that he had received a letter from him, from Bayonne, in which the marshal had given him a sort of a wipe, in telling him, that he would find upon his arrival ' qu il n'endossei^oit pas le golilio, ma/s quil scroit hon Jrancois.' " As I pretended not to understand the meaning of that phrase, he ex- plained it, by telling me, that before Tesse set out from hence, he, the bishop, had suggested to the duke of Bourbon, to insist upon the mar- shal's engagement, not to take the least steps that might be a prejudice to the renunciation ; but to pursue only his orders, relating to the interest of France, in respect to Spain ; that as the marshal knew that this doc- trine came from him, the bishop, he had made use of this M ay of speaking to let him know that he had not forgot his instructions. " Considering the natural principles of the bishop, as a Jesuit, and his former intimacy and acquaintance with the ministers of the old courts one would not think that he should have the renunciation, and tlie sepa- ration of the two crowns, much at heart. Indeed I never heard him men- tion them once to me till after the abdication of king Philip, and ever since that he has often spoke to me very earnestly upon tliem, as the foundation and corner-stone for the tranquillity and peace of Europe, and took this occasion to let me know that we cannot be too careful not to suffer the least attempt to weaken that scheme. " I asked him, then, whether he thought there was reason to ap- prehend any danger of that nature ? He said. No ; but that he was de- termined in these principles ; that there having been a rumour as if king- Philip might desire to come to France for the air and his health, although he was persuaded there was no manner of grounds for it; yet he thought i\t to represent to the young king the inconveniences and embarras that such a thing w ould occasion, as well as an alarm and an umbrage to the most considerable powers in Europe ; and therefore he had pre- pared his majesty to give an absolute refusal, should a proposition of ]M 2 that 84 ^MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. that nature be insinuated to him, by any one; ' for,' says he, ' it i> certainly right to frame and prepossess the minds of young princes in mat- ters of consequence to their government.' » " I told him, I had heard formerly of such a report ; but that I thought the reasons of State in respect to all parties in France, as long as the young king was well, were so obvious against it, that I did nottriink it worth taking notice of; however I was not wanting, my lord, to ap- plaud the bishop's conduct and Avisdom in his care and management of his royal pupil ; and it is certain that, upon the least hint of any thing that may be thouglit of to be done, the bisliop is early to give the king such impressions as he thinks proper about it, of which he finds the .ef- fect by the king's steadiness to him without a rival." Fleury also acquainted him that " the steps taken already at Madrid, in the administration of affairs, were entirely Spanish ; that V etiquette es- pagnole, Avhich had been disused, under the frcnch government, to the regulation and proceedings of the court and councils, was^ renewed ; the antient formalities and Spanish puncto, for the hours of the king's risings praying, dining, and giving audiences, and attending the public affairs, were already put into practice ; and in short, that the great monarchy of Spain, by returning to its former preciseness and grandeur within itself,, vv'ould become indifferent, and of no use to the rest of Europe*." The english embassador, however, though fully convinced of the can- dour and sincerity of Fleury, did not wholly rely on his assurances ; but discovered the sentiments of the duke and duchess of Maine, of marshal Villars, and other persons of the Spanish party, and found them impressed with the greatest contempt of Philip's bigotry and weakness. " These particular facts," he justly observes to lord Townshend, " collected from the mouths and actions of those who must have had the principal contriv- ance and management of any political scheme, to be the consequence of Philip's abdication, are such strong proofs to the contrary, that I thought your lordship M'ould excuse my troubling you with them ; especially since 1 find that Flanders, Holland, and even Spain itself, are not without their speculations to the same ])urpose. At Amsterdam they are as much 'n\ alarm and confusion as if king Philip was actually at Paris ; whereas, if I caiit * Paris, Feb. 9, 17'24. Walpole Papers. CHAPTER 8. 85 can make any judgment of the sentiments of all sorts of people here, sliould the present young french king die to-morrow, the duke of Or- leans would succeed immediately to the crown, and Philip's interest and right would not so much as be named, or enter into any body's head*." Fortunately for the peace of Europe, the views of Philip on the throne of France were defeated by the premature death of his son Louis, to whom he had resigned the crown by the dismission of his daughter, the infanta, and the subsequent marriage of Louis the Fifteenth, which again tore asunder the bond of union between France and Spain, and cemented still closer the connection of France with England. * Paris, Feb, y, 1724. Walpole Papers^ H6 MEMOIRS OF LORD VVALPOLE. CHAPTER 9. 1 724— 1 725. Dismission of the Spanish Infanta, the intended Bride of Louis the Fif teenth — Views of ike Duke of Bourbon iti favour of his Sister — Opposi- tion and Conduct of Fleury — Alarm of the Duke of Bourbon on tlie French Kings Illness — Proposals for an English Princess ; declined by George the First — Mr. WalpoWs Correspondence — His Conferences with Fleury — IMarriage of Louis the Ff teenth zvith the Daughter of Stanislaus Letzinski. THE conjectures concerning the abdication and resumption of the crown by Philip the Fifth, had scarcely subsided, before new re- ports of the dismission of the infanta, and projects for the marriage of Louis the Fifteenth, attracted the public curiosity, and gave a new source of embarrassment to the english embassador. The accession of Spain to the quadruple alliance Aras principally ov/ing. to a secret article between Philip and the duke of Orleans, which equally favoured the interests of both parties. Louis the Fifteenth was affianced to the infanta, Mary Anne; and the Prince of Asturias, afterwards Louis the First, espoused Elizabeth, fourth daughter of the regent. The in- fanta being only in her fifth year, the hopes of an heir to thefrench crown ■were deferred to a distant period ; and the eventual succession to the throne of France was still open, to which Philip, notwithstanding the most solemn renunciations, always looked with anxious expectation. On the death of the duke of Orleans, the french nation entertained hopes of dissolving a match ill calculated to promote the security of France, and the tranquillity of Europe. The marshals Villars and d'Ux- elles, and many of the french ministers, hinted to Ah. "Walpole the pro- bability and propriety of such a measure, and even Fleury himself ex- pressed a wish to delay the solemnization of the fiancaillcs. The CHAPTER 9. 87 The duke of Bourbon was most embarjassed what conduct to adopt on this dehcate occasion. He v/as on one side interested in promoting the marriage of the young king with the infanta, and in preserving the suc- cession in the hue of the princes of the blood ; because, in case of the de- cease of the king and the duke of Orleans, who were both unmarried, and of infirm constitutions, he was next heir to the throne. On the other side, the implacable enmity of the duke of Orleans rendered his accession an alarming event. The duke of Bourbon had, therefore, only the choice of two alternatives; one to promote the eventual suc- cession of Philip, and his son by the first wife, to the throne of France, and to settle the crown of Spain on his children by Elizabeth Farnesc; the second, to send back the infanta, and to marry the young king to a prin- cess of mature age*. On his first entrance into the administration, he was inclined to promote the claims and to secure the friendship of the king of Spain, and, v/ith this view, had deputed marshal Tesse to convey the strongest assurances of his fidelity and attachment '('. Soon, however, the general wish of the nation to provide a suitable consort for the king, and his increasing animosity to the duke of Orleans, who was recently married J, induced him to adopt the resolution of dismissing the infanta. He accordingly communicated his intention to Eleury in 1724, and pro- posed his own sister mademoiselle de Sens ; but the bishop opposing this match, and urging the impropriety of irritating Philip, v. hile the nego- tiations at Cambray were pending, the duke acquiesced, and postponed the execution of his design. Things remained in this state of suspense un- til the dangerous illness of Louis the Eifteenth revived his apprehensions, and he determined to counteract the succession of the duke of Orleans, by marrying the king to a princess of mature age. St. Simon relates a striking anecdote of his extreme agitation on this critical occasion^. Finding * Mr. Walpole to lord Townshend, Decern. § Le roi Louis XV. ctant tombe maladc ber 22, 1723. sous le niinistere de M. le Due, effraya telle- + Memoires de Montgon, torn. 3, p. 222. ment le prince ministre, quoique le mal ne fut X The duchess of Orleans married her son pas mena^ant, qu'il se releva une nuit en sur- to the princess of Baden, without the know. saut, prit sa robe de chambre, et monta dans la Jedge or approbation of the duke of Eoiirbon, dcrniere anti-chambre du roi : il etoit seul avec which increased his animosity. ime bougie a la main, et y trouva Marechal qui, etonnc 88 IVfEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Finding the opposition of Fleury to his sister's marriage witli the king insuperable, he directed his attention to the other princesses of Europe, and selected Anne, grand-daughter of George the First, who was in the sixteenth year of her age, and possessed great beauty and accomplish- ments. It is not easy to trace the precise period and origin of this choice ; but it proba.bly arose from female intrigues; for, in May 1724, Sir Luke Schaub, in his audience, on returning from Paris, oifendcd George the First, by indiscreetly proposing a marriage between the french king and one of the english princesses* ; an overture made at the instiga- tion of madame de Prie and madame de la Vrilliere, with the concur- rence of lady Darlington, and the secret co-operation of lord Carteret. On Fleury 's first rejection of mademoiselle de Sens, it appears that the duke of Bourbon entertained thoughts of the princess Anne, with a view of securing the assistance of England against the vengeance of Philip; but, from apprehensions that the princess could not be induced to change her religion, did not venture to make a formal pro])or>al. Soon after the king of France's recovery, at the suggestion of count Broglio, the french embassador in England, he was encouraged to make an indirect overture to George the First. Broglio having insinuated to the countess of Darlington the resolution of the duke of Bourbon to dis- miss the infanta, and his own embarrassment in the choice of another consort ; she replied, " Why do you amuse yourself w ith trifles, and why do you not instantly demand one of our princesses for the young king.'' I have reason to believe that your proposal would not be rejected." In consequence of this hint, the french embassador, being ordered to request a private audience, communicated to George the First a letter from the duke of Bourbon, announcing, under the seal of the strictest secrecy, the resolution of dismissing the infanta. He then begged leave to suggest a thought of his own, for which he requested his majesty's in- dulgence. " Knowing, as I do," he added, " the anxious desire of the duke ctcnne de cette apparition, alia a lui, et lui de- net de nuit : "Js n'y serai pas repr'is; s'il en re. manda ce qu'il venoit de faire. II trouva un chappe, U font !e ?nar'icr," Oeuvres de St. homine egarc, hors de soi, qui neput se rassurer Simon, torn. 8, p. 198, 5ur ce que Marechal lui dit de la maladie, ct a qui * The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, enfin d'effroi et de plenitude il echappa; que de- May 2a, 1724. fieudra'i-je ? cn repondant tout bas a son bon- CHAPTER 9- 89 duke of Bourbon to unite the two crowns by the strongest ties, and hav- ing- been eye-witness of the great and invaluable qualities of the princess Anne, I must beg leave to express my wish, that your majesty would give her in marriage to the king my master, which will be so much for the honour and interest of both kingdoms, that, if it can be accomplished, nothing Nvill be able to disturb the tranquillity, or oppose the views of the two crowns." The king replied, that notwithstanding the advantage of such a match, and his earnest desire of taking every opportunity to shew his regard for the king of France, and improve the good correspondence subsisting between the two crowns; yet the objection on the point of re- ligion being insurmountable, he must decline the acceptance of the pro- posal. Broglio, not checked by this repulse, communicated his proposal to the duke of Newcastle and lord Townshend, and earnestly exhorted them to employ their influence over the king, in favour of the match ; nor did he desist until they proved that the king's attaclmient to his religion could not be shaken, and that the marriage of any branch of the royal family with a Papist M^as contrary to the established laws of the king- dom*. While this negotiation was pending, various reports were circulated at Paris, that a match with an english princess was concluded ; and the re- fusal of the duke of Bourbon to affiance the young king to the infanta, at the stipulated time, seemed to confirm these rumours. " This ncM^s, " says the english embassador, " was no sooner known, but it was in the mouth of all sorts of people, that the infanta was to be sent home imme- diately, a match being concluded between the french king and one of the young princesses of England ; and if she was actually arrived at Calais for that purpose, the discourse would scarce be more positive, and more no Papist of his present majesty's family, nor any other prince or princess, of that religion, or that should intermarry with a Papist, v/ere ca- pable of succeeding to the crown ; how liable to the greatest censure such a step would be, in this country, and how highly criminal those would be thought who should presume to advise it." Whitehall, March \2, 1725. * " We acquainted him," writes the duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, " with the main view and end of the revolution, and protestant •accession, which was the preservation of the protestant religion, in these kingdoms ; and shewed him, by the general exclusion of the Papis^ts, in the first act of king William, con- firmed by the present act of settlement, whereby 90 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. more generally believed. Several stories are told, even by people that should know better, of the manner in which this affair has been nego- tiated. Some derive it from a management antecedent to my being mi- nister here; others attribute it to the inti igues of various ladies, at this and at the court of England ; but the more general applause and honour of it, though undeservedly, is given to me. Your grace will easily ima- gine, who knoM's Avhat a stranger I am to any thing of this affair, how much I have been embarrassed, these two or three days, how to behave myself, without appearing embarrassed at all. Numbers of all sorts of people have been very watchful and observing of my countenance, words, and carriage, and have endeavoured to turn me all Avays, by various questions and insinuations; some by making me compliments; others by desiring my protection here at court, as if the thing was actually done. But my conduct, I hope, has been even, decent, and irreproachable, without clearing up their doubts, or saying any thing that might give credit or discredit to it*." In this state of uncertainty, Mr. Walpolc, on the 6th of March, was informed by Morville, that the infanta was to be dismissed ; and this in- formation was confirmed the same day by Fleury, who requested a secret conference on a subject of the highest importance and delicacy. This conference took place on the 13th at Versailles, and proved to the en- glish embassador the confidence M'hich the bishop reposed in him. After recapitulating, under the strongest injunctions of secrecy, the events which had led to the dismission of the infmta, and stating his own objec- tions, not to the expediency, but to the precipitation of the measure, he acquainted him with the proposal |to be made by Broglio, and detailed the motives which induced the duke of Bourbon to demand an english princess. He then stated his own opinion as adverse to the match, ■\\'hich he considered as disadvantageous to both nations. " As to France," he said, " where the unity of religion is absolutely necessar}^, I am apprehensive that the eldest princess, having been educated in the principles of the protes- tant religion, to the age of sixteen, under a mother, who, from attach- ment to that religion, rejected the hand of the emperor, would retain an inward * Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, March 13, 1725, N, S, CHAPTER 9. 91 inward sense and zeal for it, notwithstanding any abjuration which she might be induced to make for the sake of a crown. Ilcr secret attach- ment to that persuasion might encourage the Jansenists to concur with the Protestants, still remaining in France, to foment internal troubles, in regard to religion. But should the king die first, and she become re- gent, and have the education of the children, no one knows the divisions and disturbances it might occasion. Neither do I see, in point of policy, that any good would accrue to this nation, nor any prospect but wliat might portend a rupture, or perhaps a war betM cen the two nations ; and at present the situation of Europe renders it the interest of both to main- tain a stricter union and harmony together. *' As to Great Britain, the policy, religion, and constitution of the government are adverse to such a match. France can never receive a queen, unless she becomes a Roman Catholic, and it would be inconsistent \vith the dignity of England to consent to the marriage of one of the royal family to a catholic prince, without her having the liberty to enjoy and exercise her religion, in her own Avay ; an indulgence always granted to the catbolic queens of England since the reformation. But, as I am informed, the laws of England are against a match of this nature, founded on the experience of the ill consequences that have ensued from thence; having suffered the greatest convulsions only by the marriage of one of their kings to Roman Catholics. But should an cnglish princess, after embracing the roman catholic religion, or any of her children, have a title to the crov.'n of Great Britain, they might, notwithstanding any re- nunciation or exclusion by act of parliament, pretend to the succession; and the bare possibility of the great troubles which might overwhelm, or at least constantly threaten the british nation, are, though distant, yet too terrible to be incurred. The people of England may be jealous lest so near an alliance with so considerable a pov. er as France in their neighbourhood may endanger their liberties, which might have been their fate, had the late king James accepted the offer of an army from Louis the Fourteenth. Persons of all parties and principles in England would join in one general cry against it. The Jacobites would be outrageous, because it would be constantly the greatest stroke to their present, as well as distant views, in favour of the N 2 pretender ; 92 JMEMOIllS OF LORD WALPOLE. pretender; the disaffected would consider it as the most popular topic for clamour, and those that are affected to the present establishment, in church and state, would think the reasons, with regard to the religion and constitution of their country, of greater weight than any political reasons, however plausible. It would create, in general, such a difiidcncc, fears, and jealousies in the minds of the people, as might render his ma- jesty's government uneasy for the future, and put it out of his power to be of that use, in conjunction M'ith France, for the preservation of the peace of Europe, as the present situation of affairs requires ; and I will freely own to you, it is the real interest of France, at this juncture, that the king of England should enjoy the greatest security and tranquillity at home. Lastly, I apprehend that the protectant powers abroad will be ex- tremely dissatisfied, and jealous of such an alliance. " These are the reasons which occurred to me upon this great crisis,, and determined my opinion that France should not demand an english princess, because the appearance of a refusal, which I apprehend will be the case, may have an ill effect on our present good understanding ; and though it is intended that the overture should be made by the french em- bassador, or to his majesty's, as only coming from the duke of Bourbon, in his private capacity, yet even that M'ould, if known, be regarded as little less than a request. But sinee my opinion did not prevail, I deem it advisable that you should represent what I have said, as the senti- ments of some persons of sense and consequence, w ithout mentioning my name; for I am anxious that nothing should be done M'hich may tend in the least degree to shake the harmony subsisting between the two crowns. And as you are fully apprised of the state of affairs here, it may not be thought too forward in you to suggest, that, upon the french embassa- dor's mentioning this matter to his majesty, he might be told by the king, in that engaging and obliging manner natural to his majesty, that no- thing in the world would be so agreeable to his inclinations as such an alliance, and so fortunate for the public good of Europe at this juncture, would the religion and constitution of England suffer it to be done; and though the ditTiculties, on that account, were insurmountable, yet he would continue to cultivate and promote the union between the twa ^crowns with as much earnestness as if the additional obligation of what a had CHAPTER 9. 93 bad been hinted could possibly take place. I likewise hope, that if yon dispatch a courier on this occasion, he may arrive in England before count Broglio Avill have proceeded any further than to communicate only the resolution of sending back the infanta. " he concluded his discourse," adds Mr. Walpole, " with repeating to me his utmost concern and apprehensions of what may be the conse- quences of this whole matter being precipitated with regard to Spain, and the pres-ent posture of affairs in Europe. All the terrible ideas of a rupture with that kingdom, of a marriage between the prince of Astu- rias and one of the arch-duchesses, and of the great advantages that would accrue to the emperor, seized him at once; and I could perceive, too, that the fear of disobliging the pope, who will not have been con- sulted, or acquainted by France, with the affair, until it is publicly talked of, had no small share in his concern. ****** " I then asked liim v/hether he did not suspect, from tiie whole ma- nagement of this affair, that M. le Due's chief, and perhaps only aim, Avas to bring about, at last, the marriage of his own sister with the frencli king:. He told me that it mioht be so; but as lono- as he had the least influence with his most christian majesty, he would oppose it to the last. I then concluded with my particular thanks to him for his steadiness in preserving the union between the two nations, desiring him to direct his utmost credit and application to that great view, as Avhat might become more necessary than ever. I concluded Avith expressing my apprehen- sions (M'hich I hope are groundless) that this afiair may end in the dis- grace or retreat of Frejus from all business, being strongly persuaded that M. le Due had never laid aside the thought of marrying his sister to the french king, and that his pretending to seek a match in England, and suffering it to be talked of, by all sorts of people, in so public a manner, is not so much out of a desire to have it done, as a justification of his sending away the infanta, at this juncture, in having provided a suitable and honourable match for his most christian majesty, w^iich, in the case of his sister, would not have been so popular in the nation, nor have so good an appearance in the eyes of the world*." On * Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle,. Paris, March 13, 1725. 94 MEAfOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Oil the l6th a confidential communication of Broglio's proposal to tiie king, and bis majesty's answer, was transmitted by tbe duke of New- castle ; " all wbicb, " Mr. Walpole says, " I received witb tbat deep sense of satisfaction, gratitude, and duty, for bis majesty's unshaken steadiness to the religion and laws of our country, tbat is due from a true protes- tant, and a loyal subject." Speaking of bis next interview witb Fleury, be observes, " I found bishop Frejus very glad, as be told me be bad been very impatient to see me ; and be expressed immediately bis great satisfaction at bis majesty having, as be had seen by count Broglio"s re- lation, given an answer to tbe proposal of tbe marriage, so prudent, and so M'ortby of himself, witb regard to his own conscience, and tbe consti- tution of tbe kingdom be governs, as well as to tbe union and friendship betA\Ten tbe two crowns. I then acquainted him bow extremely pleased bis majesty was Avith bis way of reasoning (of which I bad given an ac- count to your grace without naming him) on this subject, and tbat the king bad acted entirely agreeable to bis sentiments, without knowing them. I acquainted him at tbe same time Avith bis majesty's sincere in- tentions to do all in bis power to pacify the indignation of Spain*. " Fleury then hinted that tbe daughter of Stanislaus Letzinski, titular king of Poland, was most likely to become tbe consort of Louis tbe Fifteenth; but reiterated bis resolution of retiring from court, should tbe duke of Bourbon succeed in recommending bis own sister. The answer of tbe duke of Newcastle to this insinuation Avill shew tbe high confidence wbicb tbe englisb cabinet reposed in Fleury, and their full reliance on bis friendship : " I cannot conceal from your excellency the great concern tbat his majesty shews at tbe bint, in tbe latter part of your letter, tbat this affair may possibly end in tbe retreat of bishop Fre- jus from public business, Avbercby tbe frencb king Avould lose a most ablo and faithful servant, and bis majesty a sincere and steady friend. Tbe king is tbe more touched witb this, it being very probable tbat m bat you say would vmdoubtedl'y be tbe cause, if it may happen to be tbe case, both from tbe accounts you send, and from the manner in wbicb M. de Bro- glio talked yesterday to tbe king, who could not forbear expressing bis desire * Mr, Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, March 28, 17-5. CHAPTER 9. 95 desire that the king his master, since he coukl not have one of our young princesses, miglit be married to mademoiselle de Sens*; though at the same time he ow ned there miglit be in it some difficulty upon ]M. le Due, he having been the occasion of sending back the infanta. " If this should happen, his majesty would have you use your utmost credit and interest with bishop Frejus to dissuade him from so rash and imadvised a step, and lay before him the ill consequences that may arise both to France and England from such a resolution ; as also the uneasi- ness that it Avould afterwards be to him, if any thing should happen, for want of his assistance, that might alter the good correspondence between the two crowns, to which he has so much contributed "f." The resolution, however, of Fleury was not put to the test ; his influ- ence with the king was sufficiently po^verful to counteract the project of the duke of Bourbon in favour of his sister. But he acted with extreme . caution and dexterity, and though he excluded mademoiselle de Sens, whose elevation might have given the preponderancy to the interest of the duke of Bourbon, yet he did not interfere in the choice of the bride, lest any dislike of the young king to his consort might expose him to future reproach. The views of the duke and madame de Prie were ac- cordingly directed to IN'Iaria Lctzinski, daughter of Stanislaus, who was tv/enty-two years of age, not deficient in beauty, and whose situation and character seemed likely to render her wholly dependent on those who had contributed to her elevation. To this choice Fleury made no opposition; and as the king testified a total indifference, the marriage was solemnised on the 15th of August. In arranging the household of the new queen, madame du Prie was to be dame du palais; Paris Duverney, secretaire des commandemens; and the place of grand almoner was offered to Fleury. The bishop, how- ever, objected to the appointment of madame de Pri6, and even proposed to the duke of Bourbon that she should receive, but decline the offer,' as more * St. Simon, and the Memoirs of Richelieu, ing at the opposition of Fleury. — St. Simon, erroneously mention mademoiselle de Verman- torn, li, p. 201, and Memoires de Richelieu, dois, fourth sister of the duke of Bourbon, as torn. 4, chap. 6. the person in whose favour he solicited the + The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, match, and attributed its failure solely to the March 1 1, 1724--5. intrigues of madame de Prie, without even hint- 96 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. more honourable to her than the place would be advantageous. lie com- municated this circumstance, in confidence, to Mr. Walpole, and ex- pressed his resolution to refuse the place of grand almoner, as he could not, in honour and conscience, live in a family encompassed with such creatures as madame de Prie, and Duverncy, who had been a common soldier in the guards. Mr. Walpole strongly dissuaded him from this rash resolution : " You cannot," he said, "do greater service to the persons for whom you entertain so just an aversion, as you will throw the whole power of tlie queen's household into their hands, and they will no- minate a creature of their own in your place. The interest of France, as well as your own honour and conscience, exact it of you, not to take this unadvised step. When the queen is settled in France, a new scene may open. I have no doubt but your capacity and virtue will act the chief part, and an opportunity may offer of destroying the credit of those whose principles and actions are inconsistent with the dignity of the crown*." The repeated exhortations of Mr. Walpole finally succeeded, Fleury accepted the office of grand almoner, although madame de Prie was nominated dame du palais, and Duverney secretaire dcs commende- mens. * Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, April S7» 1755. 97 CHAPTER 10. 1725. Resentment of Philip the Fifth on the Dismission of the Infanta — His . Negotiations with the Emperor — Treaties of Vienna and Hanover — Infuence of Mr. JValpole in the Councils of France — Retreat and Recal of Fleury. TT^HE dismission of the infanta, and the indiscreet manner in which it JL was announced by the abbot de Livry*, inflamed the vengeance of the king and queen of Spain, and precipitated the execution of those measures which they had previously meditated. In 1720, Spain acceded to the quadruple alliance; and, in pursuance of that treaty, a congress of the ministers from the contracting powers was lield at Cambray, to settle the contested points between the Emperor and Philip, under the mediation of England and France. But the letters ex- pectativc, for the eventual investiture of Don Carlos, to the si>e€essioii of Tuscany, Parma and Placentia, which the emperor promised to expe- dite within two months after the ratification, were not delivered till No- vember 1723; by which delay it was evident that he A\'ished to elude the performance of his engagements. George the First, however, deemed himself bound in honour and jus- tice to execute, in concert with France, his engagements in favour of Don Carlos ; but the emperor, long accustomed to blind complaisance from Great Britain, expected that an elector of Hanover, upon that throne, should be still more subservient to his views and desires, and ac- cordingly resented the king's fidelity to his engagements, as an insult. At the same time the haughty spirit of Elizabeth Farnese, who governed the counsels of Spain, was irritated against the mediating powers for not compelling the emperor, by force of arms, to settle the points in dispute. Spain * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 27. o 98 MEMOIRS OF LORD AVALPOLE. Spain and the emperor being thus equally dissatisfied, the negotiations of the congress, which opened at Cambray in January 1724, were lan- guid ; and the french and english ministers in vain endeavoured to relax the unbending spirit of the imperial, or overcome the diplomatic puncti- lios of the Spanish plenipotentiaries. In fact the court of ]\Iadrid had, in November 1723, deputed Ripperda to Vienna, and tendered, without the knowledge of the mediating powers, overtures of reconciliation to the emperor, who lured Elizabeth Farnese with the hopes of obtaining an arch-duchess in marriage to one of the Spanish infants. Such was the state of the imperial and Spanish courts, when the dismis- sion of the infanta excited the resentment of Philip, and his A'indictive queen, against France. They recalled their plenipotentiaries from Cam- bray, and offered the sole mediation to England. But the british cabi- net, sensible of the advantages derived from the french alliance, and faithful to their engagements, had no sooner declined this insidious offer, than the court of Spain suddenly closed the long pending disputes with the emperor, and on the 1st of May Ripperda concluded the treaty of Vienna. It would be tedious and unnecessary to detail the articles of this treaty, some of which were secret, and hostile to the trade, possessions, and con- stitution of England, as avcU as to the interests of France and Holland. Great preparations were made by the emperor and Spain; Russia was in- duced to enter into the alliance, and the princes of the empire solicited to join the standard of their chief. These hostile appearances occasioned a series of negotiations, which terminated in the treaty of Hanover, con- cluded between England, France and Prussia, to which Holland and Sweden afterwards acceded. Having, in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, detailed the origin, motives and tendency of that treaty, it will be sufficient to observe, that the complicated negotiations, Avhich occupied every power in Europe, ul- timately centered at Paris ; and their successful termination Avas princi- pally owing to the address of the british embassador, who managed Avith equal dexterity the irresolute character of the duke of Bourbon, the dila- tory temper of Morville, and the supple, insinuating, and cautious spirit of Fleury. The CHAPTER 10. 99 The difficulty of influencing the french cabinet was increased by the alarms of George the First, by the ardent temper of lord Townshend, and by the anxiety of the british ministry to counterbalance the active efforts of the emperor, M'ith equal vigour on the side of the allies. They did not appreciate the delicate situation of the french ministers, Avho, though a, ware that the union between the two crowns secured the internal tran- quillity of their country, were naturally averse to an open rupture with a prince of the house of Bourbon, the uncle of their king, whom France, at an enormous expence of blood and treasure, had placed on the throne of Spain. Hence their conduct was occasionally lukewarm and waver- ing, and only roused to vigour and resolution by the manly and repeated representations of Mr. Walpole. It Avould be unjust to the merits of ]\fr. Walpole, to withhold the eulo- o'ium of the duke of Newcastle towards the conclusion of the Hanover treaty: " 1 am now to congratulate your excellency upon this great work's being brought so near a conclusion, which his majesty cannot but look upon to be as good as finished ; and I cannot but take a sensible pleasure in the great share your excellency has had in it. Your diligence and prudent conduct, and your great abilities, in executing the several commands you have received from his majesty, upon this subject, have been taken notice of by the king, and which I cannot forbear, now we are so near seeing the happy effects of them, mentioning to your excel- lency, in the manner that so important and so acceptable a service de- - serves*." Mr. Walpole Avas principally indebted for his success to the influence of Fleury, Avhose predominance in the french cabinet he duly appreciated. Impressed with full conviction, that the duke of Bourbon owed his office to Fleury, and held it only by his forbearance, he resisted the solicitations of the british cabinet to be more assiduous in his court to the ladies who were supposed to govern the duke of Bourbon, from just apprehensions of being drawn into their cabals, and of offending his ve- nerable friend. The dispatches of the british embassador justify his mo- tives, and contain too many instances of Fleury 's ascendancy to be enu- merated : * The duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpole, Sept. 26, 1724, 02 TOO MEMOIRS OF LORD ^yALPOLE. meiated : one anecdote, however, wliicli he records in a letter to lord Townshend, Jan. 13, 1734, is too curious to be withheld from the reader: " The duke of Bourbon is indefatigable in his application to gain the young king's comidence ; but he finds Frejus has the first and strongest hold there, insomuch that when his highness seeks proper opportunities to talk to his majesty alone, as soon as he begins to be serious, the child diverts the discourse of business by idle actions and ordinary chit-chat, iintil Frejus, whom he never fails to call for, can have notice or time to enter the room, which goes to the duke of Bourbon's heart, as not know- ing what to do, being justly apprehensive that should he endeavour the removal of the bishop he would fail in the attempt." Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of Planover, an incident hap- pened at Versailles, which justified the sagacity of Mr. Walpole, and of Aviiich he transmitted an interesting account to lord ToAvnshend : " My Lord, Paris, Dec, 24, 1725. " On Tuesday the J 8th instant, being the day of the -week on which the foreign ministers go to Versailles, to make their court to their most christian majesties, and to have their audiences of the ministers, Frejus, notwithstanding he had invited some company to dine with him, and notwithstanding the most tempestuous weather of wind and rain that ever was known, went early in the morning to his country-house at Issy, near Meudon, about an hour's distance from Versailles, having left word at his lodging that he should not return that night. These circumstances of liis sudden departure, joined with others, which some assiduous courtier* had observed the night before, and particularly that of his most christian majesty, the queen and M. le Due being locked up a considerable time together in the queen's closet, occasioned a general whisper of the bishop's being retired altogether from business ; l>ut his return early the nex.t morning to Versailles, and appearing at the king's levee, as usual, soon put an end to that report, though not without some speculation of what might have been the motive of so quick a departure, as well as return to court ; of which I am able to give your lordship a full and true account. But before I do it, I beg leave to trouble you with the situation of tli£ court since the first arrival of the cj^ueen at Fontainebleau. You^ CHAPTER lO.. 101 " Your lordship doth not Mant to be mformed, that ever since M. le Due's administration, niadame de Prie and M. du Verncy have had tlie chief credit and confidence with his highness in the nianag'ement of af- fairs; while bishop Frejus, more immediately attached to the personal care and service of the frencli king, and seeking no other favour and support, spoke his mind in council as became a minister of State, and to M. le Due in private, not as a flatterer, but as it became a friend. Although l)is highness did at times, by the instigation of others, entertain some uneasiness and jealousy of the bishop with respect to power, yet the can- did behaviour of Frejus, entirely void of ambition or self-interest, im- mediately set all matters right again, and in the mean time they conti- nued to live anil act together with a perfect understanding. The bisliop assumed no other part of the administration than that of giving his advice in matters of state and moment, which was generally so reason- able and just, that as le Due reaped great advantage from it, so he appeared well satisfied and pleased with it. Thus things continued to go smoothly on until the marriage of the french king. " The disappointment of having a princess of England to be queen of France, and no suitable match, for birth or religion, immediately occur- ing, at a time when the french nation expressed the greatest impatience to have their king married, madame de Pri6 and M. du Verney, un- der the authority and credit of M. le Due, turned their thoughts to find out a person, who, by the great obligation she should have from such an unexpected honour, would become entirely attached to the interest of those who were most instrumental to procure it. Nobody's situation seemed more proper to answer tliat end than that of king Stanislaus's daughter, and in all likelihood it was as easy to obtain from her such as- surances and conditions of attachment and friendship, as it was to get her consent to the marriage. In the mean time bishop Frejus appeared purely indifferent and passive in this affair, not being willing, perhaps, on one side to dissuade the king, his master, from marrying at a time when the ■whole french nation cried aloud for it, nor on the other to recounnend a person to him who, by the inequality of her age, as well as of other cir- cumstances, might some time or Other prove not so agreeable to him. Plowevcr sensible the queen might be of their merit who liad the chief hand 103 I^IEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. liand in making her so, it Av^as generally thought that her gratitude m'OuUI have extended no fuither than to the person of M. le Due; that the cha- racter of madame de Prie and M. du Verney, so notorious for intrigues of all sorts, could not be unknown to her; and that she would naturally re- flect how dangerous it might be, considering the difference of her age and beauty from that of the king, to strengthen and support the interest of those who M ould not fail to fling in the french king's way, and promote the first pleasurable views, however disagreeable they might be to the queen, that his majesty might shew the least inclination for. On the other hand, the known probity and virtue of bishop Frejus Avould have disposed her to seek and cultivate a particular friendship and intimacy with him, whose principles, as well as immediate confidence and credit with the young king, might make him both willing and able to cement a mutual affection between their majesties, and secure the queen from any apprehensions of a rival. This M as so sensible and obvious a part, with regard to her own interest, that it M^as scarce to be doubted but she would readily embrace it ; and the bishop's station in being her first aumonier would not fail of giving her an opportunity to do it whenever she pleased. " Upon her majesty's arrival at court, either all the persons that could possibly have the least approach by their place to the queen, were en- tirely gained by madame de Prie, or the avenues of access to the queen were so guarded that none but that lady's devoted creatures could come near her majesty, without being immediately interrupted ; at which she herself pretended to be uneasy, and to complain that sbe was encompassed and besieged on every side. Having continued a long time without taking the least notice of bishop Frejus, scarce shewing common civility, she gave some of his friends to understand that she detested madame de Prie, that she had the greatest A'cneration for him, and was desirous of liis friendship ; but begged he Avould have pa^ence, not knowing which way to turn herself for fear of madame de Prie, and, through her, of dis- obliging M. le Due, to whom she Avas so much obliged, and who was so very powerful. " In the mean time the bishop continued to go on, in his old way, as preceptor and minister of State, in waiting upon and advising his majesty alone, at the usual hours, and in constantly attending at the times ap- pointed CHAPTER 10. 103 pointed for M. le Due to do business with the king, without being want- ing in due respect to lier majesty, and without pressing a more particular intimacy and friendship Avith her, until she should think fit to give him sufficient encouragement to do it; he being, in his temper, by no means a sycophant or courtier, to press himself forward before he was sure of an agreeable reception. To such of his friends as did exhort him to make his approaches to the queen, he would say, that they did not know the situation of things at court ; and he has often told me, that notwithstand- ing her private intimations to him, of being his friend, he Av^as sure that she was intirely delivered up into the power of madame de Pri^, and M. du Verney, by the means of M. le Due, who had of late more than ever put himself under the absolute government of those two persons, notwith- standino- the oeneral murmur of the whole court and nation ag-ainst them. " The bishop was the only person of consequence that durst boldly and openly oppose their formidable power, which he has done, not only to his friends, but also to the king, and even to i\f. le Due himself ; de- claring freely to his highness, that he looked upon madame de Pri^, and M. du Verney, as enemies to the State, and as authors of all the disorders, weakness, and confusion, both in the finances and other matters, that exposed the present administration ; and that as his honour and consci- ence obliged him to speak so plainly to him on this subject, so the repu- tation and credit of his highness should oblige him to free himself from the slavery and influence of such evil counsellors. But the bishop preached on this text in vain ; for M. le Due being iiimioveably fixed in his at- tachment to those two persons, constantly took their part, and to such a degree that he and the bishop have often come to very high words on this subject. I have learnt from the bishop, that his highness lately told liim, he valued his honour and conscience as much as tlie bishop did his, and for that reason he would support those that would risk their all, and even their lives for him ; and if madame de Prie and M. du Verney must perish, he would perish with them. " This was bringing matters to a very close point. The bishop had certainly not the least thought of breaking Avith M. le Due, or of endea- vouring to displace him ; not knowing whom to put so conveniently in his room, and being firmly determined not to take upon himself the weight 8 of 104 lIEiMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of the aflminlstration. lie was also sensible, pcrliaps, that he sliould have a clifiiculty in doing it with the trench king himself, to whom INI. le Due is certainly become agreeable enough, by the good offices first of JM. Fi e- jus, and by an habitual attendance upon his majesty, taking care never to thwart, but constantly to entertain and humour the king, in all his little pleasures of hunting from place to place. These considerations, I believe, made the bishop decline to push matters to an extremity with regard to madame de Prie and IVI. du Verney, continuing still in the same sentiments and discourse on their account as occasion offered. And as they could not be ignorant of his inveterate animosity against them, and that it was impossible to bring him to a good opinion of them, which M. le Due had often endeavoured to do, but in vain, it was natural for them, being both of a bold and enterprising spirit, to turn their thoughts how to get rid of the bishop. But a stroke so desperate, and an attempt so dangerous to themselves, made it impossible to conceive M'hich way they could undertake it. " I am here to acquaint your lordship, that although the candid and disinterested behaviour of the bishop towards M. le Due was a sufficient proof of his having no design of being prime minister himself ; yet the privilege he enjoyed of working alone with the king, M^thout the pre- sence of the duke, and being always present when his highness sliould work with his majesty, was represented by madame de Pri6 and M. du Verney as such an encroaclunent upon the authority of his highness, as prime minister, as to have made a strong impression upon him ; and he lias for a long time had it so much at heart, that he has often endeavoured by himself, and by the insinuations of some friends, to prevail with the bishop to consent that his highness might sometimes do business alone with the french king. But M. Frejus Avould never give up this point, saying, that he had his majesty's positive command to be always by when M. Ic Due had any business to do with him, wherein his highness was obliged to acquiesce, but never was perfectly easy in this matter. The last year, when the king was at Chantilly, and the bishop went for two days to Liancourt, the duke waited at the usual hour upon his ma- jesty with his portefeuille, in order to work m ith him in the absence of JVI. Frejus ; but he could not prevail with his majesty to do it, who said he CHAPTER 10. 105 he would stay till M. Frejus came home. His highness modestly replied, he did not desire to do any business of moment ; but there was some papers, -which, though of no great consequence, yet by the nature of them required an immediate dispatch, and begged his majesty only to sign them ; but the king said it would be time enough when the bishop came back. This strong decision, in favour of the bishop, made it evident how vain a second attempt of this nature would be ; and therefore all jealousy and dispute about it seemed quite over, until the arrival of the queen. " Her majesty being entirely beset by the creatures of madame de Pri^, being, out of gratitude and inclination, much attached to the interest of M. le Due, and either not daring to cultivate a friendship with the bishop, for fear of disobliging his highness, or not desiring to do it, on account of several little stories insinuated to the disadvantage of the bishop, as if he was her enemy; and lastly, perhaps, being made to believe that she had absolutely gained the heart and affection of the king, Avas earnestly solicited to join her interest to prevail with his majesty to work alone with M. le Due; to Avhicli, though as it is said with much reluctancy, she •consented at last, and this was the reason of the bishop's retiring to his country house, on Tuesday last, occasioned in the foUoAving manner. " On JVIonday, in the evening, as soon as her majesty had notice of the king's return from hunting, she quitted her cards, and desired to speak with him in her closet; being about an hour before the usual time for the bishop s seeing him alone. The queen took that opportunity, in the pre- sence of JM. le Due, to press him most earnestly, and in the most in- sinuating and flattering ways imaginable, to do business with M. le Due alone, that night ; which he by no means would consent to, notwithstand- ing her repeated instances for above an hour, when his majesty said he must take his leave, and go to the bishop. But before he went out of the room, she made .him promise to return soon to her again. Being come to his own apartment, where he found the bishop, the king gave him an account of all that had passed with the queen, telling him po- sitively, that he Avas resolved not to Avork Avith M. le Due alone, nor re- turn to the queen's lodgings. M. Frejus desired him, since he had given Lis Avord, to go back again to the queen, that if Uis majesty Avas fully de- P termincd lOCy SIEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. tcrmined not to do business with M. le Due alone, the best way was td send for liim to come. The king said, No, stay you here in the closet, and I will return to you again immediately. " The conversation between the king and the bishop lasted on this oc- casion above an hour and a quarter, before the bishop could prevail with him to return to the queen ; but being gone, and the bishop having staid in his majesty's closet above an hour, without hearing any tiling of him, he took it for granted that the queen and M. le Due had prevailed with his majesty to do business with his highness in his absence, and therefore he returned to his lodging:, and took no farther notice of the matter that niglit. But early the next morning, having wrote a letter to his majesty, to acquaint him with the reason of his retirement, and beseeching him in a proper manner to dispense M'ith his future service and attendance upon him ; and likewise another to JNI. le Due, for obtaining his majesty's par- don and consent for his leaving altogether the court, he went to his eountry house at Issy. " His majesty was gane a hunting that morning, before the receipt of the bishop's letter; and immediately upon his return home in the after- noon, the queen having desired to speak with him, acquainted him, that the bishop was gone to his country house. His majesty replied. But I suppose to return again tliis evening ? The queen having thereupon answered, No, slie believed not, the king said nothing ; but, with the greatest appearance of concern in his countenance, suddenly left the loom, and went to his own closet, where, to avoid company coming to him, he retired to his garclerobc, and set himself upon the close-stool, in a very sullen and melancholy posture. The duke of Montemar, lord of the bedchamber in waiting, was the only person that came near him, to see if he wanted any thing ; and having waited some time, without his majesty saying any thing to him, the duke himself ventured to say, SirCy M. de Frejus est pay^ti pour la campagne, tant pis pour voire majeste, et pour Vctat. The king made no reply ; but having soon after got up to return to his closet, he called to the duke of Montemar, and said, Allez incessamment chez M. le Due, et elites luy, queje luy ordonne d'ecrire sur h champ a HI. Frejus, queje Vattends demain d, mon levee. Whereupon the duke said, Vordonncz-vouSj Sire ? The king replied, Ouy, je rordonne. S The CHAPTER 10. The duke went and delivered his majesty's command to his highness, who sent an express that night to the hishop ; and he accorcUngly waited upon his majesty the next morning at his levee. It is said that nothing could equal the concern and uneasiness that his majesty shevv-ed at the hishop's absence, except it be the pleasure and satisfaction which appeared in his countenance upon the bishop's return next morning. " This is the best account, my lord, I can get of this extraordinary in- cident, M'hich, during the time that it lasted, employed the attention and reflections of every body, both native and foreigner, the whole court and town taking the bishop's part, excepting his particular friends, who thought that his departure, without being first apprised of the king's be- haviour, was too hasty and precipitate, and might have given to his enemies a great advantage over him. M. le Due has thought fit to take the turn of wondering extremely at the bishop's going away, without the least reason or provocation ; and he began the letter he v/rote by the. king's command, to M. Frejus, by expressing his own surprise at his absence. I having had an audience, on Saturday, of his highness, to talk with him about the king of Sardinia's accession to the treaty of Hanover; and finding him very gracious, took an opportunity, as I was going away, to tell him I hoped that all the noise about divisions at court was over, begging his pardon for touching upon so nice a subject, M'hich was no con- cern of mine, any otherwise than as the strict friendship and union be- twixt the two crowns would make me sorry if any thing should happen that might disturb or weaken the administration here. He very oblig- ingly said, 'To you I will speak plain on this matter, wliich is the most ridiculous thing that ever happened ; and my friend the bishop, as I have since told him, said his highness, had he been a child, deserved to be whipped. Had he said the least word to me, nothing of this nature would have been ; for he had no reason in the world to go away. M. Frejus and I, continued he, have always been very good friends. I do not doubt but we shall always continue so ; though I am very sensible of the en- deavours of some to divide us, if possible ; but they will not be able to have their end,' " I will not conceal from your lordship that the bishop's country house being directly in my way from Versailles to Paris, I stopt in my chaise at P2 ' the 108 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. the end of the village, at my return from court that Tuesday, and sent iny servant to inquire how the bishop did ; resolving, in case he gave me any encouragement, to have made him a visit, and to havNj exhorted him to return to court if possible; being persuaded, should he retire from l)usiness at this juncture, that things would go into the greatest confu- sion here, and liave a dangerous influence on the foreign affairs. He re- turned me a civil compliment of thanks, and said he hoped that he should see me in two or three days, and very early next morning he sent his secretary to me to acquaint me that he was setting out to return to court. I did not think proper to wait upon him at Versailles, until Saturday last, and then I took care to see M. le Due and M. de Morville first. " It is impossible for me to express the obliging manner in which the bishop received me, full of acknoxoledgment for that mark of my friend- ship in calling upon him in that doubtf ul day of his retirement ; and I hope his majesty will not be displeased at my having taken this step, Mdiich honour and gratitude, for his constant behaviour towards me, called upon me to take, whatever his fate might have been, which I am persuaded he will never forget." The observation of Mr. Walpole that Fleury never would forget his visit, was verified by the event ; and their intimacy was strengthened by this mark of regard. The deference of Fleury to the english embassador gave umbrage to the french party, who were adverse to the union with England. ]\lontgon says, that JNIr. Walpole had subjugated Fleury, and calls them two fingers of the same hand ; marshal Villars also, and the due de St. Simon* made the most urgent remonstrances to Fleury on his sub- serviency to the english embassador, but without effect. CHAPTER * St. Simon speaking of this visit of Mr. Walpole fays, " M. de Frejus fut si touche de la demarche de ce rusd Anglois dans cette crise, qu'il le crut son ami intime." ******" H »'abandonna entierement aux Anglois avec une dependance, qui sautoit aux yeux de tout Ic monde. Jc resolu enfin de lui en parlcr. * * * Surla confiance en Walpole, en son frcre, et aux Anglois dominani il se mit a sourire. Vou» ne savez pas tout, me repondoit il : savez vout bitn ce qu' Horace a fait pour moi ? et me fit. valoir cette vifite, comme un trait heroique d'at-. tachement etd'amitie qui levoit pour toujours tout scrupule," St. Simon^ torn 10,, 109 CHAPTER II. 1726. Mr. Walpoh supports the Treaty of Hayiover in Parliament — Deaths of his Sister Lady Tozvnshend and of his Brother Galfridus — Transactions of the Allies of Hanover and Vienna — Reciprocal Preparations for JVar. — 3Ir. Walpoles returji to Paris — Divided State of the French Mi^ iiistry — False Suspicions of Intrigues between Fleury and the Court of Spain — Fall of Ripperda. MR. Walpole had continued at Paris from his first arrival in October 1723, to the end of 1725, engaged in the most arduous affairs, with only the intermission of two months in the spring of 1724', which he ob- tained with the greatest difficulty. At this period his presence became necessary in London, to explain the real state and intentions of the frencli cabinet, to assist in arranging the complicated business arising from the late negotiations, and to defend the treaty of Hanover, to M'hich much opposition was expected, both by his writings and in parliament. The affairs of England were, in the interim, committed to his confi- dential secretary, Mr. Robinson, Avhom he mentions in the highest terms of esteem and affection, who, during his short absence, had displayed great prudence and sagacity in treating with the french ministers, and ac- quired the full confidence of Fleury. On his arrival in London, in January 172(5, Mr. Walpole found the ministry embarrassed with the wavering conduct of the king of Prussia, and the kingdom threatened Avith an invasion, from the united forces of Spain, Russia, and the Emperor. He found the opposition strengthened by the recent accession of the Pulteneys, and the different parti-es united into a compact body, by the address of Bolingbroke.. The no IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. The parliament was opened on the 20th of January ; and the treaties of Vienna and Hanover were laid before the Commons, on the 9th of Fe- bruary, by Sir Robert Walpole. Being taken into consideration on the iGth, ;Mr. Walpole opened the debate with a long and well arranged speech. After perspicuously detailing the history of the treaties, from the peace of Utrecht to the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna, he de- fended with great abilities the motives and conduct of the king, in con- tracting the treaty of Hanover. He laid open the ambitious designs of the courts of Madrid and Vienna, and developed their views and engage- ments hostile to the commerce and interests of England, in contradiction to existing alliances. He added, " His majesty, ever watchful for the interest of his british subjects, had caused lively representations to be made, both to the em- peror and Spain. At the court of Madrid those complaints were received with coldness, and at that of Vienna with haughtiness ; the imperial mi- nistry did not scruple to insinuate, that if the king persisted in his reso- lution to take measures in opposition to the treaty of V^ienna, the emperor would not only think himself disengaged from the guaranty of the pro- testant succession to the crown of Great Britain ; but that such conduct might be attended with serious consecpiences, in relation to his majesty's' dominions in Germany. These insulting menaces made no impression on his majesty's firmness, nor deterred him from concerting, with other powers, such measures as might check the ambitious views of those who endeavoured to render themselves formidable." He then dwelt on the attempts of Spain to conclude a marriage be- tween don Carlos and an arcli-duchess, and expatiated on the danger of such a match, which at a future period might unite tlie Spanish and austrian dominions under the same monarch. He concluded with declaring, that " the main view of the treat}^ of Hanover was to main- tain the public repose and tranquillity of Christendom, and to secure to each contracting party the possession of their respective dominions, vvith the rights, immunities, and advantages, particularly those re- lating to trade, which their subjects enjoyed, or ought by treaties to enjoy." This JDOItOT-MY^ 2"/ Wipe, of CHiS.RLiE$ VIJSCOIIIVT TO>V>JSJHEIVD I'To/n aiz Oi-iavnal ai 7? * Mr. Robinson to the duke of NewcastTe, Paris, March 13, 1 7^6. + The reader is referred to the Memoirs of Sil Robert Walpole for an account of the rise. administration, and fall of Ripperda ; and for the letters of Mr. Stanhope, Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chapter 35, and Correspon- dence, vol. 2, p. 572j 622, CHAPTER 11. 117 as RIpperda. The frencli ministers highly applauded the dexterity and prudence of Mr. Stanhope, and seemed pleased at the hopes of obtaining a full knowledge of the secret negotiations between the courts of Vienna and Madrid. They, at the same time, expressed their doubts M'hether Philip had violated the rights of nations by forcing Ripperda out of Mr. Stanhope's house, urged Mr. Walpolc to moderate the resentment of his master, and anxiously deprecated a rupture with Spain. On the 9th an account from Mr. Stanhope, which was delayed by the arrest of his courier at Victoria, reached Paris ; and i\Ir. Walpole, the following day, imparted the intelligence to Fleury at Versailles. In this interview, which was short, and frequently interrupted, Mr. Walpole was struck >vith a remarkable expression, uttered by the bishop in the heat of conversation ; " The reign of first ministers is but short!" which seemed to announce an approaching change in the administratiork pf France. 1 IS MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 12. 1720. Dismission of the Duke of Bourbon — Correspondence of Mr. JValpole on that Subject — Corference with Fleury. ry^HE surprise excited by the disgrace of Ripperda was soon obliterated JL by an unexpected event of still greater importance, the dismission of the duke of Bourbon. The recal of Fleury having ensured his triumph over the duke of Bour- bon, and riveted the affections of the king beyond controul ; he resolved to obtain the dismission of madame de Prie and Paris du Verney. After ineffectual attempts to induce the duke of Bourbon to sacrifice his mis- tress and his confidant, he had a long audience of the queen, and urged her majesty to remove those persons who disgraced her household. " What antipathy," said the queen, " causes you to make such strong representations for their dismission ?" " I have no antipathy," replied the bishop, " and the sole motive of my repeated exhortations to the duke of Bourbon is the dishonour Avhich they entail on his character and admi- nistration." " But how can I," rejoined the queen, " dismiss these per- sons from my household, who have been proved guilty of no crime, and only desire that their conduct may be scrutinised? I will freely own that the disgrace of persons M'itli whose services I am satisfied, will displease rae. " The bishop made no answer; and when the queen hinted at the change of the king's affections, he replied, " I am not to blame." She then represented to him the chagrin of the duke of Bourbon at the king's refusal to admit him to a private audience, and solicited his interposition, but in vain *. The duke of Bourbon was naturally dissatisfied with continuing at the helm * Memoires de Villars, torn, 3, p. 215, CHAPTER 12. helm of affairs, as a mere deputy to Fleury ; but, aware of the bishop's ascendancy, concealed his disgust, and affected to express the highest esteem and confidence in his co-adjutor. He even seemed to pay some deference to the repeated exhortations of Fleury ; Madame de Prie made a journey to her country-house in Normandy; Paris du Verney appeared seldom at Versailles, and an important transaction of finance took place without his knowledge. Alarmed at this neglect, du Verney summoned madame de Pri6 from Norrnandy : she unexpectedly arrived at court on the first of June; and du Verney again frequented, as usual, the board of finance, and reassumed his imperious language and haughty manners*. They even made another attempt to obtain the disgrace of Fleury by means of the queen. These efJbrts accelerated the catastrophe ; and the duke of Bourbon, aware that the struggle would probably end in his own disgrace, offered his resignation to the king in the presence of FIeur3^ This unexpected proposal embarrassed the young monarch, till Fleury said, " Will your majesty consent to the proposal of the duke, and not persuade him to con- tinue in your service 'j ?" The king, thus relieved from his uncertainty, re- quested the duke of Bourbon to continue at the helm of affairs, with ex- pressions of kindness and satisfaction. A general persuasion, however, prevailed at court, that a change was meditating ; and on the 10th of June, marshal Villars observed to the comptroller-general Dodun, " I see a storm ready to burst over the head of the duke of Bourbon." " I do not believe," replied Dodun, " that he will continue in office three months." " Nor I," rejoined Villars, " eight days." But on the follow- ing day Villars observing the dukes of Montemar and Charost, who were enemies of the duke, extremely cheerful, expressed his opinion to Dodun that the storm was approaching. His prediction was soon fulfilled : after the conclusion of the council, held in the presence of the duke of Bourbon, the king, before he departed from Rambouillet, at three, said to him, " I shall expect 3'ou in the evening ; do not make me wait supper." The duke continued to do business with Breteuil and Dodun till eight ; and going to his carriage, which was to convey * Memoires de Richelieu, torn. 4. i Memoires de Villars, torn, 3, p, 244 ; and Memoires de Montgon, torn. 2, p. 1 1 i . 120 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. convey him to Rambouillet, met the count de St. Florentin with his pa- pers ; but postponed the business till his return. At this instant the duke of Charost presented to him a letter from the king : " I com- mand you, under pain of disobedience, to retire to Chantilly, and re- main there until farther orders." The duke replied, " Accustomed to make the king obej^ed, I shall be the fust to set the example ; but I expected, from the friendship of the king, and the earnest desire I have long shewn to retire, that my retreat would not have been attended with these marks of rigour." He instantly entered his chaise, accompanied by a lieutenant of the body guards, and drove to Chantilly, where he arrived at one o'clock in the morning. Fleury announced to the queen the removal of the duke of Bourbon, and at the same time delivered to her a letter written in the king's own hand : ^' I intreat you, madam, and, if necessary, I command you, to do ■whatsoever the bishop of Frejus shall tell you, from me, as if it v/as told you by myself." In shewing this letter to marshal Villars, the queen burst into tears. The dismission of the duke of Bourbon was followed by the exile of Paris du Verney and his three brothers, and madanie de Prie* had orders to retire into Normandy. At three o'clock in the morning, Mr. Walpole was awakened by a mes- senger with, a letter from Fleury : " Monsieur t, Ce II Juin, a cinq heures. " J'ay ete tent6 souvent de reveler a votre excellence ce qui vient de se passer ; mais je n'etois pas maitre du secret du roy, et mes ordres etoient trop expres pour les violer. Sa majesty supprime la charge de premier ministre, et j\L le Due a ordre de se retirer a Chantilly. Je ne doute pas qu'il n'obeisse, et j'ay I'honneur de vous I'ecrire, a I'avance, parceque je n'en aurai pas le temps apre^s. Votre excellence pent estre absur6e, Monsieur, et je vous supplie d"assurer sa majesty britannique que cet evenement ne changera rien dans les affaires et qu'elle trouvera la m^mc * She survived her disgrace a little more than a year, and died of chagrin tor the loss of her power, at the age of tu enty-ninc, in October 1727. According to the Memoirs of Riche- iieu, bhe poisoned herself. T " Sir, June 11,5 o'clock. " I have been often tempted to reveal to your excellency what has just happened ; but I was not master of the king's secret, and my orders were too positive to bp disobeyed. Hii ma- CHAPTER 12. 121 m^me fidelity et la m^me exactitude dans nos traittes reclproques. Jc ne puis dans ce moment que lui protester les respect avec lequel je suis. Monsieur, de V. Ex" le tr^s humble et tres " obeissant serviteur, A. H. anc. ev. de Frejus. Mardi, a cinq heures du soir.". This note Mr. Walpole instantly transmitted to the duke of Newcastle, in a letter dated Jun-e 10, three o'clock in the mornino; : " I have the honour to send your grace, inclosed, by express, the copy of a letter, which, though dated at 6 o'clock in the evening, I received but this moment from bishop Frejus, by a servant of his, who caused me to be waked on purpose to have it given into my own hands ; by which your grace Avill see that the office of prime minister is suppressed, and that M. le Due has orders to retire to Chantilly, which, I do not doubt, will be a surprising piece of news to his majesty, having received no intima- tion of it any sooner. I should indeed, had not tins midnight message prevented me, have given your grace, by the messenger that carries this, some account of some particulars that have lately occurred to me, which gave me reason to suspect that something of this nature might happen, though not so suddenly ; and that from some discourse I have lately had with the bishop, and more particularly from what he said to me, even yesterday, at Versailles. For my friend, Mr. Gedda, hinted to me some days since, in great confidence, that the queen had let count Tarlo know (who came hither aliout ten days ago) that M. le Due had pressed her to s])eak to the king to decide who should have the authority of prime mi- nister, his highness or bishop Frejus ; and insinuated to her to do it in such j€Sty suppre-ses the office of first minister, and the duke of Bourbon is commanded to retire to Chnntillj , 1 have no doubt but he will obey ; and I have the honour to write this to you be- fore-hand, because I shall have no time after. Your excellency may be assured, and I entreat you, sir, to assure his britannic majesty, that this event will make no change in affairs, and that he will experience the same fidelity and the same punctuality in fullilling our reciprocal treaties. At this moment 1 have only time to declare the respect with which I am, Sir, Sec, " Tuesday,^ in the evening." R 3 -22 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. such a manner, if she could, as might determine his majesty in favour of liis highness. But she was too sensible of the hazard she had formerly run of the king's displeasure, M'ho did not speak to her for three months (as the bishop himself lately told me) after the queen had taken part in favour of M. le Due against him, and he had retired to his country- house before Christmas. This consideration determined her, by the ad- vice of count Tarlo, to let M. le Due know, that she could not venture to engage herself against bishop Frcjus; but if any attempt was made against M. le Due, she would oppose it ; and that if she knew where the tlispute lay, she would endeavour to accommodate matters betwixt them. She gave the same answer to madame de Prie, m Iio being newly come out of the country, had earnestly talked to her majesty to the same purpose. " This intelligence, with other advices, (though not from good hands,) that the king's frequent journies to Rambouiliet would prove pre- judicial to M. le Due ; the countess of Thoulouse having got possession, by a natural way of talking, agreeable to the humour of the king, to speak freely to his majesty of all things, and even against the administra- tion of his highness, determined me, yesterday v/as sannight, to sound the bishop upon the situation of affairs betwixt him and M. le Due, by which I easily perceived a great coldness with regard to his highness. The bishop freely owned to me that he was by no means pleased with M. le Due's measures, with regard to their domestic matters, and particu- larly their finances ; his highness being entirely delivered up to the per- nicious counsels of madame de Prie and her creatures. As he let fall to me some strong expressions, that the service of the king his master was what he preferred to all other considerations, and that he could not sit easy and see things go on in the manner they did, to the ruin of the State, which in a short time would be out of capacity to support itself, if other n^easures were not taken ; I began at first to apprehend that he might think of retiring again from court ; but, having sounded him on that head, he gave me his solemn promise and assurance that he had no such intentions. I then gently touched upon the frencli king having perhaps thoughts of making him prime minister ; upon which he declared there was no such design, and that he vrould never take that weight upon him. However, I could CHAPTER U. 123 I could still perceive there was something in his breast with regard to M. le Due, which gave me occasion to intimate to him, that I did not see how his highness's place could be supplied, (unless the bishop himself would take it,) by another person, Avithouthazard of greater inconveniences, and even to the bishop himself, all things considered. But I could get nothing else from him, besides that nobody else could be prime minister; continuing to shew, at the same time, a dissatisfaction against M. le Due. " I was since informed, that application had been made, by some that are friends to the Orleans family, to count Tarlo, for engaging the queen to enter into a scheme for making the count de Thoulouse prime minister ; which determined me to make use of that handle for discovering more fully the bishop's thoughts with regard to M. le Due, and the administra- tion, when I was at Versailles on Monday last. But I was so often in- terrupted when with the bishop, that I had only time to communicate to him Mr. Stanhope's account of what had happened M'ith regard to Rip- perda, at which time this remarkable expression fell from him, tbat the reign of first ministers was but short ; but I had no opportunity of talk- ing more to him on that subject then, at which I Avas the less concerned, because he had invited me to dine with him the next day, in company with the marshals dlluxelles and Berwick. "As I was alone with him yesterday, before dinner, I took an occasion to intimate to him the report I had heard that the count of Thoulouse \ras to be first minister. He not only gave me the strongest assurances to the contrary, but also represented to me the inconveniences that he was sensible would happen from thence. lie let me know, at the same time, that the nation would be pleased to see the administration of affairs in the king's own hands, Avith a council to assist him. I told him, that as I hoped I might venture to say that the king himself appeared to have no application to business, nor any turn that way, I thought, by the nature of things, that hov/ever the authority might seem to be in his majesty's power only, yet there must be somebody avIio should have the particular confidence of the king, and to whom the principal resort and court should be made by the subjects, to prevent a confusion in business. "Yes," says he, " and so I think there must."' From Avhence I inferred, that he meant himself; and as he said no more, I could not pretend to press him R 2 any ME.MOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. any fartlier upon this subject. But in taking my leave of the bishop at seven o'clock, he stopped short twice, as I M as going out, as if he hail something to say to me ; and though I put the question to him, yet he let me go without speaking out." This dispatch was soon followed by another, bearing date June 13th, (very private,) containing an account of his first conference with rieury after this important event : " I had the honour to send your grace yesterday morjiing, by Lyng tbe messenger, a copy of the letter bishop Frejus wrote to me in his own hand, to acquaint me M'ith the removal of le Due. I can now let you know, that I having, in the answer I returned to thank him for that early communication, desired to wait upon him ^hen he should think fit, he immediately sent me word that he should expect me with impatience this da}' to dine with him at Versailles ; where I having accordinglv been, I began the conference with expressing my grateful sense of this fresh in- stance of his confidence and friendship in the notice be had been pleased to give me of this new and extraordinary revolution at court ; but 1 hoped at the same time, that he would suffer me to make use of the same amicaljle freedom, "with which lie had always indulged me, to let him knov/ I could heartily have wished that he had extended his usual kindness and confidence to me so fai' as ta have given me such early notice of this event, that I might have prepared his majesty and his ministeis for it, for some important reasons, M'hicb, I must own, in some measure nearly affected me, and Avhich, for want of such notice, would occasion, 1 was afraid, various reflections at our court. He desired me to speak my mind freely in every respect, and he hoped he should give me an entire satis- faction. I then continued my discourse to the following eflfect : ' Sir, you may remember that some time since, when I was in England, we re- ceived advices from Spain, that intrigues wei:e certainly carrying on at this court, in concert with that, by great men, with whom you was prin- cipally concerned, for the removal of M. le Due ; which made not the least impression on his majesty or his ministers, chiefly on account of tlie assurances I gave them at that time, of there being no foundation in it, from the knowledge I had of your character and sentiments. Since, there CHAPTER 12. 12o there has been several reports of this nature which I have hinted to you, of your being in close concert with the duke of Orleans and the count de Tiioulouse against M. le Due, and that the journeys which his most christian majesty made to Rambouillet were contrived for that purpose : and I will now tell you, sir, what I never would do before for fear of making you uneasj^, when I thought the thing entirely groundless, and therefore unnecessary, which was, that our constant advices from Vienna informed us that the imperial court depends upon your friendship, if M. le Due was out of the way. I then added what Mr. Palm had lately said to Mr. Pozzobueno, of count Broglio's doing nothing but by order of the duke of Bourbon, and that the great stroke of 6clat which would happen in France would be public before the said duke, or Broglio, could have the least notice of it ; and it was so strong and lively a resemblance of the case that had now happened, that although it had gained no credit, and was looked upon by our ministers as an invention, yet it will, I am afraid, joined Math the other considerations, much afiect his majesty when he shall have heard this news, and I shall (you will pardon me, sir,, my heart is so full for saying it) be suspected of having been mistaken in my thoughts and accounts of you, and particularly as to your confidence and friendship towards me.' " I spoke to this purpose in such strong, but at the same time in sucli cordial and friendly terms, that he appeared a good deal touched, though not at all displeased at it ; and then said ; " You have not been at all mistaken in me, nor have I in the least deceived you : when I spoke to you formerly in confidence of M. le Due, I never meant otherwise than what I said my intentions were always sincere for his continuation to. be first minister; and even after my re- treat into the country, and return to court, notwithstanding his ill treat- ment of me, so little deserved from him, I still resolved to live in friend- sliip with him, though with the same freedom of speaking my mind to him as. I had done before; but his unalterable persevcrdnce in beings governed entirely by those whom I detested for the sake of my king and country, made it impossible for me to go on with him at that rate ; and I had no other way to take, unless I Avould absolutely withdraw myself from business, which you had constantly engaged me not to do. You may lemcmber when-you last we&k hinted to me your apprehensions of disorder* 126 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. at court, and of a clifference between M. le Due and mc ; I did not then speak of his highness in the manner I had formerly done, and gave you plainly to understand, that the situation of things, with respect to us two, was a good deal altered. But I could not venture to tell you, though I 'was extremely desirous to do it, what was then in agitation ; for the kiiig had engaged me to the utmost secrecy, by letting me know that he Would keep the secret, and desired that I would do so too. However I was almost tempted to tell it you when you left me on Tuesday in the afternoon : and I went so far as to send my valet de chambre to look for you at five o'clock on purpose, but you was gone to Paris ; and the king's letter to M. le Due was not delivered till six, and neither M. de Morville, nor any peison whatsoever but the duke de Charost, who was to execute his majesty's orders, knew of it till after it was done. The whole matter passed betwixt the king and myself, and even without the queen's know- ledge ; from whence you may conclude, that the leports from Spain, as well as whatever you may have heard here, of my caballing with the duke of Orleans and others, were entirely groundless ; for neither he nor the count de Thoulouse had the least intimation or apprehension of it; and when his highness came post hither yesterday morning, with a design to go innnediately to Rambouillct, he was desired to return back again to Paris. What you mention of the imperial court depending upon my interest in their favour, I can assure you,' to my certain knowledge, that M. Fonseca not long since wrote the contrary, and assured the emperor that he found me firm to the engagemenrs with England. As to what Mv. Palm said to Pozzobueno, which he had from one Falnie, I must own it has a great resemblance to the event, and it struck both M. le Due and me extremely when it M'as read ; but it is one of those accidental things that are said sometimes by hazard, M'ithout any foundation, and yet prove true. " You may depend upon it (which he accompanied with the strongest assurances) that this alteration in our government will not make the least change in our measures, particularly with regard to the strict union and friendship between his majesty and the king of Great Britain ; and you know I have been the author and chief promoter of it. And as I have the same opinion of you which I always had, and of your character, I am resolved to do nothing without you ; and, as a convincing proof of it, I desire CHAPTER 12. desire you will read this letter, which I have just wrote to the king of Spain, but would not send till you had seen it; which he then put into my hands. * * * * * * * * * " He then told me tliat this letter was to be sent to Madrid by the nuncio here, inclosed in a letter which he (the bishop) would write to the king of Spain's secretary of the cabinet, desiring him to deliver it to liis catholic majesty, when he should have an opportunity of doing it alone ; and he added, that the nuncio had not seen it, and nobody else but myself. ******** * " In my conversation with the bishop alone, which was continued after dinner, (the marshal Berwick being the only person that dined with us, and having retired as soon as we had dined,) I bej^an again with thank- ing him for the great satisfaction he had given me in his assurances and confidence on this occasion, which, I was persuaded, would be agreeable to his majesty ; but I told him that certainly this great event would upon the first 6clat have an effect to the disadvantage of his majesty's affairs, with regard to the union between the two crowns, which I had already perceived by my intelligence among the jacobites and others, founded upon a wrong notion they have of things, particularly with respect to his, the bishop's, principles and zeal for his religion. I therefore hoped the liberty he had given me would excuse my enquiring, as far as was proper, about the form the administration might take, and the alteration that was like to be in the present ministry ; because, although it was not the business of one court to concern itself about the persons to be em- ployed in another, yet neighbouring princes and states would make their judgement and reflections upon the measures that are like to be taken by a court, from the known principles of the persons that are like to be employed. He then told me, with a ready freedom and cordiality, that the administration M'as to be carried on as in the time of Louis the Fourteenth, when he took the government into his own hands. There would be no prime minister, nor any council, any otherwise than the coun- cil of State that at present subsisted ; the respective secretaries and other officers were to receive from him, the bishop, their orders, and attend and wait, in his presence, upon his most christian majesty, for all matters of expedition that required the king's sign manual ; and as for matters of grace, 128 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. g-race, they should pass entirely between the french king and himself alone. " I then said, that I supposed the council of State would be augmented by the addition of marshals d'Huxelles and Berwick, and some others : he said, as to marshal Berwick, although he had all possible confidence in him, yet as he was to be the general to command in chief, he would be contented with that employment, and did not care to be of the council. ♦ As to the marshal d'Huxelles, he did indeed heartily wish he would be of the council, but he made some difficulty on account of the rank, which he would not dispute, and yet could not yield to him (the bishop) : and I believe the same reason, besides his thinking himself still of a higher quality by his birth, makes marshal Berwick decline it too. I told him there would be an easy expedient with regard to marshal d Huxelles, M'hich was by his being made a cardinal. He owned he thought that must be the case, and then the marshal Avould come into the council ; and he assured me that nobody else was at all thought of. " I then asked him, if M. de Morville was to continue in the same station.^ Having given me an answer as if he had really such intentions, but not as an absolute determination ; I told him, that if I might be so free as to give him my opinion, I thought he could not do better ; for M. de Morville was of a capacity proper to be a subaltern, had no great nor extensive genius, nor had any other ambition but that of being subser- vient to the person in chief power, was supple and diligent, and conse- quently would now shew the same fidelity and attachment to him as he had done before to M. le Due, for fear of losing his station. And he was of a temper, though not so open and free in his conferences with the foreign ministers as they could M'ish; yet he was mild and agreeable enough in his manner of treating them, and had in general the character of an honest man. All these qualities and considerations made him, I thought, proper to work under the bishop, who, I hoped, Avould keep the conduct of affairs entirely in his own hands, w ithout any partner or competitor whatsoever; representing to him that in case there were any thoughts of M. de Torcy, I apprehended that the impression he had made in his former administration upon the minds of all good englishmen, as a determined enemy to our present government, and established succes- sion CHAPTER 12. 129 sion, the name of his being employed again would occasion such a ge- neral alarm in our nation, that no reasons or allegations whatever of his having changed his measures and maxims would be able to remove it ; and that notwithstanding whatever I might say by his, the bishop's, au- thority, to the contrary, 1 should be looked upon as a dupe. To this I added, that as M. de Torcy had, in the time of Louis the Fourteenth, the chief conduct of foreign affairs, his opinion of his own abilities in that province, and his natural ambition to be at least as considerable as he formerly was, would not make him easily acquiesce with a subordination ; and consequently he might embarrass the bishop, who would not be able to remove him afterwards so easily, as he might be to keep liim out of power at present. Besides, he knew very well M. de Torcy 's principles as to religion, being a thorough jansenist, which was very opposite to his notions. He then most solemnly assured me, he had not the least inten- tions of employing M. de Torc}^, for the reasons I had alledged. I then asked him whether I might make M. de Morville a compli- ment, of the great satisfaction I had of his being still to be employed ? The bishop said I might go further, and tell him I was sure there were no thoughts of removing him, and that he had a particular friendship and regard for him. He then told me, that notwithstanding he had lately given me an answer, as if he should not take in M. le Blanc, as he was not indeed absolutely determined then about him ; yet lie must acquaint me, tliat it is impossible for liim to do without him, especially in case of a war, he being the only person in France, by the voice of the -whole •nation in general, that was capable of that post. I gave him to under- stand that he was looked upon as no friend to England, and I had certain knowledge of his being intimate with madame de Mezieres, and even, in the time of the duke of Orleans, of having a correspondence with the Jacobites, and particularly Avith my lord Orrery, in the last conspiracy. He told me, the late duke of Orleans was a great genius, but cunning and inconstant, and too apt to act a double game, and to give trouble to those with whom he was in the strictest friendship ; that M. le Blanc should be no minister, but only secretary in the room of M. Breteuil; and he would take effectual care he should do nothing that should give the least jealousy and umbrage to his majesty. . 130 MEMOlllS OF LORD WALPOLE. " It was impossible for me to oppose M. le Blanc's coming in any farther, when the bishop gave me to understand that lie was already sent for to court. I am sensible that his arrival M'ill at first occasion reports to the disadvantage of his majesty's affairs, among the Jacobites, and the ordinary news-mongers ; but as we are already prevented, on his account, we shall soon see either those insinuations entirely removed, or what yve are like to expect by his way of working. But I do flatter myself, that we shall have nothing to fear from him, as long as the bishop continues to govern ; and it is certain liis prejudice against England was in a great measure occasioned by Sir Luke Schaub, who, by entering into all the little intrigues of the late cardinal du Bois, j>ersonally offended and affronted those that the cardinal disliked and designed to remove. How- ever, I shall be very watchful of the part that M. le Blanc shall take; and should he act a right one, his boldness and abilities will certainly alarni the imperial court, more than any other step that could be taken here. " The bishop afterwards gave me to understand, that M. Pcletier des Forts, a great friend of marshal Berwick, and uncle to M. Broglio, would succeed M. Dodun as controuler of the finances ; he is looked upon as a very capable and honest man, but of a warm and hasty temper. I do not doubt but M. St. Florentin and M. Tvlaurepas will continue in their posts; but I did not think it decent to ask the bishop any more questions about the administration. I only earnestly recommended to him to keep the entire management of affairs, as much as possible, in his own poM'cr, and under his own thumb; since it was plain that nobody had the least credit with his most christian majesty but himself, and that was the only way to preserve it. I exhorted him to mix with that sweet and agreeable tem- per and address, with wliich he charmed every body that approached him, vigour and resolution in his councils and measures, as the only way to» preserve the peace of Europe so desirable to us all. " I then asked hrm, whether he would not, besides what he hael wrote and said to me, give the other foreign courts and ministers here to under- stand, that this revolution should make no alteration in the present systems of affairs, and particularly in the union and confidence between his ma- jesty and France ? He having replied that M. de Morville Avas ordered to prepare and sign proper letters to the principal courts of Europe for S that CHAPTER 12. 