mt^mmmmmiF'^. s^^sa. t ^' :\ ,s "A> ^^- !^^ T.A- my / tf ii i ir. J fy W ' "^f i T A HISTORY OF ART CHALD^A AND ASSYRIA. A HISTORY ^rt in €halbi5>fi Sc ^Bsuria FROM THE FRENCH GEORGES PERROT, ?ACULTY OF LETTERS, PARIS ; MEMBER AND CHARLES CHIPIEZ. PROFESSOR rx THE FACULTY OF LETTERS, PARIS ; MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH FOUR HUNDRED AND FIFTY-TWO ENGRAVINGS IN THE TEXT AND FIFTEEN STEEL AND COLOURED PLATES IN TWO VOLUMES.— VOL. L TRANSLATKD AND EDITED BV WALTER ARMSTRONG, B.A., Oxox., AUTHOR OF "ALFRED STEVENS," ETC. Xonbon: CHAPMAN AND HALL. LnriTEn. ItefD forh: A. C. ARMSTRONG AND SON. 18S4. ?Lon6on ; R. Ci.AY, Sons, and Taylor, DREAD STREET HILL. fZ.h rf/^ N\^ 1^~y PREFACE. In face of the cordial reception given to the first two volumes of MM. Perrot and Chipiez's History of Ancient Art, any words of introduction from me to this second instal- ment would be presumptuous. On my own part, however, I may be allowed to express my gratitude for the approval vouchsafed to my humble share in the introduction of the History of Art in Ancient Egypt to a new public, and to hope that nothing may be found in the following pages to change that approval into blame. W. A. October lo, 1883. 1 CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF CHALD.€;0-ASSYRIAN CIVILIZATION. PACK § I. Situation and Boundaries of Chaldaea and Assyria i — 8 § 2. Nature in the Basin of the Euphrates and Tigris 8 — 13 § 3. The Primitive Elements of the Population 13 — 21 § 4. The Wedges 21 — ;^^ § 5. The History of Chaldrea and Assyria ^^ — 55 § 5. The Chaldasan -Religion 55 — 89 §7. The People and Government 8g — 1x3 CHAPTER TI. THE PRINCIPLES AND GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OK CHALD.^O-ASSVRI AN ARCHITECTURE. § I. Materials 114 — 126 § 2. The General Principles of Form 126 — 146 § 3. Construction 146 — 200 § 4. The Column 200 — 221 § 5. The Arch 221 — 236 § 6. Secondary Forms 236 — 260 § 7. Decoration 260 — 311 § 8. On the Orientation of Buildings and Foundation Ceremonies . . 311 — 322 § 9. Mechanical Resources 322 — 326 § 10. On the Graphic Processes Employed in the Representations of Buildings 327—334 viii Contents. CHAPTER III. FUNERARY ARCHITECTURE. PAGE § I. Chaldsean and Assyrian Nolions as to a Future Life 335 — 355 § 2. The Chaldsean Tomb 35c ^63 CHAPTER IV. RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE. § I. Attempts to Restore the Principal Types 364 — 382 § 2. Ruins of Staged Towers 382 — 391 § 3. Subordinate Types of the Temple 391 — 398 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PLATES. I. Babil Tofaapage 154 II. Rectangular Chaldaean temple „ 370 III. Square double-ramped Chaldean temple „ 378 IV. Square Assyrian temple „ 380 FIG. PAGE 1. Brick from Erech 24 2. Fragment of an inscription engraved upon the back of a statue from Telle 25 3. Seal of Ourkani 38 4. Genius in the attitude of adoration 42 5. Assurbanipal at the chase 45 6. Demons 61 7. Demons 62 8. Eagle-headed divinity 63 9. Anou or Dagon 64 10. Stone of JMerodach-Baladan I. 73 11. Assyrian cylinder 74 12. Assyrian cylinder 74 13. Gods carried in procession 75 14 Gods carried in procession 76 15. Statue of Nebo 81 16. Terra-cotta statuette 83 17. A Chaldsean cylinder , . , 84 18. The winged globe , 87 19. The winged globe with human figure 87 20. Chaldasan cylinder 95 List of Illustrations. FIG. PAGE 2 1. Chaldasan cylinder 95 2 2. The King Sargon and his Grand Vizier 97 23. The suite of Sargon 99 24. The suite of Sargon loi 25. Fragment of a bas-relief in alabaster 105 26. Bas-relief of Tiglath Pileser II 106 27. Feast of Assurbanipal 107 28. Feast of Assurbanipal loS 29. Offerings to a god 109 30. Convoy of prisoners 1 1 1 31. Convoy of prisoners 112 32. Babylonian brick 118 33. Brick from Khorsab.id 119 34. Temple 128 35. Tell-Ede, in Lower Chaldsa 129 36. Haman, in Lower Chaktea 131 37. Babil, at Babylon 135 38. A fortress . 138 39. View of a town and its palaces 140 40. House in Kurdistan 141 41. Temple on the bank of a river, Khorsabad 142 42. Temple in a royal park, Kouyundjik 143 43. View of a group of buildings, Kouyundjik 145 44. Plan of angle, Khorsabad 147 45. Section of wall through A B in Fig. 44 147 46. Elevation of wall, Khorsabad 148 47. Section in perspective through the south-western part of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad 149 48. Temple at Mugheir 154 49. Upper part of the drainage arrangements of a mound 159 50. Present state of one of the city gates, Khorsabad 161 51. Fortress; from the Balawat gates, in the British Museum 164 52. The palace at Firouz-Abad ■ ■ ... 170 53. The palace at Sarbistan 170 54. Section through the palace at Sarbistan 171 55. Restoration of a hall in the harem at Khorsabad 174 56. Royal tent, Kouyundjik 175 57. Tent, Kouyundjik 175 58. Interior of a Yezidi house 17S 59. Fortress 180 60. Crude brick construction 181 61. "Armenian lantern " 183 62 — 65. Terra-cotta cylinders in elevation, section and plan 184 66. Outside staircases in the ruins of Abou-Shareyn 191 67. Interior of the royal tent 193 68. Tabernacle; from the Balawat gates 194 69. The seal of Sennacherib 196 List of Illustrations. xi FIG. PAGE 70. Type of open architecture in Assyria 197 71. Homage to Samas or Shamas 203 72. Sheath of a cedar-wood mast, bronze 205 73. Interior of a house supported by wooden pillars ; from the gates of Balawat 206 74. Assyrian capital, in perspective 207 75. Capital ; from a small temple 209 76. View of a palace 210 77. Capital ; from a small temple 212 78. Capital 212 79. Chaldaaan tabernacle 212 80. Ivory plaque found at Nimroud 212 81. The Tree of Life 213 82. Ornamental base, in limestone 214 83. Model of a base, side view 215 84. The same, seen from in front 215 85. Winged Sphinx carrying the base of a column 216 86. Facade of an Assyrian building -216 87. 88. Bases of columns 217 89. Tomb-chamber at Mugheir 222 90. Interior of a chamber in the harem of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad . . 225 91. Return round the angle of an archivolt in one of the gates of Dour- Saryoukin 227 92. Drain at Khorsabad. with pointed arch 229 93. Sewer at Khorsabad, with semicircular vault 232 94. Sewer at Khorsabad, with elliptical vault 233 95. Decorated lintel 238 96. Sill of a door, from Khorsabad 240 97. Bronze foot, from the Balawat gates, and its socket 243 98. 99. Assyrian mouldings. Section and elevation 245 100. Facade of a ruined building at Warka 246 loi. Decoration of one of the harem gates, at Khorsabad 247 102. View of an angle of the Observatory at Khorsabad 249 103. Lateral fa9ade of the palace at Firouz-Abad 251 104. Battlements from an Assyrian palace 251 105. Battlements from the Khorsabad Observatory 252 106. Battlements of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad 255 107. Altar 255 108. Altar in the Louvre 256 109. Altar in the British Museum 257 no. Stele from Khorsabad 258 111. The obelisk of Shalmaneser II. in the Britisli Museum ■ 258 112. Rock-cut stele from Kouyundjik 259 113. Fragment from Babylon 263 114 Human-headed lion 267 115. Bas-relief with several registers 269 116. Ornament painted upon plaster 275 117. Ornament painted upon plaster 275 xii List of Illustrations. FIG. PAGK 1 1 8. Ornament painted upon plaster 276 iig. Plan and elevation of part of a fagade at Warka 27S 120. Cone with coloured base 279 121, 122. Rosettes in glazed pottery 290 123. Detail of enamelled archivolt 291 124. Detail of enamelled archivolt 292 125. Enamelled brick in the British Museum 293 126. Ornament upon enamelled brick 294 127. Fragment of a glazed brick 295 128. Fragment of a glazed brick 297 129. Ivory tablet in the British JNIuseum 301 130. Fragment of an ivory tablet 30 j 131. Threshold from Kouyundjik 303 T32. Rosette 304 133. Bouquet of flowers and buds 305 134. Painted border 306 135. Fragment of a threshold 306 136. Door ornament 307 137. Palmette 308 138. Goats and palmette 308 139. Winged bulls and palmette 309 140. Stag upon a palmette 310 141. Winged bull upon a rosette 311 142. Stag, palmette, and rosette 311 143. Plan of a temple at Mugheir 312 144. Plan of the town and palace of Sargon at Khorsabad 313 145. General plan of the remains at Nimroud 314 146. Bronze statuette 316 147. Bronze statuette 3r7 148. Bronze statuette 318 149. Terra-cotta cone 319 150. Terra-cotta cylinder . . .' 320 151. The transport of a bull 324 152. Putting a bull in place 326 153. Chaldsean plan 327 154. Assyrian plan ; from the Balawat gates in the British Museum .... 329 155. Plan and section of a fortress 329 156. Plan, section, and elevation of a fortified city 330 157. Plan and elevation of a fortified city 331 158. Fortress with its defenders ^^;^ 159. 160. Vases 342 161. Plaque of chiselled bronze. (.)bverse 350 162. Plaque of chiselled bronze. Reverse 351 163. Tomb at Mugheir 357 164. Tomb at Mugheir 358 165. Tomb at Mugheir 358 166. Tomb, or coffin, at Mugheir 359 List of Illustrations. xiii FIG. T-AGE 167. Map of the ruins of Mughcir 362 16S. View of the Birs-Nimroud 367 169 — 171. Longitudinal section, plan, and horizontal section of the rectangular type of Chaldsean temple 370 172. Map of Warka, with its ruins 371 173. Type of square, single-ramped Chaldean temple 375 174 — 176. Transverse section, plan, and horizontal section of a square, single- ramped, Chaldsean temple 377 177 — 179. Transverse section, plan, and horizontal .section of a scjuare, double- ramped Chaldjean temple 37S 180 — 1S2. Square Assyrian temple. Longitudinal section, horizontal section, and plan 3S0 183. Map of the ruins of Babylon 383 184. Actual condition of the so-called (9/vc;T(7/i?n', at Khorsabad 387 185. The Obseii'atory, restored. Elevation 388 186. The Observatory, restored. Plan 389 187. The Obsen'atory. Transverse section through A B 390 188. Plan of a small teinple at Nimroud 393 189. Plan of a small temple at Nimroud 393 190. Temple with triangular pediment 394 TAIL-PIECES, &c. Lion's head, gold (French National Library) Title-page Lion's head, glazed earthenware (Louvre) 113 Two rabbits' heads, ivory (Louvre) 3,rl Cow's head, ivory (British Museum) 363 Eagle, from a bas-relief (British Museum) 398 A HISrORY OF ART CHALDv^A AND ASSYRIA. A HISTORY OF ART IN CHALDt^A and ASSYRIA CHAPTER I. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF CHALD/EO-ASSYRIAN CIVILIZATION. § I. Sanation and Boundaries of ChaldcFa and Assyria. The primitive civilization of Chaldaea, iilce tliat of Egypt, was cradled in the lower districts of a great alluvial basin, in which the soil was stolen from the sea by long continued deposits of river mud. In the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates, as in that of the Nile, it was in the great plains near the ocean that the inhabitants first emerged from barbarism and organized a civil life. As the ages passed away, this culture slowly mounted the streams, and, as Memphis was older by many centuries than Thebes, in dignity if not in actual existence, so Ur and Larsam were older than Babylon, and Babylon than Nineveh. The manners and beliefs, the arts and the written characters of Egypt were carried into the farthest recesses of Ethiopia, partly by commerce but still more by military invasion ; so too Chaldaic civilization made itself felt at vast distances from its birth-place, even in the cold valleys and snowy plateaux of Armenia, in districts which are separated by ten degrees of latitude from the burning shores where the fish god Cannes showed himself to the rude fathers of the race, and taught them " such things as contribute 2 A History of Art in Chald^a anu Assyria. to the softening of life." ^ In Egypt progressive development took place from north to south, while in Chaldsea its direction was reversed. The apparent contrast is, however, but a resemblance the more. The orientation, if such a term may be used, of the two basins, is in opposite directions, but in each the spread of religion with its rites and symbols, of written characters with their adaptation to different languages, and of all those arts and processes which, when taken together, make up what we call civilization, advanced from the seaboard to the river springs. In these two countries the conscience of man seems to have been first awakened to his innate power of bettering his own condition by well directed observation, by the elaboration of laws, and by forethought for the future. Between Egypt on the one hand, and Chaldaea with that Assyria which was no more than its off-shoot and prolongation, on the other, there are strong analogies, as will be clearly seen in the course of our study, but there are also differences that are not less appreciable. Professor Rawlinson shows this very clearly in a page of descriptive geography which he will allow us to quote as it stands. It will not be the last of our borrowings from his excellent work, The Five Great MonarcJiies of the Ancient Eastern World, a book that has done so much to popularize the discoveries of modern scholars.- " The broad belt of desert which traverses the eastern hemisphere, in a general direction from west to east (or, speaking more exactly, of W.S.W. to N.E.E ) reaching from the Atlantic on the one hand nearly to the Yellow Sea on the other, is interrupted about its centre by a strip of rich vegetation, which at once breaks the continuity of the arid region, and serves also to mark the point where the desert changes its character from that of a plain at a low level to that of an elevated plateau or table-land. West of the favoured district, the Arabian and African wastes are seas of land seldom raised much above, often sinking below the level of the ocean ; while east of the same, in Persia, Kerman, Seistan, Chinese Tartary, and Mongolia, the desert consists of a series of plateau.x, 1 Berosus, fragment No. i, in the Essai de Coinmenfaire siir les Fragments cos- mogoniques de B'crose daprcs les Textes cutuiformes el les Monuments de l' Art Asialique of Francois Lenormant (Maisonneuve, 187 1, 8vo.). 2 The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World ; or. The History, Geo- graphy, and Antiquities of Chaldiia, Assyria, Babylon, Media, and Persia. Collected and Illustrated from Ancient and Modern Sources, by George Rawlinson. Fourth edition, 3 vols., 8vo., with Maps and Illustrations (Murray, 1879). Situation and Boundaries of Chald.ea and Assyria. 3 having from 3,000 to nearly 10,000 feet of elevation. The green and fertile region which is thus interposed between the ' highland ' and 'lowland' deserts,^ participates, curiously enough, in both charac- ters. Where the belt of sand is intersected by the valley of the Nile, no marked change of elevation occurs; and the continuous low desert is merely interrupted by a few miles of green and cultivable surface, the whole of which is just as smooth and as flat as the waste on either side of it. But it is otherwise at the more eastern interruption. Then the verdant and productive country divides itself into two tracts, running parallel to each other, of which the western presents features, not unlike those that charac- terize the Nile valley, but on a far larger scale; while the eastern is a lofty mountain region, consisting for the most part of five or six parallel ranges, and mounting in many places far above the level of perpetual snow. " It is with the western or plain tract that we are here concerned. Between the outer limits of the Syro-Arabian desert and the foot of the great mountain range of Kurdistan and Luristan intervenes a territory long famous in the world's history, and the chief site of three out of the five empires of whose history, geography, and antiquities, it is proposed to treat in the present volumes. Known to the Jews as Aram-Naharaim, or 'Syria of the two rivers' ; to the Greeks and Romans as Mesopotamia, or ' the between-river country'; to the Arabs as Al-Jezireh, or 'the island,' this district has always taken its name from the streams which constitute its most striking feature, and to which, in fact, it owes its existence. If it were not for the two great rivers — the Tigris and Euphrates — with their tributaries, the more northern part of the Mesopotamian lowland would in no respect differ from the Syro- Arabian desert on which it adjoins, and which, in latitude, elevation, and general geological character, it exactly resembles. Towards the south the importance of the rivers is still greater ; for of Lower Mesopotamia it may be said, with more truth than of Egypt,- that it is ' an acquired land,' the actual ' gift ' of the two streams which wash it on either side ; being as it is, entirely a recent formation — a deposit which the streams have made in the shallow waters of a gulf into which they have flowed for many ages.^ 1 Humboldt, Aspects of Nature, vol. i. pp. 77, 78. — R. 2 Herodotus, ii. 5. 3 LoFTus's Chaldeca and Susiaiia, p. 282. — R. 4 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. " The division, which has here forced itself upon our notice, between the Upper and the Lower Mesopotamian country, is one very necessary to engage our attention in connection with ancient Chaldaea. There is no reason to think that the term Chaldeea had at any time the extensive signification of Mesopotamia, much less that it applied to the entire flat country between the desert and the mountains. Chaldaea was not the whole, but a part, of the great Mesopotamian plain ; which was ample enough to contain within it three or four considerable monarchies. According to the combined testimony of geographers and historians,^ Chaldaea lay towards the south, for it bordered upon the Persian Gulf, and towards the west, for it adjoined Arabia. If we are called upon to fix more accurately its boundaries, which, like those of most countries without strong natural frontiers, suffered many fluctu- ations, we are perhaps entitled to say that the Persian Gulf on the south, the Tigris on the east, the Arabian desert on the west, and the limit between Upper and Lower Mesopotamia on the north, formed the natural bounds, which were never greatly exceeded, and never much infringed upon. These boundaries are for the most part tolerably clear, though the northern only is invariable. Natural causes, hereafter to be mentioned more particularly, are perpetually varying the course of the Tigris, the shore of the Persian Gulf and the line of demarcation between the sands of Arabia and the verdure of the Euphrates valley. But nature has set a permanent mark, half way down the Mesopotamian lowland, by a difference of a geological structure, which is very conspicuous. Near Hit on the Euphrates, and a little below Samarah on the Tigris,^ the traveller who descends the streams, bids adieu to a somewhat waving and slightly elevated plain of secondary formation, and enters on the dead flat and low level of the new alluvium. The line thus formed is marked and invariable ; it constitutes the only natural division between the upper and lower portions of the 1 See Strabo, xvi. i, § 6; Puny, H.N. vi. 28; Ptolemy, v. 20; Berosus, pp. 28, 29.— R. 2 Ross came to the end of the alluvium and the commencement of the secondary formation in lat. 34°, long. 44° {Journal of Geographical Society, vol. ix. p. 446). Similarly, Captain Lynch found the bed of the Tigris change from pebbles to mere alluvium near Khan Iholigch, a little above its confluence with the Aahun {lb. p. 472). For the point where the Euphrates enters on the alluvium, see Eraser's Assyria and Mesopotamia, p. 27. — R. Situation and Boundaries of CHALD.t;A and Assyria. 5 valley ; and both probability and history point to it as the actual boundary between Chaldaea and her northern neighbour." ^ Whether the two States had independent and separate life, or whether, as in after years, one of the two had, by its political and military superiority reduced the other to the condition of a vassal, the line of demarcation was constant, a line traced in the first instance by nature and rendered more rigid and ineffaceable by historical developments. Even when Chaldcea became nominally a mere province of Assyria, the two nationalities remained distinct. Chaldaea was older than Assyria. The centres of her civil life were the cities built upon the alluvial lands between the thirty-first and thirty-third degree of latitude. The most famous of these cities was Babylon. Those whom we call Assyrians, a people who rose to power and glory at a much more recent date, drew the seeds of their civilization from their more precocious neighbour. These expressions, Assyria and Chaldsea, are now employed in a sense far more precise than they ever had in antiquity. For Herodotus Babylonia was a mere district of Assyria ; - in his time both States were comprised in the Persian Empire, and had no distinct existence of their own. Pliny calls the whole of Mesopotamia Assyria.^ Strabo carries the western frontier of Assyria as far as Syria.* To us these variations are of small importance. The geographical and historical nomenclature of the ancients was never clearly defined. It was always more or less of a floating quantity, especially for those countries which to Herodotus or Diodorus, to Pliny or to Tacitus, were dimly perceptible on the extreme limits of their horizon. It would, however, be easy to show that in assigning a more definite value to the terms in question — a proceeding in which we have the countenance of nearly every modern historian — we do not detach them from their original acceptation ; at most we give them more constancy and precision than the colloquial language of the Greeks and Romans demanded.^ The expressions ^ Rawlinson. The Five Great Monarchies, ^c..,vo\. i., pp. 1-4. As to the name and boundaries of Chaldrea, see also Guignaut, La Chaldee ct les Chaldeens, in the Encyclopedic Moderne, vol. viii, 2 Herodotus, i. 106, 192 ; iii. 92. 2 Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi. 26. 4 Strabo, xvi. i. § i. 5 Genesis xi. 28 and 31 ; Isaiah xlvii. i ; xiii. 19, &c. ; Diodorus ii. 17 ; Puny, Nat. Hist. vi. 26 ; the Greek translators of the Bible rendered the Hebrew term Khasdim by yaXlaioi ; both forms seem to be derived from the same primitive word. 6 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. Khasdim and Chaldcri were used in the Bible and by classic authors mainly to denote the inhabitants of Babylon and its neighbourhood ; and we find Strabo attaching with precision the name Aturia, which is nothing but a variant upon Assyria, to that district watered and bounded by the Tigris in which Nineveh was situated. 1 Our only aim is to adopt, once for all, such terms as may be easily understood by our readers, and may render all confusion impossible between the two kingdoms, between the people of the north and those of the south. In order to define Assyria exactly we should have to determine its frontiers, and that we can only do approximately. As the nation grew its territory extended in certain directions. To the east, however, where the formidable rampart of the Zagros forbade all progress, no such extension took place. Those lofty and precipitous chains which we now call the mountains of Kurdistan, were only to be crossed in two or three places, and by passes which during their few months of freedom from snow and floods gave access to the high-lying plains of Media. These narrow defiles might well be traversed by an army in a summer campaign, but neither dwellings nor cultivated lands could invade such a district with success ; at most they could take possession of the few spots of fertile soil which lay at the mouth of the lateral valleys ; such, for example, was the plain of Arbeles which was watered by the great Zab before its junction with the Tieris. Towards the south there was no natural barrier, but in that direction all development was hindered by the density of the Chaldee population which was thickly spread over the country above Babylon and about the numerous towns and villages which looked towards that city as their capital. To the north, on the other hand, the wide terraces which mounted like steps from the plains of Mesopotamia to the mountains of Armenia offered an ample field for expansion. To the west there was still more room. Little by little rural and urban life over- flowed the valley of the Tigris into that of the Chaboras or Khabour, the principal affluent of the Euphrates, until at last it reached the banks of the great western river itself In all Northern Mesopotamia, between the hills of the Sinjar and the last slopes of Mount Masius, the Assyrians encountered only nomad tribes whom they could drive when they chose into the Syrian 1 Strabo, xvi. i. i, 2, 3. Situation and Boundaries of Ciiald^ea and Assyria. 7 desert. Over all that region the remains of artificial mounds have been found which must at one time have been the sites of palaces and cities. In some cases the gullies cut in their flanks by the rain discover broken walls and fragments of sculpture whose style is that of the Ninevitish monuments.^ In the course of their victorious career the Assyrians annexed several other states, such as Syria and Chaldcea, Cappadocia and Armenia, but those countries were never more than external dependencies, than conquered provinces. Taking Assyria proper at its greatest development, we may say that it comprised Northern MesoDOtamia and the territories which faced it from the other bank of the Tigris and lay between the stream and the lower slopes of the mountains. The heart of the country was the district lying along both sides of the river between the thirty-fifth and thirty-seventh degree of latitude, and the forty-first and forty-second degree of lon- gitude, east. The three or four cities which rose successively to be capitals of Assyria were all in that region, and are now represented by the ruins of Khorsabad, of Kouyoundjik with Nebbi-Younas, of Nimroud, and of Kaleh-Shergat. One of these places cor- responds to Niiws, as the Greeks call it, or Nineveh, the famous city which classic writers as well as Jewish prophets looked upon as the centre of Assyrian history. To give some idea of the relative dimensions of these two states Rawlinson compares the surface of Assyria to that of Great Britain, while that of Chaldaea must, he .says, have been equal in extent to the kingdom of Denmark.^ This latter com- parison seems below the mark, when, compass in hand, we attempt to verify it upon a modern map. The discrepancy is caused by the continual encroachments upon the sea made by the alluvial deposits from the two great rivers. Careful observations and calculations have shown that the coast line must have been from forty to forty-five leagues farther north than it is at present when the ancestors of the Chaldees first appeared upon the scene.^ Instead of flowing together as they do now to form what is called the Shat-cl-Arab, the Tigris and Euphrates then fell into the sea at points some twenty leagues apart in a gulf which extended ^ Lay.ard, Nineveh and its Remains, vol. i. pp. 312, 315 ; Discoveries, p. 245. ^ R..\WLiNSON, Five Great Monarcliies, vol. i. ]ip. 4, 5. ^ LoFTUS, in the Journal of tlic Geoi^rap/iiui! Society, vol. xxvi. p. 142 ; //' , Sli" Henry Rawlixson, vol. xxvii. p. 186. 8 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. eastwards as far as the last spurs thrown out by the mountains of Iran, and westwards to the foot of the sandy heights which terminate the plateau of Arabia. " The whole lower part of the valley has thus been made, since tKe commencement of the present geological period, by deposits from the Tigris, the Euphrates, and such minor streams as the Adhem, the Gyndes, the Choaspes, streams which, after having long enjoyed an independent existence and having contributed to drive back the waters into which they fell, have ended by becoming mere feeders of the Tigris." ^ We see, therefore, that when Chaldsea received its first inhabitants it was sensibly smaller than it is to-day, as the district of which Bassorah is now the capital and the whole delta of the Shat-el-Arab were not yet in existence. § 2. — Nahire in the Basin of the Euphrates and Tigris. The inundation of the Nile gives renewed life every year to those plains of Egypt which it has slowly formed, and so it is with the Tigris and Euphrates. Lower Mesopotamia is entirely their creation, and if the time were to come when their vivifying streams were no longer to irrigate its surface, it would very soon be changed into a monotonous and melancholy desert. It hardly ever rains in Chaldaea.^ There are a few showers at the changes of the season, and, in winter, a few days of heavy rain. During the summer, for long months together, the sky remains inexorably blue while the temperature is hot and parching. In winter, clouds are almost as rare ; but winds often play violently over the great tracts of unbroken country. When these blow from' the south they soon lose their warmth and humidity at the contact of a soil which, but a short while ago, was at the bottom of the sea, and is, therefore, in many places still strongly impregnated with salt which acts as a refrigerant.^ Again, when the north wind conies down from the snowy summits of Armenia or Kurdistan, it is already cold enough, so that, during the months of December and January, it often happens that the ^ MasperO, Hhtoire Ancienne des Peuphs de VOricnt, p. 137. ^ Herodotus, i. 193 : 'H 8c y^ 7un- 'Aaa-vpiwv vfrai jjili- oAi'yoi. 2 LoFTUS, Susia>ia and Chahiaa, i. vol. 8vo. 1857, London, p. 73. Nature in the Basin of the Euphrates and Tigris. 9 mercury falls below freezing point, even in Babylonia. At day- break the waters of the marshes are sometimes covered with a thin layer of ice, and the wind increases the effect of the low temperature. Loftus tells us that he has seen the Arabs of his escort fall benumbed from their saddles in the earlv mornine.^ It is, then, upon the streams, and upon them alone, that the soil has to depend for its fertility ; all those lands to which they never reach are doomed to barrenness and death. It is fortunate for the prosperity of the country through which they flow, that the Tigris and Euphrates swell and rise annually from their beds, not indeed like the Nile, almost on a stated day, but ever in the same season, about the commencement of spring. Without these periodical floods many parts of the plain of Mesopotamia would be beyond the reach of irrigation, but their regular occur- rence allows water to be stored in sufficient quantities for use during the months of drought. To obtain the full advantage of this precious capital, the inhabitants must, however, take more care and e.xpend more labour than is necessary in Egypt. The rise of the Euphrates and of the Tigris is neither .so slow nor so regular as that of the Nile. The waters do not spread so gently over the soil, neither do they stay upon it so long ; - since they have been abandoned to themselves as they are at present, a great ])art of them are lost, and, far from rendering a service to agricul- ture, they turn vast regions into dangerous hot-beds of infection. It was to the west of the double basin that the untoward efiects of the territorial conformation were chiefly felt. The valley of the Euphrates is not like that of the Nile, a canal hollowed out between two clearly marked banks. From the northern bound- ary of the alluvial plain to the southern, the slope is very slight, while from east to west, from the plains of Mesopotamia to the foot of the Arabian plateau, there is also an inclination. When the river is in flood the right bank no longer exists. Where it is 1 Loftus, Si/sid/ia and C/ialdua, p. 73 ; Layarp. Discoveries in the Ruins of NincTcli and Babylon, p. 146 (i. vol. 8vo. 1S53). 2 Herodotus, exaggerates this difference, but it is a real one. " The plant," he says, " is nourished and the ears formed by means of irrigation from the river. For this river does not, as in Egypt, overflow the cornlands of its own accord, but is spread over them by the hand or by the help of engines," i. 193. [Our quotations are from Prof Rawlinson's Herodotus (4 vols. 8vo. 1S75 ; Murray) ; Ed.] The inundations of the Tigris and Euphrates do not play so important a ride in the lives of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, as that of the Nile in those of the Egyptians. C lo A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. not raised and defended by dykes, the waters ilow over it at more than one point. They spread through large breaches into a sort of hollow where they form wide marshes, such as those which stretch in these days from the country west of the ruins of Babylon almost to the Persian Gulf. In the parching heat of the summer months the mud blackens, cracks, and exhales miasmic vapours, so that a long acclimatization, like that of the Arabs, is necessary before one can live in the region. Some of these Arabs live in forests of reeds like those represented in the Assyrian bas-reliefs.^ Their huts of mud and rushes rise upon a low island in the marshes ; and all communication with neighbouring tribes and with the town in which they sell the product of their rice-fields, is carried on by boats. The brakes are more impenetrable than the thickest underwood, but the natives have cut alleys through them, along which they impel their large flat-bottomed teradas with poles. "-^ Sometimes a sudden rise of the river will raise the level of these generally stagnant waters by a yard or two, and during the ni(>-ht the huts and their inhabitants, men and animals to- gether, will be sent adrift. Two or three villages have been destroyed in this fashion amid the complete indifference of the authorities. The tithe-farmer may be trusted to see that the survivors pay the taxes due from their less fortunate neighbours. The masters of the country could, if they chose, do much to render the country more healthy, more fertile, more capable of supporting a numerous population. They might direct the course of the annual floods, and save their excess. When the land was managed by a proprietory possessing intelligence, energy, and foresight, it had, especially in minor details, a grace and picturesque beauty of its own. When every foot of land was carefully cultivated, when the two great streams were thoroughly kept in hand, their banks and those of the numerous canals intersecting the plains were overhung with palms. The eye fell with pleasure upon the tall trunks with their waving phmies, upon the bouquets of broad leaves with their centre of yellow dates ; upon the cereals and other useful and ornamental plants growing under their gentle shade, and forming a carpet ' Layard, a Second Series of the Momiments of Nineveh^ plate 27 (London, ohlong folio, 1853). - Layard, Discoveries, pp. 551-556; Loftus, Clialdcea and Snsiana, chap. x. Nature in the Basin of the Euphrates and Tigris, i i for the rich and sumptuous vegetation above. Around the villages perched upon their mounds the orchards spread far and wide, carrying the scent of their orange trees into the surrounding country, and presenting, with their masses of sombre foliage studded with golden fruit, a picture of which the eye could never grow weary. No long series of military disasters was required to destroy all this charm ; fifty years, or, at most, a century, of bad administra- tion was enough. 1 Set a score of Turkish pachas to work, one after the other, men such as those whom contemporary travellers have encountered at Mossoul and Baghdad ; with the help of their underlings they will soon have done more harm than the marches and conflicts of armies. There is no force more surely and completely destructive than a government which is at once idle, ignorant, and corrupt. With the exception of the narrow districts around a few towns and villages, where small groups of population haye retained something of their former energy and diligence, Mesopotamia is now, during the greater part of the year, given over to sterility and desolation. As it is almost entirely covered with a deep layer of vegetable earth, the spring clothes even its most abandoned solitudes with a lu.xuriant growth of herbs and flowers. Horses and cattle sink to their bellies in the perfumed leafage,- but after the month of May the herbage withers and becomes discoloured ; the dried stems split and crack under foot, and all verdure disappears except from the river-banks and marshes. Upon these wave the feathery fronds of the tamarisk, and in the stagnant or slowly moving water which fills all the depressions of the soil, aquatic jjlants, water-lilies, rushes, pajDyrus, and gigantic reeds spring up in dense masses, and make the low-lying country look like a vast prairie, whose native freshness even the sun at its zenith has no poAver to destroy. Everywhere else nature is as 1 L.WARD {£>/scvrc/ifs, pp. 467,468 and 475) tells us what the Turks "have made of two of the finest rivers in the world, one of which is navigable for S50 miles from its mouth, and the other for 600 miles." 2 Layard, Nitieveh and its Remains, vol. i. p. 78 (1849). " Flowers of every hue enamelled the meadows ; not thinly scattered over the grass as in northern climes, but in such thick and gathering clusters that the whole plain seemed a patcli-work of many colours. The dogs as they returned from hunting, issued from the long grass dyed red, yellow, or blue, according to the flowers through which they had last forced their way." 12 A History of Art ix Ciiald.ea and Assyria. dreary in its monotony as the vast sandy deserts which border the country on the west. In one place the yellow soil is covered with a dried, almost calcined, stubble ; in another, with a grey dust which rises in clouds before the slightest breeze ; in the neigh- bourhood of the ancient townships it has received a reddish hue from the quantity of broken and pulverized brick with which it is mixed. These colours vary in different places, but from Mount Masius to the shores of the Persian Gulf, from the Euphrates to the Tigris, the traveller is met almost constantly by the one melancholy sight — of a country spreading out before him to the horizon, in which neglect has gone on until the region which the biblical tradition represents as the cradle of the human race has been rendered incapable of supporting human life.^ The physiognomy of Mesopotamia has then been profoundly modified since the fall of the ancient civilization. By the indolence of man it has lost its adornments, or rather its vesture, in the ample drapery of waving palms and standing corn that e.xcited the admiration of Herodotus.- But the general characteristics and leading contours of the landscape remain what they were. Restore in thought one of those Babylonian structures whose lofty ruins now serve as observatories for the explorer or passing traveller. Suppose yourself, in the days of Nebuchadnezzar, seated upon the summit of the temple of Bel, some hundred or hundred and twenty yards above the level of the plain. At such a height the smiling and picturesque details which were formerly so plentiful and are now so rare, would not be appreciated. The domed surfaces of the woods would seem flat, the varied cultivation, the changing colours of the fields and pastures would hardly be distinguished. You would be struck then, as you are struck to-day, by the extent 1 Layard, Nineveh and its 'Remains, vol. ii. pp. 68-75. - Herodotus,!. 193. "Of all the countries that we know, there is none which is so fruitful in grain. It makes no pretension indeed, of growing the fig, the olive, the vine, or any other trees of the kind ; but in grain it is so fruitful as to yield commonly two hundredfold, and when the production is greatest, even three hundredfold. The blade of the wheat plant and barley is often four fingers in breadth. As for millet and 'the sesame, I shall not say to what height they grow, though within my own knowledge ; for I am not ignorant that what I have already written concerning the fruitfulness of Babylonia, must seem incredible to those who have never visited the country .... Palm trees grow in great numbers over the whole of the flat country, mostly of the kind that bears fruit, and this fruit supplies them with bread, wine, and honey." The Primitive Elements of the Population. 13 and uniformity of the vast plain which stretches away to all the points of the compass. In Assyria, except towards the south where the two rivers begin to draw in towards each other, the plains are varied by gentle undulations. As the traveller approaches the northern and eastern frontiers, chains of hills, and even snowy peaks, loom before him. In Chaldaea there is nothing of the kind. The only accidents of the ground are those due to human industry ; the dead level stretches away as far as the eye can follow it, and, like the sea, melts into the sky at the horizon. is ^ o- The Primitive Elements of the Population. The two great factors of all life and of all vegetable production are water and warmth, so that of the two great divisions of the country we have just described, the more southern must have been the first inhabited, or at least, the first to invite and aid its inhabitants to make trial of civilization. In the north the two great rivers are far apart. The vast spaces which separate them include many districts which have always been, and must ever be, very difficult of irrigation, and consequently of cultivation. In the south, on the other hand, below the thirty-fourth degree of latitude, the Tigris and Euphrates approach each other until a day's march will carrj' the traveller from one to the other ; and tor a distance of some eighty leagues, ending but little short of the point of junction, their beds are almost parallel. In spite of the heat, which is, of course, greater than in northern Mesopotamia, nothing is easier than to carry the blessings of irrigation over the whole of such a region. When the water in the rivers and canals is low, it can be raised by the aid of simple machines, similar in principle to those we described in speaking of Egypt. 1 It is here, therefore, that we must look for the scene of the first attempts in Asia to pass from the anxious and uncertain life of the fisherman, the hunter, or the nomad shepherd, to that of the sedentary husbandman, rooted to the soil by the pains he has taken 1 History of Art in Ancient Ei;ypt, vol. i. p. 15 (London, 1SS3, Chapman and Hall). Upon tlie Chaldsean cliadoii/s see Lavard, Disiorcries, pp. 109, no. 14 A History of Art ix CHALD.i;A and Assyria. to improve its capabilities, and by the homestead he has reared at the border of his fields. In the tenth and eleventh chapters of Genesis we have an echo of the earliest traditions preserved by the Semitic race of their distant origin. "And it came to pass, as they journeyed from the east, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar ; and they dwelt there." ^ The laiid of Siiixar is the Hebrew name of what we call Chaldaea. There is no room for mistake. When the sacred writer wishes to tell us the origin of human society, he transports us into Lower Mesopotamia. It is there that he causes the jDosterity of Noah to build the first great city, Babel, the prototype of the Babylon of history ; it is there that he tells us the confusion of tongues was accomplished, and that the common centre existed from which men spread themselves over the whole surface of the earth, to become different nations. The oldest cities known to the collector of these traditions were those of Chaldaea, of the region bordering on the Persian Gulf. " And Gush begat Nimrod : he began to be a mighty one in the earth. " He was a mighty hunter before the Lord : wherefore it is said, ' Even as Nimrod, the mighty Jiiinter before the Lord! " And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shinar. " Out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, " And Resen between Nineveh and Calah : the same is a great city." 2 These statements have been confirmed by the architectural and other remains found in Mesopotamia. Inscriptions from which fresh secrets are wrested day by day ; ruins of buildings whose dates are to be approximately divined from their plans, their structure, and their decorations ; statues, statuettes, bas-reliefs, and all the various debris of a great civilization, w^hen studied with the industrious ardour which distinguishes modern science, enable the critic to realise the vast antiquity of those Chalda;an cities, in which legend and history are so curiously mingled. Even before they could decipher their meaning Assyriologists had compared, from the palaeographic point of view, the different varieties of the written character known as cuneiform — a character which lent itself for some two thousand years, to the notation of 1 Genesis y.. 2. - Genesis y.. 8-12. The Primitive Elements of the Population. 15 the five or six successive languages, at least, in which the inhabit- ants of Western Asia expressed their thoughts. These wedge- shaped characters are found in their most primitive and undeveloped forms in the mounds dotted over the southern districts of Meso- potamia, in company with the earliest signs of those types which are especially characteristic of the architecture, ornamentation, and plastic figuration of Assyria. There is another particular in which the monumental records and the biblical tradition are in accord. During those obscure centuries that saw the work sketched out from which the civilization of the Tigris and Euphrates basin was, in time, to be developed, the Chaldsean population was not homogeneous ; the country was in- habited by tribes who had neither a common origin nor a common language. This we are told in Genesis. The earliest chiefs to build cities in Shinar are there personified in the person of Nimrod, who is the son of Cush, and the o-randson of Ham. He and his people must be placed, therefore, in the same family as the Ethiopians, the Egyptians, and the Libyans, the Canaanites and the Phcenicians.^ A litde lower down in the same o-enealoorical table we find attached to the posterity of Shem that Asshur who, as we are told in the verses quoted above, left the jDlains of Shinar in order to found Nineveh in the upper country.- So, too, it was from Ur of the Chaldees that Terah, another descendant of Shem, and, through Abraham, the ancestor of the Jewish people, came up into Canaan.^ The world has, unhappily, lost the work of Berosus, the Babylonish priest, who, under the Seleucidai, did for Chaldaea what Manetho was doing almost at the same moment for Egypt. ■* 1 Genesis X. 6-20. - Genesis x. 2:; : "The children of Shem." ^ Genesis xi. 27-32. ■* In his paper upon the Date des Ecrits qui portent les Noms de Bcrose el de Man'ellwH (Hachette, 8vo. 1873), M. Ernest Havet has attempted to sliow that neither of those writers, at least as they are presented in the fragments which have come down to us, diserve the credence which is generally accorded to them. The paper is the production of a vigorous and independent intellect, and there are many observations which should be carefully weighed, but wc do not beliive that, as a whole, its hypercritical conclusions have any chance of being adopted. All recent progress in Egyptology and Assyriology goes to prove that the fragments in question contain much authentic and precious information, in spite of the carelessness with which they were transcribed, often at second and third hand, by abbrcviators of the basse efoqiie. i6 A HisTOKv OF Art in Chald.-ea and Assyria. Berosus compiled the history of Chaldaea from the national chronicles and traditions. The loss of his work is still more to be lamented than that of Manetlio. The wedges may never, perhaps, be read with as much certainty as the hieroglyphs ; the remains of ChaldiEo-Assyrian antiquity are much less copious and well pre- served than those of the Egyptian civilization, while the gap in the existing documents are more frequent and of a different character. And yet much precious information, especially in these latter days, has been drawn from those fracfments of his work which have come down to us. In one of these we find the following evidence as to the mixture of races : " At first there were at Babylon a Sfreat number of men belontrincr to the different nationalities that colonized Chaldcea." ^ How far did that diversity go ? The terms used by Berosus are vague enough, while the Hebraic tradition seems to have pre- served the memory of only two races who lived one after the other in Chaldaea, namely, the Kushites and the Shemites. And may not these groups, though distinct, have been more closely con- nected than the Jews were willing to admit ? We know how bitterly the Jews hated those Canaanitish races against whom they waged their long and destructive wars ; and it is possible that, in order to mark the separation between themselves and their abhorred enemies, they may have shut their eyes to the exaggeration of the distance between the two peoples. More than one historian is inclined to believe that the Kushites and Shemites were less dis- tantly related than the Hebrew writers pretend. Almost every day criticism discovers new points of resemblance between the Jews before the captivity and certain of their neighbours, such as the Phoenicians. Almost the same language was spoken by each ; each had the same arts and the same symbols, while many rites and customs were common to both. Baal and Moloch were adored in Judah and Israel as well as in Tyre and Sidon. This is not the proper place to discuss such a question, but, whatever view we may take of it, it seems that the researches of Assyriologists have led to the following conclusion : That primitive Chaldjea received and retained various ethnic elements upon its fertile soil ; that those elements in time became fused together, and that, even in the 1 See § 2 of Fragment i. of Berosus, in the Fyagmenta Historicorum Gracorum of Ch. MiJLLER {Bibliothcque Grecque-Latine of Didot), vol. ii. p. 496 ; 'Ei' Se T17 BaySvXain ttoXv ttXjJ^os avQpwTvwv y^viaBai aWoiOvwr KaToiKqaavTUiv Tyv XaXoaiar. The Primitive Elements of the Population. 17 beginning, the diversities that distinguished them one from another were less marked than a Hteral acceptance of the tenth chapter of Genesis might lead us to believe. We cannot here undertake to explain all the conjectures to which this point has given rise. We are without some, at least, of the qualifications necessary for the due appreciation of the proofs, or rather of the probabilities, which are relied on by the exponents of this or that hypothesis. We must refer curious readers to the works of contemporary Assyriologists ; or they may, if they will, find all the chief facts brought together in the writings of MM. Maspero and Francois Lenormant, whom we shall often have occasion to quote.^ We shall be content with giving, in as few words as possible, the theory which appears at present to be generally admitted. There is no doubt as to the presence in Chaldaea of the Kushite tribes. It is the Kushites, as represented by Ximrod, who are mentioned in Genesis before any of the others ; a piece of evidence which is indirectly confirmed by the nomenclature of the Greek writers. They often employed the terms Kiaaaloi and Kiaaioi to denote the peoples who belonged to this very part of Asia,"- terms under which it is easy to recognize imperfect transliterations of a name that began its last syllable in the Semitic tongues with the sound we render by s/i. As the Greeks had no letters cor- responding to our // andy, they had to do the best they could with breathings. Their descendants had to make the same shifts when they became subject to the Turks, and had to express every word of their conqueror's language without possessing any signs for those sounds of s/i andy in which it abounded. The same vocable is preserved to our day in the name borne by one of the provinces of Persia, Khouzistan. The objection that the Kiaaaloi or Kiaai'oi, ot the classic writers and poets were placed in Susiana rather than in Chaldaa will no longer be made. Susiana borders upon Chaldaea and belongs, like it, to the basin of the Tigris, There is no natural frontier between the two countries, which were closely connected both in peace and war. On the 1 Gaston Maspkro, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de FOrioit, liv. ii. ch. iv. La Chaldte. Francois Lenormant, Manuel d' Histoire ancienne de C Orient, liv. iv. ch. i. (3rd edition). ^ The principal texts in which these terms are to be met with are brought together in the Wcrterlvicli der Griechisclien Eigennameu of Pape (3rd edition), under the words Ki(r(ria, KiVcrtot, Kotro-aiot. 1 8 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. other hand, the name of Ethiopians, often applied by the same authors to the dwellers upon the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman, recalls the relationship which attached the Kushites of Asia to those of Africa in the Hebrew srenealocjies. We have still stronger reasons of the same kind for affirming that the Shemites or Semites occupied an important place in Chaldaea from the very beginning. Linguistic knowledge here comes to the aid of the biblical narrative and confirms its ethno- graphical data. The language in which most of our cuneiform inscriptions are written, the language, that is, that we call Assyrian, is closely allied to the Hebrew. Towards the period of the second Chaldee Empire, another dialect of the same family, the Aramaic, seems to have been in common use from one end of Mesopotamia to the other. A comparative study of the rites and religious beliefs of the Semitic races would lead us to the same result. Finally, there is something very significant in the facility with which classic writers confuse such terms as Chalda^ans, Assyrians, and Syrians ; it would seem that they recognized but one people between the Isthmus of Suez on the south and the Taurus on the north, be- tween the sea-board of Phcenicia on the west and the table lands of Iran in the east. In our day the dominant language over the whole of the vast extent of territory which is inclosed by those boundaries is Arabic, as it was Syriac during the early centuries of our era, and Aramaic under the Persians and the successors of Alexander. From the commencement of historic times the Semitic element has never ceased to play the chief role from one end of that region to the other. For Syria proper, its pre-eminence is attested by a number of facts which leave no room for doubt. Travellers and historians classed the inhabitants of Mesopotamia with those of Phoenicia and Palestine, because, to their unaccustomed ears, the differences between their languages were hardly perceptible, while their personal characteristics were practically identical. Such affinities and resemblances are only to be explained by a common origin, though the point of junction may have been distant. It has also been asserted that an Aryan element helped to com- pose the population of primitive Chaldaea, that sister tribes to those of India and Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor furnished their con- tingents to the mixed population of Shinar. Some have even declared that a time came when those tribes obtained the chief power. It may have been so, but the evidence upon which the The Primitive Elements of the Population. io hypothesis rests is very shght. Granting that the Aryans did settle in Chaldsea, they were certainly far less numerous than the other colonists, and were so rapidly absorbed into the ranks of the majority that neither history nor language has preserved any sensible trace of their existence. We may therefore leave them out of the argument until fresh evidence is forthcoming. But the students of the inscriptions had another, and, if we accept the theories of MM. Oppert and Francois Lenormant, a better- founded, surprise in store for us. It seemed improbable that science would ever succeed in mounting beyond those remote tribes, the immediate descendants of Kush and Shem, who occu- pied Chaldcea at the dawn of history ; they formed, to all appear- ance, the most distant background, the deepest stratum, to which the historian could hope to penetrate ; and yet, when the most ancient epigraphic texts began to yield up their secrets, the inter- preters were confronted, as they assure us, with this startling fact : the earliest language spoken, or, at least, written, in that country, belonged neither to the Aryan nor to the Semitic family, nor even to those African languages among which the ancient idiom of Egypt has sometimes been placed ; it was, in an extreme degree, what we now call an agglutinative language. By its grammatical system and by some elements of its vocabulary it suggests a comparison with Finnish, Turkish, and kindred tongues. Other indications, such as the social and religious conditions revealed by the texts, have combined with these characteristics to convince our Assyriologists that the first dwellers in Chaldaea — the first, that is, who made any attempt at civilization — were Turanians, were part of that great family of peoples who still inhabit the north of Europe and Asia, from the marshes of the Baltic to the banks of the A moor and the shores of the Pacific Ocean.' The ' A single voice, that of M. Halevy, is now raised Io combat this opinion. He denies that there is need to search for any language but a Semitic one in the oldest of the Chaldjean inscriptions. x\ccording to him. the writing under which a Turanian idiom is said to lurk, is no more than a variation upon the Assyrian fashion of noting words, than an early form of writing which owed its preservation to the quasi-sacred character imparted by its extreme antiquity. We have no intention of discussing his thesis in these pages ; we must refer those who are interested in the problem to M. Halevv's dissertation in {\\& Journal A siatiqiie for June 1874 : Ohsen'a- s/'or/s ai//(/!/es siir les prctaidiis Touranieus de la Bahylonie. AL Stanislas Guyard shares the ideas of M. Halevy, to whom his accurate knowledge and fine critical powers aftbrd no little support. 20 A History of Art in Chai.d.ea and Assyria. languages of all those peoples, though various enough, had certain features in common. No one of them reached the delicate and complex mechanism of internal- and terminal inflexion ; they were guiltless of the subtle processes by which Aryans and Semites ex- pressed the finest shades of thought, and, by declining the sub- stantive and conjugating the verb, subordinated the secondary to the principal idea ; they did not understand how to unite, in an intimate and organic fashion, the root to its qualifications and determinatives, to the adjectives and phrases which give colour to a word, and indicate the precise role it has to play in the sentence in which it is used. These languages resemble each other chiefly in their lacunar. Compare them in the dictionaries and they seem very different, especially if we take two, such as Finnish and Chinese, that are separated by the whole width of a continent. It is the same with their physical types. Certain tribes whom we place in the Turanian group have all the distinctive character- istics of the white races. Others are hardly to be distinguished from the yellow nations. Between these two extremes there are numerous varieties which carry us, without any abrupt transition, from the most perfect European to the most complete Chinese type.^ In the Aryan family the ties of blood are perceptible even between the most divergent branches. By a comparative study of their languages, traditions, and religious conceptions, it has been proved that the Hindoos upon the Ganges, the Germans on the Rhine, and the Celts upon the Loire, are all offshoots of a single stem. Among the Turanians the connections between one race and another are only perceptible in the case of tribes living in close neighbourhood to one another, who have had mutual relations over a long course of years. In such a case the natural affinities are easily seen, and a family of peoples can be established with certainty. The classification is less definitely marked and clearly 1 Maspero, Histoire ancienne, p. 134. Upon the etymology of Turanians see Max Muller's Science of Laitguage, 2nd edition, p. 300, <>/ seq. Upon the constituent characteristics of the Turanian group of races and languages other pages of the same work may be consulted. . . . The distinction between Turan and Iran is to be found in the literature of ancient Persia, but its importance became greater in the Middle Ages, as may be seen by reference to the great epic of Firdusi, the Shah-Nameli. The kings of Iran and Turan are there represented as implacable enemies. It was from the Persian tradition that Professor Miiller borrowed the term which is now generally used to denote those northern races of .\sia that are neither Aryans nor Semites. The Wedges. 21 divided than that of the Aryan and Semitic famiUes ; but, nevertheless, it has a real value for the historian.^ According to the doctrine which now seems most widely ac- cepted, it was from the crowded ranks of the immense army which peopled the north that the tribes w^ho first attempted a civilized life in the plains of Shinar and the fertile slopes between the mountains and the left bank of the Tigris, were thrown off. It is thought that these tribes already possessed a national constitution, a religion, and a system of legislation, the art of writing and the most essential industries, when they first took possession of the lands in question.- A tradition still current among the eastern Turks puts the cradle of the race in the valleys of the Altai, north of the plateau of Pamir.^ Whether the emigrants into Chaldaea brought the rudiments of their civilization with them, or whether their inven- tive faculties were only stirred to action after their settlement in that fertile land, is of slight importance. In any case we may say that they were the first to put the soil into cultivation, and to found industrious and stationary communities along the banks of its two great rivers. Once settled in Chaldaea, they called them- selves, according to M. Oppert, the people of Sumer, a title which is continually associated with that of " the people of Accad " in the inscriptions.* I 4. The Wedges. The wTiting of Chaldaea, like that of Egypt, was, in the begin- ning, no more than the abridged and conventionalized representa- tion of familiar objects. The principle was identical with that of ^ This family is sometimes called Ural-Altaic, a term formed in similar fashion to that of ludo- Germanic, which has now been deposed by the term Aryan. It is made up of the names of two mountain chains which seem to mark out the space over which its tribes were spread. Like the word Indo-Gennaiiic, it made pretentions to exactitude which were only partially Justified. - This is the opinion of M. Oppert. He was led to the conclusion that their writing was invented in a more northern climate than that of Chaldsa, by a close study of its characters. There is one sign representing a bear, an animal which does not exist in Chaldaea, while the lions which were to be found there in such numbers had to be denoted by paraphrase, they were called great dogs. The palm tree had no sign of its own. See in the Journal Asiatiqve for 1875, p. 466, a note to an answer to M. Halevy entitled Suntincrien 011 ricn. ' M.ASPERO, Histoire ancienne, p. 135. ^ These much disputed terms, .Sumer and .\ccad, are, according to MM. Hale'vy and Guyard, nothing but the geographical titles of two districts of Lower Chaldaa. 2 2 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. riie Egyptian hieroglyphs and of the oldest Chinese characters. There are no texts extant in which images are exclusively used,^ but we can point ^to a few where the ideograms have preserved their primitive forms sufficiently to enable us to recognize their origin with certainty. Among those Assyrian syllabaries which have been so helpful in the decipherment of the wedges, there is one tablet where the primitive form of each symbol is placed opposite the group of strokes which had the same value in after ages.- This tablet is, however, quite exceptional, and, as a rule, the cuneiform characters cannot thus be traced to their primitive form. But well-ascertained and independent facts allow us to come to certain conclusions which even this scanty evidence is enough to confirm. In inventing the process of writing and bringing it to perfection, the human intellect worked on the same lines among the Turanians of Chaldaea as it did everywhere else. The point of departure and the early stages have been the same for all peoples, although some have stopped half-way and others when three-fourths of the journey were complete. The supreme discovery which should crown the effort is the attribution of a special sign to each of the elementary articulations of the human voice. This final object, an object towards which the most gifted nations of antiquity were working for so many centuries, was just missed by the Egyptians. They were, we may say, wrecked in port, and the glory of creating ^ We are told that there is an inscription at Susa of this character. It has been examined but not as yet reproduced. We can, therefore, make no use of it. See Francois Lenormant, Manuel d'Hhtoire ancienne, vol. ii. p. 156. ^ M. Lenormant reproduces this tablet in his Histoire anaemic de P Orient (gth edition, vol. i. p. 420). The whole of the last chapter in this volume should be carefully studied. It is well illustrated, and written with admirable clearness. The same theories and discoveries are explained at greater length in the introduction to M. Le^jormant's great work entitled ^wn/' j?/r la Propagation de V Alphabet p/ienicien, of which but one volume has as yet appeared (Maisonneuve, Svo., 1872). At the very commencement of his investigations M. Oppert had called attention to the curious forms presented by certain characters in the oldest inscriptions. See Expedition scientifiqiie de Mesopoiamie, vol. ii. pp. 62, 3, notably the paragra])h entitled Origine Hi'eroglyphique de l' Ecritiire anarietine. The texts upon which the remarks of MM. Oppert and Lenormant were mainly founded were published under the title oi Early Inscriptions fro?n Chaldcca in the invaluable work of Sir Henry Rawlinson [A Selection from the Historical Inscriptions of Chaldcca, Assyria, and Babylonia, prepared for publication by Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, assisted by Edwin Norris, British Museum, folio, i86r). The Wedges. the alphabet that men will use as long as they think and write was reserved for the Phoenicians. Even when their civilization was at its height the Babylonians never came so near to alphabetism as the Egyptians. This is not the place for an inquiry into the reasons of their failure, nor even for an explanation how signs with a phonetic value forced themselves in among the ideograms, and became gradually more and more im- portant. Our interest in the two kinds of writing is of a different nature ; we have to learn and explain their influence upon the plastic arts in the countries where they were used. In our attempt to define the style of Egyptian sculpture and to give reasons for its peculiar characteristics, we felt obliged to attri- bute great importance to the habits of eye and hand suggested and confirmed by the cutting and painting of the hieroglyphs. In their monumental inscriptions, if nowhere else, the symbols of the Egyptian system retained their concrete imagery to the end ; and the images, though abridged and simplified, never lost their resem- blance ; ^ and if it is necessary to know something more than the particular animal or thing which they represent before we can get at their meaning, that is only because in most cases they had a metaphorical or even a purely phonetic signification as well as their ideographic one. For the most part, however, it is easy to recognize their origin, and in this they differ greatly from the symbols of the first Chaktean alphabet. In the very oldest docu- ments there are certain ideograms that, when we are warned, remind us of the natural objects from which their forms have been taken, but the connection is slight and difficult of apprehension. Even in the case of those characters whose forms most clearly suggest their true figurative origin, it would have been impossible to assign its prototype to each without the help of later texts, where, with more or less modification, they formed parts of sen- tences whose general significance was known. Finally, the Assyrian syllabaries have preserved the meaning of signs, that, so far as we can judge, would otherwise have been stumbling-blocks even to the wise men of Nineveh when they were confronted with such ancient inscriptions as those whose fragments are still found among the ruins of Lower Chaldaea. Even in the remote days that saw the most venerable of these inscriptions cut, the images upon which their forms were based 1 See the History oj Art in Ancient E^pt, vol. ii. pp. 350-3 (?). 24 A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. had been rendered almost unrecognizable by a curious habit, or caprice, which is unique in history. Writing had not yet become entirely ctcneiform, it had not yet adopted those triangular strokes which are called sometimes nails, sometimes arrow-heads, and sometimes wedges, as the exclusive constituents of its character. If we examine the tablets recovered by Mr. Loftus from the ruins of Warka, the ancient Erech (Fig. i), or the inscriptions upon the diorite statues found at Tello by M. de Sarzec (Fig. 2), we shall find that in the distant period from which those writings date, most of the characters had what we may call an unbroken trace. ^ This trace, like that of the hieroglyphs, would have been well fitted for the succinct imitation of natural objects but for a rigid Fig. I. — Brick from 'Erech. exclusion of those curves of which nature is so fond. This exclusion is complete, all the lines are straight, and cut one another at various angles. The horror of a curve is pushed so far that even the sun, which is represented by a circle in Egyptian and other ideographic systems, is here a lozenge. It is very unlikely that even the oldest of these texts show us Chaldaean writing in its earliest stage. Analogy would lead us to think that these figures must at one time have been more directly imitative. However that may have been, the image must have been very imperfect from the day that the rectilinear trace came into general use. Figures must then have rapidly degenerated into conventional signs. Those who used them could no longer ' This peculiarity is still more conspicuous in the engraved limestone pavement which was discovered in the same place, but the fragments are so mutilated as to be unfit for reproduction here. l::Mi333ll m^k <- ^L^^r^r. tr L^il^i^^tSf^ c H-l 3 bn The Wedges. 27 pretend to actually represent the objects they wished to denote. They must have been content to suggest their ideas by means of a character whose value had been determined by usage. This transformation would be accelerated by certain habits which forced themselves upon the people as soon as they were finally established in the land of Shinar. We are told that there are certain expressions in the Assyrian language which lead to the belief that the earliest writing was on the bark of trees, that it offered the first surface to the scribe in those distant northern regions from which the early inhabitants of Chaldsea were emigrants. It is certain that the dwellers in that vast alluvial jalain were compelled by the very nature of the soil to use clay for many purposes to which no other civilization has put it. In Mesopotamia, as in the valley of the Nile, the inhabitants had but to stoop to pick up an excellent modelling clay, fine in texture and close grained — a clay which had been detached from the mountain sides by the two great rivers, and deposited in inexhaustible quantities over the whole width of the double vallev. We shall see hereafter what an important part bricks, crude, fired, and enamelled, played in the construction and decoration of Chaldaean buildings. It was the same material that received most of their writing. Clay offered a combination of facility with durability which no other material could equal. While soft and wet it readily took the shape of any figure impressed upon it. The deftly-handled tool could engrave characters upon its yielding surface almost as fast as the reed could trace them upon papyrus, and much more rapidly than the chisel could cut them in wood. Again, in its final condi- tion as solid terra cotta, it offered a chance of duration far beyond that of either wood or papyrus. Once safely through the kiln it had nothing to fear short of deliberate destruction. The messaoe intrusted to a terra cotta slab or cylinder could only be finally lost by the reduction of the latter to powder. At Hiiia/i, the town which now occupies a corner of the vast space once covered by the streets of Babylon, bricks are found built into the walls to this day, upon which the Assyrian scholar may read as he runs the royal style and titles of Nebuchadnezzar.^ As civilization progressed, the dwellers upon the Persian Gulf felt an ever-increasing attraction towards the art of writing. It ' Lavard, Discoveries in tlie Ruins of A'ineveh and Babylon, p. 506. 28 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. afforded a medium of communication with distant points, and a bond of connection between one generation and another ; by its means the son could profit by the accumulated experience of the father. The slab of terra cotta was the most obYious material for its reception. It cost almost nothing, while such an elaborate sub- stance as the papyrus of Egypt can never have been very cheap. It lent itself kindly to the service demanded of it, and the writer who had confided his thoughts to its surface had only to fire it for an hour or two to secure them a kind of eternity. This latter precaution did not require any very lengthy journey ; brick kilns must have blazed day and night from one end of Chaldsa to another. If we consider for a moment the properties of the material, and examine the remains which have come down to us, we shall understand at once what writing was certain to become under the triple impulse of a desire to write much, to write fast, and to use clay as we moderns use paper. Suppose oneself compelled to trace upon clay figures whose lines necessitated continual changes of direction ; at each angle or curve it would be necessary to turn the hand, and with it the tool, because the clay surface, however tender it might be, would still afford a certain amount of resistance. Such resistance would hardly be an obstacle, but it would in some degree diminish the speed with which the tool could be driven. Now, as soon as writing comes into common use, most of those who employ it in the ordinary matters of life have no time to waste. It is important that all hindrances to rapid work should be avoided. The designs of the old writing with their strokes sometimes broken, sometimes continuous, sometimes thick, and sometimes thin, wearied the writer and took much time, and at last it came about that the clay was attacked in a number of short, clear-cut triangular strokes each similar in form to its fellow. As these little depressions had all the same depth and the same shape, and as the hand had neither to change its pressure nor to shift its position, it arrived with practice at an extreme rapidity of execution. Some have asserted that the instrument with which these marks were made has been found among the Mesopotamian ruins. It is, we are told, a small style in bone or ivory with a bevelled triangular point.^ And yet when we look with attention at these ' Oppert, Expeditions scientifiqiies de Mesopotamie, \ol. ii. pp. 62, 3. The Wedges. terra-cotta inscriptions, we fall to doubting whether the hollow marks of which they are composed could have been made by such a point. There is no sign of those scratches which we should expect to find left by a sharp instrument in its process of cutting out and removing part of the clay. The general appearance of the surface leads us rather to think that the strokes were made by thrusting some instrument with a sharp ridge like the corner of a flat rule, into the clay, and that nothing was taken away as in the case of wood or marble, but an impression made by driving back the earth into itself^ However this may be, the first element of the cuneiform writing was a hollow incision made by a single movement of the hand, and of a form which may be compared to a greatly elongated triangle. These triangles were sometimes horizontal, sometimes vertical, sometimes oblique, and when arranged in more or less complex groups, could easily furnish all the necessary symbols. In early ages, the elements of some of these ideographic or phonetic signs — signs which after- wards became mere complex groups of wedges — were so arranged as to suggest the primitive forms — -that is, the more or less roughly blocked out images — from which they had originally sprung. The fish may easily be recognized in the following group '\^^>< -. while the character that stands for the sun, J^]^ , reminds us of the lozenge which was the primitive sign for that luminary. In the two symbols ^^ and '-T£.i.»e -^ If'' Fig. 4. — Genius in the attitude of adoration. From the Novth-west Palace at Nimroucl. Louvre. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier. most of them in the latter.^ They may be recognized at once by the band of inscription which passes across the figures and repro- duces one text again and again (Fig. 4). To Assurnazirpal's son ^ This palace was the one called the N'tuih-wes/crii Palace. The History of Chald^a and Assyria. Smalmaneser III. belongs the obelisk of basalt which also stands in the British Museum. Its four faces are adorned with reliefs and with a running commentary engraved with extreme care.^ Shalmaneser was an intrepid man of war. The inscriptions on his obelisk recall the events of thirty-one campaigns waged against the neighbouring peoples under the leadership of the king himself. He was always victorious, but the nations whom he crushed never accepted defeat. As soon as his back was well turned they llew to arms, and again' drew him from his repose in the great palace which he had built at Calach, close to that of his father.^ Under the immediate successors of Shalmaneser the Assyrian prestige was maintained at a high level by dint of the same lavish bloodshed and truculent energv ; but towards the ei^rhth century it began to decline. There was then a period of languor and decadence, some echo of which, and of its accompanying disasters, seems to have been embodied by the Greeks in the romantic tale of Sardanapalus. No shadow of confirmation for the story of a first destruction of Nineveh is to be found in the in- scriptions, and, in the middle of the same century, we again find the Assyrian arms triumphant under the leadership of Tiglath PiLESER II., a king modelled after the great warriors of the earlier days. This prince seems to have carried his victorious arms as far east as the Indus, and west as the frontiers of Egypt. And yet it was only under his second successor, Saryoukin, or, to give him his popular name, Sargon, the founder of a new dynasty, that Syria, with the exception of Tyre, was brought into complete submission after a great victory over the Egyptians (721-704).^ In the intervals of his campaigns Sargon built the town and palace which have been discovered at Khorsabad, Doitr-Saryoukin, or the " town of Sargon." His son Sennacherib equalled him both as a soldier and as a builder. He began by crushing the rebels of Elam and Chaldaea with unflinching severity ; in his anger he almost exterminated the inhabitants of Babylon, the perennial seat of revolt ; but, on 1 Layard, The Monumetits of Ninn'eh,from Drmohigs made on the spot, Illust rated in one Hundred Plates (large folio, London : 1849), plates 53-56. - It is now called the Central Palace at Nimroud. 3 The chief work upon this period, the most brilliant and the best known in Assyrian history, is the Faites de Sargon of MM. Oppert and M^nant (Paris : i86s). 44 A History of Art in Chald.t„\ and Assyria. the other hand, he repaired and restored Nineveh. Most of his predecessors had been absentees from the capital, and had neglected its buildings. They had preferred to place their own habitations where they could escape from the crowd and the dangers it implied. But Sennacherib was of another mind. He chose a site well within the city for the magnificent palace which Mr. Layard has been the means of restoring to the world. This buildine is now known as Kouvoundjik, from the name of the village perched upon the mound within which the buildings of Sennacherib were hidden.^ Sennacherib rebuilt the walls, the towers, and the quays of Nineveh at the same time, so that the capital, which had never ceased to be the strongest and most populous city of the empire, aaain became the residence of the kino- — a distinction which it was to preserve until the fast approaching date of its final destruction. The son of Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, and his grandson, AssuRBANiPAL, pushed the adventures and conquests of the Assyrian arms still farther. They subdued the whole north of Arabia, and invaded Egypt more than once. They took and retook Memphis and Thebes, and divided the whole valley of the Nile, from the Ethiopian frontier to the sea, into a number of vassal principalities, whose submission was insured by the weak- ness and mutual jealousies of their lords. Ever prompt in revolt, Babylon again exposed itself to sack, and' Susiana, which had helped the insurrection, was pillaged, ravaged, and so utterly crushed that it was on the point of disappearing for ever from the scene as an independent state. There was a moment when the great Semitic Empire founded by the Sargonides touched even the yElgaean, for Gyges, king of Lydia, finding himself menaced by the Cimmerians, did homage to Assurbanipal, and sued for help against those foes to all civilization.^ 1 The palace occupied the whole of the south-western angle of the mound. ^ M.ASPERO {Histoire attcienne, p. 431) refers us to the authors by whom the inscription, in which these relations between the kings of Lydia and Assyria are recounted, was translated and explained. The chief of these is George Smith, who, in his History of Assurbanipal, has brought together and commented upon the different texts from which we learn the facts of this brilliant reign. The early death of this young scholar can never be too much regretted. In spite of his comparative youth he added much to our knowledge of Assyria, and, moreover, to him belongs the credit of having recognized the true character of the Cypriot alphabet. The History of Chald^a and Assyria. 47 Like their ancestors, these great soldiers were also great builders. In one of his inscriptions Esarhaddon boasts of having built ten palaces and thirty-six temples in Assyria and Chaldcea.^ Some traces of one of these palaces have been found within the cncicjite of Nineveh, at Nebbi-Younas ; but it was chiefly upon Nimroud that Esarhaddon left marks of his magnificence. The palace called the South-western Palace, in consequence of its position in the mound, was commenced by him. It was never finished, but in plan it was more grandiose than any other of the royal dwellings. Had it been complete it would have included the largest hall ever provided by an Assyrian architect for the pomps of the Ninevitish court. Assurbanipal was cruel in victory and indefatigable in the chase. Judging from his bas-reliefs he was as proud of the lions he killed by hundreds in his hunts, as of the men massacred by thousands in his wars and military promenades, or of the captives driven before him, like herds of helpless cattle, from one end of Asia to the other. He appears also to have been a patron of literature and the arts. It was under his auspices that the collection of inscribed terra-cotta tablettes was made in the palace at Kouyundjik,"- of which so many fragments have now been recovered. He ordered the transcription of several ancient te.xts which had been first cut, many centuries before, at Ur of the Chaldees. In fact, he collected that royal library whose remains, damaged by time though they be, are yet among the most valued treasures of the British ]\Iuseum. Documents of many kinds are to be found among them : comparative vocabularies, lists of divinities with their distinguishing epithets, chronological lists of kings and eponymous heroes, grammars, histories, tables of astronomical observations, scientific works of various descriptions, &c., &c. These tablets were classified according to subject and arranged in several rooms of the upper story, so that they suffered much in the fall of the floors and roofs. Very few are quite uninjured but in many cases the pieces have been successfully put together. When first discovered these broken remains covered the floors of the buried palace to the depth of about two feet.^ ^ Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, vol. ii. p. 196. - The Northern Palace. 3 This library has always attracted the attention of .\ssyriologists, and the best 48 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. The building was no less remarkable for the richness and beauty of its bas-reliefs. We shall have occasion to reproduce more than one of the hunting scenes which are there represented, and of which we give a first illustration on the opposite page. Some remains of another palace built by the same prince have been discovered in the mound of Nebbi-Younas. Never had the empire seemed more strong and flourishing than now, and yet it was close to its fall. The Sargonids understood fighting and pillage, but they made no continuous effort to unite the various peoples whom they successfully conquered and trampled underfoot. The Assyrians have been compared to the Romans, and in some respects the parallel is good. They showed a Roman energy in the conduct of their incessant struggles, and the soldiers who brought victory so often to the standards of the Sennacheribs and Shalmanesers must have been in their time, as the lesrions of the consuls and dictators were in later years, the best troops in Asia ; they were better armed, better disciplined, and better led than those of neighbouring states, more used to fatigue, to long marches and rapid evolutions. The brilliance of their success and its long duration are thus explained, for the chiefs of the empire never seem to have had the faintest suspicion of the adroit policy which was afterwards to bind so many conquered peoples to the Roman sceptre. The first necessity for civilized man is security ; the hope, or rather the certainty, of enjoying the fruits of his own industry in peace. When this certainty is assured to him he quickly pardons and forgets the injuries he has suffered. This fact has been continually ignored by Oriental conquerors and by Assyrian conquerors more than any others. The Egyptians and Persians appear now and then to have succeeded in reconciling their subject races, and in softening their mutual hatreds by paying some attention to their political wants. But the Assyrians reckoned entirely upon terror. And yet one generation was often enough to obliterate the memory of the most cruel disasters. Sons did not learn from the experience ■ of their fathers, and, although preserved of its texts have been published at various times under the supervision of Sir Henry Rawlinson and George Smith. These texts have been translated into English, French, and German, and much discussed by the scholars of all three nations. The reader may also consult tlie small volume contributed by M. J. Menant to the Bihliothhjue 07-iental elziriridtiie under the title : La Bibliotheque du Palais de Ni?i!re, i vol. iSnio., 1880 (Ernest Leroiix). The History oi-' Chald/Ea and Assyria. 49 dispersed and decimated times witliout number, tlie enemies of Assyria never acquiesced in defeat. In the subjection imposed upon them they panted for revenge, and while paying their tributes they counted the hours and followed with watchful eye every movement of their master. Let him be carried into any distant province, or engaged in lengthened hostilities, and they at once flew to their arms. If the prince were fighting in Armenia, or on the borders of the Caspian, Chalda;a and Susiana would rise against him ; if disputing the Nile valley with the Ethiopians, Syria would revolt in his rear, and the insurrection would spread across the plains of Asia with the rapidity of a prairie fire. Thus no cjuestion received a final settlement. On the morrow of the hardest won victory the fight had to begin anew. The stroneest and bravest exhausted themselves at such a came. Each campaign left gaps in the ranks of the governing and fighting classes, and in time, their apparent privilege became the most crushing of burdens. The same burden has for a century past been slowly destroying the dominant race in modern Turkey. Its members occupy nearly all the official posts, but they have to supply the army as well. Since the custom of recruiting the latter with the children of Christians, separated from their families in infancv and converted to Islamism, has been abandoned, the military population has decreased year by year. One or two more wars like the last and the Ottoman race will be e.xtinct. Losses in battle were then a chief cause of decadence in a state which failed to discipline its subject peoples and to incorporate them in its armies. A further explanation is to be found in the lassitude and exhaustion which must in time overtake the most warlike princes, the bravest generals, and the most highly tempered of conquering races. A few years of relaxed watchfulness, an indolent and soft-hearted sovereign, are enough to let loose all the, pent up forces of insubordination and to unite them into one formidable effort. We thus see that, in many respects, nothing could be more precarious than the prosperity of that Assyria whose insolent triumphs had so often astonished the world since the accession of Sargon. The first shock came from the north. About the year 632 all western Asia was suddenly overrun by the barbarians whom the Greeks called the Cimmerian Scythians. With an t'lan that nothing II 50 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. could resist, they spread themselves over the country lying between the shores of the Caspian and the Persian Gulf; they even menaced the frontiers of Egypt. The open towns were pillaged and destroyed, the fields and agricultural villages ruth- lessly laid waste. Thanks to the height and thickness of their defending walls Nineveh, Babylon, and a few other cities escaped a sack, but Mesopotamia as a whole suffered cruelly. The dwellers in its vast plains had no inaccessible summits or hidden valleys to which they could retreat until the wave of destruc- tion had passed on. At the end of a few years the loot-laden Scythians withdrew into those steppes of central Asia whence their descendants were again, some six centuries later, to menace the existence of civilization ; and they left Assyria and Chaldsea half stripped of their inhabitants behind them. The work begun by the Scythians was finished by the Medes. These were Aryan tribes, long subject to the Assyrians, who had besfun to constitute themselves a nation in the first half of the seventh century, and, under the leadership of Cyaxares, the real founder of their power, had already attacked Nineveh after the death of Assurbanipal. This invasion brought on a kind of forced truce, but when the Medes had compelled the Scythians to retreat to their deserts by the bold stroke which Herodotus admires so much, they quickly resumed the offensive.' We cannot follow all the fluctuations of the conflict ; the information left by the early historians is vague and contradictory, and we have no cuneiform inscriptions to help us out. After the fall of Nineveh cvlinders of clav and alabaster slabs were no longer covered with wedges by the Assyrian scribes. They had recounted their victories and conquests at length, but not one among them, so far as we know, cared to retrace the dismal history of final defeat. All that we can tjuess is that the last sovereign of Nineveh , fell before a coalition in which Media and Chaldsea played the chief parts.- Nahopolassar, the general to whom he confided 1 Herodotus,!. io6. 2 Herodotus (i. io6) alludes to this capital event only in a word or two, in which he promisss to give a more complete account of the whole matter in another work — £v kripouTi Adyoio-i — doubtless in that History of Assyria (" Ao-o-i'piot Xoyoi " i. 184) which was either never written or soon lost. Diodorus, who gives circumstantial details both of the coalition and the siege, dates it a century too early, changes all the names, and mixes up many fables with his recital (ii. 23-28). In forming a just idea of the catastrophe and of its date we have to depend chiefly upon the lost The History of Chald.ija xVXD Assyria. the defence of Babylon, entered into an alliance with Cyaxares. AssuREDiLANi shut himself up in his capital, where he resisted as long as he could, and finally set fire to his palace and allowed himself to be burned alive rather than fall living into the hands of his enemies (625 B.C.). Nineveh, "the dwelling of the lions," " the bloody city," saw its last day ; " Nineveh is laid waste,' says the prophet Nahum, " who will bemoan her ? " ' The modern historian will feel more pity for Assyria than the Jewish poet, the sincere interpreter of a national hatred which was fostered by frequent and cruel wounds to the national pride. We can forgive Nineveh much, because she wrote so much and built so much, because she covered so much clay with her arrow-heads, and so many walls with her carved reliefs. We forgive her because to the ruins of her palaces and the broken fragments of her sculpture we owe most of our present knowledge of the great civilization which once filled the basin of the Tigris and Euphrates. The kings of Assyria went on building palaces up to the last moment. Each reign added to the series of royal dwellings in which every chamber was filled with inscriptions and living figures. Some of these structures were raised in Nineveh itself, some in the neiohbourin"- cities. At the southeast ancjle of the mound at Nimroud, the remains of a palace begun by Assuredilani have been excavated. Its construction had been interrupted by the Medes and Scythians, for it was left unfinished. Its proposed area was very small. The rooms were narrow and ill arranged, and their walls were decorated at foot with slabs of bare lime- stone instead of sculptured alabaster. Above the plinth thus formed they were covered with roughly executed paintings upon plaster, instead of with enamelled bricks. Both plan and decoration show evidence of haste and disquiet. The act of sovereignty had to be done, but all certainty of the morrow had vanished. From the moment in which Assyrian sculpture touched its highest point in the reign of Assurbanipal, the material resources of the kingdom and the supply of skilled uorkmen had slowly but constantly diminished - historians, such as Abydenus and Alexand-^r Polyhistor, fragments of whose works have been preserved for us by Eusebius and Georgius .'>yncellus. See Rawlinsox, The Five Great AloJiarchies, etc., vol. ii. pp. 221-232. ^ Nahum ii. 11 ; iii. 1, 7. - Lav.^rd, Nineveh and its Re/nains, vol. ii. p]i. 3S-39. Discoveries, p. 655. 52 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. Nineveh destroyed, the empire of which it was the capital vanished with it. The new Babylonian empire, the Empires of the Medes and of the Persians followed each other with such rapidity that the Assyrian heroes and their prowess might well have been forgotten. The feeble recollections they left in men's minds be- came tinged with the colours of romance. The Greeks took pleasure in the fable of Sardanapalus : they developed it into a moral tale with elaborate conceits and telling contrasts, but they did not invent it from the foundation. The first hint of it must have been given by legends of the fall and destruction of Nineveh current in the cities of Ecbatana, Susa, and Babylon w^hen Ctesias was within their walls. After the obliteration of Nineveh the Medes and Chaldaeans divided western Asia between them. A family- alliance was concluded between Nabopolassar and Cyaxares at the moment of concerting the attack which was to have such a brilliant success, and either in consequence of that alliance or for some unknown motive, the two nations remained good friends after their common victory. The Medes kept Assyria, and extended themselves to the north, over the whole country between the Caspian and the Black Sea. They would have carried their frontiers to the /Egean but for the existence of the Lydian monarchy, which arrested them on the left bank of the Halys. To the south of these regions the Second Chai,d.ean Empire took shape (625-536 b.c). It made no effort to expand eastwards over that plateau of Iran where the Aryan element, as represented by the Medes and soon afterwards by the Persians, had acquired an ever-increasing preponderance, but it pretended to the sovereignty of Egypt and Syria. In the former country, however, the Saite princes had rekindled the national spirit, and the frontiers were held successfully against the invaders. It was otherwise with the Jewish people. Sargon had taken Samaria and put an end to the Israelitish kingdom; that of Judah was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. Thanks to its insular position, Tyre escaped the lot of Jerusalem, but the rest of Phoenicia and all northern Syria were subdued by Babylon. In all this region the Semitic element had long been encroach- ing upon those other elements which had preceded and been associated with it at the commencement. In all Mesopotomia only one tongue was spoken and written, the tongue we now know The History of Chald/EA and Assyria. 53 as Assyrian, but should call Assyi'o-Chaldcean. The differences of dialect between north and south were of little importance, and the language in question is that of the inscriptions in both countries. Another change requires to be mentioned. Our readers will remember the names of Ur, Erech, and many other cities which played a great part in the early history of the country, and were all capitals in turn. Babylon, however, in time acquired an unquestioned supremacy over them all. The residence of the Assyrian viceroys during the supremacy of the northern kingdom, it became the metropolis of the new empire after the fall of Nineveh. Without having lost either their population or their prosperity, the other cities sunk to the condition of provincial towns. F"or some hundred years Babylon had been cruelly ill-treated by the Assyrians, and never-ending revolts had been the consequence. Nabopolassar began the work of restoration, and his son Nebuchadnezzar, the real hero of the Second Chaldee Empire, carried it on with ardour during the whole of his long reiijrn. " He restored the canals which united the Tigris to the o o Euphrates above Babylon ; he rebuilt the bridge which gave a means of communication between the two halves of the city ; he repaired the great reservoirs in which the early kings had caught and stored the superfluous waters of the Euphrates during the annual inundation. Upon these works his prisoners of war, Syrians and Egyptians, Jews and Arabs, were employed in vast numbers. The great wall of Babjlon was set up anew ; so was the temple of Nebo at Borsippa ; the reservoir at Sippara, the royal canal, and a part at least of Lake Pallacopas, were ex- cavated ; Kouti, Sippara, Borsippa, Babel, rose upon their own ruins. Nebuchadnezzar was to Chaldsea what Rameses H. was to Egypt, and there is not a place in Babylon or about it where his name and the signs of his marvellous activity cannot be found.'' ^ Nebuchadnezzar reigned forty-three years (604-561), and left Babylon the largest and finest city of Asia After his death the decadence was rapid. A few years saw several kings succeed one another upon the throne, while a revolution was beino- accomplished upon the plateau of Iran which was destined to be fatal to Chaldaea, The supremacy in that region passed from ' Maspero, Histoire anciemu, [>. 506. 54 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. the feeble and exhausted Medes into the hands of the Persians, another people of the same stock. The latter were a tribe of mountaineers teeming with native enero-v, and their strenoth had been systematically organized by a young and valiant chief, in whom they had full confidence because he had given them confidence in themselves. Cyrus began by leading them to the conquest of Media, Assyria, and Asia Minor, and by forcing the nations who dwelt between the southern confines of Persia and the mountains of Upper India to acknowledge his supremacy. Finally, he collected his forces for an attack upon Chaldaea, and, in 536, Babylon fell before his arms. And yet Babylon did not disappear from history in a day; she was not destroyed, like Nineveh, by a single blow. Cyrus does not appear to have injured her. She remained, under the Persian kings, one of the chief cities of the empire. But she did not give up her habit of revolting whenever she had a chance, and Darius, the son of Hystaspes, tired of besieging her, ended by dismantling her fortifications, while Xerxes went farther, and pillaged her temples. But the chief buildings remained standing. Towards the middle of the fifth century they excited the admiration of Herodotus, and, fifty years later, that of Ctesias. Strabo, on the other hand, found the place almost a desert.^ Babylon had been ruined by the foundation of Seleucia, on the Tigris, at a distance of rather more than thirty miles from the ancient capital. Struck by the beauty of its monuments and the advantages of its site, Alexander projected the restoration of Babylon, and proposed to make it his habitual residence ; but he died before his intention could be carried out, and Seleucus Nicator preferred to build a town which should be called after himself, and should at least perpetuate his name. The new city had as many as six hundred thousand inhabitants. Under the Parthians Ctesiphon succeeded to Seleucia, to be replaced in its turn by Bagdad, the Arab metropolis of the caliphs. This latest comer upon the scene would have equalled its predecessors in magnificence had the routes of commerce not changed so greatly since the commencement of the modern era, and, above all, had the Turks not been masters of the country. There can be no doubt that the next generation will see the civilization of the ' Straho, xvi. i. 5. The Chald.kan Religion. 55 West repossess itself of the fertile plains in which it was born and nursed, and a railway carried from the shores of the Mediterranean to those of the Persian Gulf. Such a road would be the most direct route from Europe to India, and its construction would awake Chaldaea to the feverish activity of our modern life. Peopled, irrigated, and tilled into her remotest corners, she would again become as prolific as of old. Her station upon the wayside would soon change her towns into cities as populous as those of Nebuchadnezzar, and we may even guess that her importance in the future would reduce her past to insignificance, and would make her capital such a Babylon as the world has not yet seen. § 6. The Chaldcvaii Religion. We know much less about the religion of Chaldcea than about that of Egypt. The religious monuments of Mesopotamia are much fewer than those of the Nile valley, and their significance is less clear. Their series are neither so varied nor so complete as those of the earlier civilization. Certain orders of subjects are repeated to satiety, while others, which would be more interesting, are completely absent. It is in funerary inscriptions that the heart of man, touched by the mystery of the tomb, lays bare its aspirations with the greatest frankness and simplicity. Moved by the desire to escape annihilation on the one hand and posthumous sufferings on the other, it is there that he addresses his most ardent appeals to the supreme power, and allows us to arrive at a clear under- standing of his ideas as to the action, the character, and the power of the divinity. At Memphis, Abydos, and Thebes, documents of this kind have been found in thousands, the figures accompanying them serving as commentaries upon their text, and helping us to clear up all doubts as to their nature. We thus have voices speaking from the depths of every Egyptian tomb ; but the Chaldsean sepulchre is mute. It has neither inscriptions, nor bas-reliefs, nor paintings. No Assyrian burial-place has yet been found. Dedications, phrases of homage to this or that divinity, the names and distinguishing epithets of the gods, all these have been met with in Mesopotamia ; sometimes in situ, as artistic 56 A History of Art in Chald.ka and Assyria. decorations, sometimes in engraved fragments of unlcnown origin. We may say the same of the different divine types. Some- times we find them in monumental sculpture, more often on those seals which we call cylinders. But how obscure, incomplete, and poor such documents are in comparison with the long pages of hieroglyphs in which the Pharaohs address their gods or make them speak for themselves ! How infinitely inferior in expression and significance to the vast pictures which cover the walls of the Theban temples and bring all the persons of the Egyptian pantheon before us in their turn ! What hope is there that excavations in Chaida^a and x\ssyria will ever provide us with such remains as those groups of statues which fill our museums, in which the effigy of a single god is repeated hundreds of times with every variation of type, pose, and attribute given to it by the Egyptian theosophy ? On the one hand, what abundance, we may say what super-abundance ; on the other, what poverty, what gaping breaches in the chain of material history ! Among the gods and genii, whose names have come down to us, how few there are whose images we can surely point to ; and, again, what a small number of figures we have upon which we can put a name without fear of error ! To write the history of these beliefs is a diflicult task, not only because the idols, as they would once have been called, are few, and the Chaldaeo-Assyrian inscriptions historical and narrative rather than relig'ious and dogmatic, but also because the inter- pretation of the texts, especially of the most ancient, is much less advanced than that of the hieroglyphs. When documents in the old language, or at least written in the primitive ideo- graphic characters, are attacked, the process is one of divination rather than of translation in the strict sense of the word. Another difficulty has to be noticed ; classic literature does little or nothing to help us in filling up these voids and dissipating the obscurities they cause. The Greeks were guilty of many errors when they attempted to understand and describe foreign religions, but their relations with the Egyptians and Phoenicians were so pro- longed, and, towards the end, so intimate, that at last they did succeed in grasping some of the doctrine taught in the sanctuaries of Heliopolis and Thebes, of Byblos and Hierapolis. With their lively intellects they could hardly frequent the temples, examine the sacred images, and question the priests as to the national rites The Ciiald.eax Religion. 57 and ceremonies without discovering at least a part of the truth. It was not so with Chalda^a. Babylon was too far off Until the time of Alexander's conquests the boldest travellers did no more than glance into its streets and monumental buildings, and by that time Nineveh had long ceased to exist. It was only under the first of the Seleucid^e, when a Macedonian kingdom was established in the centre of Mesopotamia, that the curiosity of the Greeks led them to make inquiries similar to those they had pursued for some three centuries in the valley of the Nile. We cannot doubt that this desire for information arose among the followers of those princes themselves ; many of them were very in- telligent men ; and when Berosus determined to write his history in Greek, he may have wished to answer the questions asked in his hearing by the Greek writers and philosophers ; by those Alexandrians who were not all at Alexandria. Unfortunately, nearly the whole of his work has been lost. At the end of a century and a half Babylon shook off Hellenism, and Mesopotamia fell into the hands of the Parthians. These people affected, in some degree, the poetry and arts of Greece, but at bottom they were nothing more than Oriental barbarians. Their capital, Ctesiphon, seems never to have attracted learned men, nor ever to have been a seat of those inquiries into the past of the older races in which the cultured cities of the Greek world took so great a pleasure. When Rome became the heir of Greece and the perpetuator of her traditions, we may believe that, under Trajan, she set about establisliing herself in tlie country ; but she soon found it necessary to withdraw within the Euphrates, and it was her loss when the Parthians fell from power to be succeeded in the lordship of Mesopotamia by the -Sassanids.^ We see, then, that, with the exception of one short period, Chaldcea was what the Greeks called a barbarous country after the ^ The History of the Assyriam and Medes, wiiich EusF.nius {Preparation hangeliqiie, i, 12, and 41) attributes to the writer whom he calls Abydenus, dates perhaps from the period when the Roman Empire turned its attention to the basin of the Euphrates and attempted to regain possession of it. The few extant fragments of this author have been collected in Ch. Mullf.r's Fragtnenta Historiconim Graconim, vol. iv. p. 279. We know nothing as to when he lived, but he wrote in the Ionian dialect, as did .\rrian' in his book on India, and it would seem difficult to put him later than the second century. It is probable that his under- taking belonged to that movement towards research which began in the reign of Augustus and was prolonged to the last years of the Antonines. I 58 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. f;ill of its native royalty, and that it will help us little in our endeavour to grasp the nature and extent of its religious beliefs. The last of the Athenian philosophers, Damascius. has certainly left us some information as to the Babylonish deities which seems to have been taken from authentic sources.^ This, togrether with a few fragments from the work of Berosus, is all that Hellenic tradition has handed down to us. There is nothing here which can be even remotely compared to the treatises upon Isis and Osiris and the Goddess of Syria preserved under the names of Plutarch and Luciax. But we cannot enter upon the discussion of Chaldcean art without making: fin effort to describe the gist of the national religion and its principal personages. In every country the highest function of art is to translate the religious conceptions of its people into visible forms. The architect, the sculptor, the painter, each in his own fashion, carries out this idea ; the first by the dimensions he gives to his temples, by their plan, and by the decoration of their walls ; the second and third by their choice of feature, expression and attribute for the images in which the gods become visible to the people. The clearness and precision with which this embodiment of an idea is carried out will depend upon the natural aptitudes of the race and the assistance it receives from the capabilities of the materials at hand. Plastic creations, from their very nature, must always be inferior to the thought they are meant to express ; by no means can they go beyond it. This truth is nowhere more striking than in the art of Greece. Fortunately we are there able to see how a single theme is treated, in the first place, in poetry, — the interpreter of the popular beliefs, — and afterwards in art ; we can discover how Phidias and Praxiteles, to speak only of sculptors, treated the types created by Homer and Hesiod. In the case of Chaldcea we have no such opportunity. She has left us neither monuments of sacerdotal theology like those we have inherited in such countless numbers from Egypt, nor the brilliant imagery in which the odes and epics of the Greeks sketched the personalities of 1 Aa/xao-Kio'u SiaSo;^ou arropiai Kol Av'trcts irepi tuiv Trptaruiv a.f>\u)v (edition published by Kopp, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1826, 8vo), ch. 125. Cli. Emile Ruelle, Le Philosophe Damascius : Etude sur sa Vie et ses Ouvrages, suivie de fteuf Morceaux inaiifs, Ext raits du Traiti- dcs premiers Principes et traduits en Latin (in the Revue aniii'o/ogique, 1861), fragments i. and i.x. TllK ClIALD.KAN ReLICION. :^9 the gods. But even in Chaldsa art was closely united with religion, and, in spite of the ditficulty of the task, the historian of art must endeavour to pierce the shadows that obscure the question, and discover the bond of union between the two. Thanks to the more recently deciphered texts, we do know something of the religious rites and beliefs of the oldest nation that inhabited Mesopotamia and left its trace in history. Whether we call them Accads or Sumirs, or by both names at once, we know that to them the whole universe was peopled by a vast crowd of spirits, some dwelling in the depths of the earth, some in the sea, while others floated on the wind and lig;hted in the sky the fires of the day and night. ^ As, among men, some are good and some bad, so among these spirits some were beneficent and others the reverse, while a third class was helpful or mischievous according as it was propitiated by offerings or irritated by neglect. The great thing was to know how to command the services of the spirits when they were required. The employment of certain gestures, sounds, and articulate words had a mysterious but irresistible effect upon these invisible beings. How the eftect was produced no one asked, but that it was produced no one doubted. The highest of the sciences was magic, for it held the threads by which the denizens of the invisible world were controlled ; the master of the earth was the sorcerer who could compel them to obey him by a nod, a form of words, or an incantation. We can form some idea of the practical results of such a system from what we know of the manners and social condition of those Turanian races in Asiatic Russia who profess what is called chanianism, and from the condition of most of the negro tribes and Polynesian islanders. Among all these people, who still remain in a mental condition from which the rest of the species has long escaped, we find the highest places occupied by priest-magicians. Now and then popular fury makes them pay cruelly for the ill-success of their conjurations, but as a rule their persons and the illimitable [jower ascribed to them inspire nothing but abject fear. ^ On this subject the reader should consult M. Fr. I^enormant's La Magie chez Us Chaldccns et ks Origines Accadicnncs, Paris : 1874, 8vo. The English translation, dated 1877, or, still better, the German version published at Jena in 1S78 (^Die Magie und IVahrsagekunst der Chaldaer, 8vo), will be found more useful than the French original. Both are, in fact, new editions, with fresh information. 6o A History ok Art in Cuald.ea and Assyria. Fear is, indeed, the ruling sentiment in all reliafions in which a belief in spirits finds a place. A man can never be sure that, in spite of all his precautions, he has not incurred the displeasure of such exacting and capricious masters. Some condition ol the bargain which is being perpetually driven with protectors who give nothing for nothing, may have been unwittingly omitted, " The spirits and their worshippers are equally selfish. As a general rule, the mischievous spirits receive more homage than the good ones ; those who are believed to live close at hand are more dreaded than those at a distance ; those to whom some special role is assigned are considered more important than spirits with a wider but less definite authority." ^ There were, of course, moments when men turned with gratitude towards the hidden benefactor to whom they believed themselves indebted for some unhoped-for cure or unexpected success, when joy and confidence moved their hearts at the thought of the efficacious protection they had secured against future ills ; but such moments were few and short. The habitual feeling was one of disquietude, we might almost say of terror, so that when the imagination endeavoured to give concrete forms to the beings in question, it figured them rather as objects of fear than love. The day arrived for art to attempt the material realization of the dreams which until then had been dimly seen in .sleep or in the still more confused visions of the waking hours, and for this hideous and threatening features were naturally chosen. It is thus that the rlumerous figures of demons found in Chaldeea and Assyria, sometimes in the bas-reliefs, sometimes in the shape of small bronzes and terra-cottas, are accounted for. A human body is crowned with the head of an angry lion, with dog's ears and a horse's mane ; the hands brandish long poignards, the feet are replaced by those of a bird of prey, the extended claws seeming to grasp the soil (Fig. 6). The gestures vary ; the right arm is sometimes stretched downwards at full length, sometimes bent at the elbow, but the combination of forms, the character of the figure and its intention is always the same. We shall encounter this type again w^hen we come to speak of Cappadocia. 1 TiELE, Manuel de f Histoire des Religions (Leroux, 1 880, 8vo). In our explanation of the ChaldKO-.Assyrian religions we shall follow this excellent guide, supplement- ing it by information taken from another work by the same author, Histoire comparee des aiiciennes Religions de i Egypt e et des Peuples Shnitiques — both from the Dutch. The CiiALu.EAX Reliuiox. 6i This belief in spirits is the second phase that the primitive religion, which we studied in Egypt under the name oi fetishism or anii/iis;u, has to pass through.^ In the beginning mere existence is confounded with life. All things are credited with a soul like that felt by man witliin himself Such lifeless objects as Fig. 6. — Demons ; from the palace of Assurbauipal at Kiuyundjik. Eiilith Museiiiii. Drawn by SaintElme Gautier. Stones and mountains, trees and rivers, are worshipped ; so too are both useful and noxious animals.- Childish as it seems to us ■* A History oj Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. i. ]ip. 47-57. - .\t Er^eroum Mr. Layard heard of some Kurdish tribes to the south-west of that place who, he was told, " are still idolatrous, worshipping venerable oaks, great trees, huge solitary rocks, and other grand features of nature." Discoveries, p. 9. 62 A History of Art ix Ciiald.ea and Assyria. the worship of spirits is at least an advance upon this. It pre- supposes a certain power of reflection and abstraction by which men were led to conclude that intelligence and will are not necessarily bound up with a body that can be seen and touched. Life has been mobilized, if we may use such a phrase, and thus we arrive at polydemonism ; by which we mean the theory that partitions the government of the world among a crowd of eenii, who, thoutrh often at war amonof themselves, are alvvavs more powerful than man, and may do him much harm unless he succeeds in winning their help and good-will. The worship of stars is but one form of this religious con- ception. The great luminaries of night and day were of course Fig. 7. — Demons. Louvre. invested with life and power by men who felt themselves in such complete dependence upon them. So far as we can judge, the primitive form of fetishism left but feeble traces in the religion of civilized Chalda^a and Assyria. The signs are few of that worship of sacred stones which played such an important part among the Semites of the west, and even among the Greeks,^ neither can we find that either fear or 1 Fran<;ois LE^fORM.-\^•T, Lcs Bctyhs (extracted from the Revue de l Hhtoire des Jve/ig/t'/is, p. 12): — "The cuneiform inscriptions mention the seven black stones worshipped in the principal temple o'f Urukh in Chaldsa, which personify the seven planets." In the same paper a vast number of facts are brought together which show how widely spread this worship was in Syria and Arabia, and with what persistence it maintained itself, at least until the preaching of Islamism. It would Till-; Chai.d.kan Religiox. oratitude ever led to the worship of animals, the docile helpers or the redoubtable enemies of man, in the same degree as it did in Egypt. And yet Chalda;a and Assyria followed the example of Eo-ypt in mixing up the forms of men with those of animals in Fig. 8. — Eagle-headed divinity, from Xiniroud. Ljuvre. ^Vlabaster. lleiglit forty inches. Drawn by .Saint-Elme Gautier. their sacred statues. This we know both from the texts and the figured monuments. But it was not only in the budding art of a primitive population that such combinations were employed, and it be easy to show that it still subsists in the popular superslitions. As to this worship among the Greeks, see also the paper by M. Heuzev, entitled, Za Fierre saore ifAnlil'cs {Mcinoircs de la Sacicic d:s Anliqiiaires de Francf, 1S74, p. ijcj). 64 A History of Art i\ Cfiald.ea and Assyria. was not only the inferior genii that were represented in such singular fashion. When, by the development of religion, the capricious and unruly multitude of spirits had been placed under the supremacy of a small number of superior beings, these, whom we may call the sovereign gods, were often figured with the heads of lions or eagles (see Fig. 8). Before any of these images had been found we already knew from Berosus what the deity was like by whom the first germs of art and letters had been sown upon the earth. " He had the whole body of a fish, but beneath his fish's head he had another head [that of a man], while human feet appeared below his fish's tail. He had also the voice of a man, and his images are yet to be found." ^ More than one sculptural type has been found answering to this description (see Fig. 9). Why did art, in creating divine types, give such prominence to features borrowed from the lower animals ? Was it impelled by mere inability to distinguish, by varieties of feature, form and attitude, between the different gods created by the imagination ? Or must we look upon the attribution to this or that deity, ot forms borrowed from the bull, the lion, or the eagle, as a deliberate act of symbolism, meant to suggest that the gods in question had the qualities of the animals of which their persons were partly made up? In order to arrive at a just conclusion we must, of course, take account both of the resistance of the material and of the facilities which a transparent system of allegory would give to the artist in the working out of his thought ; we must also admit perhaps that the national intelligence had been prepared to look for and admire such combinations. It may have been predisposed towards them by the habits of admiration for the patient strength of the draught-ox and the destructive vigour of the eagle and the lion contracted during a long series of years. Both historical analogy and the examination of sculptured types ^ Berosus, fragment i. § 3. in the Fragm^'ita His'oriatm Grcrcoruiii of Ch. MCi.i.i'.R, vol. ii. p. 496. Fir.. 0. — Anon or Dagon. Niraroud. Layard, Dis- coveries, p. 350. The Chald.eax Religion. 65 lead us to think that the tribes ot Mesopotamia passed through the same rehgious phases as those of the Nile valley, but it would appear that the most primitive beliefs were less long-lived in Chaldaea than in Egypt, and that they were engraved less deeply upon the heart of the nation. The belief in sorcery never died out in Chaldaea ; up to the very last days of antiquity it never lost its empire at least over the lower orders of the people. As time passed on the priests joined the practice of astrology to that of magic. How the transition took place may readily be understood. The magician began by seeking for incantations sufficiently powerful to compel not only the vulgar crowd of genii to obedience, but also those who, in the shape of stars great and small, inhabited the celestial spaces and revealed themselves to man by the brilliance of their fires. Sup- posing him to be well skilled in his art his success would be beyond doubt so far as his clients were concerned. Many centuries alter the birth of this singular delusion even the Greeks and Romans did not refuse to believe that magic formulae had sometimes the powers claimed for them. " Incantation," cries an abandoned lover in Virgil, " may bring down the very moon from the sky : "' " Carvtina vel ado fossuiit dediicere hiiiam. " ' Although simple minds allowed themselves to believe that such prodigies were not quite impossible, skilled men could not have failed to see that in spite of the appeals addressed to them by priests and magicians, neither sun nor moon had ever quitted their place in the firmament or interrupted their daily course. As the hope of influencing the action of the stars died away, the wish to study their motions grew stronger. In the glorious nights of Chaldsea the splendour of the sky stirred the curiosity as well as the admiration of mankind, and the purity of the air made observation easy. Here and there, in the more thickly inhabited and best irrigated parts of the plain, gentle mists floated over the earth at certain periods, but they were no real hindrance to observation. To escape them but a slight elevation above the plain was required. Let the observer ^ Virgil, Bucolics, viii. 69. See in the edition of Benoist (Hatchette, 8vo, 1876) passages cited from Horace and Ovid, which prove that the superstition in question was then sufficiently widespread to enable poets to make use of it wiihout too great a violation of probability. -.- - ■ -, — K 66 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. raise himself a few feet above the tallest palm trees, and no cloud interposed to prevent his eyes from travelling from the fires that blazed in the zenith to the paler stars that lay clustered upon the horizon. There were no accidents of the ground by which the astronomer could lilt himself above the smoke of cities or the mists hanging over the lakes and canals, and to make up for their absence the massive and many-storied towers which men began to construct as soon as they understood how to make bricks and set them, must soon have come into use. These towers were built upon artificial mounds which were in themselves higher than the highest house or palm. The platforms on their summits gave therefore the most favourable conditions possible for the interrogation of the heavens before the invention of the telescope.^ Thanks to the climate and to these great observatories which rose very early in Chaldsean history all over the plain, the skies could be read like an open book ; and the Chalda^ans were fond of such reading, because it afforded them, as they thought, a sure means of predicting the future. They had no great belief in the power of their most formidable conjurations to affect the majestic regularity of the heavenly movements — a regularity which must have impressed each generation more strongly than the last, as it compared its own experience with the registered observations of those that had gone before it. But they could not persuade themselves that the powerful genii who guided those great bodies on their unending voyage could be indifferent to the destinies of man, and that there was no bond of union, no mysterious connection, between him and them. They pretended to discover this hidden bond. When a child uttered its first cry, an intimate relation, they declared, was established between the new life and some one of the countless bodies that people space. The impassive star, they said, governed the life and fortune of the mortal who, perhaps, ignorantly looked upon himself as his own master and the master of some of those about him. The future of each man was decided by the character of the star that presided at his birth, and according to the position occupied by it in the sky at the time of any important action ot his life, that action ^ This was very clearly seen by the ancients. It- could not be put better than by Cicero : " Principio Assyrii, propter planitiem magnitudinemque regionum quas incolebant, cum ccelum ex omni parte patens et apertum intucrentur, tr.njectiones motusque stellaruni observaverunt." — De Diviuatiotu-, i. r. ;. The CiiAi.D.KAN Religion. 67 would be fortunate in its issue or the reverse.^ These statements contain the germ of all the future developments of astrology. Among all civilized peoples this imaginary science has at last fallen from its former repute. From the remotest antiquity down to the end of the sixteenth century, and, in some places, to a much later date, it enjoyed a rare power and prestige. Traces of these are yet to be found in more than one lamiliar expression recalling the beliefs and ideas that took shape in the plains of Mesopotamia long before the palaces ot Babylon and Nineveh were raised upon the banks of its two great rivers. Astrology could not fail to smooth the way for astronomy, its successor. In order to profit by the indications of the stars, it was necessary to foresee the positions they would occupy in the sky on a given day or hour. There are many undertakings which succeed only when they are carefully matured. If some great risk is to be run, it is not of much use to receive the advice and warnings of the stars at the last moment, when the decisive step has, perhaps, been made, and no retreat is possible. It would then be too late to think about the chances of success, and a sudden withdrawal from an action already begun or an equally sudden acceptance of a task for which no sufficient preparation had been made, would be the too frequent result. There was only one mode of esc-aping such a danger or embar- rassment as this, and that was, first, to arrive by repeated obser- vation at an exact knowledge of the route followed by the stars across the sky, and of the rapidity of their march ; secondly, to distinguish them one from another, to know each by its own name, to recognize its physiognomy, character, and habits. The first duty of the astrologer was to prepare such an inventory, and to discover the principle of these movements ; then, and then only, would he be in a position to give a satisfactory answer to one asking where any particular star would be at the end of any specified number of days, weeks, or months. Thanks to such information, his client could fix upon some happy conjunction of the heavenly bodies, or at least avoid a moment when their influence would be on the side of disaster. In every undertaking of any importance the most favourable hour could be selected long before by the ^ ''ChaldKi diuturna observatione siderum scientiam putantur effecisse, ut proedeci posset quid cuique eventurum etquo quisque fato natus esset." — Cicero, De Dhiiiationc, i. t, 2. 