131 that purpose, I told liim that would be at first looked upon only as a usual circular, which would have been sent of course, although there had been thoughts of this court's taking new measures ; but what should come from himself would be considered as certain and authentick, his character as to his word and honour being so well known. He answered, he never designed to write himself, not taking upon him the style of prime minister ; but, for the reason that I alledged, he would speak to the mini- sters here, in their first audience of him, especially to those of the im- perial faction and influence, to the effect that I desired. Having just then received from M. Fonseca, a letter inclosing M. Orendayn's* circular to the foreign ministers relating to Ripperda's affair, he gave it me to read, and told me he would take the opportunity, in answer to that letter, to let M. Fonseca see that France should continue to pursue the same system of affairs and alliances that were now subsisting, for the preservation of the peace of Europe. " Thus, my lord, ended the long conferences with the bishop, in the account of which, if I have given your grace too much trouble, I hope the importance of the occasion will excuse me; thinking it necessary to give his majesty the best light I could of what is and is like to be the present administration of affairs here, which in short M'ill center in bishop Frejus, who, without the title of prime minister, will have the power in a more absolute manner than it was ever enjoyed by cardinal Richelieu or ISIazarin. " 1 am sensible that there will be various refinements and speculations, as if the bishop had it always in his mind to be prime minister, but staid until, by establishing an undoubted and unrivalled authority in the mind of the young king, he had fully prepared matters for this great stroke. But I am still of another, opinion, and that he would never have had the least thoughts of removing M. le Due, had his highness not persisted in being delivered up entirely to the advice of madame de Prie and her crea- tures, instead of acting in concert with the bishop's opinion, for the good of the nation; until the whole nobility, clergy, and gentry, and populace, cried so loudly against M. le Due, that it may be truly said, there never Avas * The Spanish secretary of State, afterwards well known under the name of the marquis dc la Paz. S2 ^32 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. was so universal a joy in France as his removal has occasioned. Your grace may perhaps hkewise hear, as most of the foreign ministers believe^ that I was entirely in the secret, on the account of my not having by ac- cident seen M. le Due that day, and of my having almost all the day, besides dining with the bishop, been in cx^nference either ^ ith him or M. de Morville. Your grace will have seen, by what goes before, that I had not that honour ; yet this report may have the good effect to make i-t sooner believed, that, through my intimacy with the bishop, there is no hkelihood of there ]>eing any alteration with regard to rhe union between England and France ; and, all things considered, perhaps it was- better that the bishop did not tell me of the resolution he was determined to take, since it niight very much have embarrassed his majesty as to his opinion and advice about it. I think, in the main, he has shewn me a greater con- fidence than he has done to any one ])erson whatever, at least of a fo- reigner, not excepting the pope's nuntio, who is a great favourite of his ; and given me such assurances of his administration being steady to the engagements of France, and agreeable to liis majesty's interest and senti^- ments, that his future conduct, he being entirely the master now of this kingdom, must prove him the honestest man or the greatest • • hving ; I own I have still the best opinion in the world of him. To conclude : after I left the bishop, I made my compliments to de Morville, upon the assurances I had of my being so happy as to have still the honour and pleasure of negotiating with him, which I was sure would be agreeable news to his majesty and ministry; and not to trouble you, after so long a dispatch, with what passed between us, he shewed me the letter the king wrote to him with his own hand, which was to this effect : " We do order the sieur de Morville to do and dispatch all matters, " that shall be told and directed by bishop Frejus, as much as if we " should speak to him ourselves. " Louis." 133 r CHAPTER 13. 1726. Commencement of Cardinal Fleury's Administration — Council of State — Characters of Marshals Tallard and UUxellcs — Continuation of Mr. JValpole's Injluence, I^LEURY was in the 70th year of his age, when the helm of govern,- - nient was thus entrusted to his direction. Soon after this event he Avas nominated cardmal, a dignity which he had repeatedly refused to accept, through the interest of the dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, or through the mediation of the kings of England and Spain; resolving, with no less patriotism than independence, to owe his elevation solely to the interposition of his own sovereign. On the removal of the duke of Bourbon, the co-adjutors of Fleury, in the council of State, were the duke of Orleans, marshal Villars, and Morville. ]\Ir. Walpole, after drawing their characters, in a letter to the duke of Newcastle, explains the motives and conduct of Fleury, in admitting the marshals d'Huxelles and Tallard: " This waS: the state of the ministry when his most christian majesty declared that he reposed his most intimate confidence in the cardinal ; and that mini- ster became sensible, that while his authority and power, in the manage- ment of affairs, woukl be equal to that of a prim.e niinistcr, he would likewise be accountable for the event of them ; and that the good or bad success of the administration would entirely redound upon him. As he certainly has tlie best intentions, as well as a perseverance to do that which is right, so he is likewise desirous that the voice of the nation should accompany his good actions. This love of popularity, joined with the natural mildness of his temper, is sometimes a restraint upon, kim, and subjects liim to a management that in some cases proves incon- venient;; 134 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. venicnt ; but as it never makes him swerve or deviate, in the least, from pursuing the point he has in view, he has steadiness, and with it dexte- rity enough to compass what he designs, -without the displeasure or re- sentment of any body. I must do him the justice on this occasion to de- clare, that I believe the preserving of a strict union between his majesty and France, pursuant to the engagements now in force between the two crowns, is the foundation of his present thoughts and system, relating to the affairs of Europe. " This being the situation and temper of the cardinal, upon the re- moval of M. le Due, he thought it necessary, considering the mean opi- nion the world had of the council in the time of his highness, as well as consistent with the dignity of the government, to increase the number of ministers of State*. ************** " Tlie cardinal, as your grace knovv's, immediately took, while he con- tinued bisliop, the marshal d'Huxellesf into the consultation upon fo- reign affairs, until the difficulty, on account of the rank, for admitting him formally into the council, was removed ; which being done by his promotion to the cardinalship, and he, thinking it proper to add one to the council, took an occasion, as I informed your grace, to let me know that he had pitched upon the marshal de Tallard ; and in talking to him upon this subject, he has told me, that he has reason to believe that mar- shal would act as he, the cardinal, should think fit, and that any other person that he could have thought of would have been more liable to ob- J tion ^ ^ ^ ^ ^' ^ ^ ^ ^ " They are both (speaking of the marshals d'Uxelles and Tallard) of the old constituted a counsellor of the regency. Mar- shal d'Uxelles is described by St. Simon as in- dolent, vain-glorious, voluptuous and libertine ; haughty and domineering to his dependants, and servile to his superiors ; full of intrigues and cunning, under the mask of the greatest simpli- city. He was, however, a man of talents and business, and better acquainted with foreign af. fairs than his colleagues. Memoires de St. Si- mon, tom. 1 1, p. 12. Dictionnaire de la No» blesse, art. Blc. * Fontaincblea'j, Sept. 2S, N. S. 17SC. Walpole Papers. + Nicholas du Blc, marquis d'Uxelles, was born in lC52. He was educated for the church, but, on the death of his elder brother in l06y, engaged in the military line. He distinguished himself on many occasions, and was rapidly promoted to the highest military honours, un- til he obtained the rank of marshal of France in 3 703. No less fit for negotiations than for arms, he was one of the plenipotentiaries at Gertruydenberg and Utrecht. In 1/18 he was CHAPTER 13. 135 old court, which had indeed a most inveterate aversion to England, and the present happy estabUshment. But the continuation of so long a peace between the two nations, the low condition of the affairs of France, the apprehensions of the emperor's power, the disposition that his majesty has shewn, during his Avhole reign, to maintain a good understanding with this nation, joined with the general opinion here of his majesty's virtue and steadiness, and of his being daily more and more adored by liis sub- jects, has, in a great measure, worn out the former hatred of France against England, even among the old courtiers ; though there still re- mains a pride, which makes some of them think that England makes too great a figure, and that France should take the lead, more than they do, in the concert between the two nations. But as I have taken care to prevent the cardinal against any such notions, I think that if either mar- shal dlluxelles, or Tallard, should let tliem appear, in som^ cases, it M ill have no effect upon the present system and measures. " ]\Iarshal dlluxelles will, in order to keep up that dignity which he thinks becomes his person and character, of speaking his mind plainly, and without reserve, sometimes groAvl ; but, to give him his due, as he becomes every day more and more instructed in the points of moment, that are in dispute with the emperor, he is more and more convinced of the justice and necessity of the measures taken by his majesty, in concert with France, before he came into the administration. His inclinations for a reconciliation with Spain are certainly greater than that crown de- serves of France ; and, considering the haughty temper of the queen of Spain, will rather contribute to keep it at a greater distance, than to ad- vance it. His precautions, for fear of a war, are certainly greater than the danger of one, and, considering the nature of the imperial court, are more proper sometimes to make that court imperious than submissive. However, he does extremely well in the main, and has a strong aversion for the ministers of Vienna, and especially count Sinzendorf, M'ho has no better liking to him, as the marshal has told me himself. " The marshal Tallard* loves business extremely, to talk much, and to give * Camille d'Hostun, comte de Tallard, and at an early period, the profession of arms, raised ducd'Hostun, was born in iC52, and embracing, himself so much into r.otice, by his courage and skill. 135 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. give his own opinion ; but by his behaviour yesterday, and by his cliaracter of having been always a most servile courtier, I believe he will never dif- fer with the cardinal in any material point. *' This account, together with what your grace will see in my other dispatch, about what has passed relating to the Ostend company, will, I presume, make his majesty extremely easy as to the present situation and disposition of this court f." The union and friendsTiip between ^Ir. Walpole and the cardinal tri- umphed over all the endeavours of the jimperial and Spanish courts to infuse jealousy between France and England, and defeated all the in- trigues of the Jacobites, w ho founded sanguine hopes on the elevation of a catholic bishop, and of the Spanish party in France, who thought the glory of their country was tarnished by her alliance with England. But, to use Mr. Walpole's own expressions, " these artful designs were soon all dis- appointed by the cardinal's firmness ; and he wrote himself, at I\Ir. Wal- pole's request, and caused the secretary of State, Morville, to write let- ters, conceived in the strongest terms, to Spain, in justification of his britannic majesty's measures, by sending his squadrons into the West In- dies, the Mediterranean, and on the coast of Spain, to testify the french king's resolution to stand by his engagements with England, to the great surprise of the Spaniards, and indeed of all Europe, considering the car- dinal's supposed bigotry, and his autient attachment to king Philip. And such was Mr. Wal])ole's management and influence with him, that al- though his eminence had nothing more at heart than to bring about a re- conciliation V skill, that in the 2^5d year of his age, Turenne He is thus described by the caustic St. Simon : entrusted him with the command of the main C'etoit un homme de taille mediocre, avec des body of his army at the battle of Muihauscn, yeux un pcu jaioux, pleins de feu et d'esprif. He was created, in 170,'J, marshal of France ; mais qui ne voyoient goutte, maigre, have, qui but he is less known for his various successes representoit I'ambition, I'envie et I'avarice ; than for his memorable defeat at the battle of beaucoup d'esprir, et de graces dans I'esprit; Blenheim, by the duke of Marlborough, where mais sans cesse battu du diable, par son ambi- he was taken prisoner. The loss of the battle, tion, ses vues, ses menees et ses detours, et qui however, was not imputed to his misconduct ; ne pensoit et ne resperoit autre chose ; un for the same year he was appointed governor of homme, enfin, a la campagnie duquel tout le Franche Comic, and on his return from Eng. monde se plaisoit, et a qui pcrscnne ne se fioit." Iriiid, in 1712, created due d'Hostun. Memoires de Sc. Simon, torn. 1 I, p. 21. + Fontainebleau, Sept. 28, N. S. 172C). CHAPTER 13. 137 conciliation of tlie family difference, between the nephew and the uncle; yet he never could be worked upon by the turbulent spirit of the queen of Spain, by the intrigues of Jesuits, nuntios, and other emissaries, to at- tempt to do it at the price and hazard of breaking the union of France with England ; and Avhile the malevolent patriots and Jacobites industri- ously exposed, in their libels, Mr. Walpole as a dupe to the cardinal, the queen of Spain used to say publicly, that his eminence was ^.poltron, and governed entirely by that heretic Horace Walpole. The cardinal's steadiness, in concurring with his britannic majesty, in all his negotiations with foreign powers, so strengthened the treaty of Hanover, as to frustrate and defeat all the views and resources employed in all parts by the Germans and the Spaniards, to enable them to execute the vast projects of their Vienna treaties*." Soon after Fleury's elevation, ]\Ir. Walpole experienced a striking in- stance of his confidence and sincerity. He had determined to remove the duke of Orleans from the council of State, with a view of placing the government on the same foot as under Louis the Fourteenth, when the princes of the blood were excluded from all share in the administration of affairs ; but he was diverted from this resolution, by the strong and friendly remonstrances of Mr. Walpole. After complimenting him on the general approbation he had gained by the removal of the duke of Bourbon, and the moderation he had displayed towards his enemies, the british minister displayed the fatal effects which might arise fi"om the exclusion of the duke of Orleans, and the embarrassment it might pro- duce in administration, by uniting the princes of the blood against him. He then urged, in strong terms, the Jealousy which such a step would occasion in those powers who were guarantees to the succession of the house of Orleans, as settled by the peace of Utrecht, as if he was prepar- ing to undermine that succession, by removing the presumptive heir to the crown. These remonstrances staggered Fleury, and in a subsequent confer- ence he thanked Mr. Walpole for his advice, and assured him that he had relinquished his intention of removing the duke of Orleans from the council of State. * Mr. Walpole's Apology. T 138 ]\JEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 14. 1726—1727. JProceedings in Parliament relative to the Treaties of Vienna and Hano- ver — Embarrassments of Cardinal Fleiiry — His Declarations to Mr. Robinsoji — Mission and Character of the Abbot Montgon — Uncertain State of the French Cabinet — Siege of Gibraltar—Successf ul Represen- tations of Mr. JFalpole — J'igorous Resolutions of the French Court — Measures of the Hanover Allies — Preliminaries of Peace signed at Vienna — Death of George the First. MR. Wa LPOLE quitted Paris on the 12tli of December, leaving, as usual, the conduct of the british affairs to I^Ir. Robinson ; and passing through Holland, where he concerted with the leading members of the repubhc, the plan of operations for the approaching contest^ reached London before the meeting of ParUament. The speech from the throne, on this important occasion, contained a n remarkable passage : " I have likewise received information, from dif- ferent parts, on m hich I can entirely depend, that the placing the pre- tender upon the throne of this kingdom is one of the articles of the se- cret engagements." This charge, formally announced from the mouth of the king, was as formally disavowed by the emperor, and occasioned his imprudent appeal to the british nation, by the publication of his minister, count Pam's memorial, which roused the spirit of the people, and united all par- ties in support of the dignity of the throne. This formal charge on one side, and denial on the other, of the two sovereigns, gave rise to a controversy, Avhich occupied the attention of Europe at the period, and is still undecided. ]\Ir. Walpole, whose sagacity and informa- tion cannot be disputed, and whose sincerity cannot be questioned, believed CHAPTER 14. 139 believed the existence of these secret articles ; as appears from numerous documents and observations in his own hand-writing, found among his papers, not only during the negotiations against Spain and the emperor, but even in the latter period of his life, when he had no views or interests to promote. Perhaps no proof made a stronger impression on his mind than the communication of the secret articles by two Sicilian abbots, of great birth and consequence, who received them from king Philip him- self, on the loth of November 1725, for the purpose of making their ob- servations The spirit of England was roused by the imperious conduct and me- naces of the emperor and Spain ; and the efforts of parliament co-ope- rated * I have, in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole +, asserted, " that the papers and docu. ments submitted to my inspection fully display the proofs on which the reality of the secret articles was formed," and which occasioned the public declarations of the king and ministers in parliament ; that the emperor and king of Spain proposed to attempt the recovery of Gibraltar and the restoration of che pretender. I flat- , tered myself, that the documents I had inserted in the Correspondence, and the proofs I had ^iven in the Memoirs, would be sufficiently de- cisive, in the opinion of any reasonable and un- prejudiced person, to certify {as far as was com- patible with the nature of such evidence) the existence of the secret articles. The only con- tradiction to these proofs was the simple dis- avowal of the emperor ; but his assertion can be of little weight in this instance, as he ■equally denied other secret stipulations, which were afterwards proved. In fact, the con- Jidential letter from count Zinzendorf, the em- peror's favourite minister, to Palm, confirms beyond a doubt the secret resolutions of the emperor. " Do they say there is a secret engagement entered into in the offensive alliance con- cerning Gibraltar ? That is the greatest un- truth, as the treaty itself shews. Do they say an agreement is made concerning the pretender ? That is likewise the greatest untruth that can be imagined. Let them ask all the Jacobites, whether they have heard one word from us or from Spain that could be construed to mean such an enterprise, so long as we don't en- ter into A WAR? but then shall hulp our- seluci as ivell as njue can. In short, the mad cnglish ministry shall never bring us to any thing through fear ; our measures are so taken, that certainly we shall be able to oppose the aggressor." These words, if they mean any thing, prove the point in dispute. For it cannot be sup- posed that the emperor intended to assist the pretender, unless he entered into a war with England ; and that war could only be avoided on the part of England, by acceding to the treaty of Vienna, which stipulated the restitu- tion of Gibraltar, and contained articles inimi- cal to the commerce of England, and the sub- sisting treaties in Europe. It is needless to quote any more of this ex- traordinary letter, which contains only vague assertions of the emperor's peaceable desires ; yet \ Chap. z8, and Vol. 2; Correspondence, particularly the artkk Ripperda. T2 140 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLF. rated with the zeal of the nation. The address to the king- was carried in the house of commons by 251 votes against 81, and in the house of lords by a great majority. A subsidy was granted to the landgrave of Hesse Cassel for the maintenance of 12,000 men ; and a vote of credit passed, empoM-ering the king to defray the expences of his engagements. Before the close of the session, which terminated on the Joth of May, the critical position of affairs hurried Mr. Walpole to Paris, to keep France steady to her engagements, and to concert active operations ; as Spain had already commenced hostilities by the siege of Gibraltar, and the emperor was making vast preparations to carry his threa-ts into execution. During yet Mr. William Eelsham cites thfs very letter as " an historical demsKstraUon, that the in- telligence upon which the court of London re- lied in this instance, was wholly erroneous, from whatever quarter, or with whatever view cr intention it might have been communicated." 1 must, however, remark, that this author, ■with his usual inaccuracy of quotation, when a passage militates against his own opinion, has emitted two threatening sentences ; the first be- ginning with, " In short the mad english, &c." and the second, which thus concludes the let- -ter, " What then is the cause and reason for ■mahing ivar ? The augmentation of 30,000 ■men goes on, and ive are sure of many friends," The same author,, after citing the sentente of the Memoirs, at the beginning of this note, adds, " If this cloudy jargon be intended to convey a belief of the reality of this design, let him produce those papers and documents which he pretends to hare been submitted fo his inspection, and which shall outweigh and supersede the positive and confidential declara- tion of the imperial prime minister to the impe- rial embassador, actually resident at the court of London." Mr. William Bekham's Two His- torical Dissertations, page 82. I am unwilling to deluge the public wirh B'vore State papers, after having published two thick quarto volumes ; but it will be a suffici- ent answer to Mr, Bclsham's chalknge, to sub- join the fifth article of the secret treaty, which was communicated to Platania and Carraccloli, the two Sicilian abbots, by king Philip himself : " 5° Their cesarean and catholic majesties, foreseeing that the king of England will oppose the execution of such designs, as well in regard to his particular interests, as not to lose his um- pireship in Europe, for which reason he will un- doubtedly engage the english nation, and unite the dutch and other princes in his league, they oblige themselves to seek all methods to restore the pretender to the throne of Great Britain ; to which end the catholic king was to make use of the pretence of the restitution of Gibraltar, which he was to demand immediately as soon as the peace of Vienna v/as published." The free remarlcs which these ecclesiastics made on the secret articles, inflamed the resent- ment of Philip, and he banished them from Spain. They then retired into France, enjoyed the protection of the french government, and im^. parted much useful intelligence to Mr. Wal- pole. I trust this document, in addition to those already published, will shew the futility of opposing vould expose himself to no danger. During the administration of the duke of Bourbon, he was removed from the government of Guienne, on account of his attachment to the house of Orleans, and was never consulted on aftairs of State. But he possessed the confidence and esteem of cardinal Fleury, of which Mr. "Walpole records a striking instance, and at the same time does honour to the character and conduct of the marshal : " This being the situation and temper of the cardinal upon the re- moval of M. le Due, he thought it necessary, considering the mean opi- nion the world had of the council in the time of his highness (the duke of Orleans), as Avell as consistent with the dignity of the government, to increase the number of ministers of State ; and his immediate thoughts were to take in the marshals d'lluxellcs and Berwick ; the first on ac- count of his popularity, being generally esteemed as a good patriot, of plain downright sense and integrity, and well affected to his country. As to the marshal Berwick, the cardinal has for a great while had a good opinion of his modesty, uprightness and abilities, having thoughts worthy of his quality, and above the little intrigues of women and sycophants at court, which, to do him justice,, he always despised, and Avhich is so agreeable to the cardinal's disposition, that it was no wonder that he put so much confidence in him ; besides, the marshal being the only person fit to command the fiench army, in case of a rupture. But the cardinal having sounded the sentiments of several persons of consideration here, with regard to the admission of marshal Berwick into the council, he found it would by no means be agreeable to the nation, on account of his not being a frenchman born, and therefore he has endeavoured to make that matter easy to the marshal, who, without doubt, will command the army if there be any occasion ; and I suppose is to have some re- compense for the loss he suffered by M. le Due's removing him from the government of Guienne. However he still continues to live in the coun- try, CHAPTER 15. 159 try, and I believe his character in general is, that he heartily wishes the continuation of a good understanding between England and France, in opposition to the emperor : that although he is certainly the protector of the irish officers, who serve in this country ; yet I am persuaded that he lias no manner of understanding or cabals with them, or with any of the Jacobites, in favour of the pretender, thinking it below him to be con- cerned in such mean and despicable work. He has, besides, a just opinion and respect for the many great and valuable qualities possessed by his ma- jesty, though it is not to be concluded from hence that he is so good an englishman but that he would still, in case aftairs should ever take such a turn as to occasion a war between England and France, command the french army, in any manner suitable to his quality, that he should be di- rected, in opposition to his majesty or his dominions, as any frenchman would do*." Marshal Berwick passed his days principally in retirement, at his de- lightful seat of Fitz-James, vnitil he was again called forth to action in 1733, and had the honour of being opposed to prince Eugene. He was killed by a cannon ball at the siege of Phillpsburgh, on the 12th of June 1734, in the 64th year of his age. IMarshal Berwick was in private life a man of high integrity and unsullied honour ; in his public character, a general of equal coolness and intrepidity. He was fortunate in all his military enterprises, except- ing in the disastrous campaigns in Ireland, when his genius was counter- acted by the weak and pusillanimous conduct of his dethroned father, and when his military talents were employed to force upon a free nation a sovereign whom they had deposed. Montesquieu, in an historical eulogium, which is prefixed to the Me- moirs of Berwick, pays a due tribute of applause both to his public and private talents. Speaking of him with the fondness of a friend, who fre- quented him in his hours of retirement, he says, " It was impossible to see him and not love virtue. I have seen at a distance, in the works of Plutarch, v hat great men were ; in him I behold, at a nearer view, Avhat they are. He had a great fund of religion ; no man ever followed more strictly those precepts of the gospel which are most troublesome to men of * Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Fontaincbleau, Sept. 2S, 1726, 160 ]\ie:\ioirs of lord walpole. of the world. In a word, no man ever practised religion so much, and talked of it so little." Berwick was twice married; his first wife was lady Honora de Burgh, daughter of William earl of Clanricard, and widow of general Swarsfield, created earl of Lucan, hy James the Second, after tlie revolution. By ■ her he had one son, James Francis, who formed the Spanish branch of his family, and is often mentioned in the dispatches of lord Harrington and Sir Benjamin Keene, from Madrid, under the title of duke of Liria. His second wife was Anna, daughter of Henry Bulkeley (son of Thomas vis- count Bulkeley) by lady Sophia Steuart, whowashidy of the bed-chamber to the exiled queen of England, at St. Germains. By her he had thirteen children, of whom the fourth, Charles, inherited the title and estate of Fitz -James*. Horace Walpole, the late earl of Orford, paid an elegant tribute of ap- plause and regret to the memory of marshal Berwick, in the person of his grand-daughter mademoiselle de Clermont, (who espoused M. de Vaupilliere,) on her visit to Strawberry-hill: " Shall Britain sigh, while zephyr's softest care " Wafts to her shore the bright La V aupilliere ? % ^' Ah ! yes : descended from the british throne, *' She views a nymph she must not call her own ; *^ She sees how dear has Stuart's exile cost, " By Clermont's charms, and Berwick's valour losi." * For these Anecdotes have been principally consulted the Correspondence of Mr. Walpole, passim ; Memoires de Berwick.'; Vie de Villars, torn. 2 ; and Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, art. Fitz-James. 161 CHAPTER \6. 1727—1730. Reconciliation between France and Spain — Dismission of Morville — Rise and Character of Chaiivelin — Dissatisfaction of Air. Walpole — Extract from his Apology on the remaining Period of his Embassy, and the Con- clusion of the Treaties of Seville and Viemia — His Return to England — Succeeded by Lord JValdegrave — J/r. Robinson appointed Envoy to the Court of Vienna. AT this period the long-expected reconciliation between Spain and France took place. The cardinal imparted to Mr. Walpole the whole progress of the negotiation, which he had contrived to take out of Montgon's hands, and conduct by means of the papal nuntios at Ma- drid and Paris. In communicating the draughts of the letters from Louis the Fifteenth to the king and queen of Spain, Fleury endeavoured to obviate the impression which this event would make on the britisli cabinet, by declaring to Mr. Walpole, that he had M'ritten to the king of Spain, to testify his regard and friendship for England, and his resolution to maintain the union subsisting between the two kingdoms; adding, that he had likewise endeavoured to dispose his catholic majesty for a recon- ciliation Avith England. " To this I made, " observes Mr. Walpole, "no op- position in my discourse with the cardinal, as being understood to be an accommodation of a family difference, as what I have all along appeared to approve, and what is so popular in France, that any dislike to it, on my part, might have had an ill effect upon the cardinal, especially when it is offered Avithout any conditions disadvantageous to his majesty, or that can tend in the least to separate France from England*." This event was soon followed by another, no less unfavourable to the views • Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, Paris, Augusts, 1727. Y 162 MEIMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. views and interests of England, the appointment of Chauvelin to the ofiices of garde des eaux and secretary of State. As a prelude to this change, the office of chancellor was taken from Armenonville, the father of IMorville, and restored to the veneral)le d'Aguesseau* , Avho had filled that high station with great integrity un- der Louis the Fourteenth and the regent, and was dismissed in 1722 by cardinal du Bois, Although the place of chancellor and of garde des s^eaux, or keeper of the seals, were two distinct offices, and the seal* ■were not demanded ; yet Armenonville quitted Versailles, in disgust, on the 17th of August, and resigned them to the king, through the hands of his son. The resignation of the father was expected to be followed by the dismission of the son ; and Chauvelin, who was to succeed Ar- menonville as garde des sf eaux, was also designated as the successor of IMorville. IMorville had rendered himself disagreeable to the king of Spain by his attachment to England ; and, on the first overtures of a reconciliation, insinuations were conveyed to cardinal Fleury, that his removal from the office of secretary of State, would please their catholic majesties. He had endeavoured to infuse jealousies into the minds of those who were at- tached 1722, for refusing to give precedence to cardi- nal du Bois. Like his immortal predecessor, the chancellor de I'Hopital, he was a man of the strictest ho- nour, integrity and disinterestedness ; like him, he was attached to literature, and versed in the study of the mathematics, and, for his skill in that science,, was consulted by the English on the reformation of their calendar. He was now appointed chancellor, but was not reinstated in the office of garde des s^eaux, which was deemed a hardship, because it was the most lucrative post, until the removal of Chauvelin in 1737. In 1 750 he resigned the seals on account of his advanced age, and died in the ensuing year. Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, and Dictionnaire Historique, art. d'Aguesseau. * Henry Francis d'Aguesseau, descended from an antient family of Saintonges, was son of the intcndant of Languedoc, and born at Li- moges in 16G8. At the age of twenty-three he so much dis- tinguished himself as avocat-general of Paris, that Talon, president a mortier, said of him, " I would gladly finish as that young man has begun." In 1700 he was promoted to the office of at- torney general ; but offended Louis the Four- teenth, by the freedom with which he delivered his sentiments against the Bull U>/igettttns. On the death of du Voisin, in 1 7 17, he was created chancellor and garde des S9eaux ; but on the following year was deprived of the seals, for his inflexible opposition to the system of Law. He was reinstated in 172O, and again exiled in CHAPTER 1(5. 1G5 tached to the cardinal ; he had likewise personally offended him, by hold- ing private conferences with Montgon, and by ciiballing M'ith the duke of Bourbon, and forming a scheme to unite the princes of the blood against liis atiministration. Fltiury, impressed with these sentiments, had for some time entertained a resolution to dismiss IMorvilie ; but deferred the execution of his de- sign, until he had found a proper person to substitute in his place ; and maintained the most inviolable secrecy, from a delicacy to his friend Mr. Walpole, and to avoid exciting cabals in the court. In this state of sus- pense, Chauvelin was introduced to his notice by marslial d'Huxelles, and other persons attached to the system ol Louis the Fourteenth. Germain Louis Chauvelin, descended from a noble family, distinguished in the miHtary and civil line, was born in 1685. He followed the pro- fession of the Law ; and after successive promotions, was, at this period, president k mortier of the parhament of Paris*. He was remarkable for quick apprehension, indefatigable application, and faciHty in transacting business ; and possessed pleasing manners, and a conciliating address. " He was," to use the words of Mr. Walpole, " abusy lawyer, of some parts and knowledge; of a most treacherous, false, and ambitious spirit; but, at the same time, of an assiduous, sup})Ie, dissembling, and insinuating disposition, where it was his interest to plcasef. " He had fortunately been useful to the cardinal by his influence in the parliament, and by supplying information relative to the foreign and domestic affairs of France, in which the narrow genius of Morville was deficient. He de- rived his knowledge principally from some valuable manuscripts, which he purchased with the library of the president Harley, and abridged and digested with great skill and assiduity. He availed himself of the first favourable impressions which his man- ners and information made on the cardinal, and which were strikingly contrasted with the confined, phlegmatic, and dilatory spirit of JNIorville ; he was forcibly recommended by marshal d'Huxelles and the Pecquets, who were undcr-secretaries of State, and by other persons who possessed influence * Dictionnairc de la Noblesse, art. Chauvelin ; Branche de Grisenoy. i- Mr. Wal pole's Apology, MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. influence over the cardinal. His principles were decidedly hostile to the union between France and England ; and he was no less warmly disposed to renew the antient connection between France and Spain. The nomination of a man of his character and principles, could not be agreeable to the british cabinet ; and Mr. Walpole, who had never expe- rienced any difiiculty in his transactions with Morville, expostulated with the cardinal for admitting, into the chief conduct of business, so danger- ous an assistant. But though Fleury entertained great personal regard for Mr. Walpole, and was anxious not to displease the british cabinet, yet he was too independent to be controlled in the nomination of his co-ad- jutors. He therefore persisted in his choice ; but excused his conduct, by stating the necessity of removing Morville, on account of his inca- pacity and petty cabals, and the difficulty of finding a person so proper to succee d himas Chauvelin. When Mr. Walpole adverted to his character and principles, and men- tioned him as a creature of marshal d'Huxelles, the cardinal replied ; " I am sensible M. de Chauvelin has many enemies, who envy him; but I have made a strict enquiry into his behaviour, and the facts alledged against him, and have no manner of reason to suspect his not being an honest man. Of his capacity nobody can doubt ; and you will soon find, notwithstanding any airs the marshal d'Huxelles may give himself, that M. de Chauvelin will be entirely devoted to my will and directions. I must request you," he added, " to take no notice of M. de Morville's removal, which I have, as yet, mentioned to no one but yourself; al- though he is to resign this night, you will, with the rest of the ministers, have an audience, as usual, of him, without seeming to know any thing of the matter*. " Fleury renewed, in the strongest manner, assurances of his inviolable attachment to the strict union between the two crowns ; and still further to remove Mr. Walpole's apprehensions, caused Chauvelin to declare, in his presence, " that he would co-operate, vmder the directions of the cardinal, in supporting the same system and measures, that had been hitherto pursued with such good success ; and would endeavour to deserve the intimacy and friendship of the british embassador." Notwith- * Mr. Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, August i6tli, 1727. CHAPTER 16. 165 Notwitlistanding these professions, Mr. Walpole felt the extreme em- barrassment of his situation, as appears from a curious passage in the Diary of lord Waldegrave*, Avho was waiting at Paris till he could pro- ceed on his embassy to the court of Vienna. " September 22. This morning Mr. Walpole Avent to the cardinal, who gave him fresh instances and assurances of his designing to stand by us in our pretensions about the prince Frederic. Mr. A^alpole told the cardinal, ever}^ body said that nothing but his answering for his eminence made people believe him in earnest ; that the dutch minister at Madrid said they had nothing else for it ; that, in fine, it was the common talk. To which the cardinal answered in obliging terms, and cleared Mr. Wal- pole from all fears on that account ; though Mr. Walpole, walking the day before with Mr. Pesters and me, seemed under a good deal of un- easiness at his own situation ; since, should the cardinal prove false, Mr. Walpole havdng so continually answered for him, would make him liable to pretty severe censures. Mr. Walpole, in a jocular v/ay, told the cardinal, that if his eminency cheated or deceived him, the consequence would be, that he, Mr. Walpole, would be censured, and probably sent to the Tower for five or six months ; but his eminence would have that said of him that would hurt his character, and consequently his person, more than any harm that could happen to Mr. Walpole." In fact, Mr. Walpole seems to have so fully appreciated the difficulties he had to encounter, from the intriguing spirit and hostile principles of Chauvelin, that he was desirous of retiring; ' but he v/as sensible,' as he says himself, ' that his connection with the ministers at home would not suffer him to resign his station in France, while negotiations of such extent and moment were carrying on there with great activity.' I cannot better conclude the account of Mr. Walpole's embassy at Paris, and of the complicated negotiations at the congress of Soissons, where he Avas-one of the plenipotentiaries, than in the words of his ow n Apology. " It * James, first earl Waldegrave, was son of courts of Vienna and Paris. For a further ac- Henry, baron Waldegrave, of Chewton, in count of him, see Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal- Somersetshire ; and distinguished himself for pole, chapter 38. his diplomatic skill, as embassador to the / 166 TllEMOms OF LORD WALPOLE. " It is unnecesstary here to enter into a detail of several disagreeable particulars, that occurred to Mr. Walpole s close observation, of M. Chauvelin's intimacy Avith certain persons, no friends to the good under- standing between England and France. His fallacious and equivocal way of talking and M riting to different persons, upon matters of great moment, relating to both courts, gave Mr. Walpole great disquiet. The cardinal, indeed, used his utmost endeavours to remove all his jealousies, and redress his complaints ; yet Chauvelin, by his address, flattery, and indefatigable attention, to ease and please his eminence, had gained such an interest and credit with him, that the remaining part of Mr. Walpole's ministry in France was disagreeable and painful. However, the union between England, France, and Holland, continuing firm in all their mea- sures, the precarious and changeable state of the emperor's affairs, (now the payment of subsidies from Spain has been stopped, ) made that court extremely uneasy, and desirous to see the queen of Spain more tractable. At last Philip's health was grown so desperate that the queen was alarmed, and caused the preliminaries to be ratified at the Pardo, in March 1728 ; and the congress of all the ministers concerned, was soon after signified at Soissons. " It would be tedious to specify the artifices employed there, and particu- larly the practices of count Sinzendorff, upon the pliant and pacific tem- per of the cardinal, to create jealousies and divisions among the allies of the Hanover treaty. Those vain attempts had no other effect than to draw the imperial ministers themselves, tired with their disagreeable situa- tion, into a negotiation of a plan for a general peace, with those of the Hanover allies, without the consent and concurrence of the Spanish pleni- potentiaries. And although count Sinzendorff would not venture to sign it, yet these separate proceedings so exasperated the Spaniards, who had got intimation of them, that they made the most pressing and reproachful instances to the imperial ministers to fulfil the articles in tbeir secret en- gagements, particularly with regard to the marriages between the two families ; to which they received nothing but dilatory and evasive answers. Their catholic majesties highly resented this treatment; and, from bitter expostulations, they came, in a manner, to a direct breach with the em- peror ; I CHAPTER ]6. 167 peror ; and consequently, as the transactions of tlie Spanish court were usually sudden and violent, they lost no time to discover a disposition to come to a better understanding with England and France. " The plan of a treaty, for that purpose, was projected by Mr. Patino, prime minister atMadrid, and transmitted from thence to monsieur Chauve- lin, (who was thought to have had a private correspondence with that court, separately from the cardinal;) and he having readily adopted it, took care immediately to represent it in so favourable a light to his eminence, as what would put an end to all differences, and make a per- fect peace with Spain, that the cardinal, having nothing more at heart, seemed mightily pleased, and flattered himself that it woidd be agreeable to the british plenipotentiaries, Mr. Stanhope (now lord Harrington) Mr. Poyntz, and Mr. Walpole. But when the project came to be con- sidered by them, they found it composed of articles conceived in terms very loose and vague with respect to the interest of England, leaving our antient privileges of trade with Spain, and the right for our possession of Gibraltar and Port Mahon, to be contested and decided before other powers. They represented to the cardinal, how impossible it was for them to approve so deficient and imperfect a scheme, letting him know that Ilngland had been engaged in a war with Spain, by the siege of Gibraltar, which had made all treaties between those two crowns void; that the first and fundamental step to be taken for a reconciliation, and an absolute peace, must be a specific renewal and confirmation of all treaties, on the same foot, and in as ample a manner, as they had subsisted before the troubles began. His eminence was extremely disturbed and embarrassed, and gave the strongest assurances, that the british plenipotentiaries might depend upon the same steadiness and fidelity, on the part of France, to sup- port them in the discussion of their just rights, as she had shewn in the whole course of the negotiations. But they being too well apprised of the artful designs of Chauvelin, to keep the pretensions of England in an unsettled state, and in a manner at the mercy of France, and of the great power and influence he had gained with the cardinal, which they plainly intimated to his eminence, gave him to understand, that they could by no means be satisfied with his plausible declaration and assurances ; and left him 1, 168 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. him in a very peevish and discontented mood, without coming to any de- termination, until his majesty's sentiments and instructions upon this subject should be known. " The conduct of the plenipotentiaries was extremely approved at Ha- nover and England, and they were directed to draw the plan of a plain, explicit, and decisive treaty, with a renewal and confirmation of all for- mer treaties with Spain, leaving- nothing to be discussed and decided by the intervention of other powers; and the disputes relative to captures {which could not possibly be determined by any other way) to be set- tled, as usual in cases of the like nature, by commissaries to be appointed by Great Britain and Spain. " The british plenipotentiaries having accordingly framed such apian, Mr. Stanhope and Mr. Poyntz earnestly pressed Mr. Walpole to go to Versailles and communicate it to the cardinal, in a particular conference with him alone, and to employ his utmost address and influence, which had so long subsisted and prevailed in the most difficult conjunctures, with his eminence, to induce him to agree to their plan. Mr. Walpole, considering the great ascendant which Chauvelin had gained over the cardinal, and how strongly he had prepossessed him in favour of another scheme, was dilifident, for the first time, of his success, and extremely un- willing to act by himself in a matter of such importance. However, as his colleagues thought there was no other possible means of serving his majesty, in such an exigency, he waited upon his eminence, at six o'clock in the morning of a day appointed for that purpose, at ^"er- sailles. The cardinal received him with a cheerful countenance, but a civil reproach for having not seen him for a considerable time. Mr. Wal- pole having then desired and obtained of his eminence an order to his ser- vant not to be interrupted by any visit whatsoever, during his conference with him, (upon the result of which he gave his eminence to understand the good intelligence for the future between England and France, as well as the finishing or prolonging the troubles in Europe, would absolutely depend, ) he proceeded to read to his eminence, article by article, the whole plan. This conference not only lasted the whole morning, but Mr. Wal- pole having dined with his eminence alone, it was continued some hours 8 after. \ CHAPTER \6. t69- after. Mr. Chaiiveliii attempted several times to be admitted, as having earnest business with his eminence ; but the valet de chambre*, accord- ing to his orders, and being ever Mr. Walpole's friend, would not so much as deliver the secretary of State's message to the cardinal while the confer- ence lasted. , ' ' Not to enter into the observations and answers tliat passed on both sides, in the perusal of the articles, his eminence approved them all, and proposed no material alteration ; and with his hand gave Mr. Walpole the most solemn assurances that he M'ould support the project in council with his authority, should there arise any opposition to it. " It is easy to conceive what satisfaction the success of this conference gave Mr. Walpole's colleagues, whom he had left in a desponding way in the country, and in particular Mi-. Poyntz. His dejection of mind had flung him into a nervous fever ; he soon recovered his health and his spirits. " But I cannot omit mentioning an anecdote on this occasion, when Chauvelin could not prevail with the cardinal to make the least alteration in this new plan, marshal d'Huxellcs, (with whom Chauvelin often previously concerted matters of State, in confidence, independent of the cardinal, and without his knowledge,) upon hearing it read in council, was struck on a heap ; and although, seeing the cardinal's firmness in re- commending it to the french king, he would not venture to speak against it; yet, in a week after it was approved, he resigned his place as minister of State, pretending his ill state of health, but telling his particular friends, in private, that he would not sit in council to obey the dictates of an en- glish embassador, and act subservient to the interest of that nation. In transmitting to England the project of a treat}^, when it was agreed and settled in France, Mr. Walpole would not suffer an account of its having been effectuated by his particular weight and credit with the cardinal, as a merit due to him separately from his colleagues, to be mentioned in their joint dispatch; and therefore this anecdote was known to some few friends only. " This plan having been sent to Spain, supported by the orders of the cardinal, to jMonsieur Brancas, the french embassador, that court imme- diately acceded to it, which, in consequence, entirely dissolved all man- ner of connection between the emperor and their catholic majesties, and disposed *■ Barjac. Z 170 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. disposed the first, being disappointed in all his chimerical views, to renew Ills antient good understanding with his majesty, by a treaty signed at Vienna, March 16, 1731 ; to which the States acceded in 1732." Soon after the conclusion of the treaty of Seville, lord Townshend re- signed, in consequence of a misunderstanding with Sir Robert Walpole*. This misunderstanding had deeply affected Mr. Walpole, not only from his obligations and personal attachment to lord Townshend, but from un- just surmises that he was instrumental in fomenting the division, ^ ith a view to succeed in the office of secretary of State. He frankly avowed his disapprobation of lord Townshend's violent plans against the emperor ; but declared to their common friend, Mr. Poyntz, that should his lord- ship quit his post dissatisfied, no person or consideration in the world should prevail upon him to accept it, if offered to him. He did not belie his promise ; but when that unfortunate event took place, declined the offer, and promoted the recommendation of the duke of Newcastle, in favour of his friend and co-adjutor at the congress of Soissons, Mr. Stanhope, afterwards earl of Harrington. On his resignation of the embassy, Mr. Walpole supported the appoint- ment of lord Waldegrave, who had displayed great skill and abilities in negotiating with the french cabinet while Mr. Walpole was attending his, duty in parliament in 1728, and in conducting, with equal address, the affairs of England, as embassador at the court of Vienna. " I must own," he observes to his brother, " I think lord Waldegrave as proper a person, as minister, as could possibly be sent hither; for, besides his having a very good understanding, his supple and inoffensive disposition is the "best talent against the artifices of monsieur Chau^■elin : for, as his lord- ship will have caution and prudence enough as to take nothing upon him- self without orders, he has at the same time patience and phlegm enough to parry the dangerous attempts and insinuations of the other, Avithout disobliging him f." His instructions to lord Waldegrave, on this occasion, explain the me- thod which he employed to manage the temper and gain the confidence of Fleury : "I think your lordship has done extremely mtII to cultivate, if possible, a friendship with M. Chauvelin, because you find that he has such * See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 37. i Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, vol. 3, p. 8. CHAPTER 16. in such an influence ove*' the cardinal ; but as M. Chauvelin's friendship, I beheve, is found to be very shallow and Jour naliere, I am of opinion that you should now and then talk very forcibly to the cardinal, and make him the confidence of distinguishing him, with regard to integrity and good intentions, from any other minister. I know he loves that distinc- tion, and, if applied in a proper manner, and on the topic of sincerity, he is liable to flattery ; and you may venture, on a foot of confidence, to go great lengths with him, even with regard to his own sentiments, as M'ell as to the conduct of other ministers in France *." Mr, Walpole was also highly gratified with rewarding the zeal and fide- lity of Mr. Robinson, by obtaining for him the appointment of envoy and plenipotentiary to the court of Vienna, where his address, activity, and prudence, during a period of eighteen years, justified the propriety of the recommendation. The services of Mr. Walpole, during his embassy at Paris, were highly appreciated by the british cabinet ; and the letters, both private and pub- lic, of the duke of Newcastle, lord Townshend, and Sir Robert Walpole, are filled with the highest eulogiums of his conduct. It would be endless to enumerate the passages ; but an extract from one letter of lord Town- shend will suffice : " You have exerted yourself all along with uncom- mon talents in the management of those important affairs under your care. But as to these last efforts you have made, it is impossible to express the satisfaction your zeal, abilities, and success have given universally. I congratulate you most heartily on your serving your king and your country, with so much capacity, and a superior spirit in business. * * * * # * * You Avill find, by what the duke of Newcastle writes, that the king consents to give you leave to come ; but I must take the li- berty, at the same time, to tell you, that as all the letters from France are filled with the highest commendations of your extraordinary address, influence, and credit there, so they dread and lament the ill consequences of your absence in this most critical conjuncture, that no one can be ca- pable of supplying your place, and that the business will fall and flag when you are gone f. " * Mr. Walpole to earl Waldegrave, Cockpit, Jan. 14, 17O1. Waldegrave Papers. + Lord Townshend to Mr, Walpole, Whitehall, Jan. 4, 1727.8. 172 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 17. 1730—1735. il/r. Tl^'alpolc appointed Cofferer of the Household — Sent privately to the Hague — Object of his AUssion — Nominated Ejnhassador — Difficulty of his Situation — Characters of SUngelandt and Fagel — Viezvs of the Prince of Orange — Mr. JValpole's Account of his Negotiations. ON his return from his embassy, Mr. Walpole "vvas graciously received by George tlie Second; and queen Carohne was pleased to express to him her particular satisfaction for his diligence, fidelity, and success, in negotiations of so much perplexity and trouble, and ever afterwards gave him distinguishing marks of her confidence and protection*. The favour of the king, the protection of the queen, and the ascen- dancy of his brother, ensured to him a distinguished office in the State ; but his unaspiring temper, and dread of exciting jealousy, by the eleva- tion of two brothers to the highest posts of government, induced him to decline the most advantageous offers, and he accepted the post of cofferer of the household. In this post, as well as from his relationship to the prime minister, he had constant access to the closet; and whenever he was consulted, always gave his advice w ith sincerity, and with a free- dom which offended the king, and sometimes even displeased queen Ca- roline. Mr. Walpole had the satisfaction of contributing to the conclusion of the treaty of Vienna, which was retarded by the diihculty of settling the dispute between the emperor and the king, as elector of Hanover, and from the suspicions which the imperial court entertained that the Walpoles were unfavourable to the house of Austria. A letter from Mr. Walpole to Mr. Robinson, at this critical juncture, removed these impressions, and * Mr, Walpole's Apology, CHAPTER 17. 175 nnd conciliated prince Eugene, who had been principally instrumental in opening and conducting the negotiation. " The best answer, " writes Mr. Robinson to Mr. Walpole, " I can make to the honour of your letter, is to send you a treaty, to which it certainly contributed much. Nothing was more seasonable; and luckily it M^as seconded by the faithful reports which a courier about that time brought from monsieur Kinsky, concerning yours and Sir Robert Wal- pole's sentiments. The moment I received your letter I read it to the prince, and can only say, in one word, he was charmed with it. The bu- siness is now done, I will not say w ell or ill ; if well, I desire, sir, you will take to yourself the reputation of it, whatever good I have in me I owe to your example ; if ill, I must, as I ought, take to myself the shame of having made no better advantage of what you are pleased, in your letter, to call the intimacy and confidence with which I lived with you for many years at Paris, and of the opportunities I had of knowing your most secret sentiments *." "Thus," to use the expressions of Mr. Walpole, " the situation of affairs in Europe, which had been flung into the greatest convulsions by the wild and extravagant projects of enterprising ministers, to flatter and satisfy the pride and ambition of certain powers, was, by the firm and pru- dent conduct of his majesty, brought back to a calm and natural state, ■without the calamities of a general war. And notwithstanding the impo- tent efforts of pretended and discontented patriots, to vilify an administra- tion whose employments they Avanted, joined Avith a desperate clan of dis- affected jacobites, to distress a government they would gladly subvert, no prince Avas ever in a higher point of glory and respect, from all foreign poAvers, for the steadiness and Avisdom of his measures, than his majesty Avas at this juncture ; nor any ministers in greater credit and esteem abroad, than those Avho Avere employed in the direction and execu- tion of these measures j." Although Mr. Walpole had no ostensible part in administration, and did not hold a responsible office; yet his extensi\^e and accurate knoAv- ledge * Mr, Robinson to Mr. Walpole, Vienna, March 20, 173 1 . Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal- pole, Correspondence, vol. 2, p. lOO, t Mr. Walpole 's Apology. 174 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ledge of foreign affairs, his profound sense and manly spirit, rendered liia advice highly useful. He -was consulted by the king, queen Caroline, and his brother, in all affairs of importance; and was employed in drawing ■up, or revising, the principal memorials, manifestos, and other State papers, v,'hich were issued during the remainder of his brother's admini- stration. From 1730, the period when he quitted his embassy at Paris, till October 173^, Mr. Walpole continued in England, assisting his bro- ther by his efforts in parliament, as well as by his co-operation in the transaction of foreign affairs. At that period he was sent to the Hague on a secret mission of great importance, which occasioned his subse- •quent nomination to the post of embassador to the States General. The causes which led to this mission Mall be best related in his own words : " Upon the death of the king of Poland, the opposite declarations and measures on the part of the emperor and France, in favour of the royal candidates, occasioned a rupture between those two powers, although his majesty and the states had caused the most friendly and earnest represen- tations to be made at the court of Vienna, upon the imprudence of taking any step that might hazard a war with France, on account of a polish election ; a contest entirely foreign to the concerns of England and Holland, in their defensive alliance with the emperor. The Dutch found that the imperial court had on this occasion immediately stript the bar- rier towns of 10,000 men, part of 16,000 they were obliged by treaty to keep there in time of peace, by removing them to Luxemburgh, and de- clai ing that the maritime powers must take upon themselves the care of the barrier ; that the important fortresses of Mens, Aix, and Charlcroy, which ought to be garrisoned by the imperial troops, Avere entirely de- fenceless, without fortifications, magazines, or men ; and that France had engaged the kings of Spain and Sardinia in the war against the em- peror. This exposed situation made the ministers of the States think themselves obliged, for their immediate security, to enter into a negotia- tion with the french embassador at the Hague, for a neutrality, by which it was agreed that the States would not concern themselves in the affairs of the polish election, nor in the troubles that might be in consequence of it ; France agreeing, on her part, not to carry the war into their low countries, nor attack their barrier. This unexpected declaration surprised his CHAPTER 17. 175 his majesty ; but before it was formed into a resolution, Mr. Walpole, on account of the credit which he was supposed to have with the ministers and members of the States, from his former negotiations at the Hague, and the confidence with which he had acted towards their embassador at Paris, was sent to Holland with instructions to endeavour to divert the States from concluding a precarious neutrality with France. But the defenceless condition of their frontiers, and the formidable power of France in their neighbourhood, had pushed on that affair so fast, that it was in a manner concluded before his arrival there. However, Mr. Wal- pole prevailed with the pensionary to get a clause inserted in that act, by Avhich the States reserved to themselves a liberty to fulfil their engage- ments with the emperor, with whom they had contracted alliances, as well as Avith France. This left a door for them to take a part to stop the progress of the french arms, when the exigency of affairs and their common danger should make it practicable, in a government so weak and divided. " In the mean while the imperial court was as solicitous in their instances with his majesty and the states, to join in his defence, as the french were to shew them that the emperor had been the aggressor, by concurring in violent measures with Russia, to interrupt the freedom of the. polisli election. " It being evident that this perplexed situation of affairs must neces' sarily bring on negotiations of a very nice and difficult nature, Mr. Walpole was orderefl again to repair to the Hague, with the character of embassador, to act at this critical juncture in confidence and concert Avith the States. Cardinal Fleury had caused the most plausible and pa- cific declarations to be made in England and Holland, of his readiness to accept the good offices of his majesty and the States, for accommodating the difference between the emperor and France. The imperial court, on tlie other hand, was as positive and peremptory in rejecting them ; not bearing to hearken to any terms, until the maritime powers should have previously declared themselves in his favour, and sent, as guarantees, succours to his assistance, which gave France a great advantage over them, by her apparent disposition towards a peace. *' Mr. Walpole, to whom the late queen Avas ahvays extremely gracious, endeavoured, by his credit AAdth her, to decline the acceptance of an em- ployment, 176 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ployment, wliicli he foresaw w^ould give him infinite trouble, and was liable to many inconveniences and reproaches, according to the nature of events, and the readiness of a factious party, tlien in parliament, to con- demn all measures, though executed with the greatest fidelity and judge- ment. But her majesty having promised him her countenance and pro- tection, he undertook this great, but disagreeable office, at this critical -juncture." Considering the situation of Mr. Walpole in England, unincumbered with a responsible office, enjoying the favour of the court, and delighted with his improvements at Wolterton, it is not a matter of wonder that he accepted with reluctance a post full of embarrassments. The government of the United Provinces was still in a state of discord and anarchy ; and the difficulty of conciliating the diffisrent interests was increased by the views of the prince of Orange, and the jealousies of the republican party. His friend pensionary Slingelandt still retained his great influence and authority in the counsels of the republic, and was inclined to promote the union with Great Britain ; but he was a martyr to the gout, and his temper naturally warm, exasperated by pain, was become peevish and in- tractable. His other friend, the greffier Fagel, in whom he reposed the fullest confidence, and whose mild temper was not soured by age, was equally attached to England ; but, by the reserve of Slingelandt, was almost ex- cluded from the knowledge of foreign aflfairs *. William ♦ In some of his confidential letters to Mr. occasion that does not please him fret himself Trevor, Mr. Walpole contrasts the mild and so much. placid temper of greffier Fagel, with the fretful " October ^'4- 173G. As to what the two and inflexible spirit of the pensionary. great ministers said to you, they both talked Hampden Papers. in character. The greffier is so mild in his " If the pensionary," he says, " had M. temper, that he dreads the effect of the least Fagel's temper, it would be pleasant to do bu- step taken in their distracted government, that einess ; but we must bear with men as they are, is not agreeable to you all : the pensionary is and do as well as we can. so rough, that he cannot give his real or imagi- " January 23, 173|. I told you, inmylast, nary reasons, upon a point where he is particu- I had received a peevish letter from the pensi- larly to act the minister, v/ith common decency, onary ; I now send you a copy inclosed, with What a pity that such a billingsgate tongue my answer. It is a great pity the pensionary, and temper should belong to such an excellent who is otherwise 50 great a mar, will on any understanding !" I'ul/li/lid I'-eh? I ISCI ht^ the. Mevi "W Cak A0nct ,ut Hp ♦ CHAPTER 17. 177 William prince of Orange had now attained Lis majority ; and with the fervour of youth, and the elevation of an aspiring- mind, ill brooked his exclusion from the power and dignity formerly enjoyed by his family. His views were encouraged by the ardent temper of his consort, the prin- cess Anne, eldest daughter of George the Second, and by his expectations of the support of his father-in-law. He was, therefore, eager to involve the States in a war with France, that he might be appointed generalis- simo of the dutch forces ; a promotion which might lead to the revival of the stadholdership in his favour. The natural jealousy which the re- publican party entertained of the bouse of Orange, was increased, as well by this alliance, as by the imprudent zeal Mhich George the Second had displayed in favour of his son-in-law. The French availed themselves of these suspicions, to increase their own party, and thwart the designs of the british cabinet. The Hague, at this critical juncture, became the centre of business and intrigue ; the british embassador at Paris acted principally from the impulse of Mr. Walpole ; his correspondence with cardinal Fleury was revived, and the negotiations with the different powers of Europe passed through his hands. " Not to enter," continues Mr. Walpole in his Apology, " into a de- tail of the various and interesting transactions, public and secret, that passed at the Hague on the part of the respective powers concerned in this embarrassed state of affairs, Mr. Walpole, perfectly well acquainted with the pusillanimous and pacific temper of tlie cardinal, took care, in his correspondence and concert with lord Waldegrave, then his majesty's embassador at Paris, that his eminence should be kept under constant apprehensions of INIr. Walpole's being able, by his memorials, and other representations to the ministers and members of the States, of the danger- ous consequences to the republic, from the formidable progress of the confederate arjns, to engage them at last to take a vigorous part in favour of the emperor as a common cause. And it is certain, that his eminence was so affected and alarmed with this apprehension, that, notwithstanding the artifice of Chauvelin to keep up his spirits, and that the armies of France and her allies continued victorious on all sides, he would not suffer the Spanish and Sardinian forces in Italy, as it had been projected, A a and 178 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. and was very practicable, to take Mantua, lest it should have animated the maritime powers to declare war in support of the emperor; and h'la eminence was not easy, until after having set on foot several negotiations in several ways, and at several places, the preliminaries for peace were signed at Vienna in 1735. " And I believe it may be affirmed, without vanity, that this manage- ment between Mr. Walpole and lord Waldegrave, seconded by pensionary Slingelandt, in his letters to the dutch embassador at Paris, in keeping the cardinal in perpetual agitation and fears of a general war, saved the im- portant city of Mantua, the key of Italy, from falling into the hands of Spain. " I cannot conclude the Apology for Mr. Walpole's conduct, at this great epoch, without making one observation. His majesty was ex- tremely desirous to give the emperor assistance in this war with France ; and it is imagined that count Kinsky flattered the imperial court m ith such expectations. But the minister, who had the greatest credit with the king, by having the greatest penetration and judgment in affairs, represented how difficult, if not impracticable, it would have been, after the States had agreed to a neutrality with France, and the kings of Spain and Sardinia had actually joined in a war against the emperor, to have prevailed upon the parliament to grant supplies for carrying on so exten- sive a war, of which this nation must have borne the greatest, and in a manner the whole burthen ; especially as the cause of it was a dispute about a polish election, and could not be looked upon to be the concern of Great Britain, nor a case in which the emperor had a l ight to demand succours by virtue of his defensive alliance ; and that if the parliament could have been brought into such a war, it was morally impossible that the utmost efforts of this nation, with those of the emperor, could have resisted so powerful a confederacy. His majesty, by the credit and salutary advice of that minister, in which the rest of his servants, in the confidence of affairs, (for, as powerful as he was, he never would let his own opinion, in matters of State, prevail against the majority of them concurred,) was diverted from taking any part but in concert with the States, with a view to bring matters, by their joint good oifices, to an accommodation between the belligerent parties i or if the dangerous con- sequences, CHAPTER 17. 179 sequences, attending tlie progress of the confederate arms, should have sufficiently alarmed the Dutch, and made an impression that might have induced them to join in defence of the emperor, that his majesty should have readily joined with them in a plan of vigorous measures for that purpose. " However, the king was extremely displeased with this state of an in- active neutrality, in being prevented from giving the emperor assistance, which j\Ir. Walpole perceived in several conferences he had the honour to have with the late queen, by her majesty's own desire, on this subject; and, as she might be apprehensive that it might diminish Sir Robert Wal- pole's credit with the king, she "would, in an ironical manner, reproach Mr. Walpole, by saying to him. That Sir Robert would haxie gone into the war, but you would not let him ; by which Mr. Walpole plainly under- stood, (and let her majesty see that he did,) that it was better his majesty should be displeased with Mr. Walpole, than with Sir Robert ; and it is very possible that, for that reason, the queen might, in discourse with the king, have laid the fault of disappointing his majesty's inclinations to succour the emperor upon Mr. Walpole, and that it may have made a lasting im- pression upon his majesty's mind to his disadvantage. " But here I cannot forbear adding, that the late queen was pleased to honour ]\Ir. W^alpole v\ ith her most gracious approbation of his con- duct, by letters constantly wrote v ith her own hand, during his nego- tiations at the Hague, while she was regent in England. The good opinion of so wise and judicious a princess, who had always the public good at her heart, not only supported his spirits in the most unpleasant and fatiguing station, but has ever since flattered him with conscious satisfaction of his having done his duty, and the best that could be done, for the service of his majesty and his country, in so great and difficult a conjuncture *." * Mr. Walpole's Apology, 180 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLK CHAPTER 18*. 1735 — 1737. Letter from Mr. JValpole to Queen Caroline — He remonstrates against the premature Communication of the Plan of Pacification to the Impe- rial Court — Relates his Efforts to re-establish the Union between Eng- land and Holland, the Origin of the Secret Cojivetition, and his various Negotiations at the Hague — Extracts from Queen Caroline" s Letters to Air. JValpole. — Continuation of Mr. JValpole s Apology — He accom- panies the King to Hanover as Secretary of State — Danger of the King in his Passage from Ilelvoetsluys — Letters from the Princess Amelia and Queen Caroline — Mr. JFalpole's Remarks on Sir John Barnard''s Bill. THE interesting correspondence with queen Caroline, to which Mr. Walpole aUiules in his Apology, was so frequent, that the letters, if preserved, would fill a volume. jMany of these letters have been destroyed; but several fortunately still remain. The greater part were inserted in the Correspondence which accompanies the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole; one, however, which was written at this period, and was not published in that collection, contains a curious account of the origin, progress, and conclusion of the secret convention with cardinal Fleuiy|, and Mr. Wal- pole' s transactions at the Hague, and evinces the manly freedom with which he delivered his sentiments, even in direct contradiction to the wishes of the king and queen, and the views of the british cabinet. * The commencement of this chapter, which contains several letters between queen Caroline and Mr. Walpole, was mislaid by the author, till several of the subsequent sheets were printed. This page is therefore cancelled, and, to prevent confusion, the additional pages inserted are marked with asterisks. + For an account of this secret negotiation see chap. 44, Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, CHAPTER 18. 181* Mr. JFalpole to Queen Caroline*. " Madam, The unexpected step in communicating to the imperial court, with- out a previous concert with the States, the plan of accommodation, seems liable to so many dangerous consequences, and has put me under such difficulties with respect to his majesty's service, that, not knowing where it may affect, I have reserved my sentiments of it for this particular and confidential letter to your majesty only. " I must beg yom majesty's goodness and indulgence to believe that "what I am going to say does not proceed from ill-humour, or a disposition to find fault with what is done and cannot be recalled, but from a de- sire, if possible, to obviate future mischiefs, which, if I rightly apprehend the motives of this measure, will constantly, if care be not taken, embar- rass his majesty's, affairs. " I must beg your majesty's patience for reading a -short account of the rise, progress, and present state of this negotiation, as necessary to put my thoughts into a clear light, and to enable your majesty to judge whether it is better to pursue a plain, regular system, built with strength and caution, by a natural coherence and a proportional relation and de- pendence of the parts on one another, oj by the impulsions of sudden starts and flights, to disorder the whole, and reduce a great work from the hopes of perfection to the hazard of the utmost confusion, which I apprehend may probably prove to be the case from this communication; ready at the same time to be transported with joy if I should, as I hope in God I shall be, mistaken. Upon the war breaking out between the emperor and France, on ac- count of the polish election, the antient confidence and intimacy, (the best guaranty of their mutual interests and security,) between England and Holland, for what reasons I will not enquire at present, was on a very precarious foot, and the measures to be taken at so great a crisis for their common safety and the public good, were entirely disconcerted and Tunning counter to one another, which induced his majesty to send me hither in October was twelve months, to sound the intentions of the States, * The draught of this letter, In Mr. Wal- was evidently written in the beginning of pole's hand-writing, is without a date j but it 1735, * 182 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. States, and reconcile the counsels betM^een his majesty and them to one accoid ar a conjuncture so important. " This mission Avas thought by some of his majesty's servants, unac- quainted with foreign affairs, as useless and vain, they being persuaded that the Dutch had taken their pli/, and, by the bias and tendency of their actions, particularly on account of the neutrality for the Low Countries then on foot, were determined, Avithout consulting his majcst}', to act in confidence with France. " Upon my arrival here, I found indeed the principal ministers (whose former ideas and system of politics were, to my knowledge, built upon a strict union between the two nations,) prepossessed Avith the most unrea- sonable and unaccountable notions of his majesty's intentions and actions, both with respect to their government and the state of atfiiirs in Eui'ope, and for that reason, being at the same time extremely ill-used, as they thought, by the imperial court, disposed to manage so formidable a neigh- bour as France is to them. But as yet they were got no fartlier into a conhdence with France than what was necessary to conclude tlie act of neutrality relating to the Low Countries, which, on account of the bar- rier toAvns under the emperor's care being destitute of troops, ammuni- tion, and every thing requisite for their defence, and for Av^ant of a due concert and harmony with England, they considered as the only means to preserve the Loav Countries, and consequently themselves. On the other side, I found the antient friends of England and the present establishment fully persuaded that his majesty Avas entirely under the directions and in- fluence of the imperial court ; that he had entered into all the engage- ments and measures concerted by the Emperor, ]\Iuscovites and Saxons, for opposing the election of Stanislaus by force, and consequently that he Avas obliged and determined to take part in the Avar, had given the emperor private assurances of it, and that by degrees the States were in a manner to be forced into it too, and that the putting a stadholder at the head of their government Avas part of the scheme concerted by the imperial and british courts. My antient acquaintance and intimacy with the pensionary and the greffier, ministers, of undoubted abilities and inte- grity, and ahvays disposed to make the union between England and Hol- land the basis, of their politics and measures, soon gave me an opportunity to CHAPTER 18. 183 • to destroy these ill-g-rounded prejudices and preventions, against his ma- jesty's counsels and msasures, by shewing them that his majesty had no other concern than that of good offices in the affair of Polanrl, was under no engagements but wliat A\^ere common to the States, and was desirous to act in concert with them in the present great and critical juncture. At the same time I had the pleasure to discover, that the opinion entertained of them in England, of this government having flung themselves abso- lutely into the hands of France, Avas equally groundless ; and I had the sa- tisfaction of removing these prejudices, on both sides, by degrees to bring matters to a perfect good understanding, and a resolution to pursue the same measures jointly in counsels and actions, with respect to the troubles that threatened the public tranquillity of Europe. " Having settled this great point, of a mutual harmony between his majesty and the states, and also a particular correspondence between lord Harrington and the pensionary in matters of the most secret nature, I re- turned to England ; and soon after my arrival, the states, in consequence of this harmony, came to a resolution to sound the emperor and France whether our offer of good offices would be accepted ; and this was trans- mitted to England for his majesty's concurrence, which I thought so na- tural a step, in consequence of v/hat I had done, that there could have been no difficulty in it; when, at a meeting of some of his majesty's ser- vants, I was surprised to find most of them, with lord Harrington at the head, for various and different reasons, against agreeing with the States in this point; and even the person* on whose opinion and influence I chiefly depended, changed his mind, and so I was left alone, with no- body on my side but lord AVilmington and the duke of Newcastle, when he came to town ; but to no purpose. I had nothing to do but to let them know my mind, in foretelling that it would create new jealousies and coolness between the english and dutch administration ; and five weeks time being spent without returning an answer to the resolution of the States, the confidential correspondence v/hich I had settled between lord Harrington and the pensionary was, by sharp expostulations, at once confounded. In the mean time the opposite resolutions and memorials that had passed between the imperial ministers and the republic had brought * Sir Robert Walpolc. * 184. I\IEMOmS OF LORD WALPOLE. brought things, as far as words could go, to the greatest height of ani- mosity and resentment ; and a misapprehension of their respective views and designs, in the papers that had passed between England and Holland, had begun to create such strong expostulations as would have occasioned a paper war, instead of an amicable union, between his majesty and the States, had not care been taken to put a stop to such extremities, by send- ing me again over, in last May, to this countr}^, with proper instructions for reconciling the differences between us. " I arrived here soon after the vote of parliament M^as passed for re- posing an entire confidence in his majesty concerning the augmentation of his forces; and»I could not imagine but that the carrying with me such a mark of the parliament's regard for the king, by strengthening his hands in such a manner as to give him the greatest weight and influence in his deliberations about the affairs of Europe, would have made me ac- ceptable to my old friends, and particularly the pensionary ; but, on the contrary, in the first visit I made him, confined to his bed with the gout, he looked upon me in such a manner as if I was come to drag him away by force, and place him as a dutch deputy to fight against France. Hav- ing let him cool, and taken opportunities of seeing him alone, (for Mr. Finch* was present at the first visit,) I desired to know, in a quiet way, the occasion of such agonies and transports. His respect and decency for the king's person made him at first very reserved, until I told him it was impossible to cure a disease without knowing the nature and symp- toms of it. He then, shewing all possible respect in liis expressions to- wards his majesty, gave me to understand, that the principal regents of the government were of opinion, that his majesty was actually concerned in private engagements with the emperor, independent of the States, and had given tlic strongest assurances to his imperial majesty that he would give Inm his assistance ; that he must temporise for the present, but that the emperor might depend upon his (the king's) declaring in his favour ; and that this vote of confidence was procured, not Avith a view of giving weight to neo'otiations, but M'ith a desi";n to make use of it for enoao-ing<; in the war, and force the States into it, if possible, along wath him ; and that the king's bias, as elector, in favour of the emperor, would get the better * At that time britibh envoy at the Hague, until he was superseded by Mr. Walpole. CHAPTER 18. 18.5* better of all other considerations with regard to England and Holland, and that his majesty's readiness, in that quality, on being the foremost to dispose the empire to declare war against France, when the empire had taken no precautions nor measures to be in a condition to carry it on, M^as, what had increased among the regents the jealousies they had entertained of his majesty's warlike designs. " I had the happiness to state his majesty's views, in the quality of king as well as elector, in such a light as to undeceive the 'pensionary on the extravagant notions unjustly conceived here, and to give him entire satisfaction, by shewing how impossible it was for his majesty, after the siege of fort Kehl, to do otherwise, as a prince of the empire, than he had done; that as king he had sent me once more, with the strongest assurances and instructions to act in perfect union and concert with the states in every step that should be taken in the present state of atfairs in Europe ; and that the vote of confidence could not fail of having the ef- fect for which it was calculated in giving great weight to their joint measures and negotiations; and that all that the king desired was, that in consulting together some means might be found out for keeping inviol- ably secret Avhat should pass in conferences until things should be brought to a maturity for being communicated as a joint resolution, and that a particular committee should be appointed for the purpose to treat M'ith me. The form of their government would not permit such a distinction to be made among their deputies : however, an oath of secrecy being taken by them, the conferences were carried on without the least disco- very of what passed, either by the french or imperial ministers, until the resolution, taken in the name of his majesty and the states, for the offer of good offices, to the respective powers, for accommodating matters, was actually communicated to them. " It is material to observe here, that the resolution in consequence of the particular confidence established between his majesty and the states, of keeping inviolably secret from all other powers what should pass between his majesty and the states, M as equally disagreeable to the imperial and french courts. "■ The imperial court was extremely desirous of acting in conjunction with the maritime powers; but as they had no other view but to involve A a* his 186* MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Ills majesty and the states in the war, perceiving the backwardness of the republic to engage, their whole care and attention was to obtain a par- ticular and previous concert with the king, and by that means to draw the states into the troubles they endeavoured to avoid. Count Uhlfeldt also expressed his great uneasiness to me at the secrecy of the maritime power-j, and what he called his majesty's preference of the friendship of the states to that of the emperor ; and nothing would content him but my bullying the states into a resolution to declare in favour of the emperor against France. " The french court, on 'the other side, was thunderstruck with this union and secrecy of measures established between us. Mr. Fenelon was surprised to the last degree when he saw me present at a conference which the deputies had desired with him, and Mr. Chauvclin expressed his great concern at it. It destroyed all his hopes of being able to carry on the Avar as long as he pleased, without any fear or check, while England and Holland were diffident of one another, and had separate measures and views. My old friend, the cardinal, was so alarmed that he made Mr. Van Hoey* dispatch an express to the pensionary, with an account of a confidential discourse his eminence had with him, all turning upon his apprehension of my journey and conduct in Holland. " Having had the good fortune to settle an entire confidence of coun- sels and actions between his majesty and the states, (which, once for all, madam, I hope your majesty will give me leave to observe, must at all times be absolutely necessary in foreign affairs, for the interest and se- curity of both, ) I returned to England to give his majesty an account of my conduct, who was pleased, after a short stay, to order me back hither again, in the quality of his embassador, with instructions to continue my best endeavours to maintain that confidence which had been so happily restored between his majesty and the states. " Upon my return hither, having communicated to the pensionary a letter I had received from Mr. Geddaf, intimating, in stronger terms than ever, the cardinal's disposition to bring matters to an accommodation, with a desire to have an opportunity of conversing with me on that sub- ject. * The dutch minister at Paris. Mr. Wylpole occasionally carried on a secret + Swedish envoy at Paris, by whose means correspondence with cardinal Fleury. CHAPTER 18. 187 * ject. Mr. Slingelandt thought this letter, which was ridiculed in Eng- land, of moment enough to deserve an answer, which I having drawn, and obtained liis majesty's approbation of it, and sent it to France, it had such an effect as to lay the foundation of the secret correspondence that has passed, and is advanced so far since between the cardinal and me. " It is not to the present purpose to enter into the particulars of that secret negotiation, v/hich is so fresh in your majesty's mind ; but it may not be amiss to observe, that it took its rise from the effect which the rc- establishment of the union between his majesty and the states had upon his eminency's mind. In order to destroy this correspondence, Mr, Chauvelin charged J\Ir. Fenelon with a particular letter, wrote with the confidence of the french king, the cardinal and himself only, offering to enter into a particular and secret correspondence with Mr. Slingelandt, vnknown to every body else, for the immediate and lasting security of the states. " This letter extremely embarrassed the pensionary, being apprehen- sive, on one side, that if he shewed it to others, considering the then state of affairs, with respect to the emperor, they might have given attention to it, and been inclined to hear Avhat France would say, for the particular interest and safety of the states, which would immediately have put a stop to the correspondence between the cardinal and me, and by degrees might iiave dissolved the confidence newly established between his majesty and the states. On the other side, to sink this letter without communicating it to the principal regents of Holland, at least, while in the mean time my cor- respondence with the cardinal might come to nothing, or any thing might happen, from the different opinion of measures or otherwise, to occasion a fresh coolness between England and Holland, the pensionary would be exposed to the utmost resentment of the states, to whom he is account- able for all matters relating to their interest that come to his knowledge. However naturally inclined to preserve the good understanding with his majesty, and firmly convinced by the reasons suggested to him, of his majesty having the same intentions with respect to the states, he made no other use of this extraordinary letter and offer from France, but to com- A a 2 * , municatc * 188 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. niunicate it to me in confidence, as an instance of his zeal to strengthen the bond of union between the two nations. *' When the cardinal began to speak out in his letters to me, and re- quired as a condition for his doing it, in plain terms, the most solemn as- surances from the pensionary and me, to have the secret inviolably kept, and that it should be agreed on both sides to disavow the whole if any part should get air; this condition embarrassed the pensionary extremely, and he sagaciously observed to me, that if this negotiation should employ a great deal of time, and break off at last without a good issue, this obli- gation of secrecy would put it out of his power to justify his conduct to the states. Plowever, from the consolation of being under the same engagement with the british minister, he resolved to consent to it, and to take, in the mean time, the proper precautions for his security by his great skill and address in his management of the states of Holland, and the deputies for foreign affairs. Of all these steps, I have, as they occurred, given an account to lord Harrington ; and therefore, I shall touch upon them no farther than is necessary to show, when I come to that point, the danger the pensionary may be exposed to, with respect to himself, and the inconve- niences his majesty's interest may be exposed to from a dissolution of the confidence between his majesty and the states, which may be occasioned by this separate and untimely communication of the plan to the emperor. " The pensionary having connnunicated, under great secrecy, to two or three of the regents of Holland, in general terms, what was transacting with the cardinal, he caused a motion to be made in the states of Hol- land, founded upon the nature of affairs in the present state of Europe, to show the necessity of keeping the secret in the negotiations to be held with the british embassador, and consequently of reposing a particular trust in some person or persons, for carrying on that negotiation, which, after some debate, without a formal resolution, was understood to be the pensionary. He then obtained a resolution among the deputies of the states-general for foreign affairs, which concluded with showing, that it would be impossible to negotiate with success unless France could have sufficient security of the secret being kept; which opinion being sup- ported by memorials delivered by me, the difficulty still remained about the CHAPTER 18. 189* the method of doing it, which the pensionary settled, by obtaining, in a private conference with them, a verbal consent that they would permit him to negotiate, in confidence with me, where and in what manner he should think fit, without giving an account of what passed, until matters should be ripe for their participation, and for taking a resolution upon them ; they giving at the same time the strongest assurances not to impart what should be confided to them, either to their colleagues or the states-general, nor to make a report of it to their respectiv^e provinces, but by common consent. " This foundation being laid, and confidence reposed in the pensionary, supported his spirits in our private transaction with the cardinal, and made him resolve not to give the least account of that part of the negoti- ation to any of the deputies, and not to lay the plan of accommodation before them, until it was finally adjusted M'ith his majesty, and ripe for an immediate resolution, without any time for reflection or alteration ; and his great comfort at the same time was, that neither the imperial nor french, nor indeed any of the foreign ministers, would be able in the least to penetrate M'hat had been doing. " Thus matters stood, when I received an account of the communica- tion having been made first verbally to Kinsky and since by a messenger dispatched to Mr. Robinson, of the plan of accommodation, M'ithout any notice or concert with the pensionary ; and here I am to observe to your majesty, that by a word which fell from count Uhlfeldt, in talking of count Kinsky 's courier that passed this way, by way of reproach for my not telling him any thing that had passed, I suspected some such step had been taken. My suspicions are, I find, but too true ; and I am flung under the greatest difficulty and perplexity of mind, notwithstanding the discretionary power given me to acquaint the pensionary or not with this step. Should I acquaint the pensionary with it, I should cast him into the greatest agonies of despair to see, after the indefatigable pains taken to re-establish a particular confidence between his majes ty and the states, and that at the king's most earnest request, under the seal of secrecy ; and after that secrecy had been confirmed by an authority and trust reposed in him, scarce ever known before in this government, and after a hopeful prospect. *]()0 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. prospect, that by a joint concert of measures previously taken by his ma- jesty and the states, and by holding the same language with firmness and union both to the emperor and France, we should be able to bring those two powers to reasonable terras of accommodation, and after the pension- ary had been so jealous and careful of the secret, as not to let any part of it transpire to any of the states, not even to those concerned in the secret affairs, and indeed to nobody but to two or three of the province of Hol- land. After all this, to see the secret discovered to one of the parties con- cerned in the war, from whom it should have been principally kept, until opened in a proper manner by a joint application and influence of his ma- jesty and the states ; I say the knowledge of such a communication must needs cast him into the greatest agony, M^ith respect to himself, as being exposed, if the communication should, as most things do, transpire at Vienna, to the utmost danger of censure and reproaches, to say no worse, from his masters, for having kept them in the dark so long about a busi- ness of such moment, of which the emperor is sooner apprised than they. And with respect to the public, and particularly the union between his majesty and the states, should it ever be known that the discovery of the secret was untimely made by his majesty's servants to the emperor, it must needs weaken the confidence that was so happily established here, by calling to mind the former impressions and preventions, as if the king could not venture to do any thing without the approbation and influence of the emperor, the great inconveniences of M'hich opinion to his majes- ty's affairs are too obvious, as well as disagreeable to repeat ; into which notion I am afraid the pensionary himself would infallibly fall, if he should be told that this weakness, if I may call it so, proceeded from a bullying menace from count Kinsky, of declaring all the treaties with England void. " These melancholy reflections, flowing from the nature of the thing, suggested another difiiculty against my communicating to the pensionary this affair in the manner suggested to me by lord Harrington, which was, that the pensionary might think himself obliged, after Mhat has passed, for his own justification and security, to acquaint the deputies for secret affairs with it, that he may a\ asli his hands of all the inconveniences that might follow from such a measure, taken without his consent or knowledge. " On CHAPTER 13. 