68 A History of Art in Chald.ea 'and Assyria. person chiefly concerned, the hour in which his star would be in the best quarter of the sky and in the most propitious relations with its neighbours. The phenomena produced in Chald£ea by these studies have been repeated more than once in the history of civilization ; they embody one of those surprises to which humanity owes much of its progress. The final object of all this patient research was never reached, because the relations upon which a belief in its feasibility was based were absolutely chimerical, but as a compensation, the accessory and preliminary knowledge, the mere means to a futile end, have been of incalculable value. Thus, in order to give an imposing and apparently solid basis to their astrological doctrines, the Chaldseans invented such a numeration as would permit really intricate computations to be made. By the aid of this system they sketched out all the great theories of astronomy at a very early age. In the course of a few centuries, they carried that science to a point never reached by the Egyptians.^ The chief difficulty in the way of a complete explanation of the Chaldaean system of arithmetic lies in the interpretation of the symbols which served it for ciphers, which is all the greater as it would seem that they had several different ways of writing a sinele number. In some cases the notation varied accordinsj to the purpose of the calculation. A mathematician used one system for his own studies, and another for documents which had to be read by the public. The doubts attending the question are gradually being resolved, however, by the combined efforts of Assyriologists and mathematicians. At the beginning of their civilization the Chaldseans did as other peoples have done when they have become dissatisfied with that mere rough opposition of unity to plurality which is enough for savage races, and have attempted to establish the series of numbers and to define their properties. " They also began by counting on their fingers, by Jives and tois, or in other words by units of five ; later on they adopted a notation by sixes and tivelves as an improvement upon 1 This has been clearly shown by Laplace in the Precis del' Histoife de 1' Astronomic, which forms the fifth book of liis Exposition du Systhne du Monde (fifth edition). He gives a 7-esume of what he believes to have been the chief results obtained by the Chaldaean astronomers (pp. 12-14 in the separate issue of the Precis 1821, 8vo). It would now, perhaps, be possible, thanks to recent discoveries, to give more precise and circumstantial details than those of Laplace. The Chald.i^an Religion. 69 the primitive system, in which the chief element, the ten, could be divided neither into three nor four equal parts." ^ Two regular series were thus formed, one in units of six, the other in units of five. Their commonest terms were, of course, those that occur in both series. We know from the Greek writers that the Chalda;ans counted time by sosses of sixty, by ners of 600, and by sars of 3,600, years, and these terms were not reserved for time, they were employed for all kinds oi quantities. The sosse could be looked at either as Jive tiueivcs or six tern. So, too, with the ner (600) which represents six Imndreds, or a sosse of tens, or ten sosses or fifty twelves. The sar may be analysed in a similar fashion. A system of numeration was thus established which may be looked at from a double point of view ; in the first place from its sexagesimal base, which certainly adapts itself to various require- ments with greater ease than any other ;- in the second from the extreme facility with which not only addition, but all kinds of complex calculations may be made by its use.^ With but two symbols, one for the units, the other for the tens, every number could be expressed by attending to a rule of position like that governing our written numeration; at each step to the left, a single sign, the vertical ivedge, increased sixty-fold in value ; the tens were placed beside it, and a blank in this or that column answered to our zero. Founded upon a sexagesimal numeration, the metrical system of Babylon and Nineveh was "the most scientific of all those known and practised by the ancients : until the elaboration of the French metrical system, it was the only one whose every part was scientifically co-ordinated, and of which the fundamental ^ AURES, Essai sur le Systhne metngiie assyrie?i, p. 10 (in the Recueil de Travau.x relatifs d la Fhilologie et a V ArcMologie cgyptiennes et assyriennes, vol. iii. Vieweg, 4to, 1881). We refer those who are interested in these questions to this excellent paper, of which but the first part has as yet been published (18S2). All previous works upon the suliject are there quoted and discussed. - " Si.xty may be divided by any divisor of ten or twelve. Of all numbers that could be chosen as an invariable denominator for fractions, it has most divisors." — ■ Fr. Lenormant, Manuel d' Hisioire ancienne, vol. ii. p. 177, third edition. ^ AuRES, Sur le Systane iiietr!(jue assyrien,-p. lb. A terra-cotta tablet, discovered in Lower Chaldaea among the ruins of Larsam, and believed with good reason to be very ancient, bears a list of the squares of the fractionary numbers between ^^^2 and f 22, or ^\^, calculated with perfect accuracy (Lexormant, Manuel, &c. vol. ii. p. 37). See also Sa^'ce, Bahylonum Augury by means of Geometrical Figures, in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology, vol. iv. p. 302. yo A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. conception was the natural development of all measures of super- ficies, of capacity, or of weight, from one single unit of length, a conception which was adopted as a starting point by the French commission of weights and measures. " The cubit of 525 millimetres was the base of the whole system.^ We shall not here attempt to explain how the other measures — itinerary, agrarian, of capacity, of weight — were derived from the cubit ; to call attention to the traces left in our nomenclature by the duodecimal or sexagesimal system of the Babylonians, even after the complete triumph of the decimal system, is sufficient for our purposes. It is used for instance in the division of the circle into degrees, minutes, and seconds, in the division of the year into months, and of the day into hours and their fractions. This convenient, exact, and highly developed system of arith- metic and metrology enabled the Chaldaeans to make good use of their observations, and to extract from them a connected astronomi- cal doctrine. They began by registering the phenomena. They laid out a map of the heavens and recognized the difference between fixed stars and those movable bodies the Greeks called planets — among the latter they naturally included the sun and the moon, the most conspicuous of them all both in size and motion, whose courses were the first to be studied and described. The apparent march of the sun through the crowded ranks of the celestial army was defined, and its successive stages marked by those twelve constellations which are still called the S/o-ns of the Zodiac. In time even these observations were excelled, and it now appears certain that the Chaldaeans recognized the annual dis- placement of the equinoctial point upon the ecliptic, a discovery that is generally attributed to the Greek astronomers. But, like Hipparchus, they made faults of calculation in consequence of the defects of their instruments.'- It was the same with the moon. They succeeded in determin- ing its mean daily movements, and when they had established a period of two hundred and twenty-three lunations, they contrived to foretell its eclipses. Eclipses of the sun presented greater difficulties, and the Chaldaeans were content with noting their occurrence. They were acquainted with the solar year of three hundred and sixty-five days and a quarter ; they used it in their astronomical calculations ; but their religious and civil year was ' Lenormant, Manuel, &c. vol. ii. p. 177, third edition. - Ibid. p. 37. The Chald.kax Religion. 71 one composed of twelve lunar months, alternately full and short, that is, of twenty-nine and thirty days respectively. The lunar and solar years were brought into agreement by an intercalary cycle of eight years. ^ The assertion of the philosopher Simplicins has been called in question for very plausible reasons. Simplicius declares, upon the faith of Porphyrins, that Callisthenes sent from Babylon to his uncle Aristotle, a copy of Chaldaean observations dating back as far as 1903 years before the entry of Alexander into Mesopotamia, that is, to more than twenty-two centuries before our era."'^ However this may be, all ancient writers are agreed in admitting that the Chaldceans had begun to observe and record astronomical phenomena long before the Egyptians ; ^ moreover the remains of those clay tablets have been found in various parts of Chaldaea and Assyria upon which, as Pliny tells us upon the authority of the Greek astronomer Epigenes, the Chaldaeans had inscribed and preserved the astronomical observations of seven hundred and eighty thousand years. ^ We need not dwell upon the enormity of this figure; it matters little whether it is due to the mistakes of a copyist or to the vanity of the Chaldaeans, and the too ready credulity of the Greeks ; the important point is the ' Lenormaxt, Manuel, vol. ii. pp. 175, 178, 180. G. 'iswTV., Assyrian Dis- coveries (London, 1876, 8vo), pp. 451, 452. R.awlinson, Ancient Monarchies, vol. i. pp. 100, loi, fourth edition. We know that the Astronomical Canon of Ptolemy begins with the accession of a king of Babylon named Nabonassar, in 747 B.C. M. Fr. Lenormaxt thinks that the date in question was chosen by tlie Alexandrian philosopher because it coincided with the substitution, by that prince, of the solar for the lunar year. Astronomical observations would thus have become much easier to use, while those registered under the ancient system could only be employed after long and difficult calculations. A reason is thus given for Ptolemy's contentment with so comparatively modern a date. [Essai siir les Fragments cosmogoniques de Berose. \i\>. 192-197.) ^ See the paper by M. T. H. ALartin, of Rennes, Sur les Observations astro- nomi(]ues envoyees, dit on, dc Babylone en Grece par Callisthene, Paris, 1863. 8 The texts to this effect will be found collected in the essay of M. Martin. We shall be content here with quoting a phrase from Cicero which expresses the general opinion: "Chaldsei cognitione siderum solertiaque ingeniorum antecellunt." De Divinatione, i. 41. * Pliny, Nattu-al History, vii. 57, 3. The manuscripts give 720, but the whole context proves that figure to be far too low, neither does it accord with the writer's thought, or with the other statements whicli he brings together with the aim of showing that the invention of letters may be traced to a very remote epoch. The copyists have certainly omitted an M after tlie UCCXX. Sillig, following Perizonius has introduced this correction into his text. 72 A History of Art in Chai.d.-ea a\d Assyria. existence of the astronomical tablets,' and those Epigenes himself saw. The library of Assurbanipal at Nineveh included catalogues of stellary and planetary observations, among others the times of Venus, Jupiter and Mars, and the phases of the moon, for every day in the month.^ Tablets have also been recently discovered giving the arrangement of the stars in the sky for each season and explaining the rule to be followed in the insertion of the intercalary months. Finally, a fragment of an Assyrian planisphere has been found in the palace of Sennacherib.- Even if classic authors had been silent on the subject, and all the original documents had disappeared, we might have divined from the appearance of the figured monuments alone, how greatly the Chaldseans honoured the stars and how much study and research they devoted to them ; we might have guessed that they lived with their eyes fixed upon the firmament and upon the sources of light. Look at the steles that bear royal effigies, at the representations upon contracts and other documents of that kind (see Fig. lo), at the cylindrical or conical seals which have gravitated in thousands into our museums (Figs, ii and 12) ; you will see a personage adoring a star, still oftener you will find the sun's disk and the crescent moon figured upon the field, with, perhaps, one or several stars. These images are only omitted upon reliefs that are purely narrative and historical, like most of those in the Assyrian palaces. Ever)' where else, upon every object and in every scene having a religious and sacred character, a place is reserved for the symbols in question, if we may call them so. Their presence is evidence of the homage rendered by the Chaldeeans to the stars, and of the faith they placed in their supposed revelations. Further evidence to the same effect is given by the ancient writing, in which the ideogram for kino- was a star. " The imaginations of the Egyptians were mainl)' impressed by the daily and annual circlings of the sun. In that body they saw the most imposing manifestation of the Deity and the clearest exemplification of the laws that govern the world ; to it, therefore they turned for their personifications of the divine power." ^ The attention of the Chaldseans, on the other hand, was not so absorbed, and, so to speak, lost, in the contemplation of a single star, ' Lenormant, Mam/el, &c. vol. ii. p. 175. - G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 407. ^ Lenormant, Manuel, &c. vol. ii. p. 181. The Chald.-ean Religion. n superior thouy^h it was to all others in its power ior good or ill, and in its incomparable splendoin\ They watched the sky with a curiosity too lively and too intelligent to permit of a willing sacrifice of all the stars to one. Santas, the sun, and Sin, Fu;. lo. — Stcne of Merodach-Baladan I. (Smith's Assyrian Discinciics). the moon-god, played an important role in their religion and theology, but it does not appear that the gods of the other five planets were inferior to them in rank. If we accept the parallels established by the Greeks and Romans, these were Adar (Saturn), Merodach (|upiter), Nergal (Mars), /.y/c?;- (V^enus), and Nebo (iNIercury). L 74 A History of Akt in Chalu.ea and Assyria. The chief atmospheric phenomena were also personified ; of this we may give one qxample. All travellers in Chaldsea agree in their descriptions of those sudden storms which burst on the country from a clear sky, especially towards the commencement of summer. Without a single premonitory symptom, a huge, black water-spout advances from some point on the horizon, its flanks I Fig. II. — Assyrian Cylinder, in the National Librarj-, Paris. Jasper. shootingf liorhtninfjs and thunder. In a few minutes it reaches the traveller and wraps him in its black vapours ; the sand-laden wind blinds him, the rain pours upon him in solid sheets ; but he has hardly realized his position before the storm is past and the sun is again shining in the blue depths above. But for torn and overthrown tents and trees uprooted or struck by the electric I.'/ -V r Fill. 12. — Assyrian Cylinder, in the National Library, Paris. Serpentine. tluid, a Stranger to the country might almost believe himself to have been the sport of a dream. ^ The force and suddenness of these visitations could hardly fail to impress the imagination of a people e.\posed to them, and it is not surprising that Mesopotamia had its god of storms and ' L.WARD, yiiterch and its Remains, \ol. i. p. 124. These storms hardly last an hour. TiiF. CiiALD.r.AN Religion. thunder. He, Raman, it is, perhaps, who is figured in the bas-rehef from Nimroud reproduced below (Figs. 13 and 14),^ in which a god appears bearing an axe in his right hand, and, in his left, a kind of faggot, whose significance might have escaped us but for the light thrown upon it by classic sculpture. The latter no doubt borrowed a well-known form from the east, and the object in question is nothing less than the thunderbolt given by Greek artists to their Zeus. It was this adoration of the stars and planets that led by degrees to what we call polytheism. Man partitioned those terrible Fig. 13. — Gjds carried in procession ; from Layard's M.mnments of Ninevi-h, first serie-;, pi. 65. powers of nature of which he felt himself the sport, between a vast number of agents, between crowds of genii upon whose mercies he thought himself dependent, and whom he did his best to propitiate by gifts and to compel by magic. Little by little, intelligence per- fected that work of abstraction and simplification by which all races but those who have stuck fast in the conceptions of their infancy have arrived at a singfle conclusion. Without ceasino- to believe in the e.xistence of genii, they invented the gods, a race of beings far more powerful, not only than short-lived man, but even than the ' Some Assyriolo^ists believe this to repre.sent Merod.ich. 76 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. confused army of demons, of those beings who enjoyed the control ,of not a few of the mysterious agencies whose apparent conflict and final accord are the causes of the life, movement, and equi- librium of the world. When the intellect had arrived at this doctrine, calmness and serenity fell upon it. Each deity became a person with certain well-defined powers and attributes, a person who could not escape the apprehension and the appeals of mankind with the facility of the changing and fantastic crowd of demons. His dwelling-place could be pointed out to the faithful, whether it were in his own Fig. 14 — Gods carried in procession ; from Layard's Moiiumtttfs of Ninci'ch, first series, pi. 65. peculiar star, among the eternal snows upon the summits of the distant mountains, or near at hand, in the temple built for him by his worshippers. Such a deity could be approached like a sove- reign whose honour and interest are bound up with his word. So long as by prayer, and still more by sacrifices, the conditions were observed on the suppliant's side, the god, invisible though he was, would do his duty and protect those with whom he had entered into an unwritten contract. But in order to establish this mutual relationship between gods and men, it was necessary that the former should be brought The Chald.ean Religion. "]"] within reach of the latter. With the development of tlie religious sentiment and of definite and clear ideas as to the gods, the plastic faculty was called upon for greater efforts than it had before made. Something beside grimacing and monstrous images of genii was asked from it. Figures were demanded which should embody something of the nobility and majesty attributed to the eternal masters of the world. The divine effigy was the incarnation of the deity, was one of the forms in which he manifested himself, it was, as the Egyptians would say, one of his doubles. Such an effigy was required to afford a worthy frame for the supreme dignity of the god, and the house built by man's hands in which he condescended to dwell had to be such that its superior maonificence should distino-uish it at a Hance from the com- paratively humble dwellings in which mortals passed their short and fugitive lives. It was thus that the temples and statues of the gods took form when the various deities began to be clearlvdistino-uished from one another, and, by a process of mental condensation, to acquire a certain amount of consistence and solidity. The Chaktean temples, unlike those ot Egypt and Greece, have succumbed to time, and the ancient texts in which they are described are short and obscure. Their ruins are little more than shapeless heaps of ddbris. In endeavouring to arrive at a clear understandin"' of the Chaldaean notions as to the gods, we are unable to study, as we did elsewhere, the forms of their religious edifices, with their plans, dimensions, and the instructive variety of decorative symbols and figures with which the sanctuary and its dependencies were over- spread. On the other hand a sufficient number of figures of the gods have come down to us. They abound upon small objects, such as cylinders, engraved stones, cones, scaraba:i, the bezels of rings, terra-cotta tablets and statuettes. They are also found, though less frequently, among the ddbris of monumental sculpture, in the bas-reliefs of the Ninevite palaces, and even among certain figures in the round which have been recovered from the ruins of these latter buildings. We can therefore easily find out the particular attributes given by the artist as the interpreter of the national beliefs to those gods whose visible bodies it was his office to create ; we can see what choice and combination of forms he thought best fitted to solve the problem presented to him. But as 78 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. 3-et we are not in a position to put a name to each even of the figures that recur most frequently. In the case of Egypt there is no such difficuUy : when we encounter the image of one of her gods upon the walls of a temple or in the cases of a museum, we can say without hesitation, " This is Osiris or Ptah," as the case may be, "Amen or Horus, Isis, Sekhet, or Hathor." It is not so with Chaldaea. Figures are there often found uninscribed, and even when an inscription is present it not seldom offers difficulties of interpretation which have not yet been cleared up ; for the divine names are usually ideograms. Only a few^have been iden- tified beyond all doubt, those namely of which we have Hebrew or Greek transcriptions, preserving for us the real Chaldaean original ; Ilou, Bel, Nisroch, Beltis, I star, are examples of this. Hence it results that Assyriologists often feel no little embar- rassment when they are asked to point out upon the monuments the fio-ures even of those eods of whose names they are the least doubtful. The Assyrians and Chalda?ans, like other nations of antiquity, had what we should now call their Jigiiird mytJnlogy, but we are still imperfectly acquainted with it. Even for those whom we may call the most e.xalted personages of the Chaldaean Olympus, scholars have hardly succeeded in illustrating the texts by the monuments and explaining the monuments by the texts ; and we are yet far from being able to institute a perpetual and standard comparison as we have done in the case of Egypt and still more in that of Greece, between the divine types as they appear in religious formulae and in the national poetry, and the same types when embodied by the imagination of the artist. A long time may elapse before a mythological gallery for Chaldaea, in which all the important members of the Mesopotamian pantheon shall take their places and be known by the names they bore in their own day, can be formed, but even now the principles upon which they were represented by art may be stated. The images of the various gods were built up in great part- by the aid of combinations similar to those made use of in realizing the minor demons. A natural bent towards such a method of interpre- tation was perhaps inherited from the days in which the naive adoration of all those animals which help or hurt mankind formed a part of the national worship ; again, certain animals were, by their shapes and constitution, better fitted than others to personify this or that quality which, in its fulness, was considered The C11ALD.EAN RELiGipN. 79 divine. It was natural, therefore, that the artist should, in those early days, have indicated the powers of a deity by forms borrowed from the strongest, the most beautiful, or the most formidable of animals. Nothing could suggest the instantaneous swiftness of a god better than the spreading wings of an eagle or vulture, or his destructive and irresistible power better than their beaks and talons, the horns and dewlap of the bull, or the mane and claws of the lion. The sculptor had, therefore, a good reason for employing these forms and many others offered to him by the fauna of the regions he inhabited, lie introduced them into his work with skill and decision, and obtained composite types by their aid which we may compare to those of Egypt. But there were some differences which deserve to be remembered. The human face received more consideration from the Mesopotamian sculptors than from those of Egypt. Except in the sphinxes and in two or three less important types the Egyptians, as our readers will remember, crowned a human body with the head of a snake, a lion, or a crocodile, an ibis or a hawk, and sometimes of a clumsy beast like the hippopotamus, 1 and their figures are dominated and characterized by the heads thus given to them. At Babylon and Nineveh the case is reversed. Animals' heads are only found, as a rule, upon the shoulders of those figures which are looked upon by common consent as genii rather than gods. In the latter a contrary arrangement prevails. They may have, like Dagon, a fish's tail hanging down their backs, or, like the colossal guardians of the king's palace, the body and limbs of a lion or bull with the wings of an eagle, but the head is that of a man and the sculptor has given it all the beauty he could compass. To this, we believe, there is but one exception — the eagle-headed god to whom Assyriologists have assigned the name of Nisroch. He seems to have occupied a high place among the Mesopotamian divinities (Fig. 8). But the difference between the two systems does not end here. There are a few deities, such as Ptah, Osiris, and Amen, to whom the Egyptians gave a human form in its simple entirety ; but even in such cases it was not reproduced in its native elegance and nobility. The extremities of Ptah and Osiris were enveloped in a kind of sheath, which made their figures look more like mummies ^ History 0/ Art in Ancient Egypt, \ol. i. pp. 56, 57, and figs. 39-45- 8o A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. than beings with the power of life and motion. It was not so in Chaldaea, as we shall see if we examine the procedure of the Mesopotamian artist when he had to figure the greater gods, those in whom the highest efforts of mental abstraction found concrete expression. Take, for instance, Nebo, the god of intelligence and prophecy, and Istar, the personification of the earth's fertility, of its power of creation and destruction and its inexhaustible energy. Nebo stands upright, his head covered with a horned tiara : his ample beard is gathered into three rows of close curls : he wears a long robe falling straight to the ground (Fig. i6). As for Istar, she is a young woman, nude, large-hipped, and pressing her breasts with her hands (Fig. 15). The awkwardness and rudeness which to some extent characterizes these figures is due to the inexperience of the artist ; his intentions were good, but his skill was hardly equal to giving them full effect. His Nebo was meant to be as majestic as a king or high priest^ his Istar is the spouse, the mother, the nurse ; she is the goddess " who," as the inscriptions say,^ " rejoices mankind," who, when fertilized by love, assures the duration and perpetuity of the species. It was this method of interpretation that was in later years to lead to those great creations of Greek art whose beauty is still the wonder of man- kind. Between these Chaldsean figures and those of the Greek sculptors the difference was one of degree. The anthropomorphism of the Chaldees w-as franker than that of the Egyptians, and so far the art of Chaldeea was an advance upon that of Egypt, although it was excelled by the latter in executive qualities. The method to which it had committed itself, the diligent and passionate study of the human figure, was the royal road to all excellence in the plastic arts. But our present business is to discover this people's real con- ceptions of its gods and to get a clear idea of their characteristic qualities. We shall not attempt, therefore, to show how most of them belonged to one of those divine triads which are to be found, it is believed, in Chaldaea as well as in Egypt : we shall not ask how these triads were subordinated, first, one to another, and secondly, to a single supreme being, who, in Mesopotamia as elsewhere, was in time perceived more or less clearly and placed at the head of the divine hierarchy. These triads are nearly always 1 Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarchies, &c. vol. i. p. 139. Fig. 15. — Statue of Nebo ; from Nimroiul. British Museum. Height 6 feet 5 inches. Calcareous stone. M The Chald.ean Religion. found in polytheistic religions, and that for sufficiently obvious reasons. The most simple relationship offered by the organic world to the mind of man is the relationship of the sexes, their contrast, and the necessity for their union. Wherever religious conceptions spring up gods and goddesses are created together. All the forces divined by human intelligence are doubled into two persons, closely united, the one the complement of the other. The one has the active, the other the passive role. Egypt, Chaldaea, Greece, all had these divine couples ; Apsou, or, as Damascius calls him, Apason and Tauthe ; Anou and Antou, the Anaitis of the Greek writers ; Bel and Belit, or Beltu, perhaps the Greek Mylitta ; Samas, the sun, and Allat, the queen of the dead ; Merodach (or Marduk) and Zarpanit, a goddess mother who protected unborn infants and presided at births ; Nabou and Nana ; Assur and I star ; Dumouzi and Istar. Precise details as to the status of these divinities are still want- ing. Several among them seem to have been at one time endowed with a dis- tinct individuality, and at other periods to have been almost indistinguishable from some other deity. They were without the distinct features and at- tributes of the inhabitants of Olympus, but we are left in no doubt as to the binary divisions of which we have been speaking. The attraction of desire and the union of the sexes leads to the birth of the child ; v.'ith the appearance of the latter the family is complete, and, with it, the type upon which the triple classification of the gods was founded. But even when we attempt to trace the composition of a single group and to assign his proper place to each of its members, the embarrassment is great. We find a single god sometimes filling, to all appearance, the role of husband and father, and sometimes that of the son ; or a single goddess acting at different times as the wife and daughter of one and the same god. Some of these apparent contradictions must be referred to the want of certainty in our interpretation of the Fig. i6. — Terra-cotta Statuette; from Heuzey's Figutitws antiques du Musce du Loin're. 84 A History of Art in Ciiald.ka and Assyria. inscriptions, some to the floating quality of the conceptions to which they relate. It may never, perhaps, be possible to make out a complete list, or one which shall not be obnoxious to criticism on other grounds ; moreover, the historian of art has no need to enter into any such discussion, or to give the details of a nomen- clature as to which Assyriologists themselves have many doubts. It suffices that he should point out the multiplicity of couples and triads, the extreme diversity of deities, and thus indicate a reason for the very peculiar aspect of the cylinders and engraved stones of Chaldcea, for the complex forms of the gods, and for the multitude of varied symbols which encumber the fields of her sculptured reliefs. Some of the figures that crowd these narrow surfaces are so fantastic that they astonish the eye as much as they pique the curiosity (see Fig. 17). MIL Ml'iL^lffiw Fig. 17.— a ChalJccan Cylinder ; from Menant's Za Biili- ft /es Cylindres Chaldcens. The number of diYine types and the consequent difficulties of classification are increased, as in Egypt, by the fact that every important town had its local deities, deities who were its own peculiar gods. In the course of so many centuries and so many successive displacements of the political centre of gravity, the order of precedence of the Mesopotamian gods was often changed. The dominant city promoted its own gods over the heads of their fellows and modified for a time which might be long or short, the comparative importance of the Chaldaean divinities. Sin, the moon god, headed the list during the supremacy of Ur, Samas during that of Larsam. With the rise of Assyria its national god, Assur, doubtless a supreme god of the heavens, acquired an uncontested pre-eminence. It was in his name that the Assyrians subdued all Asia and shed such torrents of blood. Their wars VYere the wars of Assur ; they were undertaken to extend his The Chald.ean Religion. empire and to glorify his name. Hence tlie e.xtreme rigour, the hideous cruelty, of the punishments inflicted by the king on his rebellious subjects ; he was punishing heretics and apostates.^ In the religious effusions of Mesopotamia, we sometimes find an accent of exalted piety recalling the tone of the Hebrew scriptures ; but it does not appear that the monotheistic idea towards which they were ever tending, but without actually reaching it and becoming penetrated by its truth, had ever acquired sufficient consistence to stimulate the Chaldrean artist to the creation of a type superior in beauty and nobility to those of gods in the second rank. The fact that the idea did exist is to be inferred from the use of certain terms rather than from anv mention of it in theological forms or embodiment in the plastic arts. At Nineveh, Assur was certainly looked upon as the greatest of the gods, if not as the only god. Idols captured from conquered nations were sometimes restored to their worshippers, but not before the)' had been engraved with the words, " To the glory of Assur." Assur was always placed at the head of the divine lists. He is thought to be descended from Anou or Sin ; but he was raised to such a height by his adoption as the national deity, that it became impossible to trace in him the distinguishing characteristics of his primary condition as a god of nature ; he became, like the Jehovah of the Israelites, a god superior to nature. His attributes were of a very general kind, and were all more or less derived from his dignity as chief leader and father, as master of legions and as president in the assemblies of the gods. He was regarded as the supreme arbiter, as the granter of victory and of the spoils of victorv, as the god of justice, as the terror of evil doers and the protector of the just. The great god of the Assyrians was, of course, the god of battles, the director of armies, and in that capacity the spouse of Istar, who was no less warlike than himself. His name was often used, in the plural, to signify the gods in general, as that of Istar was used for the goddesses. No myth has come down to us in which he plays the principal part, a fact which is to be accounted for by his comparatively late arrival at a position of abstract supremacy.- 1 TiELE, Hisfoire comparce dcs aiicknnes Religions de I' Egyple el des Pcuples Semitiques, translated by Collins, p. 222. The first volume of an English translation, by James Ballingal, has been published in Triibner's Oriental Series. — Ed. '•^ Ibid., p. 224. 86 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. In the Babylon of the second Chaldee empire there was, it would seem, a double embodiment of the divine superiority, in Merodach, the warrior god, the god of royalty, and Nebo the god of science and inspiration. In Chaldeea the power of the priests and learned men did not yield before that of the monarch. And yet a certain latent and instinctive monotheism may be traced in its complex religion. There were, indeed, many gods, but one was raised above all the others, and, whether they turned to Merodach or Nebo, the kings loved to style themselves the worshippers of the " Lord of Lords," Bel Bcli} Like Assur at Nineveh, this supreme deity was sometimes called, by abbreviation, Hou, or god, a term which was employed, with slight Variants, by every nation speaking a Semitic tongue.^ But in spite of their aspirations and the august role assigned to their Merodach, their Nebo, and their Assur, Chaldrea and Assyria succeeded no better than Egypt in giving a fit embodiment to the sovereign moderator of the universe, to the king and common parent of gods and men. Their art was without the skill and power required for the creation of an image which should be worthy of the mental idea. Neither the temples of Nineveh nor those of Babylon had an Olympian Jove. Assur came nearer to the acquisition of a supreme and unique godhead than any of his rivals, but we do not know with any certainty what features were his in plastic representations. Some have recognized him in a group which often occurs on the historic bas-reliefs and cylinders, here floating over a field of battle, there introduced into some scene of adoration. You are at once struck by the similarity of the group in question to one of the commonest of Egyptian symbols — the winged globe on the cornice of almost every temple in the Nile valley. Long before they had penetrated as conquerors to Thebes and Memphis, the Assyrians may have found this motive repeated a thousand times upon the ivories, the jewels, the various objects of luxury which Phoenician merchants carried from the ports of the Delta to distribute over every neighbouring country.^ ' TiELE, Nistoire, &c. p. 237. - Hence the name Babylon, which has been handed down to us, shghtly modified, by classic tradition. The true Chaldtsan form is Bab-Iloii, literally " The Gate of God." ^ History of Art in Ancient E^ypt, vol. ii. pp. 399-400 and figs. 31 1-3 13. The Ciiald.eax Religion. 87 The Assyrians appropriated the emblem in question, sometimes with hardly a modification upon its Egyptian form (Fig. 18), but more often with an alteration of some significance. In the centre of the symbol and between the outspread wings, appears a ring, ihtil-S-^ • I Jill' -^;;-' .;■•' Flc. 18. — The winged globe ; from Layard. and, within it, the figure of a man draped in flowing robes and covered with a tiara. He is upright, in some cases his right hand is raised as if in prayer, while his left grasps a strong bow (Fig. 19) ; in others he is stretching his bow and about to launch a triple- headed arrow, which can be nothing but a thunderbolt. Fir,. 19. — The winged globe with human figure; from Layard. The meaning attached to this plastic group by the Assyrians is made clear to us by the important place it held in the religious imagery of the Aryans of Media and Persia. These people, the last born of the ancient Asiatic world, borrowed nearlv the whole of 88 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. their artistic motives from their predecessors ; they only modified their significance when the difference between their religious notions and those of the inventors required it. Now, we find this symbol upon the rocks of Behistan and Persepolis, where, according to texts the meaning of which is beyond a doubt, it represents Ahura-Mazda. The name has changed, but we may fairly conclude that the idea and intention remained the same. Both in Mesopo- tamia and in Iran this group was meant to embody the notion of a supreme being, the master of the universe, the clement and faithful protector of the chosen race by whom his images were multiplied to infinity. In this rapid analysis of the beliefs held by the dwellers on the Tigris and Euphrates, we have made no attempt to discriminate between Chaldcea and Assyria. To one who looks rather to similarities than to differences, the two peoples, brothers in blood and language, had, in fact, but one religion between them. We possess several lists of the Assyrian gods and goddesses, and when we compare them we find that they differ one from the other both in the names and numbers of the deities inscribed upon them ; but, with the exception of Assur, they contain no name which does not also belong to Chaldaea. Nothing could be more natural. Chaldcea was the mother-country of the Assyrians, and the in- timate relations between the two never ceased for a day. Even when their enmity was most embittered they could not dispense the one with the other. Babylon was always a kind of holy city for the kings of Assyria ; those among them who chastised the rebellious Chaldreans with the greatest severity, made it a point of honour to sacrifice to their gods and to keep their temples in repair. It was in Babylon, at Borsippa, and in the old cities near the coast, that the priests chiefly dwelt by whom the early myths had been preserved and the doctrines elaborated to w-hich the inhabitants of Mesopotamia owed the superiority of their civiliza- tion. The Assyrians invented nothing. Assur himself seems only to have been a secondary form of some Chaldeean divinity, a parvenu carried to the highest place by the energy and good fortune of the warlike people Avhose patron he was, and maintained there until the final destruction of their capital city. When Nineveh fell, Assur fell with her, while those gods who were worshipped in common by the people of the north and those of the TiiK People and Government. 89 south long preserved their names, their fame, and the sanctity of their altars. The religion of Nineveh differed from that of Babylon, however, in minor particulars, to which attention has already been called.^ A single system of theology is differently understood by men whose manner and intellectual bent are distinct. Rites seem to have been more voluptuous and sensual at Babylon than at Nineveh; it was at the former city'that Herodotus saw those religious prostitutions that astonished him by their immorality.- The Assyrian tendency to monotheism provoked a kind of fanaticism of which no trace is to be found in Chalda;a. The Ninevite conquerors set themselves to extend the worship of their great national god ; they sacrificed by hecatombs the presumptuous enemies who bla.sphemed the name of Assur. The sacrifice of chastity was in favour at Babylon, that of life seemed to the Assyrians a more effectual offering. A soldier people, they were hardened by the strife of centuries, by the perpetual hardships of the battlefield, by the never-ending conflicts in which they took delight. Their religious conceptions were, therefore, narrower and more stern, their rites more cruel than those of their southern neighbours. The civilization of Babylon was more refined, men ofave themselves more leisure for thought and enjoyment ; their manners were less rude, their ideas less rigid and conservative ; they were more inclined towards intellectual analysis and speculation. So that when we find traces of the beliefs and useful arts of Mesopotamia on the coasts, and even among the isles, of the i4iga;an, the honour of them must be given to Babylon rather than to Nineveh. § 7. — The People and Governiuoit. We have already explained how it is that the religions of Chald^ea and Assyria are less well known to us than that of Egypt ; the insufficiency of our knowledge of the political and social organization of the two kingdoms is to be explained by the same reasons. The inscriptions, prolix enough on some subjects, hardly touch on others that would be much more interesting, and, moreover, their interpretation is full of difficulty. The Greek travellers knew nothinsf of Nineveh, while their visits to Babvlon 1 TiELE, Matiiieh &:c. pp. 77, 78, - Herodoti'S, i. 99. N go A History of Art in Chald.ba and Assyria. were paid in its years of decadence. They seem to have been chiefly struclc with the sort of sacerdotal caste to which they gave the name of XaXSa/o/. The origin of this priestly corps has been much discussed. Some see in it the descendants and heirs of the primitive popu- lation, of those whom they believe to have been Turanians ; others believe them to have been Semitic immigrants, coming from the north and bringing with them arts and doctrines of which they constituted themselves the guardians and expounders in the new country. We are hardly qualified to take part in the controversy. It is certain, on the one hand, that the influence of these quasi-clergy began to make itself felt at a remote period in the national history, and, on the other, that they had become, like the population that bowed before them, Semitic both in race and language at a very early date. The idiom employed by the Chaldseans belongs to the same family of languages as Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaean ; their gods are to be found, with slight modifications of name and attributes, from Yemen in the south to the north of Syria and as far west as the table- land of Cappadocia. It is, no doubt, upon the authority of Ctesias, his favourite guide in matters of oriental history, that Diodorus talks of the Chal- dceans. Ctesias may have seen them at Babylon, in the exercise of their functions, in the time of Artaxerxes Mnemon. " The Chaldaeans," writes the historian, " are the most ancient Babylonians .... (and) hold the same station and dignity in the commonwealth as the Egyptian priests do in Egypt ; for, being deputed to divine offices, they spend all their time in the study of philosophy, and are especially famous for the art of astrology. They are mightily given to divination, and foretell future events, and employ them- selves either by purifications, sacrifices, or other enchantments to avert evils, or procure good fortune and success. They are skilful, likewise, in the art of divination by the flying of birds, and inter- preting of dreams and prodigies ; and are reputed as the oracles (in declaring what will come to pass) by their exact and diligent viewing of the entrails of the sacrifices. But they attain not to this knowledge in the same manner as the Greeks ; for the Chaldaeans learn it by tradition from their ancestors, the son from the father, who are all in the meantime free from all other public offices and attendances ; and because their parents are their tutors, they both The People and Government. 91 learn everything without envy, and rely with more confidence upon the truth of what is taught them ; and being trained up in this learning from their very childhood, they become most famous philosophers, being at the age most capable of learning."^ Centuries were required for the growth of such a corporation and for the firm establishment of its power upon a well-knit system of rites and doctrines. The institutions described by Ctesias would hardly show any sensible change from those in force in the same country before the Persian conquests. In their double character of priests and astrologers the Chaldeans would enjoy an almost boundless influence over both kings and private individuals ; the general belief in their powers of divination made them in a sense the masters and arbiters of every destiny. Under the national kings " members of their caste led the national armies and occu- pied all the chief posts in the kingdom. The royal houses that succeeded one another at Babylon sprang from their ranks both in the days of vassalage to Assyria and in those of full independence. Their hierarchy was headed by an archimagus ; we do not know his title in the national language, but we do know that, after the king, he was the chief person-in the empire. He accompanied the sovereign wherever he went, even to the wars, in order to regulate his actions accordinof to the rules of his art and the indications of the heavens. When the kine died and his successor was not on the spot to assume the reins of government, the archimagus was regent during the interregnum, as, for instance, between the death of NaboDolassar and the accession of Nebuchadnezzar.^ The almost theocratic character of this regime had both its advantages and its inconveniences. These priests were the savants of their time. The honours that were paid to them must have had their effect in stimulating intellectual culture and material well being, but, on the other hand, the constant intervention of a sacerdotal body in public affairs could not but clo something to enfeeble the military spirit and the energy and responsibility of the commanders. Not that the priests were less penetrated by the national sentiment than their fellow countrymen. Proud of their ancient traditions and of the superiority of their science, they added contempt to the detestation they felt for a foreign master, whether he came from Babylon or Susa. The priests were the ' DioDORus, ii. 29. - Fr. Lenormant, Manuel dc I'Histoiye ancieune de l' Orient, vol. ii. p. 252. 92 A History of Art in Cualu.ka and Assyria. ringleaders iii those risings against Assyria, and, in later years, against Persia, which cost Babylon so dearly. Once only was the success they promised achieved, and that was in the time of Nabopolassar, when Nineveh was exhausted by its long succession of wars and victories. On every other occasion the upper hand remained with races less instructed, indeed, and less refined, but among whom the power concentrated in the hands of the sove- reign had been utilized to drive all the vital forces of the kingdom into the practice of war and preparation for it. On the ether hand, Babylon enjoyed certain elements of pros- perity and guarantees of a long national existence which were wanting to those rivals under whose yoke she had more than once to pass. The ruling classes in Chaldaea were quicker in intellect and far better educated than elsewhere. Their country lent itself to a wide and well-organised system of cultivation better than the hilly districts of Assyria or the narrow valleys and sterile plains of Iran. Communication was more prompt and easy than among the terraces which rise one above another from the left bank of the Euphrates up to the high lands of Persia and Media : in order to pass from one of these terraces to another, the bare rock has to be climbed in a fashion that brino;sno little dancrer to the traveller and his patient beasts of burden.^ In Chaldaea, on the other hand, the proximity of the two rivers to each other, and the perfect horizontality of the soil, make the work of irrigation very easy. The agriculturists were not exposed to the danger of a complete failure of crops, a misfortune which overtook the upper regions of Mesopotamia often enough. There the Euphrates and Tigris are wide apart, and the land between them is far from being a dead level. Many districts had to depend almost entirely upon the rainfall for irrigation. Again, when it was a question of journeying from one city to another or transporting the produce of the fields, the Chaldsean could choose between the land routes that lay along the banks of the canals, or the waterways that intersected each other over the whole surface of the country. In these days the journey between Bagdad and Bassorah, a distance of some three hundred miles, involves a long detour to the east along the foot of the mountains, in order to avoid impassable marshes and bands of ^ LoFTus, Travels and Resfai-chcs in Chalda:a and Siisiana, p. 309. Tlie Greeks gave the appropriate name of K\iiJ.aKe<; to those stepped roads that lead from the valley and the sea coast to the high plains of Persia. The Peoplk and Government. 93 wandering Arabs devoted to murder and pillage. The flat country is infested with mounted brigands who strip unprotected travellers, but in ancient times it swarmed with trafhc, every road was encumbered with the movements of merchandise and the march of caravans, the fields were crossed in every direction by canals, and the tall sails of the boats that moved between their banks rose over the waving crops as they do to-day in the deltas of the Meuse and the Rhine, for Chaldeea was a southern Holland. The incomparable situation of Babylon was sure to lead to great industrial and commercial activity in spite of any shortcomings in her rulers. She stood in the centre of a marvellously fertile region, between upper and western Asia. Two great rivers were at her doors, bringing her, without cost or effort, the products of their upper basins, while, on the other hand, they placed her in easy- communication with the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. The merchants of Babylon had communication with the people of the Levant by easy and well-worn roads crossing the fords of the middle Euphrates. Less direct roads farther to the north were used nearly as much. Some of these traversed the Cilician passes, crossed the Amanus and Taurus into the plateau of Asia Minor, and ended at the coasts of the .^gsean and the Euxine ; others passed through Assyria into Media, and through the Caspian passes up to the central plateau cf Asia and into distant Bactria, whence easy passes led down into the ujjper valley of the Indus. Babylon was thus an entrepot for caravans both from the east and west, and for navigators coming from the ports of Africa, Arabia, and India. There are, if we may use the expression, natural capitals and capitals that are artificial. The sites of the first are determined by the configuration of the earth. When they perish it is but a temporary death, to be followed by a life often more full and brilliant than the first. The second owe their prosperity to the caprice of a sovereign, or to political combinations that pass away and leave no trace. Thebes and Nineveh were artificial cities ; both have disappeared and left behind them nothing but their ruins ; they have been replaced only by villages and unimportant towns. On the other hand, Memphis lives again in Cairo, and, when the depopulation of Babylon was complete, Seleucia and Ctesiphon, Kouffa and Bagdad sprang up to carry on her work. The centre of a refined civilisation and of wide-stretchino- 94 A HisfORY OF Art in Chald.i^a and Assyria. commercial relations, Babylon could not have been without an original art, and one marked with the peculiar characteristics ot" the national genius. Unhappily, the materials at her command were far inferior to those of which the Egyptians and Greeks could dispose. From this it has resulted that, on the one hand, her pro- ductions never passed a certain level of excellence, and, on the other, that they have been ill preserved. The Babylonians were not among those happy peoples whose artists could exercise their tools upon the one material that gives birth to great sculptors and great architects — a stone soft enough to yield kindly to the chisel, but hard enough to preserve to eternity the suggestive forms impressed upon it by the hand of man. Our knowledge, therefore, of Chaldsean art will bear no comparison with what we have discovered as to the art of Egypt and Greece, of Etruria and Rome. So far as we can form a judgment from the remains that have come down to us, it was an art much less varied and comprehensive than that of Egypt. The tombs of Memphis and Thebes, with their pictured walls, reflect, as in a faithful mirror, the most interesting and most amusing of all spectacles, the daily life of the oldest of all civilized societies. In Chaldaea there is nothing of the kind. The Chaldaean tomb gives us, by its arrangement and furnishing, glimpses of a faith similar at bottom to that of Egypt, but we find nothing parallel to the representations of daily work and pleasure which fill the mastabas and the Theban sepulchres ; there is nothing that can be compared to those animated forms and images that play over again on the tomb walls the long drama of a hundred acts whose first performance occupied so many centuries and filled a stage stretching from the swamps of the Delta to the cataracts of Syene. We are more especially grateful to these funerary scenes for hand- ing down to us, in a safe niche in the temple of the arts, those poor and humble folk who count for so little in this world where they bear the heaviest burdens, who depend for remembrance after death upon the services they render to the great. We shall search in vain among the scanty remnants of Babylonian sculpture for the attitude, gestures, and features of the laborious workmen upon whom the prosperity of the country was built. We shall find neither the tradesmen and artisans of the towns, nor the agriculturists who cultivated the fields and gave them the water for which they never ceased to thirst. No hint is given of those The People and Government. 95 fishermen of the Persian Gulf who Hved entirely, according to Herodotus, upon dried fish ground to powder and made into a kind of cake.^ The naive, picturesque, and anecdotic illustrations of common life, which are so plentiful in Egypt, are almost completely wanting to the art of Chald^ea. On the other hand, we find, as we might have expected from what we know of Chaldaean society, continual traces of the sacerdotal spirit, and of the great part played by the king with the help and under the tutelage of the priesthood. Upon the walls of palaces, temples, and towns, on the statuettes of bronze and terra cotta which were buried under the thresholds of buildings and placed as votive offerings in the temples, upon cylinders and engraved stones, we find only complex and varied emblems, fantastic and symbolic forms, attitudes suggestive of worship and sacrifice (Figs. 20 and 21), images of gods, goddesses, and secondary genii, princes |« '/ Fio. 20. — Cl.aldaaii Cylimler. Fig. 21. — Chaldasan Cylinder ; from the British Museum. - surrounded with royal pomp and oftering their homage to the deity. Hence a certain poverty and monotony and the want of recuperative power inseparable from an absorbed contemplation of sacred types and of a transcendental world. Assyrian society was different in many respects from that of Chalda?a. The same gods, no doubt, were adored in both countries, and their worship involved a highly-placed priesthood ; but at Nineveh the royal power rested on the army, and the ' Herodotus, i. 200. A similar article of food is in extensive use at the present day in the western islands of Scotland, and upon other distant coasts where the soil is poor. — Ed. ^ Upon the subject of this cylinder, in which George Smith wished to recognise a representation of Adam and Eve tempted by the serpent, see M. Joachim Menant's paper entitled, Ld Bible ct les Cylindres Chaldiens (Paris, 1880, Maisorneuve, 8vo). M. M^nant makes short work of this forced interpretation and of several similar delusions which were beginning to win some acceptance. q6 a History of Art in Chald.«a and Assyria. initiative and independence of the sovereign were much greater than in the case of Babylon. Assyria was a mihtary monarchy in the fullest sense of the word. Almost as often as the spring came round the king led his invincible legions to the conquest of new subjects for Assur. He traversed deserts, crossed trackless mountain chains, and plunged into forests full of hidden dangers. He destroyed the walls and towers of hostile cities, in spite of the rain of arrows, stones, and boiling pitch that poured upon himself and his hosts ; he was at once the skilful captain and the valiant soldier, he planned the attack and never spared himself in the fuelc'e. First in danger, he was the first in honour. In person he implored the good will of the god for whom he braved so many dangers, in person he thanked him for success and presented to him the spoils of the conquered enemy. If he was not deified, like the Pharaohs, either alive or after his death, he was the vicar of Assur upon earth, the interpreter of his decrees and their executor, his lieutenant and pontif, and the recipient of his confidences.^ There was no room by the side of this armed high priest for a sacerdotal caste at all equal to him in prestige. The power and glory of the king grew with every successive victory, and in the vast empire of the Sargonids, the highest places were filled by men whom the monarch associated with himself in the never- ending work of conquest and repression. First of all came a kind of grand vizier, the Tartan, or commander-in-chief of the royal armies. This is the personage we so often find in the bas-reliefs facino- the kinsf and standing in an attitude at once dignified and respectful (see Fig. 22). Next came the great officers of the palace, the ministers as we should call them in modern parlance, and the governors of conquered provinces. Eunuchs were charged with the supervision of the harem and, as in the modern East, occupied high places at court. They may be recognized in the bas-reliefs, where they are grouped about the king, by their round, beardless faces (see Figs. 23 and 24). The Kislar-Aga is, in the Constantinople of to-day what more than one of these personages must have been in Nineveh. Read the account given by Plutarch, on the authority of Ctesias, of the murderous and perfidious intrigues that stained the palace of Susa in the time of Artaxerxes- Mnemon Vou will then have some idea of the part, at once ' T^pon the sacred functions of the king, see La yard, A^inar/i, vol. ii. p. 474. o S5 j3 o rt O CI u P en I .5 The People and Government. 103 obscure and preponderant, that the more intelh'gent among these miserable creatures were able to play in the households of the great conquerors and unwearied hunters by whom the palaces at Khorsabad, Kouyundjik, and Nimroud, were successively occupied. All these military officers and adminstrators, these priests of the different gods, and the domestics who were often the most powerful of all, looked to the hand of the king himself and depended upon no other master. Courage and military talent must have been the surest roads to advancement, but sometimes, as under the Arab califs and the Ottoman sultans, the caprice of the sovereign would lead him to raise a man from the lowest ranks to the highest dignities of the state. The regime of Assyria may be described in the words applied to that of Russia, it was despotism tempered with assassination. " And it came to pass, as he (Sennacherib) was worshipping in the house of Nisroch his god, that Adrammelech and Sharezer his sons smote him with the sword : and they escaped into the land of Armenia. And Esarhaddon his son reigned in his stead. "^ Sennacherib's father, Sargon, perished in the same fashion. These murders were, perhaps, the revenge for some outrage or punishment imprudently inflicted in a moment of anger ; but however that may have been, neither in the one case nor the other did they hinder the legitimate heir from succeeding his father. Sennacherib replaced Sargon, and Esarhaddon .Sennacherib. The Assyrian supremacy was only supported by the constant presence, at the head of the army, of a king ready for every eventuality ; a few weeks of anarchy or interregnum would have thrown the whole empire into confusion ; the royal power was the keystone of the arch, the element upon which depended the stability of a colossal edifice subjected to various strains. In such a society, art could hardly have had a mission other than the glorification of a power without limit and without control — a power to which alone the Assyrians had to look for a continuance of their dearly-won supremacy. The architect, the sculptor, and the painter, ex- hausted the resources of their arts, the one in building a palace for the prince on a high mound raised to dominate the surrounding plain, the others in decorating it when built and multiplying the images of its almost divine inhabitant. The exploits of the ' 2 Kings xix. 37. I04 A HisTORV OF Art in Chald.ba and Assyria. sovereign, his great and never-ending achievements as a conqueror and destroyer of monsters, as pontif of Assur and the founder of palaces and cities — such are the themes to which Assyrian sculpture devoted itself for many centuries, taking them up and varying them in countless ways, and that, apparently, without any fear that he for whom the whole work was intended would ever grow weary of the repetition. Such themes presuppose the actual occurrence of the events represented and the artists' realization either from personal obser- vation or from descriptions. This gives rise to a very sensible difference between Chaldaean sculpture and that of Assyria, so far at least as the latter is to be studied in the decorations of a palace. In those characteristics and qualities of execution which permit of a definition, the style is no doubt the same as in Chaldaea. The artists ot Babylon and those of Nineveh were pujDils in one school — they saw nature with the same eyes ; the same features interested and attracted the attention of both ; they had the same prejudices and the same conventions. The symbols and com- binations of forms we have noticed as proper to Chaldcean art are here also ; scenes of invocation to gods and genii ; ornamental groups and motives. An instance of the latter is to be found in the rich embroidery with which the robes of the Assyrian kings are covered.