191* ^' On the other side, when I considered the great risk the pensionary would run of censure and reproach from this government, if, while we were managing the secret with respect to his own regents, the commu- nication of it to the court of Vienna should in the mean time get air, as most things that pass there do, and be known here before he had informed the deputies of it ; it would be a cruel thing, after the zeal he has exerted for his majesty's service, to leave him in that ignorance, and not enable him to take the necessary precautions for his own safety, after all the pains taken and address used by him to conceal the secret, for fear of ill consequences, even from his own masters ; especially since count Uhlfeldt might have made him the same reproach, as he did to me, of being so reserved after count Kinsky's courier was past by Vienna. " These considerations determined me, without acquainting the pen- sionary with the communication of the plan having been made from Eng- land to the court of Vienna, to lead him, if possible, by some other means, into a way that might induce him. to take the necessary precautions for his own security, by deferring no longer to let the deputies for secret affairs into the general knowledge of the heads of accommodation, so that they might not be able to reproach him with his reservedness towards them, in case I\Ionsieur Bruynix * should be able to discover the confi- dence that has been made to Mr. Kinsky or Robinson, or that should come to be known by any other channel. Accordingly, having received, by the same post, orders from lord Harrington, that the plan, when ad- justed here, should, before it be offered, be transmitted to his majesty for his approbation ; when I acquainted the pensionary Avlth these orders, I suggested to him whether it might not be time to break to the deputies for secret affairs, in confidence, the substance of the plan, since they ap- peared extremely impatient, as I had been told, to know something ; and I pressed this affair the more, because I was under, as he knew, an en- gagement to make the same confidence to the prince of Orange, and his affairs called him immediately to Frise for three weeks, and I would gladly discharge my promise to his highness before he went, since he Avas to be absent so long. The pensionary, with his usual penetration, combined this hint, and the orders upon which I founded it, with the courier that lately * The dutch minister at Vienna. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. lately passed by here to Vienna from count Kinsky, and expressed his ap- prehensions of our having communicated this affair to the imperial court without any concert with the states. He said he saw he was to be the sacrifice of this affair, which would come to nothing, that he was ent7X Venclume ct le marteau ; that it was plain his majesty could do nothing without the emperor, and that that plan was not to be finally adjusted until the king had received the sentiments and approbation of his imperial majesty upon it ; adding other things, though with all personal deference and veneration for his majesty, relating to the consequences of this step, that I do not care to remember. Having avoided, as much as I could, the discussion of such a disagreeable subject, I kept to the point of ob- taining his permission, that I might let the prince of Orange know what I was engaged to do ; to which the pensionary consented, and said that he would also, but verbally only, communicate to the deputies, under the greatest secrecy, the substance or heads of the plan. " This is the situation of this great affair, for M'hich I beg ten thousand pardons, in giving your majesty so much trouble ; and I hope, from your known goodness to have your indulgence and forgiveness, while I add a few observations upon the whole : " I'*. lam afraid that the emperor, having obtained this confidence, by the means of a menace from such a child in business as Kinsky, far from appearing to take it kindly, will shew at first great reservedness ; will, with much seeming reluctance and reproach, at last give an answer; will require some addition to the cessions to be made him, and a reduction of those to be made to others; and insist as a condition of his acceptance, that the maritime powers shall declare, first, that they will engage in the war on his behalf, if the terms of the plan to be resumed, according to his M ill, shall not be complied M'ith by the allies in a certain time. " 2°. If this condition should be demanded by the emperor, and appli- cation shall be made by the king to the states, to consent to it, they will absolutely refuse it; and being fully persuaded, by the emperor's con- duct, that his chief vie\v is to lead them into a war, they would be appre- hensive that this condition is required with no other design, and that when the emperor has obtained that, he will take care to prevent the peace. " 30 •A. CHAPTER 18. 193* " 3°. From hence it v ill be imagined here, as well as from the favour- able disposition towards the emperor in England, that instead of his ma- jesty and the states acting in concert and with firmness, to dispose the emperor, as well as the allies, to agree to the terms of peace, the concert will be transferred from the states to the imperial court ; and the imperial and english, instead of the english and dutch ministers, will act together, which, by degrees, will create a difference between England and Holland, and insensibly fling the Dutch into a confidence with France. " Lastly, the system so absolutely necessary for preserving the balance of Europe, and consequently the liberties and commerce of the british and dutch nations, by a perfect harmony and union of councils, will be crumbled to nothing. These are my apprehensions, which I hope in God the wisdom and steadiness of his majesty's councils will entirely disappoint." The sincerity and freedom which are so remarkably displayed in this letter seem to have offended the king, and even displeased the queen; for, in a letter to his brother, written about this period, Mr. Walpole ob- serves, " I am extremely sorry to find that the dress of my letters to the queen is not liked, although the matter is approved : I solemnly protest to you, 1 do not affect that free style ; but I can no more write otherwise than I can tell how to dress my person better than I do. " The irritable temper of George the Second was not easily conciliated; but the queen, whose character was more mild and condescending, was soon reconciled to his frankness, and treated him with more confidence than before. A few of her letters are still preserved at Wolterton, from which are inserted some extracts, to shew the extreme condescension of that ami- able princess, and the high confidence which she reposed in Mr. Walpole *. " Richmond, May 21, (June 1,) 1734. I am greatly obliged to you for your letters ; they are received with pleasure. I make no doubt but you will be satisfied with the answer of to-day : and I flatter myself that your affairs there are in a good train. I congratulate you on the success of your election ; I M'ish the same success to that of the county. York- shire does not go so well; although all hopes of success are not yet lost. In all other respects every thing goes here according to our wishes. -My * These letters were written In French, and in the translation I have endeavoured to retain the ease and farailiaritv of the original. A a -j- MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. My daughter appears contented with her situation. I flatter myself that she will give satisfaction more and more. I intreat you to propose to the pensionary my ptisan as a remedy for the gout, with which he is so grievously afflicted. I cannot but interest myself for the life and health of a person of his merit. I trust that my daughter will find in him a friend, and she will always receive strict orders to do nothing without his advice, and I beg you will tell him so. I do not make you any compli- ments ; you know me too well, sir, not to be assured that I am always the same for you. Caroline." I shewed your letter to the chancellor, who \vould have known no- thing without me. Write, I beseech you, in the same manner." Richmond, June 15, 1734. I begin with the happy news that you will soon see your family, on condition that you return as soon as youi' Superieur shall judge necessary. Having thus given my orders, I must thank you for what you say in your letter, concerning what I wrote to you about. You know my sentiments for you ; and that, notwithstanding your grumbling, I highly esteem you. I pity the poor pensionary more, be- cause his disorder gives him lowness of spirits as well as bodily pain. In short, it is necessary to take men as God has made them, and overlook their frailties as we hope God will overlook ours. " Sir Robert will inform you of our affairs, as well foreign as domestic. I leave it to a better hand. He is returned, as you well know, in good humour. He complains less than others, and does not give credit to all the ill reports which are spread of Anne. It appears to me that the gen- tlemen of Holland might pay their respects to her, although she is in the house of the prince of Orange ; not as his wife, but as the king's daughter. It strikes me that this would take away all subject of dispute from the ladies. You know that things are changed in Ilolland since the time of the princess Mary. She saluted only married women, and single ladies now demand it. The best way to avoid all disputes would be to salute none. The english ladies might wait upon her in private. The french embassa- dor was, I believe, mistaken, when he spoke of a visit to his wife. I do not believe that Mrs. Walpole ever received one from the french prin- cesses. As for saluting her, that is proper." ** Kensington, Oct. 18, 1734. I have received tlirce of your letters with CHAPTER 18. 195* with pleasure, as I do every thing which comes from the best heart and the most honest man I know. 1 will send you by Anne my answer to that which I received yesterday. She is very sensible and prudent, and has in many things my approbation. I now return to answer that of the 4th. I laughed heartily at the prohibition of not appearing at court, and no less at the history of Henry IV. * * * * * " I do not see the danger of my daughter's lying-in at the Hague ; she will not be in any one's way : and a lying-in cannot be dangerous to a government, nor give jealousy, especially if she and the prince of Orange conduct themselves with propriety and discretion ; and I believe I can answer for both, It is desired that she should lye-in in Holland ; she is thus snatched from my care. I submit to it, however, because it is reason- able : but what reason can there be to remove her still further from me ? to make her lye-in in a village, without succour, without assistance, not to reckon the alarms I shall experience after her delivery*. ****** In regard to her conduct, I am convinced she will endeavour to gain the esteem of all ; and if her manners have any effect, she will render herself beloved. But enough of this business. I believe we shall soon have an account of the king of Prussia's death ; he is in a most deplorable state. Sir Robert Avill have informed you that your advice has been followed, and that the man f ^v^ho is sent appears to be a person of merit ; he has succeeded in other aflFairs, and I sincerely hope he Vv-ill have the same good fortune in this, which is of the greatest consequence. ' ' The bishop of Namur]:, from his discourse, appears to me light-headed : we will endeavour to send him away as soon as possible. * * * y^Wl q]q. liver this letter, and will acquaint the prince of Orange that my daughter departs on ^londay. She goes by Harwich, which is the nearest passage. ''Fritz * Some of the leading men in Holland seem X character and intrigues of Strick- tohave been alarmed lest the princess of Orange land, bishop of Namur, who was sent to Eng- should lye-in in England, and remonstrated with land as an agent of the emperor, to overturn the Mr. Walpole on the subject. Walpole administration, see Memoirs of Sir + She alludes to the secret negotiation just Robert Walpole, ibid. See also the spirited opened between cardinal Fleury and Mr. Wal- letter which Mr. Walpole wrote to the queen pole, and to the mission of Jannel to the Hague. on this subject, Correspondence, vol. 3, p. 108, See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 44. A a 2 i' MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. " Fritz * is now returned to his good behaviour : we have written for the character of the princess of D. and I intreat you to make inquiries con- cerning the person, age, understanding, and disposition of the princess of Wirtemberg. Serious thoughts are entertained of marrying him. Make the same inquiries concerning the princess of Gotha t # # * * " Here is, my good friend, a long letter; but that which Anne will bring will be still longer. Do not fall asleep in reading it, since it comes from a good friend J." Queen Caroline fully appreciated the abilities and integrity of Mr. Wal- pole ; and, convinced, from long experience, of his diplomatic talents, recommended him to the king as the fittest person to fill the office of secretary of state. The motives which induced Mr. Walpole to decline this station will best appear from his own narrative : " In 1736, "he writes in his Apology, " when the king was preparing to go to Hanover, lord Harrington having fallen under their majesties' displeasure, the queen let Sir Robert Walpole know that his majesty was resolved to remove his lordship from being secretary of state, and pointed at Mr. Walpole's succeeding him in his room. But Mr. Walpole, sensible of his own inabilities to discharge so great a trust, and of the envy it would create in seeing two brothers employed in the two principal stations of the government ; and being desirous to prevent a division among the ministers, which is always in this country attended with disagreeable con- sequences, begged his brotber not to give any attention to so kind an in- sinuation from her majesty in his behalf The queen at last was pleased to tell Mr. Walpole, that his majesty would not suffer lord Harrington to wait upon him again at Hanover ; that if his lordship continued secretary of state, he (^Ir. Walpole) must attend the king as minister of state to his electoral dominions. Mr. Walpole would gladly have been excused that great and honourable office, for the same reasons, apprehending that if any disagreeable events should happen during his majesty's residence abroad, that the two brothers, and particularly Sir Robert Walpole, (right or wrong,) would be answerable for the ill consequences. However, he found it impossible to refuse such particular tokens of their majesties' kind- ♦ The prince of Wales. t The princess Anne, in several of her let- + Augusta, princess of Saxe Gotha, whom he ters, also rallies Mr. Walpole for sleeping occa- afterwards married. sionally at the queen's Sunday evening partiee. CHAPTER 18. kindness and good opinion of him ; and having, under the auspices of the late queen's goodness, attended and obeyed his majesty's commands seven months at Hanover, in dispatching the public business, he had the good fortune to conduct himself so as to meet with his majesty's appro- bation, without the least frown or reproof during the whole time of his ministry. The king was pleased to express his satisfaction for his beha- viour often to his ministers and other considerable persons at Hanover, as well as to her majesty and his servants upon his return to England." During his residence at Hanover in the capacity of secretary of state, he maintained, in addition to his official communications, a confidential correspondence with Sir Robert Walpole, on the state of foreign affairs. The interesting letters which passed between the two brothers are inserted in the Correspondenco annexed to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole ; and the history of foreign transactions during the same period is also detailed in that work, which renders it unnecessary to repeat the account. In December Mr. Walpole quitted Hanover, and accompanied the king to Helvoetsluys, where they Avere detained by contrary winds. At length the king, impatient to depart, ordered Sir Charles Wager to put to sea, which the admiral declining on account of an approaching storm, his majesty replied, " I have never seen a storm;" and repeated his commands in so peremptory a manner that Sir Charles was obliged to obey. The king embarked on board the royal yacht, and sailed under convoy of several men of war. They had scarcely got out to sea before a storm arose, which dispersed the ships; several were driven on the coast of England, the Louisa was wrecked, and it was supposed the yacht could not wea- ther the storm. So great Avas the alarm, that the cabinet council met at the duke of Devonshire's, steward of the household, and preparation was made to issue the proclamation for the accession of the prince of Wales. On Sunday morning, the queen being at St. James's chapel, a messen- ger brought a letter announcing the safe arrival of the king at Helvoet- sluys. Lord LiflFord, who had just returned from walking in the gar- den, met the messenger, took the packet, went into the church, and de- livered it to the queen, saying, "Here is news from the kingi" All present *198 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. present were filled with appreliension ; the queen was alarmed, and her hand shook so much that she could not open the letter. The duke of Grafton ac- cordingly broke the seal, and immediately declared that the king was safe. This good news was instantly circulated, the service, which had been sus- pended, was continued, and satisfaction restored. A letter from the princess Amelia to Mr. Walpole will display the general alarm at the king's danger^ and the joy at the news of his safety : " December 28. You have been very good and obliging, my good Mr. Walpole, to take the trouble of writing to me, and I assure you my joy is too great to be exprest, that you are all safe at Hclvoet. What mama underwent, ever since Friday last, can't be imagined ; for she ne- ver was easy since she heard that the sloop of the english secretary's of- fice was come here with so much difficulty, and that they had left you all at sea. But a Sunday morning, before nine, Sir Robert came to mama to give her the dreadful account of the three men of war being come, and lord Augustus's ship without masts or sails ; then you may imagine what we all felt. We went to church as usual, and about two the messenger came in, and made not only mama and her children happy, but indeed every body. The consternation was great before, and they seemed all to dread to" hear some bad news ; but now pray be careful, and don't get out till you are sure of seeing our sweet faces, and then we will all make you as welcome as we can ; for I cannot afford any more to be so fright- ened, for we are all still half dead. " I pitied poor Mrs. Walpole extremely; but I saw her yesterday, and we thanked God heartily together that you are all safe. Sir Robert hath been very childish, for he drunk more than he should upon the ar- rival of the messenger, and felt something of the gout that same night ; but he is perfectly well again. 1 hunted with him yesterday at Richmond, and he was in excellent spirits. " I thank you, dear Horace, for letting me know so exactly how my sister does ; I am very happy she is so well. Mama commands me to make you her compliments ; Caroline desires her's to be given you also, and I remain your sincere friend upon land, but hate you at sea; for you take my stomach and rest away, and I love both eating and sleep- ing." He CHAPTER 18. 199* He was honoured, at the same time, with a letter from queen Caro- line : *' St. James's, ~l Jan. 1736-7. I received, with gre^t gratitude, the letter containing your kind wishes. The king, as I trust, v ill soon " You may judge of our alarms : you may believe they were much greater than yours, who were exposed to the danger. I am under great uneasiness for Sir Charles Wager. " I am charmed Avith your memorial ; I have given it to your brother, who will communicate it to the duke of Newcastle. He wishes you to continue your work, that he may know your sentiments. You will be- lieve me Avhen I tell you of my impatience for your return ; you M'ill al- ways find me the same." Mr. Walpole accompanied the king to England, and attended the whole difficult and stormy session, Avhich commenced on the 1st of Fe- bruary 1737. The principal transactions which occupied and embarrassed the minis- try, were the bills respecting the tumults at Edinburgh, Sir John Barnard's scheme for reducing the interest of the national debt, the Play-house bill, and the application to parliament for augmenting the revenue of the prince of Wales. Among the correspondence and papers of Mr. Walpole, which are not published in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, I find no additional information on these interesting subjects, except on the scheme of Sir John Barnard. Two letters from i\Ir. Walpole to Mr. Trevor ex- plain the nature and principle of the bill, unfold the mysterious conduct, and display the embarrassments of Sir Robert Walpole, during the pro- gress of a bill on which the friends of the minister were divided, and even Mr. Walpole was found in the majorit}^ against his Ijrother. " April 1, 1737- I send you inclosed, although I suppose you may have seen it before, Sir John Barnard's scheme. It was debated on Monday last, and the impracticability, compulsion, and consequently the injustice of it, was fully exposed by various speeches ; and at last in an ample and ingenious manner by Sir William Yonge, who concluded by w hat was candid and voluntary, he had no objection to the offering to the proprietors of the redeemable debts carrying 4 per cent, the acceptmg of 3 per cent, per annum, irredeemable for fourteen years, by a voluntary sub- scription, *200 ME^rOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. scription, and the coming to another resolution for authorising his ma- jesty to take in subscriptions in the exchequer for annuities carrying 3 per cent. These two propositions were, after some debate, in which my bro- tlier Walpole concurred, or ratlier acquiesced, as what was more fair and just than Sir John Barnard's, which, in every part, was compulsive, (and indeed to put an end to the bank, ) passed in a committee without a di- vision. " The report being made of these resolutions on IMonday morning, those that were against the redemption of the debts, or reducing them from 4 to 3 per cent, moved to have the consideration adjourned for a fortnight. After some debate the house divided, and it was carried in the negative by a great majority. It was a very extraordinary division with respect to persons: my brother Walpole and Sir William Yonge voted for the adjournment ; Mr. Pelham and I voted against it; and so it happened in many other instances among persons related to one another in the house, who never separated before ; and as none of the Treasury could be named for bringing in the bill, that is left to Sir John Barnard and friends, &c. Particular people that are affected, and especially those in the city, are much hurt, and complain loudly ; and I don't doubt they will make their friends uneasy abroad, the consequences of which will be, that those that are frightened so far as to sell their stocks will be bit at last; for in all likelihood their advisers will get into their places." Cockpit, April 29, 1737. I am now to return you mv particular thanks for your favour of the 19th, relating to the proposal for conti- nuing the redemption of the national debt, by offering to the credi- tors that have 4 per cent, an immediate term of 3 per cent, or opening books for taking in subscriptions for annuities at 3 per cent. These plain propositions, thus stated, shews there is no need to have recourse to any reasoning on the justice or right, on the part of the public, to take this step, if prudent, on account of political considerations; for it is no more than pursuing the same method used to bring the national interest from 6 to 5 per cent, and from 5 to 4 per cent, founded upon the clauses of redemption contained in the acts of parliament made when the money ■was borrowed, which clauses were inserted at the request of the lenders, who then thought it an advantage to be redeemable. And therefore, what- ever the pamphlets may say, of which I have read some, the public, iu this CHAPTER 18. 185 this case, make no alterations in their contracts ; but follow a right they hav'e by tlicir contracts with the proprietors of stocks." * ********#* After fully justifying the principle of the bill, he adds; " Cut to con- clude, I do allow that the unpopularity of those that are concerned, who are legions, is so great, and consequently their resentment will be so vio- lent, when they feel that policy and prudence (among the great variety of ill-humours that prevail with people of rank, to the prejudice of the go- vernment,) makes it well deserve consideration, whether these plain ])ro- positions of an offer of redemption, and a right for redemption, should be pushed, and pass into a bill, at present ; especially since Sir Robert \yal- pole, who I take to be the best judge of us all, as to what is most feasi- ble, and most politic for the sake of the whole, in pecuniary matters, con- tinues to be still so much against it, and will make such an opposition to it as will leave no room to doubt of his sincerity in this affair." In a letter also to the princess of Orange, Mr, Walpole relates the gene- ral satisfaction in the city on the rejection of the bill, which fully dis- plays the policy of Sir Robert Walpole, in counteracting the specious Stcheme of the redemption. A general illumination took place in the city, and the mob were with difficulty prevented from pulling down or setting fire to Sir John Barnard's house ; a warning to those who, in the instance of the excise, inflamed the passions of the people, and who would now have experienced, themselves, the dreadful effects of popular indig- nation, had they not been protected by the officers of government. B b MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 19- 1736—1737. Embarrassments of Mr. JValpole from the Views of the Prince of Orange — Arrangements relating to the Jointure of the Princess of Orange — Cor- respondence with Sir Robert JValpole and the Princess on that Subject — Application of the Prince of Orange to obtain Promotion in the J^atch Army — Extracts of Letters from the Princess to Mr. JValpole, and from Mr. JValpole to the Queen — Correspondence of Mr. JValpole on tJie Illness and Death of Queen Caroline. IN addition to the difficulties of his public station at the Hague, Mr. Walpole experienced great embarrassments from the views of the prince of Orange, which were supported by the unceasing importunities of the princess. The first object of embarrassment was the settlement of the princess's jointure, the circumstances of M'hich are best explained in his own words. Mr. JValpole to Sir Robert JValpole. *' Dear Brother, Hague, October ^ 1735. *' I am much embarrassed by my commission relating to the princess royal's jointure ; the case is this : *' By the marriage 'articles the princess royal is to have a real security in lands for her jointure, and the remaining 40,0001. is not to be paid until that security be obtained. By the laws of this country it is neces- sary that the lands should be registered to become a real security, and in those cases the 40""^ denier, or 40th penny, is paid to government. The prince of Orange pretends an exemption from the payment of this 40th penny, as belonging of right to his family, which is disputed by the States : for this reason the registering is suspended. It has been proposed, that application should be made to the States for CHAPTER 19. 187 for permitting these lands to be registered, for a security to her royal high- ness, without prejudice to either side. The best and most able lawyers say it cannot possibly be any prejudice to the prince of Orange's right; and lord Hardwicke has given the same opinion, and I am ordered to sound the principal regents, to know whether they will come into it. In the mean time his highness declares, that he will, by his friends, oppose, in the States, the granting the permission for enregistering, sons preju- dice ; and if I proceed, there will break out an open opposition between the king and the prince : if I continue to stand still, I do not pursue my orders ; and if I give the reason for standing still, which is, that the prince will oppose the enregisterment, I presume his majesty will be ex- tremely angry with his highness for such an unreasonable and unjust pro- ceeding. " In the mean time, they ask that the 40,000l. should be put out at interest, and the prince should receive the benefit of it; so that although he cannot have the money until the security for the jointure is given, he is to have the use of that money, or the interest of it, without giving that security; which being once fixed in that manner, do you think he ' will ever consent to give the real security, that is, to enregister the lands? And therefore I submit it to you, without quoting me for it, to consider whether the interest of the 40,0001. should not attend the contract relat- ing to it, that is, to be received and reserved for the use of his highness, as soon as the real security is given for the jointure ; or else the princess royal, in case of any accident to the prince, will have nothing certain for her jointure of 10,0001. per ann. and for the repayment of her portion if there be no children, but this bare 40,0001. ; the lands will go for the payment of personal debts, and the princess's pretensions will be consi- dered as other personal creditors, and no otherwise. " The truth of the matter is, I am afraid, that his highness has contracted great debts upon his obligatory notes, and daily contracts more ; and he will find money as long as his lands are free ; but as soon as they are tied up for a real security, nobody will lend him any more mone}'^, and his present creditors will press to be repaid. " But what am I to do in this case? I desire your advice. All that has passed is in the secretary's office ; the princess royal is infatuated with B b 2 the 188 MEINIOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. tlie prince, and they are both angry Avith me for not concurring in the most unjust proceeding; while, in the mean time, for fear of disobliging them, or of making them disoblige the king, I forbear doing my duty. Take a serious minute to consider this affair, which perplexes me much." JNIany letters passed on this subject, between the queen, the princess of Orange, and Mr. Walpole, before any final anangement could be made; and the business was principally directed in consequence of his advice. He experienced, however, great anxiety, from the un- bending temper of the prince, who was displeased with the expedient to secure the jointure of the princess, in a manner A\"hich might pre- vent him from raising money on his landed property. This expedient was to obtain the consent of the States to register the contracts, by which the jointure A\'as secured on certain estates, without prejudice to the right of an exemption from the pajmient of the fortieth penny, claimed by the house of Orange. The prince even accused JNIr. Walpole of a breach of his promise in divulging this expedient, as appears from a letter of the princess i " Loo, 14th August. Having found, by the conversation that M.. d'Aylva related to me, that you had been surprised at the prince's seem- ing to reject the expedient you thought of, I would not omit putting you in mind of the promise you made him, not to name it till he had consult- ed whetlier he could consent to it. I am entirely convinced that he can- not agree to it, without running the risk of the greatest inconveniences; so that without staying for his retuvn, I must desire you, good Mr. Wal- pole, to think of it no more. I must own, I should think it a terrible circumstance to have my future security be a pretence of hurting him in present, and think it much better rather to venture not to be so easy as. I could, in case he should die, tlian to find us both uneasy while together. I cannot imagine that papa or mama should be displeased if he cannot submit in this point, which certainly is only by necessity, and depend too much upon their justice to imagine that it should be possible. Mama writes me word that they are going this week to put out the money at interest ; that I am very glad of, and believe for the rest there Avill be nothing to be done but to trust to the prince, not seeing any other Avay to finish this troublesome affair. I hear you have some thoughts of coming here,. CHAPTER 19. 189 here, if your business will permit it ; I shall always be glad to see my old friend Horace, provided he leaves the embassador at home, who I must continually quarrel with." Mr. Walpole was too much chagrined with the conduct of the prince of Orange to be conciliated by the compliments contained in this letter, and justified himself against the imputation of having broken his promise, in a style of manly resentment, which does honour to his feelings. Mr. TFalpok to the Princess of Orange. " ]\Iadam, Hague, August 30, 1735. " Although I can have no greater honour than that of hearing from your royal highness, I must o\yn I was extremely concerned at the re- ceipt of your letter by j\f. Brinckman, charging me M'ith having acted contrary to a promise I had made to the prince of Orange; a thing I ne- ver remember to have done towards the most ordinary persons, much less would I be guilty of such a crime with respect to his most serene high- ness, whose personal great qualities and merit (not to mention other very obvious reasons,) have engaged my utmost attachment and veneration. I am sure there must have been some great mistake in imagining I ever promised him not to mention the expedient about cnregistering the acts; and if his most serene highness had been regularly informed by his mi- nisters of what had passed between them and me, it is impossible that I should have done it, or that any body could think tliat I had. I do not indeed remember that any thing like it passed between the prince and me ; but the state of facts will make it plain that there must have been some misunderstanding in entertaining a notion of my having made any such promise." He then enters into a minute detail of the v/hole transactioi:k between him and the prince's commissaries, vdiich is too long to be inserted, and concludes, " This being a plain and true deduction of this affair, in which I have taken no step without the knowledge of the prince's com- missaries, who I ought to presume had constantly given his most serene highness an account of what had passed between them and me, I appeal to your royal highness, from the nature of the thing, whether I could possibly promise not to mention the expedient proposed for securing your jointurCi 190 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. jointure, and for saving, at the same time, the just pretensions of his highness. " The prince's commissaries were acquainted with the expedient when first mentioned; the prince's commissaries had a long conference in my presence with the lawyer we had consulted about it : they desired to have, and had a copy of that lawyer's opinion, in which that expedient was contained, by a letter from M. Dayrolle and me; they returned an answer to it, and it was thereupon agreed, and understood, that this whole affair should be referred to their majesties* consideration and^sentiments ; and the said commissaries often expressed great impatience at the delay in my receiving an answer from the king's ministers. "I say, I take the liberty to appeal to your royal highness, whether these facts do not undoubtedly prove that there must be some mistake in thinking that I had promised not to mention the expedient, and that I do not deserve to be charged with having broken my promise to the prince." He accompanied this justification with a more private and con- ciliatory letter, in which he says, " The vindication of my own ho- nour, by undoubted facts, insensibly drew my letter into a greater length than I intended. After all is said, I am at a great loss to know what to do in your royal highness's affair. The prince is, I do not doubt, impatient and sohcitous to have the 40,0001. put to interest. If I press that affair, I am apprehensive that I shall be asked from England what proposals I have made, according to orders, in forwarding the expedient. I have the materials for a memorial ready ; but since your royal high- ness's letter I have taken no step in it. I wish you would direct me what I am to do, and what 1 am to say, when I shall be called upon by the secretary of State to know what I have done. If his most serene highness will please to direct some of his ministers to draw out the reasons he has against this expedient, for enabling him to execute the marriage articles, I shall readily lay them before their majesties in the best manner I can. Pray, madam, what can I do more ? I would willingly do every thing in my power to shew that I am, " &c. This tedious affair, after much consultation and delay, Avas at length 8 finally CHAPTER 19. 191 finally arrang-ed, by vesting the money in the english funds ; and the prin- cess of Orange does justice to the good offices of Mr. Walpole. " Lewarde, Feb. 7, 1736. Finally, Horace, you have honoured me with a letter, and it was high time, for I began to think great people, and quantity of business, had quite made me be forgot ; but I should be in the wrong to find fault, after the pretty conduct you have had ; and seriously I return you thanks, with all my heart, for having taken care to have the proper method settled for putting out the 40,000 pounds at interest, which, I believe, without you, would never have been done, since it has been about these six months, and which I hope will immediately be put in execution." " Groningen, 12th May. Though you have been indeed the most lazy correspondent that ever 1 knew, my good Horace, since you have been in England, I hope you M'ill mend, now you are at the Hague ; and there- fore! would not defer thanking you, for the consideration you sent, about the placing the 40,000 pounds, which the prince and I have submitted to, and have sent to England the proper memorial as you had directed." The next object of embarrassment to Mr. Walpole, arose from the ex- treme eagerness of the prince of Orange to obtain promotion in the army of the republic, which his sanguine disposition led him to consider as a step towards the rank of generalissimo, and to the revival of the stadt- lioldership ; for which reason his attempts were opposed by the re- publican party. The princess entered eagerly into his views, and sup- ported his application to the king, by her importunities to the queen, and to Mr. AValpole. A few extracts from her letters will shew the unabating perseverance with which she urged the request. The Princess of Orange to Mr. Walpole. " Dieren, July 4. I was very glad to see, by your letter, my good Mr. Walpole, that you was got safe at your journey's end, and that you had had so happy and quick a passage. I rejoice that you left papa, and the whole family, in good health, and thank you for letting me know what I always have so much at heart. The prince bids me make you his com- pliments, and will be obliged to you if you will make use of your good offices, in what regards his interest, during your stay at the Hague, especially touching his promotion, which lately has given occasion to so much 192 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. much discourse. He is either willing to write you all the particulars that have passed about this affair lately, or, if you like it better, to send you some person that may set you entirely au fait about it; and I believe every impartial body will tell you the violent republicans have found little applause, as to their last resolution, even in their own provinces." " Breda, Nov. 14. Finding, by your last letter, my good Mr. Wal- pole, that you are ready to pass your good offices in papa's name, for the prince, in the affair of the promotion, I must desire you to take the time, now the States of Holland are assembled, to speak to those members of credit you think proper, and to tell them, that though papa desires nothing for the prince that could give them any uneasiness, he cannot see, with indifference, that some among them v/ould exclude him entirely out of the army, in which all his ancestors have always been employed. And, without my putting any words in your mouth, I am sure your elo- quence will find matter enough to exert itself. If you please to speak warmly to them, count de Randwyck, intending to be at the Hague in a few days, will deliver you a letter from the prince, and speak to you more at large upon this subject ; but I write this, in order that no time might be lost, if you pleased to prepare matters." The answer of Mr. Walpole, and two of his letters to the queen, will exhibit the difficulties under which he laboured, and the frankness with which he delivered his opinion. " Madam, Hague, Nov. 9. 17.*37. " * * * I suppose your royal highness will have seen M'hat I have wrote to the prince of Orange, in answer to his most obliging letter, in- closing to me a copy of the clear and instructive deduction, which his highness sent some time since to the queen, of all that has passed for his being promoted to the generalship. " If the voice of reason and justice could pre\'ail, I think there could be no difficulty in the afiair ; but I find (I am sorry to say it) that unac- countable prejudices and animosities seem to have a greater influence than ever here to his highness's disadvantage ; too great, I am afraid, to be removed by any thing that I can say with any authority whatsoever at this time ; and I must not conceal from your royal highness, that there are those whose zeal and affection for the prince, and his interest in every respect, CHAPTER 19. 19S respect cannot be questioned, that think his majesty's name will rather increase than diminish the spirit of opposition to his higliness's just pre- tensions in the present disposition of the States relating to tlie promotions in the army. " I can sincerely assure your royal highness, that this disagreeable obser- vation does not proceed from any backwardness, on my part, to serve the prince. I have nothing to manage here. There is nothing at present depending, relating to his majesty's particular service, or my own credit, that should check ]ny zeal and inclination to promote the prince's interest to the utmost of my power. Nay, there is nothing wherein my credit, as his majesty's embassador, can be better employed, if there be the least prospect of its being successful, than in being exerted for the advancement of his most serene highness, according to his dignity, and to the justice he desires in the army. Nothing, madam, could do me more honour, nor indeed pleasure, than to be the useful instrument of so good and me- ritorious an office. " The queen's, your royal highness's, and the prince of Orange's com- mands, not to say any thing of my own attachment and zeal to promote any thing that concerns his highness s honour or interest, cannot suffer me to be cold or indifferent in a matter of this nature ; and I shall, in consequence of these powerful motives, (having hinted my apprehensions, founded upon the better judgment of others, ) take proper opportunities to speak to the persons recommended to me by the prince, in the manner tliat shall seem the most probable to forward and obtain what his most serene highness desires, and certainly deserves." 3fr. TValpole to Queen Caroline. " Madam, Hague, Nov. 5, 1737. " Since I had the honour to M'rite to your majesty, by last post, Mr. Duncan has delivered to me a letter from the prince of Orange, inclosing a copy of what his highness wrote to your majesty, relating to his promo- tion in the army ; desiring me, at the same time, to speak in his behalf, to be general of t!ic infantry, to the pensionary, Mr. Opdam, and others, and not to hearken, at first, to any expedient that may be proposed for his accepting a commission of a lower degree. " The prince's reasons for what he desires, founded upon the dignity C c of MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of his OAvn situation as governor of three provinces, and upon antient practice and examples in his own family, are put indeed in the clearest and an unanswerable manner. But the misfortune is, that he has to do with an unreasonable, and at the same time a most powerful opposition ; and they, who have a right to vote, will be themselves judges of the reasons for which they give their vote. And these reasons are often such as have no relation to the thing in question ; but are founded upon personal preventions, jealousies, and particular views, either of a public or private nature, Avhich they will not openly own, but from which they will not be brought to depart. And I am afraid, madam, this is a good deal the state of the present case. " The opposition to his highness's promotion, proceeding from some such motives, is stronger than ever ; and, indeed, some of his enemies are so violent, that no reasons or considerations will ever move them. Not- withstanding that, there might be some hopes of serving the prince at a proper juncture ; but (I am sorry to say it) the number of his friends, not only in this province, where the most powerful towns will always be against him, but also in the other provinces, even where he is go\ernor, is extremely diminished ; several of them having taken the other side ; and others, who wish him and his cause well, are grown very cool and indilferent, from reasons mentioned in my last to your majesty. " However, in obedience to your majesty's and the prince's commands, (not to say any thing of my particular respect and attachment to the princess royal and his highness,) my best offices shall not be wanting to serve him as he desires. I have thought fit, for that end, to consult the good old greffier Fagel, and to let him know how well pleased the king and your majesty would be at the prince of Orange's being promoted according to his dignity. Mr. Fagel immediately; with great concern, made the same melancholy observation, that the credit and interest of his highness was very low among the States ; and the few friends he liad left appeared silent and indifferent about him. I then told him, that, per- haps, if I should exert myself in liis behalf, as what woufd be agreeable to the king and your majesty, for his being promoted to the generalship of the foot, it might recover and encourage his friends, and damp the spirits of his enemies. The greffier replied, that he ^\ ould not pretend to put V CHAPTER 19. 195 put his opinion in competition with their majesties, or to divert them from what they might think would be of service to the prince ; and then he would have changed the discourse : but I having pressed him, as a friend, for his private sentiments, he at last told me, as such, that he really thought my intervention and good offices amongst the regents, in behalf of the prince, might alarm his enemies, and animate them to take some step to his disadvantage, at a time when there is a general discon- tent against his highness, for having opposed the late proposition for a promotion of the officers in the anny, and making it absolutely depend upon his becoming general of the foot, in which the province of Gueldre, where he is stadtholder, has given a diffi^rent opinion. Therefore the greffier seemed to be of opinion, that it would be better to let this matter sleep at present, and expect a more favourable opportunity for pushing the prince's pretensions. " Plowever, 1 will take some proper occasion to talk to the pensionar}^ and to sound Mr. Opdam on this matter, in a manner that shall at least, I hope, do his highness no harm ; but then I am afraid, if I do not talk in his majesty's name, and in a certain tone, the prince will be made to believe that he is not supported, as he ought to be, by the king's embas- sador ; and yet I am confident, as things stand at present here, that even a proposition for making the prince lieutenant-general only, would not pass ; and therefore there is no fear of its being offered, I believe, by way of composition." Jiff. TValpole to the Queen. " Madam, Hague, Nov. 12, 1737. " Since I did myself the honour to write to your majesty last, I have received a letter from the princess royal, of which I take the liberty to send you a copy inclosed. Upon the receipt of it, I immediately con- sulted my old friend, the greffier Fagel, whose good sense, prudence, and knowledge of the disposition of the States, as well as his affection and zeal for the prince of Orange's service, are unquestionable ; and he told me, in a free but confidential manner, that if I should espouse the prince of Orange's pretensions to the generalat, in the name of the king*, and with the warmth proposed by her royal highness, at this time, when the prince's opposition to the promotion of officers as far as lieutenant gene- C c 2 rals. t Uj6 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. rals, had put the spirits here into so great a fermentation, I should do the prince no service ; but, perhaps, on the contrar}^ animate his enemies to cabal, in order to procure a resolution to exclude him for ever from a command fit for him in the army. This way of reasoning has been con- firmed to me by others, who are naturnlly disposed to favour the prince's pretensions, but have been of late dissatisfied with the counsels and con- duct he has for some time pursued. " The case, about the promotions in the army, stands at present thus: A proposition was made, by the deputies of Overyssel, to the States General, for making % general promotion in the army, witli a clause, that no promotion of generals should be made for the future, otherwise than according to their rank, without an unanimity of the States. This clause was certainly inserted by the enemies of the prince, with a view of ex- cluding him for ever out of the army. And, indeed, it is so exception- able and odious, that there was no doubt but it would be rejected by the majority of the provinces, at the same time desirous that a promotion should be made of the officers of the army. But the prince having not only opposed that clause, but the whole promotion ; insisting that the rest of the officers should not be advanced, unless he was made general of the foot ; upon a presumption, I suppose, that the four provinces, which had declared two years ago in favour of his advancement, would have been of the same opinion, found himself extremely mistaken ; for whether his credit and interest is much lessened since that time, or the concern which affected the many friends and relations of such a number of officers, stopt in their preferment on account of his highness, was more prevalent, 'tis certain his opposition on this occasion caused a general discontent in all the provinces, even in those that Aveie before most attached to his service, not excepting Friesland, although they -were so complaisant there as to take a resolution agreeable to the sentiments and desire of his highness. '* The prince, no doubt, flattered himself with the expectations that Guelderland, Overyssel, Utrecht, and Groningen, would have taken re- solutions agreeable to that of Frise: but as to Guelderland, where the prince's interest and credit was some years since very great, your majesty will see^ by the inclosed copy of the letter they wrote to the province of Frise> CHAPTER 19. 197 Frise, in answer to one they received from those States on this subject, that however desirous they may be to have his highness advanced to the generalship, they would not make it a condition of the promotion of the other officers in the army. As to Overyssel, their States have not met yet on this matter ; but as the proposition, so prejudicial to his highness, was made by their deputies to the States General, 'tis thought that the same deputies will think themselves sufficiently authorised to conclude in favour of the same promotion. Utrecht has referred themselves to a for- mer resolution, which was indeed rather favourable to the prince than otherAvise. But as the town of Utrecht is most prevalent in that province, and by no means in the intei est of the prince, I am told that the province of Holland can make that town do as they please ; and as to Groningen, that province is so equally divided that they can come to no resolution ; and, consequently, their vote can go for nothing. " This being the situation of matters, your majesty sees that the prince stands alone, with one province only avowedly declaring for him ; and, as I have hinted before, most of his own friends in that province would have been glad that his highness would not have insisted upon their com- ing to the resolution they have taken, much against their real opinions, purely to oblige him ; foreseeing, that it would create a great deal of ill- will towards the prince. It is indeed true, that as long as the province of Frise only stands out, the States cannot come to a resolution, agree- able to the first proposition, because an unanimity is requisitefor that pur- pose : but, as the grefficr has observed to me, should I, in the king's name, insist warmly upon the prince's promotion, (though never so just and rea- sonable in itself,) the enemies of the prince finding so general a coolness and even a dissatisfaction towards the prince, from his behaviour on this occasion, by the advice, 'tis thought, of no one person but Mr. Duncan, may endeavour to carry some very disagreeable and shocking point in opposition to my offices in behalf of his highness. " However, in obedience to your majesty's commands, and the earnest solicitations of her royal highness and the prince of Orange, I will en- deavour to serve him in all that is in my power ; although I foresee, that my fate will be, that I shall not be able, at this time, and in this affair, to do him any service. And yet her royal and his most serene highness " will 198 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. will conclude, that it was my want of zeal, and not the nature of the thing, and other circumstances that I don't care to name, that keep the prince from his being advanced according to his dignity and merit." Soon after the date of this letter, queen Caroline being seized with a mortal complaint, Mr. Walpole A\^as commissioned to impart the melancholy tidings to the princess of Orange, and was instructed to prevent her, in the first moment of her surprise and distraction, from taking a voyage to England: " I write this," says Sir Robert Walpole, " on purpose to desire that you will use all your reasoning, skill and in- fluence to prevent any such attempt. It is said you must assume au- thority, although you have none. You will inform her of the whole truth, as you'^ shall, in discretion, think it will have a good or bad effect for the present purpose. I am told she is now at Gumberg, where you must go as soon as you receive this. A messenger is sent with this, that you may see this before the post arrives*." Mr. Walpole executed this commission ; and, in two letters to Mr. Trevor, describes his visit to the princess. " Dear Sir, Breda, Dec. 1, 1737. " My wife will give you an account of my motions hither, since I left you yesterday in the evening. I am extremely obliged to you for the extracts of your letters, relating to the great important crisis which keeps all the world in suspense between hopes and fears. God grant the de- cision may be answerable to our ardent desires ! " TJie princess royal having received, by the last mail, a full account of the illness and cause of it, with some comfortable news at the conclusion, and there being no fever, and the pulse being good, agreeably to what I had read to her at Antwerp out of my brother Walpole's letter to me by Bill, she is grown tolerably easy, especially since the extracts of your letters correspond Avith what she has heard from others. I have not yet perceived any token of her having had the least design of going to Eng- land ; and I have not, as you will easily imagine, mentioned any thing of that nature to her royal highness ; but I must be secure about that point before I leave this place, for which I have not yet fixed any time ; but shall expect the arrival of Friday's letter first. * * * * " Dear * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, Correspondence, vol. 3. p. 502. CHAPTER 19. i99 "Dear Sir, Breda, Dec. 3, 1737, at night. " Bill, the messenger, brought me your favour of nine o'clock last night, M'ith your postscript dated at midnight, about five this afternoon, while I was at dinner with the prince of Orange. I left the table to read my letters with fear and trembling, and I must own I cannot recover from the alarm they have given me. Having agreed with the prince to apprise him first, that he might break it to the princess in case the news was very bad ; I had scarce perused my letters before her royal highness's constant attention, and as it were prophetic concern, sent to know M hether my courier was not come ; and the prince was obliged imme- diately to go to her to intimate that things were desperate ; I fol- lowed, after some interval, and read to her the ostensible extract of your brother's letter, and one more comfortable from Mr. Grill, as well as INIrs. CoUedge's to Mrs. Walpole. Mrs. Hincs's was in a great measure agreeable to your brother's melancholy account ; but I took care, in reading it, to omit some melancholy expressions, and even lines, particu- larly Avhat relates to the prayers in the church, and the archbishop's daily attendance on the queen. However, we wanted cold water, antl also cor- dials, to support her spirits ; and after I left her, she lias fallen into a flood of tears and loud lamentations, crying out, She must and M ould go into England to receive the benediction of the queen. The prince of Orange, whom I had apprised of the orders I had received to prevent her by all means from taking the journey, used all his eloquence and influence to divert her from such a thought, and 1 believe, at this present writing, she will content herself with sending M. Gravestein thither, so as to go by the mail, or, in case that be gone before his arrival, I am to give an order for another boat, which 1 shall not refuse to do, because it is gaining so much time ; and I think she will be in a manner tyed down to stay here until she hears from M. Gravestein, and by that time the great and doubtful crisis will be over, I am afraid, in a manner that will oc- casion general affliction in Great Britain and in Europe than ever hap- pened in any age. But I can no more. However, I am ^vell in body, and so you may assure my wife and Molly ; in all conditions ever yours most afiectionately." The queen died on the 20th of November, O. S. and, soon after the news 200 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. news of this melancholy event, Mr. Walpole returned to England, and records, in a letter to Mr. Trevor, of December 23, J 737, an instance of the king's extreme sensibility, and of his affliction for her irreparable loss *. ******* " The king was so kind as to enquire often after my arrival, in a man- ner as if he was willing to see me, (for as yet he has seen none but the ministers of State and his own children ;) when I was at the closet-door, he told my brother he could not do it. But I having seen the two older princesses, and waited upon them, at their desire, before eleven o'clock ; while I was with the princess Caroline, word was brought that his majesty was coming to their apartment, (as he usually does as soon as he is drest, ) which made me retire. I was immediately called back and left alone Avith his majesty, whose inexpressible grief burst out into a torrent of tears, as put me, at the same time, into such a situation as to want com- fort as much as his majesty, and I had almost like to have retired ; but he made me walk with him, and talked to me all the while amidst the strongest commendations of the poor queen ; giving me an account of his way of living with her, the great use she was to him in all conditions of life, of her behaviour during the time of her illness, and particularly of the character which she gave of my brother Walpole-, which his majesty was pleased to enlarge upon in the most confidential manner ; concluding, that the queen did him so much justice as to recommend him, (the king,) his children, and the kingdom, to the care of Sir Robert Walpole, which, though an encomium too great for any subject with re- spect to his sovereign, his majesty was pleased to dwell upon for some time Avith great satisfaction; adding, that although his value and esteem for Sir Robert Walpole was certainly greater on account of the queen's judicious apostrophe of him, yet he knew that he, himself, had made him his chosen minister, as superior and preferable to all his subjects. '* All this, indeed, is too much to be repeated by me, so nearly related as I am ; and indeed nothing but my particular friendship for you would have drawn it from me. I cannot, however, conclude this, without let- ting • The character of queen Caroline, and the circumstances of her death, are related in the Me« •noirs of Sir Robert Walpole, ch, 45, CHAPTER 19. 201 ting you know, that notwithstanding the malicious insinuations that have been scattered about the immense riches left by the queen, her re- ceiver's accounts, now all the,bills are brought in, make her in debt 57001. ; and, by what I hear from undoubted hands concerning her effects, after the balance is paid, she may have died worth about 20,0001. all Avhich she has given to the king by will. " Dec. 19, 1737. The States letter on the queen's death was very cordial, and so moving that the lecture of it flung his majesty into a flood of tears. He has not yet seen company ; it was thought he would have taken a resolution to do it after the interment, which was mournful, de- cent, and orderly; but the king is still undetermined about it, and can- not bear to have it mentioned to him. " D a £02 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 20. 1738 — 1 739, Mr. Walpole supports the, Spanish Convention in Parliament — Returns to the Hague — Disgusted with his Situation — Quits his Embassy — Ho- nourable Testimony of the States to his good Conduct. DURING 1738, Mr. Walpole continued to reside principally at the Hague, and was employed in conducting the negotiations Avhich isucceeded the signature of the pacification between the emperor and France. In consequence of the disputes with Spain, and the conclusion of the convention, he attended his duty in parliament, in the stormy session of 1739, and supported the pacific arrangements of his brother. He drew up several interesting memorials on this subject, still extant among his papers, and moved the address for the approbation of the con- vention, which he defended in an able speech *. At the close of the session he returned to the Hague, for the last time. He had now been six years embassador, and though highly re- spected by the leading men of the republic, yet he was extremely dis- gusted with his situation, and had long expressed his desire to return, and his resolution never again to accept any foreign employment. His disgust was heightened by the narrow policy of George the Second, who at this great crisis suffered his antipathy to the king of Prussia, and his electoral views, to preponderate against the interests of Great Britain and of Europe. The principality of East Friesland, which is contiguous to the province of Groningen, was at this period governed by Charles Everard, last so- vereign of his line. Being without issue, the succession was liable to be contested by the king of Prussia and George the Second ; by the king of Prussia, in virtue of an expectative made by the emperor Leopold in • See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 52, CHAPTER GO. 203 169^, to tlie house of Brandenbuigh ; by George the Second, in vh-tue of a family compact between prince Christian Everard and the family of Brunswick, in I69I. The States General were exceedingly alarmed lest it should fall either to the king of Prussia, or to the king as elector of Hanover; and the ev^entual succession became an object of the most serious negotiation. The simple question was, whether East Fries- land should be considered as a male or a feminine fief? If a male fief, it lapsed to the house of Brandenburgh, by the grant of the emperor Leo- pold ; if a feminine fief, it might be conferred by the emperor on some prince of the female line : at all events the house of Brunswick seemed to have no just and rightful claim. In the commencement of 1739, the greffier Fagel, and Vanderheim, who had succeeded Slingelandt* in the office of pensionary, proposed to Mr. Walpole, that the king of England, in conjunction A\^ith the States, should endeavour to procure the entail of the principality on some prince of the female branch, Avith the consent of the reigning sovereign, and the approbation of the emperor, to be guarantied by the king and the states. My. Walpole laid the proposal before the king, at the recommendation of the dutch ministers. But George the Second, anxious to secure the prin- cipality for himself, rejected the scheme ; and as he could not brook the interference of his english ministers in electoral concerns, expressed great resentment against Mr. Walpole. By tliis ill-judged policy the king dis- pleased both the king of Prussia and the States, at a time when England was actually engaged in a war with Spain, and tbreatened Avith hostilities by France. He did not, however, attain his object; for Frederic the Second * M. Slingelandt died In 1736, during the gelandt, the grand pensionary of Holland, did absence of Mr. Walpole ; an event which, from I not acquaint you, with the utmost expedition, their long and tried friendship, afflicted him v/ith so important an event, both with respect extremely. He received the account from his to the affairs of your excellency's station, and friend and secretary, Mr. Trevor, who ob- to those of the public in general, as the loss of serves, " However indisposed I may be for that able and worthy minister, which happened writing, through the surprise and affliction I am this morning about live o'clock, so suddenly, at present under, I am sensible I should be that the servant who always attended him at wholly inexcusable before your excellency, not nights, had but just warning enough to call his only as the king's embassador to ihe States Ge- lady to be a witness of it." Hague, Dec. 1, iieral, but even as a personal friend of M. Slin- 1736. D d2 204 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Second occupied East Friesland on the death of the prince, and retained it in opposition to the remonstrances both of the king of England and the States. The conduct of the king towards Mr. Trevor, his secretary, added to the dissatisfaction of Mr. Walpole. Since the commencement of his embassy at the Hague, Mr. Robert Trevor *, half-brother of lord Trevor, had served him in the capacity of private secretary ; he was likewise secretary to the embassy, and, during his absence, had acted as charge d'affaires, Avith great discretion and abi- lity. Mr. Walpole destined him as his successor in the quality of envoy and plenipotentiary, and obtained the promise from his brother and lord Harrington, to whose department the embassy belonged. But the king- had conceived a prejudice against Mr. Trevor, and after throwing many difficulties in the way of the appointment, instead of conferring the titles of envoy and plenipotentiary, would only nominate him envoy. Mr. Trevor, offended with this slight, refused to accept the post on that condition. During this struggle, Sir Robert Walpole and the chancellor condemned Mr. Walpole's extreme eagerness to return, and represented the urgent necessity of his continuance in Holland at this critical juncture ; but no solicitations coidd induce him to remain. In reply to their instances, he expressed his uneasiness at the disappointment of his friend Mr. Trevor ; " not only, " he says, " on account of my affection for him, who has many good and rare qualities, but for the sake of the public." He ad- verted, with concern, to the conduct of the kmg, in regard to continental politics, • Mr. Robert Trevor, afterwards lord Hamp- den, was third son of Thomas lord Trevor, by his second wife Anne, daughter of Robert Wild- ing, esq. and widow of Sir Robert Barnard, bart. of Huntingdonshire. He was born in 1701, and educated in a private school at Bishops Stratford, where he made a considerable profi- ciency in classical literature, and was removed in the nineteenth year of his age, to Queen's College, in the university of Oxford. Being afterwards a candidate for a fellowship of All Souls, the votes were equally divided between him and another student, and both parties un- derwent a strict examination by the archbishop of Canterbury's chaplain, who decided in favour of Mr. Trevor. He was early initiated in di- plomatic business, being introduced into the secretary of State's office in 1729, and in 1734 appointed secretary to the embassy at the Hague,, where he gained the esteem and full confidence of Mr. Walpole, who promoted him with all.hi» influence. CHAPTER 20. S05 politics, and complained that *' low, partial electoral notions, are able to stop or confound the best conducted project for the pubHc. " " We have, " he adds, ''jealousies of one power, aversions to another prince, contempt for this or that state ; we have pretensions or desires of our own, that must either be made ingredients in any scheme for the public good, or that scheme must not go on. ****** In the mean time those that serve abroad have no comfort ; they arc liked and disliked, not according to their fidelity and diligence, but by humour and fancy ; and were I not 3'^our brother, you would soon hear, nay perhaps you do hear, of me, with my friend Trevor, in the list of those M'ho are of no consequence but to receive their pay, which is grudged them. And therefore I must freely own to you, that dangers and difficulties from abroad do not discourage me ; but the not seeing the least likelihood of right measures being pursued at home, to obviate or withstand them, although such measures might be found out, that is what disheartens me. * * * * * * * * * " While I am employed, I will serve with the utmost diligence ; but I see nothing but disgrace and disappointments, and, as the world ever judges by events, and not by conduct, I am sensible of what I am to apprehend from my continuance here. How ever, I should be glad to know how long this servitude is to endure, that I may take my measures accordingly*?" Several of the other letters Avhich passed between \h\ Walpole and his brother, as well as those of Mr. Trevor to Mr. Walpole, are published in the Correspondence annexed to the Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpolef. But some letters to Mr. Trevor, preserved in the Hampden Papers, which ■were not given in that publication, will still further display his esteem for Mr. Trevor, and the exertions which he employed in his favour. "Dear Trevor, Hague, Sept. 1, 1739. Your letter of the 14th+ and one I received from my brother at the same time, on your account, gave me the greatest affliction, for several rea- sons, that are too many, and which would only serve to increase the melan- choly * Correspondence to the Memoirs of Sir Ro- X See this and the following letters here al- bert Walpole, vol. 3, p. 535, 538. luded to in the Memoirs of Sir Robert Wal- + Vol. 3. pole, vol. 3, p. 532, 53(J. Q06 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. choly scene ])etwccn us, to expatiate upon. I must only desire you to be persuaded, that I have used my utmost instances and credit with my brother, and that he has exerted, in the best and strongest manner he could, his with the king, to obtain what you desire, and what you so much deserve. And, lest any impression, which is too usual in cases of dis- appointment, should catch hold of you, to make you imagine (thougli you will forbear saying it) the contrary, I send you inclosed the letter I received from my brother on this occasion, but in the greatest confidence, desiring you will return it to me with that which accompanies it from the lord Chancellor to Sir Robert Walpole on my subject, that you may see the whole state of this affair, and make your proper and most prudent reflections with respect to your own interest, and take your measures ac- cordingly." " Hague, Sept. 4, 1739' I have been this day favoured Mith yours of the 20th and 2]st* and you will see by what I wrote to you already, that there is nothing I believe that can be imagined to shew that you deserve, and his majesty's service requires, your coming hither, upon the foot you desire, that I have not represented to my brother; and I am fully persuaded that my brother has represented, with all his skill and credit, the same things to the king; and therefore I cannot agree with you, (pray don't suspect my friendship, for indeed I don't deserve such a suspicion,) that you should persevere in your hopes that our roi/al master •mai/, upon reflection and proper representations of the nature of things, and of his service at the Hague, be inclined to, &;c. The conclusion of which is in your mind, that Sir Robert Walpole has not convinced you of his having done his best for your service; which reflection, believe me, between you and me, and I can assure you it goes no farther, my brother does not deserve. " Pray now, dear Trevor, what does lord Harrington say to you on this subject ? Does he, who has often seen his majesty, and knows his temper, imagine there is the least probabihty or possibility of my brother's being- able to compass this point ? I protest I don't know the particular things which the king says, when he gives his refusal ; but perhaps if we did know, it Avould * * * * -j- you and me more than the refusal itself But, ill * See Memoirs, vol. 3, p. 540, 541. t Illegible, probably convince. C H A P T E R 20. 207 in short, that notliing may be concealed from you, I send you, and to you alone, the letter I have received on this disagreeable subject, this day, from my brother. That part which relates to myself, would have made any one, that is not so intimate as I am with you, have forborne making such a communication ; but as I can assure you that I shall be governed by no concern for myself, because I don't care how soon I retire, not only from hence, but from all business, so you Avill see that my brother's sincere thoughts are, that my pressing to come home, and his pressing the king to send you in my place, on the foot we all desire, will have no other etfect than to provoke his majesty to call for the nomination of another minister for the Hague ; and although our friends may be so par- tial to us, yet his majesty, I am afraid, will not, as to think that we are the only persons that can serve him at this place. The apprehension of a con- tingency, against Avhich you apprehend your philosophy Avould be a proof, strikes and affects me very much, though it did not occur until you men- tioned it ; especially considering that a person, who is, I am afraid, more in his majesty's favour (for princes take fancies and humours for persons) than either you or I, will soon return from his emiployment, where he had 81. a da.y. But I have troubled you and myself too long upon a most disagreeable subject. Let not, dear Trevor, your personal desires and dis- appointment alter your personal friendship and regard for those that have it not in their power to prevent this disappointment." " Hague, Sept. 11, 1739. I have received your favour of the 28th *, returning me the papers I sent you, and I am glad to find you are fully convinced of my brother's cordiality and seriousness in endeavour- ing to procure for you what you desire, and so well deserve. I must own freely to you, that my suspicion of your not being perfectly easy in that respect, made me not venture, for fear of incurring something of the same nature, to write to you directly myself, my opinion as to what you should determine to do, upon the supposition that his majesty Avas absolutely de- termined not to allow you any more than 51. per diem, and that the 3l. was absolutely desperate. For I know how unwilling every body is to be- lieve any thing impracticable which they have at heart, and is reasonable too ; and I don't doubt but when you state your case to all your friends and * Memoirs, &c. vol. 3,. p. 546. 208 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. and relations, tliey will entirely approve the reasonableness of your de- mand, and that you should not accept the post there at less than 81. per diem. But have you stated to them tlie impossibility of obtaining from liis majesty any more at present than 51. and the consequence of another being named in your room, and your being put out of your rank of bu- siness and preferment, and of his majesty being disobliged, and that your future hopes and expectations must depend upon some contingency at home, in consequence of your merit and the interest of your friends and relations ? all which are certainly very great, and I think you can yield to nobody in these respects. " But don't be uneasy at Avhat I am going to say. There are a great many others who have, or pretend to have merit, have great friends and relations, have served a considerable while in parliament, have solicited for vacancies, have been disappointed, have hopes and promises upon new vacancies, of such places as you would desire and accept, which are not near so numerous as there are competitors. Joined with these considera- tions, the humour and predilection of our master, when various pretend- ers are named for a place ; I say, dear Trevor, I am afraid these things have not been stated by you to your friends and relations ; nay, perhaps they have not occurred to you, and indeed they cannot occur to you in so strong a light as I see them ; because you cannot have had that op- portunity of seeing them in that light, although my brother has hinted something of that nature tenderly to you, and tenderly only for fear of disobliging, and being thought to give a preference to others. " After having said all this, you may equally depend upon my friend- ship at home as well as abroad, though you must not depend upon the success of it : I am, after having said this, by no means averse to my brother's making another trial with the king in your behalf ; but I hope that trial will be soon, and in consequence your determination too ; for I find we shall be at cross purposes : you defer making your option until my return home is fixt, I defer sending for the yacht until I hear you have made your option, and I think it is absolutely necessary, both for your sake as well as mine, that you should be here some time before I leave this place, if you intend to be here at all. I shall therefore write by this post that the yacht may be sent for me ; for as the States of Hol- land CH A PTER 20. 209 land will, I hope and believe, come to some resolution upon the ten men of war during- this meeting-, and that will, I am afraid, be taken ad refe- rendum by the provinces ; or if Plolland should put it off again, it will be so long before they resume it, that I don't see that there Avill be any occasion for my staying after the separation of the present assembly of Holland. * * * " On reflection, I shall not write till next post for the yacht ; your friend Charles will go over Avith the mail, and if he will be free enough, he will tell you what your friends (I mean nobody but his brother and the greifier, for I have acquainted nobody else, besides iMilling, with 3 0ur difficult situation,) think you should do, if you are reduced to the extre- mity I apprehend. Remember, once upon a birth-day, a great string- of coaches following one another close to get to St. James's, a person in a very fine equipage and clothes went out of the rank, because he was afraid he should not get there so soon as he desired, and, according to his dress, deserved. But being once out of the rank, other coaches proceeded in his place, and he did not get to court until the drawing-room was over." Mr. \yalpole having at length persuaded Mr. Trevor to accept the post of envoy, and by unceasing importunities obtained his own recal; " You will see," writes lord Harrington to him, in a private and particular letter, dated September 1 1, 1739, " by my dispatch to you of this day, that the king has complied with your request of returning to England, whenever you shall think it may be done Avithout prejudice to his majesty's service ; and you will also find, in the same letter, that Mr. Trevor is appointed to succeed you, but as envoy extraordinary only. I can assure you, with the greatest sincerity, that every thing possible has been tried, both by his friends and yours, to procure for him, what you and he, and indeed I may say all of us, njost heartily desired ; but found it absolutely impos- sible. Nor had we much less difficulty to prevail upon Mr. Trevor to ac- cept of all that was possible to obtain of the king for him for the present. But as he has now submitted himself to the king's pleasure, I can't but hope that a little time will procure for him what he so much desires. Mr. Weston will have acquainted you that the project of an answer to the Spanish manifesto, which you sent hither, has been extremely approved ; E e and 210 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. and that orders liave been given for printing it in the manner you de- sired." In consequence of this permission, Mr. Walpole took leave on the 13th of October 1739, and quitted the Hague with much joy to himself, but to the great regret of the States, which they expressed in their reply to the king's letters of recal, in a manner highly honourable to their own. feelings and his character : " We have so perfect a confidence in the probity of the said embassa- dor extraordlnaiy, whose person and ministry here have been most agree- able to us, that we willingly refer ourselves to the report he shall make to your majesty on this head. We regret his leaving us, because we looked upon it as an advantage to have such a minister residing m ith us^ endowed with extraordinary talents, a vast capacity, and. uncommon prudence, confirmed by long experience, of which he has given proofs, in every thing that he has had to treat here, as well as of his noble zeal for your majesty's service, and his laudable earnestness to cultivate and ce- ment the happy union between 3^our majesty and our republic, and the good understanding between the two nations; two points M'hich are, and ever will be, the object of our wishes and desires.:' CHAPTER 21. 1739—1740. Mr. JValpole returns to EnglandSupports the Convention with Spain — Proposes an Alliance with Prussia — Origin and Progress of the Anti- pathy between the Houses of Brunswick and Brandenburgh — Death of Frederick [Filliam — Plan of a Grand Alliance. ON his return to England, Mr, Walpole found the people in a state of ferment and agitation, wild with schemes of vengeance for the Spanish depredations, and sharing in imagination the treasures of Peru and Mexico*. He was not, however, hurried away with these dreams of vengeance and conquest ; he had uniformly promoted the pacific system of his brother, and united with him in opposing the precipitate declaration of war. "About this time," to use the words which conclude his Apology, ** the depredations of the Spaniards on the british commerce in the West Indies, encouraged by the turbulent spirit of the queen of Spain, and out of resentment for the great illegal trade, carried on, contrary to treaty, by the English, with the spanish-american coast and ports, had given a handle to the disaffected and discontented party, increased by the accession of those in parliament who belonged to the court of the late prince of Wales, to raise a great ferment in the nation, to occasion warm debates in parliament, and strong resolutions and addresses to the crown, against such violent proceedings ; with an advice to his majesty to try once more amicable measures to obtain reparations, and to prevent the like injuries * In a confidential letter to Mr. Trevor, me, a war with Spain inevitable. But that is dated March iG, 1739, he thus describes the not the question; ambition, avarice, distress, agitated state of the public mind : " I am disappointment, and all the complicated vices afraid that the words of the address, with regard that tend to render the minds of men uneasy, to searching, are already so strong, for the sake are got out of Pandora's box, and fill all places «f popularity, as to make, between you and and all hearts in the nation," E e 2 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. injuries for the future. In consequence of which, a convention was ne- gotiated and conckided with Spain, by which that king acknowledged our grievances, agrcet! to pay in three months a certain sum in satisfaction, and to discuss and deiermine in five months, by plenipotentiaries on both sides, the respective complaints, in order to put a final end to all difler- ences between the two nations. This convention, after a long and solemn debate, was approved by parliament ; but most of the members of his majesty's council, excepting Sir Robert Walpole and his brother, were so alarmed, and betrayed such apprehensions of the popular discontent and cries, that their catholic majesties, being informed of it by their minister in England, and convinced that these clamours would force his majesty and his ministry into, war with them, refused to make the pay- ment of the money stipulated for satisfaction, at the stated time; and consequently a rupture ensued between the two nations, in which France privately supported the Spaniards, while neither the Emperor nor the States seemed disposed to take any part." From this period Mr. Walpole remained in England ; but held no osten- sible place under government. He did not, however, intermit his po- litical labours; but continued the same attention to public business, and supplied the cabinet with numerous papers, deductions, and memorials, relative to the conduct of foreign affairs, during that critical period ■which immediately preceded and followed the death of the emperor Charles the Sixth. His sagacity led him to foresee that the war with Spain must occasion a rupture with France, and appreciate the necessity of forming some plan of united measures to counteract the preponderance which that power had always acquired on the continent. He Iiad no reliance on the co-operation of the emperor, whose rash and impolitic schemes had re- duced his country to a state of weakness and degradation*. Charles had no sooner concluded a pacification with Fiance, Spain, and Sardi- nia, than, in alliance with Russia, he attacked the Turks, with the san- guine * In one of his letters to Mr. Trevor, he says, ** We find they ( he court of Vienna) begin to open their eyes; it is better they should do it themselves, than we should pretend to lift up their eye-lids for them ; for we can't make them see if they have a mind to be blind : and if that be the case, things are well enough." January 25, 1738—9. CHAPTER 21. 213 guine hopes of procuring an indemnification on the side of Hungary for his losses in Italy. But the disasters of a single campaign compelled him to desert his ally, and purcliase a dishonourable peace, vmder the dic- tates and mediation of France, by the cession of Servia and the important town of Belgrade. His finances were exliausted, and his armies reduced and dispirited. Mr. Walpole well knew, from long experience, that the States would not take an active part in opposition to France, unless the barrier towns were put in a state of defence, and unless they were secure of being supported by an army, not depending on the uncertain contingents of the austrian levies, but effective in the field. On considering the situation of the eu- ropean powers, none appeared capable of promptly contributing this sup- port, but the king of Prussia, who had an effective army of 80,000 men, and possessed a considerable treasure in reserve. Both Mr. Walpole and his brother had long urged the policy of forming an alliance with Prussia ; but their proposals met with insuperable difficulties, from the inveterate antipathy between the houses of Brunswick and Brandenburgh, which orioinated in the reions of Frederick William and George the First. Frederick William was nearly connected in blood and marriage Avith George the First ; he v>'as son of his sister Sophia Charlotte, and had espoused his daughter Dorothy. On the death of queen Anne, he offered to support the right of his father-in-law to the british throne with all his forces, and for many years continued to treat him with marks of high respect. They shared together the spoils of Sweden in 17 IG, and co-operated in many schemes of gcrman politics ; the bands of amity were drawn closer by the accession of Frederick William to the treaty of Hanover; and a double marri^ige Avas negotiated between the prince of Wales and a prussian princess, and the prince-royal of Prussia, afterwards Frederick the Second, and one of the english princesses. But this good understanding was interrupted by the capricious and brutal behaviour of Frederick William to his queen and children, and by his defection from the alliance of Hanover. Hence arose the suspension of the marriage contracts, and the coolness between the two monarchs continued till the death of George the First. George the Second brought to the throne, in addition to political rea- sons. 214 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. sons, a personal antipathy to his brother-in-law. Having been associates during their youth, their discordant tempers had inspired them with mutual contempt, and their aversion was heightened by a disagreement relative to the will of George the First. The british monarch, in allusion to the minute attention of Frederick William, to his military arrangements, and his uncourtly manners, called him " My brother the corporal;" while Frederick, retaliating on the punctilious etiquette of George the Second, styled him " My cousin the dancing-master." The negotiation for the double marriage between the two sovereigns contributed to increase their irritability ; and Frederick William frequently de- clared, in his paroxysms of passion, " that he had already too much of the Brunswick blood in his family, and should think himself culpable if he admitted more*." His anger was also roused by suspicions that the attempt of the prince-royal to escape from his dominions was made at the suggestion of the english court ; but his fury was inflamed to the highest degree, by the treatment of his recruiting parties in Hanover, and the arrest of his agents for kidnapping men from England. Agents from Frederick William having enticed several tall men to en- list in the prussian service, their relations and friends made repeated com- plaints to government; and two of his german emissaries were arrested for attempting, by large offers, to enlist a corporal of the guards. Mr. Wal- pole transmitted to Mr. Guy Dickens, the british envoy at Berlin, the act of parliament by which the offence was made capital; desiring him to lay it before the prussian ministers, and represent the necessity of dis- continuing so illegal a practice. As baron Borck, the prussian mi- nister, was proved to be the principal manager and most active director of such enrolments, representations were made for his recal ; but Frede- rick William, declaring that he would not be prescribed to by Eng- land, restored him to his mission : he also threatened, that, should his envoy be contemptuously received, the english minister at Berlin should be treated in the same manner ; and if Borck "was desired to withdraw from England, he would instantly order Guy Dickens to quit the prus- sian dominions. He also gave him an additional pension of jOOO crowns, which, as the prussian ministers insinuated, was granted because the English * Polnitz, Histoirc des quatre derniers Souveraines de la Maison de Erandebourg, torn. 2, p 208, CHAPTER 21. 215 English had complained against him. George the Second, Incensed at these insults, sent orders from Hanover, not to receive Borck as the Prussian envoy. It was now apprehended that Frederick William would carry his threats into execution, by instantly dismissing the english envoy ; and Mr. Guy Dickens entertained the same suspicions, on being unexpect- edly summoned to a conference with the prussian ministeis of state. To his astonishment, however, no notice was taken of Borck ; but two objects of complaint were brought forward : the first related to the arrest of the prussian agents in England; and the second point," to use the words of Mr. Guy Dickens, " was a personal quarrel tome, about a dog belonging to one af my neighbours, Avhich some of my servants stole away, not long since, because he had been very troublesome to the "vvhole family. This affair was treated in a very serious manner, and as if they had a mind to make me believe that the stealing away of a prussian dog was a matter of much greater consequence than the stealing away several score of our master's subjects. But this most important dispute was at last settled ; the ministers promising me that my neighbour should be no more troublesome to me, and I agreeing to make him a fev/ apolo- gies for the too warm zeal my servants had shewn for my repose and their own. So that if I am to be served with a consilium abetnidi, or any other out-of-the-Avay compliment, it will entirely turn upon the answer I sliall receive from Englanel, upon the affair of the prussian agent*." The dispute relating to Borck and the agent occasioned " a paper war,"' as Guy Dickens calls it, between lord Harrington and the prussian mi- nisters ; and Frederick William became calm or warm as the situation of Europe rendered him of greater or less consequence. This unfortunate misunderstanding, between two sovereigns af the same family, and of the same religion, had given great advantage to the french interest in Germany, and crippled the effoi ts of the house of Aus- tria. Sir Robert Walpole was the only minister who had ventured to re- present the policy of a reconciliation with the king of Prussia, and endea- voured to overcome the repugnance of George the Second. H is efforts were • Mr. Guy Dickens to Mr. Tilson, Berlin, March 2, 1737. tlQ :\IEMOrRS OF LORD WALPOLE. were ineffectual ; but as the health of the pi ussian monarch tlecHned, he looked forward to the accession of Frederick the Second, with hopes of effecting a reconciliation between the two houses. With this view Mr. Walpole, in the beginning of 1740, drew up some thoughts on the utility of an alliance with Prussia, occasioned by the approaching death of the king. Frederick William died on the 31st of May 1740, and was succeeded by his son Frederick the Second. This illustrious prince was in the 28th year of his age when he ascended the tlirone, and aspired to rival Cffisar, both with the pen and the sword. An army of 80,000 the best disciplined troops in Europe, and a considerable treasure, rendered him the arbiter of Germany, and placed in his hand the power of pacifying or convulsing nations. He was instantly and assichiously courted by the principal states of Europe ; Berlin became the centre of multifarious negotiations, and the Avily monarch complacently listened to the respec- tive overtures, without adopting a decisive line of conduct. He temporised with more prudence and discretion than Avas expected from a young and spirited sovereign; until a scene of action should present itself worthy of employing those talents for the cabinet and the field, with which nature had endowed him, and which education and reflection had matured. A favourable opportunity now occurred to the british cabinet for re- newing the antient and natural connection between sovereigns so nearly related by blood, which might be rendered highly advantageous to botli parties. Accordingly, soon after the arrival of George the Secontl at Hanover, a negotiation for a new defensive alliance between England and Prussia was opened, with reciprocal professions and promises, which seemed to ensure success. But, in the course of this negotiation, the exorbitant claims of Prussia on one side, and the petty interests of Hanover on the other, obstructed its progress, and delated the con- clusion. Neither party was actuated by serious intentions, and both were desirous rather to impose upon each other, than to form a solid and well-grounded alliance. On both sides extreme jealousy prevailed, and both were anxious to discover the inclinations of each other, before they explained their own. No precise stipulations were brought forwards j CHAPTER 21. 217 forwards ; only general insinuations made ; and those particular interests which each sovereign had at heart were studiously concealed from vieAV. The minister was merely consulted for the sake of form ; and the whole business being conducted by the king, or by lord Harrington un- der his direction, Mr. Walpole well observes, in a letter to his brother ; a negotiation carried on in so loose and general a way, b}' bounding the ball from minister to minister at Hanover, and from Hanover to England, without learning in a confidential manner the sentiments of both kings, on the points they have each at heart, the negotiation would be merely an amusement, and that amusement would produce jealousy, and jealousy a coolness, which would end in the usual family aversion, and constant opposition, in their respective interests, both as kings and electors ; for which the emperor, according to his perverse politics, would not be son\ij, and of which the French would not fail to make a solid advantage, and would find means to gain the prussian court, which means were not diffi- cult to foresee*." Notwithstanding, however, these unfavourable appearances, and the impolitic behaviour of George the Second, Mr. Walpole did not relinquish all hopes of success. He even formed a plan of a confederacy, to unite Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Saxony, with England and Holland, in one grand defensive league, as a counter-balance to the power and efforts of the house of Bourbon, should France, as he expected, come forwards to the assistance of Spain. The plan, being submitted to Sir Robert Walpole ahd the duke of Newcastle, was highly approved by bothf ; and Mr. Trevor spoke the language of the whole diplomatic corps, when he observed, in a letter to INlr. Walpole, dated July 12, 1740, "lam ready to subscribe wiih both my hands to all your notions of affairs at Berlin, and think, till that essential link is clenched, all our northern affairs will be an arrant cobweb." Meanwhile the court of Petersburgh was sounded ; and the empress Anne, the implacable enemy of France, appeared inclined to co-operate. At the same time, secret application was made to the court of Vienna, and the ♦ Mr. Walpole to Sir Robert Walpole, August 1 8, 1 740. + The Duke of Newcastle to Mr. Walpolcj Oct. 9, 1744. Ff 218 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. the emperor, who was provoked with the duplicity, and alarmed at the aspiring views of France, Avould renew his antient connection with the maritime powers. In conformity with this plan, instructions were forwarded to Mr. Robinson at Vienna, and directions framed for the re- spective ministers abroad ; when the deaths of Charles the Sixth, and of the Czarina, deranged the measures of the cabinet, and gave a new aspect to the system of european politics. &19 CHAPTER 22. 1740. Death of the Emperor Charles the Sixth — Accession of Maria Theresa — - Motion in Parliament for the Augmentation of Troops — Speech of Mr. JValpole — Invasion of Silesia by Frederick the Second — Attempts of the British Cabinet to reconcile Austria and Prussia — Mr. JValpole' s Let- ter to Mr. Robinson on the Conduct of the Austrian Court — Combina- tiofi against Maria Theresa — Convention of Neutrality with Prussia — Mr. JValpole appointed Teller of the Exchequer. THE death of the emperor Charles the Sixth, on the 20th of October 1740, totally altered the system of affairs in Europe. The great ob- ject of his policy, during his whole reign, had been to establish the pragmatic sanction, by the solemn guaranty of the european powers ; and he succeeded with all, excepting the elector of Bavaria, who had claims on the succession, in consequence of his descent from the im- perial family. In virtue of this act, his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, •who had espoused Francis of Lorrain, great duke of Tuscany, was pro- claimed queen of Plungary and Bohemia, and succeeded to all the here- ditary dominions of the house of Austria. The indivisible succession of these dominions, as a counterpoise to the growing power of the house of Bourbon, was an object of the highest im- portance to Great Britain ; and it was evident that different claimants would appear, and that some would be supported by France, notwith- standing her pacific professions. In this situation of affairs, it became a matter of necessity as well as policy for Great Britain to augment her forces ; the standing army was accordingly increased to 51,515 effective men, exclusive of Ireland. But this augmentation was censured with F f 2 great 220 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. great acrimony, and an address against the measure moved in the house of lords, which was negatived only by 67 against 49*. The question M^as agitated in the house of commons with equal acrimony ; but no speech on either side appears in the debates, excepting that of lord Gage, which ho\s^ever is sufficient to shew the temper of the times, when this necessary measure for the defence of the country, was reprobated as an attempt to enslave the people. " I must own," he said, " I can see but one reason for raising, at this present juncture, this addi- tional number of troops, and that is, to strengthen the hands of the mi- nister against the next elections, by giving him the power of disposing of commissions to the sons, brothers, nephews, cousins, and friends of such as have interest in boroughs ; into some of which, perhaps, troops may ])e sent to procure the free election of their members, in imitation of the late czarina sending her troops into Poland to secure the free election of a kingt." Mr. Walpole took an active share in this debate. After stating the obligations of England to support the indivisibility of the austrian suc- cession, as well in consequence of the barrier treaty, and the guaranty of the pragmatic sanction, as from the policy of preserving such a bulwark against the preponderant power of France, he observed ; " The emperor is since dead; his dominions, pursuant to the pragmatic sanction, are de- volved upon his eldest daughter, who has, in consequence, the titles of queen of Hungary and Bohemia. She has indeed at present no disturb- ance in her possession of the whole succession ; the casus foederis for our assistance does not exist, but nobody knows how soon it may exist. France has declared, in general terms, that she will stand by her en- gagements ; ^^but the elector of Bavaria, ever devoted to the will of France, has laid a claim to all the dominions of that house; and although his first pretended title to that succession has been proved groundless, he still continues to insist upon his pretensions for other reasons ; and not only he, but the electors Palatin and Cologne, have refused to recognise t]ie arch-duchess, and consequently there is a foundation laid fur disturb- ance ; for it is hardly possible to imagine, that the elector of Bavaria would persevere in his claims, if he did not flatter himself with the hopes of • Tindal> vol, 20, p. 43 0. + Chandler's Debates, vol. 1 1, p. 388. CHAPTER 22. 221 of some greater support than his two relations, the electors, in opposition to all the rest of the germanic body. I heartily wish that he may be dis- appointed ; but surely, from the gloomy appearances of a war in those parts, common prudence requires his majesty to have in readiness, upon a sud- den emergency, a body of troops to answer his engagements. By the treaty of succession and barrier, his quota is 10,000 men; by that for guarantying the pragmatic sanction, 8000 foot and 4000 horse. The king has already 6000 Danes, and 6000 Hessians ; but should the war break out on the continent, upon so dangerous a principle as that of di- viding the austrian dominions, that number would by no means be suffi- cient to ansvs^er the quota which his majesty would be obliged to furnish." He then urged the imprudence of relying on the pacific declara- tions of France, that she would not disturb the tranquillity of Germany, when she had already dispatched two fleets to thwart our operations in the West Indies, wliich would probably occasion a war in Europe, and might lead to the invasion of this country. " France," he said, " has already experienced the danger and risk of executing her views on the side of Flanders ; but an immediate attempt upon theic dominions, has never, or indeed but faintly been tried ; and our enemy will measure the prospect of their success, by the condition we are in to resist them. In the last great Avars, the numbers of our british forces were considerable, and the greatest part of them employed abroad, because the efforts of our enemies were made in foreign parts. We had not then in Great Britain above 9000 men, and the French nothing but their militia upon their own coasts. At the same time our fleets, manned with 40 or 50,000 men, Avere Avithin our sight and call. Besides the cruisers and convoys to protect our trade in the West Indies, Ave never before had a considerable squadron there; at present the royal navy may be said to be employed in America, a thing- unknown till now. Does not, therefore, the nature of this Avar, (should a neighbouring poAver come to an open rupture Avith us,) require a disposi- tion of our forces different from former Avars, Avhen the Avhole scene of ac- tion Avas confined to the operations by land, and our fleet might be em- ployed in defending our coast? He then adverted to the facility with Avhich France could collect a number 222 :memoirs of lord walpole. number of men and ships, and transport them to England, before we could draw together a sufficient marine to oppose their attempts, particularly if supported by Spain, who had at the beginning of the war assembled 7000 men on the coast of Galicia, for an expedition against Great Britain. " But supposing," he concluded, " we could flatter ourselves that a rup- ture might be chiefly confined to operations in the West Indies, M'ill not those regiments and seamen now proposed be absolutely necessary in all events? It must be several months before they be raised: in the mean time those already sent to the West Indies must, by the course of things and the climate, be extremely diminished and want to be recruited ; and can it be done any other way than by employing these troops, or making drauo'hts from others for those services? So that without an aus-menta- tion our present undertaking must be immediately stopt, or this country be exposed to the most imroinent danger. Indeed, all things considered, with regard to the state of affairs in Europe, and more particularly with regard to the situation of this country as to the war in which we are al- ready engaged, as well as that which seems to threaten us from a more formidable power, common prudence would rather call upon us for a greater augmentation than this now proposed, and that on account of the defence and security of this government, Avhich ought to be our first and principal care. Because, although foreign troops may be had cheaper than these, and would be more eligible, if the present motions and views of others made it most likely that the troubles would begin abroad ; yet surely when what we chiefly apprehend at this time is what immediately regards the welfare of this country, our own national troops are most pro- per to defend ourselves." Soon after the decision of this question, the apprehensions of the minister were justified ; the exhausted condition of the austrian finances, and the reduced state of the army, together with the youth and inexperience of Maria Theresa, tempted numerous pretenders to claim the austrian succes- sion. Besides the electors of Bavaria and Saxony, the kings of Spain and Sardinia revived obsolete pretensions, and France was preparing to in- terfere in the contest. While these complicated interests occupied the attention of Europe, the king of Prussia over-ran Silesia with a powerful army. CHAPTER 22. 223 army, and revived some antiquated claims of his family on the lordships of Lignitz, Brieg, Wolau, and Jaegendorf. He affected, however, to preserve the appearance of moderation, and offered, on the cession of those districts, to pay 2,000,000 florins, to renew his guaranty of the austrian territories, to conclude an alliance with Austria, Russia, and the maritime powers, and to assist in secur- ing the imperial crown for the great duke of Tuscany. These offers were indignantly rejected by Maria Theresa, and vast preparations for resist- ance were made through all parts of her hereditary dominions. The news of this unprovoked aggression excited general iudignation in England ; the selfish and imperious conduct of the court of Vienna was instantly forgotten, and nothing was remembered but the wrongs of a young, beau- tiful, and unoffending princess. The situation of England was highly alarming. In the midst of an unsuccessful war with Spain, on the eve of a war with France, dis- united from Prussia and the Protestant princes of the empire, with- out prospect of assistance from the Dutch or the northern powers, and loaded with the support of a sinking ally, Avho, in the lowest state of weakness and degradation, retained the haughtiness and obstinacy of past grandeur, the minister deeply felt the difficulties with which he was surrounded : he acknowledged the justice and policy of preventing the dismemberment of the austrian dominions ; but was aware that Eng- land and Austria alone could not resist the combination of the principal european powers. He therefore saw the necessity of an immediate accom- modation between Austria and Prussia, and urged the court of Vienna to accede to the demands of Frederick. But he was, at the same time, driven by the impulse of the nation, to propose a grant of 300,0001. to the queen of Hungary. At this crisis Mr. Walpole forwarded the views of his brother, and in a letter to the duke of Cumberland, records an anecdote which proves that the obstinacy of Maria Theresa was occasioned by the arts of opposition, and the ill-judged enthusiasm of the british nation. " At the request of lord Orford, a person (alluding to himself) having represented to count Ostein, the austrian minister in London, the great advantages or fatal consequences of agreeing or disagreeing with Prussia, that minister pro- mised 224 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. niised to lay what was urged before his court in favour of the propositions of Prussia. At the same time the parhament had voted 300,0001. for en- abling his majesty to make good his engagements with the queen of Hun- gary ; and a certain great man*, then in opposition, told count Ostein, that the subsidy did not proceed from the good disposition of the minis- try, but was extorted by the general voice of the parliament and people. The austrian minister accordingly changed his sentiments and language, and encouraged his court not to agree with Prussia ; because England would spend the last drop of their blood, and the last penny of money, in support of the queen of Hungary. The result was, that she obstinately rejected the alliance Avith Prussia, who entered into the measures of Erance. " During these transactions, Mr. Sandys made his celebrated motion for the removal of Sir Robert Walpole ; and, in the debate, the internal state of the country was represented as desperate, and the unfortunate aspect of foreign aifairs solely attributed to bis sinister influence. The minister defended himself with unusual ability, and the question was negatived by a triumphant majority. The parliament was soon afterwards dis- solved ; the king repaired to Hanover, in opposition to the remonstrances of Sir Robert Walpole t, and the Avhole kingdom was agitated with the struggles of the contending parties for the new elections. Mr. Walpole was chosen without opposition for the city of Norwich, and renewed his efforts to promote the accommodation between Austria and Prussia, which the loss of the battle of Molwitz, and the powerful combination forming under the auspices of France, rendered more necessary than ever. But numerous difficulties arose from the impolitic and tempo- rising conduct of the austrian cabinet, who, at one time deceived by the pacific professions of France, refused to purchase the alliance of Prussia, even by the smallest cession ; and at another, alarmed by the threat- ened combination, offered terms inadequate to the demands of the prus- sian monarch. Thus alternately swayed by hope and fear, the court of Vienna * Lord Carteret. + It appears from Mr. Walpole's letters to Mr. Trevor, that the importunities of Sir Robert Walpole had extorted the reluctant consent of the king to remain in England, in 1739 ; and that his unavailing attempts to pre- vent his majesty's departure, in rthis still more critical period, considerably affected his health. CHAPTER 24. 225 Vienna acted neither with vigour nor moderation. At this period a let- ter from Mr. Walpole to Mr. Robinson, Avill display their delusive hopes and perverse conduct, and the opinion which, from long experience, he entertained of the austrian cabinet. "Dear Sir, May 25, (June 5,) 1741. " Although you will receive and strictly follow such orders and inform- ations for your conduct as are sent you from time to time by those to whose province it belongs ; yet, perhaps, you will not be sorry to know the sentiments of an old friend and fellow-labourer, at this critical and important conjuncture, especially with respect to the behaviour of the court where you are employed, and you will, for your amusement only, find them contained in the enclosed papers, A and B, and this letter. " The purport of the first, in answer to the note delivered to you the beginning of last month, upon his majesty's recommending to the queen of Hungary an accommodation with the king of Prussia, you will have re- ceived from the office, with some corroborating motives, added by lord Harrington, to enforce that recommendation ; but the detail of the re- spective strength and forces for and against the pragmatic sanction, ac- cording to the measures to be pursued, being omitted, I thought that part too would not be disagreeable to you. I cannot forbear observing, on this occasion, that the way of reasoning by Mr. B n*, upon the amicable and confidential communication of his majesty's intelligence, re- lating to facts upon which the king grounds his instances for an accom- modation with Berlin, as if they had no other foundation but an artful imposition and amusement on the part of France to lead us into wrong notions and measures, astonished every body here, and made them carry their reflections relating to that gentleman to a degree not at all to his honour, nor for the advantage of his court : and indeed the treating the counsels of friends, built upon" such solid reasons, with so much indift'er- ence and contempt, and with such an air of knowledge and understand- ing, is the strongest evidence of a very bad, or a very weak mind ; or proceeds from a persuasion, that those with whom they treat are destitute of * Bartenstein, the austrian referendary, who siderable influence in the conduct of foreiga was employed to draw up the memorials and affairs, papers, and, though not of the cabinet, had con- G g 226 RIEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of common sense, or so mean and inconsiderable as not to deserve the least regard and attention. "These are the notions that prevailed here upon considering the paper de- livered to you the beginning of April ; and you will easily believe that the short, decisive, and peremptory memorial* put into your hands the begin- ning of this month will hardly meet with more favourable interpretations. The renewal of his majesty's instances, founded upon undoubted facts, which every day arise and confirm his former intelligence, is treated with the greatest slight and contempt, and, under colour of expressing a grate- ful sense of his majesty's and the parliament's zeal for the service of the house of Austria, they make the most forced and mistaken interpretations of those proceedings, as if calculated to prevent an accommodation with Prussia. But I shall not enlarge on this subject, because you will find my sentiments fully expressed in the paper B, for your own information, only, because you will govern yourself by the orders you will receive from Hanover on this extraordinary performance, which is certainly of a piece with Mr. B n's probable evidence of the cardinal's having no de- sign to infringe the pragmatic sanction, because he ha,d said, that France shall take no measures but what are necessary for securing herself, and vf iW not enter into a war, unless forced into it. This new guaranty of the paci- fic intentions of that power would make me smile, had it not so mischievous an effect upon the conduct of your court, whose bigotry, pride and pre- sumption, as if all mankind were made to be subservient to their views, I find, cannot be altered with any alteration of condition or circumstances. " That ungrateful and ungenerous principle, as if the maritime powers must save the house of Austria for their own sakes, still prevails ; and therefore that court may act, insist, refuse, or comply, as their great and superior station and nnderstanding shall dictate, without regard to the sentiments of their allies, who must follow, whether they are, or are not, willing and able. They have already had some reason to believe the con- trary ; and if they think the nation is so determined to support them as not to have the least concern for their own security, and that the blood and treasure of England must be spent in favour of the august house, prefer- ably * A refusal to comply with the king of Prussia's demand of Lower Silesia, including the town of Eresla\r» C H AFTER 24. 227 ably to the support and the preservation of their own rights and privileges, both of Europe and America, and that every thing must be abandoned for the sake of the common cause of the pragmatic sanction, they will certainly be mistaken ; especially when it Avill appear evident to all the world, that the queen of Hungary may save her succession by an accom- modation with the king of Prussia, and that it is impossible for the mari- time powers, were they ever so willing, to supply the want of the king of Prussia's assistance, and much less to balance the weight of his power in the scale against her. Will Mr. B — 's fulsome compliments to the extraordinary zeal of the british nation, or pompous assurance of a readiness in the States to follow so generous an example, increase 300,0001. to a million, and make 10,000 men 30,000? Will the flourish of his pen conjure up new forces ? Is it not evident that the great load of debts which lay upon England and Holland will not suffer them to make the same efforts as they did in former wars ; and that there wants an additional power, Avhich, by his own strength and expence, may supply the deficiency of what the ma- ritime powers could do, and did formerly? This power cannot be found any where but in the king of Prussia, and without him it is impossible to maintain the equilibre of Europe ; and when he is engaged, it must be his constant interest to act in concert with those that will act for the common cause; and, without his accession to the cause, I defy any body to shew any practicable scheme to withstand the formidable power of France; for, in this great and general question, the age and pacific temper of the cardinal cannot be considered. That is a reprieve so dubious and preca- rious, and may so suddenly vanish, that we must be void of common sense to take any measure from it ; and besides, the inability we are under from making the same efforts we formerly did upon the continent, with respect to our own strength and forces, the immense expence we must continue to bear to carry on the war in America, (which must be supported prefer- ably to all other points besides our defence at home,) so much beyond what was employed in those parts during the last two great wars, must be considered ; and indeed it is incredible : so that although these are trifies in Mr. B n's way of thinking, compared with the necessity of sup- porting the pragmatic sanction, with great deference to his superior un- G g 2- derstanding, 228 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. derstanding, he will soon learn that he knows nothing of the sentiments and language of the british nation, (which he pretends to understand much better than the king and his ministers, ) if he continues in that opi- nion. In short, the employing the 12,000 Danes and Hessians, and 300,0001. in favour of the house of Austria, in the strictest sense, is not only his majesty's quota, but the utmost effort he can make totis mribiis, consistent Avith what is necessary for the security of his own domi- nions, and for carrying on the war against Spain in America. But I have troubled you too long with the crude notions of a friend, which you may read at leisure, and lay aside as soon as read ; and if you guess at the au- thor, you need only let him know, by a short line, that you received his troublesome epistle, and are willing to pardon, for this time, the trouble he has given you." " P. S. May 26. Since writing what goes before, advices are received of the backwardness of Russia to march their troops for tlie support of the pragmatic sanction, occasioned, without doubt, as was foreseen, by the preparations of Sweden, and the fear, in so critical ^juncture, of dis- obliging the king of Prussia. The French have given orders to augment their regular troops with 45,000 men, which will make them 200,000 ; 30,000 more militia are to be raised, which v/ill' make them 60,000. A camp is making near Valenciennes, for 20, 000 men. " I would ask ]\Ir. B n, whether these steps are taken by France pour se garantir da mal, whether she is forced into them ? I would ask him again, whether, in case France should encamp 40,000 men on the frontiers of Flanders, which may have at the same time a regard to Eng- land as well as Holland, and march 40,000 men towards the Rhine, such motions only without a blow could not be such a check to the present guarantees of the pragmatic sanction, as to make it impossible to expect a sufficient force to act against the king of Prussia ? And I would ask, lastly, whether, in case so considerable an army could be got together as even to beat the king of Prussia in Silesia, whether we should be advanced one inch further towards promoting the pragmatic sanction? Nay, whe- ther that ])rince, by having immediate recourse to an alliance with France, and the enemies of the austrian succession, would not put it in more dan- ger C H A P T E R 22. 229 gertlian ever? In the mean time, Avhat can be clone, besides having a fleet in the Mediterranean, (where France and Spain, if once united, may soon have a stronger,) to prevent an union between these two powers with the king of Sardinia, (who will certainly get something out of these troubles, and who is offered nothing by the court of Vienna,) and in consequence of that union to prevent the loss of all Italy?" Such, however, was the infatuation of the austrian cabinet, that they continuedto rely on the pacific assurances of France, until her armies had penetrated into Germany ; and rejected the friendly and urgent remon- strances of the british cabinet, to secure the alliance of Prussia, by the cession of Silesia, until they were overwhelmed by their enemies, and com- pelled to yield that province to the prussian monarch, as the purchase of an uncertain neutrality. During the summer of 1741 Mr. Walpble resigned the place of cofferer of the household, wdiich was held only during pleasure, and was appointed one of the tellers of the exchequer, which, though at that time inferior in profit, yet was more eligible, because it was a place for life. £30 ]\IEMOIRS OF LOPxD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 1741 — 1742. Letters of Mr. JFalpole to ]\Ir. Trevor, on the Xeutrnlitii of Hanover, on the Feuds in the Cabinet, and on the State of Foreigji and Domestic yiffairs — Mr. JFalpole destroijs many of his Papers, on the liesignation 0/ his Brother. DURING the important summer of 1741, Mr. Walpole maintained a constant and interesting correspondence witli Mr. Trevor. Many of these letters are fortanately preserved ; they describe the feuds and di- visions in the cabinet, contain curious observations on the neutrality of Hanover, and display his opinion on the conduct of foreign affairs. Letters from Mr. JFalpole to JMr. Trevor*. " Wolterton, July 15, 1741. I have your favour of the 18th N. S. and heartily congratulate you upon the justice done to your parts and merits at the Hague f. You did the same to my brother, in returning him thanks ; for I am persuaded that his offices were earnest, and they had their weight, the king having promised him to do it at Hanover the day before his departure. I can assure you that I had no other merit than good ollices, and remembrance of you to my brother. But I pretend to no credit either in public or private matters at court, and the giving me the place of teller for Vfe was done grudgingly. I give, when in town, my opinion on foreign matters, in the private conferences ; but as it is not always agreeable to narrow electoral views, it is I believe seldom followed, and indeed minded till it is too late ; and when it is not agreeable, by what another person hears in the closet about mc, care is taken by the reporters to let me have the merit of it. But I should be very easy and contented, and * From the Hampden Papers. + The king was at last prevailed upon to appoint Mr, Trevor, envoy and plenipotentiary, with a salary of 8l, a day. CHAPTER 25. 231 and indeed transported, were I never to stir from this place again, provid- ed public alfairs were but tolerably well. *' I think there is a fatality attends the house of Austria ; and her days seem at last, as well as her power and glory, to be limited. Could any body have imagined, that, after the emperor's death, Bartenstein would have been trusted, and that too continuing under a french influence, and instead of being disgraced, he is more powerful than ever, and that instead of *, his regard for France acts more openly in her favour than ever. "As to the king of Prussia, I have as bad an opinion of him as you can have ; but we should at least have left him without excuse. And if we had gained him, but for six months, which I really think might have been easily done, that time would have saved the house of Austria and England. For, in the first place, his interest and glory naturally must have led him to an accommodation with Vienna, upon good terms, I own ; but not greater than the necessity of the times required ; and that he was in earnest to do it. Baron Truchses, who has the best credit with him, was zealously bent upon it, and would have undertaken to have done it ; but we were wavering, our views relative to Hanover made us go backwards and forwards, and at last danger and necessity fixed us seriously for a recon^ ciliation. But pride and bigotry will get the better, at the court of Vieijna, even of danger and necessity. Had we accommodated even for six months between Austria and Prussia, upon a foot that would have appeared to the world serious, the cardinal, desponding of an alliance with Prussia, would not have taken any one vigorous step, either to distract the dominions of Austria, or to divert the imperial crown from the duke of Lorraine. He would have solicited ; he would have intriguetl ; but he would have nei- ther employed men nor money sufficient for that purpose, nor would he have encouraged or supported, ta the degree he has done, Sweden to give trou- ble to Russia, and to tie up the hands of that powerful friend from acting in favour of the pragmatic sanction. The duke of Lorraine must have been made emperor ; and the king of Prussia, in conjunction with the maritime powers, and others who would have been associated to the common cause, must have continued firm to their true interests, if care had been taken to settle by common consent the aiiairs of Ost Prize, Mecklenburgh, and Berg and Juliers. • lUcgible. 232 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. JuHers; But we liave no great plan in view, or si/s feme siiivi ; we act by starts or fits : we will have tliis and that ; another shall not have any thing,, without giving us Vv^iat does not belong to us ; the Dutch are good for no- thing ; such a prince is a rascal, and such a minister a rogue ; the pride and backwardness of Austria have made all offers and projects now a rope of sand ; there are no two powers of a mind, about measures to be taken to save England. Embassador Belle Isle will make the emperor at Franc kfort, and marshal Belle Isle will carve out the austrian dominions as he pleases. We must wait to see what part these violent convulsions will take. Adieu." " Wolterton, August 10, 1741.* I had an opportunity to run over your conversation with the pensionary and greffier, about giving the Netherlands to the king of Prussia ; and am more inclined to the opinion of the first, than to that of my good old friend, for whose experience and judgment I have great deference, and should concur in it on this occasion, if it was a case that deserved, or could wait for, cool deliberation. But if the court of Vienna could have agreed to it without hesitation, the king of Prussia should, in my opinion, have marched immediately a body of troops to the Netherlands, as auxiliaries to her hungarian majesty, and to garrison the towns there for her, without declaring, or letting it at all have been known that there was any agreement or design to alter the property. And I must own to you, I would have had this done without letting our friends the Dutch into it, and have afterwards turned the matter into a negotiation ; that is to say, the queen of Hungary should, upon the Prussians marching that way, let the States know, not time enougli for them to have prevented it, or to have given France notice of it, that his prussian majesty had lent her a certain body of troops to garrison those places ; she being obliged to employ * During the course of the negotiation to general account of what had passed, between the conciliate the courts of Vienna and Berlin, the king of Prussia and lord Hyndford, to the pen- king of Prussia demanded the Austrian Nether- sionary and greffier, and send their thoughts on lands, as the price of his alliance. In a letter this new demand, taking care, however, not to to Mr. Trevor, dated Hanover, July 1741, leave them to think it is a notion encouraged by- lord Harrington acquaints him with this de- his majesty." inand, and adds, "The king does not know in Mr. Trevor executed this delicate commis- what manner thepropofal will be received by the sion with extreme address, and transmitted an austrian court ; yet, as it may not be rejected, account of his conference, in a dispatcli to lord wishes to know how such a scheme will be relish- Harrington, dated August 11, 1 74 1 j to which rd in Holland. He orders Mr. Trevor to give a Mr. Walpole alludes. CHAPTER 25. 233 employ her own forces in defence of the pragmatic sanction in other parts. I was thrown in a heap, when I found lord Harrington had given you orders to talk to any of the deputies upon it, lest France, by getting notice of it, should have attacked the Low Countries! This matter is now over; but the only great and insuperable difficulty I find in the whole affair, (not but there are many difficulties, considering the necessity of the case,) was the incompatibility of making a Protestant prince governor and master of so bigoted a country as the Netherlands, which the roman catholics would never suffer to be done. " Wolterton, August 22, 1741. I am favoured with yours of the 22d instant, N, S. I have indeed been in London, on particular business ; and, while I was there, assisted at several conferences relating to the pre- sent dismal situation of affairs, which are so bad, indeed, from several causes too tedious to mention, that I could not pretend to suggest a remedy ; and the state of the administration separated at such a distance, and I am afraid with such different views in the conduct of affairs, made it not reasonable for me to expect that my opinion could be of weight enough to be followed. " Lord Harrington's correspondence is governed by all the art and skill of an old courtier. He discovers his master's desires, without ex- plaining them freely and in confidence to others here, or giving his own opinion upon them : he pretends to leave the decision of questions pro- posed, to others here ; which questions he states in so strong a manner as puts them under a dilemma of either disobliging the king, or giving an opinion they think perhaps not for the interest of their country ; so that it is very likely that his majesty will return again, as he did last year, in no goo'd humour Avith his servants here. In the mean time, the notions of things and measures are not uniform on this side of the water. Popu- larity, and pomp, and glory, of old just and honourable principles, with regard to the liberties and the balance of Europe, and the freedom of our commerce, are carried on by some with a vehemence and extension beyond what the abilities and powers of this country can bear; so that there is no time to think coolly, or to act with uniformity. Pardon this digression, which is to yourself alone. My heart is full !" "Wolterton, Sept. 12, 1741. I have your favour of the 12th instant ; and although I am extremely concerned, I am not at all surprised at the H h melancholy 534 IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. I melancholy news you send me, because it is no more than a natural and obvious consequence of the fatal step, in not having gained the king of Prussia, and having sulFered him, in consequence, to fling himself into an alliance with, and even into the power of, France. However bad, uncer- tain, and unaccountable, the natural disposition of the king of Prussia might be, the securing of him only for this year, in favour of the prag- matic sanction, would have established the succession, and have chosen, if the allies pleased, the duke of Lorraine emperor. Had the king of Prussia been gained, the cardinal, we know it for certain, would not have sent three millions of florins to enable Sweden to beg-in the war against Russia ; Russia would consequently have been able to send 30,000 men for the service of the queen of Hungary ; the elector of Saxony, who has acted indeed a loose part from the beginning, encompassed by Hanover, Prussia, and Russia, must have follov/ed the views and motives of those powers ; the cardinal, who, until he had gained Prussia, pretended that he would not oppose the pragmatic sanction, would not have marched a man towards the Meuse, Munster, &c. nor trusted an army to the conduct of the elector of Bavaria. In short, the queen of Hungary's allies would have formed so compact and powerful a body on all sides, that they might have done M'hat they pleased in the choice of an emperor ; and as France will, and must, do now what she pleases, and I have not at all doubted, from the time the queen of Hungary refused to satisfy the king of Prussia's demands, and, what is the same thing, from the time the king of Prussia had signed a treaty with France, but this last power would march where she pleases, and choose what emperor she pleases, which will soon be, and without opposi- tion, the elector of Cavaria. In the mean time our friends the Dutch will act and talk by starts and fits, and, like a body over-run with complicated distempers, be agitated by various passions, or hopes, fear and despair in- termixt, sometimes with the appearance of some short-lived spirit and vigour ; and therefore, in this convulsed state of Europe, while the king of Prussia is so tied to France, and to the allies of France, I always consider what you hint at, and has been suggested, I suppose, to you from another quarter, of a neutrality Avith Prussia, as a mere phantom, that could signify nothing. Should the king of Prussia agree not to let his troops attack the electorate of Hanover, or to be employed on that side, then he would have more troops to employ elsewhere against the queen of Hungary, and per- haps CHAPTER 25. I 235 haps the electorate of Hanover would not be attacked. But, would not the French and the troops of Cologne keep the electoral forces, the hhed Danes and Hessians, in check, and make them entirely useless to the com- mon cause ? " What do you mean by saying, had a spirit appeared in England to act icp to the late addresses with respect to the electorate ? I must own, dear Trevor, I don't well conceive now how that would have disposed the Dutch to have been more attentive to that quarter. When the alarm came from Hanover, of the dangers that threatened those parts, 12,000 men were offered to be sent over. W^hy they were not sent for, nor what they would have signified had they gone, I must own I don't see. But you know, my good friend, that the Dutch were diverted from any attention for Hanover, by that having been made the first and principal condition of our actingat setting- cut in the beginning, which order was sent to you with the knowledge of no other minister but him that sent it, till it was gone and executed; and therefore don't impute any backwardness of the Dutch, with regard to Hanover, to the want of spirit in England for the support of those parts. That is not wanting ; it would have followed of course, had our primary views and actions been levelled and directed to the true point. But it is too late to look back, as well as disagreeable to you and me." " Wolterton, Sept. 19, 1741. O. S. I am favoured with yours of the 22d, and I find by Avhat you say, as well as from what I hear from other quar- ters, that the news of the conclusion of the Hanover neutrality was prema- ture ; but am of opinion, that, however lord Harrington may palliate the matter for the present, it will certainly be done ; and although we are, on this side of the water, entirely strangers to this whole transaction, and must acquiesce in it ; yet I am still surprised, besides being concerned at the thing itself, (as you as well as myself may be, for several reasons,) why you are under such uneasiness at the unjust reproaches of friends or enemies at the Hague, Indeed it is not pleasant being minister at a place where the people, with whom business is to be transacted, are out of humour at our master ; but it is some comfort to be able to shew them, that the}/ have no reason to be out of humour at what has happened. And how the pensionary can call it & private bargain, or piece of jockeyship, I can't imagine. He may be sorry for it, and see the inconveniencies of it ; but then his reproaches H h 2 should £36' MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. should fall upon his own people, and not upon the elector of Hanover, much less upon the king of England, (for I believe you still think it was concerted in England, which it was not,) though that is not a proper defence to be made on your side. "But I desire you will ask the pensionary, not by way of quarrel, but in a friendly manner, these plain questions. Did not the king of Prussia form an army of 30,000 of observation towards Magdeburgh, in order to check or attack the elector of Hanover? For what? why, according to the part our king should act in favour of the pragmatic sanction. Why are the French army to be joined by Palatines and Cologners, &c. marched towards Munster and Westphalia, in order to keep in check, or perhaps to attack, the electorate of Hanover ? For w hat ? why, for the part he has acted as king, by his speeches in parliament, in support of the pragmatic sanction, which the States should equally by virtue of the same treaty support. And, have the States taken one step towards that support, or to defend those that might be attacked for doing what they should do themselves? Will you ask of the pensionary, whether the king, when he found that 50,000 men were marching, without opposition, against him as elector, and he could not de- pend on above 30, 000 to oppose them, considering the behaviour of the Danes, and the desertion of Saxony, should have stood the shock, and ventured to engage against so powerful a force on such unequal terms ? And therefore, although you must say nothing for or against as suggested by me, (I am no minister, nor am I capable of giving you advice,) yet I cannot but be concerned to see you at a loss to know what to say to our friends, Avhich is to encourage them to take heart against those in the repub- lic that have by their dilatory managing, selfish principles, been the occasion of it ; and let them see, what you hint at yourself, their scandalous beha- viour in shewing plainly that they should suffer the king as elector to be torn in pieces, without giving him the least assistance to prevent his ruin, and yet reproach him in using the only means to prevent it. Therefore, the pensionary may be made sensible, that, as the king in February last asked for the assistance of the States to sui)port him as elector, and they refused to, give it him, that was the reason why the king was not able, though supported by England, with the 12,000 Danes and Hessians, to resist the powerful enemies that were in the march to attack him ; and therefore obliged to have recourse C H A P T E R 25. 237 recourse to the only means of salvation, which was neutrality ; and, ask the pensionary what other means of salvation was left for him, I believe he will not be able to tell you. "But I have done on this melancholy subject. It would indeed be a for- tunate thing if this neutrality was not concluded, considering the advantage the Russians have obtained over the Swedes. But the post stays, I have not time to read over my letter : pardon the faults !" "Sept. 16, 1741, O. S. The foreign dispatches having followed my brother and Mr. H. Pelham into the country, I have had an opportunity of perusing them, and yours among the rest, as far as the 12th of this month, N. S. I read what you had said to the pensionary upon his notable confidence, that the States intended to take no resolution of in- crease of vigour, until the season of action was over ; and I intended to have troubled you with some thoughts, to shew that preparations and mo- tions were the only way to make the cardinal halt, whose vigour was al- ways raised in proportion to the indolence, inactivity, and fear of his neighbours ; but the receipt of yours of the 19th has called forth another question. I do not in the least doubt but Mr. Van Hoey's views of a neutrality between Hanover and Versailles, and the allies of the last, with regard to Germany, is true; for no other neutrality (viz. with Prussia) could have signified a farthing ; and by some expressions in your letter, of the resent- ment it has occasioned with you against England, and what you hinted in a former letter, of our not acting up to the addresses with respect to the electorate, it looks as if some thought, and that you had given into the thought, (viz. ) that this neutrality was transacted, or encouraged, or occa- sioned, by concert with the ministry here, and from an unwillingness on their side to support the elector of Hanover, and the torrent of your agony and reflections seems to flow from that supposition ; than which nothing- is more groundless, let your intelligence come from any quarter whatso- ever ; that intimation may have been artfully flung out, 'tis evident with what design ; but it is not true. "You yourself know, that the security of Hanover, instead of being made the consequence of measures and operations, was always put foremost ; by a particular confidence between lord Harrington and the king, that point has employed, since their journey to Hanover, solely their attention there; and 238 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. and no confidence, nor concert of measures, taken with the ministiy here ; but after things have been resolved by hanoverian counsels, ensnaring questions have been sent, and asked, to procure a justification, from hence, of what was resolved before at the place from whence these questions came, but particularly in regard to a neutrality. It was at first intimated to be made with Prussia only, and then darkly hinted to be made with all the enemies of the house of Austria, (finding, I suppose, that the thoughts of doing it with Prussia only, so allied as the king was, must be impractica- ble or absurd.) Our fear increasing at Hanover, from the french motions, a question was asked, what assistance could be sent from hence to prevent the ruin of the electorate ? (and I dare say the resolution for a neutrality, in one shape or other, was then actually taken, and far advanced;) inti- mating, that, without a sufficient assistance, there was no way for salvation besides that of a neutrality. The answer returned was, that 12,000 men were ready, and would immediately be sent upon the first notice of his majesty's commands ; but that no more than 12,000 could be spared from hence ; and if it was not sufficient, the ministry here would not pretend to interfere in what his majesty might think necessary for the defence of his dominions abroad. Soon after I hear no requisition Avas made of these 12,000 men, but more questions asked, of so intricate a nature as re- ceived no other answer than the desire of his majesty's immediate return to England. "During this transaction, emissaries were sent to Saxony and Prussia, with instructions of real confidence in the first, that has been constantly playing the rogue, and with submissive and feigned good-will towards the last ; and at last one was sent to Paris, whose errand and instructions have been, and are still, a mystery to every body here. But they have, as it was natural to suppose, produced this neutrality. ** Surely, after all I have said, you will not call it a creature or child of England. I was a little concerned, I own, to see the tenour of your letters point that way. Far from being of opinion that the addresses in favour of the electorate should not be supported when 1 was in town, it was the unanimous opinion that they should, in the strongest and most effectual manner ; but no questions were ever asked, until it was plain that the resolution of Avhat shall be done was already taken ; and therefore the resentment against England on this head is entirely unjust. "But, CHAPTER 25. 239 " But, having said this much in great confidence, which you Avill easily behevc, from the nature of it, I would not have said to any body else whatsoever besides yourself, I must own, on the other side, that I think the Dutch, whether friends or enemies, have no just reason to com- plain ; and I think, when it is proper, and you have suitable orders for that purpose, you may easily shevv^ them how much they are in the wrong to censure this conduct, considering their behaviour. They were fairly asked, from the beginning, whether they looked upon Hanover to be included in our alliances, and what they would do in support of it, should the case exist ? They were afterwards pressed to speak and act with vigour, jointly with us, on this great occasion of the emperor's death. They indeed seemed to have spirit at first against the king of Prussia, (not for the sake of the pragmatic sanction, but lest that prince should thwart the particular views of Amsterdam ;) but this mag- nanimity soon dwindled into nothing; the principle which chiefly pre- vailed was, not to appear to act in confidence and concert with England without regard to Hanover ; although it was evident that the resentment of Prussia, against the king as elector, was on account of the part he was acting, as king, in behalf of the house of Austria, But England lost no time in providing 12,000 men, Hessians and Danes, their contingent for the queen of Hungary, and added 300,0001. which, I will be bold to say, was acting immediately totis viribus, considering the expence we were obliged to be at for supporting the war against Spain. During all this time, what one step did the Dutch take for the pragmatic sanction, for Hanover, if attacked on that account, or in concert with England? His majesty, at the same time, used his utmost and earnest endeavours to re- concile the courts of Vienna and Prussia. The States liked that, because it tended to peace, and made it a handle not to furnish their quota; but their ministers nowhere joined or concurred in that pacific measure, for fear of disobliging somebody or other, or of being thought to act in con- cert with England, although they are parties to the f * =* * * treaty, by which our mutual obligations exist with respect to the present juncture. Nor did they make the least step towards furnishing their quota, as they are obliged to do by virtue of every treaty, when ours M^as ready ; but, with t Illegible. 2i 0 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. with much ado, seemed disposed (although they have not that option by- treaty, ) to give it in money, which is not yet done, and must come so late as cannot possibly be of any service. *' This being the case, they have not made the least motion or over- ture in favour of the pragmatic sanction, in concert M'ith England, nor towards serving Hanover, when it M^as likely to be over-run with French, Palatines, Colognes, and Prussians, purely on account of what the king was doing, as king, in support of the cause which they are equally obliged to defend. For God's sake, with what face can either friends or enemies in Holland make as great an outcry as on the separa- tion of troops in 1/12? Separation from whom? From those that would never act either in arms or council with us. It is very possible the re- publicans may be loudest against what they like, and by that means push the neutrality to the Low Countries ; (I always thought a Hanover neutrality would be followed by that there) but the States have indeed acted with the most perfect neutrality ever since the emperor's death : and because the elector of Hanover was necessitated to save his own do- minions, for the preservation of which the States would not give one man or one farthing ; therefore England, that has made the greatest effort she could, and as much as sl>e was obliged to make for a cause in which the States, both in interest and obligation, are equally concerned, must be abused, and be the occasion of the States taking a step that must entirely put an end to all their obligations. " This way of reasoning, or rather railing, is abominable with regard to England ; (and although, as I said at first, I don't approve, between you and me, the conduct at Hanover, ) I can't see how anyone man in Holland can find fault with it, since t was chiefly occasioned by their own behaviour ; and therefore, dear Trevor, however the king be re- proached for having broke company — What company ? It cannot be said to be the Dutch, for he has never had their company, and was not likely ever to have it in time, or to any purpose ; and that you seem to say, by adding, that if the news of the neutrality be false, you are not the nearer in having their company. What company has the king then broke? he had 20,000 men of his hanoverian troops; he expected to have 12,000 Hessians and Danes ; but it was plain the first would not march. He de- pended CHAPTER 25. 241 pended upon 9000 Saxons ; there too he would have been deceived. He pressed, all he could, a reconcihation between Vienna and Berlin, which the stubbornness of the first disappointed. In the mean time 45,000 French, Palatines, &c. are marching in fidl career to attack him, per- sonally, at Hanover; and what do the Dutch do? The march of such numbers of french troops, in their very neighbourhood, alarms them, which occasions half a dozen warm speeches in the assembly of Holland ; and all this ends in nothing but taking measures to prevent civil broils at home. " Is there any man in Holland reproaches the king Avith what he has done, not only as king, (in which capacity he has acted up to his ob- ligations, ) but even as elector ? Wherever he is, he must be, dear Trevor, the most impudent fellow I ever heard ; yet 1 am sure I am as good a dutchman as any foreigner can be, and a great deal better than the F h and Van dayn, who are pensioners to France, or than H n, who is a mad republican, and would sacrifice his own country, and England, to die a martyr for that cause. After having said all this, I am persuaded it is but poor satisfaction to think that the States can reproach us, Avho are ten times more re- proachable than even Hanover, (for England has done her duty, ) and that altercations and expostulations between two friends, whose ruin or safety depend upon their entire union or separation, will only serve to hasten the first ; and you will, I desire you will, look upon this wiiole letter as private sentiments only, flowing from a concern to see that you think yourself at a loss to know what to say to the unjust reproaches that some may make on account of the hanoverian neutrality. I don't doubt but lord Harrington will be able to instruct you sufficiently on tliat head, and our friends must bedestitute of common humanity and charity, if they want arguments of recrimination to fling in the teeth of our enemies, who would revile us for a step which they themselves have been the oc- casion of. But you will pardon the familiarity of this hasty scrawl, which is much longer than I intended, from a flow of sentiments, and in consequence of words that came in as I was writing. * ' Your's most alfectionately, and for ever. " You will burn this; but I cannot help adding, that I hope, now the I i affair 242 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. affair of the empire is over ; our friends in Holland will think of means of saving the maritime powers, or let us know fairly whether each nation is to take care of itself." "Cockpit, Oct. 1740. There is such a contrast in our way of thinking and talking, and a mixture in some of dulness and cunning, that I don't expect much light from this chaos. Lord Harrington, as I am told, (for we have not seen one another,) says that a negotiation with Prussia is not desperate. His majesty, by a short conversation I have had with him, is far from thinking any such thing ; and I believe his lordship does not press him upon it, but atouUI have others do it, in order to get anger without any success, Avhile his lordship is all complaisance, and says nothing to incur displeasure. On the other side, the king was pleased to tell me, that you and lord Harrington had found the States very well disposed to assist him. I did take the liberty to let his majesty know that I heard they had declared the same thing to you as they had last year to me ; which was, that in case his majesty Avas attacked here, they would, and must go to his assistance. But I could not forbear add- ing, that unless they immediately set about an augmentation of forces, either by foreign troops or raising new regiments, should France, at the same time as she ventured to attack Great Britain, march a body of 5000 men towards Flanders, I could not see how the States could put that good-will in execution. I could perceive that his majesty's present plan is to go directly to the emperor, and to press him to put the empire in a condition to act. Whatever we should offer to his imperial majesty for this purpose, without having formed an alliance with other powers, I am afraid he dares not accept ; and the money, if taken, would be squan- dered away. I have, indeed, drawn out my notions *, too long to be sent you by post, and not M'orth the carriage. Two or three persons have seen them, and particularly our friend Mr. Poyntz and I have canvassed them over ; but we both think them so disagreeable to the present temper here, with respect to Prussia, that they will never be relished, and conse- quently will never be pressed by him whose business and office it is to do it ; and, therefore, I shall lock my thoughts up, and keep by degrees as much as I can out of the scene of foreign affairs. "I * He alludes to his project of a grand alliance^ CHAPTER 25. 245 I am fully convinced that the king of Prussia is against the formi- dable power of France ; nay, I know that, in his correspondence with ladies of wit here, he has said that he loved the french people, but that he hated the power of the crown, and must oppose it, although he was sorry for it. But I am as fully convinced that we do not think here of get- ting him. I believe I described to you the same person as you mention, to be sent to Berlin, and I named him here long before; but the duke of Newcastle does not care he should be engaged so far in business, and Sir Robert Walpole does not care to have him absent fiom the house of lords. ' But he that governs all, Avill not be disposed to make his relation so great a compliment at present : perhaps necessity, and finding all things standing still, may at last make an impression. I have suggested another plan, which is, that the russian court having declared that they cannot make an alliance with us, but in conjunction with otiier powers, (meaning particularly Prussia,) and having hinted that they intend to give us a counter project, in which they propose to include Prussia and Denmark, I would stay for that counter project, to make it the foundation of a grand alliance." " Nov. 27, 1741. I own I was a good deal concerned at the humble and submissive conclusion of our good old friend's answer to the com- plaint of Fenelon, relating to the supposed spurious treaty between France and Bavaria; the best ansM'er, in my opinion, would have been to desire to have seen the real treaty ; but we have not spirit enough to speak in that style. But, if my friends will believe me, a steady and" firm lan- guage * * * * in terms not at all offensive for their own security, and for acting in concert with their allies, to have the same engagements, and the same common cause for preserving the liberties of Europe, would have a greater effect upon the cardinal, than the most servile flattery and com- plaisance. For, as long as his eminence thinks he can get the better by appearances, without running the hazard of a blow, he will be led by others in France so far as to make it impossible to recoil, and they will force him to strike when he never intended it ; and let Amelot scatter his menaces as much as he pleases, if the States shew they have no effect to divert them from strengthening themselves, nor to hurry them into a neutral and indifferent state, the cardinal vvill soon make Amelot hold I i 2 his MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. his tongue, or a milder language. I speak from a knowledge of the man." #******# Soon after the date of this letter, the king returned to England, and opened the new parliament, which was followed by the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole*. I find no documents or papers in the Walpole Collection relative to this event. Mr. Walpole had long perceived and lamented the decline of his brother's influence, the perpetual bickerings with the duke of Newcastle, and the increasing feuds in the cabinet. He had repeatedly urged him to resign, particularly at the commencement of the Spanish disputes, when he might have retired with dignity and honour. But the natural attachm.ent which Sir Robert Walpole felt for long possessed authority, and the repeated exhortations of the king not to desert him at so critical an emergency, prevailed over this prudent advice ; and the minister re- mained in power until he was driven from his post by a triumphant oppo- sition. It is, indeed, a matter of extreme regret to all lovers of history, that ]Mr. W^alpole terminated his Apology for his own conduct, soon after his embassy at the Hague. He returned to England at a most critical time, when the violence of parties had arrived almost to -the highest point; when the unsuccessful operations in the West Indies began to render the "war with Spain unpopular, and involved in that unpopularity the whole administration, even the minister who had opposed hostilities; when the violent struggles took place for the new elections on the dissolution of parliament ; when his brother, secretly undermined by several members of the cabinet, deserted by many who called themselves his friends, and borne down by a strong opposition supported by the prince of Wales, was finally compelled to resign. The cabals to form a new administration, the separation of the hetero- geneous parts which composed the opposition, the efforts to bring the ex- minister to the block, and the secret means by which those efforts were defeated, would have received new light from the pen of Mr. Walpole. It is probable that the delicacy of the subject restrained him from com- mitting to paper events of such moment, in which the reputation, and even * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, ch. 69. C li A P T £ R 23. 245 even life of his brother were at stake, and in which the characters of so many persons were involved. But, perhaps, the springs of these events might have been traced from his papers and correspondence, had not the sanguinary spirit of that party, which pursued the minister to destruction, compelled Mr. Walpole to sacrifice numerous documents, of the most interesting nature, to his brother's safety. As the enemies of Sir Robert Walpole seemed desirous to impute to him alone all the measures pursued during his continuance hi office, apprehensions were justly entertained lest orders should be issued, by the committee of secrecy, for seizing the papers, not only of the minister himself, but even those of his brother. It became, therefore, prudent to destroy those documents which might, perhaps, involve the ex-minister in difficulties and danger. Accordingly JMr. Walpole Arent down to Wolterton and burned numerous papers, particularly a great part of the private correspondence between him and his brother, and other papers relating to this important period. 246 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 24. 1743 — 1744. Mr. T'Falpoh supports tlie Vote of SuppUj for the ]\Iaintenance of the Ha- noverian Troops, and oppose.^ the Motion for their Dismission — Divided State of the Ministry — Motives of his Conduct — Mr. Pelha??i appointed First Lord of the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer — His Cha- racter — Attempt of the French to invade England-— Zeal of the Parlia- ment and Nation. THE first public measure which called for the exertions of Mr. Wal- pole, after the resignation of his brother, was the motion made in the house of commons, the 10th of December 1 742, by Sir William Yonge, to grant the sum of 265, 1901. to his majesty, for defraying the charge of 16,000 hanoverian troops in the pay of Great Britain. This motion was ably combated by Pitt, Waller, and lord Quarendon, "who expatiated on the usual topics of declamation, that, since the acces- sion of the house of Brunswick, the helm of the British government had been uniforndy guided by the Hanover rudder. It was extremely embar- rassing to those members of the new administration who had vehemently opposed the measures of Sir Robert Walpole, as wholly subservient to the interests of Hanover. Mr. Sandys, chancellor of the exchequer, gave a silent vote in favour of the question ; but lord Percival*, in direct con- tradiction to his former principles, defended it with great ability. Mr. Walpole opposed the violent invective against Hanover with an assertion equally positive, though, perhaps, equally ungrounded ; that in no one instance had the interests of England been sacrificed to the inter- ests of Hanover, but, on the contrary, the interests of 'Hanover had al- ways been subservient to those of England. It must be confessed, that he maintained his position with extreme address, and supported his as- sertions with a luminous deduction of facts, from the treaty of Utrecht to the period in question. It would be needless to follow him through this • Afterwards Earl of Egmont, and author of the famous political pamphlet, " Faction Detected." CHAPTER 2(7. 247 this long deduction; but I cannot withhold a passage of his speech, M^hich exhibits the question of hiring foreign forces in its true light, indepen- dent of parties, time, and circumstances. " I have as good, and perhaps as just an opinion of our naval force, and of the bravery of our seamen, as any gentleman ; but let us recollect what a figure France made at sea towards the latter end of the last cen- tury, and even in the last war, during the reign of queen Anne. If we had then had no assistance from the Dutch, we sliould not perhaps have found ourselves such an over-match for the French at sea, as some people imagine we are ; and yet, during all that time, she kept up most nume- rous armies at land. What then have we to expect, should the whole treasure and strength of France, or the greatest part of both, be turned towards gaining a superiority, or at least an equality at sea? In the two last wars* , we gained, it is true, by the help of the Dutch, several great naval victories over the French ; but it was not altogether by those vic- tories we beat them out of that element. If I may be allowed the ex- pression, by land we beat them out of the sea. We obtained so great and so many victories at land, that they were forced to neglect their sea affairs, in order to apply their whole strength, both in money and men, to de- fend their country, I may say their capital. Therefore, if both France and Spain should join in a war against us, and we should have no one to assist us, nor they any enemy to fear at land, I Avould not have gentle- men vainly imagine that we should be in no danger of losing our superi- ority, even upon our own element ; and if we did, what dreadful conse- quences should v/e not have to apprehend ! " f Besides this speech, Mr. Walpole, in an animated reply to Mr. Pitt, adverted to some virulent pamphlets, which at this time deluged the pub- lic, and to which a contemporary historian alludes: " All these topics were blazoned out to the public, in a set of the most flagitious and inde- cent writings that ever appeared in England. The press did notnoM', as formerly, * Namely, during the reigns of king Wil- liam and queen Anne. + Chandler's Debates, vol. 14, p. 131. The speech of Mr. Walpole, on this occasion, was given in several periodical publications, and is preserved in Chandler. I have no doubt of its authenticity, as several of his other speeches, in the subsequent debates, appear to have been pub- lished verbatim from copies in his own hand- writing, which are among his papers. 248 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. formerly, point at the minister alone, but at his master, because of his double capacity of king and elector, and the people were, on that account, heated to distraction. It was easily foreseen, that if the opposition M^th- in doors should continue to be as strong as it was in the preceding ses- sion, the consequences to the internal peace of the kingdom might be fa- tal; and this consideration was the more serious, because a secret spirit of discontent began now to insinuate itself into some of the officers of the army, both at home and abroad, upon account of the hanoverian troops*." Among the pamphlets here alluded to, " The Case of the Hanover Forces in the Pay of Great Britain," Avritten by the earl of Chesterfield and Mr. Waller, made the greatest impression on the public mind, and called forth from Mr. Walpole his celebrated answer, " The Interest of Great Britain steadily pursued," which, in the space of three weeks, passed through three editions, and was of considerable service in remov- ing the prejudices excited by the declamations of opposition. At this period the king and his ministers felt the value of such essen- tial services ; for the war had now become unpoj)ular, a rupture with France was unavoidable, and the motley administration, who had succeed- ed Sir Robert Walpole, were weak, and divided among themselves; all, except lord Carteret, disliked by the king, and all Avithout the confidence of the nation. The ministry were divided into two principal parties ; those who had acted nnder Sir Robert Walpole, the duke of Nev/castle, secretary of state for the southern department, Mr. Pelham, pay-master of the forces, lord chancellor Hardwicke, the earl of Harrington, president of the council ; and this phalanx was supported by the dukes of Dorset, Richmond, ]\Ion- tague and Grafton. On the opposite side were lord Carteret, secretary of state for the northern department, the earl of Winchelsea, first lord of the admiralty, carl Gower, privy seal, and Mr. Sandys, chancellor of the ex- chequer; their subordinate co-adjutors, the duke of Bolton, and the mar- quis of Tweedale. The earl of Wilmington, first lord of the treasury, was little more than a cypher, being in an infirm state of health, and Avholly devoted to the king. The duke of Argyle was timid, and fluctuated be- tween both parties with his usual versatility. From * Tindal, vol. 20, p. 589, CHAPTER 24. From the formation of the ministry, on the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, the duke of Newcastle and lord Carteret had struggled for as- cendancy. Had great talents, a decisive line of conduct, and the fa- vour of the sovereign, influenced the contest, the scale would have pre- ponderated on the side of Carteret ; but he possessed the attachment of no party, and had little influence in cither house of parliament, besides what was derived from his abilities as a speaker ; while the duke of Newcastle was the chief leader of the Whigs, was seconded by the abilities of his brother Mr. Pelham, and supported by the weight and sterling sense of lord chancellor Hard wi eke. He was likewise aided by the secret influence of the earl of Orford, who prevailed on the king to place Mr. Pelham at the head of the treasury, on the death of the earl of Wilmington, in op- position to the earnest solicitations of Carteret, in favour of his friend and patron the earl of Bath*. This nomination took place while George the Second was reposing himself after his victory at Dettingen, and while he was conducting, through the medium of lord Carteret, those complicated negotiations which terminated in the treaty of Worms. The appointment of Mr. Pelham was so nnexpected, even to the duke of Newcastle, that he expressed his surprise in a letter to lord chancellor Hardwicke: " My Dear Lord, Whitehall, Tuesday night, 11 o'clock f. This evening a messenger arrived from the army with the enclosed agreeable, but most surprising news. I send you all I know of it, and beg you would send the letters back to me by this messenger, when you have read them. My friend Carteret's letter to my brother is a manly one ; and that to me, in many parts of it, has the appearance of a kind one. It is plain we have got the better of him, and our master has been surpiisingly firm ; but what has produced this, just at this time, I am at a loss to conceive. The use we are to make of it, and the answers, both private and public, will require great and immediate consideration. Mr. Scrope will carry the warrant through the several offices forthwith ; but perhaps (though I scarce believe it) Mr. Sandys, &c. may resign, and then there may not be a board, except Gybbon and G. Compton will remain, though the other two quit." This * See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 62. + Without date of the year or month, but endorsed by lord Hardwicke, " August 15, 1743, at night." Hardwicke Papers, Kk 250 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. This appointment gave no less pleasure to the Walpole party, and Mr. Fox writes to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, " A warrant is just come to appoint Mr. Pelham first commissioner of the Treasury. Huzza!"* " Downing-street house looks well, and un honntte honme may again go into itf." Soon after the meeting of parliament Mr. Sand^^s was created a peer, and the office of chancellor of the exchequer conferred on Mr. Pelham, who was from this time considered as the leader of the house of commons. Henry Pelham was second son of Thomas lord Pelham, by lady Grace, fourth daughter of Gilbert Holies earl of Clare, and sister to John duke of Newcastle. He was born in 1696, and, being of a Whig family, closely attached himself to the partisans of the Brunswick line, and distinguished himself against the rebels :{: as a captain of dragoons in the regiment of major-general Dormer. At the age of twenty-one, in 171s, he obtained a seat in parliament, first for the borough of Seaford in Sussex, and afterwards for the county, which he continued to represent till his death. Before his nomination to the treasury, he had filled the offices of secretary at war and pay-master of the forces. Mr. Pelham displayed, in his respective offices, great method and appli- cation to business ; in his first efforts in parliament, he was confused and inelegant, but improved by practice, and became an able debater § ; and, to use the expressions of lord Chesterfield, " spoke with a certain can* dour and openness that made him well heard, and generally believed." He managed the finances Avith extreme care and probity, and with as much economy as was compatible with the profuse cxjDenditure of public money, which the system of foreign affairs, adopted by his brother, had rendered necessary ; he also gained great popularity and credit by re- ducing the interest of the national debt. He was inferior to his brotl>er in quickness of apprehension; but had a sounder judgment^ and more accom- * Thursday night, 1 1 o'clock. Hanbury § He is mentioned in a contemporary pub- Papers. + October 9, 1744. llcation "as the most genteel speaker in the if As many engravings have been given of house of commons : yet the elegance of his style Mr. Pelham in the latter period of his life, I did not weaken the force of his reasoning. He have preferred a portrait which represents him carefully avoided all personal reflection, and at the age of 21, when he was captain of dra- though zealously attached to the minister, was goons, and which is in the possession of Cresset never known to incur the ill-will of any party." Pelham, esq. Gent, Mag. 1740, p. 230. CHAPTER 24. 251 accommodating temper, which enabled him to unite and keep together the discordant parts of the heterogeneous administration. As a public character he was extremely popular, and in domestic life was highly be- loved and respected. Mr. Walpole entertained a strong partiality in fa- vour of Mr. Pelham, and uniformly supported his administration ; their friendship was heightened by the conformity of their characters*, and their mutual tendency to pacific measures. They maintained a frequent and confidential correspondence, in which Mr. Walpole delivered his opinion with his usual frankness and spirit. Mr. Walpole again displayed his zeal in the next session, when the dis- contents of the nation rose to an extraordinary height; and the question for the continuance of the Hanover troops in British pay agitated parlia- ment with as much violence as any question during his brother's admini- stration. The public were inflamed with the most violent imputations of the king's partiality to his native troops, who were stigmatized with cow- ardice, insolence, and disobedience. On these motives lord Stair resigned the command of the army, the duke of Marlborough his commission of major-general, and numerous officers, who served at the battle of Dettin- gen, were prepared to support these assertions by evidence before the house of commons. The disgust of the army spread rapidly among the nation, and the very name of a Hanoverian became a term of reproach. These discontents were rendered highly dangerous by the disunion of the * The firm, honest, and friendly character of majesty's service. I wish he may not repent Mr. Pelham will appear from a confidential let- too late, for I fear he will find great inconveni- ter to Mr. Walpole : ' cnccs from taking personal prejudices to the first " Esher-place, Dec. 25, 1752. * * * families in England. Whilst I am in his service * * * I did speak to a certain person in I will say what I think ; but we all wear out ; favour of lord Orford some days before I left I hope I shall not fall into that common trap, of London, taking the liberty of saying that it was being the last discoverer of when it is time to a reproach to his majesty's ministers, if not a give over. My friends may and do convince little to the karg himself, that your brother's me it is pretty near ; my enemies may teaze, but, grandson should so long remain unprovided for, thank God, can't hurt me. I enjoy Esher with which was taken in a right manner. But my pleasure ; the weather is fine, and though I am applications to his majesty have generally proved at present alone, I find reflection sits very easy unsuccessful, particularly of late, which, from upon my mind. I am, dear Horace, ever most former precedents, I conclude proceeds from my affectionately yours." asking nothing but what to me appears for his K ko MEMOIRS OF LORD VVALPOLE. the ministry, which arose from the overbearing behaviour of lord Carteret. During the course of his comphcated negotiations in Germany, he sel- dom corresponded with the ministers in England ; and when he conde- scended to write to them, his letters conveyed little more tlian the details whicli appeared in the next gazette. *' Your lordship," writes the duke of Newcastle to lord Hardwicke, after giving an account of foreign news, " M ill see that these, and indeed all our accounts, are from private hands ; and I can never Avrite or think upon this obstinate and offensive silence, without expressing both my surprise and my resentment*," " The long and obstinate silence," ob- serves lord Hardwicke in answer, " of your brother Carteret, is most sur- prising and unaccountable ; for my own part, I have been so much used to it, that I live here a country gentleman, without expecting any lights from thence." The deference of Carteret to the prejudices of the king drew on him the odium of being the sole promoter of german measures, and even to his intervention was imputed the inactivity of the allies after the battle of Dettingen. Not only the opposition, but the ministers who were called upon to support him, considered his plans as romantic, inipracticable and destructive, and those measures which he obstructed were denominated strictly engUnh. The Pelham party in the cabinet adopted these senti- ments in their full latitude. The chancellor refused to put the seal to a convention with the king of Sardinia, explanatory of the treaty of Worms ; and though lord Carteret declared that the king should affix it himself, yet the matter was debated in the cabinet council, and various alterations, proposed by the Pelhams, carried by a majority of fivef. But * Clermont, Oct. i, 174s. + FOR THE ALTERATIONS. A G A INST A LT EK A T lONJ . Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, Lord Carteret, Lord President Harrington, Lord Winchelsea, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Tweedale, Duke of Dorset, Duke of Bolton. Duke of Richmond, Duke of Montague, Duke of Argyle, (rather doubtful) Duke of Grafton, Mr. Pelham. Lord Hardwicke'j Pari, Journal, CHAPTER 24. 253 But the measure to which they were most adverse, was the continuance of the hanoverian troops in the british pay, and to which, till a few days before the meeting of parliament, they had determined to refuse their sup- port, with a view to acquire popularity, to humiliate Carteret, and to fur- ther a reconciliation with the Tories*. The influence of lord Orford suspended a rupture in the cabinet, and prevented this public insult to the king- : he prevailed on the Pelhams to acquiesce in the measure, and obtained the support of his personal friends in parliament. Mr. Walpole warmly espoused his brother's sentiments, and was peculiarly useful on this important occasion, during the absence of Mr. Pelham, who had vacated his seat on his recent promotion, and did not reassume it until several of the debates on this subject were con • eluded. The session began on the 1st of December; and in the first debate, the conduct of the allied forces at the battle of Dettingen, and the king's partiality to the Hanoverians, were made a subject of invective. Lord Carteret was severely censured, and Mr. Pitt styled him " an execrable, a sole minister, who had renounced the british nation, and seemed to have drunk of the potion described in poetic fictions, which made men forget their country." Soon after this debate, Mr. Walpole, in a confidential letter to Mr. Trevor, described the divided state of the cabinet, and displayed the principles on which he and his party supported the measures of govern- ment " Dear Sir, Cockpit, Dec. 13, 1743, O. S. " It is not ver}^ proper, nor indeed very easy, to give you an account, in writing, of our domestic affairs ; onef part of the ministry is so enter- prising and bold, as to think all difficulties trifles; and the other :|: so timid, as to think trifles insuperable difficulties. The first treats the last with the utmost contempt, and the last would be acting to get rid of the first, even at the hazard of the public. These divisions naturally encou- rage and give spirit to the opponents, and consequently will make it a troublesome sessions. The question proposed for dismissing the Hano- verians * The duke of Newcastle to lord Hardwicke, Nov. 7, 1743. — Hardwickc Papers, t Lord Carteret. % The duke of Newcastle, 254. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. verians might have heen carried in the negative by a greater majority, if any pains had been taken for the purpose; and yet perhaps, if it is resolved that a certain person * is to go abroad in the spring, the question for those troops, Avhen proposed in a proper and seasonable time, may meet with difficulty to pass unless great pains be taken. " In the mean time the old friends of the landlord take no other part but that of supporting the mansion-house on this side the water ; and al- though they could wish that the cottage on the other side v/as less re- garded, and more affection was shewn to the tenants here, yet they can- not abandon their old master and his family, though they think the fa- vourite steward acts Avith too much arrogance and presumption ; and the exigency of affairs will not suffer an enquiry into his conduct at present, which some sanguine young tenants are too forward in, not considering that they will endanger the whole by precipitation at this juncture. As to the conduct of a top tenant at leaving his farm, I think no- thing but the utmost necessity can excuse the step he has taken." Mr. Walpole did not speak in this debate for the address, and but slightly on Mr. Waller's motion for the dismission of the Hanover troops; but reserved his whole strength for tlie discussion of the motion for con- tinuing the forces, in the committee of supply on the 17th of January It was a day of great expectation ; both parties had been diligent in mustering their Mdiole strength, and the number of members present amounted to 500. The motion to continue the troops of Hanover, was made by Sir William Yongc, in the same words as in the preceding year; and he supported the question with his usual ability. ]\Ir. Horace Wal- pole, third son of the earl of Orford, made an elegant and judicious speech, in which he aptly applied a passage in Lucan's Pharsalia to the king : ' ' Livor edax tibi cimcta negat, Gallosque subactos " Vix impiine feres."" The inconsiderate warmth of Mr. Stanley, who charged the king, by name, with having shewn a notorious partiality to his electoral troops, occasioned such disorder in tlie house, that, for a few minutes, it coidd be compared to nothing but a tumultuous polish diet ; and no one could tell * The king. + Lord Hardwicke's Parliamentary Journal ; according to the printed Debates it was on the l8th. CHAPTER 24. 255 tell how much farther the resemblance might have been carried, had not the speaker seasonably interposed his authority, and calmed the house *. According to an able judge f, who was present at the debate, Mr. Walpole enlarged better than any other person upon the impossibi- lity of hiring troops in time from other princes, and the consequences which the dismission of the Hanover forces would produce among the al- lies, particularly the Dutch. " Such a precipitate step," he said, " at this juncture, would threaten the dissolution of the alliance, as it M'ould tes- tify a want of union and mutual confidence between the king and his par- liament." He enumerated all the countries M'hich might be supposed capable of supplying us with men, as Denmark, Saxony, Cologne, the Swiss, and displayed strong objections against all of them. In the course of the debate, he hinted at the feuds in the cabinet, by ironically alluding to their union and attachment ; he touched upon what he considered as the real cause of the clamour against the Hanoverians, namely, the king's personal behaviour to them. He concluded by observing ; " Nothing can be more evident, than that, by the discharge of the Hanoverians, there will be an immediate dis- solution of alliance ; and the consequences of it must as inevitably be the giving France such a superiority as to put it in her power to impose what terms she pleases upon the queen of Hungary, who, being abandoned, must afterwards leave her allies to the mercy of that crown ; the conse- quence of which must be, that when the peace upon the continent is made by the directions and influence of France, exclusive of England, that power, sensible of the opposition made to her by this nation, and out of resentment for the trouble and obstructions to her views, will soon take an opportunity to deliver to us a long list of pretended provocations, and require an extraordinary satisfaction; to which we must submit in a shameful manner, like a province to her, or run the hazard of a war with France and Spain, without the prospect of the least support from any ally whatsoever ; and so the war will be translated from the continent to this island, which will become a scene of blood and confusion." Mr. * This incident, which is mentioned in none of the printed Debates, is taken from Lord Hard- wicke's Parliamentary Journal, t Mr. Yorke. S66 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Mr. Pitt spoke against the question with his usual energy and anima- tion, rather appeahng to the passions than to the judgment. He expa- tiated, with all the force of language, on the indignities offered to the british troops ; exaggerated petty incidents and casual occurrences into instances of a studied preference of the hanoverian forces, and contemp- tuously asked, " Whether other troops were not to be procured in Ger- many, that gj'eat market of meii Mr. Pelham defended the measure as a british measure. " The conse- quences," he said, " would shew, that as the quarrel concerned England alone, and not Hanover, her interests would only be considered, either in prosecuting the war, or concluding peace. Nothing, he confessed, could be so mean or dishonourable in any minister, as to flatter the pride, passions and views of his master, at the expence of the national interests." But although the question was negatived by a considerable majority in this and a subsequent debate*, on resuming a question after the report of the committee in both houses ; yet the violent protests of the peers, and vehement assertions of opposition in the house of commons, made a deep impression on the public mind. The number of disaffected was either wantonly or malignantly exaggerated, and France encouraged, from the hope of internal feuds, and the co-operation of domestic traitors, to meditate an invasion in favour of the pretender. Had Sir Robert Walpole and cardinal Fleury now presided at the head of affairs, their pacific systems might have preserved the two countries from the horrors of war. But the violence of party had driven the en- glish minister from the helm, and Fleury had closed his long and valua- ble life in the 90th year of his age. Mr. Walpole always retained a high respect for the memory of his venerable friend, and imputed any deviation from his pacific system to the characteristic ardour of the french nation. Soon after the decease of Fleury, the principal administration of affairs ■was committed to cardinal Tencin, who, elevated to the purple on the nomination of the pretender, displayed his gratitude by fostering the na- tional animosity against England. The ministers who had served under cardinal Fleury were gradually removed, and Tencin, whose violent dispo- * In the commUtce, by 266 against 178. On the report, by 266 againit 48, CHAPTER 24. 257 disposition Mr. Walpole compared with that of lord Carteret*, succeeded in exciting the french cabinet to attempt the restoration of the pretender by invading England. Eighteen ships of the line, with a proportionate number of frigates, carrying on board 4000 land-forces, appeared suddenly off the Isle of Wight, and, meeting with no english squadron, dispatched orders to has- ten the embarkation at Dunkirk and the other ports of France, with a full assurance of success f. Several thousand troops actually embarked, and the son of the pretender, with marshal Saxe, who commanded the land forces, came in sight of the english coast ; but a sudden storm drove many of the transports on shore, dispersed the others, and frus- trated the plan. The french squadron returned to the ports of France, after escaping the english fleet under the command of Sir John Norris, either by singular good fortune, or through the incapacity and dilatory spirit of the admiral. The danger incurred from this threatened invasion, was almost past before the report was circulated in England ; but terror and in- dignation had an instantaneous effect on the nation at large. Loyal addresses were presented by both houses, the city of London, and the principal towns in Great Britain ; and 520 merchants subscribed their names to support public credit, and hazard their lives in defence of his majesty's sacred person and government, and for the security of the Pro- testant succession. The most vigorous preparations were made through- out the kingdom; the divisions in the cabinet were suspended ; the earl of Stair and the duke of Marlborough, conscious that the clamour against the hanoverian troops liad encouraged the invasion, set a noble example of loyalty, b}^ tendering their services in any station. Their offers were grate- fully accepted, and their example Avas followed by persons of all ranks ; the war against France became popular, and the parliament voted larger supplies:}: than had perhaps been ever granted before at one period. In * I find," observes Mr. Walpole in a let- have nothing to fear." Cheltenham, May 2, ter to Mr. Yorke, " by the papers, that Ame- 1744. lot, the French secretary of state, is removed, + Tindal. the last remains of cardinal Fleury's pacific dis. if Tindal. 1 0,000,00()I. which, according position, which, I suppose, gives a full career to the comparative value of money, was equiva- to Tencin's furious and enterprising genius ; but lent to 30,000,0001. at present, as we have a Jehu to match him, I suppose we LI MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. In the course of 1743, Mr. Walpole had an opportunity of displaying' that personal courage which he possessed in an eminent degree. A mo- tion being made in the house of commons, which he supported, he said to Mr. Chetwynd*, who was standing behind the speaker's chair^ " I hope we shall carry this question." Mr. Chetwynd replied, " 1 hope to see you hanged first." ' You hope to see me hanged first i' rejoined Mr. Walpole, and immediately seized him by the nose. They went out and fought. The account being conveyed to lord Orford, Avhile he was at dinner, he sent his son to make enquiries, who, on coming into the house of commons, found his uncle speaking with the same composure as if nothing had happened to ruffle his temper or endanger his lifet. Mr. Chetwynd, however, was wounded, though not mortally. To this rencontre Mr. Poyntz alludes in a letter to Mr. Walpole; " You will give me leave to take this opportunity of congratulating you on the reputation you have acquired, by your calmness and intrepidity, on a late occasion, of resenting injuries in this way, which our age, and paternal as well as conjugal relation, exempts us from^." * Afterwards Viscount Chetwynd, + From the late Earl of Orford, J Midgham, March 17, 1742-3. £59 CHAPTER 25. 