^ Finally, we must remember that all Assyrian art was not included in the adornment of the palace. Before a complete and definite judgment can be formed upon it the monuments of religious and industrial art should be passed under review, but, unhappily, no temple interior, and a very small number of objects of domestic luxury and daily use, have come down to us. These gaps are to be regretted, but we must not forget that the bas-reliefs were ordered by the king, that the thousands of fig-ures thev contain were introduced for the sake of giving hlat to the power, the valour, and the genius of the sovereign, and that the best artists of which Assyria could boast were doubtless entrusted with their execution. Under the reserves thus laid down we may, then, devote ourselves to the study of the Ninevite sculptures that fill the museums of London and Paris ; we may consider them the strongest and most original creations of Assyrian art. Now the sculpture upon the alabaster slabs with which the palace 1 LxYARD, The ATotnn/u'nts of Xiiieveh ({oWo, 1849), plates 4350. The People and Government. lo: walls of Shalmanesner and Sargon, of Sennacherib and Assur- banipal, were covered, confines itself mainly to marches, combats, and sieges, it is more realistic than the sculpture of Chalda^a, a country that had done less, especially upon fields of battle, but had invented more and done more thinking than its bellicose rival. We owe no small debt of gratitude to the swordsmen of Assyria, in spite of the blood they shed and the horrible cruelties they committed and delighted in seeing commemorated in the figured Fig. 25. — Fragment of a bas-relief in alabaster. Louvre. Height 23 inches. Drawn by Saint-Elme Gautier. histories of their reigns. The works entrusted to their artists have left us precious documents and the elements for a restoration of 'a vanished world. Philologists may take their time over the decipherment of the te.Kts inscribed on the reliefs, but the great people of prey who, for at least four centuries, pillaged all Asia without themselves becoming softened by the possession of so much accumulated wealth, live, henceforward, in the long series of pictures recovered for the world by Layard and Botta. The stern p io6 A History of Art in Chait).]:a and Assyria. conquerors reappear, armed, helmeted, and cuirassed, as they passed before the trembling nations thirty centuries ago. They are short of stature, but vigorous and sturdy, with an exceptional muscular development. They were, no doubt, prepared for their military duties from infancy by some system of gymnastic '11 - ' iut Fig. 26. — Bas-relief of Tiglath Pileser II. ; from Nimroud. British M-useum. Height 44 inches. Drawn by Saint-EIme Gautier. e.xercises, such as have been practised by other nations of soldiers. Their noses are high and hooked, their eyes large, their features as a whole strongly Semitic (see Fig. 25). The moral character of the people is shown with no less clearness. The People and Government. lo:; The ferocity they preserved amid all the luxurious appliances of their civilization is commemorated. Atrocities of every kind find a place in the reliefs. Among the prisoners of war the most fortunate are those led by a cord passed through their lips. Others are mutilated, crucified, flayed alive. Tiglath Pileser II. is shown to us besieging a city, before whose walls he has impaled three prisoners taken from the defenders (see Fig 26). Else- where we find scribes counting over heaps of heads before paying the price for them.^ When these had come from the shoulders of tijf£ ^ ^M \€ if\ Fig. 27. — Fea^t of .-^ssurbanipril ; from Kouyundjik. British Museuai. Height 20'^ inches. No. I, The servants of the fea^t. important enemies they were carried in procession and treasured as honourable trophies. In one relief we find Assurbanipal, after his return to Nineveh from the subjugation of the southern rebels, lying upon a lu.xurious couch in the garden of his harem and sharing a sumptuous meal with a favoured wife. Birds are singing 1 Lavard, a Stwiid Series of the Monuments of Nineveh (folio, 1853), plates 26 and 27. The scribes in question seem to be writing upon rolls of leather. io8 A History of Art in Chald.'Ea and Assyria. in the trees, an attendant touches the harp, flowers and palms fill the back-ground, while a head, the head of the Elamite king, whom AssLirbanipal conquered and captured in his last campaign, hangs from a tree near the right ^ of the scene (see Figs. 27 and 28). The princes who took pleasure in these horrors were scrupulous in their piety. We find numberless representations of them in attitudes of profound respect before their gods, and some- times they bring victims and libations in their hands (see Fig. 29). Thus, without any help from the inscriptions, we may divine from iriwi"! I III ii ; (1 iii™ii|ininr'nMii'i'i 'iid h' m' i ~^vWi TTf ilT i^<>-*' % '** ^^]^ yy^ i r nw i uniaiJM w w f l l ^^±^^:i3VrrrTZi*in IJillll]!i!iiiiiii}ii^iS#il/,;i(/Lltir(iilJ^ S ^ELlflt Cii'.ld^ Fig. 28. — Feast of Assurbanipal, conlinued. No. 2, The kirg and queen at table. Drawn by Saint-EIme Gautier. the sculptures alone what strange contrasts were presented by the Assyrian character — a character at once sanguinary and voluptuous, brutal and refined, mystical and truculent. It is not only by what it says, it is by what it leaves untold, by what it forgets to tell, that art has left us such a sincere account of 1 Throughout this work the words " right " and " left " refer to the right and left of the cuts, not of the reader. By this system alone can confusion be avoided in describing statues and compositions with figures. — Ed. The PeoPLK AXU CioVKUNMKXT. 1 1 1 this singular nation. The kincr and his heutenants, his ministers and household officers, the veterans who formed the strength of his legions and the young men from whom their numbers were recruited, did not constitute the whole of the Assyrian nation. There were also the tillers of the soil, the followers of those count- less trades implied by a civilized society — the peasants, artisans, and merchants of every kind, who fed, clothed, and equipped the armies ; the men who carried on the useful but modest work with- out which the fio^htine machine must soon have come to a stand- still. And yet they are entirely absent from the sculptures in which the artist seems to have included everything that to him seemed worthy of interest. We meet them here and there, but Fin. 30. — Convoy of prisoners. Kau.un'ljik. From L.Tvard. only by accident. They may be descried now and then in the background of some scene of war, acting as labourers or in some other humble capacity. Otherwise the sculptor ignored their existence. They were not soldiers, which was much as to say they were nothing. Can any other instance be cited of an art so well endowed entirely suppressing what we should call the civil element of life ? Neither do we find women in the bas-reliefs ; that in which the queen of Assurbanipal occurs is quite unique in its way. Except in scenes representing the capture of a town and the carrying off of its inhabitants as prisoners of war, females are almost entirely wanting. On those occasions we sometimes find them carried on mules or in chariots (see Figs. 30 and 31). In I I: A History of Art in Chald.-ea and Assyria. certain bas-reliefs of Assurbanipal, treating of his campaign against Susa, women are playing the tambourine and singing the king's praises. But all these are exceptions. Woman, whose grace and beauty were so keenly felt by the Egyptians, is almost completely absent from the sculpture of Assyria. By thus limiting its scope, sculpture condemned itself to much repetition and to a uniformity not far removed from sameness ; but its very silences are eloquent upon the inhuman originality of a system to which Assyria owed both the splendour of her military successes and the finality of her fall. The great entrenched camp, of which Nineveh was the centre, once forced ; the veteran ranks, in which constant war, and war without quarter, had made Fig. 31. — Convoy of prisoners. Kouyundjik. From Lay.ird. such wide gap.s, once broken, nothing remained of the true Assyria but the ignorant masses of a second-class state to whom a change of masters had little meaning, and a few vast buildings doomed soon to disappear under their own ruins. When we have completed our examination of Assyrian sculpture, so rich in some respects, so poor in others, we shall understand the rapidity with which silence and oblivion overtook so much glory and power; we shall understand how some two centuries after the victory of Nabopolassar and the final triumph of Babylon and her allies, Xenophon and his Greeks could mount the Tigris and gaze upon the still formidable walls of the deserted cities of Mespila and Larissa without even hearing the name of Nineveh pro- nounced. Eager for knowledge as they were, they passed over the The People and Government. 1 1 ground without suspecting that the dust thrown up by their feet had once been a city famous and feared over all Asia, and that the capital of an empire hardly less great than that of the Artaxerxes whom they had faced at Cunaxa, had once covered the ground where they stood. CHAPTER II. THE PRUN'CirLES A\n GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ASSYRO- CMALD.EAN ARCHITECTURE. § I . — Materials. Chald.ea was the cradle of the civilization, and consequently of the art, whose characteristics we have to define. Now the soil of Chaideea to a great depth beneath the surface is a fine loose earth, similar to that of the Nile Delta. At a few points only on the plain, and that near the Persian Gulf, are there some rocky eminences, the remains of ancient islands which the gradual encroachment of the two great rivers has joined to the mainland of Asia. Their importance is so slight that we may fairly ignore their existence and assert generally that Chaldaea has no stone. Like all great rivers* the Tigris and Euphrates in the upper and middle parts of their courses carry down pieces of rock from their native iriountains, but after they enter upon the alluvial ground near the boundary between Assyria and Chaldsea their streams become sluggish, and these heavy bodies sink to the bottom and become embedded in the soil ; the water no longer carries on with it anything but the minute particles which with the passage of cen- turies form immense banks of clay. In the whole distance between Bagdad and the sea you may take a spade, and, turn up the soil wherever you please, you will not find a stone as big as a nut. In this absence of a natural stone something had to be found to take its place, and the artificial material we call brick was invented. The human intellect refuses to give up the contest with nature before the first obstacles that seem to bar its progress ; if it cannot brush them aside it turns their flank. The least accident is often enough to suggest the desired expedient. The oriein of almost all the orreat discoveries that are studded over the Materials. i i :; history of civilization may be traced to some lucky chance. The first inhabitants of Chaldsa fashioned rude kitchens for the cook- ing of their simple food out of moist and plastic clay, the fires of reed and broken wood lighted on these simple hearths reddened and hardened the clay till it became like rock. Some bystander more observant than the rest noted the change and became the father of ceramics. We use the word in its widest, in its etymolo- gical sense. Ceramics is the art of fashioning clay and burning it in the fire so as to obtain constructive materials, domestic utensils, or objects of luxury and ornament.^ Even before the first brick or pottery kiln was erected it must have been recognized that in a climate like that of Chaldrea the soil when dried in the sun was well fitted for certain uses. Amone the di'bi'is left by the earliest pioneers of civilization we find the remains of vases which seem to have been dried only in the sun. But porous and friable pottery like this could only be used for a kw purposes, and it was finally renounced as soon as the art of firing the earth, first in the hot ashes of the domestic hearth, and afterwards in the searching flames of the close oven, was discovered. It was otherwise with brick. The desiccation pro- duced by the almost vertical sun of Mesopotamia allowed it to be used with safety and advantage in certain parts of a building. In that condition it is called crude brick, to distinguish it from the harder material due to the direct heat of wood fires. In any case the clay destined for use as a building material was subject to a first preparation that never varied. It was freed from such foreign bodies as might have found their way into it, and, as in Egypt, it was afterwards mixed with chopped or rather pul- verized straw, a proceeding which was thought to give it greater body and resistance. It was then mixed with water in the propor- tions that experience dictated, and kneaded by foot in wide and shallow basins.- The brickmakers of Mossoul go through the .same process to this day. As soon as the clay was sufficiently kneaded, it was shaped in almost square moulds. In size these moulds surpassed even those ^ G. CuRTius is of opinion that the word Kcpa/J.09, and consequently its derivatives (Kepa/tieu's, Kcpa/teta, Kepa/ieiK)}, &c.), springs rather from a root CRA, expressive of the idea to cook, than from the word Kipavvvjii. to w/.v, kiicad ( Gni>uhiig;e der GriccJiisi-hni Etymologie, p. 147, 5th edition). - .See Nahinii iii. 14. ii6 A History of Art in Ciiald.ka and Assyria. of Egypt : their surfaces were from 15^ to 15I inches square, and their thickness was from 2 to 4 inches.^ It would seem that these artificial blocks were given this extravagant size to make up for the absence of stone properly speaking ; the only limit of size seems to have been that imposed by difficulties of manufacture and handling. Crude brick never becomes hard enough to resist the action of water. In Greek history we read how Agesipolis, King of Sparta, when besieging Mantinea, directed the stream of the Ophis along the foot of its walls of unburnt brick, and so caused them to crumble away. Cimon, son of Miltiades, attacked the defences of Eion, on the Strymon, in the same fashion. When desiccation was carried far enough, such materials could be used, in interiors at least, so as to fulfil the same functions as stone or burnt brick. Vitruvius tells us that the magistrates who had charge of building operations at Utica would not allow brick to be used until it was five years old.- It would seem that neither in Chaldaea nor still less in Assyria was any such lengthy restriction imposed. It is only by exception that crude bricks of which the desiccation has been carried to the farthest possible point have been found in the palaces of Nineveh ; almost the only instance we can give is afforded by the bricks composing the arches of the palace doorways at Khorsabad. They are rectangular, and into the wedge-shaped intervals between their faces a softer clay has been poured to fill up the joints.-^ As a rule things were done in a much less patient fashion. At the end of a few days, or perhaps weeks, as soon, in fact, as the bricks were dry and firm enough to be easily handled, they were carried on to the ground and laid while still soft. This we know from the evidence of M, Place, who cut many exploring shafts through the massive Assyrian buildings, and could judge of the condition in which the bricks had been put in place by the appearance of his excavations. From top to bottom ^ Even these dimensions were sometimes passed. The Louvre possesses an Assyrian brick rather more than 17^ inches square. See De Longperier, Notice des Aiitiquitcs Assyn'auies (3rd edition, 1854, i2mo), No. 44. 2 Vitruvius, 1. ii. ch. 3. ^ Place, Ninive et VAssyrie, vol. i. p. 225. The vault of the gallery discovered byLAYARD in the centre of the tower that occupied a part of the mound of Nimroud was constructed in the same fashion. Discoveries in tlie Ruins of Nineveli and Bahyion, p. 126. Materials. i r their sides showed a plain and uniform surface ; not the slightest sign of joints was to be found. Some might think that the bricks, instead of being actually soft, were first dried in the sun and then, when they came to be used, that each was dipped in water so as to give it a momentary wetness before being laid in its place. M. Place repels any such hypothesis. He points out that, had the Assyrian bricklayers proceeded in that fashion, each joint Avould be distinguishable by a rather darker tint than the rest of the wall. There is nothing of the kind in fact. The only things that prove his excavations to have been made through brick and not through a mass of earth beaten solid with the rammer are, in the first place, that the substance cut is very homogeneous and much more dense than it would have been had it not been kneaded and pressed in the moulds ; and, secondly, that the horizontal courses are here and there to be distinguished from each other by their differences of tint.^ The art of burning brick dates, in the case of Chaldsea, from a very remote epoch. No tradition subsisted of a period when it was not practised. After the deluge, when men wished to build a city and a tower which should reach to heaven, " they said to one another, Go to, let us make brick, and burn them throughly ; and they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar." - The Babylonian bricks were, as a rule, one Chaldaean foot (rather more than an English foot) square. Their colour varies in different buildings from a dark red to a light yellow,^ but they are always well burnt and of excellent quality. Nearly all of them bear an inscription to the following effect : " Nebuchad- nezzar, King of Babylon, restorer of the pyramid and the tower, eldest son of Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, I." In laying the brick the face bearing this inscription was turned downwards. The characters were impressed on the soft clay with a stamp. More than forty varieties have already been discovered, implying the existence of as many stamps (see Fig. 32). In Assyria these inscriptions were sometimes stamped, sometimes engraved with the hand (Fig. 33). Most of the bricks are regular in shape, with parallel and rectangular faces, but a few wedge-shaped ones have been found, both in Chaldaea and Assyria. These must have been > Place, Ninive et T Assyrk, vol. i. pp. 211-224, - Genesis .\i. 3. 2 Lavard, Discoveries, pp. 506 and 531. ii8 A History of Art in Chald.-ea and Assyria. made for building arches or vaults. Their obliquity varies according to their destined places in the curve. ^ The body of the enamelled bricks differs from that of the ordinary kind. It is softer and more friable, appearing to be scarcely burnt.^ This difference, at which M. Place was so much surprised, had its reason. The makers understood that their enamel colours when vitrified would penetrate deeper into and be more closely incorporated with the material upon which they were placed were the latter not so completely hardened. Crude brick, burnt brick, and brick enamelled, those were the only materials at the command of the architect, in the cities, at .w '<; ..^f •lie- IS' V^ ^k'^z^^^^ Fig. 32. — Biliyljiiian brick ; from the Louvre. 16 inches square on face, and 4 inches thick. least, of Chaldsea. A few fragments of basalt and diorite have certainly been found in their ruins, especially at Tello, recently excavated by M. de Sarzec ; but we can easily tell from the appearance of these blocks that they played a very subordinate 1 See, for Chaldsea, Loftus, Travels and Researches, p. 133; and for Assyria, Place, Ninwe et VAssyrie, vol. i. p. 250, and vol. ii. plates 38 and 39. As an example of the varieties of section presented by these bricks, we may cite those found by M. de Sarzec in the ruins of Tello, which belonged to a circular pillar. This pillar was composed of circular bricks, placed in horizontal courses round a centre of the same material. Elsewhere triangular bricks, which must have formed the angles of buildings have been found. Taylor, Notes on the Ruins of Miigheyr {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 266). At Abou Sharein, this same traveller found convex-sided bricks {Journal, &c., vol. xv. p. 409). ^ Place, Ninive, &c., vol. i. p. 233. Materials. 119 pari ill the buildings into which they were introduced. Some of them seem to have been employed as a kind of decoration in rehef upon the brick walls ; others, and those the most numerous, appear to have been used in the principal entrances to buildings. Upon one face a semicircular hollow or socket may be noticed, in which the foot of the bronze pivots, or rather the pivot shod and faced with bronze, upon which the heavy timber doors and their casings of metal were hung, had to turn. The marks of the consequent friction are still clearly visible.^ The dimensions of these stones are never great, and it is easy to see that their employment for building purposes was always of the most restricted nature. Thev had indeed to be brouglit from a great J%i^^^- Fig. -Biick fi-om Khor^al)ad ; Louvre. I2i inches >quare, and 4; inches lliick. distance. The towns upon the Persian Gulf might get them from Arabia.- Babylon and Nineveh must have drawn them from the 1 Some of these fragments are in the Louvre. They are placed on the ground in the Assyrian Gallery. Their forms are too irregular to be fitted for reproduction here. But for the hollow in question, one might suppose them to be mere shapeless boulders. Layakd noticed similar remains among the ruins of Babylon, Dhcovcn'cs, &c., p. 528. - M. OppertIs even inclined to think that some of them came from the peninsula of .Sinai and the eastern shores of Egypt {Revue Archi'ologique, vol. xlii. p. 272). The formation of the Arabian hills is not yet very well known, and we are not in a ]>osition to say for certain whence these rocks may have come. It seems probable however, that they might have been obtained from certain districts of Arabia, from which they could be carried without too great an effort to within reach of the canals fed by the F.uphrates, or of some port trading with the Persian Gulf 120 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. upper valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates.^ But quarrying and transport involved an expenditure that prevented any thought of bringing these volcanic rocks into common use. Compared with the towns of the lower Euphrates, Babylon was not far from mountains whence, by means of canals and rivers, she might have easily obtained a limestone of good quality. Even in these days, when commerce and industry have fallen so low in those regions, the gypseous alabaster from the neighbourhood of Mossoul is transported in no unimportant quantities as far as Bagdad. It is used for linino- baths and those scrdabs to which the people retreat in summer.^ The remains of the great capital show no trace of dressed stone. And yet it was used during the second empire in some of the great public works undertaken by Nabopolassar and more especially by Nebuchadnezzar. Herodotus, who saw Babylon, declares this in the most formal manner in his description of the bridge which then united, for the first time, the two banks of the Euphrates. While the river was bordered by quays of burnt brick, the bridge, says the historian, " was built of very large stones, bound together with iron clamps embedded in lead." ^ That, however, was but one exception, and it was necessitated by the very nature of the work to be carried out. No cement was to be had which could resist the action of water for an indefi- nite period and maintain the coherence of brickwork subjected to its unsleeping attacks. In order to obtain piers capable of with- standing the current during the great floods, it was better too to use blocks of considerable weight, which could be held tos^ether by metal tenons or clasps. It was but at rare intervals that buildincjs had to be erected in which the habits of ages had to be thus abandoned. Why is it that such works have perished and left no sign ? The question may be easily answered. When the ruins of Babylon began to be used as an open quarry, the stone buildings must have been the first to disappear. This material, precious by its rarity and in greater request than any other, was used again and again until no trace of its original destination or of the buildings in which it was found remained. ' Lavakd, Discoveries, &c., p. 52S. - I, a yard, Discoveries, p. 116. ^ Herodotus, i. 186. Diodorus (ii. viii. 2), iiuoting Ctesias, speaks in almost the same terms of this stone bridge, which lie attributes to Semiramis. Materials. 1 2 1 In Assyria long chains of hills traversed the plain and stretched here and there as far as the borders of the two rivers, besides which the last buttresses of the mountains of Kurdistan came very near the left bank of the Tigris. These hills all contained limestone. Two sorts were found : one fine, hard, close grained, and a little shelly, the other softer and more friable. For the decoration of his monumental doorways and the lining of his richest apartments, the architect chose and committed to the sculptor those fine slabs of gypseous alabaster of which so many examples are to be seen in the Louvre and British Museum. In the plains gypsum serves as a base or foundation for the wide banks of clay that spread over the country, and are much less thick than in the south of Chaldaea. Alabaster is there to be met with in great quantities, often but little below the surface of the soil.^ It is a sulphate of chalk, gray in colour, soft and yet susceptible of polish. But it has many defects ; it breaks easily and deteriorates rapidly on exposure to the air. The Assyrians, however, did not fear to use it in great masses, as wit- ness the bulls in the Louvre and British Museum. Before removal these carved man-headed animals weighed some thirty-five tons, and some of those remaining at Khorsabad and Kouyundjik are still larger. In Assyria as in Chalda;a the dark and hard volcanic rocks have only been found in a few isolated fragments. They were used by the statuary and ornamentist rather than by the architect, and we cannot say for certain where they got them. We know, however, that basalt and other rocks of that kind were found in the upper valleys of the streams that flowed into the two great rivers. - The Assyrian architect had therefore only to stretch out his hand to win stone of a sufficiently varied nature from the soil of his own country or the flanks of its mountains. It was, of course, mediocre in quality but it had powers of resistance that fitted it for use in certain positions. At the first glance it is difficult to understand why so little use was made of it. But 1 BoTTA, Alonuments de Ninive, vol. v. p. 3. - In the valley of the Khabour, the chief affluent of the Euphrates, Layard found volcanoes whose activity seemed only to have been e.xtinguished at a very recent epoch. Long streams of lava projected from their sides into the plain. Discoveries, P- 307- K 122 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. in truth stone was for the Assyrian no more than an accessary and complementary material ; the bodies of his structures were never composed of it ; it was mainly confined to plinths, pavements, and the internal linings of walls. In spite of its apparent singularity this determined exclusion is to be easily explained. The Assyrian invented nothing. His language and his writing, his religion and his science, came from Chaldaea, and so did his art. When the kings of Resen, of Calech, and Nineveh, took it into their heads to build palaces, they imported architects, painters, and sculptors, from the southern kingdom. Why, it may be asked, did those artists remain so faithful to the traditions in which they had grown up when they found themselves planted among such different surroundings ? The answer is, that nothing is more tenacious of life than those professional habits that are transmitted from one generation to another by the practical teaching of more or less close corpora- tions, besides which we must remember that the Chaldsean methods were excellently well fitted for the satisfaction of those impatient princes at whose orders the works were undertaken. For the quarrying, dressing, and fixing of stone, a special and rather tedious education was required. The manufacture and laying of bricks was comparatively easy. A few weeks were sufficient to learn all that was to be learnt about the kneading and moulding of the earth, its desiccation in the sun or burninof in the kiln. Provided that experienced men were forthcoming to superintend the latter operation, millions of good bricks could be made in the year.^ All this required no lengthy apprenticeship. Their arrangement in horizontal courses or grouping at stated intervals, into those lines of battlements with which every wall was crowned, was done by the men of the corvde. Certain parts of the building, such as arches and vaults, required more care and skill, and were left, no doubt, to experienced masons and bricklayers, but, with' these exceptions, the whole work could be confided to the first-comers, to those armies of captives whom we see in the bas-reliefs labouring in chained gangs like convicts. Working in this fashion, even the most formidable works could be completed with singular rapidity. In Assyria, as in 1 As for the simple and rapid nature of the process by which crude bricks are manufactured to the present day in Persia, see Texier, L Armenit et la Perse, vol. ii. p. 64. Materials. Chaldcca, a prince was no sooner seated firmly upon the throne than his architects set about erecting a palace which should be entirely his own. He had no wish that any name but his should be read upon its walls, or that they should display any deeds of valour but those due to his own prowess. In the life of constant war and adventure led by these conquering sovereigns, speed was everything, for they could never be sure of the morrow. That considerations hke these counted for much in the determination of the Assyrian architects to follow a system that the abundance of durable materials invited them to cast aside can hardly be doubted. They did not dare to rouse the displeasure of masters who disliked to wait ; they preferred rather to sacrifice the honour and glory to be won by the erection of solid and picturesque buildings than to use the slowly worked materials in which alone they could be carried out. Assyria was in all respects better provided than Chaldaea. Nature itself seemed to invite her to throw off her too docile spirit of imitation and to create an art of her own. Her possession of stone was not her only advantage over her southern neighbour, she had timber also; at least the Ninevite architect had to go a much shorter distance than his Babylonian rival in order to find it. From the summits of the lofty mounds, at whose feet he estabhshed his workshops, he could catch a distant view of mountain chains, whose valleys were clothed with forests of oak and beech, pine and cypress. There was nothing of the kind within reach of Lower Mesopotamia. The nearest moun- tains, those which ran parallel to the left bank of the Tigris but at a considerable distance, were more naked, even in ancient times, than those of Kurdistan and Armenia. From one side of the plain to the other there were no trees but the palm and the poplar from which timbers of any length could be cut. The soft and fibrous date-palm furnishes one of the worst kinds of wood in the world ; the poplar, though more useful, is not much less brittle and light. From materials like these no system of carpentry could be developed that should allow great spaces to be covered and great heights to be reached. When Nineveh and, after her, Babylon, had conquered all Western Asia, she drew, like Egypt before her, upon the forests of Lebanon. There she obtained the beams and planks for the 124 A History of Art i\ Chald.ea and Assyria. ceilings and doors of her sumptuous palaces.^ The employment, however, of these excellent woods must always have been rare and exceptional. Moreover, other habits had become confirmed. When these new resources were put at the disposition of architecture, the art was too old and too closely wedded to its traditional methods to accept their aid. In the use of wood, as in that of brick, Assyria neglected to make the best of the advantages assured to her by her situation and her natural products. If Chalda^a was ill-provided with stone and timber, she had every facility for procuring the useful and precious metals. They were not, of course, to be found in her alluvial plains, but metals are easy of transport, especially to a country whose commerce has the command of navigable highways. The in- dustrial centres in which they are manufactured are often separated by great distances from the regions where they are won from the earth. But to procure the more indispensable among them the dwellers upon the Tigris and Euphrates had no great distance to cover. The southern slopes of Zagros, three or four days' journey from Nineveh, furnished iron, copper, lead, and silver in abundance. Mines are still worked in Kurdistan, or, at least, have been worked in very recent times, which supply these metals in abundance. The traces of abandoned workings may be recognized even by the hasty ^ As to the employment in Assyria of cedar from the Lebanon, see Francois Lenormant, Histoire Ancienne, vol. ii. p. 191, and an inscription of Sennacherib, translated by Oppert, Les Sargonides, pp. 52, 53. Its use in Babylon is proved by several passages of the great text known as the Inscription of Lo?idon, in which Nebuchadnezzar recounts the great works he had caused to be carried out in his capital (Lenormant, Jlis/oiir, vol. ii. pp. 228 and 233). We find this phrase among others, " I used in the chamber of oracles the largest of the trees transported from the summits of Lebanon." Lavard {Discoveries, pp. 356 — 7) tells us that one evening during the Nimroud excavations, his labourers lighted a fire to dry themselves after a storm, which they fed with timbers taken from the ruins. The smell of burning cedar, a perfume which so many Greek and Latin poets have praised {jtrit odoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum, Virgil, ^tieid, vii. 13), apprised him of what was going on. In the British Museum (Nimroud Gallerj', Case a), fragments of recovered joists may be seen. They are in such good preservation that they might be shaped and polished anew, so as to again bring out the markings and the fine dark-yellow tone which contributed not a little to make the wood so precious. It was sought both for its agreeable appearance and its known solidity ; and experience has proved that the popular opinion which declared it incorruptible had some foundation. Materials. 125 and unlearned traveller, and a skilful engineer would, no doubt, make further discoveries.^ Mr. Layard was unable to learn that any gold had been won in our days ; but from objects found in the excavations, from inscriptions in which the Assyrians boast of their wealth and prodigality, from Egyptian te.xts in which the details of tributes paid by the Roten-nou, that is by the people of Syria and Mesopotamia, are given, it is clear that in the great days of Nineveh and Babylon those capitals possessed a vast quantity of gold, and employed it in a host of different ways. In the course of several centuries of war, victory, and pillage, princes, officers, and soldiers had amassed enormous wealth by the simple process of stripping the nations of Western Asia of every object of value they possessed. These accumulations were continually added to, in the case of Babylon, by the active commerce she carried on with the mineral-producing countries, such as the Caucasus, Bactriana, India, and Egypt. There are some architectures — that of the Greeks for example — that preserve a rare nobility even when deprived of their metal ornaments and polychromatic decoration. The architects of Babylon and Nineveh were differently situated. Deprived of metals some of their finest effects would have been impossible. The latter could be used at will in flexible threads or long, narrow bands, which could be nailed or riveted on to wood or brick. They may be beaten with the hammer, shaped by the chisel, or engraved by the burin ; their surfaces may be either dead or polished ; the variety of shades of which they are capable, and the brilliance of their reflections, are among the most valuable resources of the decorator, and the colouring principles they contain provide the painter and enameller with some of his richest and most solid tones. In Chaldsea the architect was condemned by the force viajcure of circumstances to employ little more than crude or burnt brick and bad timber ; in Assyria he voluntarily condemned himself to the limitations they imposed. By the skillful and intelligent use of metals, he managed to overcome the resulting disadvantages in some degree, and to mask under a sumptuous decoration of gold, silver, and bronze, the deficiencies inherent in the material of which his buildings were mainly composed. ' Layard, Nineveh, vol. i. p. 223, and vol. ii. pp- 415-418. 126 A History ok Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. § 2. — The Gcjici'al Principles of Form. If in our fancy we strip the bviildings of Chaldaea and Assyria of all their accessories, if we take from them their surface ornament and the salience of their roofs, the bare edifice that remains is what geometricians call a rectangular- parallelopiped. Of all the types created by this architecture, the only one of which we still possess a few fairly well preserved examples is that of the palace. It is therefore the best known of them all, and the first to excite attention and study. Now, upon the artificial mound, the wide terrace, over which its imposing mass is spread, the palace may be likened to a huge box whose faces are all either horizontal or vertical (Plate V.). Even in the many-storied temples, whose general aspect is modified of course to a great extent by their height, the same element may be traced. We have endeavoured to restore some of these by collating the descriptions of the ancient writers with the remains that still exist in many parts of Mesopotamia (Plates II., III., and IV.). Their general form may be described as the box to which we have compared the palace repeated several times in vertical succession, each box being rather smaller than the one below it. By these means their builders proposed to give them an elevation approaching the marvellous. The system was in some respects similar to that of the pyramid, but the re-entering angles at each story gave them a very different appearance, at least to one regarding them from a short distance. Only now and then do we find any inclination like that of the sides of a pyramid, and in those cases it applies to bases alone (Plate I\'.). As a rule the walls or external surfaces are perpendicular to their foundations. We may, perhaps, explain the complete absence from Chaldaea of a system of construction that was so universal in Egypt by the differences of climate and of the materials used. Doubtless it rains less in Mesopotamia than even in Italy or Greece. But rain is not, as in Upper Egypt, an almost unknown phenomenon. The changes of the seasons are ushered in by storms of rain that amount to little less than deluges.^ Upon sloping walls of dre.ssed 1 Oppert {Expedition Scientifiqiie, vol. i. p. 86) gives a description of one of these storms that he encountered in the neighbourliood of Bagdad on the 26th of May. The General Principles of Form. 127 stone these torrents could beat without causing any great damage, hut where brick was used the inconveniences of such a slope would soon be felt. Water does not fall so fast upon a slope as upon a perpendicular wall, and a surface made up of comparatively thin bricks has many more joints than one in which stones of any con- siderable size are employed. As a rule the external faces of all important buildings were revetted with very hard and well burnt bricks. But the rain, driven by the wind, might easily penetrate through the joints and spread at will through the core of mere sun- dried bricks within. The verticality of Assyrian and Chaldaean walls was necessary, therefore, for their preservation. Without it the thin covering of burnt brick would have been unable to do its proper work of protecting the softer material within, and the sudden storms by which the plains were now and again half drowned, would have been far more hurtful than they were. The Chalda^an palace, like the Egyptian temple, sought mainly for lateral development. Its extent far surpassed its elevation, and horizontal lines predominated in its general physiognomy. There was here a latent harmony between the architecture of nature and that of man, between the great plains of Mesopotamia, with their distant horizons, and the long walls, broken only by their crenellated summits, of the temples and palaces. There must, however, have been a certain want of relief, of visibility, in edifices conceived on such lines and built in such a country. This latter defect was obvious to the Mesopotamians themselves, who raised the dwellings of their gods and kings upon an artificial mound with a carefully paved summit.^ Upon this summit the structure properly speaking rested, so that, in Chaldsea, the founda- tions of a great building instead of being, as elsewhere, sunk beneath the soil, stand so high above it that the ground line of the palace or temple to which they belong rises above the plain to a height that leaves the roofs of ordinary houses and even the summits of the tallest palms far below. This arrangement gave a clearer salience and a more imposing mass to structures which would otherwise, on account of their monotomy of line and the vast 1 La YARD, Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii. p. 119. When one of these mounds is attacked from the top, the excavators must work downwards until they come to this paved platform. As soon as it is reached no greater depth need be attempted ; all attention is then given to driving lateral trenches in every direction. In Assyria the mass of crude bricks sometimes rests upon a core of rock which has been utilised to save time and labour (Layard, Discoveries, &c., p. 219). 128 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. excess of their horizontal over their vertical development, have had but little effect. Such an arrangement would appear superfluous in the case of those towers in the shape of stepped pyramids, whose summits could be carried above the plain to any fanciful height by the simple process of adding story to story. But the Mesopotamian constructor went upon the same system as in the case of his palaces. It was well in any case to interpose a dense, firm, and dry Fir.. 34. — -Temple ; from a Kouymidjik bas-relief. Rawliiison, vol. i. p. 314. mass between the wet and often shifting soil and the building, and to afford a base which by its size and solidity should protect the great accumulation of material that was to be placed upon it from injury through any settling in the foundations. Moreover, the paved esplanade had its place in the general economy. It formed a spacious court about the temple, a sacred tcmcnos as the Greeks would have called it, a Jiaram as a modern Oriental would saj^ It could be peopled with statues and decorated with mystic The General Principles of Form. 129 emblems ; religious processions could be marshalled within its bounds. The general, we may almost say the invariable, rule in Mesopotamia was that every structure of a certain importance should be thus borne on an artificial hill. An e.xamination ot the ruins themselves and of the monuments figured upon the bas- reliefs shows us that these substructures did not always have the same form. Their faces were sometimes vertical, sometimes inclined ; sometimes again they presented a gentle outward curve (see Fig. 34) ; but these purely e.xternal differences did not affect the principle. In all the river basins of Mesopotamia, whether ot the Euphrates, the Tigris, or the smallest affluents of the Persian •i^ -> *^.•^»Sfec^*■' -^ -^ - - *-_ — ^ ^ ~.-~ ^^ ^ ^''■- 35- — Tell-EtU', in Lower Cli.>Ida-a. From Rauliiisoii's /-ii'i' Great JMomirchies. Gulf, whenever you see one of these tells, or isolated mounds, standing above the general surface of the plain, you may be sure that if you drive a trench into it you will come upon those courses of crude brick that proclaim its artificial origin. Rounded by natural disintegration and scarred by the rain torrents, such a hillock is apt to deceive the thoughtless or ignorant traveller, but an instructed explorer knows at a glance that many centuries age it bore on its summit a temple, a fortress, or some royal or lordly habitation (Fig. 35). The distinguishing feature of the staged towers is their striving- after the greatest possible elevation. It is true that neither from Herodotus nor Diodorus do we get anv definite statements as to 130 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. the' height of the most famous of these monuments, the temple of Belus at Babylon ;^ Strabo alone talks of a stade (616 feet), and it may be asked on what authority he gives that measurement, which has been freely treated as an exaggeration. In any case we may test it to a certain extent by examining the largest and best preserved of the artificial hills of which we have spoken,- and we must remember that all the writers of antiquity are unanimous in asserting its prodigious height.^ We run small risk of exaggeration, therefore, in saying that some of these Chaldaean temples Avere much taller than the highest of the Gizeh Pyramids. Their general physiognomy was the reverse of that of the Mesopotamian palaces, but it was no less the result of the natural configuration of the country. Their architect sought to find his effect in contrast ; he endeavoured to impress the spectator by the strong, not to say violent, opposition between their soaring lines and the infinite horizon of the plain. Such towers erected in a hilly country like Greece would have looked much smaller. There, they would have had for close neifjhbours sometimes high mountains and alwavs boldly contoured hills and rocks ; however far up into the skies their summits might be carried, they would still be dominated on one side or the other. Involuntarily the eye demands from nature the same scale of proportions as are suggested by the works of man. Where these are chiefly remarkable for their height, much of their effect wnll be destroyed by the proximity of such hills as Acrocorinthus or Lycabettus, to say nothing of Taygetus or Parnassus. It is quite otherwise when the surface of the country stretches away on every side with the continuity and flatness of a lake. In these days none of the great buildings to which we have been alluding have preserved more than a half of their original height \^ all that remains is a formless mass encumbered with heaps of dibris at its foot, and yet, as every traveller in the country has 1 See Herodotus, i. 181-184; and Diodorus, ii. g. '^ By such means M. Oppert arrives at a height of 250 Babylonian feet, or about 262 feet English for the monument now represented by the moundin the neighbourhood of Babylon known as Birs-Nimroud. Expedition Scientijique en Mesopotamie, \ol. i. pp. 205-209, and plate 8. ^ 'O^oAoyetTat 8' vil/rjXov yeyeiTJtr^ut kuO' I'Trtp/JiA i;i'. — DiODORUS, ii. 9, 4. * The mound called Babil on the site of Babylon (Plate I. and Fig. 37) is now about 13s feet high, but the Birs-Nimroud, the highest of these ruins, has still an elevation of not less than 220 feet (Lward, Diseoreries, p. 495). The General Principles of Form. 131 remarked, these ruined monuments have an extraordinary effect upon the general appearance of the country. They give an im- pression of far greater height than they really possess (Fig. 36). At certain hours of the day, we are told, this illusion is very strong : in the early morning when the base of the mound is lost in circling vapours and its summit alone stands up into the clear sky above and receives the first rays of the sun ; and in the evening, when the whole mass rises in solid shadow against the red and gold of the western skv. At these times it is easy to comprehend the ideas by which the Chaldaian architect was animated when he created the type of these many-storied towers and scattered them with such profusion over the whole face of the country. The chief Fir,. 36. — Haman, in Lower Ch.ildiea. From Loftus. want of his land was the picturesque variety given by accidents of the ground to its nearest neighbours, a want he endeavoured to conceal by substituting these pyramidal temples, these lofty pago- das, as we are tempted to call them, for the gentle slopes and cragory peaks that are so plentiful beyond the borders of Chaldaea. By their conspicuous elevation, and the enormous e.xpenditure of labour they implied, they were meant to break the uniformity of the great plains that lay about them ; at the same time, they would astonish contemporary travellers and even that remote posterity for whom no more than a shapeless heap of ruins would be left. They would do more than all the writings of all the his- torians to celebrate the power and genius of the race that dared thus to correct and complete the work of nature. 132 A History of Art in Ciiald-^a and Assyria. When the king and his architect had finished one of these structures, they might calculate upon an infinite duration for it without any great presumption, and that partly because Chaldaean art, eYen Avhen most ambitious and enterprising, neYer made use of any but the simplest means. The arch was in more frequent use than in Egypt, but it hardly seems to have been employed in buildings to which any great height was to be given. Scarcely a trace of it is to be discovered either in the parts preserved of these structures or in their sculptured representations. None of those Heht and Graceful methods of construction that charm and excite the eye, but must be paid for by a certain loss of stability, are to be found here. Straight lines are the inflexible rule. The few arches that may be discovered in the interior exercise no thrust, surrounded as they are on every side by weighty masses. In theory the equilibrium is perfect ; and if, as the event has proved, the conditions of stability, or at least of duration, were less favourable than in the pyramids at Memphis or in the temples at Thebes, the fault lies with the inherent vices of the material used and with the comparatively unfavourable climate. In the absence of stone the Chaldaean builder was shut off from many of the most convenient methods of covering, and therefore of multiplying, voids. Speaking generally, we may say that he employed neither piers, nor columns, nor those beams of lime- stone, sandstone, or granite, which we know as architraves ; he was, therefore, ignorant of the portico, and never found himself driven by artistic necessities to those ingenious, delicate, and learned efforts of invention by which the Egyptians and Greeks arrived at what we call orders. This term is well understood. By it we mean supports of which the principal parts, base, shaft, and capital, have certain constant and closely defined mutual relations. Like a zoological species, each order has a distinctive character and personal physiognomy of its own. An art that is deprived of such a resource is condemned to a real inferiority. It may cover every surface with the luxury of a sumptuous decoration, but, in spite of all its efforts, a secret poverty, a want of genius and inven- tion, will be visible in its creations. The varied arrangements of the portico suggested the liypostyle hall, with all the picturesque developments it has undergone at the hands of the Egyptians, the Greeks, the Romans, and the The General Principles of Form. people of modern Europe. In their ignorance of the pier and cokimn, the Chaldaeans were unable to give their buildings those spacious galleries and chambers which delight the eye while they diminish the actual mass of a building. Their towers were artificial mountains, almost as solid and massive from base to summit as the natural hills from which their lines were taken. ^ A few small apartments were contrived within them, near their outer edges, that might fairly be compared to caves hollowed in the face of a clift. The weight upon the lower stories and the substructure was therefore enormous, even to the point of threatening destruction by sheer pulverisation. The whole interior was composed of crude brick, and if, as is generally supposed, those bricks were put in place before the process of desiccation was complete, the shrink- age resulting from its continuance must have had a bad effect upon the structure as a whole, especially as the position of the courses and the more or less favourable aspects of the different external faces must have caused a certain inequality in the rate at which that operation went on. The resistance would not be the same at all points, and settlements would occur by which the equilibrium of the upper stages might be compromised and the destruction of the whole building prepared. Another danger lay in the violence of the sudden storms and the diluvial character of the winter rains. Doubtless the outsides of the walls were faced with well burnt bricks, carefully set, and often coated with an impenetrable enamel ; but an inclined plane of a more or less gentle gradient wound from base to summit to give access to the latter. When a storm burst upon one of these towers, this plane became in a moment the bed of a torrent, for its outer edge would, of course, be protected by a low wall. The water would pour like a river over the sloping pavement and strike violently against each angle. Whether it were allowed to flow over the edges of the inclined plane or, as seems more probable, directed in its course so as to sweep it from top to 1 See Layard's account of his excavation in the interior of the p)ramidal ruin occupying a part of the platform which now surmounts the mound of Nimroud. From two sides trenches were cut to the centre ; neither of them encountered a void of any kind (Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii. p. 107). At a later period further trenches were cut and the rest of the building explored {Discoveries, pp. 123-129). The only void of which any trace could be found was a narrow, vaulted gallery, about 100 feet long, 6 wide, and 12 high. It was closed at both ends, and appeared never to have had any means of access from without. 134 -^ History of Art in Chald.ka and Assyria. bottom, it must in either case have caused damage requiring continual watchfuhiess and frequent repairs. If this watchfuhiess were remitted for an instant, some of the external burnt and enamelled bricks might become detached and leave a gap through which the water could penetrate to the soft core within, and set up a process of disintegration which would become more actively mischievous with every year that passed. The present appearance of these ruins is thus, to a great extent, to be explained. Travellers in the country agree in describing them as irregular mounds, deeply seamed by the rains ; and the sides against which the storms and waterspouts that devastate Mesopotamia would chiefly spend their force are those on which the damage is most conspicuous (see Fig. 37). Even in antique times these buildings had suffered greatly. In Egypt, when the supreme power had passed, after one of those periods of decay that were by no means infrequent in her long career, into the hands of an energetic race of princes like those of the eighteenth or twenty-sixth dynasties, all traces of damage done to the public monuments by neglect or violence were rapidly effaced. The pyramids could take care of themselves. They had seen the plains at their feet covered again and again with hordes of barbarians, and yet had lost not an inch of their height or a stone of their polished cuirass. Even in the temples the setting up of a few fallen columns, the reworking of a few bas-reliefs, the restoration of a painting here and there, was all that was necessary to bring back their former splendour. In Chaldeea the work undertaken by Nabopolassar and his dynasty was far more arduous. He had to rebuild nearly all the civil and religious buildings from their foundations, to under- take, as we know from more than one text, a general recon- struction.^ A new Babylon was reared from the ground. Little of her former monuments remained but their foundations and materials. Temples richer than the first rose upon the lofty mounds, and, for the sake of speed, were often built of the old bricks, upon which appeared the names of forgotten kings. Nothing was neglected, no expense was spared by which the solidity of the new buildings could be increased, and yet, five or six centuries afterwards, nothing was left but ruins. Herodotus 1 See Lenormant, Histoire Ancienne, vol. ii. pp. 228 and 233. Translations of several texts in which these restorations are spoken of are here given. ■ ,■.-■■( ■'M''.'-/^0 if-^^l :a., r ""% A wm I 11' ii ^At 1*^ -I- t -5 lHijii^ii.'lliiS mm (i :1"'M *;/.^.;i"?^^r The General Principles of Form. J/ seems to have seen the great temple of Bel while it was still practically intact, but Diodorus speaks of it as an edifice "which time had caused to fall," ^ and he adds that " writers are not in accord in what they say about this temple, so that it is impossible for us to make sure what its real dimensions were." It would seem, therefore, that the upper stories had fallen long before the age of Augustus. Even Ctesias, perhaps, who is Diodorus's constant guide in all that he writes on the subject of Chalda-a and Assyria, never saw the monument in its integrity. In any case, the building was a complete ruin in the time of Strabo. " The tomb of Belus," says that accurate and well- informed geographer, " is now destroyed." - Strabo, like Diodorus, attributes the destruction of these buildings partly to time, partly to the avenging violence of the Persians, who, irritated by the never-ending revolts of Babylon, ruined the proudest and most famous of her temples as a punishment. That the sanctuary was pillaged by the Persians under Xer.xes, as Strabo affirms, is probable enough, but we have some difficulty in believing that they troubled themselves to destroy the building itself.^ The effort would have been too great, and, in view of the slow but sure action of the elements upon its substance, it would have been labour thrown away. The destruction of an Egyptian monument required a desperate and long continued attack, it had to be deliberately murdered, if we may use such a phrase, but the buildings of Mesopotamia, with their thin cuirasses of burnt brick and their soft bodies, required the care of an architect to keep them standing, we might say of a doctor to keep them alive, to watch over them day by day, and to stop every wound through which the weather could reach their vulnerable parts. Abandoned to themselves they would soon have died, and died natural deaths. Materials and a system of construction such as those we have described could only result in a close style of architecture, in a style in which the voids bore but a very small proportion to the solids. And such a style was well suited to the climate. ' Tov KaTatTKeuatr/xaTOS Sia tov ^povov 8io.fl-€7rT(DKoTos (ii. 9, 4). - Strabo, xvi. 5. 3 Diodorus, after describing the treasures of the temple, confines himseU' to saying generally, "all this was afterwards spoiled by the king of Persia" (ii. 9. 19)- T 138 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. In the long and burning summers of Mesopotamia the inhabitants freely exchanged light for coolness. With few and narrow open- ings and thick \valls the temperature of their dwellings could be kept far lower than that of the torrid atmosphere without.^ Thus we find in the Ninevite palaces outer walls of from fifteen to five-and-twenty feet in thickness. It would have been very difficult to contrive windows through such masses as that, and they would when made have given but a feeble light. The difficulty was frankly met by discarding the use of any openings but the doors and skylights cut in the roofs. The window- proper was almost unknown. We can hardly point to an Fig. 38. — A Fortress. From Lajard. instance of its use, either among Assyrian or Chaldsean remains, or in the representations of them in the bas-reliefs. Here and there we find openings in the upper stories of towers, but they are loop-holes rather than windows (Fig. 38).^ ' According to the personal experience of M. Place, the ancient arrangements were more suited to the climate of this country than the modern ones that have taken their place. The overpowering heat from which the inhabitants of modern Mossoul suffer so greatly is largely owing to the unintelligent employment of stone and plaster in the construction of dwellings. During his stay in that town the thermometer sometimes rose, in his apartments, to 51° Centigrade (90° Fahrenheit). The mean temperature of a summer's day was from 40° to 42° Centigrade (from 72° to about 76' Fahrenheit). - See L.\v.\Rn, Moiiuineitts of Xiiifrfli, 2nd series, plates 21 and 40. Tin: General Prixcipi.ks of Form. 139 At first we are inclined to pity kings shut up within such blind walls as these. But we must not be betrayed into believing that they took no measures to enjoy the evening breeze, or to cast their eyes over the broad plains at their feet, over the cities that lay under the shadows of the lofty mounds upon which their palaces were built. At certain times of the year and day they would retire within the shelter of their thickest walls and roofs ; just as at the present moment the inhabitants of ^lossoul, Bassorah, and Bagdad, take refuge within their serdabs as soon as the sun is a little high in the heavens, and stay there until the approach of evening.' When the heat was less suft'ocating the courtyards would be pleasant, with their encircling porticoes sustaining a light covering inclined towards the centre, an arrangement required by the climate, and one which is to be found both at Pompeii and in the the Arab houses of Damascus, and is sure to have been adopted by the inhabitants of ancient Chaldcea. Additional space was given by the wide esplanades in front of the doors, and by the flat roofs, upon which sleep was often more successfully wooed than in the rooms below. And sometimes the pleasures given by refreshing breezes, cool shadows, and a distant prospect could be all enjoyed together, for in a certain bas-relief that seems to represent one of those great buildings of which we possess the ruins, we see an open arcade- — a loggia as it would be called in Italy — rise above the roof for the whole length of the facade (Fig. 39)." There are houses in the neighbourhood of Mossoul in which a similar arrangement is to be met with, as we may see from Mr. Layard's sketch of a house in a village of Kurdistan 1 The serdab is a kind of cellar, the walls and tloor of which are drenched periodically with water, which, by its evaporation, lowers the temperature by several degrees. - The town represent!, d on the sculptured slab here reproduced is not Assyrian but Phcenician ; it affords data, however, which may be legitimately used in the restoration of the upper part of an Assyrian palace. We can hardly believe that the Mesopotamian artists, in illustrating the wars of the Assyrian kings, copied servilely the real features of the conquered towns. They had no sketches by '• special artists " to guide their chisels. They were told that a successful campaign had been fought in the roarshes of the lower Euphrates, or in some country covered with forests of date trees, and these they had no difficulty in representing because they had examples before their eyes ; so too, when buildings were in question, we m-iy fairly conclude that they borrowed their motives from the architecture wiui which they were familiar. 140 A History of Art i\ Chald.ea axd Assyria. inhabited by Nestorians (Fig. 40). It includes a modified kind of portico, the pillars of which are suggested or rather demanded by the necessity for supporting the ceiling. Supposing such an arrangement to have obtained in Meso- potamia, of what material were the piers or columns composed ? Had they been of stone their remains would surely have been found among the ruins ; but no such things have ever come to light, so we may conclude that they were of timber or brick ; the roof, at least, must have been wood. The joints may have been covered with protecting plates of metal by which '\. m\' A \ \i ^M ±A Fjg. '■<). — Vitw cf a Tl.\mi and its Palaces. Kouyundjili. From Layard. their duration was assured. We have a curious example of the use of these bronze sheaths in the remains of gilded palm- trees found by M. Place in front of the harem at Khorsabad. He there encountered a cedar trunk lying upon the ground and incased in a brass coat on which all the roughnesses of cedar bark were imitated. The leaves of doors were also protected by metallic bands, which were often decorated with bas-reliefs. Must we conclude that stone columns were unknown in Chaldsea and Assyria } As for Chaldaea, we have no positive information in the matter, but we know that she had no building stone of her The General Principles of Form. 141 own. The Chaldaean sculptor might indeed import a few blocks of diorite or basalt, either from Arabia, Egypt, or the valleys of Mount Zagros, for use in statues which would justify such ex- pense ; but the architect must have been restricted to the use of material close at hand. In Assyria limestone was always withm reach, and yet the Assyrians never succeeded in freeing them- selves from traditional methods sufficiently to make the column play a part similar to that assigned to it by the peoples of Egypt and Greece. Their habits, and especially the habit of respect for the practices and traditions of Chaldaea, were too strong for them. Their use of the column, though often tasteful and happy, is never without a certain timidity. One is inclined to think they had an inkling of the possibilities latent in it, but that they lacked Fig. 40. — HousL in Kuuli.^t.in , fium Lajaid. the courage necessary to give it full play in the interiors and upon the fa9ades of their large palaces and towers. In the bas-reliefs we find columns used in the kiosques built upon the river banks (Fig. 41), and in the pavilions or chapels studded over the royal gardens (Fig. 42). The excavations, moreover, have yielded pedestals and capitals which, rare as they are, have a double claim to our regard. The situations in which they have been discovered seem to show that columns were sometimes used in front of doorways, to support porches or covered ways extending to the full limits of the esplanade ; secondly, their forms them- selves are interesting. Close study will convince us that, when copied by neighbouring peoples who made frequent and general use of stone supports, they might well have exercised an infiuence 14- A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. that was felt as far as the yEgaean, and had something to do with one of the fairest creations of Greels. art. We thus catch side glimpses of the column, as it were, in small buildings, in the porches before the principal doors of palaces, and in the open galleries with which some of the latter buildings were crowned (Fig. 39). In all these cases it is nothing but a more or less elegant accessory ; we might if we pleased give a sufficiently full description of Mesopotamian architecture without hinting at its existence. Fig. 41. — Temple on ihe bank of a river, Ivhor.^abad ; from Botta. We cannot say the same of the arch, which played a much more important role than it did in Egypt. There it was banished, as we have seen, to the secondary parts of an edifice. It hardly entered into the composition of the nobler class of buildings ; it was used mainly in store-rooms built near the temples, in the gateways through the outer walls of tombs, and in underground cellars and passages.^ In Mesopotamia, on the other hand, the arch is one of the real constituent elements of the national architecture. 1 See the History of Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 77-S4. The General Prixciples of Form. H3 That the Chaldaean architects were early led to the invention of the arch is easily understood. They were unable to support the upper parts of their walls, their ceilings or their roofs, upon beams of stone or timber, and they had to devise some other means of arriving at the desired result. This means was not matured all at once. With most peoples the first stage consisted probably in those corbels or oft'-sets by which the width of the space to be covered was reduced course by course, till a junction was effected at the top ; and sometimes this early stage may have been dis- pensed with. In some cases, the workman who had to cover a narrow void with small units of construction may, in trying them |V\-\JWVA.^VW-VV\A'\'\-WfV 'iii-i ■';•: • :'Mli iM-, Fig. 41. — Temple in .1 Royal Park, Kouyundjik ; from the British Museum. in various positions and combinations, have hit upon the real principle of the arch. This principle must everywhere have been discovered more or less accidentally ; in one place the accident may have come sooner than in another, and here it may have been turned to more profit than there. We shall have to describe and e.xplain these differences at each stage of our journey through the art history of antiquity, but we may at once state the general law that our studies and comparisons will bring to light. The arch was soonest discovered and most invariably employed by those builders who found themselves condemned, by the geological formation of their countr}'. to the employment of the smallest units. 144 ^ History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. The Chaldaeans were among those builders, and they made frequent use of the arch. They built no long arcades with piers or columns for supports, like those of the Romans, and that simply because such structures would have been contrary to the general principles of their architecture. They made no use, as we have already explained, of those isolated supports whose employment resulted in the hypostyle halls of Egypt and Persia, in the naves of Greek temples and Latin basilicas. The want of stone put any such arrangement out of the question. We have, then, no reason to believe that their arches ever rested upon piers or upon the solid parts of walls freely pierced for the admission of light. The type from which the modern east has evolved so many fine mosques and churches was unknown in Chaldaea. In every building of which we possess either the remains or the figured representation the archivolts rest upon thick and solid walls. Under these conditions the vault was supreme in certain parts of the building. Its use was there so constant as to have almost the character of an unvarying law. Every palace was pierced in its substructure by drains that carried the rain water and the general waste from the large population by which it was inhabited down into the neighbouring river, and nearly all these drains were vaulted. And it must not be supposed that the architect deliberately hid his vaults and arches, or that he only used them in those parts of his buildings where they were concealed and lost in their surroundings ; they occur, also, upon the most careful and elaborate fa9ades. The gates of cities, of palaces and temples, of most buildings, in fact, that have any monu- mental character, are crowned by an arch, the curve of which is accentuated by a brilliantly coloured soffit. This arch is continued as a barrel vault for the whole length of the passage leading into the interior, and these passages are sometimes very long. Vaults would also, in all probability, have been found over those narrow chambers that are so numerous in Assyrian palaces were it not for the universal ruin that has overtaken their superstructures. Finally, certain square rooms have been discovered which must have been covered with vaults in the shape of more or less flattened domes. We must here call attention to the importance of a bas-relief belonging to the curious series of carved pictures in which The General Principles of Form. 145 Sennacherib caused the erection of his palace at Nineveh to be commemorated. Look well at this group of buildings, which seems to rise upon a platform at the foot of a hill shaded with C3'presses and fruit-laden vines (see Fig. 43). The buildings on the right have flat roofs, those on the left, and they seem the Fig. 43. — View of a group of buiUliiigs ; KouviincljiU ; from Layard. most important, have, some hemispherical cupolas, and some tall domes approaching cones in shape. These same forms are still in use over all that country, not only for public buildings like baths and mosques, but even here and there for the humblest domestic structures. Travellers have been often surprised at u 146 A History of Art in Chald.^a and Assyria. encountering, in many of the villages of Upper Syria and Meso- potamia, peasants' houses with sugar-loaf roofs like these.^ We need not here go further 'into details upon this point. In these general and introductory remarks we have endeavoured to point out as concisely as possible how the salient characteristics of Assyrian architecture are to be explained by the configuration of the country, by the nature of the materials at hand, and by the climate with which the architect had to reckon. It was to these conditions that the originality of the system was due ; that the solids were so greatly in excess over the voids, and the lateral over the vertical measurements of a building. In this latter respect the buildings of Mesopotamia leave those of all other countries, even of Egypt, far behind. They were carried, too, to an extraordinary height without any effort to give the upper part greater lightness than the substructure ; both were equally solid and massive. Finally, the nature of the elements of which Mesopotamian architects could dispose was such that the desire for elegance and beauty had to be satisfied by a superficial system of decoration, by paint and carved slabs laid on to the surface of the walls. Beauty unadorned was beyond their reach, and their works may be compared to women whose attractions lie in the richness of their dress and the multitude of their jewels. § 3. — Construction. As might have been expected nothing that can be called a structure of dressed stone has been discovered in Chaldaea ; "^ in Assyria alone have some examples been found. Of these ' Layard, Discirceries, p. 112 ; Geo. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 341. ^ The remains of stone walls are at least so rare in Lower Mesopotamia that we may disregard their existence. In my researches I have only found mention of a single example. At Abou-Sharein Taylor found a building in which an upper story was supported by a mass of crude brick faced with blocks of dressed sand- stone. The stones of the lower courses were held together by mortar, those of the upper ones by bitumen. We have no information as to the " bond " or the size of stones used (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 408). The materials for this revetment must have been quarried in one of those rocky hills — islands, perhaps, formerly — with which Lower Chaldsea is sparsely studded. Taylor mentions one seven miles west of Mougheir, in the desert that stretches away towards Arabia from the right bank of the Euphrates {Journal, &c. vol. xv. p. 460). Construction. 147 the most interesting, and the most carefully studied and described are the walls of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad. Even there stone was only employed to case the walls in which the mound was inclosed — a cuirass of large blocks care- fully dressed and fixed seemed to give solidity to the mass, and at the same time we know by the arrangement of the blocks that the outward appearance of the wall was by no means lost sight of. All those of a single course were of one height but of different depths and widths, and the arrangement followed a regular order like that shown in Fig. 46. Their external face was carefully dressed.^ The courses consist, on plan, of "stretchers" and "headers." We borrow from Place the plan of an angle (Fig. 44), a section I — I — I — I — I— ^m\ n Fig. 44. — Plan of angle, Khorsab.id ; from Place. Fig. 45. — Section of wall through AB in Fig. 44 ; from Place. (F'ig. 45), and an elevation (Fig. 46). Courses are always horizontal and joints properly bound. The freestone blocks at the foot of the wall are very large. The stretchers are six feet eight inches thick, the same wide, and nine feet long. They weigh about twenty-three tons. It is astonishing to find the Assyrians, who were very rapid builders, choosing such heavy and unmanageable materials. The supporting wall became gradually thinner towards the top, each course being slightly set back from the one below it on the inner face (see Fig. 45). This arrangement is general with ' We shall here give a rhitiuc of M. Place's observations {N'iitive ct I'Assyn'e, vol. i. pp. 31-34)- 148 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. these retainine-walls. The average diminution is from seven to ten feet at the base, to from three to six at the top. The constructor showed no less skill in the use he made of his stretchers and headers. They not only gave him an opportunity of safely diminishing the weight of his structure and economising his materials, they afforded a ready means of adapting his wall exactly to the work it had to do. The headers penetrated farther into the crude mass within than the stretchers, and gave to the junction of the two surfaces a solidity similar to that derived by a wall from its through stones or perpenders. In describing this wall, M. Place also calls attention to the care with which the angles are built. " The first course," he says, ' is composed of three ' headers ' with their shortest side outwards Fig. 46. — Elevation of wall, Khorsabad ; from Place. and their length engaged in the mass behind. Two of these stones lie parallel to each other, the third crosses their inner extremities.'' ^ Thanks to this ingenious arrangement, the weakest and most exposed part of the wall is capable of resisting any attack. The surface in contact with the core of crude brick was only roughly dressed, by which means additional cohesion was given to the junction of the two materials ; but the other sides were carefully \vorked and squared and fixed in place by simple juxtaposi- tion. The architect calculated upon sufficient solidity being given by the mere weight of the stones and the perfection of their surfaces. - 1 Place, Niiiire, Szc. vol. i. p. J/'ul p. 33. Construction. 151 The total height of this Khorsabad wall was sixty feet — nine feet for the foundations, forty-six for the retaining-wall, and five for the parapet, for the wall did not stop at the level of the roofs. A row of battlements was thought .necessary both as a slight fortification and as an ornament.^ These were finished at the top with open crenellations in brick, along the base of which ran apparently a frieze of painted rosettes. A reference to our Fig. 47 will explain all these arrangements better than words. It is a bird's-eye view in perspective of the south-western part of the palace. The vertical sections on the right of the engraving show how the stones were bonded to the crude brick. The crenellations are omitted here, but they may be seen in place on the left. The great size of the stones and the regularity of the masonry, the height of the wall and the long line of battlements with which it was crowned, the contrast between the brilliant whiteness of its main surface and the bright colours of the painted frieze that, we have supposed, defined its summit — all this made up a composition simple enough, but by no means devoid of beauty and grandeur. In the enceinte surrounding the town, stone was also employed, but in a rather different fashion. It was used to (jive strencrth to the foot of the wall, which consisted of a limestone plinth nearly four feet high, surmounted by a mass of crude brick, rising to a total height of about forty-four feet. Its thickness was eighty feet. The bed of stone upon which the brick rested was made up of two retaining walls with a core of rubble. In the former, large blocks, carefully dressed and fixed, were used ; in the latter, pieces of broken stone thrown together pell-mell, except towards the top, where they were so placed as to present a smooth surface, upon which the first courses of brick could safely rest.- When Xenophon crossed Assyria with the " ten thousand," he 1 In every country in which buildings have been surmounted by flat roofs, this precaution has been taken — " When thou buildest a new house, then thou shalt make a battlement for thy roof, that thou bring not blood upon thine house, if any man fall from thence Deuteronomy xxii. 8). See also Les Monuments en Chaldee, en Assyrie et h Bab, m, (Taprh les rkentes dccouvertes areheologique, avcc neuf planches lithogi-aphics, Svo, by H. Cavaniol, published in 1870 by Durand et Pedone-Lauriel. It contains a very good resume, especially in the matter of architecture, of those labours of French and English explorers to which we owe our knowledge of Chaldsea and Assyria. * Place, Ninive et I' Assyrie, vol i. p. 64. 152 A History of Art ix Chald.ea and Assyria. noticed this method of constructing city walls, but in all the enceintes that attracted his attention, the height of the plinth was much greater than that of Khorsabad. At Larissa it was twenty, and at Mespila fifty feet, or respectively a fifth and a third of the total height of the walls. ^ These figures can only be looked upon as approximate. The Greeks did not amuse themselves, we may be sure, with measuring the monuments they encountered on their march, even if Tissaphernes gave them time. But we may fairly conclude from this evidence that in some of the Assyrian town- walls the proportion between the plinth and the superstructure was very different from what it is in the only example that has come down to us. At Khorsabad, then, stone played a much more important part in the palace wall than in that of the town, but even in the latter position it is used with skill and in no inconsiderable quantity ; on the other hand, it is only employed in the interior of the palace for paving, for lining walls, for the bases, shafts and capitals of columns, and such minor purposes. In the only palace that has been completely excavated, that of Sargon at Khorsabad, every- thing is built of brick. Layard alone speaks of a stone-built chamber in the palace of Sennacherib at Kouyundjik, but he gives no details. It would seem as if the Assyrians Avere content with showing themselves passed-masters in the art of dressing and fixing stone, and, that proof given, had never cared to make use of the material in the main structures of their buildings. Like the Chaldaeans, they preferred brick, into the management of which, however, they introduced certain modifications of their own. The crude brick of Nineveh and its neighbourhood was used while damp, and, when put in place, did not greatly differ from pise.'-^ Spread out in wide horizontal courses, the slabs of soft clay adhered one to another by their plasticity, through the effect of the water with which they were impregnated and that of the ^ Xenophox, Anabasis, iii. 4, 7- 11. The identity of Larissa and Mespila has been much discussed. Oppert thinks they were Resen and Dour-Saryoukin ; others that they were Calech and Nineveh. The question is without importance to our inquiry. In any case the circumference of six parasangs (about 2oi miles) ascribed by the Greek writer to his Mespila can by no means be made to fit Khorsabad. ^ See the History of Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. i. p. 1 13. Construction'. 153 pressure exercised by the courses above. ^ The building- was thus, in eliect, nothing but a single huge block. Take it as a whole, put aside certain parts, such as the doorways and drains, that were constructed on rather different principles, shut your eyes to the merely decorative additions, and you will have a huge mass of kneaded earth which might have been shaped by giants in a colossal mould. The masons of Babylon and of other southern cities made a much more extensive use of burnt brick than those of the north. In Assyria the masses of pise have as a rule no other covering than the slabs of alabaster and limestone, and above, a thin layer of stucco. In Chaldaea the crude walls of the houses and towers were cuirassed with those excellent burnt bricks which the in- habitants of Bagdad and Hillah carrv off to this dav for use in their modern habitations.- The crude bricks used behind this protecting epidermis have not lost their individuality, as at Nineveh they seem to have been used only after complete dessica- tion. They are of course much more friable than those burnt in the kiln ; when they are deprived of their cuirass and exposed to the weather they return slowly to the condition of dust, and their remains are seen in the sloi:)ing mounds that hide the foot of every ancient ruin (see Fig. 48), and yet if you penetrate into the interior of a mass built of these bricks, you will easily distinguish the courses, and in some instances the bricks have sufficient solidity to allow of their being- moved and detached one from another. They are, in fact, bricks, and not pise. But in Chaldsea, as in Assyria, the mounds upon which the great buildings were raised ^ BoTTA tells us how the courses of crude brick were distinguished one from another at Khorsabad {Monuments de JViiiire, vol. v. p. 57). - Speaking of Hillah, George Smith tells us {Assyrian Discoveries, p. 62) : — "A litde to the south rose the town of Hillah, built with the bricks found in the old capital. The natives have established a regular trade in these bricks for building l)urposes. A number of men are always engaged in digging out the bricks from the ruins, while others convey them to the banks of the Euphrates. There they are packed in rude boats, which float them down to Hillah, and on being landed they are loaded on donkeys and taken to any place where building is in progress. Every day when at Hillah I used to see this work going on as it had gone on for centuries, Babylon thus slowly disappearing without an effort being made to ascertain the dimensions and buildings of the city, or to recover what remains of its monuments. The northern portion of the wall, outside the Babil mound, is the place where the work of destruction is now {1874) most actively going on, and this in some places has totally disappeared." X 154 A History of Art in Chald.-ka and Assyria. are not always of crude brick. They are sometimes made by inclosing a large space by four brick walls, and filling it with earth and the various dt'tris left by previous buildings.^ Our remarks upon construction must be understood as applying to the buildings themselves, and not to the artificial hills upon which they stood. The Assyrians seem never to have used anything analogous to our mortar or cement in fixing their materials. On the com- paratively rare occasions when they employed stone they were content with dressing their blocks with great care and putting them in absolute juxtaposition with one another. When they used crude brick, sufticient adherence was insured by the moisture left !• IG. 4S. — Temple at Miiglieir : from I.oftus. in the clay, and by its natural properties. Even when they used burnt or well dried bricks they took no great care to give them a cohesion that would last, ordinary clay mixed with water and a little straw, was their only cement.- Even in our own day the masons and bricklayers of Mossoul and Bagdad are content with the same simple materials, and their structures have no great solidity in consequence. In Chaldiea, at least in certain times and at certain places, construction was more careful. In the ruin known a.sBabi/,/a. ruin ' Layard, Discoveries, &c. p. no. ^ Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 279. "The bricks had no mortar but the mud from which they had been made," says Botta (Afonunients de Ninive, vol. v. p. 30). Construction. 155 that represents one of the principal monuments of ancient Babylon, there is nothing between the bricks but earth that must have been placed there in the condition of mud.^ These bricks may be detached almost without effort. It is quite otherwise with the two other ruins in the same neighbourhood, called respectively Kasr and Birs-Nimroitd. Their bricks are held together by an excellent mortar of lime, and cannot be separated without break- ing.^ Elsewhere, at Mugheir for instance, the mortar is composed of lime and ashes.^ Finally, the soil of Mesopotamia furnished, and still furnishes, a kind of natural mortar in the bituminous fountains that spring through the soil at more than one point between Mossoul and Bagdad.^ It is hardly ever used in these days except in boat- building, for coating the planks and caulking. In ancient times its employment was very general in the more carefully constructed buildings, and, as it was found neither in Greece nor Syria, it made a great impression upon travellers from those countries. They noted it as one of the characteristics of Chaldaean civilization. In the Biblical account of the Tower of Babel we are told : " They had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar." ^ Herodotus lays stress upon the same detail in his description of the way in which the walls of Babylon were built : " As they dug the ditches they converted the excavated earth into bricks, and when they had enough, they burnt them in the kiln. Finally, for mortar they used hot bitumen, and at every thirty courses of bricks they put a layer of reeds interlaced."" Those walls have long ago disappeared. For many centuries their ruins afforded building materials for the inhabitants of the cities that have succeeded each other upon and around the site of ancient Babylon, and now their lines are only to be faintly traced in slight undulations of the (jround, which are here and there & ' Lavard, Discoveries, &c. p. 503. ■^ Layard, Discoveries, pp. 499 and 506. ^ Tavlor, Notes on the Ruins of Miigeyr {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XV. p. 261). This mortar is still employed in the country ; it is called kharour. ■* The most plentiful springs occur at Hit, on the middle Euphrates. They are also found, however, farther north, as at Kaleh-Shergat, near the Tigris. Over a wide stretch of country in that district the bitumen wells up through every crack in the soil (Lavard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 46). As for the bituminous springs of Hammam-Ali, near Mossoul, see Place, Ninive et t Assyrie, vol. i. p. 236. •'' Genesis y\. T,. '' Herodotus, i. 179. I t6 a History of Art i\ Chald.ea and Assyria. hardly distinguishable from the banks that bordered the canals. But in those deserts of Lower Chaldeea, where the nomad tent is now almost the only dwelling, structures have been found but little damaged, in which layers of reeds placed at certain intervals among the bricks may be easily distinguished. As a rule three or four layers are strewn one upon the other, the rushes in one being at right angles to those above and below it. Here and there the stalks may still be seen standing out from the wall.^ Fragments of bitumen are everywhere to be picked up among the ddbris about these buildings, upon which it must have been used for mortar. It never seems to have been employed, however, over the whole of a building, but -only in those parts where more than the ordinary cohesive power was required. Thus, at Warka, in the ruin called Buvariia, the buttresses that stand out from the main buildinyf are of lartje burnt bricks set in thick beds of bitumen, the whole forming such a solid body that a pickaxe has great difficulty in making any impression upon it.'- Travellers have also found traces of the same use of bitumen in the ruins of Babylon. It seems to have been in less frequent employment in Assyria. It has there been found only under the two layers of bricks that constitute the ordinary pavement of roofs, courts, and chambers. The architect no doubt introduced this coat of asphalte for two purposes — partly to give solidity to the pavement, partly to keep down the wet and to force the water in the soil to flow off through its appointed channels. A layer of the same kind was; also spread under the drains.^ In spite of all their precautions time and experience compelled the inhabitants of Mesopotamia to recognize the danger of crude brick as a building material ; they endeavoured, therefore, to sup- plement its strength with huge buttresses. Wherever the ruins have still preserved some of their shape, we can trace, almost ' IVarka/i, its Ruins and Ronains, by A\'. Kennlth Loftus, p. 9. (In the Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, second series. Part I.) According to Sir Henry Rawlinson this introduction of layers of reeds or rushes between the courses of brick continued in all this region at least down to the Parthian epoch. Traces of it are to be found in the walls of Seleucia and Ctesiphon (Rawlinson's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 300 note i). - Loftus, Travels and Researches, i. p. 169. The abundance of bitumen in the ruins of Mugheir is such that the modern name of the town has sprung from it ; the word means the bituminous (Taylor, Notes on the Ruins of Mugcyr). 3 Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, vol. i. p. 236; Lavard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 261. CONSTKUCTIOX. '0/ without exception, the presence of these supports, and, as a rule, they are better and more carefully built than the structures whose walls they sustain. Their existence has been affirmed by every traveller who has explored the ruins of Chaldaea,^ and in Assyria they are also to be found, especially in front of the fine retaining wall that helps to support the platform on which the palace of Sargon was built.- The architect counted upon the weight of his building, and upon these ponderous buttresses, to give it a firm foundation and to maintain the equilibrium of its materials. As a rule there were no foundations, as we understand the word. At Abou-Sharcin, in Chaldsea, the monument described by Taylor and the brick pavement that surrounds it are both placed upon the sand.'^ Botta noticed something of the same kind in connection with the palace walls at Khorsabad : " They rest," he says, " upon the very bricks of the moimd without the intervention of any plinth or other kind of solid foundation, so that here and there they have sunk below the original level of the platform upon which they are placed." ^ This was not due to negligence, for in other respects these structures betray a painstaking desire to insure the stability of the work, and no little skill in the selection of means. Thus the Chaldsean architect pierced his crude brick masses with numerous narrow tunnels, or ventilating pipes, through which the warm and desiccating air of a Mesopotamian summer could be brought into contact with every part, and the slight remains of moisture still left in the bricks when fixed could be gradually carried off. These shafts have been found in the ruins of Babylon and of other Chalda;an cities.^ Nothinof of the kind has been discovered in Assyria, and for a very simple reason. It would have been ' LoFTUS, U'arka, its Ruins, &c. p. lo. - Pl.^ce. Alnive, vol. i. pp. 29 and 24S. ^ T.^YLOR, N'otes on Abou-Sliahrein and Tell-el-Lalim (Journal of tlw Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 408). •• Botta, Mo?iumenf de Ninive, \oI. \. p. 58. '" NiEBUHR (^Voyage en Arable, vol. ii. p. 235) noliced this, and his obsei\ations have since been confirmed by many other visitors to the ruins of Babylon. Ker Porter (vol. ii. p. 391) noticed them in tlie ruins of AI-Heimar. See also Taylor on '' Mugeyr," &c. {/vurnal, &c. vol. xv. p. 261). At Birs-Nimroud these conduits are about nine inches high and between five and si,»; wide. They are well shown in the drawing given by Flaxuin and Coste of this ruin {Perse aucienne et moderne, pi. 221. cf. text i, p. 181). 158 A History of Art in Ciiald/EA and Assyria. impossible to preserve them in the soft paste, the kind of pise, we have described. Another thing that had to be carefully provided for was the discharge of the rain water which, unless it had proper channels of escape, would filter through the cracks and crevices of the brick and set up a rapid process of disintegration. In the Assyrian palaces we find, therefore, that the pavements of the flat roofs of the courtyards and open halls had a decided slope, and that the rain water was thus conducted to scuppers, through which it fell into runnels communicating with a main drain, from which it was finally discharged into the nearest river. It rained less in Chalda^a than in Assyria. But we may fairly conclude that the Chaldsean architects were as careful as their northern rivals to provide such safeguards as those we have described ; but their buildings are now in such a condition that no definite traces of them are to be distinguished. On the other hand, the ruins in Lower Chaldsea prove that even in the most ancient times the constructor had then the same object in view ; but the means of which he made use were much more simple, although contrived with no little ingenuity. We shall here epitomize what we have learnt from one of those few observers to whom we owe all our knowledge of the earliest Chaldsean civilization. Mr. J. E. Taylor, British vice-consul at Bassorah, explored not a few of the mounds in the immediate neighbourhood of the Persian Gulf which mark the sites of the burying places belong- ing to the most ancient cities of Chaldaea. The summits of these mounds are paved with burnt brick ; their mass consists of heaped up coffins separated from one another by divisions of the same material. To insure the preser- vation of the bodies and of the objects buried with them liquids of every kind had to be provided with a ready means of escape. The structures were pierced, therefore, with a vast number of vertical drains. Long conduits of terra-cotta (see Fig. 49) stretched from the paved summit, upon which they opened with very narrow mouths, to the base. They were composed of tubes, each about two feet lono- and eighteen inches in diameter. In some cases there are as many as forty of these one upon another. They are held together by thin coats of bitumen, and in order to give them greater strength their sides are slightly concave. Construction, 159 Their interiors are filled in with fragments of broken pottery, which gave considerable support while they in no way hindered the passage of the water. These potsherds are even placed around the outsides of the tubes, so that the latter are nowhere in contact with the brick ; they have a certain amount of play, and with the tubes which they encase they form a series of shafts, like chimneys, measuring about four feet square. Every precaution was taken to carry off the water left by the storms. They were not contented with the small opening at the head of each tube. The whole of its dome-shaped top was pierced with small holes, that made it a kind of cullender. Either through this or through the interstices of the potsherd packing, all the moisture that escaped the central opening would find a safe passage to the level Fig. 49. — Uppei' part of the ch-ninage arrangements of a mound. of the ground, whence, no doubt, it would be carried off to the streams in conduits now hidden by the mass of ddbris round the foot of every mound. That these arrangements were well adapted to their purpose has been proved by the result. Thanks to the drains we have described, these sepulchral mounds have remained perfectly dry to the present day. Not only the coffins, with the objects in metal or terra-cotta they contained, but even the skeletons themselves have been preserved intact. A touch will reduce the latter to powder, but on the first opening of their coffins they look as if time had had no effect upon their substance.^ By these details we may see how far the art of the constructor 1 Taylor, Notes on the Ruins of Mui;eyr {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soeiety), vol. XV. pp. 268-269. i6o A HisTOKV OF Art in Chalu.-ica and Assyria. was pushed in the early centuries of the Chalda;an monarchy. They excite a strong desire in us to discover the internal arrange- ments of his buildings, the method by which access was given or forbidden to those chambers of the Babylonian temples and houses whose magnificence has been celebrated by every writer that saw them before their ruin. Unhappily nothing has come down to us of the monuments of Chaldasa, and especially of those of Babylon, but their basements and the central masses of the staged towers. The Assyrian palaces are indeed in a better state of preservation, but even in their case we ask many questions to which no certain answer is forthcoming. The great difficulty in all our researches and attempts at restoration, is caused by the complete absence of any satisfactory evidence as to the nature of the roofs that covered rooms, either small or large. In most cases the walls are only standing to a height of from ten to fifteen feet ; ^ in no instance has a wall with its summit still in place been discovered. The cut on the opposite page (Fig. 50) gives a fair idea of what a Ninevite building looks like after the excavators have finished their work. It is a view in perspective of one of the gates of Sargon's city : the walls are eighty-eight feet thick, to which the buttresses add another ten feet ; their average height is from about twenty-five to thirty feet, high enough to allow" the archway by which the city was entered to remain intact. This is quite an exception. In no part of the palace is there anything to correspond to this happy find of M. Place — any evidence by which we can decide the forms of Assyrian doorways. The walls are always from about twelve to twenty-eight feet in thickness (see Fig. 46.) Rooms are rect- angular, sometimes square, but more often so long as to be galleries rather than rooms in the ordinary sense of the word. The way in which these rooms were covered in has been much discussed. Sir Henry Layard believes only in flat roofs, similar to those of modern houses in Mossoul and the neighbouring villages. He tells us that he never came upon the slightest trace of a vault, while in almost every room that he excavated he found wood ashes and carbonized timber.- He is convinced that the destruction 1 At Khorsabad the average height of the alabaster lining is about ten feet ; above that about three feet of brick wall remains. - Layard, Ninci>eh, vol. i. pp. 127 and 350 ; vol. ii. jjp. 40 and 350. -As to the traces of fire at Khorsabad, see Boita, MoiiiiDwiif de AY/u're, vol. v. p. 54. Construction. i^i of several of these buildings was due in the first instance to fire. Several pieces of sculpture, those from the palace of Sen- nacherib, for instance, may be quoted, which when found were black with soot. They look like castings in relief that have been long fixed at the back of a fire-place. Long and narrow rooms may have been roofed with beams of palm or poplar resting upon the summits of the walls. As for the large halls, in the centre they would be open to the sky, while around the opening would run a portico, similar to that of a Roman atrium, whose sloping roof would protect the reliefs with which the walls were ornamented. ^ Fig. 50. — Present state of one of the city gates, Khorsabad. Perspective compiled from Place's plans and elevations. As to this, however, doubt had already been expressed by an attentive and judicial observer like Loftus ; who thought that the arch had played a very important part in the architecture of Mesopotamia." As he very justly remarked, the conditions were rather different from those that obtained in the maritime and mountainous provinces of Persia ; there was no breeze from the gulf or from the summits of snowy mountains, to which every facility for blowing through their houses and cooling their heated chambers had to be given ; the problem to be solved was how best to oppose an impenetrable shield against a daily and long continued heat that would otherwise ^ Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii. pp. 256-264. - Loftus, Travels and Researches, \y{). 181-183. 1 62 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. have been unbearable. Now it is clear that a vault with its great powers of resistance would have been far better fitted to support a roof whose thickness should be in some reasonable proportion to the massive walls, than a ceiling of bad timber. In our day the mosques, the baths, and many of the private houses of Mossoul and Bagdad have dome-shaped roofs. Without going as far as Mesopotamia, the traveller in Syria may see how intelligently, even in the least important towns, the native builder has employed a small dome built upon a square, to obtain a strong and solid dwelling entirely suited to the climate, a dwelling that should be warm in winter and cool in summer. We must also point out that the state in which the interiors of rooms are found by explorers, is more consistent with the hypothesis of a domed roof than with any other. They are covered to a depth of from fifteen to twenty feet with heaps of ddbris, reaching up to the top of the walls, so far as the latter remain standing.^ This rubbish consists of brick-earth mixed with broken bricks, and pieces of stucco. Granting wooden roofs, how is such an accumulation to be accounted for ? Roofs supported by beams laid across from one wall to the other, could never have safely upheld any great weight. They must have been thin and comparatively useless as a defence against the sun of Mesopotamia. On the other hand if we assume that vaults of pise were the chosen coverings, all the rest follows easily. They could support the flat roof with ease, and the whole upper structure could be made of sufficient thickness to exclude both the heat and the rain, while the present appearance of the ruins is naturally accounted for. Those who have lived in the East, those, even, who have extended a visit to Athens as far as Eleusis or Megara, must have stretched themselves, more than once, under the stars, and, on the flat roofs of their temporary resting-places, sought that rest that was not to be found in the hot and narrow chambers within. They must then have noticed, as I have more than once, a large stone cylinder in one corner. In Greece and Asia Minor, it will be in most cases a " drum " from some antique column, or a funerary dppus, abstracted by the peasantry from some neigh- bouring ruin. This morsel of Paros or Pentelic has to perform 1 This accumulation has sometimes reached a height of about 24 feet. Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 294. Construction. 163 the ofifice of a roller. When some heavy fall of rain by wetting and softening the upper surface of the terrace, gives an oppor- tunity for repairing the ravages of a long drought, the stone is taken backwards and forwards over the yielding pise. It closes the cracks, kills the weeds that if left to themselves would soon transform the roof into a field, and makes the surface as firm as a threshing-floor. The roofs of Assyrian buildings must have required the same kind of treatment, and we know that in the present day it is actually practised. 1\I. Place mentions rollers of lime-stone, weighing from two to three hundredweight, pierced at each end with a square hole into which wooden spindles were inserted to faciliate their management.^ A certain number of these rollers were found within the chambers, into which they must have fallen With the roofs. As soon as the terraces ceased to receive the care necessary for keeping down the weeds and shrubs and keeping out the water, the process of disintegration must have been rapid. The rains would soon convert cracks into gaping breaches, and at the end of a few years, every storm would bring down a part of the roof A century would be enough to destroy the vaults, and with them the upper parts of the walls to which they were closely allied by the skill of the constructor. The disappearance of the archivolts and the great heaps of debris are thus accounted for. The roof materials were too soft, however, to damaofe in their fall the fiofures in hisjh relief or in the round that decorated the chambers beneath, or the carved slabs with which their walls were lined. In spreading itself about these sculptures and burying them out of sight and memory, the soft clay served posterity more efficiently than the most careful of packers. Among the first observers to suspect the truth as to the use of the vault in Mesopotamia, were Eugene Flandin, who helped Botta to excavate the palace of Sargon,- and Felix Thomas,' the colleague of M. Place. The reasons by which M. Thomas was led to the conclusion that the rooms in the Ninevite palaces ^ Place, N'inive, vol. i. pp. 293-294. - E. Flandin, Voyage arch'eolpgiqjie a Ninive. \. V Archifcdureassyi-ienne. 2. La Sculpture assyrieime {Revue des Deux-Mondes, June 15 and July i, 1845). ^ For all that concerns this artist, one of the most skilful draughtsmen of our time, see the biographical notice of M. de Girardot : — Felix Tlwiiias, gratid Prix de Jiome Architecte, Peintre, Grareur, Sculptcur (Nantes, 1S75, 8vo.). 164 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. were vaulted, are thus given by M. Place, who may be considered his mouthpiece.'^ He does not deny that some of the Khorsabad reliefs bear the marks of fire, but he affirms, and that after the experience of four digging campaigns, that the conflagration was much less general than might be supposed from the statements of some travellers. He failed to discover the slightest trace of fire in the hundred and eighty-four rooms and twenty-eight courts that he excavated. The marvellous preservation of the reliefs in many of the halls is inconsistent, in his opinion, with the supposition that the palace was destroyed by fire ; and if we renounce that supposition the mere action of time is insufficient to account for the disappearance of such an extent of timber roofing, for here and there, especially near the doorways, pieces of broken beams and door panels have FjG. 51. — Fortress ; from the Balawat gates, in the British Museum. been found. " The wood is not all in such condition as the incorruptible cedar of the gilded palm-trees, but wherever it certainly existed, traces of it may be pointed out. In advanced decomposition it is no more consistent than powder, it may be picked up and thrown aside, leaving a faithful cast of the beam or post to which it belonged in the more tenacious clay." All this, however, was but negative evidence. The real solution of the problem was first positively suggested by the discovery of vaults in place, in the drains and water channels, and in the city gates. The bas-reliefs in which towns or fortresses are represented also support the belief that great use was made of arched openings in Assyria, and the countries in its neighbourhood (see Fig. 51). As soon as it is proved that the Assyrians understood the principle ^ Place, A^inive, vol. i. pp. 249-269. Construction. 16 = of the arch, why should it any longer be denied that they made use of it to cover their chambers ? It is obvious that a vault would afford a much better support for the weight above than any timber roof In the course of the explorations, a probable conjecture was changed into complete certainty. The very vaults for which inductive reasoning had shown the necessity were found, if not in place, at least in a fragmentary condition, and in the very rooms to which they had afforded a cover — and here we must quote the words of the explorers themselves. In the most deeply buried quarters of the building, the excava- tions were carried on by means of horizontal tunnels or shafts. " I was often obliged," says M. Place, " to drive trenches from one side of the rooms to another in order to get a clear idea of their shape and arrangement. On these occasions we often met with certain hard facts, for which, at the time, we could give no explana- tion. These facts were blocks of clay whose under sides were hollowed segmentally and covered with a coat of stucco. These fragments were found sometimes a few feet from the walls, some- times near the middle of the rooms. At first I was thoroughly perplexed to account for them. Our trenches followed scrupu- lously the inner surfaces of the walls, which were easily recogniz- able by their stucco when they had no lining of carved slabs. What then were we to make of these arched blocks, also coated with stucco, but found in the centre of the rooms and far away from the walls ? Such signs were not to be disregarded in an exploration where everything was new and might lead to unfore- seen results. Wherever a trace of stucco appeared I followed it up carefully. Little by little the earth under and about the stuccoed blocks was cleared away, and then we found ourselves confronted by what looked like the entrance to an arched cellar. Here and there these portions of vaulting were many feet in length, from four to six in span, and three or four from the crown of the arch to the level upon which it rested. At the first glance the appearance of a vault was complete, and I thought I was about to penetrate into a cellar where some interesting find might await me. But on farther examination this pleasant delusion was dispelled. The pretended cellar came to an abrupt end, and de- clared itself to be no more than a section of vaulting that had quitted its proper place. ... The evidence thus obtained was 1 66 A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. rendered still more conclusive by the discovery on the under side of several fragments of paintings which had evidently been in- tended for the decoration of a ceiling." ^ It is clear that these curvilinear and frescoed blocks were frag- ments of a tunnel vault that had fallen in ; and their existence explains the great thickness given by the Assyrian constructor not only to his outer walls, but to those that divided room from room. The thinnest of the latter are hardly less than ten feet, while here and there they are as much as fifteen or sixteen. As for the outer walls they sometimes reach a thickness of from five and twenty to thirty feet.^ The climate is insufficient to account for the existence of such walls as these. In the case of the outer walls such a reason might be thought, by stretching a point, to justify their extravagant measurements, but with the simple partitions of the interior, it is quite another thing. This apparent anomaly disap- pears, however, if we admit the existence of vaults and the necessity for meeting the enormous thrust they set up. With such a material as clay, the requisite solidity, could only be given by increasing the mass until its thickness was sometimes greater than the diameter of the chambers it inclosed. M. Place lays great stress upon the disproportion between the length and width of many of the apartments. There are few of which the greater diameter is not at least double the lesser, and in many cases it is four, five, and even seven times as great. He comes to the conclusion that these curious proportions were forced on the Assyrians by the nature of the materials at their disposal. Such an arranrement must have been destructive to architectural effect as well as inconvenient, but a clay vault could not have any great span, and its abutments must perforce have been kept within a reasonable distance of each other. Taken by itself, this argument has, perhaps, hardly as much force as M. Place is inclined to give it. Doubtless the predilec- tion for an exaggerated parallelogram agrees very well with the theory that the vault was in constant use by Mesopotamian archi- tects, but it might be quoted with equal reason by the supporters of the opposite hypothesis, that of the timber roof. Our best reason for accepting all these pieces of evidence as corroborative of the view taken by IMM. Flandin, Loftus, Place, and Thomas is, in the first place, the incontestable fact that the ' Place, Ninive,\o\. i. pp. 254-255. '^ Ibid. p. 246. Construction. 167 entrances to the town of Khorsabad were passages roofed with barrel vaults ; secondly, the presence amid the debris of the frag- mentary arches above described ; thirdly, the depth of the mass of broken earth within the walls of each chamber ; finally, the singular thickness of the walls, which is only to be satisfactorily explained by the supposition that the architect had to provide solid abutments for arches that had no little weight to carry. It is difficult to say how the Assyrians set about building these arches of crude brick, but long practice enabled their architects to use that unsatisfactory material with a skill of which we had no suspicion before the exhumation of Nineveh. Thanks to its natural qualities and to the experienced knowledge with which it was prepared, their clay was tough and plastic to a degree that astonished the modern explorers on more than one occasion. The arched galleries cut during the excavations — sometimes segmental, sometimes pointed, and often of a considerable height and width — could never have stood in any other kind of earth without strong and numerous supports. And yet M. Place tells us that these very galleries, exactly in the condition in which the mattock left them, "provided lodging for the labourers engaged and their families, and ever since they have served as a refuge for the in- habitants of the neighbouring villages. Workmen and peasants have taken shelter under vaults similar to those of the ancient Assyrians. Sometimes we cut through the accidental accumula- tions of centuries, where the clay, far from having been carefully put in place, had rather lost many of its original qualities. Even there, however, the roof of our galleries remained suspended without any signs of instability, as if to bear witness that the Assyrian architect knew what he was about when he trusted so much to the virtues of a fictile material." ^ We may refer those who are specially interested in constructive methods to M. Place's account of the curious fashion in which the workmen of Mossoul will build a pointed vault without the help of any of those wooden centerings in use in Europe. In our day, certainly, the masons of Mossoul use stone and mortar, but their example none the less proves tJaat similar results may once have been obtained in different materials.- A vault 1 Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 264. " Tbid. p. 265. Rich made similar observations at Bagdad. He noticed that the masons could mount on the vault a few minutes after each course was completed (Narrative of a Journey to the Site of Bahyloyi). 1 68 A History of Art in Chald/EA and Assyria. launched into mid-air without any centering, and bearing the workmen who were building it on its unfinished flanks, was a phenomenon calculated to astonish an architect. Taking every- thing into consideration the clay vaults of Khorsabad are no more surprising than these domes of modern Mossoul.^ We cannot say for certain that the Assyrian builders made use of domes in addition to the barrel vaults, but all the probabilities are in favour of such an hypothesis. A dome is a peculiar kind of vault used for the covering of square, circular, or polygonal spaces. As for circular and poly- gonal rooms, none have been found in Assyria, but a few square ones have been disinterred. On the principal fa9ade of Sargon's palace there are two of a fair size, some forty-eight feet each way. Thomas did not believe that a barrel vault was used in these apartments ; the span would have been too great. He sought therefore for some method that would be at once well adapted to the special conditions and in harmony with the general system. This he found in the hemispherical dome. All doubts on the subject were taken away, however, by the discovery of the bas-relief (Fig. 43) reproduced on page 145, in which we find a group of buildings roofed, some with spherical vaults, some with elliptical domes approaching a cone in outline. This proves that the Mesopotamian architects were acquainted with different kinds of domes, just as they were with varieties of the barrel vault. It has been guessed that this bas-relief, which is unique in its way, merely represents the brick-kilns used in the construction of the palace of Sennacherib. To this objection there is more than one answer. The Assyrian sculptures we possess represent but a small part of the whole, and each fresh discovery introduces us to forms previously unknown. Moreover, had the sculptor wished to represent the kilns in which the bricks for the palace were burnt, he would have shown the flames coming out at the top. In reliefs of burning towns he never leaves out the flames, ^ M. A. Choisy, well known by his Essays on L'Ar( de batir chez hs Remains, shows that the same iffethod was constantly used by the Byzantine architects. See his Note sur la Construction des Voutes sans cintrage pendant la Periode byzantine {Anfiales des Fonts et C/iaitsees, 1876, second period, vol. xii.). See also Mr. Fergusson's account of the erection of a huge stone dome without centering of any kind, by an illiterate Maltese builder, at Mousta, near Valetta {Handbook of Arcliitcctiire, Second Edition, vol. iv. p. 34). — Ed. Construction. 169 and in this case, where they would have served to mark the activity with which the building operations were pushed on, he would certainly not have omitted them. Again, is not the building on the left of the picture obviously a flat-roofed house ? If that be so we must believe, before we accept the kiln theory, that the sculptor made a strange departure from the real proportions of the respective buildings. The doorways, too, in the relief are exactly like those of an ordinary house, while they bear no resemblance to the low and narrow openings which have been used at all times for kilns. Why then should we refuse to admit that there were vaults in Nineveh, when Strabo tells us expressly that " all the houses of Babylon were vaulted." ^ Thomas invokes the immemorial custom of the East to support the evidence of this curious relief: — the great church of St. .Sophia, the Byzantine churches and the Turkish mosques, all of which had no other roof but a cupola. In all of these he sees nothing but late examples of a characteristic method of construction which had been invented and perfected many cen- turies before at Babylon and Nineveh. From the monuments with which those two great cities were adorned nothing but the foundations and parts of the walls have come down to our day ; but the buildings of a later epoch, of the periods when Seleucia and Ctesiphon enjoyed the heritage of Babylon, have been more fortunate. In the ruins which are acknowledged to be those of the palaces built by the Parthian and Sassanid monarchs, the upper structures are still in existence, and in a m.ore or less well preserved condition. In these the dome arrangement is universal. Sometimes, as at Firouz-Abad (Fig. 52), we find the segment of a sphere ; elsewhere, as at Sarbistan (Fig. 53), the cupola is ovoid. Our section of the latter building will give an idea of the internal arrano-ements of these structures, and will show how the architect contrived to suspend a circular dome over a square apartment.- These monuments of an epoch between remote antiquity and the Grceco-Roman period were built of brick, like the ^ Strabo, XVl. 1. 5> Ol oikoi Ka/xapuiTol TravTcs Sta rrjv a^vXiav. ^ For a description of these buildings see Flandin and Coste, J'f)ya^e en Perse, Perse avcienne, Text, pp. 24-27, and 41-43 (6 vols, folio, no date. The voyage in qjestion took pLice in i8m and 1S42). z 170 A History of Art in Chald.iia and Assyria. palaces of Nineveh.^ The exigencies of the cHmate remained the same, the habits and requirements of the various royal Fig. 52. — The Palace at Firouz-Abad ; from Flandiu and Coste. families that succeeded each other in the coimtrv were not Fig. 53. — The palace at Sarbistan ; from Flandin and Coste, sensibly modified, while the Sargonids, the Arsacids and the Sassanids all ruled over one and the same population. ^ Brick played, at least, by far the most important part in their construction. The domes and arcades were of well-burnt brick; the straight walls were often built of broken stone, when it was to be had in the neighbourhood. At Ctesiphon, on the other hand, the great building known as the Takhf-i-K/wsro is entirely of brick. Construction", 171 The corporations of architects and workmen must have pre- served the traditions of their craft from century to century, traditions which had their first rise in the natural capabihties of their materials and in the data of the problem they had to solve. The historian cannot, then, be accused of going beyond the limit of fair induction in arguing from these modern buildings to their remote predecessors. After the conquest of Alexander, the ornamental details, and, still more, the style of the sculptures, must have been affected to a certain extent, first by Greek art and afterwards by that of Rome ; but the plans, the internal structure, and the general arrantrement of the buildintrs must have remained the same. Fig. 54. — Section through the palace at Sarbistan; from Flandin and Coste. There is nothing hazardous or misleading in these arguments from analogy ; from the palace of Chosroes to that of Sargon is a legitimate step. Some day, perhaps, we may attempt to pursue the same path in the opposite direction ; we may endeavour to show that the survival of these examples and traditions may very well have helped to direct architecture into a new path in the last years of the Roman Empire. We shall then have to speak of a school in Asia Minor whose works have not yet been studied with the attention they deserve. The buildings in question are dis- tinguished chiefly by the important part played in their construction by the vault and the dome resting upon pendentives ; certain constructive processes, too, are to be found in them which had never, so far as we can tell, been known or practised in the East. 172 A History of Art i\ Ciiald.ea and Assyria. We can hardly believe that the chiefs of the school invented from the foundation a system of construction whose principles were so different from those of the Greeks, or even of the later Romans. They may, indeed, have perfected the system by grafting the column upon it, but it is at least probable that they took it in the first place from those who had practised it from time immemorial, from men who taught them the traditional methods of shortenino- and facilitating the labour of execution. The boundaries of Asia Minor "march" with those of Mesopotamia, and in the latter every important town had buildings of brick covered with domes. The Romans frequented the Euphrates valley, to which they were taken both by war and commerce ; their victories sometimes carried them even as far as Ctesiphon on the Tigris, so that there was no lack of opportunity for the study of Oriental architecture on the very spot where it was born. They could judge of and admire the beauty it certainly possessed when the great buildings of Mesopotamia were still clothed in all the richness of their decoration. The genius of the Greeks had come nis^h to exhausting the forms and combinations of the classic style ; it was tired of continuous labour in a narrow circle and sighed for fresh worlds to conquer. We can easily understand then, how it would welcome a system which seemed to afford the novelty it sought, which seemed to promise the elements of a new departure that might be developed in many, as yet unknown, directions. If we put ourselves at this point of view we shall see that Isidore and Anthemius, the architects of St. Sophia, were the disciples and perpetuators of the forgotten masters who raised so many millions of bricks into the air at the bidding of Sargon and Nebuchadnezzar.^ Whatever may be thought of this hypothesis, there seems to be little doubt that the Assyrians knew how to pass from the barrel vault to the hemispherical, and even to the elliptical, cupola. As soon as they had discovered the principle of the vault and found out easy and expeditious methods of setting it up, all the rest followed as a matter of course. Their materials lent themselves as kindly to the construction of a dome as to that of a segmental vault, and promised equal stability in either case. As to their method of 1 See M. AUGUSTE Choisv's Note sitr la Consfniction des I'oi'ites, &c. p. 14. This exact and penetrating critic shares our belief in these relations between the Chaldasan east and Roman .\sia. Construction. i 73 passing from the square substructure to the dome we know nothing for certain, but we may guess that the system employed by the Sassanids (see Fig. 54) was a survival from it. It is unlikely that timber centerings Avere used to sustain the vaults during construction. Timber was rare and bad in Chaldaea and men would have to learn to do without it. M. Choisy has shown — as we have already mentioned — that the Byzantine architects built cupolas of wide span without scaffolding of any kind, each circular course being maintained ia place until it was complete by the mere adherence ot the mortar.^ M. Place, too, gives an account of how he saw a few Kurd women build an oven in the shape of a Saracenic dome, with soft clay and without any internal support. Their structure, at the raising of which his lively curiosity led him to assist, was composed of a number of rings, decreasing in diameter as they neared the summit.- The domes of crude brick which surmounted many of the Kurd houses were put together in the same fashion, and they were often of considerable size. When asked by M. Place as to how they had learnt to manage brick so skilfully, the oven-builders replied that it was " the custom of the country," and there is no apparent reason why that custom should not date back to a remote antiquity. The Assyrians had recourse to similar means when they built the domes of their great palaces. They too, perhaps, left a day for drying to each circular course, and re-wetted its upper surface when the moment arrived for placing the ne.xt.^ From the existence of domes — which he considers to be almost beyond question — M. Place deduces that of semi-domes, one of which he assigns to the principal chamber of the harem in the palace at Khorsabad (Fig. 55). Feeling, perhaps, that this requires some justification, he finds it in a modern custom, which he thus describes : — " In the towns of this part of the East, the inner court of the harem is, as a rule, terminated at one of its extremities by a vault entirely open at one side, in the form of a huge niche. It is, in fact, the half of a dome sliced in two from ^ Ni (Hachette, 3 vols, i2mo.), vol. iii. p. 286, note 2. A .