1744. Extracts from Mr. JValpoles Letters to Mr. Trevor, the Rev. Mr. Milling, and Mr. Yorke, on the Situation of Domestic and Foreign Affairs. THE opinion of Mr. Walpole on foreign affiiirs and domestic politics, at this critical juncture, is fully displayed in his private letters to ^Ir. Trevor, to the Rev. Mr. Milling, british chaplain at the Hague, and to Mr. Yorke, eldest son of lord chancellor Hardwicke. Extracts of Letters from Mr. IFalpole to Mr, Trevor. " Cockpit, March 3, 1743-4. Far from thinking our spirits low in England, I have thought them in general too cool and indifferent upon the intended invasion. Lord Orford and myself have, indeed, shewn more concern than any body on this occasion, not for want of courage and resolution, but from a thorough knoAvledge of some of our consider- able countrymen, and because we do not believe that 7000 English, which is all we can have here complete, to defend this capital and any of the neighbouring counties, according to the place where the French may land, sufficient to beat 15,000 French; where the people may, perhaps, look on, and cry " Fight dog, light bear ! " if they do no worse. Nor do I look upon addresses to carry with them powder and ball ; and I see nothing but words stirring in the city for the support of the government, should the French venture to invade us, which I think they will do if not prevented by Sir John Norris, who has now all his squadron in the Downs, although a good deal damaged by the late storm, which saved the Brest squadron. " I am impatient for an easterly wind to bring over the 6OOO Dutch, and I hope the government will send for as many English from Ostend ; and believe nie, dear sir, far from thinking this the effect of low spirits, I L I 2 look £60 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. look upon it as madness not to take the necessary precautions, which is the least we can do." '* Cockpit, March 28, O. S. 1743-4. As soon as I returned this evening^ from the house, I met with your envelope of the 6th of j\larch, N. S. and was extremely surprised to find, in the Amsterdam Suite, that I am quoted in the article from London, as having proposed, previously to the con- sideration of the address from the lords, to enter into an enquiry of the state of our marine; and that my proposition was rejected by a majority of ii!89 to 123. Surely nothing* of that nature could come into my head, especially at so great and critical a juncture; for I look upon such a mo- tion, which, as I remember, was made by one of the opponents, (I think Mr. Waller,) with detestation, as being calculated to put a slur upon the message of intelligence, by the crown, of the intended invasion from France in favour of the pretender, and to clog and defeat the unanimity of our address. There never was a more impudent and ill-grounded lye, I really, my dear friend, wonder you read it m ith patience, or could en- tertain the least suspicion of my having been capable of such a thing; for the support of the government, and not opposition to it, has always been, and will ever be my principle, under any administration that his majesty shall think fit to employ." Mr. JValpole to the Rev. Mr. Millhig. After recommending his eldest son, the present lord Walpole, who then commenced his travels, he proceeds: " The declaration of war by France, against us, will prevent him from going thither ; which brings me to the political part of your letter. I am extremely edified to learn that there is so general a good disposition with you to join with us in resisting that formidable, ambitious, and powerful neighbour. God grant us union and strength enough to do it, and crown our successes Avith a more honour- able peace than that of Utrecht, from Avhence all our difficulties since that time have flowed ! As to the invasion, I made no doubt of its being attempted after cardinal Fleury's death, M'hen the old maxims of France should revive, especially if Tencin should have the principal credit in the french councils. I looked upon such an attempt as part of the general scheme of operations, and connected with their enterprises on the conti- nent. They began it so early, hoping that we should not have got to- gether • CHAPTER 25. '261 getlier a sufficient fleet to oppose to their Brest squadron, nor a sufficient number of regular troops time enough to resist the body which they should be able to land. As to this last, they would have judged right, had not Providence interposed by a most favourable storm ; otherwise they would have got on shore above 14,000 men, when we should not have had together, in one body, above 6000 effective. As to the disposition of the people here, I am, in my opinion, per- suaded that the old leaven of the High Tories still exists ; their prin- ciples, in favour of the pretender, will appear as strong as ever upon the first occasion; and the false patriots, in conjunction with the Jacobites, who put on the mask of patriotism too, have so poisoned the minds of numbers, otherwise well affected to the government, with notions against the royal famih% as having an affection and regard for the interest of Hanover preferably to that of Great Britain, that they have had a very bad effect, and made too many too indifferent for the support of this government. And I may tell you in confidence, that the present admi- nistration is, partly from divisions among themselves, and partly from want of capacity, the weakest I ever knew. One *, that is supposed to have the greatest credit with the king, at least in foreign affairs, has no plan, and no other consideration, but to discover what his master desires, and to encourage and pursue that point at all hazards and events. Others, that have better intentions, do not speak their minds, for fear of losing the little credit tliey have ; and are so timid and fearful of disobliging, even the opponents, that they have not courage and sense to'do the com- mon and necessary acts for the support of the government ; so that the disaffected, from that very reason of the government having not taken up more persons, have the assurance to affirm, and have made thousands believe, that a real invasion, in favour of the pretender and his son, was never so much as intended ; although I am persuaded, that, besides the progress made in the embarkation, which Providence so seasonably dis- persed, the ministers had the most undoubted intelligence, from the best hands, of the design, even before it was undertaken ; and knew not only what you have heard of the emperor's letter to the pope, but also were acquainted * Lord Carteret. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. acquainted with what had been wrote from Rome to the emperor, acquaint- ing him with that horrid design. " But I have troubled you too long with my disagreeable thoughts : France has resolved to declare war, which we must support as well as we can ; and hope our old allies will not desert us. But our chief dependence must be upon the goodness of God, who has so often miraculously de- livered this wicked nation, praying to him that he will give us peace in our time, for it is he only," &c. I\Ir. Walpole always entertained the highest esteem and respect for lord chancellor Hardwicke, with whom he had long acted, in the same system of politics, and, after his retreat from public affairs, maintained an occa- sional correspondence ; but he kept up a constant intercourse of letters with his son Mr. Yorke*, which seems to have commenced at this period. In these private effusions of his heart, he unbosomed himself to his friend, and gave his unbiassed opinion on men and measures. He frequently availed himself of this channel to communicate hints and observations, and to transmit his reflections on the proceedings of the cabinet, with a view to be imparted to the chancellor, and, through him, to the duke of Newcastle, or perhaps to the king. The first letter which appears in this collection was written from Chel- tenham, where he had retired, in consequence of his health, from the duties of parliament. " Dear Sir, Cheltenham, Aprils, 1744. *' Your goodness in following me so far with your kind remembrance, I look upon as a particular mark of that friendship for which I have the greatest esteem, and therefore any token of it must give me a sensible pleasure. " Whether the papers, by 'sending me to Holland, meant it in a jocular or serious manner, I can't tell ; but sure I am that nothing will ever tempt me to embark in foreign negotiations. I shall content m3'sclf with doing my duty in parliament, as long as I am a member ; and indeed I should not have left it, had I thought any thing coidd possibly occur there of much * Afterwards Lord Royston, and on the death of his father, Earl of Hardwicke. CHAPTER 25. 263 much importance during this session. It is possible that some papers brought into the house may occasion some personal altercations ; but as they may arise partly from personal views, I think myself very little con- cerned in them, which I understand to be laying in claims to oppose the management and conduct of the war. The opponents seem to be now like high-mettled hounds, that give their tongues easily and often, but have not got yet good noses ; but, being wanton and lavish, will runaway Avith any, though a wrong scent, without staying till the fox is heated in the chase, and then, and not till then, they should stick close to him. *' The war being reciprocally declared between England and France, we are now the only open and avowed enemies to the whole house of Bourbon. It is indeed a new case, and unavoidable, and which, I Avould say, was evident to me must have been the case, had not the emperor died, from that forced and necessary (as 'tis called) rupture with Spain ; but that, perhaps, you would think me partial to my own prophecies and notions, and it is now to no purpose to look back. " Our antient allies are indeed, on account of the pragmatic sanction, engaged more or less in the same measures with us, in opposition to those of the house of Bourbon, which makes it a common cause between us and them. But as none of them are, jointly with us, in a direct and de- clared act of enmity with that house, they are under no obligation about their continuing to act, and not to enter into any negotiations for put- ting an end to the troubles without a communication and concert with us, which Avas the case of the two last great wars, and preserved, by a joint alliance, the necessary union of minds and measures during the continuance of them. The tables are now turned, and the application for a stricter and inseparable union lies upon us : our allies, hence, cer- tainly will feel they have a great advantage over us, as I am assured we shall soon see. *' The house of Austria will seem zealous and ready to declare war against France, upon an alliance to be made with us ; but then 1 appre- hend the conditions of the alliance, both with respect to the money and quotas to be furnished by us for carrying it on, and to the terms of peace, and with respect to indemnity and future security, will be such as it will be difficult for the most bold and enterprising genius to digest, not to say 264. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. say any thing of the coUision of various and incompatible views of some acting under two qualities and capacities*, that will perplex and embar- rass the whole, and prevent the forming an uniform plan, either with re- gard to war or peace. *'The unanimity which the government of the States requires in so momentous a point as that of declaring war, will, I am afraid, furnish time and excuses to those that are against it ; such as the zeal they have already shewn in supporting us when invaded, the shutting a door to all possibility of negotiating a peace, and their being deserted at the last war by England, notwithstanding our joint successes and obligations to the contrary. We M'ill, they will say, execute our engagements towards the queen of JIungary ; we will support the Protestant succession in England ; but why, until we are actually attacked, and our barrier in- vaded, make things so desperate as to render pacification impracticable, especially if we are not deficient in our efforts to support our respective engagements ? They may hope that this will keep the war out of Flan- ders ; and indeed it is possible that it may. For although I was fully persuaded that if the invasion of England had succeeded, (that is, if the storm had not prevented this landing, ) the French would, as soon as the season would permit, have attacked some place in Flanders. It is pos- sible now, if they have entirely laid aside all thoughts of an invasion, they may likewise forbear all attempts upon the dutch barrier, in order to keep the States in suspense about the war, and push some bold march, by a concert with the king of Prussia, towards Westphalia, which may pos- sibly distress the general plan of exertions in Germany, and divide the allies more than any other measure whatsoever; though I think it would be more expensive, and might prove, if the allies would understand one another, more hazardous to the French. " Besides public reasons, there are often latent and silent causes that have a greater influence on the mind ; such as divisions among the governing and governed, and particularly of the first among themselves, who, instead of being united, watch the opinion of each other in order to oppose it. So that the struggle for power deprives the government of all power whatsoever to act what is right for the public ; and the masters can * Alluding to the King as elector. CHAPTER 25. 265 can never be well advised, when flattery, to maintain credit, advises nothing but what is pleasing on one side, and there is not courage enough on the other side to contradict it, for fear of displeasing. These things are as well known in Holland as in England, and will have their influence in deliberations. Count N w, a few days before he went away, shewed me, in a visit he made me, that he was as fully acquainted with these matters as any one at St. James's ; and therefore, while we blame the Dutch for their backwardness in a course in which they are as nmch or more concerned than we are, perhaps, if decency would let them speak out, they would shew that what we blame in them proceeds from causes among ourselves. However, I am persuaded the well intentioned there will do their best to check the dangerous and ambitious views of France.'* M m 260 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ft)''--; ; li CHAPTER 26. 1744—1,745. Stru^fo-lcs in the Cabinet hetiveen Lord Granville and the Pelhams — Ineffectual Attempts of Granville to gain the Tories and the JVhigs of the Walpole Party — His Dismission extorted from the King — Reviezu of his Character and Measures — Letters from Mr. JValpole to Mr. Trevor. THE events of this year verified the apprehensions of Mr. Walpole. In tlie beginning of the campaign, the french arms made a rapid progress ; fortified places either submitted at the first summons, or were insignificantly defended; and tlie passage of the Rhine, by prince Charles of Lorrain, alone retarded the conquest of the Austrian Netherlands. By this division the allies became greatly superior in numbers ; but, from ■want of money, could not improve this advantage. The success of prince Charles excited the natural pride of the austrian cabinet to menace the king of Prussia, M'ho, by the remittance of 100,0001. from France, was prompted to re-commence liostilities. In addition to these misfortunes, the feuds in the cabinet, which had experienced a temporary suspension by the dread of an invasion, broke out with increasing acrimony ; and the dismission of lord Carteret, or the resignation of the Pelhams, became indispensable. Such Av^as the mutual antipathy of the rival ministers, and the jealousy of NeAVcastle, that Mr. Walpole observes, in a letter to Mr. Trevor, February 27, 1744, " I take the liberty to hint to you, (but in the greatest confidence and assurance of secrecy,) that the duke of Newcastle is not perfectly well pleased with you ; and I am persuaded that the reason is, because, I am told, your dispatches are full of flattery to lord Carteret. For you must know, that, notwithstanding the common danger, they are, if pos- sible, greater enemies than ever ; and that appears in all the deliberations iu . CHAPTER 26. . i,::, %Q7 in council, at this great and critical juncture. The truth is, his grace is generall}^ not much esteemed, and his lordship is generally, I ani afraid, hated, not to say worse*." Lord * The manly reply of Mr. Trevor, which He ^was, indeed, pleased to notify to me my does honour to his independent spirit, deserves brother's promotion, and to add jexpressions of to be laid before the reader. his satisfaction therein, so that I could not but Hague, March 20, 1744. In this place return him a suitable compliment on the occa- I may confess to you, that I look upon the sion ; and thcjt is the only one, his colleague king's old servants to be what constitutes the y/ill have found in all my relations, that re- strength of his government, and I am not a little garded his person. As to any thing I may have proud of being able to consider myself as an had occasion to say in praise of orders given, eleve of that school. As to certain vicissitudes measures taken, &c. it ought to be understood which hare since happened, 1 can with truth to relate to the whole ministry ; and I am sure assure you, that my new master has rather co- I never aimed or intended to point out any con- incided with me, than I with him. The first tradistinction. It is very hard that great men tertium that we agreed in was our opposition cannot quarrel without forcing us little ones to to the hanoverian, or rather hessian scheme of take a part; but I hope both his grace, and es- neutrality, submission or even co-operation with pecially his brother, are too equitable, and too the emperor's party ; and whatever unpopular much my friends, to be angry with me for suspicions the person in question has since keeping upon comfortable terms with my im- given occasion for, I cannot but bear testimony mediate superior officer. that he set out like a minister who proposed to " Possibly his grace's present displeasure serve, rather than please his master ; nor have may have taken its rise from my declining to I ever yet received any political commands from serve for Lewes. The reasons I alledged to him, but what I, in my own conscience, ap- him, and to Mr, Harry Pelham, for so doing, proved. I have not, indeed, attributed any were more than sufficient to satisfy any candid personal merit to him on this last account, un. person. My present circumstances will not derstanding the same to have been the joint re- allow me to hurry backwards and forwards be- snlt of the administration ; but, however, it has tween London and the Hague ; nor will this been a great pleasure to me, to see that a change residence dispense with my absence for a fort- of men has wrought so small a change of mea- night. You are yourself, I am persuaded, cen- sures, vinced that I have happened to be as serviceable " As to any personal intimacy or friend, to my king and country here of late, as I could ship with his lordship, I have had no oppor- have been with my attendance and vote at tunity of contracting either. In his two last Westminster. Besides, cntre nous, all other im- passages through the Hague, he neither ate nor pediments apart, what a task must I have had drank with me, nor had I half an hour's dis- to have steered inoffensively between my Sussex course with him. Pleasures, you may easily patron and my Hague principal, imagine, I have not had it in my power to do " This is a true description of myself and bim any worth speaking of ; nor have I ever circumstances ; but as I would not only be in- asked any of him, that he has procured me. nocent, but unsuspected too, pray do wjiat may M ni 2 268 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Lord Orford, disgusted with these broils, which he had in vain at- tempted to allay, retired to Houghton*, and even as early as the spring expectations were formed of an approaching rupture in the ministry. At this time a curious conversation passed between the duke of Newcastle and lord Carteret, of which I shall give his own relation to his friend the chancellor. My Lord, Newcastle-house, June 6, 1744. " I have the pleasure to tell you, that our master gave up, yesterday, the saxon treaty, very coolly and very easily ; he said only, that we should repent it M'hen it was too late : in other respects he seemed in good hu- mour. I had a very extraordinary conversation with my lord Carteret, going with him yesterday to Kensington ; which, with the late incidents that properly and naturally fall in your way to set me right in the duke's opinion, and especially in his brother's, if necessary, as nothing could be more sensible to me than the loss of the Jatter, which I have studiously endeavoured to procure and cultivate on all occasions ; and some- times even, as I have had the satisfaction to think, with some success. ** In point of obligations, I know to what quarter my brother is chiefly beholden for the commendam of his canonry ; and I wait with impatience for some unaffected handle to express my thankfulness for that good office to my Sussex (I hope I may still say) friends. " You'Uhave seen, by the two last posts, that the young Chevalier is like to inherit nothing of his ancestors but their ill luck. The enterprise is certainly postponed for the present ; but, as the french court has now discovered how sore and tender we are in this place, I do expect she will give us a quietus all this canipaign ; but keep holding the young man upon her fist. Sec. I should, I own, with submission to better judge- ments, ihink myself safe enough with the par- liamentary powers now lodged with the king, and with the additional strength of GOOO good honest dutch infantry, without farther weak- ening Flanders, or, in other terms, the common cause upon the continent. But I have felt enough the pulse at home, not to dare even to relate the remonstrances that the pensionary has already made me upon the motions of some of our troops in Flanders towards the sea coast. The greffier himself thinks the place France really levels her blow at is Flanders ; and there are not wanting people here, wlio begin to talk of recalling, the very succour, if we weaken the army in the Netherlands. You see I talk to you with my old liberty and ingenuousness, and don't question your hearing me with your old candour ; so burn away, and believe me, &c." * " My father," writes Horace Walpole, late earl of OrforJ, to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, " was the day before yesterday not quite well of his gravel ; but impatient to be clear of the absurdities and broils which he in vain endeavoured to compose and remedy. The world expects some great crack in the mini- stry every day. I care not ; it cannot be worse;. I don't see how it is likely to mend." Arling... ton Street, June 26, 1744. CHAPTER 26. 269 that have passed between us, produced a more extraordinary declaration from him to my brother and me last night. He said, that if my lord Harrington had not been gone, he intended to have spoke very fully to us ; that he would do it when your lordship, lord Harrington, and we should be together ; that things could not remain as they were ; that they must be brought to some precision ; he would not be brought down to be over- ruled and out-voted upon every point, by four to one : if we would take the government upon us, we might ; but, if we could not, or would not undertake it, there must be some direction, and he would do it. Much was said upon what had passed last year, upon the probability of the king going abroad, &c. Every thing passed coolly and civilly, but pretty resolutely, on both sides. At last, he seemed to return to his usual professions and submission. " Upon this, "adds the duke, " my brother and I thought it absolutely necessary that we should immediately determine amongst ourselves what party to take ; and he has therefore desired me to see your lordship, and talk it over with you in the course of this day. We both look upon it, that either my lord Carteret will go out, (which I hardly think is his scheme, or at least his inclination,) or that he Avill be uncontroulable master. My brother supposes, that, in that case, he means that Ave should go out. I rather think he may still flatter himself, that (after having had this offer made to us, and our having declined to take the government upon our- selves,) we shall be contented to act a subordinate part. Upon the whole, I think the event must be, that Ave must either take ujjon us the gOA'ern- inent, or go out." Some unknoAvn circumstances delayed the final settlement of this con- test; but mutual jealousies still subsisted, and in September the duke en- forced to lord Hardwicke the necessity of removing lord Carteret. *' My opinion," he says, " is ahvays the same; that the only means to act effectually for the public, and honourable for ourselves, is to remove the cause, and the author of all these misfortunes, or to continue no longer ourselves, since Ave sliould in some measure be ansAvcrable for the general conduct of the ministry, though Ave should not be in a condition to direct affairs according to our OAvn opinion and judgment. In the first case, Ave should carry on the Avar, or put an end to it, as we should think 270 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. think it best. In the other, we should be answerable for nothing. This way of thinking is not agreeable to the sentiments of our other friends. They would like better to put it upon measures. If by that they mean the conduct of the zvar, I agree Avith them. If they mean the war itself, I think that neither honourable nor just for us who have all concurred in the measure, and some of whom are still of opinion, that, if rightly con- ducted, it would have ended well. But that which I most fear is, that this difference of opinion, this uneasiness hi, this indecision with regard to going out, will -draw us on this session, as it did the last, blaming, ca- villing, but still going on, and awkwardly support'wg ; to prevent which, I depend upon your friendship and weight in our deliberations*." In consequence of the ill success of the campaign, and the luke-warm- ncss of the Dutch, the altercations were rencM cd witli redoubled violence, The king warmly supported lord Carteret, of whose skill in foreign affairs, and the management of the war, he entertained the highest opinion. Lord Carteret, Avho at this period succeeded to the title of earl Gran- ville on the death of his mother f, Avas conscious of support, and did not abandon the helm without extreme reluctance. He attempted, at one time, through the means of the prince of Wales, to effect a coalition with the Tories, and at another to conciliate the Walpole party among the Whigs, by the intervention of the earl of Orford. His unsuccessful ap- plication to the leaders of opposition, through the medium of the prince of Wales, is mentioned in the late lord Hardwicke's parliamentary journal. " His royal highness, who unfortunately had no point of union with his father, but a fondness for Hanover, and an attachment to lord Gran- ville, first offered himself as a mediator between the contending parties in the ministry ; when that did not succeed, he set on foot a negotiation with the other side, by a message to Chesterfield, Gower, and Cobham, to this effect : ' That as the differences in the administration were grown to that height, through the unreasonableness of Granville's enemies, some changes must necessarily ensue ; if they and their friends would come in, and * Newcastle.house, Sept. 14, 1744. + Lady Grace, daughter of John Granville earl of Bath, who dying without issue male, his daughter was created countess of Granville. She died in October. For the character of lord Carteret, see Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpokj ch. V4. • CHAPTER 26. 271 a,nd support the saki earl, a general removal should be made of the old court, and the whole broad-bottom, as it was called, provided for without reserve. ' This overture was seconded by a message from Granville him- self, and hopes were thrown out to the Tories of a dissolution of the par- liament ; but to no purpose, for the persons applied to having already re- ceived overtures from the Pelhams, returned a short answer, that they Could not think of accepting any terms whilst Granville continued in power." Having failed in obtaining a coalition with the Tories and Opposition Whigs, Granville next exerted his efforts to secure the Whigs of the Walpole party. The king entering warmly into his schemes, on the 7th of November summoned into the closet earl Cholmondeley, son-in-law of lord Orford, who had been recently promoted to the privy seal, on the resignation of lord Gower. After highly commending lord Orford's con- duct, particularly his service in regard to the continuance of the Hanover troops, his majesty expressed his desire, that he would repair to town a week or ten days before the meeting of parliament. " The experience," said the king, " I have for so many years had of his lordship's zeal for my service, and his consummate judgment in the domestic affairs of my kiiag'dom, induce me to request his attendance in the present dangerous and disturbed situation of Europe, when England is under the necessity of taking so large a share in the support and conduct of the common cause; knowing the real weight of his opinion and influence with numbers in both houses of parliament, Mhen such nice and important points are proposed for their deliberation and advice." , The ex-minister, though scarcely recovered from a fit of the stone, exi- pressed his resolution to obey the commands of the king ; at the same time be frankly censured the conduct of foreign affairs, and declined any im- mediate interposition in favour of lord Granville. In his answer to lord Cholmondeley he writes, " I will set out for London with all the expedi- tion I can ; and am heartily sorry to see his majesty's aftairs reduced to such extremities. It has 'been a long time easy to foresee the unavoid- able, and almost insunnountable, difficulties that would attend the present system of politics. I wish to God it was as easy to sliow the way out of them ! But be assured that I will, in every thing, to the utmost of my .ROJ>,*oa,n ••;i>nc resent /amitj," CHAPTER 28. £93 king's resentment might gradually have suhsided, had not the duke of Newcastle, in conformity with his promise to lord Cobham, proposed the appointment of Mr. Pitt to the office of secretary at war ; and pressed it upon the king -with repeated importunities. At this period the friends of lord Granville asserted, that the king was a prisoner on his throne, and that an administration on a broader bottom was necessary for the safety of the kingdom, and the emancipation of the sovereign. The prosperous turn of affairs, the retreat of the rebels into Scotland, the zeal which the nation had displayed in support of his go- vernment, and the reproaches cast against the weakness and inability of the ministry, inspired the king with confidence, and his friends with courage. Lord Granville inculcated the necessity of the most vigorous measures, and proposed to revive the spirit of the grand alliance which had actuated the european states during the reigns of William and Anne, and re- duced the poAver of France. England he wished to become the soul of the confederacy, and, by means of large subsidies, to obtain the co- operation of the austrian court, induce the Dutch to declare war against France, and concur in support of the common cause. In conformity with this system, the dutch minister in England trans- mitted a plan for an immediate augmentation of their respective forces, and for a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the Netherlands. The king approved this plan, and warmly urged the execution of it, in his speech from the throne on the 14th of January. But the cabinet, af- , fecting an aversion to involve the country in continental alliances, while the finances were embarrassed by the effects of the rebellion, op- posed this plan ; lord Harrington even wrote to the dutch minister in London, observing that the security of the Netherlands was a foreign though important consideration to England, but a domestic concern to the Dutch, and declined the proposed augmentation unless the Dutch should declare war against France. This discordance of political views, on his favourite object, increased the dissatisfaction of the king; he lamented that, on the death of lord Winnington, he had not placed lord Bath at the head of the Treasury, instead of conferring on Mr. Pelham that office, and the chancellorship of / f294 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of the exchequer, which had given to his party the preponderance in the cabinet, and the sole power in the government. _In this crisis tlie king complained to lord Bath, that he was under the dominion of an aristo- cracy, and was hemmed in on all sides ; he conjured him to break the combination and set him at liberty, and offered him full powers to form a new administration. Lord Bath expressed his willingness to obey his majesty's commands, but candidly displayed the difficulty he had to en- counter, and declared that success must ultimately depend on the king's steadiness and resolution. The king promised his support; and lord Bath concerted with his friend, lord Granville, the means of dividing the Whig§, conciliating the Tories, and gaining the co-operation of the prince of Wales. He then summoned a meeting of the monied men, and obtained from them a promise of furnishing the supplies on terms more advantageous to the nation than those they had already settled with Mr. Pelham. These preliminary arrangements being made, the king flattered him- self that he could secure part of the cabinet, particularly lord Harring- ton, whom he had endeavoured to conciliate in his journey to Hanover, both personally, and by means of his daughter the princess of Orange, who possessed great influence over him. He also expected to obtain the co-operation of Mr. Winnington*, of whom he had a high opinion, by * Thomas Winnington, grandson of Sir Fran- cis Winnington, solicitor-general of Charles II. and son of Salvey Winnington, of Stanford Court, in Worcestershire, was born Decem- ber 31, 1696. He was educated at West- minster school, from whence he went to Christ, church, in the university of Oxford. He was chosen for Droitwich in 1725, for which place he continued a member until 1741, when he was elected for Worcester. In 1730 Mr. Winnington was appointed a lord of the admiralty ; of the treasury, in 1 736 ; cofferer of the household, on the resignation of Mr. Walpole, in 1741 ; and paymaster of the forces, in 1743. He was a man of great penetration aod quick parts ; being a ready debater, he was very useful In supporting the measures of govern- ment In the house of commons, and possessed the intimate confidence of Sir Robert Walpole. He was among the distinguished votaries of wit and pleasure ; and was an associate of lord Hervcy, Mr. Fox, and Sir Charles Hanbury Williams. Soon after his death, in 1746, a curious pamphlet made its appearance, which was in- titled " An Apology for the Conduct of a late celebrated Second-rate Minister," and said to have been found among his papers. It impli- cated him, with Sir Robert Walpole, in a sup- posed scheme to bring in the pretender. This publication, although plainly ironical, gaine4 CHAPTER 28. 295 by appointing him chancellor of the exchequer, with the management of the house of commons. In the beginning of February, the importunities of the Pelhams, in favour of jMr. Pitt, brought the affair to a crisis. On the 6'th, lord Bath coming from the closet, observed to lord Harrington, that he had advised the king to negative Mr. Pitt's appointment, and to pursue proper mea- sures on the continent. Lord Harrington coldly replied, " They who dictate in private, should be employed in public." On the 7th, the king, perceiving his attempts to detach lord Harrington from his p irty inef- fectual, gave way to his indignation, and reproached him with obstinacy and ingratitude. The whole phalanx, no longer doubting of his inten- tion to dismiss them, held a meeting at the lord chancellor's, on the even- ing of the 8th, and determined on instant resignation. On Monday the 10th, the duke of Newcastle and lord Harrington gave up the seals of their respective offices; and on the Uth, Mr. Pelham, to whom lord Granville had made overtures, also resigned, and told the king that he would avoid going into opposition as long as possible ; but frankly added, that the united body of Whigs were averse to the earls of Bath and Granville. On the same day lord Gower gave up the privy seal, the duke of Bedford the place of hrst lord of the admiralty, and all the members of the boards of treasury and admiralty followed their example, excepting the adherents of the prince of Wales, lord Middlesex, and lord Archibald Hamilton. In delivering the key of groom of the stole, the earl of Pembroke drew au such credit as induced the executors of Mr. Winnlngton to declare, by advertisement, that it was not found among his papers ; and to offer a reward of fifty pounds for the discovery of the author. Mr. Winnington married Love Read, sister and co-heiress of Sir James Read, bart. of Broc- ket Hall, Hertfordshire ; by whom he left no issue. His estates of Brocket-hall were divided between his two sisters, lady Masham and Mrs. Wheeler ; and Stanford Court, with his other estates in Worcestershire, descended to his cousin, Edward Winnington, who was crea- ted a baronet in 1735, and to whose son, Sir Ed- ward Winnington, 1 am principally indebted for these particulars. In the Historical Tour in Monmoutlishire, chap. 2y, I have published a letter from Sir Charles Hanbury Williams to Sir Thomas Ro- binson, on the death of Mr. Winnington ; and the reader will find, at the conclusion of his political odes, an affectionate epitnph to the •memory of his deceased friend. Q96 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. an unfavourable picture of the characters of Bath and Granville, and ex- patiated on their unpopidarity. More resignations were hourly ex- pected, particularly lord chancellor Hardwicke, the dukes of Devon- shire, Doi-set, Grafton, and Richmond. Mr. Winnington also declared liis intention of resigning his office of paymaster of the forces ; and when the king offered him the chancellorship of the exchequer, he returned the seal three times into his majesty's hands, adding, "The new mi- nistry, sir, can neither support your majesty nor themselves ; they cannot depend upon more th^m 31 lords and 80 commoners." During this scene of confusion, the king in vain attempted to fill the places of his former servants. On the resignation of the duke of New- castle and lord Harrington, his page of the back stairs, Evans, came to Bath-house privately, in a chair with the curtains drawn, with a mes- sage from the king, desiring lord Bath to repair to the palace. His lord- ship waited on the king, accepted the office of first lord of the treasury, and received the two seals of the secretaries of state, which he conveyed to lord Granville, who was indisposed. Granville was immediately con- stituted secretary of state, and announced his appointment in a circular dispatch to the foreign ministers. Lord Winchelsea was destined for the admiralty, and lord Carlisle for the office of lord privy seal. But the new arrangements were suddenly suspended. The king, sur- prised and intimidated at the numerous resignations, and the unexpected firmness of the old cabinet, faultered in his resolution, though lord Bath exhorted him to persevere, and offered, through the medium of the prince of Wales, to secure the Tories. He would not venture, however, to provoke the Whigs, who had supported his family on the throne while the rebellion was uncrushed ; he was averse to a Tory administration, and still more unwilling to owe the formation of his ministry to the in- tervention of his son. Perplexed and embarrassed, he shut himself up in his closet, and refused to admit those persons who were pouring in upon him with white staves, gold keys, and commissions. On the 12th he sent for Mr. Winnington, told him that he was the honestest man about his person *, and should have the honour of the reconciliation ; and * From Sir James Gray to Sir Thomas Ro. The lord chancellor observes, in a note to his binson, Venice, March 5;C, 1746. son, dated February 1 2, 7 at nighr, <• The king CHAPTER 28. 297 and commanded him to inform Mr. Pelham that he vould accept no more resignations, and was desirous that his old servants should be re- instated in their employments. Thus terminated a ministry of forty hours. Lord Granville, the only person who had kissed hands, resigned his office ; the seals were re-de- livered on the 14;th. to the duke of Newcastle and the earl of Harrington, the old cabinet resumed their employments, Mr. Pitt Avas constituted vice-treasurer of Ireland, and, on the death of Mv. Winnington, became paymaster of the forces. Although the Icnig thus wisely yielded to the torrent, yet, with that elevation of character which disdained dissimulation, he did not affect to conceal his displeasure ; he dismissed lord Bath with marks of favour and confidence, desired him to write an account of the whole transaction, and even declared it was a shame that a man (alluding to the duke of Newcastle) Avho was not fit for a chamberlain to a petty court in Germany, should be forced on him and the nation*. But he carried his sent a message this forenoon to Mr. Pelham, by Mr. Winnington, to let him know that his majesty was determined to accept no more re- signations, and intimating that he would have his old servants to return and accept their places ; that he expected an answer to-morrow morning. Res magna agitur ; sentio amplius deliberandum. The king's honour, our own honour and security are to be consulted." * The narrative of this transaction is prin- cipally taken, from Memoranda written by the late earl of Hardwicke, from the communica- tions of his father and Mr. Winnington ; from the information of the bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Douglas) ; from a letter of Mr. Walpole to iVIr. Trevor, dated Feb. 14, 174| ; and one of Sir James Gray to Sir Thomas Robinson, dated March 2 G, 1746. The particulars of lord Bath's trans- actions with the king are taken from bishop Newton's Life, who received them from lord Bath himself, with whom he lived on terms of the strictest intimacy ; and this account is corroborated by the respectable testimony of the bishop of Salisbury, who frequently heard the same particulars from the earl of Bath, Yet the anonymous author of the Anecdotes of the Life of William Pitt, earl of Chatham, presumes to call in question bishop Newton's veracity. " Dr. Newton says, that lord Bath wrote an account of these transactions, at the desire of George the Second ; but that, on the death of his son lord Pulteney, in the reign of George the Third, his lordship burned it — Fii/e indig- ttus." Vol, I, p, 2\t, edit. 1794. If the as- sertions of a venerable prelate, whose character for veracity was unquestionable, and who had no motives for deception, are to be thus petu- lantly contradicted, on what foundation can historical evidence be made to depend ? I think it a duty I owe to the public, in men- tioning this wretched compilation, to declare, that, from the access I have had to the p:;pers Qq MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. his resentment against lord Harrington to a degree unworthy of his cha- racter. In November his majesty ungraciously dismissed him from the office of secretary of state, and was, not without great difficulty, persuaded to appoint him^lord lieutenant of Ireland. The friends of the prince of Wales continued in office ; and a few changes in the subordinate departments of government took place, which added still greater weight to the cabinet. Mr. Fox succeeded to the office of secretary at war, in the room of Sir William Yonge, who, on the promotion of Mr. Pitt, became vice-treasurer of Ireland. Lord Barring- ton was placed at the board of admiralty, and Mr. Welbore Ellis at that of the treasury. During this struggle for power, Mr. Walpole, conscious of Mr. Pitt's great parliamentary abilities, and aware that no administration, formed by lord Granville, could withstand the efforts of the party which adhered to the Pelhams, had the courage to submit to the king a memorial, re- commending his majesty to comply Muth the request of his ministers, and confer on Mr. Pitt the office of secretary at v/ar*. *' Should his majesty, although unwillingly, condescend (and a very great condescension it would indeed be,) to take a certain person into a certain place, it seems to be the only probable measure to carry on his business effectually in parliament, especially in regard to foreign affairs. Should his majesty, as is now currently reported, absolutely refuse to come into this measure, it is to be apprehended that things would run into confusion in parliament, as the house is now^ constituted. ''Those and documents of the times, I find the Life of the Earl of Chatham superficial and inaccurate, principally drawn from newspapers and party pamphlets, and interspersed, perhaps, with a few anecdotes communicated in desultory conversa- tions by earl Temple. In affecting to give a volume of important state papers, the editor has raked together a collection of speeches, memorials, and letters, the greater part of which are derived from periodical publications. It becomes a matter of extreme regret that the life of so great a statesman and orator has not been delineated by a more faithful and able hand. * 7 his memorial is preserved in the hand- writing of Mr. Walpole, among the Walpole Papers, endorsed by himself, " The substance of this paper was repeated to his majesty on the 28th of February 1 74 1, when the contest was depending about the admission of Mr. W. Pitt to be secretary at war." The date of this paper is perhaps erroneous, and should be January in- stead of February. It was probably read to thr king by the duke of Devonshire. CHAPTER 28. 299 " Those that advise the king to reject this measure, have the advantage of speaking agreeably to his majesty's own incHnatious; but it is well known, that their motives are founded upon their own particular views of avarice and ambition, without considering the dangerous consequences to his majesty's affairs. ' ' Those that advise his majesty to come into this measure, have the same opinion as to the person in question, with regard to his past behaviour, as his majesty has, and as heartily detest it ; and therefore cannot possibly have any other view, in this advice, than as they think it absolutely ne- cessary for his majesty's service. Should his majesty reject this measure, as it will be then visible, and is now generally believed, that those who are not in places have his majesty's preferable countenance and affection, in opposition to those that are in the chief stations of his service ; these must be obliged to retire, not out of pique or resentment, but because, for want of his majesty's authority and support, they will not be able to serve him in parliament. The consequence of which, in all likelihood, will be, that others will succeed in their places, whose characters (whether justly or unjustly is not the question,) are so odious, both within doors and without, and even in foreign countries, that they will still be less able to carry on his majesty's business, whatever their personal talents and abilities may be, especially in this parliament, where, upon their coming into his majesty's service, it is to be apprehended that such a fer- ment may arise, as to turn the proceedings there into questions of enqui- ries and impeachments, instead of the true interest of his majesty and the nation at this great exigency; and this exigency seems indeed to be so great, that it cannot suffer a dissolution of the parliament ; and could that be, of what principles and comj)lexion a new one Avould be com- posed, is too obvious to every eye, without making it necessary to en- large upon it. "The admitting the person in question into the place desired, would be the coup dc grace to the pretended patriots, for the following reason. The Patriots, in the last elections, joined with the Tories, which made the parliament so strong and prevalent, against the great man, and mini- ster, that he was obliged to retire : incidents have since happened to divide these Patriots among themselves, and separate them so from the Tories, Q q 2 that 500 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. that there remains only this squadron of lord Cobham to make the once formidable body of Patriots of no consequence. If this squadron should be admitted into the present administration, and consequently joined to the old Whig corps, his majesty's business would probably be carried on well, by this coalition, until the end of this parliament ; the Whig party would be again united, and there would be a hopeful prospect of getting a new one, of principles thoroughly attached to his majesty's person and government ; especially considering the great breach into the Tory party, by the accession of the duke of Bedford and lord Gower, with their friends, to the present ministry ; which accession is thought to have had a great influence in keeping the disaffected in the suspected counties quiet when the rebels came there, and will certainly be of great weight in the next election, if those noblemen should continue, in their several stations, to strengthen the Whig interest; but, if retired or removed, they would probably return to their old friends and party, and the majority of the next parliament would consist of Tories. These are the sentiments of a person ever un variably attached to his majesty's government for the sake of his country, and to his person out of duty and gratitude for his majesty's infinite goodness to himself and family, that has no particular confidence or connection with any person now living, who neither wants nor desires more than what he has, and consequently can have no bias or views, but what long experience, and knowledge of persons and parliaments, have suggested to him for his majesty's service. "And no soul whatsoever, besides the bearer hereof, is in anywise acquainted with his submitting these reflexions to his majesty's better judgment ; humbly begging pardon for taking this liberty, and that it may remain in his majesty's breast only." Mr. Walpole, having a violent abhorrence of a Tory administration, a particular aversion to lord Bath, and a high regard for Mr. Pelham and the chancellor, was not displeased with the termination of the contest. A repartee of his, on this occasion, is still preserved in the family. During the two days administration, being told that all was settled, he replied, " I presume in the same manner as what we call a settlement in Norfolk \ when a house is cracked from top to bottom, and ready to fall, CHAPTER 28, 301 fall, we say it is settlecV The wits of the times also indulged themselves at the expencc of the short-lived ministry. Sir William Stanhope, on lord Granville's resignation, remarked, "That he was only surprised he had kept his office so long;" and another joker observed, It was unsafe to walk the streets at night, for fear of being pressed for a cabinet counsellor *." The transient alteration in the ministry made no permanent sensation on the public mind ; all things returned to their antient channel, and the remainder of the session Avas no less unanimous than the former. The supplies were granted without opposition, and the pro- ceedings were so unanimous that they scarcely produced a debate, and are only known by the titles of the acts. Tiie royal cause Avas rendered wholly triumphant by the memorable defeat of the rebels at Culloden, and the duke of Cumberland became the idol of the nation. The confidential correspondence which Mr. Walpole maintained with ]\Ir. Trevor, and which has furnished this work with so many interesting letters, terminated in the course of this year, in consequence of Mr. Tre- vor's return to England. The last letter, preserved in the Hampden Col- lection, is dated June 121, and July 2, \7^Q- "Your last env-elope was of the 25th, N. S. to which the former, relat- ing to the insolent interposition of France, by the infamous and impertinent avowal of a scandalous dutch agent"}", and known pensionary to France, in favour of the pretender's son and his adherents, and endured by the States without the highest resentment, by an immediate revocation and punishment of their own accord, has indeed entirely sunk, silenced, and alienated the one and only friend that the ministers of Holland, and the States, as a State, had left in this country. Indeed, the person I mean is a friend of no great consequence, as you will easily believe, when I tell you it is myself. I, and I alone, have constantly, and from the begin- ning of the unfortunate events in France, both in private and public, dared to attribute the variety of fatal accidents and actions, such as, the shameful cowardice at Fontenoy ; the scandalous surrender, without de- fence, * Sir James Gray to Sir Thomas Robinson, March 26, 1746. + Mr. Wa'.polc alludes to a letter written from Van Hoey, the dutch embassador at Paris, to the duke of Newcastle, claiming the libera- tion of some british officers, adherents of the pretender, who were taken prisoni rs, on the pretext of their be^ng in the service of France, 302 ]\IEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. fence, and without punishment ; the forbearing to declare war against France, though under the strongest obligations by treaty to do it ; the receding of their ships, at the time they were actually joined with ours in defence of the coast, when an invasion was expected from France ; their suffering their wicked minister to continue, even after revocation, in the court of France, and avowedly acting the part of a declared enemy to England, the best ally to the States : I say, these, and many other signs, in appearance, of subserviency to the French, and of disregard enmity or contempt of us, I have dared, against the cry of all sorts of people, to attribute to the inability, divisions, and want of an executive power in the government; where resolutions, in consequence, are founded upon an unanimity, and where often, on that account, a small and obstinate minority prevails against a majority. I have justified the chief ministers there, as being honest and able men, and of principles well affected to the common cause, from the least blemish of treachery design and particular affection to France, or disaffection to this country ; and asserted that none of those faults, that carry so black and base an aspect as some of them do, were ^ acts of the State, or the sense or intentions of the dutch ministers, or of the bulk of the nation. " But now I have nothing more to say ; but I really think an unac- countable infatuation, like the sickness of their cattle, has possessed and infected the whole country. And, indeed, I have nothing more to say in behalf of my old friend the pensionary ; and, between you and me, I have some time been of opinion, (if he is not in the interest of France, as I will not yet believe him to be,) that he is a pious honest good citizen, but not a great and able minister ; and I can by no means recon- cile his conduct, as far as I have been informed, to my notions of a minister of spirit and resolution, sincerely convinced of our having one common interest, of the exorbitant and dangerous greatness of France, and of the fatal consequences to the liberty and trade of both nations, should slie become and remain the mistress of the Low Countries." " July 2d, O. S. I had wrote thus far, as you will see by the date, some days ago ; I have since seen the duke of Newcastle's answer to the impudent Van Hoey, and your memorial that iccompanied ihe deli- vering of it to the States, which cannot be sufficiently commended ; and in CPIAPTER 28. 303 in the last gazette I see the pensionary's retirement to the Spa, for six weeks, at this great and critical juncture; the occasion of which I can easiiy imagine must arise from the uneasiness of his situation, both with respect to peace and war, and the unaccountable management of both in both countries ; all these rouse in me, instead of resentment towards him, the greatest compassion, and increase my strong inclination for peace) For after cur most fatal indolence (to call it no worse) in not marching after the French, terrified and disheartened at the loss of the battle of Dettin- gen in 1743 ; after the misunderstanding and difference between the gene- rals of the allies in IZ-^^, v/hich lost us the opportunity, I believe, of sur- prising and taking Lisle that campaign ; and, above all, our backwardness (it was a most unaccountable mistake that weakness in the good pen- sionary,) in not making the king of Prussia's offer of a reconciliation or neutrality, with the queen of Hungary, a condition, sine qua non, of our subsidies and assistance to the house of Austria, in the beginning of 1745, which might, by well concerted measures, have made the allies superior to France in all parts of Europe, prevented the conquest of the Netherlands, and not have put the king of Sardinia almost under the necessity of making a separate peace. After (I say M'here the point was I can't or won't guess,) we had neglected to improve these providential incidents, I say -after such neglects, considering the irretrievable consequences of them, and the circumstances of both nations in all respects, my inclina- tions and prayers have always strongly tended to a peace. To what peace? . to a dishonourable and insecure one ? I may be asked. Things good and bad are of a comparative nature, and so more or less according to cir- cumstances ; and although a bad peace was made at Utrecht, consider- ing the advantages of the war, I can't flatter myself that an unsuccessful war can procure an advantageous peace. But if we continue to carry on. a ruinous and losing war, sure I am that the peace must be still more disadvantageous. The saving the Low Countries out of the hands of France, is the great and essential point to this nation ; and if the price asked for it is so unpopular that a ministry dare not venture to give into it, they may pursue the war, until not only the Low Countries, but the price they may have in their hands to give for tliem, may be lost too. What then will be the peace, and where will be the popularicy ? " This 304 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. " This doctrine did not make me backward in granting- the supplies to support the common cause" abroad. My friends and I were more earnest for them to keep up a good countenance, and to save the appearances of our being entirely undone, and immediately exposed to the mercy of our implacable enemy. But these supplies, and this countenance, should have been made use of as a weight to procure, and not to reject the terms of a tolerable peace. But the minute I saw all appearances of that nature vanish, I returned from parliament hither, not out of humour, for I will never shew myself so publicly, but out of heart or hopes of seeing any end to our troubles, or the progress of France ; and, perhaps, I am not much out of the way in imagining that some reflexions of the same nature may have contributed to carry my old friend the pensionary to the Spa. And now, notwithstanding the glorious seeming effectual destruction of the scotch rebels by the duke of Cumberland, notwith- standing the advantages gained, and that may still for some time be gained by the Austrians and king of Sardinia over the French and Spa- niards, I am afraid I foresee (God forbid that it should be so !) as great calamities threatening this nation, not in the person of the king, but with respect to the government, by the year 1748, as happened in the last century about that time. Should I go on, I should really grow melan- choly : such a variety of black circumstances crowd upon my thoughts as I write, and have conveyed my pen much farther than I intended, or indeed as becomes one so insignificant, and so intirely removed from the sphere of business. But your goodness will excuse this inconsiderate rant," &c. He then mentions his intention of sending his son to Venice and Vienna. He adds, " My letters, and my son's name, will serve to make that place, by means of my friend Sir Thomas Robinson, as agreeable and as acceptable as a JFalpole can be at that court. For, by a preposterous ■way of reasoning, peculiar to the Austrians, although our family have always been in a proper manner, and the old Walpolean corps (for so the body of Whigs now in parliament are called,) are now the chief support of the austrian cause ; yet our name is not of good odeur at Vienna." Notwithstanding the address and judgment Av ith which Mr. Trevor managed the untractable spirit of the dutch ministers, he experienced several CHAPTER 28. 30j several embarrassments and unpleasant circmnstances. The mission of lord Chesterfield to the Hague seemed to imply a tacit censure of his- abilities and conduct. The freedom with which, in imitation of his patron, Mr. Walpole, he wrote on hanoverian politics, and his incessant representa- tions on the necessity of peace, gave umbrage to the king, and to those members of the cabinet who promoted the continuance of the war: his situation accordingly became so irksome, that his friend, Mr. Pelham, after announcing the embassy of lord Chesterfield, confidentially* advised him to solicit his recal, and promised assistance in promoting his interests at home with his brother and the kingf. Mr. Trevor accordingly ob- tained his recal; and was soon after his return nominated commissioner of the customs in Ireland, and in l7o9 obtained the office of joint post- master general. * Mr. Pelham to Mr. Trevor, October 2g, 1736. Hampden Papers. + In 1756 Mr. Trevor assumed the surname of Hampden, in consequence of the will of his relation, John Hampden, esq. who bequeathed to him Hampden House, and large estates in Buckinghamshire. Mr. Hampden was great- grandson of the celebrated John Hampden, killed at the battle of Chargrare Field, from whose daughter, Ruth, Mr. Trevor was like- wise lineally descended. In 1764 Mr. Trevor became lord Trevor, by the death of his last surviving half-brother, and was created in 1 776 viscount Hampden; relative to which event an anecdote is preserved in the family. In an audience, the king said to him, " My lord, why do you suffer the great name of Hampden to drop ?" "Peers," replied lord Trevor, " do not change their name with- out the permission of the sovereign." Some years afterwards the king proposed to create him viscount Hampden, and enhanced the dis. rinction by the gracious manner in which he announced his intention by means of his son-in- law, the earl of Suffolk, secretary of state. Lord Hampden died in 177y, aged 78, highly beloved and regretted by his family and numerous friends. His lordship retained extreme fondness for classical literature to the latest period of his life, and amused his leisure hours with various compositions in latin verse, which do honour to his learning and taste. His son, the hon. John Trevor, has given a testimony of filial veneration, by a splendid edition of some of his father's latin poems, printed in folio, with the beautiful types of Bodoni. Lord Hampden also wrote notes on Milton and Martiil, and a commentary on Horace, which his son thus men- tions, " A long and valuable work, which form- ed his favourite amusement during several years ; it contains the most elaborate scholia upon the whole of Horace's works, and is, per- haps, one of the most severe, erudite, and elc. gant works of criticism that exists,'* 11 r 206 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 29. 1740. Divisions in the Cabinet — State of Foreign and Domestic Affairs dis^ played in the Correspondence between Mr. JValpole and Air. Pelham. THE triumpliant manner in which the cabinet was restored, the acces- sion of strength which tliey acquired, and the unanimous support of parhament, inspired the pubhc with hopes, that as they Avere now free from the controul of lord Granville, and possessed full power to pursue their own system, affairs both at home and abroad would be conducted with more consistency and success. On the contrary, the ministry were more Aveak and divided than before. The duke of Newcastle, in virtue of his official department, aspired to the sole conduct of foreign affairs, and more fully displayed that natural jealousy against his colleagues which his dread of Granville's ascendanqy had hitherto contributed to suppress. His suspicions extended even to his brother, Mr. Pelham: the only person in the cabinet in whom he placed implicit confidence was the lord chancellor, whose professional duties, as well as his obligations to the duke, gave him neither leisure nor inclination to interpose often in foreign transactions ; and his endeavours were princi- pally exerted to conciliate the two brothers. The inefficiency of this di- vided cabinet was increased by the king's total want of confidence in his ministers. The duke of Newcastle, either for the sake of promoting his influ- ence, or perceiving the imbecility of his system, began to adopt the very measures which he had reprobated when proposed by lord^ Granville, and seemed eagej to gratify the inclinations of the king in a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the Netherlands. This system was disapproved by Mr. Pelham, who had opposed lord Granville in the same measures, from a conviction that they Avere inimical to the interests of England, and ruinous ija the disordered state of the finances. A few CHAPTER 29. 307^ A few letters, wliicli have been saved from the wreck of the correspon- dence between Mr. Walpole and Mr. Pelham, display the candour of that minister, the divided state of the cabinet, and the perplexities derived from the opposition of Leicester-house. " Tliere was a debate," writes Mr. Pelham, in a letter dated June 12th, 1746, " in the houseof lords this day, upon amotion of lord Lonsdale, who ■would have addressed the king, to defer the sending abroad any troops 'till it was more clear that we are in no danger at home, which he woultl by no means allow to be the case at present. The duke of Newcastle spoke well for one that was determined to carry on the Avar; Granville was present, but said nothing, flattered the duke of Newcastle when the debate was over, and gave a strong negative to lord Lonsdale's motion." * ♦ ****** After describing the uncertain state of affairs in Holland, he concludes: " Thus things stand, my dear Horace, abroad, and if I were to write an hour, and rack my brain to the utmost, I could not say one word that would recompense this ill ncM's, by any thing I can observe at home. I heartily Avish you all happiness where you are ; nothing but a total destruc- tion can disturb that ; but we that are rowers in the ship cannot expect that quiet. We must pray for better times, though we cannot expect those prayers will be heard ; for in truth we don't deser\'e them." " Greenwich-park, Aug. 23, 174(). I question much whether your expedients, though right in themselves, will do at this time. We have abundance of heads, and every one actuated by his own passions, or par- ticular views. The duke * means well, and, could every thing be decided in the manner of the battle of Culloden, would execute very well too. I have the honour, I flatter myself, to be very well with him, and shall take care to use the little interest I have with him cautiously, in order the more essentially to serve him and the whole ; for upon him the whole depends. " Osoriof and Wassener both assure us, that the armies of their re- spective mastere will follow the enemy into France itself, and by that means cause such a diversion, or make such a havock, as shall enable our plenipotentiaries to act with proper dignity at Breda. I heartily wish they jnay be rightly informed ; but in the mean time, I must tell you, the empress * Of Cumberland. + The Sardinian and Austrian ministers, II r a I 308 ]ME!\IOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. impress queen has absolutely refused to send an embassador to this petit congrts, and we have as absohitely insisted that she shall. Such a piece has come from Vienna as you, perhaps, have seen many a time, but as I never read with attention before; one would have thought that they had been the conquerors every where, and that instead of receiving- from, they had paid subsidies to, Great Britain ; that they were so good allies, that, forgetful of their own particular interests, they thought of nothing so much as procuring us a free navigation in the american seas, and maintaining to the crown of England that inestimable fortress of Louis- burg. You easily understand all this, for this language was held at Vi- enna, even before the last victory in Italy. The king of Sardinia cer- tainly talks well, and will, I dare say, consistently with his own security, effect what is proposed. " In the mean time, dear Horace, what shall we do another year ? The Dutch have, by Mr. Buys, declared to lord Sandwich, that they cannot, on any account, think of another campaign ; and if they cannot, where shall we find ground to fight upon, or money to pay our troops? Let us, therefore, profit of our present meliorated situation ; drive the enemy, if we can, and negotiate at the same time. *' I know your discretion too well to think myself in any danger of liaving discovered what I Avrite to you. I own I am full of the public at present ; I know you are always so : to whom, therefore, can one unbur- den so ])roperly, as to one whose experience will enable him to make pro- per reflections; whose zeal for the public intitles him to know its con- cerns, and whose friendship will prompt him to excuse errors, and cover those weaknesses which I am sensible I too often fall into, for want of the assistance of those on whose judgment and integrity I have all my life depended. ** Adieu, dear Horace, and believe me no indolent servant to the pub- lic, and your most sincere friend." During Mr. Walpole s letirement at Wolterton, the rapid progress of the french arms in the Low Countries filled him with alarm and despon- dency ; and he was not dazzled by the temporary advantages gained bj the Austrians and Sardinians in Italy, nor elated with the hopes of suc- cessful descents on the coast of France. He was deeply affected with the divided CHAPTER 29. 309 divided state of the cabinet, and impressed with a melancholy prospect of the danger which arose from the divisions in the royal family. In his fa- miliar correspondence with Mr. Yorke, he drew an interesting sketch of the dismal state of foreign and domestic affairs, which he calls a dream : " Dear Sir, October (), 1 746 *. " Your goodness in renewing a correspondence so agreeable to me, should not be damped for want of a suitable return on my part, nor from punctilio (a thing which true friendship abhors) in expecting regular answers from each other ; but my having nothing to say that deserves the trouble of a letter, checks my inclination to write, and blunts my pen. Should I sally out, and set upon you with an account of my rural occu- pations and amusements, with my wholesome exercise of the Georgicks by day, and pleasurable lecture of them in Virgil at night, you are so conver- sant with that great author, and so happily seated to enjoy the fulness of all country delights, that you Avould smile at the idleness of my attempt to entertain you in that way. " Should I, forgetting my woods, waters, and lawns, let my thoughts take a ramble into the spacious fields, or rather wilderness, of politics, 'tis such a gloomy and melancholy scene that you would be soon weary of my dismal perspective of affairs abroad. Look into Flanders, and you will see, with the town and citadel of Namur (the strong and eminent barrier against our most formidable enemj^, ) entirely destroyed, if not recovered and rebuilt, the tiade and safety of Britain rendered for ever piecarious ; and can the most sanguine reflections present to you a probability of its being recovered either by peace or war? Will the French have generosity enough to restore it voluntarily, in amicable conferences, without conquest or equivalent ? and how shall we engage victory to be on our side, or where find an equivalent for them ? Have we any hopes of a superiority in the Low Countries this year, or to have near such strength there as will not make the odds of a battle greatly against us ? Will the successes of our allies in Italy occasion any diversion of service to our army in Flan- ders ? Will the Austrians and Piedmontese, in consequence of their fate victory, agree to prosecute the common cause against France ? Did want of ability or harmony prevent them making, for above two months toge- ther, any good use of the first battle they won ? Will not the Genoese, tiiough * Hardwickc Papers. 310 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLR though it costs them dear, gain the protection of the house of Austria, so far as to disappoint, in a great measure, the satisfaction which the king of Sardinia may desire and deserve? Will it not be too late in the year for our allies in Italy, should they agree, to make such an impression on the southern parts of France, as to draw the attention of that crown, and give us an opportunity to make an advantage of it in Flanders ? Or have we such hopes of the pacific temper of the king of Spain, as to give the French the least jealousy or uneasiness, and by that means forward their disposi- tion for a peace ? Will our maritime expeditions intimidate our enemies, or satisfy even reasonable people at home ? Have our American projects been promoted, and suddenly stopt backward and forward, at a great expence, upon steady uniform councils ? Have not our colonies been under various and contradictory orders, which must have cost them great sums, with great disappointments and discon- tents ? And is not the secret expedition now on foot undertaken purely to save appearances, that the vast charges of our naval armament this year may not seem to have been flung a^^ay ? Can there be an}^ real prospect of any success of consequence from a descent upon the coast of France ; or will it serve any other purpose than, perhaps, to provoke France to a re- taliation, and to give us new troubles at home r Nay, perhaps the best thing to be desired may be, that our fleets may, without great loss, be scattered by the high winds, and not suffered to make any attempt, to pre- vent the ridicule of our being engaged in an useless and destructive one to ourselves, in this distracted state of things, Avith the entire loss of the ■Low Countries ; tlie farce of a congress at Breda; costly but insignificant equipments at sea ; extraordinary demands on account of the late rebel- lion, and the prosecution of the rebels ; nothing to be said to animate and encourage the well-affected, and secret and vindictive resentment among the enemies of the government. " Upon what foot will the king meet his people in parliament ? What can be said, and what can be done ? Can there be any plan of peace, or of warlike operations, ready to be opened or intimated to the house ? As to the first, I thin-k, in the nature of things, it is impossible ; as to the war, I am afraid we shall in November be as backward in our schemes as we have hitherto yearly been ; and yet king William and the duke of Marl- borough CHAPTER 29. 311 borough had always by that time concerted then- plans for the following campaign. "Well; but the parliament must rheet : we must not lie down and die ; we must make our utmost efforts, and not subject ourselves to a base and inglorious peace, that will expose us afterwards to the mercy of France. Will the Dutch, or can the Dutch, (whose late pensionary * died of a broken heart,) concur in such expcnce of measures as will, joined with the Austrians, give us a superiority to act offensively in Flanders ? Or will the Austrians have the recovery of that country more at heart than they have yet had the saving of it? Will they, for that purpose, in conjunc- tion with the Piedmontcse, enter next year into Provence, besiege, sup- ported by a fleet from us, Toulon? Or will they not rather, as they did the last war, turn their views and efforts towards Naples and Sicily ; and by that means fix the pacific and wavering king of Spain more than evev in the interest and union with France, and leave the re-conquest of Flan- ders to the maritime powers ? These reflections, you will say, are obvious, and must and will occur to those whose business it is to think of them, and will, without doubt, be represented in their proper light, and in a proper place. Will they so ? I hope they Avill. But let me pause a little : shall I go on? I am come to a ticklish point, " Periculosoe plenum opus altce.''' " But honest freedom is allowable among friends. Will then the ministers concert together, and all agree in one uniform plan of measures? Will they, if they agree, all and equally recommend and support it in a certain place ; although they may suspect that their advice will not be entirely welcome there, as it might prove useful if followed? Will, then, a minister f that loves to do every thing himself, and is so jealous as not to endure a seeming preference to himself in the closet, even in favour of his nearest relation ; will he, having been lately flattered into belief that he has more credit there than he really has, or will ever have there ; will he,; I say, risk the loss of imaginary credit, by supporting a proposition that he finds to be disagreeable ? Will another minister'^, who once had great credit, but having lost it on a certain occasion, is as desirous as ever to recover it, * Vanderheini» + Dwke of Newcastle. X Lord Harrington; MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. it, venture to speak plain and steadily ? If these should prove faint and feeble in matters directly belonging to their own province, the sincerity, steadiness and eloquence of others, not so immediately from their ofiices and stations, concerned, will not, 1 am afraid, avail much. They will, I appreliend, be considered as understanding the Law* and the Finances ■\, within their respective departments ; but be told that foreign aifairs are out of their sphere. " But supposing all those, who, by their situation, are proper to advise, should settle among themselves a plan, and should resolve and pursue the resolution with great loyalty and firmness — " I am now again at a stand, and my pen trembles in my hand. If I go on, " Incedo per ignes " Suppositos c'mei^i doloso.'' " However, sincerity prevails. I say then, will apian for peace or war, recommended by the zealous concurrence of all his servants, be adopted by the master ? Have they his real credit and affection ? and are there not those out of place who have a greater influence with him ? And will they ever suggest or promote a scheme that may redound, in the execution of it, to the honour of them that are in the administration? Nay, will they not endeavour, and be able, by a wdiisper artfully conveyed, to obstruct and divert the pursuit of the wholesome advice of his immedate and faithful servants ? adit Pjj^ there is still something more preposterous and absurd. There is a sort of imperium in impevio, a court within a court. The royal family is split into two branches, separate and independent of each other, and each in effect has a share in the government ; and while the father and the son are divided in every other respect, they both seem to have a con- fidence in the same persons, who, as is often the case of those out of em- ployment, are more attached to the son than to the father ; but, having a secret credit with the latter, direct their advice to him in a manner agree- able to the inclination of the former ; and, while every body pprceives anc^ knows this management but the father, the son, besides the natural weight of his own servants in parliament, gets an increase of strength in the house, and has it frequently in his power to turn the scale in que- stions * Lord Hardwicke. , , + Mr, Pclham, CHAPTER 29. 51 J stions of the greatest nicety and importance, and to disappoint the mini- stry in the means necessary to carry on the affairs of government ; and then care will be taken, by artful insinuations conveyed to the closet, to lay such a disappointment to the weakness and want of ability in the ministers, and not to the various intrigues arising from the combination of different causes, and the confused state of things at court. " But, to complete this distraction, it is whispered, that a most unac- countable and dangerous phenomenon is ready to break forth ; which is, that the elder brother and heir entertains jealousy of the younger, whose glorious actions, although conducted with the greatest modesty for the salvation of the whole family, have created more uneasiness than satisfac- tion, and have been the secret cause, from certain brigues, M'hy prince Cliarles of Lorrain had the command of the allied army in Flanders this campaign : that a great intimacy has been struck up between the court of Vienna and that of Leicester-fields ; and that upon this foundation, and by a proper management, deducible from what goes before, the house of Austria flatters her selfish pride with being able to govern at St. James's, and by that means to carry on their own views and the war according to their own private notions; and that no british minister shall either dare, or be able to oppose or controul their presumptuous schemes. "In the mean time the popularity restored to this royal family, by the brave and prudent conduct of the duke, will by degrees wear out; the apprehensions of popery and slavery, from the great progress made by the re- bels at first, will be forgot and vanish ; the sense of our melancholy situation abroad, and the fatal consequences of it to this nation, will be universally felt ; cries and clamours will be heard in our city and our streets; the dis- affected M'ill recover from their despondency, and, resuming new spirits, will stir up opposition in this parliament while it lasts, and will be active to secure a majority on their side in the election of a new one. " The ministry will, 'tis to be feared, be so embarrassed and distressed, tiiat those who have secret credit at court will represent the impossibility of retrieving affairs in tlieir hands. But as these gentlemen behind the curtain are so detested by the Whigs as to make it impossible for them, if employed, to gain sufficient credit and assistance from that quarter to manag^e the helm, the necessity of taking in the Tories will be suggested ; S s in 314 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. in short, tliis general confusion will end, either by a premature dis- solution of the present, or by the choice of the future parliament, in a Tory administration ; and the consequences of such an event are too obvious to require or endure an enumeration of them. " But you will say, where is the remedy to this calamitous situation ? To which I reply, Prussia, Prussia, Prussia ! Real friendship and strict alliance Avith that crown might have prevented these misfortunes; that only can now retrieve them : or, let it be peace or war, that only can save Europe, and in particular England, from the fetters of France. " 1 had dreamt thus far the other night, when my loud cry of Prussia startled and awakened me; and, having rubbed my eyes, I was glad to find, upon reflection, it was all a mere dream, and as such I send it to you, for Avant of something more useful or pleasant, to keep up our correspondence, and to pass away a tedious winter's evening. " Dear Sir, your pardon for the impertinent trouble of a dream! Adieu, your ever most affectionate, The Political Dreamer." Mr. Walpole also transmitted this singular letter to his friend Mr. Pelham, inclosed in one which is not among the papers at Wolterton, and to which the minister made the following reply : " Dear Sir, October 25th, ]746. " Your kind letter of the 18th I received, as also the copy of what you call your dream, addressed, some few days before, to an anonymous cor- respondent ; I believe I guess the young gentleman for whom you enter- tain so favourable an opinion, and, if I do, my own imagination follows yours in that partiality, as it docs in the sentiments you "express in what I call your confidential correspondence with him. " I wish what you say may prove a dream, but I fear it will, before we expect it, prove a reality. I have not for some time expected any good fruit from our conferences at Breda, indeed never since lord Sandwich went there ; not from any prejudice or opinion of Avant of ability in lord Sandwich ; but as I knew he went with a disposition to please those that sent him, and as I saw their view was rather to convince the court of Vienna that we would do nothing without their consent and participa- tions, than to give satisfaction to Holland, that we did actually, and bona Jide, CHAPTER Q9- 315 fide, mean to make up this burthensome, unequal, and impracticable war, whenever we could obtain honourable and decent terms of peace. By this means, poor Trevor, Avho has always wished the latter, because he found the former endless and impracticable, has lost all his credit here ; and is, as fast as we can bring it about, losing the credit he had amongst the well intentioned people at the Hague. Foreseeing what would happen, I have secured for him lord Duplin's employment in Ireland, Avho will make a vacancy in that commission, by succeeding Tommy Brudenel in the board of trade here. I mention this, as I know you wish Trevor well; and I have done it, as I know he is to suffer for adhering to what, I think, every honest and sensible man should turn his thoughts. " Our conferences at Breda are at a stand; the French not allowing the admission of the austiian plenipotentiary, and we as firmly insisting that he shall be admitted. In this situation every one called out for a plan, either of peace, or for another campaign. None, you may imagine, was louder for this than myself ; having for some years experienced the hard work of calling for supplies, and at the same time not being able to say how they Avould be employed, or what proportion our allies would or could furnish on their parts. His grace, who is all military, and Avill take the word of an austrian minister for true sterling, as lord Granville used to put it off for such, though //e knew, at the same time, it was arrant brass, has prepared one and shewn it to the king, got his appro- bation easily, as it M'as founded on his own principles, and then, by the king's order, shewed it to lord Harrington, lord chancellor, and myself. Having seen it before, you may imagine how his lordship took such a com- munication, and that not the better for having discovered the duke of Newcastle and lord SandM'ich had kept a correspondence ever since the latter went to the Hague, -without ever communicating or owning any thing of it to him. " JNIy dear Horace, how easily do we forget our own complaints against others, whenever we have an opportunity of putting in practice the same or much more extraordinary measures ourselves. I ha\'C, however, kept things from breaking out as yet, and the great desire a certain person * has to keep his employment, and to try to recover his lost credit, will, I conceive, * Lord Harrington. Ss2 316 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. conceive, keep things from a public rupture some time longer. The plan has no harm in it; it promises for us 18,000 Hanoverians, 10,000 British, and 6000 Hessians in Flanders ; a subsidy of 300,0001. to the queen of Hungar}^ and I suppose as much to the king of Sardinia; for which the first is to have 50,000 men in Flanders, exclusive of garrisons, the same number in Provence, and a sufficient body of troops in Italy to keep Spain in awe, in case she should not make up with us before the next campaign. The king of Sardinia is to join the austrian army in Pro- vence with 30,000, and also to furnish some proportion for the defence of Italy. The Dutch arc, by this plan, desired to furnish only 20,000 national troops, and the 5000 Bavarians now in their pay, for which we are charged with the greatest part of the subsidy. There is also some mention made of securing a body of troops from the czarina, the expence of which is to lay chiefly upon us ; but Holland is supposed to be willing to pay her part. " I don't doubt but you say all this is very well ; but will it ever be ? Can we expect from the Austrians such a support for 300,0001. when we have not been able this year to procure half of it for 550,0001. ? Will the king of Sardinia march with 30,000 men into France next year, after notice given, Avdien he has shuffled, and at last got his neck out of the halter, this year, even Avhen there Avas no enemy to oppose him? I am so full of these military dreams, that I write on, forgetting who I write to, exposing possibly my own sentiments, and tiring you with undigested, crude, and imperfect representations upon affairs of the greatest moment, and in which you have so thorough a knowledge. " To return, therefore, to what I set out with, lord Harrington will, I believe, send this plan, provided we make our demands of the Dutch e(jual to what they have hitherto furnished ; for he says, and I think with truth, that though they have lost their barrier, they have lost no terri- tory, of consequence no revenue ; that having not declared war, their trade has not suffered, and of consequence their ability, in point of ex- pences, equal to what it has ever been during this war. How can we, therefore, be justified in asking less of 'em? It is, indeed, so necessary to keep them with us, that it may be expedient to accept of less ; but that won't justify our setting out upon a less demand. I have seen a letter which C H A P T E R 29. 317 which his lordship has prepared upon this subject, a wise one, not an un- notional one ; it will read well in parliament, and steers clear of abso- lutely refusing what it is supposed the king may desire. I can't write to you by halves, and I hope there is no danger in your post, that what I write will be seen before it comes to your hands. Mr. Fowle has wrote you word, how much I think myself obliged to you, for your kind offer of coming to town a week before the parliament meets. I hope it will not inconvenience you, and sooner it would be barbarous to call for you. Our news in London tells us that duke d'Anville was, the 19th of last month, on the coast of Acadia; that he had suffered much in his passage. Knowles writes word, that he does not think he will attack Cape Breton ; but, if he does, he fears him not. He supposes they will take Anapolis ; and says, he doubts not to retake it next spring. All I know of St. Clair, &c. is in the gazettes. One of our ships has taken a french man of war, the Mars of 64 guns, and brought her into Plymouth. Our stomachs are ready prepared for drams ; this is a good one ; I wish we had many more. Write me word you have received this letter ; I need not say, take care that no mortal sees it, and you will greatly oblige, dear Horace, your most affectionate and faithful friend." The death of Philip the Fifth, on the 9th of July, enlarged the views of Mr. Walpole, and inspired him with hopes of detaching Spain from France. These hopes were strengthened by his knowledge of the characters of Fer- dinand the Sixth, and of his consort Barbara, daughter of John the Sixth of Portugal, who principally governed her husband, M'as friendly to England, and anxious to promote a peace. Some intelligence, which he received from Spain, induced him to address George the Second on this subject ; and two of his letters to the king are preserved in the Walpole Papers. Mj\ JValpole to the King, with E.vtracts of Intelligence from Spain. " Cockpit, Jan. 19, 1746-7. Having considered that, notwithstand- ing the prohibition of commerce with Spain by act of parliament, Spa- nish goods, and especially wines, are constantly and notoriously brought into 318 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. into this kingdom, by various fraudulent practices, without paying any duty to your majesty. I thought it advisable to move tlie house for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of that act, \\ hich was done, and agreed to last Friday. And having, at the beginning of the sessions, given in common discourse notice of my intention to make this motion, a merchant in the city, greatly concerned in this trade, immediately, it seems, let it be known, in a secret way, to a friend of his residing in Spain, who has frequent access to the queen consort there. This merchant, on Saturday last, brought me a letter to read, from his said correspondent, and gave me leave, under the strictest promise, not to make his own or his friend's name known, (which might prove of bad consequence to them both, ) to take the inclosed extract of it ; which I have done on purpose to lay be- fore your majesty, as what may deserve your majesty's information. " I have thought it more advisable to send it thus in Avriting, with- out Avaiting upon your majesty myself, or conveying it by any other channel, having no correspondence with your ministers. Although I am an entire stranger to the present situation between your majesty and the crown of Spain, yet I hope the contents of the inclosed paper will not be disagreeable; but I cannot pretend to judge whether any other use may be made of this correspondence, in order to have (without committing your majesty) any thing suggested by this way in general terms to the queen of Spain, relating to your majesty's, as well as the nation's, favour- able disposition towards the crown and the people of Spain ; or whether this is already, or may by degrees procure a sufficient opening to lead the person residing in Spain, to let fall, as from himself, any particulars (as opportunity may offer) to the queen of Spain, that may tend to recover and promote a good understanding between the two crowns, upon which I shall be ready to receive your majesty's sentiments and commands, and to cause them (if you are pleased to send me any,) to be transmitted by the same secret conveyance to Spain. " But I must most humbly desire that your majesty will not expect, at least at present, to know the persons concerned in this correspondence, which purely regards their own trade. The person residing here I know very well, and can depend upon his veracity ; and I can make some guess at the other ; and I have no reason to doubt but what he says too is true, because CHAPTER 29. 319 because it is no more tiian what arises from the course and nature of his correspondence with his friend ; and he could never imagine that it Avould have fallen into mine, and still much less into your majesty's hands. However, whether it be thought of any consequence or not, I hope your majesty will pardon this troublesome zeal of mine for your service; these blind and indirect ways have proved sometimes of more use than more open and direct negotiations, which may plead for my excuse in laying this before your majesty." Rep It/ of the King. " For Mr. Horace IValpok, at the Cockpit. ' ' I thank you for your intelligence. It would be a very desirable thing, if it could be brought about ; but there is hitherto too many insur- mountable difficulties for it. You may easily imagine, that it is of such an importance, that no time will be lost to come to a conclusion when- ever those can be removed. " G. R." Mr. JValpole to the King. " Cockpit, March 31, 1747. I presume to send your majesty, inclosed, extracts of letters from Spain, by the same conveyance and from the same person as before, and to observe, that, by these accounts, it looks as if the present queen had the greatest influence at that court, and that the great point, and as a condition, sine qua non, for peace and friendship with your majesty, seems to be an establishment, little or great, for don Philip, Mdiich the author says, for reri/ great reasons which he dares not write. It is reported, how true I can't tell, that the chief thing insisted upon by Macanas, for a peace with Spain, is the restitution of Gibraltar. I know Macanas very well ; he is a thorough proud Spaniard, and as such it is probable he will dwell long and earnestly upon that article ; for during the congress of Soissons, he, being then in France, was very busy in that affair ; but as not one word is mentioned relating to Gibraltar by this correspondent, and the present queen there makes the settlement of don Philip the only and necessary means for a reconciliation with England, I am led to think that the very great reasons Avhich the correspondent says he dares not irrite, why the young gentleman must not come home again, and which he so emphatically repeats, are founded upon an appre- hension 320 ■MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. hension that the queen may be under, that if don Philip should return to Spain again, he may interfere with her in the council and government of Spain, where she is said to have, as your majesty will see by the in- closed extracts, as much or more power than her predecessor had, and which she will, consequently, be jealous of keeping without a rival ; and as she is not a Spaniard, may be very indifferent about Gibraltar, espe- cially being a Portuguese, and the court of Portugal, for very obvious reasons, M'ould certainly be very sorry to see Gibraltar again in the hands of Spain. What or whether any use maybe made of this intelligence, is entirely submitted to your majesty. " A peace got with Spain, by the means of the present queen, so power- ful there, Avould very probably renew the anticnt good understanding between the two nations, and make your majesty's influence and interest with that crown more prevalent than that of France. And is it not to be apprehended, that the present queen of Spain (rather than suffer don Philip to return again to that court, which seems a personal concern to her, and what she has most at heart,) may not, in order to procure some settlement for him at a distance, be provoked (if she can't obtain it by your majesty's means) to renew and push the war with vigour in Italy, jointly with France, for obtaining-that end ? wliich seems to be her inten- tions by the warlike preparations now making in Spain, as your majesty may observe by the foresaid extracts. And may not the frequent dif- ferences, between the courts of Vienna and Turin, end in forcing the king of Sardinia to make a separate peace with France and Spain, by an establishment of don Philip, and Spain will be contented with a much smaller one now than in the late king's time, for that prince? and the consequences of such a breacli, in the alliance with your majesty, may, I am afraid, be dangerous ; but how it is practicable to procure that satis- faction, I cannot pretend to determine. " If I have presumed to say too much, I hope your majesty will attri- bute it to an overflow of my zeal for your service, and of that duty, gra- titude, and attachment to your sacred person, which will ever be insepar- able from my life." The King's Aiiswer. " I thank you for the information you have given me, and, if oppor- tunities offer, you may depend upon my improving it." 321 CHAPTER 30. 1746^1747. Mr, IValpole inculcates the Necessity of forming an Alliance with Prussia — His first Letter to the Duke of Cumberland — Extracts of Letters from Mr. Pelham. MR. Walpole justly appreciated the true situation of affairs; he saw that the efforts of a divided ministry, who did not possess the confidence of the sovereign, would be weak and ineffectual ; and that the dilatory measures hitherto pursued were ill calculated to resist the pro- gress of the French in the Low Countries. Having learnt, from long ex- perience, the imprudence of relying on the promises of the ambitious and jealous cabinet of Vienna, and on the wavering counsels of the dutch republic, he M^as aware that the empress queen would employ the english subsidies in an Italian campaign, and leave the principal defence of the Netherlands to the English and Dutch. He therefore inclined to the pacificatory system of Mr. Pelham; but deprecated all attempts to obtain a peace by acts of despondency or submission, and enforced the necessity of extorting reasonable terms from France, by the prompt display of a for- midable force. This plan, he urged, could not be effected by quotas of auxiUary troops upon paper, or by entering the field two months after the French had opened the campaign. The only method of meeting the formidable poM^er of France, by an equal or superior force, was, in conformity with his plan projected in 1740, to conclude an alliance with Prussia, and thus detach an effective body of 100,000 men from the French, and place it in the scale of the aUies. But George the Second having transferred his antipathy against Frederic-William to his successor, the ministers scarcely dared to hint at a closer connection with Prussia, or to combat his prepossession for the house of Austria. T t ]\Ir. 322 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. I\lr. Walj)ole, however, was not deterred by apprehensions of royal in- dignation ; he laboured this point with iinabating- perseverance, and en- forced it, as well in his j)rivate correspondence Avith the lord chancellor, Mr. Yorkc, tlie duke of Newcastle, and Mr. Pelham, as by means of papers and memorials Mhich were occasionally submitted to the king. The coolness with which these representations were supported by the mi- nisters, andtlie aversion with which they were received by the king, fully appear from the letters of Mr. Pelham and Mr. Yorke. "Your other letter," says Mr. Pelham, " is of much greater consequence to the public at this time, than any formalities that attend the trials of these unhappy Avicked men *. I Avish I could as easily see my way through the diHiculr ties of our foreign affairs, as I do in the others nearer home, I have the good fortune to agree with you in most of your observations on the pre- sent state of affairs abroad ; and have been so far benefited of your good advice, as to make use of your ideas in a certain place. When I state them, they are not objected to ; but, in the progress, I soon find that there is a secret view behind, that over-rules all plain reasonings that can be offered t." INIr. Walpole became more urgent in the prosecution of his plan, in con- sequence of the ill success which attended the arms of the allies in the campaign of 1746. The French did not intermit hostilities during the winter ; and marshal Saxe continued his successful operations w ithout opposition. On the 30th of January, Brussels was suddenly invested, the garrison of 9000 men surrendered prisoners of war, and immense maga- zines, Av'ith a numerous train of artillery pre[)ared for the ensuing cam- paign, fell into the hands of the enemy. This reduction of the capital secured to the French the conquest of the Austrian Netherlands; and Louis the Fifteenth only joined the army to take quiet possession of Lou- vain, Mecklin, AntAverp, and the remaining fortresses, and to threaten the frontiers of Holland. The Dutch, alarmed by the approach of the enemy, made the mostvigor- ous efforts, and solicited, in the most pressing terms, the effectual co-opera- tion of England. But the rebellion in Scotland, and the dissentions in the * Alluding to the trials of the rebel lords. + Mr. Pelham to Mr, Walpole, July 29, 1746, CHAPTER 30. 323 the cabinet, retarded the suppHes ; and prince Charles of Lorraln did not take the command of tlie confederate army till July. The forces of the allies were, however, so inadequate to resist the career of the French, that he only witnessed the capture of Mons and Namur, and terminated the contest in the Netherlands by his defeat at Raucaux. These disasters ^rere ill compensated by the splendid advantages which the austrian. and Sardinian forces gained in Italy, and the temporary invasion of Pro- vence, During the course of the campaign, some hopes of peace were excited by the congress at Breda, where the austrian, french and britisli plenipotentiaries assembled ; yet ]\Ir. Walpole, well aware that peace was not to be dictated by raw politicians at a congress, but by an army in the field, Avas convinced that the negotiations would speedily termi- nate without effect.] *' As to congress and treaties," he observes in a letter to Mr. Yorkc, Donatusjam rude, nothing will ever bring me again upon that invidious and ungrateful stage. The time is come that green yeaj-s can dictate to grey hairs*: infants are now politicians, and crush hydras in their cradles. Even experimental knowledge and wisdom belong to the young, and not the old men of this age; and it may truly be said of us decrepit statesmen, Bis pueri senes. The prince of Wales knows more than his royal * The strong expressions in this letter will villes, who were then all young men, had vio- remind the reader of Mr. Walpole's speech in lently attacked Mr. Horace Walpole, he, in re- the house of commons, and the celebrated re- ply, * lamented that, having been so long in bu- tort of Mr. Pitt, which is given in Chandler's siness, he found that such young men were so Debates on a bill for the encouragement and much better informed in political matters than increase of seamen'in 1 740, and echoed by Smol- himself; he had, however, ofie consolation, let and his copyists. Yet this celebrated retort which was, that he had a son not twenty years of Mr. Pitt existed only in Johnson's imagi- old, and he had the satisfaction to hope that nation, who penned these debates ; and is one he was as much wiser than them, as they were of the instances which realise his assertion that than his father.' Mr. Pitt got up with great * he took care the Whig dogs should not have warmth, beginning with these words : ' With the better of it.' An anecdote, communicated by the greatest reverence to the grey hairs of the the late lord Sidney, from the authority of his honourable gentleman !' M,r. Walpole pulled ofF father, who was present, will exhibit the slender his wig, and shewed his head covered with grey foundation on which Mr. Pitt's supposed philip- hair; which occasioned a general laughter, in pic was formed. I give it in his lordship's own which Mr. Pitt joined, and all warmth imme- vvords : " In a debate, in which Mr. Pitt, diately subsided," Mr. Lyttleton, and, perhaps, some of the Grcn- T t2 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. royal father; the duke of Bedford is already a better land and sea admiral than ever Sir Charles Wager was; our notable schemes for american expe- ditions will certainly preserve Cape Breton; the earl of Sandwich will jostle our friend Trevor out of his place in Holland, and, by his superior genius, animate and bring that heavy mass or chaos of a government, to order, vi- gour, and activity; and when he comes to Breda, Avith a dash of his pen, like an inspired man, will soon make France less formidable, and the house of Austria more tractable. Golden days are flowing in upon us ; I shall not, but you may, live to see them in their full lustre: in the mean time, as I am a poor broken-winded politician, I will follow the advice of my name- sake, Solve senescentem, ^c." At length, finding all his efforts ineffectual, and percei^•ing• the insupe- rable dread of the ministers to renew their solicitations in the closet, with that force and unanimity which he deemed necessary, Mr. Walpole took the resolution of applying himself to the duke of Cumberland, who com- manded the allied army in Flanders, and whose influence with the king was unbounded. He commenced his representations by a letter dated November 29th, 1746. After a complimentary address on the appointment of his royal highness to the chief command, as the only means calculated to save the country, he states the plan Avhich he had formed, during the administration of his brother, for a grand alliance, capable of resisting the power of France and Spain, by the concurrence of Prussia. He examines the king of Prussia's conduct from the first invasion of Silesia ; dwells on his repeated offers of a compromise, and contrasts his apparent readiness to enter into negotiation Avith the haughtiness and obstinacy of the austrian cabinet. He adverts to the efforts of Sir Robert Walpole, and his own endeavours to promote the reconciliation. He recapitulates the events of the disastrous campaigns in Germany, the consequent successes of France, and the neutrality of Prussia, purchased on terms more humiliating than would at first have secured the cordial assistance of that power. " The temporary success," continues Mr. Walpole, " occasioned by the secession of the king of Prussia, was soon checked by his breach of the neu- trality, suspicious that Austria, in conjunction with Russia, Saxony, and the king of England as elector of Hanover, meditated the conquest and partition CHAPTER SO. 325 partition of his territories, Frederic again brought his army into the field, and restored the preponderance to France." Though Mr. Walpole allows that the perfidy of the prussian monarch might have justified this coalition ; yet he censures the imprudence of provoking his resentment at this important juncture. " This being the case," he says, " the late lord Orford thought it his duty, although retired from business, to acquaint his majesty with the dangerous consequences of attempting to divide the prussian terri- tories, which would end in making France mistress of all Europe, and might prove a fatal blow both to his royal and electoral dominions." He recalls to the recollection of the duke, who commanded the allied forces in Flanders, the ill consequences which ensued from the division of the austrian forces ; and urges the folly of their cabinet in rejecting the repeat- ed overtures of pacification made by Frederic, until their consent was extorted by the disastrous situation of their affairs. ' ' Although, " he adds, " the treaty of Breslaw saved the empress queen from impending danger, and enabled her troops to gain great advantages in Italy, and even to make a successful irruption into Provence ; yet it was concluded too late to save the Austrian Netherlands, and the same inability to cope with the French in that quarter still continued." After establishing the position that the force of the allies was insufficient to regain the Low Countries, or secure an honourable peace without the assistance of Prussia, Mr. Walpole combats the objections, and lays down his grand scheme for securing that assistance. He reprobates the conduct hitherto pursued with regard to Prussia, whose concurrence, he urges, was to be obtained, not by dark hints and weak insinuations in the closet ; not by sending an inefficient envoy to Berlin, without positive instructions, and with the form rather than the reality of a negotiation; but by strong and repeated instances from all the ministers to the king, persuading him to write a cordial letter to the prussian monarch ; by send- ing a person of high distinction with specific propositions and fullpoAvers; by extorting the concurrence of the austrian court, on pain of losing the english subsidies, and by giving a parliamentary sanction to these over- tures. I find no documents in the Walpole Papers which enable me to ascer- tain whether the duke returned any answer, or in Avhat manner he re- ceived 326 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ceived this letter. The arguments had certainly no effect, either on his conduct, or on that of administration. The same measures were pursued ; and though the parliament, which met in November 1/46, granted libe- ral supplies, and unanimously acceded to all the demands of the minister, the army in the Netherlands was equally inefficient, and the campaign still more unsuccessful. In Italy, the austrian and Sardinian forces were compelled to retreat from Provence ; Genoa wsls recovered from the Austrians by the despe- rate efforts of the natives ; and Piedmont and ]\Iilan threatened by the French, In Flanders, the operations of the allied forces were weakened by the dissentions between the generals ; the french army, led by marshal Saxe, and inspirited by the presence of the king, defeated the allies at Laulheld*, after an obstinate and bloody action, in which general Ligo- nier was taken prisoner. The duke of C'umberland repassed the Meuse with great precipitation ; the French made themselves masters of the fron- ' tier towns in Dutch Brabant; after a short siege took Bergen-op-Zoom (a fortress hitherto deemed impregnable) by assault, and threatened to over-run the province of Zealand. The approaching danger excited tumults and insurrcci'ons in the United Provinces ; the magistrates were charged with incapacity and perfidy ; the prince of Orange was invested with the supreme command by land and sea, and the Stadholdership revived, and declared hereditary in his family. This revolution, in the hitherto headless government of Holland, gave new spirit and energy to the efforts of the Dutch; but could not check the progress of the French, nor prevent the siege of IMaestricht. During these events IMr. Walpole did not intermit his remonstrances ; and ^Ir. Pelham enforced them in the closet, though without success. Soon after the battle of Lauffield, he" thus writes to Mr. Walpole : "I won't trouble you Avith foreign politics ; the last gazette extraordinary is the true account of the action. I have not wanted representing here the substance of your sentiments, though not in your name. 1 doubt not I am thouglit too pacific to meet M'ith that credit with our young hero, that I think I deserve from him, and which I once had with him. He has ne\ er honom-ed me with a line since he went abroad, nor has even his secretary * May 1746. CHAPTER 30. 5'27 secretary vouchsafed to let me know he is alive. I do not, however, fail in my duty to him, and have accordingly wrote to him since the last en- gagement, by which I shall see whether my letters are welcome, and go on or not, as I find." In another interesting letter the minister describes the dehisive hopes entertained by his colleagues, the pacific overtures of the french king- through general Ligonier, and the subsequent fluctuation of counsels in the cabinet. " July 30, 1747. I should have acquainted you with the various in- cidents that have happened since I had the pleasure of seeing you ; but the subject was too melancholy for me to write upon, or for you to read. Your last, which I had the honour of yesterday, points out our true con- dition as exactly as if you were yourself upon the spot, and as much in business as ever. Oar victory in Italy, the possibility of raising the siege of Bergen-op-Zoora, and the great words and vain assurances of the prince of Orange, every now and then furnish us with fresh spirits, and de- ceive us into an opinion that this war is still to be supported and carried on with a prospect of success. But Avhen we have none of these drams to cherish us, but are reduced to the plain naked demonstrable truth, I find we are as ready to hearken to any advice that may possibly extricate us out of our diliiculties, as any of those who have never flattered themselves with either the glory or advantage of five expensive losing campaigns. You may probably have observed in the newspapers, that some kind of opening towards a peace was made to Ligonier during his captivity in the french camp. *' The first was this ; Ligonier was received with all the politeness and marks of distinction that was possible to be shewn to one of the highest rank, and the french king himself ordered that he should be entertained at marshal Saxe's quarters. The consequence was, that the marshal had many confidential discourses with him, and, upon the whole, told him that the king did not love Avar ; that he, the marshal, as httle desired to continue it ; that the whole french nation hated him ; that, were one mis- fortune to befal him, the king himself could not protect him ; that he had already all the honour he could wish for, and all the rewards for his ser- vices that he desired, or the king could grant. That, in this situation, Ligonier 328 ME]\fOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Ligonier must believe, broken as he was also in his constitution, that he must wish for peace, and withal that he knew his master did so too. After some farther conversations to the same purport, he told Ligonier that the king of France desired he would return to the duke of Cumber- land, assure his royal highness, in his name, of his desire to put an end to the war ; that he thought that could not but be done by them two, at the head of their respective armies ; that he knew the droiture of the duke too well to imagine he would engage in any thing without his allies ; but as the two armies would probably remain in a state of inaction, there would be time for his royal highness to receive the opinion of our allies, and he doubted not but they would wisely trust their interests in his royal highness's hands ; with many other engaging compliments to the duke. That as to the king of France, Saxe said, he looked for nothing for him- self ; that he should be willing to restore all Flanders, as it now is, ex- cepting Furnes, which he should expect to keep if we insisted on the to- tal demolition of Dunkirk ; but if we would let that harbour remain as it is now, he would then desire nothing but the restitution of Cape Breton. That Genoa ought to be restored, if taken, to the republic, and the duke of Modena reinstated in his own dominions. That Spain must be included and considered ; but as this was one frenchman talking, and another frenchman writing, I cannot be particular on that head ; but to me it ap- peared, that what was said of Spain, was more to save their honour than essential in itself. " This has been the political subject in the closet ever since; I am clear the king was pleased with it, and as clear that the duke was not averse to having his share in this negotiation. But the prince of Orange having most warmly protested against it, and having wrote a volume of pedantic reasonings upon the subject, some of us, the duke of Newcastle and lord Sandwich in particular, hesitated a good deal ; and at last an answer was sent, not over complaisant in manner, and, in my opinion, excessively cool in the matter. Notwithstanding this, France does not give it over, but still keeps up the same polite way of acting (though in a very odd style) that they begun it in. We have, of course, meeting upon meeting, and our whole time is taken up in defending and blaming, without taking the determinate measure of for or against. "I CHAPTER 30. 329 "I have now opened to you the great secret of the times, which, like all others where many are entrusted, is known in general, though not in particulars. Al)road we are not in the least hetter ; the disagreement lictween our duke and the stadholder is evident, though not prudently managed by the former. The queen doM^ager of Spain is sent from Ma- drid to one of the four towns mentioned in the late king's will : it is sup- posed she will go to Toledo, as the cardinal infant is ordered to his bi- shopric. These things look well, but still nothing is come to Kew as we know of. " I have not failed to inculcate the notion of Prussia, both at home and abroad ; but that nail won't go ; we must either make peace, or this war must still be maintained at a greater expence by this country onl^', for assistance from others we cannot or will not have." Another letter from Mr. Pelham to Mr. Walpole, during the siege of Eergen- op-Zoom, expatiates on the despair of the Dutch, the disastrous state of the allied forces, and continues: " In short, dear sir, it is too late to look back ; we might have had last year a better peace than we shall be able to obtain this, and this a better than we shall get the next. "We fight all, and we pay all, it is true ; but v e are beaten, and shall be broke. His majesty is frightened, and talks reasonably upon any subject but the one you and e\ ery reasonable man thinks most material. You M'ould have him court Prussia, rather than be necessitated to take a bad peace : he had rather take any peace from France, than court Prussia to carry on the war. You judge so rightly of what France will do with re- gard to Prussia, that the general guaranty of Silesia was one of the points in the last paper delivered by the marshal Saxe to Ligonier. We were silent upon that head in our answer, which I doubt not will be made use of against us, in case the negotiation breaks off; I observed it at the time, but to no purpose. * * * * " I think of the parliament as you do, and have told my master so ; I am sure they will approve of any measures the king s joint administration shall lay before them ; but we must be convinced ourselves, before we can set about to persuade others. I say this parliament is composed of as true Whigs, and friends to this government, as any since the nevolution; that they are elected by the common consent of the people; but they U u are 330 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. are not servants, they are friends ; they must therefore be treated as snch ; they must see the interest of their country is pursued; they may be led^ but they cannot be drove. I have, and some others, inculcated your ideas ;^they take place in part, but not in the m hole ; it is that has made me so zealous for peace : I wrote the duke so ; and, by the general turn of his letters, I think he is of my mind. " I doubt I see the king of Prussia beginning already ; he complains of the austrian troops in, I think, the duchy of Mountfort, and, though he acknowledges the sovereignty of the States, has sent a small detachment to protect the people. Storms are gathering in the North ; a treaty has been long negotiating, as I conclude you know, between France, Prussia, Sweden and Denmark; the latter begins to shake, and it is whispered as if Bremen and Verden were to be the sacrifices there. So that our elec- torate, as well as our kingdom, has its apprehensions. *' If all these considerations cannot move a certain person, will the re- presentation in writing of a few private men, some of whom perhaps will unsay in the closet what they have consented to out of it, avail at all? No, dear Horace, believe me it M'ill not ; we have nothing to do but ta make up the present quarrels, get a little breathing time ; and then, perhaps,, some people may come to their senses, or some sense may come to them. I shall conclude with telling you, that I plainly perceive from Bentinck, as well as from the correspondencies which I have seen, that our two young heroes agree but little : our own * is open, frank, resolute, and perhaps hasty; the other f, assuming, pedantic, ratiocinating, and tenacious; sees the danger at his own door, and demands assistance like a conqueror; the other more circumspect, and full as resolute, not to give what he does not think safe to part with. In what a situation then are Ave ! we must pray for the best, for to direct it we cannot. I doubt you think me in- discreet in trusting to paper, what I shall never repent trustiug to you; if it comes safe to your hands, I am satisfied ; let me know it does so, for till then I shall have my fears. " * The duke of Cumberland. + The prince of Orange, 331 CHAPTER 31, 1747. Second Letter frojn Mr. IValpolc to the Duke of Cumherland — Substance of the Third Letter. MR. Walpole, deeply affected with the gloomy aspect of affairs, and the king s inflexibility, transmitted a second letter to the duke of Cumberland, while he continued at the head of the army, which cannot be abridged without injury to its spirit and sense. "Sir, Wolterton, near Aylsliam, Norfolk, Aug. 26, 1747. " I took the liberty, in a paper dated the 29th of last November, to trouble your royal' highness with a political deduction of the state of things abroad since the beginning of the war, and, by considering the strength of the army to be formed this year under your command, I did humbly presume to intimate my apprehensions that the French would continue to have such a superior force in the Low Countries as to put it out of your royal highness's power to act with that success as the exi- gency of affairs might require, and might be expected from your extraor- dinary talents, if supported M'ith the necessary means for that purpose- That, notwithstanding your unparalleled courage and conduct, your royal highness would not be able, without the assistance of the king of Prussia, to act offensively against France, or to oblige that exorbitant power to hearken to reasonable terms of peace;' and that the consequence of an in- active campaign, or a defeat on the part of the allies, might prove fatal to the liberties of Europe, and all his majesty's dominions. " I am grieved, most heartily grieved, to see, as far as I am able to judge at so great a distance from the scene of action, that the subsequent events of this year's campaign have not mended the melancholy state of affairs, nor removed our apprehensions. The same causes subsist, and will naturally produce the same effects; and, M'ithout a most extraordi- 2 U 2 nary 332 ME^^IOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. nary interposition of Providence, destruction, like a torrent, is ready to overflow this unhappy nation. " Your royal highness, with an activity and zeal becoming yourself, endeavoured to animate the allies to furnish a corps of troops that might enable you to bring early into the field an army of 140,000 men. A con- vention was accordingly made between the powers concerned for that purpose; the respective quotas were stipulated, and it was farther agreed that the queen of Hungary should provide 6(),Q00 men, and the king of Sardinia 30,000 to act in the southern parts of France. Not to mention the obligation of those two powers to entertain a sufficient number of troops to intimidate the kings of Spain and Naples ; this diversion, cal- culated to oblige the enemy to weaken their forces in the Low Countries, and to make the army under your command superior to the French, would have been a glorious project, and the most hopeful basis for a suc- cessful campaign, if some of the jjowers engaged had not wanted both abilities and inclination to carry it into execution. " But, alas! sir, those who had the least experience in affairs, and knowledge of the maxims and practice of the court of Vienna in former wars, foresaw, and foretold, that it must prove an imaginary scheme; that the Austrians could never be able to furnish their contingent, and that if they could, instead of penetrating into the southern parts of France, they would have found, as they did in the last war, some excuse for diverting their army from such a noble enterprise, to undertake the siege of Naples ; and that is what the Austrians meant by the 4th article of the convention relating to that kingdom. " And lo ! while our spirits are raised with sanguine expectation, that the Austrians and Sardinians, having passed the Var, would push immedi- ately into France, Ave are suddenly surprised with the disagreeable news that they were obliged, on the approach of marshal Belle-Isle, to repass that river with great precipitation ; and it seems that instead of being 90,000, their army did amount to no more than 25,000 men. In the mean time the people of Genoa took up arms, and drove the Aus- trians out of their city, and from the strong holds ; and I can't forbear observing, that this unfortunate turn was occasioned by a preposterous piece of policy on the part of the Austrians in leaving the Genoese armed, that CHAPTER 31. 333 that they might be in a condition to resist any attempt from the king of Sardinia. At last we were made to beHeve that the joint efforts and good understanding (that never was and never Avill be cordial) between the Austrians and Sardinians, would soon re-take Genoa, when Ave were again surprised with the news of their being compelled to raise that siege. " The consequent superiority of the French in the Low Countries, and the management of the war in Italy, is but too well known, and, I am afraid, felt by your royal highness ; and you arc the best judge whether your want of a sufficient support and assistance, in the late battle of Val*, was not as much owing to the policy of the Austrians, as to the cowardice of the Dutch, Glory, your inseparable companion, did then, and will ever attend your arms ; but as long as victory adheres to the strongest side, and the French continue to be the strongest ; while, at the same time, courage, force, or inclination for carrying on a successful war, are wanting in our allies ; the continent, and in consequence this country, must be lost, irretrievably lost. If Bergen-op-Zoom should be taken, that fatal epoque cannot be far off ; if it should not be now taken, the evil day will not be entirely removed, but only deferred, if we continue the same resolution of fighting bravely every year on the same unequal terms, and consequently of being every year bravely beaten. " In this critical situation of affairs, it may be asked, where is the remedy? It may be thought too officious for one retired entirely from all business, but it is so obvious I can't forbear repeating it. ISIeans must be found to strengthen the hands of your royal highness, and to weaken the power of the enemy, and the only means to answer these ends must be had from an alliance and friendship with Prussia ; and by detaching Spain from her engagements with France, not so much in order to carry on the war, Avhich I apprehend they will not readily concur in, but to co-operate with his majesty by their countenance, so as to make France think it necessary to offer reasonable terms of peace, and to settle the tranquillity of Europe. "As to Prussia, I laid so fully before your royal highness, in a former paper, the steps to be taken for gaining a good understanding, with the assistance of that prince, to a certain degree, that I shall beg leave to refer * Called also the battle of Lauffield. 334 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. refer you to the perusal of it a second time. I am persuaded those steps would then have succeeded, had they been willingly and earnestly pursued in the proper places ; and I should be hopeful that they would not fail now, if they were accompanied with the same principles of friendship, interest, and security, with regard to that prince, as I then suggested. These steps might be farther explained or varied according to the present circum- stances. " Believe mc, sir, the procuring of an alliance and friendship with Prussia, is the sense, to my own knowledge, of those that are the most zealously attached to his majesty in this new parliament, and the general voice of all those in this nation that are well aflected to his government. This, I am persuaded, his majesty does not know ; and I am very sensible how difficult it is to let him know it ; and still, perhaps, more so to induce him to hearken seriously to it ; for those who are in the proper station to do it, (for whom I have a great regard,) will not, for reasons too delicate for me to mention, undertake to lay this great and important truth before his majesty in a most dutiful but cogent manner ; and the king may at last be astonished to find himself and his people upon the brink of ruin, for want of having been timely informed of the remedy that might have been applied to obviate or repel the impending danger. Your royal high- ness has shewn yourself to be the greatest hero of your time ; you have gained glory, even when you have lost battles. Si pei^gama dextra deftndi possent, <§t. " " The glory of procuring a reasonable peace from a victorious enemy, has not indeed the same eclat and lustre, as that of forcing him, by con- quest, to submit to your own terms ; but, in the present nice balance of immediate safety or destruction, it would make your wisdom as conspi- cuous as your valour ; and Avould, from the universal good procured to mankind, and particularly to your own country, gain you as much af- fection and applause as a patriot, as you have got reputation as a general, which another unfortunate action may greatly diminish, if not entirely destroy. You have, sir, the heart of your royal father, and, next to him, of the people. His glory and future tranquillity, their safety and happi- ness, depend upon you ; exert your superiour genius, and act as the chief minister of his counsels in the cabinet, as you have been at the hc^.d of his CHAPTER 31. 335 liis armies in the field. His majesty's love for Ins subjects, and affection for you, may dispose him to hearken to that salutary advice from you, which- is requisite to preserve his own honour and ease, your reputation and their welfare, though otherwise perhaps not agreeable to him. " Represent, good sir, the necessity of mailing peace, and the impos- sibility of doing it upon a safe foot, without the friendship and assistance of Prussia, and a separation of Spain from France. " But will our allies, especially the queen of Hungary, hearken to a guaranty of Silesia, although she is obliged to do it by treaty ; or to the least establishment for don Philip in Italy; although it may save the rest of her dominions there, and recover all that France has conquered, and is like to conquer, Avhich, in effect, will be no less than the whole conti- nent. Good God ! how many millions has her resentment against Prussia, and pride with regard to Spain, cost this poor exhausted nation ! The English have already paid forty millions sterling in carrying on a ruinous war. They only fight, they only pay, not only the troops that are fur- nished^ but for many more that are no where but upon paper ; and it is an undoubted truth, confirmed by the experience of many wars, that as long as "others will find money, the Austrians will pretend to find men, and never think of peace ; I say never, if they are suffered to govern, as they have hitherto done, until they have killed the hen that has laid 'em so many golden eggs, and is already so worn out as to be at the last gasp. *' It may be said that the Dutch, besides their unwiUingness to enter into any confidence with Prussia, will now, animated and assisted by the talents and authority of a stadholder, exert a greater spirit and force for the recovery of their barrier than they did to defend it. This, to a cer- tain degree, may be true; and had the late revolution in Holland hap- pen'd seven years ago, it might have been of singular benefit to the common cause. I have the honour to know the prince of Orange; I respect and venerate him much : his parts, zeal, and ambition to serve the public are great ; and whatever his views are, they will be supported with strong and copious reasonings. But, I am afraid, his views are too extensive to be realised, and carried into action with success. The pre- sent condition of the republic, though ever so well intentioned, will not keep pace with his hvely and eager imagination, nor enable him to execute what 336 I\IEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. ■what he may persevere in desiring with great earnestness and eloquence. The sensible, sedate, and best affected patriots in Holland may be silent, but they cannot be ignorant of this ; and, knowing the state of their finances, and the imminent danger of their country, would readily pro- mote a scheme of pacification under the prudent management of your royal highness ; and the authority of his majesty might interpose, to decide and settle any difference of opinion, which a rivalship of glory, in serving the public, either by war or peace, might occasion between two young- heroes, equally anxious for renown. But I must still have recourse to the burthen of my song: pardon the disagreeable repetition ! Prussia must be gained, not to carry on the war, that is too late, but to liave the appearance of being able to carry it on, and to support a proper plan for a pacification. If the king of Prussia can be persuaded that the allies are sincere in desiriug his friendship and assistance, he must be sensible it is his interest to have the future security for his present possessions from them. And your royal highness is the only person that can, vested with proper powers and authority, undertake and accomplish this great and necessary work. But if a peace with France must be made, cannot it be done without the friendship and help of the kina' of Prussia? I am afraid it cannot. " I have observed, by the public papers, that the bravery and conduct of your royal highness at the late battle, though obliged to retreat, made such an impression on marshal Saxe, that he intimated, by general Ligo- nier, some overtures of peace. I am inclined to believe it to be true, because I can easily conceive it to be for the honour and interest of count Saxe to do it ; he is now crowned with glory ; he is a foreigner, and a protestant, and not sparing of the French troops. He is conse- quently envied by the nobility, and hated by the people of France ; any contretems, or unfortunate action to his army, might be his ruin, in serving a master whose affection and gratitude to a servant is governed by success only. I will therefore suppose that some overtures for a peace of a plausible nature, such as are most obvious, viz. the surrender of the Low Countries, for the restitution of Cape Breton, may have been in good earnest suggested by him to your royal highness, that they may be considered as a sufficient ground for a negotiation ; yet, unless the king of CHAPTER 31. 337 ©f Prussia is made beforehand our friend, and Spain be reconciled to us, this negotiation will end in nothing but disgrace to his majesty, and a most insecure peace to his subjects. For, can it be doubted, but France will, in the course of it, feel and make use of the advantage and weight she will have in acting in concert with Prussia and Spain? Can it be doubted, but, in order to keep up a coolness between his prussian majesty and the allies, and dependancy of that prince upon herself, she will de- mand a guarantee, from all the powers concerned, and from the empire, of the dominions in the possession of Prussia ? And in order to prevent a strict union between England and Spain, and to obstruct an advanta- geous treaty of commerce with that crown in our favour, will not France demand for don Philip a greater establishment in Italy than their catholic majesties would now be contented to accept by his majesty's interest and influence? Will not these demands be as prevalent and irresistible in treating, as her arms have been in fighting? And will not the allies be forced to yield, with an ill grace, to those pov/ers, what they might have had the merit and benefit of granting to them, by a reconciliation and friendship with them previous to a general negotiation for peace? ''As to Spain, I had an opportunity, last winter, of knowing, by an accident too long to explain, that the present king and queen are true Spaniards, and desirous of having a friendship with his majesty preferably to one with France, as being the mutual interest of both nations ; for some domestick reasons, they will have don Philip kept at a distance. The queen consort, who has the chief credit, cannot suifer him to return to his employments in Spain, and interfere with her in the councils there. For that reason she must and will insist upon an establishment for him, though ever so small, in Italy, and would rejoice to owe the obligation for it to the king. This I thought it my duty to let his majesty know, the king seemed extremely pleased with the intelligence *; but as he com- municated it to none of his ministers, and no step was taken in conse- quence of it, I let it drop ; and I mention it to your royal highness only to let you see that the disposition of the present government of Spain is favourable to England ; and I could indicate the means that might be taken * The letter to which Mr, Walpole alludes, and the king's answer, are printed in Chap, wr 29. X X 338 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. taken to confirm it, if it is worth having; and without it I apprehend that the most beneficial branch of our trade will be but loosely settled, and very precarious, on account of the obligations and attachment of Spain to France. " I would gladly be convinced that an additional strength might be had, and, from the assistance of this new and well-aftected parliament, an extraordinary effort might be made, without having recourse to the friend- ship of Prussia, so as to render your royal highness superior to the French in another campaign ; but it is a most vain imagination to think it pos- sible. Words and votes only, will not make men ; nay, it is plain that money will not. I am afraid that little more than words can be had from the Austrians, or from our good friends the Dutch, beyond what you have hitherto had; your royal highness will have plenty of them from both, supported with strong assurances on one side, and voluminous ratiocination on the other. But where are the additional means ? It will be said, perhaps, from Russia ; I think I shewed you last year how fruit- less our expectations are from that quarter ; the same reasons still subsist, which it is unnecessary for me to repeat ; but only to observe, that Prussia and Sweden will keep the czarina en echec, and Denmark will be fright- ned into their measures, at least will not dare to oppose them ; and every step taken by his majesty on that side, with such a view, will make his affairs worse, and give him new apprehensions in the North. This is so visible now, and has been constantly so, that I wonder the hanoverian ministers have not employed their utmost dexterity and credit, for the sake of their own country, to procure a perfect good understanding be- tween his majesty and the king of Prussia. There has not, I believe, been, since the revolution, a parliament better affected, than that now chosen, to support his majesty, and the present happy establishment, to defend the liberty of Europe against the exorbitant power of France, and strengthen the hands of your royal highness, that you may be, as king William was, our glorious deliverer. But, pray, sir, consider the immense debt that has been contracted since the beginning of this war ; the many millions that have been given, without being able to stop the rapid progress of the french arms, or to reap any other benefit but that of being honourably beaten. Ten mil- lions CHAPTER 31. 339 lion-s "were granted and employed this year with no better success hitherto; and with the deficiency that is hke to be, it may be necessary to demand, when the parliament meets, twelve milUons, (but where and how to find it, God knows,) double of the sum granted in any of the former wars, purely to answer tlie present charges of the war, M'ithout the appearance of an additional force to give the people hopes of carrying it on with greater advantage, or the least prospect of an approaching peace. Not- withstanding the good affection of this parliament, this melancholy as- pect will occasion melancholy reflections, and heavy hearts, even among the best intentioned. " In the mean time our good and gracious king, while too great cau- tion is used to say nothing but what is agreeable to him, will suddenly see the bad situation of his affairs, and must and will grow extremely uneasy ; and there are those* who are supposed to have a secret credit, although no places at court, that will perceive and take advantage of this uneasi- ness. They will (not presuming to point out the true cause of our mis- fortunes, nor suggest the proper remedies,) attribute them, by artful in- sinuations and whispers, to the weakness, mismanagement, and irresolu- tion of the ministry, which will be publicly echoed from another quarterf, even to the disadvantage of your royal highness, and will have, on ac- count of our distresses, a mischievous eftect in the nation. And I am sorry to say it, but I really apprehend, that within two sessions the best of parliaments will be in the greatest confusion, unless it is evident that the vast sums they must grant will tend to procure a reasonable peace. Now, such a peace cannot be procured without the appearance of an ad- ditional strength on our side, and a diminution of that of our great enemy ; that strength and diminution cannot be procured without an al- liance immediately made with Prussia, and a reconciliation with Spain. If these things cannot be obtained, we shall be undone by a ruinous war, or by a peace that will prove equally ruinous, which is too obvious, but too melancholy a subject to dwell any longer upon. " My over-officious zeal may have made me more importunate than becomes me; but as I have no malice, spleen, nor ambition, which gene- rally make objects appear in a wrong light; and I have no particular view * Lord Granville. + Prince of Wales. X X S 340 MEIVIOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. view to serve, I can have none ; for I want nothing, and desire nothing-, but to see his majesty happy, your royal highness glorious, and this free nation safe and free ; I hope this last and long trouble, well intentioned, if mistaken, will meet, if not with a favourable reception, yet at least with forgiveness." Feeling, as the duke of Cumberland did, from experience, the truth of these arguments, this forcible letter could not fail of making some im- pression ; although the delicacy of his situation, and the inflexibility of the king, would not permit him to adopt or acknowledge them. But the strength of Mr. Walpole's conviction, and his persevering zeal, are proved by his expressions in a letter to his friend Mr. Yorke, to M'hom he had imparted some remarks on the subject, and Avho had requested his permission to comnmnicate them to the chancellor. " I could have no objection to your communicating my thoughts where you think proper ; but my last wanted some digestion. As to the notions contained in it, I am persuaded they are true, and the only ones, rebus sic stantibus, that can save Europe and England ; and therefore I think that those who are in their proper stations, and have the proper opportu- nity, should overcome the aversion, by pressing them M'ith earnestness and unwearied repetition. " What would you say to a physician, who is convinced that a certain remedy may (and it is the only remedy that can,) save his patient, and will not advise it or order it, because it is disagreeable to the humour or taste of his patient? A minister that knowingly gives his master advice that will infallibly destroy him, is, I think, a traitor ; and can he be ab- solutely free from a sort of treason, that knows what will save his master from ruin, and that nothing else can, and has not courage to propose and advise it ; and even to pursue that advice, at all hazards, because he finds an aversion to it* The naval successes of England, however, had, during this year, in some measure contributed to counterbalance the misfortunes of the allies by land. Two french squadrons, destined against our settlements in America and the West Indies, with a large convoy of merchant ships, were defeated, and almost wholly captured ; the first by Anson and Warren, * Mr. Walpolc to Mr. Yorke, Oct. 19, 17*7. CHAPTER 31. Warren, and the second by Hawke. These signal successes, and the happy revolution in the government of the United Provinces, were the principal topics of the king's speech to the new parliament, which as- sembled on the 10th of November, and vied with the former in its loyalty, and in granting aid for the vigorous prosecution of the war ; in addition to the former subsidies, 317,881 1. were voted for 30,000 russian auxiliaries, who had begun their march towards the Low Countries. Soon after the return of the duke of Cumberland, Mr. Walpole trans- mitted to him a third letter, recapitulating and enforcing his former ar- guments, inclosing a plan of a negotiation for peace. In this effusion, adverting to the spirited support of parliament, and the inefficiency of the combined forces, he observes, " Our armies are beaten in summer, which makes it vain to treat them with the hopes of tolerable conditions from a victorious enemy. In winter, the proper season for negotiation, finding great sums ready to be furnished by the people, and voted by the parliament, our spirits are raised, and we grow sanguine. National plans for augmentation of troops, and successful operations, are formed upon paper, and then truly it is unnecessary and mean to treat with an enemy that will soon be at our mercy ; when, alas ! their too numerous and irre- sistible efforts, the next campaign, cruelly disappoint our imaginary hopes. And thus we are carried on, from year to year, in a circle of delusion, while the French continue their conquests without the least probability of our stopping their progress : they are almost masters of the continent • and what will be the fatal consequence of that, with respect to thi§ coun- try, is what I tremble to think of. Peace, then, seems to be the only object for our safety. Must we therefore, for the sake of peace, withdraw our forces from the continent, leave Holland to become a prey to France, and trust to our wooden walls ? No, by no means ; we should exert ourselves to the utmost by land, to have the best army that can be got under your royal highness's coni- mand ; but, at the same time, endeavour to procure the friendship of some powerful prince, which can be had, it is evident, from no other part of the world but from Prussia, to act in conjunction with us against France, if that was possible. But as that, I am afraid, cannot be ex- pected, to concur m ith the maritime powers in obtaining reasonable terms of 342 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. of peace from that crown, and for that pui-pose to frame a plan of preli- minaries to be supported by his prussian majesty's weight and strength." After stating the objections to the preliminaries, arising from the opposition of the austrian cabinet, he adds: " But must the liberties of Europe be given up to France for the stubbornness of the house of Austria, founded upon bigotry, pride and vengeance, and even upon infidelity to their own engagements ? Must the rest of the allies, and especially this country, go on to be exhausted by spending the last farthing to no pur- pose, and to bring themselves to the brink of ruin, rather than contradict the imperious and vindictive temper of the house of Austria ? Surely a proper and serious representation from his majesty, to the queen of Hun- gary, would induce her to act agreeably to her own interest, to common sense and reason, and to do no more than what is absolutely necessary to save Europe ; especially if such representation be accompanied with the condition, sine qua non, for granting any more subsidies ; for subsidies granted any longer are absolutely flung away without gaining the friend- ship of the king of Prussia." He concludes : " Were these my thoughts only, I should not presume to importune your royal highness so often upon so disagreeable a subject ; but I am told that what I urge so earnestly is the sense of all the minis- ters that have access and audience on foreign affairs in the closet, except one ; is the sense of all the confidents, friends and relations of that person, both in and out of parliament; is the sense of all the well-affected throughout the whole nation ; and, I am afraid, sooner or later, contrary to my own opinion, may be proposed this session in parliament, without the consent of the ministry and court, if they do not think fit to take the lead in doing it themselves ; and the consequence of that may be, in appearance, a breach between the king and his parliament, which may end in confusion at home, and hasten the destruction that threatens abroad. " 343 CHAPTER 32. 1747. Conference with the Duke of Cumberland — Correspondettce with the Duke of Newcastle — Unexpected Signature of the Preliminaries — Peace of Aix la Chapelle. IT^INDING all representations in favour of an alliance AV^ith Prussia ineffectual, and convinced that every moment's delay was big with danger, Mv. Walpole determined to urge his advice in person. He ac- cordingly obtained an interview with the duke of Cumberland, in which he held a long conference, and detailed, in a manly but respectful manner, all the arguments which he had employed in writing. He in- stantly penned a narrative of the conference, which reflects high honour on the abilities and candour of the duke, and his own spirit and integrity to speak truth, however unwelcome. I am happy to be able to lay this interesting account before the reader. " The substance of a conference I had with his royal highness the duke of Cumberland, December 20, 1747, at his lodgings in Saint James's-court : * ' Odiujn Veritas parit. " That evening, at seven o'clock, I waited upon the duke of Cumber- land, pursuant to a message I received from his royal highness by Sir Everard Fawkener in the morning. " I thought it my duty to begin the conversation with begging his royal highness's pardon for having taken the liberty to importune him so much and so often, by letters, with my reflections upon the great and critical juncture of af?airs, which nothing should have induced me to have done but my anxiety and concern for his majesty's honour, the glory of his royal highness, the preservation of the liberties of Europe, and of our happy constitution, under the settlement of the present royal family, which seemed to be at stake. His 344- MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. " His royal highness was pleased to accept of my apology in the most obliging manner, accompanied with many kind expressions Avith regard to my zeal for the government, and long experience in foreign affairs. He then proceeded to observe, (occasioned, I suppose, by my seeming to doubt in my third letter of the complement of the austrian troops last year in Flanders,) that they were near 60,000 men, reckoning the whole time of the last campaign, and touched upon the different corps that were to compose his army the next; naming the Austrians, Russians, Swiss and Dutch, besides the english troops and others to be in the pay of his ma- jesty and the states. But he never once atBrmed, with any assurance, that he depended upon having a sufficient force to attack and resist the arms of France; and therefore I avoided to enter into aparticular discussion on that subject, taking only some notice of the still w^ak and unsettled state of the Dutch, of the ditiiculty and distance in getting the Russians and Swiss time enough to be of service this year in the field. But I stated in short my thoughts; that, considering the formidable power and success of his enemies, it did not seem possible to put an end to this war with honour and safety, without procuring a friendship and alliance with the king of Prussia; and I pointed at the only means for obtaining that prince's as- sistance, in order to bring about a more honourable and secure peace than could be expected from the generosity of France ; retouching what is more fully set forth in my letters on that head. *' His royal highness told me he entirely agreed as to the measure, but differed with me as to the means I had proposed, and he then opened his own sentiments to me in the following manner : His majesty's ministers should, in their turns, recommend the king to set on foot a negotiation •with Prussia ; a person should be sent to Berlin, entirely agreeable to his majesty, that this aff'air should not be brusqu6, but followed step by step. The instructions of the ministers to be employed at that court, should tend to shew that the family alliance, the protestant religion, and their mutual interest, made it desirable to restore and establish a friendship between the two crowns, and so proceed in general terms and M'ith proper address to lay a foundation for a reconciliation and a good understand- ing ; which his royal highness, set forth in expressions adapted to answer that end. " As CHAPTER 32. 345 As I plainly perceived that he was prepared to talk in this plausible, and indeed as he delivered his sentiments in the most agreeable way to me, I acquiesced in his general notion, as conformai)Ie to mine, without coming directly to the main point; and that his plan of instructions to the minister designed for Berlin, went no farther than what are usual in ordinary cases, for settling an amity between two courts ; and seemed by no means calculated to make the king of Prussia sensible of his majesty's most earnest and sincere desire to have his assistance in the present desperate situation of affairs, with respect to war or peace. I then, with great submission, let his royal highness know, that, con- sidering how long and how great an aversion had been contracted, and still prevailed in a certain place, towards his prussian majesty, I was doubtful whether bare suggestions, or verbal intimations, in the closet, by his majesty's ministers in their turns, in fiivour of that prince, would make such an impression as might have the desired effect ; and whether general instructions to the minister for Berlin, conceived only in the usual form and terms of friendship, to reconcile two courts that had been so exaspe- rated against one another, would answer soon enough the salutary and necessary views proposed in this great and most pressing exigency. And unless a representation should be made in writing, by the joint con- currence of all the ministers, and laid before the king at large, of the desperate state of things, and the only remedy that can possibly save Europe and this nation, for his majesty's serious consideration, as is more fully explained in my letters to his royal highness, I was apprehensive that nothing effectual would be done. It had been observed, I said, by ■some, with great concern, that when a lord Granville was to be removed on account of his extraordinary credit and power with his majesty, a strong representation, pretended to be founded upon the daiigerous schemes and measures pursued by him, was, by the unanimous agreement of all the ministers, drawn up and laid before the king, accompanied with a resolution to resign their employments, rather tlian to continue to serve with so rash and enterprising a minister. But now things are brought to the greatest extremities, and to the vei y precipice of ruin, by pursuing, as it is generally thought,, the same destructive schemes ; the very same mi- Y }• nisters 545 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. iiisters dare not let his majesty see, in a proper light, his real and imminent danger, nor suggest to him the only steps, in all appearance, that can pos- sibly be followed to obviate and divert it. *' His royal highness, with great readiness and skill, replied : * How little soever concerned he might be at the removal of the earl of Granville, he could by no means approve the method that was taken for that purpose ; a combination of the ministry in making such representation, and the displacing of one that his majesty looked upon as an able and good servant ; lie thought was a hard, and by no means a dutiftd behaviour towards the king, and such a one as he hoped he should never see practised again.' " I replied : ' I am afraid I did not express myself so as to be rightly understood. What I said was meant by way of comparison only M'ith respect to the two cases ; of the removal of a minister, and of saving this nation : and therefore it appeared extraordinary to some that so strong a resolution and perseverance should be shewn in the face of the king, to make him part with a favourite servant, by those who would not venture now to make his majesty sensible of the revolution that seemed to threaten the continent, and perhaps this country ; nor to point out the sole remedy that can avert our impending fate. I by no means approved the brisk and peremptory treatment of the king in the fust case; but what I had proposed with regard to the present situation of affairs, contained nothing of that nature. A deduction, in plain dutiftd and submissive terms, of the true state of things, should be laid before his majesty in a clear view, so as to let him see, (and his majesty could not, if that was done, but see,) upon mature reflection, the "destruction that, like a torrent, wag ready to overwhelm all Europe, from the irresistible arms of France; and that the king of Prussia was the only power that could stem this terrible storm, by his intervention and concurrence with his majesty, in procuring more reasonable terms of peace than can possibly be hoped for from the mercy of France. I said, with great deference, such an honest represen- tation as this, far from being indecent or offensive, was at this great crisis the duty of ministers, to make, in order to give their master the most sa- lutary advice, and what had been often practised by faithful servants. Memorials, in such dangerous junctures, from subjects that 'were not called CHAPTER 32. 34r called upon to do it by their stations, even in arbitrary governments, have been well received by their sovereigns. I added, that the late in- comparable queen, his royal mother, would, in matters of great moment, suffer me to speak and write freely my mind to her, (though not conform- able to her's, ) without the least reproach or offence; and therefore his royal highness entirely mistook me, if he apprehended that I meant to have any step taken that should seem hard or shocking to the king. But the ministers should dutifully lay his true case before him, and -humbly but steadily suggest the best counsel, although it might not be altogether so agreeable to the king as was to be wished. ' As I often took an occasion to beg his royal highness's pardon for the liberty and earnestness with which 1 supported my notions, I urged, for an excuse, that they were not only mine, but were so obvious as to be universal. Every body, I said, in all parts, and of all ranks, that are well affected to the government, cry aloud for the help of Prussia, in one shape or other ; and I apprehend, if an occasion is not taken by the court to propose this measure to the parliament, for their concurrence and sup- port, it may be started there from some other quarter, without the privity of the ministers. " His royal highness was much affected with this surmise, and seemed to think that things of this kind should by no means be agitated in par- liament, intimating, (as I apprehended by way of reproach to me, al- though in very civil terms,) that the frequent discourses held by some on this subject, might give an occasion for such a thought. I immediately replied, in justification of myself, that I looked upon such motion, un- less it should take its rise from the court, to be liable to the greatest ob- jections, and, instead of having the desired effect, might produce nothing but confusion, both at home and abroad, by creating in appearance a dif- ference between the king and this well-affected parliament. *' I then begged leave to acquaint his royal highness, in great confi- dence, that a very considerable member* of the house, (who docs not care to be named,) extremely useful, and zealous for the means necessary to carry on the war, no particular friend of mine, and with whom I never had any transaction in business, (he having been formerly in the strong- est * Sir John Barnard. Yy2 348 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. est opposition to the late lord Orford,) took lately an occasion to express to me, privately, his great anxiety at the melanchol}' prospect of affairs ; lie had done all in his power in support of the common cause against France ; but that he did not see how it was possible to go any farther ; that, besides the ruin which threatened the nation, he could not be with- out his personal imeasiness on account of the reproach, that, Avithout a peace, might be retorted upon himself, who had been so much concerned in laying such heavy loads upon his fellow-subjects, and by new taxes, though necessary, yet very disagreeable to them. I asked him, I added, his opinion, what was proper to be done in so calamitous a case? He immediately replied, No time should be lost to gain the friendship of Prussia, and to detach Spain from France. I rejoined, with a smile, When persons conversant in business, though not intimate with one ano- tlier, would turn their thoughts to the same thing, without a particular bias or prevention, they would generally agree in the same opinion, as I now did entirely with him, having made the same reflections to others upon the present state of affairs. This led us into a detail of the method to be pursued for compassing these ends : the point relating to Spain ap- peared more desirable than practicable ; but that ^ ith respect to Prussia he thought not difficult, if the court would bring it before parliament, to be approved and enforced by the house in a proper manner. He added, I am no rash or hasty man, being always desirous to act with prudence and moderation; but this thing is of such a nature, and of such import- ance for the salvation of the whole, that if there is an insuperable aver- sion to it in a certain place, and the ministers want help, the parliament should undertake the affair, in order to strengthen their hands. I replied, Such a remedy might be almost a& bad as the disease ; it Avould answer no end but that of confusion, and I could never give my consent to proceed in that way. *' I observed to his royal highness. These are the sentiments of a great member, who had of late appeared most earnest and serviceable in sup- porting the king's measures ; and although I concurred in his sentiments, yet I will strenuously oppose any step in the house upon this great affair without a previous concert with the court, that the king might have the merit of being the first mover. I concluded with observing to his royal high- CHAPTER 32. 349 highness, if it took its rise from thence, it would be the most popular act that ever was done by the crown ; repeating again to him, that if it was deferred or neglected, it would be brought forwards, sooner or later, by- somebody or other ; and if such a popular motion should be made from a certain corner*, and conducted with prudence, I left his royal highness to judge what might be the consequence of it, as the royal family is now unhappily constituted. " His royal highness often repeated his approbation of the measure; but still persisted to think that softer means should be used, seeming by no means inclined to have a thing of that nature brought before the house in any shape, which he accompanied with some expressions that gave me more uneasiness than I thought proper to discover. " As I had observed, in my last letter, that there was but one person in the administration against this expedient, and that all his friends and re- lations were for it, (which his royal highness looked upon as pointed at the duke of Newcastle,) he took an occasion to say, in his justification, that his grace had mentioned to the king an alliance with Prussia oftener than any otlier of the ministers, and differed with me only in the means to procure it. To which I took the liberty to reply, I have talked with several persons in the confidence and intimacy of the duke of New- castle upon this subject, all of wliom agreed in the utility as M ell as the fiecessity of pursuing what I suggested ; but when they applied after- wards to his grace with great earnestness, they let me know, with much concern, that some steps perhaps, to save appearances, might be taken, but nothing effectual M'ould be done. With great submission, I then said, while his grace affected to be for a measure, (which was so univer- sally liked that nobody could pretend to declare against it, ) yet if he opposed the only means that could be employed to make it succeed, it was the same thing as if he opposed the measure ; and I could not for- bear adding, would the ministers occasionally only mention this expe- dient to the king, without explaining the motives and necessity of it, in its full extent, so as to expose the danger in not following it, and when the fatal day should overtake this poor nation, disculpate themselves by such a slight and transient way of starting advice, and let the blame fall upon his * The party of the prince of Wales, 350 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. his majesty, it would be a most cruel and unjustifiable behaviour of ser- vants towards their royal master. " Finding that I made but little impression with respect to the means for procuring the king of Prussia's friendship and help, I took the liberty to lay before him, in the strongest light, the fatal consequences of our present deplorable state, observing, that before the last rebellion, in J 745, the royal family was not very popular in the nation. That event, having afforded an opportunity to his royal highness, (whose character was not so well known till that time,) to exert his extraordinary talents for the safety of the king and kingdom, had reinstated his majesty in the hearts of his people; and his royal highness's superior courage and con- duct, though hitherto unsuccessful abroad, had gained him great glory. But the progress of the french conquests, and the consequences appre- hended from it, had now created a general alarm in the kingdom, and as there was no prospect of his having a sufficient force to beat or resist the french army the ensuing campaign, should any disgrace happen to his royal highness, or France be able to penetrate into the provinces of the States, fear and despondency would possess the minds of the people, even of the best affected to the government. And as the apprehension of im- mediate misery and ruin usually out-balances the memory of past services and merit, I was afraid there would not be wanting some who, laying- hold of the general panic, would be wicked enough to endeavour to tar- nish, though unjustly, the reputation of his royal highness himself. In the mean time, clamours, increasing with the danger, would be loud against the administration, for not having advised the only means of sal- vation ; and the ministers, to vindicate themselves, would cast the blame upon his majesty, by whispering abroad their pitiful efforts to dispose his majesty to gain the king of Prussia, as if they had really exerted them- selves as became them for that purpose. By this means the cause of our misfortunes would be laid upon his majesty ; his royal highness's great services, in having saved this nation, would be forgot, and the affection of the people might be shaken ; and when these two pillars of our present happy establishment should be weakened, I much questioned whether the remaining part of the family would be popular enough to uphold the tot- tering fabric. After I CHAPTER 32. 351 After a pause, and begging pardon for the liberty I was going to take, I begged his royal highness to consider what might be the conse- quence if universal calamity and distress should overspread the nation, and the whole royal family should become unpopular, in not being able to afford the least hopes of redress and safety ; might not the intolerable smart, as mankind is made, of present grievances, outweigh the duty of unprofitable loyalty and allegiance, and dispose the nobility and gentry, hurried on by despair, to seek refuge even where destruction threatened ; and, finding no other resource to save their persons, families and estates, make their peace and terms with the pretender? However absurd such a compromise may appear, it was formerly negotiated (though disappointed by an extraordinary accident,) in the reign of our glorious deliverer king William ; and may God avert it ! But what has been, may be again at- tempted ; and perhaps with greater success, where the motives and grounds may be thought stronger. " His royal highness, without making any reply for some time, seemed sensibly affected with this remarkable reflection. However, recovering himself, he still persevered in shewing an indisposition to the most ma- terial parts of the scheme for gaining the king of Prussia ; willing to have a minister sent to Berlin with general instructions for settling a good understanding between the two courts, but not to have the affair brought in any shape into the house of commons. ' ' He was then pleased to ask me, who I thought might be the most pro- per person to be employed there? intimating, that although Sir Everard Fawkener had been named, his appointment was not absolutely fixed. I told him the person was not of such weight and consideration as the powers and authority to be given him. On his repeating this ques- tion, I said, I believe I could, if 1 might take that liberty, name a person ; and then, with excuses for my freedom, I expressed my wishes that his royal highness himself, under colour of making a visit to the army in Flanders, would from thence take a trip to Berlin, not doubting but his presence and address at that court would effectually answer all our de- sires. I believe, in the course of our conversation, I recommended that journey to his royal highness three times ; he did not appear offended, but 352 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. but shook his head, without making any reply, which I think I under- stood but too well. " At last he hinted that I might be mistaken in my notions of the king of Prussia, and it might not be so easy to gain him as I imagined. I said, I could not, indeed, and would not be answerable for that ; but being convinced of the melancholy state of our affairs, of the irresistible power of France, and that there could be no other possible way to save Europe, and this nation, but by the friendship and assistance of that prince, I thought the attempt should be made in the manner most likely to succeed. But I must add, at the same time, in justification of myself, that, in case some superficial steps should be taken only to save appear- ances, and what miglit prove the most effectual should be omitted, it was no longer my scheme ; for he that proposes a remedy for a most desperate case, is not answerable for the success, if the most material parts of the ingredients should be left out. His royal highness often mentioned the queen of Hungary with great affection and regard, and that we should do nothing to disoblige her. 1 agreed with him in that opinion, provided her behaviour was con- sistent with our own safety, assuring him that this scheme was by no means pointed to give the least offence to her hungarian majesty ; but things were come to that extremity, that the houses of Austria, Prussia, Russia, and the maritime powers, all joined together, are no more than barely sulhcient to check and prevent the universal monarchy of France. " After an hour and a half's conversation I took my leave of his royal highness, extremely pleased with the affable manner in which he received and heard my free conference ; but as much concerned to find that I had made no greater impression upon him to induce him to concur in the means for the execution of a measure which he could not but own M'as necessary, and the only one that could be suggested to procure a tolera- ble peace; there not being the least prospect of his being able to make a successful campaign. ■ " Upon the whole, no prince appears to have been ever endowed with greater talents ; can have a better understanding, or a quicker apprehen- sion ; can have a more engaging or agreeable way in delivering his own, or CHAPTER 32. 353 or hearing the sentiments of others ; nor greater skill and ability to pany what he does not relish, or to support his own way of thinking. When I reflect upon all that passed ; his royal highness's own confession of the great uncertainty at least of his having an army sufficient to withstand the French ; his devoted attachment to the house of Austria ; his visible preference of the duke of Newcastle to all the rest of the ministers, there seems to be something unintelligible and mysterious in this affair between his royal highness and the duke of Newcastle, which I can no otherwise account for but in the following manner : * ' The duke of Newcastle, although he cried aloud for peace while the earl of Granville was prime, is now as earnest for carrying on the war, without any other consideration than that of thinking he acts agreeably to his ma- jesty's inclination, with whom he is resolved at any rate to gain and pre- serve the chief credit and power; being perhaps apprehensive, too, that his slippery power may depend in some measure upon the continuation of the war. At the same time the duke of Cumberland's great soul will not suffer him to think of peace v/ithout endeavouring to take his revenge of the French, and therefore seems resolved, at all hazards, even that of his own person, to try the fate of another campaign. The house of Austria will never think of peace as long as she has the least hopes of getting sub- sidies to carry on the \var; and cannot bear the thoughts of having the possession of Silesia guarantied by the powers of Europe to the king of Prussia, without Avhich it is impossible to gain that prince. And as his intervention might be a means to procure a peace, and a serious attempt to gain him would disoblige the queen of Hungary, and not be very agreeable to the king, his royal highness and his grace act in concert to disappoint this measure ; and God knows what may be the consequence of this disappointment, without a special interposition of his providence." Notwithstanding this unsuccessful termination of the conference with the duke of Cumberland, Mr. Walpole persevered in his endeavours ; and, finding the power of the duke of Newcastle predominant in the cabinet, he undertook the arduous task of swaying a person of his jealous disposition, who was anxious to ingratiate himself with the so- vereign by an implicit adoption of his system in the conduct of the M ar, and had recently sacrificed lord Harrington to the king's dislike, by ac- quiescing in his dismission from the office of secretary of state. He not Z z only MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. only submitted to the lord chancellor his letters to the duke of Cumber- land, accompanied with the most urgent expostulations to use his influence over the duke of Newcastle ; but he likewise communicated them to Mr. Stone, and requested an interview with the duke, with an intention to deliver them, and urge his arguments in person. Mr. Stone ex- pressed the highest satisfaction in the perusal, and " hoped they could not fail to have some impression on the personage to whom they were ad- dressed ;" but prudently insinuated, that the paragraph in the third letter, relating to the duke of Newcastle, was too strong and personal, and might be omitted without prejudice to the main argument. The duke, being on the point of setting out for Claremont, deferred the interview till his return, and desired the communication of the papers which Mr. Walpole transmitted ; but, with the frankness natural to his character, did not erase the offensive paragraph. The duke returned the papers, with a letter vindicating his own conduct, by asserting that he had first sug- gested the necessity of an alliance M'ith Prussia, which had produced the treaties of Breslaw and Dresden, and that he was equally anxious to con- ciliate the king of Spain. Alluding to the offensive paragraph, he adds, " I cannot conclude without lamenting my misfortune, that you should be so little apprised o^ the state of our affairs at court, as to impute to me singly, a difference of opinion with all my relations, confidents, and friends, as to Prussia ; when, 1 believe, I am the only person who has of late ventured to open his mouth upon that subject to his majesty. I have done it in the manner I thought dutiful to him, and right to the public. This much I thought necessary to say, in my own vindication, upon a fact which I am persuaded you was not acquainted with*." These remarks extorted from Mr. Walpole a bitter and animated reply : " My Lord, Cockpit, Dec. 28, 1747. '* I received, with the papers returned to me by Mr. Stone, the honour of a letter from your grace, in wliich you are pleased to acquaint me, that no one servant of the king has more contributed towards getting Prussia and Spain than yourself I will not dispute with your grace that point ; but I cannot agree that your having suggested and persevered in advising the treaty with Prussia, that was concluded at Hanover, was ne- cessarily followed by that of Dresden. "The The duke of Newcastle to Mr, Walpole, Cockpit, Dec. 28, 1747. CHAPTER 32. 355 " The first of those treaties was made in 1745, after the king of Prus- sia had beat, the first time, prince Charles of Lorraine and the duke of Saxe Weissenfelc ; and it was certainly a very prudent step for stopping the king- of Prussia from turnina; his arms towards the electorate of Ha- nover. But, after that apprehension Avas over, I am afraid no serious en- deavours were used from hence to induce the queen of Hungary to come to a reconciliation with the king of Prussia. No, my lord ; if I remem- ber right, she persevered ; instead of acting in concert with the allies against France, to employ the forces maintained by our subsidies, to sa- tisfy her vengeance against Prussia ; and the treaty of Dresden Avas not concluded until the Austrians and Saxons had been vanquished again in two battles ; and after the conclusion of that treaty, the court of Vienna refused, and still continues to refuse, to execute that material article for procuring the guaranty of the diet of the empire for his prussian pos- sessions in Silesia. The fatal consequences of these proceedings, which gave the French an opportunity to conquer that year a great part of the Low Countries, and to finish that conquest the next year, are so fully set forth in my first letter to his royal highness, that I need not repeat them to your grace ; nor need I mention the considerable sums this nation has paid, and will, I am afraid, still pay, on account of imaginary fears of the king of Prussia. But the case is, we bear an ill-will towards that prince, which we can't conceal ; we are apprehensive that ill-Av^ill may occasion resentment, and so must be at a great expence to guard against that resentment ; when a proper application might have obtained his friendship, had the intimations he flung out been laid hold of and pur- sued. " As to Spain, I don't pretend to know what steps have been taken to detach that court from France ; but sure I am, that, since the death of the late king, their present catholic majesties have been favourably dis- posed towards us ; were it possible to procure such an establishment in Italy for don Philip, as would keep him from returning to Spain. This is, I own, a difficult point; and whether it has been pressed to our allies in a manner suitable to the importance and exigency of affairs,' I can't pretend to tell. " Far be it from me to suggest that we should make a separate peace Z z 2 with 356 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. "with Spain. But, my dear lord, it is visible to all the woild, that we do not speak to our allies with regard to war or peace in a style tiiat neces- sity and our misfortunes call upon us to do, and the vast and insupport- able expences of this country will authorise and justify our doing ; but our allies will employ their troops which we pay, just as they please, and we dare not touch upon peace in a manner that becomes ns, nor give the least attention to terms oft'ered by France, for fear of their displeasure. I could say a great deal upon this subject, and particularly with regard to the diflerence between your grace's way of tliinking and acting since the removal of the earl of Gran^'ille, and your thoughts and actions re- lative to peace and war before his removal : the reasons are obvious for this alteration ; you stand in his place. "As to your grace's concern at my being so little apprised of the state of affairs at court, as to impute to you, ' singly, a difference of opinion with all your relations, confidents and friends as to Prussia, whereas you are the only person who has ventured to open his mouth upon that subject to his majesty, and you have done it in the manner you thought' dutiful to him and right to the public ;' I will not contest that fact. 1 intended 110 offence ; but what I meant by what I said in the fullness of my heart, was, that having talked the substance of Mhat I M rote to the duke of Cumberland, to some persons in the greatest intimacy and confidence with your grace, they concurred with me in every respect, as to the utility, and even necessity of procuring and settling a friendship with the king of Prussia, and of pursuing the means proposed in those letters, as the only Avay to obtain that salutary end ; and, in consequence, by that prince's assistance, more reasonable terms of peace than can possibly be expected from the enemy, who has hitherto been, and in all appearance must con- tinue to be victorious. And some of those persons, after having ear- nestly discoursed with your grace on that subject, have, with the greatest anxiety and despair, given me to understand that some steps might be taken to save appearances, but nothing would be effectually done. " I don't doubt but your grace has mentioned this measure, in a certain place, in the most dutiful manner ; but, as little as T know the court,. I much doubt whether the barely mentioning it by conversation only, in that place, will prove a benefit to the public ; and I hinted, when I sent you CHAPTER 3<2. 357 you the papers, the reason why I thought such a transient intimation, in the closet, of a measure that is not of itself agreeable there, would not succeed, so as to enable you to pursue it with eflicacy. " God forbid that 1 should think of, or promote, the doing any thing- there in an undutiful manner ! but this is a matter of such import- ance, that should be represented at large, and may be done with equal duty and submission, in a way that may afford time and leisure for the serious considerations of the imminent danger that threatens the liberties of Europe and this country ; of the only remedy, that, humanly speak- ing, can save them, and how that remedy should be applied. An exten- sive and clear deduction of these things might make such an impression as might produce the desired eftect ; but in all events our case is so de- sperate, that it should at least be attempted ; and as your grace evidently takes the lead in every thing, and is in a manner the prime, should you heartily declare for this measure, and the means suggested to bring it about, I don't question but that your fellow-servants would readily con- cur with you in it, who at present are thought to be kept at a distance and in awe of your power, for fear of lord Harrington's fate. For al- though your grace seems to approve the measure, yet if you can"t bring ' yourself to come into the only means that M'ill make it succeed, it is the same thing as if you opposed the measure. And, pray, my lord, do not de- ceive yourself, in thinking you can deceive others, by making amusements pass for realities ; it may skin over the sore for the present, but it will fester more grievously vv ithin, and at last may prove an incurable morti- fication. " To conclude ; if your grace is in earnest for the expedient, in get- ting the affection and help of the king of Prussia to extricate us out of the present deplorable condition, you are in this respect the most unfor- tunate person iu the opinion of mankind. Your grace loved popularity once ; and if you are in earnest, why not take the most effectual way to get it, by sending a proper minister, properly instructed, to gain that prince's friendship and affection ? And in a convenient time, as a strong proof of our sincerity, and of his own security, Avhy should not the crown have the merit and glory in taking the lead to have it moved (for it will be the most popular motion that Mas ever made there,) in parliament, for their 358 IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. their concurrence and support ? For your grace may depend upon it, that sooner or later this matter will be stirred there, although entirely against my opinion, unless it takes its rise from the court. And I have heard, that within these two days it has been agitated in a certain quar- ter*, and should such a motion be started in the house, from that side, I leave your grace to judge of the consequences and confusion it must oc- casion. " I have done ; and with the compliments of the year, I wish your grace a more successful conduct in the management of our affairs, than we have seen for some years past : and I will give you this additional satisfaction, to assure you that I will never trouble your grace, or any body else, with my political reflections ; but shall attend my duty in the house, and ex- pect there, with the rest of the well-affected senators, my fate from the mercy of the Gauls. I am, with all due respect, &c." These repeated assaults seem to have perplexed the duke of Newcastle, and finally made some impression in the closet. A rupture between the duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham nearly ensued. Lord Gower, to whom Mr. Walpole also submitted his opinion, and the other independent members of the cabinet, supported Mr. Pelham ; apprehensions were seri- ously entertained that a motion would be made in parliament inimical to the system of foreign affairs ; the dread of the rebellion having subsided, the party of the prince of Wales began to collect their force, and threaten opposition ; and the duke of Cumberland, convinced that no efficient army could be raised to re-conquer the Netherlands, or even to resist the progress of the French in Holland, began to adopt more pacific sentiments. Fortunately, at this period, the french cabinet made new overtures of accommodation, at the very moment when Maestricht was on the point of surrendering, and ' ' when, " to use the expressions of Mr. Walpole, " they might in three weeks time more have been masters of the whole seventeen provinces in the Low Countries, and consequently of the mari- time ports and continent from the Texel to Bayonne, and have dictated at the Hague, or Amsterdam, terms of peace at the good-will and pleasure of their arbitrary and invincible monarch f-" The king, in his speech from the throne, adverted to these overtures, and * Leicester. house. + Mr. Walpole's *' Motives for signing the Preliminaries." CHAPTER 32. 359 and to the meeting of a congress at Aix-la-chapelle, for settling the terms of pacification; but in such a manner as indicated little hopes of success. So that the unexpected signature of the preliminaries by the plenipoten- tiaries of Great Britain, France, and the United Provinces, which happened at Aix-la-chapelle on the 30th of April, created no less satisfaction than surprise. Mr. Walpole had the sensible gratification of seeing his former secre- tary and friend, now Sir Thomas Robinson, joint plenipotentiary with the earl of Sandwich, to conclude the general pacification. The terms of the treaty of Aix-la-chapelle were highly favourable to the maritime powers, as France relinquished all her conquests in the Low Countries, for the resti- tution of Cape Breton. The house of Austria Avas alone dissatisfied with the dismemberment of Silesia and the country of Glatz, Avhich was guaran- tied to the king of Prussia ; with the loss of Parma and Placentia, which were settled on don Philip, and the cession of some districts in the Milanese to the king of Sardinia. Thus, after an immense expence of blood and treasure, ended a war, in which Great Britain and France gained nothing but the experience of each other's strength and power. France perceived the riches and perseverance of Great Britain to be much greater than she liad imagined ; and Great Britain became sensible that the power of France, acting in the Low Countries, and in her own neighbourhood, was irresistible. The com- mercial disputes between Spain and Great Britain in the West Indies, the great object of the Avar, seemed to have been relinquished, and only speci- fied in the treaty for form's sake ; while each of these nations, though mu- tually weakened, found themselves in the same condition as before the war. The sober sensible part of the english nation began to speak with rever- ence of Sir Robert Walpolc's pacific administration, and those who had been his greatest enemies seemed at a loss to account for the reasons why thenar had been undertaken *. J^y this peace, one of the points which Mr. Walpole had strongly recom- -Hiended to the ministers and to the duke of Cumberland, and even urged in a private letter to the king, the conciliation of Spain was effected : Ferdi- nand the Sixth was united to England by the influence of his consort ; and • Tindal, vol. 21, p. 373. 360 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. and the connection was strengthened hy the prudent management of Sir Benjamin Keene. But an alHance with Prussia, the great object of his un- remitting labours, was as distant as ev^er. No representations could con- quer the aversion of George the Second to the house of Brandenburgh, and overcome his predilection for the house of Austria. Had the british cabinet adopted decisive and prudent measures, they might perhap s have conciliated both powers ; but their conduct disgusted the one, and irri- tated the other. The king of Prussia v/as disgusted with their lukewarm efforts to secure the guaranty of Silesia, and, as Mr. Walpole predicted, considered that he owed its insertion in the treaty to the influence of France; while the refusal of England to continue the Avar till Silesia was restored, irritated the empress queen, erased the recollection of past ser- vices, and first sowed those seeds of enmity which produced her alliance with the house of Bourbon. Although Mr. Walpole was not in an official situation; yet his services Avere highly useful during the course of the negotiations, and the good effects of his advice were warmly and gratefully acknowledged by Sir Thomas Robinson : " Aix, September 18, N. S. 1748. I have been honoured with your letter of the 20th past, O. S. from your delicious Wolterton, which would be so in every sense if you had that health that I Avish, and I could be in- strumental in sending you there the first ncAvs of the peace Avhich you so much long for. If 1 had any satisfaction in being called from Vienna into this more conspicuous point of life, I have felt it in notliing so mucli as in the part you are pleased to take in this notice v/hich his majesty has honoured me with : my next satisfaction is in being already so muc]i nearer home, and in my hopes of carrying all my family soon into Eng- ^ ^ j-j^ ^ ^ ■^(f ^ -X= ^(t ^ ^ " The least good success in my present commission will I hope put an end, Avith all manner of justice and equity, to my long peregrinations, Avhich, hoAvever long and irksome, have been always influenced and guided Avith those principles Avhich influenced and guided your conduct. So that as long as I act and breathe in a public character, believe me, dear sir, it is your own spirit that is in motion, as far as I can imitate, and Avould emulate. " In CHAPTER 32. In consequence of his intimate knowledge of all the treaties between England and Spain, Mr. Walpole discovered an important omission in the definitive treaty of Aix, which had escaped the notice both of the pleni- potentiaries and of the british cabinet. The terms of the british com- merce with Spain were settled according to certain articles in the treaty of Utrecht, which contained many grievous restrictions on the english trade, without referring to the subsequent treaty of 171^, by which those grievances were modified. Mr. Walpole had no sooner received a copy of the preliminaries, than he was struck with the omission, and imparted his observations to the chancellor* and Mr. Pelham. The duke of Bed- ford, secretary of state, and lord Sandwich, the principal plenipotentiary, accordingly applied, in their distress, to Mr. Walpole, and availed them- selves of his advice to obviate the ill effects of this omission. This inci- dent gave rise to some interesting observations by Mr. Walpole on the treaty of Aix-la-chapelle, which he styles a Rhapsody of Foreign Poli- tics f, and which do honour to his judgment and diplomatic knowledge. In this Rhapsody, Mr. Walpole mentions a plan, which he suggested to the ministry, to remove one cause of perpetual misunderstanding Avitli Spain, and at the same time to secure the South Sea trade from future depredations, by ceding Gibraltar to Spain, in exchange for Porto Rico or St. Augustin ; a measure which failed of success, as well from the unwill- ingness of the british cabinet to yield a fortress of such strength and. importance as Gibraltar, as from the aversion of the Spanish court to give the English a footing in the West Indies. * Mr. Walpole to lord Hardwicke, Wolter- ton, Nov. 9, 1748. + I find, among the papers at Wolterton, a letter from Mr. Pitt, in which he highly praises the Observations on the Spanish Treaty, con. tained in this Rhapsody of Foreign Politics. "Dear Sir, Dec. 3, 1750. " I return you, with a thousand thanks, the Observations on the Spanish Treaty ; which are so material and instructive, that I could have wished to have kept them longer in my hands. I shall with great pleasure take the first oppor- tunity of waiting on you, in hopes of some farther conversation upon this very national concern. I am, with a very sincere sense of" your great goodness to me," &c. CHAP- 362 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 33. 