\ 178 A History of Art in Chald.ka and Assyria. between them and the beams they support. A sort ot rustic order is thus constituted of which the shaft alone is of ^vood. We reproduce a sketch by Sir H. Layard in which this arrange- ment is shown. It is talcen from a house inhabited by Yezidis/ in the district of Upper Mesopotamia called Sinjar (Fig. 58). We are inclined to think that both systems were occasionally found in a single building. The tunnel vault and the joisted ceiling were equally well suited to the long galleries of Assyrian palaces. In one room, or suite of rooms, nothing but brick may have been used, while in others wood may have had the prelerence. Still more probably, one architect may have had a predilection for Fn;. 58.— Interior of a Yezidi house ; from Layard. timber, while another may have preferred clay vaults. In either case the general arrangement, what we may call the spirit of the plan, would remain the same. 1 As to this singular people and their religious beliefs, the information contained in the two works of Sir H. Layard (yiiieveh, vol. 1. pp. 270-305, and Discoveries, pp. 40-92) will be read with interest. Thanks to special circumstances Sir H. Layard was able to become more intimately acquainted than any other traveller with this much-abused and cruelly persecuted sect. He collected much valuable information upon doctrines which, even after his relation, are not a little obscure and confused. The Yezidis have a peculiar veneration for the evil principle, or Satan ; they also seem to worship the sun. Their religion is in fact a conglomeration of various survivals from the different systems that have successively obtained in that part of Asia. They themselves have no clear idea of it as a whole. It would repay study by an archaiologist of religions. Construction. i 79 When wooden roofs were used were they upheld by wooden uprights or by columns of any other material ? Botta was at first inclined to say yes to this question, but he did not attempt to conceal that excavation had discovered little to support such an hypothesis. 1 Such pillars, were they of stone, would leave traces among the ruins in the shape of broken columns ; were they of burnt bricks (and there could be no question of the crude material), those bricks would be found on the spot they occupied and would easily be recognized by their shape, which, as we have already shown, would have been specially adapted to the work they had to do.- The points of junction with the pavement would also be visible. If we contend that they were of wood, like those of the house figured above, we must admit that, at least in the more carefully built houses, such precautions as even the peasants of the Yezidis do not neglect must have been taken, and the timber columns raised upon stone bases which would protect them from the sometimes damp floors. Neither these bases nor any marks of their existence have been found in any of the ruins ; and we are therefore led to the conclusion that to search for hypostyle halls in the Assyrian palaces, would be to follow the imagination rather than the reason. If we admit that architects made no use of columns to afford intermediate support to the heavy roofs, we may at first be inclined to believ^e that wooden ceilings were only used in very narrow apartments, for we can hardly give a length of more than from twenty-four to twenty-seven feet to beams that were called upon to support a thick covering of beaten earth as well as their own weight.'^ Perhaps, however, the skill of their carpenters was equal to increasing the span and rigidity of the beams used by a few simple contrivances. One of these is shown in our Fig. 60, a diagram composed by M. Chipiez to give an idea of the different methods of construction used by, or, at least, at the command of, the Assyrian builder. All the rooms were surmounted by flat roofs, and our hori- zontal sections show how these roofs were accommodated to the 1 Botta, Monument de Ninivc, vol. v. p. 70. - See above, page 118, note i. ^ Some rooms are as much as thirty feet wide. They would require joists at least thirty-three feet long, a length that can hardly be admitted in view of the very mediocre quality of the wood in common use. i8o A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. domes or the timber ceilings by which they were supported. On the left of the engraving semicircular vaults are shown, on the rieht a timbered roof. The arrangement of the latter is taken from an Etruscan tomb at Corneto, where, however, it is carried out in stone. ^ A frame like this could be put together on the spot and offered the means of covering a wider space with the same materials than could be roofed in by a horizontal arrangement. Further back rises one of those domes over square substructures wliose existence seems to us so probable. Behind this again opens one of the courts by which so much of the area of the palace was occupied. The composition is completed by a wall with parapet and flanking towers. Fig. 59. — Fortress ; from Layard's Monu}nc)tts, ist Series, After considering the method employed for roofing the palace apartments, we come naturally to investigate their system of illumination. In view of the extravagant thickness of their walls it is difficult to believe that they made use of such openings as we should call windows. The small loop-holes that appear in some of the bas-reliefs near the summits of towers and fortified walls were mere embrasures, for the purpose of admitting a little air and lieht to the narrow chambers within which the defenders could find shelter from the missiles of an enemy and could store their own arms and engines of war (see Fig. 59). The walls of Khorsabad even now are everywhere at least ten feet high, and in ^ Gailhabaiid, Aloiiiiiiu-iits ani-iein et modt-nn-s, vol. i. : plate entitled Tomheaiix superposes a Corneto. Fig. t>o. — Crude brick construction ; compiled by Charles Chipie?. Construction. some parts they areas much as fifteen, twenty, and five-and-twenty feet, an elevation far in excess of a man's stature, and they show no trace of a window. Hence we may at least affirm that windows were not pierced under the same conditions as in modern architecture.^ And yet the long saloons of the palace with their rich decora- tion had need of light, which they could only obtain through the doorways and the openings left in the roof. When this was of Armenian "Lantern ;" from Boita. wood the matter was simple enough, as our diagram (Fig. 60) shows. Botta noticed, during his journey to his post, another arrangement, of which, he thinks, the Assyrians may very well have made use. ' Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 309. In this passage M. Place affirms that Mr. Layard discovered in a room of one of the Ninevite palaces, several openings cut at less than four feet above the floor level. It is, moreover, certain that these openings were included in the original plan of the building, because the reliefs are interrupted so as to leave room for the window without injury to the scenes sculptured upon tliem ; but, adds M. Place, this example is unique, one of those exceptions that help to confirm a rule. We have in vain searched through the two works of Sir Henry Layard for the statement alluded to by M. Place. The English ex- plorer only once mentions windows, ard then he says : " Even in the rooms bounded by the outer walls there is not the slightest trace of windows " [Nuieveh, vol. ii. p. 260). 1 84 A History of Art in ChalutEA and Assyria. " The houses of the Armenian peasantry," he says, "are sunk into the ground, so that their walls stand up but little above the level of the soil. They are lighted by an opening that serves at once for window and chimney, and is placed, as a rule, in the centre of the roof The timber frame of this opening is often ingeniously arranged (Fig. 6i). Four thick beams, but very roughly squared, intersect each other in the middle of the house. Across their angles slighter joists are placed, and this operation Figs. 62 — 65. — Terra-cotta cylinders in elevation, section and plan ; from Place. is repeated till a small dome, open at the top, for the entrance of light and the escape of smoke, has been erected." ^ In the case of vaults how are we to suppose that the rooms were lighted ? We can hardly imagine that rectangular openings were left in the crown of the arch, such a contrivance would have admitted very little light, while it would have seriously com- promised the safety of the structure. According to M. Place the 1 BoTTA, Mti}iiiiih)il iic Xliii-rc', vol. V. \). 73. Construction. 1S5 desired result was obtained in more skilful fashion. In several rooms he found terra-cotta cylinders similar to those figured below. These objects, of which he gives a careful description, were about thirteen and a half inches in diameter and ten inches in height. We may refer our readers to the pages of M. Place for a detailed account of the observations by which he was led to conclude that these cylinders were not stored, as if in a warehouse, in the rooms where they were afterwards found, but that they formed an integral part of the roof and shared its ruin. Wc may say that the evidence he brings forward seems to fairly justify his hypothesis. Penetrating the roof at various points these cylinders would afford a passage for the outer air to the heated chamber within, while a certain quantity of light would be admitted at the same time. The danger arising from the rains could be avoided to a great extent by giving them a slightly oblique direction. To this very day the Turkish bath-houses over the whole of the Levant from Belgrade to Teheran, are almost universally lighted by these small circular openings, which are pierced in great numbers through the low domes, and closed with immovable gflasses. Besides which we can point to similar arrangements in houses placed both by their date and character, far nearer to those of Assyria. The Sassanide monuments bear witness that many centuries after the destruction of Nineveh the custom of placing cylinders of terra-cotta in vaults was still practised. In spite of its small scale these circles may be distinguished in the woodcut of the Sarbistan palace which we have borrowed irom Coste and Flandin (Fig. 54).' These same writers have ascertained that the architects of Chosroes and Noushir^van employed still another method of lighting the rooms over which they built their domes. They gave the latter what is called an " eye," about three feet in diameter, through which the daylight could fall vertically into the room beneath. This is the principle upon which the Pantheon of Agrippa is lighted ; the only difference being one of jsroportion. 1 Flaxdin et Coste, Voyage eit Perse ; Perse aiieieune, plates 28 and 29; and, in the text, page 25. These openings occur in the great Sassanide palace at Ctesiphon, the Takht-i klwsrou (ibiel. pi. 216, and text, p. 175). Here the terra-cotta pipes are about eight inches in diameter. According to these ■writers similar contrivances are still in use in Persia. 1: 1! i86 A History ok Art in Chald.ea anu Assyria. In Persia, the diameter of the eye was always very small compared to that of the dome. If we are justified in our belief that the constructors of the Parthian and Sassanide palaces were no more than the perpetuators of systems invented by the architects of Nineveh and Babylon, the Assyrian domes also may very well have been opened at the summit in this fashion. In the bas-relief reproduced in our Fig. 42, the two small cupolas are surmounted with caps around a circular opening which must have admitted the lieht. Moreover, the elaborate svstem of drainage with which the substructure of an Assyrian palace was honeycombed would allow any rain-water to run off as fast as such a hole would admit it.^ Whatever may be thought of these conjectures, it is certain that the architects of Nineveh — while they did not neglect accessory sources of illumination — counted chiefly upon the doors to give their buildings a sufficient supply of light and air. As M. Place says, when we examine the plans of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad we are as much astonished at the size of the doorways as at the thickness of the walls.- " There is not a single doorway, even of the smallest chambers, even of the simple ante-rooms for the use of servants and guards, that is not at least six feet or more wide ; most of them are ten feet, and those decorated with sculptures even wider still." In their present ruinous state, it is more difficult to say for certain what their height may have been. Judging, however, from the ruins and from the usual proportions of height and width in the voids of Assyrian buildings, the doors at Khorsabad must have risen to a height of between fifteen and twenty-two feet, " Such measurements are those of exceptionally vast openings, especially when we remember that most of them gave access, not to state apartments, but to rooms used for the most ordinary purposes, store-rooms, ante-rooms, kitchens, serving-rooms of all kinds, and bedrooms. When we find architects who were so reluctant as those of Assyria to cut openings of any kind in their ^ In the cupola of the palace at Sarbistan (Fig. S4)> a window may be perceived in the upper part of the vertical wall, between the pendentives of the dome. Such openings may well have been pireced under Assyrian domes. From many of the illustrations we have given, it will be seen that the Ninevite architects had no objection to windows, provided they could be placed in the upper part of the wall. It is of windows like ours, pierced at a foot or two above the ground, that no examples have been found. ^ Place, Ninive, vol. i. pp. 312-314. CONSTRUCTIOX. iSj outer walls, using doorways of these extravagant dimensions, we may surely conclude that they were meant to light and ventilate the rooms as well as to facilitate the circulation of their inhabitants." ^ Even in halls, which were lighted at once by a number of cir- cular eyes like those described and by a wide doorway, there would be no excess of illumination, and the rooms of Assyria must, on the whole, have been darker than ours. When we re- member the difference in the climates this fact ceases to surprise us. With our often-clouded skies we seldom have too much light, and we give it as wide and as frequent passages as are consistent with the stability of our buildings. The farther north we go the more strongly marked does this tendency become. In Holland, the proportion of voids to solids is much greater than it is on the facade of a Parisian house, and the same tendency may be traced from one end of Europe to the other. But even in Central Europe, as soon as the temperature rises above a certain point, curtains are drawn and jalousies closed, that is, the window is suppressed as far as possible. And is not that enough to suggest a probable reason for the want of windows characteristic of an Oriental dwelling ? An explanation has been sometimes sought in the life of the harem and in the desire of eastern sovereigns to withdraw themselves from the eyes of their subjects. The idleness, almost amounting to lethargy, of the present masters of the East has also been much insisted on. What, it is asked, do these men want with light ? They neither read nor work, they care nothing for those rames of skill or chance which form so o o large a part of western activity; absolute repose, the repose of sleep or stupefaction, is their ideal of existence.- These observations have hardly the force that has been ascribed to them. The harem is not the whole palace, and even in the modern East the selamlik, or public part of the house, is very differently arranged from the rooms set apart for the women. The hunting and conquering kings of Assyria lived much in public. They appeared too often at the head of their armies or among the hounds for us to represent them — as the Greek tradi- tion represented Sardanapalus — shut up within blind walls in distant and almost inaccessible chambers. We must guard ourselves against the mistake of seeking analogies too close ' Place, Xinivc, vol. i. p. 313. - //'/(/., p. 310. 1 88 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. between the East of to-day and that of the centuries before the Greek civilization. The people who now inhabit those countries are in a state of languor and decay. Life has retired from them ; their days are numbered, and the few they have yet to live are passed in a death-like trance. But it was not always thus. The East of antiquity, the East in which man's intellect awoke while it slumbered elsewhere, the East in which that civilization was born and developed whose rich and varied creations we are engaged in studying, was another place. Its inhabitants were strangely industrious and inventive, their intellects were busied with every form of thought, and their activity was expended upon every art of peace and war. We must not delude ourselves into thinking that the Chaldsans, who invented the first methods of science, that the Assyrians, who carried their conquests as far as the shores of the Mediterranean, that those Phoenicians who have been happily called " the English of antiquity," had any great resemblance to the Turks who now reign at Bagdad, Mossoul, and Beyrout. But the climate has not changed, and from it we must demand the key to the characteristic arrangements of Mesopotamian palaces. Even now most of the buildings of Mossoul are only lighted from the door, which is hardly ever shut. Some rooms have no direct means either of lighting or ventilation, and these are the favourite retreats in summer. " I was enabled," says M. Place, "to convince myself personally of this. In the consul's house there were, on one side of the court, three rooms one within the other, of which the first alone was lighted from without, and even this had a covered gallery in front of it, by which the glare was tempered. In the dog-days, when the mid-day sun rendered all work a punishment, the innermost of these three rooms was the only habitable part of the house. The serdabs, or subterranean chambers, are used under the same conditions. They are inconvenient in some ways, but the narrowness of the openings, through which light, and with it heat, can reach their depths, gives them advantages not to be despised. " ^ The crude brick walls of ancient Assyria were far thicker than the rubble and plaster ones of modern Mossoul, so that more light could be admitted to the rooms without compromising their ' Pl-'.ce, yinivf, vol. i. p. :;it. Construction. i8g freshness. It seems to be proved that in at least the majority of rooms at Khorsabad the architect provided other means of liCThtino- and ventilation besides the doorways, wide and hieh though the latter were. He pierced the roof with numerous oblique and vertical openings, he left square wells in the timber ceilings, and circular eyes in the domes and vaults. If these were to fulfil their purpose of admitting light and air into the principal rooms, the latter must have had no upper stories to carry. At Mossoul, walls are much thinner than at Nineveh, and interiors are simpler in arrangement and decoration. The twenty or five-and-twenty feet of clay of the Assyrian walls would make it impossible to give sufficient light through the doors alone to the sculptures and paintings with which the rooms were adorned. We cannot doubt that a top light was also required. The rooms of the palaces must, therefore, have suc- ceeded one another in one horizontal plan. Slight difterences of level between them were connected by short flights, usually of five carefully-adjusted steps.^ In spite of all its magnificence the roval dwelling was no more than a hucje oround floor. With such methods of construction as those we have described, it would have been very difficult to multiply stories. Neither vaults nor timber ceilings could have carried the enormous masses of earth of which even their partition- walls for the most part consisted, so that the architect would have had no choice but to make his upper chambers identical in size with those of his ground lloors. This difficulty he was not, however, called upon to face, because the necessity for providing his halls and corridors with a top light, put an upper floor out of the question. No trace of such a staircase as would have been required to give access to an upper story has been discovered in any of the Assyrian ruins,- and yet some means of ascent to the terraced roofs must have been provided, if not for the inhabitants of the chambers below — who are likely, however, to have passed the nights upon them in the hot season — at least for the workmen whose duty it was to keep them in repair. Some parts of the palace, on the other hand, may have been raised much above the level of the rest. Sir Henry Layard found the remains of such chambers in the palace of Assurnazirpal at ' Place, Nini-,;\ vol. i. y. 307. - See BoTT.A, Afo/ntnn-nf de A'inrvt-. vol. \. p. 53 : Pi.'CE, jYinh-e, vol. i. pp. 306, 307. I go A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. Nimroud.^ In the. bas-relief from Kouyundjik, reproduced in our Fig. 39, an open gallery may be noticed at a great height above the soil. But neither this gallery nor the chambers discovered at Nimroud form what we should call a " first-floor." Layard did not conduct his excavations like an architect, and he fails to give us such information as we have in the case of Khorsabad, but he tells us that the chambers in question formed the upper part of a sort of tower projecting from one angle of the fa9ade. In the building represented on the Kouyundjik relief, the gallery is also upheld by the main wall, and stands upon its summit. From these observations we may conclude that when the Assyrian architect wished to erect chambers that should have a command over the buildings about them and over the surrounding country, he placed them, not over his ground-floor, but upon solid and independent masses of bricks. The staircase, then, could not have had the internal importance by which it is distinguished in architectural systems that make use of several stories. On the other hand, it must have played a very conspicuous part externally, in front of the outer doors and the fagades through which they were pierced. Fortresses, palaces, temples, all the great buildings of Chaldsea and Assyria, were built upon artificial mounds, upon a wide platform that required an easy communication with the plain below. This could only be obtained by long flights of steps or by gently inclined planes. Steps would do for pedestrians, but horses, chariots, and beasts of burden generally would require the last-named contrivance. All who have attempted restorations have copied the arrangement of these stairs and sloping roads from the ruins of Persepolis, where the steps, being cut in the rock itself, are still to be traced. The brick slopes of Mesopotamia must have commenced to disappear on the very day that their custodians first began to neglect their repair. Some confirmation, however, is to be found, even in the buildings themselves, of the hypothesis suggested by their situations. At Abou-Shareyn, for instance, in Lower Chaldaea, the staircase figured on the next page (Fig. 66) may be seen at the foot of the building excavated by Mr. Taylor; it gave access to the upper terrace of what seems to have been a temple."- Here the steps 1 Layard, jVi/mv//, vol. ii. p. 15. 2 TA\LOR,/our/ia/ of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 409. CoNSTKUCTIOiV. 191 are no more than about twenty-six inches wide, but this width must often have been greatly surpassed elsewhere. Indeed, in the same building the first story was reached by a staircase about seventy feet long and sixteen wide. The stone steps were twenty- two inches long, thirteen broad, and one foot deep. They were fixed with great care by means of bronze clasps. Unfortunately the explorer gives us neither plan nor elevation of this monumental staircase. Layard believed that, in passing the Mesopotamian mounds, he could often distinguish upon them traces of the flights of steps by which their summits were reached.^ On the eastern face of the palace of Sennacherib, he says, the remains of the wide slopes by which the palace communicated with the plain were quite visible -;*vi^ Fig. 66. — Outside btaircases in tlie ruins of Abou-Sli.ireyn. to him.- One of these staircases is figured in a bas-relief from Nimroud ; it seems to rise to a line of battlements that form, no doubt, the parapet to a flat terrace behind.'^ Finally, in another relief, the sculptor shows two flights of steps bending round one part of a mound and each coming to an end at a door into the temple on its summit. The curve described by this ramp involved the use of steps, wliich are given in M. Chipiez's Restoration (Plate IV.). An interesting series of reliefs, brought to England from Kouyundjik, proves that in the palace interiors there were inclined galleries for the use of the servants. The lower ^ Layard, Discoveries, p. 260. - Layard, Discoveries, pp. 645-6. ^ Layard, Mo>iume/i/s, Sac, first series, plate 19. This relief is reproduced in .Vlace, Ninive, vol. iii. plate 40, fig. 6. 192 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. edges of the alabaster slabs are cut to the same slope as that of the corridor upon whose walls they were fixed, and their sculptures represent the daily traffic that passed and repassed within those walls.^ On the one hand, fourteen grooms are leadine fourteen horses down to the Tigris to be watered ; on the other, servants are mounting with provisions for the royal table in baskets on their heads.- The steps of basalt and gypsum, that afford communication between rooms of different levels at Khorsabad, are planned and adjusted with great skill and knowledge.^ The workmen who built those steps took, we may be sure, all the necessary precautions to prevent men and beasts from slipping on the paved floors of the inclined galleries. These were constructed upon the same plan as the ramps of M. Place's observatory, on which the pave- ment consists of steps forty inches long, thirty-two inches wide, and less than an inch high. Such steps as these give an inclination of about one in thirty-four, and the ramp on which they were used may be more justly compared to an inclined plane, like that of the Seville Giralda or the Mole of Hadrian, than to a staircase. One might ascend or descend it on horseback without any difficulty.^ By this e.xample we may see that although the Assyrian builder had no materials at his command equal to those employed by the Greek or Egyptian, he knew how to make ingenious and skilful use of those he had. We should be in a better position to appreciate these qualities of invention and taste had time not entirely deprived us of that part of the work of the JNIesopotamlan architects in which they were best served by their materials. Assyria, like Egypt, prac- tised construction " by assemblage " as well as the two methods we have already noticed. She had a light form of architecture in which wood and metal played the principal part. As might have been expected, however, all that she achieved in that direction has perished, and the only evidence upon which we can attempt a restoration is that of the sculptured monuments, and they, unhapi)ily, are much less communicative in this respect than 1 British Museum ; Kouyundjik Gallery, Nos. 34 — 43. See also Layard's Monuments, plates 8 and g. — Ed. 2 A second inclined gallery of the same kind was found by Lavard in another of the Kouyundjik palaces {Disconries, p. 650), * Place, Ninire. vol. i. pp. 306, 307. ■* Place, Ninive, vol. i. ]i. 140. Construction. 193 those of Egypt. In the paintings of the Theban tombs the kiosks and paviHons of wood and metal are figured in all the variety and vivacity derived from the brilliant colours with which they were adorned. Nothing of the kind is to be found in Mesopotamia. Our only documents are the uncoloured reliefs which, even in the matter of form, are more reticent than we could have wished. But in spite of their simplification these representations allow us to perceive clearly enough the mingled elegance and richness that characterized the structures in question. Thus in a bas-relief at Nimroud representing the interior of a fortress, a central place is occupied by a small pavilion generally supposed to represent the royal tent (Fig. 67).^ The artist could i'lG. 67. — Interior of ihe Royal Tent ; from Layard. not give a complete representation of it, with all its divisions and the people it contained. He shows only the apartment in which the hio-h-bred horses that drew the royal chariot were cjroomed and fed. Before the door of the pavilion an eunuch receives a company of prisoners, their hands bound behind them, and a soldier at their elbow. Higher up on the relief the sculptor has figured the god with fish's scales whom we have already en- countered (see Fig. 9). To him, perhaps, the king attributed the capture of the fortress that has just fallen into his hands. It is not, however, with an explanation of the scene that we are 1 As to tlie great size sometimes reached by the tents of the Arab chiefs, and the means employed to divide them into several apartments, see Lavard, Disioreries, p. 313, and the sketch on page 32r. c c 194 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. at present concerned ; our business is with the structure of the pavilion itself, with the slender columns and the rich capitals at their summits, with the domed roof, made, no doubt, of several skins sewn together and kept in place by metal weights. The capitals and the two wild goats perched upon the shafts must have been of metal. As for the tall and slender columns themselves, they were doubtless of wood. The chevrons and vertical fillets with which they are decorated may either have been carved in the wood or inlaid in metal. :'"\i. Fig-. 6S. — Tabern.icle ; from the Balawat Gates. The pavilion we have just described was a civil edifice, the temporary resting place of the sovereign. The same materials were employed in the same spirit and with a similar arrangement in the erection of religious tabernacles (see Fig. 68). The illustra- tion on this page is taken from those plates of beaten bronze which are known as the Gates of Balaivat and form one of the most precious treasures in the Assyrian Galleries of the British Museum.^ They represent the victories and military expeditions 1 There is a photographic reproduction of these interesting reUefs in the fine publication undertaken by the Society of Bibhcal Archaeology. This work, which is not yet (1S83) complete, is entitled TIic Bronze Ornaments of the Gates of Balawat, Construction. 195 of Shalmaiieser II. In the pavilion that we have abstracted from this long series of reliefs may be recognized the fieid-chapel of the king. When that cruel but pious conqueror wished to thank Assur for some great success, he could cause a tabernacle like this to be raised in a few minutes even upon the field of battle itself It is composed of four light columns supporting a canopy of leather which is kept in form by a fringe of heavy weights. Rather above the middle of these columns two rinofs eive an opportunity for a knotted ornament that could also be very quickly arranged, and the brilliant colours of the knots would add notably to the gay appearance of the tabernacle. Under the canopy the king himself is shown standing in an attitude of worship and pouring a libation on the portable altar. The latter is a trijx)d, probably of bronze, and upon it appears a dish with something in it which is too roughly drawn to be identified. On the right stands a second and smaller tripod with a vessel containing the liquid necessary for the rite. The graphic processes of the Assyrian sculptor were so im- perfect that at first we have some difficulty in picturing to ourselves the originals of these representations; in spite of the care devoted to many of their details, the real constitution of these little buildings is not easily grasped. In order to make it quite clear JNI. Chipiez has restored one of them, using no materials in the restoration but those for which authority is to be found in the bas-reliefs (Fig. 70). i\I. Chipiez has placed his pavilion upon a salient bastion forming part of a wide esplanade. Two staircases lead up to it, and the wall by which the whole terrace is sup2:>orted and inclosed is ornamented with those vertical grooves which are such a common motive in Chaldcean architecture. In front of the pavilion, on the balustrade of the staircase, and in the back- ground near a third flight of steps, four isolated columns may be seen, the two former crowned with oval medallions, the two latter with cones. The meaning of these standards — which are copied from the Balawat Gates ^ — is uncertain. In the Shalmaneser II. 859-825, edited, witli an introduction, by .Samuel Birch, with descriptions and translations by Theophilus G. Pin'chf.s, folio, London. The three first parts are before us. The motive reproduced above belongs to the plate marked E, 5. ^ They are to be found on the sheet provisionally numbered B, i, in the publica- tion abo\'e referred to. 196 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. bas-reliefs in question they are placed before a stele with a rounded top, which is shown at the top of our engraving. This stele bears a figure of the monarch ; another one like it is cut upon a cylinder of green feldspar found by Layard close to the principal entrance to Sennacherib's palace (see Fig. 69).^ Though practically absent from the great brick palaces, the column iiere played an important and conspicuous part. It fur- nished elegant and richly decorated supports for canopies of wool that softly rose and fell with the passing breeze. Fair carpets were spread upon the ground beneath, others were sus- pended to cross beams painted with lively colours, and swept the earth with the long and feathered fringes sewn upon their borders. The difference was great between the massive buildings by which the Mesopotamian plains were dominated, and these light, Fig. 69. — The Seal of Sennacheri'^. CyliiKler of green feldspar in the British Mn/^eum. airy structures which must have risen in great numbers in Chaldsea and Assyria, here on the banks of canals and rivers or in the glades of shady parks, there on the broad esplanades of a temple or in the courts of a royal palace. Between the mountains of clay on the one hand and these graceful tabernacles with their slender supports and gay coverings on the other, the contrast must have been both charming and piquant. Nowhere else do we find the distinction between the house and the tent so strongly marked. The latter must have held, too, a much more important place in the national life than it did either in Egypt or Greece. The monarch spent most of his time either in hunting or fighting, and his court must have followed him to the field. Moreover, when spring covers every meadow with deep herbage and brilliant flowers, an irresistible desire comes over the inhabitants of such ' This cylinder, which is now in the British Museum, was perhaps the actual signet of the king. Fio. "o. — Type of open architecture in Assyria ; composed by Charles Chipiez. Construction. 199 countries as Mesopotamia to ily from cities and set up their dwellincrs amid the scents and verdure of the fields. Acrain, when the summer heats have dried up the plains and made the streets of a town unbearable, an exodus takes place to the nearest moun- tains, and life is only to be prized when it can be passed among the breezes from their valleys and the shadows of their forest trees. Even in our own day the inhabitants of these regions pass from the house to the tent with an ease which seems strange to us. At certain seasons some of the nomad tribes betake themselves within the walls of Bagdad and Mossoul and there set up their long black tents of goats' hair.^ Judging from the bas-reliefs they did the same even in ancient Assyria ; in some of these a (ew tents may be seen sprinkled over a space inclosed by a line of walls and towers."^ Abraham and Lot slept in their tents even when they dwelt within the walls of a city.^ Lot had both his tent and a house at Sodom. ^ Every year the inhabitants of Mossoul and the neiehbouring- villaQfes turn out in large numbers into the neighbouring country, and, during April and May, re-taste for a time that pastoral life to which a roof is unknown. The centuries have been unable to affect such habits as these, because they were suggested, enforced, and perpetuated by nature herself, by the climate of Mesopotamia ; and they have done much to create and develop that light and elegant form of building which we may almost call the architecture of the tent. In these days and in a country into whose remotest corners the decadence has penetrated, the tent is hardly more than a mere shelter ; here and there, in the case of a few chiefs less com- pletely ruined than the rest, it still preserves a certain size and elegance, but as a rule all' that is demanded of it is to be suffi- ciently strong and thick to resist the wind, the rain, and the sun. It was otherwise in the rich and civilized society with which we are now concerned. Its arrangement and decoration then called forth inventive powers and a refined taste of which we catch a few glimpses in the bas-reliefs. It gave an opportunity for the employment of forms and motives which could not be ^ La YARD, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 272. - Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, firot series, plate 77 ; second series, plates 24 and 36. ^ Genesis, xiii. 12. * Genesis, xix. 2QP A History of Art in Chald^^lA and Assyria. used at all, or used in a very restricted fashion, in more solid structures, such as palaces and temples. Of all these that which most closely results from the necessities of wooden or metal construction is the column, and we therefore find that it is in this tent-architecture that it takes on the characteristics that distinguish it from the Egyptian column and give it an originality of its own. § 4. — TJic Colunni. As Chaldsa, speaking broadly, made no use of stone in its buildines, the stone column or shaft was unknown to its archi- tects ; at least not a single fragment of such a thing has been found among the ruins. Here and there cylindrical piers built up of small units seem to have been employed. These are some- times of specially moulded bricks,^ sometimes of sandstone frag- ments supported by a coat of masonry. Time has separated the stones of the latter, and it is now only represented by fragments whose shape betrays their original destination. Taylor, indeed, found one of these piers still in place during his excavations at Abou-Sharein, but his sketch and description are so confused that it is quite useless to reproduce them.- On the other hand, Chalda;a preceded Assyria in the art of raising airy structures mainly composed of wood and metal, and by them she was led to the use of slender supports and a decora- tion in which grace and elegance were the most conspicuous features. We have a proof of this in a curious monument recently acquired by the British Museum. It comes from Abou-Abba, about sixteen miles south-west of Bagdad, and is in a marvellous state of preservation. Abou-Abba has been recognized as the site of the ancient Sippara, one of the oldest of Chaldcean towns. Its sanctuaries, in which the sun-god, Samas, was chiefly adored, always maintained a great importance. The monument in question is a tablet of very close-grained grey stone \\\ inches long 6 inches high and, in the centre, about 3 inches thick. Its thickness increases from top to bottom. The ' See above, p. i iS, note i. - Taylor, Notes on Abou-Sharcin. and Td-d-Lahin, (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 404). — En. The Column. '201 edge is grooved. High up on the obverse there is a bas-relief, beneath this commences a long inscription which is finished on the reverse.^ Shorter inscriptions are engraved on the field of the relief itself. The whole work — -figures, inscriptions, and outer mouldings — is executed with the utmost care. The laborious solicitude with which the smallest details are carried out is to be explained by the destination of this little plaque, namely, the temple in the centre of Sippara in which a triad consisting of .Sin, Samas, and Istar was the object of worship." The relief itself — which we reproduce from a cast kindly pre- sented to us by Dr. Birch — occupies rather less than half of the obverse (Fig. 71). It represents a king called Nabou-Abla-Idin, who reigned about 900, doing homage to the sun-god.^ We shall return to this scene and its composition when the time arrives for treating Chaldcean sculpture. At present we only wish to speak of the pavilion under which the deity is enthroned upon a chair supported by two beings half man and half bull. This kind of tabernacle is bounded, above and at the back of the god, by a wall of which there is nothing to show the exact nature. Its graceful, sinuous line, however, seems to exclude the idea, sufficiently improbable in itself, of a brick vault. It may possibly have been of wood, though it would not be easy to obtain this elegant curve even in that material. But such forms as this are given with the greatest ease in metal, and we are ready to believe that what the artist here meant to represent was a metal frame, which could at need be hidden under a canopy of leather or wool, like those we have already en- countered in the Assyrian bas-reliefs (Figs. 67 and 68). The artist has in fact made use of a graphic process common enough with the Egyptians.* He has given us a lateral elevation of the tabernacle with the god in profile within it, because his skill was 1 This inscription is published in full in the Cuneiform Inscriptmis of Western Asia, vol. V. part ii. - The names of these three deities are furnished by the inscription which runs beneath the canopy of the pavilion (see Fig. 71). ^ The disk upon the table is enough by itself to betray the identity of the god, but as if to render assurance doubly sure, the artist has taken the trouble to cut on the bed of the relief under the three small figures, an inscription which has been thus translated by MM. Oppert and Menant: "Image of the Sun, the Great Lord, who dwells in the temple of Bit-para, in the city of Sippara." ■• See our History of Art in Ancient Ei^ypt. vol. ii. chap, i, §1. D D 202 ' A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. unequal to the task of showing him full front and seated between the two columns of the facade. The single column thus left visible has been represented with great skill and care ; the sculptor seems to have taken pleasure in dwelling upon its smallest details. Slender as it is, it must have been of wood. The markings upon it suggest the trunk of a palm, but we may be permitted to doubt whether it was allowed to remain in its natural uncovered state. Even in the climate of Chalda^a a dead tree trunk exposed to the air would have no great durability. Sooner or later the sun, the rain, the changes of temperature, would give a good account of it, and besides, a piece of rough wood could hardly be made to har- monize with the luxury that must assuredly have been lavished by the people of Sippara upon the sanctuary of their greatest divinity. It is probable, therefore, that the wood was overlaid with plates of gilded bronze, fastened on with nails. This hypothesis is confirmed by one of M. Place's discoveries at Khorsabad.^ There, in front of the Harem, he found several large fragments of a round cedar-wood beam almost as thick as a man's body. It was cased in a bronze sheath, very much oxydized and resembling the scales of a fish in arrangement (Fig. 72). The metal was attached to the wood by a large number of bronze nails. Comparing these remains with certain bas-reliefs in u'hich different kinds of trees appear (Fig. 27) we can easily see that the Ninevite sculptors meant to represent the peculiar roughnesses of palm bark. Their usual methods are modified a little by the requirements of the material and the size of the beam upon which it was used. Each scale was about 4^ inches high, and according to the calculations of M. Place, the whole mast must have been from five-and-thirty to forty feet high. Working for spectators on a lower level and at some dis- tance, the smith thought well to make his details as regular and stronoflv marked as he could ; to each scale or leaf he g-ave a raised edare to mark its contour and distinguish it from the rest. The general effect was thus obtained bv deliberate exaggeration of the relief and by a conventionality that was justified by the conditions of the problem to be solved. At a little distance from this broken beam JNl. Place found 1 Place, Ninive, vol. i. pi>. 120-122, and vol. iii. pl.ite 73. s "^^ '^arli' K:,; "-s^^^" ligf'Jvf^^ '>""'' 'i< ^ J/ Si "^ eS c ^ cu S H The Column. 205 a leaf of gold which is now in the Louvre ; it presents the same ovoid forms as the bronze sheathing, and, moreover, the numerous nail holes show that it was meant to fulfil the same purpose as the bronze plates. The place in which it was found, its dimensions and form, all combine to prove that it was laid upon the bronze as we should lay gold leaf. It bears an inscription in cuneiform characters. We are inclined to take these plates for models in restoring the columns of the Sippara tabernacle. There is nothing in the rich- ness of this double covering of bronze and gold to cause surprise, as the inscription which covers part of the face and the whole i~ -4- Fig. 72. — .Sheath of a cedai-waod mast, blOll^e. of the back of the tablet is nothiu'^ but a loner enumeration of the gifts made to the shrine of Samas by the reigning king and his predecessors. This column has both capital and base. The former cannot have been of stone ; a heavy block of basalt or even of h'mestone would be quite out of place in such a situation. As for the base it is hardiy more than a repetition of the capital, and must have been of the same material ; and that material was metal, the only substance that, when bent by the hand or beaten by the hammer, takes almost of its own motion those graceful curves that we call volutes. 2o6 A History of Art in Ciiai.d.ea and Assyria. We believe then in a bronze capital gilded. Under the volutes three rings, or astragali, may be seen. By their means the capital was allied to the shaft. The former consisted of two volutes between which appeared a vertical point resembling one of the angles of a triangle. The base is the same except that it has no point, and that the rings are in contact with the ground instead of with the shaft. These volutes may also be perceived on the table in front of the tabernacle, where they support the large disk by which the sun-god is symbolized. Before quitting this tablet we may point to another difference between the column of Sippara and the shafts of the same material and proportions that we have encountered in the Assyrian bas-reliefs (Figs. 67, 68, and 69). In the latter the column rises above the canopy, which is attached to its shaft by 1 10. 73. — Interior of a Ijouse supported by wocden pillars ; from the gates of iJalawat. British Museum. brackets or nails. At Sippara the canopy rests upon the capital itself. The same arrangement may be found in Assyrian repre- sentations of these light structures ; it will suffice to give one example taken from the gates of Balawat (Fig. 'j2^. Here, too, the proportions of the columns prove them to have been of wood. They do not rise above the entablature. The architrave rests upon them, and, as in Greece and Egypt, its immediate weight is borne by abaci. At present our aim is to prove that Assyria derived from Chaldaea the first idea of those tall and slender columns, the shafts of which were of wood sheathed in metal, and the capitals of the latter material. The s^raceful and original forms of Chalda;an art would have prepared the way for a columnar archi- tecture in .stone, had that material been forthcoming. Babylon, The Column. 207 however, saw no such architecture. Her plastic genius never came under the influence that would have led her to import stone from abroad ; and the grace and variety of the orders remained unknown to her builders. Like Egypt, Chaldsea gave lessons but received none. The forms of her art are to be explained by the inborn characteristics of her people and the natural conditions among which they found themselves placed. In Assyria these conditions were rather different. The stone column was used there, but used in a timid and hesitating fashion. It never reached the freedom and independence that would have !\ I ,^ Fig. 74. — Assyrian capital, in perspective ; compiled iVum I lace. characterized it had it arisen naturally from the demands of construction.^ We only possess one column, or rather one fragment of a column, from Assyria, and that was found by M. Place at Khorsabad (Fig. 74). It is a block of carefully worked and carved limestone about forty inches high, and including both the capital and the upper part of the shaft in its single piece. 1 In this connection Sir H. Lavard makes an observation to which the attention of the artist should be drawn. Whenever pictures of BchJiazzar's Feast and the Last Night of Babylon are painted massive Egyptian pillars are introduced : nothing could be more contrary to the facts {Discoveries, p. 581). 2o8 A HisTOKv OF Art in Ciiald^a and Assyria. Such a combination could not long exist in architLCtonic systems in which the stone column played its true part. It is a survival from the use of wood. Another characteristic feature is the complete absence both from this fragment and from the columns in the sculptured reliefs of vertical lines or divisions of any kind, no trace of a fluted or polygonal shaft has been found.^ In writing the history of the Egyptian column we explained how the natural desire for as much light as possible led the archi- tects of Beni- Hassan to transform the square pier, first into an octagonal prism, secondly into one with sixteen sides.- And to this progressive elaboration of the polyhedric shaft the flutes seemed to us to owe their origin. On the other hand, with tall and slender supports such as those afforded by palm trunks no necessity for reduction and for the shaving of angles would arise, and those flutes whose peculiar section is owing to the desire for a happy play of light and shadow, would never have been thought of If we imitate a natural timber shaft in stone we have a smooth cylindrical column like that seen in Fig. 74. Again, the shafts of the columns in the bas-reliefs, appear slender in comparison with those of Egypt, or with the doric shafts of the oldest Greek temples (see Fig. 41 and 42). In the fragmentary column from Khorsabad (Fig. 74) we have only a small part of the shaft but if we may judge from the feeble salience of the capital, its proportions must have been slender rather than heavy and massive. Wherever the stone column has been used in buildings of mediocre size, the architect seems to have been driven by some optical necessity to make his angle columns more thickset than the other supports. Thus it was in Assyria, in the little temple at Kouyundjik (Fig. 42), where the outer columns are sensibly thicker than those between them ; at Khorsabad (Fig. 41) the same result was obtained by rather different means. The edifice represented in this bas-relief bears no little similarity to certain Egyptian temples and to the Greek temple in aiitis? The 1 M. Place, indeed, encountered an octagonal column on the mound of Karamles, but the general character of the objects found in that excavation led him to conclude positively that the column in question was a relic from the Parthian or Sassanide epoch {Ninive, vol. ii. pp. 169, 170). - History of Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. ii. p. 95. 3 Ibid. vol. i. p. 397, fig. 230: and vol. ii. p. 105, fig. 84. The Column. 209 strength of these angular piers contrasts happily with the elegance of the columns between them. The latter are widely spaced, and, as in some Egyptian buildings, the architrave is but a horizontal continuation ol the corner piers. If we analyse the column and examine its three parts separately we shall be led to similar conclusions. The stone column no doubt bore the architrave upon its capital wherever it was used, and both in Chaldasa and Assyria we find the same arraneement in those iitrht structures which we have classed as belonging to the architecture of the tent (Figs. 70 and 72). The origin of the forms employed in stone buildings is most clearly shewn by the frequent occurrence of the volute, a curvilinear element suggested by the use and peculiar properties of metal. We find these volutes everywhere, upon shafts of stone and wood indifferently. We are tempted to think, when we examine the details of our Fig. 67, that- the first idea of them was taken from the horns of the ibex or the wild goat. The column on the right of this cut bears a fir cone between its volutes, those on the left have small tablets on which are perched the very animals whose heads are armed with these horns. Howev'er this mav be, the form in question. ^"'- 75— Capital ; from ^ ^ a small temple. like all others borrowed from nature by man, was soon modified and developed by art. The curve was pro- longed and turned in upon itself. In one of the capitals of the little temple represented at Kouyundjik (Fig. 42), two pairs of these horns may be recognized one above the other (Fig. 75), but nowhere else do we find such an arrangement. Whether the column be of wood, as in the Sippara tablet (Fig. 71), or of stone, as in those buildings in which the weight and solidity of the entablature points decisively to that material (Figs. 41 and 42), we find a volute in universal use that differs but slightly in its general physiognomy from the familiar ornament of the Ionic capital. Let us revert for a moment to the country house or palace of which we gave a general view in Fig. 39. We shall there find on the highest part of the building an open loggia supported by small columns many times repeated. We reproduce this part of the relief on a larger scale (Fig. 76), so that its details may be more K K 2IO A History of Art in Chald.ila and Assyria. dearly seen. A very slight familiarity with the graphic processes of the Assyrians is sufficient to i jr,c; 76 — Yiew of a pnbce ; from Layaid. nform the reader that the kind of The Column. 2 1 1 trellis work with which the bed of the relief is covered is significant of a mountainous country. The palace rises on the banks of a river, which is indicated by the sinuous lines in the right lower corner. The buildings themselves — which are dominated here and there by the round tops of trees, planted, we may suppose, in the inner courts — stand upon mounds at various heights above the plain. The lowest of these look like isolated structures, such as the advanced works of a fortress. Next comes a line of towers, and then the artificial hill crowned by the palace properly speaking. The facade of the latter is flanked by tall and salient towers, across Avhose summits runs the open gallery to which we have referred. ^ This is supported by numerous columns which must by their general arrangement and spacing, have been of wood. The gallery consisted, in all probability, of a platform upheld by trunks of trees, either squared or left in the rough and surmounted by capitals sheathed in beaten bronze. The volute is here quite simple in shape ; elsewhere we find it doubled, as it were, so that four volutes occur between the astragali and the abacus (Figs. 42 and J"])!^ In other examples, again, it is elongated upwards until it takes a shape differing but little from the acanthus leaves of the Corinthian capital (Fig. 78).^ This volute is found all over Assyria and Chalda^a. It decorates the angles of the small temple represented on the stone known as Lord Aberdeen's Black .Stone (Fig. 79). It occurs also on many of the ivories, but these, perhaps, are for the most part Phcenician. But in any case the Assyrians made constant use of it in the decoration of their furniture. In an ivory plaque, of which the British Museum possesses several examples, we find a man standing and grasping a lotus stem in his left hand (Fig. 80). This stem 1 The profiles of the capitals in this gallery led Sir H. Layard to speak of "small pillars with capitals in the form of the Ionic volute" {DisayTen'es, p. ii9)(?). - A similar arrangement of volutes may be found on the rough columns engraved upon one of the ivory plaques found at Nimroud (Layard, Monuiiioits, &c., first series, plate 88, fig. 3). 3 We reproduce this capital from Rawlinson's Five Great Monanhies (vol. i. P' 333) j but we should have liked to be able to refer either to the relief in which it occurs, or to the original design which must have been made in the case of those slabs which had to be left at Nineveh. We have succeeded in finding neither the relief nor the drawing, so that we cannot guarantee the fidelity of the image. 2 12 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. rests upon a support which bears a strong resemblance to the Sippara capital (Fig. 70) ; it has two volutes separated by a sharp point. The fondness of the Assyrians for these particular J ■■ ' Fir,. 77. —Capital ; from a small temple. Fig. 78. — Capital. curves is also betrayed in that religious and symbolic device which has been sometimes called the Tree of Life. Some day, perhaps, the exact significance of this emblem may be explained, we are content to point out the variety and happy arrangement Fig. 79. — Chaldffiau tabernacle. Fig. So.^ — Ivory plaque found at Nimroud. Actual size. British Museum. ot the sinuous lines which surround and enframe the richly decorated pilaster that acts as its stem. We gave one specimen of this tree in Fig. S; we now give another (Fig. 81). The The Column. 2 I astragali, the ibex horns and the volutes, may all be easily recognized here. The only stone capital that has come down to us has, indeed no volutes (Fig. 74), but it is characterized by the same taste for flowincr lines and rounded forms. Its general section is that of a cyma reversa surmounted by a flattened torus, and its appearance that of a vase decorated with curvilinear and geometrical tracery. There is both originality and beauty in the contours of the profile and the arrangement of the tracery ; the section as a whole is not unlike that of the inverted bell-shaped capitals at Karnac.^ Fig. Si. — The Tree of Life ; froai Layard. This type must have been in frequent use, as we find it repeated in four bases found still In place in front of the palace of Sennacherib by Sir Henry Layard. They were of limestone and rested upon plinths and a pavement of the same material (Fig. 82).^ In these the design of the ornament is a little more complicated than the festoon on the Khorsabad capital, but the principle is the same and both objects belong to one narrow class. 1 See Art in Ancient Egvpt, vol. ii. p. 120, fig. 95. 2 Layard forgets to give the height of this base : he is content to tell us that its greatest diameter is 2 feet 7 inches, and its smallest iiA inches. This latter measure- ment must have been taken at the junction with the shaft {Discoveries, p. 590). 14 A HisTORv OF Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. We again encounter this same base with its opposing- curves in a curious monument discovered at Kouyundjik by Mr. George Smith.^ This is a small and carefully executed model, in yellow- stone, of a winged human-headed bull, supporting on his back a vase or base similar in design to that floured above. This little object must have served as a model for the carvers engaged upon the palace walls. We shall not here stop to examine the attributes and ornaments of the bull, they are well shown in our Figs. 83 and 84, and their types are known by many other examples. Our aim is to show that we have rightly described the uses to which it was put. These might have remained obscure but for the discovery, in the south-western palace at Nimroud, of a pair of winged sphinxes, calcined by fire but ^*-- FiG. 82. — Ornamented base, in limestone. still in their places between two huge lions at one of the doors. Before their contours disappeared — and they rapidly crumbled away upon contact with the air. — Layard had time to make a drawing of the one that had suffered least (Fig. 85). In his description he says that between the two wings was a sort of plateau, " intended to carry the base of a column." ^ Surprised at not finding any trace of the column itself, he gives out another conjecture : that these sphinxes were altars upon ^ George S.mith, Assyria ft DiscoTcn'es, sixth edition, 8vo. 1876, p. 431. 2 Layard, Nineveh, vol. i. p. 349, at a little distance the explorer found the bodies of two lions placed back to back, which seemed to have formed a pedestal of the same kind. Their heads were wanting, and the whole group had suffered so much from fire, that it was impossible either to carry it off or to make a satisfactory drawing from it {ibiJ. p. 351). TiiK Column. 2 I which offerings to the gods, or presents to the king were placed. This hypothesis encounters many objections. We may easily account for the disappearance of the column by supposing it to have been of wood. If it was stone, it may have been carried off for use as a roller by the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, before that part of the building to which it belonged was so completely engulfed and hidden by the ruins as it afterwards became.^ Moreover we can point to a certain number of Assyrian altars, and their shapes are very different from this. -Model of a base, side view. Actual size. Fig. S4. — The s.ime, seen from in front. Finally, all our doubts are removed by a bas-relief from the palace of Assurbanipal, which is now in the British Museum (Fig. 86). The upper part of this carved picture is destroyed, but enough remains to show that it reproduced the facade of some richlv decorated building. Four columns supported on the backs of so many lions, and two flat pilasters upheld in the same fashion 1 This suggestion seems inconsistent with the state of the ruin at the spot where the discovery was made. Sir Henry Layard describes these sphin.\es as buried in charcoal, and so calcined by the lire that they fell into minute fragments soon after exposure to the air. Anything carried on their backs must have fallen at the time of the conflagration, and, if a stone column, it would have been found under the charcoal. — Ed. 2l6 A History of Art in Chald.ila and Assyria. by winged griffins, may readily be distinguished. That these griffins are not repeated on the left of the rehef, is due perhaps to the haste or laziness of the sculptor. He may have thought he had done enough when he had shown once for all how these \ / , 'J-. ..?i~ VT ' ■■ ■ ■ ,'< 'i\.'t''^\^ '•'•■"'" t^gfjciffif^i^-TSui'^^iiai^ "I'TyP^JIUDF* m.^^^ 1,, . .j-aiil _?m'-y:s^^ Fig. 85. — Winged Sphinx carrying the base of a column ; from Layard. pedestals were composed. However this may have been, the lions in this relief play exactly the same i-o/e as that attributed by us to the little model found by George Smith, and to the winged sphin.x discovered by Sir Henry Layard before one of the doors at Flc. S6. — Facade of an Assyrian building ; from a bas-relief in the British Museum. Height 10 inches. Nimroud. A base in the form of a vase or cushion is inserted between the back of the animal and the bottom of the shaft. In the pilaster — if we may believe that the artist took no liberties TiiK Column. 1/ with fact — the junction is direct without the interposition of any ornamental motive. In what M. Place calls the state doorways {porh's oi'in'cs) of Khorsabad, the arches spring from the backs of the great mitred bulls that guard the entrance.' But, whether the columns rose from the backs of animals real or fantastic, they always seem to to have had a base. Almost the only instance of its absence is in the open gallery in Fig. 76, and there, perhaps, they are hidden by a balustrade. Everywhere else we find a more or less orna- mental member interposed between the shaft and the ground. At Khorsabad (Fig. 41) it is a simple torus (Fig. 87), at Kouyundjik (Fig. 42) it is a kind of cushion (Fig. 88), which we find repre- sented in not a few of the bas-reliefs. The curves bear a distant resemblance to the volutes of a capital ; above this base appears a ring or astratjal, the oritjin of which mav be easilv cruessed. The Fir,-;. S7, 88. — Bases of culumrs ; from the ba'.-relief,. original timber column, the newly felled tree that was set up to support the roof of a tent or a house, must have been placed upon a block of stone or wood, to which it was joined, in some degree, by hollowing out the latter and .setting the foot of the timber beam in the hollow, and then hiding the junction by those reed bands that, as travellers tell us, were still used for the same purpose in the last years of Babylon.