1748. Satisfaction of Mr. JValpole on the Marriage of his Son with Lady Rachel Cavendish — Character of the Duke of Devojishire — Letter to Mr. Yorke — Speech 07i the Grant of 100,000/. to the Queen of Hungarxj — His Scheme for the Security of the Netherlands — Paper on the Causes of the Peace — Letter from Bishop Seeker. THE satisfaction which Mr. Walpole received from the unexpected signature of the prehminaries, was heightened by a domestic in- cident, the marriage of his eldest son with lady Rachel Cavendish, daugh- ter of William, third duke of Devonshire*, Avith whom he had long beeii in habits of the closest intimacy, and with whose family his brother had maintained a strict political connection from the beginning of the cen- tury. This noble personage was the son of William, second duke of Devon- shire, by lad}^ Rachel, daughter of William, the celebrated lord Russel, who suffered death in the cause of constitutional liberty.' The duke was born at the close of the preceding century, succeeded to the title in 1729, and filled several high offices in the government, as well as in the royal household. While he was lord lieutenant of Ireland, he gave a striking instance of prudence and firmness. On the introduction of a new coinage, Swift, elated with his former triumphs in the affair of Wood, and anxious to embarrass the measures of government, distributed inflammatory hand- bills, ordered the bells of the cathedral to be muffled, and endeavoured to excite a ferment among the people. The duke, on his arrival, informed of * On this happy event, Sir Thomas Rotin- son justly observes, in a letter to Mr. Wal- pole, " Meanwhile I shall beg leave to trouble you with my best respects to Mrs. Walpole, with my congratulations upon your son's mar- riage into the worthiest, for that ij more than the greatest, family in England. Aix, Sept. 18, N. S. 1748. THIRD DUKE of DEVOIV/^HIRE. F7-om an Ort^tnaLi7i the I'ojsefsion of Lord Waljiole CHAPTER 33. of these seditious attempts, sent an aicl-de-camp to unmuffle the bells, and to threaten Swift with an arrest should any riot be excited. The turbulent dean was intimidated ; a peal of loyalty was rung at the cathe- dral, and perfect tranquiUity preserved. The duke was a man of sound judgment, and unbiassed integrity ; and Sir Robert Walpole, who often confidentially consulted him on diffi- cult questions, used to declare, that, on a subject which required mature deliberation, he would prefer his sentiments to those of any other person in the kingdom. Mr. Walpole also paid a just tribute to the character of his noble friend, whose talents were more solid than brilliant. Calling one day at Devonshire-house, which was just finished, and not finding him at home, he left this epigram on the table : " ^7^ dom'muSy domus est : non extra fulia columjus " Marmoreis splendet ; quod tenet, intus hahct." His grace was, at this period, lord steward of the household, and held a place in the cabinet : disgusted, however, with the feuds in the cabinet, and perplexed with the jealous disposition of Newcastle, and the de- sponding spirit of Mr. Pelham, he resigned his ofhce in 1749, and with- drew to a dignified retirement at Chatsworth, prepared, on all occasions of importance, to give his support to government. He was succeeded in his high station by the duke of Marlborough. The political opinions of the duke of Devonshire according with those of Mr. Walpole, rendered the connection betv/een the two families the more agreeable. In a letter to Mv. Yorke, Mr. W^alpole alludes to this event in terms of the highest pleasure; and mentions the odium which he had incurred by the free communication of his opinions on the system of foreign affairs. " Cockpit, May 21, 1748 *. Hurry, on account of my son's nuptials, and preparations to set out for Wolterton, (which I shall do in the middle of next week,) has prevented my answering your affectionate letter of the 15th sooner. I liave had too many marks of your friendship to doubt in the least of the sincerity of your congratulations on the occasion of my new and great alliance, which giyesme, indeed, infinite joy and satis- faction ; * Hardwicke Papers, 3 A 3 364 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. faction; and if it was possible to increase it, it would be by tbe kind paii which all my friends are so good as to take in it ; and particularly to find that the noble family to whom my son is allied is no less pleased with it ; therefore you guess right in thinking that 1 shall enjoy the country with greater satisfaction than ever, since my own private, as well as the public concerns, are so much to my own heart's content. I shall endeavour to preserve the first in the same happy situation ; but that of the public h in much better and abler hands ; and a mutual agreement among those that have the management of affairs, may make the ministers easy, and this still a flourishing nation. " Providence has done great things for them, if they will but make a right use of the unexpected good fortune : it entirely depends upon themselves. My good offices can be of no use any where; the freedom which my conscience, and concern for my king and country, lately obliged me to take, and which I have the vanity to think Avas of some service, will never be forgiven ; and therefore, although I was very im- portunate, and am thought by some of the greatest to have been very impertinent, to put an end to a Avar which threatened a general destruc- tion, I cannot repent of what I did ; but I am resolved to enjoy the peace with great calm and contentedness, without giving myself, or any body else, any trouble upon ministerial conduct, being at last convinced thas nobody takes advice until he gives it to himself; and in all stations of life, " Obsequium amicos, 'Veritas odium parit.'' His letters to the duke of Cumberland, as well as his private corre- spondence, prove that Mr. Walpole was prejudiced against the house of Austria, from long experience of her arrogance, jealousy, and interested politics *. In the next session of parliament, he gave a public proof of his sentiments, by his speech in the committee of supply, on the 21st of March 1749, on a message from the king, recommending a demand of 100,0001. * In a letter to lord Royston he thus ex- presses himself on this subject: "May 15, ]7o4. I am glad to hear the colonel thinks my old friends, the Dutch, are not in so low a con- dition ; but if his hopes of their bcin^ of ser- vice again to the common cause depends upon the court of Vienna being reasonable in the bar- rier, or indeed in any other point, I am afraid that great event is still at a great distance ; I never yet saw that time," Hardwicke Papers, CHAPTER 33. 365 100,0001. made by the empress queen. He adopted, in this instance, a mode which he not unfrequently followed, of freely censuring a measure from which he did not withhold his public support. *' I had flattered myself,"' he said, " with an imagination that we should have saved this 100,0001. as a diminution, so far, of the great debt contracted by the war, or as a means to supply a fund for some necessary and useful undertaking for the public benefit, in cultivating the arts of peace ; and particularly, that the settlement and security of Nova Scotia, of so much importance to the commerce and safety of our northern colo- nies, might have been a proper object for that purpose. " But since his majesty has been pleased to lay this demand before us, I must own it has been done in the most gracious and impartial manner, by submitting the reasons contained in the memorial of the queen of Hun- gary's minister to our free deliberation, without any one expression in the message tending to bias or influence our opinion. I shall, therefore, cursorily take notice of the reasons alledged in support of this claim, and then suggest something, which seems so obvious and right, that it is pos- sible the administration may have already prevented me by taking the measure I would presume to recommend to them ; and which, if it should be steadily pursued, and have the desired effect, may make the grant of this sum not so unreasonable, at least to me, as it might otherwise be. " The demand is for the prompt payment of 100,0001. part of 400,0001. granted to the empress queen by virtue of a treaty signed January 26, 1748; although the certificate (the condition for the payment of that sum,) had not been delivered, under pretence that the troops were upon their march, that the signing of the preliminaries had prevented the arrival of some of them, and that the money was designed to pay the arrears of her generals and officers in the Low Countries, and the troops kept for the defence of them. The pressing instances for prompt payment, besides an air of superiority Avith which the court of Vienna generally speaks to other powers, seem to imply some more immediate service than that af defending the Low Countries, which I shall take notice of hereafter; but if I was sure that money was to be laid out in repairing the fortifications in Flanders, I should, and I believe every member of the house would, readily 366 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. readily consent; any assurances, or any appearance of so good a work, would meet with a general satisfaction. " The next reason advanced in the Memorial is, that her imperial majesty had shewn so much deference to the king's counsels, that, not- withstanding the sacrifices which she was required to make, she came readily into the peace. This ready accession has certainly great merit; although I am inclined to believe, that if the money now claimed had been paid before her accession, she would not have shewn such a readi- ness. As I am not acquainted with what passed in the negotiations and conferences with the queen of Hungary's ministers, to induce her to agi-ee to tlie preliminaries, I have not so lively and luxuriant a fancy as to form imaginary and supposed facts, and force from them imaginary and uncer- tain conclusions ; therefore, I will not so much as suspect that, in those conferences, any expectations were given of the payment of this 100,0001. on that condition. It is plain, by the king's impartial message, that nothing of that nature had passed ; and had a minister ventured to offer tliat temptation, yet I am sure my honourable friend* upon the floor would not have paid it without the consent of this house. But let that he as it will, the empress queen, by coming so soon into the peace, was a great service ; and here I cannot forbear to observe the unavoidable in- conveniences that are inseparable from an alliance composed of many powers, against one great and formidable one; the unwillingness of one ally to concur, may obstruct the greatest action, and prevent the most reasonable peace. And had her imperial majesty absolutely refused to agree to the peace, (although it was much more reasonable than could have been expected, from the circumstances of the allies,) we must indeed have made it, because it was impossible to carry on the war any longer; but it would have been loose, and imperfect, and difficult, to have carried into execution ; and therefore the ready concurrence of her imperial majesty was of great moment to complete that necessary work, and is a great inducement to me to grant her the 100,0001. now demanded. " The last reason for supporting this claim is, that the empress, to shew her regard to his majesty, offers, and is willing to concur with the king, in * Mr. Pelham. CHAPTER S 567 in any means that may be proper to preserve the peace estabUshment at Aix-la-chapelle. I could have wished, sir, that this offer had been ex- tended farther, not only to preserve the peace of Aix-la-chapelle, but also the tranquillity of Europe, being apprehensive that new and dangerous troubles threaten the immediate disturbance of it. As to the peace lately made, I am afraid that, if the only considerable power that can do it should attempt to break it, we should be in no condition, jointly with our allies, to prevent or withstand such an attempt. The Dutch are no more ; and as to the house of Austria, it is m'cU knov>'n that they cannot put their troops into motion without our money, nor into action without requiring from us greater subsidies and supplies than it is possible for us ever to furnish again. " But I am under no apprehensions that the peace of Aix-la-chapcllc will be disturbed. As long as the same principles and motives that brought it about subsist, the peace will subsist too ; and, perhaps, I may differ in opinion with many gentlemen in this house, and with multitudes out of it, as to the causes and motives that effectuated the peace ; for I by no means attribute it to the distresses that France was under, at the time of making it, to carry on the war. His majesty, by his steady per- severance to act agreeably to our laws and constitution, the bravery of his troops in the field, and our great successes by sea, have gained him the affection of his people, and placed him in an eminence of glory and respect, among all foreign powers, equal to that of any of his predeces- sors, and, without doubt, had weight in the negotiations for peace. But his troops, brave as they are, were commonly beat, bravely indeed beat; but beat still they were of late years, and were by no means able to resist the rapid progress of the french arms, in the Low Countries, either by sieges or battles." Mr. Walpole then proved that the unexpected signature of the prelimi- naries did not proceed from their losses by sea, from want of money, nor from distresses at home ; and asserted, that the moderation of the enemy was derived from the character of Louis the Fifteenth, who had been trained up by cardinal Fleury in pacific sentiments, from the enudatiou of the nobles in adopting the vicM S of their sovereign, and from their cabals 3(38 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. cabals against the two foreigners * who commanded the army in the Ne- tlierlands. He also contended, tliat the same pacific principles would pre- vail in the counsels of France, during the life of Louis the Fifteenth, pro- vided the same moderation was maintained in England. He expressed his apprehensions, however, lest the affairs of Sweden should excite a new war in Germany and the North : " And should a flame, " he said, ' ' be kindled there, although at a great distance from our situation, and from our interests, the sparks, I am afraid, by some fatality, or some unac- countable connection, would blow over into this island." " The Russians," he added, " are indeed on their march out of Bo- hemia, but troops and recruits are daily raising by the austrian officers ; and camps, as M^ell in that kingdom as in Moravia, are marked out by them against the spring. Nor is the king of Prussia less assiduous in increasing and completing his armies ; declaring that he is obliged to do it for his own security and defence, on account of the military prepara- tions and motions of other princes in his neighbourhood. The vindic- tive temper of the court of Vienna, and ardent desires to recover Silesia, are but too evident ; they having, notwithstanding the strongest stipula- tion in the treaty of Dresden to procure the guaranty of the empire, for that cession, to his prussian majesty, evaded, upon frivolous pretences, the execution of that article. " If the Austrians have really no design to foment or be concerned in new troubles, why don't they reduce instead of recruiting and increasing their forces ? Why are they making encampments in this time of peace and tranquillity ? They have no present apprehensions either from the Turks or from the French, the only enemies they have to fear. This be- haviour must necessarily create jealousies ; and I cannot but suspect that the 100,0001. now demanded to be speedily paid, with so much earnest- ness, may be immediately wanted for their military preparations on the borders of Silesia, instead of the defence of the Low Countries. And, therefore, if I may take the liberty, I would most earnestly recommend it to the administration, to advise, if it is not already done, the most se- rious instances to be made to the court of Vienna, and to obtain the strongest * Marshal Saxe and Lowendahl, CHAPTER 33. 369 strongest assurances from them that they will not encourage or promote any views or steps to disturb the tranquillity of Germany, or the North; but employ their utmost endeavours to check and prevent any such de- signs." He concluded by observing, " We have defensive alliances with Rus- sia, with Prussia, and with the empress queen ; and if these powers and their allies should be engaged in a war, whoever may be said to be the aggressors, we shall sooner or later be desired to take a part. The court of Vienna may call upon us to come to her assistance ; she may call aloud, but we won't, because we cannot come : and therefore, once more, let me exhort those that are in high station, to think of the proper means to prevent the storm that threatens abroad. France is now disposed to live in peace, for the reasons I have already given, and may therefore be desirous to concert with us in preserving the tranquillity of Europe ; a good understanding, and a concert of measures, properly employed by his majesty and the french king, among the powers that seem to be busy in military armaments, may, perhaps, have an elFectual weight to prevent a new rupture in Germany and the North ; and surely the queen of Hungary, in consideration of the supplies that have been so plentifully furnished by this nation, and for the 100,0f0l. now demanded, v.ill have a due regard and attention to his majesty's instances on this great occa- sion, especially joined with those of France. " Upon the whole, I give my vote to grant this sum of money to the empress queen, on account of her ready accession to the definitive treaty of peace, in expectation that it will be employed in the defence, or re- pairing the fortifications, of the Low Countries ; and that she M ill, in- btead of meditating troubles in Europe, do all she can to preserve the present pacification." The last sentence in this remarkable speech alludes to a scheme, M'hich l\Ir. Walpole had formed, for putting the barrier towns, and the other great fortresses in the Netherlands, in a proper state of defence. Imbibing in his earliest years the principles of the grand alliance, and employed, in the commencement of his political career, in the arrange- ment of the barrier treaty, he was deeply impressed with the danger of &'ufferiiig the Netherlands to fall into the hands of France. His papers 3 li abound 370 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. abound with treaties and disquisitions, stating and illustrating this sub- ject by historical deductions and incontrovertible arguments, and incul- cating the necessity of maintaining the barrier towns in a state of effective defence. He was sensible, from recent experience, that the weak state of those fortresses had facilitated the progress of the French, and would have occasioned the rapid conquest of Holland, had not hostilities been sus- pended by the signature of the preliminaries. He was no less aware that perpetual disagreements would arise between the house of Austria, who possessed the sovereignty of those towns, and the Dutch, by whom they were garrisoned, concerning the maintenance of the fortifications; and he knew the repeated declarations of the cabinet of V^ienna, that the de- fence of the Netherlands should be the care of the maritime powers. He therefore proposed, that these fortifications should be maintained at the joint expence of the three powers, and that parliament should devote to that purpose the annual sum of 50,0001. for a few years ; a scheme which he afterwards fully developed in his Observations on the System of Af- fairs in 1751, laid before the king*. The principal arguments in this speech, relating to the causes of this sudden pacification, are drawn from a paper entitled "A Letter to a Friend who desired my Thoughts upon signing the Preliminaries," and written on the following occasion. Bishop Sherlock, Avho possessed great in- fluence over the duke of Newcastle and ]\Ir. Pelham, having justified the continuance of the war, and attributed the signature of the preliminaries to the disordered state of the french finances, Mr. Etough communicated these observations to Mr. Walpole, which instantly extorted from his fertile pen the " Letter to a Friend," proving the signature of the preli- minaries to have arisen from other causes. It was shewn to several per- sons of distinction, and much approved : lord Chesterfield, in particular, was eager for its publication, which Mr. Walpole declined, from an un- willingness to engage in party politics, and from a fear of giving offencei The effect which this, and other papers, had on bishop Sherlock, cannot be ascertained, unless we may judge from his demeanour to Mr. Walpole, which was uniformly respectful and attentive. But their perusal made a deep impression on the celebrated Dr. Seeker, then bishop of Oxford, after- * See Chapter 35. CHAPTER 33. 371 afterwards archbishop of Canterbury ; and removed many prejudices whicli that prelate had entertained against the administration of Sir Robert Walpole. It is M'ith pleasure I lay before the public a letter Avhich bishop Seeker wrote to Mr. Etough on this occasion. "St. James's, Westminster, April 11, 1749. Mr. Walpole has been so kind as to make me two visits since you were in town, and hath put into my hands the papers ^hich you intimated he would, with leave to communicate them to the bishop of Glocester; and we have both of us read them with great satisfaction, and a high esteem of the abilities and spirit of the M'ritcr, who has shewn the rightest judgment of affairs, sup- ported it with the clearest reason, proposed it, and pursued the proposal with the most steady resolution, and yet the greatest decency and pro- priety; and (which I could not help taking particular notice of, ) hath, in several places, expressed a strong sense of the superintendancy of the Di- vine Providence. On the whole, I do not think any man living hath de- served so well of this country, in its late situation, as he hath ; and I see that his brother deserved much better than I apprehended, though I al- ways both thought better of him, and wished better to him, than some who voted constantly with him. I hope Mr. Walpole's health will long permit him to continue his attention to the public, and that the direc- tors of the public will attend to his advice. The affair of Tobago seems likely to blow over ; what may blow from the North, God knows ! if we have any wisdom, we shall endeavour to keep clear ; but, alas I there seems no disposition to the way which he hath pointed out, and which I fear is the only one." 3 B2 372 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 34. 1747—1751. State of the Cabinet — -Dismiss'ioti of Lord Harrbigfon — Succeeded by the Earl of Chesterfield — His Political Life and Character — Resignation — Duke of Bedford becomes Secretary of State — Motives for his Appoint- ment — Influence of the Duke of Cumberland — Party of Leicester-house. SINCE tlie re-establlsliment of the Pelliams, in February 1746, the cabinet had undergone some alteration. The earl of Harrington, having incurred the king's displeasure, was compelled to resign the office of secretary of state, and the seals M ere unexpectedly given to the earl of Chesterfield. The political life of lord Chesterfield was singularly checquered : he commenced his public career on the accession of George the l irst, under the Whig administration, and, by the interest of his relation, general Stan- hope, was placed about the person of the prince of Wales, obtained a seat in parliament, and soon distinguished himself as an able speaker. During the schism of the Whig administration, he attached himself to the prince of Wales, rejected the repeated offers of his kinsman, and exerted his abilities on the side of opposition. On the death of his father, in 1726, he succeeded to the title, and aspired to the highest employments of the State, when George the Second ascended the throne. But his expectations were disappointed by the influence of queen Caroline, who was offended with his endeavours to rise by means of Mrs. Howard, at that period the fa- vourite mistress of George the Second*. In 1728 he was appointed embassador to Holland, and filled his ofifice with great credit and address. In 1730 his services were rewarded witli the office of lord steward and the order of the garter. He aspired, how- ever, * Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole, chap, S 1 , CHAPTER 34. 373 ever, to the embassy of France, and to the post of secretary of state ; but M'as disappointed in both. Still ignorant of the cause of his failure, he further disgusted the queen by his assiduous attention to the favourite, and was accordingly dismissed in 1733. From that period he entered the lists of opposition, indiscriminately decried the measures of government, and employed all his eloquence and wit against the popular topics of corruption and hanoverian influence. His virulent invectives, and a dispute concerning the legacy which George the First had left to his wife*, personally offended the king ; and he was omitted in the arrangement of the new administration, on the re- signation of Sir Robert Walpole. He accordingly continued his violent opposition until the formation of the Broad Bottom Ministry, when he arranged, with the duke of Newcastle, in conjunction with Gower and Cobham, the coalition of parties, and acted with becoming moderation f. In consequence of this arrangement, he was strongly recommended by the duke of Newcastle for the embassy to the Hague, and the government of Ireland ; but the king put an absolute negative on the proposal, and declared that he should have nothing. His majesty added a peremptory command, " not to trouble him with any more such nonsense ; he had been forced to part with those he liked, but would not, on any account, be prevailed on to take into his service those that were so disagreeable to him; ^v\t.h other strong expressions to the same effect;}:." The king's consent, however, being at length extorted, after a cold au- dience, in which the only words addressed to him were, " You have re- ceived your instructions, my lord he repaired to Holland. The sanguine expectations which the public entertained of the success of his embassy were not fulfilled ; a failure more owing to the fluctuating and uncertain counsels of the dutch government, than to his own want of address. He also felt the disadvantages of his former opposition to continental mea- sures, which he was now commissioned to promote. On this dilemma, INIr. Walpole observes in a letter to Mr. Yorke : " I look upon lord Ches- terfield's laboured harangue in the same light that yoij do ; but what pleases me in it is to see him value himself in being employed to concert . measures, * Melesina de Schulemberg, countess of 4; Mr. Stone to Lord Chancellor Hard wicke, Walsingham, and daughter of George the First Newcastle-house, Thursday afternoon, four by the duchess of Kendal. o'clock. — Hardwicke Papers. t J^ord Hardwicke's Parliamentary Journal, § Maty's Life of Lord Chesterfield. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. measures to satisfy engagements he had contributed to form. These en- gagements were the accession of the States to the pragmatic sanction ; engagements Avhich he and his friends, Avhen in opposition, exclaimed against, as calculated to serve hanoverian views. But I am glad he is now Math the ministry ; his wit will be of use, in public and in private, to reconcile the refined and contradictory speculations of lord Cobham to reason and practice*." He filled, however, his high office in Ireland with equal dignity and condescension : he promoted various plans for the advantage of that kingdom, and his conduct in this exalted station received the approba- tion of all parties. On the resignation of the earl of Harrington, he was promoted to the seals, at the sole recommendation of the duke of Newcastle, and even without the knowledge of Mr. Pelham and the other members of the ca- binet. He now conceived new hopes of acquiring superior influence in the cabinet ; with a view to recover the good-\vill of the king, he paid as- siduous court to lady Yarmouth, and succeeded in obtaining her cordial support. But the king's aversion was invincible ; he treated the new secretary with civility, was pleased with his wit and vivacity, and con- versed familiarly on trifles ; but, in matters of business, was dry and re- served f. The frequent conferences of lord Chesterfield with lady Yarmouth ex- cited the jealousy of the duke of Newcastle, to whom he never imparted what passed ; his grace, in return, encroached on his department, and never communicated his private correspondence with lord Sandwich. Chesterfield was accordingly a mere cypher in office. Perceiving his want of influence, he never avowed an opinion in the closet contrary to the sentiments of the king ; never mentioned Prussia, though anxious to promote that alliance ; never proposed a plan for peace, though he was desirous of any peace : he was never explicit in his opinion, wrote super- ficially to lord Sandwich, and only Avhen he was commanded to write ; and told a foreign minister, that he had much to do, but little to say, and was the third commis in England :{;. To * May 25, 1745. — Hardwicke Papers. + Mr, Fox to Sir Charles Hanburj Williams. — Hanbury Papers. X From Lord Hardwicke's Parliamentary Journal. CHAPTER 34. 375 To this public nullity was added a total want of interest in promoting his friends and relatives, of which lie gives a striking instance to his friend Sir Charles Hanbury Williams : "London, Dec. 8, O. S. 1747. I laid your application, for a removal to Aix-la-chapelle, before the king, in the best manner and the best words that I possibly could, for I laid your letter itself before him ; but with what success I will, according to my custom, tell you very frankly and truly. His majesty read your letter Avith attention, and returned it without saying any thing upon it. I asked him, what answer he commanded me to give you ? He said, whatever I pleased. I asked, whether that meant that he was pleased to grant your request, as I hoped it did ? He answered, Notliing like it. I urged, that, in case the conferences at Aix-la-chapelle took the shape of a con- gress, it would be impossible for lord Sandwich alone to go through the business, and the forms ; that I did not see that he could have so good a colleague as yourself, and moreover, that your removal from Dresden to Aix-la-chapelle, where, if you did not go, somebody else must, would be a clear saving of your present appointments. To all which I had no other answer, but that bow which is the signal for us to go out of the closet." He likewise ineffectually solicited the rank of colonel in favour of his cousin Mr. Stanhope, and conceived hopes of success, because the king neither refused nor granted his request. But his majesty gave away two regiments, and made two aid-de-canips, Avith the rank of colonel, without including Mr. Stanhope. These public and private mortifications induced him, in February 1748, to relinquish his office. The king received his resignation with outward marks of regret, but with imvard satisfaction. Lord Chesterfield took his leave of public life with dignity and complacency, and, to prove that he did not retire in ill-humour, solicited and obtained a seat at the Admiralty Board for his brother. In public, he attributed his resignation to his declining health ; but, in private, did not scruple to say, that as he could neither serve the public, nor his particular friends, he deemed it unneces- sary to retain his employment ; he declared, however, that he would ne- ver more submit to the slavery of opposition, and never swerved from his resolution. 376 IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. resolution. His retreat made less sensation than a political pamphlet on the subject* styled An Apology for a late Resignation," which con- tained some curious facts, and \va.s supposed to be either written by him- self, or under his inspection f. The expected vacancy of the seals occasioned great cabals. Lord Sand- wich was intended for the post by the duke of Cumberland and the duke of Newcastle, who were at that time closely united ; but they could not venture openly to declare their intentions, because he was no favourite with the king, and was disliked by the pacific members of the cabinet. Both tlie duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham affected to recommend no one ; the former, however, hinted that the seals ought to be offered to the duke of Bedford, who, it was thought, would decline the offer in favour of his friend lord Sandwich ; but he disappointed tbis scheme, by accepting the seals himself, and lord Sandwich succeeded him as first lord of the admi- ralty. Mr. Fox, who had highly distinguished himself for his skill and assi- duity in business, and for his parliamentary abilities, was designated by the public voice as the most likely person to succeed lord Chesterfield]: ; but something of myself, as having been so much named on this occasion. You will believe, that when lord C. resigned, I felt with regard to the Seals, as I shall with respect to the See of Win- chester, when that prelate dies. Indeed I no more thought of the one than I did of the other. The duke of Newcastle declared early he would name nobody ; Mr. Pelham said the same. Hence standers-hy named every body ; and, among the rest, me. All Sandwich's enemies were my friends ; or, to express it better than by the word enemies, those who wished him not to succeed, as it would be too strong a declara- tion in favour of the warlike system. Joined to these, who were numerous and of rank at court, the voice of the house of commons was much in my favour, and of none more loudly than Ly ttleton, Pitt, &c. I flatter myself that from personal affection, too, I had more active friends * " Lord Chesterfield," says Mr. Rigby, in a letter to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, " re- tired very quietly by himself, and the duke of Bedford took the seals, with as little noise or bustle, or even conversation, as if the two box-keepers at the play-house had changed places. The very little tittle-tattle that it occasioned, I own, was very extraordinary. Since, indeed, here has ,been a very curious pamphlet about it, called ' An Apology for a late Rcsisnation,' which has made much more noise than the thing itself." — Hanbury Papers. + These anecdotes relating to lord Chester- field are principally taken from lord Hard- wickc's Parliamentary Journal, and a letter from Mr. Fox to Sir Charles Hanbury Wil- Hams, dated Feb. 17, 1747-8. " You will expect," wiites Mr. Fox to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, " I should say CHAPTER 34. 377 "but he neither solicited nor expected the office himself, though his nume- rous friends were active in their exertions, and he was even warmly coun- tenanced by Mr. Pitt, afterwards his great rival. At this period the duke of Newcastle predominated in the cabinet ; he had conciliated the good-will of the king, and was foremost in promoting liis continental politics. He strongly enforced the great measure which now occupied the cabinet, the election of the archduke Joseph as king of the Romans ; a measure which, at this moment, unnecessarily involved England in the chaos of german politics ; and, as it was opposed by the courts of Versailles and Berlin, required enormous subsidies to purchase the votes of the electoral princes *. The party of the prince of Wales, or, as it was usually styled, of Leices- ter-house, from the place of his residence, began at this time to assume a formidable appearance, by uniting with the remains of the former opposition, and with those who, like Sir John Hynde Cotton, had deserted the party of the court. The parliamentary leaders of this party in the house of commons were, lord Egmont, author of the ce- lebrated pamphlet, " Faction Detected," a fluent and plausible debater, warm in his friendships, and violent in his enmity; Doctor Lee, a civilian of high integrity and profound investigation, who tempered an equal ardour with greater judgment ; and Mr. Nugent f, an un- daunted, lively and eccentric speaker. The party had recently gained an acquisition in Mr. Doddington, a former adherent of the prince, who, at his request, resigned the treasuryship of the navy, in which office he had friends than 1 could have imagined, or is usual ; ever, with as little thought as ever I had of and this has been a pleasure tome. On the being secretary of state. — War-office, Feb. 17, other side, as I had no thoughts of it, or preten- O. S. 1747.8. Hanbury Papers, sions to it, (though spirit enough to undertake * See chapter 36. it if it came strangely in my way,) as theexe- + Afterwards earl of Clare. The late earl cutlon of it might have been attended with of Orford, speaking of the debates on the mar- great discredit to myself, and certainly with riage-act, observes, " Nugent shone extremely much uneasiness ; and as the whole of the trans- in opposition to the bill, and though every now action has been such as leaves me the honour of and then on the precipice of absurdity, kept being talked of for it, without the reproach of clear of it with great humour and wit, and ar- having pretended to what I could not attain, I gument."— Lord Orford's Works, 4to, vol, 5^ am in my own mind as easy as ever I was,. and- p. sG, shall go on in my old track as cheerfully as 3C 378 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. had considerably enriched himself. He was induced to quit the admini- stration by the offer of the prince to reinstate him in full favour, and to place in his hands the whole direction of his affairs. But he found the new court more agitated with feuds and cabals than the ministry which he had deserted. The adherents of the prince fondly anticipated his ac- cession to the throne, and, in imagination, divided among themselves the spoils of administration. Mr. Doddington was appointed treasurer of the chambers, and kissed the prince's hand on the promise of a future peer- age, the management of the house of lords, and the seals for the southern department. He was commissioned to announce to Mr. Fumes a seat at the treasury board, to Sir Francis Dashwood the treasurership of the navy, and to Mr. Henley the office of solicitor-general, and to settle with lord Talbot the place which he would occupy. Tdeetings Avere formed, and consultations held, for arranging the proceedings at the com- mencement of a new reign ; and a plan adopted to dismiss the Pelhams, dissolve the parliament, and obtain a new civil list of 800,0001. a clear annuity, throwing the surplus of the revenue to the public. Mr. Dodding- ton undertook to raise two or three hundred thousand pounds until the new parliament should grant the civil list. These arrangements were communicated to the earl of Carlisle, lord chief justice Willes, and seve- ral other persons in the confidence of the prince ; and the division of the spoil, as might have been expected, occasioned endless intrigues *. These proceedings were too public not to be known at court, and ex- cited the resentment of the king, and the jealousy of the ministers, which were still farther heightened by a dispute relating to the court of stannaries in Cornwall. The breach was widened by the arts of lord Bolingbroke, who at this period influenced the counsels of Leicester-house. Excluded by the voice of all parties from a share in the government, he endeavoured to annihilate all party distinctions, and to promulgate a po- litical creed, founded on metaphysical subtleties, and theoretical notions, incompatible with the principles of human government, and hostile to the church and constitution of England In the second and third sessions of the new parliament, the adherents of * Lord Melcombe's Diary, p. 5.7. i See Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole,. chapter 25, CHAPTER 34. 379 of the prince took the lead against administration ; but, divided among themselves, and supported only by a small remnant of the former opposi- tion, were ill calculated to combat the strong and compact phalanx of the ministerial party ; among whom the names of Pelham, Fox, Pitt, and Murray * stood most conspicuous. On this side Mr. Walpole also ranged himself ; but acted with that independent spirit which, in supporting government, scorned to defend all the measures of administration. Besides the grant of 100,0001. to the queen of Hungary, he spoke several times, on different subjects ; but as his speeches appear in the printed debates, it is unnecessary to detail them in this place. In the third session, which commenced on the 17th of January 1751, the party of the prince seemed likely to gain great accession from the just unpopularity which the ministry incurred by the subsidiary treaties in Germany ; while lord Cobham and his fi'iends meditated a secession from the ministerial phalanx. But the unexpected death of the prince, on the 20th of March 1751, gave a new aspect to public affairs, and produced a great and singular change in the temper of the court, and the counsels of the kingdom. The effect in the house of commons is explained by Mr. Fox in a few words : "The division," he says, " against the army last Wednesday, was 43. Dr. Lee spoke for usj and gave his true reason, the prince's death, which (he said) makes us much weaker than we were. It makes our side much stronger in parliament, I am sure ; for, except lord Egmont, who spoke with great moderation, lord Middle- sex, and Mr. Marten, no one of the prince's family voted against us. Of the rest, one half was away, and the other with us. I don't foresee a debate this session, nor any diriliculty to the minister, but that of getting 40 every day to make an house t'" The effect in the cabinet was instantly visible; the king acquired a temporary emancipation from the influence of the Pelhams ; and the duke of Newcastle, who, before this event, is represented as "afraid of the king, to a degree that was ridiculous became more timorous than ever. The king wished to prevent the entrance of lord Harrington into the ca- binet, * Sollcltor.general, afterwards earl of Mansfield, f Mr. Fox to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, 1751. Hanbury Papers, J Mr. Fox to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, Feb. 17, 17:0-1. 3 C 2 380 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. binet, on his return from Ireland, to introduce lord Granville into the ad- ministration, and to confer on lord Holdernesse the seals of secretary of state; and the will of the sovereign was now a law. The reconciliation be- tween lord Granville and the duke of Newcastle was effected throus-h the mediation of Mr. Nugent ; he arranged a private meeting at his own house ; the two rival statesmen passed a convivial evening together, and the next day their coalition was announced. The duke of Dorset succeeded lord Harrington as lord lieutenant of Ireland, and his place of president of the council was conferred on lord Granville. The public were justly astonished at this coalition, after the repeated de- clarations of the Pelhams to the king, to the parliament, and to their friends and acquaintance, both in public and private, that they would never again act M'ith Granville; but their honour was saved, by the promise of the new president, to act, like the earl of Wilmington, a subordinate part. He was induced to submit to this condition, from the embarrassment of his circumstances, the decline of his health, and want of parliamentary influ- ence, notwithstanding his aspiring genius, commanding talents, and the favour of his sovereign. He lent his name and talents to the administra- tion, and continued a cypher in the government until his death, without a single attempt to regain his former superiority. The resolution of the king to give the seals to lord Holdernesse, coincided with the inclination of Newcastle to remove the duke of Bedford, and his adherent lord Sandwich. The duke of Bedford, on receiving the seals, affected to declare that he accepted them only for six months ; but those who were acquainted -with the discordant tempers of the two secretaries predicted that their union would not continue as many weeks ; and the broils which soon arose between them, seemed to justify this prediction. ' But a variety of circumstances prevented a rupture until the death of the prince. The dukes of Cumberland and Newcastle had been closely united by their views for the continuance of the war, and had concurred in pro- moting Bedford and Sandwich, who entertained the same sentiments. But soon after the conclusion of the peace, Newcastle, *' Who could not bear a rival near the throne," became jealous even of the duke of Cumberland's ascendancy in the closet; and a disagreement soon followed, which broke out into an open rupture a few CHAPTER 34. 381 a few months before the prince's death, on the attempt to remove lord Sandwich. The state of this dispute is too well drawn by Mr. Fox, in a letter to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, not to be submitted to the reader in his own words : "I shall confine this letter chiefly to the only subject I must not venture by the post, the strange situation of the court here. The duke of Bedford and duke of Newcastle hate one another irreconcilably, so do lord Sandwich (who governs the former,) and the duke of Newcastle. His royal highness the duke, and the duke of Newcastle, are more declared enemies than you can imagine. His royal liighness's great favour to lord Sandwich was perhaps the first, and is perhaps the chief cause of that hatred which is now a deep-rooted one. The brothers disagree as much or more than ever; but Mr. Pelham knows he can neither govern, or se- parate himself from his brother, and therefore seems to have given over the thoughts of prevailing in any measures that might reconcile or barely prevent a rupture. Thus stood affairs when his majesty came from abroad. The duke of Newcastle flattered himself that his grace of Bedford would willingly quit the seals to be master of the horse, or president, and perhaps he would, if the duke would permit the duke of Newcastle to carry such a point. The duke of NcM'castle flattered himself, with the assistance, v/hich he certainly has, of lady Yarmouth, that he had brought his majesty to that temper, that if the duke of Bedford would not go de bon gre^ he would force the seals from him. But in this too he was disappointed. His ma- jesty, very wisely considering, I suppose, that nothing was more silly than for his ministry to risk so great, so sure a majority as we have, only to satisfy the peevish or personal resentment of the duke of Newcastle, took the part of shewing that whoever was the aggressor would have his ma- jesty against him, and has postponed the giving away of all places, for fear of disputes, till at least the end of the sessions. The dukes of New- castle, then, and Bedford, are trying which can keep their tem.per best and longest. The duke of Newcastle has the power, which I should think a great help*." The king was no less desirous than the duke of Newcastle to part -with lord Sandwich ; but wished to retain the duke of Bedford, though not in the • Mr, Fox to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams; Feb. i^, 1750-1. Hanbury Papers, 382 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. the office of secretary of state, which he had destined for the earl of IIol- dernesse. While this scheme was agitating, Mr. Fox, from his attachment to the duke of Cumberland, advised the duke of Bedford to offer the re- signation of the seals, and to accept for himself and lord Sandwich such places in the cabinet as his majesty should approve, and to which his ministry would not object; but the duke, over-ruled by the cabals of what was called the Bedford-liouse party, rejected the advice, and resigned the seals in disgust, at a time when the death of the prince rendered his defection of little consequence ; and in his audience of leave expatiated on the duke of Newcastle's conduct in terms of the highest indignation and contempt. The seals were given to lord Holdernesse ; lord Sandwich was succeeded in the admiralty by lord Anson, the son-in-law of lord Hardwicke ; lord Trentham, another of the duke of Bedford's friends, was removed, and the whole Bedford party entered the lists of opposition. The post of master of the horse, which had been vacant since the death of the duke of Rich- mond, and was destined for the duke of Bedford, was granted to the marquis of Hartington, who was called up to the house of peers. 383 CHAPTER 35. 1748—1751. Conduct of Foreign Affairs — Attempts of the Cabinet to procure the Elec- tion of the Archduke Joseph to the Dignity of King of the Romans — Subsidiary Treaties with the Electors of Germany — Mr. JValpole and Mr. Pelham disapprove these Measures — Mr. fValpoWs Memorial to the King. THE conduct of foreign affairs, pursued by the cabinet during these changes, was liable to many objections, and was not only censured by the enemies, but disapproved by many friends of government, among whom Mr. Walpole is distinguished. The great object of the british c ibinet was to secure tlie succession of the imperial dignity in the house of Austria, by obtaining for the arch- duke Joseph, eldest son of Maria Theresa by the emperor Francis, the election to the title of King of the Romans. But this was an object of extreme difficulty, and attended with a profusion of expence. As a pre- vious step, it became necessary to obtain a majority of votes, not only in the electoral college, but likewise in the diet of the empire. Hence a re- gular system of influence and bribery was established ; the electoral votes were to be purchased by means of subsidiary treaties, and the money of England lavished on the petty princes and states of Germany. Subsidies were offered to the electors of Mentz and Cologne ; a subsidiary treaty was concluded with the elector of Bavaria, who engaged for an annual sum of 40,0001. paid by Great Britain and the United Provinces, to hold in readiness 6000 auxiliaries for the service of the maritime powers, but not against the emperor or empire ; the elector of Saxony, Augustus IH. king of Poland, M^as also secured by the promise of a loan of 500,0001; on the mortgage of certain lordships in the saxon territories. But, notwithstanding these enormous expences, the scheme was success- fully S34 IMEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. fully counteracted, by the opposition of the king of Prussia as elector of Brandenburgh, and the king of France as guarantee of the treaty of West- phalia, who declared the election of a minor incompatible with the laws of the empire. They had secured the elector of Treves, and detached the elector of Cologne from the party of England, and the elector Palatine had entered a strong protest against the convocation of an electoral diet. A close connection was at this time established betwixt France and the king of Prussia, who had recently conceived new disgust against George the Second, on account of the disputes for the succession to East Friesland. On the death of the last duke without heirs-male, Frederic instantly took possession of the duchy, as Mr, AYalpole had predicted. George the Second, as duke of Brunswick Lunenburgh, remonstrated against this seizure, stated his pretensions in a memorial presented to the diet of Ratisbon, and demanded that their respective claims should be re- ferred to the decision of the aulic council. He was warmly supported by the house of Austria. The king of Prussia presented a counter-memorial, and refusing- to submit his right to any tribunal, entered a protest against the proceedings of the diet. The nugatory attempt of George the Se- cond, to wrest from so powerful a sovereign, a duchy which he then had in possession, was as impolitic as it was unsuccessful. Frederic expressed his resentment against the court of London, for their officious interference in the affairs of Germany, and, under the pretext of demanding repara- tion for the seizure of some prussian ships by english cruizers, disconti- nued the payment of the Silesian loan*. He also redoubled his efforts to counteract the election of the archduke Joseph. Notwithstanding the incessant representations of Mr. Walpole, no ef- fectual endeavours had been made to secure the friendship of the king of Prussia ; but even the very conduct pursued which he had so strongly re- probated. Instead of deputing, as embassador to Berlin, a person of high distinction, who possessed the full confidence of his sovereign, and was provided with specific instructions, much time was wasted in selecting an envoy, who was not at last entrusted with full powers. Sir Everard Fawkener • A loan advanced by some english mer- bound himself to liquidatej when Silesia was jchants to the queen of Hungary, on some lord- guarantied to him. ships in Silesia^ which the king of Prussia CHAPTER 35, 335 Fawkener was at first designated for the employment by the duke of Cumberland; but, to use Mr. Walpole's expressions, " Mr. Villiers * hav- ing gained the king of Prussia's good opinion, was the cause of his being- proposed, and his having asked, and having been refused a place, was ge- nerally thought to have been the occasion of his not going. But the true reason, I beheve, M^as, that he had consulted his friend lord Granville, who told him it was not desired that he should succeed in that commis- sion, and consequently he could get nothing but ill-will by it ; and there- fore he started that demand of a place, as a condition, without any expec- tation of having it granted him f." At length the choice fell on Mr. Legge, who, though a man of great talents for business, was unfit for a foreign mission, and of a character ill-suited to the temper of that " pow- erful casuist, whose extraordinary dogmas were supported by J 40, 000, the most efiTectual but convincing arguments in the world His mis- sion to Berlin only exposed him to the caprice and insolence of the prus- sian monarch. In consequence of this rooted antipathy between the two sovereigns, Mr. Walpole foresaw the inefficiency of subsidiary treaties, and depre- cated the lavish profusion of british money to secure an election which Avas continually defeated by the influence of Prussia. He no less warmly censured that want of conciliation Avhich marked the conduct of the bri- tish cabinet in their transactions with France, and that impolitic antipa- thy which provoked her enmity, by affecting to hold her out as an enemy in every court of Europe. Mr. Pelham was the principal person in the cabinet who coincided with the sentiments of Mr. Walpole on all these points ; his conciliating and cautious temper is evident from a letter which he wrote to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, then envoy at Dresden, on the request of that court for a loan of 500,0001. : "I desired Mr. Fox to send you my opinion without delay, which I dare say he did. Legge has, or will write to you upon the same subject ; but I can't forbear telling you myself, why I think it both improper and impracticable. The first arises from the plan I have * Envoy to Dresden, sfterwnrds lord Hyde and earl of Chirendon. + Mr. Walpole to Mr. Etough, Woltcrton, Oct. ic, 1751. — Etough Papers. X Mr. Harris to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, March 10, 1 750.— Hanbury Papers. 3D 386 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. I have laid down with regard to our affairs here ; if we are to borrow money for our own services, it would naturally keep down the public stocks; all the spare money \vould be reserved for a new subscription, and of consequence our present public annuities would go to market at a disadvantageous price. The good effects of this scheme are already seen, for the four per cents, are at par, and the three per cents, at 95. I re- solved, therefore, to raise what m'c Avanted within the year, Avhich has cost the land another four shillings in the pound. By this you will easily per- ceive, tliat if a loan was opened for half a million, to go abroad, all the good effects of this measure would fall to the ground, under the inconve- nience Avhich would arise from so large a sum of money going out of the kingdom, when we have little enough to circulate our vast capital debt, Avith the other necessaries of government, which require money *." In the midst of the negotiations for the subsidiary treaties, the bicker- ings with Prussia, and the disputes relative to America and the East In- dies, v/hich threatened hostilities with France, l\Ir. Walpole transmitted to Mr. Pelham a memorial containino- some " Considerations on the svs- tem of foreign affairs," with the hope that his arguments would influence the duke of Newcastle, and by him be submitted to the king. At length perceiving that none of the ministers could venture to represent in the closet, in terms sufficiently strong, the impolicy of this system, he com- municated tlie paper to the king himself, through tlie countess of Yar- mouth. " Observations upon the present System of Foreign Affairs ■\. When France was in the full career of glory and success, she unex- pectedly concurred with England to put an end to the war, and at the same time shewed a disposition to settle their respective pretensions in the Indies in an amicable manner. It is not now necessary to enquire into the motives of this pacific inclination, any farther than to observe, that the French were under no necessity to lay down their arms, while the allies were in the greatest distress, and in no condition to resist their victorious progress. When the general peace was concluded, and black clouds gathering * Mr. Pelham to Sir Charles Hanbury Wil. pole, *♦ Communicated to the countess of Yar- liams, Feb. 28, 1748-9. — Hanbury Papers. mouth, who laid it before his majesty, Novem- + Endorsed in the hand- writing of Mr, Wal- ber 1751," CHAPTER 35. 387 gatlicring intlic North, seemed to portend a new storm, France offered to act in concert with England, to prevent those troubles ; but England, in- stead of accepting this proposal, bid France speak to her allies, and Eng- land xroiild speak to her allies. " This unnecessary distinction, by declaring formally and publicly to France herself, that we could not look upon her as an ally, (although de- fensive alliances subsist between the two crowns, and particularly that of 1717, jointly with the States, which is renewed by the treaty of Aix, and although the French are guarantees with us for preserving the present tranquillity,) could not be agreeable to France, especially as it has been echoed by every speech from the throne since the peace, and openly pro- fessed and pursued by our foreign measures. These proceedings on the part of England, founded upon a jealousy of France, must unavoidably make her jealous of England ; and while we are busy and active abroad, avowedly with that view, it cannot be ex- pected that France should be idle in opposition to it, with this difference, our measures are unfortunately of that nature that the French are in a con- dition to defeat, disappoint, or despise them ; but all our pains and ex- pences, instead of procuring us new strength, tend to weaken us, and, instead of preventing new broils, tend to provoke them, and at the same time to disable us to struggle with them when they shall overtake us. " We endeavoured to gain Denmark by subsidies : France, apprehen- sive of our designs to promote the troubles rising in the North, outbid and disappointed us there. " The king, as elector, and the States, imagined they had engaged the elector of C'ologne in their interest by a subsidiary treaty ; the French soon found means to break that engagement. We think we have gained by subsidies, for the {)resent, the elector of Bavaria ; but are we sure that the French will not be able, by greater subsidies or other advantages, or by menaces, to detach or deter him from his obligations to us ; or that he will prove more useful or faithful than his uncle, the elector of Co- logne, es[)ecially if the elector Palatine, another branch of that family, who generally act together in public affairs, should not be favourable to us? In the mean xchile our subsidies must be paid in time of peace ; and this we do — for what ? to get the archduke elected king of the Romans. 3D2 "This 588 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. " This must be owned to be a matter of great importance ; and, in or- der to effect it, we have pursued a very generous plan : the emperor will truly condescend to let England take the lead, and have the honour to be at the greatest trouble and expence to advance his own son to this high station ; and shall we be able to compass this great point by our genero- sity r Hitherto it has not had the desired effect ; hut our subsidies must continue to be paid in time of peace. Cologne has shamefully left us ; and having given subsidies to one elector, we must not stop here, and, although it was declared otherwise in parliament, other electors must be gained. " The elector of Saxony presents himself next, and subsidies must be given to him: 3'et, can we depend upon the steadiness of that prince in time of danger, who is in so much awe of Prussia in his neighbourhood, so nearly related to France, and, 'tis said, has already sent an express to that court to justify the innocence of his intentions ? And will this ad- ditional alliance make the election of the king of the Romans sure ? Will the emperor, even for the sake of his own son, with the accession of this strength, hazard the election at the diet, if he apprehends an opposition from the electors of Brandenburgh, Cologne, and perhaps Palatine, joined with the weight and influence of France in the empire? 1 believe that is not certain ; but in the mean zvhile our subsidies must be paid ifi time of peace. " But, supposing the election should be attempted, and our king of the Romans be chosen by a majoritj^ of voices ; should the electors of Brandenburgh, Cologne and Palatine, on account of some pretended want of formality, and France, as guarantee by the treaty of Westphalia to the privileges of the germannic body, enter their protest, will this decision, at- tended with such circumstances, keep the powers of Europe calm, and be the means of prolonging the pacification ? " We have unnecessarily, by our public declarations and negotiations, already ranged the powers of Europe into two parties, viz. the Emperor, England, Russia, and the States-general on one side, (for I look upon the subsidiary princes, who will let out their troops, in case of a rupture, to those who will pay the most for them, of no consideration,) and France, Prus- sia and Sweden on the other side. And while we do things disagreeable to CHAPTER 35. 389 to them, and in defiance of them as our secret enemies, we must expect that they will counteract all our measures, and, without coming to an immediate rupture, will do things disagreeable to us. " Hence PVance, who shewed, upon the conclusion of the peace, a favourable disposition to compose the disputes in Tobago, St. Lucia, &c. and even in Nova Scotia, amicably by commissaries, has of late started new difficulties and chicanes, and begins to be troublesome in Africa; hence France and Prussia, as if by joint concert, affect to shew a personal disregard to the king. France sends, in the quality of embassador to Ber- lin, a nobleman of Irish extraction, whose family quitted their country with king James the Second, and who consequently must be attached to the interest of the pretender ; against which, indeed, as lord Tyrconnell is a natural born subject of France, no formal complaint could be made, though it is a symptom of no great respect to his majesty. But the french court receiving in that character from Berlin the late Lord Marshal *, whom I take to be an attainted rebel, and whom the king of France is obliged by the third article of the treaty of 1/17, if required by his ma- jesty, to send in a certain time out of his dominions, seems to me a most astonishing affront ; and what the king can say, or do, nobody can tell. Should his majesty take no notice of it to France, would the world and this nation think or say ? Should he take notice of it, and not be re- garded, (as, can it be expected he should be, after our having publicly de- clared and exempted France out of the number of our friends ?) what will his majesty do, nay, what can he do ? Good God ! into what difficulties and dilemmas has the chimerical notion of maintaining the antient grand alliance, in opposition to our antient enemy, plunged our good king, and this poor exhausted nation, when, indeed, the grand alliance is no more, unless it can be more effectually strengthened than by giving subsidies to shuffling and precarious princes, who take our money and laugh at us? " In the mean while, Mr. Puissieux, the pacific secretary of state in France, retires from business, and a duke of Burgundy is born. Are we sure that minister laid down his place purely on account of his health? and (that notwithstanding the declarations of France, which are usual on such occasions, even when new schemes are in agitation, ) are m c sure that the * Lord Keith, commonly called Lord Marshal, as hereditary marshal of Scotland. 390 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLR the same system of peace, of which he was the chief author/ ^\ ill be pur- sued by his successor? And will the birth of the duke of Burgundy make France so scrupulous and cautious of a fresh rupture ? "We seem to be already tantum non in a war; a situation that the Im- perial court, in order to keep us in a dependence upon them, always de- sires we should be in Avith respect to France. The pistol is cock'd, and, when once fired, what will be the consequence ? " Will the emperor, without money from England, put his numerous troops in motion, and, without our great and usual subsidies, continue them in motion ? Will not Russia, that distant ally, as she has already served us once, notwithstanding her obligations by treaty, refuse, if Sweden remains quiet, to march to his majesty's assistance either as king or elector, without a fresh supply of money from England? Or can the States-general, notwithstanding the present great authority of the Stad- liolder, find any possible means to defend their own frontier, considering the dismantled condition of their barrier in the Low Countries ? And much less, be they ever so unanimous or willing, can they be able to bring an army into the field for the service of the common cause ? " Lastly : Can England maintain forces by sea and land sufficient for her own security at home, which will always, in case of a rupture, be more or less affected, provide her contingent for foreign operations, and at the same time furnish her allies Avith the necessary subsidies to make their assistance useful ? " I am no military man ; but, from Avhat passed in the first campaign of the late war, I can easily imagine that France and Prussia may be able to distress the emperor, and the king as elector of Hanover, to the great- est degree, before a confederacy can be formed strong enough and time enough to resist them. And I am persuaded that those very dominions, for AV'hosc service these unnecessary and useless negotiations and expences in time of peace are principally calculated, Avill be attacked the first, and Avhat an effect that may have upon the head and heart of * * * * f, and consequently his health, at his time of life, is a most melancholy reflection. " You Avill, perhaps, observe, that, in the distribution of the poAvers of Europe into two parties, I have taken no notice of the kings of Spain and Sardinia. + Meaning the king. CHAPTER 35. 391 Sardinia. As to the last, he will not strike a stroke, especially on the side of the imperial court, on account of former ill-treatment, without particular advantages and subsidies from us. As to Spain, our negotia- tions with that crown seem to be the only wise and solid measure that has been taken since the peace ; and what part she will take, and whe- ther she will take any immediately, in case of a rupture, is, I believe, doubtful, unless we can engage his catholic majesty in a defensive alliance. But M'ill the Spanish ministers advise and promote his going so great a length with his majesty, considering how precarious his catholic ma- jesty's life may be? and, as he has no children, who is to be his successor? I am afraid this is not a very clear point. For these reasons, it has been a matter of wonder that some person of rank and abilities has never been sent as minister to Naples, to cultivate an intimate friendship with that king, who is like to succeed to the crown of Spain, while other consider- able powers have their embassadors, persons of great distinction, at that court. "What can be the policy of our neglect and indifference towards that prince, is hard to conceive. " But experience has shewn us how exorbitant the power of France is, and how extensive and destructive her views have been of the liberties of Europe, and particularly of the interest and constitution of this nation. Therefore it may be urged,, can that power be considered in any other light than that of a secret and inveterate enemy ; and, consequently, should we not, in time of peace, have that danger uppermost in our minds and motions, and for that purpose pursue such measures as may put us in a conchtion to obviate any pernicious schemes meditated against us on the part of that formidable power, and to disappoint and resist them in case they should be put in execution ? This is a very plausible, popular, and indeed a true notion, to a certain degree ; but, considering the formidable power and neighbourhood of France, would it not have been prudent to have dissembled our jealousy of her evil intentions, at a time that she shewed not the least disposition to exert them, and while the french ad- ministration (whether on account of his most christian majesty's pacific temper, or of the person that may have the greatest influence and credit Avith him, or for the sake of maintaining their power procured by the late peace,) appeared desirous to preserve it, and even in concert with Eng- land ? 392 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. land ? Was it prudent to decline the acceptance of such a proposal, and to let France and all the world know that Ave could not consider her as an ally, and to take openly steps in consequence of such a declaration, as plainly indicate our jealousy, and must naturally provoke her to disap- point, if she pleases, all our precautions ? " But, allowing this to have been a prudent and reasonable way of acting, should not our preventive * and defensive measures be substan- tial, and of such a nature as by the solidity and strength to answer those good ends ? And can our giving subsidies to german princes in time of peace be considered as such ? They will take our money for the present ; but in a time of exigency, when we shall want their troops, they will be governed, notwithstanding our subsidies, by their fears or hopes, in let- ting them to us, or to any other power. Meanwhile, before new troubles arise, if France will not take the pains to disappoint and defeat these measures, she will smile at their weakness, and, instead of being kept in awe, will be pleased to see us fling away so much money, in a time of pro- found peace, to no purpose, which we shall want in time of war. " I am no enemy to the former grand alliances ; I am sensible they saved Europe and this country : nor am I such an abettor of the pacific inclinations, or the fidelity of France to her engagements, as to depend upon them. Neither would -f desert or disoblige those powers who joined so zealously and usefully with us in those grand alliances for the support of the common cause. But the misfortune is, that the powers who composed those alliances are so reduced and exhausted as to be incapa- ble of making the same vigorous efforts against France, now as formid- able as ever; unless we can not only separate Spain from a servile depcnd- ance upon that crown, which I hope is in a manner effectually donef, but also engage in our interest the supj)lemental and additional assistance of some new real power, whose natural inclination and interest might lead him, and whose situation and strength would enable him to join in main- taining; * This passage explains in a few words tlie + In this instance Mr. Walpole pays a due preventive system of Sir Robert Walpole, by tribute of approharion to the conduct of the which he maintained the country so long in ministry, who, by prudent measures, conciliated peace, and which the half measures of the sue- the king of Spain, ai;id detached him from ceeding administration, as well as the experi- France, ence of posterity, have fully justified. 4 CHAPTER 35. 393 taining the balance of Europe ; and this power can be no other than the king of Prussia. But, far from shewing the least disposition to gain the friendship of that prince, we have pointed him out, by all our negotia- tions, as a determined partisan of France, and as a more obnoxious and dangerous enemy to us; and consequently done all we can to disoblige him, and fix him in the interest of that crown, as necessary for his own security and defence against tlie manifest ill-will of the emperor and his majesty. And can it be imagined, that our giving subsidies, in time of peace, to german princes, w hich are plainly calculated for the se- curity of Lower Saxony, preferably to that of any other country, and more with a view to keep Prussia than France in awe, will in any degree counterpoise our flinging so considerable a power as Prussia now is, into the scale against us? All that may be said of that princes strong aver- sion and ill-will towards his majesty is very glaring and evident, and his behaviour is not to be justified. But doubtless his prussian majesty is no less fully convinced that the king and his principal ally have an equal aversion to him, and that their plans and measures are levelled to vex and distress him. Therefore, as long as those mutual animosities subsist, it must be expected that he will keep strongly united M'itli that poM^er that is best able to defend him, and anno}^ his enemies; and the short question is, whether he is not, and will not ever be, while united to France, in a stronger situation to shew his resentment against the king, than his ma- jesty can possibly be, by subsidies granted in time oj peaee to gcrmaii princes, to resent the beha\ iour of the king of Prussia, and even, with tlie assistance of all his allies, to resist the joint forces of France and Prussia? " But, to conclude these unpleasant speculations, it is plain that the king of Prussia at present holds in his hands the balance of Europe. We may be sorry for it, but we cannot help it ; so it is, and so it is like to be. And were it possible to overcome the inveterate animosity and rancour, and by degrees procure and cement an intimate friendship and alliance betM'cen his majesty and that prince, which I am afraid we have never yet seriously attempted or desired, it would be a stronger bulwark against any formi- dable and ambitious power, for securing the liberties of Europe, upon which ours depend, than was ever framed by any former grand alliance 3 E for 39i MEMOIRS Of LORD WALPOLE. for that purpose, and his majesty would have nothing to fear. But, should his Prussian majesty be entirely riveted in the interest of France, the king will never be easy ; there is nothing that his majesty will not have reason to fear, both as king and elector ; but more immediately for his electoral dominions. " But, if the present system for preserving the peace of Europe, and for our own defence in case of a rupture, is not right, what better plan might have been pursued, I think it is not difficult to collect from the foregoing deduction. " After having obtained, so unexpectedly, so honourable and seasonable a peace, considering our circumstances at that time, (which must always be the measure of a good or bad peace,) we should have kept ourselves calm and quiet ; shewn a dispositfon to live amicably with all our neigh- bours ; looked into our own affairs, and the situation of them ; have, in pursuance of that noble and successful scheme for reducing the interest of the public debts, endeavoured to increase the sinking fund, by bringing the expences for the current service of the year in as narrov\^ a compass as possible, consistent with a sufficient force by sea and land for our home- security against any surprise, and by this means made a gradual reduction of the great aud almost unsupportable load of the national debt. We should have continued our antient intimacy and friendship with our old allies, been attentive to the views and motions of other foreign powers, (which can never be indifferent to us,) and as any of them might directly or consequentially affect the safety of our government, or tend to disturb the general tranquillity, taken our measures accordingly, as the exigency of affairs might require. We should have carefully avoided (considering our circumstances,) doing any thing previously, that might fret, alarm, and provoke our neighbours, as jealous of thtm, while they had given us, by their behaviour, no cause of jealousy, but have readily concurred with all those that were willing to co-operate with us to maintain the general tranquillity. And, in order to supply the want of those resources and efforts, which we and the States formerly exerted in defence of the common cause, and in which we are now extremely defective, especially the Dutch, we should have endeavoured to cultivate a good understanding with such potentates, CHAPTER 35. potentates, whose interest and situation niiglit naturally lead them to an union and friendship with us, and whose real strength might be of service in time of danger. " This general sketch points out the wisdom of taking no step that might be offensive to France ; and at the same time, for the sake of com- merce, and of preserving peace in the southern parts, to have not only re- newed and improved our antient amity with Spain, but have endeavoured to settle a good understanding with the king of Naples, the heir apparent of that crown. And we should have been no less assiduous, for the sake of preserving peace on the continent nearer to us, in leaving no means untried to settle the strictest alliance with the king of Prussia. Having secured these princes in our interest, France, I own, would not be pleased with the success of these negotiations ; but, (deprived of her former influ- ence over Spain,) would scarce have ventured to disoblige the king, forti- fied, both in the northern and southern parts, with such powerful friends. " A foundation being thus laid, of real strength, instead of that rope of sand by subsidiary treaiies in time of peace to gerjnan princes, it would not have been, 1 should think, a very difficult matter, by laying hold of proper opportunities, managed with suitable prudence, for the imperial court, in concert with his majesty and the king of Prussia, to have got the archduke chosen king of the Romans, (which is certainly a matter of great moment,) without lavishing away the money of Great Britain idly, in a manner that will rather obstruct and retard than promote that great view. " But, if we could afford to be at any extraordinary expence in time of peace, to prevent or w ithstand future troubles, surely there is an object that more directly- regards the interest and security of this nation, that is veiy obvious : I mean the dismantled and exposed condition of the barrier in the Low Countries, which the armies of France may take, and pass through to the frontier towns of Holland, in a few days or ceks, without the least opposition or resistance. " The important consideration of repairing those fortresses should, upon the conclusion of the peace, have immediately employed the attention of the States, Avhose safety is first concerned, and in concert with the empe- ror, who is proprietor of those valuable dominions. And, in case they were not sufficiently able to compass that great woik, and had applied to 3 E 2 his MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. his m WALPOLE. disapproved by militarif men. Upon wliicli I took the liberty to desire; the king to send Sir Thomas Robinson to the duke's, to consult his royal highness r that produced a formal meeting with his royal highness and the king's servants ; and the present scheme, and the measures for con- ducting it, and for the execution of it, are entirely his royal highness's. " I have differed a little as to some preparatory steps, Avhich I thought might be more frugally and as effectually done another M'ay ; but as the duke and the secretary at war persisted in thinking otherwise, I have in great measure acquiesced. I am persuaded you will approve what I have done, when I have time to inform you of the particulars. Though this measure (iu some shape or other) was absolutely necessary, and I hope in this shape will be effectual, I see the danger there may be of France's taking it too strongly ; but that must be ventured. I have wrote a pri- vate letter to lord Albemarle *, that we do nothing but what they have forced us to, and now at once, perhaps, what they have been doing every year since the peace of Aix-Ia-chapelle. I have desired him to explain this so in his conversation, which (I should hope) would enable the pacilic part of the administration, and particularly madame de Pompadour, and the duke de Mirepoix, to prevent any ill consequences from this, which they had brought upon themselves. " Our affairs in Spain go well, though our friends let slip their oppor- tunity of getting rid of all their enemies ; and weakness and solicitation have obtained a pension of 2000 pistoles per annum for Ensenada, whose crime was having amassed an immense fortune at the public expence,. for which he was to have been prosecuted. But things are certainly vastly mended ; and I verily believe that there is an end (for the present, at least, ) of french counsels and french influence: and that, I hope, will tend to discourage France from any inclination to war. So that no ill conse- quence will happen from our necessary measures of vigour in North America. " I hope we shall soon have the pleasure of seeing Jow in toM'n. As I am now your next door neighbour at Whiteliall, 1 hope to have your ad- vice without any inconvenience to yourself I think our money matters are settled, so as to give no cause of disturbance or uneasiness to any body. I have * The british embassador at Paris, CHAPTER 3S. 421 I have prevailed upon Sir John Barnard to lay aside the thought of convert- ing the redeemable 3 per cent, annuities into annuities for lives on ler-ns of years, for this session. That would certainly have created opposition, as I found by the discourses which I have had upon the subject, both with monied men and country gentlemen ; which last are very unwilling to think of any diminution of the sinking fund; as that, in case of a war, must fall upon them by the increase of the land- tax, or creating some new fund. I don't find that vieasures are blamed ; the only point of dif- ference is personal. " Some great persons in the house of commons don't think their merit rewarded, and therefore endeavour to have it thought that there is a ne- cessity of having a minister, or the minister, in the house of commons ; concluding, I suppose, that, that principle once established, every body has his chance. As this affects the king's system and present arrange- ment only, and not the conduct and behaviour of any particular person in his employment, I am persuaded that the majority of this house of commons will not enter into any scheme of this kind. It would be very improper in me to hint this to any one, but to one in whom I have an entire confidence, and who can, upon this occasion, be of the greatest service to persuade some who may not be altogether unbiassed by this principle or trap, and to influence others to see the impropriety of it, or little foundation for it. " I have now told you the whole grievance : you will make your use of it ; but I must beg that it may not be known that it comes from me. I have several more things to say, but indeed have not time ; I hope to hear that you will be soon in town. You see I have at last got the rib- bon for Sir Benjamin * ; that pleases him : but he still insists upon coming home in the spring. How shall we replace him there, or satisfy him here ? I shall have all possible attention to obey all the commands I receive from you, either with regard to yourself to the utmost of my power, or to your Norfolk friends, who deserve so well of the king and his servants. " P. S. I shall give the greatest attention to your scheme to prevent running wool from Ireland." Mr. * Sir Benjamin Keene, who was warmly patronised by the Walpole family, and distinguished -himself by his diplomatic talents ic the embassy to Spain. 422 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Mi\ Walpole was alarmed, at this period, at the fatal disagreement ■which had again recently broke forth between the courts of St. James's and Leicester-house ; at the dangerous discordance in administration; at the coolness between the dukes of Cumberland and Newcastle; and dreaded lest the war, which was now impending, with France, might be carried on in the same inefficient manner as the last, and be attended with the most fatal consequences, should the king continue in his resolu- tion of leaving the kingdom. The only remedies which occurred to Mr. Walpole, were, either to prevent the departure of the king, or to place the duke of Cumberland at the head of the regency, with the con- currence of the princess of Wales. Impressed with these apprehensions, lie paid an early visit to Mr. Stone, for the purpose of laying his scheme before the duke of Newcastle. He had the satisfaction to find that the same ideas had occurred to Mr. Stone, and had been already suggested. By his grace's desire, Mr. Walpole drew up a paper relative to the situation of affairs, which he read in a select meeting at Newcastle-house, at which were present the dukes of Newcastle, Devonshire and Grafton; tlie lord chancellor, the marquis of Hartington, and the earl of Walde- grave, governor of the prince of Wales. " The situation of affairs is most critical and perilous. Whether peace or war is uncertain ; and, in either case, the conduct of affairs must be extremely difficult, and absolutely requires his majesty's presence. This uncertainty may not be over for some time, and yet may suddenly de- mand a speedy decision ; can that be done in the king's absence " In the mean time, can the parliament be prorogued under such an uncertainty ? and if prorogued, can, in the king's absence, the proper steps be taken in parliament for the approbation of the terms of peace, or more vigorous measures, by raising more men and money for the defence of his kingdoms, and supporting a war, as the exigencies may require ? Will not innumerable and unanswerable difficulties and questions be started, nobody knows from what quarter, and upon what foot, in a par- liament under no direction or controul? In short, the want of his majesty "s Aveight and presence will make all negotiations and operations imperfect, if not impracticable. If CHAPTER 38. 423 " If his majesty should go abroad, in case of a war, the severest feflec- tions and clamours will be general and loud, both from the well-affected and disaffected, against his majesty's ministers. Their zealous endeavours to keep him at home will scarce be believed, and, if believed, will still liave a worse effect, by raising sedition and discontent personally against his majesty, to a degree that it is terrible to think of. " In this distracted situation there will bC; in a manner, a dissolution of government. France may 'be tempted to undertake such enterprises as she never thought of before ; such as the regal and legal authority of the cabinet council will not have unanimity and authority enough to ob- viate, or disappoint in time, especially in military matters. As the duke of Cumberland is not one of the regency, he will not, it may perhaps be apprehended, look upon himself to be so absolutely under the direction and orders of the regency, as to obey implicitly, without knowing the king's pleasure, their plans or orders. Or can he be supposed to be in so good humour with the chief of them, as to propose plans himself, in matters which he certainly knows better than any of them ? Nay, may it not be possible, that, according to the general distress or alarm, whether in Britain or in Ireland ; may not, I say, some persons of consideration, that are the best affected, even those that did not desire to make his royal highness regent upon the demise of the king, call for the assistance of the duke of Cumberland, to save the whole family in such an extremity ? Good God ! what confusion ! what disorder among the friends ! What pleasure, what advantage, to the enemies of the government 1 " As to treaties and measures that may be concerted for a diversion, or in opposition to France and her allies abroad, which can be only made with the queen of Hungary and Russia, (for the States will never be brought to take any part,) it is not easy to shew what can be done of any consequence with those powers ; but in his majesty's absence, any thing of that nature will be treated with scorn and ridicule in Enoland. What then is to be done? There seems to remain the following expedients : " 1st. That the ministers should let his majesty know, in the most humble and dutiful manner, that so many unforeseen difficulties and dis- tresses may arise, that it is impossible for them, with their utmost zeal, at- tention, 424. MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. tention, and fidelity, to obey his majesty's comr ands, cither during the negotiations to prevent a war ; and the more so, in case of a war, to un- dertake to carry on the government of this country with honour and safety, as persons and things may be disposed and constituted in his ma- jesty's absence : or, 2d, humbly to beseech his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased, if he is resolved to go abroad, to appoint the duke of Cumberland regent; and that they are ready to support his royal high- ness with their counsel and assistance in their respective stations. " Tilts expedient may, at first, raise several disagreeable reflections ift a certain place, as well as among the ministers who have not that in- timacy and correspondence with his royal highness as were to be wished, and indeed must be brought about, in case it be carried into execution. But, to remove all jealousies, this only necessary measure, for the safety of this government, in his majesty's absence, should be first opened and broke, in a manner to show the necessity of it, in that place, by a proper intercourse and correspondence of persons that have the greatest influence and credit there, and settled by degrees in concert between the princess of Wales and the duke of Cumberland, with the intervention of the chief ministers, and be proposed by her royal highness to the king. But if this expedient cannot take place, there seems nothing left to pre- vent the general calamity and confusion that threatens, but that the prin- cess of Wales should take the first opportunity to fling herself at his ma- jesty's feet, and, encompassed with the chief of her royal children, most humbly implore the king, for their sakes, in the most moving and sub- missive manner, not to leave these kingdoms, and abandon his royal pro- gehy, after so many marks of his paternal tenderness and affection for them, at a juncture that may, by his absence, expose them to the greatest dangers. " If nothing that goes before can be obtained, it is to be apprehended that persons of great weight and consideration, and who will by no means go into a peevish motion of a disgraced lord of the bedchamber, may, when that is over, take some step of the same nature afterwards, if the king perseveres in his resolution of leaving these kingdoms at this junc- ture." Mr. CHAPTER 38. 425 Mr. Walpole still further enforced these consiflcrations, in a letter to the duke of Newcastle : " My Dear Lord, Cockpit, April 15, 1755. I look upon the confidence of being admitted to a private meeting at your grace's house, the 12th instant, witli persons of so great considera- tion, and upon matters of such importanice, at so critical a juncture, as a greater mark of honour and regard than I can pretend to deserve ; and I hope that such an admission will justify the freedom I take, to open inyself more fully to your grace, on the subject matter of that conference, than I presumed then to do. *' The impertinence and insolence of lord Paulct's intended motion, in his situation, and the manner he designs to make it, both with respect to his majesty and the ministry, ought to be treated accordingly ; but then the thing itself is sb desirable, and so popular, that if something be not done to quiet the apprehensions of good men, and prevent the ill use that will be made of his majesty's leaving us, by bad men, this affair m IU not rest there, by the present disappointment of an ill conducted motion of a peevish lord. *' The clamours against his majesty's resolution grow daily louder with the belief of it, and the ferment increases; and "tis said there will cer- tainly be a motion in our house to divert him from it, and that the same spirit is rising in the city, which may be followed by addresses from counties and boroughs. This deserves consideration, especially as to the person by whom, and the manner in which, such a motion is to be ma- naged, on the part of the court, in our houses for if it be made with de- cency, weight, and affection to his majesty's person and family, what may be done, on so plausible and interesting a subject, by members of no great eloquence and parts, and much more so by those that are able, (and nobody knoAvs who may take a ])art in it when once started,) may have a most irresistible effect. "These things, your grace knows, were not canvassed at our last meeting ; the whole time being employed upon lord Pauiet's intentions : 1st, To consider whether it was possible to dissuade his majesty from his resolution of going abroad: and '2d, As such an attempt seemed to be looked upon as vain and fruitless, whether regal authority could be so far 3 I extended 416 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. extended and vested with such poM'ers, beyond what had ever been granted in the absence of the sovereign, and in such persons as may enable them to obviate the innumerable difficulties that may suddenly occur, relating to peace or war, upon exigencies that will not suffer delay, and to carry the necessary measures into execution for the common safety and defence with unanimity and vigour ; and by that means to calm the minds, in some measure, of the most considerable and best affected per- sons, who are at present extremely uneasy at this doubtful and dangerous situation. *' Here your grace may remember, that the making the duke of Cum- berland regent, or one of the regency, was mentioned, for reasons that were obvious, and seemed, I believe, unanswerable to some, in considering the good of the whole, as the best expedient (though none can be equi- valent to his majesty's staying in England,) in so desperate a case. *' Your grace will pardon the liberty I take in letting you know, it was observed that lord chancellor and yourself did not seem to relish this scheme, in a manner agreeable to your great wisdom, and adequate to the apprehensions of confusion that seem to threaten the administration of government, when lodged in such a number of regents, how united o^ connected nobody can tell ; while, at the same time, the great personage, whose head and hand must in all likelihood be the most useful towards planning and executing what is necessary to be done, is excluded from the chief confidence and counsel in the affairs of state. Your grace was pleased to say, at the meeting, that the duke of Cumberland had been acquainted, by the proper officers in their respective stations, with every thing that had been done since the first appearance of these troubles ; and that his majesty was fully apprised of it, and satisfied with it. But your grace will pardon me for asking, and appealing to yourself, whether such a communication to the duke of Cumberland, by the officers in their several departments, though very respectable persons, of what had been projected, without a previous conference with him, by lord chancellor or your grace, can be looked upon by his royal highness as such marks of confidence for his sentiments and advice, as can satisfy one of his dignity in matters- where he may be principally useful? He, without doubt, con- siders it as a communication apr^s coup, and to save appearances only : I don't CHAPTER 38. 427 I don't mean by this that his royal highness sliould have had a share iu the administration, when things were in the ordinary and quiet course of business; I don't presume to enter into, and be a judge of, that matter; but in this extraordinary crisis, I can't help thinking that a constant in- tercourse, personally, upon a confidential foot, between the duke and the chief ministers, should take place; and, if that can't be done, inevitable and inextricable difficulties must occur in the king's absence. " As to lord chancellor, whose great talents, moderation, and practi- cable disposition, nobody can have a greater opinion of than myself, 1 must own, that when I read to him at his house the paper your grace saw and heard at yours, his thoughts upon it, relating to the duke of Cum- berland, appeared to me to be contracted into narrower views than seem consonant with the importance of our condition, and the disagreeable consequences apprehended from it at this great juncture. His lordship intimated to me, that his royal highness was not very popular ; and let fall something, from whence I concluded, that should he be made regent, his lordship may be of opinion it might fling the administration wholly into his royal highness's hands, jointly with others in his immediate con- fidence, that are not friends to the chief ministers. And I must own I made the same inference in my mind, from the manner in which his lord- ship expressed himself on this head at the meeting, with great modesty and candour, in looking upon the duke of Cumberland being put in that station as the greatest piece of good fortune that could happen to him ; the chancellor meaning, I suppose, that as he should not have so great a share in the administration, he should not be responsible for it. " Now, my dear lord, this affair strikes me in a very diflTerent light. It is certainly true, that the enemies of the government hate and detest the duke of Cumberland ; and that even some that are well affected have entertained (whether well or ill founded) their jealousies of his royal highness, if placed in the highest seat of power ; but, in desperate cases, Saliis populi, the safety of the whole, is to be considered and preferred to abstracted notions. The reasons of thejacobites hatred operate in the strongest manner in support of what is suggested ; and as to the jealousies of those that are friends to the present family, if what is proposed should ;3 I e take 428 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. take place, by a joint concert and approbation of the princess of Wales, those jealousies would soon vanish. " With respect to the present administration, if the affair relating ta the duke of Cumberland should be transacted and settled, as it certainly ought to be, by the immediate management and intervention of the lord chancellor and your grace, between tlic royal families, it must conse- quently create a confidence in the conduct of affairs between the duke of Cumberland and you two ; for, to Avhom can his royal highness give his confidence in preference to yours ? He must be desirous, in such a sta- tion, to live Avell, for his own sake, with his majesty's chosen ministers, with whom he must constantly confer and act. Who is there of that consequence and use, among all those that frequent and live with him, M'ho can engage his favour and predilection in business? And, therefore, notwithstanding all former coolness and misunderstanding, I should think a round and cordial disposition, on lord chancellor and your grace's part, to serve his royal highness as sole regent, with your council and assistance; or to act jointly and confidentially with him, if he will readily concur in the scheme of a regency, composed of as few as in former reigns, (for a great number of regents may be liable to many inconve- niences, ) will meet with a suitable return of confidence from him ; for nothing is more frequent in courts than that the change of political stations alters political inclinations, with respect to ministers of use and service. " On the other hand, if, besides the labouring under general clamours against you, for your not being able or Avilling to keep his majesty in England, insuperable difficulties should arise in your administration, .for "want of the present authority and timely orders from the absent king, and an union among the regents, while the duke of Cumberland may be retired from all business and concern for the public, and the M'heels of government should not only stand still, but the enemies to it take an ir- retrievable advantage from this confusion ; what would be the fate of you both, (if this country is not lost before,) at the next meeting of a parlia- ment under no direction or controul, and where a variety of discontents and ill humours will be afloat ? Your administration can't possibly subsist, and Cn APTE R 38. 429 and will be dissolved with such disagreeable circumstances, that if you do not apprehend them yourselves, it will be improper for me to explain them. " I hope what goes before will not be understood by your grace to be said with an intention to derogate in the least from lord chancellor's and your grace's capacity to carry on the administration as honestly and ably as any other person, Avhen nothing more is meant than that you should take, at a juncture that I believe never existed before, the joint assistance and counsels of those that must, by their quality and station, be the in- struments, in case of imminent danger, of our preservation, and not make yourselves solely answerable for any fatal event that may possibly over- take this nation ; and God knows whether the greatest efforts and union will be sufficient. " In short, if a jealousy of your authority in the administration being so much retrenched, and like to fall into other hands, by the participation of it to the duke of Cumberland, is M^hat you have most at heart ; and you have resolution and courage enough to think, that, with the ordinary powers of an usual regency in the cabinet council, or by their being far- ther extended in our present cloudy circumstances, to steer the helm of government by yourselves, in God's name keep fast hold of it 1 I heartily wish you all imaginable success in conducting the vessel to a safe port, through the storms that threaten ; while I retire to my cabin in the coun- try, and expect my fate, with the rest of my fellow-subjects, praying that the great God, who only fighteth for us, may give peace in our time !" The plan of Mr. Walpole was only partially followed ; no efforts were made by the ministry to prevent the departure of the king, and no at- tempts to conciliate the princess of Wales. The duke of Cumberland M'as placed at the head of a numerous regency, yet without sufficient power to act a decisive part in case of emergency : the parliament was prorogued on the 25th of April ; on the 28th the king embarked at Harwich for his german dominions, and the nation beheld his departure with apprehension and regret, arising from the divisions of the cabinet, the unsettled state of Europe, and the djead of a french invasion. 1 430 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. CHAPTER 39. 1754 — 1755. Mr. JFalpole writes his ''Answer to the latter Part of Lord Boli7ighroke's Letters on the Study of History.'" — Correspondence on that Subject. AT this period of his life, Mr. Walpole employed himself in refuting lord Bolingbroke. He had long been urged by his particular friends " to give an antidote," according to his own expression, "to the political venom of Bolingbroke,"' and seems to have meditated an answer before the death of the noble author, as appears from a letter dated July 20, 1751, to his friend Mr. Yorke : " I would not omit the first opportunity to return you my sincere ac- knowledgements for your affectionate letter of the i4th, enquiring so kindly after the health of one who, if friendship and attachment to you and your family have any merit, may deserve some remembrance, although otherwise of little consequence and consideration, " I had but a troublesome journey into the country, not being able to creep faster than three miles an hour in a chariot with springs, and that not without frequent and painful returns of my disorder. But since I came home, having kept myself quiet, and used no other motion but slow and short walks, I have been extremely well. As soon as I shall be al- lowed to tiy again a wheel-carriage, if I find myself in any degiee able, I will endeavour to have the pleasure of waiting upon you at Wrest, which is never out of my thoughts. " I am utterly a stranger to what is doing in tOAvn or court ; Mr. Lyt- tleton*, of the treasury, and his brother, have been with me, and staid here three days ; but as they could tell me nothing from above that is certain, besides that the present situation there of credit and power is uncertain, (which I believe is true,) after they Mere tired with walking in * Afterwards Lord Lyttleton. CHAPTER 39. 431 in my lawns and my gardens, I entertained them with some historical anecdotes of former transactions and negotiations, and unread or un- riddled some oraculous lectures of Pope's great genius*, which they had swallowed and believed, with as much faith, and as little foundation of truth and reason, as oracles of old had been consulted and followed. And I was better able to do it; because, during this leisure of retirement, I am employed in amusing myself with turning over and putting into order my ministerial lucubrations abroad, and should be tempted, if I had more years before me, to make an historical abstract of them, that might serve as an antidote hereafter to that venom of false facts that is now privately, and may, when those tliat can contradict them are no more, he publicly scattered in the world. I have troubled you too long; but can't con- clude Mdthout congratulating you upon the prospect of one brother f be- ing likely to succeed lord Holdernesse at the Hague, and upon the justice done to the merit of the other ;{:, in being made counsel to the East India Company ; for nothing can happen that can be agreeable to any branch of your family, but will give pleasure to him that is, with the most affec- tionate respect, &c." From a subsequent letter to Mr. Yorke, written after the death of lord Bolingbroke, he appears to have formed a more decided resolution with respect to his intended answer. " Wolterton, July 23, 1753. The clamours and troubles endeavoured to be raised all over England, from passing the Jews' bill, are indeed wonder- ful, considering it met not the least opposition in the house of lords, and had made some progress in our house before much notice was taken of it ; and that was occasioned by a worthless set of Jacobites in the common council of London, under the auspices of the false popularity of Sir John Barnard ; but I do not apprehend it will have any effect of consequence in the new general election against the M' higs, as there is no formidable body of opponents against the present administration existing. The last opposition was of a coalition of disappointed Patriots with disaffected Tones : the views and objects of the first ceased with the death of the late prince of Wales, and they are become reasonable and practicable mortals reunited to the old corps ; the Tories are not inconsiderable in numbers, but, * Lord Bolingbroke. + Sir Joseph Yorke, afterwards Lord Dover. J The hon. Charles Yorke, V 432 ]\IEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. but, for want of heads and hearts, and the plausible pretext of patriotism, they are loose, disconcerted, and a band incapable of acting, and will con- tinue so as long as the ministry has no other demands to make but what is necessary for the current service of the year in time of peace ; which God long preserve! For, should new troubles break out abroad, by France resuming her ancient views, I am afraid, according to our present system of foreign politics, and the situation of Europe, we shall unavoidably be soon overtaken with innumerable troubles, and, without some miracu- lous turn of Providence, I apprehend we must submit to the dictates of France, or become a military government. But I have gone too far; I should not have gone so far to any body else. " These melancholy reflections, when foreign affairs occur to m.y mind, although I am in as g-^ood health and spirits as ever, and 1 am not, as you very Avell know, subject to vapours, nor have reason to be so in private concerns, (for, next to your great father, nobody can be happier than I am in my family,) these reflections, I say, fling such a damp and discou- ragement in my way, by the apparition of what may happen, that 1 have not the heart to look back into past transactions, and to unmask that wicked impostor Bolingbroke, whose villainous ministry and measures have been the source from whence all the difficulties, debts and distresses, that have embarrassed this nation, both in domestic and foreign concerns, ever since the peace of Utrecht, have directly flowed: ' Hac fonte derivata cladcs * In patriam populumquejluxit.' " However, I have at leisure hours taken the works of that charlatan into my hands ; and find the notoriety of the falsehoods advanced in almost every page, makes the difficulty of an answer ; for, instead of stating known propositions and facts, and making the proper inferences and true conclusions from them, his affirmations of things that never existed are strong and positive, and are incoherently scattered up and down his books, with interludes of amusing anecdotes, and embellishments nothing to the purpose, to divert the reader from farther enquiry, taking it for granted that such impudent assertions must have some foundation of truth, which makes it hard to collect them into a body, and, by taking Them to pieces, afterwards to expose the variety of falsehoods, stript of artificial CHAPTER 39. 433 artificial ornaments, in their natural and hideons deformity ; but perhaps something may be attempted. I am ever, &c. " The attention of Mr. Walpole, however, was diverted by other occupa- tions, until JMallet gave a superb edition of all Bolingbroke's Works, in five volumes quarto. These writings, which were equally hostile to reli- gion and government, being published on the day of Mr. Pelham's death, gave rise to a beautiful passage in Mr. Garrick's celebrated ode : " The same sad morn to Church and Stale^ (So for our sms 'twas fix'd by fate^) A double stroke was giv'n : Black as the whirlwhids of" the norths St. John's fell genuis issued forth. And Pelham fled to heav'n *." This publication roused the indignation of Mr. Walpole; he resumed his labours with increasing zeal and perseverance, and I shall throw to- gether a few letters which exhibit the progress of this interesting work until it was finally completed. iJ/r. JValpole to Lord Roystorf]'. " Wolterton, July 8th, 1754. The punctilio of having wrote last would not have prevented my keeping up an intercourse of letters with the per- son for whom I have so great a respect and affection, and in whose cor- respondence and conversation I alwaj's find the utmost satisfaction, could I have furnished out any thing that deserved giving you trouble. The variety of agreeable objects which nature, improved by some art, in this si- tuation, affords, are entertainment to a quiet mind retired from the novel- ties and noise of the busy world ; but cannot be the acceptable subject of a letter to a distant friend, who enjoys them in greater perfection, no more than an account of my amusements within doors among eminent authors, or of my political speculations upon modern transactions that are past ; among which I sometimes cast an eye upon Bolingbroke's fables. I say sometimes, because the misrepresentations of facts are so gross, his reflec- tions upon able men and honest measures are so violent and unjust, that I am not able to dwell upon theih long in order to confute them, without being * An ode on the death of Mr. Pelham, by + Mr. Yorke had recently assumed the title Mr. Garrick. — Dodsley's Collection of Poems, of lord Royston, on the elevation of his father vol. 4, p. 198. to the earldom of Hardwicke. 3 K 434 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. being ruffled with greater resentment and disorder than is suitable to the calm I propose to enjoy in this happy retirement, at my time of life. For, as to future events, I keep them at as great a distance as I can from my thoughts, leaving them to the lucubrations of those that are in the vigour of their age, or in stations that require their attention to the public weal; myself perfectly content with our present happy tranquillity, and praying for the duration of it. *' But, alas ! in the midst of this delightful dream of an elysian peace, the duke of Newcastle has, in a very affectionate and confidential manner, awakened me from the pleasing indolence of a rural life, and set my poli- tical thoughts again at sea with an account of the freuch encroachments upon our settlements in the West Indies. The black clouds gathering- there, I am afraid, are big of an unpleasant storm. I have sent his grace my notions ; crude and imperfect, you will easily imagine, they must be, uninformed as I am of particulars at this distance. But the substance of some long letters, in answer to some questions I was asked, is, in short, that our colonies must not be abandoned ; if they have not sufficient force of themselves, of men or money, they must be supplied from hence to withstand and repel the french unjust attempts. If this becomes a seri- ous affiiir, and France ha& projected a scheme for destroying our trade in the East and West Indies, it will be a more effectual measure for ruining this nation than any M'^ar on the continent in Europe, or intrigues for a rebellion in favour of the pretender ; it will indeed be laying the axe at the root of the tree." Mr. Fowle* to Mr. E tough. " January 31, 1754-5. Our great friend has begun the work you have so long and so often recommended to him, and has completed it from the year 1706. The manuscript has given great satisfaction to those whom he has favoured with a sight of it. He is going on with it to the year 1715. My neighbour. Sir Edward, and I, wish to have it carried on to- wards the year 1740. But our good and great friend says, that he has not materials for such a work, and that he can get no farther than 1714-5 ; so that we have no expectation of having more of the scene, wherein his noble * Commissioner of the Excise, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Charles Turner, by Mary, sister of Mr. Walpole, CHAPTER 39- 435 noble relation was particularly interested, opened to us, than what may be had from general accounts of that period of time from 1715 towards 1740. What may be become of the materials collected for a particular account of this noble person, and his great transactions, I know not; I am sure he once had such by him." Mr. Walpole to Lord Royston. " Wolterton, July 12, 1755. I was extremely glad to hear that lord chancellor is so well ; his lordship being able to throw off the air of busi- ness with the gown of the magistrate, is a happiness of temper that will contribute to preserve long such a state of health that is so necessary for the service of the public, especially at this juncture, when I imagine that his great abilities may be more wanted than ever, as it cannot be long before we must have some news of consequence from America, as M'ell as from our own fleet. 1 flatter myself they will both be successful : but what may follow from that success, unless it prevents an open war, does not afford me the most agreeable reflection ; for, beating or beaten, a ge- neral war, in my opinion, is the worst thing that can befal this nation, at this present time, when a debt, almost unsupportable already, is increasing under an administration that cannot be said to be perfectly settled. For my part, I am resolved to make myself as easy as I can, enjoying at pre- sent a sound mind in a sound body ; and I will pray at a distance for the peace of Israel, sensible that I can be of no service in the seat of action, either with respect to foreign or domestic troubles. " As I am now, and am resolved to continue, at leisure, and am in to- lerable good spirits, I shall employ some of my time in finishing my an- swer to lord Bolingbroke's political misrepresentations, which I find will be no otherwise very difilicult, than as it vail be tedious, and in a great measure a repetition of the report from the secret committee in 1715* ; an incomparable performance, which I am afraid length of time, and the intervention of other great affairs, have buried in oblivion, although we feel at this time the fatal effects of the infamous treaty of Utrecht: and therefore it may not be improper to undeceive posterity, at least, in the false notions that they may otherwise entertain of the chief actions and actors * This able performance was written by Sir Robert Walpole. See Memoirs [of Sir Robert Walpole, chap. 1 1 . 3 K 2 436 MEI\IOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. actors in that wretched scene, from the wrong impressions which the bold and unjust assertions in the posthumous works of a profane and pro- fligate author, that the saddle, as we country folks call it, may be laid upon the right horse." Mr. Walpole finished only the first and second part of the work, which concludes with the dismission of the duke of Marlborough in 1711; but left an incomplete sketch of the third part, -which M'as intended to carry the refutation down to the conclusion of the -peace of Utrecht. The two first parts were published in 1763, by his son, under the title of " An Answer to the latter Part of Lord Bolingbroke's Letters on the Study of History, by the late Lord Walpole, of Wolterton, in a Series of Letters to a Noble Lord." This answer is an excellent supplement to Mr. Poyntz's Vindication of the Barrier Treaty*, and to Bishop Hare's Letters to a Tory Member, wliich relate the negotiations at the Hague and Gertruy- denburg; it may be considered as a complete refutation of Bolingbroke's Letters on the History of that period, Avhich, when stripped of the graces of style and metaphorical ornament, may be justly called, in Mr. Wal- pole's words, " a labyrinth of absurdity and contradictions'}"." Archbishop * The Barrier Treaty Vindicated is errone- ously printed among the works of bishop Hare. *' Hare," Mr. Walpole writes in a letter to Mr. Etough, " was not the author of the Bar- rier Treaty Vindicated ; the whole performance was by Mr. Poyntz, and it is an excellent work." Cockpit, May C6, 17 52. Leland also published some judicious " Re- flections on Lord Bolingbroke's Letters on the Study and Use of History, especially so far as relate to Christianity and the Holy Scriptures." The same author, in his " View of Dcistical Writers," refuted his infidel writings, miscalled philosophical works. These reveries were also no less ably combated by the masterly pen of Warburton, inhis " View of Lord Bolingbroke's Philosophy." + It is remarkable that the political visions of Bolingbroke are held in equal estimation by the High Tories and by the most violent among the Modern Reformers. His character is thus delineated by Smollet : " That nobleman, seemingly sequestered from the tumults of a public life, resided at Battersea, where he was visited, like a sainted shrine, by all the distinguished votaries of wit, eloquence, and political ambition." Vol. S, p. 220. Mr. William Belsham says : " At this period lord Bolingbroke resided at the rustic mansion of Dawlcy in Middlesex ; and was visited in this beautiful and sequestered retreat, to make use of the expression of a cotemporary historian, * as a sainted shrine, by all the distinguished vo- taries of wit, eloquence, and political ambition.' Matured and mellowed by experience, reflec- tion, and age, tUis all-accomplished nobleman, * framed CHAPTER 3g. 437 Archbishop Herring to Mr. JValpole *. "Sir, Croydon-liousc, Feb. 18, \755. *' I can't return the inclosed without accompanying them with my best thanks for tlie amusement and instruction I have received from it. It were impertinent in me to applaud the book ; but I hope it will see the light, that the wretched man may be detected in his politics as well as his religion, that he may not delude the world in either. With regard to the first, the papers before me must have for their motto what prince Henry says in the play to Sir John Falstalf, who had been telling- lies without number, and without shame, ' You shall see now how a plain tale will put you down.' " Lord ' framed in the prodigality of nature, and no less conspicuous in the lofty fancies of science than the rosy bowers of pleasure, or the gorge- ous palaces of ambition, shone forth in the even- ing of life with a mild and subdued, but rich and resplendent lustre. And in his political writings he exhibited to an admiring world that IDEA of a f ATRioT KING which the heir of the british monarchy was supposed ambitious to form himself upon, as a complete and perfect model." — Belsham's Memoirs of the Kings of Great Britain, of the House of Brunswick Lu- nenburg, vol. 2, p. 172. * Thomas Herring, son of the reverend John Herring, rector of Walsoken in Norfolk, was born in iGyS, and completed his education, which was commenced at W^isbech school in the isle of Ely, at Jesus College, Cambridge. He made considerable attainments in classical and ecclesiastical literature, and was remarkable for the complacency of his manners and suavity of his disposition. He was fellow and tutor of Christ's college ; entered into holy orders in 1719, and became chaplain to Fleetwood bishop of Ely, from whose patronage he obtained the livings of Retendon in Essex, and Barley in Hertfordshire. After filling the office of preacher to the society of Lincoln's Inn, he was appointed chaplain to the king, rector of Blechingley in Surry, and dean of Rochester ( 1 7s 1 ). In 1 737 he was constituted bishop of Bangor, and in 1743 archbishop of York. During the rebellion in 1745 he exerted him- self with great zeal in favour of government : having convened a public meeting in his diocese, he made a sensible and animated speech, ob- tained a subscription to a considerable amount, and contributed to raise and embody volunteers and other corps of troops, who performed essen- tial services against the rebels. These exertions drew on him the abuse of the Jacobites, and occasioned a rumour that he had appeared in regimentals at the head of his clergy, and declared he was as ready to fight as to pray for the family on the throne. A caricature print was also published, in which the archbishop is represented at the head of his clergy, in a mot- ley dress, half military and half clerical, with the inscription, " The Church Militant." His essential services were acknowledged by govern- ment, and, on the death of Dr. Potter in 1747, he was translated to the see of Canterbury. Co- incidence of sentiment, and a strong attachment to the Whig cause, occasioned a strict intimacy between 438 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Lord Barrington to Mr. Walpole. " Sir, George-street, May 19, 1755. " I return your papers, accompanied with my best thanks and ac- knowledgements for the pleasure and instruction I have received by read- ing them ; you have detected the fallacies and fictions of lord Boling- broke in a manner which admits neither of doubt or reply. I am very impatient for the remaining part of the work ; and I hope the publica- tion of it, when finished, will not be delayed. The dangerous poison of lord Bolingbroke requires antidotes ; the world has an immediate right to truths of such importance, and I could wish that no minister of any country (especially of this) might ever negotiate with France till he had carefully perused your account of what passed at Gertruydenberg. " I am, with great respect, your most, &c. " Barrington *." between the archbishop and Mr. Walpole. They both died in 1757. Notwithstanding the moral rectitude of this great prelate, and his public and private virtues, he did not escape the malignant satire of Swift. Herring having justly preached against the Beg- gars' Opera, as an immoral piece, which encou- raged vice, by making a highway-man the hero, and dismissing him at last unpunished, he was bitterly abused by Swift as a court chaplain, and even as " a stupid, injudicious, and prosti- tute divine." — Intelligencer, No. 3. * William Wildman, viscount Barrington, was son and heir of John, first viscount Barring- ton, of Beckett in the county of Berks, by his wife Anne, daughter and co.heiress of Sir Wil- liam Daines of Bristol, and one of the represen- tatives in parliament for that city. He was born in 1717, and had a private education, though he manifested a decided predilection to Eton school, by sending thither two of his younger brothers, the late Hon. Daines Barrington, and the present bishop of Durham, who were destined to learned professions, a predilection fully justified by their literary attainments. In the course of his poli- tical life, he became successively a lord of the admiralty, master of the great wardrobe, secre- tary at war, chancellor of the exchequer, and treasurer of the navy. The distinguished parts of his public character were great official talents, high sense of honour, unimpeached and unsus- pected integrity. From his political situation, he had the means to have amassed a considerable fortune ; but he died without having either in. creased or diminished hii paternal estate. 439 CHAPTER 40. 1755. Ineffectual Endeavours of Mr. TValpole to reconcile the Duke of New- castle and Mr. Pitt — State of Foreign Affairs — Alliances between England and Prussia, and the Houses of Austria and Bourbon — Contests for the Office of Secretary of State — Resignation of Sir Thomas Robinson, and Appointment of Mr. Foj: — Dismission of Mr. Pitt and his Party . — Changes in the Administration — Letters of Mr. TFalpole to the Lord Chancellor — His Services in Support of Government. THE king had scarcely departed for Hanover, before the cabals for the seals were renewed with increasing activity. ' ' The duke of New- castle, as the princess of Wales justly observed, " instead of consulting what was to be done, was struggling who should do it *. " He made various attempts to negotiate with the opposite parties, and followed the example of his brother, Mr. Pelham, though without his address, in amusing ]\Ir. Pitt and Mr. Fox. At one period the two rival orators seem to have ar- ranged their respective pretensions ; Mr Fox was to be placed at the head of the treasury, and Mr. Pitt to have the seals of secretary of state. But this agreement was of short duration : Mr. Pitt was incensed, because his rival was admitted into the cabinet, and appointed one of the lords of the regency, and in May declared that to accept the seals from Mr. Fox would be owning his superiority, and that their connection was at an end. Mr. Walpole Avas deeply concerned at this fatal struggle between two persons with whom he was equally connected. He had long acted with Mr. Fox in the support of government ; he knew his capacity for business, and accommodating temper. In regard to Mr. Pitt, the antipathy arising from his former opposition to the administration of Sir Robert Walpole, had wholly subsided ; Mr. Walpole appreciated his talents, admired his eloquence, and had strongly enforced, in the closet, the propriety of ap- pointing * Melcombe's Diary. 44-0 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. pointing him to the office of secretary at war. A coincidence of opinion concerning the german subsidies, and the conduct of foreign a^fairs, had still further cemented their intimacy : he speaks of the great orator, in several of his letters, in high terms of regard and esteem; he submitted to his inspection several memorials and papers, and the answers of Mr, Pitt testify the high opinion which he entertained of Mr. Walpole. Though Mr. Walpole disapproved the virulence of his opposition, yet he consi- dered him as the only person who, from his independent spirit and energy of character, was capable of over-ruling the wavering counsels of a divided cabinet, and directing the efforts of the nation with vigour and effect in the approaching war with France. With this prepossession, Mr. Walpole eagerly accepted a commission from the duke of Newcastle, to effect an accommodation with Ah\ Pitt: and endeavoured to sooth his inflexible spirit, by apologising for the duke's conduct, and declaring, in his name, that the utmost endeavours had been used to gratify his wishes. Mr. Pitt received the overtures with compla- cency ; but demanded, as a proof of the duke's sincerity, that the proscrip- tion which excluded him from the cabinet should be removed, and a pro- mise obtained from the king, of the seals in case of a vacancy. Mr. Wal- pole approved these proposals ; but the duke of Newcastle, with his usual versatility, expressed his resentment against Mr. Walpole for exceeding his commission, and agreeing to terms which he was neither willing nor able to grant *. Mi\ Pitt, justly incensed, treated all further overtures with contempt, refused to give his opinion on subjects out of his department, and replied to the duke of Newcastle, who consulted him on the means of driving the French from the Ohio ; " Your grace knows I have no capacity for these things, and therefore do not desire to be informed of them." He then sounded the partisans of Leicester-house and the Tories ; united with Mr Legge, who was equally offended ; and, before the meeting of parlia- ment, had formed a strong opposition to the measures of government. Unfortunately the inefficient measures of the cabinet, the disastrous events of the war in America, and the conduct of foreign affairs, furnished sufficient matter for complaint and invective. Foreseeing an inevitable rupture * Melcombe's Diary, p. 23S-9. CHAPTER 40. 441 rupture with France, and the approach of a continental war, the great ob- ject of the cabinet, before the king's departure for Hanover, was to renew the alhance with Austria, Prussia, and the States, to subsidise Russia and the german princes, and to take hanoverian and hessian troops into pay. Conceiving themselves secure of Austria and the States, the ministers turned their principal attention to obtain the accession of Russia, which was speedily effected by the address and activity of Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, embassador at the court of -Petersburgh. They at the same time concluded a treaty with the landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and suc- ceeded, in spite of the french intrigues, in securing the neutrality of Spain. France, on her side, was not inactive; she gained the elector of Cologne, which opened a passage for her troops into the heart of Germany, and pre- pared to invade the Low Countries, and the electorate of Hanover, with the hopes of obtaining the co-operation of Prussia. In this situation of affairs, a sudden revolution took place in the system of european politics. Maria Theresa, retaining her resentment against England for signing the preliminaries of Aix-la-chapelle without her approbation, and suspicious of the hostile intentions of Prussia, refused to furnish sufficient troops for the defence of the Low Countries, or to co-operate in protecting the electorate of Hanover, under the pretence of reserving her forces for the security of her own dominions. She also opened a private negotiation with the court of Versailles, which termi- nated in the union between the houses of Bourbon and Austria. The defection of Maria Theresa broke the spell which had so long united England to the house of Austria, and removed, in an instant, the antipathy between George the Second and the king of Prussia. Frederic himself made overtures, through the duke of Brunswick; and a nego- tiation, commenced during the king's continuance at Hanover, terminated in a defensive alliance, by which Frederic agreed to prevent the entrance of foreign troops into Germany * In consequence of this change of system, the predictions of Mr. Wal- pole were verified ; England was deserted by the electors of Bavaria and Palatine, * Dispatches of the earl of Holderne?'.;e, in Sir Benjaniin Kecne's Papers, 3 L 442 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. Palatine, on Avhom she liad lavished her treasures in time of peace ; and Russia refused to abide b}' the terms of her agreement, under the pretext that she considered herself as bound to support the house of Austria, and not the kina: of Prussia. Mr. Walpole, after his ineffectual attempts to reconcile the duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt, returned to Wolterton, and resumed his literary occupations, particularly his reply to lord Bolingbroke, with a resolution to interfere no more in public affairs. In a letter to lord Royston he observes, " The love of your country, and your great stake, must have since employed your attention to public affairs, in a situation that seems to me extremely delicate, both at home and abroad. Although I know- little more than what I see in the public papers, of ministerial motions and intrigue, and of foreign measures ; as an Englishman, I cannot be indif- ferent to matters of so much consequence to the nation ; but, as old PIo- race Walpole, I am so ignorant and useless, that I have no curiosity to be inquisitive about them, which made me once resolve to keep at as great a distance as I could from the stormy weather; but some considerations have, IprotestI cannot tell why, determined me at last to be in town about five or ten days before the parliament meets*." He was induced to take this journey, no less from domestic concerns, than from the entreaties of the chancellor, for whom he entertained the highest esteem and veneration, as well from a conviction of his prudence and abilities, as from gratitude for favours recently conferred f. He had, in * Wolterton, Oct. IS, 1755. Hardvvicke Papers. + The chancellor gave a prebend of Bristol to his nephew. Dr. Hammond. It is re- markable, that notwithstanding the great ser- vices of his brother, his own uniform sup- port of government, and his numerous friends of the highest weight and consequence, Mr. Walpole could not procure from the crown a prebend for his nephew, but owed his prefer- ment solely to the private friendship of lord Hardwicke. After making this request to the lord chancellor, he adds : " I should not have given your lordship this trouble, but that I am persuaded, although I have lived for many years in a certain intimacy with some of the ministers, never given offence to any of them, nor opposition to their measures, hut in speak- ing my thoughts to some of them in private on certain occasions, purely with a view for his majesty's and their service, I am con. sidered as a person of so little consequence, and CHAPTER 40. 443 in the preceding summer, conveyed to the chancellor, assurances from the duke of Devonshire, that he would transfer to his lordship the confi- dence which he had reposed in Mr. Pelhaui, and would, on all occasions, support the measures which he recommended. The dread of an approaching opposition, from the union of Mr. Pitt, the Grenvilles, and Mr. Legge, with the Tories and Leicester-house party, rendered Mr. Walpole's presence necessary, as well for his support in par- liament, as for his interposition to conciliate the duke of Devonshire, who was highly dissatisfied with the subsidiary treaties of Russia and Hesse Cassel. But it required all the influence of the cliancellor to overcome the repugnance of Mr. Walpole, who no less disapproved the treaty with Russia, and expressed his disapprobation in a strong remonstrance. Air. TValpole to Lord Chancellor Hardxoicke*. My Lord, Wolterton, Sept. 22, 1755. " The popularity, ease, and service of the king, the interest of this country, your own honour and credit as a principal minister of state, my particular attachment to your lordship in that quality, as well as my great obligations to your friendship, all these considerations force me to break the resolution I had once taken, never more to concern myself directly or indirectl}^ in public affairs, and to recommend most earnestly to your lordship, if it is not too late, to oppose the conclusion of a subsidiary treaty for troops Avith the court of Russia. Such a measure, I am terribly afraid, notwithstanding the present affection which his majesty so de- servedly and universally enjoys among his people. Mill be entertained with the utmost dislike by the well-affected as well as the jrondeurs and the disaffected, as what will be vastly expensive, and cannot, in any sense, be of service or security to Great Britain. I hope I may depend upon your lordship's honour not to communicate this liberty, as coming from me, to any soul living, and that your usual indulgence will pardon this well- meant, and so very unfashionable at court, that I can. pardon the liberty taken by him who has ever not flatter myself with the hopes of being been, and ever shall be, with the greatest attach, able to serve any friend or relation, (although, ment and respect, &c." — Cockpit, July 'zQ, perhaps, the world does not think so,) by an 175S. Hardwicke Papers, application for any thing directly in the name of * Hardwicke Papers, the crown ; and therefore, my lord, you will '•3 L 2 444 MEMOIRS OF LORD WALPOLE. meant, though perhaps mistaken presumption, of him who is, with the most inviolable attachment, and affectionate respect, my lord, &c." To this letter the lord chancellor wrote a confidential answer, in which he laid open the state of affairs, explained the cabals for the seals, earnestly desired JMr. Walpole's attendance in parliament, and solicited his interposition to remove the dissatisfaction of the duke of Devonshire. He also delivered a kind message from the king. This interesting letter is lost ; but Mr. Walpole's answer is fortunately preserved : " My Lord, Norwich, Sept. Q9, 1755*. " I am honoured with your lordship's letter of the 25th instant. I am sure I shall not abuse your confidence in me, by communicating to any person living what has passed between us. I heartily wish that the diffi- culties which have obstructed the conclusion of the russian treaty, may entirely defeat that measure, for the reasons in my former letter. I had, when my friend Mr. Hanbury Mas last in England, some discourse with him upon foreign affairs ; his lively imagination was supported with suck a flow of elocpience, and his conclusions were so quick, decisive and infal- lible, that my little common sense could not keep pace with so great a genius. One would have thought, by his ideas, that this country is one continued mine of gold, to be come at with ease, and, with a trifle of subsidies, 40 or 50,000 Russians, by his magic pen, might in an in- stant be wafted to any part of Europe for his majesty's service, either as king or elector. I gave him to understand that his political system moved in a sphere out of the reach of my comprehension. " In short, my lord, if that extravagantly expensive (as the papers re- present it) treaty was but out of the way, I should hope that things would be made much more easy in parliament; for I think it was a right measure to engage the Hessians in our service, to supply, as our standing forces are not sufficient, if necessary, (upon any design from France to make a de- scent in this island,) the number of tr CO" o « o . n 3 o ©3 I & ° 5 •C -S J£ -O 1^ t3 1-1 O H p -a < -S M . >0 -TJ U COS o ^ c o B - O u o o: so ^ m '-' y s ^ u 2 "-4 OO < ^ 2 C r3 >. jj u u ' O j: h M >o ^ ^ M O O w o E S3§ .!=«.« £^ c/2 W TS -o a "2-a 1> t: g.s o o 2^ O G Q ■ c § c o S £ " o ^ -a ^ 3 O O w D K < o 33 H fc4 o a ~o o Chi CN H X c 0 3 0 o o _H o < Q w 2 Pi - a X H Z - o o 0:1 o O 6 -I o ■S I H -< es O ,0; u c 472 o SJ CO " Pi < II- o < O o es CO C5 'i" - oo < I M . ^ ^ O S ' (50 3 s g ^ g < £ = g (5 K ^ w £ < .a 5 . c E.2 !2 ^ ■ < >■ 2 " «2: o 11 f 1 M bO Eh CO 2 O N o I— 1 ^ M Id 2 " ■ o r T3 O " < < S Si 2 2 -O H a < rt C ^ rt < 2 rt ,^ 3 INDEX. A Aix-LA-CHAPELLE, Congress of, 359. Terms of the treaty, ibid. Omission in the articles discovered by Mr. Walpole, 36 1. Amelia, Princess ; her letter to Mr. Walpole on the danger to which the king was exposed on his passage from Holland to England, 198*. Amsterdam, Town of, its influence in the pro- vince of Holland, 12. Anne, Princess. See Orange. Armenonville, the garde des s9eaux, his charac- ter given by the duke of Orleans, 36 ; dis- missed, 162. Atterbury, Bithop, his plot for the restoration of the Pretender, 20 ; his cabals on the death of George I. ISO. Augustus III. king of Poland, elector of Saxony ; Subsidiary treaty with him to secure the elec- tion of the archduke Joseph as king of the Ro- mans, 3 83. Austria, House of. See Charles VI. and Maria Theresa. B ISajibara, queen of Ferdinand VI. of Spain ; her influence over her husband, and partiality to England, 317. Barcelona, The siege and relief of, in 170C, 5. Barnard, Sir John ; Mr. Walpole's letters on his scheme for reducing the interest of tiie na- fional debt, 199*. Barrington, Lord, placed at the board of Admi- ralty, 298 ; his letter to Mr. Walpole on his answer to Bolingbroke, 438 ; some account of him, ibid; appointed secretary at war, 448. Bartenstein, the imperial referendary ; Mr. Wal- pole's observations on his conduct in regard to an accommodation between the queen of Hungary and king of Prussia, 225, Bath, Lord ; his endeavours to form, in con- junction with earl Granville, an administra- tion exclusive of the Pelhams, 294 ; confu- sion which took place on that event, 296. Desired by the king to write an account of the transaction, 297. Bavaria ; subsidiary treaty with the elector, to secure the election of the archduke Joseph as king of the Romans, 3 83. Bedford, Duke of, made first lord of the admi. ralty, 276 ; resigns, and is replaced, 293 ; ac- cepts the office of secretary of state on the resignation of lord Chesterfield, 376 ; his dis- agreement with the duke of Newcastle, S80 ; resigns, and, with his party, enters into op- position, 3 82. See Sandwich. Belsham, Mr. William ; observations on his re- marks on the secret articles of the treaty of Vienna, 139, note. His character of lord Bolingbroke, 436, note. Berwick, Marshal, (natural son of James II.) account of his life and character, 156; fa- voured by George I. and his ministry, 158. Blandford, Marquis of, eldest son of John duke of Marlborough ; his friendship for Mr. Wal- pole, and death, 4. Bolingbroke, Lord ; his situation and views at the time of Mr. Walpole's mission to Paris, 60 ; his interviews with the duke of Bourbon, 63 ; widens the breach between George II. and the prince of Wales by his counsels, 378. Progress of Mr. Walpole's answer to his let- ters on the study of history, 430. An edi- tion of his works published by Mallet, 433. His character by Smollct, ibid, and by Bel- sham, ibid. Bonzi, Cardinal ; patronises the abbot, after- wards cardinal Fleury. Bourbon, Duke of, becomes prime minister on the death of the duke of Orleans, 46. Ac- count of his appointment, ibid. ; his charac- ter 474 INDEX. ter andattachment to madame de Prie, 46 ; his ministry, luid. Embarrassments at the com- mencement of his administration, 4 8 ; his in- terviews with lord Bolingbroke relative to the contests in the British cabinet, 63 ; dis- plays his embarrassments to Mr. Walpole, on the request of George I. to grant a dukedom to the family of La Vrilliere, 77. Inclined to favour the pretensions of Philip V. on the crown of France, S l . His embarrassments in regard to the marriage of Louis XV. to the infanta of Spain, 87 ; proposes his sister, ma- demoiselle de Sens, and is thwarted by Fleury, ihicl. Proposes a marriage between the prin- cess Anne (grand-daughter of George L) and the young king, 8 8 ; declined by George L Sg. Dismisses the infimta, 90. Marries the king to Maria, daughter of Stanislaus, ti- tular king of Poland, ()5. His attempts to sub- vert the influence of Fleury over Louis XV. 100. Conversation with Mr. Walpole on Fleury's retirement from court, IO7 ; his situation v.'hen Spain and the Emperor pre- pared to execute the treaty of Vienna, lis. Perceives his fall approaching, and offers his resignation, 1 19 ; his dismission and banish- ment from court, ihid. Bourbon, Louisa Frances, duchess of, 48. Boyle, Mr. afterwards lord Carleton ; remark on his character, 6. Breda, Congress of ; Mr, Walpole's sentiments on, 323. Breteuil, french minister at war cause of his elevation, 37 ; his character by the duke of Orleans, 38. Broglio, Count, french embassador in England ; proposes to George L a marriage between the princess Anne and Louis XV. 88. By"g> Admiral, executed, 449. C Cadog^n, General ; deputed with Mr. Walpole to the Hague, to procure 60OO men from the States, 9 ; his character as a negotiator, 10. Disgusts the republican party in Holland, 20. Caroline, queen of George IL ; her favourable opinion of Mr. Walpole, 172; her letters to him, 193 * ; recommends him to accompany the king to Hanover as minister of State, 196 * ; her letter to him on the king's dan- ger on his passage from Holland to England, J 99*. Mr. W.ilpok's letters to her ma- jesty, on the endeavours of the prince of Orange to procure promotion in the dutch army, I()S; her illness and death, 19S. Mr. Walpole coinmissioned to impart the intelli- gence of that event to the princess Anne, 198. Carteret, Lord, afterwards earl Granville ; his contests with lord Townshend and the Wal- poles for ascendancy in the british cabinet, 3 0, et seq. ; his character, 3 2; dismissed from the office of secretary of state, and nomi- nated lord lieutenant of Ireland, 79, His contefts with the duke of Newcastle and his party, after the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, 249 ; his conduct towards his col- leagues, 25 2 ; his unpopularity, ibid. Ac- count of his singular proposal to the duke of Newcastle, 268. Warmly supported by the king, 270. Becomes earl Granville, ibid. In- effectual endeavours to form a party, indepcn. dent of the Pelhams, ibid. Their attempts to procure his dismission, 273 ; resigns, 275, Remarks on his conduct and character, 27 7. Plans the revival of the grand alliance against France, 293. Attempts, in conjunction with lord Bath, to form an administration inde- pendent of the Pelhams, 294. Becomes secre- tary of state, 296 ; again resigns, 297 ; re- conciled with the duke of Newcastle, and nominated lord president, 380 ; his subsequent conduct, ibid. Catherine I. empress of Russia ; her attempts to assist the Emperor and Spain in executing the treaty of Vienna, l 12. Charles, the archduke, and afterwards emperor Charles VI. proclaimed king of Spain at Bar- celona, 4 ; his heroic behaviour, when be- sieged by Philip, in Barcelona, 5 ; his con- duct on the relief of the place, ibid. ; when emperor, concludes the treaty of Vienna with Philip V. 98. Preparations to carry that treaty into execution, j 12. Embarrassed by the firmness of England and France, and signs the preliminaries of a peace, 149 ; his rash and impolitic conduct, 212; his death, and the change it occasioned in the system of po. litics, 2 1 8. Charles, prince of Lorrain, takes the command of the allied army in the Netherlands, 323 ; his ill success, ibid. Chauvelin, garde des s^eaux, d'c. Account of his introduction to cardinal Fleury, and of his rise and character, l63. Chesterfield, Lord, writes The Case of the Hanover Forces," in conjunction with Mr. Waller, 248 ; nominated embassador to the Hague, and lord lieutenant of Ireland, 277; succeeds lord Harrington as secretary of state, 372; INDEX. 475 3/2 ; account of his political life, ibid ; ex- cites the jealousy of the duke of Newcastle, 374 ; hib irksome situation, ibid. ; his resig- nation, and the pamphlet published on that ccc ision, U7c). Chctwynd, Mr. ; his duel with Mr. Walpolc, Convention, Secret ; Mr. Walpole's letter to queen Caroline on its origin and conclusion, 18 1*. Cope, Sir John, defeated by the rebels at Pres. ton Pan;, s?83. Cotton, Sir John Hynde, Account of, 276, tiote. Crawfurd, Mr. assists Mr. Walpole in the com- mencement of his mission to Paris, 57. Cumberland, Duke of, Mr. Walpole's letter to him on forming an alliance with Prussia, 3 2 J- ; his ill-success in the campaign of I74(), 326; disagreement with the prince of Orange, 3'.'(). Mr. Walpole's second letter to him, on the si- tuation of affairs, 33 1 ; third letter, 341. Account of his interview with Mr. Walpole, 343. Mr. Walpole's remarks on his views in the continuance of the war, 353. His cha- racter and influence over the king, 4 13. D Daguesseau, Chancellor, Account of, 1C2, note, Destouches, french agent in England ; his appli- cation to George I. to procure the archbishop- ric of Cambray for Dubois, 28. Devonshire, W^illiam, third duke of, lord stew- ard of tl:e household, 276. Marriage of Mr. Walpole's son with his daughter, lady Rachel Cavendish, 362; his character, ibid. ; account of his resignation, SG3 ; prevailed upon by Mr. Walpole to support the subsidiary treaty with Russia, 446. Devonshire, William, fourth duke of, succeeds the duke of Newcastle, 46O. Dickens, Guy, british agent at Berlin ; his ac- count of the conduct of Frederick William king of Prussia, 2 14. Doddington, Mr. resigns the treasurership of the navy, and attaches himself to the prince of Wales, 377 ; re-appointed treasurer of the navy, 44 8. Dodnn, comptroller-general ; his character by the duke of Orleans, 3 8.- Dubois negotiates the triple alliance with Mr. Walpole and general Cadogan at the Hague, 13, 2:- ; encourages the excesses of his pupil, the duke of Orleans, 2 1 ; bribed by England, 3P 2rj ; promoted to the direction of foreign af- fairs, 2O ; procures the dignity of cardinal and the archbishop of Cambray, 2 8 ; becomes prime minister, 30 ; his life, character and death, ibid.; his death occasions the ascendancy of Townshend and Walpole in the british ca, binet, 3 2 ; account of his conduct to count Noce, the favourite of the duke of Orleans, 4o. E Egmont, Lord, a partisan of the pr'nce of Wales, 377. Elizabeth Farnesc, queen of Philip V. ; her in- fluence in the councils of Spain, 97 ; her dis- satisfaction with the non-execution of the qua. druple alliance, 98. Eli/.abeth, empress of Russia, alienated by the imion of Euglnnd with Frederick H. 448. Emperor. See Charles VI. Enijland ; causes which led to its union with France, 25 ; contests in the ministry on the death of Dubois, 3 l ; vigorous preparations to execute the treaty of Hanover, 112; firm conduct towards Philip V. 155. Contests in the cabinet between Sir Robert Walpole and lord Townshend, 170. Situation of, at the accession of Maria Theresa, 223. State of the ministry after the resignation of Sir Ro- bert Walpole, 24 8. Discontents on account of the king's partiality to the hanoverian troops, 25 J. Attempts of the Pelhams to procure the dismission of lord Carteret, 273. Events of 1745, and rebellion in Scotland, 282. Spirited conduct of the nation, 290. Earl Granville's short administration, 296. Campaign of 1746, 326. Naval successes, 340. Treaty of Aix-la-chapeile, 359. Re- marks on the termination of the war, ibid. Endeavours to secure the alliance of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, as a counterpoise against France, 44 1. Alienated from the house of Austria, and joins with Prussia, ibid. Con- sequences of that union, ibid. F Fagel, grefilcr of the states general; his cha- racter, 12, 176; his friendship for Mr. Wal- pole, 21. Fawkener, Sir Everard, sent embassador to Ber- lin, 3 84. Ferdinand VL of Spain, favourable to England, SI7 ; influence of his queen Barbara, 3 19. United with England, 359. Fitz-James. o 476 INDEX. Fitz-James. See Berwick. Fleiiry, afterwards cardinal ; his conduct during the regency of the duke of Orleans, 39, 5 1 : occasions the appointment of the duke of Bourbon as prime minister on the death of the duke of Orleans, 46 ; his rise and character, 49 ; becomes bishop of Frejus, ibid, : his con- duct on the invasion of the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene, 50 ; on the disgrace of Vil!e- roy, 51 ; his first conference with Mr. Wal- pole, 57. Conversation with Mr. Walpolc on the abdication of Philip V. 8C. Conver- sation with Mr. Walpole on the proposal of a marriage between Louis XV. and tlie princess Anne of England, 90, His politic conduct -in regard to the marriage of the young king, 95. Disgusted with the appointment of ma- dame de Ptie and Paris du Verney to places in the household of the queen, 95. Is dissuaded from refusing the place of grand almoner by Mr. Walpole, 96. His sudden retreat from court on the attempts of the duke of Bourbon to supplant him in the king's favour, 100. His temporary retirement, 106, and recal, ibid. His situation at the epoch of the treaty of Hanover, 114. False imputations of his intrigues with Philip V. ibid. Con- versation with Mr. Walpole on the subject, 1 15. His interview with the queen to pro- cure the dismission of madame de Prie and Paris du Verney from her household, 118. His letter to Mr. Walpole on the dismission of the duke of Bourbon, ICO; conversation with Mr. Walpole on that event, and on his future arrangements, 124; his administration, and is nominated cardinal, 133. His motives in admitting marshals d'Uxelles and Tallard into the council of state, ibid. His confidence in Mr. Walpole, 136. Dissuaded by Mr. Walpole from removing the duke of Orleans from the council of state, 137. His candid answer to the remonstrances of Mr. Walpole, urging him to declare war against Spain, 140. His prudent conduct towards Montgon, the agent of Philip V. 144 ; his embarrassments, 14 6 ; his resolution fixed by the influence of Mr. Walpole, 147 ; his conference with Mr. Walpole on the death of George I. and his letter advising him to repair to London, 15 1. His conduct to Mr. Walpole during his nego- tiations for a reconciliation with Spain, 161. Mr. Walpole's account of the negotiation with him for the secret convention, 181 * ; his death, 250. Florentin, St, Count de ; negotiations for his marriage with Amelia countess of Platen, 32. Fontenoy, Battle of, consequences of, 282. Fowle, Mr. ; his letter to Mr. Etough on Mr. Walpole's answer to lord Bolingbroke on the Study of History, 434. Fox, Mr. appointed a lord of the treasury, 276; his letters to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams on the rebellion and state of the nation in 1745, 284 ; secretary at war, 298 ; desig- nated by the public voice as a proper succes- sor to the earl of Chesterfield as secretary of state, 370. His letter to Sir Charles Han- bury Williams on the subject, ibid, note. His account of the death of the prince of Wales, and the conduct of his party, 379 ; of the duke of Newcastle's jealousy of the duke of Bedford, 381. His contests with Mr. Pitt for the secretaryship of state, on the death of Mr. Pelham, 409, 4 15 ; his character, ibid. Refuses the secretaryship, 416. Joins with Mr. Pitt to embarrass Sir Thomas Robinson, when secretary of state, 418. Appointed secretary of state, 448 ; resigns, 4C0. Becomes paymaster of the forces, 461. France; causes of its union with England, 25. Aversion of the nation to a war with Spain, 99. Conduct in execution of the treaty of Hanover, 113, 155. State of the court and ministry, 113. Co-operates with England against Spain and the Emperor, 148. Re- conciled with Spain, 161. Change of poli- tics on the death of Fleury, 256. Attempt to invade England, 257- Progress of their arms in the Netherlands, 26O, 308, 322. Overtures of peace made by marshal Saxe, 327. New overtures, 358. Treaty of Aix- la-chapelle, 359. Remarks on the conclu- sion of the war, ibid. Counteracts the en- deavours of England for the election of a king of the Ro.nans, 384. Frederick prince of Wales ; his party begin to assume a formidable appearance in parliament, 377 ; the leaders, ibid. Cabals among his party, 378 ; they excite the resentment of the king and ministers, ibid. His death, and its effects on the conduct of his adherents, 370. Frederick William king of Prussia. Disagree, ment with George II. 213. His conduct to- wards the english minister, 214. Frederick H. occupies East Friesland on the death of the prince, 204, 334. Situation of Prussia on his accession, 2l6 ; fruitless nego- tiation for an alliance between him and George INDEX. 47/ George II. ibid. Inrades the territories of Maria Theresa, '223. Disgusted A'iih the c duct of England at the conjlasion of the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 3(i0. Counteracts the election of a king of the Romans, 384. Forms an alliance with England, and agrees to res^t the entrance of foreign troops into Germany, 44 l . Frejus, Bishop. See Fleury. Friesland, East. Disputes relative to the suc- cession of, 202. G Garrick, Mr. Passage in his ode on the death of Mr. Pelham, 433. George I. His compliment to Mr. Walpoleon his negotiations at the Hague. 1 1. Dismisses lord Townshend, i6. His inclination to re- tain the Walpoles in his service, 17. Mo- tives for his union with the duke of Orleans, 25. Guaranties the eventual succession of the family of Orleans to the crown of France, 25. Anecdote relative to his application to the duke of Orleans to confer the archbishopric of Cambray on Dubois, I'S. Declines a pro- posal of marriage between Louis XV. and his grand-daughter, the princess Anne, 89. His preparations to resist the emperor and Philip V. in consequence of the treaty of Vienna, 112. His speech from the throne on the sub- ject, 138. His death, 149. Origin of his dis- like of FrederickWilliamking of Prussia, 213. George II. announces his intention to dismiss lord Townshend and the Walpoles on his ac- cession, 152. Mr. Walpole's audience of him, ibid. Reinstates the former ministry, ibid. His letter to Fleury, ibid. De- sirous of assisting the emperor in the contest for the election of a king of Po- land, but is prevented by the representations of Sir Robert Walpolc, 178. Goes to Ha- nover, 196*. His danger in a storm, in re- turning to England, 197*. Alarm on that occasion, ibid. His affliction for the loss of queen Caroline, 200. His contests with Prussia relative to the succession of East Friesland, 20-2, 384. Origin of his dislike to the house of Brandenburgh, 213. Fruitless negotiations to promote an alliancq^with Fre- derick II. 216. Goes to Hanover, 22 1. Return, 244. Discontents in the nation on account of his partiality to his electoral troops, 251. Supports lord Carteret, 270. His ap- plication to lord Orford to procure his influ- ence in favour of lord Carteret, 27 1. His behaviour to Carteret af^er the repres'tnta- tions of the Pelham party to procure his dis- mission, 274. His great reluctance to dis- mi'^s Carteret, ibid. His disgust against the P( Ihiims, 292. Endeavours 10 form an admi- nistration independent of the Peihams, 204. D'spleased with lord Harrington, 295. Per- plexity on the resignation of the Pelham party, 296. Restores th.":ii to tlieir places, 297. His disgust witkthe duke of Newca; tie, ibid. Desires lord Bath to write an account of the transaction, ibid. Dismisses lord Harrington, 298. His answer to Mr. Walpole's letter on the probability of detaching Spain from France, 317. His repugnance to form an al- liance with Prussia, 32 1 , 32o, 3Gu. Cause of his dislike to the earl of Chesterfield, 373. His conduct towards the Peihams, 415. De- parts for Hanover, 429. Gibraltar besieged by the Spaniards, 140. Gower, Lord, supports Mr. Pelham's sen- timents in regard to an alliance with Prussia against the duke of Newcastle, 358. Granville, Earl. See Carteret. Greffier of the states general of the united pro- vinces ; his office, 12. See Fagel. H Hanover club, 8. Hanover, Treaty of, 98 ; debate on in parlia. ment, 1 1 0. Attempts of England and France to execute their engagements, 1 12. Acceded to by other powers, 148. Hanover, Neutrality of ; Mr. Walpole's re- marks on, 23 5. Hanoverian troops ; debate on the motion for their continuance in british pay, 246". Dis- contents in the nation occasioned by the king's partiality to them, 251. Second debate on their continuance in britisii pay, 254. Harcourt, Lord ; his endeavours to serve lord Bolingbroke, fiO. Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor ; Mr. Walpole's friendship for him, 262. Draws up and pre- sents a memorial to the king on the ministe- rial conduct of Carteret, 273. Effects of that memorial, ibid. Solicits Mr. Walpole's interposition with the duke of Devonshire, who was disgusted with the conduct of admi- nistration, 444. Promotes the advancement of Mr. Walpole to the peerage, 454. His letter to lord Walpole, 4 5 5. See Yorke. Harrington, William Stanhope, earl of, appointed secretary 473 INDEX. secretary of state, 170. His letter to Mr. Walpole on the nppointment of Mr. Trevor as envoy to Holland, ^JOp. His conduct be- fore the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, '233. Becomes secretary of state on the re- signation of lord Carteret, 27-5. Incurs the displeasure of the king by iiis adherence to the Pelliams, Qory. Resigns with them on the short administration, ioid, Disrrnssed by the king, Cf)8. Hartington, Marquis, son of the duke of Devon, shire, nfiminated niaster of the horse, SB-. Succeeds as duke of Devonshire. See Devon- shire, William, fourth duke of. Heinsius, pensionary of Holland ; his character of general Cadogan, 1 0 ; his compliment on the address of Mr. Walpole, iii^i. Henley, Sir Robert, accepts the great seal, 4Cl . Herring, Archbishop ; his approbation of Sir Robert Walpole for preventing the restora- tion of Boling'jroke, 71 ; his letter to Mr. Walpole in regard to the marriage-bill, 40G ; and on his answer to lord Bolingbroke, 4.'j7. Account of, ibit^. note. His letter to Mr. Walpole on his advancement to the peerage, 45.T. Holdernesse, Lord, becomes secretary of state, 3 82. Holland, Grand Pensionary of ; his office, 12. Influence of that province in the states gene- ral, ibid. See United States. Hornbcck, Pensionary, favours the efforts of Mr. Walpole, 21 . Hosier, Admiral, sent to blockade Porto Bello, 11.'!. Houghton in Norfolk, the original seat of the Walpole family, l . I Infanta of Spain affianced to Louis XV. 8G. Dismissed, go. J Jennings, Sir John, alarms the coasts of Spain, 113. Jews, Bill for the naturalization of ; Mr. Wal- pole's remarks on its f.tilure, 434. Joseph, Archduke ; endeavours of the british cabinet to secure his election as king of the Romans, 383 ; counteracted by Prussia and France, 3 84. Mr. Walpole's memorial on the subsidiary treaties to pro.mote his election. K Keene, Bjnjamin, embassador In Spain ; se- cures the friendship of Ferdinand VI. to Eng- land, S(jO. L L.\ssAY, Count; his character, 56. Law, Mr. comptroller of the finances in France ; failure of his Mississippi scheme, 2y. Lee, Dr. an adherent of the prince of Wale-, 377. Leggc, Mr. sent as embassador to Berlin ; his ill success, 385. Appointed chancellor of the exchequer, 414. Distinguishes himself in parliament against the subsidiary treaty with Prussia, 448. Dismissed, \htd. Leicester-house party. See Frederick prince of Wales. Leland, Mr. Reflections on lord Bolingbroke'* Letters on the Study of History, 430. Ligonier, General, taken prisoner by the French, 326. Account of the proposals for peace made to him by marshal Saxe, 327. Liria, Duke of, son of marshal Berwick, serves in the Spanish army against his father, 157- Littleton, Sir George, appointed chancellor of the exchequer, 44 8. Livry, Abbot, indiscreetly announces the dis- mission of the infanta to the king and queen of Spain, 97. Louis XIV. His jealousy of the duke of Or- leans, 24 ; his prejudice against Fleury, 4(). Nominates him preceptor to Louis XV. 5 1. Louis XV. HIi character at the time of Mr. Walpole's mission, 35. Afhanced to the in- fanta of Spain, 86. Wishes of the nation to break off the match, ib'td. Marries Maria Letzinski, daughter of Stanislaus, titular king of Poland, 95. His attachment to Fleur> , his preceptor, 100. His estrangement from his queen on account of her conduct towards Fleur)', 1 13, 122. His mandate to the queen on the disgrace of the duke of Bourbon, 120. M Maittaire patronised by Mr. Walpole, 4G8. His letters to him, ihtd. Mallet, Mr. publishes an edition of lord Boling- broke's works, 433. Maria Letzinski, daughter of Stanislaus, king of INDEX. 479 of Poland, married to Louis XV. 95. Her conduct towards Fk-ury on the attempt of the duke of Bourbon to supplant him, 102, 10.3. Deeply affected by the peremptory mandate of the king on the dismission of the duke of Bourbon, 1 20. Maria Theresa, daughter of Charles VI. suc- ceeds to the dominions of the house of Aus- tria, 219. Pretensions to her inheritance, 222. Attacked by the king of Prussia, 223. Yields Silesia to the king of Prussia, 229. Dissatisfied with the treaty of Aix-la-Cha- pelle, 3 -19, sfio. Her demand of a subsidy of 100,000l. 3t)o. Refuses to furnish troops for the defence of the Low Countries, which oc- casions the alliance of England with Prussia, 44 1 . Ivlarlborough, John duke of, plenipotentiary at the congress of Gertruydenberg, 7, Marlborough, Charles duke of, resigns his command on account of the king's partia- lity to his electoral troops, 251. Succeeds the duke of Devonshire ps lord steward, 363. Maurepas, Count, secretary of state ; some ac- count of, 37 ; his character by the duke of Orleans, ihid. Militia Act, 4o0. Minorca, Loss of, 44 8. Mississippi scheme in France, 29. Montesquieu, his eulogium of marshal Berwick, i 59. Montgon, Abbot ; his insinuations of Fleury's intrigues with Philip V. to reconcile France and Spain, 114- Refuted, 115. His life and character, 140. His mission to Paris, to detach France from England, and secure the eventual succession of the crown to Philip, 144. Duped by Fleury, 145. His inter- view with the duke of Bourbon, 14(5. En- courages the adherents of the Pretender, on the death of George L 160. Morville, Count, appointed to the direction of foreign affairs in France, 31. Appointed se- cretary of state on the death of Dubois, 36. His character, Hid. 64. His conduct and views, 113. Causes of his dismission, 162. N Nassau, family of stadtholders of Friesland and Groningen, 13. Netherlands, Mr. Walpole's scheme for the se- curity of, 369. Newcastle, Duke of, becomes secretary of state, 79. Dismissed, and reinstated with the other Whig ministers on the accession of George H. 164. His contests for ascendancy in the ca- binet after the resignation of Sir Robert Wal- poie, 24g. His account of a singular conver- sation with lord Carteret, 2G8. His letters to lord Hardwicke, urging the necessity of his removal, 2G9. Mciuis by which he pro- cured the dismission of Carteret, 273. His account of the manner in which the king re- ceived his representations against Granville, il/id. (see Pclham.) Disgusts tl'.e king, 292. Resigns, 295. Reinstated with his party, 298. His conduct of the war, and official jea- lousy, 300. His measures opposed by his brother Mr. Pelham, ibid. Mr. Walpole's remarks on his views in continuing the war, 353. Offended by Mr. Walpole's remarks on his conduct in his letter to the duke of Cumberland, 354. His justification, liic/. His disnereement with Mr. Pelham and other members of the cabinet on the subject, 358. Jealous of lord Chesterfield, 3/4. Endea- vours to procure the nomination of lord Sand- wich as secretary of state, 37G. Disappointed by the acceptance of the duke of Bedford, ihid. Conciliates the good-will of the king, S77. Reconciled to lord Granville, 3 80. His dis- agreement with the duke of Bedford, ibid. Jealousy of the duke of Cumberland, ibid. Succeeds, on the death of Mr. Pelham, as first lord of the treasury, 409. His jealousy cf Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt, 4 16. Endeavours to soothe Mr. Pitt and his friends, 4 17. Courts the influence of Mr. Walpole, 4 19. His let- ter to him on the conduct of the French in Aimerica, ibid. The princess of Wales's re- mark on his character, 439. His conduct towards Mr. Pitt and Fox, ibid. Employs Mr. V/alpole to conciliate Mr. Pitt, but fails, 440. Resigns, 46o. Joins with Mr. Pitt and the Tories, and again placed at the head of the treasury, 46 1 . Newton, Bishop ; his account of lord Bath's transactions with the king on the short ad- ministration, 297. His character of Mr. Pitt's oratory, 4 11, fjofe. Noce, Count, a favourite of the duke of Or- leans; his character, 39. His disgust with Dubois, and banishment, 40. Recalled, ibid. His enmity to Sir Luke Schaub. Nugent, Mr. an adlierent of the prince of Wales, 377. Efl'ects a reconciliation between Gran- ville and Newcastle, 380. Orange, 480 INDEX. o Orange, Princes of, establishment and continua. tion of the stadholdership in their family, 13. Orange, William prince of ; his views and si- tuation on the mission of Mr. \ValpoIe to the Hague, 177, 18ft. His endeavours for pro- motion in the dutch army, to procure the stadholdership, 191. Chosen stadholder, 320. Remonstrates against the acceptance of the proposals for peace made by marshal Saxe, 328. Disagrees with the duke of Cumber- land, 329. Orange, Anne, princess of, daughter of Geo. II. Embarrassments relative to the settlement of her jointure, 138. Her letter to Mr. Walpole on the subject, and on the promotion of the prince in the dutch army, 188. Her behaviour on the death of queen Caroline, 198. Orford, Earl of, see Walpole, Sir Robert. Orleans, Philip, duke of ; his early history and character, 23. His licentiousness, 24. Incurs t!ie displeasure of madam de Maintenon, ibiJ. Annuls the will of Louis XIV. and b;comes sole regent, il>ti/. Motives for his union with George I. 26. Engages to send the Pretender beyond the Alps, ibid. Re- sumes the reins of government as prime mini- ster on the death of du Bois, 3 1 . Account of his pasquinade against his own ministers, 36. His friendship for count Noce, 3§. His private conference with Mr. Walpole re- lative to the grant of a dukedom to the family of la Vrilliere, 42. His embarrassments, Hid. His sudden death, 43. Orleans, duke of, son of the above ; his audience of the king on the death of his father, 46. His disgust at the appointment of the duke of Bourbon to be prime minister, 5^. His marriage, 87. His character and views, 114. P. Palm, count, the imperial minister, the effect of his imprudent memorial to the english na- tion, 138. Paris's, four brothers who possessed great in- fluence under the duke of Bourbon's ministry ; their rise and origin, 47 ; their disgrace and exile, 1 20. Du Verney appointed secretary des commandements to the queen, 95 ; at- tempts of Fleury to obtain his dismission, 118. Parliament, proceedings in, on the treaties of Ha- nover and Vienna, 138. Vigorous support of the king on the attempts of the emperor and Spain to execute the treaty of Vienna, 140. First session of George II. 15o. Debates in the session of January ] 737, 183 ; of 1 738, 202. Debates on the augmentation of troops, on the death of Charles VI. 2C0. Dissolved, 224. New parliament summoned, 244. De- bates in, relative tojthe Hanover troops, 246 ; second debate on their continuance in british pay, 254. Tranquillity of the session fol- lowing the removal of lord Carteret, 277. Business of the first and second session, 379 ; of the third session, iSld. Effects of the death of the prince of Wales on his party, ibid. Opening of the new parliament of 1754, 4 14. Tranquillity of the two first sessions, iSid. Divisions on the subsidiary treaty with Russia, 44 8, 7joU. Pelham, Mr. placed at the head of the Treasury by the influence of lord Orford, 249 ; and chancellor of the Exchequer, 260. Some ac- count of his life and character, Hid. Means by which he and his party procured the dis- mission of lord Carteret, 273. Arrangements of the new administration, 276. His letters on the state of the nation during the rebellion of 1745, 283. Resigns on the attempt of the king to form an administration by means of lords Bath and Granville, 295. Reinstated in office with his party, 293. Disapproves the measures of his brother the duke of New. castle, 306. His correspondence with Mr. Walpole, 307, 314, &c. His remarks on the conduct of his brother, 315. His letters to Mr. Walpole on the king's antipathy to Prussia, 322. On his credit with the duke of Cumberland, 326. On the proposals for peace made by marshal Saxe to general Ligo- nier, 327. His remark on the characters of the duke of Cumberland and the prince of Orange, 330. His disagreement with the duke of Newcastle, in regard to an alliance with Prussia, 358. Disapproves the subsidies for the election of the archduke Joseph, 385, His letter to Sir Charles Hanbury Williams on his financial regulations, il>td. His con- cern on the conclusion of the subsidiary treaty with Saxony for the election of a king of the Romans, 397. Coolness between him and Mr. Walpole, 408. His death, ibid. Passage in Mr. Garrick's Ode on that event, 433. Pensionary of Holland, his office, 12. See Hein, sius, Hornbeck, &c. Phelipeaux. See Maurepas and St. Florentin. Philip the Fifth, king of Spain, besieges the archduke INDEX. 481 archduke Charles in Barcelona, 5. Stipula. tions on his accession to the crown of Spain, 25. His views on the throne of France, 81. His abdication, 82. His resentment on the dismission of his daughter, 98. His disgust with Enghmd, and conclusion of the treaty of Vienna, ibid. Prepares to execute that treaty, lie. Receives the duke of Wharton as embassador of the Pretender, ibid. Be- sieges Gibraltar, 140. Sends the abbot Mont- gon to Paris, to detach France from England, and to secure his eventual succession to the crown of France, 142. Accedes to the pre- liminaries signed by the emperor witli France and England, I4g. Again meditates hosti. lities on the accession of George II. 155, Reconciled to France, l G 1 . His death, 3 1 7. Pitt, Mr. his opposition to the continuance of the Hanover forces, 253, 256. The Pelhams engage to procure his admission into office, 276, 293. Character of the anony- mous account of his life, 297, note. Anec- dote relative to his celebrated Philippic against Mr. Walpole, 323, note. His letter to Mr. Walpole on his Rhapsody of Foreign Politics, 30 1 ; and on his speech relative to the treaty with Saxony, 405. His contest with Mr. Fox for the secretaryship of state, on the death of Mr. Pelham, 409, 414. His conduct and character, 4 1 0. His eloquence, ibid. His political conduct during Mr. Pel- ham's administration, 413. His displeasure at the preference given to Mr. Fox in the disposal of the seals, 417. Joins with Mr, Fox in thwarting the measures of Sir Thomas Robinson, the secretary of state, 418. Ex- asperated against the duke of Newcastle, 440. Joins the Tory and Leicester-house party, ibid. Distinguishes himself in the debate on the subsidiary treaty with Russia, 448. Dis- missed, ibid. Brings in the militia bill, 450, Receives the seals of secretary of state, 4()0, Platen, Amelia, countess of ; negotiations for her marriage with the count de St. Florentin, 82. Poyntz, Mr, writes the Vindication of the bar- rier treaty, 436. Pragmatic sanction, established by the emperor Charles VI, 253. Pretender, sent beyond the Alps, 25, Cabals for his restoration on the death of George I. 150. Rebellion in his favour in Scotland, 282. Prie, Madame de, mistress of the duke of Bour- bon j her person and character, 4?. Appointed o daine du palais to the queen, 95. Attempts of Fleury to obtain her disinission, 118. Her disgrace, exile, and death, 120. Prussia, Mr. Vv^alpolc's endeavours to promote an alliance with, 216. See Frederick. Q. Quadruple alliance, treaty of, \7,?iote. Mr. Walpole's remarks on, 18. Review of the events which followed the accession of Spain, 97. R. RiGBY, Mr, his account of lord Chesterfield's resignation of the seals, 076, note. Ripperda, deputed by the court of Spain to Vienna to negotiate a match between one of the arch-duchesses and an infant of Spain, 9s. His attempts to excite a jealousy in the bri- tish cabinet, that Fleury was intriguing with Philip V, to reconcile France and Spain, 1 15. His fall, 116. Robinson, Mr. and Sir Thomas, afterwards lord Grantham, entrusted with the conduct of the affiiirs of England at Paris during the absence of Mr. Walpole, 109, 138. His judicious con- duct on tlie account conveyed by the abbot Montgon of Fleury's intrigues with Philip V. 114. His account of the manner in which Fleury received the letter of George II. an- nouncing his intention to continue the mini- stry, 15». Appointed embassador to Vienna, 171. His letter to Mr, Walpole on the conclu- sion of the second treaty of Vienna, 1 73, Ap- pointed plenipotentiary at the congress of Aix- la-chapelie, 359. His letter to Mr. Walpole on the conclusion of the treaty, 360. Nominated secretary of state on the resignation of Mr. Pelham, 414. Causes of his resignation, 418. Created lord Grantham, and dies, 4 1 8, note. His descendants, ibid. S. Sandwich, Earl of, nominated to a seat at the board of admiralty, 276, Becomes first lord of the admiralty on the duke of Bedford's ac- ceptance of the secretaryship of state, 376. Sandys, Mr. his motion for the removal of Sir Robert Walpole, 224. Saxe, Marshal ; his successful operations in the Netherlands, 322. His proposals for peace made to general Ligonier, 327, Saxony Q 482 INDEX. Saxony. See Augustus. Schaub, Sir Luke, sent as britlsh agent to Paris, i'Q. His intimacy with du Bois, ibid. His efforts to increase the credit of his patron, lord Carteret, at Paris, 32. Causes which led to his recal, ibid. Excites the enmity of count Noce, favourite of the duke of Orleans, S3, 40. His contests with Mr. Walpole, 41, 72, 75. His endeavours to procure a duke- dom for the family of la Vrilliere, 32, 43, t)4, 76 ; and the appointment of madame de la Vrilliere to be a dame du palais, 78. His recal, 79. Scotland, rebellion in, 282. Seeker, Bishop ; his letter to Mr. Etough on Mr. Walpole's account of the signature of the preliminaries with France, 37 1. Shovel, Sir Cloudesley ; his remark on the siege of Toulon by the duke of Savoy and prince Eugene, 6. Sicilian Abbots, communicate the articles of the treaty of Vienna to Mr. Walpole, 13g. St. Simon, duke of ; remark on his character of du Bois, 30. His anecdote of the embarrass- ment of the duke of Bourbon in regard to the marriage of Louis XV. 87, note. His ac- count of marshal Tallard, loG, tiote, Sinzendorf, Count, the imperial minister, at the congress of Soissons, iCiO". Slingelandt, Pensionary, his friendship for Mr. Walpole, 21. His character, 17(5. His con- duct in negotiating the secret convention with Fleury, 184 *. Death, 203, 7iote. Smollet ; his character of lord Bolingbroke, 430, note : of Mr. Walpole, 403. Snape, Dr. debate on the motion that he should preach before the house of commons, ] g. Soissons, congress of; Mr. Walpole's account of the transactions there, iCG. South Sea scheme, its failure, 20. Spain, convention with, relating to the West- India trade, Mr. Walpole's account of, 22. See Philip V. and Ferdinand VI. Stadholder, office of ; its nature and history, 13. See Orange and Nassau. Stair, Lord, procures the dismission of Torcy, 28. Quarrels with Law, and is recalled, 29. • Resigns the command of the army on account of the king's partiality to the hanoverian troops, 25 1. Again offers his service, 257. Stanhope, James, general, afterwards earl ; some account of his mission to Spain, 4. Cabals with Sunderland against lord Townshend and Sir Robert Walpole, 14, 15, His conduct on the expostulations of Mr. Walpole, 15. Com- pelled to court the assistance of Townshend and the Walpoles on the failure of the South Sea scheme, 20. His death, ibid. Stanhope. See Harrington. Stanley, Mr. imprudently charges the king in parliament with partiality to the electoral troops, 254. States General of the United Provinces; ac- count of their powers and assembling, 1 1 . Sunderland, Lord ; his intrigues at Hanover against Townshend and the Walpoles, 14. Appointed secretary of state, ! 7. Compelled to court Townshend and Walpole on the failure of the South Sea scheme, 20. Dies, ibid. Sutton, Sir Richard, deputed to Paris, 29. Swift, Dean ; his malignant satire against arch- bishop Herring, 43 8, note, T. Tallard, Marshal, admitted to the council of state, 134. His character drawn by Mr. Walpole, 135. Some account of his life, ibid, note. Tencin, Cardinal ; account of his rise and cha- racter, 40, note. Becomes prime minister of France on the death of Fleury, 25G. His enmity to England, 257. Tencin, Madame, a brief account of, 39, note. Becomes the mistress of Dubois, ibid. Supposed to be the mother of d'Alembert, 40, note, Tesse, Marshal, nominated embassador to Ma- drid, 8 1 . .iThoulouse, Countess of, her influence over Louis XV. 122. Tindal the historian ; his remark on the viru- lence of party pamphlets after the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, 247. Torcy, Marquis of ; his character, 26. His hostile disposition towards England, 27. His declaration concerning the renunciation of Philip V. ibid. note. Dismissed by the in- fluence of England, 28. Excluded from the department of foreign affairs by means of Mr. Walpole, 80. Townshend, Horatio, first viscount, some ac- count of, 2, 7tote. Townshend, Charles, second viscount ; plenipoi. tentiary at the congress of Gertruydenberg, 7, His friendship for Mr. Walpole, ibid. No- minates Mr. Walpole under secretary of state, 9. Espouses Dorothy, sister of Mr. Walpole, INDEX. 483 Walpole, 9. Intrigues which led to his dismission, 14. Recovers his post, 20. His contests with lord Carteret, 31. His en- deavours to procure the recal of Sir Luke Schaub from Paris, 33, 76, 78. Succeeds in his attempts to remove lord Carteret, 79. Dismissed on the accession of George II, 151. Reinstated, 154. Resigns 1 70, Trevor, Robert, afterwards lord Trevor, and viscount Hampden, account of, 204, fiate. J\ppointed envoy to Holland, 204, 209 ; and plenipotentiary, 230. His manly letter to Mr. Walpole on the suspicions of the duke of Newcastle that he was attached to lord Car- teret, 267, rioff. His irksome situation at the Hague, and recal, 304. Some account of his subsequent life, 305, ?ioie. Triple alliance concluded, 10, 13. U. United Provinces, constitution of, delineated, 11. Imbecility of that government, 12. Na- ture and history of the office of stadholder, IS. Dissatisfied with the neutrality con- cluded for the electorate of Hanover, 235. Mr, Walpole's remarks on their conduct, 301. Tumults on the successful invasion of the Netherlands by the French, 326. The prince of Orange chosen stadholder, Hi J. Utrecht, Treaty of ; the conclusion of, 8. V. Vandermeim succeeds SHngelandt as pen- sionary of Holland, 202. Vienna, Treaty of, concluded between Spain and the emperor, 98. Their endeavours to carry it into execution, 112. Passage in the king's speech relative to, 158. Remarks on the secret articles, 139, »ofe. Second Treaty, 1 70. Villars, Marshal ; his character of cardinal du Bois, .30, »ote. Remarks on the grant of a dukedom to the family of la Vrilliere, 42, note. Sketch of his life and character, 47, 7ioie, 55. His situation and views, 114. His observation on the influence of Mr. Wal. pole over Fleury, 146. His testimony of the abilities of marshal Berwick, 156. Vilieroy, marshal, procures the appointment of preceptor to Louis XV. for Fleury, 5 1. Villiers, M. declines the embassy to Berlin, S85 . Vrilliere, family of ; account of the intrigues to procure a dukedom for, 32, 42, 65, 73. De- feated, 77, W. Wager., Sir Charles, sails to the Baltic to check the attempts of Catherine I. 113. Waldegrave, Earl ; his account of the embar. rassinent of Mr. Walpole on the appointment of Chauvelin, 165. Nominated embassador at Paris, 170. Wales, Prince of. See Frederick. Waller, Mr. assists Lord Chesterfield in writing the Case of the Hanover forces, 24 8. Walpole, Robert, father of Mr. Walpole, some account of, I, 2. Walpole, Sir Robert, afterwards earl of Orford, resigns the office of first lord of the Treasury, on the dismission of lord Townshend, 17. Pvccovers his post, 20. Contests with Car- teret for superiority in the cabinet, 3 I. Re- marks on his conduct in regard to the resto- ration of lord Bolingbrok,e, 70. He and lord Townshend procure the dismission of Car- teret, 79. Rumours of his dismission on the accession of George II. 151. His disagree- ment with lord Townshend, 170. Division against him on the debate concerning Sir John Barnard's scheme for the reduction of interest, 184. Endeavours in vain to pro- cure the appointment of envoy and plenipo- tentiary for Mr, Trevor, 205 ; and to pro- mote an alliance between England and Prussia, 215. Compelled by the nation to support the queen of Hungary, 223. Motion of San- dys for his removal, 224. State of the ca- binet before his resignation, 230. Resigns, 244. Prevails on the king to place Mr. Pel- ham at the head of the Treasury, in preference to lord Bath, 249. Persuades the Pelham party not to oppose the continuance oi the Hanover forces, 253. His letter to lord Chol- mondeley on his application to secure his in- fluence in favour of Carteret, 27 1. His last journey to London, 273, His high opinion of the duke of Devonshire, 363. Walpole, Horatio; his birth and family, l. Education, 2. His early attachment to the Whig party, tbii/. Becomes a fellow of King's College, Cambrldaie, 3. Chooses the prolession of the law, ibid. His letter to his brother on that subject, Hid. Takes chambers in Lincoln's Inn, 4. Becomes se- cretary to general Stanhope, ihid. Accompa- nies him to Barcelona, 5. His account of the relief 3 Q 2 484 INDEX. relief of that place, and of the conduct of the archduke Charles, 5. Dispatched to Eng- land, 6. Appointed exempt of the guards, ibid. Secretary to Mr. Boyle, ibid. Secre- tary to the duke of Marlborough and lord Townshend, plenipotentiaries at the congress of Gertruydenberg, 7 • Becomes a member of the Hanover club, ibid. Elected member of parliament, 8. His opposition to, and remarks on, the treaty of Utrecht, ibid. His zeal in behalf of the Brunswick family, g. Moves for a reward of I00,000l. for the apprehen- sion of the Pretender, ibid. Under secretary of State and secretary to the Treasury, ibid. Deputed with general Cadogan to the Hague to apply for succours from the States General, 9. His judicious conduct in that negotiation, 10. His second mission to the Hague, and successful conduct of the negotiation, ibid. Declines signing the triple alliance with du Bois, contrary to his assurances to the States, 13. Returns to England, H. State of the ministry on his arrival, ibid. Deputed to Hanover, 16. His remonstrances with secre- tary Stanhope, ibid. Refuses to continue in office on the dismission of lord Townshend, 17. Becomes auditor of the revenues of America, ibid. His conduct in opposition, ibid. His remarks on the quadruple alliance, 18. Satirical ballads on him and his party, 19. note. His conduct in the debates on the South Sea scheme, 20. Nominated secretary to the duke of Grafton, lord lieutenant of Ire- land, ibid. Again sent to the Hague, on the discovery of Atteibury's plot, ibid. Mission to Paris, '22. Subjects of his correspondence, ibid. Causes of his missioi], 3 1 . Describes the state of the french court and ministry, 33. Appreciates the character and influence of count Noce, favourite of the duke of Or- leans, 41. His contests with Sir Luke Schaub, 41, 72, 75. Explains the principles of lord Townshend and his brother to the duke of Orleans, 42. His private conference with him relative to the grant of a dukedom to the family of la Vrilliere, ibid. His em- barrassments, 43, 52. His reflections on the sudden death of the duke of Orleans, 53. His first conference with Fleury, 57. Appreciates his influence over the king, 59. His conduct towards Bolingbroke, 60. Avoids his in- terposition with the duke of Bourbon, 61. Procures a private audience with the duke on the subject of the dukedom, G8. His letter to his brother on being nominated envoy, 74, Declines delivering his credentials, 7f). His letter which occasions the recal of Sir Luke Schaub, 78. Occasions the exclusion of Torcy from the department of foreign affairs, 80. Prevents the duke of Ormond from re- siding in France, and prevails on Fleury not to receive the visit of Atterbury. 81. His conversation with Fleury on the abdication of Philip V. 82. His embarrassment on the ru- mours of a marriage between Louis XV. and the princess Anne, 90. His conference with Fleury on the subject, ibid. Dissuades Fleury from refusing the place of grand almoner to the queen, 96. Secures the co-operation of France in the execution of the treaty of Han- over, 99. His account of the sudden retreat and recal of Fleury, 100. His visit to Fieury at the time of his retirement, 108. The oc- casion of their intimacy, ibid. Returns to London, 109. State of the the ministry, Defends the treaty of Hanover in parliament, 110. Death of his sister, lady Townshend, 111; and of his brother Galfridus, 1 ] 2. Repairs to Paris to keep the french cabinet steady to their engagements, 113. Letter written to him by Fleury on the disgrace of the duke of Bourbon, l 20. His account of that event, and of the intended arrangements, 121. Foretells the ascendancy of Fleury, 13 1. Details his motives for admitting d'Uxellcs and Tallard into the council of state, 133. Gives their characters, 135. His union and confidence with Fleury, 13C. Dissuades Fleury from excluding the duke of Orleans from the council of state, 137. Re- turns to London, 13 8. Again repairs to Paris, 140. Fleury 's answer to his memo- rial, urging the declaration of war against Spain, !41. His influence over Fleury in re- gard to his conduct towards Spain, 147. His critical situation on the deaih of George I. 150. His conference with Fleury, and the cardinal's letter to him, 151. Journey to London, and state of the ministry on his arrival, 152. His audience and reception by the king, ibid. Returns to France, 155. His character of marshal Berwick, 158. Causes which led to the conclusion of his em- bassy, ]f)i. Remonstrates with Fleury on the appointment of Chauvelin, 1 64. His embarrassments, lfi5. His account of the negotiations at Soissons, l6'6". His senti- ments on the resignation of lord Town- shend, 170. Declines the office of secretary of state, ibid. Q^its his embassy, ibid. Re- commends INDEX. 485 commends lord Wnldegrave as his successor, 170 ; and procures the appointment of Mr. Robinson to the embassy at Vienna, 17 1. His reception by the king, 172. Appointed cofferer of the household, ib}d. -Contributes to the conclusion of the second treaty of Vienna, 172. Account of his mission to the Hague, 174. Nominated embassador to Hol- land, 175. Difficulties of his situation, 176. Alarms Fleury, and hastens the conclusion of a peace, 177. His letter to queen Caroline on the negotiation for the secret convention, and on the premature disclosure of it to the imperial court, 181*. His freedom dis- pleases the king and queen, ly3*. Queen Caroline's letters to him, ibid. Accompanies the king to Hanover as secretary of state, igG*. His danger in returning, 197*. His letters on Sir John Barnard's scheme for reducing the interest of the national debt, lOy *. His embarrassments in Holland from the views of the prince of Orange, 186. His correspondence with the queen and the princess of Orange relative to the settlement of the princess's jointure, and the prince's promotion in the dutch army, 188. Com- missioned to impart the intelligence of the queen's death to the princess, 19H, His let- ters to Mr. Trevor on that subject, ibid. His account of the king's affliction on tlie death of the queen, 200. Attends in parlia- mcnt during the session of 173 8, 202. His chagrin at the refusal of George the Second to appoint Mr. Trevor envoy and plenipo- tentiary, 204. His letters on that subject, 205. Quits the Hague, 210. Letter ot the States on his recal, ibid. State of the nation and ministry on his return, 211. His en- deavours to set on foot an alliance with Prussia, 2 1 J. His speech on the augmenta- tion of troops at the accession of Maria Theresa, 220. His letter to Mr. Robinson on the conduct of the austrian cabinet, 22b. Resigns the cofFerership of the household, and is appointed teller of the exchequer, 229, His correspondence witii Mr. Trevor on the state of the cabinet before the resignation of Sir Robert Walpole, 2.30. On the neutrality of Hanover, 235. Urges his brother to re- sign, 244. Termination of his Apology, ibid. Destroys many of his papers, 245. Supporis the motion for the continuance of the Hanover troops in the pay of Great Britain, 240. Wriics ** The Interests of Great Britain steadily pursued," i;48. His friendship for Mr. Pelham, 251. His letter to Mr. Tre- vor on the state of the ministry, 253. His speech on the second debate, relative to the continuance of the Hanover forces, 254. His duel v.'ith Mr. Chetwynd, 258. His letter to Mr. Trevor on the attempt of France to invade England, and on the state of the na- tion, 259. To Mr. Milling, 260 ; and Mr. Yorke, 262. To Mr. Trevor, on the official jealousy of the duke of Newcastle, 2O6. His remarks on the king's application to lord Orford to use his influence in favour of Car- teret, 272 ; and on the removal of Carteret, 278. Letter to Mr. Yorke on the conduct of the war, 285. His description of Wol- terton to Mr. Milling, 287 ; and remarks on the war, 28 8. Account of the spirited con- duct of the nation during the rebellion, 29O. Presents a memorial to the king in favour of Mr. Pitt, 298. His remark on the short ad- ministration, 300. His last letter to Mr. Trevor on the situation of affairs, SOI. His correspondence with Mr. Pelham, 307. His letter to Mr. Yorke on the divisions in the cabinet and royal family, SOg. Entertains hopes of detaching Spain from France on the death of Philip V. 317. His application to the king on that subject, ibid. Appreciates the necessity of forming an alliance with Prussia to resist the power of France, 321. His endeavours to promote that alliance, 322. His sentiments on the congress of Breda, 323. Anecdote relative to Mr. Pitt's celebrated Philippic against him, ibid, note. Substance of his first letter to the duke of Cumberland, 324, His second letter, 331. Account of his third letter, 341. His interview with the duke of Cumberland, 343. Application to the duke of Newcastle relative to an al- liance with Prussia, ibid. Offends him by the reflections on his conduct in the letter to the duke of Cumberland, 354. Letters be- tween them, ibid. Discovers an omission in the articles of the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, 30 1. Writes his Rhapsody on Foreign Po- litics, ibid. His plan to exchange Gibraltar for some Spanish port in the West Indies, ibid. Marriage of his son witli lady Rachel Cavendish, daughter of the duke of Devon- shire, 3C2. His epigram on the character of the duke, 3G3. His speech on the empress qtieen's demand of !00,000l. SGo. His scheme for the security of the Netherlands, 36;:, 395. Censures the profusion of suhii- dies for the elecdon of a king of the Romans, 385. 485 INDEX. 385. His memorial on the subsiniary trea- ties, and the conduct of England towards France, 386. His speech on the Saxon sub- sidiary treaty, S98. Supports tlie marriage bill, 405. Letter from archbishop Herring on that subject, 40(i. CooUiess between him and Mr. Pelham, 408. His account of lady Yarmouth, the mistress of George H. 415. Courted by the duke of Newcastle, 4 19. En- deavours to procure the appointment of the duke of Cumberland as chief of the regency during the king's stay abroad, 422. Reads a paper to the ministry on the subject, ibid. Letter to the duke of Newcastle, 425. Ac- count of his Answer ro lord Bolinwbroke's o Letters on the Study of History, 430. Cha- racter of the work, 436. His concern at the contests between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, 439. His high opinion of the latter, ibid. Employed by the duke of Newcastle to con- ciliate Mr. Pitt, 440. Retires to Wolterton, 442. His letter to lord Royston, ibid. Re- turns to London to secure the influence of the duke of Devonshire in favour of the mini- stry, 443. His letters to lord chancellor Hardwicke on the subsidiary treaty with Russia, ibid ; also 444. His return to Lon- don, and conferences with the ministers, 44(3. Supports the militia act, 450. His two let- ters to lord Hardwicke on the intention of the court to defeat it, 45 1. Created a peer, 454. His letter to lord Hardwicke, 454. His answer to the congratulatory letter of archbishop Herrhig, 45 0. His exertions in favour of the militia act in Norfolk, 458. His letter to the mayor of Norv/ich against the addresses to the king on the loss of Mi- norca, ibid. Witnesses the change of the duke of Newcastle's administration, 450. His letter to lord Hardwicke on his resigna- tion, ibid. His last illness and death, 402. His character and person, ibid. His works, literary attainments, and political know- ledge, 460. His patronage of Maittaire, 468. His marriage and descendants, 469. Family estate, 470. Genealogical table of his descendants, 471, 472. Walpole, Galfridus, brother of Mr. Walpole, his death, 112. Some account of him, ibid. V/alpoIe, Dorothy, sister of Mr. Walpole, es- pouses Charles, viscount Townshend, 9. Her death and character, ill. Winnington, Thomas, some account of, 299. His observations to the king on the insta- bility of the administration which lord Batii and Granville attempted to form, 296. Wolterton, seat of lord Walpole, 287. Y. Yarmouth, Countess of, the mistress of George IL Supports the duke of Newcastle, 381. Presents Mr. Walpole's memorial on the con- duct of foreign affairs, and the subsidiary- treaties to the king, 3 86. Her character and influence, 415. Yorke, Honourable Philip, late earl of Hard- wicke, Mr. W^alpole's letter to him on the state of the nation in 1744, 262. His ac. count of Carteret's endeavours to form a party independent of the Pelhams, 270. His remark on the dismission of lord Carteret, 275, 278. His account of Mr. Pitt's speech on the subsidy to the empress queen, 4 1 2, 720te. Assumes the title of lord Royston, 44g, 7itste. His character of lord Walpole, 403. THE END. PRINTED, AT THE ORIENTAL PRESS, BY WILSON &C0, Wild Couxt, Lincoln's Ina Field*. / K. V t