^ In time a ring of metal would take the place of the reeds, and when stone columns came to be used, a feature which was at first a necessity, or, at least, a useful expedient and a guarantee of duration and solidity, came at last to be simply an ornament. We have now studied the Assyrian column as a whole and in detail. Most of its features seem to us to be survivals from the methods and processes of what we have called the architecture 1 Place, Ninive, vol. iii. jilate 11. - .Strabo, xvi. i, 5. F F 2 [8 A History of Art in Chald/EA and Assyria. of the tent. The stone column had no place in those structures of crude brick of which the real national architecture of Meso- potamia consisted ; it was not at home there ; the surrounding conditions were unfavourable to its development. And yet, in time, it did, as we have seen, put in a rare appearance, at least in the case of that one of the two sister nations by which a sufficient supply of stone could be obtained, but even then it filled an ornamental and auxiliary rather than a vital function. Its remains are only to be found by patient search, and even in the bas-reliefs its representations are few and far between. By making diligent use of these two channels of information archaeology has succeeded in demonstrating the existence of the Assyrian column and describing its forms, but at the same time it has been compelled to recognize how narrow was its use, especially in the great structures on which Mesopotamian builders lavished all the resources of their art. In those it was employed mainly for the decoration of outbuildings, and it will be well to inquire how it acquitted itself of such a task. The column seems to have been introduced in those gateways to which the Assyrian architect attached so much importance.^ Read carefully Sir Henry Layard's description of his discovery of two sphinxes upon one of the facades of the south-western palace at Kouyundjik (Fig. 83) ; he gives no plan of the passage where he found them, but his narrative ^ suggests the existence of some kind of porch in front of the large opening. It must have been upheld by a pair of columns on the backs of the two sphinxes, and may have consisted of one of those wooden canopies which are so common in the modern architecture of the East.^ We are inclined to recognize a pent house of this kind, but 1 Thomas has placed one of these porches in his restoration of Sargon's palace at K horsabad. It is supported by two columns, and serves to mark one of the entrances to the harem. (Place, Ninive, vol. iii. plate 37 bis.) - Lavard, Ni?ieveh, vol. i. pp. 349, 350. 5 Numerous examples are figured in Coste and Flandin's Perse Modernc, plates 3, 7, 9, 26, 27, 54, &c. They cast a wide shadow in front of the doorways, and sometimes run along the whole length of the facade. Some little support to M. Perrot's theory i:; afforded by a circumstance on which Layard dwells strongly in the passage referred to above, namely, that the sphinxes were found buried over their heads in charcoal, which may very well have been the remains of such a porch ; its quantity seems too great for those of a ceiling. — Ed. The Colu.mx. 219 of more complicated construction in the Kouyundjik bas-relief figured above (Fig. 83). No door is shown, but that, perhaps, is due to the sculptor's inability to suggest a void, or the two central perpendicular lines may have been joined by a horizontal one on the upper part of the relief, which is lost, and thus a doorway indicated ; it would then have a couple of pilasters and a couple of columns on each flank. In classic architecture we find nothing that can be compared with this curious notion of placing columns and pilasters on the backs of real or imaginary animals, on a lion, a winged bull, or a sphinx. In the modern East, however, it is still done. The throne of the Shah, at Teheran, is supported by columns which, in their turn, stand on the backs of lions. Singularly enough the same idea found favour with European architects in the middle ages, who often made use of it in the porches of their Christian cathedrals.^ Hence, the old formula often found in judicial documents, sedente inter /cones, — sitting between the lions — which was used of episcopal judgments delivered in the church porch. In Italy, in buildings of the Lombardic style, these lions are to be found in great numbers and in this same situation. At Modena there is one in the south porch of the cathedral that strongly reminded me by its style and handling of the figures now existing in Cappadocia, of the lion at Euiuk, for example ; in both instances it is extended on the ground with its fore paws laid upon some beast it has caught.- We could hardly name a motive more dear to Oriental art than this. Between the predilections of the modern East and those of Assyria and Chaldaea there are many such analogies. We shall not try to explain them ; we shall be content with pointing them out as they present themselves. Various facts observed by Sir Henry La3-ard and the late George Smith, show that the column was often employed to form covered alleys stretching from a door to the edge of the platform, doubtless to the landings on which the stepped or inclined approaches to the palace came to an end. Sir Henrj^ Layard ^ found four bases of limestone (Fig. 82) on the north side of ^ This coincidence struck Professor Rawlinson, who compares one of these Ass}'rian columns to a column in the porch of the Cathedral of Trent. He reproduces them both in his Five Great Monarchies, vol. i. p. 313. - See Perrot and Guillaume, Exploration ardieologiqve de la Galatie, vol. ii. pl- 57- ' Disco^'eries, p. 590. 2 20 A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. Sennacherib's palace. They were in couples, one couple close to the palace wall, the other in a line with it but some eight-and-twenty yards farther from the building. In each pair the distance from centre to centre was 9 feet 3 inches. With such a width the covered way may very well have been roofed with wood, a hypothesis which is supported by the discovery, at the same point, of the remains of crude brick walls. The columns would mark in all likelihood the two extremities of the passage. As for the other conjecture thrown out by the explorer, it seems to us to be much less probable. He asks whether these bases may not have been the pedestals of statues. Many Assyrian statues have been found together with their pedestals, and these are always simple in the extreme and without any kind of ornament. More- over, the statues themselves were made rather to be set up against a wall than to pass an independent existence in an open court-yard. Moreover, George Smith saw two of these bases in place at one of the entrances to the palace of Assurbanipal. Unfortunately he gives no drawing and his description is wanting in clearness, but he seems to have noticed the traces left by a cylindrical shaft on the upper surface of one base ; his expression, " a flat circle to receive the column," evidently means that the latter was sunk into the substance of the base.^ Here, no doubt was the end of a gallery, like that in front of Sennacherib's palace. There must in all probability have been other remains of these columns besides those noticed by the English explorer, but at Khorsabad alone were the excavations superintended by a professional architect, there alone were they watched by the trained eye of a man capable of giving its true meaning and value to every detail of a ruinous building. At Nimroud, at Kouyundjik, at Nebbi-Younas, many interesting traces of ancient arrangements may have been obliterated in the course of the excavations without those who stood by having the least suspicion of their significance. We might perhaps, if it were worth while, come upon further representations of columns on engraved stones, on ivories, and bronzes,'- but upon such small objects forms are indicated in a 1 George Smith, Assyriati Discoveries, p. 431. ^ One curious example of this is figured in the work of M. Chipiez, Histoire criti']2i) a. de%cr\'pX.\Qno{ the pieces belonging to M. Schlumberger, with two plates in heliogravure. We have already referred to the great work which is now in course of publication by the Society of Biblical Archaology ; it will put an exact reproduction of this interesting monument in the hands of Assyriologists and those interested in the history of art. We shall return to these gates when we come to treat of sculpture. Secondary Forms. 243 at once more durable and less holding. Sockets of flint, basalt, trachyte, and other volcanic rocks have been found in great numbers both in Assyria and Chaldsa^ Instances of the use of brick in this situation are not wanting,- however, and now and then the greenish marks left by the prolonged contact of metal have been discovered in the hollows of these sockets.^ More than one method was in use for iixing the pivots of the doors and enabling them to turn easily. Sir Henry Layard Fig. 97. — Broiize foot from the Balawat gates and its Eocket.* B^iti^h Museum. brought from Nimroud four heavy bronze rings which must have been used to supplement these hollow sockets.^ In one 1 A number of sockets found by M. de Sarzec in the ruins of Tello are now deposited in the Louvre. M. Place found some at Khorsabad {Niiiive, vol. i. p. 314), and Sir Henry Layard on the sites of the towns in Upper Mesopotamia {Discoveries, p. 242). The British Jiluseum has a considerable number found in various places. - In the same case as the Balawat gates there is a brick, which has obviously been used for this purpose. 3 Place, Ninire, vol. i. p. 3TJ. * In the British Museum there are some smaller bronze objects of the same kind from the palace of Sennacherib. Others were found by M. Place in the palace of Sargon {Ninive, plate 70, fig. 6), so that they must have been in frequent use. * Layard (Discoveries, p. 163) gives a sketch of one of these objects. Its internal diameter is about five inches, and its weight 6 lbs. 3^ oz. These rings arc now in the British Museum. 244 A History ok Art in Chald.-ea and xA.ssvria. way or another bronze occupied a very important place in the door architecture of the Assyrians. In those cases where it neither supplied the door-case nor ornamented its leaves, it was at least used to fix the latter and to enable them to turn. In Assyrian facades doors had much greater importance than in those architectural styles in which walls are broken up by numerous openings. Their great size, their rich and varied ornamentation, the important figures in high relief with which the walls about them were adorned, the solemn tints of bronze lighted up here and there by the glory of gold, the lively colours of the enamelled bricks that formed their archivolts, and finally the contrast between the bare and gleaming walls on either side and their depths of shadow — all these combined to give accent to the doorways and to afford that relief to the monotony of the wails of which they stood in so great a need. For As- syrian mouldings are even poorer than those of Egypt. The softness of crude brick, the brittle hardness of burnt brick, are neither of them well disposed towards those delicate curves by which a skilful architect contrives to break the sameness of a facade, and to give the play of light and shadow which make up the beauty of a Greek or Florentine cornice. The only mouldings encountered in Assyria have been found on a few buildings or parts of buildings in which stone was em- ployed. We may quote as an instance the retaining wall of the small, isolated structure excavated by Botta towards the western angle of the KHorsabad mound, and by him believed to be a temple.^ The wall in question is built of a hardish grey lime- stone, the blocks being laid alternately as stretchers and headers. The wall is complete with plinth, die and cornice (Figs. 98 and 99). The latter is a true cornice, composed of a small torus or bead, a scotia, and a fillet. The elements are the same as those of the Egyptian cornice, except in the profile of the hollow member, which is here a scotia and in Egypt a cavetto, to speak the language of modern architects. The Egyptian moulding is at once bolder and more simple, while the vertical grooves cut upon its surface give it a rich and furnished aspect that its Assyrian rival is without. ^ 1 Botta, Momnncnt de Ninive, vol. v. pp. 53-55. - BoTT.A, Monument dc Ninnr, plates 149 and 150. See also LAV.\RD.Z'/jwi'tr/«, p. 131, and Fergusson, History of Arihitcctiire, vol. i. p. 185 (2nd edition). Secondary Forms. 245 We have another example of Assyrian mouldings on the winged sphinx found by Layard at Nimroud (Fig. 85) — the sphinx, that is, that bore a column on its back. In' section this moulding may be compared to a large scotia divided into two cavettos by a torus. Its effect is not happy. The Assyrians had too little experience in stone-cutting to enable them to choose the most satisfactory proportions and profiles for mouldings. We may also point to the entablatures upon the small pavilions reproduced in our Figs. 41 and 42. They are greatly wanting in elegance ; in one especially — that shown in Fig. 42 — the super- structure is very heavy in proportion to the little temple itself and its columns. The only moulding, if we may call it so, borrowed by Assyria from Chaldsea, and employed commonly in both countries, is a brick one. Loftus was the first to point it out. He discovered kfli^^-a. ^^ ■ " i ! "^ """v ^^^^^^ tmm -^ .-__ "S •u,, ,Y . ■'■: ■ .,_ -_ . 1 '. i.'m S i Figs. gS, 99. — Assyrian moul^ling^■. Section and elevation ; from Botta. it in the ruined building, doubtless an ancient temple, in the neighbourhood of Warka, and called by the natives iriiswas. This is his description : — " Upon the lower portion of the building are groups of seven half-columns repeated seven times — the rudest perhaps which were ever reared, but built of moulded semicircular bricks, and securely bonded to the wall. The entire absence of cornice, capital, base or diminution of shafts, so characteristic of other columnar arcliitecture, and the j; eculiar and original disposition of each group in rows like palm logs, suggest the type from which they sprang." ^ With his usual penetration, Loftus divines and explains the origin of these forms. The idea must have been suoroested, he thinks, by the palm trunks that were used set closely together in timber constructions, or at regular intervals in mud walls. In either case half of their thickness would be visible externally, 1 LoKTus, Trards and Researc/n-s, p. 175. 246 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. and would naturally provoke Imitation from architects in search of ornament for the bald faces of their clay structures.^ As to the effect thus obtained, the rough sketch given by Loftus hardly enables us to decide (see Fig. 100). From Assyria, however, come better materials for a judgment. We there often find these perpendicular ribs, generally in groups of seven, in buildings that have been carefully studied and illustrated upon a sufficient scale. We give an example from one of the harem gates at Khorsabad (Fig. 10 1), by which we may see at once that an ornamental motive of no little value was afforded by these huge vertical reeds with their play of alternate light and shadow, and the happy contrast they set up between themselves and the brilliant hues of the painted walls and enamelled bricks. The whole had a certain elegant richness that can hardly be appreciated Fig. 100. — Facade ut a ruined building at Warka ; from Loftus. without the restoration, in every line and hue, of the original composition. Both at Warka and in the Khorsabad harem, these vertical ribs are accompanied by another ornament which may, perhaps, have been in even more frequent use. We mean those long perpen- dicular grooves, rectangular in section, with which Assyrian and Chaldcean walls were seamed. In the harem wall these grooves llank the group of vertical reeds right and left, dividing each of the angle piers into two quasi-pilasters. At Warka they appear in the higher part of the facade, above the groups of semi- columns. They serve to mark out a series of panels, of which only the 1 M. Place offers a similar explanation of the engaged columns that were found in many parts of the palace at Khorsabad {Ninive, vol. ii. p. 50). He has brought together in a single plate all tlie examples of pilasters and half columns that he encountered in that edifice. Similar attempts to imitate the characteristic features of a log house are found in many of the most ancient Egyptian tombs. See Ar/ in A?ia'eii( Egypt, vol. ii. p. 62 and fig. 37. Secondary Forms. 247 lower parts have been preserved. The missing parts of the decoration may easily be supplied by a little study of the Assyrian remains. The four sides of the building at Khorsabad, called by M. Place the Observatory, are decorated uniformly in this fashion. The general effect may be gathered from our restoration of one angle. The architect was not content with decorating his wall with these grooves alone ; he divided it into alternate com- partments, the one salient, the next set back, and upon these FjG. loi. — Decoration of one of the harem gates, at Khorsabad ; compiled from Place. compartments he ploughed the long lines of his decoration. These changes of surface helped greatly to produce the varied play of light and shadow upon which the architect depended for relief to the bare masses of his walls. The most ordinary workmen could be trusted to carry out a decoration that consisted merely in repeating, at certain measured intervals, as simple a form as can be imagined, and, in the language of art as in that of rhetoric, there is no figure more effective in its proper place than repetition. The necessity for something to break the monoton)- of the brick 248 A History of Akt i\ Ciiald.ea and Assyria. architecture was generally and permanently felt, and in those Parthian and Sassanide periods in which, as we have said, the traditions of the old Chaldcean school were continued, we find the panel replaced by wall arcades in which the arches are divided from each other by tall pilasters. In general principle and intention the two methods of decoration are identical. The Egyptian architect had recourse to the same motive, first, in the tombs of the Ancient Empire for the decoration of the chamber walls in the mastabas ; secondly, for the relief of great brick surfaces. The resemblance to the Mesopotamian work is sometimes very great. ^ We have explained this form by one of the transpositions so frequent in the history of architecture, namely, a conveyance of motives from carpentry to brickwork and masonry.- In the former the openings left in the skeleton are gradually filled in, and these additions, by the very nature of their materials, most frequently take the form of panels. The grooves that define the panels in brick or stone buildings represent the interv^als left by the carpenter between his planks and beams. They could also be obtained very easily upon the smooth face of beams brought into close contact, either by means of the gouge or some other instrument capable of cutting into the wood. We may safely assert that in Chaldaea and Assyria, as in Egypt, it was with carpentry that the motive in question originated. On the other hand, if there be a form that results directly from the system of construction on which it is used, that form is the crenelation with which, apparently, every building in Mesopotamia was crowned. ^ The Assyrian brickwork in which so many vast undertakings were carried out consists of units all of one dimension, and bonded by the simple alternation of their joints. Supposing a lower course to consist of two entire bricks, the one above it would be one whole brick flanked on either side by a half brick. An Assyrian wall or building consists of the infinite repetition of this sino-le figure. Each whole brick lies upon the joint between 1 See, for instance, in Art in Ancient Egypt, \o\. i. figs. 123, 124, 201, and in vol. ii. pp. 55-64. and figs. 35-37 and 139. 2 Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. i. p. 117. 3 We here give a resume of M. Place's observations on this point. He made a careful study of these crenelations. Ninive, vol. ii. pp. 53-57. I' ' • Fig. 102. — View of an angle of the oliscivalory at Khorsabad ; compiled from Place. K K Secondary Forms. !5i two others, and every perpendicular wall, including- parapet or battlement, is raised upon this system. Far from being modified by the crenelations, this bond regulates their form, dimensions, and distribution. The crenelations of the palace walls consist of two rectangular masses, of unequal size, placed one upon the other. The lower is two bricks'-length, or Fig. 103. — Lateml f; cade of the pal.ice .it Fiioiiz-Abad : from Flmidiii and Cosie. about thirty-two inches, wide, and the thickness of three bricks, or about fourteen inches, high. The upper mass equals the lower in height, while its width is the length of a single brick, or sixteen inches. The total height of the battlement, betw-een twenty-eight and twentv-nine inches, is thus divided into two masses, one of Fig. ro4 — Battlements from an Asiyrian palace. which is twice the size of the other (see Fig. 104). The battle- ments are all the same, and between each pair is a void which is nothing but the space a battlement upside down would occupy. Fill this space with the necessary bricks, and a section of wall would be restored identical in bond with that below the battle- ments, with the one exception that the highest block of the 252 A History of Art in CriALn.EA and Assyria. battlement, being only one brick wide, is formed by laying three whole bricks one upon the other.' The crenelations we have been describing are those upon the retaining walls of Sargon's palace at Khorsabad. Those of the Observatory are slightly different in that they are three stories high instead of two (Fig. 105). The lowest is three bricks wide, the second three, the topmost two. They are each three bricks high. Why were these battlements given a height beyond those of the royal jsalace ? That question may be easily answered. The crenelations of the observatory were destined for a much more lofty situation than those of the palace. The base of the former monument rose about 144 feet above the summit of the artificial hill upon which it was placed ; the total elevation was about 190 feet, a height at which ordinary battlements, especially when for the most part they had nothing but the face of the Fig. 105. — Battlements fiom the Khorsabad Observatory. higher stories to be relieved against, would be practically invisible. Whether composed of two or three stages this battlement was always inscribed within an isosceles triangle ; in fact, when a third story was added, the height and the w-idth at the base increased in the same proportions. M. Place lays great stress upon this triangle. He makes it cut the upper angles of each of the superimposed rectangles, as we have done in our Figs. 104 and 105, and he points out how such a process gives an outline similar to that of a palisade cut into points at its summit, a precaution that is often taken to render the escalade of such an obstacle more difficult, and M. Place is inclined to think that the idea of these crenelations was suggested by those of a wooden palisade, a succession of rectangles being substituted for See AT. Place's diagrams, Nhiii'c, \o\. ii. p. 54. Secondary Forms. 253 a triangle in order to meet the special conditions of the new material. To us, however, it hardly appears necessary to go back to the details of wooden construction to account for these forms. We find no sign of M. Place's spiked palisades in the bas-reliefs. The inclosures of the iMesopotamian fields must have consisted of palm trunks and strong reeds ; planks were hardly to be cut from the trees of the country. Moreover, the mason and bricklayer saw the forms of these battlements repeated by their hand every instant. Whenever they began a fresh course the first brick they placed upon the joint between two units of the course below was the first sLep towards a battlement. The decora- tion obtained by the use of these battlements was not a survival from a previous form, it was a natural consequence from the fundamental principle of Assyrian construction. It has been thought that some of the buildings represented on the bas-reliefs have triangular denticulation in place of the battle- ments figured on the last page ; ^ and there are, in fact, instances in the reliefs of walls denticulated like a palisade (see Fig. 38), but these must not, we think, be taken literally. In most cases the chisel has been at the trouble to show the real shapes of the battlements (Fig. 42), but in some instances, as in this, it has been content to suggest them by a series of zig-zags. Here and there we may point out a picture in stone which forms a transition between the two shapes, in Fig. 41 for e.xample. Such an abbreviation explains itself. It is, in fact, nothing more than an imitation of the real appearance of the rectangular battlements when seen from a distance." 1 Place, Ninivc, vol. ii. p. 53. - M. Perrot dismisses the evidence of those who believe in a palisade origin of the Assyrian battlements in what is, perhaps, rather too summary a fashion. The fact is that the great majority of the crenelated buildings in the reliefs have triangular battlements, while the theory that they are merely a hasty way of representing the stepped crenelations is to some extent discredited by their frequent occurrence side by side with the latter on the same relief. The Balawat gates, for instance, contain some nine or ten examples of the triangular, and four or five of the stepped, shape. In the series of scul])tured slabs representing the siege of a city by Assurnazirpal (10 to 15 in the Kouyundjik gallery at the British Museum), there are examples of both forms, and in more than one instance the triangular battlements are decorated with lines and rosettes — similar in principle to those shown above in fig. 106 — that can hardly be reconciled with the notion that their form is the result of haste on the part of the artist. In the Assyrian Basement Room in the British Museum there is an interesting bas-relief representing Assyrian soldiers busy with the demolition of a fortified wall, ]irobably of some city just t.iken. The air is thick with 254 A History of Art ix Ciiald.ea axd Assyria. The architect was not content with the mere play of light and shade afforded by these battlements. He gave them a slight salience over the facade and a polychromatic decoration. About three feet below the base of the crenelations the face of the wall was brought forward an inch or two, so that the battlements themselves, and some eight or ten courses' of bricks below them, overhung the facade by that distance, forming a kind of rudimen- tary cornice (see Fig. io6). In very elaborate buildings enamelled bricks were inserted between the battlements and this cornice. These were decorated with white rosettes of different sizes upon a blue ground. The explorers of Khorsabad encountered number- less fragments of these bricks and some whole ones in the heaps of rubbish at the foot of the external walls. Their situation proved that they had come from the top of the walls, and on the whole we may accept the restoration of M. Thomas, which we borrow from the work of M. Place, as sufficiently justified (Fig. io6).^ This method of crowning a wall may seem poor when compared to the Greek cornice, or even to that of Egypt, but in view of the materials with which he had to work, it does honour to the archi- tect. The long band of shadow near the summit of the facade, the bands of brilliantlv coloured ornament above it, and the rich play of light and shade among the battlements, rhe whole relieved against the brilliant blue of an Eastern sky, must have had a fine effect. The uniformity from which it suffered was a defect common to JNIesopotamian architecture as a whole, and one inseparable from the absence or comparative disuse of stone. But in the details we have been studying we find yet another illustration of the skill with which these people corrected, if we may so phrase it, the vices of matter, and by a frank use of their materials and insistance upon those horizontal and perpendicular lines which they were best fitted to give, evolved from it an architecture that proved them to have possessed a real genius for art. the materials thrown down from its summit, among them a great number of planks or beams, which seem to suggest that timber was freely employed in the upper works of an Assyrian wall. If this was so, the pointed battlements in the reliefs may very well represent those in which timber was used, and the stepped ones their brick imitations. Both forms were used as decorations in places where no real battlements could hare e.xisted, as, for instance, on the tent of Sennacherib, in the well-known bas-relief of the siege of Lachish (see fig. 56). — Ed. 1 Placf, Ni/iive, vol. ii. p. 85. Secondary P'okms. 255 The Assyrians seem to have been so pleased with these crene- lations that they placed them upon such small things as steles and altars. In one of the Kouyundjik reliefs (Fi.g. 42) there is a small Fi<;. 106. — Battle nents of Sargon's pnlace at Khor-abail ; compiled from Place. object — a pavilion or altar, its e.xact character is not very clearly shown — which is thus crowned. Another example is to be found in a bas-relief from Khorsabad (Fig. 107). We are thus brought to the subject of altars. These are sufficiently varied in form. In the Kouyundjik bas-relief (Fig. 42) we find those shapes at the four angles which were copied by the peoples of the Mediterranean, and led to the expression, " the horns of the altar." In the Khorsabad relief (Fig. 107) the sahence of these horns is less marked. On the other hand, the die or dado below them is fluted. Another altar brought from Khorsabad to the Louvre is quite different in shape (Fig. 108). It is triangular on plan. Above a plinth with a gentle salience rises the altar itself, supported at each angle by the paw Fig 107. — Altar ; from RawUnson. 256 A History of Art ix Ciiald.ea and Assyria. of a lion. The table is circular, and decorated round the edge with cuneiform characters. A third type is to be found in an altar from Nimroud, now in the British Museum (Fig. 109) ; it dates from the reign of Ram- manu-nirari, who appears to have lived in the first half of the eighth century before our era.^ The rolls at each end of this altar .rfMlf!^ ic^i^ I ' I'i M.. m Fig. ioS. — Altar in the Louvre. Height 32 inches. - are very curious and seem to be the prototype of a form with which the Grseco-Roman sarcophagi have made us familiar. ^ Upon some other monuments brought from the same place by Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, and also exhibited in the Nimroud central saloon, we may read by the side of Rammanu-nirari's name that of his spouse Sammuramat, who seems to have been associated with him in the government, and to have been the recipient of particular honours. The name of this princess has caused some to recognize in her the fabulous Semiramis of the Greek writers. In consequence of facts that have escaped us she may well have furnished the first idea for the romantic legends whose echo has come down to our times. - There is an altar almost exactly similar to this in the British Museum. It was found in front of the temple of the War God, Nimroud. — Ed. Secondary Forms. 257 The various kinds of steles are also very interesting. The most remarkable of all is one discovered at Khorsabad by M. Place (Fig. 100). The shaft is composed of a series of perpendicular bands alternately fiat and concave, exactly similar to the flutes of the Ionic order. The summit is crowned by a plume of palm leaves rising from a double scroll, like two consoles placed hori- zontally and head to head. The grace and slenderness of this stele are in strong contrast to the usually short and heavy forms affected by the Assyrian architects, especially v/hen they worked in stone. It is difficult to say what its destination may have been. It was discovered lying in the centre of an outer court surrounded by offices and other subordinate buildings ; it has neither figure Fig. leg. — Altar in the British Museum. _ Height 22 inches, lenyth at base 22 inches. nor inscription.^ The base was quite rough and shapeless, and must have been sunk into the soil of the court, so that the flutes began at the level of the pavement. M. Place suggests that it may have been a iiiiliiariuiu, from which all the roads of the empire were measured. We do not know that there is a single fact to support such an unnecessary guess. The stele of which we have been speaking is unique, but of another peculiarly Assyrian type there is no lack of examples, namely, of that to which the name obelisk has, with some want of discrimination, been applied. The Assyrian monoliths so styled are much shorter in their proportions than the lofty "needles" of ^ Place, Xinin, vol. i. p. 96; v(,l. ii. pp. 71-73. L L 258 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. Egypt, while their summits, instead of ending in a sharp pyra- midion, are " stepped " and crowned with a narrow plateau. (Pig. III.) These monoliths were never very imposing in size, the tallest is hardly more than ten feet high. Whatever name we choose to give (pixjiitj^^ to these objects, there can be no doubt Fig. III. — The obelisk of Shalmaneser II. in the British Museum.^ Height 78 inclies. IJrawn by Bourgoin. as to their purpose. They are com- memorative monuments, upon which both writer and sculptor have been 1 Besides the obelisk of Shalmaneser II., which is in a marvellous state of preservation, the British Museum possesses three other objects of the same kind. Two of these were made for Assurnazirpal ; the third, the most ancient of all, dates from the time of Tiglath Pileser I. ; unhappily only fragments of it remain. Fig. 1 10. — Stele from Khors.ibad. Plan and elevation ; from Place. Skcon'dary Forms. = 59 employed to celebrate the glory of the sovereign. A long inscrip- tion covers the base of the shaft, while the upper part of each face is divided into five pictures, the narrow bands between them bearing short legends descriptive of the scenes represented. It was, of course, important that such figured panegyrics should be afforded the best possible chance of immortality; and we find that most of these obelisks are composed of the hardest rocks. Of the four examples in the British Museum, three are of basalt and one only of limestone. Another type of stele in frequent employment was that with an arched top and inclosing an image of the king. It is otten represented on the bas-reliefs^ (Fig- 4^), ^ind not a few examples of it are in our museums. When we come to speak of Assyrian Fig. 112. — Rock -cut Slele from Koiiyuiidjik. Britiili Museum. sculpture we shall have to reproduce some of them. We find a motive of the same kind, but more ornate and complicated, in the bas-relief from Kouyundjik figured above (Fig. 112). A hunting scene is carved on a wall of rock at the top of a hill. A lion attacks the king's chariot from behind ; the king is about to pierce his head with an arrow while the charioteer leans over the horses and seems to moderate the determination with which they fly.- The sculpture is surrounded by a frame arched at the top and inclosed by an architrave with battlemented cornice. The whole forms a happily conceived little monument ; it is probable that it was originally accompanied by an explanatory inscription. ' See also Bott.a, Monument de Ninive, vol. i. plate 64. We here find an instance of one of these arched steles erected before a fortress. - ? — Ed. 26o A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. This analysis of what we have called secondary forms has shown how great was the loss of the Chaldcean architect and of his too docile Assyrian pupil, in being deprived — by circumstances on the one hand and want of inclination on the other — of such a material as stone. Without it they could make use of none of those variations of plan and other contrivances of the same kind by which the skilful architect suggests the internal arrange- ment of his structures on their facades. For such purposes he had to turn to those constituents of his art to which we shall devote our next section. § 7. — Decora/ ion. Mesopotamia was no exception to the general rule that decora- tion is governed by construction. To take only one example, and that from an art we have already studied, the Egyptian temple was entirely of stone, and its decoration formed a part of the very substance of what we may call the flesh and blood of the edifice. The elements of that rich and brilliant decoration are furnished by those mouldings which make up in vigour what they lack in variety, by the slight relief or the hardly perceptible intaglio of the shadowless figures cut by the sculptor in stone, and covered by the painter with the liveliest colours. This sumptuous decora- tion, covering every external and internal surface, may no more be detached from it than the skin of an animal may be detached from its muscles. The union is even more intimate in this case, the adherence more complete. So long as the Egyptian walls remain standino- the blocks of limestone, sandstone, or eranite of which they are composed, can never be entirely freed from the images, that is, from the expression of the thoughts, cut upon them by the men of forty centuries ago. In Assyria the case was different. There buildings were of brick, each unit being in the vast majority of cases a repetition of its neighbour. In very few instances were the bricks of special shapes, and the buildings in which they were used could only be decorated by attached ornament, similar in principle to the mats and hangings we spread over the floors and walls that we wish to hide. This result the)- obtained in one of two ways ; they either Decoration. 261 cased their walls in stone, an expensive and laborious process, or they covered them with a decoration of many colours. As soon as stone came into use, it must have oftered an irresist- ible temptation to the chisel of the sculptor and the ornamentist ; and so we nearly always find it decorated with carvings. Sometimes, as in the lintel and thresholds described above (Figs. 95 and 96), the motives are purely ornamental. Elsewhere, in the gates of the Assyrian palaces, and in the plinths of the walls that surround their courts and halls, we find both figures in the round and in low relief. In a future chapter we shall attempt to define the style of these works and to determine their merit. For the present we must be content with pointing out the part played by sculpture in the general system ot decoration. In Chald^ea sculpture must have played a very feeble part in the ensemSle of a building, stone was too costly in consequence of the distance it had to be carried. From, the ruins of Chaldaea no colossi, like those which flanked the entrances of the Ninevite palaces, none of those long inscriptions upon alabaster slabs which have been of such value for the student of Assyrian history, have been brought. This latter material and all the facilities it offered to the sculptor was apparently entirely neglected by the Chaldaeans. In Lower Mesopotamia the hard volcanic rocks were chiefly used. They were preferred, no doubt, for their durability, but they were little fitted for the execution of figures of any size, and especially was it impossible to think of using them for such historic bas- reliefs as those upon which the Assyrians marshalled hundreds, or rather thousands, of busy figures. Chaldcean doorways may, however, have been sometimes flanked with lions and bulls.^ we are indeed tempted to assign to such a position one monument which has been described by travellers, namely, the lion both Rich and Layard saw half buried in the huge ruin at Babylon called the A'c?.^;'.- It is larger than life. It stands upon a plinth, with its paws upon the figure ot a struggling man. There is a circular hole in its jaw bigger than a man's fist. The workman- ship is rough ; so too, perhaps, is that of the basalt lion seen by ' The cuneiform texts mention the " two bulls at tlie door of the temple E-schakil," the famous staged tower of Babylon. I'r. Lenor.mant, Les On'giues de r Histoire, vol. i. p. 114 (2nd edition, 1880). ^ Rich, Narrative of a Journey to the Site of Babylon in iSii, and a Memoir on the Ruins, p. 64. Layard, Discoveries, p. 507. According to Rich, this lion was of grey granite ; according to Layard, of black basalt. 262 A History of Art in CiiALD^iiA and Assyria. Loftus at Abou-Shareyn. This latter is about fifty-four inches high and its original place may very well have been before one of the doorways of the building.^ Of all animal forms, that of the lion was the first to afford materials for decorative composition of any value, and even after all the centuries that have passed, the lion has not lost his vogue in the East. We might, if we chose, multiply examples of this persistence, but we shall be content with quoting one. In the centre of Asia Minor, at the village of Angora, in which I passed three months of the year 1861, I encountered these lions at every turn. A short distance off, in the village of Kalaba, there was a fountain of Turkish construction in which a lion, quite similar in style to those of Assyria, had been inserted.- In the court of a mosque there was a lion in the round, a remarkable work by some Graico-Roman sculptor.^ There and in other towns of Asia Minor, lions from the Seljukian period are by no means rare, and even now they are made in considerable numbers. After the labours of the day we sometimes passed the evenings in the villas of the rich Greek merchants, which were nearly all on the east of the town. Most of these houses were of recent construction, and were filled with mirrors, line carpets, and engravings. In front of the house, and in the centre of a large paved and trellised court, there were fountains, sometimes ornamented with consider- able taste, in which, on great occasions, a slender jet of water would give coolness to the air. The angles of nearly every one of these fountains were marked with small white marble lions, heavy and awkward in shape, but nevertheless considered at Angora to be the last word of art. They are imported from Constantinople together with the basins of the fountains. In spite of all this, however, some doubts may be felt as to the destination of the lions found among the Chaldsean ruins. The only monument there discovered which seems to have certainly 1 Loftus says nothing of this lion in those Travels and Researches which we have so often quoted. It was, perhaps, on a later occasion that he found it. We came upon it in a collection of original sketches and manuscript notes {Draivin^s in Babylonia by W. K. Loftus and H. Churchill) in the custody of the keeper of Oriental antiquities at the British Museum. We have to express our acknow- ledgments to Dr. Birch for permission to make use of this valuable collection. - Perrot, Guillaume et Delbet, Exploration archeologique de la Galatie, vol. ii. pi. 32. ^ Exploration archeologique, vol. ii. pi. 1 1. Decoration. 26- belonged to an architectural decoration is one found by Sir Henry Layard in his too soon interrupted explorations in the Kasr. It is a fragment of a limestone slab froni the casing of a facade (Fig. 1 13). The upper parts of two male figures support a broken entablature beneath which the name of some divinity is cut.^ The chief interest of this fragment lies in the further evidence It affords of a close connection between the arts of Chaldsea and those of Babylon. There is nothing either in the costume or features of these individuals that may not be found in Assyria. The tiara with its plumes and rosettes, the crimped hair and beard, the baton with its large hilt, are all common to both countries, while the Fig. 113. — Fragment from Babylon. British Museum. Height II inches, width 9 inches. latter object is to be found on the rocks of Bavian and as far north as the sculptures of Cappadocia. A study of those reliefs in which nothing but purely ornamental motives are treated, leads us to exactly the same conclusion. Take for instance the great bronze threshold from Borsippa, of which we have already spoken ; the rosettes placed at intervals along its tread are identical with those encountered in such numbers in Assyria. In the extreme raritv of stone in his part of the world the Chaldsean architect seems to have practically reserved it for 1 I.AVARD, Discoveries, p. 50S. 264 A History of Art in CnALD.^iA and Assyria. isolated statues, for votive bas-reliefs, for objects of an iconic or religious character, but nevertheless, we have sufficient evidence to prove that such decorative sculpture as found a place in the Chaldeean buildings, did not sensibly differ from that to which Assyria has accustomed us. From all that we have said as to the distribution of stone, it will be understood that we must turn to Assyria to obtain a clear idea of the measures by which buildings of crude brick were rendered more sightly by ornament in the harder material. We can hardly imagine an Assyrian palace without those series of bas-reliefs which now line the walls of our museums much in the same fashion as they covered those of Sargon's and Sennacherib's palaces, and yet it is unlikely that in the beginning the Assyrian palaces had these carved walls. The casing of stone and alabaster must have been originally employed for more utilitarian purposes — to hide the grey and friable material within, to protect it from damage, and to offer a surface to the eye which should at least be inoffensive. The upper parts of the walls would be covered with a coat of stucco, which could be renewed whenever necessary, but for the lower part, for all that was within reach of the crowds that frequented the public halls of the seraglio, who passed through its gates or those of the city itself, some more efficient protection would be required. The constructor was thus led to encase the lower parts of his walls in a cuirass of stone imposed upon their brick cores. The slabs of which he made use for this purpose varied between three and ten feet in height, and between six and fifteen in width. Their average thickness was about eight inches. The way in which these slabs were fi.xed is hardly worthy of such clever builders, and, in fact, the Assyrians seem to have never succeeded in mastering the difficulties inherent in the association of two heterogeneous materials. The slabs were of gypsum or limestone, the wall of pise, materials which are not to be easily combined. The Assyrians contented themselves with simply placing the one against the other. No trace of any tie is to be found. A " tooth " has been given to the inner faces of the slabs by seaming them in every direction with the chisel, and, perhaps, some plastic substance may at the last moment have been introduced between them and the soft clay, but no trace of any other contrivance for keeping the two materials together has been found. Decoration. 265 After the general mass of the building — its clay walls and vaults — were complete, a different class of workmen was brought in to line its chambers and complete their decoration. The crude brick would by that time have become dry, and no longer in a condition to adapt itself to the roughnesses of the alabaster slabs. The liquid clay, like that of an earthenware " body," wets and softens the surface of the brick while it enters into every hollow of the stone and so allies the one with the other. We recommend this conjecture to those who may undertake any future excavation in Assyria. It lies with them to confirm or refute it. However this may have been, the constructor made use of more than one method of giving greater solidity to his walls as a whole. His slabs were not only let into each other at the angles, in some chambers there were squared angle pieces of a diameter great enough to allow them to sink more deeply into the crude brick behind, and thus to offer steady points of support in each corner. Finally the separate slabs were held together at the top by leaden dovetails like the metal clamps used to attach coping stones to each other. Such precautions were rendered comparatively useless by the fact that the whole work was faulty at the base. Halls and chambers had no solid foundation or pavement, so that the heavy slabs of their decoration rested upon a shifting soil, quite incapable of carrying them without flinching. In many places they sank some inches into the ground, the soft earth behind pushing them forward, and in their fall the row to which they belonged was inevitably involved. The excavators have again and again found whole lines of bas-reliefs that appeared to have fallen together. Such an accident is a thing for posterity to rejoice over. Prone upon a soft and yielding soil the works of the sculptor are better protected than when standing erect, their upper parts clear, perhaps, of the ruin that covers their feet, and exposed to the w^eather at least, and, too often, to the brutality of an ignorant population. Such defects are sufficient to prove that these slabs were never meant to carry any great weight ; far from affording a support to the wall behind, they required one to help them in maintaining their own equilibrium. On the other hand they protected it, as we have said above, from too rapid deterioration. At Khorsabad this stone casing is in very bad condition at M M 266 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. many points, in the halls and passages of the outbuildings and in the courtyards adjoining the city gates for instance.^ There the stones are only smoothed down, and their obvious purpose is merely to protect the crude brick Avithin. The purely architectural origin of this system of casing is thus clearly shown. But the presence of these slabs set upright against the wall offered a temptation to the ambitious architect that he was not likely to resist. The limestone and alabaster of which they were composed afforded both a kindly surface for the chisel, and a certain guarantee of duration for the forms it struck out. In every Assyrian palace we may see that the king, its builder, had a double object in view% the glorification of the gods, and the transmission to posterity of his own image and the memory of his reign. To these ends the architect called in the sculptor, under whose hands the rudely dressed slabs took the historic forms with which we are familiar. Of all parts of the palace the doorways were most exposed to injury from the shocks of traffic, and we find their more solid plinths surmounted by higher and thicker slabs than are to be found elsewhere. These slabs are carved with the images of protecting divinities. Huge winged and man-headed bulls (Plate X)- or lions (Fig. 114), the speaking symbols of force and thought, met the approaching visitor. Sometimes a lion, reproducing with singular energy the features of the real beast, was substituted for the human-headed variety (Plate VUl).^ These guardians of the gate always had the front part of their bodies salient in some degree from the general line of the wall. The head and breast, at least, were outside the arch. Right and ^ Place, Ninive, vol. ii. pp. 68-70. 2 This character of a tutelary divinity that we attribute to the winged bull is indicated in the clearest manner in the cuneiform texts : " In this palace," says Esarhaddon, " the sedi and lamasst (the Assyrian names for these colossi) are propitious, are the guardians of my royal promenade and the rejoicers of my heart, may they ever watch over the palace and never quit its walls." And again : " I caused doors to be made in cypress, which has a good smell, and I had them adorned with gold and silver and fixed in the doorways. Right and left of those doorways I caused sedi and /atnassi of stone to be set up, they are placed there to repulse the wicked." (St. Guyard, Bulletin de la Religion assyrienne, in the Revue de r Hiitoire iles Religions, vol. i. p. 43, note.) ^ Place, Ninive, vol. iii. plate 21. Decoration. 267 left of the passage were very thick slabs, also carved into the form of winged bulls in profile, and accompanied by protecting genii. These latter divinities are sometimes grave and noble in mien, obviously benevolent (Figs. 8 and 29), sometimes hideous in face, and violent in gesture. In the latter case they are meant to frighten the profane or the hostile away from the dwelling they ^W^^:^ mMM Flc. 114. — Human-headed lion. Nimrnud : from Layard. guard (Figs. 6 and 7). All these figures are in much higher relief than the sculptures in the inner chambers. All this shows that the sculptor thoroughly understood how to make the best of his opportunities when he was once called in to ' ornament those massive door-frames and slabs which at first were no more than additional supports for the building to which they were applied. He varied the shapes of these blocks according to 268 A History of Art i\ Chald.ea and Assyria. their destined sites, and increased their size so as to give gigantic proportions to his man-headed bulls and lions. Some of the winged bulls are from sixteen to seventeen feet high.^ In spite of the labour expended upon the carving and putting in place of these huge figures, they are extremely numerous, hardly less so, indeed, than the Osiride piers of Egypt. "-^ In the palace of Sargon at Khorsabad, twenty-six pairs have been counted ; in that of Sennacherib at Kouyundjik, there were ten upon a single fa9ade.^ In those passages, halls, and courtyards, whose destination justified such a luxury, the sculptor utilized the stone lining of the walls with equal skill, but in a slightly different spirit. The figures on the facade had to be seen from a great distance, and were exposed to the full light of the Mesopotamian sun, so that their colossal proportions and the varied boldness of their relief had an obvious justification. The sculptures in the interior were smaller in scale and were strictly bas-re/icfs. With the shortening of the distance from which they could be examined, their scale was made to conform more closely to the real stature of human beings. In some very spacious halls a few of the figures are larger than life, while in the narrowest galleries they become very small, the alabaster slabs being divided into two stories or more (see Fig. 1 15).^ There is another singularity to be noticed apropos of these sculptures. The themes treated outside are very different from those inside the palaces. The figures in the former position are religious and supernatural, those in the interior historical and anecdotic. There is much variety in the details of these narrative sculptures, but their main theme is always the glorification, and, in a sense, the biography of the sovereign. In the Egyptian temple the figures which form its ilhniiiiia/ioii are spread indifferently over the whole surface of the walls. In a Greek temple, on the other hand, sculpture was confined with rare ' Those in the Louvre are fourteen feet high ; the tallest pair in the British Museum are about the saniC. - Art in Ancient Egypt, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 92, fig. 70. 3 On the subject of these winged bulls see Fr. Lenormant, Les On'^incs de VHistoire^ vol. i. chap. 3. * The bas-relief here reproduced comes from the palace of Assurbanipal at Kouyundjik. In the fragment now in the Louvre there are three stories, but the upper story, being an exact repetition of that immediately below it, has been omitted in our engraving. o Decoration. 271 exceptions to the upper part of the building, to the pediments chiefly, and the frieze. The Assyrian method was neither that of the Egyptians nor that of the Greeks. At Nineveh, the sculptor did not, as in Egypt, sow his figures broadcast over the whole length and breadth of the building, neither did he raise them, as in Greece, above the heads of the crowd ; he marshalled them upon the lowest part of a wall, upon its plinth. Their feet touched the soil, their eyes were on a level with those that looked at them ; we might say that they formed an endless procession round every hall and chamber. The reasons for such an ar- rangement are to be sought for, not in any eesthetic tendency of the Assyrian artist, but in the simple fact that only in the stone cuirass, within which the lower parts of the brick walls were shut up, could he find the kindly material for his chisel. Nowhere else in the whole building could the stone, without which his art was powerless, be introduced. But as the lateral development of Assyrian buildings was great, so too was the field offered to the Assyrian sculptor. It has been calculated that the sculptured slabs found in the palace of Sargon would, if placed in a row, cover a distance of nearly a mile and a half Their superficies is equal to about an acre and a half By this it will be seen that sculpture played an important part in the decoration of an Assyrian palace, but as it was confined to the lower part of the walls, some other method had to be invented for ornamenting those surfaces on which the chisel could not be used. In Chaldcca, where there was so little stone, it was practically the whole building that had to be thus contrived for. In both countries the problem was solved in the same fashion — by the extensive use of enamelled brick and painted stucco, and the elaboration of a rich, elegant, and withal original system of polychromy. Explorers are unanimous in the opinion that neither burnt nor sun-dried brick was ever left without something to cover its naked- ness. It was always hidden and protected by a coat of stucco.^ At Nineveh, according to M. Place, this stucco was formed by an intimate mixture of burnt chalk with plaster, by which a sort of white gum was made that adhered very tightly to the clay wall.^ ' LoFTUS, Travels and Rest-airhcs, p. 176. Layard, Discovcrks, pp. 529, 651. BoTTA, Monument de Ninive, vol. v. p. 44. In the book of Daniel the hand that traces the warning words upon the walls of Belshazzar's palace traces them " upoti the plaster of the 7C'aH" (Daniel v. 5). ^ Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 77. 2/2 A History ok Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. Its peculiar consistence did not permit of its being spread with a brush ; a trowel or board must have been used. The thickness of this cement was never more than one or two millimetres.^ Its cohesive force was so great that in spite of its thinness it acted as an efficient protector. It has often been found in excellent condition, both upon flat and curved surfaces, upon the walls of courtyards and chambers, on the under sides of vaults, wherever in fact a stone casing did not supply its place. It would seem that some buildings had no outward ornament beyond the brilliant whiteness of this stucco, the effect of which may be seen at the present day in the whitewashed houses of the East. The glare of such a wall was happily contrasted with the soft verdure that sometimes grew about it, and the dark blue of the sky against which its summit was relieved. Such a contrast gives importance and accent to the smallest building, as painters who treat the landscapes of the South thoroughly understand. We have reason to believe, however, that as a rule the white stucco served as a background and support to other colours. No Chaldsean interiors have come down to us, while the exteriors are in such bad preservation that we can hardly form any true judgment of the colours and designs with which they were once adorned. But in the case of Assyria we know pretty well how the decorator understood his business, and it is probable that, like his colleagues, the architect and the sculptor, he was content to perpetuate the traditions of his Chaldaean masters. In certain cases the decorator makes use of wide unbroken tints. This is the simplest way of using colour. In the palace of Sargon, for instance, wherever the sculptured slabs are absent we find a plinth painted black in distemper. These plinths are from two ta nearly four feet high, according to the extent of the courts or chambers in which they occur. The object of such a dado is clear ; it was to protect the lower part of the wall, if not against deliberate violence, at least against dirt. A white stucco in such a position would soon have been disfigured by spots and various marks which would be invisible on a black background. Moreover, the contrast between the plinth and the white wall above it must have had a certain decorative effect.- 1 At W.irka, however, Loftus found in the building he calls IViisicas a layer of plaster which was from two to four inches thick. {Tmveh, p. 'i',(>.) - Place, JVi/im, vol. ii. pp. 77, 78. Decoration. 273 This coloured dado is to be found even in places to which it seems quite unsuited. At Khorsabad, for instance, it runs across the foot of those semicircular pilasters we noticed in one of the harem chambers (Fig. 10 1). These pilasters stand upon a plinth between three and four feet high, so that any contact with the dirt of the floor need not have been feared. The existence of the dado in such a position is to be accounted for by supposing that the decorator considered it as the regular ornament for the bottom of a w-all. It is more difficult to under- stand why the alcoves believed by 'Sl'Sl. Place and Thomas to have been bedrooms were in each case painted with this same band of black.i The most curious example of the employment of unbroken tints to which we can point, is in the case of M. Place's observatory. The stages of that building were each about twenty feet high, and each was painted a colour of its own ; the first was white, the second black, the third red, the fourth white. When the excavations were made, these tints were still easily visible. The building seems originally to have had seven stages, and the three upper ones must certainly have been coloured on the same principle as those below them. In his restoration, Thomas makes the fifth vermilion, the sixth a silver grey, while he gilds the seventh and last.'- In this choice and arrangement of tints there is nothing arbitrary. It is founded on the description given by Herodotus of Ecbatana, the capital of the Medes. " The Medes built the city now called Agbatana, the walls of which are of great size and strength, rising in circles one within the other. The plan of the place is, that each of the walls should out- top the one beyond it by the battlements. The nature of the ground, which is a gentle hill, favours this arrangement in some degree, but it was mainly effected by art. The number of the circles is seven, the royal palace and the treasuries standing within the last. The circuit of the outer wall is very nearly the same with that of Athens. Of this wall the battlements are white, of the next black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth blue, of the fifth orange ; all these are coloured with paint. The two last have their battlements coated respectively with silver and gold." ^ ' Place, lYuare, vol. iii. plate 25. - //>iif., vol. i. pp. 141-146 ; vol. ii. pp. 79, 80 ; vol. iii. plates 36 and 37. ^ Herodotl's (Rawlinson's translation), i. 98. X X !74 •■^ History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. Between the series of colours found upon the ruin in question and the list here giYen by Herodotus there is, so far as they go, an identity ^vhich cannot be due to chance. The Medes and Persians invented nothing ; their whole art was no more than an eastern offshoot from that of Mesopotamia. It was in Chalda;a that the number seven first received an exceptional and quasi sacred character. Our week of seven days is a result from the early worship of the five great planets and of the sun and moon. There were also the seven colours of the rainbow. From such indications as these the early architects of Assyria must have determined the number of stages to be given to a religious building ; they also regulated the order of the colours, each one of which was consecrated by tradition to one of those great heavenly bodies. We can easily under- stand how the silver white of the penultimate stage was chosen to symbolize the moon, while the glory of the gold upon the upper story recalled that of the noonday sun. Thus must- we figure the tower with seven stages which Nebuchadnezzar boasted of having restored in more than its early magnificence. These arrangements of coloured bands had a double value. Each tint had a symbolic and traditional signification of its own, and the series formed by the seven was, so to speak, a phrase in the national theology, an appeal to the imagination, and a confession of piety. At the same time the chief divisions of the monument were strongly marked, and the eye was attracted to their number and significance, while the building as a whole was more imposing and majestic than if its colour had been a uniform white from base to summit. The colours must have been frequently renewed. In the interior, where the temperature was not subject to violent changes, where there was neither rain nor scorching sun, the architect made use of painting in distemper to reinforce the decoration in his more luxurious chambers. Unfortunately these frescoes are now represented by nothing but a few frag- ments. In the course of the excavations numerous instances of their use were encountered, but in almost every case exposure to the air was rapidly destructive of their tints, and even of their substance. They occurred chiefly in the rooms whose walls were lined in their lower parts with sculptured slabs. By dint of infinite painstaking M. Place succeeded in copying a Decoration". few fragments of these paintings.^ According to the examples thus preserved for us, human figures were mingled with purely ornamental motives such as plumes, fillets, and rosettes. The colours here used were black, green, red, and yellow, to which may be added a fifth in the white of the plaster ground upon which they were laid. Flesh tints were expressed by leaving this white uncoloured. Ki ^"7^::^^^^ ^S^ 4. v» -%. Fig. ii6. — Ornament iwiiitcd upon pLister ; fri-ni I.iyard. Several fragments of these painted decorations have also been preserved by Sir Henry Layard. The simplest of them all is a broad yellow band edged on each side by a line of alternately red and blue chevrons separated from each other by white lines. Down the centre of the yellow band there is a row of blue LggC<<.¥SCg€ggSCter ; from Lavnrd. and white rosettes (Fig. 116). Another example in which the same colours are employed is at once more complex and more elegant (see Fig. 117). Finally, in a third fragment, a slightly simplified version of this latter motive serves as a lower border ' Place, AV/ihv. vol. iii. plate 32. -76 A HisroRY OF Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. to a frieze upon which two bulls face each other, their white bodies being divided from the yellow ground by a thick black line. The battlements at the top are dark blue (Fig. ii8). An idea of the tints used in this decoration may be obtained from Fig. 2 of our plate xiv. It was upon the upper parts of walls where they were beyond the reach of accidental injury that these painted decorations were placed. M. Place had reason to think that they were also used on the under-sides of vaults. In rooms in which a richer and more permanent kind of ornament was unnecessary, paint alone En: nT'MIIElEJrBiWT' Fig. iiS. — Omaiiient painted upon plaster ; from Layartl. was used for decoration. In several chambers cleared by George Smith at Nimroud, that explorer found horizontal bands of colour, alternately red, green, and yellow, and where the stone casing of the lower walls was not sculptured, these stripes were continued over its surface.^ The artist to whom the execution of this work was intrusted must have arranged so that his tints were in harmony with those ^ G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 77, 78. Lavard {Ni/iereh, vol. ii. p. 130) also says that some rooms had no other decoration. Decoration. - 277 placed by another brush on many details of the sculptured slabs. We shall discuss the question of polychromy in Assyrian sculpture at a future opportunity ; at present we are content with observing that the effect of the reliefs was strengthened here and there by the use of colour. The beard, the hair, and the eyebrows were tinted black ; such things as the fringes of robes, baldricks, flowers held in the hand, were coloured blue and red. The gaiety thus given brought a room into harmony, and prevented the cool grey of the alabaster slabs from presenting a disagreeable contrast with the brilliant tones spread over the roofs and upper walls. We might thus restore the interior of an Assyrian apartment and arrive at a whole, some elements of which would be certainly authentic and others at least very probable. The efforts hitherto made in this direction leave much to be desired, and give many an opportunity to the fault-finding critic ; and that because their makers have failed to completely master the spirit of Mesopotamian architecture as shown in its remaining fragments.^ It would be much less easy, it would in fact be foolhardy, to attempt the restoration of a hall from a Babylonian palace. Our information is quite insufficient for such a task. We may affirm, however, that where the architect had no stone to speak of, the decorations must have had a somewhat different character from those in which that invaluable material was freely used. The general tendencies of both countries must have been the same, but between Nineveh and Babylon, still more between the capital of Assyria and the towns of Lower Chaldaea, there were differences 1 In writing thus we allude chiefly to the restorations given by Mr. James Fercvsson in T/ie Pa/atres fl/ Ni/UTd/i and PersepcUs Restored {\ vol. 8vo. Murray), a work that was launched upon the world at far too early a date, namely, in 1851. Sir H., then Mr., Lavard, had not yet published his second narrative {Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveli and Babylon) nor the second series of Monuments of Ninereli, neither had the great work of MM. Place and Thomas on the palace of Sargon (a work to which we owe so much new and authentic information) appeared. In Mr. Fergusson's restorations the column is freely used and the vault excluded, so that in many respects his work seems to us to be purely fanciful, and yet it is implicitly accepted by English writers to this day. Professor Rawlinson, while criticising Mr. Fergusson in his text [T/te Five Great Monarcliies, vol. i. p. 303, note 6), reproduces his restoration of the great court at Khorsabad, in which a colonnade is introduced upon the princijjle of the hypostyle halls of Persepolis. Professor Rawlinson would, perhaps, have been better advised had he refrained from thus popularizing a vision which, as he himself very justly declares, is quite alien to the cjenius of .\ssvrian architecture. 2 78 A History of Art in Ciiald.ka axd Assyria. of which now and then we may succeed in catching a glance. Compelled to trust almost entirely to clay, the artist of Chaldaea must have turned his attention to colour as a decoration much more exclusively than his Assyrian rival. His preoccupation with this one Idea is betrayed very curiously in the facade of one of those ruined buildings at Warka which Loftus has studied and described.^ We borrow his plan and elevation of the detail to which we refer (Fig. 1 19). In the first place the reader will recognize those semi-circular pilasters or gigantic reeds to which we have already alluded as strongly characteristic of Chaldaean architecture, and one of the most certain signs of its origin. The chevrons, the spiral lines and t^v'f^^s^SSS Fig. 119. — Plan and elevation of part of a facade at Warka ; from Loftus lozenges of the coloured decoration with which the semi-columns, and the salient buttress by which they are divided into two groups, are covered, should be curiously noticed. The ornament varies with each structural division. Loftus, however, was chiefly struck by the process used to build up the design. The whole face of the wall is composed of terra-cotta cones (Fig. 120) engaged in a mortar composed of mud mixed with chopped straw. The bases of these cones are turned outwards and form the surface of the wall. Some preserve the natural colour of the terra-cotta, a dark yellow, others have been dipped — before fixing no doubt — in baths of red and black colouring matter. By the 1 I.OFTUS, Travels ami Researches, pp. 187-189. Decoration. 279 aid of these three tints an effect has been obtained that, according to Loftus, is far from being disagreeable. The process may be compared to that of mosaic, cones of terra-cotta being substituted for little cubes of coloured stone or glass.^ Upon the same site M. Loftus found traces of a still more singular decoration. A mass of crude brick had its horizontal courses divided from each other by earthenware vases laid so that their open mouths were Hush with the face of the wall. Three courses of these vases were placed one upon another, and the curious ornament thus made was re- peated three times in the piece of wall left standing. The vases were from ten to fifteen inches long externally, but inside they were never more than ten inches deep, so that their conical bases were solid. 2 The dark shadows of their open mouths afforded a stron^ contrast with the white plaster which covered the brick- work about them. The consequent play of light and shadow unrelieved by colour was pleasing enough. In spite, however, of their thick walls, these vases could hardly resist successfully the weight of the bricks above and the various dis- integrating influences set up by their con- kig. 120.— Cone«ithcoiouied traction in drying. Most of the vases base ; f,o:n Loftus. were broken when Loftus saw them, though still in place. Cone mosaics and the insertion of vases amoni:r the bricks 1 Loftus thinks that the process was very common, at least in Lower Clialdaea. He found cones imbedded in mortar at several other points in the Warka ruins, but the example we have reproduced is the only one in which well-marked designs could still be clearly traced. Taylor saw cones of the same kind at Abou-Shareyn. They had no inscriptions, and their bases were black {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society^ vol. XV. p. 411). They formed in all probability parts of a decoration similar to that described by Loftus. In Egypt we find cones of terra-cotta crowning the fagades of certain Theban tombs (Rhind, Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants, p. 136). Decoratively they seem allied to the cones of Warka, but the religious formulae they bear connects them rather with the cones found by M. de .Sarzec at Tello, which bear commemorative inscriptions. To these we shall return at a later page. - Loftus, Travels and Researches, "^i^. 190, 191. 28o A History ok Art in Chald.ea axd Assyria. afforded after all but a poor opportunity to the decorative architect. Had the builders of Chaldcea possessed no more efficient means than these of obtaining beauty, their structures would hardly have imposed themselves as models upon their rich and powerful neigh- bours of Assyria so completely as they did. Some process was required which should not restrict the decorator to the curves and straight lines of the simpler geometrical figures, which should allow him to make use of motives furnished by the animal and vegetable kingdom, by man and those fanciful creations of man's intellect that resulted from his attempts to figure the gods. We can hardly doubt that the Chakl^eans, like their northern neigh- bours, made frequent use of paint in the decoration of the wide plaster walls that offered such a tempting surface to the brush. No fragment of such work has come down to us, but we have every reason to believe that the arrangement of motives and the choice of lines were the same as in Assyria. We may look upon the mural paintings in the Ninevite palaces as copies preserving for us the leading characteristics of their Chaldasan originals. Even in Chaldaea, which had a drier climate than Assyria, paintings in distemper could not have had any very long life on external walls. They had not to do with the sky of Upper Egypt where years pass away without the fall of a single shower. Some means of fixing colour so that it should not be washed away by the first rain was sought, and it was found in the invention of enamel, in the coating of the bricks with a coloured material that when passed with them through the fire would be vitrified and would sink to some extent into their substance. A brick thus coated could never lose its colour ; the latter became insoluble, and so intimately combined with the block to which it was attached that one could hardly be destroyed without the other. Sir H. Layard tells us that many fragments of brick found in the Kasr were covered with a thick glaze, the colours of which had in no way suffered with time. Fragments of ornaments and figures could be distinguished on some of them. The colours most often found were a very brilliant blue, red, dark yellow, white, and black.i We have again to look to the Assyrian ruins for information 1 Layard, Discoveries, p. 607. Rich also bears witness to the abundance of the.-,e remains in \\\s Journey to the Ruins of Babylon. See also Oppert, Expedition s.ientijique, vol. i. p. 143. Decoration. 281 as to the way in which these enamelled bricks were composed into pictures. No explorer has found anything in the remains of a Chaldajan city that can be compared to the archivolt of enamelled bricks discovered by J\I. Place over one of the gateways of the city founded by Sargon.^ We can hardly doubt however that the art of the enameller was discovered in Chald^ea and thence transported into Assyria. Everything combines to give us that assurance, an examination of the ruins in Mesopotamia and of the objects brought from them as well as the explicit statements of the ancients. Every traveller tells that there is not a ruin at Babylon in which hundreds of these enamelled bricks may not be picked up, and they are to be found elsewhere in Chaldaea.'^ A certain number of fragments are now in the British Museum and the Louvre with indications upon them leaving no doubt as to whence they came.^ As for the blocks of the same kind coming from Nineveh and its neighbourhood they are very numerous in our collections. It is easy therefore to compare the products of Chaldaean work- shops with those of Assyrian origin. The comparison is not to the advantage of the latter. The enamel on the Babylonian bricks is very thick and solid ; it adheres strongly to the clay, and even when brought to our comparatively humid climates it preserves its brilliancy. It is not so with bricks from Khorsabad and Nimroud, which rapidly tarnish and become dull when with- drawn from the earth that protected them for so many centuries. Their firing does not seem to have been sufficiently prolonged.* 1 A French traveller of the last century, De Beauchamp (he was consul at Bagdad), heard an Arab workman and contractor describe a room he had found in the Kasr, the walls of which were lined with enamelled bricks. Upon one wall, he said, there was a cow with the sun and moon above it. His story must, at least, have been founded on truth. No motive occurs oftener in the Clialdrean monuments than a bull and the twin stars of the day and night. (See Rexnell, History of Herodotus, p. 367.) ^ LoFTUS collected some fragments of these enamelled bricks at Warka, " similar to those found," he says, "at Babylon in the ruins of the Kasr" {Travels and Researches, p. 185). Taylor also tells us that he found numerous fragments of brick enamelled blue at Mugheir {Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 262). 8 The most interesting of these fragments, those that allow the subject of which they formed a part to be still divined, have been published by M. de Longperiee, Mus'ee Napoleon III. plate iv. ^ I examined at the British Museum the originals of the glazed bricks reproduced by Layard in his first series of Monuments, some of which we have cojiied in our O O 2S2 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. Necessity is the mother of invention, the proverb says. If there be any country in which clay has been compelled to do all that lay in its power it must surely be that in which there was no other material for the construction and decoration of buildings. The results obtained by the enameller were pretty much the same in Assyria and Chaldeea, and we are inclined to look upon the older of the two nations as the inventor of the process, especially as it could hardly have done without it so well as its younger rival, and in this opinion we are confirmed by the superior quality of the Babylonian enamel. It is possible that there may be some truth in the assertion that most of the glazed bricks that have come down to us belonged to the restorations of Nebuchadnezzar ; but even supposing that to be so, they show a technical skill so consummate and sure of itself that it must then have been very far removed from its infancy. The fatherland of the enameller is Southern Mesopotamia and especially Babylonia, where enamelled bricks seem to have been used in extraordinary quantities. The wall of Dour-Saryoukin, the town built by Sargon, has been found intact for a considerable part of its height. As in the retaining wall of the palace, coloured brick has there been used with extreme discretion. It is found only over the arches of the principal doors and, perhaps, in the form of rosettes at the spring- ing of the battlements. The remainder of the srreat breadths of crude brick was coated with white plaster.^ It was otherwise at Babylon. Ctesias, who lived there for a time, thus describes the palace on the right bank of the Euphrates : " In the interior of the first line of circumvallation Semiramis constructed another on a circular plan, upon which there are all kinds of animals stamped on the bricks while still unburnt ; nature is imitated in these figures by the employment of colours.- . . . The third wall, that in the middle, was twenty stades round . . . plates xiii. and xiv. The outlines of the ornament are now hardly more than distinguisliable, while the colour is no more than a pale reflection. 1 LoFTUS believes that the external faces of Assyrian walls were not, as a rule, cased in enamelled bricks. He disengaged three sides of the northern palace at Kouyundjik without finding any traces of polychromatic decoration. (Travels and Researches, p. 397, note.) • ^ Ka6' ov kv iifxai'i in rats ttXiV^ois SicTcrv'Trmro Orjpia, TravToSaTra -nj tmi' ■\pu>^aTOiv (fnXoText'in Trjv aXyOeiav d-oju.i/ioi'ju,ei-a (DiODORUS, ii. 8, 4). Diodorus expressly de- clares that he borrows this description from Ctesias (is Kn;o-cas r](Tiv, ibid. 5). Decoration. 283 on its towers and their curtain-walls every sort of animal might be seen imitated according to all the rules of art, both as to their form and colour. The whole represented the chase of various animals, the latter being more than four cubits (high) — in the middle Semiramis on horseback letting fly an arrow against a panther and, on one side, her husband Ninus at close quarters with a lion, which he strikes with his lance. "^ Diodorus attributes all these buildings to his fabulous Semiramis. He was mistaken. It was the palace built by Nebuchadnezzar that he had before him ; his eyes rested upon the works of those sovereigns of the second Chaldee empire who presided at a real art renaissance — at the re awakening of a civilization that was never more brilliant than in the years immediately preceding its fall. The historian's mistake is of little importance here. We are mainly interested in the fact that he actually saw the walls of which he speaks and saw them covered with pictures, the material for which was furnished by enamelled brick. These bricks must have been manufactured in no small Cjuantity to permit of decorations in which there w^ere figures nearly six feet high.^ We may form some idea of this frieze of animals from one in the palace of Sargon at the foot of the wall on each side of the harem doorway (plate xv.).^ As for the hunting incidents, we may imagine what they were like from the Assyrian sculptures (Fig. 5). At Babylon as at Nineveh the palette of the enameller was very restricted. Figures were as a rule yellow and white relieved atjainst a blue ground. Touches of black were used to crive accent to certain details, such as the hair and beard, or to define a contour. The surface of the brick was not always left smooth ; in some cases it shows hollow lines in which certain colours were placed when required to mark distinctive or complementary features. As a rule motives were modelled in relief upon the ground, so that they were distinguished by a gentle salience as well as by colour, ^ 'EiVTj<7av Sc iv TOts wvpyon Koi T(i)((a'i ^uia ■n-avToSaira <^iAoTe;^i'ios tois re ^wfuuri Koi ToTs TciJi' TVTTdiv aTrofi.ifi.a(Ti KaTa(TK€vafTfx.a'a. (DiODORUS 11. 8, 6.) ^ YLavTOtoiv OrjfiifiiV , . . . u)V y](Tav to. fieycO'rj TrXetov rj 7rrJ^o>F TCTTapwv, Foiir CUDltS was equal to about five feet eight inches. At Khorsabad the tallest of the genii on the coloured tiles at the door are only 32 inches high ; others are not more than two feet. ^ Vlace, Mf/nr, vol. iii. plates 24 and 31. 284 A History of Art in CiiALD.tA and Assyria. a contrivance that increased their solidity and efifect.^ This may be observed on the Babylonian bricks brought to Europe by M. Delaporte, consul-general for France at Bagdad. They are now in the Louvre. On one we see the three white petals belong- ing to one of those Marguerite-shaped flowers that artists have used in such profusion in painted and sculptured decoration (Figs. 22, 25, 96, 116, 117). Another is the fragment of a wing, and must have entered into the composition of one of those winged genii that are hardly less numerous in Assyrian decoration (Figs. 4, 8, and 29). Upon a third you may recognize the trunk of a palm-tree and on a fourth the sinuous lines that edge a drapery.- M. de Longperier calculated from the dimensions of this latter fraonient that the figure to which it belonged must have been four cubits high, exactly the height assigned by Ctesias to the figures in the groups seen by him when he visited the palace of the ancient kings.^ M. Oppert also mentions fragments which had formed part of similar important compositions. Yellow scales separated from one another by black lines, reminded him of the conventional figure under which the Assyrians represented hills or mountains ; on others he found fragments of trees, on others blue undulations, significant, no doubt, of water ; on others, again, parts of animals — the foot of a horse, the mane and tail of a lion. A thick, black line upon a blue ground may have stood for the lance of a hunter. Upon one fragment a human eye, looking full to the front, might be recognized.^ We might be tempted to think that in these remains M. Oppert saw all that was left of the pictures which excited the admiration of Ctesias. Inscriptions in big letters obtained by the same process accom- panied and explained the pictures. The characters were white on a blue ground. RI. Oppert brought together some fifteen of these monumental texts, but he did not find a single fragment upon which there was more than one letter. The inscriptions were meant to be legible at a considerable distance, for the letters 1 " The painting," says M. Oppert, " was applied to a kind of roughly blocked -out relief." {Expcditioti scicntifque, vol. i. p. 144.) 2 De Longperier, Musee Napoleon III., plate iv. ' This palace was then inhabited for a part of the year by the Achemenid princes, of whom Ctesias was both the guest and physician. * Oppert, Expedition scientifique, vol. i. pp. 143, 144 Decoration. 285 were from two to three inches high. In later days Arab architects followed the example thus set and pressed the elegant forms of the cufic alphabet into their service with the happiest skill. ^ For the composition of one of these figures of men or animals a large number of units was required, and in order that it might preserve its fidelity it was necessary not only that the separate pieces should exactly coincide but that they should be fixed and fitted with extreme nicety. At Babylon they were attached to the wall with bitumen. On the posterior surface of several enamelled bricks in the Louvre a thick coat of this sub- stance may be seen ; it has preserved an impression of all the roughnesses on the surface of the crude mass to which it was applied. It is impossible to decide whether this natural mortar was allowed to fill the joints between one enamelled square and another or not. None of these bricks have been found in place, and none, so far as we know, unbroken. The coat at the back may have rendered the adherence so complete that no further precaution was necessary. In Assyria, so far at least as Khorsabad is concerned, they were content with less trouble. The bricks formincr the enamelled archivolt of which we have spoken are attached to the wall with a mortar in which there is but little adhesive power.- It offered no resistance when M. Place stripped the archway in order that he might enrich his own country with the spoils of Sargon. But for an accident that sent his boats to the bottom of the Tigris not far from Bassorah this beautiful gateway would have been rebuilt in Paris.-^ To fit all these squares into their proper places was a delicate operation, but it was rendered easy by long practice. Signs, or rather numbers, for the guidance of the workmen, have been noticed upon the uncovered faces of the crude brick walls. ^ Still 1 Two of tliese enamelled letters are in the Louvre. .See also upon this subject. Place, Niiiive, vol. ii. p. 86. I have also seen some in the collection of M. Piot. - Place, Annive, vol. i. p. 236. 3 Only two rafts arrived at Bassorah ; eight left Mossoul, so that only about a fourth of the antiquities collected reached their destination in safety. The cases with the objects despatched by the Babylonian mission, that is by MM. Fresnel, Oppert, and Thomas, were included in the same disaster. But for this the Assyrian collections of the Louvre would be less inferior than they are to those of the British Museum. ■* Place, jKiuh-e. vol. i. p. 253. 286 A History of Art in Chald.ca and Assyria. more skill was required for the proper distribution of a figure over the bricks by whose apposition it was to be created. No retouches were possible, because the bricks were painted before firing. The least negligence would be punished by the inter- ruption of the contours, or by their malformation through a failure of junction between a line upon one brick and its continuation on the next. There was but one way to prevent such mistakes, and that was by preparing in advance what we should call a cartoon. On this the proposed design would be traced over a network of squares representing the junctions of the bricks. The bricks were then shaped, modelled, and numbered ; each was painted accord- ing to the cartoon with its due proportion of ground or figure as the case might be, and marked with the same number as that on the corresponding square in the drawing.' The colour was laid separately on each brick ; this is proved by the existence on their edges of pigment that has overflowed from the face and been fired at the same time as the rest. Thus were manufactured those enamelled bricks upon which the modern visitor to the ruins of Babylon walks at every step. Broken, ground almost to powder as they are, they suffice to show how far the art of enamelling was pushed in those remote clays, and how great an industry it must have been. We can have no doubt that colours fixed in the fire must have formed the chief element in the decoration of the buildings of Nebuchadnezzar, of that Babylon whose insolent prosperity so impressed the imagina- tion and provoked the anger of the Jewish prophets. It was to paintings of this kind that Ezekiel alluded when he reproved Jerusalem under the name of Aholiba for its infidelity and its adoption of foreign superstitions : " For when she saw men portrayed upon the wall, the images of the Chaldaeans portrayed with vermilion, girded with girdles upon their loins, exceeding in dyed attire upon their heads, all of them princes to look to, after the manner of the Babylonians of Chaldaea, the land of their nativity." ^ 1 Place, Ninive, vol. ii. p. 253. These marks were recognized upon many fragments found at Babylon by MM. Oppert and Thomas (Oppert, Expedition scientifique, vol. i. pp. 143, 144). Loftus has transcribed and published a certain number of marks of the same kind which he found upon glazed bricks from the palace at Suza. These are sometimes cut in the brick with a point, sometimes painted with enamel like that on the face. (Travels and JieseareJies, p. 39S.) 2 Ezekiel xxiii. 14, 15. Decoration. 287 The " paintings in the temple of Belos," described by Berosus, were in all probability carried out in the same way. They decorated the walls of the great temple of Bel Merodach at Babylon, where '" all kinds of marvellous monsters with the greatest variety in their forms" were to be seen.' We see therefore, that both by sacred and profane writers is the important part played by these paintings in the palaces and temples of the capital affirmed. And Ctesias, who is not content with allusions, but enters into minute details, tells us how the work was executed, and how its durability was guaranteed. The modern buildings of Persia give us some idea as to the appearance of those of Babylon. No doubt the plan of a mosque differs entirely from that of a temple of Marduk or Nebo, but the principle of the decoration was the same. If the wand of an enchanter could restore the principal buildings ot Bab) Ion we should, perhaps, find more than one to which the following description of the great mosque of Ispahan might be applied with the change of a word here and there : " Every part of the building without exception is covered with enamelled bricks. Their ground is blue, upon which elegant flowers and sentences taken from the Koran are traced in white. The cupola is blue, decorated with shields and arabesques. One can hardly imagine the effect produced by such a building on an European accustomed to the dull uniformity of our colourless buildings ; he is filled with an admiring surprise that no words can express. " ^ Berosus, fragment i. § 4, in vol. ii. of the Fragmcnta hisforicicn Graconim of Ch. ^^ULLER. '2 Texier, Armenie et Perse, vol. ii. p. 134. In the s.ime work the details of the magnificent decoration upon the mosque of the Sunnites at Tauris (which afforded a model for that at Ispahan) will be found reproduced in their original colours. It is strange that this art of enamelled faience, after being preserved so long, should so recently have become extinct in the East. " At the commencement of the last century," says M. Texier (vol. ii. p. 13S), " the art of enamelling bricks was no less prosperous in Persia than in the time of Shah-Abbas, the builder of the great mosque at Ispahan (1587-1629) ; but now the art is completely extinct, and in spite of my desire to visit a factory where I might see the work in progress, there was not one to be found from one end of Ispahan to the ether." According to the information I gathered in Asia Minor, it was also towards the beginning of the present century that the workshops of Nicrea and Nicomedia, in which the fine enamelled tiles on the mosques at Broussa were made, were finally closed. In these fabriques the plaques which have been found in such abundance for some twenty years past in Rhodes and other islands of the Archipelago were also manufactured. [The manufacture of these glazed tiles is by no means extinct in India, however. 288 A History of Art ix Ciiald.ea and Assyria. If we should set about making such a comparison, the principal difference to be noticed would be that arising out of the prohibitions of the Koran. The Persian potter had to content himself with the resources of pure ornament, resources upon which he drew with an exquisite skill that forbids us to regret the absence of men and animals from his work. The coloured surfaces of the Babylonian buildings must have had more variety than those of the great mosque at Ispahan or the green mosque at Broussa. But the same groups and the same personages were constantly repeated in the same attitudes and tints, so that their general character must have been purely decorative. Even when they were com- bined into something approaching a scene, care was taken to guard, by conventionality of treatment and the frequent repetition of familiar types and groups, against its attracting to itself the attention that properly belonged to the composition of which it formed a part. The artist was chiefly occupied with the general effect. His aim was to give a certain rhythm to a succession of traditional forms whose order and arrangement never greatly varied, to fill the wide surfaces of his architecture with contrasts and harmonies of colour that should delight the eye and prevent its fatigue. Were the colours as soft and harmonious as we now see them in those buildings of Persia and Asia Minor that will themselves soon be little more than ruins ? It is difficult to answer this question from the very small fragments we possess of the coloured decorations of the Babylonian temples and palaces, but the conditions have remained the same ; the wants to be satisfied and the processes employed a century ago were identical with those of Babylon and Nineveh ; architect and painter were confronted by the same dazzling sun, and, so far as we can tell, taste has not sensibly changed over the whole of the vast extent of country that stretches At many centres in Sindh and the Punjab, glazed tiles almost exactly similar to those on the mosque at Ispahan, so far as colours and ornamental motives are concerned, are made in great numbers and used for the same purposes as in Persia and ancient Mesopotamia There is a tradition in India that the art was brought from China, through Persia, by the soldiers of Gingiz-Khan, but a study of the tiles themselves is enough to show that they are a survival from the art manufactures of Babylon and Nineveh. For detailed information on the history and processes used in the manufacture of these tiles, see Sir George Birdwood's Industrial Arts of India, part ii. pp. 304-310, 321, -and 330; also Mr. Drury Fortnum's report on the Sindh pottery in the International Exhibition of 1871. — Ed.] Decoration. 289 from the frontiers ot Syria to the eastern boundaries of the plateau of Iran. New peoples, new religions, and new territorial divisions have been introduced, but industrial habits have remained ; in spite of political revolutions the workman has transmitted the secrets of his trade to his sons and grandsons. Oriental art is now threatened with death at the hands of Western competition. Thanks to its machines Europe floods the most distant markets with productions cheaper than those turned out by the native workman, and the native workman, discouraged and doubtful of himself, turns to the clumsy imitation of the West, and loses his hold of the art he understood so well. Traditions have become greatly weakened during the last half century, but in-the few places where they still preserve their old vitality they may surely be taken as representative of the arts and industries of many centuries ago, and as the lineal descendants of those early products of civilization on which we are attempting to cast new light. If, as everything leads us to believe, the colours and patterns worked by the women of Khorassan and Kurdistan on their rugs and carpets are identical with those on the hangings in the palaces of Sargon, of Nebuchadnezzar, and of Darius, why should we not allow that the tints that now delight us on the mosques of Teheran and Ispahan, of Nicaea and Broussa, are identical with those employed by the Chaldaean potter ? There is no doubt that both had a strong predilection for blue — for the marvellous colour that dyed the most beautiful flower of their fields, that glowed on their distant mountains, in their lakes, in the sea, and in the profound azure of an almost cloudless sky. Nature seems to have chosen blue for the background of her changing pictures, and like the artists of modern Persia those of antique Mesopotamia understood the value of the hint thus given. In the fragments of Babylonian tiles brought home by travellers blue is the dominant colour ; and blue furnishes the backo;round for those two compositions in enamelled brick that have been found in situ. The blue of Babylon seems however to have had more body and to have been darker in shade than that of the Khorsabad tiles. We have already referred to this inferiority in the Assyrian enamel. It may be explained by the fact that the Assyrian architect looked to sculpture for his most sumptuous effects ; he used polychromatic decoration only for subordinate parts of his p p 2 go A History oy Art ix Ciiald.ea and Assyria. work, and he would therefore be contented with less careful execution than that required by his Babylonian rival. The glazed tiles of Assyria were not, as in Chaldaea, quasi bas-reliefs. Their tints were put on flat ; the only exception to this being in the case of those rosettes that were made in such extraordinary numbers for use on the upper parts of walls and round doorways ; in these the small central boss is modelled in low relief (see Figs. 121 and 122). These glazed bricks were chiefly used by the Assyrian architect upon doorways and in their immediate neighbourhood.^ M. Place found the decoration of one of the city gates at Khorsabad almost intact.^ The enamel is laid upon one edge of the bricks, which are on the average three inches and a half thick. Figures are relieved in vellow, and rosettes in white against the blue ground. FliiS. 121, 12J. — Rosettes in glazed pottery. Louvre. A band of green marks the lower edge of the tiara.^ The same motives and the same figures were repeated for the whole length of the band. The figures are winged genii in different postures of worship and sacrifice. They bear in their hands those metal seals and pine cones that we so often encounter in the bas-reliefs. Distributed about the entrance these genii seem to be the pro- tectors of the city, they are beneficent images, their gesture is 1 Sir H. L.\Y.\RD noticed this at the very beginning of his explorations : " Between the bulls and the lions forming the entrances in different parts of the palace were invariably found a large collection of baked bricks, elaborately painted with figures of animals and flowers, and with cuneilbrm characters" {Kineve/i, vol. iL p. 13J. - Place, Ninive, vol. i. p. 234; vol. iii. plates 9 and 17. ^ Ibid., vol. iii. plate 14. We should have reproduced this composition in colour had the size of our page allowed us to do so on a proper scale. M. Place was unable to give it all even in a double-page plate of his huge folio. Decoration. 291 a prayer, a promise, a benediction. On each side of the arch, at its springing, there is one of greater stature than his companions (Fig. 123). His face is turned towards the vaulted passage. Upon the curve of the archivolt smaller figures face one another in couples ; each couple is divided from its neighbours by rosettes (Fig. 124). -J 1 Fig. 123. — Detail of enamelled archivolt. Khorsabad. From Place. The other composition is to be found on a plinth in the doorway of the harem at Khorsabad. This plinth was about twenty-three feet long, and rather more than three feet high. Its ornament was repeated on both sides of the doorway.^ It con- sisted of a lion, an eagle, a bull, and a plough (Plate XV). Upon the returning angles the king appears, standing, on the one side with his head bare, on the other covered with a tiara. The back- ^ Place, A'inive, vol. iii. plates 23-31 29- A History of Art in Ciiald.ka and Assyria. ground is blue, as in the city gates ; green was only used for the leaves of the tree, in which some have recognized a fio-tree. In these two examples the decoration is of an extreme simplicity ; the figures are not engaged in any common action ; there is, in fact, no picture. The artist sometimes appears to have been more ambitious. Thus Layard found at Nimroud the remains of a decoration in which the painter had apparently attempted to rival the sculptor : he had represented a battle scene analogous to those we find in such plenty in the bas-reliefs.^ A similar motive maybe found in a better preserved fragment belonging to the same structure Fig. 124. — Detail from enamelled archivolt. Khorsabarl. From Pl.ice. (Plate XIV, Fig. i).- A single brick bears four personages, a god, whose arms only are left, the king, his patera in hand, offering a libation, an eunuch with bow and quiver, and finally an officer with a lance. Georo;e Smith also found a frasjment of the same kind at Nimroud (see Fig. 125). It shows the figure of a soldier, from the knees upwards, armed with bow and lance, and standing 1 Layard, Monuiiients, 2nd series, plates 53, 54. Elsewhere {Discoveries, pp. 166-168) Layard has given a catalogue and summary descr'ption of all these fragments, of which only a part were reproduced in the plates of his great collection. - IhiJ. plate 55. DEfORATION. 293 by the wheel of a chariot. Above his head are the remains of an inscription which must have been continued on the next brick. The word warriors may still be deciphered.^ This figure may have formed part of some attempt on the part of the decorator to narrate in colour some of the exploits of the king for whom the palace was built. There is a difference between such fragments as this and the glazed tiles of the Khorsabad gates. In the latter the enamelled edges of several bricks were required to make a single figure. In the bricks from Nimroud on the other hand, whole figures are Fig. 125. — Enamelled brick in the British Museum. painted on their surface, and in fact a single brick had several figures upon it which were, therefore, on a much smaller scale. A decoration in which figures were some two and three feet high, was well suited for use in lofty situations where those restricted to the surface of a single brick would have been hardly visible. The latter must, then, have been fixed on the lower parts of the wall, but as none of them have yet been found in place we cannot say positively that it was so. Such representations were, moreover, quite exceptional. Most * Geo. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 79. 294 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assyria. of the pieces of glazed brick that have been found in the ruins show nothing but the remains of figures and motives ornamental rather than historical in their general character.^ Besides the rosettes of which we have had occasion to speak so often we encounter at every step a spiral ornament the design of which remains without much modification, while a certain variety is given to its general effect by changing the arrangement of its colours. In the example reproduced in Fig. 126 large black disks, like eyes, are embraced by a double spiral in which blue and yellow alternate - There is one curious class of glazed tiles in which this motive continually reappears. These tiles are thinner than the ordinary brick. Their shape is sometimes square but with their sides slightly concave (Fig. 127), sometimes circular, in the form of a quoit (Fig. 1 28). In each case similar designs are employed, flowers, palmettes, &c. These are carried out in black upon a white ground Fir,. 126. — Ornament upon enamelled bricl;. British Museum. and arranged symmetrically about a round hole in the middle of the tile. These things must have been manufactured for some .special purpose, and the name of Assurnazirpal, that may be read upon our first fragment (Fig. 127), shows that they belonged to some great work of decoration whose main object was to glorify the name of that sovereign. It has been guessed that they formed centres for a coffred ceiling, and there is nothing to negative the conjecture. The opening in the centre may have been filled with a boss of bronze or silver gilt. As we have already shown, applique work of this kind played a great part in Assyrian decoration ; ^ BoTTA gives examples of some of these bricks {Monument de Nitiive, plates 155, 156). Among the motives there reproduced there is one that we have already seen in the bas-reliefs (fig. 67). It is a goat standing in the collected attitude he would take on a point of rock. The head of the ibex is also a not uncommon motive (Lavard, Monuments, first series, plate 87, fig. 2 ; see also Botta). ' Fig. I of our Plate XIV. reproduces the same design, but with a more simple coloration. ...r.^ Decoration. 299 doors were covered with it and there are many signs that both in Chaldsea and Assyria many other surfaces were protected in the same fashion. After the careful examination of its ruins Taylor came to the conclusion that the upper story of a staged tower at Abou-Sharein had gilt walls. He found a great number of small and very thin gold plates upon the plateau that formed the summit of the building, and with them the gilded nails with which they had been fixed. ^ In his life of Apolloniits of Tyana, Philostratus gives a description of Babylon that appears taken from authentic sources, and he notices this employment of metal. " The palaces of the King of Babylon are covered with bronze which makes them glitter at a distance ; the chambers of the women, the chambers of the men and the porticoes are decorated with silver, with beaten and even with massive gold instead of pictures.^ Herodotus speaks of the silvered and gilded battlements of Ecbatana ^ and at Khorsabad cedar masts incased in gilded bronze were found, ** while traces of eold have been found on some crude bricks at Nimroud.-' Seeing that metal was thus used to cover wide surfaces, and that, as we shall have occasion to show, the lorms of sculpture, of furniture, and of the arts allied to them in Mesopotamia, prove that the inhabitants of that region were singularly skilled in the manipulation of metal, whether with the chisel or the hammer, the above conjecture may very well be true ; the sheen of the polished surface would be in excellent harmony with the enamelled faience about it. It has been sucro-ested that some of the carved ivories mav ' J. K. Taylor, Notes on Ahou-Shaycin, p. 407 (in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv.). ■^ Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, i. 25. Cf. Diowsius Periegetes, who says of Semiramis (v. 1007, 1008) : avTap cTT tiKpoTToXyi fiiyav oo/jior e'lfraro B>yXoj )(pviTw T r)8 iXeiJMi'Ti Koi dyvfiui aaKyjiraaa. ^ Herodotus, i. 98. '' See above, p. 202. ^ Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 264, note i. Frequent allusions to this use of metal are to be found in the wedges. In M. Lexormaxt's translation of the London inscription {Histoire ancieniie, vol. ii. p. 233, 3rd edition) in which Nebuchadnezzar enumerates the great works he had done at Borsippa, I find the following words : "I have covered the roof of Nebo's place of repose with gold. The beams of the door before the oracles have been overlaid with silver the pi\ot of the door into the woman's chamber I have co\ered with sih-er." 300 A History of Art in Ciiald.ea and Assyria. have been used to ornament the coffers. This suggestion in itself seems specious enough, but I failed to discover a single ivory in the rich collection of the British Museum whose shape would have fitted the openings in the tiles.^ It is certain, however, that ivory was used in the ornamentation of buildings. " I incrusted," says Nebuchadnezzar, " the door-posts, the lintel, and threshold of the place of repose with ivory." The small rectangular plaques with which several cases and many drawers are filled in the British Museum may very well have been used for the decoration of doors, and the panels of ceilings and wainscots. They were so numerous, especially in the palace of Assurnazirpal at Nimroud, that we cannot believe them all to have come oft small and movable pieces of furniture. We are confirmed in this idea by the fact that none of these ivories are unique or isolated works of art. In spite of the care and taste expended on their execution they were in no sense gems treasured for their rarity and value ; they were the products of an active manufactory delivering its types in series, we might almost say in dozens. The more elegant and finished among them are represented three, four, and five times over in the select case in the British Museum. We may safely say that the examples preserved of any one model are by no means all that were made ; in fact, in the drawers in which the smaller fragments are preserved, we noticed the remains of more than one piece which had once been similar to the more perfect .specimens exhibited to the public. Thus there are in the Museum four replicas of the little work shown in our Fig. 129.- The head of a woman, full face, and with an Egyptian head-dress, is enframed in a narrow w'indow and looks over a balcony formed of columns with the curious capitals already noticed on page 211. Beside these four more or less complete examples, the Museum possesses several de- tached heads (Fig. 130) which once, no doubt, belonged to similar compositions. 1 Among the fragmenls of tiles brought from Nimroud by Mr. George Smith, and now in the British Museum, there are two hke those reproduced above, to which bosses or knobs of the same material — glazed earthenware — are attached. The necks of these bosses are pierced with holes apparently to receive the chain of a hanging lamp, and are surrounded at their base with inscriptions of Assurnazirpal stating that they formed part of the decoration of a temple at Calah. — Ed. 2 The size of our engraving is slightly above that of the object itself. Decoration. 301 The beauty of the ivory surface was often enhanced by the insertion of coloured enamels and lapis-lazuli in the hollows of Fig. \7.Cj. — Ivory tablet in the British Museum. Drawn by Saint-Ehne Gautier. the tablet. Traces of this inlay may be seen on many of the Museum ivories, especially on those recently brought from Van, in Armenia. The tablets also show traces of sfildino-. Fig. 130. — Fragment of an ivory tablet. All this proves that the Mesopotamian decorator had no contemptible resources for the ornamentation of his panelled 302 A History of Art in Chald.t.a and Assyria. walls and coffered ceilings. These chiselled, enamelled, and gilded ivories must have been set in frames of cedar or cypress. The Assyrian texts bear witness in more than one place to the use of those fine materials, and the Hebrew writers make frequent allusion to the luxurious carpentry imitated by their own princes in the temple at Jerusalem.^ In one of his in- vectives against Nineveh Zephaniah cries: "Desolation shall be in the thresholds : for he shall uncover the cedar work." - The more we enter into detail the richer and more varied does the decoration of these buildings appear. In our day the great ruins are sad and monotonous enough. The rain of many centuries has washed away their paint ; their ornaments of metal and faience, of ivory and cedar, have fallen from the walls ; the hand of man has combined with the slow action of time to reduce them to their elements, and nothing of their original beauty remains but here and there a fragment or a hint of colour. And yet when Ave bring these scanty vestiges together we find that enough is left to give the taste and invention of the Assyrian ornamentist a very high place in our respect. That artist was richly endowed with the power of inventing happy combinations of lines, and of varying his motives without losing sight for an instant of his original theme. We may show this very clearly by a more careful study of two motives already encountered, the rosette, and the running or- nament which is known in its countless modifications as the " knop and flower pattern." These two motives are united in those great thresholds which have been found now and then in such marvellous preservation. They also occur in certain bas- reliefs representing architectural decorations, so that we are in possession of all the documents required for the formation of a true idea of their varied beauties. In the Assyrian Basement Room of the British Museum there is a fine slab of gypsum of which we reproduce one corner in our Fig. 131.^ Besides the daisy shaped ^ I Kings \\. 15; vii. 3. - Zephaniah ii. 14. ' The design consists entirely in the symmetrical repetition of the details here given. [In this engraving the actual design of the pavement has been somewhat simplified. Between the knop and flower that forms the outer border and the rosettes there is a band of ornament consisting of the symmetrical repetition of the palmette motive with rudimentary volutes, much as it occurs round the outside of the tree of life figured on page 213. Tn another detail our cut differs slightly from Decoration. rosette which is so conspicuous, there is one ot more elaborate design which we reproduce on a larger scale and from another example in our Fig. 132. It is inclosed in a square frame adorned with chevrons. This frame with the rosette it incloses may be taken as giving some idea of the ceiling panels or coffers. In this rosette it should be noticed that beyond the double festoon about the central star appears the same alternation of bud Fig. 131. — Threshold from Kouyundjik. From Layard. and flower as in the straight border. That flower has been recognized as the Egyptian lotus, but Layard believes its type to have been furnished, perhaps, by a scarlet tulip which is very common towards the beginning of spring in Mesopotamia.^ We the original. In the latter there is no corner piece ; the border runs entirely across the end, and the side borders are stopped against it. — Ed.] ^ Lay.ard, Discoveries, p. 1S4, note. 304 A History of Art in Chald.ea and Assvrl' ourselves believe rather in the imitation of a motive from the stuffs, the jewels, the furniture, and the pottery that Mesopotamia drew from Egypt at a very early date through the intermediary of the Phoenicians. The Phoenicians themselves appropriated the same motive and introduced it with their own manufactures not only into Mesopotamia but into every country washed by the Mediterranean. Our conjecture is to some extent confirmed by an observation of Sir H. Layard's. This lotus flower is only to be found, he says, in the most recent of Assyrian monuments, in those, namely, that date from the eighth and seventh centuries " ,.>ilfe,fT!fll^l .,--:^,.^^>-- ■ ''J'J^'* >" Fig. 132. — Rosette. B.C., centuries during which the Assyrian kings more than once invaded Phoenicia and occupied Egypt.'' In the more ancient bas-reliefs flowers with a very difterent aspect — copied in all pro- bability directly from nature — are alone to be found. Of these some idea may be formed from the adjoining cut. It reproduces a bouquet held in the hand of a winged genius in the palace of Assurnazirpal (Fig. 133)- The lotus flower is to be found moreover in monuments much older than those of the Sargonids, but that does not in any way ' Layard, Nineveh, vol. ii. p. 212, note. Decoration. 305 disprove the hypothesis of a direct plagiarism. The commercial relations between the valleys of the Nile and the Euphrates date from a much more remote epoch, and about the commencement of the eighteenth dynasty the Egyptians seem to have occupied in force the basin of the Khabour, the principal affluent of the Euphrates. Layard found many traces of their passage over and sojourn in that district, among them a series of scarabs, many of which bore the superscription of Thothmes 1 11.^ So that the points of contact were numerous enough, and the mutual intercourse sufficiently intimate and prolonged, to account for the assimilation by Mesopotamian artists of a motive taken from the flora of Egypt and to be seen on almost every object imported from the Fig. 133. — Bouquet of flowers and buds ; from La)ard. Nile valley. This imitation appears all the more probable as in the paintings of Theban tombs dating from a much more remote period than the oldest Ninevite remains, the pattern with its alternate bud and flower is complete. Many e.x;amples may be found in the plates of Prisse d'Avennes' great work ; - one is reproduced in our Fig. 134. The Assyrians borrowed their motive from Egypt, but they gave it more than Egyptian perfection. They gave it the definitive shapes that even Greece did not disdain to copy. In the Egyptian ^ Layard, Discovei-ies, p. 281. - Prisse d'Avennes, Histoire de V Art egypfien d'aprh les Monuments (2 vols folio) ; see the plates entitled Couroiinements et Frises tteuronncs. R R 3o6 A History of Art i\ Chald.ea and Assyria, frieze the cones and flowers are disjointed ; their isolation is unsatisfactory both to the eye and the reason. In the Assyrian ^ ni+I-^-X*!-*!*!-^ — -^ ^r^ ^ jr-,,^^ -^ --= - . _ _^^=. .^--.— -zs;,-"^:'.^! Fig. 134. — Paiated border ; from Thebes, after Prisse. pattern they are attached to a continuous undulating stem whose sinuous lines add greatly to the elegance of the composition. The distinctive characters of the bud and flower are also very Fig. 135. — Fragment of a threshold ; from Khorsabad. Louvre. Drawn by Bourgoin. well marked by the Assyrian artists. The closed petals of the one the open ones of the other and the divisions of the calix are Decoration. 307 indicated in a fashion that happily combines truth with convention. In our Fig. 135 we reproduce, on a larger scale, a part of the slab already illustrated at page 240, so that the merits of its workman- ship may be better appreciated. The painter also made use of this motive. In a bas-relief from the palace of Assurbanipal we find the round-headed doorway illustrated in Fig. 136. Its rich decoration must have been carried out in glazed bricks, similar to those discovered by M. Place on one of the gates of Khorsabad. Here, however, the figures of supernatural beings are replaced by rosettes and by two lines of the knop and flower ornament. \:-jSX):\ ^'W^-- Fig. 136. — Door ornament ; rem Kouyundjik. After Rawlinson. Vegetable forms brought luck to the Assyrian decorator. Even after taking a motive from a foreign style of ornament he understood, so to speak, how to naturalize a plant and to make its forms expressive of his own individuality. Our only difficulty is to make a choice among the numerous illustrations of his inventive fertility ; we shall confine ourselve to reproducing the designs embroidered upon the royal robes of Assurnazirpal. We need hardly say that these robes do not now exist, but the Ninevite sculptor copied them in soft alabaster with an infinite 3oS A History of Art in Cmald.^a and Assyria. patience that does him honour. He has preserved for us every detail with the exception of colour. The lotus is not to be found in this embroidery ; its place is taken by the palmette or tuft of leaves (Fig. 137), through which appear stems bending with the weight of the buds they bear. Animals, real and imaginary, are Fig. 137. — Palu:etle ; from Layard. skilfully mingled with the fan-shaped palmettes ; in one place we find two goats (Fig. 138), in another two winged bulls (Fig. 139). Bulls and goats are both alike on their knees before the palmette, which seems to suggest that the latter is an abridged representation of that sacred tree which we have already encountered and will encounter ao-ain in the bas-reliefs, where it is surrounded bv scenes of Fig. 138. — G jats ^wA palaiette ; from Layard. adoration and sacrifice. This motive has the double advantage of awakening religious feeling in the spectators, and of provoking a momentary elegance of line and movement in the two pairs of animals. On the other hand we can hardly explain the motive represented in our Figs. 140 and 141 — a motive already met with Decoration. 309 in the figured architecture of the bas-rehefs and in the glazed tiles — by an3'thing but an artistic caprice. In some cases the rosette and the palmette are introduced in a single picture (142). We have ventured to supplement the scanty remains of architectural decoration by these illustrations from another art, because all Babylonian ornament, whether for carpets, hangings, or draperies, for works in beaten metal, in paint or enamelled faience, is governed by the same spirit and marked by the same taste. In every form impressed upon matter by the ancient inhabitants of Mesopotamia the same symbols, the same types, and the same motives are repeated to infinity. The examples we have brought together suffice to show the principal characteristics of that decoration. It had doubtless one great ■•■^\■v/,'/ W.Mt' Fig. 139. — Winged bulls and pnlmelte ; from Layard. defect, it was too easily separated from the building to which it belonged ; it was fragile, apt to fall, and therefore unlikely to have any very long duration. But the architect was not to blame for that. The defect in question was consequent on the poverty of the material with which he had to work. Given the conditions under which he laboured, and we cannot deny that he showed great skill in making the best of them. He understood how to contrast wide unbroken surfaces with certain important parts of his ensemble, such as cornices, plinths, and especially doorways. Upon these he concentrated the efforts of the painter and sculptor ; upon these he lavished all the hues of the Assyrian palette, and embellished them with the carved figures of men and gods, of kings and eenii, of all 310 A History of Art in Chald.^a and Assyria. the countless multitudes who had fought and died for Assyria and its divine protector, the unconquered and unconquerable Assur. If, not content with this general view of Assyrian decoration, we enter into it in detail, we shall find its economy most judiciously arranged and understood. When the sculptor set himself to carve the slabs that enframe a door or those that protect the lower parts of a wall, he sought to render what he I'l" ;."-' ic t''^- .-;-//"" ■v^^y- Fig. 140. — Stag upon a palmette; from Layard. saw or imagined as precisely and definitely as possible. He went to nature for inspiration even when he carved imaginary beings, and copied her, in fragments perhaps, but with a loyal and vigorous sincerity. Everywhere, except in certain pictures with a strictly limited function, he obeyed an imagination over which a sure judgment kept unsleeping watch. His poly- chromatic decorations fulfilled their purpose of amusing and delighting the eye without ever attempting to deceive it. Such is and must always be the true principle of ornament, and the Orientation and Foundation Ceremonies. 311 decorators of the great buildings of Babylon and Nineveh seem to have thoroughly understood that it was so ; their rich and — .ill .1 - >-i 13: ^^:;,;j^§!3^;^0X^ Fig. 141. — Winged bull npon a rosette; from Layard. fertile fancy is governed, in every instance to which we can point, with unfailing tact, and to them must be given the credit of having invented not a few of the motives that may yet be traced in the art of the Medes and Persians, in that of the Syrians, the Phoenicians, the peoples of Asia Minor, and above all in that of the Greeks — those unrivalled masters who gave immortality to every artistic combination that they chose to adopt. § 8. Ou the Orientation of Buildings and Foundation Ceremonies. The inhabitants of Mesopotamia were so much impressed by celestial phenomena, ^.'^a ^ei^Tf '^L'lS!' and believed so firmly in the influence of the stars over human destiny, that they were sure to establish some connection between those heavenly bodies and the arrange- 312 A History of Art in Chald.^ia and Assyria. ment of their edifices. All the building-s of Chaldeea and Assyria are orientated ; the principle is everywhere observed, but it is not always understood in the same fashion. Mesopotamian buildings were always rectangular and often square on plan, and it is sometimes the angles and sometimes the centres of each face that are directed to the four cardinal points. It will easily be understood that the former system was generally preferred. The fa9ades were of such extent that their direction to a certain point of the horizon was not evident, while salient angles, on the other hand, had all the precision of an astronomical calculation ; and this the earliest architects of the Chaldees thoroughly under- stood. Some of the buildings examined by Loftus and Taylor on Fig. 143. — rbn of a temple at Miigheir ; from Loftus. the lower Euphrates may have been restored, more or less, by Nebuchadnezzar and his successors, but it is generally acknow- ledged that the lower and less easily injured parts of most of these buildings date from the very beginnings of that civilization, and were constructed by the princes of the early empire. Now both at Warka and at Mugheir one corner of a building is always turned towards the true north.'' An instance of this may be given in the little building at Mugheir in which the lower parts of a temple have been recognized (Fig. 143). The same arrangement is to be found in the palace excavated by M. de Sarzec at Tello.'^ Most of the Assyrian architects did likewise. See for example the plan of Sargon's city, Dour-Saryoukin (Fig. 144). Its cir- cumvallation incloses an almost exact square, the diagonals of 1 Loftus, Travels and Reseaj-ches,-^. 171. 2 Les Fouilles de Chald'ee, communication d'une Lettre de M. de Sarzec par M. Lion Heuzey, § 2 {Revue archeologiqtie, November, 18S1). Orientation and Foundation Ceremonies. 313 which point to the north, south, east and west respectively. ^ In the large scale plans that we shall give farther on of the palace O too Zoo 3o9 iao Soo 2^ I— J— I 1 1 1 1 Fig. 144. — Plan of the town and palace of Sargon at Khorsabad ; from Place. and of some of its parts it will be seen that the parallelograms of 1 Place, Ni7iive,\o\. i. pp. 17, 18. Botta had previously made the same observation {Monument de Ninive, vol. v. p. 25). S S 314 A History of Art in Chald^a and Assyria. which that building was composed also had their angles turned to the four cardinal points. It was the same with the structures sprinkled over the summit of the vast mound of Kouyundjik, in the centre of what once was Nineveh. On the other hand in those ruins at Nimroud that have been identified with the ancient Calah, it is the sides of the mound and of the buildings upon it that face the four cardinal points (Fig. 145). The plan given by Layard of the square staged tower disengaged in his last digging campaign at the north-western angle of the mound shows this more clearly.^ Nearly half the northern side is occupied by the salient circular mass that is ^■n^^i^-*-^ ,,.;^,.^IIMJl;'M,U.;nUJ>^'"U.